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MAGAZINE.
VOL. LXVI.
JULY— DECEMBER, 1849.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, EDINBURGH ;
AND
37, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.
1849.
No. CCCCV. JULY, 1849. VOL. LXVI.
No. II.
CHRISTOPHER UNDER CANVASS.
ENCAMPMENT AT CLADICH. TIME — Eleven, A.M.
SCENE — The Portal of the Pavilion.
NORTH — B ULLER — SE WARD.
BULLER.
I KNOW there is nothing you dislike so much as personal observations
NORTH.
On myself to myself— not at all on others.
BULLER.
Yet I cannot help telling you to your face, sir, that you are one of the
finesf-looking old men
NORTH.
Elderly gentlemen, if you please, sir.
BULLER.
In Britain, in Europe, in the World. I am perfectly serious, sir. ' You are.
NORTH.
You needed not to say you were perfectly serious ; for I suffer no man to
be ironical on Me, Mr Buller. I am.
BULLER.
Such a change since we came to Cladich ! Seward was equally shocked,
with myself, at your looks on board the Steamer. So lean — so bent — so
sallow — so haggard — in a word — so aged !
NORTH.
Were you shocked, Seward?
SEWARD.
Buller has such a blunt way with him that he often makes me blush. I
was not shocked, my dear sir, but I was affected.
BULLER.
Turning to me, he said in a whisper, " What a wreck ! "
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCV. A
2 Christopher under Canvass. [July,
NORTH.
I saw little alteration on yon, Mr Seward; but as to Buller, it was with
the utmost difficulty I could be brought, by his reiterated asseverations, into
a sort of quasi-belief in his personal identity ; and even now, it is far from
amounting to anything like a settled conviction. Why, his face is twice the
breadth -iUused to be — and so red! It used to be narrow and pale. Then,
what a bushy head — now, cocker it as he will, bald. In figure was he not
slim? Now, stout's the word. Stout — stout — yes, Buller, you have grown
stout, and will grow stouter — your doom is to be fat — I prophesy paunch —
BULLER.
Spare me — spare me, sir. Seward should not have interrupted me — 'twas
but the first impression — and soon wore off1 — those Edinboro' people have
much to answer for — unmercifully wearing you out at their ceaseless soirees —
but since you came to Cladich, sir, CHRISTOPHER'S HIMSELF AGAIN — pardon
my familiarity — nor can I now, after the minutest inspection, and severest scru-
tiny, detect one single additional wrinkle on face or forehead — nay, not a
wrinkle at all — not one — so fresh of colour, too, sir, that the irradiation is at
times ruddy — and without losing an atom of expression, the countenance
absolutely — plump. Yes, sir, plump's the word — plump, plump, plump.
NORTH.
Now you speak sensibly, and like yourself, my dear Buller. I wear well.
BULLER.
Your enemies circulated a report —
NORTH.
I did not think I had an enemy in the world.
BULLER.
Your friends, sir, had heard a rumour — that you had mounted a wig.
NORTH.
And was there, among them all, one so weak-minded as to believe it ? But,
to be sure, there are no bounds to the credulity of mankind.
BULLER.
That you had lost your hair — and that, like Sampson —
NORTH.
And by what Delilah had jtny locks been shorn ?
SEWARD.
It all originated, I verily believe, sir, in the moved imagination of the Pen-
sive Public :
" Res est soliciti plena timoris Amor."
NORTH.
Buller, I see little, if any — no change whatever — on you, since the days of
Deeside — nor on you, Seward. Yes, I do. Not now, when by yourselves ; but
when your- boys are in Tent, ah ! then I do indeed — a pleasant, a happy, a
blessed change ! Bright boys they are — delightful lads — noble youths — and
so are my Two — emphasis on my —
SEWARD AND BULLER.
Yes, all emphasis, and may the Four be friends for life.
NORTH.
In presence of us old folks, composed and respectful — in manly modesty
attentive to every word we say — at times no doubt wearisome enough ! Yet
each ready, at a look or pause, to join in when we are at our gravest — and
the solemn may be getting dull — enlivening the sleepy flow of our conversa-
tion as with rivulets issuing from pure sources in the hills of the morning —
SEWARD.
Ay — ay ; heaven bless them all !
NORTH.
Why, there is more than sense — more than talent — there is genius among
them — in their eyes and on their tongues — though they have no suspicion of it —
and that is the charm. Then how they rally one another ! Witty fellows all
Four. And the right sort of raillery. Gentlemen by birth and breeding, to
whom in their wildest sallies vulgarity is impossible— to whom, on the giddy
1849.3 Christopher under Canvass. 3
brink — the perilous edge — still adheres a native Decorum superior to that of
all the Schools.
SEWARD.
They have their faults, sir—
NORTH.
So have we. And 'tis well for us. Without faults we should be unlove-
able.
SEWARD.
In affection I spake. •
NORTH.
I know you did. There is no such hateful sight on earth as a perfect cha-
racter. He is one mass of corruption — for he is a hypocrite — intus etin cute —
by the necessity of nature. The moment a perfect character enters a room — I
leave it.
SEWARD.
What if you happened to live in the neighbourhood of the nuisance ?
NORTH.
Emigrate. Or remain here — encamped for life — with imperfect characters —
till the order should issue — Strike Tent.
BTJLLER.
My Boy has a temper of his own.
NORTH.
Original — or acquired ?
BTJLLER.
Naturally sweet-blooded— -assuredly by the mother's side — but in her good-
ness she did all she could to spoil him. Some excuse — We have but
Manny.
NORTH.
And his father, naturally not quite so sweet-blooded, does all he can to pre-
serve him ? Between the two, a pretty Pickle he is. Has thine a temper of
his own, too, Seward ?
SEWARD.
Hot.
NORTH.
Hereditary.
SEWARD.
No — North. A milder, meeker, Christian Lady than his mother is not
in England.
NORTH.
I confess I was at the moment not thinking of his mother. But somewhat
too much of this. I hereby authorise the Boys of this Empire to have what
tempers they choose — with one sole exception — THE SULKY.
BULLER.
The Edict is promulged.
NORTH.
Once, and once only, during one of the longest and best-spent lives on record,
was I in the mood proscribed — and it endured most part of a whole day.
The Anniversary of that day I observe, in severest solitude, with a salutary
horror. And it is my Birthday. Ask me not, my friends, to reveal the
Cause. Aloof from confession before man — we must keep to ourselves — as
John Foster says — a corner of our own souls. A black corner it is — and enter
it with or without a light — you see, here and there, something dismal —
hideous — shapeless — nameless — each lying in its own place on the floor.
There lies the CAUSE. It was the morning of my Ninth Year. As I kept sit-
ting high upstairs by myself—one familiar face after another kept ever and
anon looking in upon me — all with one expression ! And one familiar voice
after another — all with one tone — kept muttering at me — "fTe's still in the
Sulks!" How I hated them with an intenser hatred — and chief them I before
had loved best — at each opening and each shutting of that door ! How I hated
myself, as my blubbered face felt hotter and hotter— and I knew how ugly
4 Christopher under Canvass. t«^ubTi
I must be, -with my fixed fiery eyes. It was painful to sit on such a chair for
hours in one posture, and to have so chained a child would have been great
cruelty — but I was resolved to die, rather than change it ; and had I been
told by any one tinder an angel to get up and go to play, I would have spat in
his face. It was a lonesome attic, and I had the fear of ghosts. But not
then — my superstitious fancy was quelled by my troubled heart. Had I not
deserved to be allowed to go ? Did they not all know that all my happiness in
this life depended on my being allowed to go ? Could any one of them give a
reason for not allowing me to go ? What right had they to say that if I did
go, I should never be able to find my way, by myself, back ? What right had
they to say that Ronndy was a blackguard, and that he would lead me to the
gallows? Never before, in all the world, had a good boy been used so on his
birthday. They pretend to be sorry when I am sick — and when I say my
prayers, they say theirs too ; but I am sicker noAv — and they are not sorry, but
angry — there's no use in prayers — and I won't read one verse in the Bible
this night, should my aunt go down on her knees. And in the midst of such
unworded soliloquies did the young blasphemer fall asleep.
BULLER.
Young Christopher North ! Incredible.
NORTH.
I know not how long I slept ; but on awaking, I saw an angel with a most
beautiful face and most beautiful hair — a little young angel— about the same
size as myself — sitting on a stool by my feet. " Are you quite well now,
Christopher? Let us go to the meadows and gather flowers." Shame, sor-
row, remorse, contrition, came to me with those innocent words — we wept to-
gether, and I was comforted. " I have been sinful" — " but you are forgiven."
Down all the stairs hand in hand we glided ; and there was no longer anger
in any eyes — the whole house was happy. All voices were kinder — if that
were possible — than they had been when I rose in the morning — a Boy in his
Ninth Year. Parental hands smoothed my hair — parental lips kissed it — and
parental greetings, only a little more cheerful than prayers, restored me to
the Love I had never lost, and which I felt now had animated that brief and
just displeasure. I had never heard then of Elysian fields; but I had often
heard, and often had dreamt happy, happy dreams of fields of light in heaven.
And such looked the fields to be," where fairest Mary Gordon and I gathered
flowers, and spoke to the birds, and to one another, all day long — and again,
when the day was gone, and the evening going, on till moontime, below and
among the soft-burning stars.
BULLER.
And never has Christopher been in the Sulks since that day.
NORTH.
Under heaven I owe it all to that child's eyes. Still I sternly keep the
Anniversary — for, beyond doubt, I was that day possessed with a Devil —
and an angel it was, though human, that drove him out.
SEWARD.
Your first Love ?
NORTH.
In a week she was in heaven. My friends— in childhood — our whole future
life would sometimes seem to be al the mercy of such small events as these.
Small call them not — for they are great for good or for evil — because of the
unfathomable mysteries that lie shrouded in the growth, on earth, of an im-
mortal soul.
SEWARD.
May I dare to ask you, sir — it is indeed a delicate — a more than delicate
question — if the Anniversary — has been brought round with the revolving
year since we encamped ?
NORTH.
It has.
SEWARD.
Ah ! Buller ! we know now the reason of his absence that day from the
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 5
Pavilion and Deeside — of his utter seclusion — he was doing penance in the
Swiss Giantess — a severe sojourn.
NORTH.
A Good Temper, friends — not a good Conscience — is the Blessing of Life.
BULLER.
Shocked to hear you say so, sir. Unsay it, my dear sir — unsay it — per-
nicious-doctrine. It may get abroad.
NORTH.
THE SULKS ! — the CELESTIALS. The Sulks are hell, sirs — the Celestials,
by the very name, heaven. I take temper in its all-embracing sense of
Physical, Mental, and Moral Atmosphere. Pure and serene — then we respire
God's gifts, and are happier than we desire ! Is not that divine ? Foul and
disturbed — then we are stifled by God's gifts — and are wickeder than we
fear ! Is not that devilish ? A good Conscience and a bad Temper ! Talk
not to me, Young Men, of pernicious doctrine — it is a soul-saving doctrine —
" millions of spiritual creatures wadk unseen" teaching it — men's Thoughts,
communing with heaven, have been teaching it — surely not all in vain — since
Cain slew Abel.
SEAVARD.
The Sage !
BULLER.
Socrates.
NORTH.
Morose ! Think for five minutes on what that word means — and on what
that word contains — and you see the Man must be an Atheist. Sitting in
the House of God morosely! Bright, bold, beautiful boys of ours, ye are not
morose — heaven's air has free access through your open souls — a clear con-
science carries the Friends in their pastimes up the Mountains.
SEAVARD.
And their fathers before them.
NORTH.
And their great-grandfather — I mean their spiritual great-grandfather —
myself — Christopher North. They are gathering up — even as we gathered up —
images that will never die. Evanescent ! Clouds — lights — shadows — glooms
— the falling sound — the running murmur — and the swinging roar — as cataract,
stream, and forest all alike seem wheeling by — these are not evanescent — for
they will all keep coming and going — before their Imagination — all life-long at
the bidding of the Will — or obedient to a Wish ! Or by benign Law, whose
might is a mystery, coming back from the far profound — remembered apparitions !
SEWARD.
Dear sir.
NORTH.
Even my Image will sometimes reappear — and the Tents of Cladich — the
Camp on Lochawe-side.
BULLER.
My dear sir — it will not be evanescent
NORTH.
And withal such Devils ! But I have given them carte blanche.
SEWARD.
Nor will they abuse it.
NORTH.
I wonder when they sleep. Each has his own dormitory — the cluster
forming the left wing of the Camp — but Deeside is not seldom broad awake
till midnight ; and though I am always up and out by six at the latest,
never once have I caught a man of them napping, but either there they are
each more blooming than the other, getting ready their gear for a start; — or, on
sweeping the Loch with my glass, I see their heads, like wild-ducks — swim-
ming— round Rabbit Island — as some wretch has baptised Inishail — or away
to luistrynish — or, for anything I know, to Port-Sonachan — swimming for a
Medal given by the Club ! Or there goes G'utta Percha by the Pass of Brandir,
6 Christopher under Canvass,
or shooting away into the woods near Kilchurn. Twice have they been oil
the top of Cruachan — once for a clear hour, and once for a dark day — the very
next morning, Marmaduke said, they would have " some more mountain," and
the Four Cloud-compellers swept the whole range of Ben-Bhuridh and Bein-
Lurachan as far as the head of Glensrea. Though they said nothing about it,
I heard of their having been over the hills behind us, t'other night, at Cairn-
dow, at a wedding. -Why, only think, sirs, yesterday they were off by day-
light to try their luck in Loch Dochart, and again I heard their merriment
soon after we had retired. They must have footed it above forty miles.
That Cornwall Clipper will be their death. And off again this morning — all
on foot — to the Black Mount.
BULLER.
For what ?
NORTH.
By permission of the Marquis, to shoot an Eagle. She is said to be again
on egg — and to cliff-climbers her eyrie is within rifle-range. But let us
forget the Boys — as they have forgot us.
SEWARD.
The Loch is calmer to-day, sir, than we have yet seen it ; but the calm is
of a different character from yesterday's — that was serene, this is solemn — I
had almost said austere. Yesterday there were few clouds ; and such was
the prevailing power of all those lovely woods on the islands, and along the
mainland shores — that the whole reflexion seemed sylvan. When gazing on
such a sight, does not our feeling of the unrealities — the shadows — attach to
the realities — the substances ? So that the living trees — earth-rooted, and
growing upwards — become almost as visionaiy as their inverted semblances
in that commingling clime ? Or is it that the life of the trees gives life to the
images, and imagination believes that the whole, in its beauty, must belong,
by the same law, to the same world ?
NORTH.
Let us understand, without seeking to destroy, our delusions — for has not
this life of ours been wisely called the dream of a shadow !
SEWARD.
To-day there are many clouds, and aloft they are beautiful ; nor is the
light of the sun not most gracious ; but the repose of all that downward
world affects me — I know not why — with sadness — it is beginning to look
almost gloomy — and I seem to see the hush not of sleep, but of death. There
is not the unboundaried expanse of yesterday — the loch looks narrower — and
Cruachan closer to us, with all his heights.
BULLER.
I felt a drop of rain on the back of my hand.
SEWARD.
It must have been, then, from your nose. There will be no rain this week.
But a breath of air there is somewhere — for the mirror is dimmed, and the
vision gone.
NORTH.
The drop was not from his nose, Seward, for here are three — and clear, pure
drops too — on my Milton. I should not be at all surprised if we were to have
a little rain.
SEWARD.
Odd enough. I cannot conjecture where it conies from. It must be dew.
BULLER.
Who ever heard of dew dropping in large fat globules at meridian on a sum-
mer's day? It is getting very close and sultry. The interior must be, as
Wordsworth says, " Like a Lion's den." Did you whisper, sir?
NORTH.
No. But something did. Look at the quicksilver, Buller.
BULLER.
Thermometer 85. Barometer I can say nothing about — but that it is very
low indeed. A long way below Stormy.
4849.] Christopher under Canvass. 7
NORTH.
What colour would you call that Glare about the Crown of Cruachan ?
Yellow?
SEWARD.
You may just as well call it yellow as not. I never saw such a colour be-
fore— and don't care though I never see such again — for it is horrid. That is
a — Glare.
, NORTH.
Cowper says grandly,
" A terrible sagacity informs
The Poet's heart: he looks to distant storms;
He hears the thunder ere the tempest lowers."
He is speaking of tempests in the moral world. You know the passage —
it is a fine one — so indeed is the whole Epistle — Table-Talk. I am a bit of a
Poet myself in smelling thunder. Early this morning I set it down for mid-
day— and it is mid-day now.
DULLER.
Likcr Evening.
NORTH.
Dimmish and darkish, certainly — but unlike Evening. I pray you look at
,the Sun.
BULLER.
What about him ?
NORTH.
Though unclouded — he seems shrouded in his own solemn light — expecting
thunder.
BULLER.
There is not much motion among the clouds.
NORTH.
Not yet. Merely what in Scotland we call a carry — yet that great
central mass is double the size it was ten minutes ago — the City Churches
are crowding round the Cathedral — and the whole assemblage lies under the
shadow of the Citadel — with battlements and colonnades at once Fort and
Temple.
BULLER.
Still some blue sky. Not very much. But some.
NORTH.
Cruachan ! you are changing colour.
BULLER.
Grim — very.
NORTH.
The Loch's like ink. I could dip my pen in it.
SEWARD.
We are about to have thunder.
NORTH.
Weather-wise wizard — we are. That mutter was thunder. In five seconds
you will hear some more. One — two — three — four — there ; that was a growl.
I call that good growling — sulky, sullen, savage growling, that makes the
heart of Silence quake.
SEWARD.
And mine.
NORTH.
What? Dying away ! Some incomprehensible cause is turning the thun-
derous masses round towards Appin.
SEWARD.
And I wish them a safe journey.
NORTH.
All right. They are coming this way— all at once — the whole Thunder-
storm. Flash — roar.
8 Christopher under Canvass. [Julys
" Be thou as lightning in the eyes of France;
For ere thou canst report I will be there,
The thunder of my cannon shall be heard."
Who but Willy could have said that ?
SEWARD.
Who said what?
NORTH.
How ghastly all the trees !
SEWARD.
I see no trees — nor anything else.
NORTH.
How can you, with that Flying Dutchman over your eyes ?
BCLLER.
I gave him my handkerchief — for at this moment I know his head is like
to rend. I wish I had kept it to myself; but no use — the lightning is seen
through lids and hands, and would be through stone walls.
NORTH.
Each flash has, of course, a thunder-clap of its own — if we knew where to
look for it ; but, to our senses, all connexion between cause and effect is lost
— such incessant flashings — and such multitudinous outbreaks — and such a
continuous roll of outrageous echoes !
BULLER.
Coruscation — explosion — are but feeble words.
NORTH.
The Cathedral's on Fire.
BULLER.
I don't mind so much those wide flarings among the piled clouds, as these
gleams oh !
NORTH.
Where art thou, Cruachan! Ay — methinks I see thee — methinks I do
not — thy Three Peaks may not pierce the masses that now oppress thee —
but behind the broken midway clouds, those black purple breadths of solid
earth are thine — thine those unmistakeable Cliffs — thine the assured beauty
of that fearless Forest — and may the lightning scathe not one single tree !
BULLER.
Nor man.
NORTH.
This is your true total Eclipse of the Sun. Day, not night, is the time
for thunder and lightning. Night can be dark of itself — nay, cannot help it ;
but when Day grows black, then is the blackness of darkness in the Bright
One terrible ; — and terror — Burke said well — is at the heart of the sublime.
The Light, such as it is, sets off the power of the lightning — it pales to that
flashing — and is forgotten in Fire. It smells of hell.
SEWARD.
It is constitutional in the Sewards. North, I am sick.
NORTH.
Give way to gasping — and lie down — nothing can be done for you. The
danger is not —
SEWARD.
I am not afraid— I am faint.
NORTH.
You must speak louder, if you expect to be heard by ears of clay. Peals is
not the word. " Peals on peals redoubled" is worse. There never was — and
never will be a word in any language — for all that.
BULLER.
Unreasonable to expect it. Try twenty — in twenty languages.
NORTH.
Buller, you may count'ten individual deluges — besides the descent of three
at hand — conspicuous in the general Rain, which without them would be Rain
sufficient for a Flood. Now the Camp has it — and let us enter the Pavilions.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 9
I don't think there is much wind here — yet far down the black Loch is silently
whitening witli waves like breakers ; for here the Rain alone rules, and
its rushing deadens the retiring thunder. The ebbing thunder ! Still louder
than any sea on any shore — but a diminishing loudness, though really vast,
seems quelled ; and, losing its power over the present, imagination follows it
not into the distant region where it. may be raging as bad as ever. Buller?
BULLEK.
What?
NORTH.
How's Seward ?
SEWARD.
Much better. It was very, very kind of you, my dear sir, to carry me in
your arms, and place me in your own Swing- chair. The change of atmosphere
has revived me — but the Boys !
NORTH.
The Boys — why, they went to the Black Mount to shoot an eagle, and sec
a thunder-storm, and long before this they have had their heart's desire.
There are caves, Seward, in Buachail-Mor; and one recess I know — not a
cave — but grander far than any cave — near the Fall of Eas-a-Bhrogich — far
down below the bottom of the Fall, which in its long descent whitens the
sable cliffs. Thither leads a winding access no storm can shake. In that
recess you sit rock- surrounded — but with elbow-room for five hundred men —
and all the light you have — and you would not wish for more — comes down
upon you from a cupola far nearer heaven than that hung by Michael
Angelo.
SEWARD.
The Boys are safe.
NORTH.
Or the lone House of Dalness has received them — hospitable now as of yore —
or the Huntsman's hut — or the Shepherd's shieling — that word I love, and shall
use it now — though shieling it is not, but a comfortable cottage — and the
dwellers there fear not the thunder and the lightning — for they know they are
in His hands — and talk cheerfully in the storm.
SEWARD.
Over and gone. How breathable the atmosphere !
NORTH.
In the Forests of the Marquis and of Monzie, the horns of the Red-deer are
again in motion. In my mind's eye — Harry — I see one — an enormous fellow —
bigger than the big stag of Benmore himself— and not to be so easily brought
to peiform, by particular desire, the part of Moriens — giving himself a shake of
liis whole huge bulk, and a caive of his whole wide antlery — and then leading
down from the Corrie, with Platonic affection, a herd of Hinds to the gre"en-
sward islanded among brackens and heather — a spot equally adapted for
feed, play, rumination, and sleep. And the Roes are glinting through the
glades — and the Fleece are nibbling on the mountains' glittering breast — and
the Cattle are grazing, and galloping, and lowing on the hills — and the furred
folk, who are always dry, come out from crevices for a mouthful of the fresh
air ; and the whole four-footed creation are jocund — are happy !
BULLER.
What a picture !
NORTH.
And the Fowls of the Air — think ye not the Eagle, storm-driven not un-
alarmed along that league-long face of cliff, is now glad at heart, pruning the
wing that shall carry him again, like a meteor, into the subsided skies?
BULLER.
What it is to have an imagination ! Worth all my Estate.
NORTH.
Let us exchange.
BULLER.
Not possible. Strictly entailed.
10 Christopher under Canvass.
NORTH.
Dock.
BULLER.
Mno.
NORTH.
And the little wren flits out from the. back door of her nest — too happy
she to sing — and in a minute is back again, with a worm in her mouth, to
her half-score gaping babies — the sole family in all the dell. And the sea-
mews, sore against their will driven seawards, are returning by ones and
twos, and thirties, and thousands, up Loch-Etive, and, dallying with what
wind is still alive above the green transparency, drop down in successive par-
ties of pleasure on the silver sands of Ardmatty, or lured onwards into
the still leas of Glenliver, or the profounder quietude of the low mounds of
Dalness.
SEWARD.
My fancy is contented to feed on what is before my eyes.
BULLER.
Doff, then, the Flying Dutchman.
NORTH.
And thousands of Rills, on the first day of their apparent existence, are
all happy too, and make me happy to look on them leaping and dancing down
the rocks — and the River Etive rejoicing in his strength, from far Kingshouse
all along to the end of his journey, is happiest of them all ; for the storm that
has swollen has not discoloured him, and with a pomp of clouds on his breast,
he is flowing in his expanded beauty into his own desired Loch.
SEWARD.
Gaze with me, my dear sir, on what lies before our eyes.
NORTH.
The Rainbow !
BULLER.
Four miles wide, and half a mile broad.
NORTH.
Thy own Rainbow, Cruachan — from end to end.
SEWARD.
Is it fading — or is it brightening ? — no, it is not fading — and to brighten
is impossible. It is the beautiful at perfection — it is dissolving — it is gone.
BULLER.
I asked you, sir, have the Poets well handled Thunder ?
NORTH.
I was waiting for the Rainbow. Many eyes besides ours are now regard-
ing it — many hearts gladdened — but have you not often felt, Seward, as if
such Apparitions came at a silent call in our souls—that we might behold
them — and that the hour — or the moment — was given to us alone! So
have I felt when walking alone among the great solitudes of Nature.
SEWARD.
Lochawe is the name now for a dozen little lovely lakes ! For, lo ! as the
vapours are rising, they disclose, here a bay that does not seem to be a bay,
but complete in its own encircled stillness, — there a bare grass island — yes, it is
Inishail — with a shore of mists, — and there, with its Pines and Castle, Freoch,
as if it were Loch Freoch, and not itself an Isle. Beautiful bewilderment !
but of our own creating ! — for thus Fancy is fain to dally with what we love —
and would seek to estrange the familiar — as if Lochawe in its own simple
grandeur were not all-sufficient for our gaze.
BULLER.
Let me try my hand. No — no — no — I can see and feel, have an eye and
a heart for Scenery, as it is called, but am no hand at a description. My
dear, sweet, soft-breasted, fair-fronted, bright-headed, delightful Cruachan —
thy very name, how liquid with open vowels — not a consonant among them
-all — no Man-Mountain Thou — Thou art the LADY OF THE LAKE. I am in
love with Thee— Thou must not think of retiring from the earth— Thou
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 11
must not take the veil — off with it — off with it from those glorious shoulders
— and come, in all Thy loveliness, to my long— my longing arms !
SEWARD.
Is that the singing of larks ?
NORTH.
No larks live here. The laverock is a Lowland bird, and loves our brairded
fields and our pastoral braes ; but the Highland mountains are not for him —
he knows by instinct that they are haunted— though he never saw the shadow
nor heard the sugh of the eagle's wing.
SEWARD.
The singing from the woods seems to reach the sky. They have utterly
forgotten their fear ; or think you, sir, that birds know that what frightened
them is gone, and that they sing with intenser joy because of the fear that kept
them mute ?
NORTH.
The lambs are frisking — and the sheep staling placidly at the Tents. I
hear the hum of bees — returned — and returning from their straw-built Cita-
dels. In the primal hour of his winged life, that wavering butterfly goes by in
search of the sunshine that meets him ; and happy for this generation of
ephemerals that they first took wing on the afternoon of the day of the Great
Storm.
BUIXER.
How have the Poets, sir, handled thunder and lightning?
NORTH.
Saepe ego, cum flayis messprem induceret arvis
Agricola, et fragili jam stringeret hordea culmo,
Omnia ventorum concurrere praelia vidi,
Quae gravidam late segetem ab radicibus imis
Sublime expulsam eruerent: ita turbine nigro
Ferret hyems culmumque levem, stipulasque volantes.
Saepe etiam immensum coelo venit agmen aquarum,
Et foedam glomerant tempestatem imbribus atris
Collectae ex alto nubes : ruit arduus aether,
Et pluvia ingenti sata laeta, boumque labores
Diluit : implentur fossae, et cava flumina crescunt
Cum sonitu, fervetque fretis spirantibus aequor.
Ipse Pater, media nimborum in nocte, corusca
Fulmina molitur dextra : quo maxima motu
Terra tremit : fugere ferap, et mortalia corda
Per gentes humilis stravit pavor : ille flagrant!
Aut Atho, aut Rhodopen, aut alta Ceraunia telo
Dejicit : ingeminant Austri, et densissimus imber :
Nunc nemora ingenti vento, nunc littora plangunt.
BULLER.
You recite well, sir, and Latin better than English— not so sing-songy —
and as sonorous : then Virgil, to be sure, is fitter for recitation than any
Laker of you all
NORTH.
I am not a Laker — I am a Locher.
BULLER.
Tweedledum — tweedledee.
NORTH.
That means the Tweed and the Dee? Content. One might have thought,
Buller, that our Scottish Critics would have been puzzled to find a fault in
that strain
BULLER.
It is faultless ; but not a Scotch critic worth a curse but yourself
NORTH.
I cannot accept a compliment at the expense of all the rest of my country-
men. I cannot indeed.
12 Christopher under Canvass. [July,
BULLER.
Yes, you can.
NORTH.
There was Lord Kames — a man of great talents — a most ingenious man —
and with an insight
BULLER.
I never heard of him — was he a Scotch Peer ?
NORTH.
One of the Fifteen. A strained elevation — says his Lordship — I am sure
of the words, though I have not seen his Elements of Criticism for fifty
years
BULLER.
You are a creature of a wonderful memory.
NORTH.
"A strained elevation is attended with another inconvenience, that the author
is apt to fall suddenly, as well as the reader ; because it is not a little difficult
to descend sweetly and easily from such elevation to the ordinary tone of the
subject. The following is a good illustration of that observation" — and then
his Lordship quotes the passage I recited — stopping with the words, " dcn-
sissimus imber" which are thus made to conclude the description !
BULLER.
Oh ! oh ! oh ! That's murder.
NORTH.
In the description of a storm — continues his Lordship — " to figure Jupiter
throwing down huge mountains with his thunderbolts, is hyperbolically sub-
lime, if I may use the expression : the tone of mind produced by that image
is so distinct from the tone produced by a thick shower of rain, that the
sudden transition must be very unpleasant."
BULLER.
Suggestive of a great-coat. That's the way to deal with a great Poet. Clap
your hand on the Poet's mouth in its fervour — shut up the words in mid-
volley — and then tell him that he does not know how to descend sweetly and
easily from strained elevation !
NORTH.
Nor do I agree with his Lordship that " to figure Jupiter throwing down
huge mountains with his thunderbolts is hyperbolically sublime." As a part
for a whole is a figure of speech, so is a whole for a part. Virgil says,
" dejicit ;" but he did not mean to say that Jupiter " tumbled down" Athos
or Rhodope or the Acroceraunian range. He knew — for he saw them — that
there they were in all their altitude after the storm — little if at all the worse.
But Jupiter had struck — smitten — splintered — rent — trees and rocks — midway
or on the summits — and the sight was terrific — and " dejicit " brings it before
our imagination which not for a moment pictures the whole mountain
tumbling down. But great Poets know the power of words, and on great
occasions how to use them — in this case — one — and small critics will not suffer
their own senses to instruct them in Poetry — and hence the Elements of
Criticism are not the Elements of Nature, and assist us not in comprehending
the grandeur of reported storms.
BULLER.
Lay it into them, sir.
NORTH.
Good Dr Hugh Blair again, who in his day had a high character for taste
and judgment, agreed with Henry Home that " the transition is made too
hastily — I am afraid — from the preceding sublime images, to a thick shower
and the blowing of the south wind, and shows how difficult it frequently ia
to descend with grace, without seeming to fall." Nay, even Mr Alison
himself — one of the finest spirits that ever breathed on earth, says — "I
acknowledge, indeed, that the ' pluvia ingenti sata laeta, boumque labores
•diluit' is defensible from the connexion of the imagery with the subject of the
poem ; but the ' implentur fossae' is both an unnecessary and a degrading cir-
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. IS
cumstance when compared with the magnificent effects that are described in
the rest of the passage." In his quotation, too, the final grand line is inad-
vertently omitted —
" Nunc neiuora iiigenti vento, nunc litora plangunt."
BULLER.
I never read Hugh Blair — but I have read — often, and always with in-
creased delight — Mr Alison's exquisite Essays on the Nature and Principles
of Taste, and Lord Jeffrey's admirable exposition of the Theory — in state-
ment so clear, and in illustration so rich — worth all the ^Esthetics of the Ger-
mans— Schiller excepted — in one Volume of Mist.
NORTH.
Mr Alison had an original as well as a fine mind ; and here he seems to
have been momentarily beguiled into mistake by unconscious deference to the
judgment of men — in his province far inferior to himself — whom in his
modesty he admired. Mark. Virgil's main purpose is to describe the dangers —
the losses to which the agriculturist is at all seasons exposed from wind and
weather. And he sets them before us in plain and perspicuous language, not
rising above the proper level of the didactic. Yet being a Poet he puts poetry
into his description from the first and throughout. To say that the line
" Et pluvia," &c. is " defensible from the connexion of the imagery with the
subject of the Poem" is not enough. It is necessitated. Strike it out and
you abolish the subject. And just so with " implentur fossas." The " fossa}"
we know in that country were numerous and wide, and, when swollen, dan-
gerous— and the " cava flumina" well follow instantly — for the " fossa}" were
their feeders— and we hear as well as see the rivers rushing to the sea — and
we hear too, as well as see, the sea itself. There the description ends. Vir-
gil has done his work. But his imagination is moved, and there arises a new
strain altogether. He is done with the agriculturists. And now he deals with
man at large — with the whole human race. He is now a Boanerges — a son
of thunder — and he begins with Jove. ;* The sublimity comes in a moment.
" Ipse Pater, media nimborum in nocte" — and is sustained to the close — the
last line being great as the first — and all between accordant, and all true to
nature. Without rain and wind, what would be a thunder-storm ? The
"densissimus imber" obeys the laws — and so do the ingeminanting Austri —
and the shaken woods and the stricken shores.
BULLER.
Well done, Virgil — well done, North.
NORTH.
I cannot rest, Buller — I can have no peace of mind but in a successful
defence of these Ditches. Why is a Ditch to be despised ? Because it is
dug? So is a grave. Is the Ditch — wet or dry— that must be passed by the
Volunteers of the Fighting Division before the Fort can be stormed, too
low a word for a Poet to use ? Alas ! on such an occasion well might he say,
as he looked after the assault and saw the floating tartans — implentur fossae —
the Ditch is filled !
BULLER.
Ay, Mr North, in that case the word Ditch — and the thing — would be
dignified by danger, daring, and death. But here
NORTH.
The case is the same — with a difference, for there is all the Danger — all the
Daring — all the Death — that the incident or event admits of— and they are
not small. Think for a moment. The Rain falls over the whole broad heart
of the tilled earth — from the face of the fields it runs into the Ditches — the
first unavoidable receptacles — these pour into the rivers — the rivers into the
river mouths'— and then you are in the Sea.
BULLER.
Go on, sir, go on.
NORTH.
I am amazed— I am indignant, Buller. Rm't arduus tether. The steep or
14 Christopher under Canvass. [July,
high ether rashes down ! as we saw it rush down a few minutes ago. What
happens ?
" Et pluvia ingenti sata Iseta, boumque labores
Diluit!"
Alas ! for the hopeful — hopeless husbandman now. What a multiplied and
magnified expression have we here for the arable lands. All the glad seed-
time vain — vain 'all industry of man and oxen — there you have the true agri-
cultural pathos— washed away — set in a swim — deluged ! Well has the Poet
— in one great line — spoke the greatness of a great matter. Sudden afflic-
tion—visible desolation— imagined dearth.
BULLER.
Don't stop, sir, you speak to the President of our Agricultural Society— go
on, sir, go on.
NORTH.
Now drop in — in its veriest place, and in two words, the necessitated Im-
plentur fossce. No pretence — no display— no phraseology— the nakedest, but
quite effectual statement of the fact— which the farmer — I love that word
farmer — has witnessed as often as he has ever seen the Coming — the Ditches
that were dry ran full to the brim. The homely rustic fact, strong and im-
pressive to the husbandman, cannot be dealt with by poetry otherwise than
by setting it down in its bald simplicity. Seek to raise — to dress — to disguise
— and you make it ridiculous. The Mantuan knew better— he says what
must be said — and goes on—
BULLER.
He goes on — so do you, sir — you both get on.
NORTH.
And now again begins Magnification,
" Et cava flumina crescunt
Cam sonitu."
The " hollow-bedded rivers" grow, swell, visibly wax mighty and turbulent.
You imagine that you stand on the bank and see the river that had shrunk
into a thread getting broad enough to fill the capacity of its whole hollow bed.
The rushing of arduous ether would not of itself have proved sufficient.
Therefore glory to the Italian Ditches and glory to the Dumfriesshire Drains,
which I have seen, in an hour, change the white murmuring Esk into a red
rolling river, with as sweeping sway as ever attended the Arno on its way to
inundate Florence.
BULLER.
Glory to the Ditches of the Vale of Arno— glory to the Drains of Dumfries-
shire. Draw breath, sir. Now go on, sir.
NORTH.
" Cum sonitu." Not as Father Thames rises — silently — till the flow lapse
over lateral meadow-grounds for a mile on either side. But " cum sonitu,"
with a voice — with a roar — a mischievous roar — a roar of — ten thousand
Ditches.
BULLER.
And then the " flumina" — " cava" no more — will be as clear as mud.
NORTH.
You have hit it. They will be — for the Arno in flood is like liquid mud —
by no means enamouring, perhaps not even sublime— but showing you that
it comes off the fields and along the Ditches— that you see swillings of the
" sata laeta boumque labores."
BULLER.
Agricultural Produce !
NORTH.
For a moment— a single moment— leave out the Ditches, and say merely,
" The rain falls over the fields— the rivers swell roaring." No picture at all.
You must have the fall over the surface — the gathering in the narrower artifi-
1849.] Christopher tinder Canvass. 15
cial— the delivery into the wider natural channels — the fight of spate and surge
at river mouth —
K Pervetque fretis spirantibus sequor."
The Ditches are indispensable in nature and in Virgil.
BULLER.
Put this glass of water to your lips, sir— not that I would recommend water
to a man in a fit of eloquence — but I know you are abstinent — infatuated in
your abjuration of wine. Go on — half-minute time.
NORTH.
I swear to defend — at the pen's point — against all Comers — this position —
that the line
"Dilnit: implentur fossa1, cava flumina crescunt
Cum sonitu — "
is, where it stands — and looking before and after — a perfect line ; and that to
strike out "implentur fossae" would be an outrage on it— just equal, Buller,
to my knocking out, without hesitation, your brains — for your brains do not
contribute more to the flow of our conversation— than do the Ditches to that
other Spate.
BULLER.
That will do — you may stop.
NORTH.
I ask no man's permission — I obey no man's mandate — to stop. Now Vir-
gil takes wing — now he blazes and soars. Now comes the power and spirit
of the Storm gathered in the Person of the Sire — of him who wields the thun-
derbolt into which the Cyclops have forged storms of all sorts — wind and
rain together — ' ' Tres Imbri torti radios ! " &c. You remember the magnificent
mixture. And there we have VIRGILIUS versus HOMERUM.
BULLER.
You may sit down, sir.
NORTH.
I did not know I had stood up. Beg pardon.
BULLER.
I am putting Swing to rights for you, Sir.
NORTH.
Methinks Jupiter is twice apparent — the first time, as the President of
the Storm, which is agreeable to the dictates of reason and necessity ; — the
second — to my fancy — as delighting himself in the conscious exertion of
power. What is he splintering Athos, or Rhodope, or the Acroceraunians for ?
The divine use of the Fulmen is to quell Titans, and to kill that mad fellow
who was running up the ladder at Thebes, Capaneus. Let the Great Gods find
out their enemies now — find out and finish them — and enemies they must have
not a few among those prostrate crowds — " per gentes humilis stravit pavor."
But shattering and shivering the mountain tops — which, as I take it, is here
the prominent affair — and, as I said, the true meaning of " dejicit" — is
mere pastime — as if Jupiter Tonans were disporting himself on a holiday.
BULLER.
Oh! sir, you have exhausted the subject — if not yourself — and us; — I be-
seech you sit down ; — see, Swing solicits you — and oh ! sir, you — we— all of
us will find in a few minutes' silence a great relief after all that thunder.
NORTH.
You remember Lucretius ?
BULLER.
No, I don't. To you I am not ashamed to confess that I read him with
some difficulty. With ease, sir, do you ?
NORTH.
I never knew a man who did but Bobus Smith ; and so thoroughly was he
imbued with the spirit of the great Epicurean, that Landor — himself the best
Latinist living — equals him with Lucretius. The famous Thunder passage is
16 Christopher under Canvass.
very fine, but I cannot recollect every word ; and the man who, in recitation,
haggles and boggles at a great strain of a great poet deserves death without
benefit of clergy. I do remember, however, that he does not descend from
his elevation with such ease and grace as would have satisfied Henry Home
and Hugh Blair — for he has so little notion of true dignity as to mention
rain, as Virgil afterwards did, in immediate connexion with thunder.
" Quo de concussu sequitur grams imber et uber,
Omnis utei videatur in imbrem vortier aether,
Atque ita prsecipitans ad diluviem revocare."
BULLER.
What think yon of the thunder in Thomson's Seasons ?
NORTH.
What all the world thinks — that it is our very best British Thunder. He
gives the Gathering, the General engagement, and the Retreat. In the Gather-
ing there are touches and strokes that make all mankind shudder— the fore-
boding— the ominous ! And the terror, when it comes, aggrandises the premo-
nitory symptoms. " Follows the loosened aggravated roar" is a line of power
to bring the voice of thunder upon your soul on the most peaceable day.
He, too — prevailing poet — feels the grandeur of the Rain. For instant on
the words " convulsing heaven and earth," ensue,
" Down comes a deluge of sonorous hail,
Or prone-descending rain."
Thomson had been in the heart of thunder-storms many a time before he left
Scotland ; and what always impresses me is the want of method — the con-
fusion, I might almost say — in his description. Nothing contradictory in
the proceedings of the storm ; they all go on obediently to what we know of
Nature's laws. But the effects of their agency on man and nature are given —
not according to any scheme — but as they happen to come before the Poet's
imagination, as they happened in reality. The pine is struck first — then the
cattle and the sheep below — and then the castled cliff — and then the
" Gloomy woods
Start at the flash, and from their deep recess
Wide-flaming out, their trembling inmates shake."
No regular ascending — or descending scale here ; but wherever the light-
ning chooses to go, there it goes — the blind agent of indiscriminating destruc-
tion.
BULLER.
Capricious Zig-zag.
NORTH.
Jemmy was overmuch given to mouthing in the Seasons ; and in this de-
scription— matchless though it be — he sometimes out-mouths the big-mouthed
thunder at his own bombast. Perhaps that is inevitable — you must, in
confabulating with that Meteor, either imitate him, to keep him and yourself
in countenance, or be, if not mute as a mouse, as thin-piped as a fly. In
youth I used to go sounding to myself among the mountains the concluding
lines of the Retreat.
" Amid Carnarvon's mountains rages loud
The repercussive roar ; with mighty crush,
Into the flashing deep, from the rude rocks
Of Penmanmaur heap'd hideous to the sky,
Tumble the smitten cliffs, and Snpwdon's peak,
Dissolving, instant yields his wintry load :
Far seen, the heights of heathy Cheviot blaze,
And Thule bellows through her utmost isles."
Are they good— or are they bad ? I fear— not good. But I am dubious. The
previous picture has been of one locality — a wide one— but within the visible
horizon — enlarged somewhat by the imagination, which, as the schoolmen said,
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 17
inflows into every act of the senses — and powerfully, no doubt, into the senses
engaged in witnessing a thunder-storm. Many of the effects so faithfully, and
some of them so tenderly painted, interest us by their picturesque par-
ticularity.
K Here the soft flocks, with that same harmless look
They wore alive, and ruminating still
In fancy's eye ; and there the frowning bull.
And ox half-raised."
We are here in a confined world — close to us and near ; and our sympathies
with its inhabitants— human or brute— comprehend the very attitudes or pos-
tures in which the lightning found and left them ; but the final verses waft us
away from all that terror and pity— the geographical takes place of the
pathetic — a visionary panorama of material objects supersedes the heart-
throbbing region of the spiritual— for a mournful song instinct with the
humanities, an ambitious bravura displaying the power and pride of the
musician, now thinking not at all of us, and following the thunder only as
affording him an opportunity for the display of his own art.
BULLER.
Are they good— or are they bad ? I am dubious.
NORTH.
Thunder-storms travel fast and far — but here they seem simultaneous;
Thule is more vociferous than the whole of Wales together — yet perhaps the
sound itself of the verses is the loudest of all — and we cease to hear the thunder
in the din that describes it.
BULLER.
Severe— but just.
NORTH.
Ha ! Thou comest in such a questionable shape —
ENTRANT.
That I will speak to thee. How do you do, my dear sir? God bless youT
how do you do ?
NORTH.
Art thou a spirit of health or goblin damned ?
ENTRANT.
A spirit of health.
NORTH.
It is — it is the voice of TALBOYS. Don't move an inch. Stand still for ten-
seconds — on the very same site, that I may have one steady look at you, to
make assurance doubly sure — and then let us meet each other half-way in a
Cornish hug.
TALBOYS.
Are we going to wrestle already, Mr North ?
NORTH.
Stand still ten seconds more. He is He — You are You — gentlemen — H. G.
Talboys — Seward, my crutch— Boiler, your arm—
TALBOYS.
Wonderful feat of agility ! Feet up to the ceiling —
NORTH.
Don't say ceiling —
TALBOYS.
Why not ? ceiling — ccelum. Feet up to heaven.
NORTH.
An involuntary feat— the fault of Swing— sole fault— but I always forget it
when agitated—
BULLER.
Some time or other, sir, you will fly backwards and fracture your skull.
NORTH.
There, we have recovered our equilibrium — now we are in grips, don't fear a
fall— I hope you are not displeased with your reception.
VOL. LXVI. NO. CCCCV. B
18 Christopher under Canvass. [July,
TALBOYS.
I wrote last night, sir, to say I was coming — but there being no speedier
conveyance — I put the letter in my pocket, and there it is —
NORTH.
(On reading " Dies Boreales. — No. 1.")
A friend returned ! spring bursting forth again !
The song of other years ! which, when we roam,
Brings up all sweet and common things of home,
And sinks into the thirsty heart like rain !
Such the strong influence of the thrilling strain
By human love made sad and musical,
Yet full of high philosophy withal,
Poured from thy wizard harp o'er land and main !
A thousand hearts will waken at its call,
And breathe the prayer they breathed in earlier youth, —
May o'er thy brow no envious shadow fall!
"Blaze in thine eye the eloquence of truth !
Thy righteous wrath the soul of guilt appal,
As lion's streaming hair or dragon's fiery tooth !
TALBOYS.
I blush to think I have given you the wrong paper.
NORTH.
It is the right one. But may I ask what you have on your head ?
TALBOYS.
A hat. At least it was so an hour ago.
NORTH.
It never will be a hat again.
TALBOYS.
A patent hat — a waterproof hat — it was swimming, when I purchased it
yesterday, in a pail — warranted against Lammas floods —
NORTH.
And in an hour it has come to this ! Why, it has no more shape than a
coal-heaver's.
TALBOYS.
Oh! then it can be little the worse. For that is its natural artificial
shape. It is constructed on that principle — and the patentee prides himself
on its affording equal protection to head, shoulders, and back — helmet at once
and shield.
NORTH.
But you must immediately put on dry clothes —
TALBOYS.
The clothes I have on are as dry as if they had been taking horse-exercise
all morning before a laundry-fire. I am waterproof all over — and I had
need to be so— for between Inverary and Cladich there was much moisture in
the atmosphere.
NORTH.
Do — do— go and put on dry clothes. Why the spot you stand on is abso-
lutely swimming —
TALBOYS.
My Sporting-jacket, sir, is a new invention — an invention of my own — to
the sight silk — to the feel feathers — and of feathers is the texture — but that is
a secret, don't blab it — and to rain I am impervious as a plover.
NORTH.
Do — do— go and put on dry clothes.
TALBOYS.
Intended to have been here last night — left Glasgow yesterday morning —
and had a most delightful forenoon of it in the Steamer to Tarbert. Loch
Lomond fairly outshone herself— never before had I felt the full force of the
words— "'Fortunate Isles." The Bens were magnificent. At Tarbert— just
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 19
as I was disembarking — who should be embarking but our friends Outram,
M'Culloch, Macnee
NORTH.
And why are they not here ?
TALBOYS.
And I was induced — I could not resist them — to take a trip on to Inverarnan.
We returned to Tarbert and had a glorious afternoon till two this morning —
thought I might lie down for an hour or two — but, after undressing, it occurred
to me that it was advisable to redress — and be off instanter — so, wheeling
round the head of Loch Long — never beheld the bay so lovely — I glided up the
gentle slope of Glencroe and sat down on " Rest and be thankful" — to hold a
minute's colloquy with a hawk — or some sort of eagle or another, who seemed
to think nobody at that hour had a right to be there but himself— covered him
to a nicety with my rod — and had it been a gun, he was a dead bird. Down
the other — that is, this side of the glen, which, so far from being precipitous, is
known to be a descent but by the pretty little cataractettes playing at leap-frog
— from your description I knew that must be Loch Fine — and that St Cathe-
rine's. Shall I drop down and signalise the Inverary Steamer? I have not
time — so through the woods of Ardkinglass — surely the most beautiful in this
world — to Cairndow. Looked at my watch — had forgot to wind her up —
set her by the sun — and on nearing the inn door an unaccountable impulse
landed me in the parlour to the right. Breakfast on the table for somebody
up stairs — whom nobody — so the girl said — could awaken — ate it — and the ten
miles were but one to that celebrated Circuit Town. Saluted Dun-nu-quech
for your sake — and the Castle for the Duke's — and could have lingered all June
among those gorgeous groves.
NORTH.
Do — do — go and put on dry clothes.
TALBOYS.
Hitherto it had been cool— shady— breezy — the very day for such a saunter
— when all at once it was an oven. I had occasion to note that fine line of the
Poet's—" Where not a lime-leaf moves," as I passed under a tree of that
species, with an umbrage some hundred feet in circumference, and a presenti-
ment of what was coming whispered " Stop here" — but the Fates tempted me
on — and if I am rather wet, sir, there is some excuse for it — for there was
thunder and lightning, and a great tempest.
NORTH.
Not to-day? Here all has been hush.
TALBOYS.
It came at once from all points of the compass — and they all met — all the
storms — every mother's son of them — at a central point — where I happened
to be. Of course, no house. Look for a house on an emergency, and if
once in a million times you see one — the door is locked, and the people gone
to Australia.
NORTH.
I insist on you putting on dry clothes. Don't try my temper.
TALBOYS.
By-and-by I began to have my suspicions that I had been distracted from
the road — and was in the Channel of the Airey. But on looking down I saw
the Airey in his own channel — almost as drumly as the mire-burn— vulgarly
called road — I was plashing up. Altogether the scene was most animating —
and in a moment of intense exhilaration — not to weather-fend, but in defi-
ance—I unfurled my Umbrella.
NORTH.
What, a Plover with a Parapluie?
TALBOY8.
I use it, sir, but as a Parasol. Never but on this one occasion had it
affronted rain.
NORTH.
The same we sat under, that dog-day, at Dunoon ?
20 Christopher under Canvass.
TALBOYS.
The same. Whew ! Up into the sky like the incarnation of a whirlwind T
No turning outside in — too strong-ribbed for inversion — before the wind he
flew — like a creature of the element — and gracefully accomplished the descent
on an eminence about a mile off.
NORTH.
Near Orain-imali-chauan-mala-chuilish ?
TALBOYS.
I eyed him where he lay — not without anger. It had manifestly been a
•wilful act — he had torn himself from my grasp — and now he kept looking at
me — at safe distance as he thought — like a wild animal suddenly undomesti-
cated — and escaped into his native liberty. If he had sailed before the
wind — why might not I? No need to stalk him — so I went at him right in
front — but such another flounder ! Then, sir, I first knew fatigue.
NORTH.
" So eagerly THE FIEND
O'er bog, or steep, through strait, rough, dense, or rare,
With head, hands, wings, or feet pursues his way,
And swims, or sinks, or wades, or creeps, or flies."
TALBOYS.
Finally I reached him — closed on him — when Eolus, or Eurus, or Notus, or
Favonius — for all the heathen wind-gods were abroad — inflated him, and away
he flew — rustling like a dragon-fly — and zig-zagging all fiery-green in the
gloom — sat down — as composedly as you would yourself, sir — on a knoll, in
another region — engirdled with young birch-groves — as beautiful a resting-
place, I must acknowledge as, after a lyrical flight, could have been selected
for repose by Mr Wordsworth.
NORTH.
I know it — Arash-alaba-chalin-ora-begota-la-chona-hurie. Archy will go
for it in the evening — all safe. But do go and put on dry clothes. What
now, Billy?
BILLY BALMER.
Here are Mr Talboy trunk, sir.
NORTH.
Who brought it?
BILLY.
Nea, Maister — I dan't kna' — I 'spose Gamer. I ken't reet weell — ance
at Windermere-watter.
NORTH.
Swiss Giantess— Billy.
BILLY.
Ay — ay— sir.
NORTH.
You will find the Swiss Giantess as complete a dormitory as man can desire,
Talboys. I reserve it for myself, in event of rheumatism. Though lined with
velvet, it is always cool — ventilated on a new principle — of which I took
merely a hint from the Punka. My cot hangs in what used to be the Exhibi-
tion-room— and her Eetreat is now a commodious Dressing-room. Billy, show
Mr Talboys to the Swiss Giantess.
BILLY.
Ay — ay, sir. This way, Mr Talboy — this way, sir.
TALBOYS.
What is your dinner-hour, Mr North ?
NORTH.
Sharp seven— seven sharp.
TALBOYS.
And now 'tis but half-past two. Four hours for work. The Cladich— or
•whatever you call him — is rumbling disorderly in the wood ; and I noted, as I
crossed the bridge, that he was proud as a piper of being in Spate — but he
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 21
looks more rational down in yonder meadows — and HEAVEN HAVE MERCY
ON ME ! THERE'S LOCH AWE ! !
NORTH.
I thought it queer that you never looked at it.
TALBOYS.
Looked at it ? How could I look at it ? I don't believe it was there. If
it was— from the hill-top I had eyes but for the Camp — the Tents and the Trees
— and " Thee the spirit of them all !" Let me have another eye-full — another
soul-full of the Loch. But 'twill never do to be losing time in this way.
Where's my creel — where's my creel ?
NORTH.
On your shoulders —
TALBOYS.
And my Book? Lost— lost — lost! Not in any one of all my pockets. I
shall go mad.
NORTH.
Not far to go. Why your Book's in your hand.
TALBOYS.
At eight?
NORTH.
Seven. Archy, follow him — In that state of excitement he will be walking
with his spectacles on over some precipice. Keep your eye on him, Archy —
ARCHY.
I can pretend to be carrying the landing-net, sir.
NORTH.
There's a specimen of a Scottish Lawyer, gentlemen. What do you think
of him?
BTJLLER.
That he is without exception the most agreeable fellow, at first sight, I ever
met in my life.
NORTH.
And so you would continue to think him, were you to see him twice a-week
for twenty years. But he is far more than that — though, as the world goes,
that is much : his mind is steel to the back-bone — his heart is sound as his
lungs — his talents great — in literature, had he liked it, he might have excelled ;
t»ut he has wisely chosen a better Profession — and his character now stands
high as a Lawyer and a Judge. Yonder he goes ! As fresh as a kitten after
a score and three quarter miles at the least.
BULLER.
Seward — let's after him. Billy — the minnows.
BILLY.
Here's the Can, sirs.
Scene closes.
SCENE II.
Interior of Deeside. — TIME — Seven P.M.
NORTH — TALBOYS — BULLER — SEWARD.
NORTH.
Seward, face Buller. Talboys, face North. Fall too, gentlemen; to-day we
dispense with regular service. Each man has his own distinct dinner before
him, or in the immediate vicinity — soup, fish, flesh, fowl — and with all neces-
sary accompaniments and sequences. How do you like the arrangement of
the table, Talboys ?
22 Christopher under Canvass. [July,
TALBOYS.
The principle shows a profound knowledge of human nature, sir. In theory,,
self-love and social are the same — but in practice, self-love looks to your own
plate — social to your neighbours. By this felicitous multiplication of dinners
— this One in Four — this Four in One — the harmony of the moral system is
preserved — and all works together for the general good. Looked at artisti-
cally, we have here what the Germans and others say is essential to the beau-
tiful and the sublime — Unity.
NORTH.
I believe the Four Dinners — if weighed separately — would be found not to
differ by a pound. This man's fish might prove in the scale a few ounces
heavier than that man's — but in such case, his fowl would be found just so
many ounces lighter. And so on. The Puddings are cast in the same mould
— and things equal to the same thing, are equal to one another.
TALBOYS.
The weight of each repast ?
NORTH.
Calculated at twenty-five pounds.
TALBOYS.
Grand total, one hundred. The golden mean.
NORTH.
From these general views, to descend to particulars. Soup (turtle) twa
pounds — Hotch, ditto — Fish (Trout) two pounds — Flesh, (Jigot — black face
five-year-old,) six pounds — Fowl (Howtowdie boiled) five pounds — Duck
(wild) three pounds — Tart (gooseberry) one pound — Pud (Variorum Edition)
two pounds.
BULLER.
That is but twenty-three, sir ! I have taken down the gentleman's words^
NORTH.
Polite — and grateful. But you have omitted sauces and creams, breads
and cheeses. Did you ever know me incorrect in my figures, in any affirma-
tion or denial, private or public ?
BULLER.
Never. Beg pardon.
NORTH.
Now that the soups and fishes seem disposed of, I boldly ask you, one and
all, gentlemen, if you ever beheld Four more tempting Jigots ?
TALBOYS.
I am still at my Fish. No fish so sweet as of one's own catching — so I
have the advantage of you all. This one here — the one I am eating at this
blessed moment — I killed in what the man with the Landing-net called the
Birk Pool. I know him by his peculiar physiognomy — an odd cast in his eye
— which has not left him on the gridiron. That Trout of my killing on your
plate, Mr Seward, made the fatal plunge at the tail of the stream so overhung
with Alders that you can take it successfully only by the tail — and I know him
by his colour, almost as silvery as a whitliug. Yours, Mr Buller, was the
third I killed — -just where the river — for a river he is to-day, whatever he may
be to-morrow — goes whirling into the Loch — and I can swear to him from his
leopard spots. Illustrious sir, of him whom you have now disposed of — the
finest of the Four — I remember sayiug inwardly, as with difficulty I encreeled
him — for his shoulders were like a hog's — this for the King.
NORTH.
Your perfect Pounder, Talboys, is the beau-ideal of a Scottish Trout. How
he cuts up ! If much heavier — you are frustrated in your attempts to eat him
thoroughly — have to search — probably in vain — for what in a perfect Pounder
lies patent to the day — he is to back-bone comeatable — from gill to fork.
Seward, you are an artist. Good creel ?
SEWARD.
I gave Mr Talboys the first of the water, and followed him — a mere caprice
— with the Archimedean Minnow. I had a run — but just as the monster
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 23
opened his jaws to absorb— he suddenly eschewed the scentless phenomenon,
and with a sullen plunge, sunk into the deep.
BULLEK.
I tried the natural minnow after Seward — but I wished Archimedes at Sy-
racuse— for the Screw had spread a panic — and in a panic the scaly people
lose all power of discrimination, and fear to touch a minnow, lest it turn up a
bit of tin or some other precious metal.
NORTH.
I have often been lost in conjecturing how you always manage to fill your
creel, Talboys ; for the truth is — and it must be spoken — you are no angler.
TALBOYS.
I can afford to smile ! I was no angler, sir, ten years ago — now I am.
But how did I become one? By attending you, sir — for seven seasons — along
the Tweed and the Yarrow, the Clyde and the Daer, the Tay and the Tum-
mel, the Don and the Dee — and treasuring up lessons from the Great Master
of the Art.
NORTH.
You surprise me ! Why, you never put a single question to me about the
art — always declined taking rod in hand — seemed reading some book or
other, held close to your eyes — or lying on banks a-dose or poetising — or
facetious with the Old Man — or with the Old Man serious — and sometimes
more than serious, as, sauntering along our winding way, we conversed of
man, of nature, and of human life.
TALBOYS.
I never lost a single word you said, sir, during those days, breathing in every
sense " vernal delight and joy," yet all the while I was taking lessons in the
art. The flexure of your shoulder — the sweep of your arm — the twist of your
wrist — your Delivery, and your Recover — that union of grace and power — the
utmost delicacy, with the most perfect precision — All these qualities of a
heaven-born Angler, by which you might be known from all other men on the
banks of the Whittadder on a Fast-day
NORTH.
I never angled on a Fast- day.
TALBOYS.
A lapsus lingua — From a hundred anglers on the Daer, on the Queen's
Birth-day
NORTH.
My dear Friend, you ex
TALBOYS.
All those qualities of a heaven-born Angler I learned first to admire — then
to understand — and then to imitate. For three years I practised on the car-
pet— for three I essayed on a pond — for three I strove by the running waters
— and still the Image of Christopher North was before me — till emboldened
by conscious acquisition and constant success, I came forth and took my place
among the Anglers of my country.
BULLER.
To-day I saw you fast in a tree.
TALBOYS.
You mean my Fly.
BULLER.
First your Fly, and then, I think, yourself.
TALBOYS.
I have seen // Maestro himself in Timber, and in brushwood too. From
him I learned to disentangle knots, intricate and perplexed far beyond the
Gordian — " with frizzled hair implicit" — round twig, branch, or bole. Not more
than half-a-dozen times of the forty that I may have been fast aloft — I speak
mainly of my noviciate — have I had to effect liberation by sacrifice.
SEWARD.
Pardon me, Mr Talboys, for hinting that you smacked off your tail-fly
to-day — I knew it by the sound.
24 Christopher under Canvass.
TALBOYS.
The sound ! No trusting to an uncertain sound, Mr Seward. Oh ! I did so
once — but intentionally — the hook had lost the barb — not a fish would it hold
— so I whipped it off, and on with a Professor.
BULLER.
You lost one good fish in rather an awkward manner, Mr Talboys.
TALBOYS.
I did — that metal minnow of yours came with a splash within an inch of
his nose — and no wonder he broke me — nay, I believe it was the minnow
that broke me — and yet you can speak of my losing a good fish in rather an
awkward manner !
NORTH.
It is melancholy to think that I have taught Young Scotland to excel
myself in all the Arts that adorn and dignify life. Till I rose, Scotland was
a barbarous country —
TALBOYS.
Do say, my dear sir, semi-civilised.
NORTH.
Now it heads the Nations — and I may set.
TALBOYS.
And why should that be a melancholy thought, sir ?
NORTH.
Oh, Talboys — National Ingratitude! They are fast forgetting the man
who made them what they are — in a few fleeting centuries the name of
Christopher North will be in oblivion ! Would you believe it possible,
gentlemen, that even now, there are Scotsmen who never heard of the Fly
that bears the name of me, its Inventor — Killing Kit !
BULLER.
In Cornwall it is a household word.
SEWARD.
And in all the Devons.
BULLER.
Men in Scotland who never heard the name of North !
NORTH.
Christopher North — who is he ? Who do you mean by the Man of the
Crutch ? — The Knight of the Knout ? Better never to have been bora than
thus to be virtually dead.
SEWARD.
Sir, be comforted — you are under a delusion — Britain is ringing with your
name.
NORTH.
Not that I care for noisy fame — but I do dearly love the still.
TALBOYS.
And you have it, sir — enjoy it and be thankful.
NORTH.
But it may be too still.
TALBOYS.
My dear sir, what would you have ?
NORTH.
I taught you, Talboys, to play Chess — and now you trumpet Staunton.
TALBOYS.
Chess — where's the board? Let us have a game.
NORTH.
Drafts — and you quote Anderson and the Shepherd Laddie.
TALBOYS.
Mr North, why so querulous?
NORTH.
Where was the Art of Criticism ? Where Prose ? Young Scotland owes all
her Composition to me — buries me in the earth — and then claims inspiration
from heaven. " How sharper than a Serpent's tooth it is to have a thankless
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. • 25
Child! " Peter— Peterkin — Pym — Stretch — where are your lazinesses — clear
decks.
" Away with Melancholy —
Nor doleful changes ring
On Life and human Folly,
But merrily, merrily sing — fal la !"
BULLER.
What a sweet pipe ! A single snatch of an old song from you, sir —
NORTH.
Why are you glowering at me, Talboys?
TALBOYS.
It has come into my head, I know not how, to ask you a question.
NORTH.
Let it be an easy one — for I am languid.
TALBOYS.
Pray, sir, what is the precise signification of the word " Classical?"
NORTH.
My dear Talboys, you seem to think that I have the power of answering,
off-hand, any and every question a first-rate fellow chooses to ask me. Clas-
sical— classical ! Why, I should say, in the first place — One and one other
Mighty People— Those, the Kings of Thought — These, the Kings of the
Earth.
TALBOYS.
The Greeks— and Komans.
NORTH.
In the second place —
TALBOYS.
Attend — do attend, gentlemen. And I hope I am not too much presuming
on our not ancient friendship — for I feel that a few hours on Lochawe-side
give the privilege of years — in suggesting that you will have the goodness to
use the metal nut-crackers ; they are more euphonious than ivory with walnuts.
NORTH.
In the second place — let me consider — Mr Talboys — I should say — in the
second place— yes, I have it— a Character of Art expressing itself by words :
a mode — a mode of Poetry and Eloquence — FITNESS AND BEAUTY.
TALBOYS.
Thank you, sir. Fitness and Beauty. Anything more ?
NORTH.
Much more. We think of the Greeks and Romans, sir, as those in whom
the Human Mind reached Superhuman Power.
TALBOYS.
Superhuman ?
NORTH.
We think so — comparing ourselves with them, we cannot help it. In the
Hellenic Wit, we suppose Genius and Taste met at their height — the Inspira-
tion Omnipotent — the Instinct unerring ! The creations of Greek Poetry ! —
Howis — a Making! There the soul seems to be free from its chains — happily
self-lawed. " The Earth we pace " is there peopled with divine Forms. Sculp-
ture was the human Form glorified — deified. And as in Marble, so in Song.
Something common— terrestrial — adheres to our being, and weighs MS down.
They — the Hellenes — appear to us to have really walked — as we walk in our
visions of exaltation — as if the Graces and the Muses held sway over daily
and hourly existence, and not alone over work of Art and solemn occasion.
No moral stain or imperfection can hinder them from appearing to us as the
Light of human kind. Singular, that in Greece we reconcile ourselves to
Heathenism.
TALBOYS.
It may be that we are all Heathens at heart.
NORTH.
The enthusiast adores Greece — not knowing that. Greece monarchises over
26 Christopher under Canvass. [July,
him, only because it is a miraculous mirror that resplendently and more beau-
tifully reflects — himself —
" Divisque videbit
Permixtos Heroas, et IPSE videbitur illis."
SEWARD.
Very fine.
NORTH.
0 life of old, and long, long ago ! In the meek, solemn, soul-stilling hush of
Academic Bowers !
SEWARD.
The Isis !
NORTH.
My youth returns. Come, spirits of the world that has been ! Throw open
the valvules of these your shrines, in which you stand around me, niched side
by side, in visible presence, in this cathedral- like Library ! I read Historian,
Poet, Orator, Voyager — a life that slid silently away in shades, or that
bounded like a bark over the billows. I lift up the curtain of all ages — I stand
under all skies — on the Capitol — on the Acropolis. Like that magician whose
spirit, with a magical word, could leave his own Bosom to inhabit another, I
take upon myself every mode of existence. I read Thucydides, and I would
be a Historian — Demosthenes, and I would be an Orator — Homer, and I dread
to believe myself called to be, in some shape or other, a servant of the Muse.
Heroes and Hermits of Thought — Seers of the Invisible — Prophets of the
Ineffable — Hierophants of profitable mysteries — Oracles of the Nations —
Luminaries of that spiritual Heaven ! I bid ye hail 1
BUIXER.
The fit is on him — he has not the slightest idea that he is in%Deeside.
NORTH.
Ay — from the beginning a part of the race have separated themselves from
the dusty, and the dust-devoured, turmoil of Action to Contemplation. Have
thought — known — worshipped ! And such knowledge Books keep. Books
now crumbling like Towers and Pyramids — now outlasting them ! Books that,
from age to age, and all the sections of mankind helping, build up the pile of
Knowledge — a trophied Citadel. He who can read Books as they should be
read, peruses the operation of the Creator in his conscious, and in his uncon-
scious Works, which yet we call upon to join, as if conscious, in our worship.
Yet why — oh ! why all this pains to attain that, through the labour of ages,
which in the dewy, sunny prime of morn, one thrill of transport gives to me
and to the Lark alike, summoning, lifting both heavenwards ? Ah ! perchance
because the dewy, sunny prime does not last through the day ! Because light
poured into the eyes, and sweet breath inhaled, are not the whole of man's life
here below — and because there is an Hereafter !
SEWARD.
1 know where he is, Bnller. He called it well a Cathedral-like Library.
NORTH.
The breath of departed years floats here for my respiration. The pure air
of heaven flows round about, but enters not. The sunbeams glide in, be-
dimmed as if in some haunt half-separated from Life, yet on our side of Death.
Recess, hardly accessible — profound — of which I, the sole inmate, held under
an uncomprehended restraint, breathe, move, and follow my own way and
wise, apart from human mortals ! Ye ! tall, thick Volumes, that are each a
treasure-house of austere or blazing thoughts, which of yon shall I touch with
sensitive fingers, of which violate the calmly austere repose? I dread what I
desire. Yon may disturb — yon may destroy me ! Knowledge pulsates in me,
as I receive it, communing with myself on my unquiet or tearful pillow — or as
it visits me, brought on the streaming moonlight, or from the fields afire with
noon- splendour, or looking at me from human eyes, and stirring round and
around me in the tumult of men — Your knowledge comes in a holy stillness and
dullness, as if spelt off tombstones.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 27
SEWARD.
Magdalen College Library, I do believe. Mr North — Mr North — awake —
awake — here we are all in Deeside.
NORTH.
Ay — ay — you say well, Seward. " Look at the studies of the Great
Scholar, and see from how many quarters of the mind impulses may mingle
to compose the motives that bear him on with indefatigable strength in his
laborious career."
SEWARD.
These were not my very words, sir —
NORTH.
Ay, Seward, you say well. From how many indeed 1 First among the
prime, that peculiar aptitude and faculty, which may be called — a Taste and
Genius for — Words.
BULLER.
I rather failed there in the Schools.
NORTH.
Yet you were in the First Class. There is implied in it, Seward, a readi-
ness of logical discrimination in the Understanding, which apprehends the
propriety of Words.
BULLER.
I got up my Logic passably and a little more.
NORTH.
For, Seward, the Thoughts, the Notions themselves — must be distinctly
dissevered in the mind, which shall exactly apply to each Thought — Notion —
its appropriate sign, its own Word.
BULLER.
You might as well have said " Buller " — for I beat Seward in my Logic.
NORTH.
But even to this task, Seward, of rightly distinguishing the meaning of
Words, more than a mere precision of thinking — more than a clearness and
strictness of the intellectual action is requisite.
BULLER.
And in Classics we were equal.
NORTH.
You will be convinced of this, Buller, if you recollect what Words express.
The mind itself. For all its affections and sensibilities, Talboys, furnish
a whole host of meanings, which must have names in Language. For
mankind do not rest from enriching and refining their languages, until they
have made them capable of giving the representation of their whole Spirit.
TALBOYS.
The pupil of language, therefore, sir — pardon my presumption — before he
can recognise the appropriation of the Sign, must recognise the Thing signified?
NORTH.
And if the Thing signified, Talboys, by the Word, be some profound, solemn,
and moral affection — or if it be some wild, fanciful impression — or if it be
some delicate shade or tinge of a tender sensibility — can anything be more
evident than that the Scholar must have experienced in himself the solemn,
or the wild, or the tenderly delicate feeling before he is in the condition of
affixing the right and true sense to the Word that expresses it?
TALBOYS.
I should think so, sir.
SEWARD.
The Words of Man paint the spirit of Man. The Words of a People
depicture the Spirit of a People.
NORTH.
Well said, Seward. And, therefore, the Understanding that is to possess
the Words of a language, in the Spirit in which they were or are spoken and
written, must, by self-experience and sympathy, be able to converse, and
have conversed, with the Spirit of the People, now and of old.
28 Christopher under Canvass.
BULLER.
And yet what coarse fellows hold up their dunderheads as Scholars, forsooth,
in these our days !
NORTH.
Hence it is an impossibility that a low and hard moral nature should fur-
nish a high and fine Scholar. The intellectual endowments must be supported
and made available by the concurrence of the sensitive nature — of the moral
and the imaginative sensibilities.
BULLER.
What moral and imaginative sensibilities have they — the blear-eyed — the
purblind — the pompons and the pedantic ! But we have some true scholars
— for example
NORTH.
No names, Buller. Yes, Seward, the knowledge of Words is the Gate of
Scholarship. Therefore I lay down upon the threshold of the Scholar's
Studies this first condition of his high and worthy success, that he will not
pluck the loftiest palm by means of acute, quick, clear, penetrating, sagacious,
intellectual faculties alone — let him not hope it: that he requires to the
highest renown also a capacious, profound, and tender soul.
SEWARD.
Ay, sir, and I say so in all humility, this at the gateway, and upon the
threshold. How much more when he reads.
NORTH.
Ay, Seward, you laid the emphasis well there — reads.
SEWARD.
When the written Volumes of Mind from different and distant ages of the
world, from its different and distant climates, are successively unrolled before
his insatiable sight and his insatiable soul !
BULLER.
Take all things in moderation.
NORTH.
No —not the sacred hunger and thirst of the soul.
BULLER.
Greed — give — give.
NORTH.
From what unknown recesses, from what unlocked fountains in the depth
of his own being, shall he bring into the light of day the thoughts by means
of which he shall understand Homer, Pindar, JEschylus, Demosthenes, Plato,
Aristotle — DISCOURSING! Shall understand them, as the younger did the
elder — the contemporaries did the contemporaries — as each sublime spirit
understood — himself ?
BULLER.
Did each sublime spirit always understand himself?
TALBOYS.
Urge that, Mr Buller.
NORTH.
So— and so only — to read, is to be a Scholar.
BULLER.
Then I am none.
NORTH.
I did not say you were.
BULLER.
Thank you. What do you think of that, Mr Talboys ? Address Seward,
•sir.
NORTH.
I address you all three. Is the student smitten with the sacred love of
Song? Is he sensible to the profound allurement of philosophic truth ? Does
he yearn to acquaint himself with the fates and fortunes of his kind ? All
.these several desires are so many several inducements of learned study.
BULLER.
I understand that.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 20
TALBOYS.
DHto.
NORTH.
And another inducement to such study is — an ear sensible to the Beauty of
the Music of Words — and the metaphysical faculty of unravelling the causal
process which the human mind followed in imparting to a Word, originally
the sign of one Thought only, the power to signify a cognate second Thought,
which shall displace the first possessor and exponent, usurp the throne, and
rule for ever over an extended empire in the minds, or the hearts, or the
souls of men.
BULLER.
Let him have his swing, Mr Talboys.
TALBOYS.
He has it in that chair.
NORTH.
A Taste and a Genius for Words ! An ear for the beautiful music of Words !
A happy justness in the perception of their strict proprieties ! A fine skill in
apprehending the secret relations of Thought with Thought — relations along
which the mind moves with creative power, to find out for its own use, and
for the use of all minds to come, some hitherto uncreated expression of an
idea — an image — a sentiment — a passion! These dispositions, and these
faculties of the Scholar in another Mind falling in with other faculties of
genius, produce a student of a different name — THE POET.
BULLER.
Oh ! my dear dear sir, of Poetry we surely had enough — I don't say more
than enough — a few days ago, sir.
NORTH.
Who is the Poet ?
BULLER.
I beseech you let the Poet alone for this evening.
NORTH.
Well — I will. I remember the time, Seward, when there was a great cla-
mour for a Standard of Taste. A definite measure of the indefinite !
TALBOYS.
Which is impossible.
NORTH.
And there is a great clamour for a Standard of Morals. A definite measure
of the indefinite !
TALBOYS.
Which is impossible.
NORTH.
Why, gentlemen, the Faculty of Beauty lives ; and in finite beings, which
we are, Life changes incessantly. The Faculty of Moral Perception lives —
and thereby it too changes for better and for worse. This is the Divine Law
— at once encouraging and fearful — that Obedience brightens the moral eye-
sight— Sin darkens. Let all men know this, and keep it in mind always — that
a single narrowest, simplest Duty, steadily practised day after day, does more
to support, and may do more to enlighten the soul of the Doer, than a course of
Moral Philosophy taught by a tongue which a soul compounded of Bacon,
Spenser, Shakspeare, Homer, Demosthenes, and Burke — to say nothing of
Socrates, and Plato, and Aristotle, should inspire.
BULLER.
You put it strongly, sir.
TALBOYS.
Undeniable doctrine.
NORTH.
Gentlemen, you will often find this question — " Is there a Standard of
Taste? " inextricably confused with the question ." Is there a true and a false
Taste ?" He who denies the one seems to deny the other. In like manner,
" Is there a Right and Wrong ? " And " is there accessible to us an infallible
30 Christopher under Canvass. [July,
measure of Right and Wrong " are two questions entirely distinct, but often
confused — for Logic fled the earth with Astraea.
TALBOYS.
She did.
NORTH.
Talboys, you understand well enough the sense and culture of the Beautiful?
TALBOYS.
Something of it perhaps I do.
NORTH.
To feel — to love — to be swallowed up in the spirit and works of the Beautiful
— in verse and in the visible Universe ! That is a life — an enthusiasm — a
worship. You find those who would if they could, and who pretend they can,
attain the same end at less cost. They have taken lessons, and they will
have their formalities go valid against the intuitions of the dedicated soul.
TALBOYS.
But the lessons perish — the dedicated soul is a Power in all emergencies and
extremities.
NORTH.
There are Pharisees of Beauty — and Pharisees of Morality.
SEWARD.
At this day spiritual Christians lament that nine-tenths of Christians
Judaise.
NORTH.
Nor without good reason. The Gospel is the Standard of Christian
Morality. That is unquestionable. It is an authority without appeal, and
under which undoubtedly all matters, uncertain before, will fall. But pray
mark this — it is not a positive standard, in the ordinary meaning of that word
— it is not one of which our common human understanding has only to require
and to obtain the indications — which it has only to apply and observe.
SEWARD.
I see your meaning, sir. The Gospel refers all moral intelligence to the
Light of Love within pur hearts. Therefore, the very reading of the canons,
of every prescriptive line in it, must be by this light.
NORTH.
That is my meaning — but not my whole meaning, dear Seward. For take
it, as it unequivocally declares itself to be, a Revelation — not simply of in-
struction, committed now and for ever to men in written human words, and
so left — but accompanied with a perpetual agency to enable Will and Under-
standing to receive it ; and then it will follow, I believe, that it is at every
moment intelligible and applicable in its full sense, only by a direct and pre-
sent inspiration — is it too much to say — anew revealing itself? " They shall
be taught of God."
SEWARD.
So far, then, from the Christian Morality being one of which the Standard
is applicable by every Understanding, with like result in given cases, it is one
that is different to every Christian in proportion to his obedience ?
NORTH.
Even so. I suppose that none have ever reached the full understanding of
it. It is an evergrowing illumination — a light more and more unto the perfect
day — which day I suppose cannot be of the same life, in which we see as
through a glass darkly.
TALBOYS.
May I offer an illustration ? The land shall descend to the eldest son — you
shall love your neighbour as yourself. In the two codes these are founda-
tion-stones. But see how they differ ! There is the land— here is the eldest
son — the right is clear and fast — and the case done with. But — do to thy
neighbour ! Do what ? and to whom ?
NORTH.
All human actions, all human affections, all human thoughts are then contained
in the one Law — as the subject of which it defines the disposal. All mankind,
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 31
but distributed into communities, and individuals all differently related to me
are contained in it, as the parties in respect of whom it defines the disposal !
SEWARD.
And what is the Form ? Do as thou wouldst it be done to thee !
NORTH.
Ay — my dear friend — The form resolves into a feeling. Love thy neighbour.
That is all. Is a measure given ? As thyself.
SEWARD.
And is there no limitation ?
NORTH.
By the whole apposition, thy love to thyself and thy neighbour are both
to be put together in subordination to, and limitation and regulation by — thy
Love to God. Love Him utterly — infinitely — with all thy mind, all thy heart,
all thy strength. This is the entire book or canon — THE STANDARD. How
wholly indefinite and formless to the Understanding ! How full of light
and form to the believing and loving Heart !
SEWARD.
The Moon is up — how calm the night after all that tempest — and how
steady the Stars ! Images of enduring peace in the heart of nature — and of
man. They, too, are a Revelation.
NORTH.
They, too, are the legible Book of God. Try to conceive how different the
World must be to its rational inhabitant — with or without a Maker ! Think
of it as a soulless — will-less World. In one sense, it abounds as much with
good to enjoy. But there is no good-giver. The banquet spread, but the
Lord of the Mansion away. The feast — and neither grace nor welcome. The
heaped enjoyment, without the gratitude.
SEWARD.
Yet there have been Philosophers who so misbelieved I
NORTH.
Alas ! there have been — and alas ! there are. And what low souls must be
theirs ! The tone and temper of our feelings are determined by the objects with
which we habitually converse. If we see beautiful scenes, they impart sere-
nity— if sublime scenes, they elevate us. Will no serenity, no elevation come
from contemplating Him, of whose Thought the Beautiful and the Sublime are
but shadows I
SEWARD.
No sincere or elevating influence be lost out of a World out of which He
is lost?
NORTH.
Now we look upon Planets and Suns, and see Intelligence ruling them — on
Seasons that succeed each other, and we apprehend Design — on plant and
animal fitted to its place in the world, and furnished with its due means of
existence, and repeated for ever in its kind — and we admire Wisdom. Oh !
Atheist or Sceptic — what a difference to Us if the marvellous Laws are here
without a Lawgiver — If Design be here without a Designer — all the Order
that wisdom could mean and effect, and not the Wisdom — if Chance, or
Necessity, or Fate reigns here, and not Mind — if this Universe is matter of
Astonishment merely, and not of adoration !
SEWARD.
We are made better, nobler, sir, by the society of the good and the noble.
Perhaps of ourselves unable to think high thoughts, and without the bold
warmth that dares generously, we catch by degrees something of the mounting
spirit, and of the ardour proper to the stronger souls with whom we live fami-
liarly, and become sharers and imitators of virtues to which we could not
have given birth. The devoted courage of a leader turns his followers into
heroes — the patient death of one martyr inflames in a thousand slumbering
bosoms a zeal answerable to his own. And shall Perfect Goodness contem-
plated move no goodness in us ? Shall His Holiness and Purity raise in us no
desire to be holy and pure ? — His infinite Love towards His creatures kindle
no spark of love in us towards our fellow- creatures 1
82 Christopher under Canvass.
NORTH.
God bless you, ray clear Seward — but you speak well. Our fellow- creatures 1
The name, the binding title, dissolves in air, if He be not our common Creator.
Take away that bond of relationship among men, and according to circum-
stances they confront one another as friends or foes — but Brothers no longer —
if not children of one celestial Father.
TALBOYS.
And if they no longer have immortal souls !
NORTH.
Oh ! my friends — if this winged and swift life be all our life, what a mourn-
ful taste have we had of possible happiness ? We have, as it were, from some
dark and cold edge of a bright world, just looked in and been plucked away
again ! Have we come to experience pleasure by fits and glimpses ; but inter-
twined with pain, burdensome labour, with weariness, and with indifference ?
Have we come to try the solace and joy of a warm, fearless, and confiding
affection, to be then chilled or blighted by bitterness, by separation, by change
of heart, or by the dread sunderer of loves — Death ? Have we found the
gladness and the strength of knowledge, when some rays of truth have
flashed in upon our souls, in the midst of error and uncertainty, or amidst con-
tinuous, necessitated, uninstructive avocations of the Understanding — and is
that all? Have we felt in fortunate hour the charm of the Beautiful, that
invests, as with a mantle, this visible Creation, or have we found ourselves
lifted above the earth by sudden apprehension of sublimity ? Have we had
the consciousness of such feelings, which have seemed to us as if they might
themselves makeup a life — almost an angel's life — and were they "instant
come and instant gone ? " Have we known the consolation of DOING EIGHT,
in the midst of much that we have done wrong? and was that also a corrus-
cation of a transient sunshine ? Have we lifted up our thoughts to see Him
who is Love, and Light, and Truth, and Bliss, to be in the next instant
plunged into the darkness of annihilation ? Have all these things been but
flowers that we have pulled by the side of a hard and tedious way, and that,
after gladdening us for a brief season with hue and odour, wither in our
hands, and are like ourselves — nothing ?
BULLER.
I love you, sir, better and better every day.
NORTH.
We step the earth— we look abroad over it, and it seems immense — so does
the sea. What ages had men lived — and knew but a small portion. They cir-
cumnavigate it now with a speed under which its vast bulk shrinks. But let the
astronomer lift up his glass and he learns to believe in a total mass of matter,
compared with which this great globe itself becomes an imponderable grain
of dust. And so to each of us walking along the road of life, a year, a day,
or an hour shall seem long. As we grow older, the time shortens ; but when
we lift up our eyes to look beyond this earth, our seventy years, and the few
thousands of years which have rolled over the human race, vanish into a point ;
for then we are measuring Time against Eternity.
TALBOYS.
And if we can find ground for believing that this quickly -measured span of
Lifers but the beginning — the dim daybreak of a Life immeasurable, never
attaining to its night — what weight shall we any longer allow to the cares,
fears, toils, troubles, afflictions — which here have sometimes bowed down our
strength to the ground— a burden more than we could bear?
NORTH.
They then all acquire a new character. That they are then felt as transi-
tory must do something towards lightening their load. But more is disclosed
in them; for they then appear as having an unsuspected worth and use. If
this life be but the beginning of another, then it may be believed that the
accidents and passages thereof have some bearing upon the conditions of that
other, and we learn to look on this as a state of Probation. Let us out, and
look at the sky.
1849.]
The Island of Sardinia.
33
THE ISLAND OF SARDINIA.
THE opinion of Nelson with regard
to the importance of Sardinia, — that
it is " worth a hundred Maltas,"
is well known ; and that he strongly
recommended its purchase to our gov-
ernment, thinking it might be obtain-
ed for £500,000. We can scarcely
believe that Nelson failed to make an
impression on the government, and con-
jecture rather that it was with the King
of Sardinia the precious inheritance
of a Naboth's vineyard. We do not
remember to have met with a Sardi-
nian tourist. Travellers as we are,
with our ready " Hand-Books" for
the remote corners of the earth, we
seem, by a general consent, to have
cut Sardinia from the map of observ-
able countries. "Nos nutnerus sumus "
— we plead guilty to this ignorance
and neglect, and should have remain-
ed unconcerned about Sardinia still,
had we not, in the work of MrTyndale,
dipped into a few extracts from Lord
Nelson's letters. Extending our read-
ing, we find in these three volumes
so much research, learning, historical
speculation, and interesting matter,
interspersed with amusing narrative,
that we think a notice in Maga of this
valuable and agreeable work may be
not unacceptable.
The very circumstance that Sar-
dinia is little known, renders it an
agreeable speculation. The ignotum
makes the charm. Our pleasure is in
the fabulous, the dubious, the unex-
plained. In the ecstacy of ignorance
the reader stands by the side of Mr
Layard, watching the exhumation of
the unknown gods or demons of Nine-
veh. " Ignorance is bliss," — for the
subject-matter of ignorance is fact —
fact isolated — or the broken links in
time's long chain. The mind longs
to fabricate, and connect. Were it pos-
sible that other sibylline books should
be offered for sale, it would be pre-
ferable that Mr Murray should act the
part of Tarquin than publish them as
" Hand-Books. " In truth, curiosity,
that happy ingredient in the clay of
the human mind, if so material an ex-
pression be allowed, is fed by igno-
rance, but dies under a surfeit of
knowledge. Now, to apply this to
our subject — Sardinia. The island is
full of monuments, as mysterious to
us as the Pyramids. There is suffi-
cient obscurity to make a " sublime."
It is happy for the reader, who has
not lost his natural propensity to won-
der, that there is so little known re-
specting them, and yet such grounds
for conjecture ; for he may be sure
that, if any documents existed any-
where, Mr Tyndale would have dis-
covered them, for he is the most
indefatigable of authors in exploring
in all the mines of literature. But he
has to treat of things that were be-
fore literature was. The traveller
who should first discover a Stone-
henge — one who, walking on a hither-
to untrodden plain, should come sud-
denly upon two such great sedate
sitting images in stone as look over
Egyptian sands — is he not greatly to be
envied? We, who peer about our cities
and villages, raking out decayed stone
and mortar for broken pieces of antique
art or memorial, as we facetiously
term the remnants of a few hundred
years, and of whose " whereabouts,"
from the beginning, we can receive
some tolerable assurance, have but a
slight glimpse of the delight experi-
enced by the first finder of a monument
of the Pelasgi, or even Cyclopean
walls. But to make conjecture upon
monuments beyond centuries — to
count by thousands of years, and
make out of them a dream that shall,
like an Arabian magician, take the
dreamer back to the Flood — is a
happiness enjoyed by few. We
never envied traveller more than
we once did that lady who. came
suddenly upon the Etrurian monu-
ment, in which there was just aperture
enough to see for a moment only a
sitting figure, with its look and drapery
of more than thousands of years ; who
just saw it for a few seconds, pre-
served only in the stillness of antiquity,
and falling to dust at her very breath-
ing. Not so ancient the monu-
ment, but of like character the dis-
The Island of Sardinia.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCV.
By JOHN WARRE TYNDALE.
3 vols., post 8vo.
c
34
The Island of Sardinia.
[•My,
covery of him who, digging within
the walls of his own house at Portici,
came upon marble steps that led him
down and down, till he found before
him, in the obscure, a white marble
equestrian statue the size of life. If
one could be made a poet, these two
incidents were enough. The interior
of Sardinia has been hitherto a kind of
" terra incognita." Mr Tyndale must
therefore have ascended and descended
its craggy or wooded mountains, and
threaded its ravines, and crossed its
fertile or desolate plains, with no com-
mon feeling of expectation ; and though
the frequent "Noraghe" and "Sepol-
ture de is Gigantes," and their accom-
panying strange conical stones, were
not of a character to fill him with that
amazement produced by the above-
mentioned incidents, they were suffi-
ciently mysterious, and the attempt
to reach them in some instances suffi-
ciently adventurous — to keep alive the
mind, and stir the imagination to the
working out visions, and conjuring up
the seeming-probable existences of the
past, or wilder dreams, in such variety
as reason deduced or fancy willed.
On one occasion he descended an aper-
ture, in a domed chamber of aNoraghe,
groped his way through a subterranean
passage, and came upon some finely-
pulverised matter, " about fifteen
inches deep, which at first appeared
to be earth, but on scraping into it
were several human bones, some broken
and others mouldering away on being
touched." But here the reader unac-
quainted with Sardinia, as it may be
presumed very many are, may ask
something about these Noraghe, with
their domed chambers, and the Sepol-
ture. There may be a preliminary
inquiry into the origin of the inhabi-
tants. Various are the statements of
diiferent authors : without following
chronological order, we may readily
concur in their conclusions, that the
island was peopled by Phoenician, Li-
byan, Tyrrhenian, Greek, Trojan, and
other colonies — unless the disquisi-
tions of some historians of our day
would compel us to reject the Trojans,
in the doubt as to the existence of
Troy itself. But many of these may
have been only partial, temporary
immigrations, which found a people in
prior possession. The argument is
strongly in favour of the supposition
that the Sarde nation are of Phoenician
origin, and that its antiquities are
Phoenician, or of a still earlier epoch.
In descending to more historic times,
we find the Carthaginians exercis-
ing influence there as early as 700
B.C., and that the island suffered
severely from the alternate sway of the
rival powers of Rome and Carthage.
And here we are disposed to rest,
utterly disinclined to follow the laby-
rinth of cruelties which the history of
every people, nation, and language
under the sun presents.
If, at least for the present moment,
a disgust of history is a disqualifi-
cation for the notice of such a work
as this before us, the reader must be
referred to the book itself at once;
but there are in it so many subjects of
interest, both as to customs, manners,
and some characters that shine out
from the dark pages of history here
and there, that we venture on, not
careful of the thread, but with a pur-
pose of taking it up, wherever there
may be a promise of amusement.
There is little pleasure in recording
how many hundreds of thousands were
put to the sword by Carthaginians,
Romans, and, subsequently, Vandals
and Goths ; nor the various tyrannies
arising out of contests for the posses-
sion of the island, which have been
continually inflicted upon the people
by the European powers of Christian
times. Mankind never did, and it
may be supposed never will, let each
other alone. We are willing to be-
lieve that peace and security, for
any continuance, is not for man on
earth, and that his nature requires
this universal stirring activity of ag-
gression and defence, for the develop-
ment of his powers — and that out of
this evil comes good. Where would
be virtue withoiit suffering ? Yet we
are not always in the humour to sit
out the tragedy of human life. There
are moments when the present and
real troubles of our own times press
too heavily on the spirits, and we
shrink from the scrutiny of past re-
sults, through a dread of a similar
future, and gladly seek relief from
bitter truths in lighter speculations.
In such a humour we confess a dislike
to biography, in which kind of reading
the future does cast its dark shadow
before, and we are constantly haunted
1849.]
The Island of Sardinia.
35
by the ghost of the last pages, amid
the earnest pursuits and perhaps
gaieties of the first. But what that
last page of biography is, we find
nearly every page of history to be,
only far sadder, and far more cruel.
The man's tale may tell us that at least
he died in his bed ; but history draws
up the curtain at every act, presenting
to the unquiet sight, scenes of whole-
sale tortures, poisonings, slaughters,
and fields of unburied and mutilated
carcases.
It is time to say something of these
monuments of great antiquity, the
Noraghe, and what they are, before
speculating upon who built them. We
extract the following account, unable
to make it more concise : —
" All are built on natural or artificial
mounds, whether in valleys, plains, or on
mountains, and some are partially enclosed
at a slight distance, by a low wall of a
similar construction to the building.
Their essential architectural feature is a
truncated cone or tower, averaging from
thirty to sixty feet in height, and from
one hundred to three hundred in circum-
ference at the base. The majority have
no basement, but the rest are raised on
one extending either in corresponding or
in irregular shape, and of which the peri-
meter varies from three hundred to six
hundred and fifty-three feet, the largest
yet measured. The inward inclination
of the exterior wall of the principal tower,
which almost always is the centre of the
building, is so well executed as to pre-
sent, in its elevation, a perfect and con-
tinuously symmetrical line ; but some-
times a small portion of the external face
of the outerworks of the basements,
which are not regular, is straight and
perpendicular : such instances are, how-
ever, very rare. There is every reason
to believe, though without positive proof
— for none of the Noraghe are quite per-
fect— that the cone was originally trun-
cated, and formed thereby a platform on
its summit. The material of which they
are built being always the natural stone
of the locality, we accordingly find them
of granite, limestone, basalt, trachitic por-
phyry, lava, and tufa; the blocks varying
in shape and size from three to nine cubic
feet, while those forming the architraves
of the passages are sometimes twelve feet
long, five feet wide, and the same in
depth. The surfaces present that slight
irregularity which proves the blocks to
have been rudely worked by the hammer,
but with sufficient exactness to form re-
gular horizontal layers. With few excep-
tions, the stones are not polygonal, but,
when so, are without that regularity of
form which would indicate the use of the
rule ; nor is their construction of the Cy-
clopean and Pelasgic styles; neither have
they any sculpture, ornamental work, or
cement. The external entrance, invari-
ably between the E.S.E. and S. by W.,
but generally to the east of south, seldom
exceeds five feet high and two feet wide,
and is often so small as to necessitate
crawling on all fours. The architrave, as
previously mentioned, is very large ; but
having once passed it, a passage varying
from three to six feet high, and two to
four wide, leads to the principal domed
chamber, the entrance to which is some-
times by another low aperture as small as
the first. The interior of the cone con-
sists of one, two, or three domed cham-
bers, placed one above the other, and di-
minishing in size in proportion to the ex-
ternal inclination ; the lowest averaging
from fifteen to twenty feet in diameter,
and from twenty to twenty-five in height.
The base of each is always circular, but,
when otherwise, elliptical ; the edges of
the stones, where the tiers overlay each
other, are worked off, so that the exterior
assumes a semiovoidal form, or that of
which the section would be a parabola,
the apex being crowned with a large flat
stone, resting on the last circular layer,
which is reduced to a small diameter."
" In the interior of the lowest chamber,
and on a level with the floor, are fre-
quently from two to four cells or niches,
formed in the thickness of the masonry
without external communication, varying
from three to six feet long, two to four
wide, and two to five high, and only ac-
cessible by very small entrances. The
access to the second and third chambers,
as well as to the platform on the top of
those Noraghe which have only one
chamber, is by a spiral corridor made in
the building, either as a simple ramp,
with a gradual ascent, or with rough
irregular steps made in the stones. The
corridor varies from three to six feet in
height, and from two to four in width,
and the outer side either inclines accord-
ing to the external wall of the cone, and
the inner side according to the domed
chamber, or resembles in the section a
segment of a circle. The entrance to
this spiral corridor is generally in the
horizontal passage which leads from the
external entrance to the first-floor cham-
ber of the cone ; though sometimes it is
by a small aperture in the chamber, about
six or eight feet from the base, and very
difficult of entry. The upper chambers
are entered by a small passage at right
angles to this corridor; and opposite to
this passage, is often a small aperture in
the outer wall, having apparently no re-
gular position, though frequently over the
external entrance to the ground floor ;
while, in some instances, there are several
apertures so made that only the sky, or
most distant objects in the horizon, are
visible."
Such is the description of these
singular structures — when and by
whom built ? Their number must have
been very great indeed ; for although
there have ever been decay and ab-
straction of the materials for common
purposes going on, there are now up-
wards of three thousand in existence ;
yet, not one has been built during the
last 2500 years. Not only is the
inquiry, by whom, and when were
they erected, but for what purpose ?
On all these points, various opinions
have been given. Mr Tyndale, who
lias well weighed all that has been
written on the subject, is of opinion
that they were built by the very early
Canaanites, when, expelled from their
country, they migrated to Sardinia.
There are visible indications of other
migrations of the Canaanites, but no-
where are exactly, or even nearly
similar buildings found. We know,
upon the authority of Procopius, that
in Mauritania were two columns, on
which were inscribed in Phoenician cha-
racters, " We are those who fled from
the face of Joshua, the robber, the son
of Nane." There is certainly a kind of
similarity between these buildings and
the round towers of Ireland— a sub-
ject examined by our author ; but
there is also a striking dissimilarity in
dimensions, they not being more than
from eight to fifteen feet in diameter.
But there is a tumulus on the banks
of the Boyne, between Drogheda and
Slane, which in its passages, domed
chambers, and general dimensions,
may find some affinity Avith the Sarde
Noraghe. It certainly is curious that
an opinion has been formed, not with-
out show of reason for the conjecture,
that these people, whether as Canaan-
ites, Phoenicians, or Carthaginians,
reached Ireland ; and it is well known
that the single specimen of the Car-
thaginian language, in a passage in
Plautus, is very intelligible Irish.
It has been observed that when Cato,
in the Roman senate, uttered those
celebrated and significant words,
The Island of Sardinia. [J"1y>
" Delenda est Carthago," he was un-
consciously fulfilling a decree against
that denounced people. We should
be unwilling to trace the denunciation
further. There are, however, few things
more astonishing in history, than
that so powerful a people as the Car-
thaginians were— the great rivals of
the masters of the world, should have
been apparently so utterly swept from
the face of the world, and nothing
left, even of their language, but those
few unintelligible (unless they be
Irish) words in Plautus.
The " Sepolture de is Gigantes"
should also be here noticed.
" They may be described as a series of
large stones placed together without any
cement, enclosing a foss or vacuum, from
fifteen to thirty-six feet long, from three
to six wide, the same in depth, with
immense flat stones resting on them as
a covering ; but though the latter are not
always found, it is evident, by a compari-
son with the more perfect sepulture, that
they once existed, and have been destroyed
or removed. The foss runs invariably
from north-west to south-east ; and at the
latter point is a large upright headstone,
averaging from ten to fifteen feet high,
varying in its form from the square, ellip-
tical, and conical, to that of three quar-
ters of an egg, and having in many in-
stances an aperture about eighteen inches
square at its base. On either side of this
still commences a series of separate stones,
irregular in size and shape, but forming
an arc, the chord of which varies from
twenty to forty feet, so that the whole
figure somewhat resembles the bow and
shank of a spear."
Their number must have been very
great. They are called sepulchres of
giants by the Sardes, who believe that
giants were buried within them. There
is no doubt that these Sepolture and
Noraghe were works of one and the
same people. Mr Tyndale thinks, if
the one kind of structure were tombs,
so were the other : we should draw a
different conclusion from their general
contiguity to each other. It should
be mentioned, that in the Noraghc
have been found several earthenware
figures, which are described in La
Marmora's work as Phoenician idols.
There is another very remarkable ob-
ject of antiquity—" a row of six coni-
cal stones near the Sepoltura, standing
in a straight line, a few paces apart
from each other, with the exception
1849.]
The Island of Sardinia.
37
of one, which has been upset, and lies
on the ground, but in the sketch is
represented as standing. They are
about four feet eight inches high, of
two kinds, aud have been designated
male and female, from three of them
having two globular projections from
the surface of the stone, resembling
the breasts of a woman." He meets
elsewhere with five others, there evi-
dently having been a sixth, but with-
out the above remarkable significance.
We know, from Herodotus, that co-
lumns were set up with female em-
blems, denoting the conquest over an
effeminate people, but can scarcely at-
tribute to these such a meaning, for
they are together of both kinds. For a
curious and learned dissertation upon
the subject of these antiquities, we
confidently refer the reader toMrTyn-
dale's book.
After the mention of these singular
monuments, perhaps of three thousand
years ago, it may be scarcely worth
while to notice the antiquities of, com-
paratively speaking, a modern date,
Roman or other. Nor do we intend
to speak of the history of the people
under the Romans or Carthaginians,
and but shortly notice that kind of
government under " Giudici," as
princes presiding over the several
provinces some centuries before the
Pisan, Genoese, and Aragon posses-
sion of the island. The origin of this
government is involved in much ob-
scurity ; there are, however, docu-
ments of the eleventh and twelfth
centuries, which speak of preceding
Giudici, and their acts. It would be
idle to inquire why they were called
Giudici : it may suffice, that the
"judges" were the actual rulers.
" It is supposed," says our author,
" that the whole island was originally
comprehended in one Giudicato, of
which Cagliari was the capital ; but,
in the course of time, the local inter-
ests of each grew sufficiently self-
important to cause a subdivision and
establishment of separate Giudicati."
The minor ones were in time swal-
lowed up by the others, and only four
remained, of which there is a precise
history, Cagliari, Arborea, Gallura,
and Logudoro.
To us, the government of Giudicati
is interesting from its similarity to the
condition of England under the Hep-
tarchy. This similarity is traced
through its detail by Mr Tyndale.
The Giudici are mentioned as early as
598, though there is no account of any
direct succession till about 900. " In
both countries the ecclesiastics took a
leading part in the administration of
public affairs ; and the hierarchy of
Sardinia was as sacred and honoured
as that of England, where, by the laws
of some of the provinces of the Hep-
tarchy, the price of the archbishop's
head was even higher than that of the
king's. It is unnecessary, though it
would be easy, to give further proofs
of similarity in the institutions of the
two countries ; but those above are
sufficient to show their analogy, with-
out the appearance of there having
been the slightest connexion or com-
munication with each other, or derived
from the same origin." Perhaps
something may be attributed to the
long possession of both countries by
the Romans. We have not certainly
lost all trace of them in our OAvn.
The government of the Giudici was
not characterised by feudalism, before
the Pisan, Genoese, and Aragon in-
fluence. It did, however, become
established in all its usual forms.
Feudalism has, however, been abo-
lished by the present reigning family ;
and we trust, notwithstanding our
author's evident doubts and suspicions,
that the change Avill ultimately, if not
immediately, be for the happiness of
the Sardes. It requires a very inti-
mate knowledge of a people, of their
habits, their modes of thinking, their
character as a race, as well as their
character from custom, to say that
this or that form of government is best
suited to them.
The constitution-mongering fancy
is a very mischievous one, and is
generally that of a very self-conceited
mind. There are some among ns, in
high places, who have dabbled very
unsuccessfully that way ; and there is
now enough going on in the state of
Europe to read them a good lesson.
Carlo Alberto is no great favourite
with Mr Tyndale; yet we are not
sure that he has not done more wisely
for Sardinia than if the barons had set
aside their " pride and ignorance,"
and made such " spontaneous conces-
sions" as we find elsewhere have not
had very happy terminations. Wo
38
The Island of Sardinia.
[July,
conclude the following was written
prior to events which throw rather a
new light on the nature of constitu-
tional reforms, as they are called :
" In Hungary and Sicily the nobles,
with generous patriotism, voluntarily
conceded, not only privileges, but
pecuniary advantages, and the people
have reaped the benefit. In Sardinia,
the empty pride and ignorance of the
greater part of the feudal barons
always prevented such a spontaneous
concession." We beg Mr Tyndale to
reflect upon the peculiar benefits those
two happy people are now reaping.
A man cannot tell his own growth of
mind and character, how he comes to
be what he is ; but he must have little
reflection indeed not to know, that,
under other circumstances than those
in which he has been placed, he must
have been a very different man, and
have required a very different kind of
self, or other government, to regulate
his own happiness. So institutions
grow — and so governments. Paper
changes are very pretty pieces for
declamation ; but for sudden applica-
cation, and that to all, whatever their
condition in morals and knowledge,
they are but " or\\ta.Ta. Xvypa," and in-
dicate bloodshed.
To return, however. We will not
dismiss the subject of the Giudici
without the mention of two persons
whose romantic histories are inti-
mately connected with Sardinian af-
fairs. The celebrated Enzio, illegiti-
mates on of the Emperor Frederick II.
and the Giudicessa Eleonora. More
than a century elapsed between these
two extraordinary characters ; the
benefits conferred on Sardinia by the
latter may be said to- still live in
some of the excellent laws which she
established.
Enzio, not a Sarde by birth, by his
marriage with Adelasia, a widow,
Giudicessa of Torres, and Gallura, and
a part of Cagliari, came into posses-
sion of those .provinces, and soon, by
treaty and force of arms, became
powerful over the whole island. The
favourite son of Frederick II., as a
matter of course, he obtained the
enmity of Gregory IX., who had, by
this marriage, been foiled in his
schemes upon Sardinia, through a
marriage he contemplated between
Adelasia and one of his own relatives.
Enzio bore an illustrious part in the
warfare of those times, between the
Pope and the Emperor ; and such was
his success, that, after his celebrated
engagement of the fleets near Leg-
horn, and the capture of the prelates
who had been summoned from the
Empire to the Pope — to prevent whose
arrival this armament was undertaken
— Pope Gregory died in his hundredth
year, his disease having been greatly
aggravated by this disastrous event.
The quarrel was, however, continued
by his successor, Innocent IV., and
the fortune of events turned against
the Emperor. Enzio was taken pri-
soner in an unsuccessful battle near
Modena, by the Bolognese, and was,
though handsomely treated, detained
captive twenty years, during which all
the members of his family quitted this
life. He consoled the hours of his
captivity by music and poetry, in
which he excelled, so as to have ob-
tained eminence as a poet amongst
the poets of Italy. But he enjoyed a
still sweeter solace. When he had
been led in triumph as prisoner into
Bologna, in his twenty-fifth year, so
early had he distinguished himself as
a warrior, the beauty of his person,
and the elegance of his deportment,
awakened in all the tenderest sym-
pathies. An accomplished maiden of
Bologna, Lucia Viadagoli, besides the
pity and admiration which all felt, en-
tertained for him the most ardent
passion ; an intimacy ensued, and the
passion was as mutual as it was ar-
dent. From this connexion, as it is
said, arose the founder of the family
of Bentivoglio, who were, in after years,
the avengers of his sufferings, and
lords over the proud republic. He
had likewise obtained the devoted at-
tachment of a youth, Pietro Asinelli ;
through this faithful friend, a plan was
laid down for his escape, which was
veiy nearly successful. He was car-
ried out in a tun, in which some ex-
cellent wine for the king Enzio's use
had been brought. His friends Asin-
elli and Raineriode' Gonfalioneri were
waiting near, with horses for his es-
cape, when a lock of beautiful hair,
protruding from the barrel, was dis-
covered, either by a soldier, or, as
some say, a maid, or an old mad
woman, for accounts vary. Alarm was
given, and the prisoner resecured in.
1849.]
The, Island of Sardinia.
39
his place of confinement. Goufalioneri
was arrested and executed ; his friend
Asinelli escaped, but was banished
for life. Enzio died in this captivity
in the 47th year of his age, 15th
March 1272, on the anniversary of
his father the Emperor's death, and
the saints' day of his beloved Lucia.
He was buried magnificently at the
expense of the republic. It might
have been recorded of him, that he
possessed every virtue, had not his
conduct to his wife left a stain on his
name. His early and ill-assorted mar-
riage may offer some excuse for one
who showed himself so amiable on all
other occasions. He had won and
governed Sardinia, and " conquered a
great part of Italy, at an age when the
vast majority of youths, even under the
most favourable circumstances, are
but beginning to aspire to glory and
active life ; while, equally fitted for the
duties of a peaceful statesman, he was,
at the same early age, intrusted with
a highly important charge, and op-
posed to the most subtle politicians."
Should any future Hesiod meditate
another poem on illustrious women,
Eleonora of Sardinia will have a con-
spicuous place among the "Hotot."
This Giudicessa was born about the
middle of the fourteenth century.
Her father was Mariano IV., Giudice
of Arborea. She was married to
Brancaleone Doria, a man altogether
inferior to his wife. On the death of
her brother Ugone IV., a man worthy
of note, she assumed the government,
styling herself Giudicessa of Arborea,
in the name of her infant son ; in this
she displayed a talent and vigour
superior even to her father.
" The first occasion on which her cour-
age and political sagacity were tried, was
on the murder of her brother Ugone, and
his daughter Benedetta, when the insur-
gents sought to destroy the whole reign-
ing family, and to form themselves into a
republic. Perceiving the danger which
threatened the lives and rights of her
sons, and undismayed by the pusillani-
mous conduct of her husband, who fled
for succour to the court of Aragon, she
promptly took the command in the state,
and placing herself in arms, at the head
of such troops as remained faithful,
speedily and entirely discomfited the
rebels. She lost no time in taking pos-
session of the territories and castles be-
longing to the Giudici of Arborea, causing
all people to do homage, and swear fealty
to the young prince, her son ; and wrote
to obtain assistance from the King of
Aragon, in restoring order in her Giudi-
cato. Brancalione, encouraged by his
wife's intrepidity and success, asked per-
mission from the King of Aragon to return
to Sardinia with the promised auxiliaries;
but the king, alarmed at the high spirit
of the Giudicessa, prevented his departure,
and kept him in stricter confinement,
under pretence of conferring greater
honours on him. He was, however, at
last allowed to depart, under certain
heavy conditions, one of them being the
surrender of Frederic, his son, as a host-
age for the performance of a treaty then
commenced. On his arrival at Cagliari
in 1384, with the Aragonese army, he
repeatedly besought his wife to submit to
the king, in pursuance of the treaties. It
was in vain. Despising alike the pusillani-
mous recommendation of her husband,
and the threats of the Aragonese general,
she for two years kept up a courageous
and successful warfare against the latter,
till having, by her exertions, acquired an
advantageous position, she commenced a
treaty with her enemy respecting the
sovereignty in dispute, and for the de-
liverance of her husband, who, during the
whole of the time, was kept in close con-
finement at Cagliari."
Finally, these terms of peace, so
honourable to her, were signed by
Don Juan I., who succeeded his
brother Pedro, who died in 1387.
" The peace was but ill kept, for Bran-
caleone, when at liberty, and once more
under the influence of his high-minded
wife, regained his courage, and in 1390,
renewing the war more fiercely than ever,
he continued it for many years, without
the Kings of Aragon ever reducing Eleo-
nora to submission, cr obtaining posses-
sion of her dominions. She formed alli-
ances with Genoa, and, with the aid of
their fleet, took such vigorous measures
that nearly the whole of Logoduro was in
a short time subdued ; while Brancaleone,
inspired by her example, reconquered- Sas-
sari, the castle of Osilo, and besieged the
royal fortresses of Alghero and Chivia."
After this, Don Martino, who suc-
ceeded his brother Don Juan I. of
Aragon, made peace, which secured
the prosperity and honour of Arborea
during the life of Eleonora. But this
extraordinary woman not only, in a
remarkable degree, exhibited the ta-
lents of a great general, and' the genius
of a consummate politician, but, for
that age, a wonderful forethought,
40
Tlte Island of Sardinia.
[July,
sagacity, and humanity, in the fabri-
cation of a code of laws for her people.
As Debora judged Israel, and the
people came to her for judgment, so
might it be said of Eleonora.
" The Carta di Logu, so called from its
being the code of laws in her own do-
minions, had been commenced by her
father, Mariano IV., but being compiled,
finished, and promulgated by Eleonora, to
her is chiefly due the merit of the under-
taking, and the worthy title of enlightened
legislatrix. It was first published on
llth April 1395, and by its provisions,
the forms of legal proceedings and of
criminal law are established, the civil and
customary laws defined, those for the pro-
tection of agriculture enjoined, the rights
and duties of every subject explained,
the punishments for offences regulated ;
and, in these last provisions, when com-
pared with the cruelty of the jurispru-
dence of that age, we are struck with the
humanity of the Carta de Logu, and its
superiority to the other institutions of
that period. The framing of a body of
laws so far in advance of those of other
countries, where greater civilisation ex-
isted, must ever be the highest ornament
in the diadem of the Giudicessa. Its merits
were so generally felt, that, though intend-
ed only for the use of the dominions sub-
ject to her own sceptre, it was some years
after her death adopted throughout the
island, at a parliament held under Don
Alfonzo V., in 1421. This great princess
died of the plague in 1403 or 1404, re-
gretted by all her subjects."
Of the natural curiosities, the Antro
de Nettuno, a stalactitic grotto, about
twelve miles from Alghero, is one of
the most interesting. It was seen by
Mr Tyndale under very favourable
circumstances, he having been invited
by the civic authorities to visit
it in the suite of the King of Sar-
dinia. The Antro de Nettuno is
under the stupendous cliffs of Capo
Caccia, close to the little island of
Foradala. " In parts of the grotto
were corridors and galleries some 300
or 400 feet long, reminding one, if the
comparison is allowable, of the Moor-
ish architecture of the Alhambra. One
of them terminates abruptly in a deep
cavern, into which Ave were pi-evented
descending." " Some of the columns,
in different parts of the grotto, are
from seventy to eighty feet in circum-
ference, and the masses of drapery,
drooping in exquisite elegance, are of
equally grand proportions."
The coast of Alghero is noted for
the Pinna marina, of the mussel tribe,
whose bivalved shell frequently ex-
ceeds two feet in length. As the
shark is accompanied by its pilot fish,
so is this huge mussel by a diminutive
shrimp, supposed to be appointed by
nature as a watchman, but in fact the
prey of the Pinna. The Pinna is fas-
tened by its hinges to the rock, and is
itself a prey to a most wily creature,
the Polypus octopedia. This crafty
creature may be seen, in fine weather,
approaching its victim with a pebble in
its claws, which it adroitly darts into
the aperture of the yawning shells, so
that the Pinna can neither shut itself
close, to pinch off the feelers of the
polypus, nor save itself from being
devoured. The tunny fishery is of
some importance to the Sardes. Mr
Tyndale was present at one of then-
great days of operation, the Tonnara.
A large inclosure is artificially made,
into which the fish pass, when the
" portcullis" is let down, and a great
slaughter commences.
" Fears now began to be expressed
lest the wind, which had increased, should
make it too rough for the Mattanza, but,
while discussing it, a loud cry broke upon
us of Guarda sotto' — ' look beneath.' The
ever watchful Rais, (commander,) whose
eye had never been off its victims, in a
moment had perceived by their move-
ments that they were making for the
Foratico, and, obeying his warning voice,
we all were immediately on our knees,
bending over the sides of the barges, to
watch the irruption, and, from the dead
silence and our position, it appeared as if
we were all at prayers. In less than two
minutes the shoal of nearly 500 had pass-
ed through. The well-known voice shouted
out' Ammorsella' — 'letdown the portcul-
lis,'— down it went amid the general and
hearty cheers of all present ; and the
fatal Foratico, into which ' Lasciate ogni
speranza voi che entrate,' was for ever
closed on them."
Whatever foundation there may be
for conjecture as to the origin of the
races, and extent of Phoenician migra-
tions, we are continually struck with
the resemblance between the Sardes
and the native Irish. There is the
same indolence, the same recklessness,
superstition, and Vendetta — that dis-
regard of shedding human blood, and
the same screening of the murderers,
1849.]
The Island of Sardinia.
who, we are told, though well known,
visit the the towns on " festa " days,
fearlessly and with impunity. But
the Vendetta of the Sardes is not only
more excusable, from a habitual de-
nial or perversion of justice, but it has
its own honourable and humane laws,
not under any circumstances to be in-
fringed, which place it in conspicuous
contrast with the too common bar-
barities and cruelties of our unfortu-
nate sister island.
The Sardinian " fuorusciti " are
not the Italian banditti. The term
includes, with the robber, those who
escape from the arm of the law, and
the avenger of injuries. These take to
the mountains. The common robbers
are few, and their attacks on passen-
gers are for necessary subsistence, and
more commonly for gunpowder with
which they may obtain it. Those
who escape from the consequences of
crime for vengeance — Vendetta — are
many ; but these, as we related, have
their humane code, we might almost
say their romantic — for the presence
of a woman is a perfect security. It is
their law that no atrocity, no Ven-
detta, is allowable when a woman is
in the company. A foe travelling
with wife or child is safe. A melan-
choly instance of a breach of this law
is thus given : —
" A brigand was conducting his wife
on horseback through the mountains
when he suddenly met his adversary, who,
regardless of the conventional and living
flag of , truce, attacked and slew him, to-
gether with his pregnant wife. The re-
lations and friends of the deceased were
not the only outraged parties ; a general
feeling of indignation and vengeance was
kindled throughout the whole province.
Every bandit felt it to be a breach of
their laws of honour; and even the mur-
derer's partisans not only denounced the
act, but ' refused him the kiss of peace.'
The mangled corpses were conveyed home,
and the friends of the deceased having
.sworn, on the body of the unfortunate
Teodora, a perpetual Vendetta against
the family of the assassin, a system of
revenge and bloodshed was framed and
carried out to such an extent, that hun-
dreds of victims, perfectly innocent of
even indirect participation in this single
act of dishonour, fell in all parts of
Gallura."
Another .characteristic story is told.
A party of six females were sojourn-
41
ing at a church, performing a " No-
vena." Some banditti, knowing this,
descended from their mountains to
visit them, and proposed the hospi-
tality of the mountains. The women
assented, and accompanied the ban-
dits, who treated them with respect,
and they closed their evenings with
songs and dancing. The banditti kept
watch the whole night guarding their
fair guests : one of the bandits had
been the rejected lover of one of the
party, whose husband and other
friends, hearing of this departure to
the mountains, in fear and for ven-
geance, collected in force to rescue the
women. The bandits, in their descent,
to conduct back their guests, met the
other party ascending. The pre-
sence of women prohibited Vendetta ;
a truce was therefore demanded, when
the bridegroom and the rejected lover
met, with feelings of past injuries,
and fears of more recent on one side.
Each had his gun cocked ; they felt
them, and gazed at each other. Their
lives were at instant peril, when the
bride rushed into the arms of her hus-
band, seized his gun, and discharged
it ; then, placing herself in front to pro-
tect him, she led him up to the bandit,
and demanded from him his gun. He
yielded it, and she discharged it also.
The rest of the party pressed on, an
explanation was given of the nature
of the visit, and both parties joined in
a feast, and mutual explanations of
former differences were given and re-
ceived, their Vendetta terminated, and
a general and lasting reconciliation
took place. Such quarrels are, how-
ever, sometimes settled otherwise than
by Vendetta. - The " Pad" are recon-
ciliations through means of the priest.
The parties meet in the open air near
some chapel, and such settlements are
perpetual. But another mode is pre-
ferred, by " Ragionatori " or um-
pires ; but appeals may be made from
these to a greater number, whose de-
cision is final- An interesting anecdote
showing their power is thus told : —
" It was the case of a young shepherd
who had been too ardent in his advances
to a young maiden. On the youth de-
murring to the decision as too severe, the
Ragionatori, indignant at his presumption,
arose from under the shady wild olive,
and saying to the surprised spectators,
'we have spoken,and done justice,' salute i
Tlie Island of Sardinia.
42
them and turned towards their homes.
But one of his nearest relations, who was
leaning against the knotted trunk of an
oak, with his bearded chin resting on the
back of his hand on the muzzle of his
gun, raised his head, and, with a fierce
look, extended his right hand to the
Ragionatori : ' Stop, friends ! ' he exclaimed,
* the thing must be finished at this mo-
ment.' Then turning to his nephew, with
a determined and resolute countenance,
and placing his right hand upon his chest,
he said to him, ' Come, instantly ! — either
obey the verdict of the Ragionatori,or '
The offender, at this deadly threat, no
longer hesitated, but approached the
offended party and sued for pardon. The
uncle, thus satisfied, advanced, and de-
manded for him the hand of the maiden ;
the betrothal took place, and things being
thus happily terminated, they betook
themselves to prepare the feast."
We could wish that we had space
to describe an interview our author
had with one of the Fuorusciti, and of
his rescue of his guide from the Ven-
detta. But we must refer to the book
for this, and many other well- told in-
cidents respecting these strange peo-
ple ; and particularly a romantic tale
of " II Rosario e La Palla," which, if
not in all its parts to be credited, is
no bad invention — " Se non e vero e
ben1 trovato."
We would make some inquiry into
the habits and manners of the Sardes.
We have before observed their re-
semblance to the Irish. A descrip-
tion of the houses, or rather huts or
hovels in the country, will remind the
reader of the Irish cabin, where a
hole in the roof serves for chimney,
and the pig and the family associate
on terms of mutual right. Like Ita-
lians in general, they are under a
nervous hydrophobia, and prefer dirt
to cleanliness, and, in common with
really savage nations, lard their hair
with an inordinate quantity of grease.
Washing is very superfluous, as if
they considered the removal of dirt
as the taking off a natural clothing.
Upon one occasion Mr Tyndale, arriv-
ing at a friend's house, and retiring
to his room, sent his servant to re-
quest some jugs of water, for ablution
after a hot ride. This unusual demand
put the whole habitation into commo-
tion, and brought the host and seve-
ral visitors in his rear, into the room,
while Mr Tyndale was in a state of
[July,
nudity, to ascertain the use of so
much water. They had no idea of
this being an indelicate intrusion.
Finding that the water was for a kind
of cold bath, they were astonished —
" What, wash in cold water? what is
the good of it ? do all your country-
men do such things? are they very
dirty in England? we do not wash
in that way — why do you?" Such
were the questions, on the spot, which
he was required to answer. But they
were reiterated by the ladies below
stairs, who expressed amazement at
the eccentricities of the English.
Hospitality is the common virtue
of the Sardes. " In most houses
admitting of an extra room, one is
set apart for the guests — the hospitale
cubiculum of the Romans — ready
and open to all strangers." It would
be the highest offence to offer the
smallest gratuity to the host, however
humble, though a trifle may be given
to a servant. "La mia casa e piccola,
ma il cuore e grande," (my house is
small, but my heart is large,) was the
apology on one occasion of his Caval-
lante, on his arrival in Tempio, where,
owing to the presence of the King,
not a bed was to be had, and the
Cavallante earnestly entreated the use
of his hospitality, which, indeed,
seemed in the proof to bear no pro-
portion to his means of exercising it.
Even the family bed was emptied of
four children and a wife's sister, in
spite of fall remonstrance, for his
accommodation.
Where hospitality is a custom
stronger than law, inns offer few com-
forts and fewer luxuries — the traveller
is supposed to bring, not only his
own provisions, but his own furniture.
Our traveller arriving at Ozieri, a
town with more than eight thousand
inhabitants, "mine host" was asto-
nished at the unreasonable demand of
a bed. Finding how things were, Mr
Tyndale stood in the court-yard,
contemplating the alternative of pre-
senting some of his letters to parties
in the town, when he was attracted
to a window on the other side of the
court, from whence this invitation
issued : " Sir, it is impossible for you
to go to the Osteria ; there is no ac-
commodation fit for you. Apparently
you are a stranger, and if you have
no friends here, pray accept what
1849.]
The Island of Sardinia.
little we can do for you." He ascend-
ed the stairs to thank his hostess,
who sent for her husband, holding a
high government appointment in the
town, who received and entertained
him as if they had been his intimate
friends. On another occasion, in
search of the Perdas Lungas stones,
antiquarian curiosities, he met a
stranger, who, though going to Nuovo
in a great hurry, and anxious to re-
turn for the Festa, on finding he was a
foreigner, insisted on accompanying
him, as he was acquainted with the
way — "one of the many instances,"
says Mr Tyndale, " of Sarde civility
And kindness." And such hospitable
kindness he invariably received,
whether in towns or among the
poorest in the mountain villages, or
more lonely places. It has been
•cynically observed, that hospitality is
the virtue of uncivilised nations.
However selfishly gratifying the exer-
cise of it may Jiave been to that
wealthy Scotch laird, who said that
his nearest neighbour, as a gentleman,
was the King of Denmark, among
such a people as the Sardes, it surely
may be an indication of natural kind-
ness, and, in some degree, of honesty,
for our civilised roguery is a sore
destroyer of open-housed hospitality.
A royal return for hospitable care
is, however, not to be altogether re-
jected. When the King of Sardinia
visited the island, a shepherd of the
little island of Talovara, the ancient
Hermea, near the port of Terranova,
of simple manners and notions, sent
his majesty some sheep and wild
goats, judging that the royal larder
might not be over-richly stored. His
majesty properly, in turn, requested to
know if he could grant him anything.
The shepherd consulted his family
upon all their real and imaginary wants,
and finally decided against luxuries,
but " would not mind if the king gave
him a pound of gunpowder." " On
the royal messenger, therefore, sug-
gesting that he should ask for some-
thing else, the dilemma was greater
than ever ; but, after strolling about,
and torturing his imagination for
several minutes, he suddenly broke
out—" Oh, tell the King of Terra-
firma that I should like to be the king
of Tavolara ; and that if any people
come to live in the island, that they
48
must obey me, as the people obey
him in Terra-firma." What compro-
mise his majesty made between the
regal crown and the pound of gun-
powder, we are not told. Though we
would by no means vouch for this
shepherd's story, which is neverthe-
less very probable, we can vouch for
one not very dissimilar.
Not very long since, a small farmer
in a little village in Somersetshire,
who prided himself on his cheeses, in
a fit of unwonted generosity — for he
was a penurious man — sent to her
majesty Queen Victoria a prime
cheese. A person given to practical
jokes knowing this, bought an eigh-
teenpeuny gilt chain, and sent it in a
letter, purporting to be from her
majesty, appointing him her " well
beloved " mayor of the village, in the
document exalted into a corporate
town, but whereof he, the said mayor,
formed the sole body and whole
authority. The ignorant poor man
swallowed the bait, and called the
village together; gave an ox to be
roasted whole, and walked at the head
of the invited procession, wearing his
chain of office ; and for several weeks
exhibited the insignia of royal favour,
the chain and royal autograph, at
church and at markets. It is a doubt
if he be yet undeceived, and lowered
from his imaginary brief authority.
We know not what our farmer would
say to the use to which the Sardes
apply their cheeses, or what may be
expected from a free trade with them
in this article ; but we learn that so
plentiful was cheese in the Donori
district, in 1842, that some of it was
used for manuring the ground, which
practice would amount to throwing it
away, for they are not given to any
industrial means of agriculture. So
fertile was Sardinia under the Roman's,
that, in the last years of the second
Punic war, corn was so abundant that
it was sold for the mere price of the
freight. Should the reader be curious
to know the result of this cheapness,
he may see it in the present condition,
of Sardinia compared with its former,
a population diminished from about
two millions to about five hundred
and twenty-four thousand, and full
three quarters of the land uncultivated.
The " Attitu," or custom of mourn-
ing around the body of the dead, will
The Island of Sardinia.
[July,
bring to miiid, to those who have wit-
nessed snch a ceremony, the Irish
hovel. The " Conduct! " are ever
more vehement than the vere ploran-
tibtis. The word Attitu is supposed to
be derived from theatat of the Romans,
but it was not an original word
of their language, nor may it have
been so with the Greeks, from whom
they took it. The Sarde Attitadores
are thus described, and the description
perfectly answers to exhibitions we
have witnessed in some remote parts
of Ireland. " They wear black stuff
gowns, with a species of Capucin
hood, and, maintaining a perfect si-
lence, assume the air of total ignorance
as to there having been a death in the
family, till, suddenly and accidentally
seeing the dead body, they simulta-
neously commence a weeping, wail-
ing, and gnashing of teeth, accom-
panied with groans and ejaculations,
— tearing their hair, throwing them-
selves on the ground, raising their
clenched fists maniacally to heaven,
and carrying on the attitudes and ex-
pressions of real anguish." It is cu-
rious that the " ailiuon" of the Greeks
is traced to the Phoenicians, and, on
the authority of Athenaius, " Linus
was a mythological personage, who
gave his name to a song of a mourn-
ful character." It is said that the
Phoanician "Lin" signifies complaint.
It would be well if writers, especi-
ally travellers, would exercise a little
more forbearance in speaking of the
superstitions of the people amongst
whom they are thrown. It is too
prevalent a custom to attribute every
superstition to the priesthood, where-
as the mere traveller can scarcely be
able to distinguish what belongs wholly
and hereditarily to the people, and
what the priests enjoin. We suspect
in most instances the foundation is in
the people, and that the priests could
not, though in many cases it may be
admitted they would not, put a stop
to them. They would too often lose
their influence in the attempt, and
find themselves compelled to acquiesce
in practices and ceremonies of which
they do not approve. Those who
treat with contempt and ridicule the
superstitions of other countries do not
scrutinise those of their own. It is true
ours are wearing out, and before their
expiration become very innocent: at-
tempts to suppress them by authority
would only tend to perpetuate them.
It would be very silly, for instance, to
issue a proclamation against " May
day," or to remind the innocents who
crown the Maypole that they are fol-
lowing a pagan and not very decent
worship and ceremony. Superstitions
are the natural tares of the mind, and
spring up spontaneously, and among
the wheat, too, it should be observed j
and we should remember the warning
not to be over eager to uproot the
tares, lest we uproot the wheat also.
It is the object of travel to gratify
curiosity, and the nature of travel to
increase the appetite for it. It is,
therefore, like wholesome food, which
by giving health promotes a fresh re-
lish ; but there arises from this tra-
veller's habit a less nice distinction as
to quality, and at length a practised
voracity is not dismayed by quantity.
The inquirer is on the look-out, and
overlooks but little ; and in all Roman
Catholic countries there is no lack of
infidels, happy to have their tongues
loosened in the presence of question-
ing Englishmen, and to pour into their
listening ears multitudes of tales, fab-
ricated or true, as it may chance, with
a feeling of hatred for the religion of
their country — for the superstition cf
unbelief is inventive and persecuting.
We are not for a moment meditating
a defence of Romish superstitions, but
we think they are too widespread,
and too mixed up with the entire habit
of thought of the general population,
to render a sudden removal possible,
or every attempt safe. The reforma-
tion will not commence with the un-
learned. In the meanwhile, there is a
demand on the traveller's candour and
benevolence for the exercise of for-
bearance ; for we doubt if a foreign
traveller in our own country would
not, were he bent upon the search,
pick up, amongst both our rural and
town population, a tolerably large col-
lection of the " Admiranda" of super-
stition, and sectarian and other saints,
with surprising lives and anecdotes,
to rival the Romish calendar and the
" Aurea Leggenda." We offer these
few remarks, because we think our
author in his anti-popish zeal, and
abhorrence of " ignorance," is too
much inclined to see all the wrong,
and overlook the good in — shall we say
1849.]
Tlie Island of Sardinia.
45
the superstitions he meets with, and
to conclude that the clergy encourage,
where, and possibly wisely, they
only tolerate. It may not be amiss
here to refer to a fact narrated by our
author, that a Capucin convent at
Ozieri is at present indebted for the
severity with which its laws are
iuforced, to the interference of the
bishop, not to establish but to put
down a pretended miracle. A nun
had announced that she had received
the " stigmata;" pilgrims flocked, and
offerings were made. The bishop
suspected, perhaps more than sus-
pected, fraud, caused a strict inquiry,
and the miraculous Stigmata disap-
peared. But let ns come to an in-
stance where the clergy encouraged,
or, to be candid, assuming the perfect
truth of the narration, originated a
superstitious fear. It is one that had
so much reverence of a right kind in
it, and so much of truth at least in the
feeling, if not in the fact, as may well
pass for a kind of belief in the minds
of those who propagated it.
When the King of Sardinia visited
the island, he caused some excavations
to be made at Tcrranova. Tombs
were broken into, and the dead de-
spoiled of their rings, buckles, and
other ornaments ; upon which, Mr
Tyndale says, " a heavy gale of wind
and storm, having done some damage
to the town, during the progress of
digging up the graves, the priests
assured the people, and the people
reitemted the assurance, that the
calamity arose from, and was a pun-
ishment for having disturbed and dug
up the tombs of the holy saints and
martyrs of Terranova !"
Is the mark of admiration one of
approbation or the re verse? We cannot
believe it to be one of contempt, and
are sure our author would not wish to
see the feeling — to the credit of human
nature, a common one — eradicated.
When the Scythians were taunted
with flying before their invaders, they
simply replied, " We will stay and fight
at the burial places of our fathers."
They considered no possession so well
worth preserving intact.
When Mr Tyndale was receiving
hospitality in a shepherd's hut among
the mountains, a Ronuts arrived with
a box of relics. The household within
doors, a mother and daughters, placed
themselves on their knees before it.
They embraced the box, and three
times affectionately kissed it, and
expressed dismay in their looks that
their guest did not do likewise. He
admits they looked upon him as an
infidel, but they did not treat him, on
that account, as Franklin's apologue
feigned that Abraham treated his
unbelieving aged stranger guest, but
bore with him, as the warning and
reproving voice told Abraham to do.
The poor hostess, in her ignorance,
knew not even whose relics she had
reverenced, for hers was the common
answer, when inquired of as to this
particular — " Senzadubbio la reliquia
d'una Santa del Paese, ben conosciuta
dapertutto." But this poor family
superstition did not harden the heart ;
the shepherd's wife believed at least
in the sanctity of some saint, and that
veneration for a life passed in holiness,
by whomsoever, demanded of her good-
will to all, and kindly hospitality, and
such as should overcome even the
prejudice of an ignorant shepherd's
wife ; and therefore we must quote
Mr Tyndale's confession to this virtue
of her faith. " If the ignorance and
superstitious credulity of my present
hostess were great, her hospitality
and generosity were no less. She
soon recovered from her momentary
horror of my heretical irreverence,
and, though not the bearer of a holy
relic, it was with some difficulty I
could get away without having several
cheeses put into my saddle-bags ; and
when my repeated assurances that I
was not partial to them at length
induced her to desist, she wanted to
send her husband to bring me home a
kid or a lamb. She would have con-
sidered it an insult to have been
offered any payment for her gifts, had
they been even accepted ; and after
repeated expressions of her wish to
supply me from her humble store, we
parted with a shower of mutual bene-
dictions." We have brought to
our remembrance patriarchal times,
when kids and lambs were readily set
before wayfaring strangers. There
have been, and are, worse people in
the world than those poor ignorant
superstitious Sardcs.
Not far from San Martino our tra-
veller halted, to inquire his way at
an " ovile," the shepherd's hut. It
46
The Island of Sardinia.
[July,
may not be unsatisfactory to describe
the dwellings whose inhabitants are
thus hospitable. The hut here spoken
of was rude enough — a mass of stones
in a circle of about twelve feet dia-
meter, and eight feet high, with a
conical roof made of sticks and reeds.
The whole family had but one bed ; a
few ashes were burning in a hole in
the groiind ; a bundle of clothes, some
flat loaves of bread, and three or four
pans, made up the inventory of goods.
The shepherd was preparing to kill a
lamb for his family, yet he offered to
accompany the stranger, which he
did, and went with him a distance of
three miles. " After showing me the
spot, and sharing a light meal, I
offered him a trifle for his trouble ;
but he indignantly refused it, and, on
leaving to return home, gave me an
adieu with a fervent but courteous
demeanour, which would have shamed
many a mitred and coroneted head."
We are not, however, to conclude
that all the shepherd districts, how-
ever they may bear no reproach on
the score of hospitality, are regions of
innocence and virtue. We are told,
on the authority of a Padre Angius,
that the people of Bonorva are quar-
relsome and vindictive ; and a stoiy
is told of their envious character. A
certain Don Pietrino Prunas was the
owner of much cattle, and ninety-
nine flocks of sheep ; he was assassi-
nated on the very day he had brought
the number to a hundred, for no other
reason than out of envy of his happi-
ness. And here Mr Tyndale rem arks,
in a aote, a French translator's care-
lessness. " Valery, in mentioning
the circumstance, says that he was
murdered ' le jour mSme oil il atteign-
ait sa centieme annee.' " The words
professed to be translated are,
" Padrone di 99 greggi di pecori,
trucidato nel giorno istesso che ei
doneva formarsi la centessima."
The reader will not expect to find
accounts of many treasures of the
fine arts in Sardinia. Convents and
churches are, however, not without
statues and pictures. Nor do the
clergy or inmates of convents possess
much knowledge on the subject. If
a picture is pronounced a Michael
Angelo, without doubt the possessors,
with a charming simplicity, would
inquire u who Michael Angelo was."
We quote the following as worthy
the notice of the Arnndel Society,
particularly as it is out of the general
tourings of connoisseurs.
" The screen of the high altar (the
church at Ardara) is covered with por-
traits of apostles, saints, and martyrs,
apparently a work of the thirteenth or
early part of the fourteenth century ;
and, notwithstanding the neglect and
damp, the colours and gildings are still
bright and untarnished. Many of them
are exquisitely finished, with all the
fineness of an Albert Durer and Holbein,
and will vie with the best specimens of
the early masters in the gallery of Dres-
den, or the Pinakotheke at Munich."
Valery, the mis translator just men-
tioned, is in ecstacy in his notice of
these works. He considers them
worthy the perpetuity which the
graver alone can give them, and con-
siders how great their reputation
would be had they found a Lanzi, a
d'Agincour, or a Cicognara.
We have now travelled with our
agreeable, well-informed author over
much country — wild, and partially cul-
tivated ; have speculated with him
upon all things that attracted atten-
tion by the way; and, though the
roads have been somewhat rough, we
have kept our tempers pretty well —
no light accomplishment for fellow-
travellers ; and our disputes have
been rather amusing than serious.
We now enter with him the capital
of Sardinia — Cagliari. We shall not
follow him, however, through the mo-
dem town, though there can be no
better cicerone ; nor look in at the
museum, fearful of long detention ;
not even to examine the Phoenician
curiosities, or discuss the identity in
character, with them, of some seals
found in the bogs of Ireland ; or to
speculate with Sir George Staunton
as to their Chinese origin, and how
they unaccountably found themselves,
some in an Irish bog and some in
excavated earth in Sardinia, and from
thence into the museum at Cagliari.
We are content to visit some Roman
antiquities, and read inscriptions prob-
ably of the age of the Antonines, or
of an earlier period. The monuments
are sepulchral : one is of a very in-
teresting character. It is of some ar-
chitectural pretensions — in honour of
an exemplary wife, who, like Alces-
1849.]
The Island of Sardinia.
tis, is said to have died for her hus-
band. The prose tale, were it in ex-
istence, might have told, perhaps, how
Pomptilla — for that is her name — at-
tended her husband in a sickness,
caught his fever, and died, while he
recovered. The inscriptions are many.
Some have been made out tolerably
well : they are in Latin and Greek.
One, in Greek, has so much tender-
ness, that, deeming it quite worthy the
melancholy cadence of verse, we have
been tempted to substitute our own
translation for that of Mr Tyndale in
prose, with which we are not quite
satisfied.
Pomptilla, from tby dew-embalmed earth,
Which mournful homage of our love receives,
May fairest lilies rise,
Pale flow'rets of a sad funereal birth —
And roses opening their scarce-blushing leaves,
Of tenderest dyes,
And violets, that from their languid eyes,
Shed perfumed shower —
And blessed amaranth that never dies .
O ! be thyself a flower,
Th' unsullied snow-drop—being and witness
true
Of thy pure self, e'en to perpetual years —
As erst a flow'ret fair Narcissus grew —
And Hyacinthus all bedew'd with tears.
For when, now in the tremulous hour of
death,
Her spouse Philippus near to Lethe drew
His unresisting lips and fainting breath,
A woman's duteous vow she vow'd — •
And gently put aside his drooping head,
And her firm presence to the waters bow'd,
And drank the fatal stream instead.
Such perfect union did stern Death divide,
Th' unwilling husband and the willing wife —
Willing to die, while he, now loathing life,
Through the dear love of his devoted bride —
Still lives, and weeps, and prays that he may
die —
That his released spirit to hers may fly,
And mingled evermore with hers abide.
In taking leave of our author, we
confidently recommend the three
volumes on Sardinia to the general
47
reader — we say general reader, for,
whatever be his taste or pursuit, he
will find amusement and information.
The work is a full work. If the
reader be an antiquary, he will be
gratified with deep research and his-
toric lore ; if an economist, he will
have tabular detail and close statis-
tics; an agriculturist, and would he
emigrate from his own persecuted
lands, he will learn the nature of soils,
their capabilities, and how fair a field
is offered for that importable and ex-
portable commodity, his industry, so
much wanted in Sardinia, and so little
encouraged at home ; if a sportsman,
besides the use of the gun, which he
knows already, he will be initiated
into the mystery of tunny fishing,
and, would he turn it to his profit,
have license to dispose of his game.
Nay, even the wide-awake shop-
keeper may learn how to set up his
" store " in Sassari or Cagliari, and
what stock he had best take out. If
he be a neer-do-weel just returned
from California, and surprised into
the possession of a sackful of gold, Mr
Tyndale will conduct him to the
Barathra into which he may throw it,
whether they be sea-fisheries or land-
marshes ; or into whose pockets he
may deposit the wealth, whose burthen
he is of course wearied in bearing, for
the excitement of generosity in be-
coming a benefactor, or for the amuse-
ment of corrupting.
The work is indeed a " guide book,"
as well as much more, for it tells every
one what he may do profitably or un-
profitably in Sardinia — whether as
traveller and private speculator, mind-
ing his own concerns ; or as an enthu-
siastic disperser of ignorance, and
renovator of the customs, manners,
religion, and political condition of a
people as unlike his own race and
kindred as possible.
48
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
July,
THE CAXTONS. — PAKT XIV.
CHAPTER LXXX.
THERE would have been nothing in
what had chanced to justify the sus-
picions that tortured me, but for my
impressions as to the character of
Vivian.
Reader, hast thou not, in the easy,
careless sociability of youth, formed ac-
quaintance with some one, in whose
more engagingor brilliant qualities thou
hast — not lost that dislike to defects
or vices which is natural to an age when,
even while we err, we adore what is
good, and glow with enthusiasm for
the ennobling sentiment and the vir-
tuous deed — no, happily, not lost dis-
like to what is bad, nor thy quick
sense of it, — but conceived a keen in-
terest in the straggle between the bad
that revolted, and the good that at-
tracted thee, in thy companion? Then,
perhaps, thou hast lost sight of him
for a time — suddenly thou' hearest
that he has done something out of the
way of ordinary good or common-
place evil : And, in either — the good
or the evil — thy mind runs rapidly
back over its old reminiscences, and
of either thou sayest, " How natural !
— only So-and-so could have done this
thing!"
Thus I felt respecting Vivian. The
most remarkable qualities in his cha-
racter were his keen power of calcula-
tion, and his unhesitating audacity —
qualities that lead to fame or to in-
famy, according to the cultivation of
the moral sense and the direction of
the passions. Had I recognised those
qualities in some agency apparently
of good— and it seemed yet doubtful if
Vivian were the agent — I should have
cried, " It is he ! and the better angel
has triumphed!" With the same (alas !
with a yet more impulsive) quickness,
when the agency was of evil, and
the agent equally dubious, I felt that
the qualities revealed the man, and
that the demon had prevailed.
Mile after mile, stage after stage,
were passed, on the dreary, intermin-
able, high north road. I narrated to
my companion, more intelligibly than
I had yet done, my causes for appre-
hension. The Captain at first listened
eagerly, then checked me on the sud-
den. " There may be nothing in all
this!" he cried. "Sir, we must be men
here — have our heads cool, our reason
clear : stop !" And, leaning back in
the chaise, Roland refused further con-
versation, and, as the night advanced,
seemed to sleep. I took pity on his
fatigue, and devoured my heart in
silence. At each stage we heard of
the party of which we were in pursuit.
At the first stage or two we were less
than an hour behind ; gradually, as we
advanced, we lost ground, despite the
most lavish liberality to the postboys.
I supposed, at length, that the mere
circumstance of changing, at each re-
lay, the chaise as well as the horses,
was the cause of our comparative
slowness ; and, on saying this to Ro-
land, as we were changing horses,
somewhere about midnight, he at once
called up the master of the inn, and
gave him his own price for permission
to retain the chaise till the journey's
end. This was so unlike Roland's ordi-
nary thrift, whether dealing with my
money ^ or his own — so unjustified by
the fortune of either — that I could
not help muttering something in apo-
logy-
" Can you guess why I was a
miser ? " said Roland, calmly.
"Amiser! — anythingbutthat! Only
prudent — military men often are so."
" I was a miser," repeated the Cap-
tain, with emphasis. " I began the
habit first when my son was but a
child. I thought him high-spirited, and
with a taste for extravagance. ' Well,'
said I to myself, ' I will save for him ;
boys will be boys.' Then, afterwards,
when he was no more a child, (at least
he began to have the vices of a man !) I
said to myself, 'Patience, he may re-
form still ; if not, I will save money
that I may have power over his self-
interest, since I have none over his
heart. I will bribe him into honour !'
And then — and then — God saw that
I was very proud, and I was punished.
Tell them to drive faster — faster —
why, this is a snail's pace!"
All that night, all the next clay, till
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
towards the evening, we pursued our
journey, without pause, or other food
than a crust of bread and a glass of
wine. But we now picked up the
ground we had lost, and gained upon
the carriage. The night had closed
in when we arrived at the stage at
which the route to Lord N 's
branched from the direct north road.
And here, making our usual inquiry,
my worst suspicions were confirmed.
The carriage we pursued had changed
horses an hour before, but had not
taken the way to Lord N 's ; — con-
tinning the direct road into Scotland.
The people of the inn had not seen
the lady in the carriage, for it was
already dark, but the man-servant,
(whose livery they described) had
ordered the horses.
The last hope that, in spite of ap-
pearances, no treachery had been de-
signed, here vanished. The Captain,
at first, seemed more dismayed than
myself, but he recovered more quickly.
" We will continue the' journey on
horseback," he said ; and hurried to
the stables. All objections vanished
at the sight of his gold. In five
minutes we were in the saddle, with
a postilion, also mounted, to accom-
pany us. We did the next stage in
little more than two-thirds of the time
which we should have occupied in
our former mode of travel — indeed, I
found it hard to keep pace with Ro-
land. We remounted ; we were only
twenty-five minutes behind the car-
riage. We felt confident that we
should overtake it before it could
reach the next town — the moon was
up — we could see far before us — we
rode at full speed. Milestone after
milestone glided by, the carriage was
not visible. We arrived at the post-
town, or rather village ; it contained
but one ppating-house. We were long
in knocking up the ostlers — no car-
riage had arrived just before us ; no
carriage had passed the place since
noon.
What mystery was this ?
"Back, back, boy!" said Roland,
with a soldier's quick wit, and spurring
his j aded horse from the yard. " They
will have taken a cross-road or by-
lane. We shall track them by the
hoofs of the horses or the print of the
wheels."
Our postilion grumbled, and pointed
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCV.
to the panting sides of our horses.
For answer, Roland opened his
hand — full of gold. Away we went
back through the dull sleeping vil-
lage, back into the broad moonlit
thoroughfare. We came to a cross-
road to the right, but the track we
pursued still led us s traight on . We had
measured back nearly half the way to
the post-town at which we had last
changed, when, lo ! there emerged
from a by-lane two postilions and
their horses.
At that sight our companion, shout-
ing loud, pushed on before us and
hailed his fellows. A few words gave
us the information we sought. A
wheel had come off the carriage just
by the turn of the road, and the young
lady and her servants had taken refuge
in a small inn not many yards down
the lane. The man-servant had dis-
missed the post-boys after they had
baited their horses, saying they were
to come again in the morning, and
bring a blacksmith to repair the wheel.
" How came the wheel off?" asked
Roland sternly.
" Why, sir, the linch-pin was all
rotted away, I suppose, and came
out."
" Did the servant get off the dickey
after you set out, and before the acci-
dent happened ?"
" Why, yes. He said the wheels
were catching fire, that they had not
the patent axles, and he had forgot to
have them oiled."
" And he looked at the wheels, and
shortly afterwards the linch-pinch
came out?— Eh?"
"Anon, sir!" said the postboy »
staring ; " why, and indeed so it was !"
" Come on, Pisistratus, we are in
time; but pray God — pray God —
that — " the Captain dashed his spur
into the horse's sides, and the rest of
his words was lost to me.
A few yards back from the cause-
way, a broad patch of green before it,
stood the inn— a sullen, old-fashioned
building of cold gray stone, looking
livid in the moonlight, with black firs
at one side, throwing over half of it a
dismal shadow. So solitary! not a
house, not a hut near it. If they who
kept the inn were such that villany
might reckon on their connivance, and
innocence despair of their aid — there
was no neighbourhood to alarm — no
50
TJie Caxtons.—Part XIV.
[July,
refuge at hand. The spot was well
chosen.
The doors of the inn were closed ;
there was a light in the room below ;
but the outside shutters were drawn
over the windows on the first floor. My
uncle paused a moment, and said to
the postilion—
" Do you know the back way to
the premises ?"
" No, sir ; I does'nt often come
by this way, and they be new folks
that have taken the house — and I
hear it don't prosper over-much."
" Knock at the door — we will stand
a little aside while you do so. If any
one ask what you want — merely
say you would speak to the servant —
that you have found a purse ; — here,
hold up mine."
Eoland and I had dismounted, and
my uncle drew me close to the wall
by the door. Observing that my im-
patience ill submitted to what seemed
to me idle preliminaries,
" Hist !" whispered he ; " if there be
anything to conceal within, they will
not answer the door till some one has
reconnoitred : were they to see us,
they would refuse to open. But see-
ing only the postboy, whom they will
suppose at first to be one of those who
brought the carriage — they will have
no suspicion. Be ready to rush in the
moment the door is unbarred.
My uncle's veteran experience did
not deceive him. There was a long
silence before any reply was made to the
postboy's summons ; the light passed
to and fro rapidly across the window,
as if persons were moving within.
Eoland made sign to the postboy to
knock again ; he did so twice — thrice
— and at last, from an attic- window
in the roof, a head obtruded, and a
voice cried, " Who are you ? — what do
you want?"
" I'm the postboy at the Red Lion;
I want to see the servant with the
brown carriage; I have found this
purse 1"
" Oh, that's all— wait a bit."
The head disappeared; we crept
along under the projecting eaves of
the house; we heard the bar lifted
from the door ; the door itself cau-
tiously opened ; one spring and I
stood within, and set my back to the
door to admit Roland.
"Ho, help!— thieves .'—help!" cried
a loud voice, and I felt a hand gripe
at my throat. I struck at random in
the dark, and with effect, for my
blow was followed by a groan and a
curse.
Roland, meanwhile, had detected
a ray through the chinks of a door in
the hall, and, guided by it, found his
way into the room at the window of
which we had seen the light pass and
go, while without. As he threw the
door open, I bounded after him ; and
saw in a kind of parlour, two females —
the one a stranger, no doubt the hostess,
the other the treacherous abigail.
Their faces evinced their terror.
" Woman," I said, seizing the last,
"where is Miss Trevanion?" In-
stead of replying, the woman set up
a loud shriek. Another light now
gleamed from the staircase, which
immediately faced the door, and I
heard a voice that I recognised as
Peacock's, cry out, " Who's there ? —
what's the matter?"
I made a rush at the stairs. A bur-
ley form (that of the landlord, who
had recovered from my blow) ob-
structed my way for a moment, to
measure its length on the floor at the
next. I was at the top of the stairs,
Peacock recognised me ; recoiled, and
extinguished the light. Oaths, cries,
and shrieks, now resounded through
the dark. Amidst them all, I sud-
denly heard a voice exclaim, " Here,
here! — help!" It was the voice of
Fanny. I made my way to the right,
whence the voice came, and received a
violent blow. Fortunately, it fell on
the arm which I extended, as men do
who feel their way through the dark.
It was not the right arm, and I seized
and closed on my assailant. Roland
now came up, a candle in his hand ;
and at that sight my antagonist, who
was no other than Peacock, slipped
from me, and made a rush at the
stairs. But the Captain caught him
with his grasp of iron. Fearing nothing
for Roland in a contest with any single
foe, and all my thoughts bent on the
rescue of her whose voice again broke
on my ear, I had already (before the
light of the candle which Roland held
went out in the struggle between him-
self and Peacock) caught sight of a door
at the end of the passage, and thrown
myself against it : it was locked, but
it shook and groaned to my pressure.
1849.]
"Hold back, whoever you are!"
cried a voice from the room within,
far different from that wail of distress
which had guided my steps. " Hold
back, at the peril of your life !"
The voice, the threat, redoubled my
strength ; the door flew from its fast-
enings. I stood in the room. I saw
Fanny at my feet, clasping my hands ;
then, raising herself, she hung on my
shoulder and murmured, " Saved !"
Opposite to me, his face deformed by
passion, his eyes literally blazing
with savage fire, his nostrils dis-
tended, his lips apart, stood the man
I have called Francis Vivian.
" Fanny — Miss Treyanion — what
outrage — what villany is this ? You
have not met this man at your free
choice, — oh speak!" Vivian sprang
forward.
" Question no one but me. Un-
hand that lady, — she is my betrothed
— shall be my wife."
" No, no, no, — don't believe him,"
cried Fanny; " I have been betrayed
by my own servants — brought here,
I know not how ! I heard my father
was ill ; I was on my way to him :
that man met me here, and dared
to"—
" Miss Trevanion — yes, I dared to
say I loved you."
"" Protect me from him! — you will
protect me from him ! "
" No, madam ! " said a voice behind
me, in a deep tone, "it is I who
claim the right to protect you from
that man; it is I who now draw
around you the arm of one sacred,
even to him ; it is I who, from this
spot, launch upon his head — a father's
curse. Violator of the hearth ! Baffled
ravisher ! — go thy way to the doom
which thou hast chosen for thyself.
God will be merciful to me yet, and
give me a grave before thy course find
its close in the hulks — or at the gal-
lows ! "
A sickness came over me — a terror
froze my veins — I reeled back, and
leant for support against the wall.
Roland had passed his arm round
Fanny, and she, frail and trembling,
clung to his broad heart, looking
fearfully up to his face. And never
in that face, ploughed by deep emo-
tions, and dark with unutterable sor-
rows, had I seen an expression so
grand in its wrath, so sublime in its
The Ccutons.—Part XIV.
51
despair. Following the direction of
his eye, stern and fixed as the look of
one who prophesies a destiny, and de-
nounces a doom, I shivered as I
gazed upon the son. His whole
frame seemed collapsed and shrink-
ing, as if already withered by the
curse : a ghastly whiteness overspread
the cheek, usually glowing with the
dark bloom of Oriental youth; the
knees knocked together; and, at last,
with a faint exclamation of pain, like
the cry of one who receives a death-
blow, he bowed his face over his
clasped hands, and so remained —
still, but cowering.
Instinctively I advanced and placed
myself between the father and the
son, murmuring, " Spare him; see,
his own heart crushes him down."
Then stealing towards the son, I whis-
pered, " Go, go; the crime was not
committed, the curse can be recalled."
But my words touched a wrong chord
in that dark and rebellious nature.
The young man withdrew his hands
hastily from his face, and reared his
front in passionate defiance.
Waving me aside, he cried,
" Away ! I acknowledge no authority
over my actions and my fate ; I al-
low no mediator between this lady
and myself. Sir," he continued, gaz-
ing gloomily on his father — " sir, you
forget our compact. Our ties were
severed, your power over me an-
nulled ; I resigned the name you bear ;
to you I was, and am still, as the dead.
I deny your right to step between me
and the object dearer to me than life.
" Oh ! " (and here he stretched forth
his hands towards Fanny) — " oh ! Miss
Trevanion, do not refuse me one
prayer, however you condemn me.
Let me see you alone but for one
moment; let me but prove to you
that, guilty as I may have been, it was
not from the base motives you will
hear imputed to me — that it was not
the heiress I sought to decoy, it was
the woman I sought to win ; oh I
hear me" —
" No, no," murmured Fanny, cling-
ing closer to Eoland, " do not leave
me. If, as it seems, he is your son, I
forgive him ; but let him go — I shud-
der at his very voice ! "
" Would you have me, indeed, an-
nihilate the very memory of the bond
between us ? " said Koland, in a hollow
52
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
[July,.
voice; "would you have me see in
you only the vile thief, the lawless
felon, — deliver you up to justice, or
strike you to my feet. Let the me-
mory still save you, and begone!"
Again I caught hold of the guilty son,
and again he broke from my grasp.
" It is," he said, folding his arms de-
liberately on his breast, " it is for me to
command in this house : all who are
within it must submit to my orders.
Yon, sir, who hold reputation, name,
and honour at so high a price, how can
you fail to see that you would rob them
from the lady whom you would protect
from the insult of my affection ? How
would the world receive the tale of your
rescue of Miss Trevanion? how believe
that — Oh pardon me, madam, — Miss
Trevanion — Fanny — pardon me — I
am mad ; only hear me — alone — alone
— and then if you too say ' Begone,' I
submit without a murmur; I allow
no arbiter but you."
But Fanny still clung closer, and
closer still, to Roland. At that mo-
ment I heard voices and the trampling
of feet below, and supposing that
the accomplices in this villany were
mustering courage, perhaps, to mount
to the assistance of their employer, I
lost all the compassion that had
hitherto softened my horror of the
young man's crime, and all the awe
with which that confession had been
attended. I therefore, this time,
seized the false Vivian with a gripe
that he could no longer shake off, and
said sternly —
" Beware how you aggravate your
offence. If strife ensues, it will not be
between father and son, and — "
Fanny sprang forward. "Do not
provoke this bad, dangerous man. I
fear him not. Sir, I will hear you,
and alone."
"Never!" cried I and Roland sim-
ultaneously.
Vivian turned his look fiercely to
me, and with a sullen bitterness to
his father, and then, as if resigning
his former prayer, he said—" Well
then, be it so ; even in the presence
of those who judge me so severely, I
will speak at least." He paused, and,
throwing into his voice a passion
that, had the repugnance at his guilt
been less, would not have been with-
out pathos, he continued to address
Fanny: "I own that, when I first
saw you, I might have thought of love,
as the poor and ambitious think of
the way to wealth and power. Those
thoughts vanished, and nothing re-
mained in my heart but love and mad-
ness. I was as a man in a delirium
when I planned this snare. I knew
but one object — saw but one heavenly
vision. Oh, mine — mine at least in
that vision — are you indeed lost to
me for ever ! "
There was that in this man's tone
and manner which, whether arising
from accomplished hypocrisy or actual
if perverted feeling, would, I thought,
find its way at once to the heart of a.
woman who, however wronged, had
once loved him ; and, with a cold
misgiving, I fixed my eyes on Miss
Trevanion. Her look, as she turned
with a visible tremor, suddenly met
mine, and I believe that she dis-
cerned my doubt ; for after suffering
her eyes to rest on my own, with
something of mournful reproach, her
lips curved as with the pride of her
mother, and for the first time in my
life I saw anger on her brow.
" It is well, sir, that JTOU have thus
spoken to me in the presence of others,
for in their presence I call upon you
to say, by that honour which the son
of this gentleman may for a while for-
get, but cannot wholly forfeit, — I call
upon you to say, whether by deed,
word, or sign, I, Frances Trevanion,
ever gave you cause to believe that I
returned the feeling you say you
entertained for me, or encouraged you
to dare this attempt to place me in
your power."
"No!" cried Vivian readily, but
with a writhing lip — "no; but where
I loved so deeply, periled all my for-
tune for one fair and free occasion to
tell you so alone, I would not think
that such love could meet only loath-
ing and disdain. What ! — has nature
shaped me so unkindly, that where I
love no love can reply ? What! — has
the accident of birth shut me out from
the right to woo and mate with the
highborn? For the last, at least,
that gentleman in justice should tell
you, since it has been his care to
instil the haughty lesson into me, that
my lineage is one that befits lofty
hopes, and warrants fearless ambi-
tion. My hopes, my ambition — they
were you! Oh, Miss Trevanion, it
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
53
is true that to win you I would
have braved the world's laws, defied
every foe, save him who now rises
before me. Yet, believe me, believe
me, had I won what I dared to aspire
to, you would not have been dis-
graced by your choice ; and the name,
for which I thank not my father,
should not have been despised by the
woman who pardoned my presumption,
— nor by the man who now tramples
on my anguish, and curses me in my
desolation."
Not by a word had Roland sought
to interrupt his son — nay, by a feverish
excitement, which my heart understood
in its secret sympathy, he had seemed
eagerly to court every syllable that
could extenuate the darkness of the
offence, or eyen imply some less sordid
motive for the baseness of the means.
But as the son now closed with the
words of nujust reproach, and the
accents of fierce despair; — closed a
defence that showed in its false pride,
and its perverted eloquence, so utter
a blindness to every principle of that
honour which had been the father's idol,
Roland placed his hand before the eyes
that he had previously, as if spell-
bound, fixed on the hardened offender,
and once more drawing Fanny towards
him, said —
"His breath pollutes the air that
innocence and honesty should breath.
He says ' All in this house are at his
command,' — why do we stay? — let us
go." He turned towards the door,
and Fanny with him.
Meanwhile the louder sounds below
had been silenced for some moments,
but I heard a step in the hall.
Vivian started, and placed himself
before us.
" No, no, you cannot leave me thus,
Miss Trevanion. I resign you — be it
so; I do not even ask for pardon.
But to leave this house thus, without
carriage, without attendants, without
explanation ! — the blame falls on me —
it shall do so. But at least vouchsafe
me the right to repair what I yet can
repair of the wrong, to protect all that
is left to me — your name."
As he spoke, he did not perceive (for
he was facing us, and with his back
•to the door,) that a new actor had
noiselessly entered on the scene, and,
pausing by the threshold, heard his
last words.
"The name of Miss Trevanion, sir —
and from what? " asked the new comer,
as he advanced and surveyed Vivian.
Avith a look that, but for its quiet,
would have seemed disdain, i
" Lord Castleton ! " exclaimed
Fanny, lifting up the face she had
buried in her hands.
Vivian recoiled in dismay, and
gnashed his teeth.
"Sir," said the marquis, "I await
your reply ; for not even you, in my
presence, shall imply that one re-
proach can be attached to the name
of that lady."
" Oh, moderate your tone to me, my
Lord C astleton ! " cried Vivian : " in y ou
at least there is one man I am not for-
bidden to brave and defy. It was to
save that lady from the cold ambition
of her parents — it was to prevent the
sacrifice of her youth and beauty, to
one whose sole merits are his wealth
and his titles — it was this that im-
pelled me to the crime I have com-
mitted, this that hurried me on to risk
all for one hour, when youth at least
could plead its cause to youth; and
this gives me now the power to say
that it does rest with me to protect
the name of the lady, whom your
very servility to that world which you
have made your idol forbids you to
claim from the heartless ambition that
would sacrifice the daughter to the
vanity of the parents. Ha ! the future
Marchioness of Castleton on her way
to Scotland with a pennyless adven-
turer ! Ha! if my lips are sealed,
who but I can seal the lips of those
below in my secret ? The secret shall
be kept, but on this condition — you
shall not triumph where I have failed;
I may lose what I adored, but I do
not resign it to another. Ha ! have I
foiled you, my Lord Castleton? — ha,
ha!"
" No, sir ; and I almost forgive
you the villany you have not effected,
for informing me, for the first time,
that, had I presumed to address
Miss Trevanion, her parents at least
would have pardoned the presump-
tion. Trouble not yourself as to
what your accomplices may say.
They have already confessed their
infamy and your own. Out of my
path, sir ! "
Then, with the benign look of a
father, and the lofty grace of a prince,
54
The Cantons.— Part XIV.
[July,
Lord Castleton advanced to Fanny.
Looking round with a shudder, she
hastily placed her hand in his, and, by
so doing, perhaps prevented some vio-
lence on the part of Vivian, whose
heaving breast, and eye bloodshot,
and still unquailing, showed how little
even shame had subdued his fiercer
passions. But he made no offer to
detain them, and his tongue seemed
to cleave to his lips. Now, as Fanny
moved to the door, she passed Roland,
who stood motionless and with vacant
looks, like an image of stone; and with
a beautiful tenderness, for which
(even at this distant date, recalling
it) I say, " God requite thee, Fanny,"
she laid her other hand on Roland's arm ,
and said, " Come too ; your arm still !"
But Roland's limbs trembled, and
refused to stir ; his head, relaxing,
drooped on his breast, his eyes closed.
Even Lord Castleton was so struck
(though unable to guess the true and
terrible cause of his dejection) that
he forgot his desire to hasten from the
spot, and cried with all his kindliness
of heart, " You are ill — you faint ;
give him your arm, Pisistratus."
"It is nothing," said Roland feebly,
as he leant heavily on my arm,
while I turned back my head with all
the bitterness of that reproach which
filled my heart, speaking in the eyes
that sought him whose place should have
been where mine now was. And, oh ! —
thank heaven, thank heaven! — the look
was not in vain. In the same moment
the son was at the father's knees.
" Oh, pardon — pardon! Wretch,
lost wretch though I be, I bow my head
to the curse. Let it fall — but on me, and
onme only — not on your own heart too."
Fanny burst into tears, sobbing out,
" Forgive him, as I do."
Roland did not heed her.
" He thinks that the heart was not
shattered before the curse could come,"
he said, in a voice so weak as to be
scarcely audible. Then, raising his
eyes to heaven, his lips moved as if he
prayed inly. Pausing, he stretched
his hands over his son's head, and
averting his face, said, " I revoke the
curse. Pray to thy God for par-
don."
Perhaps not daring to trust himself
further, he then made a violent effort,
and hurried from the room.
We followed silently. When we
gained the end of the passage, the
door of the room we had left, closed
with a sullen jar.
As the sound smote on my ear,
with it came so terrible a sense of the
solitude upon which that door had
closed — so keen and quick an appre-
hension of some fearful impulse, sug-
gested by passions so fierce, to a con-
dition so forlorn — that instinctively
I stopped, and then hurried back
to the chamber. The lock of the
door having been previously forced,
there was no barrier to oppose my
entrance. I advanced, and beheld a
spectacle of such agony, as can only
be conceived by those who have looked
on the grief which takes no fortitude
from reason, no consolation from con-
science— the grief which tells us what
would be the earth were man aban-
doned to his passions, and the CHAXCE
of the atheist reigned alone in the
merciless heavens. Pride humbled to
the dust ; ambition shivered into frag-
ments ; love (or the passion mistaken
for it) blasted into ashes ; life, at the
first onset, bereaved of its holiest ties,
forsaken by its truest guide; shame
that writhed for revenge, and re-
morse that knew not prayer — all, all
blended, yet distinct, were in that
aAvful spectacle of the guilty son.
And I had told but twenty years,
and my heart had been mellowed in
the tender sunshine of a happy home,
and I had loved this boy as a stranger,
and, lo — he was Roland's son ! 1 tor-
got all else, looking upon that anguish ;
and I threw myself on the ground by
the form that writhed there, and, fold-
ing my arms round the breast which in
vain repelled me, I whispered, "Com-
fort— comfort — life is long. You shall
redeem the past, you shall efface
the stain, and your father shall bless
yon yet !"
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
55
CHAPTER LXXXI.
I could not stay long with my un-
happy cousin, but still I staid long
enough to make me think it probable
that Lord Castleton's carriage would
have left the inn : and when, as I
passed the hall, I saw it standing before
the open door, I was seized with fear
for Roland ; his emotions might have
ended in some physical attack. Nor
were those fears without foundation.
I found Fanny kneeling beside the
old soldier in the parlour where we
had seen the two women, and bathing
his temples, while Lord Castleton
was binding his arm ; and the mar-
quis's favourite valet, who, amongst
his other gifts, was something of a
surgeon, was wiping the blade of the
penknife that had served instead of a
lancet. Lord Castleton nodded to me,
"Don't be uneasy — a little fainting fit
— we have bled him. He is safe now
— see, he is recovering."
Roland's eyes, as they opened, turn-
ed to me with an anxious, inquiring
look. I smiled upon him as I kissed
his forehead, and could, with a safe
conscience, whisper words which
neither father nor Christian could re-
fuse to receive as comfort.
In a few minutes more we had left
the house. As Lord Castleton's car-
riage only held two, the marquis,
having assisted Miss Trevanion and
Roland to enter, quietly mounted the
seai behind, and made a sign to me
to come by his side, for there was
room for both. (His servant had
taken one of the horses that had
brought thither Roland and myself,
and already gone on before.) No
conversation took place between us
then. Lord Castleton seemed pro-
foundly aifected, and I had no words
at my command.
When we reached the inn at which
Lord Castleton had changed horses,
about six miles distant, the marquis
insisted on Fanny's taking some rest
for a few hours, for indeed she was
thoroughly worn out.
I attended my uncle to his room,
but he only answered my assurances
of his son's repentance with a pressure
of the hand, and then, gliding from me,
went into the furthest recess of the
room, and there knelt down. When
he rose, he was passive and tractable
as a child. He suffered me to assist
him to undress ; and when he had lain
down on the bed, he turned his face
quietly from the light, and, after a
few heavy sighs, sleep seemed merci-
fully to steal upon him. I listened to
his breathing till it grew low and
regular, and then descended to the
sitting-room in which I had left Lord
Castleton, for he had asked me in a
whisper to seek him there.
I found the marquis seated by the
fire, in a thoughtful and dejected atti-
tude.
" I am glad you are come," said he,
making room for me on the hearth,
" for I assure you I have not felt so
mournful for many years ; we have
much to explain to each other. Will
you begin ? they say the sound of the
bell dissipates the thunder- cloud. And
there is nothing like the voice of a
frank, honest nature to dispel all the
clouds that come upon us when we
think of our own faults and the villany
of others. But, I beg you a thousand
pardons — that young man, your rela-
tion ! — your brave uncle's son ! Is it
possible ! "
My explanations to Lord Cas-
tleton were necessarily brief and
imperfect. The separation between
Roland and his son, my ignorance ot
its cause, my belief in the death of the
latter, my chance acquaintance with
the supposed Vivian ; the interest I
took in him ; the relief it was to
the fears for his fate with which he
inspired me, to think he had returned
to the home I ascribed to him ; and the
circumstances which had induced my
suspicions, justified by the result?— all
this was soon hurried over.
" But, I beg your pardon," said the
marquis, interrupting me, " did you, in
your friendship for one so unlike you,
even by your own partial account,
never suspect that you had stumbled
upon your lost cousin ? "
" Such an idea never could have
crossed me."
And here I must observe, that
though the reader, at the first intro-
duction of Vivian, would divine the
secret,:— the penetration of a reader
is wholly different from that of the
The. Caxtons.—Part XIV.
[July,
actor in events. That I had chanced
on one of those curious coincidences
in the romance of real life, which a
reader looks out for and expects in
following the course of narrative, was
a supposition forbidden to me by a
variety of causes. There was not
the least family resemblance between
Vivian and any of his relations ; and,
somehow or other, in Roland's son
I had pictured to myself a form and
a character wholly different from
Vivian's. To me it would have
seemed impossible that my cousin
could have been so little curious
to hear any of our joint family affairs ;
been so unheedful, or even weary, if
I spoke of Roland — never, by a word
or tone, have betrayed a sympathy
with his kindred. And my other con-
jecture was so probable ! — son of the
Colonel Vivian whose name he bore.
And that letter, with the post-mark
of ' Godalming! ' and my belief, too, in
my cousin's death ; even now I am
aot surprised that the idea never
occurred to me.
I paused from enumerating these
excuses for my dulness, angry with
myself, for I noticed that Lord Castle-
ton's fair brow darkened ; — and he ex-
claimed, " What deceit he must have
gone through before he could become
such a master in the art !"
" That is true, and I cannot deny
it," said I. " But his punishment now
is awful ; let us hope that repentance
may follow the chastisement. And,
though certainly it must have been his
own fault that drove him from his
father's home and guidance, yet, so
driven, let us make some allowance
for the influence of evil companionship
on one so young — for the suspicions
that the knowledge of evil produces,
and turns into a kind of false know-
ledge of the world. And in this last
and worst of all his actions " —
"Ah, how justify that!"
" Justify it! — good heavens ! justify
it ! — no. I only say this, strange
as it may seem, that I believe his
affection for Miss Trevanion was for
herself : so he says, from the depth of
an anguish in which the most insincere
of men would cease to feign. But no
more of this, — she is saved, thank
Heaven !"
"And you believe," said Lord
Castleton musingly, "that he spoke
the truth, when he thought that I —
The marquis stopped, coloured sligh tly,
and then went on. " But no ; Lady
Ellinor and Trevanion, whatever
might have been in their thoughts,
would never have so forgot their dig-
nity as to take him, a youth — almost a
stranger— nay, take any one into their
confidence on such a subject."
" It was but by broken gasps, inco-
herent, disconnected words, that Vi-
vian,— I mean my cousin, — gave me
any explanation of this. But Lady
N , at whose house he was stay-
ing, appears to have entertained such
a notion, or at least led my cousin to
think so."
" Ah ! that is possible," said Lord
Castleton, with a look of relief. "Lady
N and I were boy and girl
together ; we correspond ; she has
written to me suggesting that .
Ah! I see, — an indiscreet woman.
Hum ! this comes of lady correspon-
dents !"
Lord Castleton had recourse to the
Beaudesert mixture ; and then, as if
eager to change the subject, began his
own explanation. On receiving my
letter, he saw even more cause to
suspect a snare than I had done, for
he had that morning received a letter
from Trevanion, not mentioning a
word about his illness ; and on turning
to the newspaper, and seeing a para-
graph headed, " Sudden and alarming
illness of Mr Trevanion,' the marquis
had suspected some party manoeuvre
or unfeeling hoax, since the mail that
had brought the letter would have
travelled as quickly as any messenger
who had given the information to the
newspaper. He had, however, im-
mediately sent down to the office of
the journal to inquire on what autho-
rity the paragraph had been inserted,
while he despatched another messen-
ger to St James's Square. The
reply from the office was, that the
message had been brought by a servant
in Mr Trevanion's livery, but was not
admitted as news until it had been
ascertained by inquiries at the minis-
ter's house that Lady Ellinor had re-
ceived the same intelligence, and
actually left town in consequence.
" I was extremely sorry for poor
Lady Ellinor's uneasiness," said Lord
Castleton, " and extremely puzzled,
but I still thought there could be no
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
67
real ground for alarm when your letter
reached me. And when you there
stated your conviction that Mr Gower
was mixed up in this fable, and that
it concealed some snare upon Fanny,
I saw the thing at a glance. The
road to Lord N 's, till within the
last stage or two, would be the road
to Scotland. And a hardy and un-
scrupulous adventurer, with the as-
sistance of Miss Trevanion's servants,
might thus entrap her to Scotland
itself, and there work on her fears ;
or, if he had hope in her affections,
win her consent to a Scotch marriage.
You may be sure, therefore, that I
was on the road as soon as possible.
But as your messenger came all the
way from the city, and not so quick
perhaps as he might have come ; and
then as there was the carriage to see
to, and the horses to send for, I found
myself more than an hour and a half
behind you. Fortunately, however,
I made good ground, and should pro-
bably have overtaken you half-way,
but that, on passing between a ditch
and waggon, the carriage was upset,
and that somewhat delayed me. On
arriving at the town where the road
branched off to Lord.N 's, I was
rejoiced to learn you had taken what I
was sure would prove the right direc-
tion, and finally I gained the clue to
that villanous inn by the report of
the postboys who had taken Miss
Trevanion's carriage there, and met
you on the road. On reaching the inn,
I found two fellows conferring outside
the door. They sprang in as we drove
up, but not before myservantSummers
— a quick fellow, you know, who has
travelled with me from Norway to
Nubia — had quitted his seat, and got
into the house, into which I followed
him with a step, you dog, as active as
your own ! Egad ! I was twenty- one
then ! Two fellows had already knock-
ed down poor Summers, and showed
plenty of fight. Do you know," said
the marquis, interrupting himself with
an air of serio-comic humiliation — "do
you know that I actually — no, you
never will believe it — mind 'tis a secret
— actually broke my cane over one fel-
low's shoulders ? — look i " (and the
marquis held up the fragment of the
lamented weapon.) "And I half sus-
pect, but I can't say positively, that I
had even the necessity to demean my-
self by a blow with the naked hand —
clenched too ! — quite Eton again —
upon my honour it was. Ha, ha !"
And the marquis, whose magnificent
proportions, in the full vigour of man's
strongest, if not his most combative,
age, would have made him a formi-
dable antagonist, even to a couple of
prize-fighters, supposing he had re-
tained a little of Eton skill in euch
encounters — laughed with the glee
of a school-boy, whether at the thought
of his prowess, or his sense of the
contrast between so rude a recourse
to primitive warfare, and his own in-
dolent habits, and almost feminine
good temper. Composing himself,
however, with the quick recollection
how little I could share his hilarity, he
resumed gravely, "It tookus sometime
— I don't say to defeat our foes, but to
bind them, whichlthought a necessary
precaution; — one fellow, Trevanion's
servant, all the while stunning me
with quotations from Shakspeare. I
then gently laid hold of a gown, the
bearer of which had been long trying to
scratch me ; but being luckily a small
woman, had not succeeded in reaching
to my eyes. But the gown escaped,
and fluttered off to the kitchen. I
followed, and there I found Miss Tre-
vanion's Jezebel of a maid. She was
terribly frightened, and affected to be
extremely penitent. I own to you
that I don't care what a man says in
the way of slander, but a woman's
tongue against another woman —
especially if that tongue be in the
mouth of a lady's lady — I think it
always worth silencing ; I therefore
consented to pardon this woman on
condition she would find her way here
before morning. No scandal shall
come from her. Thus you see some
minutes elapsed before I joined you ;
but I minded that the less, as I heard
you and the Captain were already in
the room with Miss Trevanion ; and
not, alas ! dreaming of your connexion
with the culprit, I was wondering
what could have delayed you so long,
— afraid, I own it, to find that Miss
Trevanion's heart might have been
seduced by that — hem — hem ! — hand-
some— young — hem — hem ! — There's
no fear of that '?" added Lord Castle-
ton, anxiously, as he bent his bright
eyes upon mine.
I felt myself colour as I answered
58
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
[July,
firmly, " It is just to Miss Trevanion
to add that the unhappy man owned,
in her presence and in mine, that he
had never had the slightest encourage-
ment for his attempt — never one cause
to believe that she approved the af-
fection, which I try to think blinded
and maddened himself."
" I believe you ; for I think" — Lord
Castleton paused uneasily, again
looked at me, rose, and walked about
the room with evident agitation ;
then, as if he had come to some reso-
lution, he returned to the hearth and
stood facing me.
" My dear young friend," said he,
with his irresistible kindly frank-
ness, " this is an occasion that ex-
cuses all things between us, even my
impertinence. Your conduct from
first to last has been such, that I wish,
from the bottom of my heart, that I
had a daughter to offer you, and that
you felt for her as I believe you feel
for Miss Trevanion. These are not
mere words ; do not look down as if
ashamed. All the marquisates in the
world would never give me the pride
I should feel, if I could see in my life
one steady self-sacrifice to duty and
honour, equal to that which I have
witnessed in you."
" Oh, my lord ! my lord ! "
" Hear me out. That you love
Fanny Trevanion, I know ; that she
may have innocently, timidly, half
unconsciously, returned that affection,
I think probable. But — "
" I know what you would say ;
spare me — I know it all."
" No ! it is a thing impossible ; and,
if Lady Ellinor could consent, there
would be such a life-long regret on
her part, such a weight of obligation
on yours, that — no, I repeat, it is
impossible ! But let us both think
of this poor girl. I know her better
than you can — have known her from
a child : know all her virtues —
they are charming; all her faults —
they expose her to danger. These
parents of hers — with their genius, and
ambition — may do very well to rule
England, and influence the world ;
but to guide the fate of that child —
no !" Lord Castleton stopped, for he
was affected. I felt my old jealousy
return, but it was no longer bitter.
"I say nothing," continued the
marquis, " of this position, in which,
without fault of hers, Miss Trevanion
is placed : Lady Ellinor's knowledge
of the world, and woman's wit, will
see how all that can be best put right.
Still it is awkward, and demands
much consideration. But, putting this
aside altogether, if you do firmly believe
that Miss Trevanion is lost to you,
can you bear to think that she is to
be flung as a mere cipher into the
account of the worldly greatness of an
aspiring politician — married to some
minister, too busy to watch over
her ; or some duke, who looks to pay
off his mortgages with her fortune
— minister or duke only regarded
as a prop to Trevanion's power
against a counter cabal, or as giving
his section a preponderance in the
Cabinet? Be assured such is her
most likely destiny, or rather the be-
ginning of a destiny yet more mournful.
Now, I tell you this, that he who
marries Fanny Trevanion should
have little other object, for the first
few years of marriage, than to correct
her failings and develop her virtues.
Believe one who, alas ! has too dearly
bought his knowledge of women — hers
is a character to be formed. Well,
then, if this prize be lost to you, would
it be an irreparable grief to your
generous affection to think that it
has fallen to the lot of one who at
least knows his responsibilities, and
who will redeem his own life, hitherto
wasted, by the steadfast endeavour
to fulfil them? Can you take this
hand still, and press it, even though
it be a rival's ?"
"My lord! This from yon to me,
is an honour that — "
" You will not take my hand ? Then
believe me, it is not I that will give
that grief to your heart."
Touched, penetrated, melted by this
generosity in a man of such lofty
claims, to one of my age and fortunes,
I pressed that noble hand, half raising
it to my lips — an action of respect
that would have misbecome neither ;
but he gently withdrew the hand, in
the instinct of his natural modesty.
I had then no heart to speak further
on such a subject, but, faltering out
that Iwould go and seemyuncle, Jtook
up the light, and ascended the stairs.
I crept noiselessly into Roland's room,
and shading the light, saw that, though
he slept, his face was very troubled.
1849.]
And then I thought, " What are my
young griefs to his?" and — sitting
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
beside the bed, communed with my
own heart and was still !
CHAPTER LXXXII.
At sunrise, I went down into the
sitting-room, having resolved to write
to my father to join us ; for I felt
how much Roland needed his comfort
and his counsel, and it was no great
distance from the old Tower. I was
surprised to find Lord Castleton still
seated by the fire ; he had evidently
not gone to bed.
" That's right," said he ; " we must
encourage each other to recruit
nature," and he pointed to the break-
fast things on the table.
I had scarcely tasted food for many
hours, but I was only aware of my
own hunger by a sensation of faint-
ness. I eat unconsciously, and was
almost ashamed to feel how much the
food restored me.
" I suppose," said I, " that you will
soon set off to Lord N 's ?"
" Nay, did I not tell you, that I
have sent Summers express, with a
note to Lady Ellinor, begging her to
come here ? I did not see, on reflec-
tion, how I could decorously accom-
pany Miss Trevanion alone, without
even a female servant, to a house full
of gossiping guests. And even had
your uncle been well enough to go
with us, his presence would but have
created an additional cause for wonder ;
so as soon as we arrived, and while
yon went up with the Captain, I wrote
my letter and despatched my man.
I expect Lady Ellinor will be here
before nine o'clock. Meanwhile, I
have already seen that infamous wait-
ing-woman, and taken care to prevent
any danger from her garrulity. And
you will be pleased to hear that
I have hit upon a mode of satisfying
the curiosity of our friend Mrs
Grnndy— that is, 'The World'— with-
out injury to any one. We must
suppose that that footman of Treva-
nion's was out of his mind — it is but a
charitable, and your good father would
say, a philosophical supposition. All
great knavery is madness ! The world
could not get on if truth and good-
ness were not the natural tenden-
cies of sane minds. Do you under-
stand?"
"Not quite."
" Why, the footman, being out of
his mind, invented this mad story of
Trevanion's illness, frightened Lady
Ellinor and Miss Trevanion out of
their wits with his own chimera, and
hurried them both off, one after the
other. I having heard from Tre-
vanion, and knowing he could not
have been ill when the servant left
him, set off, as was natural in so old
a friend of the family, saved her from
the freaks of a maniac, who, getting
more and more flighty, was beginning
to play the Jack o' Lantern, and lead-
ingher, Heaven knows where! over the
country; — and then wrote to Lady
Ellinor to come to her. It is but a
hearty laugh at our expense, and
Mrs Grundy is content. If you don't
want her to pity, or backbite, let her
laugh. She is a she- Cerberus — she
wants to eat you : well — stop her
mouth with a cake."
"Yes," continued this better sort
of Aristippus, so wise under all his
seeming levities ; " the cue thus
given, everything favours it. If that
rogue of a lackey quoted Shakspeare
as much in the servant's hall as he
did while I was binding him neck and
heels in the kitchen, that's enough for
all the household to declare he was
moon-stricken; and if we find it neces-
sary to do anything more, why, we
must get him to go into Bedlam Vor
a month or two. The disappearance
of the waiting- woman is natural;
either I or Lady Ellinor send her
about her business for her folly in
being so gulled by the lunatic. If
that's unjust, why, injustice to ser-
vants is common enough — public and
private. Neither minister nor lackey
can be forgiven, if he help us into a
scrape. One must vent one's passion
on something. Witness my poor
cane ; though, indeed, a better illus-
tration would be the cane that Louis
XIV. broke on a footman, because
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
his majesty was out of humour with
a prince whose shoulders were too
sacred for royal indignation.
" So you see," concluded Lord
Castleton, lowering his voice, " that
your uncle, amongst all his other
causes of sorrow, may think at least
that his name is spared in his son's.
And the young man himself may find
reform easier, when freed from that
despair of the possibility of redemp-
tion, which Mrs Grundy inflicts upon
those who — Courage, then ; life is
long!"
" My very words ! " I cried ; " and
so repeated by you, Lord Castleton,
they seem prophetic."
"Take my advice, and don't lose
sight of your cousin, while his pride
is yet humbled, and his heart perhaps
softened. I don't say this only for
his sake. No, it is your poor uncle I
think of: noble old fellow. And now,
I think it right to pay Lady Elli-
nor the respect of repairing, as well
as I can, the havoc three sleepless
nights have made on the exterior of
a gentleman who is on the shady side
of remorseless forty."
Lord Castleton here left me, and I
wrote to my father, begging him to
meet us at the next stage, (which was
the nearest point from the high road
to the Tower, ) and I sent off the letter
by a messenger on horseback. That
task done, I leant my head upon my
hand, and a profound sadness settled
upon me, despite all my efforts to face
the future, and think only of the duties
of life — not its sorrows.
CHAPTER LXXXIII.
Before nine o'clock, Lady Ellinor
arrived, and went straight into Miss
Trevanion's room. I took refuge in
my uncle's. Eoland was awake and
<:alm, but so feeble that he made no
effort to rise ; and it was bis calm,
indeed, that alarmed me the most — it
was like the calm of nature thoroughly
exhausted. He obeyed me mechani-
cally, as a patient takes from your
hand the draught, of which he is al-
most unconscious, when I pressed
him to take food. He smiled on me
faintly when I spoke to him ; but
made me a sign that seemed to im-
plore silence. Then he turned his face
from me, and buried it in the pillow ;
and I thought that he slept again,
when, raising himself a little, and
feeling for my hand, he said in a
scarcely audible voice, —
"Where is he?"
"Would you see him, sir?"
" No, no ; that would kill me — and
then — what would become of him ?"
"He has promised me an inter-
view, and in that interview I feel
assured he will obey your wishes,
whatever they are."
Roland made no answer.
" Lord Castleton has arranged all,
«o that his name and madness (thus
let us call it) will never be known."
" Pride, pride ! pride still !" — mur-
mured the old soldier. " The name,
the name — well, that is much ; but
the living soul ! — I wish Austin were
here."
" I have sent for him, sir."
Koland pressed my hand, and was
again silent. Then he began to
mutter, as I thought, incoherently,
about " the Peninsula and obeying
orders; and how some officer woke
Lord Wellesley at night, and said
that something or other (I could
not catch what — the phrase was
technical and military) was impos-
sible ; and how Lord Wellesley asked
' Where's the order-book ? ' and look-
ing into the order-book, said, ' Not
at all impossible, for it is in the
order-book;' and so Lord Wellesley
turned round and went to sleep again."
Then suddenly Roland half rose, and
said in a voice clear and firm, "But
Lord Wellesley, though a great cap-
tain, was a fallible man, sir, and the
order-book was his own mortal
handiwork. — Get me the Bible ! "
Oh Roland, Roland ! and I had
feared that thy mind was wandering !
So I went down and borrowed a
Bible in large characters, and placed
it on the bed before him, opening the
shutters, and letting in God's day
upon God's word.
I had just done this, when there
was a slight knock at the door. I
opened it, and Lord Castleton stood
1849.]
TJie Caxtons.— Part XIV.
61
without. He asked me, in a whisper,
if he might see my uncle. I drew
him in gently, and pointed to the sol-
dier of life " learning what was not
impossible" from the unerring Order-
Book.
Lord Castleton gazed with a chang-
ing countenance, and, without disturb-
ing my uncle, stole back. I followed
him, and gently closed the door.
" You must save his son," he said in
a faltering voice — " you must ; and
tell me how to help you. That sight !
— no sermon ever touched me more.
Now come down, and receive Lady
Ellinor's thanks. We are going.
She wants me to tell my own tale to
my old friend, Mrs Grundy : so I go
with them. Come."
On entering the sitting-room, Lady
Ellinor came up and fairly embraced
me. I need not repeat her thanks,
still less the praises, which fell cold
and hollow on my ear. My gaze
rested on Fanny where she stood apart
— her eyes, heavy with fresh tears, bent
on the ground. And the sense of all
her charms — the memory of the ten-
der, exquisite kindness she had shown
to the stricken father ; the generous
pardon she had extended to the cri-
minal sou ; the looks she had bent
upon me on that memorable night —
looks that had spoken such trust in
my. presence — the moment in which
she had clung to me for protection,
and her breath been warm upon my
cheek, — all these rushed over me ;
and I felt that the struggle of months
was undone — that I had never loved
her as I loved her then — when I saw
her but to lose her evermore ! And
then there came for the first, and, I
now rejoice to think, for the only
time, a bitter, ungrateful accusation
against the cruelty of fortune and the
disparities of life. What was it that
set our two hearts eternally apart,
and made hope impossible? Not
nature, but the fortune that gives a
second nature to the world. Ah,
could I then think that it is in that
second nature that the soul is ordained
to seek its trials, and that the ele-
ments of human virtue find their
harmonious place! What I answered
I know not. Neither know I how
long I stood there listening to sounds
which seemed to have no meaning,
till there came other sounds which
indeed woke my sense, and made my
blood run cold to hear, — the tramp
of the horses, the grating of the
wheels, the voice at the door that
said " All was ready."
Then Fanny lifted her eyes, and
they met mine; and then involuutarily
and hastily she moved a few steps
towards me, and I clasped my right
hand to my heart, as if to still its
beating, and remained still. Lord
Castleton had watched us both. I
felt that watch was upon us, though
I had till then shunned his looks :
now, as I turned my eyes from
Fanny's, that look came full upon me-
— soft, compassionate, benignant.
Suddenly, and with an unutterable
expression of nobleness, the marquis
turned to Lady Ellinor, and said —
" Pardon me for telling you an old
story. A friend of mine — a man of
my own years — had the temerity
to hope that he might one day or other
win the affections of a lady young
enough to be his daughter, and whom
circumstances and his own heart led-
him to prefer from all her sex. My
friend had many rivals ; and you will
not wonder — for you have seen the lady.
Among them was a young gentleman,
who for months had been an inmate
of the same house— (Hush, Lady
Ellinor ! you will hear me out ; the-
interest of my story is to come) — who
respected the sanctity of the house he
had entered, and left it when he felt
he loved — for he was poor, and the
lady rich. Some time after, this gen-
tleman saved the lady from a great
danger, and was then on the eve of
leaving England — (Hush ! again —
hush !) My friend was present when
these two young persons met, before-
the probable absence of many years,
and so was the mother of the lady 'to
whose hand he still hoped one day to
aspire. He saw that his young rival
wished to say, ' Farewell !' and with-
out a witness : that farewell was all
that his honour and his reason could
suffer him to say. My friend saw that
the lady felt the natural gratitude for
a great service, and the natural pity
for a generous and unfortunate affec-
tion ; for so, Lady Ellinor, he only in-
terpreted the sob that reached his
ear ! What think you my friend did?
Your high mind at once conjectures.
He said to himself — 'If I am ever
The Caxtons.—Part XIV.
[July,
to be blest with the heart which, in
spite of disparity of years, I yet hope
to win, let me show how entire is the
trust that I place in its integrity and
innocence: let the romance of first
youth be closed — the farewell of pure
hearts be spoken — unimbittered by the
idle jealousies of one mean suspicion.'
With that thought, which you, Lady
Ellinor, will never stoop to blame,
he placed his hand on that of the
noble mother, drew her gently
towards the door, and, calmly confi-
dent of the result, left these two
young natures to the unwitnessed
impulse of maiden honour and manly
duty."
All this was said and done with a
grace and earnestness that thrilled
the listeners : word and action suited
each to each with so inimitable a har-
mony, that the spell was not broken
till the voice ceased and the door
closed.
That mournful bliss for which I had
so pined was vouchsafed : I was alone
with her to whom, indeed, honour and
reason forbade me to say more than
the last farewell.
It was some time before we recovered
— before we /eft that we were alone.
O ye moments'.! [that I can now re-
call with so little sadness in the mel-
low and sweet remembrance, rest
ever holy and undisclosed in the
solemn recesses of the heart. Yes ! —
whatever confession of weakness was
interchanged, we were not unworthy
of the trust that permitted the mourn-
ful consolation of the parting. No
trite love-tale — with vows not to be
fulfilled, and hopes that the future
must belie — mocked the realities of
the life that lay before us. Yet on the
confines of the dream, we saw the
day rising cold upon the world : and
if— children as we wellnigh were—-
we shrunk somewhat from the light,
we did not blaspheme the sun, and
cry " There is darkness in the dawn!"
All that we attempted was to com-
fort and strengthen each other for
that which must be : not seeking to
conceal the grief we felt, but pro-
mising, with simple faith, to struggle
against the grief. If vow were pledged
between us) — that was the vow —
each for the other's sake would strive
to enjoy the blessings Heaven left
us still. Well may I say that we
were children ! I know not, in the
broken words that passed between us,
in the sorrowful hearts which those
words revealed — I know not if there
were that which they who own, in
human passion, but the storm and
the whirlwind, would call the love of
maturer years — the love that gives
fire to the song, and tragedy to the
stage ; but I know that there was
neither a word nor a thought which
made the sorrow of the children a
rebellion to the heavenly Father.
And again the door unclosed, and
Fanny walked with a firm step to her
mother's side, and, pausing there,
extended her hand to me, and said,
as I bent over it, "Heaven WILL be
with you !"
A word from Lady Ellinor ; a frank
smile from him — the rival ; one last,
last glance from the soft eyes of
Fanny, and then Solitude rushed upon
me — rushed, as something visible,
palpable, overpowering. I felt it in
the glare of the sunbeam — I heard it
in the breath of the air : like a ghost
it rose there — where she had filled the
space with her presence but a moment
before? A something seemed gone
from the universe for ever ; a change
like that of death passed through my
being ; and when I woke to feel that
my being lived again, I knew that it
was my youth and its poet-land that
were no more, and that I had passed
with an unconscious step, which never
could retrace its way, into the hard
world of laborious man !
1849.]
The Game Laws in Scotland.
63
THE GAME LAWS IN SCOTLAND.
THOSE who have been .accustomed
to watch the tactics of the Manchester
party cannot have overlooked or for-
gotten the significant coincidence, in
point of time, between Mr Bright's
attack on the Game Laws, and the last
grand assault upon the barrier which
formerly protected British agriculture.
That wily lover of peace among all
orders of men saw how much it would
assist the ultimate designs of his
party to excite distrust and enmity
between the two great divisions of
the protectionist garrison — the own-
ers and the cultivators of land ; and
the anti- game-law demonstration was
planned for that purpose. The ma-
noeuvre was rendered useless by the
sudden and unconditional surrender
of the fortress by that leader, whose
system of defence has ever been, as
Capefigue says — " ce"der incessam-
ment." It is impossible, however, to
disguise the true source of the sudden
sympathy for the farmers' grievances,
which in 1845 and 1846 yearned in
the compassionate bowels of the
agrarian leaders, and led to the
lengthened inquiries of Mr Bright's
committee.
But it seems we are not yet done
with the game- law agitation. It is
true the last rampart of protection is
levelled to the ground : but the sub-
jugation of the country interest to the
potentates of the factory is not yet
accomplished. The owners of the
soil have not yet bowed low enough
to the Baal of free trade ; their influ-
ence is not altogether obliterated, nor
their privileges sufficiently curtailed ;
and therefore Mr Bright and the
Anti-Game-Law Association have
buckled on their armour once more,
and the tenantry are again invited to
join in the crusade against those who,
they are assured, have always been
their inveterate oppressors ; and, to
cut off as much as possible the re-
motest chance of an amicable settle-
ment, it is proclaimed that no con-
cession will be accepted — no proposal
of adjustment listened to — short of the
total and immediate abolition of every
statute on the subject of game.
The truth is, that this branch of
the agitation trade is too valuable to
be lost sight of by those who earn
their bread or their popularity in that
line of business. Hundreds of honest
peasants, rotting in unwholesome
gaols, their wives and children herded
in thousands to the workhouse — hard-
working tenants sequestrated by a
grasping and selfish aristocracy — these
are all too fertile topics for the
platform philanthropist to be risked
by leaving open any door for concilia-
tion ; and therefore the terms de-
manded are such as it is well known
cannot be accepted.
Our attention has been attracted to
the doings of an association which
has for its professed object the aboli-
tion of all game laws, and which has
recently opened a new campaign in
Scotland, under the leadership of the
chief magistrate of Edinburgh, and
one of the representatives of the city.
Of course the construction of such
societies is no longer a mystery to any
one ; and that under our notice ap-
pears to be got up on the most ap-
proved pattern, and with all the
newest improvements. A staff of
active officials directs its movements,
and collects funds — lecturers, pam-
phleteers, newspaper editors are paid
or propitiated. From the raw ma-
terial of Mr Bright's blue-books the
most exaggerated statements and
calculations of the most zealous wit-
nesses are carefully picked out, and
worked up into a picture, which is
held up to a horrified public as a
true representation of the condition
of the rural districts ; and the game
laws become, in the hands of such
artists, a monster pestilence, enough
to have made the hair of Pharaoh
himself to stand on end. It is not to
be wondered at if some, who have
not had the opportunity of investigat-
ing for themselves the effects of these
laws, have been misled by the bold
ingenuity of the professed fabricators
of grievances ; but it is a fact which
•we shall again have occasion to
notice, that they have made but little
impression on the tenant farmers. Of
the few members of that class who
have taken an active share in the
The Game Laws in Scotland.
agitation, we doubt if there is one
who could prove a loss from game on
any year's crop to the value of a five-
pound note.* The fact is, that while
no one will deny the existence of in-
dividual cases of hardship from the
operation of the game laws, you will
hear comparatively little about them
among those who are represented as
groaning under their intolerable bur-
den. If you would learn the weight
of the grievance, you must go to the
burghs and town-councils ; and there
— among small grocers and dissenting
clergymen, who would be puzzled to
distinguish a pheasant from a bird-of-
paradise — yon will be made acquaint-
ed with the extent of the desolation
of these "fearful wildfowl:" from
them you will learn the true shape
and dimensions of " the game-law
incubus," which, as one orator of the
tribe tells us, " is gradually changing
the surface of this once fertile land
into a desert."
But while we are willing to allow
for a certain leaven of misled sin-
cerity among the supporters of this
association, it is evident that, among
its most active and influential leaders,
the relief of the farmer or the relaxa-
tion of penal laws is not the real
object. We shall show from their
own writings and speeches the most
convincing proof that they contem-
plate far more extensive and funda-
mental changes than the mere abo-
lition of the game laws. There is
not, indeed, much congruity or sys-
tem in the opinions which we shall
have to quote; but in one point it
will be seen that they all concur — a
vindictive hostility to the possessors
of land, and an eager desire to abridge
or destroy the advantages attached,
or supposed to be attached, to that
description of property. Thus the
system of entails — the freedom of real
property from legacy and probate
duty — the landlord's preferable lien
for the rent of his land, figure in the
debates of the abolitionist orators,
along with other topics equally rele-
vant to the game laws, as oppressive
bardens on the industry of the coun-
try. The system of the tenure of
land, also, is pronounced to be a cry-
ing injustice ; and one gentleman
modestly insists on the necessity of a
law for compelling the landlord to
make payment to his tenant at the
expiry of every lease for any increase
in the value of the farm during his
occupation. The author of an " Essay
on the Evils of Game-Laws," which
the association rewarded with their
highest premium, and which, there-
fore, we are fairly entitled to take as
an authorised exposition of their senti-
ments, thus enlarges on " the wither-
ing and ruinous thraldom" to which
the farmers are subjected by a system
of partial legislation.
" No individual," he complains, " of
this trade has ever risen to import-
ance and dignity in the state. While
merchants of every other class, law-
yers, and professional men of every
other class, have often reached the
highest honours which the crown has
to bestow, no farmer has ever yet
attained even to a seat in the legisla-
ture, or to any civic title of distinc-
tion ; uncertain as the trade is natu-
rally, and harassed and weighed
down by those sad enactments the
game laws, to be enrolled among the
class of farmers is now tantamount to
saying, that you belong to a caste
which is for ever excluded from the
rewards of fair and honourable ambi-
tion."— (Mr Cheine Shepherd's Essay.
Edinburgh, 1847.)
The association of the game laws
with the scorns which " patient merit
of the unworthy takes," is at least in-
genious. We confess, with Mr Cheine
Shepherd, that the aspect of the times
is wofully discouraging to any hope
that a coronet, "or even the lowest
order of knighthood," will in our days
become the usual reward for skill
" In small-boned lambs, the horse-hoe, or
the drill."
We cannot flatter him with the pros-
pect of becoming a Cincinnatus ; or
that we shall live to see the time when
muck shall make marquisates as well
as money ; and perhaps the best ad-
* "The game agitators are individuals who suffer a little, and see their brethren
suffering more, and who have their feelings annoyed; and those who are not hurt at
all by game, but will strike at any public wrong." — Speech of Mr Munro, one of the
Council of the Association.
1849.]
The Game Laws in Scotland.
65
vice, under the circumstances, we
can tender him, is that which the old
oracle gave to certain unhappy shep-
herds in Virgil's time —
" Pascite, ut ante, boves, pueri — submit-
tite tauros."
Absurd, however, as the complaint
of this ambitious Damon appears, it
indicates at least the extent of change
which he and his patrons of the asso-
ciation think they may justly demand.
It is not, then, redress of game-law
grievances they aim at, but an inde-
finite change in the social and political
system of the country. If any one
doubts this, let him read the following
extract from the address of Mr Wilson
of Glassmount : —
" Much organic change must, how-
ever, precede the reforms for which
they were now agitating. The suf-
frage must be extended. — (applause) —
and, above all, the voters must be
protected in the exercise of their func-
tions by the ballot; for, in a country
where so great a disparity existed be-
tween the social condition of the elec-
toral body, parliamentary election,
as now conducted under a system of
open voting, was only a delusion and
a mockery." — (Caledonian Mercury,
Feb. 12, 1849.)
From such an authority we cannot
expect much amity towards the aris-
tocracy, who, he says, " it is notorious,
are, in point of political, scientific, and
general knowledge, far behind those
employed in commerce and manufac-
tures."* He compares the present
etate of Britain with " the condition
of France anterior to her first revolu-
tion, when the ancient noblesse pos-
sessed the same exclusive privileges
which are still enjoyed by the aristo-
cracy of this country — and, among the
rest, a game law, which was adminis-
tered with so much severity, that it is
admitted on all hands to have been
the chief cause of that convulsion
which shook Europe to its centre."f
France and its institutions form a
subject of constant eulogy to this
gentleman, whose speeches show him
to be by far the ablest, and, at the
same time, the most straightforward
of the League lecturers. He admon-
ishes our landed proprietors to visit
that country. "In the social condi-
tion of that country they would see
the results of the abolition of those
class privileges and distinctions which
their order are still permitted to enjoy
in England ; and they would there
find a widespread comfort in all the ru-
ral districts, which has been produced
by the subdivision of property, and
which is nowhere to be found in this
country, where game laws, and laws
of entail and primogeniture, are main-
tained for the exclusive amusement
and aggrandisement," &c4
We are willing to believe that Mr
Wilson of Glassmount has never him-
self visited the country whose condi-
tion he longs to see resembled here ;
and that it is simply from ignorance
that he eulogises the agricultural pros-
perity of a land where five bushels of
wheat is the average yield of an impe-
rial acre — where, in two generations,
the lauded system of the Code Napo-
leon has produced five and a-half
millions of proprietors, the half of
whom have revenues not exceeding
£2 a-year, and whom the greatest
statist of France describes as "pro-
prietaires republicains et qffames."
Our object, however, is not to reason
with adversaries of this stamp, but
simply to show, from their own words,
the nature of the reforms they con-
template, under cover of a design to
ameliorate the game laws. It may
be said, indeed, that such indiscreet
avowals of the more zealous members
of the Anti-Game-Law Association
cannot be fairly ascribed to its leaders.
But though their language is, *of
course, more wary, it were easy to
select from their orations even equally
strong proofs of that bitter hostility
to the landed interest, which prompts
Mr Bright himself to cheer on his fol-
lowers with the announcement that the
people are ready to throw off " the
burdens imposed on them by an aris-
tocracy who oppress, grind them down,
and scourge them;" and "that the
time is now come to teach the pro-
* Lecture on the Game Laws, by R. Wilson, &c., March 22, 1848.
t Ibid. $ Ibid.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCV. E
The Game Laws in Scotland.
[July,
prietors of the soil the limits of their
rights." *
A reference to the proceedings of
the anti-game-law leaders will show
that the specimens we have given are
only fair samples of the factions spirit
— the querulous, yet bullying and
vindictive tone, in which they have
conducted this controversy. No one
can seriously believe that a hostility,
directed not against these laws in
particular, but against the whole social
and political system of our 'country,
can be founded on a wise and deliber-
ate review of the effects of the statutes
in question. Discontent with things
in general is a disease which admits
of no remedy, and which any ordinary
treatment, by argument or concession,
would only aggravate.
There are many, however, of more
moderate views, who are interested
in knowing to what extent the com-
plaints they have heard are founded
on reason, and are capable of redress.
We purpose, for the present, to limit
our remarks principally to the opera-
tion of the Scotch law upon game,
both because agitation on this subject
has recently been most active on this
side of the Tweed, and because we
think the important differences in the
game-laws of England and Scotland
have not been sufficiently attended
to, and have given rise to much popular
misapprehension.
All the abolition orators begin by
telling us that game laws are a rem-
nant of the feudal system — that they
originated in the tyranny and oppres-
sion of the middle ages, and are,
therefore, wholly unsuited to our im-
proved state of society. Such an
origin, of course, condemns them at
once ; for, in the popular mind, feudal
law is somehow synonymous with
slavery, rape, robbery, and all that is
damnable. The truth is, however,
that the game law of Scotland has
no more connexion with the feudal
law than with the code of Lycurgus.
Even as regards England, there is
good ground for questioning Black-
stone's doctrine that the right to pur-
sue and kill game is, in all cases, trace-
able to, and derived from, the crown.
But in Scotland, at all events, there
never existed any such exclusive
system of forest laws as that which
grew up under the Norman kings,
and which King John was finally com-
pelled to renounce. The broad and
liberal principle out of which the
Scotch game law has grown, is the
maxim of the civil law — quod nullius
est occupanti conceditur — that any one
may lawfully appropriate and enjoy
whatever belongs to no one else — a
maxim which must necessarily form
the fountainhead of all property. All
wild animals, therefore, may be seized
by any one, and the law will defend
his possession of them. But out of
this very principle itself there natu-
rally springs a most important restric-
tion of the common privilege of pur-
suing game ; for the possessor of
Ian d, as well as the possessor of game,
must be protected in the exclusive en-
joyment of what (though originally
res nullius) he has made his own by
occupation or otherwise. It is evi-
dent, then, that the contingent right
of the hunter to the animals he may
succeed in seizing, can be exercised to
its full extent only in an unoccupied
and uncultivated countiy ; and must
give way, wherever the soil has be-
come the subject of property, to the
prior and perfect right of the land-
owner. Accordingly, we find that in
the Roman law the affirmation of the
common right to hunt wild animals
is coupled with this important restric-
tion, under the very same title — " Qui
alienum fundum ingreditur, venandi
aut aucupandi gratia, potest a domino
prohiberi ne ingrediatur;" and, not-
withstanding the perplexed and ano-
malous nature of the tenure of land
among the Romans, we find every-
where traces of a strict law of trespass,
from the Twelve Tables down to Jus-
tinian. And in this the civil law was
followed by that of Scotland. Subject
to this inevitable restriction, and to a
few regulative enactments of less im-
portance, the privilege continued open
to all, without distinction, up to the
year 1621. f About this time the tenor
* Address in Mr Welford's Influences of the Game Laws.
f The statute of 1600, prohibiting hunting and hawking to those who had not
" the revenues requisit in sik pastimes," is plainly one of a sumptuary tenor, and not
properly a game law.
1849.]
The Game Laws in Scotland.
67
of the statutes shows that game of all
kinds had become exceedingly scarce ;
and it was probably with a view of
preventing its extirpation, as well as
of discouraging trespass, which, from
the increase of the population, had
increased in frequency, that, in the
above-mentioned year, an act was in-
troduced which was, without doubt, a
decided violation of the principle on
which the system was originally
founded. The act 1621 prohibited
every one from hunting or hawking
who had not " a plough of land in
heritage;" and subsequent statutes ex-
tended this prohibition to the sale and
purchase, and even to the possession
of game, by persons not thus qualified.
This, we repeat, was a direct depar-
ture from the leading maxim of the
law, as it stood previously ; and we
can see no reason whatever for now
retaining it on the statute-book. It
is notorious, however, that, practi-
cally, these statutes have now fallen
into desuetude, and that the mere
want of the heritable qualification
has not, for a long period, been made
a ground for prosecution. In fact,
the privilege is open to any one pro-
vided with the landlord's permission,
and who has paid the tax demanded
by the Exchequer, though he may not
possess a foot of land. When, then,
we find the orators of Edinburgh com-
plaining of the harsh and intolerable
operation of the qualification statutes,
it affords the most complete evidence
either of their utter ignorance of the
actual state of the law, or of the
weakness of a cause that needs such
disingenuous advocacy.
The fiscal license, which was first
required by the act 24th Geo. ni. c.
43, cannot be justly regarded in the
light of an infraction of the general
principle of the Scotch law. Its
direct object is not the limitation of
the right of hunting, but the main-
tenance of the public revenue ; and it
will be readily admitted by all rea-
sonable men that, on the one hand,
there cannot be a less objectionable
source of taxation than the privilege
in question, and, on the other, that
the duty is not excessive, when we
find above 60,000 persons in Great
Britain voluntarily subjecting them-
selves to it every year.
The two other principal enactments
regarding the pursuit of game in Scot-
land, commonly known as the Night
and the Day Trespass Acts, 9 Geo.
IV. c. 69, and 2 and 3 Will. IV. c.
68, cannot here be criticised in de-
tail. Their provisions contain one or
two anomalies which we shall have
occasion to notice below, in sug-
gesting some practicable amend-
ments on the present law. But as to
their general spirit, we venture to
affirm that they are most legitimate
developments of the general prin-
ciple above stated. In every class
of injuries to the rights of others,
there are some species of the offence
which, from their frequency, or from
their being difficult to detect, must
necessarily be prevented by more
stringent prohibitions than those at-
tached to the genus in general ; and
in the same way that orchards for
example, timber, salmon fisheries,
and many other subjects are protected
by special penalties, so has it been
found requisite to amplify the com-
mon law of trespass, in its application
to that particular manner of trespass
which is confessedly the most frequent
and annoying. If the penalties are
unnecessarily stringent, let them by
all means be modified ; but their se-
verity, in comparison with the pun-
ishment of ordinary trespass, is not
inconsistent with justice, or the prin-
ciples of wise legislation.
We have adverted, in this hasty
sketch, only to the prominent fea-
tures and growth of the law of Scot-
land ; but a more detailed comparison
with that of England and other
countries of Europe, especially when
recent statutes and decisions are
taken into view, will fully justify the
opinion of Hutcheson and other well
qualified judges, that it is "the most
liberal and enlightened of all laws
as to game." It recognises, of course,
no such thing as property in game
more than in any other animals of a
wild nature. The proprietorof a manor
has no right to the pheasant he has
fed until he shall have actually
brought it to bag, or at least disabled
it from escaping ; and the right which
he then first acquires is quite inde-
pendent of his ownership of the land.
To many the distinction thus
created, by considering all game as
wild animals, appears too theoretical ;
68
The Game Laws in Scotland.
[July,
and no doubt it is a question for
zoologists rather than for lawyers to
decide, whether there really be in ani-
mals any such permanent and inva-
riable character as to justify such a
universal distinction. There is the
strongest presumption that all our
domesticated animals were at one
time ferae ; and it is rather a difficult
task to show reason for considering
some classes as " indornitabiles" when
we see the reindeer, of a tribe natu-
rally the most shy of man, living in the
hut of his Lapland master — and when
we recollect that among birds, the duck,
turkey, and peacock, with us the most
civilised and familiar of poultry, are
elsewhere most indubitable ferae at
this very moment. It has been argued
that the commoner kinds of game,
under the system of rearing and feed-
ing now so general, are scarcely more
shy or migratory in their habits than
those animals which the law contrasts
with them as mansuefactce, and there-
fore regards as property: that even
when straying in the fields, we may
as reasonably impute to them the
animus revertendi — the instinct of re-
turning to their haunts and coverts,
as to pigeons and bees which the law
for this reason retains under its pro-
tection, though abroad from their
cots or hives ; that the common
objection as to the difficulty of iden-
tifying game, is one which applies as
strongly to many other subjects re-
cognised as vested in an owner ; and
finally, that, being now in reality
valuable articles of commerce, these
classes of animals should cease to be
viewed as incapable of becoming
property. It is difficult to gainsay
the premises on which this proposal
is built : and if we look to analogy, it
cannot be doubted that the invariable
tendency of civilisation is towards
the restriction of the category of res
nullius, and by art and culture to
subject all products of the earth to
the use, and consequently to the pos-
session of man. But, apart from this
speculative view of the subject — it
seems to us that, while common
opinion is unprepared for so funda-
mental a change in the law of Scot-
land, the alteration proposed would
not in practice improve the position
of any of those classes who are affect-
ed by the operation of the present
game laws, nor materially obviate
any of the bad effects usually ascribed
to them.
But it is time now to turn to those
alleged evils, and to form some judg-
ment as to whether they are in reality
so weighty and numerous, that no-
thing short of the total abolition of
the game laws can effectually check
them. The abrogation of a law is
no doubt an easy way of overcoming
the difficulty of amending it— in the
same way that the expedient of wear-
ing no breeches will unquestionably
save you the cost of patching them ;
and as a device for diminishing game-
law offences, the total repeal of all
game laws is perhaps as simple and
efficacious a recipe as could well be
conceived. But let us first inquire
into the existence of the disease, be-
fore we resort to so summary a re-
medy.
There are three distinct parties who
are said to be injured by the operation
of these laws — The community at large
suffer chiefly by being deprived, it is
alleged, of a very large proportion of
the produce of the soil, which, if not
consumed by game, would go to in-
crease the stock of human food — The
poacher has to bear the double injus-
tice of a law which first makes the
temptation, and then punishes the
transgression — The farmer finds, in the
protection given to game, a source of
constant annoyance, loss, and disap-
pointment. We shall take these com-
plainants in their order.
The public, (we are told by the en-
lightened commercial gentleman who
represents the metropolis of Scotland,)
the public have a right to see that
none of the means for maintaining
human life are wasted — a great popu-
lar principle popularly and broadly
stated. It is possible, however, that
Mr Cowan may not have contem-
plated all the admirable results of his
principle. He may, perchance, not
have seen that it sweeps away, not
only every hare and pheasant, but
every animal whatever that cannot be
eaten or turned to profit in the ledger.
His carnage horses eat as much as
would maintain six poor paper-makers
and their families; the keep of his
children's poney would board and
educate four orphans at the Ragged
Schools. But we are not yet done
1849.]
The Game Laws in Scotland.
69
with him ; for he cannot stick his fork
into that tempting fowl before him
until he can satisfy us, the public,
that the grain it has consumed would
not have been more profitably applied
in fattening sheep or cattle. And what,
pray, is that array of plate on the
buffet behind him but so much capi-
tal held back from the creation of
employment and food for that starv-
ing population, which he assures us
(though every one but himself knows
it is nonsense) is increasing at the
rate of 1000 per diem ! Political
economy of this quality may do very
well for the Edinburgh Cb amber of
Commerce; but we really hope, for
the credit of the city he represents,
that he will not expose himself on any
other stage, nor consider it a necessary
part of his duties as a legislator, to
prescribe the precise manner in which
corn shall or shall not be used.
The supposed amount of destruc-
tion by game of cereal and other pro-
duce, has afforded a fine field for the
more erudite of the game law op-
ponents. Mr Gayford's celebrated
calculation, that three hares eat as
much as a full-grown sheep, is gene-
rally assumed as the infallible basis of
their estimates, and the most astound-
ing results are evolved from it.* Mr
Charles Stevenson thinks the destruc-
tion cannot be less than two bushels
per acre over the whole kingdom, re-
presenting a total of two hundred
thousand quarters. "Ifit be the case,"
says Mr Chiene Shepherd, with a
modest hesitation — "if it be the case,
that throughout this empire the
farmers, in general, suffer more loss
from game than they pay in the form
of poor's tax (and I suppose it cannot
be doubted that they do so — that in
most parts they suffer more than double
the amount of their poor-rates,) then
it follows, of course, that there is more
destruction from game than would
make up the sum collected from poor-
rates from the whole lands of the
empire." f Double the amount of
poor-rates paid by land may be taken
roughly at some £9,000,000. But
there are others who think even this
too low an estimate, and throw into
the scale (a million out or in is of no
importance) the county rate, high-
way rate, and all the other direct
burdens on land put together! Let
us carry on the line of calculation a
step further : if game animals alone
consume all this, and if we allow a
fair proportion of voracity to the
minor, but more numerous ferce — rats,
mice, rooks, wood-pigeons, &c. — it is
clear as daylight that it is a mere de-
lusion to think that a single quarter of
wheat can, by any possibility, escape
the universal devastation. There is
no lunatic so incurable as your ram-
pant arithmetician ; and the only de-
lusion that could stand a comparison
with the above would be the attempt
to reason such men out of their ab-
surdities.
But the actual waste of grain is
not, it seems, the only way in which
the public suffers. The annual cost
to the community of prosecutions un-
der the game acts is an enormous and
annually increasing burden. This is
proved, of course, by the same sys-
tem of statistics run mad as that of
which we have just given some speci-
mens. The game convictions in the
county of Bedford, it is discovered,
were, in the year 1843, 36 per cent of
the total male summary convictions ;
and the lovers of the marvellous, who
listen to such statements, are quietly
left to infer, not only that this is
usually the case in Bedfordshire, but
that a similar state of things prevails
throughout England and Scotland
also. They are sagacious enough, how-
ever, never to refer to general results.
They carefully avoid any mention of
* It is right to mention, that there is some discrepancy in the estimates of Mr
Bright's authorities on this point, of whom Mr Gayford is comparatively moderate ;
for we have others who, (upon, no doubt, equally sound data,) think two hares is the
proper equivalent ; and Mr Back of Norfolk is convinced that one hare is worse than
a sheep ; in other words, that one hare will eat up a statute acre. On the other
hand, Mr Berkeley weighed the full stomachs of a large hare, and an average South-
down sheep, and found them as one to fifty-five. So that, if the accounts of Mr
Gayford and his confreres are right, we have arrived at a law in physiological science
equally new and surprising — that the digestive powers of animals increase in a com-
pound inverse ratio to the capacity of the digestive organs !
f Scotsman, February 12, 1848.
70
The Game Laws in Scotland.
[July,
the fact, (which, however, any one
may learn for himself, by referring to
Mr Phillipps' tables,) that the average
of the game convictions during the
five years these tables include, was,
for all England, not 36, but a frac-
tion over 6 per cent of the whole.
Now, let us see how the case stands
in Scotland. We have observed that
our northern orators always draw their
illustrations from the south of the
Tweed; and we have, therefore, look-
ed with some curiosity into the re-
cords of our Scotch county courts,
as affording some test of the real
extent of the grievance in this part of
the empire. Unfortunately these re-
cords are not preserved in a tabular
form by all the counties; but we
have been favoured with returns from
five of the most important on the east
coast, which we selected as being those
in which the preservation of game is
notoriously earned to the greatest
extent. An abstract of these returns
will be found below,* and will suffice
to show how false, in regard to Scot-
land, is the assertion that game pro-
secutions are alarmingly numerous;
while every one knows that the ex-
pense is borne, not by the public, but
by the private party, except in very
rare and aggravated cases. From
these it appears that the whole num-
ber of game cases tried, or reported to
the authorities, in these five counties,
during the years 1846 and 1847, was
one hundred and forty- four, being
about 2.5 per cent of the whole. Fife-
shire (which was selected to be shown
up before Mr Bright's committee as
an abyss of game-law abuses) had, in
1848, out of eight hundred and thirty
offences, only three under the game
acts. As to the alleged progressive
increase of such cases, the subjoined
table of the numbers for the five years
preceding 1848 f proves that, whether
it be true or not as respects isolated
districts of England, that the num-
ber of game-law trials is every year
becoming a heavier burden on the
public, it certainly is not true in four
of the largest and most game-keeping
counties of Scotland.
We have now to make a remark or
two on the plea set up on behalf of
the poacher against the present game
laws. What is it that makes a man
become a poacher? "Temptation,"
says Mr Bright, " and temptation only.
How can you expect that the poor but
honest labourer, who, on his way home
from his daily toil, sees hares and
1846.
1847.
Per cent.
Total
Game
Total
Game
(both years.)
cases.
cases.
cases.
cases.
Aberdeen,
683
2
800
5
0.4
Berwick,
317
10
342
16
3.9
Edinburgh,
336
12
475
14
3.2
Haddington,
456
33
572
33
6.4
Fife,
862
13
819
6
1.1
Total,
2654
70
3008
74
2.5
Compare these facts with, the preposterous statements which the latest orator of
the league, Mr M. Crichton, has been repeating to listening zanies at Greenock, Glas-
gow, and Edinburgh, that " the commitments arising from game laws amount to ONE-
FOURTH of the whole crime of the country."
t Return of game-law offences during the years 1843-7
Counties.
1843.
1844.
1845.
1846.
1847.
Berwick,
14
8
14
10
16
Edinburgh,
41
48
21
12
14
Haddington,
35
55
23
33
33
Fife,
30
25
19
13
6
Total,
120
136
77
68
69
1849.]
pheasaiits swarming round his path,
should abstain from eking out his
scanty meal with one of those wild
animals, which, though on your land,
are no more yours than his ? The idea
would never have occurred to him if
he had not seen the pheasants ; and If
there had been no game laws, he would
have remained an upright and useful
member of society. " Such, we believe,
is the beau-ideal of the poacher, as we
find it in abolitionist speeches, and in
popular afterpieces at the theatre.
He is, of course, always poor, but
virtuous, —
*' A friendless man, at whose dejected eye
Th' unfeeling proud one looks, and passes by."
We shall not quarrel, however, with
the fidelity of this fancy sketch ; but
we may be allowed to doubt whether
any large proportion of those who
incur penalties for game trespass have
been led into temptation by the mere
abundance of game in large preserves.
Men of plain sense will think it just
as fair to ascribe the frequency of
larceny to the abundance of bandanas
which old gentlemen will keep dangling
from their pockets while pursuing their
studies at print-shop windows. The
evidence taken by the committee seems
rather to show that the poacher's trade
thrives best where there is what is
called " a fair sprinkling " of ill-
watched game, than where he has to
encounter a staff of vigilant and well-
trained keepers. But what though
the case were otherwise? Suppose
the existence of the temptation to be
admitted, is it to be seriously argued
that the province of legislation is not
to prohibit offence, but to remove all
temptation from the offenders? not to
protect men in the enjoyment of their
rights, but to abridge or annihilate
those rights, that they may not be
invaded by others ? This, we affirm,
is the principle when reduced to simple
terms ; and startling enough it is to
those who have been accustomed to
think that the proper tendency of laws
and civilisation is in precisely the
opposite direction. What although a
breach of these laws may sometimes
be the commencement of a course of
crime, are there no other temptations
which open the road to the hulks or
the penitentiary ? If the magistrates
of our towns, who so vehemently
The Game Laws in Scotland.
71
denounce the danger of the game laws,
are sincere in their search after the
sources of crime, and in their efforts
to repress them, we can help their in-
quiries— we can show them at their
own doors, and swarming in every
street, temptations to debauchery,
which have made a hundred crimes
for every one that can be traced to
game laws, — and yet we cannot
perceive that the zeal of our civic
reformers has been very strenu-
ously directed to discourage or to
diminish the numbers of these dens of
dissipation. We can refer them to
the reports of our gaol chaplains for
proof that three out of every four
prisoners are ignorant of the simplest
rudiments of education; and yet a
praiseworthy attempt lately made in
our metropolis to promote instruction
by means of apprentice schools, was
not favoured with the countenance of
our chief magistrate, because he hap-
pened to be engaged hi the more phi-
lanthropic duty of presiding at a meet-
ing for condemning the game laws !
If we are called upon to assign a
reason for the frequency of poaching,
we should attribute it neither to the
mere superabundance of game by
itself, nor yet to the pressure of po-
verty, but very much to the same sort
of temptation that encourages the
common thief to filch a watch or a
handkerchief— namely, the facility of
disposing of his spoil. Well-stocked
covers may present opportunities to
the poacher for turning his craft to
account, but it is plain the practice
would be comparatively rare if he did
not know that at the bar of the next
alehouse he can barter his sackful of
booty either for beer or ready coin, and
no questions asked. Every village of
1000 or 1500 inhabitants offers a
market for his wares, and any surplus
in the hands of the country dealer can
be transferred in eighteen hours to the
London poulterer's window. There
cannot be a doubt that the consump-
tion of game has increased enormously
since the beginning of this century.
It was formerly unknown at the tables
of men of moderate means, except
when haply it came as an occasional
remembrance from some country re-
lation, or grateful M.P. Now-a-days
the spouse of any third-rate attorney
or thriving tradesman would consider
72
The Game Laws in Scotland.
[July,
her housekeeping disgraced for ever,
if she failed to present the expected
pheasant or brace of moorfowl " when
the goodman feasts his friends." And
even if we descend to the artisans and
operatives of our large towns, it will
be found that hares and rabbits form
a wholesome and by no means unusual
variation of their daily fare. We have
the evidence of one of the great Lead-
enhall game dealers, that in the month
of November hares are sent up to
London in such quantities, that they
are often enabled to sell them at 9d.,
and even at 6d. each. The average
weight of a hare may be taken at
about 8 Ib. ; and if we deduct one-
half for the skin, &c., there will re-
main 4 Ib. of nutritious food, which, .
even at 2s., is cheaper than beef or
mutton ; while the occasional change
cannot but be both agreeable and
beneficial to those who have so limited
a choice of food within reach of their
means. Some idea may be formed of
the vast quantity of game brought
into London, from the statements of
Mr Brooke, who buys £10,000 worth
of game during the course of the win-
ter; and there are ten other great
salesmen in Leadenhall market alone.
If we make allowance for the supplies
sent directly to the smaller poulterers,
for the consumption in the other great
towns throughout the kingdom, and
for the probably still larger quan-
tity that never comes into market at
all, it is impossible to deny that game
has now become an important part of
the food of the people, and that, as an
article of commerce, it deserves the
attention of the legislature. Any
attempt to check the production and
sale of a commodity for which there
is so general a demand, must prove
both useless and mischievous. It is
in vain to proscribe it as an expensive
luxury, and insist on the substitution
of less costly fare. It may be true,
for anything we know, that the grain
or provender consumed by the 164,000
head of game, which Mr Brooke dis-
posed of in six months, might have
produced a greater weight of bullocks
or Leicester wedders, (though this is
extremely unlikely, for the simple
reason that grain, grass, and green
crops form only a part of the food of
any of the game species) ; but, whether
true or not, it is useless to prevent the
rearing of game by any sort of sump-
tuary enactment, direct or indirect.
The proper course of legislation is very
plain. While compensation should be
made exigible for all damage from
excess of game, and new statutory
provision made for this purpose, if the
present law is insufficient — fair en-
couragement should at the same time
be given for the production, in a legi-
timate way, of what is required for the
use of the public. Facilities should be
afforded to the honest dealer for con-
ducting his trade without risk or
disguise, and the useless remnant of
the qualification law in Scotland
should be abolished. Measures of this
nature, by turning the constant de-
mand for game into proper channels,
will prove the most effectual dis-
couragement to the occupation of the
poacher, and to the reckless and irre-
gular habits of life which it generally
induces.
A very opposite result, we are per-
suaded, would follow from the adop-
tion of Mr Bright's quack recipe for
putting an end to the practice of
poaching. By what indirect influence
is the abolition of the game laws ex-
pected to produce this effect ? IfT
indeed, along with the game, laws,
you sweep away also the law of com-
mon trespass — if you proclaim, in the
nineteenth centuiy, a return to the
habits of the golden age, when, as
Tibullns tells us —
" Nullus erat custos, nulla exclusura volentes
Janua;"
and if you authorise the populace at
large to traverse every park and en-
closure, at all hoiirs and seasons, and
in any numbers and any manner they
please, then we can understand that a
few months probably of rustic riot and
license may settle the question by the
extermination of the whole game
species. But we have not yet met
any game-law reformer so rabid as to
propose putting an end to the penal-
ties on ordinary trespass ; on the con-
trary, we find most of them, (Sir
Hairy Verney and Mr Pusey among
the number,)* anticipating the neces-
sity of arming the law with much
Evidence, Part i. 1414; ii. 7647, 7651.
1849.]
The Game Laws in Scotland.
73
stronger powers for preventing com-
mon trespasses. And even without such
additional powers, will not the tres-
pass law as it stands be employed by
proprietors to prevent interference with
their sports ? Is it supposed that the
abolition of the game statutes will at
once prevent the owners of great
manors from rearing pheasants in their
own covers? It may indeed drive
them to do so at a greater expense,
and to enlist additional watchers ; but
it is not likely that keen game pre-
servers will not avail themselves of
such defences as the common law may
still leave them. Game then, we con-
tend, may be thinned by this plan,
but it will not be exterminated. The
consequence will be that its price
will be enhanced; but as the de-
mand will still continue, the trade of
the poachers will remain as thriving
as ever. He may have to work
harder and to trudge farther before
he can fill his wallet ; but this will be
compensated by the additional price ;
and if the present quantity of game is
diminished by one-half, the conse-
quence will be that his agents will be
able to pay him five shillings a-head
for his pheasants instead of five shil-
lings a-brace. In short, we should
anticipate, as the effects of abolishing
the present statutes, that, while many
of the less wealthy owners of land
•would be deterred by the expense
from protecting game, and while the
amusement (such as it is) would be-
come greatly more exclusive than it
is now, such a measure would not
only fail to remove any of the induce-
ments which tempt the idle peasant
to take to the predatory life of a
poacher, but would, in the outset at
least, induce many to try it who never
thought of it before.
We must now pass on to the con-
siderations we have to offer on the
situation of the tenant-farmer as to
game; and the first question that
suggests itself as to his case is this, —
Whether the injury suffered by ten-
ants be really so serious and extensive
as is represented?
" There is no denying," says Mi-
Shepherd, in his Essay, (p. 12,) " the
notoriety of the fact that, in a great
majority of instances, this excessive
power of infringement on the pro-
perty of the tenant through these
laws has been abused. It has been
almost universally abused" Is this
true as regards either England or
Scotland? or is it merely one of those
vague and reckless affirmations which
a man writing for a purpose, and not
for truth, is so apt to hazard, in dis-
regard or defiance of the facts before
him? One thing we do find to be
notorious — that the committee's evi-
dence of game abuses in Scotland was
limited to one solitary case, that of
the estate of Wemyss. And although
we may very readily conceive that,
with more time and exertion, the
agents of the league might have fer-
reted out other instances, we may,
nevertheless, be allowed to express
our astonishment that, on the slender
foundation of this single case, Mr
Bright should have ventured to ask
his committee to find the general
fact proved, that the prosperity of
agriculture " in many parts of Scot-
land as well as England, is greatly
impaired by the preservation of
game." We learn at least to esti-
mate the value of the honourable
gentleman's judgment, and the amount
of proof which an abolitionist regards
as demonstration. But the truth is,
that the case of Scotland was not
examined at all ; and the rejected
report of Mr Bright and his associates
bears on its face the most satisfactory
evidence of their utter ignorance that
the law on this side the Tweed is a
perfectly different system from that
of England.
Will any believe that if our Scotch-
farmers, " in a great majority of in-
stances," found their property sacri-
ficed, they would not have universally
joined in demanding the interference
of the legislature? But what is 'the
fact ? An examination of the reports
on petitions during the last two ses-
sions shows that there certainly have
been petitions against the game laws,
but that for every one emanating from
an agricultural body there have been
ten from town-councils. We have
better evidence, however, than mere
inference, for the general distrust with
which the farmers have regarded this
agitation; for we find the Leaguers
themselves, one and all of them, la-
menting that their disinterested exer-
tions on behalf of the tenantry have
been viewed by that body with the
74
The Game Laws in Scotland.
[July,
most callous and ungrateful indiffer-
ence. It is impossible to read without
a smile Mr Bright's Address to the
Tenant-farmers (prefixed to Mr Wei-
ford's Summary of the Evidence) ; and
to mark the patient earnestness with
which he entreats them to believe that
they are groaning under manifold op-
pressions— and insists on " rousing
them to a sense of what is due to them-
selves." But your tiller of the soil is
ever hard to move. It is surprising
that the obstinate fellow cannot be
made to comprehend that he is the
victim of a malady he has never felt
— that he will persist in believing that
if game were all he had to complain
of, he might snap his fingers at Doctor
Bright and his whole fraternity. The
essayist of the Association can find no
better reason to assign for what he
calls " the wondrous and apparently
patient silence of the tenantry under
so exasperating an evil," — than, for-
sooth, that they are too servile to speak
out their true opinions. Such an ex-
planation, at the expense of the body
whom he pretends to represent, can
only insure for him the merited scorn
of all who have opportunities of know-
ing the general character of the
spirited, educated, and upright men
whom he ventures thus to calumniate.
The most obvious way of accounting
for their wondrous silence under op-
pression is also the true one — namely,
that, as a general fact, the oppression
is unknown. When an intelligent
farmer looks round among his neigh-
bours, and finds that for every acre
damaged by game there are thou-
sands untouched by it, — when he
knows that there are not only whole
parishes, but almost whole counties,
in which he could not detect in the crops
the slightest indication of game,— and
further, that, in ninety-nine cases out
of a hundred in which a tenant really
suffers injury, he is sure of prompt
and ample compensation — it is not sur-
prising that he looks upon the Associa-
tion with suspicion, and refuses to sup-
port, by his name or his money, their
system of stupendous exaggeration.
If any one wishes to convince himself of
the actual truth, we venture to suggest
to him a simple test. Damage from
game, to be appreciable at all, cannot
well be less than a shilling an acre.
Now, let any farmer survey in his
mind the district with which he is
best acquainted, and estimate on how
much of it the tenants would give
this additional rent, on condition of
the game laws being abolished. An
average-sized farm, in our best culti-
vated counties, may be taken at two
hundred acres — how many of his bro-
ther farmers can he reckon up, who
would consent to pay £10 a-year ad-
ditional on these terms ? A similar
test, it may be mentioned, was offered
to one of Mr Bright's witnesses, (Evi-
dence, i. 4938,) who had set down
his annual damages from game at from
£180 to £200, and who, after suc-
cessively declining to give £200, £100,
and £75 a-year additional rent for
leave to extirpate the game, thought,
at last, he might give £50 a-year for
that bargain.
But the question immediately be-
fore us is this : what remedy does the
existing law of Scotland give a tenant
in cases of real hardship from the pre-
servation of game ? In regard to this
question, it is impossible to overlook
the broad distinction between the
cases of those who have expressly un-
dertaken the burden of the game, and
those whose leases contain no such
covenant. The quasi-right of pro-
perty in game recognised by the Eng-
lish law is, by Lord Althorpe's sta-
tute of 1832, vested in the occupier of
land, when there is no express stipu-
lation to the contrary. The reverse
is virtually the case in Scotland — the
landlord retains his right to kill game,
unless he shall have agreed to surren-
der it to his tenant. In most cases,
however, the landlord's right does not
rest merely on the common law, but
is expressly reserved to him in the
lease. Now, when a tenant has deli-
berately become a party to such an
express stipulation, and when the
quantity of game (whether it be small
or great) does not exceed, during the
currency of the lease, what it was at
his entry, on what conceivable plea of
reason or justice can he ask the inter-
ference either of a court of law or of
the legislature? To say, with Mr
Bright and his coadjutors, that he sel-
dom attends much to such minor articles
in a lease — that he does not under-
stand their effect — that in the compe-
tition for land he is glad to secure a
farm on any conditions — all this is the
1849.]
The Game Laws in Scotland,
75
most childish trifling, and unworthy
of a moment's serious notice. There is
not a single sentence in any lease that
may not be set aside on the very same
grounds; and if agreements of this na-
ture are to be cancelled on pretences
so frivolous, there is an end to all
faith and meaning in contracts be-
tween man and man.
But the tenant's case assumes a very
different aspect when, by artificial
means expressly contrived for the
purpose, the game has been increased
subsequent to his entry. Then, it is
obvious, the burden is no longer the
same which the tenant undertook. It
is a state of things which he could not
anticipate from the terms of his con-
tract; and if the authority of the
courts of law were unable to reach
such a case, and to protect the tenant
from what is in fact an infringement,
on the part of the landlord, of their
mutual agreement, it is difficult to
imagine stronger grounds for insisting
that the defect should be supplied by
positive enactment. No such inter-
ference, however, is requisite. Our
law courts not only possess the power
of enforcing compensation for such in-
juries, but in the recent decision, in
the case of Wemyss and Others v.
Wilson, the supreme court has as-
serted and exercised that power in
the most distinct and unqualified man-
ner. "There is no instance," says
Mr Chiene Shepherd, writing before
the date of the above-mentioned judg-
ment, " in which our head court in
Scotland — the Court of Session — has
ever given a decision entitling a
tenant to damages from a landlord for
destruction of his crops by game."
Now, supposing the fact as here
stated, to be strictly correct, what
inference, we ask, can common can-
dour draw from it ? Are we to con-
clude that the law of Scotland, or the
bench that administers it, are so cor-
rupt as to countenance such an insult
to justice ? No such express decision
had then been given, simply because
no such claim had ever been tried ;
and surely this very fact is in itself
the strongest possible presumption
against the alleged universal abuse of
the power of preserving game — a pre-
sumption that a hardship which, up
to 1847, had never been made the
ground of a formal appeal to the law
tribunals, cannot be either very fre-
quent or very severe. The statement,
however, is not strictly correct ; for,
though no actual decree had been
given on the special amount of da-
mages before 1847, a very distinct,
though incidental, opinion as to the
liability of landlords in such cases was
given in a case which occurred fifteen
years ago — Drysdale v. Jameson.
The principle of the law could not be
more lucidly stated than in the words
of the learned judge (Fullerton) on
that occasion.
" A tenant, in taking a farm, must
be considered as taking it under the
burden of supporting the game, and
may be presumed to have satisfied
himself of the extent of that burden,
as he is understood to do of any other
unfavourable circumstance impairing
the productiveness of the farm. But,
on the other hand, it would seem con-
trary to principle that the landlord,
who is bound to warrant the beneficial
possession to the tenant, should be
allowed, by his own act, to aggravate
the burden in any great degree. A
tenant, in order to support such a
claim, must prove not only a certain
visible damage arising from game, but
a certain visible increase of the game,
and a consequent alteration of the cir-
cumstances contemplated in the con-
tract^ imputable to the landlord. The
true ground of damage seems to be, not
that the game is abundant, but that
its abundance has been materially in-
creased since the date of the lease."*
Surely so clear an opinion, coming
from such a quarter, was a pretty plain
indication of the protection which the
law would extend to a tenant in these
circumstances ; and, accordingly, it
has been completely confirmed on
every point by the more recent and
comprehensive decision on Captain
Wemyss' case. Any new steps on the
part of a landlord for stimulating the
natural supply of game, whether
by feeding them, breeding them arti-
ficially, or by a systematic destruction
of the vermin which naturally prey
on them, will be held as indicating an
intention on his part to depart from
the terms of the contract, and as
* Shaw, ii. 147,
76
The Game Laws in Scotland.
[July,
therefore opening a valid claim for
any damage the tenant may experience
in consequence of the change. And
it is not only such direct and active
measures for augmenting the stipulated
burden that will be thus interpreted
against thelandlord ; but even his doing
so negatively — that is, his failing to
exercise the power he retains in his own
hands, and to keep down the burden
to the same amount at which the ten-
ant found it on his entry, will be held
as equivalent to his positive act.
If, then, there ever was any ground
for alleging that the state of the law
was indefinite, the objection is now
removed. No one can pretend to
doubt that a tenant of land in Scot-
land has as ample a protection
against injury from game as the law
can give him. To prevent the injury
beforehand is beyond the power of
any law. All that it can do is to
afford him as prompt and effectual
means of redress as it furnishes against
any other species of injury. In short,
when its principle is weighed fairly,
and when we take into consideration
the relief from the fiscal qualification
which Mr Mackenzie's act of last ses-
sion conferred on the farmers, we shall
be able to estimate how far it is true
that, " both in parliament and out of
parliament, the interests and industry
of tenants are systematically sacrificed
to the maintenance of the odious pri-
vileges of more favoured classes."
We have followed out and exposed,
perhaps at greater length than was
necessary, the stock sophisms and
more flagrant exaggerations by which
the total abolition of game laws is
usually supported. Some points are
yet untouched ; but we prefer employ-
ing the rest of our paper in briefly
stating a few suggestions for the re-
moval of some of those difficulties and
anomalies in the Scotch law, which
we set out with acknowledging. In
judging of any such alterations, it is
necessary never to lose sight of the
leading principle on which the whole
Scotch system is founded — namely,
the original and common right to seize
and appropriate the animals of chase,
qualified and determined by the pre-
vious right of the landowner to the
exclusive use of the soil.
1st. Keeping this in view, our first
change would be the abolition of the
land-qualification introduced by the
Act 1621 ; and this for the double
reason that it was originally an un-
warrantable departure from the gene-
ral principle just mentioned, and that
it is inexpedient to cumber the sys-
tem with a law which is practically
in desuetude.
2d. The effect of this alteration
would be to remove also the useless
and improper restriction on the sale of
game. There can be no good reason
for throwing difficulties in the way of
the game-dealer's trade. As a check
to poaching, we have abundant proof
that the present restriction is inopera-
tive ; or, if it has any effect, it is
directly the reverse of that intended,
by throwing the trade very much into
the hands of a low class of retailers.
Instead of requiring a qualification or
permission, which is constantly evaded,
we would substitute a game-dealer's
license, as in England.
3d. The fifth section of the Day
Trespass Act empowers the person
having the right to kill game on any
lands, or any person authorised by
him, to seize game in the possession of
a trespasser. This provision has
sometimes given occasion to danger-
ous conflicts between the parties, and
is, moreover, quite at variance with
the principle of the law above noted.
4th. The next particular we shall
mention is of more importance. The
evidence of Mr Bright's committee
has, we think, fully disproved the
charge against the county magistracy
of England, of partiality and excessive
severity in game cases. Exceptions no
doubt were brought forward, but their
paucity shows the contrary to be the
rule. In Scotland there is still less
ground for such an accusation. With
us, such an occurrence as a justice
adjudicating in his own case is un-
known ; and we find even the most
violent of the abolition lecturers ad-
mitting that proceedings before the
sessions under the game statutes are
conducted with equity and leniency.
But this is not enough. The parties
who have to administer the law should
be above all suspicion of bias or in-
terest, even of the most indirect kind ;
and we should greatly prefer that
game prosecutions were removed al-
together, into the court of the judge-
ordinary. Such an alteration, were a
1849.]
Dominique.
77
sure, would be regarded generally by
the benches of county magistrates as
a most desirable relief from one of
the most invidious and embarrassing
duties they have to execute. But, as
the law stands, they have no option —
for offences under the Day Trespass
Act are cognisable by them only. If,
then, there be any valid reason against
transferring the trial of all game of-
fences to the sheriff court, (and at
present we can see none) it is at all
events most advisable that his juris-
diction should be extended to day as
well as to night trespasses.
5th. Any revisal of the law should
embrace provisions against the accu-
mulation of penalties ; for although
these are very rarely insisted on in
Scotland, the power of enforcing them
affords a pretext for declamations
against the severity of the game law,
which its opponents know well how to
employ.
Besides these modifications of the
statutes, it seems most desirable
that in all leases the disposal of game
should be regulated by special clauses,
which should include a reference to
arbitration in case of dispute.
DOMINIQUE.
A SKETCH FROM LIFE.
TWO STUDENTS.
AT the lower extremity of that an-
cient street long recognised as the
head and centre of the Pays Latin or
scholastic quarter of Paris, and which,
for six centuries, has borne the name
of the Rue de la Harpe, within a few
doors of the bridge of St Michel, and
in a room upon the fifth floor, two young
men were seated, on a spring morn-
ing of the year 182-. Even had the
modest apartment been situated else-
where than in the focus of the students'
district, its appearance would have
prevented the possibility of mistake
as to the character of its inmates.
Scanty furniture, considerably bat-
tered, caricatures of student life, par-
tially veiling the dirty damp-stained
paper that blistered upon the walls,
which were also adorned by a pair of
foils, a cracked guitar, and a set of
castanets ; a row of pegs supporting
pipes, empty bottles in one corner,
ponderous octavos thickly coated with
dust in another, told a tale confirmed
by the exterior of the occupants of the
apartment. One of these, a young
man of two-and- twenty, was evidently
at home, for his feet were thrust into
slippers, once embroidered, a Greek
cap covered his head, and a tattered
dressing-gown of pristine magnificence
enveloped his slender and active figure.
His features were regular and intelli-
gent, and he had the dark fiery eyes,
clustering black hair, and precociously
abundant beard of a native of southern
France. His companion, a young
Norman, had nothing particularly
noticeable in his countenance, save a
broad open brow and a character of
much shrewdness and perspicacity —
qualities possessed in a high degree
by a majority of his fellow provincials.
His dress was one of those nondescript
eccentric coats and conical broad-
leafed hats at all times particularly
affected by French studiosi.
The two young men were seated at
either extremity of the low sill of a
tall French window, thrown wide open
to admit the pleasant spring sunshine,
into which they puffed, from capacious
pipes, wreaths of thin blue smoke.
Their conversation turned upon a crime
— or rather a series of crimes — which
occasioned, at that particular moment,
much excitement in Paris, and which
will still be remembered by those per-
sons upon the tablets of whose me-
mory the lapse of a quarter of a cen-
tury does not act as a spunge. About
three years previously, a young man
named Gilbert Gaudry, of respectable
family, liberal education, and good
reputation, had been tried and con-
victed for the murder of an uncle, by
whose death he largely inherited. The
78
Dominique,
[July,
accused man was in debt, and his em-
barrassed circum stances prevented his
marrying a woman to whom he was
passionately attached ; his uncle had
recently refused him pecuniary assis-
tance, upon which occason Gaudry
was heard to express himself harshly
and angrily. Many other circum-
stances concurred to throw upon him
the odium of the crime; and, alto-
gether, the evidence, although entirely
circumstantial, was so strong against
him, that, in spite of his powerful ap-
peal and solemn denial, the judge con-
demned him to death. The sentence
had been commuted to the galleys for
life. Three years passed, and the real
murderer was discovered — a dis-
charged servant of the murdered man,
who, at the trial, had given important
evidence against Gaudry. The guil-
lotine did its work on the right offen-
der, and Gaudry's sentence was re-
versed. But three years of slavery
and opprobrium, of shame, horror,
and gnawing sense of injustice, had
wrought terribly upon the misjudged
man, inspiring him with a blind and
burning thirst of revenge. Almost
his first act, on finding himself at
liberty, was to stab, in broad day-
light, and in the open street, the judge
who had condemned him. This time
there could be no question of his guilt,
and he would inevitably have been con-
demned to death ; but, before his trial,
he found means of hanging himself in
his cell. This last tragical and shock-
ing incident had occurred but two
days previously, and now furnished
the embryo jurists with a theme for
animated discussion. Without vindi-
cating the wretched murderer and
suicide, the young Norman was dis-
posed to find an extenuating cir-
cumstance in the unjust punishment
he had endured. But his friend scout-
ed such leniency, and, taking up high
ground, maintained that no criminal
was baser than he who, the victim of
judicial error, revenged himself upon
the magistrate who had decided ac-
cording to the best of his judgment and
conscience, but who, sharing the lia-
bility to err of every human judge, was
misled by deceitful appearances or
perjured witnesses.
" Argue it as you will," cried Domi-
nique Lafon ; " be plausible and elo-
quent, bring batteries of sophisms to
the attack, you cannot breach my
solid position. Excuse and extenua-
tion are alike in vain. I repeat and
maintain, that to make a magistrate
personally responsible for his judg-
ments, be they just or unjust, so long
as he has kept within the line of his
duty, and acted according to his con-
science, is revenge of the basest and
most criminal description."
" Bear in mind," replied Henry la
Chapelle, "that I attempt not to
justify the unhappy Gaudry. All I
assert is, that injustice excites in the
breast of every man, even of the
gentlest, hatred against him by whom
the injustice is done. And its frequent
repetition, or the long continuance of
the suffering it occasions, will ulti-
mately provoke, in nine cases out of
ten, an outbreak of revengeful fury.
The heart becomes embittered, the
judgment blinded, the mild and beau-
tiful injunctions of Scripture are for-
gotten or disregarded, in the gust of
passion and vindictive rage. To offer
the left cheek when the right has been
buffeted, is, of all divine precepts, the
most difficult to follow. A man
ruined, tortured, or disgraced by in-
justice, looks to the sentence, not to
the intention, of his judge ; taxes him
with precipitation, prejudice, or over-
severity, and views revenge as a right
rather than a crime. Doubtless there
are exceptions — men whose Christian
endurance would abide by them even
unto death ; but, believe me, they are
few, very few. The virtues of Job are
rare ; and rancour, the vile weed,
chokes, in our corrupt age, the meek
flower, resignation."
" A man to whom injustice is really
done," said Dominique, " may console
himself with the consciousness of his
innocence, which an act of rancorous
revenge would induce many to doubt.
The suffering victim finds sympathy ;
the fierce avenger excites horror and
reprobation."
"Mere words, my dear fellow,"
replied la Chapelle. " Fine phrases,
and nothing else. You are a theorist,
pleading against human nature. What
logic is this ? Undeserved punishment
is far more difficult to endure than
merited castigation ; and an act of
revenge should rather plead in favour
of the innocence of him who commits
it. In a criminal, the consciousness
1849.]
Dominique.
that he merited his punishment would
leave less room for hatred than for
shame ; it would excite vexation at
his ill luck, rather than enduring
anger against his judge. There would
be exceptions and variations, of
course, according to the moral idiosyn-
cracy of the individual. It is impos-
sible to establish a mathematical scale
for the workings of human passions.
I repeat that I do not justify such re-
venge, but I still maintain that to seek
it is natural to man, and that many
men, even with less aggravation than
was given to Gaudry, might not have
sufficient resolution and virtue to resist
the impulse."
" You have but a paltry opinion of
your fellow-creatures," said Domi-
nique. " I am glad to think better of
them. And I hold him a weak slave
to the corruption of our nature, who
has not strength to repress the im-
pulse to a deed his conscience cannot
justify."
" Admirable in principle," said la
Chapelle, smiling, "but difficult in
practice. You yourself, my dear
Dominique, who now take so lofty a
tone, and who feel, I am quite sure,
exactly as you speak — you yourself,
if I am not greatly mistaken in your
character, would be the last man to
sit down quietly under injustice.
Your natural ardour and impetuosity
would soon upset your moral code."
"Never!" vehemently exclaimed
Dominique. " La Chapelle, never
will I suffer my passions thus to sub-
due my reason ! What gratification
of revenge can ever compensate the
loss of that greatest of blessings, a
pure and tranquil conscience ? What
peace of mind could I hope for, after
permitting such discord between my
principles and my actions ? La Cha-
pelle, you wrong me by the thought."
"Well, well," replied his friend,
" I may be wrong, and at any rate I
reason in the abstract rather than per-
sonally to you. I heartily wish you
never may suffer wrong, or be tempted
to revenge. But remember, my friend,
safety is not in over-confidence. The
severest assaults are for the strongest
towers."
A knock at the room-door inter-
rupted the conversation. It was the
porter of the lodging-house, bringing
a letter that had just arrived for
Dominique. On recognising the hand-
writing of the address, and the post-
mark of Montauban, the young man
uttered a cry of pleasure. It was from
home, from his mother. He hastily
tore it open. But as he read, the
smile of joy and gratified affection
faded from his features, and was re-
placed by an expression of astonish-
ment, indignation, grief. Scarcely
finishing the letter, he crumpled it in
his hand with a passionate gesture, and
stripping off his dressing-gown began
hastily to dress. With friendly soli-
citude la Chapelle observed his vary-
ing countenance.
"No bad news, I hope?" he
inquired.
For sole reply, Dominique threw
him the letter.
MOTHER AND SON.
Dominique Lafon was the son of a
man noted for his democratic prin-
ciples, who, after holding high provin-
cial office under the Republic and the
Consulate, resigned his functions in
displeasure, when Napoleon grasped
an emperor's sceptre, and retired to
his native town of Montauban, where
he since had lived upon a modest
patrimony. Under Napoleon, Pascal
Lafon had been unmolested; but
when the Bourbons returned, his name,
prominent during the last years of the
eighteenth century, rendered him the
object of a certain surveillance on the
part of the police of the Restoration.
On the occasion of more than one re-
publican conspiracy, real or imagin-
ary, spies had been set upon him, and
endeavours made to prove him impli-
cated. Once he had even been con-
ducted before a tribunal, and had
xuidergone a short examination. No-
thing, however, had been elicited
that in any way compromised him;
and in a few hoxirs he was again at
liberty, before his family knew of his
brief arrest. In reality, Lafon, al-
though still an ardent republican, was
entirely guiltless of plotting against
the monarchy, which he deemed too
firmly consolidated to be as yet
80
Dominique.
[July,
shaken. France, lie felt, had need of
repose before again entering the revo-
lutionary arena. His firm faith still
was, that a time would come when
she would dismiss her kings for ever,
and when pure democracy would
govern the land. But before that time
arrived, his eyes, he believed, would
be closed in death. He was no con-
spirator, but he did not shun the
society of those who were ; and, more-
over, he was not sufficiently guarded
in the expression of his republican
opinions and Utopian theories. Hence
it came that, like the Whig in Claver-
house's memoranda, he had a triple
red cross against his name in the
note-book of the Bourbon police, who,
at the time now referred to, had been
put upon the alert by the recent assas-
sination of the Duke of Berri. Al-
though the circumstances of that crime,
and the evidence upon Louvel's trial,
combined to stamp the atrocious deed
as the unaided act of a fanatic, with-
out accomplices or ulterior designs, the
event had provoked much rigid inves-
tigation of the schemes of political
malcontents throughout France ; and
in several districts and towns, magis-
trates and heads of police had been
replaced, as lax and lukewarm, by
men of sterner character. Amongst
other changes, the Judge of Instruc-
tion at Montauban had had a succes-
sor given him. The new magistrate
was preceded by a reputation of great
vigilance and severity — a reputation
he lost no time in justifying. By the
aid of a couple of keen Parisian police
agents of the Procureur du Roi, whom
he stimulated to increased activity,
he soon got upon the scent of a repub-
lican conspiracy, of which Montauban
was said to be a principal focus.
Various reports were abroad as to the
manner in which Monsieur Noell, the
new judge, had obtained his informa-
tion. Some said, the plotters had been
betrayed by the mistress of one of
them, in a fit of jealous fury at a fan-
cied infidelity of her lover; others
declared, that hope of reward had
quickened the invention of a police
spy, who, despairing of discovering a
conspiracy, had applied himself to
fabricate one. Be that as it might, a
number of arrests took place, and,
amongst others, that of Dominique's
father. The intelligence of this event
was conveyed to the young student in
a few despairing lines from his mother,
whose health, already very precarious,
had suddenly given way under the
shock of her husband's imprisonment.
She wrote from a sick-bed, imploring
her son to lose no time in returning
to Montauban.
Gloomy were the forebodings of
Dominique as the mail rattled him
over the weary leagues of road be-
tween Paris and Montauban. Yet,
when he reached home, he half hoped
to be greeted by his father's friendly
voice, for, himself convinced of his
innocence, he could not believe the
authorities would be long in recognis-
ing it. He was disappointed. The
sorrowful mien of the domestic who
opened the door told a tale of mis-
fortune.
" Oh, Monsieur Dominique !" said
the man, an old servant, who had
known the student from his cradle,
" the house is not wont to be so sad
when you return."
"My mother! where is my mo-
ther ? " cried Dominique. The next
instant he was at her bed-side, clasp-
ing her poor thin fingers, and gazing
in agony on her emaciated features.
A few days of intense alarm and
anxiety, acting on an exquisitely sus-
ceptible organisation, had done the
work of months of malady. A slow
fever was in her veins, undermining
her existence. Dominique shuddered
at sight of her sunken temples, and of
the deep dark furrows below her eyes.
It seemed as if the angel of death had
already put his stamp upon that be-
loved countenance. But he concealed
his mental anguish, and spoke cheer-
ingly to the invalid. She told him
the particulars of his father's arrest.
She had already written to some
friends, sent for others, and had done
all in her power to ascertain exactly
the offences of which Lafou was ac-
cused ; but the persons who had made
the inquiries had been put off with
generalities, and none had obtained
access to the prisoner, who was in
solitary confinement.
Dominique Lafon was tenderly at-
tached to both his parents. Upon him,
their only child, their entire affection
was concentrated and lavished. They
had made him their companion even
from his earliest years, had tended
1849.]
Dominique.
81
him with unwearying solicitude
through his delicate infancy, had de-
voted themselves to his education
when he grew older, and had con-
sented with difficulty and regret to
part from him, when his arrival at
man's estate rendered it desirable he
should visit the capital for the con-
clusion of his studies. Dominique
repaid their care with devoted love.
His father's consistency and strength
of character inspired him with re-
spect ; he listened to his precepts with
veneration and gratitude ; but he
idolised his mother, whose feminine
graces and tender care were inter-
twined with the sweetest reminiscences
of childhood's happy days. He now
strove to repay some portion of his
debt of filial love by the most un-
wearying attendance at the invalid's
pillow. His arrival brought a gleam
of joy and hope to the sick woman's
brow, but the ray was transient, and
quickly faded. The vital flame had
sunk too low to revive again per-
manently. She grew weaker and
weaker, and felt that her hour ap-
proached. But her spirit, so soon to
appear before her Maker, yet clung
to an earthly love. Whilst striving
to fix her thoughts on things heavenly,
they still dwelt upon him by whose
side she had made life's checkered
pilgrimage. She wrung her hands in
agony at the thought that she must
leave the world without bidding him
a last farewell. She asked but a mo-
ment to embrace him who, for five-
and-twenty years, had been her guar-
dian and protector, her tenderest
friend and companion. Dominique
could not endure the spectacle of her
grief. He left the house to use every
endeavour to obtain for her the in-
dulgence she so ardently desired.
The first person to whom he ap-
plied was the Judge of Instruction,
Monsieur Noell. Provided with a
medical certificate of his mother's
dying state, he obtained admission to
that magistrate's cabinet. He found
a tall thin man, with harsh strongly
marked features, and a forbidding
expression of countenance. The glazed
stare of his cold gray eyes, and the
cruel lines about his mouth, chilled
Dominique's hopes, and almost made
him despair of success. The youth
preferred his request, however, with
VOL. LXVI.— NO. CCCCV.
passionate earnestness, imploring that
his father might be allowed to leave
his prison for a single hour, under
good guard, to visit the bedside of
his expiring wife, in presence of such
witnesses as the authorities would
think proper to name. The reply to
this prayer was a formal and decided
negative. Until the prisoner Lafon
had undergone a second examination,
no one could be admitted to see him
under any pretext whatever. That
examination was not to take place
for at least a week. Dominique
was very sure, from what the phy-
sicians had told him, that his mo-
ther could not survive for a third
of that time.
The frigid manner and unsym-
pathising tone of the magistrate, and
the uncourteous brevity of his refusal,
grated so unpleasantly upon the irri-
tated feelings of the student, that he
had difficulty in restraining a momen-
tary anger. In less imminent circum-
stances, his pride would have pre-
vented his persisting in a petition
thus unkindly rejected, but the thought
of his dying mother brought patience
and humility to his aid. Warmly,
but respectfully, he reiterated his
suit. The magistrate was a widower,
but he had children, to whom report
said he was devotedly attached.
Harsh and rigid in his official duties,
in his domestic circle he was said to
be the tenderest of fathers. Domi-
nique had heard this, and availed of
it in pleading his suit.
" You have children, sir !" he said;
" you can picture to yourself the grief
you would feel were your deathbed
unblessed by their presence. How
doubly painful must be the parting
agony, when the ear is unsoothed by
the voice of those best beloved, when
no cherished hand is there to prop the
sinking head, and close the eyes for
ever on this world and its sufferings !
Refuse not my father the consolation
of a last interview with his dying
wife ! Have compassion on my poor
mother's agony ! Suffer her to breathe
her last between the two beings who
share all her affection ! So may your
own deathbed be soothed by the pre-
sence of those you most dearly love !"
Doubtless Monsieur Noell's ear was
well used to such pleadings, and his
heart was hardened by a long course
82
Dominique.
[July,
of judicial severity. His glance lost
nothing of its habitual'cold indiffer-
ence, as he replied to Dominique's
passionate entreaties with a decided
negative.
" I must repeat my former answer,"
he said ; " I neither can nor will grant
the indulgence you require. And
now I will detain you no longer, as
you may perhaps make use of your
time to greater advantage in other
quarters."
He rose from his chair, and re-
mained standing till Dominique left
the room. The tone of his last words
had wellnigh crushed hope in the
young man's bosom. But as long as
a possibility remained, the student
pursued it. He betook himself to the
Procureur du Roi, whose office consti-
tuted him'public prosecutor in cases of
this kind. That functionary declared
himself incompetent, until the pri-
soner should have undergone another
examination. Until then, the only
•appeal from the judge was to the
minister of justice. Dominique in-
stantly drew up and forwarded a
petition ; but before it reached Paris,
his mother breathed her last. She
met her death, preceded and attended
by acute sufferings, with the resigna-
tion of a martyr. But even after the
last sacrament of her religion had
been administered, and when she
earnestly strove to fix her mind on
eternity, to the exclusion of things
temporal, the thought of her husband,
so long and tenderly beloved, and
absent at this supreme hour, intruded
itself upon her pious meditations,
brought tears to her eyes, and drew
heartrending sobs from her bosom ;
her last sigh was for him, her latest
breath uttered his name. This fer-
vent desire, so cruelly thwarted,
those tears of deferred hope and final
profound disappointment, were inex-
pressibly painful to contemplate.
Upon Dominique, whose love for his
mother was so deep and holy, they
made a violent impression. Bitter
were his feelings as he sat beside her
couch when the spirit had fled, and
gazed upon her clay-cold features,
whereon there yet lingered a grieved
and suffering expression. And later,
when the earth had received her into
its bosom, that pallid and sorrowful
countenance was ever before his eyes.
In his dreams he heard his mother's
well-known voice, mournfully pro-
nouncing the name of her beloved
husband, and praying, as she had
done in the last hours of her life, that
she might again behold him before
she departed. Nor were these visions
dissipated by daylight. They recur-
red to his excited imagination, and
kindled emotions of fierce hatred
towards the man who had had it in his
power to smooth his mother's passage
from life to death, and who had wan-
tonly refused the alleviation. Nay
more ; convinced of his father's inno-
cence, Dominique considered the
judge who had thrown him into prison
as in some sort his .mother's murderer.
He had accelerated her decease, and
thrown gall into the cup it is the lot
of every mortal to drain. The physi-
cians had declared anxiety of mind
to be the immediate cause of her
death. Dominique brooded over this
declaration, and over the misfortunes
that had so suddenly overtaken him,
until he came to consider M. Noell
as much an assassin as if he had
struck a dagger into his mother's
heart. " What matter," he thought,
" whether the wound be dealt to body
or to soul, so long as it slays ?" He
had nothing to distract his thoughts
from dwelling upon and magnifying
the wrongs that had deprived him of
both parents, one by death, the other
by an imprisonment whose termina-
tion he could not foresee. At times
his melancholy was broken by bursts
of fury against him he deemed the
cause of his misfortunes.
" Could I but see him die !" he
would exclaim, " the cold-blooded
heartless tyrant — die alone, childless,
accursed, without a friendly hand to
wipe the death-sweat from his face !
Then, methinks, I could again be
happy, when his innocent victim was
thus revenged. Alas, my mother ! —
my poor, meek, long-suffering mother,
— must your death go unrequited ? For
what offence was your life taken as
atonement ? By what vile distortion
of justice did this base inquisitor
visit upon your innocent head a trans-
gression that never was committed?"
Meanwhile the captivity of the
elder Lafon was prolonged. A second
examination relaxed nothing of his
jailor's severity, and his son's applica-
1849.]
Dominique.
83
tions to see him were all rejected.
Dominique wrote to his father, but
he received no answer ; and he after-
wards learned that his letter had not
been delivered when sent, but had
been detained by Noell, who, finding
nothing criminatory in its contents,
had subjected it, with characteristic
suspicion, to chemical processes, in
hopes to detect writing with sym-
pathetic ink, and had finally made it
accessory to an attempt to extort a
confession from the prisoner. This
information, obtained from an under-
strapper of the prison by means of a
large bribe, raised Dominique's exas-
peration to the highest pitch.
" Gracious Heaven !" he exclaimed,
"are such things to be endured in
silence and submission ? Has human
justice iron scourges for nominal of-
fences,— honours and rewards for real
crimes? On a false accusation my
father pines in a dungeon, whilst my
mother's murderer walks scatheless
Snd exalted amongst his fellows ; but
if the laws of man are impotent to
avenge her death, who shall blame
her son for remembering her dying
agony, and requiting it on those who
aggravated her sufferings ?"
And he walked forth, pondering
vengeance. Unconsciously his steps
took the direction of the prison. Long
he stood, with folded arms and lower-
ing brow, gazing at the small grated
aperture that gave light and air to his
father's cell, and hoping to see his
beloved parent look out and recognise
him. He gazed in vain : twilight
came, night followed, no one appeared
at the window. Dominique knew not
that it was high above the prisoner's
reach. He returned home, fancying
his father ill, nourishing a thousand
bitter thoughts, and heaping up fresh
hatred against the author of so much
misery. That night Michel, the old
servant, came twice to his room door,
to see what ailed him, since, instead
of retiring to rest, he unceasingly
paced the apartment. Dominique
dismissed the faithful fellow to his bed,
and resumed his melancholy walk.
But in the morning he was so pale
and haggard that Michel slipped out
to ask the family physician to call in
by accident. When he returned,
Dominique had left the house. In
great alarm — for his young master's
gloomy despondency at once suggested
fear of suicide — Michel tracked his
steps. His fears proved unfounded.
With some trouble he ascertained that
Dominique had quitted the town on
the top of a passing diligence, with a
valise for sole baggage, and without
informing any one of the object of his
journey.
THE DOUBLE DUEL.
Antony Noell, the judge, had three
children, and report lied not when it
said that he was tenderly attached to
them. A harsh and unfeeling man in
his official capacity, and in the ordi-
nary affairs of life, all the softer part
of his nature seemed to have resolved
itself into paternal affection. His two
sons were students at the university
of Toulouse ; his youngest child, a
blooming maiden of twelve, still
brightened his home and made his
heart joyful, although she soon was
to leave him to finish her education
in a convent. The two students were
gay handsome lads, but somewhat
dissipated ; fonder of the bottle and
the billiard-room than of grave lec-
tures and dry studies. They were iu
small favour with their pedagogues,
but in high repute with their fellow
collegians ; whilst peaceable citizens
and demure young ladies regarded
them with mingled aversion, interest,
and curiosity, on account of certain
mad pranks, by which, during their
first half-year's residence, they had
gained a certain notoriety in the quiet
city of Toulouse.
It happened one night, as the bro-
thers came both flushed with play and
wine from their accustomed coffee-
house on the Place du Capitole, that
Vincent, the elder of the two, stumbled
over the feet of a man who sat upon
one of the benches placed outside the
establishment. The passage through,
the benches and tables was narrow^ ;
and the stranger, having thrust his
legs nearly across it, had little reason
to complain of the trifling offence of-
fered him. Nevertheless he jumped to
Dominique.
[July,
his feet and fiercely taxed young Noell
with an intentional insult. Noell,
full of good humour and indifferent
wine, and taking his interlocutor for
a fellow student, made a jesting re-
ply, and seizing one of the stranger's
arms, whilst his brother Martial
grasped the other, dragged him into
the lamp-light to see who he was. But
the face they beheld was unknown to
them ; and scarcely had they obtained
a glimpse at it when its owner shook
them off, applying to them at the same
time a most injurious epithet. The
students would have struck him, but
he made a pace backwards, and, seiz-
ing a heavy chair which he whirled
over his head as though it had been a
feather, he swore he would dash out
the brains of the first who laid a finger
on him.
" I do not fight like a water-car-
rier," he said, " with fists and feet ;
but if you are as ready with your
swords as you are with your insolence,
you shall not long await satisfac-
tion."
And offering a card, which was at
once accepted, he received two in re-
turn. The disputants then separated ;
and as soon as the Noells turned out
of the square, they paused beneath a
lamp to examine the card they had
received. Inscribed upon it was the
name of Dominique Lafon.
It was too late, when this quarrel
occurred, for further steps to be taken
that night ; but early on the following
morning Dominique's second, a young
lawyer whom he had known during
his studies at Paris, had an interview
with the friends appointed by the
Noells to act on their behalf. The
latter anticipated a duet with swords,
and were surprised to find that Domi-
nique, entitled, as the insulted party,
to fix the weapon, selected the more
dangerous and less usual one of pistols.
They could not object, however, and
the meeting was fixed for the next
day; the arrangement being that both
brothers should come upon the ground,
and that, if Dominique was unhurt in
the first encounter, the second duel
should immediately succeed it.
In a secluded field, to the right of
the pleasant road from Toulouse to
Albi, and at no great distance from
the tumulus on whose summit a stone
pillar commemorates Soult's gallant
resistance to Wellington's conquering
forces, the combatants met at the ap-
pointed hour, and sainted each other
Avith cold courtesy. Dominique was
pale, but his hand and eye were steady,
and his pulse beat calmly. The two
Noells were cheerful and indifferent,
and bore themselves like men to whom
encounters of this kind were no novelty.
The elder brother took the first turn.
The seconds asked once more if the af-
fair could not be peaceably arranged ;
but, receiving no answer, they made
the final arrangements. Two peeled
willow rods were laid upon the ground,
six yards apart. At ten yards from
either of these the duellists were placed,
making the entire distance between
them six and twenty yards ; and it was
at their option, when the seconds gave
the word, either to advance to the
barrier before firing, or to fire at once,
or from any intervening point.
The word was given, and the anta-
gonists stepped out. Vincent Noell
took but two paces, halted and fired.
He had missed. Dominique continued
steadily to advance. When he had
taken five paces, the seconds looked
at each other, and then at him, as if
expecting him to stop. He took no
notice, and moved on. It was a
minute of breathless suspense. In the
dead silence, his firm tread upon the
grass was distinctly audible. He
paused only when his foot touched the
willow wand. Then he slowly raised
his arm, and fired.
The whirling smoke prevented him
for an instant from discerning the effect
of his shot, but the hasty advance of
the seconds and of two surgeons who
had accompanied them to the field,
left him little doubt that it had told.
It had indeed done so, and with fatal
effect. The unhappy Vincent was
bathed in his blood. The surgeons
hastened to apply a first dressing, but
their countenances gave little hope of
a favourable result.
Pale and horror-stricken, not with
personal fear, but with grief at his
brother's fate, Martial Noell whispered
his second, who proposed postponing
the second duel till another day.
Dominique, who, whilst all his com-
panions had been busy with the
wounded man, had remained leaning
against a tree, his discharged pistol in
his hand, collected and unsympathis-
3849.]
Dominique.
85
ing, stepped forward on bearing this
proposition.
" Another day ? " said he with a
cruel sneer. "Before another day
arrives, I shall doubtless be in prison
for this morning's work. But no
matter ; if the gentleman is less ready
to fight than he was to insult me, let
him leave the field."
The scornful tone and insinuation
brought a flush of shame and anger
to the brow of the younger Noell. He
detested himself for the momentary
weakness he had shown, and a fierce
flame of revenge kindled in his heart.
" Murderer ! " he exclaimed, '' my
brother's blood calls aloud for ven-
geance. May Providence make me
its instrument ! "
Dominique replied not. Under the
same conditions as before, the two
young men took their stations. But
the chances were not equal. Domi-
nique retained all his coolness; his
opponent's whole frame quivered with
passionate emotion. This time, neither
was in haste to fire. Advancing
slowly, their eyes fixed on each other,
they reached at the same moment the
limits of their walk. Then their
pistols were gradually raised, and, as
if by word of command, simultaneously
discharged. This time both balls took
effect. The one that struck Domi-
nique went through his arm, without
breaking the bone, and lodged in his
back, inflicting a severe but not a
dangerous wound. But Martial Noell
was shot through the head.
The news of this bloody business
soon got wind, and the very same day
it was the talk of all Toulouse. Mar-
tial Noell had died upon the spot ; his
brother expired within forty- eight
hours. The seconds got out of the
way, till they should see how the
thing was likely to go. Dominique's
wound prevented his folloAving their
example, if he were so disposed ; and
when it no longer impeded bis move-
ments, he was already in the hands
of justice. Frantic with grief on
learning the fate of his beloved sons,
Anthony Noell hurried to Toulouse,
and vigorously pushed a prosecution.
He hoped for a very severe sentence,
and was bitterly disappointed when
Dominique escaped, in consideration
of his wounds and of his having been
the insulted party, with the lenient
doom Of five years' imprisonment.
FIVE YEARS LATER.
Five years of absence from home
may glide rapidly enough away, when
passed in pursuit of pleasure or profit ;
dragged out between prison walls,
they appear an eternity, a chasm
between the captive and the world.
So thought Dominique as he re-
entered Montauban, at the expiration
of his sentence. During the whole
time, not a word of intelligence had
reached him from his home, no friend-
ly voice bad greeted his ear, no line
of familiar handwriting had gladdened
his tearless eyes. Arrived in his
native town, his first inquiry was for
his father. Pascal Lafon was dead.
The fate of his wife and son had
preyed upon his health ; the prison
air had poisoned the springs of life in
the strong, free-hearted man. The
physician declared drugs useless in
his case, for that the atmosphere of
liberty alone could save him ; and he
recommended, if unconditional release
were impossible, that the prisoner
should be guarded in his own house.
The recommendation was forwarded
to Paris, but the same post took a
letter from Anthony Noell, and a few
days brought the physician's dismis-
sal and an order for the close confine-
ment of Lafon. Examinations fol-
lowed each other in rapid succession,
but they served only to torment* the
prisoner, without procuring his re-
lease ; and after some months he
died, his innocence unrecognised.
The cause of his death, and the cir-
cumstances attending it, were loudly
proclaimed by the indignant physi-
cian ; and Dominique, on his return
to Montauban, had no difficulty in
obtaining all the details, aggravated
probably by the unpopularity of the
judge. He heard them with unchang-
ing countenance ; none could detect a
sign of emotion on that cheek of
marble paleness, or in that cold and
steadfast eye. He then made inquiries
concerning Anthony Noell. That
86
[July,
magistrate, he learned, had been pro-
moted, two years previously, and now
resided in his native town of Mar-
seilles. At that moment, however,
he happened to be at an hotel in
Montauban. He had never recovered
the loss of his sons, which had aged
him twenty years in appearance, and
had greatly augmented the harshness
and soar severity of his character.
He seemed to find his sole consolation
in the society of his daughter, now a
beautiful girl of seventeen, and in
intense application to his professional
duties. A tour of inspection, con-
nected with his judicial functions, had
now brought him to Montauban.
Daring his compulsory absences from
home, which were of annual occur-
rence and of some duration, his
daughter remained in the care of an
old female relation, her habitual com-
panion, whose chief faults were her
absurd vanity, and her too great indul-
gence of the caprices of her darling
niece.
Dominique showed singular anxiety
to learn every particular concerning
Anthony Noell's household, informing
himself of the minutest details, and
especially of the character of his
daughter, who was represented to him
as warmhearted and naturally ami-
able, but frivolous and spoiled by
over-indulgence. On the death of
his sons, Noell renounced his project
of sending her from home, and the
consequence was, that her education
had been greatly neglected. Madame
Verle\ the old aunt already men-
tioned, was a well-meaning, but very
weak widow, who, childless herself,
had no experience in bringing up
young women. In her own youth
she had been a great coquette, and
frivolity was still a conspicuous fea-
ture in her character. As M. Noell,
since his sons' death, had shown a
sort of aversion for society, the' house
was dull enough, and Madame Verle's
chief resource was the circulating
library, whence she obtained a con-
stant supply of novels. Far from
prohibiting to her niece the perusal of
this trash, she made her the com-
panion of her unwholesome studies.
The false ideas and highflown romance
with which these books teemed, might
have made little impression on a
character fortified by sound principles
and a good education, but they sank
deep into the ardent and uncultivated
imagination of Florinda Noell, to
whose father, engrossed by his sor-
rows and by his professional labours,
it never once occurred to check the
current of corruption thus permitted
to flow into his daughter's artless
mind. He saw her gay, happy, and
amused, and he inquired no further ;
well pleased to find her support so
cheerfully the want of society to
which his morose regrets and gloomy
eccentricity condemned her.
One of Dominique's first cares, on
his return to Montauban, was to visit
his parents' grave. Although his
father died in prison, and his memory
had never been cleared from the slur
of accusation, his friends had obtained
permission, with some difficulty, to
inter his corpse beside that of his wife.
The day was fading into twilight
when Dominique entered the cemetery,
and it took him some time to find the
grave he sought. The sexton would
have saved him the trouble, but the
idea seemed a profanation ; in silence
and in solitude he approached the
tomb of his affections and happiness.
Long he sat upon the mound, plunged
in reverie, but with dry eyes, for the
source of tears appeared exhausted in
his heart. Night came ; the white
tombstones looked ghastly pale in the
moonlight, and cast long black shadows
upon the turf. Dominique aroser
plucked a wild -flower from his mother's
grave, and left the place. He had
taken but three steps when he became
aware he was not alone in the church-
yard. A tall figure rose suddenly
from an adjacent grave. Although
separated but by one lofty tombstone,
the two mourners had been too ab-
sorbed and silent in their grief to
notice each other's presence. Now
they gazed at one another. The
moon, fora moment obscured, emer-
ged from behind a cloud, and shone
upon their features. The recognition
was mutual and instantaneous. Both
started back. Between the graves of
their respective victims, Anthony
Noell and Dominique Lafon con-
fronted each other.
A dusky fire gleamed in the eyes of
Dominique, and his features, worn
and emaciated from captivity, were
distorted with the grimace of intense
1849.]
Dominique.
87
hatred. His heart throbbed as though
it would have burst from his bosom.
" May your dying hour be deso-
late !" he shrieked. " May your end
be in misery and despair ! "
The magistrate gazed at his invete-
rate foe with a fixed stare of horror,
as though a phantom had suddenly
risen before him. Then, slowly rais-
ing his hand, till it pointed to the
grave of his sons, his eye still fixed,
as if by fascination, upon that of Do-
minique, a single word, uttered in a
hollow tone, burst from his quivering
lips.
" Murderer ! " he exclaimed.
Dominique laughed. It was a
hideous sound, a laugh of unquench-
able hatred and savage exultation.
He approached Noell till their faces
were but a few inches apart, and
spoke in a voice of suppressed fierce-
ness.
" My father and my mother," he
said, " expired in grief, and shame,
and misery. By your causeless hate
and relentless persecution, I was made
an orphan. The debt is but half paid.
You have still a child. You still find
happiness on earth. But you yet shall
lose all — all! Yet shall you know
despair and utter solitude, and your
death shall be desolate, even as my
father's was. Remember ! We shall
meet again."
And passing swiftly before the ma-
gistrate, with a gesture of solemn
menace, Dominique left the cemetery.
Noell sank, pale and trembling, upon
his children's grave. His enemy had
found him, and security had fled.
Dominique's last words, "We shall
meet again !" rang in his ears, as if
tittered by the threatening voice of
hostile and irresistible destiny. Slow-
ly, and in great uneasiness, he returned
into the town, which he left early the
next day for Marseilles. To his terri-
fied fancy, his daughter was safe only
when he watched over her. So great
was his alarm, that he would have
resigned his lucrative and honourable
office sooner than have remained
longer absent from the tender flower
whom tfce ruthless spoiler threatened
to trample and destroy.
THE HORSE-RIDERS.
Months passed away, and spring
returned. On a bright morning of
May — in parched Provence the plea-
santest season of the year — a motley
cavalcade approached Marseilles by
the Nice road. It consisted of two
large waggons, a score of horses, and
about the same number of men and
women. The horses were chiefly
white, cream-coloured, or piebald, and
some of them bore saddles of peculiar
make and fantastical colours, velvet-
covered and decorated with gilding.
One was caparisoned with a tiger-
skin, and from his headstall floated
streamers of divers-coloured horse-
hair. The women wore riding-habits,
some of gaudy tints, boddices of purple
or crimson velvet, with long flaunting
robes of green or blue. They were
sunburned, boldfaced damsels, with
marked features and of dissipated
aspect, and they sat firmly on their
saddles, jesting as they rode along.
Their male companions were of corre-
sponding Appearance ; lithe vigorous
fellows, from fifteen to forty, attired
in various hussar and jockey costumes,
with beards and mustaches fantasti-
cally trimmed, limbs well developed,
and long curling hair. Various na-
tions went to the composition of the
band. French, Germans, Italians,
and Gipsies made up the equestrian
troop of Luigi Bartolo, which, after
passing the winter in southern Italy,
had wandered north on the approach
of spring, and now was on its way to
give a series of representations at Mar-
seilles. %
A little behind his comrades, upon
a fine gray horse, rode a young Flo-
rentine named Vicenzo, the most skil-
ful rider of the troop. Although but
five-and-twenty years old, he had
gone through many vicissitudes and
occupations. Of respectable family,
he had studied at Pisa, had been ex-
pelled for misconduct, had then en-
listed in an Austrian regiment,
whence his friends had procured his
discharge, but only to cast him off" for
his dissolute habits. Alternately a
professional gambler, a stage player,
and a smuggler on the Italian fron-
tier, he had now followed, for up-
Dominique.
[July,
wards of a year, the vagabond life of a
horse-rider. Of handsome person and
much natural intelligence, he covered
his profligacy and taste for low asso-
ciations with a certain varnish of
good breeding. This had procured
him in the troop the nickname of the
Marchese, and had made him a great
favourite with the female portion of
the strollers, amongst whom more
than one fierce quarrel had arisen for
the good graces of the fascinating Vi-
cenzo.
The Florentine was accompanied by
a stranger, who had fallen in with
the troop at Nice, and had won their
hearts by his liberality. He had
given them a magnificent supper at
their albergo, had made them presents
of wine and trinkets — all apparently
out of pure generosity and love of their
society. He it was who had chiefly
determined them to visit Marseilles,
instead of proceeding north, as they
had originally intended, by Avignon
to Lyons. He marched with the
troop, on horseback, wrapped in a
long loose coat, and with a broad hat
slouched over his brow, and bestowed
his companionship chieflj* on Vicenzo,
to whom he appeared to have taken a
great affection. The strollers thought
him a strange eccentric fellow, half
cracked, to say the least ; but they
cared little whether he were sane or
mad, so long as his society proved
profitable, his purse well filled, and
-ever in his hand.
The wanderers were within three
miles of Marseilles when they came
to one of the bastides, or country-
houses, so thickly scattered around that
city. It was of unusual elegance, al-
most concealed amongst a thick plan-
tation of trees, and having a terrace,
in the Italian style, overlooking the
road. Upon this terrace, in the cool
shade of an arbour, two ladies were
seated, enjoying the sweet breath of
the lovely spring morning. Books
and embroidery were on a table be-
fore them, which they left on the ap-
pearance of the horse-riders, and, lean-
ing upon the stone parapet, looked
down on the unusual spectacle. The
elder of the two had nothing remark-
able, except the gaudy ribbons that
contrasted with her antiquated phy-
siognomy. The younger, in full flush
of youth, and seen amongst the bright
blossoms of the plants that grew in
pots upon the parapet, might have
passed for the goddess of spring in her
most sportive mood. Her hair hung
in rich clusters over her alabaster
neck; her blue eyes danced in humid
lustre ; her coral lips, a little parted,
disclosed a range of sparkling pearls.
The sole fault to be found with her
beauty was its character, which was
sensual rather than intellectual. One
beheld the beautiful and frivolous
child of clay, but the ray of the spirit
that elevates and purifies was want-
ing. It was the beauty of a Bacchante
rather than of a Vestal- Aurora dis-
porting herself on the flower banks,
and awaiting, in frolic mood, the ad-
vent of Cupid.
The motley cavalcade moved on,
the men assuming their smartish seat
in the saddle as they passed under the
inspection of the bella biondina. When
Vicenzo approached the park wall, his
companion leaned towards him and
spoke something in his car. At the
same moment, as if stung by a gadfly,
the spirited gray upon which the Flo-
rentine was mounted, sprang with all
four feet from the ground, and com-
menced a series of leaps and curvets
that would have unseated a less ex-
pert rider. They only served to dis-
play to the greatest advantage Vi-
cenzo's excellent horsemanship and
slender graceful figure. Disdaining
the gaudy equipments of his comrades,
the young man was tastefully attired
in a dark closely-fitting jacket. Hes-
sian boots and pantaloons exhibited
the Antinous-like proportions of his
comely limbs. He rode like a centaur,
he and his steed seemingly forming
but one body. As he reached, grace-
fully caracoling, the terrace on whose
summit the ladies were stationed, he
looked up with a winning smile, and
removing his cap, bowed to his horse's
mane. The old lady bridled and
smiled ; the young one blushed as
the Florentine's ardent gaze met hers,
and in her confusion she let fall a
branch of roses she held in her hand.
With magical suddenness Vicenzo's
fiery horse stood still, as if carved of
marble. With one bound the rider
was on foot, and had snatched up the
flowers ; then placing a hand upon
the shoulder of his steed, who at
once started in a canter, he lightly,
1849.]
Dominique.
89
and without apparent effort, vaulted
into the saddle. With another bow
and smile he rode off with his com-
panion.
" 'Twas well done, Yicenzo," said
the latter.
"What an elegant cavalier!" ex-
claimed Florinda Noell pensively, fol-
lowing with her eyes the accomplished
equestrian.
"And so distinguished in his ap-
pearance !" chimed in her silly aunt.
" And how he looked up at us ! One
might fancy him a nobleman in dis-
guise, bent on adventures, or seeking
intelligence of a lost lady-love."
Florinda smiled, but the stale pla-
titude, borrowed from the absurd ro-
mances that crammed Madame Verio's
brain, abode in her memory. Whilst
the handsome horse-rider remained
in sight, she continued upon the para-
pet and gazed after him. On his part,
Vicenzo several times looked back,
and more than once he pressed to his
lips the fragrant flowers of which ac-
cident had made him the possessor.
A small theatre, which happened
then to be unoccupied, was hired by
the equestrians for their performances,
the announcement of which was soon
placarded from one end to the other of
Marseilles. At the first representa-
tion, Floriuda and her aunt were
amongst the audience. They had no
one to check their inclinations, for Mr
Noell, after passing many months
with his daughter without molestation
from Dominique, who had disappeared
from Montauban the day after their
meeting in the churchyard, had for-
gotten his apprehensions, and had de-
parted on his annual tour of profes-
sional duty. At the circus, the honours
of the night were for Vicenzo. His
graceful figure, handsome face, skilful
performance, and distinguished air,
were the theme of universal admira-
tion. Floriuda could not detach her
gaze from him as he flew round the
circle, standing with easy negligence
upon his horse's back ; and she could
scarcely restrain a cry of horror and
alarm at the boldness of some of his
feats. Vicenzo had early detected
her presence in the theatre ; and the
expression of his eyes, when he passed
before her box, made her conscious
that he had done so.
Several days elapsed, during which
Floriuda and her aunt had more than
once again visited the theatre. Vi-
cenzo had become a subject of con-
stant conversation between the super-
annuated coquette and her niece, the
old lady indulging the most extrava-
gant conjectures as to who he could
be, for she had made up her mind he
was now in an assumed character.
Florinda spoke of him less, but thought
of him more. Nor were her visits to
the theatre her only opportunities of
seeing him. Vicenzo, soon after his
arrival at Marseilles, had excited his
comrades' wonder and envy by ap-
pearing iii the elegant costume of a
private gentleman, and by taking
frequent rides out of the town, at first
accompanied by Fontaine, the stran-
ger before mentioned, but afterwards
more frequently alone. These rides
were taken early in the morning, or
by moonlight, on evenings when there
was no performance. ,The horse-
riders laughed at the airs the Mar-
chese gave himself, attributed his
extravagance to the generosity of
Fontaine, and twitted him with some
secret intrigue, which he, however,
did not admit, and they took little
pains to penetrate. Had they fol-
lowed his horse's hoof- track, they
would have found that it led, some-
times by one road, sometimes by
another, to the bastide of Anthony
Noell the magistrate. And after a
few days they would have seen
Vicenzo, his bridle over his arm,
conversing earnestly, at a small pos-
tern-gate of the garden, with the
charming biondma, whose bright
countenance had greeted, like a good
augury, their first approach to Mar-
seilles. »
At last a night came when this
stolen conversation lasted longer than
usual. Vicenzo was pressing, Flo-
rinda irresolute. Fontaine had ac-
companied his friend, and held his
horse in an adjacent lane, whilst the
lovers (for such they now were to be
considered) sauntered in a shrubbery
walk within the park.
" But why this secrecy?" said the
young girl, leaning tenderly upon the
arm of the handsome stroller. " Why
not at once inform your friends you
accede to their wishes, in renouncing
your present derogatory pursuit?
Why not present yourself to my
90
Dominique.
[July,
father under your real name and title ?
He loves his daughter too tenderly to
refuse his consent to a union on which
her happiness depends."
"Dearest Florinda!" replied Vi-
cenzo, " how could my ardent love
abide the delays this course would
entail ? How can you so cruelly urge
me thus to postpone my happiness ?
See you not how many obstacles to
our union the step you advise would
raise up ? Your father, unwilling to
part with his only daughter, (and
such a daughter !) would assuredly
object to our immediate marriage-
would make your youth, my roving
disposition, fifty other circumstances,
pretexts for putting it off. And did
we succeed in overruling these, there
still would be a thousand tedious for-
malities to encounter, correspondence
between your father and my family,
who are proud as Lucifer of their
ancient name and title, and would
be wearisomely punctilious. By my
plan, we would avoid all long-winded
negotiations. Before daylight we are
across the frontier; and before that
excellent Madame Verle has adjusted
her smart cap, and buttered her first
roll, my adored Florinda is Marchion-
ess of Monteleane. A letter to papa
explains all ; then away to Florence,
and in a month back to Marseilles,
where you shall duly present me to
my respected father-in-law, and I, as
in humility bound, will drop upon my
knees and crave pardon for running
off with his treasure. Papa gives his
benediction, and curtain drops, leav-
ing all parties happy."
How often, with the feeble and
irresolute, does a sorry jest pass for a
good argument ! As Vicenzo rattled
on, his victim looked up in his face,
and smiled at his soft and insidious
words. Fascinated by silvery tones
and gaudy scales, the woman, as of
old, gave ear to the serpent.
" 'Tis done," said the stroller, with
a heartless smile, as he rode off with
Fontaine, half an hour later — "done.
A postchaise at midnight. She brings
her jewels — all the fortune she will
ever bring me, I suppose. No chance
of drawing anything from the old
gentleman ? "
" Not much," replied Fontaine
drily.
" Well, I must have another thou-
sand from you, besides expenses.
And little enough too. Fifty yellow-
boys for abandoning my place in the
troop. I was never in better cue for
the ring. They are going to Paris,
and I should have joined Franconi."
" Oh ! " said Fontaine, with a slight
sneer, "a man of your abilities will
never lack employment. But we
have no time to lose, if you are to be
back at midnight."
The two men spurred their horsesr
and galloped back to Marseilles.
A few minutes before twelve o'clock,
a light posting-carriage was drawn up
by the road-side, about a hundred
yards beyond Anthony Noell's gar-
den. Vicenzo tapped thrice with his
knuckles at the postern door, which
opened gently, and a trembling female
form emerged from the gloom of the
shrubbery into the broad moonlight
without. Through the veil covering
her head and face, a tear might be
seen glisten ing upon.her cheek. She fal-
tered, hesitated; her good genius
whispered her to pause. But an evil
spirit was at hand, luring her to de-
struction. Taking in one hand a cas-
ket, the real object of his base desires,
and with the other arm encircling her
waist, the seducer, murmuring soft
flatteries in her ear, hurried Florinda
down the slope leading to the road.
Confused and fascinated, the poor
weak girl had no power to resist.
She reached the carriage, cast one
look back at her father's house,
whose white walls shone amidst the
dark masses of foliage : the Floren-
tine lifted her in, spoke a word to the
postilion, and the vehicle dashed
away in the direction of the Italian
frontier.
So long as the carriage was in
sight, Fontaine, who had accompanied
Vicenzo, sat motionless upon his
saddle, watching its career as it sped,
like a large black insect, along the
moonlit road. Then, when distance
hid it from his view, he turned his
horse's head and rode rapidly into
Marseilles.
1849.]
Dominique.
91
FOES AND FRIENDS.
UPON the second day after Flo-
rinda's elopement with her worthless
suitor, the large coffee-room of the
Hotel de France, at Montauban, was
deserted, save by two guests, One
of these was a man of about fifty-five,
but older in appearance, whose thin
gray hair and stooping figure, as well
as the deep, anxious wrinkles and
mournful expression of his counte-
nance, told a tale of cares and trou-
bles, borne with a rebellious rather
than with a resigned spirit. The other
occupant of the apartment, who sat
at its opposite extremity, and was
concealed, except upon near approach,
by a sort of high projecting counter,
was much younger, for his age could
hardly exceed thirty years. A certain
sober reserved expression, (hardly
amounting to austerity,) frequently
observable in Koman Catholic priests,
and which sat becomingly enough
npon his open intelligent countenance,
betrayed his profession as surely as
some slight clerical peculiarities of
costume.
Suddenly a waiter entered the room,
and approaching the old man with an
air of great respect, informed him
that a gentleman, seemingly just come
off a journey, desired particularly to
speak with him. The person address-
ed raised his eyes, whose melancholy
expression corresponded with the
furrows of his cheek, from the Paris
newspaper he was reading, and, in a
voice at once harsh and feeble, desired
the stranger should be shown in. The
order was obeyed ; and a person en-
tered, wrapped in a cloak, whose col-
lar was turned up, concealing great
part of his face. His countenance
was further obscured by the vizard of
a travelling-cap, from beneath which
his long hair hung in disorder.
Splashed and unshaven, he had all
the appearance of having travelled far
and fast. The gentleman whom he
had asked to see rose from his seat
on his approach, and looked at him
keenly, even uneasily, but evidently
without recognition. The waiter left
the room. The stranger advanced to
within three paces of him he sought,
and stood still and silent, his features
still masked by his cloak collar.
" Your business with me, sir ? 'r
said the old man quickly. " Whom
lm-e I the honour to address ? "
"I am an old acquaintance, Mr
Anthony Noell," said the traveller, in
a sharp ironical tone, as he turned
down his collar and displayed a pale
countenance, distorted by a malignant
smile. " An old debtor come to dis-
charge the balance due. My errand
to-day is to tell you that you are
childless. Your daughter Florinda,
your last remaining darling, has fled
to Italy with a nameless vagabond
and stroller."
At the very first word uttered by
that voice, Noell had started and
shuddered, as at the sudden pang of
exquisite torture. Then his glassy
eyes were horribly distended, his
mouth opened, his whole face was
convulsed, and with a yell like that of
some savage denizen of the forest
suddenly despoiled of its young, he
sprang upon his enemy and seized
him by the throat.
"Murderer!" he cried. "Helpt
help ! "
The waiters rushed into the room,
and with difficulty freed the stranger
from the vice-like grasp of the old
man, to whose feeble hands frenzy
gave strength. When at last they
were separated, Noell uttered one
shriek of impotent fury and despair,
and fell back senseless in the servants'
arms. The stranger, who himself
seemed weak and ailing, and who
had sunk upon a chair, looked curi-
ously into his antagonist's face.
" He is mad," said he, with hor-
rible composure and complacency ~r
" quite mad. Take him to his bed."
The waiters lifted up the insensible
body, and carried it away. The
stranger leaned his elbows upon a.
table, and, covering his face with his
hands, remained for some minutes ab-
sorbed in thought. A slight noise
made him look up. The priest stood
opposite to him, and uttered his name.
"Dominique Lafon," he said,
calmly but severely, " what is this
thing you have done? But you need
not tell me. I know much, and can
conjecture the rest. Wretched man,
know you not the word of God, to
92
Dominique,
[July,
Avhom is all vengeance, and who
repayeth in his own good time ? "
Dominique seemed surprised at
hearing his name pronounced by a
stranger. He looked hard at the
priest. And presently a name con-
nected with days of happiness and
innocence broke from the lips of the
vindictive and pitiless man.
" Henry la Chapelle ! "
It was indeed his former fellow-
student, whom circumstances and dis-
position had induced to abandon the
study of the law and enter the church.
They had not met since Dominique
departed from Paris to receive the last
sigh of his dying mother.
Who shall trace the secret springs
whence flow the fountains of the
heart? For seven years Dominique
Lafon had not wept. His captivity
and many sufferings, his father's death,
all had been borne with a bitter heart,
but with dry eyes. But now, at sight
of the comrade of his youth, some
hidden chord, long entombed, sud-
denly vibrated. A sob burst from his
bosom, and was succeeded by a gush
of tears.
Henry la Chapelle looked sadly
and kindly at his boyhood's friend.
" He who trusteth in himself," he
said in low and gentle tones, " let
him take heed, lest his feet fall into
the snares they despise. Alas ! Do-
minique, that you so soon forgot our
last conversation ! Alas ! that you
have laid this sin to your soul ! But
those tears give me hope : they are
the early dew of penitence. Come,
my friend, and seek comfort where
alone it may be found. Verily there
is joy in heaven over one repentant
sinner, more than over manyjustmen."
And the good priest drew his friend's
arm through his, and led him from the
room.
Dominique's exclamation was pro-
phetic. When Anthony Noell rose
from the bed of sickness to which grief
consigned him, his intellects were
gone. He never recovered them, but
passed the rest of his life in helpless
idiocy at his country-house, near
Marseilles. There he was sedulously
and tenderly watched by the unhappy
Florinda, who, after a few miserable
months passed with her reprobate
seducer, was released from further ill-
usage by the death of Vicenzo; stabbed
in Italy in a gambling brawl.
Not long after 1830, there died in a
Sardinian convent, noted for its ascetic
observances and for the piety of its
inmates, a French monk, who went
by the name of brother Ambrose. His
death was considered to be accelerated
by the strictness with which he fol-
lowed the rigid rules of the order,
from some of which his failing health
would have justified deviation, and
by the frequency and severity of his
self-imposed penances. His body,
feeble when first he entered the con-
vent, was no match for his courageous
spirit. In accordance with his dying
request, his beads and breviary were
sent to a vicar named la Chapelle,
then resident at Lyons. When that
excellent priest opened the book, he
found the following words inscribed
upon a blank page : —
" Blessed be the Lord, for in Him
have I peace and hope ! "
And Hemy la Chapelle kneeled
down, and breathed a prayer for the
soul of his departed friend, Dominique
Lafon.
1849.]
Pestalozziana.
93
TESTALOZZIAXA.
" Etiam illud adjungo, sacpius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina,
quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam." — CICERO, pro. Arch., 7.
" Que vous ai-je done fait, 0 mes jeunes annees !
Pour m'avoir fui si vite, me croyant satisfait ?"
VICTOR HUGO, Odes.
Foil the abnormal, and, we must
think, somewhat faulty education of
our later boyhood — a few random re-
collections of which we here purpose
to lay before the reader — our obliga-
tions, quantulcecitnquce sint, are cer-
tainly due to prejudices which, though
they have now become antiquated and
obsolete, were in full force some thirty
years ago, against the existing mode
of education in England. Not that
the public— qua public — were ever very
far misled by the noisy declamations
of the Whigs on this their favourite
theme : people for the most part paid
very little attention to the inuendoes
of the peripatetic schoolmaster, so
carefully primed and sent " abroad "
to disabuse them ; while not a few
smiled to recognise under that impos-
ing misnomer a small self-opinionated
clique — free traders in everything else,
but absolute monopolists here — who
sought by its aid to palm off on society
thejocosa imago of their own crotchets,
as though in sympathetic response to
a sentiment wholly proceeding from
itself. When much inflammatory
" stuff" had been discharged against
the walls of our venerable institutions,
not only without setting Isis or Cam
on fire, but plainly with some discom-
fitures to the belligerents engaged, from
the opposite party, who returned the
salute, John Bull began to open his
eyes a little, and, as he opened them,
to doubt whether, after all, the pro-
mises and programmes he had been
reading of a spic-and-span new order
of everything, particularly of educa-
tion, might not turn out a flam ; and
the authors of them, who certainly
showed off to most advantage on
Edinburgh Review days, prove any-
thing but the best qualified persons to
make good their own vaticinations, or
to bring in the new golden age they
had announced. Still, the crusade
against English public seminaries,
though abortive in its principal design
— that of exciting a general defection
from these institutions— was not quite
barren of results. It was so far suc-
cessful, at least, as completely to un-
settle for a time the minds of not a
few over-anxious parents, who, taught
to regard with suspicion the creden-
tials of every schoolmaster " at home,"
were beginning to make diligent in-
quiries for his successor among their
neighbours " abroad." To all who
were in this frame of mind, the first
couleur de rose announcements of Pes-
talozzi's establishment at Yverdun
were news indeed! offering as they
did — or at least seeming to offer — the
complete solution of a problem which
could scarcely have been entertained
without much painful solicitude and
anxiety. " Here, then," for so ran
the accounts of several trustworthy
eyewitnesses, educational amateurs,
who had devoted a whole morning to
a most prying and probing dissection
of the system within the walls of the
chateau itself, and putting down all
the results of their carefully conducted
autopsy, "here was a school composed
of boys gathered from all parts of the
habitable globe, where each, by simply
carrying over a little of his mother
tongue, might, in a short time, become
a youthful Mezzofante, and take his
choice of many in return ; a school which,
wisely eschewing the routine service
of books, suffered neither dictionary,
gradus, grammar, nor spelling-book to
be even seen & the premises ; a school
for morals, where, in educating the
head, the right training of the heart
was never for a moment neglected ; a
school for the progress of the miud,
where muchcliscernmen^blending itself
with kindness, fostered the first dawn-
ings of the intellect, and carefully pro-
tected the feeble powers of memory
from being overtaxed — where delight-
ed Alma, in the progress of her de-
velopment, might securely enjoy many
privileges and immunities wholly
denied to her at home — where even
philosophy, stooping to conquer, had
Pestalozziana.
[July,
become sportive the better to persuade;
where the poet's vow was actually
realised — the bodily health being as
diligently looked after as that of the
mind or the affections ; lastly, where
they found no fighting nor bullying, as
at home, but agriculture and gymnas-
tics instituted in their stead.'' To such
encomiums on the school were added,
and with more justice and truth, a
commendation on old Pestalozzi him-
self, the real liberality of whose senti-
ments, and the overflowings of whose
paternal love, could not, it was argued,
and did not, fail to prove beneficial to
all within the sphere of their influence.
The weight of such supposed advan-
tages turned the scale for not a fewjust
entering into the pupillary state, and
settled their future destination. Our
own training, hitherto auspiciously
enough carried on under the birchen
discipline of Westminster, was sud-
denly stopt ; the last silver prize-penny
had crossed our palm ; the last quar-
terly half-crown tax for birch had been
paid into the treasury of the school ;
we were called on to say an abrupt
good-by to our friends, and to take a
formal leave of Dr P . That cere-
mony was not a pleasing one ; and had
the choice of a visit to Polyphemus in
his cave, or to Dr P in his study,
been offered to us, the first would cer-
tainly have had the preference ; but
as the case admitted neither evasion
nor compromise, necessity gave us
courage to bolt into the august pre-
sence of the formidable head-master,
after lessons ; and finding presently
that we had somehow managed to
emerge again safe from the dreaded
interview, we invited several class-
fellows to celebrate so remarkable a
day at a tuck-shop Jn the vicinity
of Dean's Yard. "flRre, in unre-
stricted indulgence, did the party get
through, there was no telling how
many " lady's-fingers," tarts, and
cheese-cakes, and drank — there was
no counting the corks of empty ginger-
beer bottles. When these delicacies
had lost their relish — KOI e£ epov «Wo —
the time was come for making a dis-
tribution of our personal effects. First
went our bag of " taws" and "alleys,"
pro bonopublico, in a general scramble,
and then a Jew's-harp for whoever
could twang it ; and out oi'one pocket
came a cricket-ball for A," and out of
another a peg-top for B ; and then
there was a hocky-stick for M, and a
red leathern satchel, with book-strap,
for N, and three books a-piece to two
class-chums, who ended with a toss-up
for Virgil. And now, being fairly
cleaned out, after reiterated good-bys
and shakes of the hand given and taken
at the shop door, we parted, (many of
us never to meet again,) they to enjoy
the remainder of a half- holiday in the
hocky-court, while we walked home
through the park, stopping in the midst
of its ruminating cows, ourself to rumi-
nate a little upon the future, and to
wonder, unheard, what sort of a place
Switzerland might be, and what sort
of a man Pestalozzi !
These adieus to old Westminster
took place on a Saturday; and the
following Monday found us already
en route with our excellent father for
the new settlement at Yverdun. The
school to which we were then tra-
velling, and the venerable man who
presided over it, have both been long
since defunct — de morluis nil nisi
bonum; and gratitude itself forbids
that we should speak either of one or
of the other with harshness or dis-
respect ; of a place where we certainly
spent some very happy, if not the
happiest, days of life ; of him who —
rightly named the father of the estab-
lishment— ever treated us, and all
with whom he had to do, with a uni-
form gentleness and impartiality. To
tell ill-natured tales out of school — of
such a school, and after so long a
period too — would indeed argue ill for
any one's charity, and accordingly we
do not intend to try it. But though
the feeling of the alumnus may not
permit us to think unfavourably of the
Pensionat Pestalozzi, we shall not, on
that account, suppress the mention of
some occasional hardships and incon-
veniences experienced there, much
less allow a word of reproach to escape
our pen. The reader, with no such
sympathies to restrain his curiosity,
will no doubt expect, if not a de-
tailed account, some outline or general
ground-plan of the system, which,
alas ! we cannot give him ; our endea-
vour to comprehend it as a digested
whole — proceeding on certain data,
aiming at certain ends, and pursuing
them by certain means — has been en-
tirely unsuccessful ; and therefore, if
1849.]
Pestalozziana.
95
pressed for more than we can tell,
our answer must be, in the words of
Cicero, Deprecor ne me tanquam phi-
losophum putet scholam sibi istam ex-
plicaturum.* But though unable to
make out — if, indeed, there were any
spirit of unity to be made out — in
Pestalozzi's scheme, there were cer-
tain manifest imperfections in the
composition of his plan of education
— improprieties to which the longest
familiarity could scarcely reconcile,
nor the warmest partiality blind even
the most determined partisan. In.the
first place — to state them at once, and
have done with the nnpleasing office
of finding fault — it always struck us
as a capital error, in a school where
books were not allowed, to suffer
almost the whole teaching of the
classes to devolve upon some leading
member of each; for what, in fact,
could self-taught lads be expected to
teach, unless it were to make a ring
or a row — to fish, to whistle, or to
skate ? Of course, any graver kind
of information, conveyed by an infant
prodigy to his gaping pupils, must
have lacked the necessary precision
to make it available to them : first,
because he would very seldom be
sufficiently possessed of it himself;
and secondly, because a boy's imper-
fect vocabulary and inexperience ren-
der him at all times a decidedly bad
interpreter even of what he may really
know. In place of proving real lights,
these little Jack-o'-Lanterns of ours
tended rather to perplex the path of
the inquiring, and to impede their
progress ; and when an appeal was
made to the master, as was sometimes
<lone, the master — brought up in the
same vague, bookless manner, and
knowing nothing more accurately,
though he might know more than his
puzzle-pated pupils — was very seldom
able to give them a lift out of the
quagmire, where they accordingly
would stick, and flounder away till
the end of the lesson. It was amusing
to see how a boy, so soon as he got
but a glimpse of a subject before the
class, and could give but the ghost of
a reason for what he was eager to
prelect upon, became incontinent of
the bright discovery, till all his com-
panions had had the full benefit of it,
with much that was irrelevant besides.
The mischiefs which, it would occur
to any one's mind, were likely to
result in after life from such desultory
habits of application in boyhood, ac-
tually did result to many of us a few
years later at college. It was at once
painful and difficult to indoctrinate
indocile minds like ours into the accu-
rate and severe habits of university
discipline. On entering the lists for
honours with other young aspirants,
educated in the usual way at home,
we were as a herd of unbroken colts
pitted against well-trained racers :
neither had yet run for the prize — in
that single particular the cases were
the same ; but when degree and race
day came, on whose side lay the odds ?
On theirs who had been left to try an
untutored strength in scampering over
a wild common, at will, for years, or
with those who, by daily exercise in
the manege of a public school, had
been trained to bear harness, and
were, besides, well acquainted with
the ground ? Another unquestionable
error in the system was the absence
of emulation, which, from some strange
misconception and worse application
of a text in St Paul, was proscribed
as an unchristian principle ; in lien of
which, we were to be brought — though
we never were brought, but that was
the object aimed at — to love learning
for its own sake, and to prove our-
selves anxious of excelling without a
motive, or to be good for nothing, as
Hood has somewhere phrased it.
" Nunquam praeponens se aliis, ITA facillime
Sine invidia invenias laudem,"
says Terence, and it will be so where
envy and conceit have supplanted emu-
lation : yet are the feelings perfectly
distinct ; and we think it behoves all
those who contend that every striving
for the mastery is prohibited by the
gospel, to show how communism in
inferiority, or socialism in dulness,
are likely to improve morals or mend
society. Take from a schoolboy the
motive of rewards and punishments,
and you deprive him of that incentive
by which your own conduct through
life is regulated, and that by which
* CICERO, De Fin., ii. 1.
Pestalozziana. '
[July,
God lias thought fit, in the moral
government of his rational creatures,
to promote the practice of good works,
and to discourage and dissuade from
evil. Nor did that which sounds thus
ominously in theory succeed in its
application better than it sounded.
In fact, nothing more unfortunate
could have been devised for all par-
ties, but especially for such as were
by nature of a studious turn or of
quicker parts than the rest ; who,
finding the ordinary stimulus to exer-
tion thus removed, and none other to
replace it, no longer cared to do well,
(why should they, when they knew
that their feeblest efforts would tran-
scend their slow-paced comrades' best ?)
but, gradually abandoning themselves
to the vis inertia of sloth, incompe-
tence, and bad example, did no more
than they could help ; repressing the
spirit of rivalry and emulation, which
had no issue in the school, to show
it in some of those feats of agility or
address, which the rigorous enact-
ment of gymnastic exercises imposed
on all alike, and in the performance
of which we certainly did pride our-
selves, and eagerly sought to eclipse
each other in exhibiting any natural
or acquired superiority we might pos-
sess. The absence of all elementary
books of instruction throughout the
school, presented another barrier in
the way of improvement still more
formidable than even the betise of
boy pedagogues, the want of sufficient
stimulus to exertion, or the absurd
respect paid sometimes to natural in-
capacity, and sometimes even to idle-
ness. Those who had no rules to
learn had of course none to apply
when they wanted them ; no masters
could have adequately supplied this
deficiency, and those of the chateau
•were certainly not the men to remedy
the evil. As might therefore have
been anticipated, the young Pesta-
lozzian's ideas, whether innate or ac-
quired, and on every subject, became
sadly vague and confused, and his
grammar of a piece with his know-
ledge. We would have been conspi-
cuous, even amongst other boys, for
what seemed almost a studied impro-
priety of language; but itzros, in fact,
nothing more than the unavoidable
result of natural indolence and in-
attention, uncoerced by proper dis-
cipline. The old man's slouching gait
and ungraceful attire afforded but too
apt an illustration of the intellectual
nonchalance of his pupils. As to the
modern languages, of which so much
has been said by those who knew so
little of the matter, they were in par-
lance, to be sure — but how spoken?
Alas ! besides an open violation of all
the concords, and a general disregard
of syntax, they failed where one
would have thought them least likely
to fail, in correctness of idiom and
accent. The French — this was the
language of the school — abounded in
conventional phrases, woven into its
texture from various foreign sources,
German, English, or Italian, and in
scores of barbarous words — not to be
fonndmihe Dictionnaire de F Academic,
certainly, but quite current in the
many-tongned vernacular of the
chateau. Our pronunciation remained
unequivocally John Bullish to the end
— not one of us ever caught or thought
of catching the right intonation ; and,
whether the fault originated merely
in want of ear, or that we could not
make the right use of our noses, it is
quite certain that all of us had either
no accent or a wrong one. The Ger-
man was as bad as the French: it was
a Swiss, not a German German,
abounding in patois phrases and pro-
vincialisms— in short, a most hybrid
affair, to say nothing of its being as
much over-guttural as the last was
sub- nasal. With regard to Spanish
and Italian, as the English did not
consort with either of these nations,
all they ever acquired of their lan-
guages were such oaths and mauvais
mots as parrots pick up from sailors
aboard ship, which they repeated
with all the innocence of parrots.
Thus, then, the opportunities offered
for the acquisition of modern languages
were plainly defective; and when it is
further considered that the dead lan-
guages remained untaught — nay, were
literally unknown, except to a small
section of the school, for whom a kind
Providence had sent a valued friend
and preceptor in Dr M , (whose
neat Greek characters were stared at
as cabalistical by the other masters of
the Pensionat,} — and finally, that our
very English became at last defiled
and corrupted, by the introduction of
a variety of foreign idioms, it will be
1849.]
Pestalozziana.
97
seen that for any advantage likely to
accrue from the polyglot character of
the institution, the Tower of Babel
would, in fact, have furnished every
whit as good a school for languages
as did our turreted chateau. And
now, if candour has compelled this
notice of some, it must be admitted,
serious blemishes in the system of
old Pestalozzi, where is the academy
without them V
" Whoever hopes a faultless school to see,
Hopes what ne'er was. nor is, nor is to
be."
Meanwhile the Swiss Pension was
not without solid advantages, and
might justly lay claim to some regard,
if not as a school for learning, at least
as a moral school ; its inmates for the
most part spoke truth, respected
property, eschewed mischief, were
neither puppies, nor bullies, nor tale-
bearers. There were, of course, excep-
tions to all this, but then they were
exceptions; nor was the number at any
time sufficient to invalidate the gene-
ral rule, or to corrupt the better prin-
ciple. Perhaps a ten hours' daily at-
tendance in class, coarse spare diet,
hardy and somewhat severe training,
may be considered by the reader as
offering some explanation of our ge-
neral propriety of behaviour. It may
be so; but we are by no means willing
to admit, that the really high moral
tone of the school depended either upon
gymnastic exercises or short commons,
nor yet arose from the want of faci-
lities for getting into scrapes, for here,
as elsewhere, where there is the will,
there is ever a way. We believe it to
have originated from another source —
in .a word, from the encouragement
held out to the study of natural
history, and the eagerness with which
that study was taken up and pursued
by the school in consequence. Though
Pestalozzi might not succeed in mak-
ing his disciples scholars, he certainly
succeeded in making many among
them naturalists ; and of the two
— let us ask it without offence —
whether is he the happier lad (to
say nothing of the future man) who
can fabricate faultless pentameters
and immaculate iambics to order ; or
he who, already absorbed in scanning
the wonders of creation, seeks with
unflagging diligence and zeal to know
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCV.
more and more of the visible works
of the great Poet of Nature ? ' ' Saspius
sane ad laudem atque virtutem na-
turam sine doctrinti, quam sine natura
valuisse doctrinam ; " which words
being Cicero's, deny them, sir, if you
please.
The Pension, during the period of
our sojourn at Yverdun, contained
about a hundred and eighty eleves,
natives of every European and of some
Oriental states, whose primitive mode
of distribution into classes, according
to age and acquirements, during school
hours, was completely changed in
playtime, when the boys, finding it
easier to speak their own tongue than
to acquire a new one, divided them-
selves into separate groups accord-
ing to their respective nations. The
English would occasionally admit a
German or a Prussian to their
coterie ; but that was a favour seldom
conferred upon any other foreigner: for
the Spaniards, who were certainly the
least well-conducted of the whole
community, did not deserve it : among
them were to be found the litigious,
the mischief-makers, the quarrellers,
and — for, as has been hinted, we were
not all honest — the exceptional thieves.
The Italians we could never make
out, nor they us : we had no sympathy
with Pole or Greek ; the Swiss we
positively did not like, and the French
just as positively did not like us ; so
how could it be otherwise? The
ushers, for the most part trained up
in the school, were an obliging set of
men, with little refinement, less pre-
tension, and wholly without learning.
A distich from Crabbe describes them
perfectly —
" Men who, 'mid noise and dirt, and play
and prate,
Could calmly mend the pen, and wash
the slate."
Punishments were rare ; indeed, flog-
ging was absolutely prohibited ; and
the setting an imposition would have
been equally against the genius loci,
had lesson-books existed out of which
to hear Lt afterwards. A short impri-
sonment in an unfurnished room — a not
very formidable black-hole — with the
loss of a goutte, now and then, and at
very long intervals, formed the mild
summary of the penal " code Pesta-
lozzi."
98
Pestalozziana.
[July,
It was Saturday, and a half holiday,
when we arrived at Yverdun, and oh
the confusion of tongues which there
prevailed ! All Bedlam and Parnassus
let loose to rave together, could not
have come up to that diapason of dis-
cords with which the high corridors
were ringing, as, passing through the
throng, we were conducted to the
venerable head of the establishment
in his private apartments beyond.
In this gallery of mixed portraits
might be seen long-haired, high-
born, and high - cheek - boned Ger-
mans ; a scantling of French ga-
mins much better dressed ; some
dark-eyed Italians ; Greeks in most
foreigneering attire ; here and there
a fair ingenuous Russian face; several
swart sinister-looking Spaniards, mo-
dels only for their own Carravagio ;
some dirty specimens of the universal
Pole ; one or two unmistakeable
English, ready to shake hands with
a compatriot ; and Swiss from
every canton of the Helvetic con-
federacy. To this promiscuous mul-
titude we were shortly introduced, the
kind old man himself taking us by the
hand, and acting as master of the
ceremonies. When the whole school
had crowded round to stare at the
new importation, " Here," said he,
" are four English boys come from
their distant home, to be natu-
ralised in this establishment, and
made members of our family. Boys,
receive them kindly, and remember
they are henceforth your brothers."
A shout from the crowd proclaiming
its ready assent and cordial partici-
pation in the adoption, nothing re-
mained but to shake hands a VAnglaise,
and to fraternise without loss of time.
The next day being Sunday, our
skulls were craniologically studied by
Herr Schmidt, the head usher; and
whatever various bumps or depres-
sions phrenology might have disco-
vered thereon were all duly registered
in a large book. After this examina-
tion was concluded, a week's furlough
was allowed, in order that Herr
Schmidt might have an opportunity
afforded him of seeing how far our
real character squared with phre-
nological observation and measure-
ment, entering this also into the same
ledger as a note. What a contrast
were we unavoidably drawing all this
time between Yverdun and Westmin-
ster, and how enjoyable was the
change to us ! The reader will please
to imagine as well as he can, the sen-
sations of a lately pent up chrysalis,
on first finding himself a butterfly, or
the not less agreeable surprise of some
newly metamorphosed tadpole, when,
leaving his associates in the mud and
green slime, he floats at liberty on the
surface of the pool, endowed with
lungs and a voice, — if he would at all
enter into the exultation of our feel-
ings on changing the penitential air
of Millbank for the fresh mountain
breezes of the Pays de Vand. It
seemed as if we had — nay, we had
actually entered upon a new existence,
so thoroughly had all the elements
of the old been altered and improved.
If we looked back, and compared past
and present experiences, there, at the
wrong end of the mental telescope,
stood that small dingy house, in
that little mis-yclept Great Smith
Street, with its tiny cocoon of a bed-
room, whilom our close and airless
prison ; here, at the other end, and
in immediate contact with the eye, a
noble chateau, full of roomy rooms,
enough and to spare. Another retro-
spective peep, and there was Tothill
Fields, and its seedy cricket- ground ;
and here, again, a level equally perfect,
but carpeted with fine turf, and ex-
tending to the margin of a broad liv-
ing lake, instead of terminating in a
nauseous duck-pond ; while the cold
clammy cloisters adjoining Dean's
Yard were not less favourably replaced
by a large open airy play-ground,
intersected by two clear trout-streams
— and a sky as unlike that above Bird-
Cage Walk as the interposed atmo-
sphere was different ; whilst, in place
of the startling, discordant Keleusmata
of bargees, joined to the creaking,
stunning noise of commerce in a great
city, few out-of-door sounds to meet
our ear, and these few, with the ex-
ception of our own, all quiet, pastoral,
and soothing, such as, later in life,
make
" Silence in the heart
For thought to do her part,"
and which are not without their charm
even to him " who whistles as he goes
for want of thought." No wonder,
then, if Yverdun seemed Paradisaical
in its landscapes. Nor was this all.
1849.]
Pestalozziana.
99
If the views outside were charm-
ing, onr domestic and social relations
within doors were not less pleasing.
At first, the unwelcome vision of the
late head- master would sometimes
haunt us, clad in his flowing black
D.D. robes — " tristis severitas in
vultu, atque in verbis fides," looking
as if he intended to flog, and his words
never belying his looks. That terrible
Olympian arm, raised and ready to
strike, was again shadowed forth to
view ; while we could almost fancy
ourselves once more at that judicial
table, one of twenty boys who were
to draw lots for a " hander." How
soothingly, then, came the pleasingcon-
sciousness, breaking our reverie, that a
very different person was now onr
headmaster — a most indulgent old
man whom we should meet ere long,
with hands uplifted, indeed, but only
for the purpose of clutching us tight
while he inflicted a salute on both
cheeks, and pronounced his affection-
ate guten morgen, liebes kind, as he has-
tened on to bestow the like fatherly
greeting upon every pupil in turn.
THE DORMITORY.
The sleeping apartments at the cha-
teau occupied three of the four sides
of its inner quadrangle, and consisted
of as many long rooms, each with a
double row of windows ; whereof one
looked into the aforesaid quadrangle,
while the opposite rows commanded,
severally, views of the garden, the
open country, and the Grande Place
of the town. They were accommo-
dated with sixty uncurtained stump
bedsteads, fifty-nine of which afforded
gite to a like number of boys; and
one, in no respect superior to the rest,
was destined to receive the athletic
form of Herr Gottlieb, son-in-law to
Vater Pestalozzi, to whose particular
charge we were consigned during the
hours of the night. These bedrooms,
being as lofty as they were long,
broad, and over-furnished with win-
dows, were always ventilated ; but
the in- draught of air, which was suf-
ficient to keep them cool during the
hottest day in summer, rendered them
cold, and sometimes very cold, in the
winter. In that season, accordingly,
especially when the bise blew, and
hail and sleet were pattering against
the casements, the compulsory rising
to class by candlelight was an unge-
nial and unwelcome process ; for
which, however, there being no re-
medy, the next best thing was to take
it as coolly, we were going to say —
that of course — but, as patiently as
might be. The disagreeable anticipa-
tion of the reveil was frequently
enough to scare away sleep from our
eyes a full hour before the command
to jump out of bed was actually
issued. On such occasions we would
lie awake, and, as the time approached,
begin to draw in our own breath, fur-
tively listening, not without trepida-
tion, to the loud nose of a distant
comrade, lest its fitful stertor should
startle another pair of nostrils, on
whose repose that of the whole dor-
mitory depended. Let ^Eolus and his
crew make what tumult they liked
inside or outside the castle — they dis-
turbed nobody's dreams — they never
murdered sleep. Let them pipe and
whistle through every keyhole and cre-
vice of the vast enceinte of the building
— sigh and moan as they would in their
various imprisonments of attic or cor-
ridor ; howl wildly round the great
tower, or even threaten a forcible entry
at the windows, nobody's ears were
scared into unwelcome consciousness
by sounds so familiar to them all. It
was the expectation of a blast louder
even than theirs that would keep our
eyes open — a blast about to issue from
the bed of Herr Gottlieb, and thun-
dering enough, when it issued, to
startle the very god of winds himself!
Often, as the dreaded six A.M. drew
nigh, when the third quarter past five
had, ten minutes since, come with a
sough and a rattle against the case-
ments, and still Gottlieb slept on, we
would take courage, and begin to
dream with our eyes open, that his
slumbers might be prolonged a little ;
his face, turned upwards, looked so
calm, the eyes so resolutely closed —
every feature so perfectly at rest. It
could not be more than five minutes
to six — might not he who had slept
100
Pestalozziana.
[July,
so long, for once orersleep himself?
NEVER ! However placid those slum-
bers might be, they invariably for-
sook our " unwearied one" just as the
clock was on the point of striking six.
To judge by the rapid twitchings —
they almost seemed galvanic — first of
the muscles round the mouth, then of
the nose and eyes, it appeared as
though some ill-omened dream, at
that very nick of time, was sent
periodically, on purpose to awaken
him ; and, if so, it certainly never re-
turned cmpaKTos. Gottlieb would in-
stantly set to rubbing his eyes, and
as the hour struck, spring up wide
awake in his shirt sleeves — thus de-
stroying every lingering, and, as it
always turned out, ill-founded hope
of a longer snooze. Presently we be-
held him jump into his small-clothes,
and, when sufficiently attired to be
seen, tmlimber his tongue, and pour
forth a rattling broadside — Auf, kin-
der! schwind! — with such precision
of delivery, too, that few sleepers
could turn a deaf ear to it. But, lest
any one should still lurk under his
warm coverlet out of earshot, at the
further end of the room, another and
a shriller summons to the same effect
once more shakes the walls and win-
dows of the dormitory. Then every
boy knew right well that the last
moment for repose was past, and that
he must at once turn out shivering
from his bed, and dress as fast as pos-
sible ; and it was really surprising to
witness how rapidly all could huddle
on their clothes under certain condi-
tions of the atmosphere!
In less than five minutes the whole
school was dressed, and Gottlieb, in
his sounding shoes, having urged
the dilatory with another admonitory
schwind, schwind! has departed, key
and candle in hand, to arouse the
remaining sleepers, by ringing the
" Great Tom" of the chateau. So cold
and cheerless was this matutinal sum-
mons, that occasional attempts were
made to evade it by simulated head-
ach, or, without being quite so specific,
on the plea of general indisposition,
though it was well known beforehand
what the result would be. Herr
Gottlieb, in such a case, would pre-
sently appear at the bedside of the
delinquent patient, with very little
compassion in his countenance, and,
in a business tone, proceed to inquire
from him, Why not lip? — and on
receiving for reply, in a melancholy
voice, that the would-be invalid
was sehr hrank, would instantly pass-
the word for the doctor to be sum-
moned. That doctor — we knew him
well, and every truant knew — was a
quondam French army surgeon — a-
sworn disciple of the Broussais school,
whose heroic remedies at the chateau
resolved themselves into one of two —
i. e., a starve or a vomit, alternately
administered, according as the idio-
syucracy of the patient, or as this or
that symptom turned the scale, now
in favour of storming the stomach,
now of starving it into capitulation.
Just as the welcome hot mess of
bread and milk was about to be served
to the rest, this dapper little Sangrado-
would make his appearance, feel the
pulse, inspect the tongue, ask a few
questions, and finding, generally, in-
dications of what he would term une
legere gastrite, recommend dtete ab-
solve; then prescribing a mawkish.
tisane, composed of any garden
herbs at hand, and pocketing lancets
and stethoscope, would leave the pa-
tient to recover sans calomel — a mode
of treatment to which, he would tell
us, ice should certainly have been sub-
jected in our own country. Mean-
while, the superiority of his plan of
treatment was unquestionable. On
the very next morning, when he called
to visit his cher petit malade, an
empty bed said quite plainly, " Very
well, I thank you, sir, and in class."
But these feigniugs were compara-
tively of rare occurrence ; in general,
all rose, dressed, and descended to-
gether, just as the alarum-bell had
ceased to sound ; and in less than two
minutes more all were assembled in.
their respective class-rooms. The rats
and mice, which had had the run of
these during the night, would be still
in occupation when we entered ; and
such was the audacity of these ver-
min that none cared alone to be the
first to plant a candle on his desk.
But, by entering en masse, we easily
routed the Eodentia, whose forces
were driven to seek shelter behind the
wainscot, where they would scuffle,
and gnaw, and scratch, before they
finally withdrew, and left us with blue
fingers and chattering teeth to study
1849.]
Pestalozziana.
101
to make the best of it. Uncomfort-
able enough was the effort for the first
ten minutes of the session ; but by de-
grees the hopes of a possible warming
of hands upon the surface of the Dutch
stoves after class, if they should have
been lighted in time, and at any rate
the certainty of a hot breakfast, were
entertained, and brought their conso-
lation ; besides which, the being up in
time to welcome in the dawn of the
dullest day, while health and liberty
are ours, is a pleasure in itself. There
was no exception to it here ; for when
the darkness, becoming every moment
less and less dark, had at length given
way, and melted into a gray gloaming,
we would rejoice, even before it ap-
peared, at the approach of a new day.
That approach was soon further
heralded by the fitful notes of small
day-birds chirping under the leaves,
and anon by their sudden dashings
against the windows, in the direction
of the lights not yet extinguished in
the class-rooms. Presently the pigs
were heard rejoicing and contending
over their fresh wash ; then the old
horse and the shaggy little donkey in
the stable adjoining the styes, knowing
by this stir that their feed was coming,
snorted and brayed at the pleasant
prospect. The cocks had by this time
roused their sleepy sultanas, who came
creeping from under the barn-door to
meet their lords on the dunghill. Our
peacock, to satisfy himself that he had
not taken cold during the night, would
scream to the utmost pitch of a most
discordant voice ; then the prescient
goats would bleat from the cabins,
and plaintively remind us that, till
their door is unpadlocked, they can
get no prog ; then the punctual mag-
pie, and his friend the jay, having
hopped all down the corridor, would
be heard screaming for broken vic-
tuals at the school-room door, till
our dismissal bell, finding so many
other tongues loosened, at length
wags its own, and then for the next
hour and a half all are free to fol-
low their own devices. Breakfast
shortly follows; but, alas! another
cold ceremony mast be undergone
first. A preliminary visit to pump
court, and a thorough ablution of
face and hands, is indispensable to
those who would become successful
candidates for that long-anticipated
meal. This bleaching process, at an
icy temperature, was never agreeable ;
but when the pipes happened to be
frozen — a contingency by no means
unfrequent— and the snow in the yard
must be substituted for the water
which was not in the pump, it proved
a difficult and sometimes a painful
business ; especially as there was
always some uncertainty afterwards,
whether the chilblained paws would
pass muster before the inspector-gene-
ral commissioned to examine them —
who, utterly reckless as to how the
boys might " be off for soap," and
incredulous of what they would fain
attribute to the adust complexion of
their skin, would require to have that
assertion tested by a further experi-
ment at the "pump head."
THE REFECTORY.
« Forbear to scoff at woes you cannot feel,
Nor mock the misery of a stinted meal." — CRABBE.
The dietary tables at the chateau,
conspicuous alike for the paucity and
simplicity of the articles registered
therein, are easily recalled to mind.
The fare they exhibited was certainly
coarse — though, by a euphemism, it
might have been termed merely plain
— and spare withal. The breakfast
would consist of milk and water — the
first aqueous enough without dilution,
being the produce of certain ill-favour-
ed, and, as we afterwards tasted their
flesh, we may add ill-flavoured kine,
whose impoverished lacteals could fur-
nish out of their sorry fodder no better
supplies. It was London sky-blue, in
short, but not of the Alderney dairy,
which was made to serve our turn at
Yverduu. This milk, at seven in sum-
mer, and at half-past seven in winter,
was transferred boiling, and as yet
unadulterated, into earthenware mix-
ers, which had been previously half-
filled with hot water from a neigh-
bouring kettle. In this half-and-
half state it was baled out for the
Pestalozziana.
[Jnly,
assembled school into a series of pew-
ter platters, ranged along the sides of
three bare deal boards, some thirty
feet long by two wide, and mounted
on tressels, which served us for tables.
The ministering damsels were two
great German Fraus, rejoicing seve-
rally in the pleasing names of Gret-
chen and Bessie. When Frau Gret-
chen, standing behind each boy, had
dropt her allowance of milk over his
right shoulder— during which process
there was generally a mighty clatter
for full measure and fair play — the
other Frau was slicing off her slices of
bread from a brown loaf a yard long,
which she carried under her arm, and
slashed clean through with wonder-
ful precision and address. It was now
for all those who had saved pocket-
money for menus -plaisirs to produce
their cornets of cinnamon or sugar,
sprinkle a little into the milk, and
then fall to sipping and munching with
increased zest and satisfaction. So
dry and chaffy was our pain de menage
that none ventured to soak it entire,
or at once, but would cut it into//-«s-
trums, and retain liquid enough to
wash down the boluses separately.
In a few minutes every plate was
completely cleaned out and polished ;
and the cats, that generally entered the
room as we left it, seldom found a
drop with which they might moisten
their tongues, or remove from cheeks
and whiskers the red stains of mur-
dered mice on which they had been
breaking their fast in the great tower.
So much for the earliest meal of the
day, which was to carry us through
five hours, if not of laborious mental
study, at least of the incarceration of
our bodies in class, which was equally
irksome to them as if our minds had
been hard at work. These five hours
terminated, slates were once more in-
salivated and put by clean, and the
hungry garrison began to look for-
ward to the pleasures of the noon-day
repast. The same bell that had been
calling so often to class would now
give premonitory notice of dinner, but
in a greatly changed tone. In place of
the shrill snappi>h key in which it had
all the morning jt-rked out each short
unwelcome summons from lesson to
lesson, as if fearful of ringing one note
beyond the prescribed minute, it now
would take time, vibrate far and wide
in its cage, give full scope to its
tongue, and appear, from the loud in-
creasing swell of its prolonged oyez,
to announce the message of good
cheer like a herald conscious and proud
of his commission. Ding-dong ! — come
along ! Dinner's dishing! — ding-dong !
Da capo and encore ! Then, starting
up from every school-room form
throughout the chateau, the noisy
boys rushed pell-mell, opened all
the doors, and, like emergent bees
in quest of honey, began coursing up
and down right busily between the
salle-a-manger and the kitchen —
snuffing the various aromas as they
escaped from the latter into the pas-
sage, and inferring from the amount
of exhaled fragrance the actual pro-
gress of the preparations for eating.
Occasionally some " sly Tom " would
peep into the kitchen, while the
Fraus were too busy to notice him,
and watch the great cauldron that
had been milked dry of its stores in
the morning, now discharging its
aqueous contents of a much-attenuated
bouillon — the surface covered with
lumps of swimming bread, thickened
throughout with a hydrate of pota-
toes, and coloured with coarse insipid
carrots, which certainly gave it a
savoury appearance. It was not good
broth — far from it, for it was both
sub- greasy and super- salted ; but then
it was hot, it was thick, and there
was an abundant supply. It used to
gush, as we have said, from the great
stop- cock of the cauldron, steaming
and sputtering, into eight enormous
tureens. The shreds of beef, together
with whatever other solids remained
behind after the fluid had been drawn
off, were next fished up from the
abyss with long ladles, and plumped
into the decanted liquor. The young
gastronome who might have beheld
these proceedings would wait till the
lid was taken off the saw- kraut ;
and then, the odour becoming over-
poweringly appetising, he would run,
as by irresistible instinct, into the
dining-room, where most of the boys
were already assembled, each with a
ration of brown bread in his hand,
and ready for the Fraus, who were
speedily about to enter. The dinner
was noisy and ungenteel in the ex-
treme— how could it be otherwise?
ventre affame n'a point (Toreillcs*
1849.] Pestalozziana. 103
Hardly was the German grace con- in the class-room. At half-past four
removed,
eluded, and the covers
when that bone of contention, the
marrow bone, was caught up by some
big boy near the top of the table, and
became the signal for a general row.
All in his neighbourhood would call
out second, third, fourth, fifth, &c.,
for said bone ; and thus it would travel
from plate to plate, yielding its
contents freely to the two or three
first applicants, but wholly inade-
quate— unless it could have resolved
itself altogether into marrow — to meet
all the demands made upon its stores.
Then arose angry words of contention,
which waxed hot as the marrow
waxed cold, every candidate being
equally vociferous in maintaining the
priority of his particular claim. Ear-
nest appeals in German, French,
Spanish, English, &c., were bandied
from one to the other in consequence,
as to who had really said apres toi
first ! At last the " dry bone" was
found undeserving of further conten-
tion ; and, ceasing to drop any more
fatness upon any boy's bread, the
competition for it was dropt too.
When now we had half- filled our
stomachs with a soup which few
physicians would have withheld from
their fever patients on the score of its
strength, we threw in a sufficiency
of bread and saur-kraut to absorb
it ; and, after the post-prandial Ger-
man grace had been pronounced, the
. boys left the table, generally with a
saved crust in their pockets, to repair
to the garden and filch — if it was
filching — an alliaceous dessert from
the beds, which they washed in the
clear stream, and added, without fear
of indigestion, to the meal just con-
cluded within the chateau. Most of
us throve upon this Spartan diet ; but
some delicate boys, unendowed with
the ostrich power of assimilation usual
at that period — for boys, like ostriches,
can digest almost anything — became
deranged in their chylopoietics, and
continued to feel its ill effects in
mesenteric and other chronic ail-
ments for years afterwards. An hour
was given for stomachs to do their
work, before we re-assembled to ours
precisely, a goute was served out,
which consisted of a whacking slice of
bread, and either a repetition of the
morning's milk and water, or cafe au
lait, (without sugar " bien entendu,")
or twenty-five walnuts, or a couple
of ounces of strong- tasted gruyere,
or a plateful of sclmitz (cuttings of
dried apples, pears, and plums.) We
might choose any one of these several
dainties we liked, but not more.
Some dangerous characters — not to
be imitated — would occasionally, while
young Fran Schmidt stood doling
out the supplies from her cup-
board among the assembled throng,
make the disingenuous attempt to
obtain cheese with one hand and
schnitz with the other. But the
artifice, we are happy to say, seldom
succeeded ; for that vigilant lady,
quick-eyed and active, and who, of
all things, hated to be imposed upon,
would turn round upon the false
claimant, and bid him hold up both
his hands at once — which he, ambi-
dexter as he was, durst not do, and
thus he was exposed to the laughter
and jeers of the rest. At nine, the
bell sounded a feeble call to a soi-
disant supper ; but few of us cared for
a basin of tisane under the name
of lentil soup — or a pappy potato,
salted in the boiling — and soon after
we all repaired to our bed-rooms —
made a noise for a short time, then
undressed, and were speedily asleep
under our duvets, and as sound, if
not as musical, as tops.
Our common fare, as the reader has
now seen, was sorry enough ; but we
had our Carnival and gala days as
well as our Lent. Vater Pestalo«zi's
birthday, in summer, and the first
day of the new year, were the most
conspicuous. On each of these occa-
sions we enjoyed a whole week's holi-
day ; and as these were also the
periods for slaughtering the pigs, we
fed (twice a -year for a whole weekH
upon black puddings and pork a,
discretion, qualified with a sauce of
beetroot and vinegar, and washed
down with a fluid really like small-
beer.
104
Pestalozziana.
[July,
The school-rooms, which lay im-
mediately under the dormitories on
the ground-floor, consisted of a num-
ber of detached chambers, each of
which issued upon a corridor. They
were airy — there was plenty of air at
Yverdun — and lofty as became so
venerable a building ; but they were
unswept, uuscrubbed, peeled of their
paint, and, owing to the little light
that could find its way through two
very small windows punched out of
the fortress walls, presented, save at
mid-day, or as the declining sun illu-
mined momentarily the dark recess,
as comfortless a set of interiors as you
could well see. It required, indeed,
all the elasticity of youth to bear
many hours' daily incarceration in
such black-holes, without participat-
ing in the pervading gloom. Such
dismal domiciles were only fit resorts
for the myoptic bat, who would occa-
sionally visit them from the old tower;
for the twilight horde of cockroaches,
which swarmed along the floor, or the
eight- eyed spiders who colonised the
ceiling. The tender sight, too, of a
patient just recovering from ophthal-
mia would here have required no
factitious or deeper shade — but merits
like these only rendered them as un-
genial as possible to the physiology
and feelings of their youthful occu-
pants. If these apartments looked
gloomy in their dilapidations and want
of sun, the sombre effect was much
heightened by the absence of the or-
dinary tables and chairs, and what-
ever else is necessary to give a room
a habitable appearance. Had an ap-
pi'aiser been commissioned to make
out a complete list of the furniture and
the fixtures together, a mere glance
had sufficed for the inventory. In
vain would his practised eye have wan-
dered in quest of themes for golden
sentences, printed in such uncial char-
acters that all who run may read ; in
vain for the high-hung well-backed
chart, or for any pleasing pictorial
souvenirs of vEsop or the Ark —
neither these nor the long " coloured
Stream of Time," nor formal but use-
ful views in perspective, adorned our
sorry walls. No old mahogany case
clicked in a corner, beating time for
the class, and the hour upstriking
loud that it should not be defrauded of
its dues. No glazed globe, gliding
round on easy axis, spun under its
brassy equator to the antipodes on its
sides being touched. No bright zodiac
was there to exhibit its cabalistic
figures in pleasing arabesques. In
place of these and other well-known
objects, here stood a line of dirt}",
much-inked desks, with an equally
dirty row of attendant forms subjacent
alongside. There was a scantling — it
seldom exceeded a leash — of ricketty
rush-bottom chairs distributed at long
intervals along the walls ; a coal-black
slate, pegged high on its wooden horse ;
a keyless cupboard, containing the
various implements of learning, a
dirty duster, a pewter plate with
cretaceous deposits, a slop-basin and
a ragged sponge ; — and then, unless he
had included the cobwebs of the ceil-
ing, (not usually reckoned up in the
furniture of a room,) no other
movables remained. One conspicu-
ous fixture, however, there was, a
gigantic Dutch stove. This lumber-
ing parallelogram, faggot-fed from
the corridor behind, projected several
feet into the room, and shone bright
in the glaze of earthenware em-
blazonments. Around it we would
sometimes congregate in the intervals of
class : in winter to toast our hands and
hind quarters, as we pressed against the
heated tiles, with more or less vigour
according to the fervency of the cen-
tral fire ; and in summer either to tell
stories, or to con over the pictorial
History of the Bible, which adorned
its frontispiece and sides. We can-
not say that every square exactly
squared with even our schoolboy
notions of propriety in its mode of
teaching religious subjects ; there was
a Dutch quaintness in the illustrations,
which would sometimes force a smile
from its simplicity, at others shock,
from its apparent want of decorum
and reverence. Pre-eminent of course
among the gems from Genesis, Adam
and Eve, safe in innocency and "naked
truth," here walked unscathed amidst
a menagerie of wild beasts — there,
dressed in the costume of their fall,
they quitted Eden, and left it in pos-
1849.] Pestdlozziana.
session of tigers, bears, and crocodiles.
Hard by on a smaller tile, that brawny
" knave of clubs," Cain, battered
down his brother at the altar ; then
followed a long picture-gallery of the
acts of the patriarchs, and another
equally long of the acts of the apostles.
But, queer as many of these miscon-
ceptions might seem, they were no-
thing to the strange attempts made at
dramatising the parables of the New
Testament — e. g. a stout man, stag-
gering under the weight of an enor-
mous beam which grows out of one eye,
employs his fingers, assisted by the
other, to pick out a black speck from
the cornea of his neighbour. Here, an
unclean spirit, as black as any sweep,
issues from the mouth of his victim,
with wings and a tail ! Here again, the
good Samaritan, turbaned like a Turk,
is bent over the waylaid traveller, and
pours wine and oil into his wounds
from the mouths of two Florence flasks;
there, the grain of mustard-seed, be-
come a tree, sheltering already a large
aviary in its boughs ; the woman,
dancing a hornpipe with the Dutch
broom, has swept her house, and lo !
the piece of silver that was lost in
her hand ; a servant, who is digging a
hole in order to hide his lord's talent
under a tree, is overlooked by a mag-
pie and two crows, who are attentive
witnesses of the deposit : — and many
others too numerous to mention. So
much for the empty school-room, but
what's a hive without bees, or a school-
room without boys? The reader
who has peeped into it untenanted,
shall now, if he pleases, be intro-
duced, dum fervet opus full and alive.
Should he not be able to trace out
very clearly the system at work, he
will at least be no worse off than the
bee-fancier, who hears indeed the
buzzing, and sees a flux and reflux
current of his winged confectioners
entering in and passing out, but can-
not investigate the detail of their la-
bours any farther. In the Yverdun,
as in the hymenopterus apiary, we
swarmed, we buzzed, dispersed, re-
assembled at the sound of the bell,
flocked in and flocked out, all the
day long ; exhibited much restlessness
and activity, evincing that something
was going on, but what, it would have
been hard to determine. Here the
comparison must drop. Bees buzz to
105
some purpose ; they know what they
are about ; they help one another ;
they work orderly and to one end, —
" How skilfully they build the cell,
How neat they spread the wax,
And labour hard to store it well
With the sweet food," &c. &c.
In none of these particulars did we
resemble the " busy bee." This being
admitted, our object in offering a few
words upon the course of study pur-
sued at the chateau is not with any
idea of enlightening the reader as to
anything really acquired during the
long ten hours' session of each day ;
but rather to show how ten hours'
imprisonment may be inflicted upon
the body for the supposed advantage
of the mind, and yet be consumed in
"profitless labour, and diligence
which maketh not rich ;" to prove, by
an exhibition of their opposites, that
method and discipline are indispen-
sable in tuition, and (if he will accept
our " pathemata " for his " mathe-
mata " and guides in the bringing up
of bis sons) to convince him that edu-
cation, like scripture, admits not of
private interpretation. Those who
refuse to adopt the Catholic views of
the age, and the general sense of the
society in which they live, must blame
themselves if they find the experi-
ment of foreign schools a failure, and
that they have sent their children
" farther to fare worse."
And now to proceed to the geography
class, which was the first after break-
fast, and began at half-past eight.
As the summons-bell sounded, the
boys came rushing and tumbling in,
and ere a minute had elapsed were
swarming over, and settling upon, the
high reading-desks : the master,
already at his work, was chalking
out the business of the hour ; and as
this took some little time to accom-
plish, the youngsters, not to sit un-
employed, would be assiduously en-
gaged in impressing sundry animal
forms — among which the donkey was
a favourite— cut out in cloth, and well
powdered, upon one another's backs.
When Herr G had finished his
chalkings, and was gone to the comer
of the room for his show-perch, a
skeleton map of Europe might be seen,
by those who chose to look that way,
covering the slate : this, however, was
what the majority of the assembly
106
Pestalozziana.
never dreamt of, or only dreamt they
were doing. The class generally —
though ready when called upon to
give the efficient support of their
tongues — kept their eyes to gape else-
where, and, like Solomon's fool, had
them where they had no business to
be. The map, too often repeated to
attract from its novelty, had uo claim
to respect on other grounds. It was
one of a class accurately designated by
that careful geographer, old Homer,
as " fia^ ov Kara Ko<r/noi>." Coarse
and clumsy, however, as it necessarily
would be, it might still have proved
of service had the boys been the
draughtsmen. As it was, the follow-
ing mechanically Herr G 's wand *
to join in the general chorus of the
last census of a city, the perpendicular
altitude of a mountain, or the length
and breadth of a lake, could obviously
convey no useful instruction to any
one. But, useful or otherwise, such
was our regime, — to set one of from
fifty to sixty lads, day after day,
week after week, repeating facts and
figures notorious to every little reader
of penny guides to science, till all
had the last statistical returns at
their tongue's tip ; and knew, when
all was done, as much of what geo-
graphy really meant as on the day
of their first matriculation. Small
wonder, then, if some should later have
foresworn this study, and been re-
volted at the bare sight of a map!
All our recollections of map, unlike
those of personal travel, are suffi-
ciently distasteful. Often have we
yawned wearily over them at Yver-
dun, when our eyes were demanded to
follow the titubations of Herr G 's
magic wand, which, in its uncer-
tain route, would skip from Europe
to Africa and back again — qui modo
Thebas modo me ponit Atltenis ; and
our dislike to them since has increased
amazingly. Does the reader care to
be told the reason of this ? Let him
— in order to obtain the pragmatic
sanction of some stiff-necked examiner .
— have to " get up " all the anasto-
mosing routes of St Paul's several
journeyings; have to follow those
rebellious Israelites in all their wan-
derings through the desert ; to draw
the line round them when in Pales-
tine ; going from Dan to Beersheba,
and u meting out the valley of Suc-
coth ;" or, finally, have to cover a
large sheet of foolscap with a pro-
gressive survey of the spread of
Christianity during the three first
centuries — and he will easily enter
into our feelings. To return to the
class-room : The geographical lesson,
though of daily infliction, was accu-
rately circumscribed in its duration.
Old Time kept a sharp look-out over
his blooming daughters, and never
suffered one hour to tread upon the
heels or trench upon the province of
a sister hour. Sixty minutes to all,
and not an extra minute to any, was
the old gentleman's impartial rule ;
and he took care to see it was strictly
adhered to. As the clock struck ten,
geography was shoved aside by the
muse of mathematics. A sea of dirty
water had washed out in a twinkling
all traces of the continent of Europe,
and the palimpsest slate presented a
clean face for whatever figures might
next be traced upon it.
The hour for Euclidising was ar-
rived, and anon the black parallelo-
gram was intersected with numerous
triangles of the Isosceles and Scalene
pattern ; but, notwithstanding this
promising debut, we did not make
much quicker progress here than in
the previous lesson. How should
we, who had not only the difficulties
inseparable from the subject to cope
with, but a much more formidable
difficulty — viz. the obstruction which
we opposed to each other's advance,
by the plan, so unwisely adopted, of
making all the class do the same
thing, that they might keep pace to-
gether. It is a polite piece of folly
enough for a whole party to be kept
waiting dinner by a lounging guest,
who chooses to ride in the park when
he ought to be at his toilet ; but we
were the victims of a much greater
absurdity, who lost what might have
proved an hour of profitable work,
out of tenderness to some incorrigibly
idle or Boeotian boy. who could not
get over the Pons Asinornm, (every
proposition was a pans to some asinus
or other,) and so made those who
were over stand still, or come back
to help him across. Neither was
this, though a very considerable
drawback, our only hindrance — the
guides were not always safe. Some-
times he who acted in that capacity
1849.]
Pestcdozziana.
107
would shont "Eureka" too soon;
and having undertaken to lead the
van, lead it astray till just about, as
lie supposed, to come down upon the
proof itself, and to come down with a
Q. E. D. : the master would stop him
short, and bid him — as Coleridge told
the ingenious author of Guesses at
Truth — " to guess again." But sup-
pose the "guess" fortunate, or that a
boy had even succeeded, by his own
industry or reflection, in mastering a
proposition, did it follow that he
would be a clear expositor of what he
knew? It was far otherwise. Oar
young Archimedes — unacquainted
with the terms of the science, aud
being also (as we have hinted) la-
mentably defective in his knowledge
of the power of words — would mix up
such a u farrago " of irrelevaucies and
repetitions with the proof, as, in fact,
to render it to the majority no proof
at all. Euclid should be taught in
his own words, — just enough and
none to spare : the employment of
less must engender obscurity ; and of
more, a want of neatness and perspi-
cacity. The best geometrician amongst
us would have cut but a bad figure
by the side of a lad of very average
ability brought up to know Euclid
by book.
Another twitch of the bell an-
nounced that the hour for playing at
triangles had expired. In five mi-
nutes the slate was covered with bars
of minims and crotchets, aud the
music lesson begun. This, in the
general tone of its delivery, bore a
striking resemblance to the geographi-
cal one of two hours before ; the only
difference being that " ut, re, me "
had succeeded to names of certain
cities, and "fa, so, la" to the num-
ber of their inhabitants. It would be
as vain an attempt to describe all the
noise we made as to show its ra-
tionale or motive. It was loud
enough to have cowed a lion, stopped
a donkey in mid-bray — to have ex-
cited the envy of the vocal Lablache,
or to have sent any prima donna into
hysterics. When this third hour had
been bellowed away, and the bell had
rung unheard the advent of a fourth —
presto — in came Mons. D , to re-
lieve the meek man who had acted as
coryphaeus to the music class ; and
after a little tugging, had soon pro-
duced from his pocket that without
which you never catch a Frenchmen
— a theme. The theme being an-
nounced, we proceeded (not quite
tant bien que mal) to scribble it down
at his dictation, and to amend its
orthography afterwards from a cor-
rected copy on the slate. Once more
the indefatigable bell obtruded its
tinkle, to proclaim that Herr Roth was
coming with a Fable of Gellert, or a
chapter from Vater Pestalozzi's seri-
ous novel, Gwnal und Lina, to readr
and expound, and catechise upon.
This last lesson before dinner was
always accompanied by frequent
yawns and other unrepressed symp-
toms of fatigue ; and at its conclusion
we all rose with a shout, and rushed
into the corridors.
On resuming work in the afternoon,
there was even less attention and
method observed than before. The
classes were then broken up, and
private lessons were given in accom-
plishments, or in some of the useful
arts. Drawing dogs and cows, with
a master to look after the trees and
the hedges ; whistling aud spitting
through a flute ; playing on the pa-
tience of a violin ; turning at a lathe ;
or fencing with a powerful maitre
d' armes ; — such were the general
occupations. It was then, however,
that we English withdrew to our
Greek and Latin ; and, under a kind
master, Dr M , acquired (with
the exception of a love for natural
history, and a very unambitious turn
of mind) all that really could deserve
the name of education.
We have now described the seden-
tary life at the chateau. In the next
paper the reader shall be carried to
the gymnasium; the drill ground
behind the lake ; to our small mena-
geries of kids, guinea pigs, and rab-
bits ; be present at our annual ball
and skat ng bouts in winter, and at
our bathings, fishings, frog-spearings,
and rambles over the Jura in
summer.
108 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
THE CROWNING OF THE COLUMN, AND CRUSHING OF THE PEDESTAL.
IT was said in the debate on the
Navigation Laws, in the best speech
made on the Liberal side, by one of the
ablest of the Liberal party, that the
repeal of the Navigation Laws was
the crowning of the column of free
trade. There is no doubt it was so ;
but it was something more. It was
not only the carrying out of a prin-
ciple, but the overthrow of a system ;
it was not merely the crowning of
the column, but the crushing of the
pedestal.
And what was the system which
was thus completely overthrown, for
the time at least, by this great triumph
of Liberal doctrines ? It was the sys-
tem under which England had become
free, and great, and powerful ; under
which, in her alone of all modern
states, liberty had been found to coexist
with law, and progress with order ;
under which wealth had increased
without producing divisions, and power
grown up without inducing corruption ;
the system which had withstood the
shocks of two centuries, and created an
-empire unsurpassed since the beginning
of the world in extent and magnificence.
It was a system which had been fol-
lowed out with persevering energy by
the greatest men, and the most com-
manding intellects, which modern
Europe had ever produced ; which
was begun by the republican patriot-
ism of Cromwell, and consummated
by the conservative wisdom of Pitt ;
which had been embraced alike by
Somers and Bolingbroke, by Walpole
and Chatham, by Fox and Castlereagh;
which, during two centuries, had pro-
duced an unbroken growth of national
strength, a ceaseless extension of na-
tional power, and at length reared up
a dominion which embraced the earth
in its grasp, and exceeded anything
ever achieved by the legions of Caesar,
or the phalanx of Alexander. No
vicissitudes of time, no shock of ad-
verse fortune, had been able perma-
nently to arrest its progress. It had
risen superior alike to the ambition of
Louis XIV. and the genius of Napo-
leon ; the rude severance of the North
American colonies had thrown only a
passing shade over its fortunes; the
power of Hindostan had been sub-
dued by its force, the sceptre of the
ocean won by its prowess. It had
planted its colonies in every quarter
of the globe, and at once peopled with
its descendants a new hemisphere,
and, for the first time since the crea-
tion, rolled back to the old the tide
of civilisation. Perish when it may,
the old English system has achieved
mighty things ; it has indelibly affixed
its impress on the tablets of history.
The children of its creation, the Anglo-
Saxon race, will fill alike the solitudes
of the Far West, and the isles of the
East ; they will be found equally on
the shores of the Missouri, and on the
savannahs of Australia; and the period
can already be anticipated, even by
the least imaginative, when their
descendants will people half the globe.
It was not only the column of free
trade which has been crowned in this
memorable year. Another column,
more firm in its structure, more last-
ing in its duration, more conspicuous
amidst the wonders of creation, has,
in the same season, been crowned by
British hands. While the sacrilegious
efforts of those whom it had sheltered
were tearing down the temple of pro-
tection in the West, the last stone was
put to the august structure which it
h ad reared in th e E ast. Th e victory of
Goojerat on the Indus was contempo-'
rary with the repeal of the Navigation
Laws on the Thames. The comple-
tion of the conquest of India occurred
exactly at the moment when the sys-
tem which had created that empire
was repudiated. Protection placed the
sceptre of India in our hands, when free
trade was surrendering the trident of
the ocean in the heart of our power.
With truth did Lord Gough say, in
his noble proclamation to the army of
the Puujaub on the termination of
hostilities, that "what Alexander had
attempted they had done." Supported
by the energy of England, guided by
the principles of protection, restrained
by the dictates of justice, backed by
the navy which the Navigation
Laws had created, the British arms
had achieved the most wonderful
triumph recorded in the annals of
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. ' 109
mankind. They had subjugated a
hundred and forty millions of men in
the Continent of Hindostan, at the
distance of ten thousand miles from
the parent state ; they had made
themselves felt alike, and at the same
moment, at Nankin, the ancient capi-
tal of the Celestial Empire, and at
Cabool, the cradle of Mahommedan
power. Conquering all who resisted,
blessing all who submitted, securing
the allegiance of the subjects by the
justice and experienced advantages of
their government, they had realised
the boasted maxim of Roman admin-
istration—
" Parcere subjectis et debellare superbos,"
and steadily advanced through a
hundred years of effort and glory, not
unmixed with disaster, from the banks
of the Hoogley to the shores of the
Indus — from the black hole of Cal-
cutta to the throne of Aurengzebe.
" Nulla magna civitas," said Han-
nibal, " diu quiescere potest — si foris
hostem non habet, domi invenit: ut
praevalida corpora ab externis causis
tuta videntur, suis ipsis viribus confi-
ciuntur."* When the Carthaginian
hero made this mournful reflection on
the infatuated spirit which had seized
his own countrymen, and threatened to
destroy their once powerful dominion,
he little thought what a marvellous
confirmation of it a future empire of
far greater extent and celebrity was to
afford. That the system of free trade
— that is, the universal preference of
foreigners, for the sake of the small-
est reduction of price, to your own
subjects — must, if persisted in, lead to
the dismemberment and overthrow of
the British empire, cannot admit of a
moment's doubt, and will be amply
proved to eveiy unbiassed reader in
the sequel of this paper. Yet the
moment chosen for carrying this prin-
ciple into effect was precisely that, when
the good effects of the opposite system
had been most decisively demon-
strated, and an empire unprecedented
in magnitude and magnificence had
reached its acme under its shadow.
It would be impossible to explain so
strange an anomaly, if we did not
recollect how wayward and irrecon-
cilable are the changes of the human
mind : that action and reaction is the
law not less of the moral than of the
material world ; that nations become
tired of hearing a policy called wise,
not less than an individual called the
just ; and that if a magnanimous and
truly national course of government
has been pursued by one party long
in possession of power, this is quite
sufficient to make its opponents
embrace the opposite set of tenets,
and exert all their influence to carry
them into effect when they succeed
to the direction of affairs, without the
slightest regard to the ruin they may
bring on the national fortunes.
The secret of the long duration and
unexampled success of the British
national policy is to be found in
the protection which it afforded to all
the national interests. But for this, it
must long since have been overthrown,
and with it the empire which was
growing up under its shadow. No
institutions or frames of government
can long exist which are not held to-
gether by that firmest of bonds, ex-
perienced benefits. What made the
Roman power steadily advance during
seven centuries, and endure in all a
thousand years? The protection
which the arms of the legions afforded
to the industry of mankind, the inter-
national wars which they prevented,
the general peace they secured, the
magnanimous policy which admitted
the conquered states to the privileges
of Roman citizens, and caused the
Imperial government to be felt through
the wide circuit of its power, only by
the vast market it opened to the in-
dustry of its multifarious subjects,
and the munificence with which local
undertakings were everywhere aided
by the Imperial treasuiy. Free trade
in grain at length ruined it : the har-
vests of Lybia and Egypt came to
supersede those of Greece and Italy,
—and thence its fall. To the same
cause which occasioned the rise of
Rome, is to be ascribed the similar
unbroken progress of the Russian ter-
" No great state, can long remain quiet; if it has not an enemy abroad, it finds one
at home, as powerful bodies resist all external attacks, but are destroyed by their
internal strength." — LIVT.
110 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
ritorial dominion, and that of the
British colonial empire in modern
times. What, on the other hand,
caused the conquests of Timonr and
Charlemagne, Alexander the Great
and Napoleon, to be so speedily
obliterated, and their vast empires
to fall to pieces the moment the
powerful hand which had created
them was laid in the dust? The
want of protection to general interests,
the absence of the strong bond of
experienced benefits ; the oppressive
nature of the conquering government;
the sacrifice of the general interests
to the selfish ambition or rapacious
passions of a section of the community,
whether civil or military, which had
got possession of power. It is the
selfishness of the ruling power which
invariably terminates its existence :
men will bear anything but an in-
terference with their patrimonial
interests. The burning of 50,000
Protestants by the Duke of Alva was
quietly borne by the Flemish pro-
vinces : but the imposition of a small
direct tax at once caused a flame to
burst forth, which carried the inde-
pendence of the United Provinces. At-
tend sedulously to the interests of
men, give ear to their complaints,
anticipate their wishes, and you may
calculate with tolerable certainty on
acquiring in the long ran the mastery
of their passions. Thwart their in-
terests, disregard their complaints,
make game of their sufferings, and
you may already read the handwrit-
ing on the wall which announces your
doom.
That the old policy of England,
foreign, colonial, and domestic, was
thoroughly protective, and attended,
on the whole, with a due care of the
interests of its subjects in every part
of the world, may be inferred with
absolute certainty from the constant
growth, unexampled success, and long
existence of her empire. But the
matter is not left to inference : deci-
sive proof of it is to be found in
the enactments of our statute-book,
the treaties we concluded, or the
wars we waged with foreign powers.
Protection to native industry, at
home or in the colonies, security to
vested interests, a sacred regard to
the rights and interests of our
subjects, in whatever part of the
world, were the principles invariably
acted upon. Long and bloody wars
were undertaken to secure their pre-
dominance, when threatened by foreign
powers. This protective system of
necessity implied some restrictions
upon the industry, or restraints upon
the liberty of action in the colonial
dependencies, as well as the mother
country — but what then ? They were
not complained of on either side, be-
cause they were accompanied with
corresponding and greater benefits,
as the consideration paid by the
mother country, and received by her
distant offspring. Reciprocity in those
days was not entirely one-sided ;
there was a quid pro quo on both
sides. The American colonies were
subjected to the Navigation Laws,
and, in consequence, paid somewhat
higher for their freights than if they
had been permitted to export and
import their produce in the cheaper
vessels of foreign powers ; but this
burden was never complained of, be-
cause it was felt to be the price paid
for the immense advantages of the
monopoly of the English market, and
the protection of the English navy.
The colonies of France and Spain de-
sired nothing so much, during the late
war, as to be conquered by the armies
of England, because it at once opened
the closed markets for their produce,
and restored the lost protection of a
powerful navy. The English felt that
their colonial empire was in some re-
spects a burden, and entailed heavy
expenses both in peace and war ; but
they were not complained of, because
the manufacturingindustry of England
found a vast and increasing market for
its produce in the growth of its off-
spring in every part of the world, and
its commercial navy grew with unex-
ampled rapidity from the exclusive
enjoyment of their trade.
Such was the amount of protection
afforded in our statute-book to com-
mercial industry, that we might
imagine, if there was nothing else in
it, that the empire had been governed
exclusively by a manufacturing aris-
tocracy. Such was the care with
which the interests of the colonies
were attended to, that it seemed as if
they must have had representatives
who possessed a majority in the legis-
lature. To one who looked to the
184 9. ] TJie Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. Ill
welfare of land, and the protection of
its produce, the chapel of St Stephens
seemed to have been entirely composed
of the representatives of squires. The
shipping interest was sedulously fos-
tered, as appeared in the unex-
ampled growth and vast amount of
our mercantile tonnage. The interests
of labour, the welfare of the poor,
were not overlooked, as was demon-
strated in the most decisive way by
the numerous enactments for the relief
of the indigent and unfortunate, and
the immense burden which the legisla-
ture voluntarily imposed on itself and
the nation for the relief of the desti-
tute. Thus all interests were attended
to ; and that worst of tyrannies, the
tyranny of one class over another
class, was effectually prevented. It is
in this sedulous attention to all the in-
terests of the empire that its long
duration and unparalleled extension is
to be ascribed. Had any one class or
interest been predominant, and com-
menced the system of pursuing its
separate objects and advantages, to
the subversion or injury of the other
classes in the state, such a storm of
discontent must have arisen as would
speedily have proved fatal to the
unanimity, and with it to the growth
and prosperity of the empire.
Two causes mainly contributed to
produce this system of catholic pro-
tection by the British government
to native industry ; and to their
united operation, the greatness of
England is chiefly to be ascribed.
The first of these was the peculiar
constitution which time had worked
out for the House of Commons, and
the manner in which all the interests
of the state had come silently, and
without being observed, to be in-
directly but most effectually repre-
sented in parliament. That body,
anterior to the Reform Bill, possessed
one invaluable quality — its franchise
was multiform and various. In
many burghs the landed interest in
theirneighbourhood was predominant ;
in most counties it returned members
in the interests of agriculture. In
other towns, mercantile or commercial
wealth acquired by purchase an
introduction, or won it from the
influence of some great family.
Colonial opulence found a ready inlet
in the close boroughs : Old Sarum or
Gatton nominally represented a house
or a green mound — really, the one
might furnish a seat to a representa-
tive of Hindostan, the other of the
splendid West Indian settlements.
The members who thus got in by
purchase had one invaluable quality,
like the officers who get their com-
missions in the army in the same
way — they were independent. They
were not liable to be overruled or
coerced by a numerous, ignorant, and
conceited constituency. Hence they
looked only to the interests of the
class to which they belonged, amidst
which their fortunes had been made,
and with the prosperity of which
their individual success was entirely
wound up. With what energy these
various interests were attended to,
with what perseverance the system of
protecting them was followed up, is
sufficiently evident from the simul-
taneous growth and unbroken pros-
perity of all the great branches of
industry during the long period of a
hundred and fifty years. Talent,
alike on the Whig and the Tory side,
found a ready entrance by means of
the nomination burghs. It is well
known that all the great men of the
House of Commons, since the Revolu-
tion, obtained entrance to parliament
in the first instance through these
narrow inlets. Rank looked anxiously
for talent, because it added to its
influence. Genius did not disdain
the entrance, because it was not ob-
structed by numbers, or galled by
conceit. No human wisdom could
have devised such a system ; it rose
gradually, and without being observed,
from the influence of a vast body of
great and prosperous interests, feeling
the necessity of obtaining a voice in
the legislature, and enjoying the
means of doing so by the variety of
election privileges which time had
established in the House of Commons.
The reality of this representation of
interests is matter of history. The
landed interest, the West India
interest, the commercial interest, the
shipping interest, the East Indian
interest, could all command their res-
pective phalanxes in parliament, who
would not permit any violation of the
rights, or infringement on the wel-
fare, of their constituents to take
place. The combined effect of the
112 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
whole was the great and glorious
British empire, teeming with energy,
overflowing with patriotism, spread-
ing out into every quarter of the
globe, and yet held together in all its
parts by the firm bond of experienced
benefits and protected industry.
The second cause was, that no
speculative or theoretical opinions
had then been broached, or become
popular, which proclaimed that the
real interest of any one class was to be
found in the spoliation or depression
of any other class. No gigantic
system of beggar my neighbour had
then come to be considered as a
shorthand mode of gaining wealth.
The nation had not then embraced
the doctrine, that to buy cheap and
sell dear constituted the sum total of
political science. On the contrary, pro-
tection to industry in all its branches
was considered as the great princi-
ple of policy, the undisputed dictate
of wisdom, the obvious rule of justice.
It was acknowledged alike by specu-
lative writers and practical states-
men. The interests of the producers
were the main object of legislative
fostering and philosophic thought —
and for this plain reason, that they
constitute the great body of society,
and their interests chiefly were thought
of. Realised wealth, was then, in
comparison to what it now is, in a
state of infancy ; the class of traders
and shopkeepers, who grow up with
the expenditure of accumulated opu-
lence, was limited in numbers and
inconsiderable in influence. It would
have been as impossible then to get
up a party in the House of Commons,
or a cry in the country, in favour of
the consumers or against the pro-
ducers, as it would be now to do the
same among the corn producers in the
basin of the Mississippi, or among the
cotton growers of New Orleans.
It is in the profound wisdom of
Hannibal's saying — that great states,
impregnable to the shock of external
violence, are consumed and wasted
away by their own internal strength —
that the real cause of the subsequent
and extraordinary change, first in the
opinions of men, and then in the mea-
sures of government, is to be found.
Such was the wealth produced by the
energy of the Anglo-Saxon race, shel-
tered and invigorated by the protec-
tion-policy of government in every
quarter of the globe, that in the end
it gave birth to a new class, which
rapidly grew in numbers and influence,
and was at length able to bid defiance
to all the other interests in the state
put together. This was the moneyed
interest — the class of men whose for-
tunes were made, whose position was
secure, and who saw, in a general
cheapening of the price of commodities
and reduction of prices, the means of
making their wealth go much farther
than it otherwise would. This class
had its origin from the long-continued
prosperity and accumulated savings of
the whole producing classes in the
state ; like a huge lake, it was fed by
all the streams and rills which de-
scended into it from the high grounds
by which it was surrounded ; and the
rise of its waters indicated, as a regis-
ter thermometer, the amount of addi-
tions which it was receiving from the
swelling of the feeders by which it
was formed. But when men once
get out of the class of producers, and
into that of moneyed consumers, they
rapidly perceive an immediate benefit
to themselves in the reduction of
the price of articles of consump-
tion, because it adds proportionally
to the value of their money. If prices
can be forced down fifty per cent by
legislative measures, every thousand
pounds in eifect becomes fifteen hun-
dred. It thus not unfrequently and
naturally happened, that the son who
enjoyed the fortune made by protec-
tion came to join the ranks of the free
traders, because it promised a great
addition to the value of his inheritance.
The transition from Sir Robert Peel
the father, and staunch supporter of
protection, who made the fortune, to
Sir Robert Peel the son, who inherited
it, and introduced free- trade principles,
was natural and easy. Each acted in
conformity with the interests of hi&
respective position in society. It is
impossible to suppose in such men a
selfish or sordid regard to their own
interests, and we solemnly disclaim
the intention of imputing such. But
every one knows how the ablest and
most elevated minds are insensibly
moulded by the influence of the atmo-
sphere with which they are surround-
ed ; and, at all events, they were a
typeof the corresponding change going
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. 113
on in successive generations of others
of a less elevated class of minds, in
whom the influence of interested mo-
tives was direct and immediate.
Adam Smith's work, now styled the
principia of economical science by the
free-traders, first gave token of the
important and decisive change then
going forward in society. It was an
ominous and characteristic title : The
Nature and Cause of the WEALTH of
Nations. It was not said of their
wisdom, virtue, or happiness. The
direction of such a mind as Adam
Smith's to the exclusive consideration
of the riches of nations, indicated
the advent of a period when the fruits
of industry in this vast empire, shel-
tered by protection, had become so
great that they had formed a power-
ful class in society, which was begin-
ning to look to its separate interests,
and saw them in the beating down the
price of articles— thatis,dimiuishing the
remuneration of other men's industry.
It showed that the Plutocracy was be-
coming powerful. The constant ar-
guments that able work contained, in
favour of competition and against
monopoly, — its impassioned pleadings
in favour of freedom of commerce,
and the removal of all restrictions on
importation, were so many indications
that a new era was opening in society ;
that the interests of realised wealth
were beginning to come into collision
with those of creating industry, and that
the time was not far distant when a
fierce legislative contest might be an-
ticipated between them. It is well
known that Adam Smith advocated
the Navigation Laws, upon the ground
that national independence was of
more importance than national wealth.
But there can be no doubt that this
was a deviation from his principles,
and that, if they were established in
other particulars, it would be difficult,
if not impossible, to succeed in main-
taining an exception in favour of the
shipping interests, because that was
retaining a burden on the colonies,
when the corresponding benefit had
been voted away.
Although, however, the doctrines
of Adam Smith, from their novelty,
simplicity, and alliance with demo-
cratic liberty, spread rapidly in the
rising generation — ever ready to re-
pudiate the doctrines and throw off
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCV.
the restraints of their fathers — yet, so
strongly were the producing interests
intrenched in the legislature, that a
very long period would probably have
elapsed before they caine to be prac-
tically applied in the measures of
government, had it not been that,
at the very period when, from the
triumph of protection-principles dur-
ing the war, and the vast wealth they
had realised in the state, the moneyed
interest had become most powerful, a
great revolution in the state gave that
interest the command of the House
of Commons. By the Reform Bill
two-thirds of the seats in that house
were given to boroughs, and two-
thirds of the voters in boroughs, in
the new constituency, were shop-
keepers or those in their interest.
Thus a decisive majority in the house,
which, from having the command of
the public purse, practically became
possessed of supreme power, was vest-
ed in those who made their living by
buying and selling — with whom cheap
prices was all in all. The producing
classes were virtually, and to all
practical purposes, cast out of the
scale. The landed interest, on all
questions vital to its welfare, would
evidently soon be in a minority.
Schedules A and B at one blow dis-
franchised the whole colonial empire
of Great Britain, because it closed
the avenue by which colonial wealth
had hitherto found an entrance to the
House of Commons. Seats could no
longer be bought : the virtual repre-
sentation of unrepresented places was
at an end. The greatest fortunes
made in the colonies could now get
into the house only through some
populous place ; and the majority of
voters in most populous places were
in favour of the consumers and against
the producers, because the consumers
bought their goods, and they bought
those of the producers. Thus no colo-
nial member could get in but by for-
swearing his principles and abandon-
ing the interests of his order. The
shipping interest was more strongly
intrenched, because many shipping
towns had direct representatives in
parliament, and it accordingly was
the last to be overthrown. But when,
the colonies were disfranchised, and
protection was withdrawn from their
industry to cheapen prices at home, it
114
The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
became next to impossible to keep up
the shipping interest — not only be-
cause the injustice of doing so, and
so enhancing freights, when protection
to colonial produce was withdrawn,
was evident, but because it was well
understood, by certain unequivocal
symptoms, that such a course of po-
licy would at once lead to colonial
revolt, and the dismemberment of
the empire.
The authors of the Reform Bill were
well aware that under it two-thirds of
the seats in the House of Commons
were for boroughs : but they clung to
the idea that a large proportion of
these seats would fall under the in-
fluence of the landed proprietors in
their vicinity, and thus be brought
round to the support of the agricultu-
ral interest. It was on that belief that
Earl Grey said in private, amidst all
his public democratic declamations,
that the Reform Bill was " the most
aristocratic measure which had ever
passed the House of Commons." But
in this anticipation, which was doubt-
less formed in good faith by many of
the ablest supporters of that revolu-
tion, they showed themselves entirely
ignorant of the effect of the great
monetary change of 1819, which at
that very period was undermining the
influence of the owners of landed
estates as much as it was augmenting
the power of the holders of bonds over
their properties. As that bill changed
the prices of agricultural produce, at
least to the extent of forty per cent, it
of course crippled the means and
weakened the influence of the land-
owners as much as it added to the
powers of the moneyed interest
which held securities over their estates.
This soon became a matter of para-
mount importance. After a few severe
struggles, the landowners in most
places saw that they were overmatch-
ed, and that their burdened estates and
declining rent-rolls were not equal to
an encounter with the ready money
of the capitalists, which that very
change had so much enhanced in value
and augmented in power. One by one
the rural boroughs slipped out of the
hands of the landed, and fell under the
influence of the moneyed interest. At
the same time one great colonial inte-
rest, that of the West Indies, was so
entirely prostrated by the ruinous mea-
sure of the emancipation of the negroes,
that its influence in parliament was
practically rendered extinct. Thus
two of the great producing interests
in the state — those of corn and sugar —
were materially weakened or nullified,
at the very time when the power of
their opponents, the moneyed aris-
tocracy, was most augmented.
Experience, however, proved, on
one important and decisive occasion,
that even after the Reform Bill had
become the law of the land, it was
still possible, by a coalition of all the
producing interests, to defeat the ut-
most efforts of the moneyed party, even
when aided by the whole influence of
government. On occasion of the me-
morable Whig budget of 1841, such a
coalition took place, and the efforts of
the free-traders were overthrown. A
change of ministry was the conse-
quence ; but it soon appeared that
nothing was gained by an alteration
of rulers, when the elements in which
political power resided, under the
new constitution, remain ed unchanged .
Sir Robert Peel, and the leaders of
the party which now succeeded to
power, appear to have been guided
by those views in the free-trade mea-
sures which they subsequently intro-
duced. They regarded, and with
justice, the Reform Bill as, in the
language of the Times, " a great
fact" — the settlement of the constitu-
tion upon a new basis — on foundations
non tangenda non movenda, if we would
shun the peril of repeated shocks to
our institutions, and ultimately of
a bloody revolution. Looking on
the matter in this light, the next
object was to scan the composition of
the House of Commons, and see in
what party and interest in the state
a preponderance of power was now
vested. They were not slow in dis-
cerning the fatal truth, that the Re-
form Bill had given a decided majority
to the representatives of boroughs,
and that a clear majority in these
boroughs was, from the embarrass-
ments which monetary change had
produced on the landed proprietors,
and the preponderance of votes
which that bill had given to shop-
keepers, vested in the moneyed or con-
suming interest. Such a state of
things might be regretted, but still it
existed; and it was the business of
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal 115
practical statesmen to deal with
things as they were, not to indulge in
vain regrets on what they once were
or might have been. It seemed im-
possible to carry on the government
on any other footing than that of
concession to the wishes and atten-
tion to the interests of the moneyed
and mercantile classes, in whose
hands supreme power, under the new
constitution, was now practically
vested. Whether any such views, sup-
posing them well founded, could jus-
tify a statesman and a party, who had
received office on a solemn appeal to
the country, under the most solemn
engagement to support the principles
of protection, to repudiate those prin-
ciples, and introduce the measures
they were pledged to oppose, is a
question on which, it is not difficult to
see, but one opinion will be formed by
future times.
Still, even when free-trade mea-
sures were resolved on by Sir R.
Peel's government, it was a very
doubtful matter, in the first instance,
how to secure their entire success. The
great coalition of the chief producing
interests, which had proved fatal to
the Whig administration by the elec-
tion of 1841, might again be reorgan-
ised, and overthrow any government
which attempted to renew the same
projects. Ministers had been placed
in office on the principles of protec-
tion— they were the watches, planted
to descry the first approaches of the
enemy, and repel his attacks. But
the old Roman maxim, " Divide et
impera," was then put in practice
with .fatal effect on the producing
interests, and, in the end, on the
general fortunes of the empire. The
assault was in the first instance
directed against the agricultural inte-
rest : the cry of " Cheap bread," ever
all-powerful with the multitude, was
raised to drown that of " Protection
to ^ native industry." The whole
weight of government, which at once
abandoned all its principles, was di-
rected to support the free-trade as-
sault, and beat down the protectionist
opposition. The whole population in
the towns — that is, the inhabitants of
the places which, under the Reform
Bill, returned two-thirds of the House
of Commons — was roused almost to
madness by the prospect of a great
reduction in the price of provisions.
The master - manufacturers almost
unanimously supported the same
views, in the hope that the wages of
labour and the cost of production
would be in a similar way reduced,
and that thus the foreign market for
their produce would be extended.
The West India interest, the colonial
interest, the shipping interest, stood
aloof, or gave only a lukewarm sup-
port to the protectionists, conceiving
that it was merely an agricultural
question, and that the time was far
distant when there was any chance
of their interests being brought into
jeopardy. " Cetera quis nescitf" The
corn-laws were repealed, agricultural
protection was swept away, and Eng-
land, where wheat cannot be raised
at a profit when prices are below
50s., or, at the lowest, 45s. a quarter,
was exposed to the direct competition
of states possessing the means of
raising it to an indefinite extent,
where it can be produced and im-
ported at a profit for in all 32s.
What subsequent events have abun-
dantly verified, was at the time fore-
seen and foretold by the protection-
ists,— that when agricultural protec-
tion at home was withdrawn, it could
not be maintained in the colonies,
and that cheap prices must be ren-
dered universal, as they had been
established in the great article of
human subsistence. This necessity
was soon experienced. The West
Indies were the first to be assailed.
Undeterred by the evident ruin which
a free competition with the slave-
growing states could not fail to bring
on British planters forced to work
with free labourers — undismayed- by
the frightful injustice of first estab-
lishing slavery by law in the English
colonies, and giving the utmost en-
couragement to negro importation,
then forcibly emancipating the slaves
on a compensation not on an average
a fourth part of their value, and then
sweeping away all fiscal protection,
and exposing the English planters,
who could not with their free labour-
ers raise sugar below £10 a ton, to
competition with slave states who
could raise it for £4 a ton — that
great work of fiscal iniquity and free-
trade spoliation was perpetrated. The
English landed interest resisted the
116 The Crowning of the Column,
unjust measure; but it could hardly
be expected that they were to be very
enthusiastic in the cause. They had not
forgotten their desertion in the hour
of need by the West India planters,
and the deferred punishment, as they
conceived, dealt out to them in return,
was not altogether displeasing. The
shipping interest did little or nothing
when either contest was going on ;
nay, they in general, and with fatal
effect, supported free-trade principles
thus far : they were delighted that the
tempest had not as yet reached their
doors, and flattered themselves none
would be insane enough to attack the
wooden walls of Old England, and
hand us over, bereft of our ocean bul-
warks, to the malice and jealousy of
our enemies. They little knew the ex-
tent and infatuation of political fanati-
cism. They were only reserved, like
Ulysses in the cave of Polyphemus, for
the melancholy privilege of being last
devoured. Each session of Parlia-
ment, since free trade was introduced,
has been marked by the sacrifice of
a fresh interest. The year 1846 wit-
nessed the repeal of the corn laws ;
the year 1847 the equalisation, by a
rapidly sliding scale, of the duties on
English free-grown and foreign slave-
raised sugar ; and 1849 was immor-
talised by the destruction of the
and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
Navigation Laws. The British ship-
owner, who pays £10 for wages on
ships, is exposed to the direct compe-
tition of the foreign shipowner, who
navigates his vessel for £6. " Perish
the colonies," said Robespierre, " ra-
ther than one principle be abandoned."
Fanaticism is the same in all ages
and countries. The triumph of free
trade is complete. A ruinous and
suicidal principle has been carried
out, in defiance alike of bitter ex-
perience and national safety. Each
interest in the state has, since the
great conservative party was bro-
ken up by Sir R. Peel's free-trade
measures, looked on with indifference
when its neighbour was destroyed;
and to them may be applied with
truth what the ancient annalist said
of the enemies of Rome, " Dum sin-
gulipugnant, universi vincuntur ." '*
We say advisedly, each interest has
looked on with indifference when its
neighbour was destroyed. That this
strong phrase is not misapplied to the
effect of these measures in the West
Indies, is too well known to require any
illustration. Ruin, widespread and
universal, has, we know by sad experi-
ence, overtaken, and is rapidly de-
stroying these once splendid colonies.
While we write these lines, a decisive
proof f has been judicially afforded of
" While each separately fights, all are conquered." — TACITUS.
t Slavery value.
After Abolition.
After Abolition
of
Apprenticeship.
Since passing
Sugar Bill of
1846.
Name of the Estate.
£
120,000
65,000
55,000
80,000
70,000
45,000
£
60,000
32,000
27,500
30,000
25,000
20,000
£
45,000
26,000
23,000
20,000
17,000
15,000
£
5,000
5,000
3,500
6,000
3,000
5,000
Windsor Forest.
La Grange.
Belle Piaine.
Rabacca.
Sir W. South.
Richmond Hill.
. 435,000
194,500
146,000
27,500
Slavery value, .....
Estimated present value, ....
Depreciation,
Or equal to 93£ per cent on original value.
£435,000
27,500
£407,500
— IN RE CRUIKSHANKS, IN CHANCERY, Times, June 6th, 1849.
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. 117
the frightful depreciation of property
which has there taken place, from
the acts of successive administrations
acting on liberal principles, and yield-
ing to popular outcries : the fall
has amounted to ninety-three per cent.
Beyond all doubt, since the new sys-
tem began to be applied to the West
Indies, property to the amount of a
hundred and twenty millions has perish-
ed under its strokes. The French
Convention never did anything more
complete. Free- trade fanaticism may
well glory in its triumphs ; it is doubt-
ful if they have any parallel in the
annals of mankind.
We do not propose to resume the
debate on the Navigation Laws, of
which the public have heard so much
in this session of parliament. We
are aware that their doom is sealed ;
and we accept the extinction of ship-
ping protection as un fait accompli,
from which we must set out in all
future discussions on the national
prospects and fortunes. But, in order
to show how enormously perilous is
the change thus made, and what
strength of argument and arrays of
facts free-trade fanaticism has had
the merit of triumphing over, we
cannot resist the temptation of tran-
scribing into our pages the admirable
letter of Mr Young, the able and
unflinching advocate of the shipping
interest, to the Marquis of Lans-
downe, after the late interesting de-
bate on the subject in the House of
Lords. We do so not merely from
sincere respect for that gentleman's
patriotic spirit and services, but be-
cause we do not know any document
which, in so short a space, contains
so interesting a statement of that
leading fact on which the whole ques-
tion hinges — viz. the progressive and
rapid decline of British, and growth of
foreign tonnage, with those countries
with whom we have concluded reci-
procity treaties : affording thus a
foretaste of what we may expect now
that we have established a reciprocity
treaty, by the repeal of the Navigation
Laws, with the whole world :
" My Lord, — In the debate last night
on the Navigation Laws, your Lordship
said, —
' The noble and learned Lord opposite
has spoken contemptuously of statistics.
Let me remind that noble and learned
Lord that if any statement founded
on statistics remains unshaken, it is
the statement that under reciprocity
treaties now existing, by which this
country enjoys no protection, she, never-
theless, monopolises the greater part of
the commerce of the north of Europe.'
As an impartial statist, as well as a
statesman, your Lordship will perhaps
permit me to invite your attention to the
following abstract from Parliamentary
returns, respectfully trusting that, if the
facts it discloses should be found irre-
concilable with the opinions you have
expressed, a sense of justice will induce
your Lordship to correct the error : —
The reciprocity treaty with the United
States was concluded in 1815.
The British inward entries from that
country were —
Tons.
In 1816 45,140
In 1824, reciprocity having been
eight years in operation ... 44,994
146
British tonnage having in
that period decreased ...
The inward entries of American ton-
nage were —
Tons.
In 1816 91,914
In 1824 153,475
American tonnage having in ) ci sgi
that period increased ... \ > '
During that period no reciprocity ex-
isted with the Baltic Powers ; and
In 1815 the British entries from
Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Tons.
and Norway were 78,533
In 1824 129,895
British tonnage having in- ) ... oro
_i f 0 1 *OO*rf
creased J
In 1815 those Baltic entries were 319,181
In 1824 350,624
Baltic tonnage having in-) al ..«
creased \ dl>44<
Thus, from the peace in 1815 to 1824,
when the " Reciprocity of Duties Act"
passed, in the trade of the only country
in the world with which great Britain
was in reciprocity, her tonnage declined
146 tons, and that of the foreign nation
advanced 61,561 tons ; while in the trade
with the Baltic powers, with which no
reciprocity existed, British tonnage ad-
vanced on its competitors in the propor-
tion of 51,362 to 31,443 tons.
From 1824 the reciprocity principle
was applied to the Baltic powers ; and —
118 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
Tons.
In 1824, the British entries being 129,895
In 1846 they had declined to ... 88,894
Having diminished during ) 41 QQ^
the period ... - ... )
While the Baltic tonnage, which
in 1824 was 350,624
Had advanced in 1846 to ... 571,161
Showing an increase of no ) 220 537
less than )
And during this same period, the pro-
portion of tonnage of the United States
continued,jinder the operation of the same
principle, steadily to advance, the British
entries thence being —
Tons.
In 1846 205,123
And the American 435,399
Showing an excess ofl
American over British > 230,276
of )
I have (I hope not unfairly) introduced
into this statement American tonnage,
because it shows that while, in the period
antecedent to general reciprocity, the
adoption of the principle in the trade
with that nation produced an actual de-
cline of British navigation, while in the
trade with the Baltic powers, which was
free from that scourge, British navigation
outstripped its competitor, it exhibits in
a remarkable manner the reverse result,
from the moment the principle was ap-
plied to the Baltic trade ; while, above
all, it completely negatives the statement
of the greater part of the commerce of
the north of Europe being monopolised
by British ships, showing that in that
commerce, in 1846, of an aggregate of
660,055 tons, British shipping had only
88,894 tons, while no less than 571,161
tons were monopolised by Baltic ships !"
It is evident, from this summary,
that the decline of British and growth
of foreign shipping will be so rapid, un-
der the system of Free Trade in Ship-
ping, that the time is not far distant
when the foreign tonnage employed
in conducting our trade will be supe-
rior in amount to the British. In all
probability, in six or seven years that
desirable consummation will be ef-
fected ; and we shall enjoy the satis-
faction of having purchased freights
a farthing a pound cheaper, by the
surrender of our national safety.
It need hardly be said that, from the
moment that the foreign tonnage
employed in conducting our trade
exceeds the British, our independence
as a nation is gone ; because we have
reared up, in favour of states who may
any day become our enemies, a nursery
of seamen superior to that which we
possess ourselves. And every year,
which increases the one and diminishes
the other, brings us nearer the period
when our ability to contend on our
own element with other powers is to
be at end, and England is to undergo
the fate of Athens after the catastrophe
of Aigos-potarnos — that of being block-
aded in our own harbours by the
fleets of our enemies, and obliged to
surrender at discretion on any terms
they might think n't to impose.
But in truth, the operations of the
free-traders will, to all appearance,
terminate our independence, and com-
pel us to sink into the ignoble neutral-
ity which characterised the policy of
Venice for the last two centuries of its
independent existence, before the fo-
reign seamen we have hatched in our
bosom have time to be arrayed in
a Leipsic of the deep against us. So
rapid, so fearfully rapid, has been the
increase in the importation of foreign
grain since the repeal of the corn
laws took place, and so large a por-
tion of our national sustenance has al-
ready come to be derived from foreign
countries, that it is evident, on the first
rupture with the countries furnishing
them, we should at once be starved
into submission. The free-traders
always told us, that a considerable im-
portation of foreign grain would only
take place when prices rose high ; that
it was a resource against seasons of
scarcity only ; and that, when prices
in England were low, it would cease
or become trifling. Attend to the
facts. Free trade in grain has been in
operation just three years. We pass
over the great importation of the year
1847, when, under the influence of the
panic, and high prices arising from the
Irish famine, no less than 12,000,000
quarters of grain were imported in
fifteen months, at a cost of £3 1 ,000,000,
nearly the whole of which was paid in
specie. Beyond all doubt, it was the
great drain thus made to act upon our
metallic resources — at the very time
when the free-traders had, with con-
summate wisdom, established a slid'
ing paper circulation, under which the
bank-notes were to be withdrawn from
1849.] Tlie Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. 119
the public in proportion as the sove-
reigns were exported — which was the
main cause of the dreadful commercial
catastrophe which ensued, and from
the effects of which, after two years
of unexampled suffering, the nation
has scarcely yet begun to recover.
But what we wish to draw the public
attention to is this. The greatest im-
portation of foreign grain ever known,
into the British islands, before the
corn laws were repealed, was in the
year 1839, when, in consequence of
three bad harvests in succession,
4,000,000 quarters in round numbers
were imported. The average impor-
tation had been steadily diminishing
before that time, since the commence-
ment of the century : in the five years
ending with 1835, it was only 381,000
quarters. But since the duties have
become nominal, since the 1st Febru-
ary in this year, the importation has
become so prodigious that it is going
on at the rate of FIFTEEN MILLIONS
of quarters a-year, or a full fourth of
the national consumption, which is
somewhat under sixty millions. This
is in the face of prices fallen to
44s. 9d. for the quarter of wheat, and
18s. the quarter of oats ! We recom-
mend the Table below, taken from
the columns of that able free-trade
journal, the Times — showing the
amount of importation for the month
ending April 5, 1849, when wheat was
at 45s. a-quarter — to the consideration
of those well-informed persons who
expect that low prices will check,
and at last stop importation. It
shows decisively that even a very
great reduction of prices has not that
tendency in the slightest degree. The
importation of grain and flour is going
on steadily, under the present low
prices, at the rate of about 15,000,000
quarters a-year.*
The reasons of this continued and
increasing importation, notwithstand-
ing the lowness of prices, is evident,
and was fully explained by the pro-
tectionists before the repeal of the
corn laws took place, though the free-
traders, with their usual disregard of
facts when subversive of a favourite
theory, obstinately refused to credit
* QUANTITIES imported into the United King-
dom in the month ending April 5, 1849 : —
QUANTITIES charged with duty for Home Con-
sumption in the United Kingdom in the month
ended April 5, 1849 :—
Species of
Corn, Grain,
Meal, and
Flour.
Imported
from foreign
countries.
£ fi • a
|!li
Total.
Species of
Corn, Grain,
Meal, and
Flour.
Imported
from foreign
countries.
Jill
Total.
*l&°
Sa °
Qrs. Bush.
Qrs. Bis.
Qrs. Bush.
Qrs. Bush.
Qn. Bis
Qn. Bush.
Wheat
535,015 2
535,015 2
Wheat . .
559,602 2
559,602 2
Barley
150,177 5
150,177 5
Barley . .
170,343 5
170,343 5
Oats ..
146,149 6
'i e
146,151 4
Oats .. ..
149,784 5
149,786 3
Rye ..
20,768 4
20,768 4
Rye .. ..
22,432 1
'i 6
22,432 1
Pease
12,313 6
12,313 6
Pease
17,782 0
17,782 0
Beans
60,294 5
60,294 5
Beans
59,546 5
59,546 5
Maize or In- \
dian corn /
184,772 4
184,772 4
Maize or In- \
dian corn /
183,604 6
183,«04 6
Buck- wheat
12 3
12 3
Buck-wheat
12 3
12 3
Bere or bigg
800 0
800 0
Bere or bigg
800 0
800 0
Total of corn \
and grain /
1,110,304 3
1 6
1,110,306 1
Total of corn \
and grain /
1,163,908 . 3
1 6
1,163,910 1
Cwt. qr». lb.
Cwt.q. lb.
Cwt. qrs. lb.
Cwt. qrs. lb.
Cwt. q.lb.
Cwt. qrs. lb.
Wheat meal \
or flour /
307,617 0 7
753 3 11
308,370 3 18
Wheat meal >
or flour /
353,799 1 3
2509 0 1
356,308 1 4
Barley meal
Barley meal
Oat meal . .
24 2 0
24 2 0
3at meal . .
26 2 8
26 2 8
Rye meal. .
1,571 1 9
1,571 1 9
[lye meal . .
825 3 6
825 3 6
Pea meal . .
10 0 0
10 0 01 Pea meal . .
10 0 0
10 0 0
Indian meal
10,707 1 10
10,707 1 10 Indian meal
10,671 1 7
10,671 1 7
Buck- wheat \
meal . . /
80 0 0
80 0 0
Buck- wheat \
meal ("
80 0 0
80 0 0
Totalof meal \
and flour /
320,010 0 26
753 3 11
320,764 0 9
Totalofmeal >
and flour /
365,412 3 24
2509 0 1
367,921 3 25
—London Gazette, 20th April, 1849,
120 TJie Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
it. It is this. The price of wheat and
other kinds of grain, in the grain-
growing countries, especially Poland
and America, is entirely regulated by
its price in the British islands. They
can raise grain in such quantities, and
at such low rates, that everything
depends on the price which it will
fetch in the great market for that
species of produce — the British empire.
In Poland, the best wheat can be
raised for 16s. a-quarter, and landed
at any harbour in England at 25s.
The Americans, out of the 250,000,000
quarters of bread stuffs which they
raise annually, and which, if not ex-
ported, is in great part not worth
above 10s. a-quarter, can afford, with
a handsome profit to the exporting
merchant, to send grain to England,
however small its price may be in the
British islands. However low it may
be, it is much higher than with them
— and therefore it is always worth
their while to export it to the British
market. If the price here is 40s., it
will there be 28s. or 30s. ; if 30s.
here, it will not be more than 15s. or
20s. there. Thus the profit to be
made by importation retains its pro-
portion, whatever prices are in this
country, and the motives to it are the
same whatever the price is. It is as
great when wheat is low as when it is
high, except to the fortunate ship-
pers, before the rise in the British
islands was known on the banks of the
Vistula or the shores of the Mississippi.
Now that the duty on wheat is reduc-
ed to Is. a-quarter, we may look for an
annual importation of from 15,000,000
to 20,000,000 quarters— that is, from
a fourth to a third of the annual sub-
sistence, constantly, alike in seasons
of plenty and of scarcity.
That the importation is steadily
going on, appears by the following
returns for the port of London alone,
down to May, taken from the Morn-
ing Post of May 7 : —
Entered for home consumption during
the month ending —
Wheat.
qrs.
February 5, . . 442,389
March 5, ... 405,685
April 5, ... 559,602
May 5, .... 383,395
Flour,
cwt.
478,815
355,462
356,308
243,154
Makingatotal ) , 7gi Q7
in four months, ) M»MWi 1,433,739
— equal, if we take 3£ cwt. of flour to
the qr. of wheat, to 2,200,700 qrs. of the
latter. The importations of the first four
months of the year are, therefore, nearly
as great as they were during the whole of
the preceding twelve months, the quanti-
ties duty paid in 1848 being, of wheat,
2,477,366 qrs., and of flour, 1,731,974
cwt.
The reason why young states, espe-
cially if they possess land eminently
fitted for agricultural production, such
as Poland and America, can thus
permanently undersell older and longer
established empires in the production
of food, is simple, permanent, and of
universal application, but nevertheless
it is not generally understood or ap-
preciated. It is commonly said that
the cause is to be found in the superior
weight of debts, public and private, in
the old state. There can be no doubt
that this cause has a considerable
influence in producing the effect, but
it is by no means the only or the
principal one. The main cause is to
be found in the superior riches of the
old state, when compared with the
young one, which makes money of less
value, because it is more plentiful.
The wants and necessities of an ex-
tended commerce, the accumulated
savings of centuries of industry, at
once require an extended circulation,
and produce the wealth necessary to
purchase it. The precious metals, and
wealth of every sort, flow into the rich
old state from the poor young one, for
the same reason that corn, and wine,
and oil, follow the same direction in
obedience to the same impulse. That
it is the superior riches, and not the
debts or taxes, of England which ren-
der prices so high, comparatively
speaking, in these islands, is decisively
proved by the immense difference
between the value of money, and the
cost of living at the same time, in
different parts of the same empire,
subject to the same public and private
burdens, — in London, for exampleT
compared with Edinburgh, Aberdeen,
and Lerwick. Every one knows that
£1500 a- year will not go farther in
the English metropolis than £1000 in
the Scotch, or £750 in the ancient
city of Aberdeen, or £500 in the
capital of the Orkney islands. Whence
this great difference in the same
country, and at the same time?
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal.
Simply, because money is over plen-
tiful in London, less so in Edinburgh,
and much less so in Aberdeen or
Lenvick. The same cause explains
the different cost of agricultural pro-
duction in England, Poland, the
Ukraine, and America. It is the
comparative poverty, the scarcity of
money, in the latter countries which is
the cause of the difference. Machinery,
and the division of labour, almost om-
nipotent in reducingthe cost of the pro-
duction of manufactured articles, are
comparatively impotent in affecting the
cost of articles of rude or agricultural
produce. England, under a real system
of free trade, would undersell all the
world in its manufactures, but be
undersold by all the world in its
agricultural productions. If the na-
tional debt was swept away, and the
whole taxes of Great Britain removed,
the cost of agricultural production
would not be materially different from
what it now is. We shall be able to
raise grain as cheap as the serfs of
Poland, or the peasants of the Ukraine,
when we become as poor as they are,
but not till then. Under the free-trade
system, however, the period may
arrive sooner than is generally sus-
pected, and the importation of foreign
grain be checked by the universal
pauperism and grinding misery of the
country.
Assuming it, then, as certain that,
under the free-trade system, the im-
portation of grain is to be constantly
from a third to a fourth of the annual
consumption, the two points to be
considered are, How is the national
independence to be maintained, or in-
cessant commercial crises averted, under
the new system ? These are questions
on which it will become every inha-
121
bitant of the British islands to ponder;
for on them, not only the indepen-
dence of his country, but the private
fortune of himself and his children, is
entirely dependent. If so large a
portion as a third or a fourth of the
annual subsistence is imported almost
entirely from three countries, Russia,
Prussia, and America, how are we to
withstand the hostility of these states ?
Prussia, in the long run, is under the
influence of Russia, and follows its
system of policy. The nations on
whom we depend for so large a part
of our food are thus practically re-
duced to two, viz., Russia and Ame-
rica— what is to hinder them from
coalescing to effect our ruin, as they
practically did in 1800 and 1811,
against the independence of England ?
Not a shot would require to be fired,
not a loan contracted. The simple
threat of closing their harbours would
at once drive us to submission. Im-
porting a third of our food from these
two states, to what famine-price
would the closing of their harbours
speedily raise its cost ! The failure
of £15,000,000 worth of potatoes in
1847 — scarce a twentieth part of the
annual agricultural produce of these
islands, which is about £300,000,000,
— raised the price of wheat, in 1848,
from 60s. to 110s. — what would the
sudden stoppage of a third do ? Why,
it would raise wheat to 150s. or 200s.
a-quarter — in other words, to famine-
prices — and inevitably induce general
rebellion, and compel national sub-
mission. After the lapse of fifteen
centuries, we should again realise,
after similar Eastern triumphs, the
mournful picture of the famine in
Rome, in the lines of the poet Clau-
dian,* from the stoppage of the
" Advenio supplex, non ut proculcet Araxen
Consul ovans, nostraeve premant pharetrata secures
Susa, nee ut rubris Aquilas figamus arenis.
Hsec nobis, haec ante dabas. Nunc pabula tantum
Roma precor. Miserere tuse pater optime gentis,
Extremam defenda famam — Satiavimus Irani,
Si qua fuit. Lugenda Getis et flenda Sue'vis
Hausimus : ipsa meos exhorrel Parthia casus.
*********
Armato quondam populo, Patrumque vigebam
Consiliis. Domui terras, urbesque revinxi
Legibus : ad solem victrix utrumque cucurri,
Nunc inhonorus egens perfert miserabile pacis
Supplicium, nulloque palam circumdatus hoste,
122 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
wonted supplies of grain from the two
granaries of the empire, Egypt and
Lybia, by the effect of the Gildonic
war. But the knowledge of so ter-
rible a catastrophe impending over
the nation would probably prevent
the collision. England would capitu-
late while yet it had some food left,
on the first summons from its impe-
rious grain-producing masters.
But supposing such a decisive catas-
trophe were not to arise, at least for
a considerable period, how are com-
mercial crises to be prevented from
continually recurring under the new
policy? How is the commercial in-
terest to be preserved from ruin — from
the operation of the system which itself
has established ? This is a point of
paramount interest, as it directly affects
every fortune in the kingdom, the
commercial in the first instance, but
also the realised and landed in the
last : but, nevertheless, it seems im-
possible to rouse the nation to a sense
of its overwhelming importance and
terrible consequences. Experience has
now decisively proved that the corn-
growing states, upon whom we most
depend for our subsistence, will not
take our manufactures to any extent,
though they will gladly take our so-
vereigns or bullion to any imaginable
amount. The reason is, they are
poor states, who are neither rich
enough to buy, nor civilised enough
to have acquired a taste for our manu-
factured articles, but who have an
insatiable thirst for our metallic riches,
the last farthing of which they will
drain away, in exchange for their
rude produce. The dreadful mone-
taiy crises of 1839 and 1848, it is
well known, were owing to the drain
upon our metallic resources, produced
by the great grain importations of
those years, in the latter of which
above £30,000,000 of gold, probably
a half of the metallic circulation, was
at once sent headlong out of the coun-
try. Now, if an importation of grain
to a similar amount is to become per-
manent, and an export of the precious
metals to a corresponding degree to go
on year after year, how, in the name
of wonder, is a perpetual repetition of
similar disasters to be prevented?
We could conceive, indeed, a system
of paper currency which might in a
great degree, if not altogether, prevent
these terrible disasters. If the nation
possessed a circulation of bank-notes
capable of being extended in proportion
as the metallic circulation was with-
drawn by the exchanges of the com-
merce in grain, as was the law during
the war, the industry of the country
might be vivified and sustained dur-
ing the absence of the precious metals,
and their want be very little, if at all,
experienced. But it is well known
that not only is there no provision
made by law, or the policy of gov-
ernment, for an extension of the paper
circulation when the metallic currency
is withdrawn, but the very reverse is
done. There is a provision, and a
most stringent and effectual one, made
for the contraction of the currency at
the very moment when its expansion
is most required, and when the na-
tional industry is threatened with
starvation in consequence of the vast
and ceaseless abstraction of the pre-
cious metals which free trade in grain
necessarily establishes. When free
trade is sending gold headlong out of
the country, to buy food, Sir Robert
Peel's law sends the bank-notes, pub-
lic and private, back into the banker's
coffers, and leaves the industry of the
country without either of its necessary
supports ! Beyond all question, it is
the double operation of free trade in
sending the sovereigns in enormous
quantities out of the country, and of
the monetary laws, in contracting the
circulation of paper in a similar degree,
and at the same time, which has done
all the mischief, and produced that
widespread ruin which has now over-
taken nearly all the interests — but
most of all the commercial interests —
in the state. That ruin is easily ex-
plained, when it is recollected what
government has done by legislative
enactment, on free-trade principles,
during the last five years.
1. They first, by the Acts of 1844
and 1845, restricted the paper circu-
Obsessi discrimen habet — per singula letum
Impendit momenta mihi, dubitandaque pauci
Prescribant alimenta Dies."
— CLAUDIAN, De Betto. Gildonico, 35—100.
1849.]
The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal
lation of the whole empire, including
Ireland, to £32,000,000 in round
numbers. For every note issued, either
by the Bank of England or private
banks, above that sum, they required
these establishments to have sove-
reigns in their coffers.
2. Having thus restricted the cur-
rency, by which the industry of the
country was to be paid and supplied,
to an amount barely sufficient for its
ordinary wants, they next proceeded
to encourage to the greatest degree
railway speculation, and pass bills
through parliament requiring an ex-
traordinary expenditure, in the next
four years, of £333,000,000 sterling.
3. Having thus contracted the cur-
rency of the nation, and doubled its
work, they next proceeded to intro-
duce, in 1846 and the two following
years, the free-trade system, under the
operation of which our specie was
sent out of the country in enormous
quantities, in exchange for food, and
by the operation of the law the paper
proportionally contracted.*
4. When this extraordinary system
of augmenting the work of the people,
at the time the currency which was to
sustain it was withdrawn, had pro-
duced its natural and unavoidable
effects, and landed the nation, in Octo-
ber 1847, in such a state of embarrass-
ment as rendered a suspension of the
law unavoidable, and induced a com-
mercial crisis of unexampled severity
and duration, the authors of the
monetary measures still clung to them
as the sheet-anchor of the state, and
still upheld them, although it is as
certain as any proposition in Euclid,
that, combined with a free trade in
grain, they must produce a constant
succession of similar catastrophes,
until the nation, like a patient ex-
hausted by repeated shocks of apo-
plexy, perishes under their effects.
It may be doubted whether the
annals of the world can produce
another example of insane and suicidal
policy on so great a scale as has been
exhibited by the government of Eng-
land of late years, in its West India
measures, and the simultaneous eslab-
123
lishment of free trade and fettered cur-
rency, and a railway mania, in the
heart of the empire.
The effect of these measures upon
the internal state of the empire has
been beyond all measure dreadful,
and has far exceeded the worst predic-
tions of the protectionists upon their
inevitable effect. Proofs on this sub-
ject crowd in on every side, and all
entirely corroborative of the prophecies
of the protectionists, and subversive
of all the prognostics of the free-
traders. It was confidently asserted
by them that their system would im-
mensely increase our foreign trade,
because it would enrich the foreign,
agriculturists from whom we purchased
grain, and who would take our manu-
factures in exchange ; and what has
been the result, after free-trade prin-
ciples have been in full operation for
three years ? Why, they have stood
thus : —
Imports,
Market Value.
1845, £84,034,272
1846, 89,281,433
1847, 117,047,229
1848, 92,660,699
Exports,
Declared Value.
British and Irish pro-
duce.
£60,111,081
57,786,875
58,971,166
53,099,01 If
Thus, while there has been an enor-
mous increase going on during the
last three years in our imports, there
has been nothing but a diminution at
the same time taking place in our
exports. The foreigners who sent us,
in such prodigious quantities, their
rude produce, would not take our
manufactures in return. They would
only take our gold. Hence our me-
tallic treasures were hourly disap-
pearing in exchange for the provisions
which showered in upon us ; and this
was the precise time which the free-
traders took to establish the monetary
system which compelled the contrac-
tion of the paper circulation in direct
proportion to that very disappearance.
It is no wonder that our commercial
interests were thrown into unparalleled
embarrassments from such an absurd
and monstrous system of legislation.
Observe, if the arguments and ex-
* In 1845, the Bank of England notes out with the public were about £23,000,000.
Since the free trade began they have seldom been above £18,000,000, and at times
as low as £16,800,000, and that at the very time when all the railways were going on.
f Newdegate's Letter to Mr Labouchere, p. 12-13.
The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
124
pectations of the free-traders had been
well founded, the immense importa-
tion of provisions which took place in
1847 and 1848, in consequence of the
failure of the potato crop in Ireland
and the west of Scotland, should im-
mediately have produced a vast rise
in pur exports. Was this the case ?
Quite the reverse ; it was attended
with a decline in them. The value of
corn, meal, and flour imported in the
following years stood thus : —
1845,
1846,
1847,
1848,
£3,594,299
8,870,202
29,694,112
12,457,857*
Now, in the year 1847, though we
imported nearly thirty millions' worth
of grain, our exports were £1,200,000
less than in 1845, when we only re-
ceived three millions and a half of
subsistence from foreign states. Can
there be a more decisive proof that
the greatest possible addition to our
importation of grain is not likely to
be attended with any increase to
our export of manufactures?
But if the great importation of grain
which free- trade induces into the
British empire is not attended with
any increase of our exports, in the
name of heaven, what good does it
do ? Feed the people cheap. But
what do they gain by that, if their
wages, and the profits of their em-
ployers, fall in the same or a greater
proportion ? That effect has already
taken place, and to a most distressing
extent. Wages of skilled operatives,
such as colliers, iron-moulders, cotton-
spinners, calico-printers, and the like,
are now not more than half of what
they were when the corn-laws were
in operation. They are now receiving
2s. 6d. a-day where, before the change,
they received 5s. Wheat has been
forced down from 56s. to 44s. : that is
somewhat above a fifth, but wages
have fallen a half. The last state of
those men is worse than the first.
The unjust change for which they
clamoured has proved ruinous to
themselves.
The way in which this disastrous
eifect has taken place is this : In the
first place, the balance of trade has
turned so ruinously against us, from
the effect of the free-trade measures,
that the credit of the commercial
classes has, under the operation of
our monetary laws, been most seri-
ously confused. It appears, from the
accurate and laborious researches of
Mr Newdegate, that the balance of
trade against Great Britain, during
the last three years of free trade, has
been no less than £54,000,000 ster-
ling.f Now, woful experience has
taught the English people that the
turning of the balance of trade is
a most formidable thing against a
commercial nation, and that the prac-
tical experience of mankind, which
has always regarded it as one of the
greatest of calamities, is more to be
regarded than the theory of Adam
Smith, that it was a matter of no sort
of consequence. When coupled with
a sliding currency scale, which con-
tracts the circulation of bank-notes in
•proportion as the specie is withdrawn,
it is one of the most terrible calami-
ties which can befall a commercial and
manufacturing state. It is under this
evil that the nation is now labour-
ing : and it will continue to do so, till
folly of conduct and error of opinion
have been expiated or eradicated by
suffering.
Newdegate's Letter to Mr Labouchere, p. 17.
t Total Imports.
Total Exports.
Home and Colonial.
Balance of Freight
carried by
British Ships.
Balance of Trade against Britain.
Exports and Imports.
Deducting Freights.
1845
1846
1847
1848
£84,054,272
89,281,433
117,047,229
92,660,699
£70,236,726
66,283,270
70,329,671
61,557,191
£12,979,089
13,581,165
18,817,742
14,699,491
£13,817,446
22,998,163
46,717,558
31,103,508
£838,357
9,416,998
27,899,816
16,404,017
£383,043,633
£268,406,878
£60,077,487
£114,636,675
£54,559,188
— NEWDEGATE, 12-13.
1849.] The Crowning of the Column,
In the next place, the purchase of
80 very large a portion as a fourth of
the annual subsistence — not from our
own cultivators, who consume at an
average five or six pounds a-head of
our manufactures, but from foreign
growers, who consume Httle or no-
thing—has had a most serious effect
upon the home trade. The introduc-
tion of 12,000,000 or 13,000,000 quar-
ters of grain a-year into our markets,
from countries whose importation of
our manufactures is almost equal to
nothing, is a most dreadfully depress-
ing circumstance to pur manufac-
turers. It is destroying one set of
customers, and that the very best we
have — the home growers — without
rearing up another to supply their
place. It is exchanging the pur-
chases by substantial yeomen, our
own countrymen and neighbours, of
our fabrics, for the abstraction by
aliens and enemies of our money. It
is the same thing as converting a cus-
tomer into a pauper, dependent on
our support. It was distinctly fore-
told by the protectionists, during the
whole time the debate on the repeal
of the corn laws was going forward,
that this effect would take place :
that the peasants of the Ukraine and
the Vistula did not consume a
hundredth part as much, per head, as
those of East Lothian or Essex ; and
that to substitute the one for the
other was to be penny wise and pound
foolish. These predictions, however,
were wholly disregarded; the thing
was done ; and now it is found that
the result has been much worse than
was anticipated — for not only has it
gratuitously and unnecessarily crip-
pled the means of a large part of the
home consumers of our manufactures,
but it has universally shaken and con-
tracted credit, especially in the com-
mercial districts, by the drain it has
induced upon the precious metals.
These evils, from the earliest times,
have been felt by mercantile nations ;
but they were the result, in previous
cases, of adverse circumstances or
necessity. It was reserved for this
age to introduce them voluntarily,
and regard them as the last result of
political wisdom.
In the third place, the reduction
of prices, and diminution in the re-
muneration of industry, which has
and Crushing of the Pedestal. 125
taken place from the introduction of
free trade, and the general admis-
sion of foreign produce and manufac-
tures, raised in countries where pro-
duction is cheap, because money is
scarce and taxes light, to compete
with one where production is dear,
because money is plentiful and taxes
heavy, cannot of course fail to be at-
tended— and that from the very out-
set— with the most disastrous effects
upon the general interests of the em-
pire, and especially such of them as
are engaged in trade and manufac-
tures. Suppose that, anterior to the
monetary and free- trade changes in-
tended to force down prices, the annual
value of the industry of the country
stood thus, which we believe to be
very near the truth : —
Lands and minerals, . £300,000,000
Manufactures and commerce
of all sorts, . . 200,000,000
Deduct taxes and
local burdens, £80,000,000
Interest of mort-
. 50,000,000
130,000,000
Clear to national industry, £370,000,000
But if prices are forced down a half,
which, at the very least, may be anti-
cipated, and in fact has already taken
place, from the combined effect of
free trade and a restricted currency,
estimating each at a fourth only, the
account will stand thus, —
Land and minerals,
Manufactures,
Total, .
Deduct taxes and
rates, . £80,000,000
Interest of mort-
gages, . 50,000,000
£150,000,000
100,000,000
£250,000,000
130,000,000
Clear to national industry, £120,000,000
Thus, by the operation of these
changes, in money and commerce,
which lower prices a half, the whole
national income is reduced from
£370,000,000 to £120,000,000, or
less than a third. Such is the inevit-
able effect of a great reduction of
prices, in a community of which the
major and more important part is
still engaged in the work of produc-
tion ; and such the illustration of the
126 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
truth of the Marquis of Granby's ob-
servation, that, under such a reduction,
the whole producing classes must lose
more than they can by possibility
gain, because their loss is upon their
whole income, their gain only upon
that portion of their means — seldom
more than a half — which is spent on
the purchase of articles, the cost of
which is affected by the fall of prices.
The most decisive proof of the
universality and general sense of this
reduction of income and general dis-
tress, is to be found in the efforts
which Mr Cobden and the free-trade
party are now making to effect a great
reduction in the public expenditure.
During the discussion on corn- law
repeal, they told us that the change
they advocated could make no sort of
difference on the income of the pro-
ducing and agricultural classes, and
that it would produce an addition to
the income of the trading classes of
£100,000,000 a-year. Of course, the
national and public resources were to
be greatly benefited by the change ;
and it was under this belief adopted.
Now, however, that the change has
taken place, and its result has been
found to be a universal embarrass-
ment to all classes and interests,
but especially to the commercial,
they turn round and tell us that this
effect is inevitable from the change of
prices — that the halcyon days of high
rents and profits are at an end, and
that all that remains is for all classes
to accommodate themselves the best
way they can to the inevitable change.
They propose to begin with Queen
Victoria and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, from whom they propose
to cut off £11,000,000 a-year of in-
come. But they consider this per-
fectly safe, because, as the aspect of
things, both abroad and in our colonial
empire, is so singularly pacific, and
peace and goodwill are so soon to
prevail among men, they think it will
be soon possible to disband our troops,
sell our ships of war, and trust the
stilling the passions and settling the
disputes of nations and races to the
great principles of justice and equity,
which invariably regulate the pro-
ceedings of all popular and democratic
communities. We say nothing of the
probability of such a millennium soon
arriving, or of the prognostics of its
approach, which passing and recent
events in India, Canada, France, Ger-
many, Hungary, Italy, Sicily, and
Ireland, have afforded, or are afford-
ing. We refer to them only as giving
the most decisive proof that the free-
traders have now themselves become
sensible that their measures have pro-
duced a general impoverishment of all
classes, from the head of the state
downwards, and that a great reduc-
tion of expenditure is unavoidable, if
a general public and private bank-
ruptcy would be averted.
In truth, the proofs of this general
impoverishment are now so numerous
and decisive, that they have brought
conviction home to the minds of the
most obdurate, and, with the excep-
tion of the free-trade leaders or agi-
tators— whose fanaticism is, of course,
fixed and incurable — have produced a
general distrust of the new principles.
A few facts will place them in the
most striking light. The greatest
number of emigrants who had previ-
ously sailed from the British shores
was in 1839, when they reached
129,000. But in the year 1847, the
sacred year of free trade and a fettered
currency, they rose at once to 258,270.
In 1848 they were 248,000. The
number this year is understood to
be still greater, and composed al-
most entirely, not of paupers — who, of
course, cannot get away — but of the
better sort of mechanics, tradesmen,
and small farmers, who, under the new
system, find their means of subsistence
dried up. The poor-rate in England
hasnowrisento £7,000,000 annually —
as much in nominal amount as it was
in 1834, when the new poor-law was
introduced by the Whig government,
and, if the change in the value of
money is taken into account, half as
much more. A seventh of the British
empire are now supported in the two
islands by the parish rates, and yet
the demands on private charity are
hourly increasing. Crime is univer-
sally and rapidly on the increase : in
Ireland, where the commitments never
before exceeded 21,000, they rose in
1848 to 39,000. In England, in the
same year, they were 30,000 ; in
Scotland, 4908; all a great increase
over previous years. It is not surpris-
ing crime was so prolific in a country
where, in the preceding year, at least
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. 127
250,000 persons died of famine, in
spite of the noble grant of £1 0,000,000
from the British treasury for their
support. We extract from the Stan-
dard of Freedom the following sum-
mary of some of the social results
which have followed the adoption of
liberal principles : —
" STATE OF ENGLAND. — One man in every
ten, according to Sir J. Graham, a short
time ago was in receipt of parish relief
in this country ; but now, it appears,
from a return np to June last, it is not 10
per cent, but 1 1 per cent of the popula-
tion who receive parochial relief; for the
persons so relieved amount to 1,700,000
out of 15,000,000. £7,000,000 was raised
annually for the relief of the poor in
England, and £500,000 in Scotland; and,
taking the amount collected for and raised
in Ireland at £1,860,957, it makes a total
of £9,460,957, as the sum levied annually
in the British empire for the relief of the
poor, or three times the cost of the civil
government, independently of the cost of
the army and navy. Besides the regular .
standing force, there is the casual poor, a
kind of disposable force, moving about
and exhausting every parish they go
through. In 1815, there were 1,791 va-
grants in one part of the metropolis, and,
in 1828, in the same district in London,
they had increased to 16,086. In 1832,
the number was 35,600, which had in-
creased, in 1847, to 41,743. Moreover,
there is a certain district south of the
Thames, in which, for the six months end-
ing September 1846, the number was
18,533, and which had increased, during
the same six months in 1847, to 44,937.
And, in the county of York, in one of the
first unions in the West Biding, in 1836,
one vagrant was relieved, and, in 1847,
1,161. This affords a pretty strong, dark,
and gloomy picture of the state of des-
titution prevailing in this country." —
Standard of Freedom.
General as the distress is which,
under the combined operations of free
trade and a fettered currency, has
been brought upon the country, there
is one circumstance of peculiar impor-
tance which has not hitherto, from the
efforts of the free-traders to conceal
it, met with the attention it deserves.
This is the far greater amount of ruin
and misery theyhave brought upon the
commercial classes, who supported,
than the agriculturists, who opposed
them. The landed interest is only
beginning to experience, in the pre-
sent low prices, the depressing effects
of free trade. The Irish famine has
hitherto concealed or postponed them.
London is suffering, but not so much
as the provincial towns, from its being
the great place where the realised
wealth of the country is spent. But
the whole commercial classes in the
manufacturing towns have felt them
for nearly two years in the utmost in-
tensity. It is well known that, dur-
ing that short period, one-half of the
wealth realised, and in course of reali-
sation, in Manchester, Liverpool, Bir-
mingham, and Glasgow, has perished.
There is no man practically acquainted
with these cities who will dispute that
fact. The poor-rates of Glasgow,
which, five years ago, did not exceed
£30,000 a-year for the parliamentary
city, have now reached £200,000; viz.
Glasgow parish, . £90,000
Barony, . . . 70,000
Gorbals, . -. . 40,000
£200,000
The sales by shop-keepers in these
towns have not, during three years,
been a third of their average amount.
All the witnesses examined before the
Lords' committee on the public dis-
tress, describe this panic of autumn
1847 as infinitely exceedingin duration
and severity anything previously expe-
rienced ; arid the state of matters, and
the intensity of the shock given to
public credit, may be judged of by the
following entries as to the state of the
Bank of England in June 1845 and
October 1847, when the law was sus-
pended : —
JUNE 1845.
Date.
ISSUE DEPARTMENT.
BANKING DEPARTMENT.
Notes Issued.
Gold and Silver
Bullion.
Notes in Reserve.
Gold and Silver
Coin.
June 7
— 14
— 21
— 28
£29,732,000
29,917,000
30,051,000
30,047,000
£15,732,000
15,917,000
16,051,000
16,047,000
£9,382,000
9,854,000
9,837,000
9,717,000
£779,000
696,000
587,000
554,000
128 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
OCTOBER 1847.
Date.
ISSUE DEPARTMENT.
BANKING DEPARTMENT.
Notes Issued.
Gold and Silver
Bullion.
Notes in Reserve.
Gold and Silver
Coin.
Oct. 2
g
— 16
— 21
— 30
£22,121,000
21,961,000
21,989,000
21,865,000
22,009,000
£8,121,000
7,961,000
7,989,000
7,865,000
8,009,000
£3,409,000
3,321,000
2,630,000
1,547,000
1,176,000
£443,000
447,000
441,000
447,000
429,000
Thus, such was the severity of the
panic, and the contraction of the cur-
rency, consequent on the monetary
laws and the operation of free trade
in grain, that the nation was all but
rendered bankrupt, and half its traders
unquestionably were so, when there
were still eight millions of sovereigns
in the issue department of the bank
which could not be touched, while
the reserve of notes in the banking
department had sunk from nearly
£10,000,000, in 1845, to £1,100,000!
So portentous a state of things,
fraught as it necessarily was with
utter ruin to a great part of the best
interests in the empire, was certainly
not contemplated by the commercial
classes, when they embarked iu the
crusade of free trade against the pro-
ductive interests. It might have been
long of coming on, and certainly would
never have set in with half the seve-
rity which actually occurred, had it
not been that, not content with the
project of forcing down prices by
means of the unrestricted admission
of foreign produce, they at the same
time sought to augment their own
fortunes by restricting the currency.
It was the double project, beyond all
question, which proved their ruin.
They began and flattered themselves
they would play out successfully the
game of " beggar my neighbour," but
by pushing their measures too far, it
turned into one of " beggar ourselves."
It was the double strain of free trade
and a fettered currency which brought
such embarrassment on the commer-
cial classes, as it was the double strain
of the Spanish and Kussian wars
which proved the destruction of Napo-
leon. It would appear to be a general
law of nature, that great measures of
injustice cannot be earned into execu-
tion, either by communities or single
Commercial Crisis, 2d edition, 132-133.
men, without vindicating the justice
of the Divine administration, by
bringing down upon themselves the
very ruin which they have designed
for others.
The free-traders say that there is
no general reaction against their prin-
ciples, and that the formation of a
government on protectionist prin-
ciples is at present impossible. We
shall not inquire, and have not the
means of knowing, whether or not
this statement is well founded. We
are willing to accept the statement as
true, and we perceive a great social
revolution, accompanied with infinite
present suffering, but most important
ultimate results, growing from their
obstinate adherence to their principles
in defiance of the lessons of experience.
The free-traders are with their own
hands destroying the commercial classes,
which had acquired an undue prepon-
derance in the state. They must work
out their own punishment before they
abjure their principles. Every day a
free-trading merchant or shopkeeper
is swept into the Gazette, and his
family cast down to the humblest
ranks in society. They go down like
the Fifth Monarchy men when ex-
pelled the House of Commons by the
bayonets of Cromwell, or the Giron-
dists when led to the scaffold by the
Jacobins, chanting hymns in honour
of their principles when perishing from
their effects : —
" They are true to the last of their blood and
their breath,
And, like reapers, descend to the harvest of
death."
But this constancy of individuals
when suffering under the measures
they themselves have introduced,
however curious and respectable as a
specimen of the unvarying effect of
fanaticism, whether religious or social,
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. 129
on the human mind, cannot perma-
nently arrest the march of events ; it
cannot stop the effect of their own
measures, any more than the courage
of the Highlanders in 1745 could pre-
vent the final extinction of the Jacobite
cause. Let them adhere to free trade
and a fettered currency as they like,
the advocates of the new measures are
daily and hourly losing their influence.
Money constitutes the sinews of war
not less in social than in national
contests. No cause can be long vic-
torious which is linked to that worst
of allies, INSOLVENCY. In two years
the mercantile classes have destroyed
one-half of their own wealth ; in two
years more, one-half of what remains
will be gone. Crippled, discredited,
ruined, beat down by foreign compe-
tition, exhausted by the failure of
domestic supplies, the once powerful
mercantile body of England will be
prostrate in the dust. All other classes,
of course, will be suffering from their
fall, but none in the same degree as
themselves. It is not improbable that
the land may regain its appropriate
influence in the state, by the ruin which
their own insane measures havebrought
upon its oppressors. No one will
regret the lamentable consequences of
such a change, already far advanced
in its progress, more than ourselves,
who have uniformly foretold its ad-
vent, and strenuously resisted the com-
mercial and monetary changes which,
amidst shouts of triumph from the
whole Liberal party, were silently
but certainly inducing these results.
Confounded at such a series of
events, so widely different from what
they anticipated and had predicted
from their measures, the free-traders
have no resource but to lay them all
on two external causes, for which they
are not, as they conceive, responsible :
these causes are, the French and Ger-
man revolutions, and the potato famine
in Ireland.
That the revolutions on the conti-
nent of Europe have materially affect-
ed the market for the produce of
British industry, in the countries where
they have occurred, is indeed certain ;
but are the Liberals entitled to shake
themselves free from the consequences
of these convulsions ? Have we not,
for the last thirty years, been labour-
ing incessantly to encourage and ex-
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCV.
tend revolution in all the adjoining
states? Did we not insidiously and
basely support the revolutions in
South America, and call a new world
into existence to redress the balance
of the old? Was not the result of
that monstrous and iniquitous inter-
ference in support of the rebels in an
allied state, to induce the dreadful
monetary catastrophe of December
1825, the severest, till that of 1847,
ever experienced in modem Europe ?
Did we not, not merely instantly re-
cognise the French revolutions of 1830
and 1848, but lend our powerful aid and
countenance to extend the laudable
example to the adjoining states ? Did
we not join with France to prevent
the King of the Netherlands from re-
gaining the command of Flanders in
1832, and blockade the Scheldt while
Marshal Gerard bombarded Antwerp?
Did we not conclude the Quadruple
Alliance to effect the revolutionising
of Spain and Portugal, and bathe both
countries for four years with blood, to
establish revolutionary queens on both
the thrones in the Peninsula? Have
we not intercepted the armament of
the King of Naples against Sicily, by
Admiral Parker's fleet, and aided the
insurgents in that island with arms
from the Tower? Did we not inter-
fere to arrest the victorious columns
of Radetsky at Turin, but never move
a step to check Charles Albert
on the Mincio ? Did we not side
with revolutionary Prussia against the
Danes, and aid in launching Pio Nono
into that frantic career which has
spread such ruin through the Italian
peninsula? Have we not all but lost
the confidence of our old ally, Austria,
from our notorious intrigues to en-
courage the furious divisions which
have torn that noble empire? Nay,
have we not been so enamoured of
revolution, that we could not avoid
showinga partiality for it in our own do-
minions— rewarding and encouraging
O'Connell, and allowingmonster meet-
ings, till by the neglect of Irish in-
dustry we landed them in famine, and
by thefanning of Irish passions brought
them up to rebellion ; — and establish-
ing a constitution in Canada which
gave a decided majority in parliament
to an alien and rebel race, and, as a ne-
cessary consequence, giving the colo-
nial administration to the very party
130 The Crowning of the Column,
whom, ten years ago, the loyalists put
down with true British spirit at the
pointof the bayonet? Allthiswe have
done, and have long been doing, with
impunity; andnowthattheconsequen-
ces of such multifarious sins have fallen
upon us, in the suffering which revo-
lution has at last brought upon the
British empire, the Liberals turn round
and seek to avoid the responsibility of
the disasters produced by their inter-
nal policy, by throwing it on the ex-
ternal events which they themselves
have induced.
Then as to the Irish famine of 1846,
it is rather too much, after the lapse of
three years, to go on ascribing the
general distress of the empire to a
partial failure of a particular crop,
which, after all, did not exceed the
loss of a twentieth part of the annual
agricultural produce of the British
Islands. But if the free-traders' prin-
ciples had been well founded, this
failure in Ireland should have been the
greatest possible blessing to their party
in the state, because it immediately ef-
fected that transference of the purchase
of a part of the national food from
home to foreign cultivators, which is
the very thing they hold out as such an
advantage, and likely in an especial
manner to enlarge the foreign market
for our manufactures. It induced the
importation of £30,000,000 worth of
foreign grain in three months : that,
on the principles of the free-traders,
should have put all our manufacturers
in activity, and placed the nation in
the third heaven. Disguise it as you
will, the Irish potato-rot was but an
anticipation, somewhat more sudden
than they expected, of the free-trade
rot, which was held out as a certain
panacea for all the national evils. And
now, when free trade and a restricted
currency have not proved quite so
great a blessing as they anticipated,
the free-traders turn round and lay
it all on the substitution of foreign
importation for domestic production
in Ireland, when that very substitu-
tion is the thing they have, by abolish-
ing the corn laws, laboured to effect
over the whole empire.
Then as to the state of Ireland, which
has at length reached the present
unparalleled crisis of difficulty and
suffering, the conduct of the Liberals
has been, if possible, still more incon-
and Crushing of the Pedestal. [July,
sistent and self-condemnatory. For
half a century past, they have been
incessantly declaiming on the mild,
inoffensive, and industrious character
of the Irish race; upon their inherent
loyalty to the throne ; and upon the
enormous iniquity of British rule,
which had brought the whole misfor-
tunes under which they were labour-
ing on that virtuous people. Nothing
but equal privileges, Catholic emanci-
pation, parliamentary reform, burgh
reform, and influence at Dublin Castle,
we were told, were required to set
everything right, and render Ireland
as peaceable and prosperous as any
part of the British dominions. The
conduct of James I. and Cromwell,
in planting Saxon and Protestant
colonies in Ulster, was in an essential
manner held up to detestation,
as one of the chief causes of the
social and religious divisions which
had ever since distracted the country.
Well, the Liberals have given all
these things to the Irish. For
twenty years, the island has been
governed entirely on these prin-
ciples. They have got Catholic
emancipation, a reduction of the Pro-
testant church, national education,
corporate reform, parliamentary re-
form, monster meetings, ceaseless
agitation, and, in fact, all the objects
for which, in common with the Liberal
party in Great Britain, they have so
long contended. And what has been
the result ? Is it that pauperism has
disappeared, industry flourished, divi-
sions died away, prosperity become
general? So far from it, divisions
never have been so bitter, dissension
never so general, misery so grinding,
suffering so universal, since the British
standards, under Henry II., seven
centuries ago, first approached their
shores. A rebellion has broken out ;
anarchy and agitation, by turning the
people aside from industry, have termi-
nated in famine ; and even the stream
of English charity seems dried up, from
the immensity of the suffering to be re-
lieved, and the ingratitude with which
it has heretofore been received. And
what do the Liberals now do ? Why,
they put it all down to the score of the
incurable indolence and heedlessness
of the Celtic race, which nothing can
eradicate, and cordially support Sir
11. Peel's proposal to plant English
1849.] The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal. 131
colonies in Connaught, exactly similar
to Cromwell's in Ulster, so long the
object of Liberal hatred and declama-
tion ! They tell us now that the na-
tive Irish are irreclaimable helots,
hewers of wood and drawers of water,
and incapable of improvement till
directed by Saxon heads and support-
ed by the produce of Saxon hands.
They forget that it is these very helots
whom they represented as such im-
maculate and valuable subjects, the
victims of Saxon injustice and Ulster
misrule. They forget that English ca-
pitalists and farmers would long since
have migrated to Ireland, and induced
corn cultivation in its western and
southern provinces, were it not that
Liberal agitation kept the people in a
state of menacing violence, and Libe-
ral legislation took away all prospect
of remunerating prices for their grain
produce. And thus much for the
Crowning of the Column of Free
Trade, and Crushing of the Pedestal
of the Nation.
POSTSCRIPT.
The discussion on the Canadian
question, in the House of Lords, has
had one good effect. It has elicited
from Lord Lyndhurst a most powerful
and able speech, in the best style of
that great judge and distinguished
statesman's oratory; and it has caused
Lord Campbell to make an exhibition
of spleen, ill-humour, and bad taste,
which his warmest friends must have
beheld with regret, and which was
alone wanting to show the cogent
effect which Lord Lyndhurst's speech
had made on the house. Of the
nature of Lord Campbell's attack on
that able and venerable judge, second
to none who ever sat in West-
minster Hall for judicial power and
forensic eloquence, some idea may be
formed from the observations in reply
of Lord Stanley : —
" I must say for myself, and I think I
may say for the rest of the house, and not
with the exception of noble lords on the
opposite sidp of it, that they listened to
that able, lucid, and powerful speech
(Lord Lyndhurst's) with a feeling of
anything but pain — a feeling of admira-
tion at the power of language, the undi-
minished clearness of intellect — (cheers)
— the conciseness and force with which
my noble and learned friend grappled
with the arguments before him, and
which, while on the one hand they showed
that age had in no degree impaired the
vigour of that power, on the other added
to the regret at the announcement he
made of his intention so seldom to occupy
the attention of the house. (Hear, hear.)
But I should have thought that if there
were one feeling it was impossible for any
man to entertain after hearing that
speech, it would be a feeling in any way
akin to that which led the noble and
learned lord to hare introduced his answer
to that speech by any unworthy taunts.
(Loud cheers.) His noble and learned
friend's high position and great experi-
ence, his high character and eminent
ability, might have secured him in the
honoured decline of his course from any
such unworthy taunts — (great cheering)
— as the noble and learned lord has not
thought it beneath him on such an occa-
sion to address to such a man. (Renewed
cheering.) If the noble and learned lord
listened with pain to the able statement
of my noble and learned friend, sure am I
that there is no friend of the noble and
learned lord who must not have listened
with deeper pain to what fell from him
on this occasion." — Times, 20th June
1849.
And of the feeling of the country,
on this uncalled-for and unprovoked
attack, an estimate may be formed
from the following passage of the
Times on the subject: — "This debate
has also recalled to the scene of his
former triumphs the undiminished
energy and vigorous eloquence of
Lord Lyndhurst. That it supplied
Lord Campbell with the opportunity
of making a series of remarks in the
worst possible taste on that aged and
distinguished peer is, we suspect, a
matter on which neither the learned
lord nor any of his colleagues will be
disposed to look back with satisfac-
tion."— Times, 22d June 1849.
What Lord Campbell says of Lord
Lyndhurst is, that he was once a Li-
beral and he has now become a Con-
servative : that the time was when he
would have supported such a bill as
that which the Canadian parliament
tendered to Lord Elgin, and that now
he opposes it. There is no doubt of
132 The Crowning of the Column, and Crushing of the Pedestal [July, 1849.
the fact : experience has taught him
the errors of his early ways ; he has
not stood all day gazing at the east
because the sun rose there in the
morning — he has looked around him,
and • seen the consequences of those
delusive visions in which, in common
with most men of an ardent tempera-
ment, he early indulged. In doing
so, he has made the same change
as Pitt and Chatham, as Burke
and Mackintosh, as Windham and
Brougham, as Wordsworth, Coleridge,
and Southey. There are men of a
different stamp — men whom no expe-
rience can teach, and no facts wean
from error — who retain in advanced
life the prejudices and passions of
their youth, and signalise declining
years by increased personal ambition
and augmented party spleen. What-
ever Lord Lyndhurst maybe, he is
not one of them. He has not won his
retiring allowance by a week's service
in the Court of Chancery. He can
look back on a life actively spent in
the public service, and enjoy in his
declining years the pleasing reflection,
that the honours and fortune he has
won are but the just meed of a nation's
gratitude, for important public services
long and admirably performed.
The Canadian question, itself, on
which ministers so narrowly escaped
shipwreck in the House of Peers (by
a majority of THREE) appears to us
to lie within a very small compass.
Cordially disapproving as we do of
the bill for indemnifying the rebels
which the Canadian ministry intro-
duced and the Canadian parliament
passed, we yet cannot see that any
blame attaches to Lord Elgin per-
sonally for giving the consent of
government to the bill. Be the bill
good or bad, just or unjust, it had
passed the legislature by a large majo-
rity, and Lord Elgin would not have
been justified in withholding his con-
sent, any more than Queen Victoria
would have been in refusing to pass
the Navigation Laws Bill. The pass-
ing of disagreeable and often unjust
laws, by an adverse majority, is a great
evil, no doubt ; but it is an evil in-
herent in popular and responsible
government, for which the Canadian
loyalists equally with the Canadian
rebels contended. Let our noble
brethren in Canada reflect on this.
The Conservatives of England have
for long seen a series of measures
pass the legislature, which they
deem destructive to the best interests
of their country ; but they never
talked of separating from their Liberal
fellow-citizens on that account, or
blamed the Queen because she affixed
the royal assent to their bills. They
are content to let time develop the
consequences of these acts; and mean-
while they direct all their efforts to
enlighten their countrymen on the
subject, and, if possible, regain a pre-
ponderance in the legislature for their
own party. The Canadian loyalists,
second to none in the British empire
in courage, energy, and public spirit,
will doubtless see, when the heat of
the contest is over, that it is by such
conduct that they will best discharge
their duty to their country.
Printed by William Blacku-ood and Sons, Edinburgh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. CCCCVI.
AUGUST, 1849.
VOL. LXVI.
CHARLES LAMB.
To Charles Lamb shall be allotted
— general assent has already assigned
it to him, and we have no wish to
dispute his claim — a quiet, quaint
niche, apart to himself, in some odd
nook or corner in the great temple of
English literature. It shall be carved
from the solid oak, and decorated with
Gothic tracery ; but where Madonnas
and angels ordinarily appear, there
shall be all manner of laughing cherubs
— one amongst them disguised as a
chimney- sweep — with abundance of
sly and humorous devices. Some such
niches or stalls may occasionally be
seen in old cathedrals, sharing the
etemity of the structure, and drawing
the peculiar regard of the curious and
loitering visitor. You are startled to
find a merry device, and a wit by no
means too reverential, side by side
with the ideal forms of Catholic piety.
You approach to examine the solemn-
looking carving, and find, perhaps, a
fox clothed in priestly raiment — teach-
ing, in his own way, divers lessons of
morality to the bears and geese. Such
venerable and Gothic drollery sus-
pends for a moment, but hardly mars,
the serious and sedate feelings which
the rest of the structure, and the other
sculptured figures of the place, are
designed to excite.
Some such peculiar place amongst
our literary worthies seems, as we
have said, to be assigned by general
consent to Charles Lamb, nor are we
about to gainsay his right to this
position. He has all the genius that
could comport with oddity, and all
the oddity that could amalgamate with
genius. With a range of thought
most singularly contracted, consider-
ing the times in which he lived, and
the men by whom he was surrounded,
he has contrived, by a charming
subtlety of observation, and a most
felicitous humour, to make us in love
even with that contractedness itself,
which in another would be despised,
as evidencing a sluggishness and ob-
tuseness of mind. Perhaps there are
few writers who could be named, of
these later days, on whose peculiar
merits there is so little difference of
opinion. As a poet, he was, at all
events, inoffensive, and his mediocrity
has been pardoned him in favour of
that genius he displayed as the hu-
morous and critical essayist. -The
publication of his letters, too, has
materially added to his reputation,
and confirmed him as a favourite with
all to whom his lambent and playful
wit had already made him known and
esteemed. We are not aware, there-
fore, that we have anything to dispute,
or essentially to modify, in the ver-
dict passed by popular opinion on this
writer. Yet something may remain
to be said to assist in appreciating and
discriminating his peculiar merits as
The Works of Charles Lamb.
Final Memorials of Charles Lamb.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVI.
By THOMAS NOON TALFOURD.
134
a humorist— something to point out
where praise is due, and something to
draw the limits of that praise. More-
over, his biography, as presented to
us by Mr Talfourd, claims some no-
tice ; disclosing, as it does, one of the
saddest tragedies, and one of the
noblest acts of heroism, which ever
afflicted and dignified the life of a man
of letters. This biography is also
written by one who is himself distin-
guished in the literary world, who
was an intimate friend of Lamb, and
personally acquainted with those lite-
rary characters by whom Lamb had
surrounded himself, and who are here
grouped around him. Upon the whole,
therefore, the Life and Writings of
Elia, though a subject which no longer
wears the gloss of novelty, still invites
and may repay attention.
We hardly know whether to regret
it as a disadvantage to us, on the
present occasion, that we never en-
joyed the slightest acquaintance with
Charles Lamb, or indeed with any of
those literary friends amongst whom
he lived. We never saw this bland
humorist ; we never heard that half-
provoking, half-pleasing stutter, which
awakened anticipation whilst it de-
layed enjoyment, and added zest to
the witticism which it threatened to
mar, and which it had held back, for
a moment, only to project with the
happier impetus. We never had be-
fore us, in bodily presence, that slight,
black-coated figure, and those antique
and curiously-gaitered legs, which, we
have also been assured, contributed
their part to the irresistible effect of
his kindly humour. We never even
knew those who had seen and talked
with him. To us he is a purely his-
toric figure. So, too, of his biographer
— which argues ourselves to be sadly
unknown — we have no other know-
ledge than what runs about bruited in
the world ; even his displays of elo-
quence, forensic or parliamentary, we
have never had an opportunity of
hearing ; we know him only by his
writings, and by that title we have
often heard bestowed on him, the
amiable author of Ion; — to which
amiability we refer, because to this
we must attribute, we suppose, a large
portion of that too laudatory criticism
which, in these volumes, he bestows
so lavishly and diffusely. We cannot,
Charles Lamb. [Aug.
therefore, bring to our subject any of
those vivid reminiscences, anecdotes,
or details which personal acquaintance
supplies. But, on the other hand, we
have no bias whatever to contend
against, whether of a friendly or hos-
tile description, in respect of any of
the literary characters whom we may
have occasion to speak of. Had they
all lived in the reign of good Queen
Anne, they could not have been more
remote from our personal sympathies
or antipathies.
It is probably known to most of
our readers that when, shortly after
the decease of Charles Lamb, his
letters were given to the world with
some biographical notices, there were
circumstances which imposed silence
on certain passages of his life, and
which obliged the editor to withhold
a certain portion of the letters. That
sister, in fact, was still alive whose
lamentable history was so intimately
blended with the career of Lamb, and
an allusion to her unfortunate tragedy
would have been cruel in any one, and
in an intimate friend utterly impos-
sible. Serjeant Talfourd had no other
course than to leave the gap or hiatus
in the biography, and cover it up and
conceal it as well as might be, from
the eyes of such readers as were not
better informed from other sources.
Upon the decease of that sister, there
no longer existed any motive for this
silence; and, indeed, shortly after
this event, the whole narrative was
revealed by a writer in the British
Quarterly Review, who had himself
waited till then before he permitted
himself to disclose it, and by its dis-
closure do an act of justice to the
moral character of Lamb. Mr Tal-
fourd was, therefore, called upon to
complete his biographical notice, and
also the publication of the letters.
This he did in the two volumes en-
titled Final Memorials, &c.
As a separate and subsidiary publi-
cation became inevitable, and as pro-
bably the exigencies of the trade re-
quired that it should be of a certain
bulk and substance, we suppose we
must rather commiserate Mr Tal-
fourd than cast any blame upon him
for the manifest difficulty he has had
to fill these two volumes of Final
Memorials. One of them would have
been sufficient for all that he had to
1849.] Charles Lamb.
communicate, or that it was wise to
add. Many of the letters of Lamb
here printed are such as he had very
properly laid aside, in the first in-
stance, not because they trenched upon
too delicate ground, but because they
were wholly uninteresting. He had
very correctly said, in what, for dis-
tinction's sake, we will call The Life —
"I have thought it better to omit
much of this verbal criticism, which,
not very interesting in itself, is un-
intelligible without a contemporary
reference to the poems which are its
subject." — (P. 12.) Now we cannot,
of course, undertake to say that the
letters given us here are precisely
those which he speaks of as being
wisely rejected on the former occa-
sion, but we know that there was the
same good reason for this rejection,
for they are occupied with a verbal
criticism utterly uninteresting. Surely
what neither illustrates a man's life,
nor adds a tittle to his literary repu-
tation, ought not to be allowed to
encumber for ever, as with a dead
weight, the collected works of an
author. The mischief is, that, if mate-
rials of this kind are once published,
every succeeding editor finds it in-
cumbent on him to reprint them, lest
his edition should be thought less
perfect than others, and thus there is
no getting rid of the useless and bur-
densome increment. It is otherwise
with another portion of these two
volumes, the sketches of the contem-
poraries and friends of Lamb, which
Mr Serjeant Talfourd, or any future
editor, can either retrench, omit, or
enlarge, at his option.
In the next edition that is published
of the works of Lamb, we hope the
editor may be persuaded altogether
to recast his materials. The bio-
graphy should be kept apart, and not
interspersed piecemeal amongst the
letters. This is an arrangement, the
most provoking and irritating to the
reader that could have been devised.
Let us have all the biography at once,
and then sit down and enjoy the
letters of Lamb. Why be incessantly
bandied from the one to the other?
Few of the letters need any explana-
tion ; if they do, the briefest note at
the head or at the foot would be suffi-
cient. Not to add, that, if it is wished
to refer to any event in the biography,
135
one does not know where to look for
it. And, apropos of this matter of
reference, it may be just worth men-
tioning that the present volume is so
divided into Porte, and the parts so
paged, that any reference to a passage
by the number of the page is almost
useless. The numbers recommence
some half-dozen times in the course
of the volume ; so that if you are
referred to page 50, you may find five
of them — you may find page 50 five
times over before you come to the
right one. For which reason we shall
dispense ourselves, in respect to this
volume, with our usual punctuality of
reference, for the reference must be
laboriously minute, and even then
will impose a troublesome search. In
the mere and humble task of editing,
the Serjeant has been by no means
fortunate.
Lying about in such confusion as
the fractions of the biography do at
present, we shall perhaps be rendering
a slight service if we bring together
from the two different publications
the leading events of the life of Lamb.
" Charles Lamb," says the 'first
publication, " was born on the 18th
February 1775, in Crown-office Row,
in the Inner Temple, where he spent
the first seven years of his life." At
the age of seven he was presented to
the school of Christ's Hospital, and
there remained till his fifteenth year.
His sweetness of disposition rendered
him a general favourite. From one
of his schoolfellows we have the fol-
lowing account of him : — " Lamb,"
says Mr Le Grice, " was an amiable,
gentle boy, very sensible, and keenly
observing, indulged by his school-
fellows and by his master, on account
of his infirmity of speech. His coun-
tenance was mild; his complexion
clear brown, with an expression which
might lead yon to think that he was of
Jewish descent. His eyes were not
each of the same colour — one was
hazel, the other had specks of gray
in the iris, mingled as we see red
spots in the bloodstone. His step was
plantigrade, (Mr Le Grice must be a
zoologist — Lamb would have smiled
to hear himself so scientifically de-
scribed,) which made his walk slow
and peculiar, adding to the staid ap-
pearance of his figure. I never heard
his name mentioned without the
136
Charles Lamb.
[Aug.
addition of Charles, although, as there
was no other boy of the name of
Lamb, the addition was unnecessary ;
but there was an implied kindness in
it, and it was a proof that his gentle
manner excited that kindness." Mr
Le Grice adds that, in the sketch Lamb
gave in his Recollections of Chrisfs
Hospital, he drew a faithful portrait of
himself. " While others were all fire
and play, he stole along with all the
self- concentration of a young monk."
He had, in fact, only passed from
cloister to cloister, and, during the
holidays, it was in the Temple that he
found his home and his only place of
recreation. This cloistering-in of his
mind was the early and constant
peculiarity of his life. He would have
made an excellent monk ; in those
good old times, be it understood, when
it was thought no great scandal if
there was a well-supplied cellarage
underneath the cloister.
After quitting Christ's Hospital, he
was employed for some time in the
South Sea House, but on the 5th April
1792 obtained that appointment in the
accountant's office in the East India
Company which was his stay and
support, in more senses than one,
through life.
A little anecdote is here introduced,
which strikes us as very characteristic.
It reveals the humorist, ready to
appreciate and promote a jest even at
his own expense, and at the easy
sacrifice of his own dignity or self-
respect : but it reveals something
more and sadder ; it seems to betray a
broken, melancholy spirit, that was no
longer disposed to contend for its claim
to respect from others. " In the first
year of his clerkship," says Mr Le
Grice, " Lamb spent the evening of
the 5th November with some of his
former schoolfellows, who, being
amused with the particularly large and
flapping brim of his round hat, pinned
it up on the sides in the form of a
cocked hat. Lamb made no alteration
in it, but walked home in his usual
sauntering gait towards the Temple.
As he was going down Ludgate Hill,
some gay young men, who seemed
not to have passed the London Tavern
without resting, exclaimed, ' The
veritable Guy! — no man of straw!'
and with this exclamation they took
him up, making a chair with their
arms, carried him, seated him on a
post in St Paul's Churchyard, and
there left him. This story Lamb told
so seriously, that the truth of it was
never doubted. He wore his three-
cornered hat many evenings, and re-
tained the name of Guy ever after.
Like Nym, he quietly sympathised in
the fun, and seemed to say ' that was
the humour of it.' " Some one may
suggest that probably Lamb was him-
self in the same condition, on this 5th
of November, as the young men " who
had not passed the London Tavern
without resting," and that therefore all
peculiar significance of the anecdote,
as it bears upon his character and dis-
position, is entirely lost. But Lamb
relates the story himself, and after-
wards, and when there is no; question
of sobriety, quietly acquiesces and
participates in the absurd joke played
upon himself.
At this time his most constant com-
panion was one Jem White, who wrote
some imaginary " Letters of John
Falstaff." These letters Lamb went
about all his life praising, and causing
others to praise, but seems never to
have found any one to share his
admiration. As even Mr Talfourd
has not a good word to throw away
upon the literary merits of Jem White,
we may safely conclude that Lamb's
friendship had in this instance quite
overruled his critical judgment.
But the associate and friend who
really exercised a permanent and
formative influence upon his mind,
was a man of a very different stamp
— Samuel Taylor Coleridge. They
had been schoolfellows at Christ's
Hospital, and, though no particular
intimacy existed at that time, the
circumstance formed a foundation for
a future friendship. " While Cole-
ridge," writes Mr Talfourd, "remain-
ed at the university, they met occa-
sionally on his visits to London ; and
when he quitted it and came to town,
full of mantling hopes and glorious
schemes, Lamb became his admiring
disciple. The scene of these happy
meetings was a little public-house,
called the Salutation and Cat, in the
neighbourhood of Smithfield, where
they used to sup, and remain long
after they had ' heard the chimes at
midnight.' "
These suppers at the Salutation and
1849.]
Charles Lamb.
137
Cat, in Smithfield, seein to cany back
the imagination far beyond the period
here alluded to ; they seem to trans-
port us to the times of Oliver Gold-
smith, or to take us across the water
into Germany, where poetry and
philosophy may still occasionally find
refuge in the beer-shop. They were
always remembered by Lamb as the
brightest spots of his life. " I think
I hear you again," he says, writing to
Coleridge. " I imagine to myself the
little smoky room at the Salutation
and Cat, where we sat together through
the winter nights, beguiling the cares
of life with poetry." And in another
place he alludes to " those old suppers
at our old inn — when life was fresh
and topics exhaustless — and you first
kindled in me, if not the power, yet
the love of poetry, and beauty, and
kindliness." It was in these inter-
views that the project was started, we
believe, of publishing a volume of
poems, the joint production of the two
friends.
But this pleasing project, and all
the poetry of life, was for a time to
give place, in the history of Lamb, to
a domestic tragedy of the most afflict-
ing nature. It is here that the Final
Memorials take up the thread of the
biography. It was on the 22d
September 1796, that the terrible
event took place which cast so per-
petual a shade, and reflected also so
constant an honour, on the life of
Lamb. He was living at this time
with his father, mother, and sister,
in lodgings in Little Queen Street,
Holborn. After being engaged in his
taskwork at the India House, he
returned in the evening to amuse his
father by playing cribbage. The old
man had sunk into dotage and the
miserable selfishness that so often
attends on old age. If his son wished
to discontinue for a time the game at
cribbage, and turn to some other
avocation, or the writing of a letter,
he would pettishly exclaim, — "If you
don't play cribbage, I don't see the use
of your coming home at all." The
mother also was an invalid, and Miss
Lamb, we are told, was worn down
to a state of extreme nervous misery,
by attention to needlework by day,
and to her mother by night, until the
insanity which had been manifested
more than once broke out into frenzy.
" It appeared," says the account ex-
tracted from the Times, (an account
of the inquest, in which the names of
the parties are suppressed,) " that
while the family were preparing for
dinner, the young lady seized a case-
knife lying on the table, and in a
menacing manner pursued a little girl,
her apprentice, round the room. On
the calls of her infirm mother to for-
bear, she renounced her first object,
and with loud shrieks approached her
parent. The child by her cries quickly
brought up the landlord of the house,
but too late. The dreadful scene pre-
sented to him the mother lifeless,
pierced to the heart, on a chair, her
daughter yet wildly standing over her
with the fatal knife, and the old man,
her father, weeping by her side, him-
self bleeding at the forehead from the
effects of a severe -blow he received
from one of the forks she had been
madly hurling about the room."
The following is the letter which
Lamb wrote to Coleridge shortly after
the event. From this it appears that
it was he, and not the landlord, who
took the knife from the hand Of the
lunatic.
" MY DEAREST FRIEND, — White,
or some of my friends, or the public
papers, by this time may have in-
formed you of the terrible calamities
that have fallen on our family. I
will only give you the outlines. My
poor, dear, dearest sister, in a fit of
insanity, has been the death of her
own mother. I was at hand only
time enough to snatch the knife out
of her grasp. She is at present in a
madhouse, from whence I fear she
must be removed to an hospital. God
has preserved to me my senses. I
eat, and drink, and sleep, and have
my judgment, I believe, very sound.
My poor father was slightly wounded,
and I am left to take care of him and
my aunt. Mr Norris of the Blue- coat
School has been very kind to us, and
we have no other friend ; but, thank
God, I am veiy calm and composed,
and able to do the best that remains to
do. Write as religious a letter as
possible, but no mention of what is
gone and done with. With me ' the
former things are passed away,' and I
have something more to do than to feel.
u God Almighty have us all in his
keeping! — C. LAMB.
138
Charles Lamb.
[Aug.
" Mention nothing of poetry ; I have
destroyed every vestige of past vani-
ties of that kind. Do as you please ;
but if you publish, publish mine (I
give free leave) without name or
initial, and never send me a book, I
charge you.
" Your own judgment will convince
you not to take any notice of this yet
to your dear wife. You look after
your family — I have my reason and
strength left to take care of mine. I
charge you, don't think of coming to
see me — write. I will not see you if
you come. God Almighty love you,
and all of us." — C. LAMB."
Miss Lamb was of course placed in
an asylum, where, however, she was
in a short time restored to reason.
And now occurred the act of life-long
heroism on the part of the brother.
As soon as she was recovered, he
petitioned the authorities to resign
her to his care ; he pledged himself to
be her guardian, her provider, her
keeper, for all her dajrs to come. He
was at that time paying his addresses
to a young lady, with what hopes, or
with what degree of ardour, we are
not informed. But marriage with
her, or with any other, was now to
be entirely renounced. He devoted
his life, and all his love, to his un-
happy sister, and to the last he ful-
filled the obligation he had taken upon
himself without a murmur, and with-
out the least diminution of affection
towards the object of it.
We have called it an act of heroism ;
we applaud it, and rejoice that it
stands upon record a complete and
accomplished act. There it stands,
not only to relieve the character of
Lamb from such littleness as it may
have contracted from certain habits of
intemperance, (of which perhaps more
has been said than was necessary;)
but it remains there as an enduring
memorial, prompting, to all time, to
the like acts of self- denying kindness,
and unshaken generosity of purpose.
But, admiring the act as we do, we
must still be permitted to observe,
that there was a degree of impru-
dence in it which fully justified other
members of the family in their endea-
vours to dissuade Lamb from his reso-
lution, and which would have justified
the authorities (whoever they were —
and about this matter there seems a
singular obscurity, and a suspicion is
created that even in proceedings of
this nature much is done carelessly,
informally, uncertainly) in refusing to
accede to his request. Miss Lamb
had several relapses into temporary
derangement ; and, although she never
committed, as far as we are informed,
any acts of violence, this calmness of
behaviour, in her seasons of mental
aberration, could not have been cal-
culated on. We confess we should
have shrunk from the responsibility
of advising the generous but perilous
course which was adopted with so
fortunate a result.
How sad and fearful a charge
Lamb had entailed upon himself, let
the following extract suffice to show.
The subject is too painful to be longer
dwelt upon than is necessary. " The
constant impendency of this great
sorrow saddened to ' the Lambs' even
their holidays, as the journey which
they both regarded as the relief and
charm of the year was frequently fol-
lowed by a seizure; and, when they
ventured to take it, a strait-waistcoat,
carefully packed up by Miss Lamb her-
self, was their constant companion.
Sad experience at last induced the
abandonment of the annual excur-
sion, and Lamb was contented with
walks in and near London during the
interval of labour. Miss Lamb expe-
rienced, and full well understood, pre-
monitory symptoms of the attack, in,
restlessness, low fever, and the inabi-
lity to sleep ; and, as gently as pos-
sible, prepared her brother for the
duty he must soon perform ; and thus,
unless he could stave off the terrible
separation till Sunday, obliged him to
ask leave of absence from the office as
if for a day's pleasure — a bitter
mockery ! On one occasion Mr
Charles Lloyd met them slowly
pacing together a little footpath in.
Haxton Fields, both weeping bitterly,
and found, on joining them, that they
were taking their solemn way to the
accustomed asylum!"*
It seems that a tendency to lunacy
was hereditary in the family, and
Charles Lamb himself had been for a
short period deprived of his reason.
* Final Memorials, vol. ii., p. 212.
1849.]
Charles Lamb.
On this subject Mr Talfourd makes
the following excellent remark : —
" The wonder is, that, amidst all the
difficulties, the sorrows, and the ex-
citements of his succeeding forty
years, the malady never recurred.
Perhaps the true cause of this remark-
able exemption — an exemption the
more remarkable when his afflictions
are considered in association with one
single frailty — will be found in the
sudden claim made on his moral and
intellectual nature by a terrible exi-
gency, and by his generous answer to
that claim ; so that a life of self-sacri-
fice was rewarded by the preservation
of unclouded reason."
We will not weaken so admirable a
remark by repeating it in a worse
phraseology of our own. We wish
the Serjeant always wrote in the
same clear, forcible, and unaffected
manner. With respect to this seizure
which Lamb, in an early part of his
life, had experienced, there is a refe-
rence in one of his letters too cu-
rious to pass unnoticed. Writing to
Coleridge, he says — " At some future
time I will amuse you with an ac-
count, as full as my memory will per-
mit, of the strange turns my frenzy
took. I look back upon it at times
with a gloomy kind of envy, for,
while it lasted, I had many, many hours
of pure happiness. Dream not, Cole-
ridge, of having tasted all the gran-
deur and wildness of fancy till you
have gone mad! All now seems to
me vapid, or comparatively so."
The residue of Lamb's life is un-
eventful. The publication of a book
— a journey into Cumberland — his
final liberation from office, are the
chief incidents. These it is not ne-
cessary to arrange in chronological
order : they can be alluded to as occa-
sion requires. But we will pursue a
little further our notice of Mr Tal-
fourd's biographical labours, that we
may clear our way as we proceed.
We have seen that Lamb, in the
first agony of his grief, rudely threw
aside his poetry, and his scheme of
publishing conjointly with Coleridge.
Poetry and schemes of publication
are not, however, so easily dismissed.
As his mind subsided into a calmer
state, they were .naturally resumed.
The literary partnership was ex-
tended, and Lloyd was admitted to
associate his labours in the forthcom-
ing volume. " At length," says Mr
Talfourd, " the small volume con-
taining the poems of Coleridge, Lloyd,
and Lamb, was published by Mr
Cottle at Bristol. It excited little
attention." We do not wonder at
this, if the lucubrations of Mr Lloyd
had any conspicuous place in the vo-
lume. How the other two poets — how
Coleridge especially, could have con-
sented to this literary partnership, with
so singularly inept and absurd a writer,
would be past explaining, if it were
not for some hint that we receive that
Charles Lloyd was the son of a wealthy
banker, and might, therefore, be the
fittest person to transact that part of
the business which occurs between the
author and the publisher. Here we
have a striking instance of Mr Tal-
fourd's. misplaced amiability of criti-
cism. " Lloyd," he says, " wrote
pleasing verses, and with great facility
— a facility fatal to excellence; but
his mind was chiefly remarkable for
the fine power of analysis which dis-
tinguishes his ' London,' and other of
his later compositions. In this power
of discriminating and distinguishing —
carried to a pitch almost of pain-
fulness — Lloyd has scarcely been
equalled ; and his poems, though rug-
ged in point of versification, will be
found, by those who will read them
with the calm attention they require,
replete with critical and moral sugges-
tions of the highest value." Very
grateful to Mr Serjeant Talfourd will
any reader feel who shall be induced,
by his recommendation, to peruse, or
attempt to peruse, Mi- Lloyd's poem
of "London!" We were. "Fine
power of analysis !" Why, it is one
stream of mud — of theologic mud.
" Rugged in point of versification!"
There is no trace of verse, and the
style is an outlandish garb, such as
no man has ever seen elsewhere,
either in prose or verse. Poor Lloyd
was a lunatic patient ! — on him no one
would be severe ; but why should an
intelligent Serjeant, unless prompted
by a sly malice against all mankind,
persuade us to read his execrable
stuff? The following is a fair speci-
men of the drug, and is, indeed, taken
as the book opened. We add the two
last lines of the preceding stanza, to
give all possible help to the elucida-
140
Charles Lamb.
[Aug.
tion of the one we quote. The italics
are all Mr Lloyd's : —
" If you affirm (/race irresistible,
You must deny all liberty of will.
142.
" But you reply, grace irresistible
Our creed admits not. I am sorry for't.
Enough, or not enough, to bind the free will,
Grace must be. Not enough ? The dose
falls short.
This is of cause the prime condition still
That it be operative. Yet divines exhort
Us to deem grace sole source of all salvation,
And if we're damned, blame but its applica-
tion."
But divinity of this kind, it may be
said, though well calculated to display
'' the power of discriminating and dis-
tinguishing, carried to a pitch almost
of painfulness," is not exactly favour-
able to flowing verse. Here is a spe-
cimen where a lady is the subject,
and the verse should be smooth then,
if ever.
" I well remember her years, five-and-twenty,
(Ah ! now my muse is got into a gallop,)
Longer perhaps ! But time sufficient, plenty
Of treasured offices of love to call up.
She was then, as I recollect, quite dainty,
And delicate, and seemed a fair envelope
Of virgin sweetness and angelic goodness ;
That fate should treat her with such reckless
rudeness ! "
The poor man seems to have had
not the least appreciation of the
power of language, so as to distin-
guish between the ludicrous and the
pathetic. He must have read " Hu-
dibras " with tears, not of laughter,
in his eyes, and hence drawn his
notion of tenderness of diction as well
as harmony of verse. The most sur-
prising thing about Lloyd is, that
such a man should have chosen for
his literary task to translate — Alfieri !
And although he has performed the
task very far from well, he has accom-
plished it in a manner that could not
have been anticipated from his origi-
nal compositions.
After this specimen of Mr Talfourd's
laudatory criticism, we need not be
astonished at any amount of eulogy
he bestows on such names as Hazlitt
and others, which really have a cer-
tain claim on the respect of all men.
And yet, even after this, we felt
some slight surprise at hearing Mr
Talfourd speak of " the splendid repu-
tation " of Mr Harrison Ainsworth !
Would Mr Talfourd have such a reputa-
tion, if it were offered him? Would he
not rather have remained in complete
obscurity than be distinguished by such
"splendours" as the authorship of
Jack Sheppard would have invested
him with ? Why should he throw about
this indiscriminate praise, and make
his good word of no possible value ?
Splendid reputation ! Can trash be
anything but trash, because a multi-
tude of -the idle and the ignorantr
whom it exactly suits, read and ad-
mire ? By-and-by they grow ashamed
of their idol, when they find they have
him all to themselves, and that sens-
ible people are smiling at their enthu-
siasm ; they then discard him for
some new, untried, and unconvicted
favourite. Such is the natural history
of these splendid reputations.
The second volume of the " Final
Memorials " is in great part occu-
pied with sketches of the literary
friends and companions of Lamb,
These Mr Talfourd introduces by a
somewhat bold parallel between the
banquets at the lordly halls of Holland
House and the suppers in the dark and
elevated chambers in the Inner Tem-
ple, whither Lamb had removed.
We are by no means scandalised at
such a comparison. Wit may flow,
and wisdom too, as freely in the gar-
ret as in the saloon. To cat off plate,
to be served assiduously by liveried
attendants, may not give any more
real zest to colloquial pleasure, to
good hearty talking, than to attack
without ceremony " the cold beef
flanked with heaps of smoking pota-
toes, which Becky has just brought
in." Nor do we know that claret in
the flagon of beautifully cut glass,
may be a more potent inspiration of
wit than " the foaming pots of porter
from the best tap in Fleet Street."
We are not at all astonished that such
a parallel should be drawn ; what sur-
prises us is, that, being in the humour
to draw such comparisons, the Ser-
geant could find only one place in all
London which could be brought into
this species of contrast, and of rivalry,
with Holland House. " Two circles
of rare social enjoyment, differing as
widely as possible in all external cir-
cumstances— but each superior in its,
kind to all others, were at the same time
generously opened to men of lettersJ'
1849.]
Charles Lamb.
141
We, whohave been admitted toneither,
have perhaps no right to an opinion ;
but, judging by the bill of fare pre-
sented to tis, we shrewdly suspect
there were very many circles where
we should have preferred the intellec-
tual repast to that set out in Inner
Temple Lane. We doubt not the
Serjeant himself has assembled round
his own table a society that we should
greatly more have coveted the plea-
sure of joining. We have the name
of Godwin, it is true, but Godwin
never opened his mouth; — played whist
all the evening. Had he not written
his book ? why should he talk ? We
have Hazlitt, — but by all accounts he
•was rarely in a tolerable humour,
perpetually raving, with admirable
consistency, in praise of republics and
Buonaparte. Coleridge was too rarely
a visitor to be counted in the list ; and
certain we are that we should have no
delight in hearing Charles Lloyd
" reason of fate, free-will, foreknow-
ledge absolute," to Leigh Hunt.
Some actors are named, of whose
conversational powers we know no-
thing, and presume nothing very ex-
traordinary. Lamb's " burly jovial
brother, the Ajax Telamon of clerks,"
and a Captain Burney, of whom we
are elsewhere told that he liked
Shakspeare "because he was so
much of a gentleman," promise little
on the score of intellectual conversa-
tion ; neither should we be particu-
larly anxious to sit opposite a certain
M. B., of whom Lamb said, " M., if
dirt were trumps, what hands you
would hold ! "
After this singular parallel, we are
shown round a gallery of portraits.
First we have George Dyer, who ap-
pears to be the counterpart of our old
friend Dominie Sampson. But, in-
deed, we hold George Dyer to be a
sort of myth, a fabulous person, the
creation of Charles Lamb's imagina-
tion, and imposed as a reality on his
friends. Such an absurdity as he is
here represented to be could not have
been bred, could not have existed, in
these times, and in London. If we
are to credit the stories told of him,
his walking in broad day into the
canal at Islington was one of the
wisest things he did, or could possibly
have done. Lamb tells him, in the
strictest confidence, that the " Wa-
verley Novels" are the works of
Lord Castlereagh, just returned from
the Congress of Sovereigns at Vienna !
Off he runs, nor stops till he reaches
Maida Hill, where he deposits his
news in the ears of Leigh Hunt, who,
" as a public man," he thinks ought
to be possessed of the great fact. At
another time Lamb gravely inquires
of him, " Whether it was true, as was
commonly reported, that he Avas to be
made a lord ?" " Oh dear, no ! Mi-
Lamb," he responds with great ear-
nestness, " I could not think of such a
thing : it is not true, I assure you."
" I thought not," replies the wit,
" and I contradict it wherever I go ;
but the government will not ask your
consent — they may raise you to the
peerage without your even knowing
it." " I hope not, Mr Lamb ; indeed,
indeed, I hope not ; it would not suit
me at all," repeats our modern Do-
minie, and goes away musing on the
possibility of strange honours descend-
ing, whether he will or not, upon his
brow. It goes to our heart to disturb
a good story, but such a man as the
George Dyer here represented never
could have existed.
We have rather a long account of
Godwin, with some remarks not very
satisfactory upon his intellectual char-
acter. That Mr Godwin was taciturn,
that he conversed, when he did talk,
upon trivial subjects, and in a small
precise manner, and that he was espe-
cially fond of sleeping after dinner —
all this we can easily understand. Mi-
Godwin's mental activity was absorbed
in his authorship, and he was a very
voluminous author. But we cannot
so easily understand Mr Talfourd's
explanations, nor why these habits
should have any peculiar connexion
with the intellectual qualities of the
author of Caleb Williams, and a host
of novels, as well as of the Political
Justice, of the Life of Chaucer, and the
History of the Commonwealth. Sucli
habits are rather the result of a man's
temperament, and the manner of life
which circumstances have thrown him
into, than of his intellectual powers.
Profound metaphysicians have been
very vivacious talkers, and light and
humorous writers very taciturn men.
Mr Talfourd finds that Godwin had
no imagination, was all abstract
reason, and thus accounts for his
142
Charles Lamb.
[Aug.
having no desire to address Ms fellow-
men but through the press. The pas-
sage is too long to quote, and would
be very tedious. We must leave him
in quiet possession of his own theory
of the matter.
It was new to us, and may be to
our readers, to hear that Godwin
supported himself "by a shop in
Skinner Street, where, under the
auspices of ' Mr J. Godwin & Co.,'
the prettiest and wisest books for
children issued, which old-fashioned
parents presented to their children,
without suspecting that the graceful
lessons of piety and goodness which
charmed away the selfishness of
infancy, were published, and some-
times revised, and now and then
written, by a philosopher whom they
would scarcely venture to name ! "
We admire the good sense which
induced him to adhere to so humble
an occupation, if he found it needful
for his support. But what follows is
not quite so admirable. He was a
great borrower ; or, in the phrase of
Mr Talfourd, " he met the exigencies
of business with the trusting simplicity
which marked his course ; he asked
his friends for aid without scruple,
considering that their means were
justly the due of one who toiled in
thought for their inward life, and had
little time to provide for his own out-
ward existence, and took their ex-
cuses when offered without doubt or
offence." And then the Serjeant pro-
ceeds to relate, in a tone of the most
touching simplicity, his own personal
experience upon this matter. " The
very next day after I had been
honoured and delighted by an intro-
duction to him at Lamb's chambers, I
was made still more proud and happy
by his appearance at my own on such
an errand, which my poverty, not my
will, rendered abortive. After some
pleasant chat on indifferent matters,
he carelessly observed that he had a
little bill for £150 falling due on the
morrow, which he had forgotten till
that morning, and desired the loan of
the necessary amount for a few weeks.
At first, in eager hopes of being able
thus to oblige one whom I regarded
with admiration akin to awe, I began
to consider whether it was possible
for me to raise such a sum ; but, alas !
a moment's reflection sufficed to con-
vince me that the hope was vain, and
I was obliged, with much confusion,
to assure my distinguished visitor
how glad I should have been to serve
him, but that I was only just starting
as a special pleader, was obliged to
write for . magazines to help me on,
and had not such a sum in the world.
'Oh dear!' said the philosopher, 'I
thought you were a young gentleman,
of fortune — don't mention it, don't
mention it — I shall do very well else-
where ! ' And then, in the most gra-
cious manner, reverted to our former
topics, and sat in my small room for
half-an-hour, as if to convince me
that my want of fortune made no dif-
ference in his esteem." How very
gracious ! The most shameless bor-
rower coming to raise money from a
young gentleman of fortune, to meet
" a little bill which he had forgotten,
till that morning," would hardly, on
finding his mistake, have made an
abrupt departure. He would have
coolly beat a retreat, as the philosopher
did. We never hear, by the way,
that he returned " to my small room"
at any other time, for half- an- hour's
chat. But how very interesting it is
to see the learned Serjeant, whose
briefs have made him acquainted with
every trick and turn of commercial
craft, retaining this sweet and pristine
simplicity !
The Serjeant, however, has a style
of narrative which, though on the sur-
face it displays the most good-natured
simplicity, slyly insinuates to the more
intelligent reader that he sees quite as
far as another, and is by no means
the dupe of his own amiability. Thus,
in his description of Coleridge, (which
would be too long a subject to enter
into minutely,) he has the following
passage, (perhaps the best in the de-
scription,) which, while it seems to
echo to the full the unstinted applause
so common with the admirers of that
singular man, gives a quiet intimation,
to the reader that he was not alto-
gether so blind as some of those ad-
mirers. "If his entranced hearers
often were unable to perceive the
bearings of his argument — too mighty
for any grasp but his own — and some-
times reaching beyond his own — they
understood ' a beauty in the words, if
not the words ;' and a wisdom and a
piety in the illustrations, even when
1849.]
Charles Lamb.
143
unable to connect them with the idea
which he desired to illustrate." Mr
Talfourd reveals here, we suspect, the
true secret of the charm which
Coleridge exercised in conversation.
His hearers never seemed to have car-
ried away anything distinct or ser-
viceable from his long discourses.
They understood "a beauty in the
words, if not the words ;" they felt a
charm like that of listening to music,
and, when the voice ceased, there was
perhaps as little distinct impression
left, as if it had really been a beautiful
symphony they had heard.
There is only one more in this gal-
lery of portraits before which we shall
pause, and that only for a moment,
to present a last specimen of the cri-
tical manner of Mr Taifourd. We
are sorry the last should not be
the best ; and yet, as this sketch is a
reprint, in an abridged form, of an
essay affixed to the Literary Remains
of Hazlitt, it may be considered as
having received a more than usual
share of the author's attention. It is
thus that he analyses the mental con-
stitution of one whom he appears to
have studied and greatly admired —
William Hazlitt. " He had as un-
quenchable a desire for truth as others
have for wealth, or power, or fame :
he pursued it with sturdy singleness
of purpose, and enunciated it without
favour or fear. But besides that love
of truth, that sincerity in pursuing it,
and that boldness in telling it, he had
also a fervent aspiration after the beau-
tiful, a vivid sense of pleasure, and an
intense consciousness of his own indivi-
dual being, which sometimes produced
obstacles to the current of speculation,
by which it was broken into dazzling
eddies, or urged into devious wind-
ings. Acute, fervid, vigorous as his
mind was, it wanted the one great
Central power of imagination, which
brings all the other faculties into har-
monious action, multiplies them into
each other, makes truth visible in the
forms of beauty, and substitutes intel-
lectual vision for proof. Thus in him
truth and beauty held divided empire.
In him the spirit was willing but the
flesh was strong, and when these con-
tend it is not difficult to anticipate
the result ; ' for the power of beauty
shall sooner transform honesty from
what it is into a bawd, than the per-
son of honesty shall transform beauty
into its likeness.' This ' sometime
paradox' was vividly exemplified in
Hazlitt's personal history, his conver-
sation, and his writings."*
Are we to gather from this most
singular combination of words, that
Hazlitt had a grain too much of sen-
suality in his composition, which di-
verted him from the search after
truth ? The expression, " the flesh
was strong," and the quotation so cu-
riously introduced from Shakspeare,
seem to point this way. And then,
again, are we to understand that this
too much of sensuality was owing to
a want of imagination ? — that central
power of imagination which is here
described in a manner that no system
of metaphysics we have studied enables
us in the least to comprehend. We
know something of Schelling's " in-
tellectual intuition" transcending the.
ordinary scope of reason. Is this
" intellectual vision, which the imagi-
nation substitutes for proof," of the
same family ? But indeed it would
be idle insincerity to ask such ques-
tions. Sergeant Talfourd knows no
more than we do what it means.
The simple truth is, that here, as too
frequently elsewhere, he aims at a
certain subtlety of thought, and falls
unfortunately upon no thought what-
ever— upon mere confusion of thought,
which he attempts to hide by a quan-
tity of somewhat faded phrase and
rhetorical diction.
If we refer to the original essay it-
self, we shall not be aiding ourselves
or Mr Talfourd. The statement is
fuller, and the confusion greater. In
one point it relieves us — it relieves
us entirely from the necessity of too
deeply pondering the philosophic im-
port of any phraseology our critic
may adopt, for the phrase is changed
merely to please the ear ; and what at
first has the air of definition proves to
be merely a poetic colouring. He
thus commences his essay : " As an
author, Mr Hazlitt may be contem-
plated principally in three aspects —
as a moral and political reasoner, as
an observer of character and manners,
and as a critic in literature and paint-
Vol. ii., p. 157.
144
Charles Lamb.
[Aug-.
ing. It is in the first character only
that he should be followed with cau-
tion." In the two others he is, of
course, to be followed implicitly. Why
he was not equally perfect as a moral
and political reasoner, Mr Talfourd
proceeds to explain. Mr Hazlitt had
" a passionate desire for truth," and
also "earnest aspirations for the beau-
tiful." Now, continues our critic,
" the vivid sense of beauty may, in-
deed, have fit home in the breast of
the searcher after trtfth, but then he
must also be endowed with the highest
of all human faculties — the great me-
diatory and interfusing power of ima-
gination, which presides supreme over
the mind, brings all its powers and
impulses into harmonious action, and
becomes itself the single organ of all.
At its touch, truth becomes visible in
the shape of beauty; the fairest of ma-
terial things become the living sym-
bols of airy thought, and the mind ap-
prehends the finest affinities of the
world of sense and spirit lin clear
dream and solemn vision.'1 " This last
expression conveys, we presume, all
the meaning, or no- meaning, of the
phrase afterwards adopted — the " in-
tellectual vision which it substitutes
for truth." Both are mere jingle.
The rest of the passage is much the
same as it stands in the Final Memo-
rials. Somehow or other Mr Hazlitt
is proved to have been defective as a
reasoner, because he wanted imagi-
nation ! — and imagination was wanted,
not to enlarge his experience of men-
tal phenomena, but to step between
his love of truth and his sense of
beauty. Did he ever divulge this dis-
covery to his friend Hazlitt? — and how
did the metaphysician receive it ?
To one so generous'towards others,
it would be ungracious to use hard
words. Indeed, to leave before an
intelligent reader these specimens of
" fine analysis," and "powers of discri-
minating and distinguishing," is quite
severe enough punishment. We wish
we could expunge them, with a host of
similar ones, not only from our record,
but from the works of the author him-
self.*
It is time that we turn from the
biography to the writings of Charles
Lamb — to Elia, the gentle humorist.
Not that Charles Lamb is exclusively
the humorist : far from it. His verse
is, at all events, sufficient to demon-
strate a poetic sensibility, and his
prose writings display a subtlety of
analysis and a delicacy of perception
which were not always enlisted in the
service of mirth, but which were often
displayed in some refined criticism, or
keen observation upon men and man-
ners. Still it is as a humorist that he
has chiefly attracted the attention of
the reading public, and obtained his
popularity and literary status. But
the coarser lineaments of the humor-
ist are not to be found in him. His
is a gentle, refined, and refining
humour, which never trespasses upon
delicacy ; which does not excite that
common and almost brutal laughter
so easily raised at what are called the
comic miseries of life — often no comedy
to those who have to endure them. It
is a humour which generally attains
its end by investing what is lowly
with an unexpected interest, not by
degrading what is noble by allying it
with mean and grotesque circum-
stance, (the miserable art of parody ;}
it is a humour, in short, which excites
our laughter, not by stifling all reflec-
tion, but by awakening the mind to
new trains of thought, and prompting
to odd but kindly sympathies. It is a
humour which a poet might indulge in,
which a very nun might smile at,
which a Fenelon would at times pre-
pare himself mildly to admonish, but,
on seeing from how clear a spirit it
emanated, would, relaxing his brows
again, let pass unreproved.
There is a great rage at present
for the comic ; and, to do justice to
our own times, we think it may be
said that wit was never more abun-
dant— and certainly the pencil was
never used with more genuine humour,
But we cannot sympathise with,
or much admire, that class of writers
who seem to make the comic their
exclusive study, who peer into every-
thing merely to find matter of jest in
it. Everything is no more comic than
everything is solemn, in this mingled
world of ours. These men, reversing
the puritanical extravagance, would
The author of Ion ought not to be held in remembrance for apy of these prosaic-
blunders he may have committed.
1849.]
diaries Lamb.
145
improve every incident into the occa-
sion of a laugh. At length one ex-
treme becomes as tedious as the other..
We have, if we may trust to adver-
tisements, for we never saw the pro-
duction itself, a Comic History of
England! and, amongst other editions
of the learned commentator, A Comic
Blackstone! We shall be threatened
some day with a Comic Encyclopae-
dia; or we shall have these comic
gentry following the track round the
whole world which Mrs Sommer-
ville has lately taken, in her charming
book on Physical Geography. They
will go hopping and grinning after
her, peeping down volcanoes, and
punning upon coral reefs, and finding
laughter in all things in this circum-
navigable globe. Well, let them go
grinning from pole to pole, and all
along the tropics. We can wish them
no worse punishment.
This exclusive cultivation of the
comic must sadly depress the organ
of veneration, and not at all foster
any refined feelings of humanity. To
him who is habitually in the mocking
vein, it matters little what the sub-
ject, or who the sufferer, so that he
has his jest. It is marvellous the
utter recklessness to human feeling
these light laughers attain to. Their
seemingly sportive weapon, the " sa-
tiric thong" they so gaily use, is in
harder hands than could be found
anywhere else out of Smithfield. Nor
is it quite idle to notice in what a
direct barefaced manner these jesters
appeal to the coarse untutored malice
of our nature. If we were to ana-
lyse the jest, we should sometimes find
that we had been laughing just as
wisely as the little untaught urchin,
who cannot hold his sides for " fun,"
if some infirm old woman, slipping
upon the slide he has made, falls down
upon the pavement. The jest only
lasts while reflection is laid asleep.
In this, as we have already inti-
mated, lies the difference between the
crowd of jesters and Charles Lamb.
We quit their uproarious laughter for
his more quiet and pensive humour
with somewhat the same feeling that
we leave the noisy, though amusing,
highway, for the cool landscape and
the soft greensward. We reflect as
we smile ; the malice of our nature is
rather laid to rest than called forth ; a
kindly and forgiving temper is excited.
We rise from his works, if not with
any general truth more vividly im-
pressed, yet prepared, by gentle and
almost imperceptible touches, to be
more social in our companionships,
and warmer in our friendships.
Whether from mental indolence, or
from that strong partiality he con-
tracted towards familiar things, he
lived, for a man of education and in-
telligence, in a singularly limited
circle of thought. In the stirring
times of the first French Revolution,
we find him abstracting himself from
the great drama before him, to bury
himself in the gossip of Burnefs His-
tory. He writes to Manning — " I am
reading Burnefs own Times. Quite
the prattle of age, and outlived im-
portance. . . . Burnefs good old
prattle I can bring present to my
mind; I can make the Revolution
present to rne — the French Revolu-
tion, by a converse perversity in my
nature, I fling as far from me."
Science appears never to have inter-
ested him, and such topics as political
economy may well be supposed to have
been quite foreign to his nature. But
even as a reader of poetry, his taste, or
his partialities in his range of thought,
limited him within a narrow circuit. He
could make nothing of Goethe's Faust ;
Shelley was an unknown region to
him, and the best of his productions
never excited his attention. To Byron
he was almost equally indifferent.
From these he could turn to study
George Withers ! and find matter for
applause in lines which needed, in-
deed, the recommendation of age to
give them the least interest. His per-
sonal friendship for Wordsworth and
Coleridge led him here out of that
circle of old writers he delighted to
dwell amongst ; otherwise, we verily
believe, he would have deserted them
for Daniell and Quarles. But perhaps,
to one of his mental constitution, it
required a certain concentration to
bring his powers into play ; and we
may owe to this exclusiveness of taste
the admirable fragments of criticism
he has given us on Shakspeare and
the elder dramatists.
In forming our opinion, however, of
the tastes and acquirements of Lamb,
we must not forget that we are deal-
ing with a humorist, and that his tcs-
146
timony against himself
always taken literally. On some
occasions we shall find that he amused
himself and his friends by a merry
vein of self-disparagement ; he wonld
delight to exaggerate some deficiency,
or perhaps some Cockney taste, in
which, perhaps, he differed from others
only in his boldness of avowal. He
had not, by all acconnts, what is called
an ear for music ; but we are not to
put faith in certain witty descriptions
he has given of his own obtuseness to
all melodious sounds. We find him,
in some of his letters, speaking of
Braham with all the enthusiasm of a
young haunter of operas. " I follow
him about," he says, " like a dog."
Nothing has given more scandal to
some of the gentle admirers of Lamb,
than to find him boldly avowing his
preference of Fleet Street to the
mountains of Cumberland. He claimed
no love for the picturesque. Shops,
and the throng of men, were not to be
deserted for lakes and waterfalls. It
was his to live in London, and,
as a place to live in, there was no
peculiarity of taste in preferring it to
Cumberland ; but when he really paid
his visit to Coleridge at Keswick, he
felt the charm fully as much as tour-
ists who are accustomed to dwell,
rather too loudly, upon their raptures.
The letters he wrote, after this visit,
from some of which we will quote, if
our space permits us, describe very
naturally, unaffectedly, and vividly,
the impressions which are produced
on a first acquaintance with moun-
tainous scenery.
Indeed we may remark, that no
man can properly enter into the cha-
racter or the writings of a humorist,
who is not prepared both to permit
and to understand certain little depar-
tures from truth. We mean, that
playing with the subject where our
convictions are not intended to be
seriously affected. Those who must
see everything as true or false, and
immediately approve or reject accord-
ingly, who know nothing of that
punctum indifferens on which the hu-
morist, for a moment, takes his stand,
had better leave him and his writings
entirely alone. " I like a smuggler,"
says Charles Lamb, in one of his
ossays. Do you, thereupon, gravely
object that a smuggler, living in
Charles Lamb.
cannot be constant violation of the
[Aug.
laws of
the land, ought by no means to
be an object of partiality with any
respectable order- loving gentleman?
Or do you nod assent and acquiesce in
this approbation of the smuggler?
You do neither one nor the other.
You smile and read on. You know
very well that Lamb has no de-
sign upon your serious convictions,
has no wish whatever that you should
like a smuggler ; he merely gives ex-
pression to a partiality of his own,
unreasonable if you will, but arising
from certain elements in the smuggler's
character, which just then are upper-
most in his mind. A great deal of
the art and tact of the humorist lies
in bringing out little truths, and
making them stand in the foreground,
where greater truths usually take up
their position. Thus, in one of Lamb's
papers, he would prove that a con-
valescent was in a less enviable con-
dition than a man downright ill. This
is done by heightening the effect of
a subordinate set of circumstances,
and losing sight of facts of greater
importance. No error of judgment
can really be introduced by this spor-
tive ratiocination, this mock logic,
while it perhaps may be the means of
disclosing many ingenious and subtle
observations, to which, afterwards,
you may, if you will, assign their just
relative importance.
It would be a work of supereroga-
tion, even if space allowed us, to go
critically over the whole writings of
Lamb — his poems, his essays, and his
letters. It is the last alone that
we shall venture to pause upon, or
from which we may hope to make any
extract not already familiar to the
reader. His poetry, indeed, cannot
claim much critical attention. It is pos-
sible, here and there, to find an elegant
verse, or a beautiful expression; there
is a gentle, amiable, pleasing tone
throughout it ; but, upon the whole, it is
without force, has nothing to recom-
mend it of deep thought or strong pas-
sion . His tragedy of John Woodville is
a tame imitation of the manner of the
old dramatists — of their manner when
engaged in their subordinate and pre-
paratory scenes. For there is no
attempt at tragic passion. We read
the piece asking ourselves when the
play is to begin, and while still asking
1849.]
Charles Lamb.
147
the question, find ourselves brought to
its conclusion. If the poems are read
by few, the Essays of Elia have
been perused by all. Who is not
familiar with what is now a historic
fact — the discovery of roast pig in
China ? This, and many other touches
of humour, it would be useless here to
repeat. His letters, as being latest
published, seem alone to call for any
especial observations, and from these
we shall cull a few extracts to enliven
our own critical labours.
What first strikes a reader, on the
perusal of the letters, is their remark-
able similarity in style to the essays.
Some of them, indeed, were after-
wards converted into essays, and that
more by adding to them than altering
their structure. That style, which at
first seems extremely artificial, was,
in fact, natural in Lamb. He had
formed for himself a manner, chiefly
by the study of our classical essayists,
and of still older writers, from which
it would have been an effort in him to
depart. With whatever ease, there-
fore, or rapidity, he may have written
his letters, it was impossible that they
should bear the impress of freedom.
His style was essentially a lettered
style, partaking little of the conversa-
tional tone of his own day. They
could obtain the ease of finished com-
positions, not of genuine letters. For
this, if for no other reason, they can
never be brought into comparison with
those charming spontaneous effusions
of humour which flowed from Cowper,
in his letters to his old friend Hill, and
his cousin, Lady Hesketh. They are
charming productions, however, and
the best of his letters will take rank,
we think, with the best of his essays,
in the public estimation.
We must first quote from a letter to
Manning, after his visits to the lakes,
to rescue his character in the eyes of
the lovers of the picturesque from the
imputation of being utterly indifferent
to the higher beauties of nature.
"Coleridge received us with all the
hospitality in the world. He dwells
upon a small hill by the side of Keswick,
in a comfortable house, quite enveloped on
all sides by a net of mountains : great
floundering bears and monsters they
seemed, all couchant and asleep. We
got in in the evening, travelling in a post-
chaise from Penrith, in the midst of a
gorgeous sunshine, which transmuted all
the mountains into colours, purple, &c.,
&c. We thought we had got into fairy-
land. But that went off (and it never
came again ; while we stayed we had no
more fine sunsets), and we entered Cole-
ridge's comfortable study just in the
dusk, when the mountains were -all dark
with clouds on their heads. Such an im-
pression I never received from objects of
sight before, nor do I suppose that I can
ever again. Glorious creatures, fine old
fellows — Skiddaw, &c. — I never shall for-
get ye, how ye lay about that night like
an entrenchment — gone to bed, as it
seemed for the night, but promising that
ye were to be seen in the morning
We have clambered up to the top of
Skiddaw ; and I have waded up the bed
of Lodore. In fine, I have satisfied my-
self that there is such a thing as tourists
call romantic, which I very much sus-
pected before ; they make such a sput-
tering about it Oh! its fine black
head, and the bleak air atop of it, with
the prospects of mountains about and
about, making you giddy. It was a day
that will stand out like a mountain, I am
sure, in my life."
Of Mr Manning we are told little
or nothing, though he seems to have
been one of the very dearest friends
of Lamb. His best letters are written
to Manning — the drollest, and some
of the most affecting. The following
was written to dissuade him from
some scheme of oriental travel. Man-
ning was, at the time, at Paris : —
"Feb. 19, 1803.
" MY DEAR MANNING, — The general
scope of your letter afforded no indications
of insanity ; but some particular points
raised a scruple. For God's sake, don't
think any more of ' Independent Tartary.'
What are you to do among such Ethio-
pians? Read Sir John Mandeville's
travels to cure you, or come over to
England. There is a Tartar-man now
exhibiting at Exeter Change. Come and
talk with him, and hear what he says
first. Indeed, he is no favourable speci-
men of his countrymen ! Some say they
are cannibals ; and then conceive a Tar-
tar fellow eating my friend, and adding
the cool malignity of mustard and vine-
gar ! I am afraid 'tis the reading of
Chaucer has misled you ; his foolish
stories about Cambuscau, and the ring and
the horse of brass. Believe me, there are
no such things. These are all tales — a
horse of brass never flew, and a king's
daughter never talked with birds. The
Tartars really are a cold, insipid,
118
diaries Lamb.
smoutchy set. You'll be sadly moped
(if you are not eaten) amongst them.
Pray try and cure yourself. Shave your-
self oftener. Eat no saffron ; for saffron
eaters contract a terrible Tartar-like
yellow. Shave the upper lip. Go about
like a European. Read no books of
voyages, (they are nothing but lies;) only
now and then a romance, to keep the
fancy under. Above all, don't go to any
sights of wild beasts. That has been your
ruin."
And when Manning really departed
on his voyage to China, he writes to
him in the following mingled strains
of humour and of feeling. Being
obliged to omit a great deal, it would
only be unsightly to mark every in-
stance where a sentence has been
dropt. The italics, we must remark,
are not ours. If Lamb's, they show
how naturally, even in writing to his
most intimate friend, he fell into the
feelings of the author: —
"May 10, 180C.
" Be sure, if you see any of
those people whose heads do grow be-
neath their shoulders, that you make a
draught of them. It will be very curious.
Oh ! Manning, I am serious to sinking
almost, when I think that all those
evenings which you have made so pleasant
are gone, perhaps for ever. Four years,
you talk of, may be ten — and you may
come back and find such alterations !
Some circumstance may grow up to you
or to me, that may be a bar to the return
of any such intimacy. I dare say all this
is hum ! and that all will come back ;
but, indeed, we die many deaths before
we die, and I am almost sick to think
that such a hold I had of you is gone."
"Dec. 5,1806.
" Manning, your letter dated Hotten-
tots, August the — what was it ? came to
hand. I can scarce hope that mine will
have the same luck. China — Canton —
bless us! how it strains the imagination,
and makes it ache. It will be a point of
conscience to send you none but bran-
new news (the latest edition), which will
but grow the better, like oranges, for
a sea voyage. Oh that you should be so
many hemispheres off— if I speak incor-
rectly you can correct me — why, the sim-
plest death or marriage that takes place
here must be important to you as news in
the old Bastile."
He then tells him of the acceptance
of his farce— Mr H. ; which farce, by
the way, was produced, and failed,
Lamb turning against his own pro-
duction, and joining the audience in
hissing it off the stage. It certainly
deserved its fate.
" Now, you'd like to know the subject.
The title is, ' Mr H.' No more ; how
simple, how taking ! A great H sprawl-
ing over the play-bill, and attracting eyes
at every corner. The story is, a coxcomb
appearing at Bath, vastly rich — all the
ladies dying for him — all bursting to
know who he is ; but he goes by no other
name than Mr H. — a curiosity like that
of the dames of Strasburg about the man
with the great nose. But I won't tell
you any more about it. Yes, I will ; but
I can't give you any idea how I have
done it. I'll just tell you that, after
much vehement admiration, when his true
name comes out, 'Hogsflesh,' all the
women shun him, avoid him, and not one
can be found to change her name for him ;
that's the idea — how flat it is here — but
how whimsical in the farce ! And only
think how hard upon me it is, that the
ship is despatched to-morrow, and my
triumph cannot be ascertained till the
Wednesday after. But all China will
ring of it by-and-by. Do you find, in all
this stuff I have written, anything like
those feelings which one should send my
old adventuring friend that is gone to
wander among Tartars, and may never
come again ? I don't ; but your going
away, and all about you, is a threadbare
topic. I have worn it out with thinking.
It has come to me when I have been dull
with anything, till my sadness has seemed
more to have come from it than to have
introduced it. I want you, you don't
know how much ; but if I had you here,
in my European garret, we should but
talk over such stuff as I have written.
" Good Heavens ! what a bit only I've
got left ! How shall I squeeze all I know
into this morsel ! Coleridge is come home,
and is going to turn lecturer on taste at
the Royal Institution. How the paper
grows less and less ! In less than two
minutes I shall cease to talk to you, and
you may rave to the great Wall of China.
— N.B. Is there such a wall ? Is it as big
as Old London Wall by Bediam ? Have
you met with a friend of mine, named
Ball, at Canton ? If you are acquainted,
remember me kindly to him."
But we should be driven into as
hard straits as Lamb, at the close of
his epistle, if we should attempt, in
the small space that remains to us, to
give any fair idea of the various
"humours" and interests, of many
kinds, of these letters. We pass at
1849.]
Charles Lamb,
149
once to those that illustrate the last
important incident of his life, his re-
tirement from office. It is thus he
describes his manumission, and the
sort of troubled delight it brought
with it, to Wordsworth : —
" 6th April, 1825.
" Here am I then, after thirty-three
years' slavery, sitting in my own room, at
eleven o'clock this finest of all April morn-
ings, a freed man, with £441 a-year for
the remainder of my life, live I as long
as John Dennis, who outlived his annuity
and starved at ninety.
" I came home FOR EVER on Tuesday
of last week. The incomprehensibleness
of my condition overwhelmed me. It was
like passing from life into eternity. Every
year to be as long as three ; i. e.ftb have
three times as much real time — time that
is my own in it ! I wandered about think-
ing I was happy, but feeling I was not.
But that tumultuousness is passing off,
and I begin to understand the nature of
the gift."
And to Bernard Barton he writes :
" My spirits are so tumultuary with
the novelty of my recent emancipation,
that 1 have scarce steadiness of hand,
much more of mind, to compose a letter.
I am free, Bernard Barton — free as air !
' The little bird, that wings the sky,
Knows no such liberty.'
I was set free on Tuesday in last week at
four o'clock. I came home for ever !
" I have been describing my feelings,
as well as I can, to Wordsworth, and
care not to repeat. Take it briefly, that
for a few days I was painfully oppressed
by so mighty a change, but it is becoming
daily more natural to me. I went and
sat among them all, at my old thirty-
three years' desk yester morning; and
deuce take me, if I had not yearnings at
leaving all my old pen-and-ink fellows,
merry sociable lads, at leaving them in
the lurch — fag, fag, fag ! The comparison
of my own superior felicity gave me any-
thing but pleasure.
" B. B., I would not serve another
seven years for seven hundred thousand
pounds ! I have got £440 net for life,
with a provision for Mary if she survives
me. I will live another fifty years."
But to live without any steady
compulsory occupation requires an
apprenticeship as much as any other
mode of life. An idle man ought to
be bora and bred to the profession.
With Lamb, literature could be no-
thing but an amusement, and for a
VOL. LXVI.— SO. CCCCVI.
mere amusement literature is far too
laborious. It cannot, indeed, serve
long as an amusement except when it
is adopted also as a labour. He was
destined, therefore, to make the hu-
miliating discovery, which so many
have made before him, that one may
have too much time, as well as too
little, at one's own disposal. Writing
to the same Bernard Barton, a year
or two afterwards, he says : —
" What I can do, and over-do, is to
walk ; but deadly long are the days,
these summer all-day days, with but a
half-hour's candle-light and no fire-light.
I do not write, tell your kind inquisitive
Eliza, and can hardly read. 'Tis cold
work authorship, without something to
puff one into fashion. ... I assure
you no work is worse than over-work. The
mind preys on itself, the most unwhole-
some food. I bragged, formerly, that I
could not have too much time. I have a
surfeit ; with few years to come, the days
are wearisome. But weariness is not
eternal. Something will shine out to
take the load off that crushes me, which
is at present intolerable. I have killed
an hour or two in this poor scrawl. Well ;
I shall write merrier anon. 'Tis the pre-
sent copy of my countenance I send, and
to complain is a little to alleviate."
He had taken a house at Enfield,
but the cares of housekeeping were
found to be burdensome to Miss Lamb,
and they took up their abode as
boarders in the house of a neighbour.
To this circumstance he alludes in the
following extract from a letter to
Wordsworth, which is the last we
shall make, and with which we shall
bid farewell to our subject. It will
be found to be not the least remark-
able amongst the letters of Lamb, and
contains one passage, we think, -the
boldest piece of extravagance that
ever humorist ventured upon with suc-
cess. It just escapes ! — and, indeed, it
rather takes away our breath at its
boldness than prompts to merriment.
" January 2, 1831.
" And is it a year since we parted from
you at the steps of Edmonton stage ?
There are not now the years that there
used to be. The tale of the dwindled
age of men, reported of successional man-
kind, is true of the same man only. We
do not live a year in a year now. 'Tis a
punctum stans. The seasons pass with
indifference. Spring cheers not, nor win-
ter heightens our gloom ; autumn hath
150
diaries Lamb.
[Aug.
foregone its moralities. Let the sullen
nothing pass. Suffice it, that after sad
spirits, prolonged through many of its
months, we have cast our skins ; have
taken a farewell of the pompous, trouble-
some trifle, called housekeeping, and are
settled down into poor boarders and lodg-
ers at next door, the Baucis and Baucida
of dull Enfield. Here we have nothing
to do with our victuals but to eat them ;
with the garden but to see it grow ; with
the tax-gatherer but to hear him knock ;
with the maid but to hear her scolded.
Scot and lot, butcher, baker, are things
unknown to us, save as spectators of the
pageant. We are fed we know not how ;
quieted — confiding ravens. Yet in the
self-condemned obliviousness, in the stag-
nation, some molesting yearnings of life,
not quite killed, rise, prompting me that
there was a London, and that I was of
that old Jerusalem. In dreams I am in
Fleet Market, but I wake and cry to
sleep again. I die hard, a stubborn
Eloisa in this detestable Paraclete. What
have I gained by health ? Intolerable
dulness. What by early hours and mo-
derate meals ? A total blank. Oh ! let
no native Londoner imagine that health,
and rest, and innocent occupation, inter-
change of converse sweet, and recreative
study, can make the country anything
bettet than altogether odious and detest-
able. A garden was the primitive prison,
till man, with Promethean felicity and
boldness, luckily sinned himself out of
it."
Any further summary than what
•we have already given, of the literary
character of Lamb, would be only
tedious. He is one who will be
generally liked, who with a smaller
class will be greatly admired, and
who will never excite hostile criti-
cism, unless his injudicious friends
shall elevate him to a higher pedestal
than is due to him, or than he is
manifestly fit to occupy. Such is the
cold and calm verdict with which cri-
ticism must dismiss him. But those
who 4iave thoroughly enjoyed the
essays of Elia and the letters of Lamb,
will feel a warmer, a more partial
affection than Criticism knows well
how to express: she becomes some-
what impatient of her own enforced
gravity; she would willingly throw
away those scales with which, like
Justice, we suppose, she is symboli-
cally supplied, and, embracing the
man as he is, laugh and be pleased
with the rest of the world, without
further thought of the matter.
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part A'F.
151
THE CAXTONS. — PART XV.
CHAPTER LXXXIV.
" PLEASE, sir, be this note for you?"
asked the waiter.
" For me — yes ; it is my name."
I did not recognise the handwriting,
and yet the note was from one whose
writing I had often seen. But for-
merly the writing was cramped, stiff,
perpendicular, (a feigned hand, though
I guessed not it was feigned ;) now
it was hasty, irregular, impatient —
scarce a letter formed, scarce a word
that seemed finished — and yet strange-
ly legible withal, as the handwriting
of a bold man almost always is. I
opened the note listlessly, and
read —
" I have watched for you all the
morning. I saw her go. Well ! — I
did not throw myself under the hoofs
of the horses. I write this in a pub-
lic-house, not far. Will you follow,
the bearer, and see once again the
outcast whom all the rest of the world
will shun ?"
Though I did not recognise the
hand, there could be no doubt who
was the writer.
" The boy wants to know if there's
an answer," said the waiter.
I nodded, took up my hat, and left
the room. A ragged boy was stand-
ing in the yard, and scarcely six words
passed between us, before I was fol-
lowing him through a narrow lane
that faced the inn, and terminated in
a turnstile. Here the boy paused,
and, making me a sign to go on, went
back his way whistling. I passed the
turnstile, and found myself in a green
field, with a row of stunted willows
hanging over a narrow rill. I looked
round, and saw Vivian (as I intend
still to call him) half kneeling, and
seemingly intent upon some object in
the grass.
My eye followed his mechanically.
A young unfledged bird, that had left
the nest too soon, stood, all still and
alone, on the bare short sward — its
beak open as for food, its gaze fixed
on us with a wistful stare. Methought
there was something in the forlorn
bird that softened me more to the for-
lorner youth, of whom it seemed a
type.
" Now," said Vivian, speaking half
to himself, half to me, " did the bird
fall from the nest, or leave the nest at
its own wild whim ? The parent does
not protect it. Mind, I say not it is
the parent's fault — perhaps the fault
is all with the wanderer. But, look
you, though the parent is not here,
the foe is ! — yonder, see !"
And the young man pointed to a
large brindled cat, that, kept back
from its prey by our unwelcome neigh-
bourhood, still remained watchful, a
few paces off, stirring its tail gently
backwards and forwards, and with
that stealthy look in its round eyes,
dulled by the sun — half fierce, half
frightened — which belongs to its tribe,
when man conies between the de-
vourer and the victim.
" I do see," said I, " but a passing
footstep has saved the bird,!"
"Stop!" said Vivian, laying my
hand on his own, and with his old
bitter smile on his lip — " stop ! do
you think it mercy to save the bird ?
What from ? and what for? From a
natural enemy — from a short pang
and a quick death ? Fie ! — is not that
better than slow starvation? or, if
you take more heed of it, than the
prison- bars of a cage? You cannot
restore the nest, you cannot recall
the parent. Be wiser in your mercy :
leave the bird to its gentlest fate-!"
I looked hard on Vivian; the lip
had lost the bitter smile. He rose
and turned away. I sought to, take
up the poor bird, but it did not know
its friends, and ran from me, chirping
piteously — ran towards the very jaws
of the grim enemy. I was only just
in time to scare away the beast, which
sprang up a tree, and glared down
through the hanging boughs. Then I
followed the bird, and, as I followed,
I heard, not knowing at first whence
the sound came, a short, quick, tremu-
lous note. Was it near ? was it far ?
— from the earth ? in the sky ? Poor
parent-bird ! — like parent-love, it
152
seemed now far and now near ; now
on earth, now in sky !
And at last, quick and sudden, as if
born of the space, lo ! the little wings
hovered over me !
The Cfutons.— Part XV. [Aug.
The young bird halted, and I also-
" Come," said I, "ye have found each
other at last — settle it between you'.'"
I went back to the outcast.
CHAPTER LXXXV.
PISISTRATUS. — How came yon to
know we had stayed in the town ?
VIVIAN. — Do you think I could re-
main where you left me ? I wandered
out — wandered hither. Passing at
dawn through yon streets, I saw the
ostlers loitering by the gates of the
yard, overheard them talk, and so
knew you were all at the inn — all !
(He sighed heavily.)
PISISTRATUS. — Your poor father is
very ill ! O cousin, how could you
fling from yoit so much love !
VIVIAN. — Love ! — his ! — my fa-
ther's !
PISISTRATUS. — Do you really not
believe, then, that your father loved
yon?
VIVIAN. — If I had believed it, I had
never left him ! All the gold of the
Indies had never bribed me to leave
my mother !
PISISTRATUS. — This is indeed a
strange misconception of yours. If
we can remove it, all may be well yet.
Need there now be any secrets be-
tween us ? (persuasively.) Sit down,
and tell me all, cousin.
After some hesitation, Vivian com-
plied; and by the clearing of his brow,
and the very tone of his voice, I felt
sure that he was no longer seeking to
disguise the truth. But, as I after-
wards learned the father's tale as well
as now the son's, so, instead of re-
peating Vivian's words, which — not
by design, but by the twist of a mind
habitually wrong — distorted the facts,
I will state what appears to me the
real case, as between the parties so
unhappily opposed. Reader, pardon
me if the recital be tedious. And if
thou thinkest that I bear not hard
enough on the erring hero of the
story, remember that he who recites
judges as Austin's son must judge of
Roland's.
CHAPTER LXXXVI.
VIVIAN.
AT THE ENTRANCE OF LIFE SITS — THE MOTHER.
It was during the war in Spain that
a severe wound, and the fever which
ensued, detained Roland at the house
of a Spanish widow. His hostess had
once been rich ; but her fortune had
been ruined in the general calamities
of the country. She had an only
daughter, who assisted to nurse and
tend the wounded Englishman ; and
when the time approached for Ro-
land's departure, the frank grief of
the young Ramouna betrayed the
impression that the guest had made
upon her affections. Much of grati-
tude, and something, it might be, of an
exquisite sense of honour, aided, in
Holand's breast, the charm naturally
produced by the beauty of his young
nurse, and the knightly compassion he
felt for her rained fortunes and deso-
late condition.
In one of those hasty impulses
common to a generous nature — and
which too often fatally vindicate the
rank of Prudence amidst the tutelary
Powers of Life — Roland committed
the error of marriage with a girl of
whose connexions he knew nothing,
and of whose nature little more than
its warm spontaneous susceptibility.
In a few days subsequent to these
rash nuptials, Roland rejoined the
march of the army ; nor was he able
to return to Spain till after the crown-
ing victory of Waterloo.
Maimed by the loss of a limb, and
with the scars of many a noble wound
still fresh, Roland then hastened to a
1849.J
The Caxtons.—Patt XV.
153
home the dreams of which had soothed
the bed of pain, and now replaced the
earlier visions of renown. During
his absence a son had been born to
him — a son whom he might rear to
take the place he had left in his coun-
try's service ; to renew, in some fu-
ture fields, a career that had failed
the romance of his own antique and
chivalrous ambition. As soon as that
news had reached him, his care had
been to provide an English nurse for
the infant — so that, with the first
sounds of the mother's endearments,
the child might yet hear a voice from
the father's land. A female relation
of Bolt's had settled in Spain, and
was induced to undertake this duty. Na-
tural as this appointment was1 to a man
so devotedly English, it displeased his
wild and passionate Eamouna. She
had that mother's jealousy, strongest
in minds uneducated ; she had also
that peculiar pride which belongs to
her country-people, of every rank
and condition ; the jealousy and the
pride were both wounded by the sight
of the English nurse at the child's
cradle.
That Roland, on regaining his Spa-
nish hearth, should be disappointed in
his expectations of the happiness
awaiting him there, was the inevi-
table condition of such a marriage ;
since, not the less for his military
bluntness, Roland had that refinement
of feeling, perhaps over-fastidious,
which belongs to all natures essen-
tially poetic ; and as the first illusions
of love died away, there could have
been little indeed congenial to his
stately temper in one divided from
him by an utter absence of education,
and by the strong but nameless dis-
tinctions of national views and man-
ners. The disappointment probably,
however, went deeper than that
which usually attends an ill-assorted
union; for, instead of bringing his
wife to his old tower, (an expatria-
tion which she would doubtless have
resisted to the utmost,) he accepted,
maimed as he was, not very long after
his return to Spain, the offer of a
military post under Ferdinand. The
Cavalier doctrines and intense loyalty
of Roland attached him, without reflec-
tion, to the service of a throne which
the English arras had contributed to
establish ; while the extreme unpopu-
larity of the Constitutional Party in
Spain, and the stigma of irreligion
fixed to it by the priests, aided to
foster Roland's belief that he was sup-
porting a beloved king against the
professors of those revolutionary and
Jacobinical doctrines, which to him
were the very atheism of politics.
The experience of a few years in the
service of a bigot so contemptible as
Ferdinand, whose highest object of
patriotism was the restoration of the
Inquisition, added another disappoint-
ment to those which had already em-
bittered the life of a man who had
seen in the grand hero of Cervantes
no follies to satirise, but high virtues
to imitate. Poor Quixote himself —
he came mournfully back to his La
Mancha, with no other reward for his
knight-errantry than a decoration
which he disdained to place beside his
simple Waterloo medal, and a grade
for which he would have blushed to
resign his more modest, but more
honourable English dignity.
But, still weaving hopes, the san-
guine man returned to his Penates.
His child now had grown from in-
fancy into boyhood— the child would
pass naturally into his care. Delight-
ful occupation ! — At the thought,
Home smiled again.
Now, behold the most pernicious
circumstance in this ill-omened con-
nexion.
The father of Ramouna had been
one of that strange and mysterious
race which presents in Spain so many
features distinct from the characteris-
tics of its kindred tribes in more civi-
lised lands. The Gitano, or gipsy of
Spain, is not the mere vagrant we see
on our commons and roadsides. Re-
taining, indeed, much of his lawless
principles and predatory inclinations,
he lives often in towns, exercises
various callings, and not unfrequently
becomes rich. A wealthy Gitano
had married a Spanish woman;*
Roland's wife had been the offspring
of this marriage. The Gitano had
died while Ramouna was yet ex-
tremely young, and her childhood had
* A Spaniard very rarely indeed marries a Gitdna or female gipsy. But occa-
sionally (observes Mr Borrow) a wealthy Gitano marries a Spanish female.
154
The Cantons.— Part XV.
[Aug.
been free from the influences of her
paternal kindred. But, though her
mother, retaining her own religion,
had brought up Ramouna in the same
-faith, pure from the godless creed of
the Gitano — and, at her husband's
death, had separated herself wholly
from his tribe — still she had lost caste
with her own kin and people. "And
while struggling to regain it, the for-
tune, which made her sole chance of
success in that attempt, was swept
away, so that she had remained apart
and solitary, and could bring no
friends to cheer the solitude of Ra-
mouna during Roland's absence. But,
while my uncle was still in the service
of Ferdinand, the widow died; and
then the only relatives who came
round Ramouna were her father's
kindred. They had not ventured to
claim affinity while her mother lived ;
and they did so now, by attentions
and caresses to her son. This opened
to them at once Ramouna's heart and
doors. Meanwhile, the English nurse
— who, in spite of all that could ren-
der her abode odious to her, had,
from strong love to her charge, stoutly
maintained her post — died, a few
weeks after Ramouna's mother, and
no healthful influence remained to
counteract those baneful ones to which
the heir of the honest old Caxtons
was subjected. But Roland returned
home in a humour to be pleased with
all things. Joyously he clasped his
wife to his breast, and thought, with
self-reproach, that he had forborne
too little, and exacted too much — he
would be wiser now. Delightedly he
acknowledged the beauty, the intelli-
gence, and manly bearing of the boy,
who played with his sword-knot, and
ran off with his pistols as a prize.
The news of the Englishman's
arrival at first kept the lawless kins-
folk from the house ; but they were
fond of the boy, and the boy of them,
and interviews between him and these
wild comrades, if stolen, were not less
frequent. Gradually Roland's eyes
became opened. As, in habitual in-
tercourse, the boy abandoned the re-
serve which awe and cunning at first
imposed, Roland was inexpressibly
shocked at the bold principles his son
affected, and at his utter incapacity
even to comprehend that plain honesty
and that frank honour which, to the
English soldier, seemed ideas innate
and heaven-planted. Soon after-
wards, Roland found that a system of
plunder was earned on in his house-
hold, and tracked it to the connivance
of the wife and the agency of the son,
for the benefit of lazy bravos and dis-
solute vagrants. A more patient man
than Roland might well have been
exasperated — a more wary man con-
founded, by this discovery. He took
the natural step — perhaps insisting on
it too summarily — perhaps not allow-
ing enough for the uncultured mind
and lively passions of his wife : he
ordered her instantly to prepare to
accompany him from the place, and
to give up all communication with her
kindred.
A vehement refusal ensued ; but
Roland was not a man to give up
such a point, and at length a false
submission, and a feigned repentance
soothed his resentment and obtained
his pardon. They moved several
miles from the place ; but where they
moved, there, some at least, and
those the worst, of the baleful brood,
stealthily followed. Whatever Ra-
mouna's earlier love for Roland had
been, it had evidently long ceased in
the thorough want of sympathy be-
tween them, and in that absence
which, if it renews a strong affection,
destroys an affection already weak-
ened. But the mother and son adored
each other with all the strength of
their strong, wild natures. Even un-
der ordinary circumstances, thefather's
influence over a boy yet in childhood
is exerted in vain, if the mother lend
herself to baffle it. And in this miser-
able position, what chance had the
blunt, stern, honest Roland (separated
from his son during the most ductile
years of infancy) against the ascend-
ency of a mother who humoured all
the faults, and gratified all the wishes,
of her darling ?
In his despair, Roland let fall the
threat that, if thus thwarted, it would
become his duty to withdraw his son
from the mother. This threat in-
stantly hardened both hearts against
him. The wife represented Roland
to the boy as a tyrant, as an enemy
— as one who had destroyed all the
happiness they had before enjoyed in
each other — as one whose severity
showed that he hated his own child :
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Patt XV.
155
aud the boy believed her. In his own
.house a firm union was formed against
Roland, and protected by the cunning
which is the force of the weak against
the strong.
In spite of all, Roland could never
forget the tenderness with which the
young nurse had watched over the
wounded man, nor the love — genuine
for the hour, though not drawn from
the feelings which withstand the wear
and tear of life — that lips so beautiful
had pledged him in the bygone days.
These thoughts must have come per-
petually between his feelings and his
judgment, to embitter still more his
position — to harass still more his
heart. And if, by the strength of
that sense of duty which made the
force of his character, he could have
strung himself to the fulfilment of the
threat, humanity, at all events, com-
pelled him to delay it — his wife pro-
mised to be again a mother. Blanche
was bora. How could he take the
infant from the mother's breast, or
abandon the daughter to the fatal
influences from which only, by so
violent an effort, he could free the son ?
No wonder, poor Roland ! that those
deep furrows contracted thy bold
front, and thy hair greAv gray before
its time !
Fortunately, perhaps, for all par-
ties, Roland's wife died while Blanche
was still an infant. She was taken
ill of a fever — she died delirious,
clasping her boy to her breast, and
praying the saints to protect him from
his cruel father. How often that
deathbed haunted the son, and justi-
fied his belief that there was no pa-
rent's love in the heart which was
now his sole shelter from the world,
and the " pelting of its pitiless rain."
Again I say, poor Roland ! — for J know
that, in that harsh, unloving disrup-
ture of such solemn ties, thy large
generous heart forgot its wrongs;
again didst thou see tender eyes bend-
ing over the wounded stranger — again
hear low murmurs breathe the warm
weakness which the women of the
south deem it no shame to own. And
now did it all end in those ravings of
hate, and in that glazing gaze, of
terror !
CHAPTER LXXXVII.
THE PRECEPTOR.
Roland removed to France, and
fixed his abode in the environs of
Paris. He placed Blanche at a con-
vent in the immediate neighbourhood,
going to see her daily, and gave him-
self up to the education of his son.
The boy was apt to learn ; but to un-
learn was here the arduous task — and
for that task it would have needed
either the passionless experience, the
exquisite forbearance of a practised
teacher, or the love, and confidence,
and yielding heart of a believing
pupil. Roland felt that he was not
the man to be the teacher, and that
his son's heart remained obstinately
closed to him. He looked round, and
found at the other side of Paris what
seemed a suitable preceptor — a young
Frenchman of some distinction in
letters, more especially in science,
with all a Frenchman's eloquence of
talk, full of high-sounding sentiments,
that pleased the romantic enthusiasm
of the Captain ; so Roland, with san-
guine hopes, confided his son to this
man's care. The boy's natural quick-
ness mastered readily all that pleased
his taste ; he learned to speak and
write French with rare felicity and
precision. His tenacious memory,
and those flexile organs in which the
talent for languages is placed, served,
with the help of an English master,
to revive his earlier knowledge of his
father's tongue, and to enable him to
speak it with fluent correctness —
though there was always in his accent
something which had struck me as
strange ; but, not suspecting it to be
foreign, I had thought it a theatrical
affectation. He did not go far into
science — little farther, perhaps, 'than
a smattering of French mathematics ;
but he acquired a remarkable facility
and promptitude in calculation. He
devoured eagerly the light reading
thrown in his way, and picked up
thence that kind of knowledge which
novels and plays afford, for good or
156
The Oaxtons.—Part XV.
[Aug.
evil, according as the novel or the
play elevates the understanding and
ennobles the passions, or merely cor-
rupts the fancy, and lowers the stan-
dard of human nature. But of all
that Roland desired him to be taught,
the son remained as ignorant as be-
fore. Among the other misfortunes
of this ominous marriage, Roland's
wife had possessed all the supersti-
tions of a Roman Catholic Spaniard,
and with these the boy had uncon-
sciously intermingled doctrines far
more dreary, imbibed from the dark
paganism of the Gitanos.
Roland had sought a Protestant for
his son's tutor. The preceptor was
nominally a Protestant — a biting
derider of all superstitions indeed !
He was such a Protestant as some
defender of Voltaire's religion says
the Great Wit would have been had
he lived in a Protestant country. The
Frenchman laughed the boy out of
his superstitions, to leave behind them
the sneering scepticism of the Ency-
clopedic, without those redeeming
ethics on which all sects of philosophy
are agreed, but which, unhappily, it
requires a philosopher to comprehend.
This preceptor was doubtless not
aware of the mischief he was doing ;
and for the rest, he taught his pupil
after his own system — a mild and
plausible one, very much like the
system we at home are recommended
to adopt — " Teach the understanding,
all else will follow ;" " Learn to read
something, and it will all come right;"
" Follow the bias of the pupil's mind ;
thus you develop genius, not thwart
it." Mind, Understanding, Genius —
fine things ! But, to educate the whole
man, you must educate something
more than these. Not for want of
mind, understanding, genius, have
Borgias and Neros left their names
as monuments of horror to mankind.
Where, in all this teaching, was one
lesson to warm the heart and guide
the soul ?
O mother mine ! that the boy had
etood by thy knee, and heard from thy
lips, why life was given us, in what
life shall end, and how heaven stands
open to us night and day ! O father
mine! that thou hadst been his pre-
ceptor, not in book-learning, but the
heart's simple wisdom ! Oh ! that he
had learned from thee, in parables
closed with practice, the happiness of
self-sacrifice, and how "good deeds,
should repair the bad !"
It was the misfortune of this boy,
with his daring and his beauty, that
there was in his exterior and his
manner that which attracted indulgent
interest, and a sort of compassionate
admiration. The Frenchman liked
him — believed his story — thought him
ill-treated by that hard-visaged Eng-
lish soldier. All English people were
so disagreeable, particularly English
soldiers ; and the Captain once mor-
tally offended the Frenchman, by call-
ing Vilainton un grand homme, and
denying, with brutal indignation, that
the English had poisoned Napoleon !
So, instead of teaching the son to love
and revere his father, the Frenchman
shrugged his shoulders when the boy
broke into some unfilial complaint,
and at most said, " Mais, clier enfant,
ton pere est Anglais — c'est tout dire."
Meanwhile, as the child sprang rapidly
into precocious youth, he was per-
mitted a liberty in his hours of leisure,
of which he availed himself with all
the zest of his early habits and adven-
turous temper. He formed acquaint-
ances among the loose young haunters
of cafes, and spendthrifts of that
capital — the wits ! He became an
excellent swordsman and pistol-shot
— adroit in all games in -which skill
helps fortune. He learned betimes to
furnish himself with money, by the
cards and the billiard-balls.
But, delighted with the easy home
he had obtained, he took care to
school his features, and smooth his
manner, in his father's visits — to
make the most of what he had learned
of less ignoble knowledge, and, with
his characteristic imitativeness, to
cite the finest sentiments he had found
in his plays and novels. What father
is not credulous? Roland believed,
and wept tears of joy. And now he
thought the time was come to take
back the boy — to return with a worthy
heir to the old Tower. He thanked
and blest the tutor — he took the son.
But, under pretence that he had yet
some things to master, whether in
book knowledge or manly accom-
plishments, the youth begged his
father, at all events, not yet to return
to England — to let him attend his
tutor daily for some months. Roland
1-849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
157
consented, moved from his old quar-
ters, and took a lodging for both in
the same suburb as that in which the
teacher resided. But soon, when
they were under one roof, the boy's
habitual tastes, and his repugnance
to all paternal authority, were be-
trayed. To do my unhappy cousin
justice, (such as that justice is,)
though he had the cunning for a short
disguise, he had not the hypocrisy to
maintain systematic deceit. He could
play a part for a while, from an
exulting joy in his. own address ; but
he could not wear a mask with the
patience of cold-blooded dissimula-
tion. Why enter into painful details,
so easily divined by the intelligent
reader ? The faults of the son were
precisely those to which Roland would
be least indulgent. To the ordinary
scrapes of high-spirited boyhood, no
father, I am sure, would have been
more lenient ; but to anything that
seemed low, petty — that grated on
him as gentleman and soldier — there,
not for worlds would I have braved
the darkness of his frown, and the
woe that spoke like scorn in his voice.
And when, after all warning and pro-
hibition were in vain, Roland found
his son, in the.middle of the night, in
a resort of gamblers and sharpers,
carrying all before him with his cue,
in the full flush of triumph, and a
great heap of five-franc pieces before
him — you may conceive with what
wrath the proud, hasty, passionate
man, drove out, cane in hand, the
obscene associates, flinging after them
the son's ill-gotten gains ; and with
what resentful humiliation the son
was compelled to follow the father
home. Then Roland took the boy to
England, but not _to the old Tower ;
that hearth of his ancestors was still
too sacred for the footsteps of the
vagrant heir !
CHAPTER LXXXVIII.
THE HEARTH WITHOUT TRUST, AND THE WORLD WITHOUT A GUIDE.
And then, vainly grasping at every
argument his blunt sense could sug-
gest— then talked Roland much and
grandly of the duties men owed —
even if they threw off all love to their
father — still to their father's name ;
and then his pride, always so lively,
grew irritable and harsh, and seemed,
no doubt, to the perverted ears of the
son, unlovely and unloving. And
that pride, without serving one pur-
pose of good, did yet more mischief;
for the youth caught the disease, but
in a wrong way. And he said to
himself, —
" Ho ! then my father is a great
man, with all these ancestors and big
words ! And he has lands and a
castle — and yet how miserably we
live, and how he stints me! But if
he has cause for pride in all these
dead men, why, so have I. And are
these lodgings, these appurtenances,
fit for the ' gentleman ' he says I
am?"
Even in England, the gipsy blood
broke out as before ; and the youth
found vagrant associates, heaven
knows how or where ; and straBge-
tooking forms, gaudily shabby, and
disreputably smart, were seen lurking
in the corner of the street, or peering
in at the window, slinking off if they
saw Roland — and Roland could not
stoop to be a spy. And the son's
heart grew harder and harder against
his father, and his father's face now
never smiled on him. Then bills
came in, and duns knocked at the
door. Bills and duns to a man who
shrunk from the thought of a debt, as
an ermine from a spot on its hide !
And the son's short answer to remon-
strance was, — " Am I not a gentlte-
man? — these are the things gentle-
men require." Then perhaps Roland
remembered the experiment of his
French friend, and left his bureau
unlocked, and said, " Ruin me if you
will, but no debts. There is money
in those drawers — they are unlocked."
That trust would for ever have cured
of extravagance a youth with a high
and delicate sense of honour: the
pupil of the Gitanos did not under-
stand the trust : he thought it con-
veyed a natural though ungracious
permission to take out what he
wanted— and he took ! To Roland
this seemed a theft, and a theft of the
158
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
[Aug.
coarsest kind : but when he so said,
the son started indignant, and saw in
that which had been so touching an
appeal to his honour, but a trap to
decoy him into disgrace. In short,
neither could understand the other.
Roland forbade his son to stir from
the house ; and the young man the
same. night let himself out, and stole
forth into the wide world, to enjoy jor
defy it in his own wild way.
It would be tedious to follow him
through his various adventures and
experiments on fortune, (even if I
knew them all, which I do not.) And
now, putting altogether aside his right
name, which he had voluntarily aban-
doned, and not embarrassing the
reader with the earlier aliases as-
sumed, I shall give to my unfortu-
nate kinsman the name by which I
first knew him, and continue to do so,
until — heaven grant the time may
come! — having first redeemed, he may
reclaim, his own. It was in joining a
set of strolling players that Vivian
became acquainted with Peacock;
and that worthy, who had many
strings to his bow, soon grew aware
of Vivian's extraordinary skill with
the cue, and saw therein a better
mode of making their joint fortunes
than the boards of an itinerant Thespts
furnished to either. Vivian listened
to him, and it was while their inti-
macy was most fresh that I met them
on the highroad. That chance meet-
ing produced (if I may be allowed to
believe his assurance) a strong, and,
for the moment, a salutary effect iipon
Vivian. The comparative innocence
and freshness of a boy's mind were
new to him ; the elastic healthful
spirits with which those gifts were
accompanied startled him, by the
contrast to his own forced gaiety and
secret gloom. And this boy was his
own cousin !
Coming afterwards to London, he
adventured inquiry at the hotel in the
Strand at which I had given my
address ; learned where we were ;
and, passing one night in the street,
saw my uncle at the window — to
recognise and to fly from him. Hav-
ing then some money at his disposal,
he broke off abruptly from the set into
which he had been thrown. He re-
solved to return to France — he would
try for a more respectable mode of
existence. He had not found happi-
ness in that liberty he had won, nor
room for the ambition that began to
gnaw him, in those pursuits from
which his father had vainly warned
him. His most reputable friend
was his old tutor ; he would go to
him. He went ; but the tutor was
now married, and was himself a
father, and that made a wonderful
alteration in his practical ethics. It
was no longer moral to aid the son
in rebellion to his father. Vivian
evinced his usual sarcastic haughti-
ness at the reception he met, and was
requested civilly to leave the house.
Then again he flung himself on his
wits at Paris. But there were plenty
of wits there sharper than his own.
He got into some quarrel with the
police — not indeed for any dishonest
practices of his own, but from an
unwary acquaintance with others less
scrupulous, and deemed it prudent to
quit France. Tans had I met him
again, forlorn and ragged, in the
streets of London.
Meanwhile Roland, after the first
vain search, had yielded to the indig-
nation and disgust that had longrankled
within him. His son had thrown off
his authority, because it preserved
him from dishonour. His ideas of
discipline were stern, and patience
had been wellnigh crushed out of his
heart. He thought he could bear to
resign his son to his fate — to disown
him, and to say, " I have no more a
son." It was in this mood that he had
first visited our house. But when, on
that memorable night in which he had
narrated to his thrilling listeners the
dark ta]o of a fellow- sufferer's woe and
crime — betraying in the tale, to my
father's quick sympathy, his own sor-
row and passion — it did not need much
of his gentler brother's subtle art to
learn or guess the whole, nor much
of Austin's mild persuasion to con-
vince Roland that he had not yet
exhausted all efforts to track the wan-
derer and reclaim the en-ing child.
Then he had gone to London — then he
had sought every spot which the out-
cast would probably haunt — then had
he saved and pinched from his own
necessities, to have wherewithal to
.enter theatres and gaming-houses, and
fee the agencies of police ; then had
he seen the form for which he had
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Tlie Caxtons.—Part XV.
159
watched and pined, in the street below
his window, and cried in a joyous de-
lusion, " He repents !" One day a let-
ter reached my uncle, through his
banker's, from the French tutor, (who
knew of no other means of tracing Ro-
land but through the house by which
his salary had been paid,) informing
him of his son's visit. Roland started
instantly for Paris. Arriving there, he
could only learn of his son through
the police, and from them only learn
that he had been seen in the company
of accomplished swindlers, who were
already in the hands of justice ; but
that the youth himself, whom there
was nothing to criminate, had been
suffered to quit Paris, and had taken,
it was supposed, the road to England.
Then at last the poor Captain's stout
heart gave way. His son the com-
panion of swindlers ! — could he be sure
that he was not their accomplice ? If
not yet, how small the step between
companionship and participation ! He
took the child left him still from the
convent, returned to England, and
arrived there to be seized with fever
and delirium — apparently on the same
clay (or a day before that on which)
•the son had dropped shelterless and
penniless on the stones of London.
CHAPTER T.TXTTT.
THE ATTEMPT TO BUILD A TEMPLE TO FORTUNE OUT OF THE RUINS OF HOME.
" But," said Vivian, pursuing his
tale, " but when you came to my aid,
not knowing me — when you relieved
me — when from your own lips, for the
first time, I heard words that praised
me, and for qualities that implied I
might yet be ' worth much.'— Ah ! (he
added mournfully,) I remember the
very words — a new light broke upon
me — struggling and dim, but light
still. The ambition with which I had
sought the truckling Frenchman re-
vived, and took worthier and more
definite form. I would lift myself
above the mire, make a name, rise in
life!"
Vivian's head drooped, but he raised
it quickly, and laughed — his low mock-
ing laugh. What follows of his tale
may be told succinctly. Retaining
his bitter feelings towards his father,
he resolved to continue his incognito
— he gave himself a name likely to
mislead conjecture, if I conversed of
him to my family, since he knew that
Roland was aware that a Colonel
Vivian had been afflicted by a runaway
son — and, indeed, the talk upon that
subject had first put the notion of
flight into his own head. He caught at
the idea of becoming known to Tre-
vanion ; but he saw reasons to forbid
his being indebted to me for the intro-
duction— to forbid my knowing where
lie was : sooner or later, that know-
ledge could scarcely fail to end in the
discovery of his real name. Fortu-
nately, as he deemed, for the plans he
began to meditate, we were all leaving
London — he should have the stage to
himself. And then boldly he resolved
upon what he regarded as the master
scheme of life — viz., to obtain a small
pecuniary independence, and to eman-
cipate himself formally and entirely
from his father's control. Aware of
poor Roland's chivalrous reverence
for his name, firmly persuaded that
Roland had no love for the son, but
only the dread that the son might
disgrace him, he determined to avail
himself of his father's prejudices in
order to effect his purpose.
He wrote a short letter to Roland,
(that letter which had given the poor
man so sanguine a joy — that letter
after reading which he had said to
Blanche, " Pray for me.") stating
simply, that he wished to see his fa-
ther ; and naming a tavern in the city
for the meeting.
The interview took place. And
when Roland, love and forgiveness in
his heart — but (who shall blame him?)
dignity on his brow, and rebuke in his
eye — approached, ready at a word to
fling himself on the boy's breast, Vi-
vian, seeing only the outer signs, and
interpreting them by his own senti-
ments— recoiled ; folded his arms on
his bosom, and said coldly, " Spare
me reproach, sir — it is unavailing. I
seek you only to propose that you
shall save your name, and resign your
son."
Then, intent perhaps but to gain
160
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
[Aug.
his object, the unhappy youth de-
clared his fixed determination never
to live with his father, never to acqui-
esce in his authority, resolutely to
pursue his own career, whatever that
career might be, explaining none of
the circumstances that appeared most
in his disfavour — rather, perhaps,
thinking that, the worse his father
judged of him, the more chance he
had to achieve his purpose. " All I
ask of you," he said, " is this : Give
me the least you can afford to pre-
serve me from the temptation to rob,
or the necessity to starve ; and I, in
my turn, promise never to molest you
in life — never to degrade you in my
death ; whatever my misdeeds, they
will never reflect on yourself, for you
«hall never recognise the misdoer!
The name you prize so highly shall
be spared." Sickened and revolted,
Roland attempted no argument — there
was that in the son's cold manner
which shut out hope, and against
which his pride rose indignant. A
meeker man might have remonstrated,
implored, and wept — that was not in
Roland's nature. He had but the
choice of three evils, to say to his
son : " Fool, I command thee to fol-
low me ;" or say, " Wretch, since
thou wouldst cast me off as a stranger,
as a stranger I say to thee — Go,
starve or rob, as thou wilt !" or last-
ly, to bow his proud head, stunned
by the blow, and say, " Thou refusest
me the obedience of the son, thou de-
mandest to be as the dead to me. I
can control thee not from vice, I can
guide thee not to virtue. Thou wouldst
sell me the name I have inherited
stainless, and have as stainless borne.
Be it so ! — Name thy price !"
And something like this last was
the father's choice.
He listened, and was long silent ;
and then he said slowly, " Pause be-
fore you decide."
" I have paused long — my decision
is made! this is the last time we
meet. I see before me now the way
to fortune, fairly, honourably ; you can
aid me in it only in the way I have
said. Reject me now, and the option
may never come again to either !"
And then Roland said to himself,
" I have spared and saved for this
son ; what care I for aught else than
enough to live without debt, creep
into a corner, and await the grave !
And the more I can give, why the
better chance that he will abj ure the vile
associate and the desperate course."
And so, out of that small income,
Roland surrendered to the rebel child
more than the half.
Vivian was not aware of his father's
fortune — he did not suppose the sum
of two hundred pounds a-year was an
allowance so disproportioned to Ro-
land's means — yet when it was named,
even he was struck by the generosity
of one to whom he himself had given
the right to say, " I take thee at thy
word ; 'just enough not to starve!' "
But then that hateful cynicism
which, caught from bad men and evil
books, he called "knowledge of the
world," made him think, " it is not for
me, it is only for his name ;" and he
said aloud, "I accept these terms,
sir ; here is the address of a solicitor
with whom yours can settle them.
Farewell for ever."
At those last words Roland started,
and stretched out his arms vaguely
like a blind man. But Vivian had
already thrown open the window,
(the room was on the ground floor)
and sprang upon the sill. " Fare-
well," he repeated : " tell the world I
am dead."
He leapt into the street, and the
father drew in the outstretched arms,
smote his heart, and said — "Well,
then, my task in the world of man is
over ! I will back to the old ruin —
the wreck to the wrecks — and the
sight of tombs I have at least rescued
from dishonour shall comfort me for
all!"
CHAPTER XC.
THE RESULTS — PERVERTED AMBITION — SELFISH PASSION — THE INTELLECT DISTORTED
BY THE CROOKEDNESS OF THE HEART.
Vivian's schemes thus prospered, gentleman — an independence modest
He had an income that permitted indeed, but independence still. We
him the outward appearances of a were all gone from London. One
1849.]
letter to me, with the postmark of
the town near which Colonel Vivian
lived, sufficed to confirm my belief in
his parentage, and in his return to his
friends. He then presented himself
to Trevanion as the young man whose
pen I had employed in the member's
service ; and knowing that I had
never mentioned his name to Treya-
nion — for without Vivian's permission
I should not, considering his apparent
trust in me, have deemed myself
authorised to do so — he took that of
Gower, which he selected haphazard
from an old Court Guide, as having
the advantage in common with most
names borne by the higher nobility of
England, viz., of not being confined,
as the ancient names of iintitled gen-
tlemen usually are, to the members of
a single family. And when, with his
usual adaptability and suppleness, he
had contrived to lay aside, or smooth
over, whatever in his manners would
be calculated to displease Trevanion,
and had succeeded in exciting the
interest which that generous states-
man always conceived for ability, he
owned candidly, one day, in the pre-
sence of Lady Ellinor — for his experi-
ence had taught him the comparative
ease with which the sympathy of
woman is enlisted in anything that
appeals to the imagination, or seems
out of the ordinary beat of life — that
lie had reasons for concealing his
connexions for the present — that he
had cause to believe I suspected what
they were, and, from mistaken regard
for his welfare, might acquaint his
relations with his whereabout. He
therefore begged Trevanion, if the
latter had occasion to write to me,
not to mention him. This promise
Trevanion gave, though reluctantly ;
for the confidence volunteered to him
seemed to exact the promise ; but as
he detested mystery of all kinds, the
avowal might have been fatal to any
farther acquaintance ; and under aus-
pices so doubtful, there would have
been no chance of his obtaining that
intimacy in Trevanion's house which
he desired to establish, but for an
accident which at once opened that
house to him almost as a home.
Vivian had always treasured a lock
of his mother's hair, cut off on her
deathbed ; and when he was at his
French tutor's, his first pocket-money
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
1G1
had been devoted to the purchase of
a locket, on which he had caused to
be inscribed his own name and his
mother's. Through all his wander-
ings he had worn this relic ; and in
the direst pangs of want, no hunger
had been keen enough to induce him
to part with it. Now, one morning
the ribbon that suspended the locket
gave way, and his eye resting on the
names inscribed on the gold,he thought,
in his own vague sense of right, im-
perfect as it was, that his compact
with his father obliged him to have
the names erased. He took it to a
jeweller in Piccadilly for that purpose,
and gave the requisite order, not
taking notice of a lady in the further
part of the shop. The locket was
still on the counter after Vivian had
left, when the lady coming forward
observed it, and saw the names on
the surface. She had been struck by
the peculiar tone of the voice, which
she had heard before ; and that very
day Mr Gower received a note from
Lady Ellinor Trevanion, requesting
to see him. Much wondering, he
went. Presenting him with the
locket, she said smiling, "There is
only one gentleman in the world who
calls himself De Caxton, unless it be
his son. Ah! I see now why you
wished to conceal yourself from my
friend Pisistratus. But how is this ?
can you have any difference with
your father ? Confide in me, or it is
my duty to write to him."
Even Vivian's powers of dissimula-
tion abandoned him, thus taken by
surprise. He saw no alternative but
to trust Lady Ellinor with his secret,
and implore her to respect it. And
then he spoke bitterly of his father's
dislike to him, and his own resolution
to prove the injustice of that dislike
by the position he would himself
establish in the world. At present,
his father believed him dead, and
perhaps was not ill- pleased to think
so. He would not dispel that belief
till he could redeem any boyish errors,
and force his family to be proud to
acknowledge him.
Though Lady Ellinorwas slow to be-
lieve that Roland could dislike his son,
she could yet readily believe that he
was harsh and chpleric,with a soldier's
high notions of discipline ; the young
man's story moved her, his determina-
162
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
tion pleased her own high spirit ; —
always with a touch of romance in
her, and always sympathising with
each desire of ambition — she entered
into Vivian's aspirations with an
alacrity that surprised himself. She
was charmed with the idea of mini-
stering to the son's fortunes, and
ultimately reconciling him to the
father, — through her own agency ; —
it would atone for any fault of which
Roland could accuse herself in the
old time.
She undertook to impart the secret
to Trevanion, for she would have no
secrets from him, and to secure his
acquiescenece in its concealment from
all others.
And here I must a little digress from
the chronological course of my expla-
natory narrative, to inform the reader
that, when Lady Ellinor had her in-
terview with Roland, she had been
repelled by the sternness of his manner
from divulging Vivian's secret. But
on her first attempt to sound or conci-
liate him, she had begun with some
eulogies on Trevanion's new friend
and assistant, Mr Gower, and had
awakened _ Roland's suspicions of
that person's identity with his son
— suspicions which had given him a
terrible interest in our joint deliver-
ance of Miss Trevanion. But so
heroically had the poor soldier sought
to resist his own fears, that on the way
he shrank to put to me the questions
that might paralyse the energies which,
whatever the answer, were then so
much needed. " For," said he to my
father, " I felt the blood surging to my
temples ; and if I had said to Pisis-
tratus, ' Describe this man,' and by
his description I had recognised my
sou, and dreaded lest I might be too
late to arrest him from so treacherous
a crime, my brain would have given
way ; — and so I did not dare !"
I return to the thread of my story.
From the time that Vivian confided in
Lady Ellinor, the way was cleared to
his most ambitious hopes ; and though
his acquisitions were not sufficiently
scholastic and various to permit Tre-
vanion to select him as a secretary,
yet, short of sleeping at the house, he
was little less intimate there than I
had been.
Among Vivian's schemes of ad-
vancement, that of winning the hand
and heart of the great heiress had not
been one of the least sanguine. This
hope was annulled when, not long
after his intimacy at her father's
house, she became engaged to young
Lord Castleton. But he could not
see Miss Trevanion with impunity —
(alas ! who, with a heart yet free,
could be insensible to attractions so
winning?) He permitted the love —
such love as his wild, half-educated,
half-savage nature acknowledged —
to creep into his soul — to master it ;
but he felt no hope, cherished no
scheme while the young lord lived.
With the death of her betrothed,
Fanny was free ; then he began to
hope — not yet to scheme, Acciden-
tally he encountered Peacock. Partly
from the levity that accompanied a
false good-nature that was constitu-
tional with him, partly from a vague
idea that the man might be useful,
Vivian established his quondam asso-
ciate in the service of Trevanion.
Peacock soon gained the secret of
Vivian's love for Fanny, and, dazzled
by the advantages that a marriage
with Miss Trevanion would confer on
his patron, and might reflect on him-
self, and delighted at an occasion to
exercise his dramatic accomplishments
on the stage of real life, he soon prac-
tised the lesson that the theatres had
taught him — viz: to make a sub-
intrigue between maid and valet serve
the schemes and insure the success of
the lover. If Vivian had some op-
portunities to imply his admiration,
Miss Trevanion gave him none to
plead his cause. But the softness of
her nature, and that graceful kindness
which surrounded her like an atmo-
sphere, emanating unconsciously from
a girl's harmless desire to please,
tended to deceive him. His own per-
sonal gifts were so rare, and, in his
wandering life, the effect they had
produced had so increased his reliance
on them, that he thought he wanted
but the fair opportunity to woo in
order to win. In this state of mental
intoxication, Trevanion, having pro-
vided for his Scotch secretary, took
him to Lord N 's. His hostess
was one of those middle-aged ladies
of fashion, who like to patronise and
bring forward young men, accepting
gratitude for condescension, as a ho-
mage to beauty. She was struck by
1849.]
TJie Caxtons.—Part XV.
ICO
Vivian's exterior, and that 'pictu-
resque' in look and in manner which
belonged to him. Naturally garrulous
and indiscreet, she was unreserved to
a pupil whom she conceived the whim
to make ' au fait to society.' Thus
she talked to him, among other topics
iii fashion, of Miss Trevanion, and
expressed her belief that the present
Lord Castletoii had always admired
her ; but it was only on his accession
to the marquisate that he had made
up his mind to marry, or, from his
knowledge of Lady Ellinor's ambi-
tion, thought that the Marquis of
Castleton might achieve the prize
which would have been refused to Sir
Sedley Beaudesert. Then, to corro-
borate the predictions she hazarded,
she repeated, perhaps with exaggera-
tion, some passages from Lord Castle-
ton's replies to her own suggestions
on the subject. Vivian's alarm be-
came fatally excited ; unregulated
passions easily obscured a reason so
long perverted, and a conscience so
habitually dulled. There is an in-
stinct in all intense affection, (whether
it be corrupt or pure,) that usually
makes its jealousy prophetic. Thus,
from the first, out of all the brilliant
idlers round Fanny Trevanion, my
jealousy had pre-eminently fastened
on Sir Sedley Beaudesert, though, to
all seeming, without a cause. From
the same instinct, Vivian had con-
ceived the same vague jealousy — a
jealousy, in his instance, coupled with
a deep dislike to his supposed rival,
who had wounded his self-love. For
the marquis, though to be haughty or
ill-bred was impossible to the bland-
ness of his nature, had never shown
to Vivian the genial courtesies he had
lavished upon me, and kept politely
aloof from his acquaintance — while
Vivian's personal vanity had been
wounded by that drawing-room effect,
which the proverbial winner of all
hearts produced without au effort — an
effect that threw into the shade the
youth, and the beauty (more striking,
but infinitely less prepossessing) of the
adventurous rival. Thus animosity
to Lord Castleton conspired with
Vivian's passion for Fanny, to rouse
all that was worst by nature and by
rearing, in this audacious and turbu-
lent spirit.
His confidant, Peacock, suggested
from his stage experience the out-
lines of a plot, to which Vivian's
astuter intellect instantly gave tangi-
bility and colouring. Peacock had
already found Miss Trevanion's wait-
ing-woman ripe for any measure that
might secure himself as her husband,
and a provision for life as a reward.
Two or three letters between them
settled the preliminary engagements.
A friend of the ex-comedian's had
lately taken an inn on the North road,
and might be relied upon. At that
inn it was settled that Vivian should
meet Miss Trevanion, whom Peacock,
by the aid of the abigail, engaged to
lure there. The sole difficulty that
then remained would, to most men,
have seemed the greatest — viz., the
consent of Miss Trevanion to a Scotch
marriage. But Vivian hoped all
things from his own eloquence, art,
and passion ; and by an inconsis-
tency, however strange, still not un-
natural in the twists of so crooked an
intellect, he thought that, by insisting
on the intention of her parents to
sacrifice her youth to the very man of
whose attractions he was most jealous
— by the picture of disparity of years,
by the caricature of his rival's foibles
and frivolities, by the commonplaces
of " beauty bartered for ambition,"
&c., he might enlist her fears of the
alternative on the side of the choice
urged upon her. The plan proceeded,
the time came : Peacock pretended
the excuse of a sick relation to leave
Trevanion ; and Vivian, a day before,
on pretence of visiting the picturesque
scenes in the neighbourhood, obtained
leave of absence. Thus the plot went
on to its catastrophe.
" And I need not ask," said I, tryr
ing in vain to conceal my indignation,
" how Miss Trevanion received your
monstrous proposition I"
Vivian's pale cheek grew paler, but
he made no reply.
"And if we had not arrived, what
would you have done ? Oh, dare you
look into the gulf of infamy you have
escaped I"
" I cannot, and I will not bear
this!" exclaimed Vivian, starting up.
"I have laid my heart bare before
3'ou, and it is ungenerous and unman-
ly thus to press upon its wounds.
You can moralise, you can speak
coldly— but I— I loved !"
164
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
[Aug,
" And do you think," I burst forth
— u do you think that I did not love
too ! — love longer than you have done ;
better than you have done ; gone
through sharper struggles, darker
days, more sleepless nights than you,
— and yet — "
Vivian caught hold of me.
"Hush!" he cried; "is this in-
deed true ! I thought you might have
had some faint and fleeting fancy for
Miss Trevanion, but that you curbed
and conquered it at once. Oh no ;
it was impossible to have loved really,
and to have surrendered all chance as
you did ! — have left the house, have
fled from her presence! No — no,
that was not love ! "
" It was love ! and I pray Heaven
to grant that, one day, you may know
how little your affection sprang from
those feelings which make true love
sublime as honour, and meek as is
religion ! Oh cousin, cousin ! — with
those rare gifts, what you might have
been ! what, if you will pass through
repentance, and cling to atonement —
what, I dare hope, you may yet be !
Talk not now of your love; I talk
not of mine ! Love is a thing gone
from the lives of both. Go back to
earlier thoughts, to heavier wrongs f
— your father — that noble heart which
you have so wantonly lacerated, that
much- enduring love which you have
so little comprehended ! "
Then with all the warmth of emo-
tion I hurried on — showed him the
true nature of honour and of Roland
(for the names were one!) — showed
him the watch, the hope, the manly
anguish I had witnessed, and wept —
I, not his son — to see ; showed him
the poverty and privation to which
the father, even at the last, had con-
demned himself, so that the son might
have no excuse for the sins that Want
whispers to the weak. This, and
much more, and I suppose with the
pathos that belongs to all earnestness,
I enforced, sentence after sentence —
yielding to no interruption, over-mas-
tering all dissent ; driving in the
truth, nail after nail, as it were, into
the obdurate heart, that I constrained
and grappled to. And at last, the
dark, bitter, cynical nature gave way,
and the young man fell sobbing at my
feet, and cried aloud, "Spare me,
spare me ! — I see it all now ! Wretch
that I have been ! "
CHAPTER XCI.
On leaving Vivian, I did not pre-
sume to promise him Eoland's imme-
diate pardon. I did not urge him to
attempt to see his father. I felt the
time was not come for either pardon
or interview. I contented myself
with the victory I had already gained.
I judged it right that thought, soli-
tude, and suffering should imprint
more deeply the lesson, and prepare
the way to the steadfast resolution of
reform. I left him seated by the
stream, and with the promise to inform
him at the small hostelry, where he
took up his lodging, how Roland
struggled through his illness.
On returning to the inn, I was
uneasy to see how long a time had
elapsed since I had left my uncle.
But on coming into his room, to my
surprise and relief I found him up and
dressed, and with a serene though
fatigued expression of countenance.
He asked me no questions where I
had been — perhaps from sympathy
with my feelings in parting with Miss
Trevanion — perhaps from conjecture
that the indulgence of those feelings
had not wholly engrossed my time.
But he said simply, "I think I
understood from yon that you had
sent for Austin — is it so? "
" Yes, sir ; but I named *****, as
the nearest point to the Tower, for
the place of meeting."
"Then let us go hence forthwith —
nay, I shall be better for the change.
And here, there must be curiosity,
conjecture — torture !" said he, locking
his hands tightly together. " Order
the horses at once ! "
I left the room, accordingly; and
while they were getting ready the
horses, I ran to the place where I had
left Vivian. He was still there, in
the same attitude, covering his face
with his hands, as if to shut out the
sun. I told him hastily of Roland's
improvement, of our approaching de-
parture, and asked him an address in
1849.] The Caxtons.— Part XV.
London at which I could find him. where I am to be found.
He gave me as his direction the same
lodging at which I had so often visited
him. " If there be no vacancy there
for me," said he, " I shall leave word
165
But I would
gladly be where I was, before — " He
did not finish the sentence. I pressed
his hand and left him.
CHAPTER XCII.
Some days have elapsed ; we are in
London, my father with us ; and
Roland has permitted Austin to tell
me his tale, and received through
Austin all that Vivian's narrative to
me suggested, whether in extenuation
of the past, or in hope of redemption
in the future. And Austin has inex-
pressibly soothed his brother. And
Roland's ordinary roughness has gone,
and his looks are meek, and his voice
low. But he talks little, and smiles
never. He asks me no questions;
does not to me name his son, nor
recur to the voyage to Australia, nor
ask ' why it is put off,' nor interest
himself as before in preparations for
it — he has no heart for anything.
The voyage is put off till the next
vessel sails, and I have seen Vivian
twice or thrice, and the result of the
interviews has disappointed and de-
pressed me. It seems to me that
much of the previous effect I had pro-
duced is already obliterated. At the
very sight of the great Babel — the
evidence of the ease, the luxury, the
wealth, the pomp, the strife, the
penury, the famine, and the rags,
which the focus of civilisation, in the
disparities of old societies, inevitably
gathers together — the fierce combative
disposition seemed to awaken again ;
the perverted ambition, the hostility
to the world ; the wrath, the scorn ;
the war with man, and the rebellious
murmur against Heaven. There was
still the one redeeming point of repen-
tance for his wrongs to his father — his
heart was still softened there; and,
attendant on that softness, I hailed a
principle more like that of honour than
I had yet recognised in Vivian. He
cancelled the agreement which had
assured him of a provision at the cost
of his father's comforts. " At least,
there," he said, u I will injure him no
more ! "
But while, on this point, repentance
seemed genuine, it was not so with
regard to his conduct towards Miss
VOL. LXVI. — >-o. ccccvi.
Trevanion. His gipsy nurture, his
loose associates, his extravagant
French romances, his theatrical mode
of looking upon love intrigues and
stage plots, seemed all to rise between
his intelligence and the due sense of
the fraud and treachery he had prac-
tised. Pie seemed to feel more shame
at the exposure than at the guilt;
more despair at the failure of success
than gratitude at escape from crime.
In a word, the nature of a whole life
was not to be remodelled at once — at
least by an artificer so unskilled as I.
After one of these interviews, I stole
into the room where Austin sat with
Roland, and, watching a seasonable
moment when Roland, shaking off a
reverie, opened his Bible, and sat
down to it, with each muscle in his
face set, as I had seen it before, into
iron resolution, I beckoned my father
from the room.
PISISTRATUS. — I have again seen
iny cousin. I cannot make the way I
Wish. My dear father, you must see
him.
MR CAXTON. — I !— yes, assuredly,
if I can be of any service. But will
he listen to me ?
PISISTRATUS. — I think so. A young
man will often respect in his elder,
what he will resent as a presumption
in his contemporary.
MR CAXTON. — It may be so : (then,
more thoughtfully,} but you describe
this strange boy's mind as a wreck ! —
in what part of the mouldering timbers
can I fix the grappling-hook V Here,
it seems that most of the supports on
which we can best rely, when we would
save another, fail us. Religion, ho-
nour, the associations of childhood,
the bonds of home, filial obedience —
even the intelligence of self-interest,
in the philosophical sense of the word.
And I, too ! — a mere book-man ! My
dear son ! — I despair !
PISISTRATUS. — No, you do not de-
spair— no, you must succeed ; for, if
you do not, what is to become of
166
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
[Aug.
Uncle Roland? Do you not see his
heart is fast breaking?
MR CAXTON. — Get me niy hat ; I
will go. I will save this Ishmael
— I will not leave him till he is
saved !
PISISTRATUS (some minutes after,
as they are walking towards Vivian's
lodgings.) — You ask me what support
you are to cling to ! A strong and a
good one, sir,
MR CAXTON. — Ay, what is that ?
PISISTRATUS. — Affection ! There is
a nature capable of strong affection at
the core of this wild heart ! He could
love his mother; tears gush to his
eyes at her name — he would have
starved rather than part with the
memorial of that love. It was his be-
lief in his father's indifference or dis-
like that hardened and embruted him
— it is only when he hears how that
father loved him, that I now melt his
pride and curb his passions. You
have affection to deal with ! — do you
despair now?
My father turned on me those eyes
so inexpressibly benign and mild, and
replied softly, "No!"
We reached the house ; and my
father said, as we knocked at the
door, "If he is at home, leave me.
This is a hard study to which you
have set me ; I must work at it
alone." Vivian was at home, and the
door closed on his visitor. My father
stayed some hours.
On returning home, to my great
surprise I found Trevanion with my
uncle. He had found us out — no easy
matter, I should think. But a good
impulse in Trevanion was not of that
feeble kind which turns home at the
sight of a difficulty. He had come to
London on purpose to see and to
thank us.
I did not think there had been so
much of delicacy — of what I may call
the " beauty of kindness" — in a man
whom incessant business had rendered
ordinarily blunt and abrupt. I hardly
recognised the impatient Trevanion
in the soothing, tender, subtle respect
that rather implied than spoke grati-
tude, and sought to insinuate what he
owed to the unhappy father, without
touching on his wrongs from the son.
But of this kindness — which showed
how Trevanion's high nature of gen-
tleman raised him aloof from that
coarseness of thought which those
absorbed wholly in practical affairs
often contract — of this kindness, so
noble and so touching, Roland seemed
scarcely aware. He sat by the em-
bers of the neglected fire, his hands
grasping the arms of his elbow-chair,
his head drooping on his bosom ; and
only by a deep hectic flush on his
dark cheek could you have seen that
he distinguished between an ordinary
visitor and the man whose child he
had helped to save. This minister of
state — this high member of the elect,
at whose gift are places, peerages,
gold sticks, and ribbons — has nothing
at his command for the bruised spirit
of the half-pay soldier. Before that
poverty, that grief, and that pride, the
King's Counsellor was powerless.
Only when Trevanion rose to depart,
something like a sense of the soothing
intention which the visit implied
seemed to rouse the repose of the old
man, and to break the ice at its sur-
face ; for he followed Trevaniou to the
door, took both his hands, pressed
them, then turned away, and resumed
his seat. Trevanion beckoned to me,
and I followed him down stairs, and
into a little parlour which was unoc-
cupied.
After some remarks upon Roland,
full of deep and considerate feeling,
and one quick, hurried reference to
the son — to the effect that his guilty
attempt would never be known by the
world — Trevanion then addressed him-
self to me with a warmth and urgency
that took me by surprise. "After
what has passed," he exclaimed, " I
cannot suffer you to leave England
thus. Let me not feel with you, as
with your uncle, that there is nothing
by which I can repay — no, I will not
so put it. Stay and serve your country
at home : it is my prayer — it is Elli-
nor's. Out of all at my disposal, it
will go hard but what I shall find
something to suit you." And then,
hurrying on, Trevanion spoke flatter-
ingly of my pretensions, in right of
birth and capabilities, to honourable
employment, and placed before me a
picture of public life — its prizes and
distinctions — which, for the moment
at least, made my heart beat loud and
my breath come quick. But still,
even then, I felt (was it an unreason-
able pride ?) that there was something
1849.] The Caxtons.—Part XV.
that jarred, something that humbled,
in the thought of holding all my for-
tunes as a dependency on the father
of the woman I loved, but might not
aspire to; — something even of per-
sonal degradation in the mere feeling
that I was thus to be repaid for a
service, and recompensed for a loss.
But these were not reasons I could
advance ; and, indeed, so for the time
did Trevanion's generosity and elo-
quence overpower me, that I could
only falter out my thanks, and my pro-
167
mise that I would consider and let him
know.
With that promise he was forced to
content himself; he told me to direct
to him at his favourite country-seat,
whither he was going that day, and
so left me. I looked round the hum-
ble parlour of the mean lodging-house,
and Trevanion's words came again
before me like a flash of golden light.
I stole into the open air, and wan-
dered through the crowded streets,
agitated and disturbed.
CHAPTER XCm.
Several days elapsed — and of each
day my father spent a considerable
part at Vivian's lodgings. But he
maintained a reserve as to his success,
begged me not to question him, and
to refrain also for the present from
visiting my cousin. My uncle guessed
or knew his brother's mission ; for I
observed that, whenever Austin went
noiseless away, his eye brightened,
and the colour rose in a hectic flush
to his cheek. At last my father came
to me one morning, his carpet-bag in
his hand, and said, " I am going
away for a week or two. Keep Ro-
land company till I return."
"Going with him?"
" With him."
" That is a good sign."
" I hope so ; that is all I can say
now."
The week had not quite passed
when I received from my father the
letter I am about to place before the
reader ; andxyou may judge how ear-
nestly his soul must have been in the
task it had volunteered, if you observe
how little, comparatively speaking, the
letter contains of the subtleties and
pedantries (may the last word be par-
doned, for it is scarcely a just one)
which ordinarily left my father a
scholar even in the midst of his emo-
tions. He seemed here to have aban-
doned his books, to have put the
human heart before the eyes of his
pupil, and said, "Read, and un-
learn!"
To PISISTRATUS CAXTON.
" MY DEAR SON, — It were needless
to tell you all the earlier difficulties
I have had to encounter with my
charge, nor to repeat all the means
which, acting on your suggestion, (a
correct one,) I have employed to
arouse feelings long dormant and con-
fused, and allay others, long prema-
turely active, and terribly distinct.
The evil was simply this : here was
the intelligence of a man in all that
is evil — and the ignorance of an in-
fant in all that is good. In matters
merely worldly, what wonderful acu-
men ! in the plain principles of right
and wrong, what gross and stolid
obtuseness ! At one time, I am strain-
ing all my poor wit to grapple in an
encounter on the knottiest mysteries
of social life ; at another, I am guid-
ing reluctant fingers over the horn-
book of the most obvious morals.
Here hieroglyphics, and there pot-
hooks ! But as long as there is affec-
tion in a man, why, there is Nature
to begin with ! To get rid of all the
rubbish laid upon her, clear back the
way to that Nature, and start afresh
— that is one's only chance.
" Well, by degrees I won my way,
waiting patiently till the bosom,
pleased with the relief, disgorged itself
of all ' its perilous stuff,' — not chiding
— not even remonstrating, seeming
almost to sympathise, till I got him So-
cratically to disprove himself. When
I saw that he no longer feared me—
that my company had become a relief
to him — I proposed an excursion, and
did not tell him whither.
" Avoiding as much as possible the
main north road, (for I did not wish,
as you may suppose, to set fire to a
train of associations that might blow
1G8
The Caxtons.— Part XV.
[Aug.
us up to the dog-star,) and, where that
avoidance was not possible, travelling
by night, I got him into the neigh-
bourhood of the old Tower. I would
not admit him under its roof. But
you know the little inn, three miles
off the trout stream ? — we made our
abode there.
" Well, I have taken him into the
village, preserving his incognito. I
have entered with him into cottages,
and turned the talk upon Roland.
You know how your uncle is adored ;
you know what anecdotes of his bold,
warm-hearted youth once, and now
of his kind and charitable age, would
spring up from the garrulous lips of
gratitude ! I made him see with his
own eyes, hear with his own ears,
how all who knew Roland loved and
honoured him — except his son. Then
I took him round the ruins — (still not
suffering him to enter the house,) for
those ruins are the key to Roland's
character — seeing them, one sees the
pathos in his poor foible of family
pride. There, you distinguish it from
the insolent boasts of the prosperous,
and feel that it is little more than the
pious reverence to the dead — ' the
tender culture of the tomb.' We sat
down on heaps of mouldering stone,
and it was there that I explained to
him what Roland was in youth, and
what he had dreamed that a son
would be to him. I showed him the
graves of his ancestors, and explained
to him why they were sacred in Ro-
land's eyes ! I had gained a great
way, when he longed to enter the
home that should have been his ; and
I could make him pause of his own
accord, and say, ' No, I must first be
worthy of it.' Then yon would have
smiled — sly satirist that you are — to
have heard me impressing upon this
acute, sharp-witted youth, all that we
plain folk understand by the name of
HOME — its perfect trust and trufli, its
simple holiness, its exquisite happi-
ness— being to the world what con-
science is to the human mind. And
after that, I brought in his sister,
whom till then he had scarcely named
— for whom he scarcely seemed to
care — brought her in to aid the
father, and endear the home. ' And
you know,' said I, ' that if Roland
were to die, it would be a brother's
duty to supply his place ; to shield her
innocence — to protect her name ! A
good name is something, then. Your
father was not so wrong to prize it.
You would like yours to be that which
your sister would be proud to own !'
" While we were talking, Blanche
suddenly came to the spot, and rushed
to my arms. She looked on him as a
stranger ; but I saw his knees trem-
ble. And then she was about to put
her hand in his — but I drew her back.
Was I cruel ? He thought so. But
when I dismissed her, I replied to his
reproach, ' Your sister is a part of
Home. If you think yourself worthy
of either, go and claim both ; I will
not object.' — ' She has my mother's
eyes,' said he, and walked away. I
left him to muse amidst the ruins,
while I went in to see your poor
mother, and relieve her fears about
Roland, and make her understand
why I could not yet return home.
" This brief sight of his sister has
sunk deep into him. But I now ap-
proach what seems to me the great
difficulty of the whole. He is fulty
anxious to redeem his name — to re-
gain his home. So far so well. But
he cannot yet see ambition, except
with hard, worldly eyes. He still
fancies that all he has to do is to get
money and -power, and some of those
empty prizes in the Great Lottery,
which we often win more easily by
our sins than our virtues. (Here
follows a long passage from Seneca,
omitted as superfluous.) He does not
yet even understandme — or, if he does,
he fancies me a mere bookworm in-
deed, when I imply that he might be
poor, and obscure, at the bottom of
fortune's wheel, and yet be one we
should be proud of! He supposes
that, to redeem his name, he has only
got to lacker it. Don't think me
merely the fond father, when I add
my hope that I shall use you to ad-
vantage here. I mean to talk to him
to-morrow, as we return to London,
of you, and of your ambition : you
shall hear the result.
" At this moment, (it is past mid-
night,) I hear his step in the room
above me. The window-sash aloft
opens — for the third time ; would
to Heaven he could read the true
astrology of the stars! There they
are — bright, luminous, benignant.
And I seeking to chain this wander-
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
169
ing comet into the harmonies of hea-
ven ! Better task than that of astro-
logers, and astronomers to boot ! Who
among them can ' loosen the band of
Orion?' — but who amongst us may
not be permitted by God to have sway
over the action and orbit of the
human soul?
" Your ever affectionate father,
A. C."
Two days after the receipt of this
letter, came the following; and though
I would fain suppress those references
to myself which must be ascribed to a
father's partiality, yet it is so needful
to retain them in connexion with
Vivian, that I have no choice but to
leave the tender flatteries to the in-
dulgence of the kind.
" MY DEAR SON, — I was not too
sanguine as to the effect that your
simple story would produce upon your
cousin. Without implying any con-
trast to his own conduct, I described
that scene in which you threw your-
self upon our sympathy, in the struggle
between love and duty, and asked for
our counsel and support; when Ro-
land gave you his blunt advice to tell
all to Trevanion ; and when, amidst
such sorrow as the heart in youth
seems scarcely large enough to hold,
you caught at truth impulsively, and
the truth bore you safe from the ship-
wreck. I recounted your silent and
manly struggles — your resolution not
to suffer the egotism of passion to
unfit you for the aims and ends of
that spiritual probation which we call
LIFE. I showed you as you were,
still thoughtful for us, interested in
our interests — smiling on us, that we
might not guess that you wept in
secret ! Oh, my son — my son ! do
not think that, in those times, I did
not feel and pray for you ! And while
he was melted by my own emotion,
I turned from your love to your am-
bition. I made him see that you,
too, had known the restlessness which
belongs to young ardent natures; that
you, too, had your dreams of fortune,
and aspirations for success. But I
painted that ambition in its true
colours : it was not the desire of a sel-
fish intellect, to be in yourself a some-
body— a something — raised a step or
two in the social ladder, for the pleasure
of looking down on those at the foot,
but the warmer yearning of a gener-
ous heart; your ambition was to repair
your father's losses — minister to your
father's very foible, in his idle desire
of fame — supply to your uncle what
he had lost in his natural heir — link
your success to useful objects, your
interests to those of your kind, your
reward to the proud and grateful
smiles of those you loved. That was
thine ambition, O my tender Ana-
chronism ! And when, as I closed the
sketch, I said, ' Pardon me : you
know not what delight a father feels,
when, while sending a son away from
him into the world, he can speak and
think thus of him! But this, you
see, is not your kind of ambition.
Let us talk of making money, and
driving a coach-and-four through this
villanous world,' — your cousin sank
into a profound reverie, and when he
woke from it, it was like the waking of
the earth after a night in spring — the
bare trees had put forth buds !
" And, some time after, he startled
me by a prayer that I would permit
him, with his father's consent, to
accompany you to Australia. The
only answer I have given him as
yet, has been in the form of a ques-
tion : ' Ask yourself if I ought ? I
cannot wish Pisistratus to be other
than he is ; and unless you agree with
him in all his principles and objects,
ought I to incur the risk that you
should give him your knowledge of the
world, and inoculate him with your
ambition ? ' He was struck, and had
the candour to attempt no reply.
"Now, Pisistratus, the doubt I
expressed to him is the doubt I feel.
For, indeed, it is only by home-truths,
not refining arguments, that I can
deal with this unscholastic Scythian,
who, fresh from the Steppes, comes to
puzzle me in the Portico.
" On the one hand, what is to be-
come of him in the Old World ? At
his age, and with his energies, it
would be impossible to cage him with
us in the Cumberland ruins ; weari-
ness and discontent would undo all
we could do. He has no resource in
books — and I fear never will have !
But to send him forth into one of the
overcrowded professions — to place
him amidst all those ' disparities of
social life,' on the rough stones of
170
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
[Aug.
which he is perpetually grinding his
lier.rt — turn him adrift amongst all
the temptations to which he is most
prone — this is a trial which, I fear,
will be too sharp for a conversion so
incomplete? In the New World, no
doubt, his energies would find a safer
field ; and even the adventurous and
desultory habits of his childhood might
there be put to healthful account.
Those complaints of the disparities of
the civilised world, find, I suspect, an
easier if a bluffer reply from the poli-
tical economist than the Stoic philoso-
pher. ' You don't like them, you
find it hard to submit to them,' says
the political economist ; ' but they
are the laws of a civilised state, and
you can't alter them. Wiser men
than you have tried to alter them,
and never succeeded, though they
turned the earth topsy-turvy ! Very
well ; but the world is wide — go into
a state that is not so civilised. The
disparities of the Old World vanish
amidst the New ! Emigration is the
reply of Nature to the rebellious cry
against Art.' Thus would say the
political economist : and, alas, even
in your case, my son, I found no reply
to the reasonings ! I acknowledge,
then, that Australia might open the
best safety-valve to your cousin's
discontent and desires ; but I acknow-
ledge also a counter-truth, which is
this — 'It is not permitted to an honest
man to corrupt himself for the sake
of others.' That is almost the only
maxim of Jean Jacques to which I
can cheerfully subscribe ! Do you
feel quite strong enough to resist
all the influences which a com-
panionship of this kind may subject
you to — strong enough to bear his
burthen as well as your own — strong
enough, also — ay, and alert and vigi-
lant enough — to prevent those influ-
ences harming the others, whom you
have undertaken to guide, and whose
lots are confided to you ? Pause well,
and consider maturely, for this must
not depend upon a generous impulse.
I think that your cousin would now
pass under your charge, with a sin-
cere desire for reform ; but between
sincere desire and steadfast perform-
ance there is a long and dreary inter-
val—even to the best of us. Were it
not for Roland, arid had I one grain
less confidence in you, I could not
entertain the thought of laying on
your young shoulders so great a
responsibility. But every new re-
sponsibility to an earnest nature is a
new prop to virtue ; — and all I now
ask of you is — to remember that it is
a solemn and serious charge, not to be
undertaken without the most delibe-
rate gauge and measure of the strength,
with which it is to be borne.
"In two days we shall be in
London. — Yours, my Anachronism,
anxiously and fondly,
A. C."
I was in my own room while I
read this letter, and I had just finished
it when, as I looked up, I saw Roland
standing opposite to me. " It is from
Austin," said he ; then he paused a
moment, and added in a tone that
seemed quite humble, "May I see it?
— and dare I ? " I placed the letter
in his hands, and retired a few paces,
that he might not think I watched his
countenance while he read it. And I
was only aware that he had come to
the end by a heavy, anxious, but not
despondent sigh. Then I turned,
and our eyes met, and there was
something in Roland's look, inquiring
— and as it were imploring. I inter-
preted it at once.
"Oh, yes, uncle," I said, smiling;
" I have reflected, and I have no fear
of the result. Before my father
wrote, what he now suggests had
become my secret wish. As for our
other companions, their simple na-
tures would defy all such sophistries
as — but he is already half cured of
those. Let him come with me, and
when he returns he shall be worthy
of a place in your heart, beside his
sister Blanche. I feel, I promise it —
do not fear for me ! Such a change
will be a talisman to myself. I will
shun every error that I might other-
wise commit, so that he may have no
example to entice him to err."
I know that in youth, and the super-
stition of first love, we are credulously
inclined to believe that love, and the
possession of the beloved, are the
only happiness. But when my uncle
folded me in his arms, and called me
the hope of his age, and stay of his
house — the music of my father's
praise still ringing on my heart — I do
affirm that I knew a greater and a
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XV.
171
prouder bliss than if Trevauion had
placed Fanny's hand in mine, and
said, " She is yours."
And now the die was cast — the
decision made. It was with no regret
that I wrote to Trevanion to decline
his offers. Nor was the sacrifice so
great — even putting aside the natural
pride which had before inclined to it
— as it may seem to some ; for, rest-
less though I was, I had laboured to
constrain myself to other views of
life than those which close the vistas
of ambitipn with images of the terres-
trial deities — Power and Rank. Had
I not been behind the scenes, noted
all of joy and of peace that the pur-
suit of power had cost Trevanion,
and seen how little of happiness rank
gave even to one of the polished
habits and graceful attributes of Lord
Castleton ? Yet each nature seemed
fitted so well — the first for power, the
last for rank ! It is marvellous with
what liberality Providence atones for
the partial dispensations of Fortune.
Independence, or the vigorous pursuit
of it ; affection, with its hopes and its
rewards ; a life only rendered by art
more susceptible to nature— in which
the physical enjoyments are pure and
healthful — in which the moral facul-
ties expand harmoniously with the
intellectual— and the heart is at peace
with the mind : is this a mean lot for
ambition to desire— and is it so far
out of human reach ? " Know thy-
self," said the old philosophy. "Im-
prove thyself," saith the new. The
great object of the Sojourner in Time
is not to waste all his passions and
gifts on the things external that he
must leave behind — that which he
cultivates within is all that he can.
carry into the Eternal Progress. Wo
are here but as schoolboys, whose life
begins where school ends ; and the
battles we fought with our rivals, and
the toys that we shared with our
playmates, and the names that we
carved, high or low, on the wall,
above our desks — will they so much
bestead us hereafter? As new facts
crowd upon us, can they more than
pass through the memory with a smile
or a sigh ? Look back to thy school
days, and answer.
CHAPTER XCIV.
Two weeks, since the date of the
preceding chapter, have passed ; we
have slept our last, for long years to
come, on the English soil. It is
night ; and Vivian has been admitted
to an interview with his father. They
have been together alone an hour and
more, and I and my father will not
disturb them. But the clock strikes
— the hour is late — the ship sails
to-night — we should be on board.
And as we two stand below, the door
opens in the room above, and a heavy
step descends the stairs ; the father
is leaning on the son's arm. You
should see how timidly the son guides
the halting step. And now, as the
light gleams on their faces, there are
tears on Vivian's cheek ; but the face
of Roland seems calm and happy.
Happy ! when about to be separated,
perhaps for ever, from his son ? Yes,
happy ! because he has found a son
for the first time ; and is not thinking
of years and absence, and the chance
of death — but thankful for the Divine
mercy, and cherishing celestial hope.
If ye wonder why Roland is happy in
such an hour, how vainly have I
sought to make him breathe, and
live, and move before you !
We are on board ; our luggage all
went first. I had had time, with the
help of a carpenter, to knock up
cabins for Vivian, Guy Bolding, and
myself in the hold. For, thinking we
could not too soon lay aside the pre-
tensions of Europe — " cfe-fine-gentle-
manise" ourselves, as Trevanion re-
commended— we had engaged steerage
passage, to the great humouring of
our finances. We had, too, tho
luxury to be by ourselves, and our
own Cumberland folks were round
us, as our friends and servants both.
We are on board, and have looked
our last on those we are to leave, and
we stand on deck leaning on each
other. We are on board, and the
lights, near and far, shine from the
vast city ; and the stars are on high,
bright and clear, as for the first mari-
ners of old. Strange noises, rough
voices, and crackling cords, and here
172
Jonathan in Africa.
[Augv
and there the sobs of women, ming-
ling with the oaths of men. Now
the swing and heave of the vessel —
the dreary sense of exile that comes
when the ship fairly moves over the
waters. And still we stood, and
looked, and listened ; silent, and lean-
ing on each other.
Night deepened, the city vanished —
not a gleam from its myriad lights !
The river widened and widened. How
cold comes the wind ! — is that a gale
from the sea ? The stars grow faint —
the moon has sunk. And now, how
desolate look the waters in the com-
fortless gray of dawn ! Then we
shivered and looked at each other,
and muttered something that was not
the thought deepest at our hearts,
and crept into our berths — feeling
sure it was not for sleep. And sleep
came onus soft and kind. The ocean
lulled the exiles as on a mother's
breast.
JONATHAN IN AFRICA.
A NEW school of novelists is evi-
dently springing up on the western
shores of the Atlantic. The pioneers
are already in the field — and the main
body, we suppose, will shortly follow.
The style of these innovators seems a
compound imitation of Gulliver, Mun-
chausen, The Arabian Nights, and Ro-
binson Crusoe; the ingredients being
mixed in capricious proportions, well
stirred, seasoned with Yankee bulls
and scraps of sea- slang, and served
hot — sometimes plain, at others with
a hors cCceuvre of puffs. We know not
how such queer ragouts affect the
public palate ; but we are inclined to
prefer dishes of an older fashion. Mi-
Herman Melville, of New York and
the Pacific Ocean, common sailor, first
introduced the new -fangled kickshaw.
This young gentleman has most com-
pletely disappointed us. Two or three
years ago, he published two small
volumes of sea- faring adventure and
island-rambles, of which we thought
more highly than of any first appear-
ance of the kind we for a long time
had witnessed. In the pages of Maga,
where praise is never lightly or lavishly
bestowed, we said as much ; and were
glad to hope that Typee and Omoo
were but an earnest of even better
things. And, therefore, sadly were we
disgusted on perusal of a rubbishing
rhapsody, entitled Mardt, andaVoyage
Thither. We sat down to it with glee
and self-gratulation, and through
about half a volume we got on plea-
santly enough. The author was afloat T
and although we found little that
would bear comparison with the fine
vein of nautical fun and characteristic
• delineation which we had enjoyed on
board the Little Jule, and after-
wards at Tahiti, yet there was inter-
est— strong interest at times; and a
scene on board a deserted vessel was
particularly exciting, — replete with
power of a peculiar and uncommon
kind. But this proved a mere flash
in the pan — the ascent of the rocket
which was soon to fall as a stick. An
outlandish j*oung female, one Miss
Yillah, makes her first appearance:
Taji, the hero and narrator of the
yarn, reaches a cluster of fabulous
islands, where the jealous queen Hau-
tia opens a floral correspondence with
him : where the plumed and turbaned
Yoomy sings indifferent doggerel ; and
Philosopher Babbalauja unceasingly
doth prose ; and the Begum of Pim-
minee holds drawing-rooms, which are
attended by the Fanfuras, and the
Diddledees, and the Fiddlefies, and a
host of other insular magnates, with
names equally elegant, euphonious,
and significant. Why, what trash is
all this ! — mingled, too, with attempts
at a Rabelaisian vein, and with strain-
ings at smartness — the style of the
whole being affected, pedantic, and
wearisome exceedingly. We are re-
minded, by certain parts of Mardt, of
Foote's nonsense about the nameless
lady who " went iuto the garden to
Kaloolah, or Journeyings to the Djebel Kumri : an Autobiography of Jonathan
Romer. Edited by W. S. MAYO, M.D. London: 1849.
1849.]
Jonathan in Africa.
cut a cabbage-leaf to make an apple-
pie ;" and at whose wedding the Job-
lilies, and the Picninnies, and the
Great Panjandrum, danced till the
gunpowder ran out at their boot-heels.
Foote wrote his absurd paragraph, we
believe, to try a friend's memory ; Mi-
Melville has evidently written his un-
intelligible novel to try the public's
patience. Of three things we are cer-
tain, namely, that the Panjandrum
story is quite as easy to understand as
Mardi; that it is much more divert-
ing ; and, the chief advantage of all,
an infinite deal shorter.
Mardi, which we dismissed from
our mind when we closed it with a
yawn a day or two after its publica-
tion, has been recalled to our memory
by another book, also proceeding from
America, although published in Lon-
don; and which, like Mr Melville's
romance, blends the real and the pos-
sible with the ideal and the fantastic.
Kaloolah (Heaven help these Yankee
nomenclators) professes to be the
autobiography of Jonathan Romer, a
young Nantucket sailor, to whose
narrative, during his absence in the
interior of Africa, one of his country-
men, Dr W. S. Mayo, obligingly acts
as editor. Most readers will probably
be of opinion that the American M.D.
might claim a nearer interest in the
literary bantling— the first-born, we
apprehend, of his own pen and ima-
gination. But our business is with
the book, and not with the author,
•whose name, whether Romer or Mayo,
is as yet unknown to fame, but who
need not despair of achieving reputa-
tion. Kaloolah combines with certain
faults, which may presently be indi-
cated, some very excellent qualities,
and has several chapters, whereof any
one contains more real good stuff, and
ingenuity, and amusement, than the
whole of the second and third volumes
of Mardi, reduced to a concentrated
essence. Besides, it is manifest that
the two books must be viewed and
judged differently — one as a first, and
by no means unpromising attempt ;
the other, as the backsliding perform-
ance of a man who has proved himself
capable of far better things.
Before commencing his own story,
young Jonathan Romer introduces us
to his ancestors, and asserts his right
to a life of adventure. " Descended
on both sides of the house from some
of the earliest settlers of Nantucket,
and more or less intimately related to
the Coffins, the Folgers, the Macys,
and the Starbucks of that adventurous
population, it would seem that I had
a natural right to a roving disposition,
and to a life of peril, privation, and
vicissitude. Nearly all the male mem-
bers of my family, for several gene-
rations, have been followers of the
sea : some of them in the calm and
peaceful employment of the merchant-
service ; others, and by far the greater
number, in the more dangerous pur-
suit of the ocean monster." After re-
lating some of the feats of his family,
and glancing at his own childhood,
which gave early indications of the
bold and restless spirit that animated
him at a mature period, Jonathan
presents himself to his readers at the
age of eighteen — a stalwart stripling
and idle student ; the best rider, shot,
swimmer, and leaper for many miles
around, with little taste for books, and
a very decided one for rambling in the
woods with rifle and rod. At this
time the academy, of which he had
for four years been an inmate, is nearly
broken up by what is called " a re-
vival of religion ;" in other words, a
violent fit of fanatical enthusiasm,
provoked and fed by Baptist and Me-
thodist preachers. Pupils and teachers
alike go mad with fervent zeal, classes
are at an end, unceasing prayer is sub-
stituted for study, and Jonathan, who
is one of the few unregenerated, walks
into the forest, and knocks the head
off a partridge with a rifle-ball. The
bird is picked up, and the excellence
of the aim applauded by an old trapper
and hunter, JoeDowns byname, well
known along the shores of the Rackett
and Grass rivers, in the northern and
uninhabited part of the state of New
York. Joe is not the wild, serai-In-
dian trapper of the south and west,
whom Sealsfield and Ruxton have so
graphically sketched ; there is as much
difference between the two characters
as between a sailor in the coasting
trade and a Pacific Ocean beach-
comber. There is nothing of the half-
horse, half- alligator style about Joe,
whose manner is so mild, and his coat
so decent, that he has been taken for
a country parson. He despises the
Redskins, sets no value on their scalps,
174 Jonathan in Africa.
and would not shed their blood, ex-
cept in self-defence. How he had
once been thus compelled to do so,
he relates to Jonathan in the course
of their first conversation.
" It was the way towards T upper's
lake. There had been a light fall of snow,
and I was scouting round, when I hap-
pened to make a circumbendibus, and
came across my own track, and there I
saw the marks of an Indian's foot right
on my trail. Thinks I, that is kind of
queer; the fellow must have been follow-
ing me; howsomever I'll try him, and
make sure ; so I made another large
circle, and again struck my own track,
and there was the tarnal Indian's foot
again. Says I, this won't do ; I must find
out what this customer wants, and how
he'll have it. So I stopped short, and soon
[Aug.
bounded right at me. When he was jusfc
about three or four feet from the muzzle,
I fired. You never see a fellow jump so.
He kicked his heels up in the air, and
came down plump on his head, dead as
Julius Caesar. He never winked; the
ramrod — a good, hard, tough piece of hic-
kory— had gone clean through him, and
stuck out about two feet from his back.
Sarvedhim right; did'nt it?"
The old trapper urges Jonathan to
accompany him on an expedition into
the woods, promising, as an induce-
ment, to put him " right alongside the
biggest catamount he has ever seen,"
and to let him fight it out, with rifle,
hatchet, and knife, without making
or meddling in the contest. He also
pledges himself to show him a fish-
pond, " where the youngest infants,
got sight of him; he knew that I saw him, of a genteel pickerelto family, weigh
so he came along up, in the most friendly at least three pounds." Such induce-
manner you can think. But I didn't like
his looks; he was altogether too darned
glad to see me. He had no gun, but he
had an almighty long-handled tomahawk,
and a lot of stins and real traps. Thinks
I, may be, old fellow, your gun has burst,
or you've pawned it for rum, and you
can't raise skins enough to redeem it,
and you want mine, and perhaps you'll
get it.
"At last I grew kind of nervous; 1
knew the fellow would hatchet me if I
gave him a chance, and yet I didn't want
to shoot him right down just on suspicion.
But I thought, if I let him cut my throat
first, it would be. too late to shoot him
afterwards. So I concluded that the best
way would be to give him a chance to
play his hand; and if so be he'd lead the
wrong card, why I should have a right to
take the trick. Just then, at the right
time, a partridge flew into a clump that
stood five or six rods off. So I kind of
'noeuvred round a little. I drew out my
ramrod, as if to feel whether the ball in
my rifle was well down; but instead of
returning it again, I kept it in my hand,
and, without letting the vagabond see me,
I got out a handful of powder. I then
sauntered off to the bush, shot the par-
tridge, and in an instant passed my hand
over the muzzle of my rifle, and dropped
the powder in. I picked up the bird, and
then just took and run my ramrod right
down upon the powder. Now, he thought,
was his chance before I loaded my gun
again. He came towards me with his
hatchet in his hand. I saw that he was
determined to act wicked, and began to
back off; he still came on. I lowered my
rifle, and told him to keep away. He
raised his tomahawk, gave one yell, and
mentsare irresistible. Jonathan packs
up a brace of blankets and his shoot-
ing and fishing fixings, and goes off
in the canoe with Joe Downs on a
pleasant up-stream cruise, enlivened
by a succession of beautiful scenery,
and by the varied and original con-
versation of his companion. On their
way they fell in with a party of In-
dians, amongst them one Blacksnake,
a brother of the gentleman whom
Joe had spitted on his ramrod. He
suspects Joe of having shot his kins-
man, and Joe strongly suspects him
of havingalready attempted to revenge
his death.
" ' I was leaning out of the second story
doorway of Jones's shop one day,' said
Joe, ' looking across the river, when,
whizz, a rifle bullet came and buried it-
self in the doorpost. I hain't the least
doubt that that very identical Blacksnake
sent it. Thank God, his aim was not a3
his will ! He's a bad chap. Why, I
really believe it was he who murdered
my old friend Dan White the trapper.
If I only knew it was the fact, I wish I
may be stuck, forked end uppermost, in &
coon hole, if I wouldn't send a ball
through his painted old braincase, this 'ere
very identical minute. Darn your skin !'
energetically growled Joe, shaking his
fist at the distant canoe."
It would have saved Mr Downs
some trouble and suffering if he had
yielded to the impulse, and expended
half-an-ounce of lead upon Black-
snake, who, about a week later,
sneaks up, with two companions, to
1849.]
Jonathan in Africa.
175
the trapper's pine-log fire, and shoots
the unfortunate Joe, but is shot down
himself, the very next moment, by
Jonathan Homer, whose double-barrel
settles two of the murderers, and then
descends with crushing force upon the
cranium of the third. Joe not being
dead, although very badly wounded,
his young companion conveys him to
a cave, whose hidden entrance the
trapper had revealed to him the pre-
vious day, and there tends him till he
is able to bear removal. With his
committal to the hands of a village
surgeon, Mr Romer's backwoods ad-
ventures terminate, a source of regret
to the reader, since they are more
lively and attractive than some sub-
sequent portions of the book, evidently
deemed by the author more interest-
ing and important, and therefore
dwelt upon at greater length. Indeed
it is our opinion that the author of
KaloolaJi is mistaken, as young au-
thors constantly are, in the real scope
and nature of his own abilities, and
that he would shine much more in a
novel of backwoods life, or nautical
adventure, than in the mixed style he
lias selected for his first attempt,
which is a sort of mosaic, distinguished
rather for variety and vividness of
colour than for harmony and regularity
of design.
Jonathan reaches home in time to
receive the last adieu of his mother, a
worthy but eccentric old lady, who
had fitted ont her son, on his depar-
ture for school, with a winding-sheet,
amongst other necessaries, that he
might be buried decently should he
die far from his friends, and that he
might be reminded of his mortality as
often as he emptied his trunk. It was
a curious conceit, but, as Jonathan
observes, she was from Nantucket,
and they are all queer people there,
and filial affection induced him long
to preserve the shroud. Mrs Romer
dead, her son applies to the study of
surgery, gets himself into trouble by
a body- snatching exploit, has to
levant to New York, and there, find-
ing he is still in danger from the
friends of the disinterred corpse, who
have set the police upon his track,
ships himself on board the fine fore-
topsail schooner, " Lively Anne,"
bound for the Western Islands, and
commanded by Captain Coffin, an old
shipmate of his father's. In this
smart little craft, he sees some coun-
try and more water, until, upon the
voyage from the A/ores to Malaga, a
white squall or a waterspout — which,
of the two he could never ascertain —
capsizes the schooner and dashes him
senseless down the hatchway, whence
he was just emerging, in alarm at the
sudden uproar on deck. On recover-
ing himself, he finds the vessel dis-
masted, the deck swept of all its fix-
tures, and the captain and crew
missing. Doubtless they had been
hurled into the waves by the same
terrible force that had shattered the
bulwarks and carried away boats,
casks, and galley. The horizon was
now clear, not a sail was in sight, and
Jonathan Romer was alone on a
helpless wreck in the middle of the
wide ocean. But he was a man of
resource and mettle, whom it was
hard to discourage or intimidate ; and
finding the schooner made no water,
he righted her as well as he could, and
resigned himself to float at the will of
the wind until he should meet a rescu-
ing sail. This did not occur for some
weeks, during which he floated pasfc
Teneriffe in the night, within hail of
fishermen, who would not approach
him for fear of the quarantine laws.
At last, sitting over his solitary din-
ner, he perceived a ship heading up
for the schooner.
" As she came on, I had full time to
note all her beautiful proportions. She
was small, apparently not above 300
tons, and had a peculiarly trim and
clipper-like look. Her bright copper,
flashing occasionally in the sunlight,
showed that she was in light sailing
trim ; whilst from the cut of her sails,
the symmetrical arrangement of her spars
and rigging, and her quarter-boats, I
concluded she must be a man-of-war.
Passing me about half a mile astern, she
stood on for a little distance, then, hoist-
ing the bilious-looking flag of Spain, she
tacked and ran for me, backing her
main-topsail within twenty yards of my
larboard beam. Her quarter-boat was
immediately lowered, and half-a-dozeii
fellows, in red caps and flannel shirts,
jumped into it, followed by an officer in
a blue velvet jacket, with a strip of gold
lace upon his shoulders, and a broad-
brimmed straw hat upon his head. I ran
below, stuffed all the money that I had
in gold — about a thousand dollars — into
176
Jonathan in Africa.
[Aug.
my pockets, and got upon deck again just
as the boat touched the side."
The precaution was a good one :
the saucy Bonito, Pedro Garbez
master, was bound from Cuba to the
coast of Africa, with a cut-throat
crew and an empty slave -deck.
Owing to an accident, she had sailed
without a surgeon, and Homer was
well received and treated so soon as
his profession was known. When he
discovered the ship's character, he
would gladly have left her, but means
were wanting, for the Bonito loved
not intercourse with passing craft,
and touched nowhere until she reached
her destination — Cabenda Bay, en
the western coast of Africa. There
being no slaves at Cabenda^ it was
resolved to run a few miles up the
Congo river.
" We at length reached Loonbee, and
anchored off the town, which is the chief
market or slave-depot for Embomma. It
consists of about a hundred huts of palm-
leaves, with two or three block-houses,
where the slaves are confined. About
two hundred slaves were already col-
lected, and more were on their way down
the river, and from different towns in the
interior. After presents for the King of
Embomma, and for the Mafooka (a sort
of chief of the board of slave-trade,) and
other officials, had been made, and a deal
of brandy drunk, we landed, and in com-
pany with several Fukas, or native mer-
chants, and two or three Portuguese,
went to take a look at the slaves. Each
dealer paraded his gang for inspection,
and loudly dilated upon their respective
qualities. They were all entirely naked,
and of all ages, sexes, and conditions, and
all had an air of stolid indifference, va-
ried only in some of them by an expres-
sion of surprise and fear at sight of the
white men."
In one of these unfortunate groups
of dingy humanity, Homer was struck
by the appearance of a young girl,
whose features widely differed from
the usual African stamp, and whose
complexion, amongst a white popu-
lation, would not have been deemed
too dark for a brunette. Her grace-
fully curling hair contrasted with the
woolly polls of her companions ; her
eyes were large and expressive, and
her form elegant, but then emaciated
by fatigue and ill-treatment. This is
Kaloolah. On inquiry of the slave-
dealer, a great burly negro, wielding
a long thong of plaited buffalo hide,
Homer learned that she is of a far
distant nation, called the Gerboo
Blanda, who dwell in stone houses on
an extensive plain. The slave-dealer
knows them only by report, and Ka-
loolah and her brother, who is near at
hand, are the first specimens he has
seen of this remote tribe. He had
bought her two months' journey off,
and then she had already come a long
distance. And now that he had got
them to the coast, he esteems them
of small value compared to the full-
blooded blacks ; for Kaloolah has pined
herself away to a shadow, and her bro-
ther, Enphadde, is bent upon suicide,
and cannot be trusted with unfettered
hands ; so that for thirty dollars
Rom er buys them both. The Bonito
having been driven out to sea by the
approach of a British cruiser, he
passes some days on shore with
his new purchases ; during which
time, with a rapidity bordering on
the miraculous, he acquires sufficient
of their language, and they of his, to
carry on a sort of piebald conversa-
tion, to learn the history of these pale
Africans, and some particulars of their
mysterious country.
" The Gerboo Blanda, I found, was
a name given to their country by the
Jagas, that its true name was Frama-
zugda, and that the people were called
Framazugs. That it was situated at a
great distance in the interior, in a direc-
tion west by north, and that it was sur-
rounded by negro and savage nations,
through whom a trade was carried on
with people at the north-west and east,
none of whom, however, were ever seen
at Framazugda, as the trade had to pass
through a number of hands. Enphadde
represented the country to be of consi-
derable extent, consisting mostly of a
lofty plateau or elevated plain, and ex-
ceedingly populous, containing numerous
large cities, surrounded by high walls,
and filled with houses of stone. Several
large streams and lakes watered the soil,
which, according to his account, was closely
cultivated, and produced in abundance the
greatest variety of trees, fruits, flowers,,
and grain. Over this country ruled Selha.
Shounse, the father of Enphadde and Ka-
loolah, as king. It was in going from the
capital to one of the royal gardens that
their escort was attacked by a party of
blacks from the lowlands, the attendants
killed or dispersed, and the young princa-
and princess carried off."
1849.]
Jonathan in Africa.
177
Thirty dollars could hardly be
•deemed a heavy price for the son and
daughter of the great Shounse", and
Jonathan was well pleased with his
bargain, although it was not yet clear
how he should realise a profit ; but
meanwhile it was something to be the
proprietor of their royal highnesses of
Framazugda ; something too to gaze
into Kaloolah's bright black eyes, and
listen to her dulcet tones, as she
warbled one of her country's ditties
about the Fultul, a sweet-scented
lily flourishing beside the rivulets of
her native mountains. The verses,
by the bye, are not to be commended
in Mr Homer's version; they perhaps
sounded better in the original Frama-
zug, and when issuing from the sweet
lips of Kaloolah.
Instead of a week, the Bonito was
a month absent, having been caught
in a calm. Captain Pedro Garbez
promised the Virgin Mary the value
of a young negro in wax-lights for a
capful of wind, but in vain ; and he
was fain to tear the hair from his
head with impatience. Meanwhile
Jonathan had caught a fever in the
swamps of Congo, and Kaloolah had
made his chicken-broth, and tended
him tenderly, and restored him to
health, although he was still so
altered in appearance that Garbez
knew him not when he mounted the
side of the slaver. All speed was
now made to buy and ship a cargo.
The account of the latter process is
interesting, and, we have no doubt,
perfectly authentic ; for although the
author of Kaloolah has chosen to in-
terlard, and perhaps deteriorate his
book by strange stories of imaginary
countries, animals, flowers, &c., it is
not difficult to distinguish between
his fact and his fiction, and to recog-
nise the internal evidence of veracity
and personal observation. A short
extract may here with propriety be
made, for the benefit of anti-slavery
philanthropists.
" The first slaves that came on board
were taken below the berth-deck, and
arranged upon a temporary slave-deck
placed over the water-casks, and at a
distance of not more than three feet and
a half from the deck overhead. . . .
The slaves were arranged in four ranks.
When lying down, the heads of the two
outer ranks touched the sides of the ship,
their feet pointing inboard or athwart
the vessel. They, of course, occupied a
space fore and aft the ship, of about six
feet on either side, or twelve feet of the
whole breadth. At the feet of the out-
side rank came the heads of the inner
row. They took up a space of six feet
more on either side, or together twelve
feet. There was still left a space running
up and down the centre of the deck, two
or three feet in breadth; along this were
stretched single slaves, between the feet of
the two inner rows, so that, when all were
lying down, almost every square foot of
the deck was covered with a mass of hu-
man flesh. Not the slightest space was
allowed between the individuals of the
ranks, but the whole were packed as
closely as they could be, each slave hav-
ing just room enough to stretch himself
out flat upon his back, and no more. la
this way about two hundred and fifty were
crowded upon the slave-deck, and as
many more upon the berth-deck. Hor-
rible as this may seem, it was nothing
compared to the ' packing' generally
practised by slavers. Captain Garbez
boasted that he had tried both systems,
tight packing and loose packing, tho-
roughly, and found the latter the best.
" ' If you call this loose packing,' I
replied, ' have the goodness to explain
what you mean by tight packing 1'
" ' Why, tight packing consists in mak-
ing a row sit with their legs stretched
apart, and then another row is placed
between their legs, and so on, until the
whole deck is filled. In the one case
each slave has as much room as he can
cover lying ; in the other only as much
room as he can occupy sitting. With
tight packing this craft ought to stow
fifteen hundred.' "
The Bonito was not above three
hundred tons. Such are the blessings
for which the negroes are indebted to
the tender-mercied emancipators who
have ruined our West Indian colonies.
"'When it comes to closing the
hatches,' (in the event of a gale) said
Captain Pedro, ' it is all up with the
voyage. You can hardly save enough to
pay expenses. They die like leeches iu
a thunderstorm. I was once in a little
schooner with three hundred on board,
and we were compelled to lie-to for three
days. It was the worst sea I ever saw,
and came near swamping us several times.
We lost two hundred and fifty slaves in
that gale. We couldn't get at the dead
ones to throw them overboard very
handily, and so those that didn't die from
want of air were killed by the rolling
and tumbling about of the corpses. Of
178
Jonathan in Africa.
[Aug,
the living ones some had their' limbs
broken, and every one had the flesh of
his leg worn to the bone, by the shackle
irons.'
"'Good God ! and you still pursue the
horrible trade !'
" ' Certainly ; why not ? Despite of
accidents the trade is profitable, and, for
the cruelty of it, no one is to blame
except the English. Were it not for
them, large and roomy vessels would be
employed, and it would be an object to
bring the slaves over with every comfort,
and in as good condition as possible.
Now, every consideration must be sacri-
ficed to the one great object — escape from
capture by the British cruisers.'
" I had no wish to reply to the cap-
tain's argument. One might as well re-
ply to a defence of blasphemy or murder.
Giddy, faint, and sick, I turned with
loathing from the fiends in human guise,
and sought the more genial companion-
ship of the inmates of my state-room."
These were Kaloolah and Enphad-
de. To conceal the beauty of the
former, perilous amidst the lawless
crew of the slaver, Jonathan had
marked her face with caustic, pro-
ducing black spots which had the
appearance of disease. This tempo-
rary disfigurement secured her from
licentious outrage, but not from harsh
treatment. Monte, second captain of
the Bonito, was an ex-pirate, whose
vessel had been destroyed by Yankee
cruisers. To spite Romer, whom he
detested as an American, he threat-
ened to send Kaloolah and her brother
amongst the slaves, and took every
opportunity of abusing them. Chap-
ter xxi. passes wholly on board
the slaver, and is excellent of its
kind. The Bonito is chased by a
man-of-war, but escapes. At day-
break, whilst lying in his berth,
Homer hears a bustle on deck, fol-
lowed by shrill cries and plunges in
the water. The following is good : —
" I jumped from my berth and stepped
out upon deck. A dense fog brooded
npon the surface of the ocean, and closely
enveloped the ship — standing up on
either side, like huge perpendicular walls
of granite, and leaving a comparatively
clear space — the area of the deck and
the height of the maintopmast crosstrees.
Inboard, the sight ranged nearly free
fore-and-aft the ship, but seaward no
eye could penetrate, more than a yard or
two, the solid-looking barrier of vapour.
A man standing on the taffrail might have
seen the catheads the whole length of the
deck, whilst at the same time, behind him,
the end of the spanker boom, projecting
over the water, was lost in the mist. I
looked up at the perpendicular walls and
the lofty arch overhead with feelings of
awe, and, I may add, fear. Cursed, indeed,
must be our craft, when the genius of
the mist so carefully avoided the pollu-
tion of actual contact. His rolling legions
were close around us, but vapoury horse
and misty foot shrank back affrighted
from the horrors of our blood-stained
decks."
The phenomenon was doubtless
attributable to the hot air generated
in the crowded 'tween-decks. The
cries and plashings that had startled
Jonathan were soon explained. Viru-
lent opthalmia raged on board, and
Monte was drowning the blind, whose
value of course departed with their
eyesight. A blind slave was " an
encumbrance, an unsaleable article, a
useless expense. Pitch him over-
board ! Twenty-five to-day, and a
dozen more to-morrow !" But retri-
bution was at hand, threatened, at
least, by a British brig-of-war, which
appeared when the fog cleared, at
about a mile and a half to windward.
During the chase, Monte, casually
jostled by Kaloolah, struck her to the
deck, and a furious scuffle ensued
between him and Jonathan, who at
last, seeing some of the crew ap-
proaching, knife in hand, leaped over-
board, dragging his antagonist with
him, and followed by Enphadde and
Kaloolah. After a deep dive, dur-
ing which Monte's tenacious grasp
was at last relaxed, the intrepid
Jonathan regained the surface, where
he and his friends and enemy easily
supported themselves till picked up by
the brig. The swift slaver escaped.
Monte was put in irons, Romer and
his Framazugdan friends were made
much of by Captain Halsey and the
officers of her Majesty's brig Flyaway,
and landed in the picturesque bat pes-
tilent shores of Sierra Leone. Then
Kaloolah and her brother propose to
seek their way homewards, and
Jonathan takes ship for Liverpool.
Previously to his departure, there are
some love passages between the Yan-
kee and the Princess of Framazugda.
These are not particularly successful.
Sentiment is not Dr Mayo's/orte; he
is much happier in scenes of bustle
1849.]
Jonathan in Africa.
179
and adventure — when urging his
weary dromedary across boundless
tracts of sand, or waging deadly com-
bat with the fierce inmates of African
jungles. His book will delight Mi-
Van Amburgh. There is a duel be-
tween a lion and a boa that we make
no doubt of seeing dramatised at
Astley's, as soon as a serpent can be
tamed sufficiently for the perform-
ance. That Dr Mayo's lions are of
the veiy first magnitude, the follow-
ing description shows : — " His body
was hardly less in size than that of a
dray-horse ; his paw as large as the
foot of an elephant ; while his head !
— what can be said of such a head ?
Concentrate the fury, the power, the
capacity, and the disposition for evil of
a -dozen thunderstorms into a round
globe about two feet in diameter, and
one would then be able to get an idea
of the terrible expression of that head
and face, enveloped and set off as it
was by the dark framework of brist-
ling mane I " This pleasing quad-
ruped, disturbed in its forest solitude
by the advent of Jonathan and the
fair Kaloolah, who have wandered,
lover-like, to some distance from their
bivouac, at once prepares to break-
fast upon them. Jonathan had im-
prudently laid down his gun to pluck
wild honeysuckles for his mistress,
when the lion, stepping in, cuts him
off from his weapon. Suddenly " the
light figure of Kaloolah rushed past
me : ' Fly, fly, Jon' than !' she wildly
exclaimed, as she dashed forward
directly towards the lion. Quick as
thought, I divined her purpose, and
sprang after her, grasping her dress,
and pulling her forcibly back, almost
from within those formidable jaws.
The astonished animal gave several
jumps sideways and backwards, and
stopped, crouching to the ground, and
growling and lashing his sides with
renewed fury. It was clearly taken
aback by our unexpected charge upon
him, but yet was not to be frightened
into abandoning his prey. His mouth
was made up for us, and there could
be no doubt, if his motions were a
a little slow, that he considered us as
good as gorged." Pulling back Ka-
loolah, and drawing his knife, Romer
awaits, with desperate determination,
the monster's terrible onslaught, Avhen
an unexpected ally arrives to the
rescue. " It seemed as if one of the
gigantic creepers I have mentioned
had suddenly quitted the canopy
above, and, endowed with life and a
huge pair of widely distended jaws,
had darted with the rapidity of light-
ning upon the crouching beast. There
was a tremendous shaking of the tree-
tops, and a confused wrestling and
jumping and whirling over and about,
amid a cloud of upturned roots and
earth and leaves, accompanied with
the most terrific roars and groans.
As I looked again, vision grew more
distinct. An immense body, gleaming
with purple, green, and gold, appear-
ed convoluted around the majestic
branches overhead, and, stretching
down, was turned two or three times
around the struggling lion, whose head
and neck were almost concealed from
sight within the cavity of a pair of jaws
still more capacious than his own."
A full-grown boa, whose length is
estimated by MrRomerat about a hun-
dred feet, ('much less than many he sub-
sequently saw, but still " a very re-
spectable-sized snake,") had dropped
a few fathoms of coil from the gigantic
tree around which he was twined, and
enveloped the lion, who soon was
crushed to death in the scaly embrace.
Jonathan makes no doubt that the
serpent was about to swallow his vic-
tim whole, according to the custom of
his kind ; and it is certainly to be re-
gretted that the entreaties of Kaloo-
lah, combined with the " strong sickly
odour" diffused by the boa, prevented
his remaining to witness a process of
deglutition which, considering the di-
mensions of the morsel to be swal-
lowed, could not have been otherwise
than curious.
Wrecked a second time, Romer
again reaches the coast of Africa, in
company with an old sailor named
Jack Thompson. They fall into the
hands of the Bedouins, and suffer
much ill treatment, an account of
which, and of various adventures and
escapes, occupy many chapters, and
would have borne a little curtailment.
Romer is wandering about with a
tribe, upon whom he has passed him-
self off as an Arab from a distant
region, when he is compelled to join
in an attack on a caravan. Kaloolah
is amongst the prisoners. She has
been captured by a party of slave-
180
Jonathan in Africa.
[Aug.
hunters, and is on her way to Mo-
rocco, where her master hopes her
beauty will fetch a good price from
the Emperor Muley Abderrahman.
In the partition of the spoil, she falls
to the share of an old Arab, who is
ill satisfied with the acquisition.
" He was extremely chagrined at the
turn of fortune which threatened to
throw into the wrangling elements of
his domestic felicity a feminine super-
fluity— or, as he expressed it, ' another
tongue in his tent.'
" ' Bismillah !' he exclaimed; ' God
is great, but this is a small thing!
She is not a man ; she is not a black
— she cannot work ; but won't she eat
and talk ! They all eat and talk. I
take a club sometimes, and knock
them down ; beat them ; break their
bones ; but they still eat and talk !
God's will be done ! but it is too much
to put such a thing upon me for my
share! She is good for nothing: I
cannot sell her.'"
The grumbling old Bedouin did sell
her, however, to Jonathan, for three
or four cotton shirts. Flight now
becomes necessary, for Hassan, son
of the chief of the tribe, seeks Jona-
than's life, and Mrs Ali, the chief's
wife, persecutes him with her mis-
placed affection, and is spiteful to
Kaloolah, Avhom she looks upon as the
chief obstacle to its requital. Upon
this head our Yankee is rather good :
" Respect for the sex," he says, " and
a sentiment of gentlemanly delicacy,
which the reader will appreciate, pre-
vents me from dwelling upon the
story at length. It was wrong, un-
doubtedly, in Seffora to love any
other than her old, rugose-faced,
white-bearded husband ; but it is not
for me to blame her. One thing,
however, in her conduct can hardly be
excused. True, I might have treated
her affection with more tenderness ; I
might have nursed the gentle flowers
of passion, instead of turning away
from their fragrance ; I might have re-
sponded to that ' yearning of the soul
for sympathy' — have relieved, with
the food of love, ' the mighty hunger
of the heart ;' but all this, and more
that I might have done, but did not
do, gave her no right to throw stones
at Kaloolah." To avoid the pelting
and other 'disagreeables, the lovers
take themselves off in the night-time,
mounted on heiries — camels of a pecu-
liar breed and excellence, famed in
the desert for endurance and speed.
On their road they pick up, in a
Moorish village, an Irish renegade ;
at some salt-works, they find Jack
Thompson working as a slave ; and
soon afterwards their party is in-
creased to five persons, by the addition
of Hassan, a runaway negro. With
this motley tail, Mr Romer pushes on
in the direction of Framazugda. Here
the editor very judiciously epitomises
six long chapters in as many pages ;
and, immediately after this compressed
portion, there begins what may be
strictly termed the fabulous, or almost
the supernatural part of the book.
Previously to this there have been not
a few rather startling incidents, but
now the author throws the rein on the
neck of his imagination, and scours
away into the realms of the extrava-
gant ; still striving, however, by cir-
cumstantial detail, to give an appear-
ance of probability to his astounding
and ingenious inventions. Some of
the descriptions of scenery and savage
life in the wilderness are vivid and
striking, and show power which might
be better applied. Of the fabulous
animals, the following account of an
amiable reptile, peculiar to central
Africa, will serve as a sufficient speci-
men of Yankee natural history : —
" It is aii amphibious polypus. If the
reader will conceive a large cart-wheel,
the hub will represent the body of the
animal, and the spokes the long arms,
about the size and shape of a full-grown
kangaroo's tail, and twenty in number,
that project from it. When the animal
moves upon land, it stiffens these radii,
and rolls over upon the points like a
wheel without a felloe. These arms have
also the capability of a lateral prehensile
contraction in curves, perpendicular toils
plane of revolution, and enable the animal
to grasp its prey, and draw it into its
voracious mouth. It attacks the largest
animals, and even man itself ; but, if dan-
gerous upon land, it is still more formid-
able in the water, where it has been known
to attack and kill an alligator. This
horrible monster is known by the name
of the Sempersough or ' snake-star,' and ia
more dreaded than any other animal of
Framazugda, inasmuch as the natives
have no way of destroying it, except by
catching it when young, in cane traps
sunk in the water, and baited with hip-
popotamus cubs (!) Fortunately it is not
1819.]
Jonathan in Africa.
yery prolific ; and its increase is further
prevented by the furious contests that
these animals have among themselves.
Sometimes twenty or thirty will grasp
each other with their long arms, and
twist themselves up into a hard and in-
tricate knot. In this situation they re-
main, hugging and gnawing each other to
death ; and never relaxing their grasp
until their arms are so firmly intertwined
that, when life is extinct, and the huge
mass floats, they cannot be separated.
The natives now draw the ball ashore,
cut it up with axes, and make it into a
compost for their land." (! ! )
Is Dr Mayo addicted to heavy sup-
pers? We can just fancy an unfor-
tunate individual, after a midnight
meal on a shield of brawn and a Brob-
diguagian crab, which he has omitted
to qualify by a subsequent series of
stiff tumblers, sinking into an uneasy
slumber, and being rolled over by such
au incubus as this vivacious waggon-
wheel. Doubtless there is a possibi-
lity of a man dieting himself into this
style of writing, whereof a short spe-
cimen may excite a smile, but whose
frequent recurrence is necessarily
wearisome, and which obviously es-
capes criticism. But the author of
Kaloolah is not contented with brute
monstrosities. He chronicles reports
that reach his hero's ears, of nations
of human monsters, with teeth filed
to a sharp point (no uncommon prac-
tice amongst certain negro tribes,)
with tusks projecting like those of a
wild boar, and with pendant lips that
continually drop blood. AH this is
childish enough ; but Jack Thompson,
who is a dry dog, caps these astound-
ing fictions with a cannibal yarn from
the Southern Hemisphere.
" ' I've been among the New Zea-
landers,' quoth Jack, ' and there they use
each other for fresh grub, as regular as
boiled duff in a man-of-war's mess. They
used to eat their fathers and mothers,
when they got too old to take care of
themselves ; but now they've got to be
more civilised, and so they only eat
ricketty children, and slaves, and enemies
taken in battle.'
w ' A decided instance of the progress
of improvement, and march of mind,'
said I.
"'Well, I believe that is what the
missionaries call it,' replied Jack ; but
it's a bad thing for the old folks. They
don't take to the new fashion — they are
in favour of the good old custom. I never
VOL. LXVI.— NO. CCCCVI.
181
see'd the thing myself ; but Bill Brown,
a messmate of mine once, told me that,
when he was at the Bay of Islands, he
see'd a great many poor old souls going
about with tears in their eyes, trying to
get somebody to eat them. One of them
came off to the ship, and told them that
he couldn't find rest in the stomachs of
any of his kindred, and wanted to know
if the crew wouldn't take him in. The
skipper told him he was on monstrous
short allowance, but he couldn't accom-
modate him. The poor old fellow, Bill
said, looked as though his heart would
break. There were plenty of sharks
round the ship, and the skipper advised
him to jump overboard ; but he couldn't
bear the idea of being eaten raw.' "
The great audacity of Dr Mayo's
fictions preclude surprise at the bold-
ness of his tropes and similes. The
tails of his lions lash the ground
" with a sound like the falling of
clods upon a coffin ;" their roar is like
the boom of a thirty-two pounder,
shaking the trees, and rattling the
boulders in the bed of the river. Of
course, allowance must be made for
the vein of humorous rhodomontade
peculiar to certain American writers,
and into which Dr Mayo sometimes
unconsciously glides, and, at others, vo-
luntarily indulges. His description of
the conjuring tricks of the Framazug-
dan jugglers comes under the latter
head.
" Some of them were truly wonderful,
as, for instance, turning a man into a tree
bearing fruit, and with monkeys skipping
about in the branches; and another case,
where the chief juggler apparently swal-
lowed five men, ten boys, and a jackass,
threw them all up again, turned himself
inside out, blewhimself up like a balloon,
and, exploding with a loud report, disap-
peared in a puff of luminous vapour. I
could not but admire the skill with which
the tricks were performed, although I was
too much of a Yankee to be raucli aston-
ished at anything in the Hey, Presto!
line."
A countryman of Mr Jefferson Davis
is not expected to feel surprise at
anything in the way of sleight of
hand, or " double shuffle ;" and there
was probably nothing more startling
to the senses in the evaporation of
King Shounse's conjuror, than in the
natural self- extinction of the Mississi-
pian debt. It is only a pity that
Jonathan Homer did not carry his
182
Jonathan in Africa.
[Aug.
smart fellow-citizen to the country of
the Pholdefoos, a class of enthusiasts
who devote their lives to a search for
the germs of moral, religious, and
political truth. Mr Davis would have
felt rather out of his element at first,
but could not have failed ultimately
to have benefited by his sojourn
amongst these singular savages.
On coming in sight of her father's
capital, Kaloolah is overcome with
emotion, and sinks weeping into her
brother's arms. " I felt," says Jona-
than, " that this was a situation in
which even the most sympathising
lover would be de trop. There were
thronging associations which I could
not share, vibrating memories to which
my voice was mot attuned, bonds of
affection which all-powerful love might
transcend, and even disrupt, but
whose precise nature it could not as-
sume. There are some lovers who
are jealous of such things — fellows
who like to wholly monopolise a
woman, and who are constantly on
the watch, seizing and appropriating
her every look, thought, and feeling,
with somewhat of the same notion of
an exclusive right, as that with which
they pocket a tooth-pick. I am not
of that turn. The female heart is as
curiously and as variously stocked as
a country dry-goods store. A man
may be perhaps allowed to select out,
for his own exclusive use, some of the
heavier articles, such as sheetings,
shirtings, flannels, trace- chains, hob-
by-horses, and goose-yokes ; but that
is no reason why the neighbours should
be at once cut off from their accus-
tomed supply of smallwares."
We venture to calculate that it
takes a full-blooded Yankee to write
in this strain, which reminds us, re-
motely, it is true, of some of Mr
Samuel Slick's eccentric fancies. Dr
Mayo has considerable versatility of
pen ; he dashes at everything, from
the ultra- grotesque to the hyper-sen-
timental, from the wildest fable to the
most substantial matter-of-fact ; and
if not particularly successful in some
styles, in others he really makes what
schoolboys call " a very good offer."
But the taste of the day is by no
means for extravaganza travels, after
the fashion of Gulliver, but without
the brilliant and searching satire that
lurks in Lilliput and Laputa. Mr
Herman Melville might have known
that much ; although we have heard
say that certain keen critics have
caught glimpses in his Mardi of a
hidden meaning — one, however, which
the most penetrating have hitherto
been unable to unravel. We advise
Dr Mayo to start afresh, with a better
scheme. Instead of torturing his in-
ventive faculties to produce rotatory
dragons, wingless birds, (propelled
through the air by valves in their
heads,) and countries where courtiers,
like Auriol in the ring at Franconi's,
do public homage by standing on their
hands ; let him seek his inspiration in.
real life, as it exists in the wilder re-
gions of the vast continent of which
he is a native. A man who has
strayed so far, and seen so much, can
hardly be at a loss. The slaver's
surgeon, the inmate of the Bedouin's
tent, the bold explorer of the deadly
swamps of Congo, had surely rambled
nearer home before a restless fancy
lured him to such distant and danger-
ous latitudes. Or are we too bold in
assuming that the wilds and forests of
Western America have echoed to the
crack of his rifle, and that the West
Indian seas have borne the furrow of
his vessel's prow? It is in such scenes
we would gladly find him, when next
he risks himself in print : beneath the
shade of the live oak or on the rolling
prairie, or where the black flag, with
the skeleton emblem, floats from the
masthead. He has worked out his
crotchet of an imaginary white nation
in the heart of Africa, carrying it
through with laborious minuteness,
and with results hardly equal to the
pains bestowed: let him now turn
from the ideal to the real, and may
our next meeting be on the Spanish
main under rover's bunting, or west
of the clearings, where the bison
roams and the Redskin prowls, and the
stragglers from civilisation have but
begun to show themselves.
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn.— Part III.
183
THE GREEN HAND.*
SHORT YAEN. — PART III.
THE evening after that in which
the commander of the Gloucester
Indiaman introduced his adventures,
nearly the same party met on the poop
to hear them continued.
" Well then," began Captain Col-
lins, leaning back against a stanchion
of the quarter-rail, with folded arms,
legs crossed, and his eyes fixed on the
weather-leech of the mizen-topsail to
collect his thoughts; — "well then,
try to fancy the Seringapatam in
chase of the Gloucester ; and if I do
use a few extra sea-terms, I consider
the ladies good enough sailors for them
already. At any rate, just throw a
glance aloft now and then, and our
good old lady will explain herself ; to
her own sex, she's as good as a dic-
tionary without words !
The second day out we had the wind
more from seaward, which broke up
the haze into bales of cloud, and
away they went rolling in for the Bay
of Biscay ; with a longer wave and
darker water, and the big old India-
man surged over it as easily as might
be, the blue breeze gushing right into
her main-tack through the heave of
the following seas, and the tail of
the trade -wind flying high above
her trucks in shreds and patches.
Things got more ship-shape dn deck ;
anchor- flukes brought in-board on
the head-rail, and cables stowed
away — the very best sign you can
have of being clear of the land.
The first officer, as they called him,
was a good-lookingfellow, that thought
no small-beer of himself, with his
glossy blue jacket and Company's but-
tons, white trowsers, dnd a gold thread
round his cap : he had it stuck askew
to show how his hair was brushed,
and changed his boots every time he
came on deck. Still he looked like a
sailor, if but for the East India brown
on his face, and there was no mistake
about his knowing how to set a sail,
trim yards, or put the ship about ;
so that the stiff old skipper left a great
deal to him, besides trusting in him
for a first-rate navigator that had
learned headwork at a naval school.
The crew were to be seen all muster-
ing before tea-time in the dog-watch,
with their feet just seen under the
foot mat of the fore-course, like actors
behind a playhouse curtain : men that
I warrant you had seen every country
under heaven amongst them, as pri-
vate as possible, and ready to enjoy
their pots of tea upon the forecastle,
as well as their 'talk.
The old judge evidently fought shy of
company, and perhaps; meant to have
his own mess-table under the poop
as long as the voyage lasted : scarcely
any of the ladies had apparently got
their sea-qualms over yet, and, for
all I knew, she might not be on board
at all ; or, if she were, her father
seemed quite Turk enough to keep
her boxed up with jalousie-blinds,
Calcutta fashion, and give her a
walk in the middle watch, with the
poop tabooed till morning ! The
jolly, red-faced indigo -planter was
the only one that tried to get up any-
thing like spirit at the table ; indeed,
he would have scraped acquaintance
with me if I had been in a mood for
it: all I did was to say 'Yes' and
'No,' and to take wine with him.
"Poor fellow!" said he, turning to
three or four of the cadets, that stuck
by him like pilot-fish to an old shark,
" he's thinking of his mother at home,
I daresay." The fools thought this
was meant as a joke, and began to
laugh. " Why, you unfledged grif-
fins you," said the planter, " what
d'ye see to nicker at, like so many
jackals in a trap ? D'ye suppose one
thinks the less of a man for having a
heart to be sick in, as well as a sto-
mach— eh ? " " Oh, don't speak of it,
Mr Bollock ! " said one. " Come,
come, old boy ! " said another, with a
white mustache on his lip, " 'twon't
do for you to go the sentimental, you
know ! " " Capsize my main-spanker,
'tis too funny, though ! " put in a fel-
low who wore a glazed hat on deck,
* See No. CCCCL, March 1849.
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn— Part III.
[Aug.
and put down all the ropes with num-
bers on paper, as soon as he had done
being sick. The planter leant back
in his chair, looked at them coolly,
and burst out a-laughing. " Catch me
ever 'going home' again!" said he.
" Of all the absurd occasions for im-
pudence with the egg-shell on its head
coming out, hang me if these fifteen
thousand miles of infernal sea-water
ain't the worst! India for ever! —
that's the place to try a man ! He's
cither sobered or gets room to work
there ; and just wait, my fine fellows,
till I see you on the Custom-house
Bunda at Bombay, or setting off up
country — you're all of you the very
food for sircars and coolies! That
quiet lad there, now, soft as he looks,
— I can tell by his eye he won't be
long a griff — He'll do something ! I
tell you what, as soon as he's tasted
a mango-fish, he'll understand the
country ! Why, sir ! " said he again,
smacking his lips, " 'tis worth the
voyage of itself — you begin a new
existence, so to speak ! I'll be bound
all this lot o' water don't contain one
single mango-fish ! Remember, boys,
I promised you all a regular blow-out
of mango-fish, &nd.jlorican with bread-
sauce, whenever you can get across to
Chuckbully Factory ! " " Blow good
breeze, then ; blow away the main
jib!" said the nautical young gentle-
man ; "I'll join you, old fellow!"
"Not the best way to bring it about,
though ! " said the indigo-planter,
good-naturedly, not knowing but there
was such a sail on the ship.
The yellow setting sun was striking
over the starboard quarter-boat, and
the Bay of Biscay lay broad down
to leeward for a view — a conple of
large craft, with all studding-sails
set before the wind, making for land,
far enough off to bring their can-
vass in a piece, and begin to look
blue with the air — one like a milk-
woman with pitchers and a hoop;
the other like a girl carrying a big
bucketful of water, and leaning the
opposite way to steady herself. There
was one far to north-east, too, no more
than a white speck in the gray sky ;
i\nd the land-cloud went up over it
into so many sea- lions' heads, all look-
ing out of their manes. The children
clapped their hands and laughed; and
the ladies talked about the vessels,
and thought they saw land — Spain or
the Pyrenees, perhaps. However, it
wasn't long before my American friend
Snout caught sight of me in the midst of
his meditations, as he turned bolt round
on his toes to hurry aft again.
"The fact is, mister," said he,
"7Vt riled a little at the 'tarnation
pride of you Britishers. There now,"
said he, pointing at the blaze of the
sun to westward, with his chin,
"there's a consolation! I calculate
the sun's just over Noo-York, which
I expect to give you old country folks
considerable pain !"
"No doubt!" said I, with a sigh,
" one can't help thinking of a banker
run off with ever so much English
gold!" "You're a sensible chap,
you are. It's a right-down asylum
for oppressed Europains, that can't
be denied." " And Africans too,"
I put in. • " Indy, now," said he,
" I reckon there's a sight of
dollars made in that country — you
don't s'pose I'm goin' out there for
nothing? We'll just take it out o'
your hands yet, mister. I don't ought
to let you into the scheme till I know
you better, you see ; but I expect to
want a sort o' company got up before
we land. There's one of your nabobs,
now, came into the ship at Possmouth
with a whole tail of niggers-dressed-
up ." " And a lady with him, I
think?" said I, as coolly as I could.
— " I'll somehow open on that chap
about British tyranny, I guess, after
gettin' a little knowledge out of
him. We'd just rise the niggurs,
if they had not such a right-down
cur'ous wry-thullogy — but I tell you
now, mister, that's one of the very
p'ints I expect to meet. Mss'naries
won't do it so slick off in two thou-
sand years, I kinder think, as this
indentical specoolation will in ten, —
besides payin' like Peruvain mines,
which the miss'nary line don't. I'm
a regoolar Down-easter, ye see —
kinder piercin' into a subject, like our
nation in gin'ral — and the whull
schim hangs together a little, I cal-
culate, mister ? " " So I should
think, Mr Snout, indeed," I said.
Here the American gave another
chuckle, and turned to again on his
walk, double quick, till you'd have
thought the whole length of the poop
shook : when who should I see with the
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short''1 Yarn.— Part III.
185
tail of my eye, but my friend the Kit-
magar salaaming to Mr Snout, by the
break of the quarter- deck* The
Yankee seemed rather taken aback at
first, and didn't know what to make
of him. " S' laam, sah 'b," said the
dark servant, with an impudent look,
and loud enough for me to hear, as I
stepped from aft, — " Judge sahib
i-send genteeman salaam — say too
much hivvy boot he got — all same as
Illimphant ! S'pose master not so
much loud walk, this side ? " " Well!"
broke out the American, looking at
the Bengalee's flat turban and mus-
tache, as if he were too great a curi-
osity to be angry with, then, turning
on his heel to proceed with his walk,
" Now, mister," said he to me, "that's
what I call an incalculable irnpwdent
black — but he's the first I ev,er saw
with hair on his lip, it's a fact ! "
"Master not mind?" said the Kit-
magar, raising his key next time Mi-
Snout wheeled round. " Judge sahib
burra burra buhadoorkea ! — ver' great
man ! " " D niggur ! " said Mi-
Snout, tramping away aft; "there's
your British regoolations, I say, young
man ! niggurs baaing on the quarter-
deck, and free-born citizens put off
it ! " " Bhote hhoob, mistree ! "
squeaked out the native again ; "burra
judge sahib not i-sleep apter he dine?
— ven well — I tell the sahib, passlger
mistree moor stamp-i-stamp all the
moor I can say ! " So off he went to
report in the poop-cabin. A little
after, up shot a head wrapped in a
yellow bandanna, just on the level of
the poop-deck, looking through the
breast- rail ; and the next thing I saw
was the great East Indian himself,
with a broad- flapped Man ilia hat over
this top-gear, and a red-flowered
dressing-gown, standing beside the
binnacle with Captain Williamson.
" What the deuce, Captain William-
son ! " said the judge, with an angry
glance up to the poop, " cannot I
close my eyelids after dinner for one
instant — in my own private apart-
ments, sir — for this hideous noise !
Who the deuce is that person there —
eh, eh ? " " He 's an American
gentleman, I believe, Sir Charles,"
replied the captain. " Believe, sir ! "
said the judge, " you ought to knoic
every individual, I think, Captain
Williamson, whom you admitted into
this vessel ! I expressly stipulated
for quiet, sir — I understood that no
suspicious or exceptionable persons
should travel in the same conveyance
with my suwarry. I 'd have taken
the whole ship, sir ! " "I 've no
more to do than tell him the regula-
tions aboard, Sir Charles," said the
captain, " and the annoyance will
cease." " Tell him, indeed ! " said
the judge, a little more good-humour -
edly, " why, captain, the man looks
like a sea-pirate ! You should have
taken only such raw griffins as that
young lad on the other side. Ho,
kitmagar ! " " Maharaj ? " said the
footman, bowing down to the deck.
" Slippers lao ! " " Jee, khodabund,"
answered the native, and immediately
after he reappeared from the round-
house door, with a pair of turned-up
yellow slippers. " Take them up
with my salaam to that gentleman
there," said Sir Charles, in Hindos-
tanee, "and ask him to use them."
"Hullo!," sung out Mr Snout, on
being hove- to by the kitmagar, with
one hand on his breast and the other
holding the slippers, " this won't do !
You'd better not rile me again, you
cussed uiggur you — out o' my way ! "
There they went at it along the poop
together, Mr Snout striding right for-
ward with his long legs, and the kit-
magar hopping backward out of his
way, as he tried to make himself un-
derstood ; till, all at once, the poor
fellow lost his balance at the ladder-
head, and over he went with a smash
fit to have broken his neck, if the
captain's broad back hadn't fortu-
nately been there to receive it. The
rage of Sir Charles at this was quite
beyond joking ; nothing else would
satisfy him but the unlucky Yankee's
being shoved off the poop by main
force, and taken below — the one
stamping and roaring like an old
buffalo, and the other testifying
against all " aristocratycal tyranny."
At eight bells, again, I found it a
fine breezy night, the two upper
mates walking the weather quarter- \
deck in blue-water style, six steps
and a look to windward, then a
wheel round, and, now and then, a
glance into the binnacle. I went aft
and leant over the Seringapatam's
lee quarter, looking at the white back-
wash running aft from her bows, in
186
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
green sparks, into the smooth along-
side, and the surge coming round her
counter to meet it. Everything was
set aloft that could draw, even to a
starboard main-topmast-stunsail ; the
high Indiaman being lighter than if
homeward-bound, and the breeze
strong abeam, she had a good heel-
over to port : but she went easily
through the water, and it was only at
the other side you heard it rattling
both ways along the bends. The
shadow of her went far to leeward,
except where a gleam came on the top
of a wave or two between the sails
and under their foot. Just below the
sheer of the hull aft it was as dark as
night, though now and then the light
from a port struck on it and went in
again ; but every time she sank, the
bight of her wake from astern
swelled up away round the counter,
with its black side as smooth as a
looking-glass. I kept peering into it,
and expecting to see my own face,
while all the time I was very naturally
thinking of one quite different, and
felt uneasy till I should actually see
her. " Confound it !" I thought,
" were it only a house, one might walk
round and round it till he found out
the window !" I fancied her bewitch-
ing face through the garden door, as
clearly as if I saw it in the dark head
of the swell; but I'd have given
more only to hear that imp of a
cockatoo scream once — whereas there
was nothing but the water working up
into the rudder-case ; the pintles
creaking, and the tiller-ropes cheep-
ing as they traversed ; and the long
welter of the sea when the ship eased
down, with the surgeon and his friends
walking about and laughing up to
windward. From that, again, I ran
on putting things together, till, in
fact, Jacobs's notion of a shipwreck
seemed by far the best. No doubt
Jacobs and Westwood, with a few
others, would be saved, while I didn't
even object much to the old nabob
himself, for respectability's sake,
and to spare crape. But, by Jove,
wouldn't one bring him to his bear-
ings soon enough there ! Every sailor
gets hold of this notion some night-
watch or other, leaning over the side,
with pretty creatures aboard he can
scarce speak to otherwise : and I was
coiling it down so fast myself, at the
moment, that I had just begun to
pitch into the nabob about our all
being Adam's sons and daughters,
under a knot of green palm-trees, at
the door of a wooden house, half
thatched with leaves, when I was
brought up with a round turn by see-
ing a light shining through the hazy
bull's-eye in the deck where I stood.
No doubt the sweet girl I had been
thinking of was actually there, and
going to bed ! I stretched over the
quarter, but the heavy mouldings
were in the way of seeing more than
the green bars of the after window —
all turned edgeways to the water,
where the gallery hung out like a
corner turret from the ship's side.
Now and then, however, when she
careened a little more than ordinary,
and the smooth lee swell went heaping
up opposite, I could notice the light
through the Venetians from the state-
room come out upon the dark water
in broad bright lines, like the grate
across a fire, then disappearing in a
ripple, till it was gone again, or some-
body's shadow moved inside. It
was the only lighted window in the
gallery, and I looked every time
it came as if I could see in ; when at
last, you may fancy my satisfaction,
as, all of a sudden, onelong slowheave-
over of the ship showed me the whole
bright opening of the port, squared
out of her shadow, where it shone
upon the glassy round of the swell.
'Twas as plain as from a mirror in a
closet, — the lighted gallery window
with its frame swung in, a bit of the
deck -roof I was standing on, and two
female figures at the window — mere
dark shapes against the lamp. I al-
most started back at the notion of
their seeing me, but away lengthened
the light on the breast of the swell,
and it sank slowly down into a black
hollow, as the Indiaman eased up to
windward. Minute by minute, quite
breathless, did I watch for such another
chance ; but next time she leant over
as much, the port had been closed,
and all was dark ; although those few
moments were enough to send the
heart into my mouth with sheer delight.
The figure I had seen holding with one
hand by the portsill, and apparently
keeping up her dress with the other,
as if she were looking down steadily
on the heave of the sea below — it
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part III.
187
couldn't be mistaken. The line of
her head, neck, and shoulders, came
out more certain than if they hadn't
been filled up with nothing but a black
shadow; it was just Lota Hyde's, as
she sat in the ball-room amongst the
crowd, I'd have bet the Victory to a
bumboat on it : only her hair hung
loose on one side, while the girl be-
hind seemed to be dressing the other,
for it was turned back, so that I saw
clear past her cheek and neck to where
the lamp was, and her ear gleamed to
the light. For one moment nothing
could be plainer, than the glimpse
old Davy Jones gave me by one of his
tricks ; but the old fellow was quite
as decorous in his way as a chamber-
blind, and swallowed his pretty little
bit of blab as quickly as if it had been
amermaid caught at her morning toilet.
Whenever I found there was to be no
more, of it for the night, the best thing
to calm one's feelings was to light a
cigar and walk out the watch ; but I
took care it should rather be over the
nabob's head than his daughter's,
and went up to the weather side, where
there was nobody else by this time,
wishing her the sweetest of dreams,
and not doubting I should see her
next day.
I daresay I should have walked out
the first watch, and the second too,
if Westwood hadn't come up beside
me before he turned in.
" Why, you look like the officer of
the watch, Ned ! " said my friend,
after taking a glance round at the
night. " Yes— what ?— a— a— I don't
think so," stammered I, not knowing
what he said, or at least the meaning
of it, thotigh certainly it was not so
deep. " I hope not though, Tom !" said
I again, " 'tis the very thing I don't
want to look like!" "You seem
bent on keeping it up, and coming
the innocent, at any rate," said he ;
"I really didn't know you the first
time I saw you in the cuddy." "Why,
man, yon never saw our theatricals in
the dear old Iris, on the African sta-
tion ! I was our best female actor of
tragedy there, and did Desdemona so
well that the black cook who stood for
Othello actually cried. He said, ' No-
body but 'ee dibble nmself go forsmnd-
der missee Dasdemoner !' " " I dare-
say," said Westwood; "but what is
the need for it now, even if you could
serve as a blind for me ?" " My dear
fellow !" said I, "not at all — you've
kept it up very well so far— just go
on." Keep it up, Ned ? " inquired he,
" what do you mean ? I've done no-
thing except keep quiet, from mere
want of spirits. " " So much the better,"
I said ; " I never saw a man look more
like a prophet in the wilderness ; it
doesn't cost you the least trouble — why
you'd have done for Hamlet in the Iris,
if for nothing else ! After all, though, a
missionary don't wear bine pilot-cloth
trousers, nor tie his neckerchief as yon
do, Tom. You must bend a white
neckcloth to-morrow morning ! I'm
quite serious, Westwood, I assure
you," continued I. "Just think of
the suspicious look of two navy men
being aboard an Indiaman, nobody
knows how ! Why, the first frigate we
speak, or port we touch at, they'd
hand one or both of us over at once —
which I, for my part, shouldn't at all
like !" " Indeed, Collins," said Tom,
turning round, " I really cannot un-
derstand why you went out in her !
It distresses me to think that here
you've got yourself into this scrape
on my account ! At least you'll put
back in the first home-bound ship
we "
"Oh!" exclaimed I, blushing a
little in the dark though, both at
Westwood's simplicity and my not
wishing to tell him my secret yet —
" I'm tired of shore— I want to see
India again — I'm thinking of going
into the army, curse it !" " The army,
indeed !" said Westwood, laughing for
the first time, " and you midshipman
all over. No — no — that won't do ! I
see your drift, you can't deceive me !
You're a true friend, Ned, to stand
by an old schoolmate so ! " " No,
Tom !" said I ; " 'tis yourself has too
kind a heart, and more of a sailor's,
all fair and above-board, than I can
manage ! I won't humbug you, at any
rate — I tell you I've got a scheme of
my own, and you'll know more of it
soon." Tom whistled ; however I
went on to tell him, " The long and the
short of it is, Westwood, you'll bring
both of us by the head if you don't
keep up the missionary." "Mission-
ary!" repeated he; "you don't mean to
say you and Neville intended all that
long toggery you supplied my kit with,
for me to sail tinder missionary
188
The Green Hand— A " Short'' Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
colours ? I tell you what, Ned, it's
not a character I like to cut jokes
upon, much less to sham !" " Jokes !"
said I ; " there's no joking about it ;
'tis serious enough." " Why," said
Westwood, " now I know the reason
of a person like a clergyman sighting
me through his spectacles for half an
hour together, these two evenings be-
low ! This very afternoon he called me
his brother, and began asking me all
manner of questions which I could no
more answer than the cook's mate."
" Clergyman be hanged ! " said I,
" yon must steer clear of him, Tom —
take care you don't bowse up your jib
too much within hail of him ! Mind,
I gave your name, both to the head-
steward and the skipper, as the Reve-
rend Mr Thomas, going back to
Bombay." "The devil you did!"
" Why there was nothing else for it,
Westwood," I said, " when you were
beyond thinking for 'yourself. All
you've got to do with that solemn chap
in the spectacles, is just to look as
wise as possible, and let him know you
belong to the Church. And as forsham-
ming,you needn't sham abit — takeloit^
my dearfellow, ifthat willdoyougood !"
I said this in joke, but Westwood
seemed to ponder on it for a minute
or two. " Indeed, Collins," said he
gravely, "I do think you're right.
What do we sailors do, but give up
everything in life for a mere school-
boy notion, and keep turning up salt
water for years together like the old
monks did the ground; only they grew
corn and apples for their pains, and we
have nothing but ever so many dull
watches and wild cruises ashore to re-
member ! How many sailors have
turned preachers and missionaries, just
because something, by accident as it
were, taught them to put to account
what you can't help feeling now and
then in the very look of the sea. What
does it mean in the Scriptures, Ned,
about ' seeing the wonders of the Lord
in the deep ?' " As Westwood said this,
both ofus stopped on the taffrail, and,
somehow or other, a touch of I didn't
well know ichat went through me. I
held my breath, with his hand on my
armjust at the sight I had seen a thous-
and times — the white wake running
broad away astern, with a mark in the
middle as if it had been torn, on to the
green yeast of the waves, then right
to their black crests plunging in the
dark. It was midnight ahead, and the
clouds risen aloft over where I had
been looking half an hour before ; but
the long ragged split to westward was
opened up, and a clear glaring glance
of the sky, aspale as death, shot through
it on the horizon. " I can't be sorry
for having gone to sea," said West-
wood again ; " but isn't it a better
thing to leave home and friends, as
those men do, for the sake of carrying
the gospel to the heathen ?" As soon,
as we wheeled round, with the ship
before us, leaning over and mounting
to the heave, and her spread of can-
vass looming out on the dark, my
thoughts righted. "Well," said I,
"it may be all very well for some —
every one to his rope ; but, for my
part, I think if a man hadn't been
made for the sea, he couldn't have
built a ship, and where would your
missionaries be then? You're older
than I am, Westwood, or I'd say you
let some of your notions run away
with you, like a Yankee ship with
her short-handed crew !" " Oh, Xed,''
said he, " of all places in the world
for one's actions coining back on him
the sea is the worst, especially when
3'ou're an idler, and have nothing to
do but count the sails, or listen to the
passengers' feet on deck. These two
dajrs, now, I've thought more than I
ever did in my life. I can't get that
man's death out of my head ; every
time the sea flashes round me as I
come from below, I think of him — it
seems to me he is lying yet by the
side of the Channel I can't help hav-
ing the notion he perhaps fired in the
air!" "'Twas a base lie!" said I ;
' ' If he weren't there, you wouldn't be
here, I can tell yon, Westwood." " I
don't know how I shall ever drag
through this voyage," continued he.
" If there were a French gunboat to
cut out to-morrow morning, or if we
were only to have a calm some day in
sight of a Spanish slaver, — 'tis nothing
but a jogging old Indiaman though !
I shall never more see the flag over
my head with pride — every prospect
I had was in the service !"
Next morning was fine, and pro-
mised to be hot ; the ship still with a
sidewind from near south-west, which
'twas easy to see had slackened since
midnight with a pour of rain, the
1849.]
The Green Hand— A « Sliort" Yarn.— Part TIL
189
sails being all wet, and coats hung
to dry in the fore-rigging ; she was
going little more than five or six
knots headway. The water was
bluer, lifting in 'long waves, scarce a
speck of foam except about the ship ;
but instead of having broke up with
the sun, or sunk below the level, the
long white clouds were risen high to
leeward, wandering away at the top
and facing us steady below out of the
sky, a pretty sure sign they had more
to do. However, the Indiaman was
all alive from stem to stern : decks
drying as clean as a table ; hens and
ducks clucking in the coops at their
food ; pigs grunting ; stewards and
cabin-boys going fore and aft, below
and above, and the men from aloft
coming slowly down for breakfast,
with an eye into the galley funnel.
Most of the passengers were upon
deck, in knots all along the poop-net-
tings, to look out for Corvo and Flores,
the westernmost of the Azores, which
we had passed before daybreak.
" I say, Fawd !" said the warlike
cadet with the mustache, all of a
sudden yawning and stretching him-
self, as if he'd been struck with the
thing himself, " Cussed dull this
vessel already, ain't it?" "Blast
me, no, you fellow !" said Ford, the
nautical man — " that's because you're
not interested in the ocean— the sea —
as I am ! You should study the
<ro/?, Bob, my boy ! I'll teach you to go
aloft. I only wish it would blow harder
— not a mere capful of wind, you know,
but a tempest !" " By Jove ! Fawd,"
said the other, '•'•how we shall enjoy
India — even that breakfast with old
Rollock ! By the bye, ain't breakfast
ready yet ? " These two fellows, for
my part, I took for a joint-model, just
trying to hit a mid-helm betwixt
them, else I couldn't have got through
it : accordingly they both patronised
me. "Haw, Cawlins!" said one,
nodding to me. " Is that you, my
boy?" said the other; "now you're
a fellow never would make a sailor!"
" I daresay not," I said, gravely, " if
they have all to commence as horse-
marines." " Now, such ignorance ! "
said Ford ; " marines don't ride horses,
Collins, you fellow ! — how d'you think
they could be fed at sea — eh?"
"Well — now — that didn't occur to
me !" said I, in the cadet key. "Fawd,
my boy, you — demmee — you know
too much — you're quite a sea-cook ! "
" Oh, now ! But I'm afraid, Winter-
ton, I never shall land ashore in India
— I am tempted to go into the navy
instead." " I say, Mr Ford," put in
a fat unlicked cub of a tea-middy,
grinning as he listened, " I've put you
up to a few rises aboard, but I don't
think I told you we've got a dozen or
so of donkeys* below in the steerage? "
"Donkeys! — no?" said the griffin.
"Yes," replied the midshipman;
" they kick like blazes, though, if they
get loose in a gale — why mine, now,
would knock a hole through the side
in no time — I'll show you them for a
glass of grog, Mr Ford." "Done!"
and away they went. "That fool,
Fawd, you know, Cawlins, makes one
sick with his stuff; I declare he chews
little bits of tobacco in our room till
he vomits as much as before," said
Wiutertou.. "I tell you what, Caw-
lins, you're a sensible man — I'll let
you into a secret! What do you
think — there's the deucedest pretty
girl in the vessel, we've none of us
seen except myself ; I caught a sight
of her this very mawning. She don't
visit the cuddy at all ; papa's proud,
you pusseeve — a nabob in short,!"
"Oh, dear!" said I. "Yes, I do
assure you, quite a bew-ty ! What's
to be done ? — we absolutely must meet
her — eh, Cawlins?" Here I mused
a bit. "Oh!" said I, looking up
again, " shall we send a deputation,
do you think?" " Or get up a ball,
Cawlins? — Hallo, what's this?" said
he, leaning over the breast-rail to
look at a stout lady who was lugging
a chubby little boy of three or four,
half-dressed, up the poop-stair, while
her careful husband and a couple of
daughters blocked it up above. "See,
Tommy, dear!" said she, "look at
the land — the nice land, you know,
Tommy." "Come away, my love,"
said her spouse, "else you won't see it."
Tommy, however, hung back man-
fully. " Tommy don't want wook
at yand," sang out he, kicking the
deck ; " it all such 'mell of a sheep,
ma ; me wook at 'at man wis gate
feel. Fare other feel, man ? Oh, fat
Sea slang for sailors' chests.
190
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
a ugwy man ! " The honest tar at the
wheel pulled up his shirt, and looked
terribly cut at this plain remark on
his phiz, which certainly wasn't the
most beautiful ; meanwhile he had
the leech of the main to' gallant sail
shaking. "Mind your helm, there,"
sung out the second mate from the
capstan. "My good man," said the
lady, " will you be so kind as to show
as the land?" "Ay, ay, sir," growled
he, putting up his weather spokes ;
" sorry I carn't, ma'am — please not to
speak to the man at the wheel."
Jacobs was coiling down the ropes on
a carronade close by, and stepped
forward: "Beg your ladyship's par-
don," said he, " but if ye'll give me
charge o' the youngster till yon goes
on the poop — why, I've got a babby
at home myself." The stout lady
handed him over, and Jacobs managed
the little chap wonderfully. This was
the first time Tommy had been on
deck since leaving home, and he
could-nt see over the high bulwarks,
so he fancied it was a house he was
in. " Oh, suts big tees, man ! " shouted
he, clapping his hands as soon as he
noticed the sails and rigging aloft;
"suts warge birds in a tees /" " Ay,
ay, my little man," answered Jacobs,
" that's the wonderfowl tree! Did
ye ever hear Jack and the Bean-stalk,
Tommy?" "Oh, 'ess, to be soo,
man!" said Tommy, scornfully, as if
he should think he had. "Well,
little un," said Jacobs, " that's it, ye
see. It grows up every night afore
Jack's door — and them's Jack an'
his brothers a-comin' down out on the
wonderfowl country aloft, with fruits
in their hands." The little fellow was
delighted, and for going aloft at once.
"Ye must wait a bit, Tommy, my
lad, till you're bigger," said Jacobs ;
"here I'll show you the country,
though;" so he lifted the boy up to
let him see the bright blue sea lying
high away round the sky. In place
of crying, as he would have done other-
wise, Tommy stared with pleasure,
and finished by vowing to get as soon
big as possible, Jacobs advising him
to eat always as hard as he had been
doing hitherto.
This morning the breakfast party
was in high spirits: Mr Finch, the
chief officer, rigged up to the nines
in white trowsers and Company's
jacket, laying himself out to please
the young ladies, with whom he be-
gan to be a regular hero. He was
as blustering as a young lion, and as
salt-tongued as a Channel pilot to
the men ; but with the ladies, on the
poop or in the cabin, he was always
twisting his sea-talk into fine lan-
guage, like what you see in books,
as if the real thing weren't good
enough. He rubbed his hands at
hearing the mate on deck singing out
over the sky-light to trim yards,
and gave a look along to the captain.
li You must understand, ladies," said
the mate, "this is what we mariners call
the ' ladies' wind ! ' " " Oh delight-
ful! " " Oh so nice!" " You sailors
are so polite ! " exclaimed the young
ladies — " then does it actually belong
to us ? " " Why it's a Trade wind,Miss
Fortescue ! " said Ford the nautical
cadet, venturing to put in a word ; but
the ladies paid no attention to him,
and the chief mate gave him a look of
contempt. "You see, ladies, the
reason is," said the mate, in a flourish-
ing way, " because it's so regular,
and as gentle as — as — why it wafts
your bark into the region of, you
see,— the — " " The ' Doldrums,' "
put in the third mate, who was a
brinier individual by far, and a true
seaman, but wished to pay his compli-
ments too, between his mouthfuls.
"At any rate," Finch went on, "it's
congenial, I may say, to the feelings
of the fair — you need never touch her
braces from one day to another. I
just wish, Miss Fortescue, you'd allow
me the felicity of letting you see how
to put the ship about !" "A soldier
might put her in stays, miss," said the
third mate again, encouragingly, "and
out of 'em again ; she's a remarkable
easy craft, owing to her " "Con-
found it ! Mr Kickett," said the first
mate, turning round to his unlucky
inferior, " you're a sight too coarse
for talking to ladies. Well the cap-
tain didn't hear you!" Rickett looked
dumbfoundered, not knowing what
was wrong ; the old ladies frowned ;
the young ones either blushed or put
their handkerchiefs to their mouths,
and some took the occasion for walk-
ing off.
The weather began to have a dif-
ferent turn already by the time we
got up — the clouds banking to lee-
1849.]
Tie Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part III.
191
ward, the sea dusky under them, and
the air-line between rather bluish.
Two or three lazy gulls in our wake
began to look alive, and show them-
selves, and a whole black shoal of por-
poises went tumbling and rolling across
the bows for half an hour, till down
they dived of a sudden, head- foremost,
one after another in the same spot,
like so many sheep through a gap.
My gentleman -mate was to be seen
everywhere about the decks, and ac-
tive enough, I must say : the next
minute he was amongst two or three
young ladies aft, as polite as a dan-
cing-master, showing them every-
thing in board and out, as if no-
body knew it except himself. Here
a young girl, one of Master. Tommy's
sisters, came skipping aft, half in a
fright. " Oh, Miss Fortescue !" cried
she, "just think ! — I peeped over
into a nasty black hole there, with a
ladder in it, and saw ever so many
common sailors hung up in bags from
the ceiling. Oh, what do you think,
one of them actually kissed his hand
to me 1" " Only one of the watch
below awake, Miss," said the mate ;
"impertinent swab! — I only wish I
knew which it was." "Poor fel-
lows !" said the young ladies ; " pray,
don't be harsh to them — bnt what
have they been doing ?" " Oh, no-
thing," said he, with a laugh, " but
swing in their hammocks since eight
bells." " Then are they so lazy as
to dislike getting up to such delight-
ful-looking occupations ?" >' Why,
ma'am," said tlfe mate, staring a
little, "they've been on deck last
night two watches, of four hours each,
I must say that for them." " Dear
me !" broke out the ladies ; and on
this the chief officer took occasion to
launch out again concerning " the
•weary vigils," as he called them,
" which we mariners have to keep, far
distant from land, without a smile from
the eyes of the fair to bless us ! But,
however, the very thought of it gives
courage to the sailor's manly heart, to
disregard the billows' fearful rage, and
reef topsails in the tempest's angry
height!" Thought I, "he'd much
better do it before." However, the
young ladies didn't seem to see that,
evidently looking upon the mate as
the very pink of seamen ; and he
actually set a second lower stud-sail,
to show them how fast she could
walk.
" D'ye know, sir," put in the third
mate, coming from forward, " I'm in
dpubt it's going to be rather a sneezer,
sir, if ye look round the larboard
stun-s'ls." Sure enough, if our fine
gentleman had had time, amidst hia
politeness, just to cast an eye beyond
his spread of cloth, he would have no-
ticed the clouds gathered all in a lump
to north-eastward, one shooting into
another — the breast of them lowering
down to the horizon, and getting the
same colour as the waves, till it bulked
out bodily in the middle. You'd have
fancied the belly of it scarce half a mile
off from the white yard-arms, and the
hollow of it twenty — coming as steal-
thily as a ghost, that walks without
feet after you, its face to yours, and
the skirt of its winding-sheet in
"kingdom come" all the while. I
went up on the poop, and away be-
hind the spanker I could see the sun
gleam for one minute right on the eye
of a stray cloud risen to nor'-westr
with two short streaks of red, purple,
and yellow together — what is called
a " wind-gall ;" then it was gone. The
American was talking away with jo-
vial old Bollock and Ford, who began
to look wise, and think there was mis-
chief brewing in the weather. "Mind
your helm there, sirrah !" sung out
the mate, walking aft to the wheel,
as everything aloft fluttered. "She
won't lie her course, sir !" said the
man. " All aback for'ud !" hailed
the men at work on the bowsprit ;
and hard at it went all hands, trim-
ming yards over and over again ; the
wind freshening fast, stun-sails flap-
ping, booms bending, and the whole
spread of canvass in a cumber, to
teach the mate not to be in such a
hurry with his infernal merchantman's
side-wings next time. The last stun-
sail he hauled down caught full aback
before the wheel could keep her away
quick enough ; the sheet of it hitched
foul at the boom-end, and crack
through went the boom itself, with a
smash that made the ladies think it a
case of shipwreck commencing. The
loose scud was flying fast out from
behind the top of the clouds, and
spreading away overhead, as if it
would catch us on the other side ;
while the clouds themselves broke up
192
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
slowly to both hands, and the north-
east breeze came sweeping along right
into the three topsails, the wind one
way and the sea another. As she
rounded away steadying before it, you
felt the masts shake in her till the
topsails blew out full ; she gave one
sudden bolt up with her stern, like an
old jackass striking behind, which
capsized three or four passengers in a
heap ; and next minute she was surg-
ing along through the wide heave of
the water as gallantly as heart could
wish, driving a wave under her bows
that swung back under the fore-chains
on both sides, with two boys running
up the rigging far aloft on each mast
to stow the royals. The next thing
I looked at was poor Ford's nautical
hat lifting alongside on- the top of a
wave, as if it were being handed up
to him; but no sooner seen, than it
was down in the hollow a quarter of
a mile off, a couple of white gulls
making snatches at it and one an-
other, and hanging over it again with
a doubtful sort of a scream. Still the
wind was as yet nothing to speak of
when once aft ; the sea was getting up
slowly, and the Indiaman's easy roll
over ft made every one cheerful, in
spite of the shifts they were put to
for getting below. When the bell
struck for dinner, the sun was pretty
clear, away on our starboard bow ; the
waves to south-westward glittered as
they rose ; one side of the ship shone
bright to the leech of the mainto'gal-
lant-sail, and we left the second mate
hauling down the jibs fer want of use
for them.
The splendid pace she went at was
plain, below in the cuddy, to every-
body ; you felt her shoving the long
seas aside with the force of a thousand
horses in one, then sweep they came
after her, her stern lifted, she rolled
round, and made afloatingrush ahead.
In the middle of it all, something dar-
kened the half-open skylight, where I
perceived the Scotch second-mate's
twisted nose and red whiskers, as he
squinted down with one eye aloft, and
disappeared again ; after which I heard
them clue up to'gallantsails. Still
she was driving through it rather too
bodily to let the seas rise under her ;
you heard the wind hum off the main-
topsail, and sing through betwixt it
and the main- course, the scud flying
over the skysail-mast truck, which I
could see from below. The second
mate looked in once more, caught the
first officer's eye with a glance aloft,
and the gallant mate left attending to
the ladies to go on deck. Down went
the skylight frame, and somebody care-
fully threw a tarpaulin over it, so that
there was only the light from the port-
windows, by which a dozen faces
turned still whiter.
The moment I shoved my head out
of the booby-hatch, I saw it Avas like to
turn out a regular gale from nor'-east.
Both courses brailed close up, and
blowing out like rows of big-bladders;
the three topsail-yards down on the
caps to reef, their canvass swelling and
thundering on the stays like so many
mad elephants breaking loose ; the
wild sky ahead of us staring right
through in triumph, as it were, and
the wind roaring from aft in her
bare rigging ; while a crowd of men in
each top were laying out along the
foot-ropes to both yard-arms. Below,
they were singing out at the reef-
tackles, the idlers tailing on behind
from the cook to the cabin-boys, a
mate to each gang, and the first officer
with his hands to his mouth before the
wheel, shouting " Bear a hand ! — d'ye
hear! — two reefs !" It did one's heart
good, and I entered into the spirit of
it, almost forgiving Finch his fine
puppy lingo, when I saw him take it
so coolly, standing like a seaman, and
sending his bull's voice right up with
the wind into the bellies of the top-
sails— so I e'en feM-to myself, and
dragged with the steward upon the
mizen reef-tackle till it was chock up.
There Ave were, running dead before
it, the huge waves swelling long and
dark after us out of the mist, then the
tops of them scattered into spray ; the
glaring white yards swayed slowly
over aloft, each dotted with ten or a
dozen sturdy figures, that leant over
with the reef- points in their hands,
waiting till the men at the earings
gave the word ; and Jacobs's face, as
he looked round to do so — hanging on.
heaven knows what at one of the ends
— was as distinct as possible against the
gray scud miles off, and sixty feet
above the water. A middy, without
his cap, and his hair blowing out,
stood holding on in the main-top to
quicken them ; the first mate waved
1849.]
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part HI.
193
his hand for the helmsman to " luff a
little." The ship's head was rounding
slowly up as she rose on a big blue
swell, that caught a wild gleam on it
from westward, when I happened to
glance towards the wheel. I could
scarcely trust my eyes — in fact it had
never been less in my mind since
coming aboard than at that very point
— but outside one of the round-house
doors, which was half open, a few feet
from the bulwark I leant over — of all
moments in the day, there stood Lota
Hyde herself at last ! Speak of faces !
— why, I hadn't even power to turn far-
ther round, and if I was half out of
breath before, what with the wind and
with pulling my share, I was breath-
less now— all my notions of her never
came up to the look of her face at that
instant ! She just half stopped, as it
were, at sight of the state of things,
her hands letting go of the large shawl,
and her hair streaming from under a
straw hat tied down with a ribbon —
her lips parted betwixt dread and be-
wilderment, and her eyes wandering
round till they settled a-gazing straight
at the scene ahead, in pure delight. I
actually looked away aloft from her
again, to catch what it was she seemed
to see that could be so beautiful 1 — the
second reef just made fast, men crowd-
ing in to run down and hoist away
•with the rest, till, as they tailed along
decks, the three shortened topsails
rose faster up against the scud, and
their hearty roaring chorus was as
loud as the gale. " Keep her away,
my lad !" said the mate, with another
wave of his hand ; the topsails swelled
fair before it, and the Indiaman gave
a plunge right through the next sea,
rising easily to it, heave after heave.
The setting sun struck two or three
misty spokes of his wheel through
a cloud, that made a big wave here
and there glitter ; the ship's white
yards caught some of it, and a row of
broad backs, with their feet stretching
the foot-rope as they stowed the fore-
sail, shone bright out, red, blue, and
striped, upon the hollow of the yellow
fore-topsail, in the midst of the gale ;
while just under the bowsprit you saw
her black figure-head, with his white
turban, and his hand to his breast,
giving a cool salaam now and then to
the spray from her bows. At that
moment, though, Lota Hyde's eye was
the brightest thing I could find — all
the blue gone out of the waves was in
it. As for her seeing myself, I hadn't
had space to think of it yet, when all
of a sudden I noticed her glance light
for the first time, as it were, on the
mate, who was standing all the while
with his back to her, on the same plank
of the quarterdeck. " Down main-
course!" he sung out, putting one hand
inhisjacket-pocket; "down both tacks
— that's it, my men — down with it ! "
— and out it flapped, slapping fiercely
as they dragged it by main force into
the bulwark-elects, till it swelled steady
above the main- stay, and the old ship
sprang forward faster than before,
with a wild wash of the Atlantic past
her sides. " Another hand to the
wheel, here!" said the first officer.
He took a look aloft, leaning to the
rise of her bows, then to windward as
she rolled; everything looked trim
and weatherly, so he stepped to the
binnacle, where the lamp was ready
lighted, and it just struck me what a
smart, good-looking fellow the mate
was, with his sun-burnt face ; and
when he went to work, straight-for-
ward, no notion of showing off. " Con-
found it, though !" thought I of a
sudden, seeing her eyes fixed on him
again, and then to seaward. " Mr
Macleod," said he to the second mate,
" send below the watch, if you please.
This breeze is first-rate, though!"
When he turned round, he noticed
Miss Hyde, started, and took off his
cap with a fine bow. " I beg pardon,
ma'am," said h£, " a trifle of wind we
have! I hope,^tiss Hyde, it hasn't
troubled you in the round-house?"
What Miss Hyde might have said I
don't know, but her shawl caught a
gust out of the spanker, though she
was in the lee of the high poop ; it
blew over her head, and then loose — I
sprang forward — but the mate had
hold of it, and put it over her again.
The young lady smiled politely to the
mate, and gave a cold glance of sur-
prise, as I thought, at me. I felt, that
moment, I could have knocked the
mate down and died happy. " Why,
sir," said he, with a cool half sneer,
"I fancied none of you gentlemen
would have favoured us this capful of
wind — plenty of air there is on deck,
though." It just flashed through my
mind what sort of rig I was in— I
TJie Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
looked over my infernal 'long-shore
toggery, and no wonder she didn't
recollect me at all! " Curse this
confounded folly!" muttered I, and
made a dart to run up the poop- steps,
where the breeze took me slap aback,
just as the judge himself opened the
larboard door. " Why, Violet ! " ex-
claimed he, surprised at seeing his
daughter, " are yon exposing yourself
to this disagreeable — I declare a per-
fect storm!" "But see, papa!" said
she, taking hold of his arm, " how
changed the sea is ! — and the ship ! —
j ust look where the sun was !" " Get in
— getin,do!" kept onher father; "you
can see all that again in some finer
place ; you should have had a servant
with you, at least, Violet." "I shall
come out oftener than I thought, papa,
I can tell you ! " said she, in an arch
sort of way, before she disappeared.
The mate touched his cap to the judge,
who asked where the captain was.
" 'Gad, sir," said the judge crossly,
" the floor resembles an earthquake
— every piece of furniture swings,
sir ; 'tis well enough for sleep-
ing, but my family find it impos-
sible to dine. If this oolta-poolta con-
tinues in my apartments, I must speak
to Captain Williamson about it ! He
must manage to get into some other
part of the sea, where it is less rough,"
saying which he swayed himself in
and shut the door. I still kept think-
ing and picturing her face — Lota
Hyde's — when she noticed the mate.
After all, any one that knew tack
from bowline might reef topsails in a
fair wind ; but a girl like that would
make more count of a man knowing
how to manage wind and sea, than of
the Duke on his horse at Waterloo
beating Bonaparte ; and as for talk, he
would jaw away the whole voyage, no
doubt, about moonlight and the ocean,
and your genteel fancy mariners ! " By
George, though!" thought I, "if the
mate's a better man than me, hang
rne — it's all right ; but burn my wig
if I don't go and turn a Hindoo fakeer,
with my one 'arm stuck up in the air
till I die! Go it, old lady!" said
I, _as I glanced over the side before
going below for the night, " roll away,
only shake something or other to do
' out of the pace you're going at ! "
The next morning, when Westwood
and I went on deck, there was still a
long sea running after us. However,
by noon the sun came sifting through
aloft, the breeze got warm, the decks
were dry as a bone, and one just saw
the large dark-blue swells lift up
alongside with a shower of spray, be-
tween the seams of the bulwarks. By
six o'clock, again, it was got pretty
dusk ahead, and I strolled forward
right to the heel of the bowsprit,
with Westwood, looking down through
her head-boards into the heap of
white foam that washed up among
the woodwork every time she plunged.
One knot of the men were sitting
with their legs over the break of the
topgallant forecastle, swinging as
she rolled — laughing, roaring, and
singing as loud as they could bawl,
since the wind carried it all for-
ward out of the officers' hearing. I
was rather surprised to see and hear
that Jacobs's friends, Bill Dykes and
Tom, were there : the rogues were tak-
ing back their savage to the Anda-
man Isles again, I suppose. " Well,
my lads," said Tom, a regular sample
of the man -o'- war's -man : " this
is what I calls balling it off! That
mate knows how to make her go, any
how!" " We'll soon be into tropical
regents, I consider ! " remarked Bill,
who made a point of never using sea-
phrases except ashore, when he came
out double salt, to make up for his
gentility afloat. " Hum," grumbled
a big ugly fellow, the same so flattered
at the wheel by little Tommy, " I
doesn't like .your fair winds ! I'll tell
you what, mates, we'll be havin' it
puff more from east'ard ere third
watch." "What's the odds, Harry,
old ship?" said Tom, "a fair wind
still ! " "I say, my lads," exclaimed
Tom again, looking along toward the
poop, " yonder's the ould naboob
squinting out of the round-house
doors ! — what's he after now, I won-
der?" On stooping down, accord-
ingly, I could see the judge's face
with the binnacle-light shining on it,
as he swayed to and fro in the doorway,
seemingly in a passion at something or
other. " Why," said Bill, " I consider
he can't altogether circumstand the
shindy as this here roll kicks up in-
side of his blessed paliss ! ' " Nabob,
does ye call him !" said Harry, sulkily ;
" I'll tell you what, 'mates, he ben't
nothiu' but a reg'lar bloody ould
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part III.
195
tyrant ! T'other mornin' there, I
just chances to brush against him as
I kiles up a rope, says he ' Fellow ! '
an' says he to the skipper, ' I'd take
it kind,' says he, 'if ye'd horder them
commiu sailors for to pay more con-
tention alongside o' my legs, Captin
Willumsen ! ' Why, do the old beg-
gar not think as a feller ben't a man
as well as hisself, with his commin
sailors, an' be blowed to him !"
" Well though, Harry, old ship," said
Tom, " an't that daurter of his'n a
jewel ! I say, 'mates, she's all rounded
into the head, and a clear run from
aft, like a corvette model ! My eye,
that hair of hers is worth gold ; I'd go
down on the deck to please her, d'ye
see ! " " No doubt," says Bill, " she's
what I call a exact sparkler!"
"Well, I doesn't know," said Harry.
" Last vy'ge but one we'd got one
aboard, a'most beautifuller — half as
high again, an' twice her beam — I'm
not sure but she — " " All my eye,
messmates!" broke in Tom ; "that one
were built for stowing, ye see, bo',
like yer cargo lumpers. Now, this here
young gal minds me o' no other blessed
thing but the Nymph corvette's figure-
head— and that warn't her match,
neither ! She don't look down upon
a sailor, I can tell ye ; there I see her
t'other morning-watch a talkin' to
Jacobs yonder, as pleasant and cheery
as Hullo, there's the captain corned
put o' the naboob's cabin, and speak-
ing with the mate by the compass, —
blessed if they an't agoin' to alter her
course ! "
"Send aft here to the braces!"
sung out the first officer to the boat-
swain. " Blow me, shipmates, that's
yeer naboob now, I'll bet a week's
grog," growled Harry ; " ship's course
as fair as a handspike through a
grummet; couldn't bring the wind
more aft; b — t my eyes, the sea's
comin' to be bought and sold ! "
Whatever it might be for, in came the
starboard yardarms till she lay over
a little ; down studding and top-gal-
lant sails, as neither of them could
stand it except from aft ; and off went
the old ship rising high athwart the
seas, her head sou'-south-east, and
one streak of broken yellow light, low
down to westward on her lee quarter.
It was beginning to blow harder, too,
and by eight bells it was " Reef top-
sails, single reef!" The waves
played slap on her weather side, the
heavy sprays came showering over
her bulwarks forward, and the fore-
castle planks were far from being so
comfortable for a snooze as the night
before. As soon as the wheel was
relieved, and the other watch below,
the " ugly man " and his companions
returned. "Mates," said he, solemnly,
planting his back against the bitts,
" I've sailed this five-and-twenty
year before the mast, an' I never
yet seed the likes o' that! Take my
say for it, we're on a wind now, but
afore next mornin' we'll be close-
hauled, beating up against it."
"Well," said another, "she leaks a
deal in the eyes of her below ; in that
case, Harry, your watch as slings in
the fore- peak '11 be all afloat by that
time." "What day did this here craft
sail on, I asks ? " said the sailmaker
gravely. " Why, a Thursday night,
old ship," replied several eagerly.
" No," went on the saUmaker ; " you
counts sea-fashion, shipmates ; but
till ye're clear o' the pilot, ye know,
its land fashion ye ought for to go by.
'Twas a Friday by that 'ere said
reckoning, shipmates." " No ! so it
was though," said the rest — " it don't
look well." " Howsomedever I'm
not goin' to come for to go and be
a croaker," continued the sailmaker
in a voice like a ghost's. " Well,
luck or no luck, 'mates," grumbled
big Harry, "if so be them larboard
bowlines is hauled taut by the morn-
ing watch, blow me if I don't be up-
sides with that 'ere bloody ould
naboob — that's all."
Next morning, after all, it was easy
to feel the ship had really been hauled
closeonawind. When we went up, the
weather was clearing, though with a
strongish gale from eastward, a heavy
sea running, on which the Indiaman
strained and creaked as she rose,
rolling slowly to windward with her
three double-reefed topsails strained
full, then pitched head into it, as a
cloud of foam and spray flew over her
weather bow. It was quite early, the
decks lately washed down, and the In-
dian judge walking the weather quar-
terdeck as grave and comfortable as if
it was all right. The captain was
with him, and two mates to leeward.
" Sail O !" hailed a man on the fore-
196
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part HI.
[Aug.
yard. "Where away?" sung out
the mate of the watch. " Broad
abeam !" The captain went up to
the poop, and I stood on the foremost
carronade near the main rigging,
where I could just see her now and
then white against the blue haze be-
tween the hollows of the waves, as
the Indiaman lifted. ' ' There she is ! "
said I, thinking it was Westwood that
stopped behind me ; it was the judge,
however, and as soon as I got down
he stepped up, holding on with one
hand to a back-stay. The ship was
rising after a pitch, every bulkhead and
timber in her creaking, when all of a
sudden I felt by my feet what all sailors
feel the same way — she was coming up
in the wind too fast to mount with the
next wave, and a regular comber it
was going to be. I looked to the
wheel — there was big Harry himself
with a grin on his face, and his eye
on Sir Charles, as he coolly gave her
half a weather-spoke more, and then
whirled it back again to meet her.
"For heaven's sake, look out, sir!"
exclaimed I. " Why so I do," said
the judge, rather good-naturedly.
'"Zounds! what's—" You felt the
whole ship stop creaking for a mo-
ment, as she hung with the last wave —
"Hold on!" shouted a mid — she
gave a dull quiver from stem to stern,
and I fairly pulled the judge close into
the bulwark, just as smash, like thun-
der, came a tremendous green sea
over us, three in one, washing down
into the lee scuppers. The old gen-
tleman staggered up, dripping like a
poodle, and unable to see — one heard
the water trickling through the sky-
lights, and stepping away down stairs
like a fellow with iron heels; while
'there was the sailor at the wheel
grinding down his spokes in right
earnest, looking aloft at the shaking
foretop-sail, and the Indiamau seem-
ingly doubtful whether to fall off or
broach-to. Up she rose again, how-
ever, and drove round with her Turk-
head in the air, then dip through the
spray as gallantly as ever. " Send
that lubber from the wheel, Mr Mac-
leod ! " said the captain angrily, when
he came down, " he nearly broached
the ship to just now!" The "ugly
man" put on a double-gloomy face, and
grumbled something about her "steer-
ing wild ; " but the knowing squint he
gave Jacobs, who relieved him, was
enough to show me he was one of the
best helmsmen aboard. As for the
judge, he hadn't the least notion it
was anything more than a natural
mischance, owing to exposing himself.
He eyed the bulwark as if he couldn't
understand how any wave was able to
rise over it, while the captain was apo-
logising, and hop ing he wouldn't be the
worse. "Eh, younggentleman ! " said
Sir Charles of a sudden, turning round
to me, after a glance from the weather
side to the lee one, " now I observe
the circumstances, the probability is
I should have had myself severely
injured on the opposite side there, had
it not been for your presence of mind,
sir — eh ? " Here I made a bow, and
looked as modest as I could. " I per-
ceive you are wet, young gentleman,"
said he again ; " you'd better change
your dress — eh ? " " Thank you, sir ! "
I said ; and as he walked off quite
drenched to his cabin, with the cap-
tain, I heard him remark it was
" wonderfully intelligent in a mere
griffin."
However, the wind soon got down
to a fine top-gallant breeze ; less of a
sea on, the clouds sunk in a long gray-
bank to leeward, and the strange sail
plain abeam of us — a large ship steer-
ing seemingly more off the wind than
the Seringapatam, with top-gallant-
sails set — you could just see the heads of
hercourses, and her black lower-yards,
when both of us rose together. Our
first officer was all alive at the sight ;
the reefs were out of our topsails
already, and he soon had us ploughing
along under ordinary canvass, though
still hugging the wind. In a short
time the stranger appeared to take
the challenge, for he slanted his yards,
clapped on royals, and hauled down a
stunsail, heading our course, till he
was one body of white cloth on the
horizon. For a while we seemed
to gain on her ; but after dinner, there
was the other ship's hull up on our
lee-bow, rising her white streak out
of the water steadily, and just lifting
at times on the long blue seas : she
was fore-reaching on us, as plain as
could be. The mate gave a stamp on
the deck, and kept her away a little to
set a stunsail. " AVhy," said I to
Westwood, " he'll fall to leeward of
himself!" "She's too much by the head.
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part III.
197
Collins," said Westwood ; "that'sit!"
" Hasn't he the sense to take the fore-
course off her?" said I, "instead of
packing more on! Why, that craft
weathers on us like a schooner — I
•wish you and I had the Indiaman for
an hour or two, Tom !" It wasn't an
hour before we could see the very
waves splashing up under her black
weather-side, and over her high bows, as
she slanted right through it and rose to
windward again, standing up to cross
our course — a fine frigate-built India-
man, sharper stemmed than her kind
in ordinary, and square in her spread ;
one yardarm just looking over the other
as they ranged aloft, and all signs of a
weatherly craft. " That's the Duke o'
Bedford ! " said a sailor at the braces
to his companions, " all oak planks,
and not a splinter of teak in her!
No chance !" Out flew the British
colours from her mizen-peak, and next
the Company's striped ensign at her
fore-royal-mast head, as a signal to
speak. However, the Seringapatam
only answered by showing her colours,
and held on. All of a sudden the
other Indiaman was seen slowly fall-
ing off before the wind, as if in scorn
at such rude manners, and sure of
passing us if she chose. For a moment
the red sunset glanced through be-
twixt all three of her masts, every
rope as fine as wire ; then the canvass
swung broad against it, blood-red
from the sun, and she showed us her
quarter- gallery, with a glimpse of her
.stern-windows glittering, — you even
made out the crowd of passengers
and soldiers on her poop, and a man
or two going up her rigging. The
sea beyond her lay as blue as blue
could be, what with the crimson
streak that came zig-zag on both sides
of her shadow, and gleamed along the
smooth troughs, taking a crest or two
to dance on by the way ; and what
with the rough of it near hand, where
the tops of the dark waves ran hither
and thither in broad white flakes, we
.surging heavily over them.
In a few minutes more the sun was
not only down, but the clouds banked
up to westward, of a deep purple ; and
almost at once you saw nothing of the
other ship, except when a stray streak
somehow or other caught her rising,
or her mast-heads came across a pale
line in the clouds. The breeze got
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVI.
pleasanter as the night went on, and
the Seringapatam rattled away in fine
style, careening to it by herself.
Well, you know, nothing could be
better for a good understanding and
high spirits amongst us than a fast
course, fine weather, and entering
the tropics. As for the tropics, if
you have only a roomy ship and a
good run of wind, as we had, in
those latitudes everything outside of
you seems almost to have double
the stuff in it that air and water
have in other places ; while inside of
one, again, one felt twice the life he
had before, and everybody else came
out newer a good deal than on the
parlour rug at home. As the days
got each hotter than the last, and the
sea bluer and bluer, we began to-
think better of the heavy old Seringa-
patam's pace, teak though she was,
and her sole good point right before
the wind. Every night she lighted
her binnacle sooner, till deuce the bit
of twilight there was, and the dark
sky came down on us like the extin-
guisher over a candle. However, the
looks of things round and aloft made
full amends for it, as long as we held
the "Trades;" old Neptune shiftinghis-
scenes there so quickly, that nobody
missed getting weather and air, more
than he could help, were it only a
sight of how the Indiaman got onr
without trouble to any living soul
save the man at the wheel, as one
long, big, bright wave shoved her to
another, and the slower they rose the
more business she seemed to do of her-
self. By the time they had furbished
her up at their leisure, the Seringa-
patam had a queer Eastern style, toor
throughout ; with her grass mattings
and husky coir chafing-gear, the yel-
low varnish about her, and her three
topsails of country-canvass, cut nar-
row towards the head — bamboo stu'n-
sail booms, and spare bits of bamboo
always ready for everything ; besides
the bifious-like gold- coloured patches
here and there in the rest of her sails,
and the outlandish figure-head, that
made you sometimes think there
might be twenty thousand of them un-
der the bows, dancing away with her
like Juggernaut's travelling pagoda.
The decks were lively enough to look
at ; the men working quietly by twos
and threes about the bulwarks all day
o
198
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yam.— Part III.
[Aug.
long, and pairs of them to be made
out at different points aloft, yarning
away comfortably together, as the
one passed the ball for the other's
serving- mallet, with now a glance at
the horizon, and now a grin at the
passengers below, or a cautious squint
at the top of the mate's cap, White
awnings triced over poop and quarter-
deck, the cover of the waist hammock-
netting clean scrubbed, and the big
shady main-course half brailed-up,
rustling and bulging above the boats
and booms amidships ; every hatch-
way and door with a round funnel of
a wind-sail swelling into it, and their
bellies moving like so many boa- con-
strictors come down from aloft, and
going in to catch cadets. You saw
the bright white sky dazzling along
under the awning-cheeks, that glared
on it like snow ; and the open quar-
ter-deck ports let in so many squares
of shifting blue light, with a draught
of air into the hot carronade muzzles,
that seemed to gasp for it with their
red tompions stuck out like tongues.
The very look of the lifting blue water
on the shady side was refreshing, and
the brighter the light got, it grew the
darker blue. You listened for every
cool splash of it on the bends, and
every rustle of the canvass aloft ; and
instead of thinking, as the landsmen
did, of green leaves and a lazy nook
for shelter, why, to my fancy there's
a deuced sight more satisfaction in
good dark blue, with a spray over
the cat-head to show you're going,
and with somewhat to go for ! For
want of better, one would have given
his ears to jump in head-foremost,
and have a first-rate bathe — the very
sea itself kept rising up alongside to
make an easy dive for one, and sink-
ing into little round troughs again,
where the surges would have sprinkled
over your head. Now and then a
bigger wave than ordinary would go
swelling up, and out sprang a whole
glittering shower of flying-fish, freck-
ling the dark side with drops, and
went flittering over into the next, or
skimming the crests out of sight into
a hollow. The writers and cadets
were in high feather at knowing
they were in the same latitude as
India, and appeared in all sorts of
straw hats, white trousers, and white
jackets. Ford had left off talk-
ing of going aloft for a while, to
flourish about his swimming — when
he looked over with the surgeon in-
to the smooth of a hollow, and saw
something big and green, like an im-
mense cucumber, floating along within
a fathom or two of the ship, deep
down in the blue water. While the
griffin asked what it was, a little
ripple broke above, a wet black horn
came right out of it, and two devilish
round eyes glared up at us ahead of
it, as we leant over the quarter, set
wide in a broad black snout, shaped
like a gravedigger's shovel; then it
sank away into the next wave. Ford
shivered, in spite of the heat. " The
devil?" inquired one of the writers,
coolly, to the surgeon. " Not just
him," said the Scotchman ; "it's only
the first shark!"
The young ladies, in their white
dresses, now made you think of angels
gliding about : as to the only one I
had an eye for, by this time it wasn't
of not seeing her often enough I had
to complain, as she seemed to delight
in nothing else but being somewhere
or other upon deck ; first one part of
the ship, then another, as if to see
how different the look-out could be
made, or to watch something in the
waves or the horizon. Instead of sit-
ting with a needle or a book, like the
rest, with the corner of one eye to-
ward the gentlemen, or talking and
giggling away at no allowance, she
would be noticing a man aloft as if
she were there herself, or trying to
see past a sail, as if she fancied there
was something strange on the other
side of it. The rest of the girls ap-
peared shy of her at first, no doubt
on account of the Judge's separate
quarters and his grandee style ; next,
they made acquaintance, she speaking
and smiling just as if she had known
them before; then, again, most of
them seemingly got jealous because
the cadets squinted after her ; while
old Bollock said Miss Hyde would be
the beauty on Ohowringee Course,
and the first officer was eternally
pointing out things to her, like a show-
man at a fair. However, she seemed
not to mind it at all, either way:
those that did talk to her would scarce
hear her answer ere they lost her, and
there she was, looking quietly down
by herself into the ripples alongside ;
1849.]
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part HI.
199
a minute after, she would be half-
playing with little Tommy, aud mak-
ing companions of Tommy's young
sisters, to see the sheep, the pigs, and
the cow, or feed the poultry. As for
the handsome " first officer," when he
caught occasion for his politeness, she
took it graciously enough, and listened
to all he said; till, of a sudden, a smile
would break over her face, and she
seemed to me to put him off as easy
as a duchess — on the score, it might
be, of the Judge's looking for her off
the poop, or something else of the
kind. 'Twas the more curious how
much at home she seemed amongst
the men at work, when she chanced
to go "forward" with Tommy and
his sisters, as they skipped hither
and thither : the rough, blue-shirted
fellows took the quids out of their
cheeks as soon as they saw the party
coming from aft, and began to smirk,
shoving the tar-buckets and ropes
aside. One forenoon, an old lady
under the poop awning, where she and
her daughter were sewing together at a
bright strip of needlework, asked me
to hold her woollen yarns for her as
she balled them off— being the red coat
for a sepoy killing a tiger, which her
daughter was making in yellow. I
couldn't well refuse, seeing that
amongst the ladies I was reckoned a
mild, quiet young man. Even in these
days, I must say I had a good deal of
that look, and at home they used
always to call me " quiet Ned." My
mother, good soul, never would believe
I broke windows, killed cats, or fought,
and the mystery to her always is why
the neighbours had a spite at me ; for
if I had been a wild boy, she said, or
as noisy as little Brown next door,
why she wouldn't have objected to my
going to sea ! — that noisy little Brown,
by the bye, is a fat banker. So in I
had to stick my thumbs at arms'-
length, and stoop down to the old
lady, the more with a will since I
guessed what they were talking of.
" Well though, Kate," continued the
old lady, winding away at the thread,
" you cannot deny her to be a charm-
ing creature, my love ?" " Oh, if
you mean pretty ! " said the girl, " I
don't want to deny it — not /, ma'am !
— why should I, indeed?" "Pity
she's a little light-headed," said her
mother in a musing way. " Affected,
you mean, mother !" said Miss Fortes-
cue, " and haughty." " Do you know,
Kate," replied the old lady, sighing,
" I fear she'll soon go in India !"
"Go?" said the daughter sharply.
" Yes ; she won't stand the hot season
as I did — these flighty girls never do.
Poor thing ! she certainly hasn't your
stamina no w, my love !" Here Miss For-
tescue bit her lip, tossed her head, and
was saying that wasn't what she cared
about, though in fact she looked ready
to cry ; when just at the moment I saw
Lota Hyde herself half above the little
gallery stair, gazing straight at me,
for the first time, too ; a curious kind
of half-smile on her face, as I stood
with my paws out, the old lady jerk-
ing the yarn off my wrists, and I
staring right over her big bonnet at
the sky astern of the awning, pretend-
ing not to listen. All at once my
mouth fell, and before she could turn
her face away from the funny counte-
nance I no doubt put on, I saw her
cheek rosy and her eyes sparkle with
laughter, instead of seeming like one to
die soon. For my part I couldn't stand
it at all, so I just bolted sheer round
and made three strides to the poop
ladder, as dignified as was possible
with ever so many plies of red yarn
foul of my wrists, and a big red ball
hopping after me when I'd vanished,
like a fellow running from a hot shot !
I daresay they thought on the poop
I'd had a stroke of the sun on my
brain ; but till next day I kept clear
of the passengers, and took to swigging
off stiff nor' -westers of grog, as long
as Westwood would let me.
Next evening, when the cuddy din-
ner was scarce over, I went up to the
poop,jvhere there was no one to be
seen ; the sun just setting on our star-
board-quarter in a golden blaze that
stretched overhead, with flakes of it
melting, as 'twere, all over the sky to
port, and dropping in it like threads of
oil in water ; the ship with a light
breeze aft, and stunsails packed large
upon her, running almost due for the
Line. The waves to westward were
like liquid light, and the eddies round
our counter came glittering out, the
whole spread of her mizen and main
canvass shining like gold cloth against
the fore : then 'twas but the royals
and skysails brighter than ever, as the
big round sun dipped down with a
200
77;e Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
reel streak or two, and the red water-
line, against his hot old face. Every
blue surge between had a clear green
edge about its crest, the hollows turn-
ing themselves inside out from deep
purple into bright blue, and outside
in again, — and the whole rim of the
sea grew out cool and clear away from
the ship's taffrail. A pair of sharp-
headed dolphins that had kept along-
side for the last few minutes, swim-
ming near the surface, turned tail
round, the moment I put my nose
over the bulwark, . and shot off like
two streaks of a rainbow after the
flying-fish. I was just wondering
where Lota Hyde could be, this time,
when on a sudden I observed little
Tommy poke his curly head out of
the booby-hatch, peeping cautiously
round ; seeing nobody, however, save
the man at the wheel, who was look-
ing over his shoulder at the sun, the
small rogue made a bolt out of the
companion, and scampered aft under
the awning to the Judge's starboard
door, with nothing on but his night-
shirt. There he commenced kicking
and shoving with his bare feet and
arms, till the door flew open, and over
went Tommy on his nose, singing out
in fine style. The next thing I heard
was a laugh like the sound of a silver
bell ; and just as the boy's sister ran
up in a fright lest he had gone over-
board, Violet Hyde came out leading
the little chap wrapped in a long shawl
that trailed astern of him, herself with
a straw bonnet barely thrown upon
her head. "Tommy says you put
him to bed too soon, Jane !" said she
smiling. " Iss ! " said Master Thomas,
stoutly, "go 'way, Dzane !" "You
hadn't bid me good-night — wasn't that
it, Tom ? But oh ! ivhat a sea 1" ex-
claimed she, catching sight of it under
the awning. The little fellow wanted
to see it too, so the young lady lifted
him up in her arms, no small weight
I daresay, and they both looked over
the bulwark : the whole sky far out of
the awning to westward being spotted
with orange scales, turning almost
scarlet, faster than the dusk from
both ends could close in ; the clear
greenish tint of it above the openings
of the canvass, going up into fathom-
less blue overhead, the horizon purple,
and one or two still, black clouds
tipped with vermilion against the far
sky — while the Indiaman stole along,
scarce plashing under her bends.
Every now and then you heard a
whizz and a flutter, as the flying-fish
broke out of a bigger surge, sometimes
just missing the ship's side : at last
two or three fell over the mizen chains,
and pop came one all of a sudden right
into the white breast of Miss Hyde's
dress inside her scarf, where only the
wings kept it from disappearing. She
started, Jane screamed, but the little
boy coolly pulled it out, commencing
to overhaul it in great delight. '' Oh
fat a funny ickoo bird ! " shouted her
"it's fell down out of 'ese fees!"
looking aloft. " No, no," said Miss
Hyde, laughing, as she drew her
shoulders together with a shiver,
" birds' noses don't drop water !
'Twill die if you don't put it in again,
Tommy— 'tis a fish!" "A fish!"
said he, opening his eyes wider, and
smacking his lips, "yes, Tommy eat
it for my beckfust!" However the
young lady took it out of his hand
and dropped it overboard ; on which
the small ogre went off rather discon-
tented, and kissed her more as a
favour than otherwise. It was almost
dark already, the water shining up in
the ship's wake, and the stars coming
out aloft ; so I was left wondering at
the impudence of flying-fish, and the
blessings of being a fat little imp in a
frock and trousers, compared with
this puzzle of a " traverse," betwixt
being a third lieutenant and hailing
for a " griffin."
The night following, after a sultry
hot day, the wind had varied a good
deal, and the ship was running almost
close-hauled on a warm south-easterly
breeze, with somewhat of a swell in
the water. Early in the first watch
there was a heavy shower, after which
I went on deck, leaving Westwoocl
at his book. The half-moon was just
getting down to leeward, clear of
a ragged dark cloud, and a long
space of faint white light spread
away on the horizon, behind the
sheets of the sails hauled aft; so
that you just saw a sort of a glim-
mer under them, on the black heave
of the swell between. Every time
she rolled to leeward on it, a gleam of
the moonshine slipped inside the sha-
dow of her high bulwarks, from one
wet carronade to another, and went
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part III.
201
glistening over the moist decks, and
among the boats and booms, that
looked like some big brute or other
lying stretched out on his paws, till
you saw the men's faces on the fore-
•castle as if they were so many muti-
neers skulking in the dark before they
rushed aft : then up she righted again,
and all was dark inboard. The awn-
ings were off, and the gruff third mate
-creaking slowly to and fro in his soak-
ed shoes; the Judge stood talking
with the captain before one of the
round-house doors; directly after I
noticed a young lady's figure in a
white dress close by the mizen-rig-
ging, apparently intent on the sea to
leeward. " Well, now or never!"
thought I, stepping over in the shadow
of the main-sheet. I heard her draw
a long breath : and then, without
turning her head at the sound of my
foot, " I wonder if there is anything
so strange in India," exclaimed she ;
" is there now?" "No, by , no,
madam! " said I, starting, and watch-
ing as the huge cloud grew darker,
with a rusty stain in it, while three or
four broad-backed swells, one beyond
the other, rose up black against the
setting moon, as if they'd plunge right
into her. Miss Hyde turned round,
with one hand on the bulwark to steady
herself, and half looked at me. " I
thought — " said she ; " where is papa ?
— I thought my father — " I begged
pardon for intruding, but next minute
she appeared to have forgotten it, and
said, in a musing sort of way, partly
to herself, partly to me — " I seem to
remember it all — as if I just saw that
black wave — and— that monstrous
cloud — over again ! Oh ! really that is
the very same top it had then — see ! "
•" Yes," said I, leaning forward, with
a notion I had seen it before, though
heaven knew when. "Did you ever
read about Columbus and Vasco di
Gama ? " asked she, though directly
afterwards her features broke into
a laughing smile as she caught sight
of mine — at the thought, I suppose, of
my ridiculous figure the last time she
saw me. " No, never," said I ; " but
look to windward, ma'am ; 'tis coming
on a squall again. For heaven's sake,
Miss Hyde, go in ! We're to have an-
other shower, and that pretty thick.
I wonder the mate don't stow the
royals." " What do you mean ?" said
she, turning. " Why are you alarm-
ed, sir? I see nothing particular." The
sea was coming over, in a smooth,
round-backed swell, out of a dirty,
thick jumble of a sky, with a pitch-
black line behind — what Ford would
have called " wild" by daylight ; but
the young lady's eye naturally saw no
more in it than a dark night. Here
the Judge came over from the bin-
nacle, giving me a nod, as much as to
say he recollected me. " I am afraid,
sir," said I, " if you don't make haste,
you'll get wet." "How!" said Sir
Charles, " 'tis an exceedingly plea-
sant night, I think, after such a
deuced hot day. They don't know
how to cool rooms here— this perpe-
tual wood retains heat till midnight,
sir ! That detestable pitch precludes
walking — the sea absolutely glares
like tin. Why do you suppose so now
— eh, young gentleman ? " said he
again, turning back, all of a sudden,
with his daughter on his arm. " Why
—why — why, Sir Charles," said I, he-
sitating betwixt sham innocence and
scarce knowing what reason to give ;
" why, I just think — that is to say, it's
my feeling, you see." " Ah, ah, I do
see," replied the Judge, good-hu-
mouredly ; " but you shouldn't ape
the sailor, my good fellow, as I fancy
you do a little. I don't particularly
admire the class, but they always
have grounds for what they say in
theirprofession, frequently even acute.
At your aunt's, Lady Somers's, now,
Violet, who was naturally so sur-
rounded by naval officers, what I had
to object to was, not their want of in-
telligence, but their forwardness. Eh !
eh! who — what is that?" exclaimed
he suddenly, looking straight up into
the dark, as five or six large drops
fell on his face out of it. All at once
you heard a long sigh, as it were, in
the canvass aloft, a clap like two or
three carronades fired off, as all the
sails together went in to the masts —
then a hum in the air far and near —
and whish! rush! came the rain in
sheets and bucketfuls off the edge of
a cloud over our very heads, plashing
and washing about the deck with coils
of rope ; ship rolling without a breath
of wind in her sails ; sails flapping out
and in ; the rain pouring down ten
times faster than the scupper- holes
would let it out, and smoking gray in
202
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
the dark hollow of the swells, that
sank under the force of it. The first
officer came on deck, roaring in the
hubbub to clue up and furl the royals
before the wind came again. It got
pitch-dark, you couldn't see your hand
before you, and we had all lost mark
of each other, as the men came shoving
in between us. However I knew
whereabouts Miss Hyde was, so I felt
along the larboard rigging till I found a
backstay clasped in her hands, and the
soaked sleeve of her muslin dress,
while she leant back on a carronade,
to keep from being jerked down in the
water that washed up over her feet
with every roll, full of ropes and a
capstan-bar or two. Without saying
a word, I took up Lota in my arms, and
carried her aft in spite of the roll and
confusion, steering for the glimmer of
the binnacle, till I got her inside one
of their own cabins, where there was
a lamp swinging about, and laid her
on a sofa. I felt somehow or other,
as I went, that the sweet creature
hadn't fainted, though all the while as
still as death ; accordingly I made
off again at once to find the
Judge, who, no doubt, was call-
ing for his daughter, with a poor
chance of being heard. In a minute
or two more the rain was over ; it
•was light enough to make out the
horizon, as the belt of foam came
broadening out of it ; the ship gave
two or three wild bounds, the wheel
jolting and creaking : up swelled the
black waves again over one side, the
topsails flapped full as the squall
rushed roaring into them, and away
she rose ; then tore into it like a
scared horse, shaking her head and
throwing the snow-white foam into
her forechatns. 'Twas as much as
three men could do to grind down
her wheel, leaning and grinning to it;
yon saw just the Indiaman herself,
scarce so far forward as the booms,
and the broad swell mounting with
her out of the dark, as she slowly
squared yards before it, taking in
to'gallant-sails while she did so, with
her topsail-yards lowered on the caps.
However, the look of it was worse than
its force, else the swell wouldn't have
risen so fast, as every sailor knew ; and
by two bells of the mid-watch she was
bowling under all, as easy as before, the
mate of the watch setting a stunsail.
When I went down, shaking myself
like a Newfoundland, Westwood was
swinging in his cot with a book turned
to the lamp, reading Don Quixote in
Spanish. " Bless me, Ned !" said he,
" you seem to like it ! paying fair and
weathering it too!" "Only a little
adventure, Westwood! " said I, laugh-
ing. " Why, here have I been enjoy-
ing better adventures than we seem
likely to have," said he, "without
stirring a hand, except for the wild
swings you gave me from deck.
Here's Don Quixote — " " Don Quixote
be hanged !" said I : " I'd rather wear
ship in a gale, myself, than all the
humbug that never happened — out of
an infernal play-book. What's the use
of thinking you see service, when you
don't ? After all, you couldn't expect
much till we've crossed the Line —
nothing like the tropics, or the Cape,
for thickening a plot, Tom. Then
there's the Mozambique, you know !"
"Well, we'll see," said Westwood,
lazily, and half asleep.
The whole next day would have
been weary enough in itself, as not a
single glimpse of the fair Lota could
I catch ; and the weather, between
the little puffs of air and squalls we
had, was fit to have melted poor Ford
to the bone, but for the rain. How-
ever, that day was sufficient, by fits
and starts, to bring us up to the Line ;
and, before crossing it, which we did
by six o'clock in one of the black
squalls, half of the passengers had
been pretty well ducked by Neptune
and his gang, besides. Rare fun we
had of it for three or four hours on
end ; the cadets and writers show-
ing fight in a body, the Yankee being
regularly keelhauled, tarred, and
feathered, though I believe lie had
crossed the Line twice by land ; while
the Scotch surgeon was found out, in
spite his caution, never to have been
lower than the West Indies — so he got
double ration. A word to Jacobs
took Westwood Scot-free ; but, for
my own part, wishing of course to
blind the officers, I let the men stick
the tar-brush in my mouth the first
word I spoke, and was shaved like
the mischief, not to speak of plumping
afterwards behind the studding-sail
curtain into three feet water, where I
absolutely saved Ford from drowning,
he being as sick as a dog.
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short Yarn."— Part III.
203
Late at night, the breeze held and
freshened ; and, being Saturday night,
the gentlemen in the cuddy kept it
uproariously after their troubles,
drinking and singing songs, Tom
Little's and your sentimental affairs ;
till, being a bit flushed myself, I was
on the point of giving them one of
Dibdin's, when I thought better of
it, and went on deck instead. The
mate was there, however, and his
red-whiskered Scotch sub with the
twisted snout, leaning on the capstan
with their noses together. The night
was dark, and the ship made a good
noise through the water ; so " hang
it ! " thought I, " somehow or other
I' 11 have out a stave of ' Black-eyed
Susan ' at the top of my pipe, though
overboard I go for it ! " There was
an old spare topsail-yard slung along-
side to larboard, as far as the quarter-
boat, and I went up to the poop to
get over and sit on it; especially
when I found Ford's friend, the fat
midshipman, was in the boat itself,
" caulking " * his watch out, as he
did every night in a fresh place. I
was no sooner there, again, than I
saw a light in th^aftermost gallery
window, and tooHet in my head if I
sung there, why, in place of being
afraid there was some one under her
casement, that and the wind and
water together would put her to sleep,
if she was the worse of last night—
in fact I may say I was a little
" slewed " f at the time. How to
get there, though, was the- matter, it
being rather nice practice to sling
over an Indiaman's quarter- gallery,
bulging out from her steep counter :
accordingly, first I took the end of a
coil round the mizzen- shrouds, and
made a bowline- knot to creep down
the stern- mouldings with, and then
swing free by help of a guide-line to
boot. Just before letting go of the
taffrail, another fancy struck me, to
hitch the guide-line to the trigger of
the life-buoy that hung ready for use ;
not that I'd the notion of saving my-
self if I went overboard, but just
because of the good joke of a fellow
slipping his own life-buoy, and
then cruizing away with a light at
his mast- head back to the Line. 'Twas
curious — but when I was " two or
three cloths in the wind," far from
growing stupid, I used always to get
•a sort of cunning that would have
made me try and cheat a purser ; so
away I lowered myself till the rope
was taut, when I slipped easy enough
round the counter, below the window.
Every time she rolled, out I swung,
and in again, till I steadied with my
feet, slacking off the other line from
one hand. Then I began to give voice
like old Boreas himself, with a sort of
a notion, at each shove I got, how I
was rocking the Indiaman like a big
cradle, as Jacobs did his baby. All
at once, I felt the rope was giving off
the belaying-pin, till I came down
with a jolt under the window below ;
only singing the louder, as it was half
open, and I could just look in. With
every wash of the waves, the water,
a couple of fathoms under my feet,
blazed up like fire, and the wake ran
boiling out from the black stern by
the rudder, like the iron out of a fur-
nace : now and then there came a
sulky flare of dumb lightning to lee-
ward, and showed the black swell out
of the dark for miles. I fancied I
didn't care for the water , but I began
to think 'twas rather uncomfortable
the notion of sousing into such an in-
fernally flame- looking stream : I was
actually in a fright at being boiled,
and not able to swim. So I dropped
chorus to haul myself up ; when of a
sudden, by the lamp inside the state-
room, I saw Winterton and Ford come
reeling in, one after the other, as
drunk as lords. Winterton swayed
about quietly on his legs for a minute,
and then looked gravely at Ford, as
if he'd got a dreadful secret to make
known. "Ford!" said he. "Ay,"
said Ford, feeling to haul off his
trousers, — " ay — avast you — blub-
lub-lubber 1" "I say, Ford !" said the
cadet again, in a melancholy way, fit
to melt a maiTmspike, and then fell
to cry — Ford all the time pulling off
his trousers, with a cigar in his mouth,
till he got on a chest, and contrived
to flounder into his cot with his coat
on. After that he stretched over to
put the lamp out, carefully enough ;
but he let fall his cigar, and one leg
* Sleeping on deck.
Anglice — not sober.
204
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part III.
[Aug.
of his nankeen trousers hung out of
the cot, just scraping the deck every
time he swung. I watched, accord-
ingly, holding on by the sill, till I
saw a spark catch in the stuff — and
there it was, swinging slowly away
in the dark, with a fiery ring creeping
round the leg of the trousers, ready
to blow into a flame as soon as it had
a clear swing. No doubt the fool
•would come down safe enough him-
self with his cot ; but I knew Winter-
ton kept powder in the cabin sufficient
to blow up the deck above, where
that sweet girl was sleeping at the
moment. " Confound it !" I thought,
quite cooled by the sight, " the sooner
I get on deck the better !" However,
you may fancy my thoughts when I
heard men at the taffrail, hauling on
the spanker- boom guys, so I held on
till they'd go forward again : suddenly
the mate's voice sung out to know
" what lubber had belayed the slack
of a topsail-clueline here ? " Down I
went with the word, as the rope was
thrown off, with just time to save
myself by a clutch of the port-sill at
arm's-length — where, heaven knew, I
couldn't keep long. The mate looked
over and caught sight of my face, by
a flicker of the summer lightning, as
I was slipping down : I gave him one
••curse as loud as I could hail, and let
go the moulding — " Man overboard !"
shouted he, and the men after him:
however I wasn't altogether over-
board yet, for I felt the other part of
the rope bring me up with a jerk and
a swing right under the quarter-boat,
where I clung like a cat. How to
get on deck again, without being seen,
was the question, and anxious enough
I was at thought of the burning train
inside ; when out jumped some one
over my head : I heard a splash in the
water, and saw a fellow's face go
sinking into the bright wake astern,
while the boat itself was coming down
over me from the davits. I still had
the guide-line from the life-buoy round
my wrist, and one moment's thought
was enough to make me give it a
furious tug, when away I sprang clear
into the eddies. The first thing I
saw at coming up was the ships'
lighted stern- windows driving to lee-
ward, then the life-buoy flaring and
dipping on a swell, and a bare head,
with two hands, sinking a few feet off.
I made for him at once, and held him
up by the hair as I struck out for the
buoy. A couple of minutes after, the
men in the boat had hold, of us and
it ; the ship came sheering round to
the wind, and we were very shortly
aboard again. " Confound it, Simm,
what took you overboard, man'?"
asked the mid in the boat at his drip-
ping messmate, the fat reefer. " Oh,
bother !" said he, " if you must know
— why, I mistook the quarter-boats ;
I thought 'twas the other I was in,
when yon kicked up that shindy !
Now I remember, though, there was
too much rain in it for comfort !"
" Well, youngster," said Tom, the
man-o'-war'sman, " this here gentle-
man saved ywu* life, anyhow !"
" Why, mate," Miispered Bill, " 'tis
the wery same greenhorn we puck-
alowed so to-day ! Didn't he jump
sharp over, too?" "Pull! for your
lives, my lads !" said I, looking up at
Ford's window ; and the moment we
got on deck, below I ran into the
state-room, and cut Ford down by
the heels, with the tinder hanging
from him, and one leg of his trousers
half gone. As for the poor reefer, a
pretty blowing-up he got; the men
swore I had jumped overboard after
him, and the mate would have it that,
instead of sleeping, he wanted to get
into the Judge's cabins ; especially
when next day Sir Charles was in a
rage at his daughter being disturbed by
some sailor or other singing outside.
1849.] For the Last Page of " Our Album:1 205
FOR THE LAST PAGE OF " OUR ALBUM."
AT length our pens must find repose !
With verse, or with poetic prose,
Filled is each nook ;
And these poor little rhymes must close
Our pleasant book !
Its every page is filled at last !
When on these leaves my eyes I cast,
Dull thoughts to cheer,
How many memories of the past
Seem written here !
Those who behold a river run
Bright glittering in the noonday sun,
See not its source ;
And few can know whence has begun
Its giddy course !
And thus the feelings that gave rise
To many a verse that meets their eyes
How few can tell !
Yet for those feelings gone, I prize
And love it well !
Some stanzas were composed to grace
An hour of pleasure, — some to chase
Sad care away ;
Aiid some to help on time's slow pace
Which would delay !
In some, we trace affection's tone
To friends then kind,— now colder grown
By force or art ;
In some, the shade of hopes, now gone,
Then, next the heart !
Such fancies with each line I weave,
And thus our book I cannot leave
Without a sigh !
Fond recollections make me grieve
To lay it by!
How other hands, perchance, than mine,
A fairer wreath for it might twine,
'Twere vain to tell ;
I can but say, in one brief line,
Dear Book, Farewell !
206
The Insurrection in Baden.
[Aug.
THE INSURRECTION IN BADEN.
(TO THE EDITOR OF BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE.)
SIR, — I chanced to be at Heidel-
berg at the outbreak of the late revo-
lutionary movement, and remained
there, or in the neighbourhood, during
its entire duration. It occurs to me
that a brief narrative of the leading
events of that period of confusion and
anarchy, from the pen of one who was
not only an eye-witness of all that
passed, but who, from long residence
in this part of Germany, has a pretty
intimate acquaintance with the real
condition and feelings of the people,
may prove suitable to the pages, and
not uninteresting to the readers, of
BlackwoocCs Magazine.
At a public meeting held at Offen-
burg, in the duchy ofBaden, on the 13th
of May 1849, and which was attended
by many of the most violent members
of the German republican party, it
was resolved that the constitution
voted by the national assembly at
Frankfort should be acknowledged ;
that Brentano and Peter should be
charged with the formation of a new
ministry ; that Struve, and all other
political offenders, should be forthwith
set at liberty ; that the selection of
officers for the army should be left to
the choice of the privates ; and lastly,
that the movement in the Palatinate
(Rhenish Bavaria) should be fully
supported by the government of
Baden.
For the information of those who
have not closely followed the late
course of events in Germany, it may
be necessary to mention, that early in
the month of May a revolutionary
movement, the avowed object of which
was to force the King to acknowledge
the constitution drawn up by the par-
liament at Frankfort, had broken out
in Rhenish Bavaria. A provisional
government had been formed, the
public money seized, forced contribu-
tions levied, and the entire Palatinate
declared independent of Bavaria. The
leaders of the insurrection had been
joined by a portion of discontented
military; and, in an incredibly short
space of time, the whole province,
with the exception of the fortresses of
Germersheim and Landau, had fallen
into their hands.
Although the declared motive of
the Oflenbnrg assembly was to support
this movement, and thus oblige the
reigning princes to bow to the decrees
of the central parliament, there is
little doubt that a long -formed and
widely- extended conspiracy existed,
the object of which was to proclaim a
republic throughout Germany. The
meeting in question was attended by
upwards of twenty thousand persons,
many of whom were soldiers, seduced
by promises of increased pay, and of
the future right to elect their officers.
Money was plentifully distributed ;
and towards evening the mob, mad
with drink and excitement, returned,
howling revolutionary songs, to their
homes. At the very time this was
going on, a mutiny in the garrison of
Rastadt had placed that fortress
in the power of about four thousand
soldiers, many of them raw recruits.
This extraordinary event, apparently
the result of a drunken quarrel, was
shrewdly suspected to be part of a
deep-laid scheme for supporting the
movement, which was expected to
follow the next day's meeting at
Offenburg. If such were the hopes of
the leaders, they were not disappoint-
ed ; the train was laid, and wanted
but a spark to fire it. The result of
the Offenburg meeting was known at
Carlsruhe by six o'clock in the even-
ing of the day of its occurrence ; and
on the same evening, some riotous
soldiers having been placed in confine-
ment, their comrades insisted on their
release. In vain did the officers,
headed by Prince Frederick, (the
Grand-duke's second son,) endeavour
to appease them ; they were grossly
insulted, and the prince received a
sabre cut on the head. It is thought
by many persons that if, at this time,
energetic measures had been taken,
the whole movement might have been
crushed.
But with citizens timid or luke-
warm, and soldiers the greater num-
ber of whom were in open mutiny, it
1849.]
The Insurrection in Baden.
207
is difficult to say where the repressive
power was to have been found. Be
this as it may, the barracks were de-
molished, the stores broken open and
robbed; and by eleven o'clock that
night the ducal family, and as many
of the ministers and attendants as
could find the means of evasion, were
in full flight. With arms supplied by
the plunder of the barracks, the mob
next attacked the arsenal, which was
under the protection of the national
guard. A squadron of dragoons who
came to assist the latter were fired
on by both parties, and the captain, a
promising young officer, was killed on
the spot. The dragoons, seeing their
efforts to support the citizens thus
misinterpreted, retired, and left the
arsenal to its fate.
Early next morning, a provisional
government, headed by Brentano and
Fickler, was proclaimed, to which all
people were summoned to swear obe-
dience ; and, absurdly enough, the
very men, soldiers and citizens, who
the day before had, with the ac-
quiescence of the duke, taken an oath
of allegiance to the empire, now swore
to be faithful to the new order of
things. The news of the outbreak
spread like wildfire. It was received
with particular exultation in the towns
of Mannheim and Heidelberg; in the
latter of which a very republican
spirit prevailed, and where, at the
first call, the national guard assem-
bled, eager to display their valour —
in words. It was not long before their
mettle was put to the proof. The
Duke, who had taken refuge in the
fortress of Germersheim, had been
escorted in his flight by about three
hundred dragoons, with sixteen pieces
of artillery. These brave fellows, who
had remained faithful to their sove-
reign, attempted, after leaving him in
safety, to make their way to Frank-
fort. As every inch of the country
they had to traverse was in open re-
volt, the circumstance was soon known
at Heidelberg, where, late in the
evening, the tocsin rang, to summon
the peasants from the neighbouring
villages, and the generate beat through
the streets to call the citizens to arms,
in order that parties might be sent
out to intercept the soldiers. It would
be difficult to describe the panic that
prevailed in Heidelberg at the first
sound of this terrible drum. The
most ridiculous and contradictory re-
ports were circulated. That some
great danger was at hand, all agreed ;
and the story generally credited
was, that the peasants of the Oden-
wald were coming down, ten thousand
strong, to plunder the town. When
the real cause of the disturbance was
discovered, it may be doubted whether,
to many, the case appeared much
mended ; for, besides the disinclination
a set of peaceable tradesmen might
feel to attack a body of dragoons,
backed by sixteen pieces of artillery,
many of those who were summoned
from their beds were secretly opposed
to the cause they were called upon to
serve. But there was no remedy ;
and, amidst the tears and shrieks of
women, the ringing of bells, and beat-
ing of drums, the first detachment
marched off. No sooner did they ar-
rive at the supposed scene of action,
than, seized with a sudden panic,
caused by a row of trees which, in
the dark, they mistook for the enemy
in battle array, they faced about, and
fairly ran for it till they found them-
selves once more in Heidelberg.
The consequences were more serious
to some of the members of a second
party, despatched to Ladenburg. In
the middle of the night, the sentry
posted on the bridge mistook the trot-
ting of some stray donkey for a charge
of dragoons, and firing his rifle, with-
out farther deliberation he threw him-
self over the bridge, breaking a thigh
and a couple of ribs in the fall. The
others stood their ground ; but it is
well known that several of the party
were laid up next day with nervenfeber,
(a sort of low typhus,) brought on by
the fear and agitation they had under-
gone.
These facts are merely mentioned
to show that, had the government, at
the commencement of the outbreak,
made the slightest show of firmness,
they would not have met with the re-
sistance which they afterwards found.
The dragoons, after dodging about
for two days and nights, worn out
with fatigue and hunger, at length
allowed themselves to be captured
near the frontiers of Wurtemberg.
It seems that the soldiers positively
refused to make use of their arms after
the Duke's flight, which, indeed, is
208
The Insurrection in Baden.
[Aug.
the only way of accounting for three
hundred mounted dragoons, with six-
teen pieces of artillery fully supplied
with ammunition, falling into the
hands of as many peasants, who would
undoubtedly have fled at the first shot
fired.
Whilst these events passed, the
reins of government at Carlsruhe had
been seized by Brentano, Peter, Fick-
ler, and Goegg — the latter a convicted
felon. Struve and Blind, condemned
to eight years' imprisonment for their
rebellion the year before, were re-
leased, and, with their friends, took a
prominent part in the formation of the
new ministry. The war department
was given to a Lieutenant Eichfeld,
who, by the way, had some time pre-
viously quitted the service, on account
of a duel in which he displayed the
white feather. His first measure was
to order the whole body of soldiers,
now entirely deprived of their officers,
to select others from the ranks. The
choice was just what might have been
expected ; and instances occurred in
which recruits of three weeks' stand-
ing passed at once to the rank of
captain and major. All discipline
was soon at an end. The army, con-
sisting of 17,000 men, was placed
under the command of Lieutenant
Sigel, a young man of twenty-two,
Avhose sole claims to preferment seem
to have been, that he was compro-
mised in Struve's abortive attempt at
Friburg, and had since contributed a
number of articles, violently abusive of
the government, to some low revolu-
tionary newspapers. Head-quarters
were established at Heidelberg, where
Sigel, accompanied by Eichfeld, ar-
rived on the 19th of May.
The pecuniary affairs of the insur-
gents were in the most flourishing
•condition. Seven millions of florins
(about £560,000) were found in the
war-chest, besides two and a half
millions of paper-money, and large
sums belonging to other departments of
the ministry. Their stock of arms con-
sisted of seventy thousand muskets,
without reckoning those of the national
guard and military. Thus equipped and
supplied, they would have been able,
Avith a little drill, and if properly
commanded, to make a long stand
against the regular forces sent against
them. By this time, too, the country
was fast filling with political refugees
of all shades of opinion. Italians,
Swiss, Poles, and French were daily
pouring in ; and the well-known Met-
teunich, of Mayenee celebrity, who
had not been heard of since his flight
from the barricades at Frankfort,
again turned up as commander of a
free corps. A sketch of his costume
will give a pretty fair idea of that
adopted by all those who wished to
distinguish themselves as ultra-libe-
rals. He wore a white broad- brimmed
felt hat, turned up on one side, with a
large red feather ; a blue kittel or
smock-frock ; a long cavalry sabre
swung from his belt, in which were
stuck a pair of ponderous horse pistols ;
troopers' boots, reaching to the middle
of the thigh, were garnished with
enormous spurs, and across his breast
flamed a crimson scarf, the badge of
the red republican.
In order to extend the revolt, and
to place Baden in a state of defence
before the governments should recover
from their panic, the most energetic
measures were taken. A decree was
issued for arming the whole male
population, from eighteen to thirty
years of age ; and as in many instances
the peasantry proved refractory, a tax
of fifty florins per day was laid on all
recusants, who, when discovered, were
taken by force to join the army.
Raveaux, Trutschler, Erbe, and
Frobel, the latter that friend of
Robert Blum, who so narrowly
escaped the cord when his companion
was shot, — made their appearance at
Carlsruhe. They issued a violent
proclamation against the King of
Prussia, and, the better to disguise
their real object, called on all Germany
to arm in defence of the parliament at
Frankfort, and the provisional govern-
ment of Baden. Every artifice, no
matter how disreputable, that could
serve the cause, was unscrupulously
resorted to. It was officially an-
nounced that Wiirtemberg and Hesse-
Darmstadt were only waiting a
favourable opportunity to join the
movement ; and to further this object,
a public meeting (which it was hoped
would bring forth the same fruits at
Darmstadt, as that of Offenburg had
produced at Carlsruhe) was called by
the radicals of the Odenwald. It
took place at Laudenbach, a village
1849.]
situated about three
the Hessian frontier, and was at-
tended by upwards of six thousand
armed peasants, and by three or
four thousand of the Baden free
corps. The authorities were, how-
ever, on the alert; and after a
fruitless summons to the insurgents
to quit the territory, the military were
called out. Before orders to fire were
given, the civil commissary, desirous
to avoid effusion of blood, advanced
alone towards the crowd, endeavour-
ing to persuade them to retire peace-
ably. He was barbarously murdered ;
and the sight of his dead body so
incensed the Hessian soldiers, that
they rushed forward without waiting
for the word of command, and with
one volley put the whole mob of in-
surgents to flight.
The spirit displayed on this occa-
sion probably saved the country from
a bloody civil war ; for had the revolu-
tionary ^movement passed the frontiers
of Baden, at that moment the flame
would doubtless have spread to Wiir-
temberg, and thence not improbably
to the whole of Germany, with the
exception perhaps of Prussia.
To counteract the very unsatisfac-
tory effect of the meeting at Lauden-
bach, it was resolved, by a council
held at Carlsruhe, that a bold stroke
should be struck. The Hessians,
hitherto unsupported by other troops,
could not command anything like the
numerical force of Baden, and Sigel
received orders to cross the frontier
with all his disposable troops. Four
battalions of the line, with about six
thousand volunteers, were reviewed at
Heidelberg before taking the field.
They were indeed a motley crew ! The
soldiers, who had helped themselves
from the stores at Carlsruhe to what-
ever best suited their fancy, appeared
on parade equipped accordingly. Sha-
kos, helmets, caps, greatcoats, frocks,
full-dress and undress uniforms, all
figured in the same ranks. The so-
called officers, in particular, cut a
pitiful figure. If the smart uniform
and epaulette could have disguised
the clownish recruit, who had perhaps
figured but a few weeks in the ranks,
the license of his conduct would soon
have betrayed him ; for officers and
privates, arm in arm, and excessively
drunk, might constantly be seen reel-
The Insurrection in Baden.
miles within ing through
209
the streets. The free
corps, unwilling to be outdone by the
regulars, indulged in all sorts of
theatrical dresses, yellow and red
boots being in great favour ; whilst
one fellow, claiming no lower rank
than that of colonel, actually rode
about in a blouse and white cotton
drawers, with Hessian boots and
large gold tassels.
As it was strongly suspected that
the soldiers placed little confidence in
their new leaders, and the free corps,
many of whom were serving against
their own wishes, seemed equally
unwilling to risk their lives under
such commanders as Metternich and
Bb'nin, (a watchmaker from Wies-
baden,) all sorts of artifices were
resorted to, to encourage both regulars
and irregulars. Their whole force
might amount to thirty thousand
men ; but, by marches and counter-
marches, similar to those by which,
in a theatre, a few dozen of soldiers
are made to represent thousands, they
so dazzled the eyes of the ignorant,
that it was believed their army
numbered nearly a hundred thou-
sand men. The cavalry, in parti-
cular, which were quartered in Heidel-
berg, were marched out and in again
five times in as many days — at each
appearance being hailed as a fresh
regiment. Soothsayers and prophets
were also consulted, and interpreted
divers passages in holy writ as fore-
telling the defeat of the Prussians, and
the success of the " Army of Free-
dom." But the trick which, no doubt,
had the greatest influence on the
minds of the poor duped people was a
forged declaration, purporting to be
one put forth by the Hessian troops,
professing their intention of throwing
down their arms on the approach of
their " German brothers."
On the 28th of May, the insur-
gents, ten thousand in number, crossed
the frontier of Hesse-Darmstadt. The
Hessians, with three battalions of
infantry, a couple of six-pounders,
and a squadron of light cavalry,
waited their approach ; and having
withdrawn their outposts, (a move-
ment interpreted into a flight by the
opposite party,) they suddenly opened
a severe fire on the advancing col-
umns— driving them back to Wein-
heim, with a loss of upwards of fifty
210
The Insurrection in Baden.
[Aug.
killed and wounded. The affair com-
menced at four o'clock in the after-
noon, and by ten at night the whole
insurgent force arrived pell-mell at
Heidelberg. Officers and dragoons
led the van, followed by artillery,
infantry, baggage-waggons, and free
corps, mingled together in the utmost
disorder. They had run from Wein-
heim, a distance of twelve miles, in
three hours — driven by their fears
only ; for the Hessians, too weak
to take advantage of their victory,
and content with driving them from
their own territory, waited rein-
forcements before attempting farther
hostilities.
This check was a sad damper to the
ardour of the insurgents. It was neces-
sary to find some one on whom to fix
the blame ; and as the dragoons were
known to be unfavourable to the new
order of things, the official account of
the affair stated that the enemy would
have been thoroughly beaten, had the
cavalry charged when ordered so to do.
This was the only action fought
under Sigel's generalship — as a speci-
men of which it may be mentioned
that the band of the Guards was sent
into action at the head of the regi-
ment, and lost five men by the first
volley fired. Whatever the reason,
Sigel was removed from his functions
next day, and Eichfeld, disgusted
with such an opening to the cam-
paign, changed his place of minister
of war for a colonelcy in the Guards ;
and, pocketing a month's pay, took
himself quietly off, and has never
been heard of since.
As it was now evident there could
be no hopes of the Hessians joining
the movement, the tactics were
changed, and the most violent abuse
was lavished on them by the organs
of the provisional government. The
vilest calumnies were resorted to, to
exasperate the Baden troops against
them, such as that they tortured and
massacred their prisoners, &c.
Sigel had succeeded Eichfeld as mi-
nister of war; and as it was tolerably
clear that they possessed no general
fit to lead their army to the field,
Meiroslawski was invited to take the
command. A large sum of money
was sent to him in Paris, and, while
waiting his arrival, it was determined
to act strictly on the defensive. With
this object the whole line of the
Neckar, from Mannheim to Eberbach
and Mosbach, was strongly fortified ;
and the regular troops were withdrawn
from Eastadt, and concentrated on
the Hessian frontier.
At length the Polish adventurer,
whose arrival had been so impatiently
expected, made his appearance at
Heidelberg. Meiroslawski, a native
of the grand-duchy of Posen, began,
his career as a cadet in the Prussian
service. In the Polish revolution of
1832 he played an active part, and
was deeply implicated in the plot
concocted at Cracow in 1846, which
brought such dreadful calamities on'
the unfortunate inhabitants of Gal-
licia. For the second time he took
refuge in France, and only returned
to his native country to join the out-
break at Posen in 1848. There he con-
trived to get himself into a Prussian,
prison, from which, however, he was
after a time released. He next led
the ranks of the Sicilian insurgents ;
and on the submission of the island
to the Neapolitan troops, had scarcely
time to gain his old asylum, France,
before he was called on to aid the
revolutionists of Baden. He is -a
man of about forty years of age, of
middle height, slightly built, and, so
long as he is on foot, of military car-
riage and appearance ; but seen on
horseback, riding like a postilion
rather than a soldier, the effect is not
so good. His eyes are large and ex-
pressive, his nose aquiline, and the
lower part of his face covered with a
large sandy beard, which descends to
the middle of his breast. Sixty of
the Duke's horses, left in the stables
at Carlsruhe, were sent to mount him
and his aides-de-camp. Poles, Swiss,
desperadoes of every description, re-
ceived commissions, and were attached
to the staff, the members of which,
when assembled, were not unlike a
group of masqueraders. Accidents,
such as stumbling over their own
sabres or their comrades' spurs, were
of common occurrence. Sometimes a
horse and his rider would be seen roll-
ing over together ; for, excepting one
gentleman, whose rank I could not
learn, but who had figured as rider at
an equestrian circus that had attended
the fair, none of the party looked as if
they had ever mounted a horse before.
1849.]
The Insurrection in Baden.
211
The first step taken by the govern-
ment, after Meiroslawski's arrival,
was to make a formal treaty of al-
liance with the provisional govern-
ment of Rhenish Bavaria, in pursuance
of one of whose provisions a plentiful
supply of artillery was sent from the
fortress of Rastadt, to furnish the
army in that part of the country.
That the two governments were in
constant communication with Ledru
Rollin and his friends, is now an
authenticated fact, as well as that
their chief hopes of success were built
on the assistance they expected to re-
ceive from Paris. So confidently did
they anticipate the overthrow, by the
Montague party, of the present order
of things in France, that on the very
morning the attempt took place in
Paris, placards were posted up in
Carlsruhe, Mannheim, and Heidelberg,
announcing that the citadel of Stras-
burg was in the hands of the de-
mocrats, who were hastening with
a hundred thousand men to the as-
sistance of their friends in Baden.
Until the arrival of Meiroslawski,
Brentano had refused to put in exe-
cution the rigorous measures urged on
him by Struve and his party ; but
things were now conducted differently.
Numbers of persons were cast into
prison without any formal accusation.
One clergyman in particular, thrown
into a miserable dungeon, and kept
for weeks in solitary confinement,
entirely lost his senses, and, on the
arrival of his liberators, the Prussians,
had to be taken to a lunatic asylum,
where he still remains. The whole
country was declared to be under
martial law, and notice was given
that anybody expressing dissatisfac-
tion with the government would be
severely punished. No person whom
the malice or ignorance of the mob
might choose to consider a spy was
safe : many of the principal shops in
the towns were closed, the proprietors
having sent off or concealed their
goods, and fled the country. Persons
known to be inimical to the govern-
ment were punished for their opinions
by contributions being levied on their
property, or soldiers billeted in their
houses. Count Obendorf, who has a
chateau in the vicinity of Heidelberg,
had no less than seven hundred and
twenty men quartered on him at one
time. Complaint was unavailing ;
tyranny and terrorism reigned
throughout the land.
In order to give the semblance of
legality to their proceedings, the elec-
tions'for a new chamber commenced.
It will readily be imagined that none
but the friends of those in power pre-
sented themselves as candidates : the
deputies were therefore, without ex-
ception, the intimates or supporters
of Brentano & Co. The first act of
the new assembly was to dissolve the
Landes-auschuss, or provisional go-
vernment, as being too numerous a
body to act with the required vigour ;
and a dictatorial triumvirate, composed
of Brentano, Peter, and Goegg, was
appointed in its stead.
By this time serious dissensions had
broken out among the leading mem-
bers of the democratic party. Bren-
tano had quarrelled with Struve, who
was resolved on nothing less than the
proclamation of the red republic.
Finding his friends at Carlsruhe op-
posed to this attempt, he called a
public meeting at Mannheim. Here
again his efforts were unsuccessful,
the soldiers especially being opposed
to his doctrines. As the Wurtemberg
deputies had always figured among
the most violent of the left, or republi-
can party, at Frankfort, and late events
had given rise to the idea that the
people of that country were disposed
to support the movement in Baden,
Fickler was sent to Stuttgardt, with a
considerable sum of money to corrupt
the soldiers ; and in full expectation of
the success of his mission, billets were
made out for three thousand men, who,
it was stated, were to arrive in the
evening at Heidelberg. Disappoint-
ment ensued. The Wiirtembergers,
satisfied with having forced from their
king a promise to accept the constitu-
tion in support of which the Badeners
professed to be fighting, were not in-
clined to bring further trouble and
confusion into their country, and
Fickler was thrown into prison. This
untoward event, had the Baden revo-
lution lasted much longer, was to have
produced a terrible war between the
two countries. The Wurtemberg
minister, however, laughed at the
insurgent government's absurd and
impotent threats, and Fickler still
remains in confinement.
212
The Insurrection in Baden.
[Aug.
The first week after Meiroslawski's
arrival was taken up with preparations
for opening the campaign on a grand
scale. Upwards of fifty thousand men
were collected on the Hessian frontiers,
from which side it was expected that
the enemy would make their attack.
At the same time, the Hessians hav-
ing been reinforced by troops from
Mecklenburg, Nassau, Hesse-Cassel,
and Prussia, prepared to take the field
in earnest. Whilst the first division
of the army, under the command of
the Prince of Prussia and General
Hirschfeld, entered the Palatinate be-
tween Kreutznach and Saarbrucken,
and advanced to the relief of Germers-
heiui and Landau ; Meiroslawski was
held in check by continual feints, made
along the whole line of the Nectar.
On the 15th of June, a battalion of
Mecklenburgers, with a squadron of
Hessian light cavalry, and a couple of
guns, advanced from Weinheim as far
as Ladenburg. The village was taken
at the point of the bayonet ; but, igno-
rant of the immense force of the insur-
gents, or perhaps from undervaluing
their courage, the troops allowed
themselves to be almost surrounded
by the enemy. With great difliculty
they succeeded in regaining their old
position ; while the major who com-
manded the party, and ten privates,
were left in the hands of the rebels.
The loss on both sides was consider-
able, but was in some degree compen-
sated to the Imperial troops, by two
companies of the Baden Guards passing
over to them. This slight success was
boasted of by Meiroslawski as a splen-
did victory, in the following bulletin: —
" HEADQUARTERS, HEIDELBERG,
"IGthJune 1849.
" Our operations against the advancing
enemy have been crowned with success.
Yesterday, our brave army was simulta-
neously attacked on all sides.
" In Rhenish Bavaria the Prussians were
driven back with great loss. At Laden-
burg, Colonel Sigel engaged the enemy,
who had advanced in front; while a column,
under the command of the valiant Oborski,
attacked them in rear. The enemy was
defeated on all points, and driven back^in
the greatest confusion.
" It is only to be regretted that want
of cavalry prevented our following and
completely annihilating them.
" Many prisoners were made, and their
loss in arms, ammunition, and baggage,
all of which fell into our hands, was con-
siderable.
" Inhabitants of Heidelberg, fear no-
thing for the future. Continue to pro-
vide the intrepid army under my com-
mand with necessaries for continuing the
campaign so gloriously commenced, and I
will answer for the result. Strict obe-
dience to my orders is all I require from
you, to prevent the enemy from overrun-
ning the country.
" In commemoration of the victory of
yesterday, so gloriously [obtained, the
town of Heidelberg will be illuminated.
The lights will be left burning till day-
break, and the beer-houses will remain
open the whole night.
" (Signed) Louis MEIROSLAWSKI,
" General-in-Chief of the Army."
This bombastic effusion was follow-
ed by several others equally false and
ridiculous. The Prussians had advan-
ced as far as Ludwigshafen, opposite
Mannheim, without encountering any
serious resistance. The insurgent army
in the Pfalz, numbering about twelve
thousand men, under the command
of the Polish General Sznayda, had
abandoned their intrenchments almost
without striking a blow, and, with the
provisional government, fled to" Kniel-
ingen, from whence they crossed the
Rhine into Baden. The only serious
impediment encountered by the Prus-
sians was at Ludwigshafen, which
suffered immense damage from the
heavy and constant bombardment kept
up from batteries erected at the oppo-
site town of Mannheim. The railway
station was burned to the ground, and
the value of property destroyed in the
store-houses alone has been calculated
at two millions of florins, (£170,000.)
On the 17th, Landau and Germers-
heirn were relieved ; and the Prince of
Prussia, with his whole force concen-
trated before the latter fortress, pre-
pared to cross the Rhine under the
protection of its guns.
Having thus fully accomplished the
first part of his arduous undertaking,
by re-establishing order in the Pfalz,
the Prince of Prussia prepared to ef-
fect a junction with the second and
third divisions of the army, under the
command of General Von Groben, and
Peucker, the former of whom had
again advanced to Ladenburg, on the
right bank of the Neckar. Meiroslaw-
ski, in the mean time, remained totally
inactive from the 15th to the 20th inst.
1849.]
The Insurrection in Baden.
213
Upwards of fifty thousand men had
been reviewed by him in Heidelberg
and its vicinity ; besides this, the twelve
thousand Bavarian insurgents, under
the command of Sznayda, were in the
neighbourhood of Bruchsal ; and with
such a force, anything like a deter-
mined resistance would have compel-
led the Prussians to purchase victoiy
by a heavy loss. Whatever may be
his reputation for talent, Meiroslawski
showed but little skill as a general
during his short command in Baden.
Instead of opposing the crossing of the
Rhine by the Prussians, which, with so
large a force, and fifty-four pieces of
well-served artillery, he might easily
have done, the Prince of Bcussia, with
a division of fifteen thousand men, was
allowed to obtain a secure footing in
his rear, almost unopposed.
From this moment the position of
the insurgents became critical in the
extreme. The line of the Neckar was
occupied on the right bank by the
second and third divisions of the army,
comprising upwards of thirty thousand
men. Although hitherto held in check
by the strong intrenchments that had
been thrown up, they might still ad-
vance in front ; whilst the high road
to Rastadt was effectually cut off by
the Prince of Prussia, whose head-
quarters were now at Phillipsburg.
The Rhine had been crossed by the
Prussians on the 20th, and on the
evening of that day Meiroslawski, for
the first time, showed a disposition to
move from his comfortable' quarters
at the Prince Carl hotel in Heidelberg.
Collecting all his force, (with the ex-
ception of three or four thousand men,
who were left in the intrenchments
before Ladenburg and on the line of
the Neckar,) he left Heidelberg " to
drive the Prussians," as he announced,
" into the Rhine," and effect a junc-
tion with Sznayda's corps in the
neighbourhood of Carlsruhe. The
plan was a bold one; but Meiros-
lanski ought to have known better
than to attempt its execution with
the undisciplined force he command-
ed. He, however, appears to have
entertained no doubt of the result;
for the commissariat, baggage, and
even the military chest were sent for-
ward, he himself following in a
carriage and four.
Early on the morning of the 21st the
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVI.
action commenced, and Meiroslawski
found to his costthatsix thousand well-
disciplined Prussians were more than
a match for his whole army. At ten
o'clock on the same morning a pro-
clamation was issued at Heidelberg
by Struve, stating " that the Prussians
were beaten on all points, that their
retreat to the Rhine was cut off, and
that ten thousand prisoners would be
sent to Heidelberg in the evening. The
loss on the side of the " Army of
Freedom" was eight slightly hurt, and
two severely wounded — no killed !
In spite of the obvious absurdity of
this proclamation, most of the towns-
people believed it ; and it was not till
two o'clock in the afternoon that their
eyes were opened to the deception
practised on them, by the arrival of
between thirty and forty cart-loads of
wounded insurgents. Before nightfall,
upwards of three hundred suffering
wretches filled the hospitals. Crowds
of fugitives flocked into the town, and
every appearance of discipline was at
an end. It seems that, on the approach
of the enemy, the Prussian advanced
guard, composed of one battalion only,
retired till they drew the insurgents
into the very centre of their line,
which lay concealed in the neighbour-
hood of Wagheiisel. This movement
was interpreted into a flight by Meiros •
lawski ; a halt was called ; and whilst
he was refreshing himself at a road-
side inn, and his troops were in ima-
gination swallowing dozens of Prus-
sians with every fresh glass of beer,
they suddenly found themselves al-
most surrounded by the royal forces.
At the very first volley fired by the
Prussians, many of the Baden heroes
threw down their arms, and took to
their heels ; the artillery and baggage
waggons, which were most unaccount-
ably in advance, faced aoout, and
drove through the ranks at full speed,
overthrowing and crushing whole
companies of insurgents. The panic
soon became general: dragoons, in-
fantry, baggage-waggons, and artil-
lery, got mingled together in the most
inextricable confusion, and those who
could, fled to the woods for safety.
The approach of night prevented the
Prince of Prussia from following up
his victoiy, but he established his
headquarters at Langenbruken, with-
in nine miles of the town.
214
The Insurrection in Baden,
[Aug.
Whilst the hopes of the insurgents
received a deathblow in this quarter,
General Peucker had pushed with his
division through the Odenwald, and,
after some insignificant skirmishing
at Hirschhorn, crossed the Neckar in
the vicinity of Zwingenberg, with the
intention of advancing on Sinsheim,
and cutting off the retreat of the re-
bels in that direction. Von Grbben,
who, on account of the bridges at La-
denburg, Mannheim, and Heidelberg,
being undermined, was unwilling to
cross the Neckar, sent a small recon-
noitring party over the hills, and, to
the great consternation of the inhabi-
tants, the Prussians suddenly made
their appearance on the heights above
the village of Neuenheim, thus com-
manding the town of Heidelberg.
Four hundred of the foreign legion
immediately sallied over the bridge,
and, posting themselves in some houses
on that side of the river, kept up a
desperate firing, though the enemy
were too far above their heads for
their bullets to take effect. The Prus-
sians for some time looked on with
indifference, but, before retiring, they
gave the insurgents a taste of what
their newly- invented* zund-nadel
muskets could accomplish. Out of
four shots fired, at a distance of full
fifteen hundred yards, two took effect ;
the one killing an insurgent on the
bridge, and the other wounding one of
the free corps in the town.
To return to Meiroslawski's army.
After those who had been fortunate
enough to reach Heidelberg had taken
a few hours' rest and refreshment, the
entire mass moved off in the direction
of Sinsheim, their only hope of escape
being to pass that town before the
arrival of General Peucker's division.
Thousands had thrown away their
arms and fled ; and most of the soldiers,
anxious to escape another collision
with the Prussians, threw off their
uniforms and concealed themselves in
the woods. One-half of the rebels
were disbanded, or had been taken
prisoners ; and Meiroslawski, with the
remnant, made all speed to quit the
town. Every horse in the neighbour-
hood was put into requisition to aid
them in their flight, and the whole
gang of civil authorities, headed by
Struve and his wife in a carriage,
(well filled with plunder,) followed the
great body of fugitives. The intrench-
ments at Ladenburg, &c., were aban-
doned, and by 7 o'clock on the evening
of the 22d, the town of Heidelberg
was once more left to the peaceable
possession of its terrified inhabitants.
The foreign legion, composed of Poles,
Italians, Svuss, French — in short, the
refuse of au nations — were the last to
leave ; nor did they do so, till they
had helped themselves to whatever
they could conveniently carry off :
indeed, the near vicinity of the Prus-
sians alone prevented the complete
plunder of the town. During the
night, the better disposed citizens re-
moved the powder that undermined
the bridge, and a deputation was sent
to inform General von Groben that he
could advance without impediment.
At 4 o'clock on the morning of the
23d, to the great joy of every respect-
able inhabitant of Heidelberg, he made
his entry into the town. Mannheim
had also been taken possession of
without firing a shot, and the com-
munication between the first and se-
cond divisions of the royal army was
now open.
After leaving Heidelberg, Meiros-
lawski succeeded in once more uniting
about fifteen thousand of the fugitives
under his banner. General Peucker's
attempt to intercept him at Sinsheim
had failed, the insurgent general hav-
ing reached it two hours before him.
Taking to the hills, he got out in rear
of the Prince of Prussia's division,
and joined his force to that of Sznayda,
which was before C arlsruhe . Robbery
* The advantages of this new invention (of which the Prussians have now 50,000
in use) are the increased rapidity of loading, extent of range, and precision of aim.
A thoroughly drilled soldier can fire from eight to ten rounds in a minute, whilst with
a common percussion gun three times is considered good practice. Neither ramrod
nor cap is required ; the cartridge, which is placed in the gun by opening the breech,
contains a fulminating powder, which is pierced by the simple action of pulling the
trigger; and the charge of powder being ignited in front, instead of from behind, (as
in the common musket,) the entire force of powder is exploded at once. The barrels
are rifled, and spitz or pointed bullets are used.
1849.]
The Insurrection in Baden.
215
and plunder marked the entire line of
inarch. Wine and provisions that
could not be carried off, were wanton-
ly destroyed, and the inhabitants of
the villages traversed by this undis-
ciplined horde, will long have reason
to remember the passage of the self-
styled " Army of Freedom."
At Upsdal, Durlach, and Bruchsal,
the rebels made a more energetic re-
sistance than they had yet done; and
it was not without a hard struggle, and
great loss on both sides, that the
Prince of Prussia, at the head of the
three divisions of his army, (now united,
and numbering upwards of forty
thousand men,) entered Carlsruhe on
the 25th of June. On the approach
of the Prussians, the provisional gov-
ernment, the members of the chamber,
and the civil authorities of every des-
cription, having emptied the treasury,
and carried off all the public money
on which they could lay their hands,
made their escape to join the remains
of the Rump parliament, who, since
they had been kicked out of Wiirtem-
burg, had established themselves at
Freiburg.
After a rest of two days in the
capital of Baden, the Prussian army
was again put in motion to attack the
insurgents, now strongly intrenched
along the valley of the Murg, the
narrowest part of the duchy. Owing
to the numerous and well-served ar-
tillery of the insurgents, it was not
without severe fighting, and great
sacrifice of life, that they were driven
from their positions. Another disor-
derly flight succeeded ; and by the
30th of the month, the Prussians
were in quiet possession of Baden-
Baden, Oos, Offenburg, and Kehl,
besides having completely surrounded
Rastadt, and cut off every hope of
retreat from that fortress. The re-
mainder of Meiroslawski's force was
entirely dispersed, the greater num-
ber being captured, or escaping in
small parties into France or Swit-
zerland. A few hundreds only re-
mained in Freiburg, under the com-
mand of Sigel. Meiroslaweki took
refuge in Basle, having held the com-
mand of the Baden forces exactly
three weeks ; and Brentano, after
having remained just long enough to
be abused and threatened by his own
party, made his escape with most of
the other revolutionary leaders into
Switzerland, from which he issued the
following justification of his conduct.
As the document contains a tolerably
faithful sketch of the revolution, with
the opinion of one who may certainly
be considered as an unprejudiced
judge, we give it in full : —
u To THE PEOPLE OF BADEN.
" Fellow-citizens ! Before leaving the
town of Freiburg and the duchy of Baden,
on the night of the 28th June, I informed
the president of the constitutional assem-
bly that it was my intention to justify my
conduct towards the people of Baden, but
not towards an assembly that had treated
me with outrage. If I did not do this at
the time I left the country for which I
have acted all through with a clear con-
science, and from which I was driven by
a tyrannical and selfish party, it was
because I wished to see what this party
would say against the absent. To-day I
have seen their accusation, and no longer
delay my defence, in order that you may
judge whether I have merited the title of
traitor ; or whether the people's cause —
the cause of freedom, for which your sons,
your brothers, have bled — can prosper in
the hands of men who only seek to hide
personal cowardice by barbarity, mental
incapacity by lies, and low selfishness by
hypocrisy.
" Fellow-citizens ! Since the month of
February I have strained every nerve in
the cause of freedom. Since the month
of February, I have sacrificed my own
affairs to the defence of persecuted repub-
licans. I have willingly stood up for all
who claimed my assistance ; and let any say
if I have been reimbursed one kreutzer of
the hundreds I have expended. Fellow-
citizens ! I am loath to call to mind the
sacrifices I have made ; but a handful of
men are .shameless enough to call me
traitor ; a handful of men, partly those
in whose defence I disinterestedly strained
every nerve, would have me brought
to * well-deserved punishment : ' these
men, whose sole merit consists in tending
to bring discredit on freedom's cause,
through their incapacity, barbarity, and
terrorism ; and whose unheard-of extra-
vagance has brought us to the brink of
ruin.
" I did not return home after Fickler's
trial. The exertion I had used in his de-
fence had injured my health, and I went
for medical advice to Baden-Baden. On
the 14th of May, I was fetched from my
bed ; but, in spite of bodily weakness, I was
unwilling to remain behind. I wished to
seethe cause of freedom free from all dirty
machinations, I wished to prevent the
216
The Insuirection in Baden.
[Aug.
holy cause from falling into disrepute
through disgraceful traffic ; I wished to
keep order, and to protect life and pro-
perty. For some time I was enabled to
effect this : I endeavoured to prevent
injustice of all kinds, and in every place,
and whenever I was called on ; I strove
to protect the innocent against force,
and to prove that even the complete over-
throw of the government could be accom-
plished without allowing anarchy to reign
in its stead.
" Fellow-citizens ! However my con-
duct as a revolutionist may be judged, I
have a clear conscience. Not a deed of
injustice can be laid to my door : not a
kreutzer of your money have I allowed to
be squandered, not a heller has gone into
my pocket ! But this I must say, you
will be astonished, if ever you see the ac-
counts, to find how your money has been
wasted, and how few there were who
sacrificed anything to the holy cause of
the people, and how many took care to
be well paid out of the national coffers
for every service rendered.
" No sooner had the revolution broken
out than hundreds of adventurers swarmed
into the land, with boasts of having suf-
fered in freedom's cause : they claimed
their reward in hard cash from your
coffers. There was no crossing the streets
of Carlsruhe for the crowds of uniformed,
sabre-carrying clerks ; and whilst this
herd of idlers revelled on your money,
your half-famished sons were exposing
their breasts to the bullets of the enemy
in freedom's cause. But whoever set
himself to oppose this order of things
was proclaimed to be a mean and narrow-
minded citizen ; whoever showed a dis-
inclination to persecute his political ad-
versary h la Windischgr'dts, was a reac-
tionnaire or a traitor.
" At the head of this party was Struve,
the man whose part I took before the tri-
bunal at Freiburg — not as a legal adviser,
but as a friend ; the man whose absurd
plan for giving the ministers salaries of
six thousand florins ; of sending ambas-
sadors to Rome and Venice, and agents to
St Petersburg and Hungary, I overruled ;
the man whose endeavour to give every
situation to which a good salary was at-
tached to foreign adventurers, was effectu-
ally opposed by me. This man, despised for
his personal cowardice, whose dismissal
from the provisional government was de-
manded by the entire army— this man, in-
stead of supporting and strengthening the
government as he promised, tried, because
his ambitious views found no encourage-
ment, and with the assistance of foreign
adventurers, to overthrow me ; and when
I showed him the force that was drawn up
ready to oppose him, he took refuge in
base lies, and had not even sufficient
courage to go home, till I, whom he had
just tried to overthrow, protected him
with my own body to his house.
" The people had chosen between us, for
at the elections he had been first thrown
out, and he only obtained three thousand
votes as a substitute, whilst I had been
elected by seven thousand voices.
" I had placed all my hopes in the Con-
stitutional Assembly. I thought that men
elected by the free choice of the people
would duly support my honest endea-
vours. I was mistaken. An assembly,
the majority of whose members were
mere ranters, totally incapable of ful-
filling the task imposed on them, and
who sought to conceal their ignorance
by proposing revolutionary measures —
which were carried one day, to be re-
voked as impracticable the next — was
the result of the election. That I should
prove a thorn in the sides of such men
was clear; and as it was not in their
power to get rid of me, they sought to
make me a powerless tool, by creating a
three-headed dictatorship, with the evi-
dent intention of making use of my name,
whilst holding me in check by the other
two dictators. Although such a situation
might be undignified, still, from love of
the cause, I determined to accept it. I
scarcely ever saw my colleagues in Carls-
ruhe, as they found it more agreeable to
run after the army. No reports from the
seat of war ever reached me; and yet the
assembly demanded from me, as being the
only one present, accounts of what I had
received no report of. All responsibility
was thrown on my shoulders. If the
minister of war neglected to supply the
army with arms or ammunition, the fault
was mine ; if the minister of finance
wanted money, I was to blame; and if the
army was beaten, my want of energy was
the cause of it!
" Thus was I abandoned at Carlsruhe
in the last most dangerous days, and left
with a set of deputies who, for the most
part, had not even sufficient courage to
sleep in the capital. My co- dictators
found it more convenient to play the easier
part of mock heroes with the army.
Thousands can bear witness that I shrunk
from no work, however trivial; but I can
prove to most of these pot-valiant heroes,
that they put off the most urgent motions
as 'not pressing,' whilst they clung to
others that were of no importance, merely
because they carried them out of all dan-
ger at the national expense.
" In Offenburg we were joined by the
newly-elected member Gustavus Struve,
who immediately demanded my dismissal
1849.]
The Insurrection in Baden.
217
from the government. On being told that
this was impossible, he next wished me
to be taken from the dictatorship, and to
be given one of the minister's places. He
talked of the want of energy displayed by
the government, called it little better than
treason, and tried to learn from my friends
what plans I intended to adopt. He de-
manded that the fugitives from the Pfalz
should be placed in. office, though, God
knows, we owed them nothing. Indignant
at such conduct, I took no part in the
secret council held at Freiburg, although
I informed several of the deputies of my
intention to resign, unless I received full
satisfaction for the machinations of
Struve.
" The first public meeting of the assem-
bly took place on the evening of the 28th
June, when Struve brought forward the
following motion: —
" ' That every effort at negotiation with
the enemy be considered and punished as
high treason.' Considering what had before
taken place, I could not do less than oppose
the motion, which I did on the grounds
that, as such negotiations could only pro-
ceed from the government, the motion was
tantamount to a vote of want of confidence.
In spite of this declaration on my part,
the motion was carried by twenty-eight
against fifteen votes, and the contest
between Struve and Brentano was decided
in favour of the former. Although some
few of the deputies declared their vote not
to imply want of confidence, the assembly
did not, in that capacity, express such an
opinion. If they did, I call on them to
produce the notes of such a resolution
having been carried; and if they fail to do
so, I brand them with the name of infa-
mous liars. After this, I did what all
honourable men would have done — I re-
signed. Who, I ask, Avas to prevent my
doing so; and why am I to be branded
with the name of traitor? I laugh those
fools to scorn who imagine they could
prevent freedom of action in a man who,
having been shamefully ill-used, chose to
withdraw from public life.
" I do not fear inquiry, and demand
from the national assembly that the result
of their investigation be made public, as
it can only terminate in victory for me
and destruction to my adversaries. Why
did this same assembly keep secret the fact
that, on the 28th of June, they decided to
send me a deputation the next morning, in
order to beg I would remain in power —
I the traitor, I who was to be brought
to ' well-merited punishment!' It was
easy to foresee the personal danger I was
exposed to if I refused, and I therefore
preferred seeking quiet and repose in
Switzerland, to enjoying the rags of free-
dom emitted under Struve's dictatorship
in Baden.
" I am to be called to account ! My
acts are open to the world. No money
ever came under my superintendence —
this was taken care of by men who had
been employed in the department for
years. My salary as head of the govern-
ment was three florins per day, and I
have paid all travelling expenses out of
my own pocket. But if those are to be
called to account who had charge of the
public money, and became my enemies
because I would not have it squandered,
then, people of Baden! you will open your
eyes with astonishment; then, brave com-
batants, you will learn that, whilst you
fasted, others feasted!
" The people of Baden will not be thank-
ful for a ' Struve government,' but they
will have to support it ; and over the
grave of freedom, over the graves of their
children, will they learn to know those who
were their friends and those who only
sought for self-aggrandisement and
tyranny !
" And when the time comes that the
people are in want of me again, my ear
will not be deaf to the call! But I will
never serve a government of tyrants, who
can only keep in power by adopting mea-
sures that we have learned to despise, as
worthy of a Windischgratz or a Wrangel!
"Fellow- citizens! I have not entered
into details. I have only drawn a gene-
ral sketch, which it will require time to
fill up. Accused of treason by the princes,
accused of treason by the deputies of
Freiburg, I leave you to decide whether
I have merited the title.
" Feuerthalen bei Schaffhausen,
1 July, 1849.
" Louis BRENTANO."
At this time of writing, Rastadt still
remains in possession of two or three
thousand insurgents; but, almost with-
out provisions, and deprived of all
hopes of assistance, the fortress may
be daily expected to surrender. Such
is the termination of an insurrection
of seven weeks' duration, which is cal-
culated.to have cost the country thirty
millions of florins and four thousand
lives. There is no denying that, at
one time, it assumed a most formidable
aspect ; and had the people of Wlir-
tevnburg given it the support its
leaders confidently expected from
them, it might, aided by the discon-
tent that undoubtedly prevails in
many other parts of Germany, long
have baffled the efforts of Prussia to
218
The Insurrection in Baden.
[Aug.
put it down. Yet there are few per-
sons, even among those who witnessed
the outbreak from its commencement,
who can tell what was the object of
its promoters, unless plunder and per-
sonal aggrandisement be assigned as
their incentives. Their professed mo-
tive was to support the union of Ger-
many in one empire ; but, as the Grand-
duke of Baden had already taken the
oath to obey and defend the constitu-
tion framed at Frankfort, there was
not the slightest pretext for upsetting
his government. It is certain that
the republicans played a most active
part in the aifair — their intention no
doubt being, as soon as they found
themselves victorious under the banner
of the empire, to hoist a democratic flag
of their own. Many wtio were not
inclined to go so far, joined them upon
doubts of the fair intentions of the
Germanic princes towards their sub-
jects. Some were perhaps glad of
any sort of change, other turbulent
spirits were anxious for a row, but,
from first to last, none seem to have
had any clearly defined object, or
anything to offer in extenuation of
such waste of blood and treasure.
The next striking circumstance is the
evident incapacity of the chiefs, civil
and military. Throughout the affair,
we do not see one proof of superior
talent, or a single act of daring courage.
The only useful reflection it affords is
one that is perhaps worthy the atten-
tion of the rulers of Germany. Last
year, Struve's attempt to revolutionise
the country was principally supported
by ignorant peasants, rnad students,
and a few ultra-liberals and republi-
cans, and it was in great measure put
down by the soldiers of Baden. This
year, a great proportion of the citizens
in the principal towns were openly in
favour of the movement, and nearly the
whole Baden army joined the revolt.
HEIDELBERG, 15th July 1849.
1849.]
Lamartine's Revolution o/"1848.
219
LAMARTINE'S REVOLUTION OF 1848.
So completely was the ordinary
framework of European society bro-
ken up in France by the Revolution
of 1789, that the leaders of every
great political movement, since that
time, have sprung from an entirely
different class of society from what
they were before that event. The old
territorial noblesse no longer appear
as the leaders in action, or the rulers
of thought. The time has gone by
when an Admiral de Coligny, or a
Henry of Beam, stood forth as the
chiefs of the Reformed movement ;
a Due d'Orleans no longer heads the
defection of the nobles from the
throne, or a Mirabeau roase a resist-
ance to the mandates of the sove-
reign. Not only the powers of the
sword, not only the political lead of
the people, but the direction of their
thoughts, has passed from the old no-
bility. The confiscation of their pro-
perty has destroyed their consequence,
the dispersion of their families ruined
their influence. Neither collectively
nor individually can they now lead
the people. The revolution of 1830,
begun by Thiers and the writers in
the National newspaper, was carried
out by Lafitte the great banker.
That of 1848, springing from the co-
lumns of the Reforme and the Demo-
cratic Pacifique, soon fell under the
lead of M. Marrast the journalist, and
M. Lamartme the romancer and poet.
And now the latter of these authors
has come forth, not only as the leader
but as the historian of the movement.
Like Caesar, he appears as the an-
nalist of his own exploits : like him,
he no doubt flatters himself he can
say, " I came, I saw, I conquered."
The reason is, that mankind cannot
exist even for a day but under the
lead of a few. Self-government is
the dream of the enthusiast, the vision
of the inexperienced : oligarchy is the
history of man. In vain are institu-
tions popularised, nobles destroyed,
masses elevated, education diffused,
self-government established: all that
will not alter the character of man ;
it will not qualify the multitude for
self- direction ; it will not obviate that
first of necessities to mankind — the
necessity of being governed. What is
the first act of every assembly of men
associated together for any purpose,
social, political, or charitable? To
nominate a committee by whom their
common affairs are to be regulated.
What is the first act of that commit-
tee? To nominate a sub-committee
of two or three, in whom the direc-
tion of affairs is practically to be
vested. Begin, if you please, with
universal suffrage: call six millions
of electors to the poll, as in France
at this time, or four millions, as in
America — the sway of two or three,
ultimately of one, is not the less ine-
vitable. Not only does the huge mass
ultimately fall under the direction of
one or two leading characters, but
from the very first it is swayed by
their impulsion. The millions repeat
the thoughts of two or three journals,
they elaborate the ideas of two or
three men. What is the origin of the
whole free-trade principles which have
totally altered the policy, and probably
shortened the existence, of the British
empire ? The ideas of Adam Smith,
nurtured in the solitude of Kirkaldy.
Would you learn what are the opi-
nions generally prevalent in the
urban circles in England, in whom
political power is practically vested,
on Wednesday or Thursday ? Read
the leading articles of the Times on
Monday or Tuesday. The more men
are educated, the more that instruc-
tion is diffused, the more widely that
journals are read, the more vehement
the political excitement that prevails,
the more is the sway of this oligarchy
established, for the greater is the apti-
tude of the general mind to receive the
impulse communicated to it by the
leaders of thought. The nation, in
such circumstances, becomes a vast
electric-machine, which vibrates with
the slightest movement of the central
battery.
Lamartine, as an author, can never
be mentioned without the highest
respect. The impress of genius is to
be seen in all his works : nature has
marked him for one of the leaders of
thought. A mind naturally ardent
and enthusiastic, has been nurtured
220
Lamm-tine's Revolution of 1848.
[Ang-,
by travel, enriched by reflection,
chastened by suffering. His descrip-
tive powers are of the very highest
order. We have already done jus-
tice, and not more than justice, to the
extreme beauty of his descriptions of
Oriental scenery.* They are the
finest in the French, second to none
in the English language. His mind
is essentially poetical. Many of his
effusions in verse are touching and
beautiful, though they do not possess
the exquisite grace and delicate ex-
pression of Beranger. But his prose
is poetry itself : so deeply is his mind
imbued with poetical images — so sen-
sitive is his taste to the grand and
the beautiful — so enthusiastic is his
admiration of the elevated, whether
in nature or art, that he cannot treat
even an ordinary subject without
tinging it with the colours of romance.
From this peculiar texture of La-
martine's mind arises both the excel-
lences and defects of his historical
compositions. He has all the roman-
tic and poetical, but few of the intel-
lectual qualities of an historian.
Eminently dramatic in his description
of event, powerful in the delineation
of character, elevated in feeling,
generous in sentiment, lofty in specu-
lation— he is yet destitute of the
sober judgment and rational views
which are the only solid foundation
for either general utility or durable
fame in historical composition. He
has the conceptions of genius and the
fire of poetry in his narrative, but
little good sense, and still less of
practical acquaintance with mankind.
That is his great defect, and it is a
defect so serious that it will probably,
in the end, deprive his historical works
of the place in general estimation to
which, from the beauty of their com-
position and the rich veins of ro-
mance with which they abound, they
are justly entitled. These imagina-
tive qualities are invaluable additions
to the sterling qualities of truth,
judgment, and trust-worthiness ; but
they can never supply their place.
They are the colouring of history ;
they give infinite grace to its compo-
sition ; they deck it out with all the
charms of light and shade : but they
can never make up for the want of
accurate drawing from nature, and a
faithful delineation of objects as they
really exist in the world around us.
Nay, an undue preponderance of the
imaginative qualities in an historian,
if not accompanied by a scrupulous
regard to truth, tends rather to lessen
the weight due to his narrative, by
inspiring a constant dread that he is
either passing off imaginary scenes
for real events, or colouring reality so
highly that it is little better than fic-
tion. This is more especially the
case with a writer such as Lamartine,
whose thoughts are so vivid and style
so poetical, that, even when he is-
describing events in themselves per-
fectly true, his narrative is so embel-
lished that it assumes the character
of romance, and is distrusted from a
suspicion that it is a mere creation of
the imagination.
In addition to this, there is a capital
deficiency in Lamartine's historical
works, for which no qualities of style
or power of composition, how brilliant
soever, can compensate ; and which,
if not supplied in some future editions,
will go far to deprive them of all
credit or authority with future times.
This is the entire ijount of all authori-
ties or references, either at the bottom
of the page or at the end of the work.
In the eight volumes of the History of
the Girondists, and the four on the
Revolution of 1848, now before us,
we do not recollect ever having met
with a single reference or foot-note
containing a quotation from any state
paper, speech, or official document,
It is impossible to over-estimate the
magnitude of this defect ; and' it is
astonishing how so able and well-
informed a writer as Lamartine should
have fallen into it. Does he suppose
that the world are to take everything
he says off his hand, without reference-
or examination ; or imagine that the
brilliant and attractive graces of his
style do not increase the necessity for
such authorities, from the constant
suspicion they beget that they have-
been drawn from the store of his
imagination, not the archives of his-
tory? No brilliancy of description,
no richness of colouring, no amount
of dramatic power, can make up for
a want of the one thing needful —
See Blackirood's Magazine, vol. Ivi., p. 657.
1849.]
Lamar tine's Revolution of 1848.
trust in the TRUTH of the narrative.
Observe children : every one knows
how passionately fond they are of
having stories told them, and how
much they prefer them to any of the
ordinary pastimes suited to their
years. How often, however, do you
hear them say, But is it all true ? It
is by making them believe that fiction
is the narrative of real event that the
principal interest is communicated to
the story. Where the annals of
event are coloured as Lamartiue
knows how to colour them, they be-
come more attractive than any ro-
mance. The great success of his
History of the Girondists, and of Ma-
caulay's History of England, is a suffi-
cient proof of this.. But still the
question will recur to men and wo-
men, as well as children — " But is it
all true?" And truth in his hands
wears so much the air of romance,
that he would do well, by all possible
adjuncts, to convey the impression
that it is in every respect founded in
reality.
There is no work which has been
published in France, of late years,
which has met with anything like the
success which his History of the
Girondists has had. We have heard
that fifty thousand copies of it were
sold in the first year. Beyond all
doubt, it had a material effect in pro-
ducing the Revolution of 1848, and
precipitating Louis Philippe from the
throne. It was thus popular, from the
same cause which attracts boys to nar-
ratives of shipwrecks, or crowds to re-
presentations of woe on the theatre —
deep interest in tragic events. He
represented the heroes of the first
great convulsion in such attractive
colours, that men, and still more
women, were not only fascinated by
the narrative and deeply interested in
the characters, but inspired by a desire
to plunge into similar scenes of excite-
ment themselves — just as boys become
sailors from reading terrific tales of
shipwreck, or soldiers, from stories of
perils in the deadly breach. In his
hands, vice equally with virtue, weak-
ness with resolution, became attrac-
tive. He communicated the deepest
interest to Robespierre himself, who is
the real hero of his story, as Satan is
of the Paradise Lost. He drew no
veil over the weakness, the irresolu-
221
tion, the personal ambition of the
Girondists, so fatal in their conse-
quences to the cause of freedom in
France, and through it to that of
liberty over the whole world ; but he
contrived to make them interesting
notwithstanding their faults — nay, in
consequence of those -very faults. He
borrowed from romance, where it has
been long understood and successfully
practised, especially in France, the
dangerous secret of making characters
of imperfect goodness the real heroes
of his tale. He knew that none of the
leading characters at Paris were Sir
Charles Grandisons; and he knew that,
if they had been so, their adventures
would have excited, comparatively
speaking, very little interest. But he
knew that many of them were political
Lovelaces ; and he knew well that it is
by such characters that in public,
equally as private life, the weakness
of the world is fascinated, and their
feelings enchained. And it is in the
deep interest which his genius has
communicated to really worthless
characters, and the brilliant colours
in which he has clothed the most
sinister and selfish enterprises, that
the real danger of his work consists,
and the secret of the terrible conse-
quences with which its publication
was followed is to be found.
In truth, however, the real cause of
those terrible consequences lies deeper,
and a fault of a more fundamental
kind than any glossing over the frail-
ties of historical characters has at
once rendered his work so popular
and its consequences so tremendous.
Rely upon it, truth and reason, all-
powerful and even victorious in the
end, are never a match for sophistry
and passion in the outset. When you
hear of a philosophical historical work
going through half-a-dozen editions
in six months, or selling fifty thousand
copies in a year, you may be sure
that there is a large intermixture of
of error, misrepresentation, and one-
sidedness in its composition. The
cause is, that truth and reason are
in general distasteful in the outset to
the human mind ; and it is by slow
degrees, and the force of experience
alone, that their ascendency is esta-
blished. What attracts, in the first
instance, in thought, independent of
the charms of eloquence and the graces
Lamartine's Revolution of 1848.
[Aug.
of composition — which of course are
indispensable to great success — is co-
incidence with the tendency and aspira-
tions of general thought. But so prone
to error and delusion is the human
mind, from its inherent character and
original texture, that it is a hundred
to one that general thought at any
one time, especially if it is one of con-
siderable excitement or vehement
feeling, is founded in error. And
thus it often happens, that the works
which have the most unbounded suc-
cess at their first publication, and for
a considerable time after, are precisely
those which contain the largest por-
tion of error, and are likely, when re-
duced into practice, to have the most
fatal effects upon the best interests of
the species. Witness the works of
Eousseau and Voltaire in France, to
whose influence the first revolution is
mainly to be ascribed ; those of La-
martine, Victor Hugo, and Eugene
Sue, who have been chiefly instru-
mental in bringing about the still more
widespread convulsions of our times.
The fundamental principle of La-
martine's political philosophy, and
which we regard as his grand error,
and the cause at once of his success in
the outset and his failure in the end, is
the principle of the general innocence
and perfectibility of human nature.
It is this principle, so directly repug-
nant to the fundamental doctrines of
Christianity, that it may be regarded
as literally speaking the " banner-cry
of hell," which is at the bottom of the
whole revolutionary maxims ; and it
is so flattering to the hopes, and agree-
able to the weakness of human nature,
that it can scarcely ever fail, when
brought forward with earnestness and
enforced by eloquence, to captivate
the great majority of mankind. Rous-
seau proclaimed it in the loudest terms
in all his works ; it was the great
secret of his success. According to
him, man was born innocent, and with
dispositions only to virtue: all his
vices arose from the absurdity of
the teachers who tortured his youth,
all his sufferings from the tyranny of
the rulers who oppressed his man-
hood. Lamartine, taught by the
crimes, persuaded by the sufferings of
the first Revolution, has modified this
pilnciple without abandoning its main
doctrines, and thus succeeded in ren-
dering it more practically dangerous,
because less repugnant to the com-
mon sense and general experience of
mankind. His principle is, that de-
magogic is always selfish and dan-
gerous ; democratic always safe and
elevating. The ascendency of a few
ambitious or worthless leaders preci-
pitates the masses, when they first
rise against their oppressors, into acts
of violence, which throw a stain upon
the cause of freedom, and often retard
for a season its advance. But that
advance is inevitable : it is only sus-
pended for a time by the reaction
against bloodshed : and in the pro-
gressive elevation of the millions of
mankind to general intelligence, and
the direction of affairs, he sees the
practical development of the doctrines
of the gospel, and the only secure
foundation for general felicity. He is
no friend to the extreme doctrines of
the Socialists and Communists, and
is a stanch supporter of the rights of
property — and the most important of
all rights, those of marriage and fa-
mily. But he sees in the sway of the
multitude the only real basis of gene-
ral happiness, and the only security
against the inroads of selfishness ; and
he regards the advances towards this
grand consummation as being certain
and irresistible as the advance of the
tide upon the sand, or the progress from
night to morning. In this way he
hopes to reconcile the grand doctrine
of human perfectibility with the uni-
versal failure of all attempts at its
practical establishment ; and continues
to dream of the irresistible and blessed
march of democracy, while recounting
alike the weakness of the Girondists,
and the crimes of the Jacobins — the
woful result of the Revolution of 1789
— and the still more rapid and signal
failure of that which convulsed the
world sixty years afterwards.
The simple answer to all these ab-
surdities and errors, productive of
such disastrous consequences when
reduced into practice, is this—" The
heart is deceitful above all things, and
desperately wicked." — " There is
none that doeth good, no, not one."
It is from this universal and inevitable
tendency to wickedness, that the
practical impossibility of establishing
democratic institutions, without utter
ruin to the best interests of society,
1849.]
Lamartine's Revolution of 1 848.
223
arises. You seek in vain to escape
from the consequences of this universal
corruption, by committing power to a
multitude of individuals, or extin-
guishing the government of a few in
the sway of numbers. The multitude
are themselves as bad by nature as
the few, and, for the discharge of the
political duties with which they are
intrusted, incomparably worse ; for,
in their case, numbers annihilate re-
sponsibility without conferring wis-
dom, and the contagion of common
opinions inflames passion without
strengthening reason. In the govern-
ment of a few, capacity is generally
looked for, because it is felt to be
beneficial by the depositaries of
power ; but in that of numbers it is as
commonly rejected, because it excites
general jealousy, without the prospect
of individual benefit. Democratic
communities are ruined, no one knows
how, or by whom. It is impossible
to find any one who is responsible for
whatever is done. The ostensible
leaders are driven forward by an un-
seen power, which they are incapable
alike of regulating or withstanding:
the real leaders — the directors of
thought — are unseen and irresponsible.
If disasters occur, they ascribe them
to the incapacity of the statesmen at
the head of affairs : they relieve them-
selves of responsibility, by alleging,
with truth, the irresistible influence of
an unknown power. No one is trained
to the duties of statesmanship, be-
cause no one knows who is to be a
statesman. Ignorance, presumption,
and ambition, generally mount to the
head of affairs : the wheel of fortune,
or the favour of a multitude incapable
of judging of the subject, determines
everything. The only effectual se-
curity against spoliation by the rulers
of men, the dread of being spoliated
themselves, is lost when these rulers
are men who are not worth spoliating.
Durable interest in the fortunes of the
community is no longer felt, when
durable tenure of power is known to
be impossible. The only motive which
remains is, that of making the most
of a tenure of power which is univer-
sally known to be as short-lived as it
is precarious; and prolonging it as
long as possible, by bending, in every
instance, to the passions or fantasies
of the multitude, nominally vested
with supreme power, really entirely
guided by a few insolvent and ambi-
tious demagogues —
" Ces petits souverains qu' il fait pour ua
annee,
Voyant <Tun temps si court leur puissance
bornee,
Des plus heureux desseins font avorter le
fruit,
De peur tie le laiser a celui qui le suit ;
Comme ils out peu de part aux biens dont
ils ordonneut,
Dans le champs du public largement ils
moissonnent;
Assures que chacun leur pardonne aisemeut,
Esperant a son tour un pareil traitement;
Le pire des etats, c'est 1'etat populaire."*
Lamartine, regarding the march of
democracy as universal and inevitable,
is noways disconcerted by the uniform
failure of all attempts in old com-
munities to establish it, or the dread-
ful catastrophes to which they have
invariably led. These are merely the
breaking of the waves of the advancing
tide ; but the rise of the flood is not
the less progressive and inevitable.
He would do well to consider, how-
ever, whether there is not a limit to
human suffering; whether successive
generations will consent to immolate
themselves and their children for no
other motive than that of advancing
an abstract principle, or vindicating
privileges for the people fatal to their
best interests ; and whether resisted
attempts, and failures at the estab-
lishment of republican institutions,
will not, in the end, lead to a lasting
apathy and despair in the public mind.
Certain it is, that this was the fate of
popular institutions in Greece, in
Rome, and modern Italy : all of which
fell under the yoke of servitude, from
a settled conviction, founded on expe-
rience, that anything was preferable to
the tempests of anarchy. Symptoms,
and those too of the most unequivocal
kind, may be observed of a similar
disposition in the great majority, at
least of the rural population, both in
France and England. The election
of Prince Louis Napoleon by four
millions out of six millions of electors,
* CORNEILLE, Cinna, Act ii., scene 1.
224
Lamartine's Revolution of 1848.
[Aug.
in the former country — the quiet de-
spair with which measures of the most
ruinous kind to general industry are
submitted to in the latter, are so
many proofs of this disposition. The
bayonets of Changarnier, the devas-
tating measures of free trade and a
restricted currency, are submitted to
in both countries, because anything
is better than shaking the foundations
of government.
In treating of the causes which have
led to the revolution of 1848, Lamar-
tine imputes a great deal too much, in
our estimation, to individual men or
shades of opinion, and too little to
general causes, and the ruinous effects
of the first great convulsion. He
ascribes it to the personal unpopularity
of M. Guizot, the selfish and corrupt
system of government which the king
had established, and the discontent at
the national risks incurred by France
for the interests only of the Orleans
dynasty, in the Montpensier alliance.
This tendency arises partly from the
constitution of Lamartine's mind,
which is poetical and dramatic rather
than philosophical; and partly from
the disinclination felt by all intelligent
liberal writers to ascribe the failure of
their measures to their natural and
inevitable effects, rather than the
errors or crimes of individual men. In
this respect, doubtless,he is more con •
sistent and intelligible than M. Thiers,
who, in his History of the French Re-
volution, ascribes the whole calamities
which occurred to the inevitable march
of events in such convulsions — forget-
ting that he could not in any other
way so severely condemn his own
principles, and that it is little for the
interest of men to embrace a cause
which, in that view, necessarily and
inevitably leads to ruin. Lamartine,
in running into the opposite extreme,
and ascribing everything to the mis-
conduct and errors of individual men,
is more consistent, because he saves
the principle. But he is not the less
in error. The general discontent to
which he ascribes so much, the uni-
versal selfishness and corruption which
he justly considers as so alarming,
were themselves the result of previous
events : they were the effects, not the
causes, of political change. And
without disputing the influence, to a
certain extent, of the individual men
to whose agency he ascribes every-
thing, it may safely be affirmed that
there are four causes of paramount
importance which concurred in bring-
ing about the late French revolution ;
and which will for a very long period,
perhaps for ever, prevent the esta-
blishment of anything like real free-
dom in that country.
The first of these is the universal dis-
ruption of all the old bonds of society,
which took place in the first Revolu-
tion, and the general fretting against
all restraint, human or divine, which
arose from the ruin of religion and
confusion of morals which then took
place. These evils have only been
partially remedied by the re-establish-
ment of the Christian faith over the
whole realm, and the sway which it
has undoubtedly acquired in the rural
districts. The active and energetic
inhabitants of the great towns still
continue influenced by the Revolution-
ary passions, the strongest of which is
the thirst for present enjoyment, and
the impatience of any restraint, whether
from the influence of conscience or the
authority of law. This distinctly ap-
pears from the licentious style of the
novels which have now for a quarter
of a century issued from the press of
Paris, and which is in general such
that, though very frequently read in
England, it is very seldom, especially
by women, that this reading is ad-
mitted. The drama, that mirror of
the public mind, is another indication
of the general prevalence of the same
licentious feeling: it is for the most
part such, that few even of the least
tight-laced English ladies can sit out
the representation. The irreligion, or
rather general oblivion of religion,
which commonly prevails in the towns,
is a part, though doubtless a most
important part, of this universal dis-
position : Christianity is abjured or
forgotten, not because it is disbeliev-
ed, but because it is disagreeable.
Men do not give themselves the
trouble to inquire whether it is true
or false ; they simply give it the go-
by, and pass quietly on the other
side, because it imposes a restraint, to
them insupportable, on their passions.
Dispositions of this sort are the true
feeders of revolution, because they
generate at once its convulsions in
like manner, as passions which re-.
1849.]
Lamartine's Revolution of 1848.
225
quire gratification, poverty which
demands food, and activity which
pines for employment. Foreign war
or domestic convulsion are the only
alternatives which, in such a state of
society, remain to government. Na-
poleon tried the first, and he brought
the Cossacks to Paris ; Louis Philippe
strove to become the Napoleon of
peace, but he succeeded only in being
the pioneer of revolution.
The great and durable interests of
society, which the indulgence of such
passions inevitably ruins, are the
barrier which, in ordinary circum-
stances, is opposed to these dis-
orders ; and it is this influence which
has so long prevented any serious out-
break of anarchy in Great Britain.
But the immense extent of the con-
fiscation of landed property during
the first Revolution, and the total ruin
of commercial and movable wealth,
from the events of the maritime war,
and the effects of the enormous issue
of assignats, has prevented the con-
struction of this barrier in anything
like sufficient strength to withstand
the forces which pressed against it.
Nine-tenths of the realised wealth of
the country was destroyed during the
convulsion ; what remained was for the
most part concentrated in the hands of
a few bankers and moneyed men, who
aimed at cheapening everything, and
depressing industry, in order to aug-
ment the value of their metallic riches.
The influence of the natural leaders of
the producing class, the great proprie-
tors of land, was at an end, for they
were almost all destroyed. The six mil-
lions of separate landed proprietors,
who had come in their place, had
scarcely any influence in the state ; for
the great majority of them were too
poor to pay 200 francs a-year (£8)
direct taxes — the necessary condition
towards an admission into the elec-
toral body— and as individuals they
were in too humble ciraxmstances to
have any influence in the state. The
returns of the " Impot fonciere" or
land-tax, showed that above four mil-
lions of this immense body had pro-
perties vary ing from £2 to £10 a-year
each— not more than is enjoyed by an
Irish bogtrotter. In these circum-
stances, not only was the steadying
influence of property in general nnfelt
in the state, but the property which
did make itself felt was of a disturb-
ing rather than a pacifying tendency ;
for it was that of bankers and money-
lenders, whose interests, being those
of consumers, not producers, went to
support measures calculated to depress'
industry rather than elevate it, and
thereby augment rather than diminish
the distress which, from these causes,
soon came to press Bo severely upon
the urban population.
These causes were the necessary
results of the dreadful waste of pro-
perty, and ruin of industry, which had
taken place during the first Revolu-
tion. The multitude of little pro-
prietors with which France was over-
spread, could furnish nothing to the
metropolis but an endless succession
of robust hands to compete with its
industry, and starving mouths to share
its resources. What could the six
millions of French landowners, the
majority of them at the plough, afford
to lay aside for the luxuries of Paris ?
Nothing. You might as well expect
the West-End shopkeepers of London
to be sustained by the starving west-
ern Highlanders of Scotland, or the
famished crowds of Irish cottars. The
natural flow of the wealth of the land
to the capital of the kingdom, which
invariably sets in when agricultural
property is unequally distributed, and
a considerable part of it is vested in
the hands of territorial magnates, was
at once stopped when it became di-
vided among a multitude of persons,
not one of whom could afford to travel
ten miles from home, or to buy any-
thing but a rustic dress and a blouse
to cover it. At least sixty millions
sterling, out of the eighty millions
which constitute the net territorial
produce of France, was turned aside
from Paris, and spent entirely in the
purchase of the coarsest manufactures
or rude subsistence in the provinces.
The metropolis came to depend mainly
on the expenditure of foreigners, or
of the civil and military employes of
government. This woful defalcation
in its resources occurred at a time, too,
when the influx of needy adventurers
from the country was daily increasing,
from the impossibility of earning a
livelihood, amidst the desperate com-
petition of its squalid landowners, and
the decline of agriculture, which neces-
sarily resulted from their inability to
226
Lamartine's Revolution 0/1848.
[Aug.
adopt any of its improvements. Thus
the condition of the working classes
in Paris went on getting constantly
worse, during the whole reign of
Louis Philippe ; and it was only in
consequence of the vast influx of
foreigners, which the maintenance of
peace and the attractions of the
court occasioned, that they were not
reduced many years before to the
despair and misery which at once
occasioned and followed the last revo-
lution.
Amidst a population excited to dis-
content by these causes, another cir-
cumstance has operated with pecu-
liar force, which we do not recollect
to have seen hitherto noticed in dis-
quisitions on this subject — this is the
prodigious number of natural children
and foundlings at Paris. It is well
known that ever since the close of the
first Revolution the number of illegi-
timate births in Paris has borne a very
great proportion to the legitimate ;
they are generally as 10,000 to 18,000
or 19,000. For a long time past, every
third child seen in the streets of Paris
has been a bastard. Hitherto this im-
portant feature of society has been con-
sidered with reference to the state of
morality in regard to the relation of
the sexes which it indicates ; but
attend to its social and political
effects. These bastards do not always
remain children ; they grow up to be
men and women. The foundlings of
Paris, already sufficiently numerous,
are swelled by a vast concourse of a
similar class over all France, who
flock, when they have the means of
transport, to the capital as the com-
mon sewer of the commonwealth.
There are at present about 1,050,000
souls in the French metropolis. Sup-
pose that a third of these are natural
children, there are then 850,000 per-
sons, most of them foundlings of
illegitimate birth, in that capital.
Taking a fourth of them as capable of
bearing arms, we have 85,000 bas-
tards constantly ready to fight in
Paris.
Consider only the inevitable results
of such a state of things in an old and
luxurious metropolis, teeming with
indigence, abounding with tempta-
tion, overflowing with stimulants to
the passions. The enfant trouve of
Paris, when grown up, becomes a
gamin de Paris, just as naturally and
inevitably as a chrysalis becomes a
butterfly. He has obtained enough
of instruction to enable him to imbibe
temptation, and not enough to enable
him to combat it. He has in general
received the rudiments of education :
he can read the novels of Victor
Hugo, Eugene Sue, and George Sand ;
he can study daily the Reforme or
National, or Democratic Pacifique.
He looks upon political strife as a
game at hazard, in which the win-
ning party obtain wealth and hon-
our, mistresses, fortunes, and enjoy-
ments. As to religion, he has never
heard of it, except as a curious relic
of the olden time, sometimes very
effective on the opera stage; as to
industry, he knows not what it is ;
as to self-control, he regards it as
downright folly where self-indulgence
is practicable. The most powerful
restraints on the passions of men —
parents, children, property — are to
him unknown. He knows not to
whom he owes his birth ; his offspring
are as strange to him as his parents,
for they, like him, are consigned to
the Foundling Hospital : he has no-
thing in the world he can call his own,
except a pair of stout arms to aid in
the formation of barricades, and a
dauntless heart ready at any moment
to accept the hazard of death or plea-
sure. Hanging midway, as it were,
between the past and the future, he has
inherited nothing from the former
but its vices, he will transmit nothing
to the latter but its passions. Who-
ever considers the inevitable results
of eighty or ninety thousand men in
the prime of life actuated by these
dispositions, associating with an equal
number of women of the same class,
affected by the same misfortune in
their birth, and influenced by the same
passions, constantly existing in a state
of indigence and destitution in the
heart of Paris, will have no difficulty in
accounting for the extraordinary diffi-
culty which, for the last half century,
has been experienced in governing
France, and will probably despair of
ever succeeding in it but by force of
arms.
We hear nothing of these facts from
Lamartine, whose mind is essentially
dramatic, and who represents revolu-
tions, as he evidently considers
1849.]
Lamm-tine's Revolution of 1848.
as the work of individual men, work-
ing upon the inevitable march of so-
ciety towards extreme republican in-
stitutions. He gives us no statistics;
he never refers to general causes,
except the universal progress towards
democracy, which he regards as irre-
sistible. Least of all is he alive to
the ruinous effects of the first great dis-
ruption of the bonds of society which
naturally followed the Revolution of
1789, or disposed to regard the subse-
quent convulsions, as what they really
are — the inevitable result and just
punishment of the enormous sins of
the Revolution. And — markworthy
circumstance ! — these consequences
are the obvious result of the great
crimes committed in its course ; the
confiscation of property which it oc-
casioned, the overthrow of religion
and morals with which it was at-
tended. They have fallen with pecu-
liar severity upon Paris, the centre of
the revolutionary faction, and the focus
from which all its iniquities emanated,
and where the blood of its noblest
victims was shed. And if revolutions
such as we have witnessed or read
of in that country are indeed inevi-
table, and part of the mysterious
system of Providence in the regula-
tion of human affairs, we can regard
them as nothing but a realisation of
that general tendency to evil which is
so clearly foretold in prophecy, and
indications of the advent of those
disastrous times which are to be^closed
by the second coming of the Messiah.
We have all heard of the mingled
treachery and irresolution — treachery
in the national guard, irresolution in
the royal family — which brought
about the revolution which Lamar-
tine has so eloquently described. It
is evident, even from his account —
which, it may be supposed, is not un-
duly hostile to the popular side — that
it was the bar-sinister in its birth
which proved fatal, in the decisive
moment, to the Throne of the Barn-
cades ; and that the revolution might
with ease have been suppressed, if
any other power had been called to
combat it but that which owed its
existence to a similar convulsion.
K The King was lost in thought, while
the tocsin was sounding, on the means by
which it might yet be possible to calm
the people, and restrain the revolution, in
which he persisted in seeing nothing but
a riot. The abdication of his external-
political system, personified in M. Guizot,
M. Duchatel, and the majority of the
Chambers entirely devoted to his inte-
rests, appeared to him to amount to more
tban the renunciation of his crown ; it
was the abandonment of his thoughts, of
his wisdom, of the prestige of his infalli-
bility in the eyes of Europe, of his family,
of his people. To yield a throne to ad-
verse fortune, is little to a great mind.
To yield his renown and authority to tri-
umphant adverse opinion and implacable
history, is the most painful effort which
can be required of a man, for it at once
destroys and humbles him. But the King
was not one of those hardy characters
who enjoy, with sang froid, the destruc-
tion of a people for the gratification of
their pride. He had read much of his-
tory, acted much in troubled times, re-
flected much. He could not conceal from
himself, that a dynasty which should re-
conquer Paris by means of grape-shot and
bombs would be for ever besieged by the
horror of the people. His field of battle
had always been opinion. It was on it
that he wished to act ; he hoped to regain
it by timely concessions. Only, like a
prudent economist, he higgled with opi-
nion like a Jewish pawnbroker, in the
hopes of purchasing it at the smallest
possible sacrifice of his system and dig-
nity. He flattered himself he had several
steps of popularity to descend before
quitting the throne."— (Vol. i., p. 102.)
The immediate cause of the over-
throw of the throne, it is well known,
was the fatal order which the delusion
of M. Thiers, when called to the mi-
nistry, extorted from the weakness of
the King, to stop firing — to cease re-
sistance— to succumb to the assailants.
Marshal Bugeaud was perfectly firm ;
the troops were steady ; ample mili-
tary force was at their command;
everything promised decisive success
to vigorous operations. Marshal Bu-
geaud's plan was of the simplest but
most efficacious kind.
" Marshal Bugeaud, with his mili-
tary instinct, matured by experience and
the habit of handling troops, knew that
immobility is the ruin of the morale of
soldiers. He changed in a moment the
plan of operations submitted to him. He
instantly called around him the officers
commanding corps. The one was Tiburie
Sebastiani, brother of the marshal of the
same name, a calm and faithful oificer; the
other, General Bedeau, whose name, made
illustrious by his exploits in Africa, car-
228
Lamartine's Revolution o/"1848.
[Aug.
ried respect with it, to his companions in
arms in Paris. He ordered them to form
two columns of 3500 men each, and to
advance into the centre of Paris — the one
by the streets which traverse it from the
Boulevards to the Hotel de Ville, the
other by streets which cross it from the
quays. Each of the columns had artil-
lery, and their instructions were, to carry,
iu their advance, all the barricades, to de-
stroy these fortresses of the insurrection,
to cannonade the masses, and concen-
trate their columns on the Hotel de
Ville, the decisive point of the day. Ge-
neral Lamoriciere was to command a
reserve of 9000 men, stationed around
the palace."— (Vol. i., pp. 136, 137.)
The despair of the troops when
compelled to retire before a tumul-
tuous mob — to confess defeat in
their own capital, and in the face of
Europe, is thus described : —
" At daybreak the two columns of
troops set out on their march ; their pro-
gress was, every ten minutes, reported by
staff-officers in disguise. They experienced
no serious resistance on their way to the
Hotel de Ville; the crowd opened as
they advanced, with cries of ' Vixe la
Reforme!' they trampled under foot,
without firing a shot, the beginnings of
the barricades. Nevertheless, the uncer-
tainty of what was passing in the Tuileries
paralysed the arms in the hands of the
soldiers. The Marshal, at length con-
strained by the reiterated orders of the
King, sent orders to his lieutenants to
make the troops fall back. Marshal Be-
deau, upon this, made his battalions re-
tire. Some soldiers threw their muskets
on the ground, as a sign of despair or
fraternisation. Their return across Paris
had the appearance of a defection, or of
the advanced guard of the revolution
marching on the Tuileries. The troops,
already vanquished by these orders, took
up their position, untouched but powerless,
on the Place de la Concorde, in the Champs
Elyse"es, in the Rue de Rivoli. The
French troops, when disgraced, are no
longer an army. They felt in their hearts
the bitterness of that retreat ; they feel
it still."— (Vol. i., p. 139.)
But it was soon found that these
disgraceful concessions to mob vio-
lence would avail nothing; that M.
Thiers and M. Odillon Barrot were
alike unequal to stemming the torrent
which they had put in motion; and
that the King, as a reward for his
humane order to the troops not to fire
upon the people, was to be called on
to abdicate ! In the disgraceful scene
of pusillanimity and weakness which
ensued, we regret to say the princes
of the royal family, and especially the
Duke de Montpensier, evinced as
much cowardice as the princesses did
courage; — exemplifying thus again
what Napoleon said of the Bourbons
in 1815, that there was only one man
in the family, and that man was a
woman. The decisive moment is thus
described with dramatic power, but,
we have no doubt, historic truth, by
M. Lamartine : —
" M. Girardin, in a few brief and sad
words, which abridged minutes and cut
short objections, said to the King with
mournful respect, that changes of minis-
try were no longer in season ; that the
moment was sweeping away the throne
with the councils, and that there was but
one word suitable to the urgency of the
occasion, and that word was 'abdica-
tion.'
" The King was in one of those mo-
ments when truths strike without offend-
ing. Nevertheless, he let fall, upon hearing
these words, from his hands the pen with
which he was arranging the names of the
new ministry. He was desirous of dis-
cussing the question. M. Girardin, piti-
less as evidence, pressing as time, would
not even admit of discussion. ' Sire !'
said he, ' the abdication of the king, or
the abdication of the monarchy — there is
the alternative. Circumstances will not
admit even of a minute to find a third
issue from the straits in which we are
placed.' While he thus spoke, M. Girar-
din placed before the King the draft of a
proclamation which he had prepared and
he wished to have printed. That pro-
clamation, concise as a fact, consisted
only of four lines, calculated to attract
the eyes of the people.
The abdication of the King.
The regency of the Duchess of Orleans.
The dissolution of the Chamber of De-
puties.
A general amnesty.
"The King hesitated. The Duke de
Montpensier his son, carried away, doubt-
less, by the energetic expression in the
physiognomy, gesticulations, and words
of M. Girardin, pressed his father with
more vehemence than rank, age, and mis-
fortunes should have permitted to the
respect of a son. The pen was presented,
and the crown torn from the monarch by
an impatience which could not wait for his
full and free conviction. The rudeness of
fortune towards the King was forgotten in
the precipitance of the council. On the
other hand, blood was beginning to flow,
the throne was gliding away. The lives
1849.]
Lamartine's Revolution of!8i8.
even of the King and his family might be
endangered. Everything can be explain-
ed by the solicitude and the tenderness of
the councillors. History should ever
take the version which least humiliates
and bruises least the human heart." —
(Vol. i., p. 127.)
Observe the poetic justice of this
consummation. The member of his
family, who at the decisive moment
failed in his duty, and compelled his
infirm and gray-haired father to ab-
dicate, was the Due DE MONTPENSIER
— the very prince for whose elevation
he had perilled the English alliance,
violated his plighted word, endan-
gered the peace of Europe! The
heir-presumptive of the crown of
Spain was the first to shake the crown
of France from his father's head!
Vanquished by his personal fears, un-
worthy of his high rank and higher
prospects, a disgrace to his country,
he evinced, what is rare in France in
any station, not merely moral, but
physical pusillanimity. To this end
have the intrigues of the Orleans
family, from Egalite' downwards, ulti-
mately tended. They have not only
lost the crown, to win which they
forgot their allegiance and violated
their oaths, but they have lost it with
dishonour and disgrace : they are not
only exiles, but they are despised
exiles. Such have been the fruits of
the Orleans intrigues to gain the
crown of France.
As a bright contrast to this woful
exhibition, we gladly translate M.
Lamartine's account of the memor-
able scene in the chambers, where the
Duchess of Orleans nobly contended
with an infuriated and bloodthirsty
rabble for the crown, now devolved
to her son by his grandfather's abdi-
cation. Had such spirited devotion
been found in her husband's family,
they might have transmitted the
honours they had won in the Orleans
dynasty.
"The great door opposite the tri-
bune, on a level with the most elevated
benches in the hall, opened ; a woman ap-
peared dressed in mourning : it was the
Duchess of Orleans. Her veil, half raised
on her hat, allowed her countenance to
be seen, bearing the marks of an emotion
and sadness which heightened the interest
of youth and beauty. Her pale cheeks
bore the traces of the tears of the widow,
the anxieties of the mother. No man
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVI.
229
could look on those features without emo-
tion. At their aspect, all resentment
against the monarchy fled from the mind.
The blue eyes of the princess wandered
over the scene, with which she had been
a moment dazzled, as if to implore aid by
her looks. Her slender but elegant form
bowed at the applause which saluted
her. A slight colour — the dawn of hope
amidst ruin — of joy amidst sorrow — suf-
fused her cheeks. A smile of gratitude
beamed through her tears. She felt herself
surrounded by friends. With one hand
she held the young king, who stumbled
on the steps, with the other the young
Duke of Chartres : infants to whom the
catastrophe which destroyed them was a.
subject of amusement. They were both
clothed in short black dresses. A white
shirt-collar was 'turned over their dresses,
as in the portraits by Vandyke of the chil-
dren of Charles I.
" The Duke of Nemours walked beside
the princess, faithful to the memory [of his
brother in his nephews ; a protector
who would ere long stand in need of
protection himself. The figure of that
prince, ennobled by misfortune, breathed
the courageous but modest satisfaction of
a duty discharged at the hazard of his
life. Some generals in uniform, and
officers of the national guard, followed her
steps. She bowed with timid grace to the
assembly, and sat down motionless at the
foot of the tribune, an innocent accused
person before a tribunal without appeal,
which was ab»ut to judge the cause of
royalty. At that moment, that cause was
gained in the eyes and hearts of all." —
(Vol. i. p. 177.)
But it was all in vain. The mob
on the outside broke into the assem-
bly. The national guard, as usual,
failed at the decisive moment, and
royalty was lost.
" An unwonted noise was heard at the
door on the left of the tribune. Unknown
persons, national guards with arms
in their hands, common people in their
working-dresses, break open the doors,
overthrow the officers who surround the
tribune, invade the assembly, and, with
loud cries, demand the Duke of Ne-
mours. Some deputies rose from their
eeats to make a rampart with their bodies
around the princess. M. Mauguin calmly
urged them to retire. General Oudinot
addressed them with martial indignation.
Finding words unavailing, he hastily tra-
versed the crowd to demand the support
of the national guard. He represented to
them the inviolability of the assembly,
and the respect due to a princess and a
woman insulted amidst French bayonets.
Q
230
Lamartine s Revolution of 1848.
[Aug.
The national guards heard him, feigned
to be indignant, but slowly took up their
arms, and ended by doing nothinq." —
(Vol. i. p. 180.)
In justice to Lamartine also, we
must give an abstract of his animated
and eloquent account of the most
honourable event in his life, and one
which should cover a multitude of
sins — the moment when he singly
contended with the maddened rabble
who had triumphed over the throne,
and, by the mere force of moral
courage and eloquent expression, de-
feated the Red Republicans, who were
desirous to hoist the drapeau rouge,
the well-known signal of bloodshed
and devastation : —
" In this moment of popular frenzy,
Lamartine succeeded in calming the
people by a sort of patriotic hymn on
their victory — so sudden, so complete, so
unlooked-for" even by the most ardent
friends of liberty. He called God to
witness the admirable humanity and re-
ligious moderation which the people had
hitherto shown alike in the combat and
their triumph. He placed prominently
forward that sublime instinct which, the
evening before, had thrown them, when
still armed, but already disciplined and
obedient, into the arms of a few men
who had submitted themselves to ca-
lumny, exhaustion, and death, for the
safety of all. ' That,' said Lamartine,
' was what the sun beheld yesterday, and
what would he shine upon to-day ? He
would behold a people the more furious
that there was no longer any enemies
to combat ; distrusting the men whom
but yesterday it had intrusted with the
lead, — constraining them in their liberty,
insulting them in their dignity, disavow-
ing their authority, substituting a revolu-
tion of vengeance and punishment for one
of unanimity and fraternity, and com-
manding the government to hoist, in
token of concord, the standard of a com-
bat to the death between the citizens of
the same country ! That red flag, which
was sometimes raised as the standard
against our enemies when blood was
flowing, should be furled after the com-
bat, in token of reconciliation'and peace.
I would rather see the black flag which
they hoist sometimes in a besieged town
as a symbol of death, to designate to the
bombs the edifices consecrated to huma-
nity, and which even the balls of the
enemy respect. Do you wish, then, that
the symbol of your republic should be
more menacing and more sinister than
the colours of a besieged city ?' ' No no !'
cried some of the crowd, ' Lamartine is
right : let us not keep that standard, the
symbol of terror, for our citizens.' ' Yes,
yes !' cried others, ' it is ours — it is that
of the people — it is that with which we
have conquered. Why should we not
keep, after the conflict, the colours which
we have stained" with our blood ?' —
' Citizens !' said Lamartine, after having
exhausted every argument calculated to
affect the imagination of the people,
' you may do violence to the government :
you may command it to change the colours
of the nation and the colours of France.
If you are so ill advised and so obsti-
nate in error as to impose on it a republic
of party and flag of terror, the govern-
ment is as decided as myself' to die
rather than dishonour itself by obey-
ing you : for myself, my hand shall
never sign that decree : I will resist
even to the death that symbol of blood;
and you should repudiate it as well as
I ; for the red flag which you bring
us has never gone beyond the Champ de
Mars, dragged red in the blood of the
people in '91 and '93; but the tricolor
flag has made the tour of the world, with
the name, the glory, and the liberty of
our country.' At these words, Lamar-
tine, interrupted by the unanimous cries
of enthusiasm, fell from the chair which
served for his tribune, into the arms
stretched out on all sides to receive him.
The cause of the new republic was tri-
umphant over the bloody recollections
which they wished to substitute for it.
The hideous crowd which filled the hall
retired, amidst cries of ' Vire Lamartine .'
— Vire le Drapeau Tricolor f
" The danger, however, was not over.
The crowd which had been^carried away
by his words was met by another crowd
which had not hitherto been able to pene-
trate into the hall, and which was more
vehement in words and gesticulations.
Menacing expressions, ardent vocifera-
tions, cries of suffocation, threatening
gestures, discharges of firearms on the
stair, tatters of a red flag waved by
naked arms above the sea of heads, ren-
dered this one of the most frightful scenes
of the Revolution. ' Down with Lamar-
tine! Death to Lamartine ! no Temporis-
ing,— the Decree, the Decree, or the
Government of Traitors to the lamp-post!'
exclaimed the assailants. These cries
neither caused Lamartine to hesitate, to
retire, nor to turn pale. At the sight of
him the fury of the assailants, instead of
being appeased, increased tenfold. Mus-
kets were directed at his head, the nearest
brandished bayonets in his face, and a sa-
vage group of twenty, with brutal drunken
visages, charged forward with their heads
down, as if to break through with an
enormous battering-ram the circle which
1849.]
Lamartine's Revolution of 1848.
231
surrounded him. The foremost appeared
bereft of reason. Naked sabres reached
the head of the orator, whose hand was
slightly wounded. The critical mo-
ment had arrived; nothing was yet de-
cided. Hazard determined which should
prevail. Lamartine expected momentarily
to. be thrown down and trampled under
foot. At that instant one of the populace
sprang from the crowd, a ball discharged
from below grazed his face and stained it
with blood; while it still flowed, he
stretched out his arms to j Lamartine —
' Let me see him, let me touch him,'
cried he, ' let me kiss his hand ! Listen
to him, oh, my citizens ! follow his coun-
cils: you shall strike me before touch-
ing him. I will die a thousand times
to preserve that good citizen for my
country.' With these words he precipi-
tated himself into his arms, and held him
convulsively embraced. The people were
moved at this scene ; and a hundred
voices again exclaimed 'Vive leGouverne-
ment Protisoire! — Vive Lamartine.'"' —
(Vol. i. pp. 393, 402.)
We purposely close our account of
Laraartine's personal career with this
splendid passage in his life. His sub-
sequent conduct, it is well known, has
ill accorded with this beginning. His
popularity in Paris fell as rapidly as
it had risen ; and on occasion of the
terrible revolt of June 1848, he re-
tired from the government, with all
his colleagues, from acknowledged in-
ability to meet the crisis which had
arisen. We have heard different ac-
counts of the real causes of his mys-
terious alliance with his former op-
ponent, and the head of the Ked
Republicans, M. Ledru Rollin, to
which this fall was owing. Some of
these stories are little to his credit.
We forbear to mention them, lest we
should unwittingly disseminate false-
hood in regard to a man of undoubted
genius and great acquirements. Per-
haps, in some future " Confidences,"
he may be able to explain much
which undoubtedly at present stands
in need of explanation. We gladly
leave this dubious subject, to give a
place to his dramatic account of the
dreadful conflict in June, in the streets
of Paris, which is the more entitled to
credit, as he was an eyewitness of
several of its most terrible scenes: —
" Assemblages of eight or ten thousand
persons were already formed on the Place
of the Pantheon to attack the Luxem-
bourg. M. Arago harangued them and
persuaded them to disperse; but it was
only to meet again in the quarters ad-
joining the Seine, in the Faubourg St
Antoine, and on the Boulevards. At the
sight of them the faubourgs turned out —
the streets were filled — the Ateliers
Nationaux turned out their hordes — the
populace, excited by some chief, began
to raise barricades. These chiefs were,
for the most part, brigadiers of the
national workshops, the pillais of sedi-
tion and of the clubs, irritated at the dis-
banding of their corps, the wages of which,
passing through their hands, had been
applied, it is said, to paying the Revolu-
tion. From the barriers of Charenton,
Fontainebleau, and Menilmontant, to the
heart of. Paris, the entire capital was in
the hands of a few thousand men. The
rappel called to their standards 200,000
National Guards, ten times sufficient to
overthrow those assemblages of the sedi-
tious, and to destroy their fortifications.
But it must be said, to the disgrace of
that day, and for the instruction of pos-
terity, that the National Guard at that
decisive moment did not answer in a body
to Hie appeal of the government. Their
tardiness, their disinclination, their inert-
ness, left the streets in some quarters open
to sedition. They looked on with calm
eyes on the erection of thousands of bar-
ricades, which they had afterwards to
reconquer with torrents of blood. Soon
the government quitted the Luxembourg
and took refuge in the National Assem-
bly, where, at the headquarters of General
Cavaignac, was established the supreme
council of the nation.
" Government had reckoned on the
support of the National Guard; but the
incessant beating of the rappel failed in
bringing it forth to its standards. In
several quarters they were imprisoned by
the insurgents. In fine, be it tardiness,
or be it fatality, the army was far from
responding in a body to the imminence and
universality of the peril. Its numerical
weakness aggravated the danger. General
Lamoriciere, invincible, though soon be-
sieged by 200,000 men, occupied the whole
extent from the Rue duTemple to theMade-
leine,from the Rue de Clichy to the Louvre
— constantly onhorseback,ever foremost in
fire, he had two horses shot under him —
his countenance black with powder,his fore-
head running down with sweat, his voice
hoarse with giving the word of command,
but his eye serene and calm as a soldier in
his native element, he restored spirit to his
men, confidence to the National Guards.
His reports to government breathed
the intrepidity of his soul, but he made
no concealment of the imminence of the
danger, and the insufficiency of the troops
at his disposal. He painted the immense
multitude of the assailants and the vast
Lamartine's Revolution 0/"1848.
[Aug.
network of barricades which stretched be-
tween the Bastile and the Chateau d'Eau,
between the barriers and the Boulevard.
Incessantly he implored reinforcements,
which the government as continually sum-
moned to its support by the telegraph, and
officers specially despatched. At length
the National Guards of the neighbourhood
of Paris began to arrive, and, ranging
themselves round the Assembly, furnished
au example to those of the capital. Then,
and not till then, confidence began to be
felt in the midst of the chances of the
combat."— (Vol. ii.,pp. 480-481.)
It was a most fortunate event for
the cause of order, and, with it, of
real freedom throughout the world,
that this great revolt was so com-
pletely suppressed, though at the cost
of a greater number of lives, particu-
larly in general officers, than fell in
many a bloody battle, by the efforts
of General Cavaignac and his brave
companions in arms. It is said that
their measures, at first, were not skil-
fully taken — that they lost time, and
occasioned unnecessary bloodshed at
the outset, by neglecting to attack the
barricades when they began to be
formed; and certainly the easy and
bloodless suppression of the late re-
volt against the government of Prince
Louis Napoleon, by General Chan-
gamier, seems to favour this opinion.
It must be recollected, however, that
the revolt of May 1849 occurred when
the memory of the popular overthrow
of June 1848 was still fresh in the
minds of the people; and it is not
easy to overestimate the effect of that
decisive defeat in paralysing revolt
on the one side, and adding nerve to
resistance on the other. It is evi-
dent that Louis Napoleon is not a
Due de Montpensier — he will not sur-
render his authority without a fight.
But supposing that there was some
tardiness in adopting decisive mea-
sures on occasion of the June revolt,
that only makes the lesson more com-
plete, by demonstrating the inability
of the bravest and most determined
populace to contend with a regular mi-
litary force, when the troops are steady
to their duty, and bravely led by their
chiefs. The subsequent suppression of
the revolts in Prague, Vienna, Madrid,
and Rome, have confirmed the same
important truth. Henceforth, it is
evident, the horrors of revolution may
always be averted, when government
is firm, and the military are faithful.
And these horrors are in truth such,
that it becomes evidently the first of
political and social duties for the
rulers of men to justify the eminence
of their rank by their courage, and the
troops to vindicate the trust reposed
in them by their fidelity. Passing by
the woful expose of the almost hope-
less state of the French finances, with
a deficit of above TWELVE MILLIONS
sterling, despite an addition of forty-
five per cent to the direct taxes, made
by Prince Louis Napoleon to the Na-
tional Assembly, we rest on the fol-
lowing curious and important details
taken from the Times of July 12, in
regard to the effect of the revolution
of 1848 upon the comforts and con-
dition of the labouring classes in
France : —
"It appears it is the middle class of
tradesmen that are now most suffering
from the effects of revolution. The funds
on which this class had been living, in
the hope that better days would soon
arrive, and which amongst some of the
small tradesmen formed their capital,
have become exhausted. Those who had
no money had, at all events, some credit;
but both money and credit are now gone.
The result is, that even in this period of
comparative tranquillity more shops are
closed than in the days of turbulence.
" The following statement of the fluc-
tuations of the revenues of the city of
Paris, occasioned also by revolution, and
which goes back to 1826, is taken from
the Debats: —
" ' The returns of the produce of indi-
rect impost is the unfailing testimony to
the progress or decrease of public tran-
quillity. We proved this truth yesterday
in publishing, on the authority of a well-
informed journal, the comparative state
of the receipts of the Paris octroi for the
first six months of the years 1847, 1848,
and 1849. It is still further proved by
valuable documents which we have at this
moment before us. Thus, the produce of
the octroi -wns, in 1847, 34,5 11, 389 francs;
and in 1848, only 26,519,627 francs, show-
ing a difference of 7,991,762 francs. This
decrease is enormous, in relation to the
immense necessities created by the poli-
tical and social crisis, the works under-
taken by the city, and the previous ex-
penses it had to provide for. We could
analyse the different chapters of this
municipal revenue, which affords life to
so many branches of Parisian industry;
but it is useless to inquire, for each of
these chapters, the particular causes of
diminution. With the great event of 1 848
before us, all details disappear. One sole
1849.]
Lamartine's Revolution q/"1848.
233
cause has produced a decrease in the re-
ceipts, and that is the revolution of Feb-
ruary; which, at first menacing society
itself by the voice of democratic orators
and the pens of demagogue writers, fright-
ened away capital and annihilated indus-
try of all kinds. In order to be able to
judge of the influence of great political
events on the receipts of the Paris octroi,
it will be sufficient to recur to the years
•which preceded and followed the revolu-
tion of 1830: —
Francs.
In 1826 the produce was . 31,057,000
In 1827 (the first shock in conse-
quence of the progress of the
opposition in the country, and
the dissolution of the national
guard) . 29,215,000
In 1828 (fall of the Villele minis-
try— continuation of the politi-
cal movement notwithstanding
the Montignac ministry . 28,927 000
In 1829 (ministry of the 8th
August — presentiments of a
struggle between the crown and
country) .... 27,695,000
In 1830 (July Revolution) . 26,240,000
In 1831 (incessant agitation — re-
peated outbreaks) . . 24,035,000
In 1832 (continuation of revolu-
tionary movement — events of
the 5th and 6th June) . 22,798,000
In 1833 (progressive establishment
of tranquillity) . . . 26,667,000
In 1834 (the situation becomes
better, with the exception of the
events of the 13th and 14th
April, which, however, were
brief) .... 27,458,000
From 1835 to 1838 (calm— cabi-
net of 15th April — the produce
in the latter year) . . 31,518,000
In 1839 (Parliamentary coalition, ••
12th May) . . . 30,654,000
In 1840 (fears of war — rutrture of
the English Alliance, &c.) 29,906,000
From 1841 to 1845 (calm — pro-
gressive increase in the latter
year) .... 34,165,000
In 1846 (notwithstanding the
clearness of food, the receipts
were) .... 33,990,000
In 1847 (commercial crisis, &c.) 33,033,000
In 1848 (revolution of February) 26,519,000
" The following from La Patrie gives a
good idea of the effects of an unquiet state
of society: —
" ' Revolutions cost dear. They, in the
first place, augment the public expenses
and diminish the general resources. Oc-
casionally they yield something, but before
gathering in the profits the bill must be
paid. M. Audigaune, chef de bureau at
the department of commerce and agri-
culture, has published a curious work on
the industrial crisis brought on by the
revolution of February. M. Audiganne
has examined all branches of manufactures,
and has shown that the crisis affected every
one. In the Nord, at Lisle, cotton-spin-
ning, which occupied thirty-four consider-
able establishments, employing a capital
of 7,000,000f. or 8,000,000f. ; and tulle
making, employing 195 looms, were
obliged to reduce their production one-half.
At Turcoing and Roubaix, where cloth and
carpet manufactories occupied 12,000
workmen, the produce went down two-
thirds, and 8000 men were thrown out of
work. In the Pas-de-Calais the fabrication
of lace and cambrics was obliged to stop
before a fall of twenty-five per cent. The
linen factory of Capecure, founded in 1836,
and which employed 1800 men, was in
vain aided by the Municipal Council of
Boulogne and the local banks ; it at last
succumbed to the crisis. In the depart-
ment of the Somme, 142,000 workmen,
who were employed in the woollen, cotton,
stocking, and velvet manufactories, were
reduced to idleness. In the arrondisse-
ment of Abbeville, where the business,
known by the name of 'lockwork' of
Picardy, yielded an annual produce of
4,000,000f.,the orders stopped completely,
and the unfortunate workmen were
obliged to go and beg their bread in the en-
virons. At Rouen, where the cotton trade
gave an annual produce of more than
250,000,000f., there were the same dis-
asters ; yet the common goods continued
to find purchasers, owing to their low
price. At Caen, the lace manufacture,
which in 1847 employedupwards of 50,000
persons, or one-eighth of the population of
Calvados, was totally paralysed. At St
Quentin, tulle embroidery, which gave a
living to 1500 women, received just as
severe a blow as in March and April,
1848 ; almost all the workshops were
obliged to close. In the east the loss was
not less considerable. Rheims was obliged
to close its woollen-thread factories during
the months of March, April, and May,
1848. The communal workshop absorbed
in some weeks an extraordinary loan of
430,000f. Fortunately, an order for
l,500,000f. of merinos, from New York,
allowed the interrupted factories to re-
open, and spared the town fresh sacrifices.
The revolutionary tempest penetrated*
into Alsace, and there swept away two-
thirds of the production. Muhlhauseu
stopped for several months the greater
number of its looms, and diminished one-
half the length of labour in the workshops
which remained open. Lyons also felt all
the horrors of the crisis. In the same
way as muslin and lace, silk found its
consumption stopped. For several months
the unfortunate Lyons' workmen had for
sole subsistence the produce of the colour*
and scarfs ordered by the Provisional
Government. At St Etienne and St
234
Lamm-tine's Revolution 0/1 848.
[Aug.
Chamond, the principal points of our ribbon
and velvet manufacture, and where 85,000
workmen were employed, the production
went down two-thirds. At Paris M.
Audiganne estimates the loss in what is
called Paris goods at nine-tenths of the
production. The loss on other articles,
he considers, on the contrary, to have been
only two-thirds on the sale, and a little
more than one-half on the amount of the
produce. - We only touch in these remarks
on the most striking points of the calcula-
tion ; the total loss, according to M.
Audiganne, amounts, for the workmen
alone, to upwards of 300,000,000f.
Such have been the consequences
to the people of listening to the voice
of their demagogues, who impelled
them into the revolution of 1848 — to
the national guards, of hanging back
at the decisive moment, and forget-
ting their oaths in the intoxication of
popular enthusiasm.
And if any one supposes that these
effects were only temporary, and that
lasting freedom is to be won for
France by these sacrifices, we recom-
mend him to consider the present
state of France, a year and a half
after the revolution of 1848, as paint-
ed by one of its ablest supporters,
M. Louis Blanc.
PROTEST.
" While Paris is in a state of siege,
and when most of the journals which re-
present our opinions are by violence con-
demned to silence, we believe it to be a
duty owing to our party to convey to it,
if possible, the public expression of our
sentiments.
" It is with profound astonishment that
we see the organs of the counter-revolu-
tion triumph over the events of the 13th
of June.
" Where there has been no contest, how
can there have been a victory ?
" What is then proved by the 13th of
June ?
" That under the pressure of 100,000
soldiers, Paris is not free in her move-
ments ? We have known this more than
enough.
" Now, as it has always been, the ques-
tion is, if by crowding Paris with soldiers
and with cannon, by stifling with violent
hands the liberty of the press, by suppres-
sing individual freedom, by invading pri-
vate domiciles, by substituting the reign
of Terror for that of Reason, by unceas-
ingly repressing furious despair— that
which there is wanting a capacity to pre-
vent, the end will be attained of reani-
mating confidence, or re-establishing
credit, of diminishing taxes, of correcting
the vices of the administration, of chasing
away the spectre of the deficit, of deve-
loping industry, of cutting short the dis-
asters attendant upon unlimited competi-
tion, of suppressing those revolts which
have their source in the deep recesses of
human feeling, of tranquillising resent-
ments, of calming all hearts ? The state
of siege of 1848 has engendered that of
1849. The question is, if the amiable
perspective of Paris in a state of siege
every eight or ten months will restore to
commerce its elastic movements, to the
industrious their markets, and to the
middle classes their repose." — L.Blanc.
It is frequently asked what is to be
the end of all these changes, and under
what form of government are thepeople
of France ultimately to settle ? Diffi-
cult as it is to predict any thing with cer-
tainty of a people with whom nothing
seems to be fixed but the disposition to
change, we have no hesitation in stat-
ing our opinion that the future govern-
ment of France will be what that of
imperial Home was, an ELECTIVE MI-
LITARY DESPOTISM. In fact, with the
exception of the fifteen years of the
Restoration, when a free constitutional
monarchy was imposed on its in-
habitants by the bayonets of the
Allies, it has ever since the Re volution
of 1789 been nothing else. The Or-
leans dynasty has, to all appearance,
expired with a disgrace even greater
than that which attended its birth:
the Bourbons can scarcely expect, in
a country so deeply imbued with the
love of change, to re-establish their
hereditary throne. Popular passion
and national vanity call for that fa-
vourite object in democratic societies —
a rotation of governors : popular vio-
lence and general suffering will never
fail to re-establish, after a brief period
of anarchy, the empire of the sword.
The successive election of military
despots seems the only popular com-
promise between revolutionary pas-
sion and the social necessities of man-
kind; and as a similar compromise
took place, after eighty years of blood-
shed and confusion, in the Roman
commonwealth, so, after a similar
period of suffering, it will probably
be repeated, from the influence of the
same cause, in the French nation.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 235
No. III.
CHRISTOPHER UNDER CANVASS.
SCENE — Gutta Percha.
TIME — Early Evening.
NORTH — BULLER — SEWARD — TALBOYS.
NORTH.
Trim — trim — trim —
TALBOYS.
Gentlemen, are you all seated ?
NORTH.
Why into such strange vagaries fall as you would dance, Longfellow!
Seize his skirts, Seward. Buller, cling to his knees. Billy, the boat-hook —
he will be — he is — overboard.
TALBOYS.
Not at all. Gutta Percha is somewhat crank — and I am steadying her, sir.
NORTH.
What is that round your waist ?
TALBOYS.
My Air-girdle.
NORTH.
I insist upon you dropping it, Longman. It makes you reckless. I did
not think you were such a selfish character.
TALBOYS.
Alas ! in this world, how are our noblest intentions misunderstood ! I put
it on, sir, that, in case of a capsize, I might more buoyantly bear you
ashore.
NORTH.
Forgive me, my friend. But — be seated. Our craft is but indifferently
well adapted for the gallopade. Be seated, I beseech you ! Or, if you will
stand, do plant both feet — do not — do not alternate so — and above all, do
not, I implore you — show off on one, as if you were composing and reciting
verses. — There, down you are — and if there be not a hole in her bottom,
Gutta Percha is safe against all the hidden rocks in Loch Awe.
TALBOYS.
Let me take the stroke oar.
NORTH.
For sake of the ancient houses of the Sewards and the Bullers, sit where
you are. We are already in four fathom watch
TALBOYS.
The Lines ?
BILLY.
Nea, nea— Mister Talboy. Nane shall steer Perch when He's afloat but
t' auld commodore.
236 Christopher under Canvass.
NORTH.
Shove off, lads.
TALBOYS.
Are we on earth or in heaven ?
BILLY.
On t' waiter.
NORTH.
Billy — mum.
TALBOYS.
The Heavens are high — and they are deep. Fear would rise up from that
Profound, if fear there could be in the perfectly Beautiful !
SEWARD.
Perhaps there is — though it wants a name.
NORTH.
"We know there is no danger — and therefore we should feel no fear. But we
cannot wholly disencumber ourselves of the emotions that ordinarily great
depth inspires — and verily I hold with Seward, while thus we hang over the
sky-abyss below with suspended oars. »
SEWARD.
The Ideal rests on the Eeal — Imagination on Memory — and the Visionary >
at its utmost, still retains relations with Truth.
BULLER.
Pray you to look at our Encampment. Nothing visionary there —
TALBOYS.
Which Encampment ?
BULLER.
On the hill- side — up yonder — at Cladich.
TALBOYS.
You should have said so at first. I thought you meant that other down —
BULLER.
When I speak to you, I mean the bonafide flesh and blood Talboys, sitting
by the side of the bona fide, flesh and blood Christopher North, in Gutta
Percha, and not that somewhat absurd, and, I trust, ideal personage, stand-
ing on his head in the water, or it may be the air, some fathoms below her
keel — like a pearl-diver.
TALBOYS.
Put up your hands — so — my dear Mr North, and frame the picture.
NORTH.
And Maculloch not here ! Why the hills behind Cladich, that people call
tame, make a back-ground that no art might meliorate. Cultivation climbs the
green slopes, and overlays the green hill- ridges, while higher up all is rough,
brown, heathery, rocky — and behind that undulating line, for the first time in
my life, I see the peaks of mountains. From afar they are looking at the
Tents. And far off as they are, the power of that Sycamore Grove connects
them with our Encampment.
TALBOYS.
Are you sure, sir, they are not clouds ?
NORTH.
If clouds, so much the better. If mountains, they deserve to be clouds ; and
if clouds, they deserve to be mountains.
SEWARD.
The long broad shadow of the Grove tames the white of the Tents — tones
it — reduces it into harmony with the surrounding colour — into keeping with
the brown huts of the villagers, clustering on bank and brae on both sides of
the hollow river.
NORTH.
The cozey Inn itself from its position is picturesque.
TALBOYS.
The Swiss Giantess looks imposing —
BULLER.
So does the Van. But Deeside is the Pandemonium —
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 237
TALBOYS.
Well translated by Paterson in his Notes on Milton, "All-Devil's-
Hall."
NORTH.
Hush. And how lovely the foreground ! Sloping upland— with single trees
standing one by one, at distances wide enough to allow to each its own little
grassy domain — with its circle of bracken or broom — or its own golden gorse
grove— divided by the sylvan course of the hidden river itself, visible only
when it glimpses into the Loch — Here, friends, we seem to see the united occu-
pations of pastoral, agricultural — and —
BULLER.
Pardon me, sir, I have a proposition to make.
NORTH.
You might have waited a moment till —
BULLER.
Not a moment. We all Four see the background — and the middle-ground
and the foreground — and all the ground round and about — and all the islands
and their shadows — and all the mountains and theirs — and, towering high
above all, that Cruachan of yours, who, I firmly believe, is behind us — though
'twould twist my neck now to get a vizzy of him. No use then in describing all
that lies within the visible horizon— there it is — let us enjoy it and be thankful
— and let us talk this evening of whatever may happen to come into our re-
spective heads— and I beg leave to add, sir, with all reverence, let's have fair
play — let no single man — young or old — take more than his own lawful
share —
NORTH.
Sir?
BULLER.
And let the subject of angling be tabooed — and all its endless botheration
about baskets and rods, and reels and tackle— salmon, sea-trout, yellow-fin,
perch, pike, and the Ferox— and no drivel about Deer and Eagles—
NORTH.
Sir? What's the meaning of all this— Seward, say— tell, Talboys.
BULLER.
And let each man on opening his mouth be timed — and let it be two-minute
time — and let me be time-keeper — but, in consideration of your years and habits,
and presidency, let time to you, sir, be extended to two minutes and thirty
seconds — and let us all talk 'time about — and let no man seek to nullify the
law by talking at railway rate — and let no man who waives his right of turn,
however often, think to make up for the loss by claiming quarter of an hour
afterwards— and that, too, perhaps at the smartest of the soiree — and let
there be no contradiction, either round, flat, or angular — and let no man
speak about what he understands — that is, has long studied and made himself
master of— for that would be giving him an unfair — I had almost said — would
be taking a mean advantage — and let no man —
NORTH.
Why, the mutiny at the Nore was nothing to this !
BULLER.
Lord High Admiral though you be, sir, you must obey the laws of the
service —
NORTH.
I see how it is.
BULLER.
How is it?
NORTH.
But it will soon wear off— that's the saving virtue of Champagne.
BULLER.
Champagne indeed ! Small Beer, smaller than the smallest size. You
have not the heart, sir, to give Champagne.
NORTH.
We had better put about, gentlemen, and go ashore.
238 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
BULLER.
My ever-honoured, long-revered sir ! I have got intoxicated on our Tee-
total debauchery. The fumes of the water have gone to my head — and I need
but a few drops of brandy to set me all right. Billy — the flask. There — I am
as sober as a Judge.
NORTH.
Ay, 'tis thus, Bnller, you wise wag, that you would let the " old man
garrulous " into the secret of his own tendencies — too often unconscious he of
the powers that have set so many asleep. I accept the law — but let it — do
let it be three-minute time.
BULLER.
Five — ten — twenty — " with thee conversing I forget all time."
NORTH.
Strike medium — Ten.
BULLER.
My dear sir, for a moment let me have that Spy-glass.
NORTH.
I must lay it down — for a Bevy of Fair Women are on the Mount — and
are brought so near that I hear them laughing — especially the Prima Donna,
whose Glass is in dangerous proximity with my nose.
BULLER.
Fling her a kiss, sir.
NORTH.
There — and how prettily she returns it !
BULLER.
Happy old man ! Go where you will —
TALBOYS.
Ulysses and the Syrens. Had he my air-girdle, he would swim ashore.
NORTH.
" Oh, mini prseteritos referat si Jupiter annos !"
TALBOYS.
The words are regretful — but there is no regret in the voice that syllables
them — it is clear as a bell, and as gladsome.
NORTH.
Talking of kissing, I hear one of the most melodious songs that ever flowed
from lady's lip —
" The current that with gentle motion glides,
Thou knowest, being stopped, impatiently doth rage ;
But when his fair course is not hindered,
He makes sweet music with th' enamelled stones,
Giving a gentle kiss to every sedge
He o'certaketh in his pilgrimage ;
And so by many winding nooks he strays
With willing sport to the wild ocean."
Is it not perfect ?
SEWARD.
It is. Music — Painting, and Poetry —
BULLER.
Sculpture and architecture.
NORTH.
Buller, you're a blockhead. Dear Mr Alison, in his charming Essays on
Taste, finds a little fault in what seems to me a great beauty in this, one of
the sweetest passages in Shakspeare.
BULLER.
Sweetest. That's a miss-mollyish word.
NORTH.
Ass. One of the sweetest passages in Shakspeare. He finds fault with
the Current kissing'the Sedges. " The pleasing personification which we attri-
bute to a brook is founded upon the faint belief of voluntary motion, and is
immediately checked when the Poet descends to any minute or particular re-
semblance."
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 239
SEWARD.
Descends !
NORTH.
The word, to my ear, does sound strangely ; and though his expression,
" faint belief," is a true and a fine one, yet here the doctrine does not apply.
Nay, here we have a true notion inconsiderately misapplied. Without doubt
Poets of more wit than sensibility do follow on a similitude beyond the sug-
gestion of the contemplated subject. But the rippling of water against a
sedge suggests a kiss — is, I believe, a kiss — liquid, soft, loving, lipped.
BULLEB.
Beautiful
NORTH.
Buller, you are a fellow of fine taste. Compare the whole catalogue of meta-
phorical kisses — admitted and claimable — and you will find this one of the
most natural of them all. Pilgrimage, in Shakspeare's day, had dropt, in the
speech of our Poets, from its early religious propriety, of seeking a holy place
under a vow, into a roving of the region. See his " Passionate Pilgrim." If
Shakspeare found the word so far generalised, then " wanderer through the
woods," or plains, or through anything else, is the suggestion of the behold-
ing. The river is more, indeed ; being, like the pilgrim, on his way to a
term, and an obliged way — " the wild ocean."
SEWARD.
The "faint belief of voluntary motion" — Mr Alison's fine phrase — is one,
and possibly the grounding incentive to impersonating the " current" here ;
but other elements enter in ; liquidity — transparency — which suggest a spi-
ritual nature, and Beauty which moves Love.
NORTH.
Ay, and the Poets of that age, in the fresher alacrity of their fancy, had
a justification of comparisons, which do not occur as promptly to us, nor,
when presented to us, delight so much as they would, were our fancy as alive
as theirs. You might suspect a priori Ovid, Cowley, and Dryden, as likely
to be led by indulgence of their ingenuity into passionless similitudes — and
you may misdoubt even that Shakspeare was in danger of being so ran away
with. But let us have clear and unequivocal instances. This one assuredly
is not of the number. It is exquisite.
TALBOYS.
Mr Alison, I presume to think, sir, should either have quoted the whole
speech, or kept the whole in view, when animadverting on those two lines
about the kissing Pilgrim. Julia, a Lady of Verona, beloved by Proteus, is
only half-done — and now she comes — to herself.
" Then let me go, and hinder not my course ;
; I'll be as patient as a gentle stream,
And make a pastime of each weary step,
Till the last step have brought me to my love ;
And there I'll rest, as, after much turmoil,
A blessed soul doth in Elysium."
The language of Shakspeare's Ladies is not the language we hear in real
life. I wish it were. Real life would then be delightful indeed. Julia is
privileged to be poetical far beyond the usage of the very best circles — far
beyond that of any mortal creatures. For the God Shakspeare has made
her and all her kin poetical — and if you object to any of the lines, you must
object to them all. Eminently beautiful, sir, they are ; and their beauty lies
in the passionate, imaginative spirit that pervades the whole, and sustains
the Similitude throughout, without a moment's flagging of the fancy, without a
moment's departure from the truthfulness of the heart.
NORTH.
Talboys, I thank you — you are at the root.
SEWARD.
A wonderful thing — altogether — is Impersonation.
240 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug;
NORTH.
It is indeed. If we would know the magnitude of the dominion which the
disposition constraining us to impersonate has exercised over the human
mind, we should have to go back unto those ages of the world when it exerted
itself, uncontrolled by philosophy, and in obedience to religious impulses —
when Impersonations of Natural Objects and Powers, of Moral Powers and
of Notions entertained by the Understanding, filled the Temples of the Nations
•with visible Deities, and were worshipped with altars and incense, hymns
and sacrifices.
BULLER.
Was ever before such disquisition begotten by — an imaginary kiss among
the Sedges !
NORTH.
Hold your tongue, Buller. But if you would see how hard this dominion
is to eradicate, look to the most civilised and enlightened times, when severe
Truth has to the utmost cleansed the Understanding of illusion — and observe
how tenaciously these imaginary Beings, endowed with imaginary life, hold
their place in our Sculpture, Painting, and Poetry, and Eloquence — nay, in
our common and quiet speech.
SEWARD.
It is all full of them. The most prosaic of prosers uses poetical language
without knowing it — and Poets without knowing to what extent and
degree.
NORTH.
Ay, Seward, and were we to expatiate in the walks of the profounder
emotions, we should sometimes be startled by the sudden apparitions of boldly
impersonated Thoughts, upon occasions that did not seem to promise them —
where you might have thought that interests of overwhelming moment would
have effectually banished the play of imagination.
TALBOYS.
Shakspeare is justified, then — and the Lady Julia spoke like a Lady in
Love with all nature — and with Proteus.
BTJLLER.
A most beautiful day is this indeed — but it is a Puzzler.
" The Swan on still St Mary's Lake
Floats double, Swan and Shadow;"
But here all the islands float double — and all the castles and abbeys — and
all the hills and mountains — and all the clouds and boats and men, — double,
did I say — triple — quadruple, — we are here, and there, and everywhere, and
nowhere, all at the same moment. Inishail, I have you — no — Gutta Percha
slides over you, and you have no material existence. Very well.
SEWARD.
Is there no house on Inishail ?
NORTH.
Not one — but the house appointed for all living. A Burial-place. I see
it — but not one of you — for it is little noticeable, and seldom used — on an
average, one funeral in the year. Forty years ago I stepped into'a small
snuff- shop in the Saltmarket, Glasgow, to replenish my shell — and found my
friend was from Lochawe-side. . I asked him if he often revisited his native
shore, and he answered — seldom, and had not for a longtime — but that though
his lot did not allow him to live there, he hoped to be buried in Inishail. We
struck up a friendship — his snuff was good, and so was bis whisky, for it was
unexcised. A few years ago, trolling for Feroces, I met a boat with a
coffin, and in it the body of the old tobacconist.
SEWARD.
" The Churchyard among the Mountains," in Wordsworth's Excursion, is
alone sufficient for his immortality on earth.
NORTH.
It is. So for Gray's is his Elegy. But some hundred and forty lines ia
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 241
all — no more — yet how comprehensive — how complete! "In a Country
Churchyard!" Every generation there buries the whole hamlet — which is
much the same as burying the whole world — or a whole world.
8EWARD.
" The rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep !"
All Peasants — diers and mourners ! Utmost simplicity of all belonging to
life — utmost simplicity of all belonging to death. Therefore, universally
affecting.
NORTH.
Then the — Grayishness.
BULLER.
The what, sir?
NORTH.
The Grayishness. The exquisite scholarship, and the high artifice of the
words and music — yet all in perfect adaptation to the scene and its essential
character. Is there not in that union and communion of the solemn-pro-
found, and the delicate-exquisite, something Cathedral-like? Which has
the awe and infinitude of Deity and Eternity, and the prostrations and
aspirations of adoration for its basis — expressed in the general structure
and forms ; and all this meeting and blent into the minute and fine ela-
boration of the ornaments ? Like the odours that steal and creep on the
soft, moist, evening air, whilst the dim hush of the Universal Temple
dilates and elates. The least and the greatest in one. Why not ? Is not that
spiritual— angelical — divine ! The least is not too exiguous for apprehension
— the amplest exceeds not comprehension — and their united power is felt when
not understood. I speak, Seward, of that which might be suggested for a
primary fault in the Elegy — the contrast of the most artful, scholarly style,
and the simple, rude, lowly, homely matter. But you shall see that every
fancy seizes, and eveiy memory holds especially those verses and wordings
which bring out this contrast — that richest line —
." The breezy call of incense-breathing morn !"
is felt to be soon followed well by that simplest —
" No more shall rouse them from their lowly bed "
where — I take " lowly" to imply low in earth — humbly turfed or flowered —
and of the lowly.
' SEWARD.
And so, sir, the pomp of a Cathedral is described, though a village Church
alone is in presence. So Milton, Cromwell, and other great powers are set
in array — that which these were not, against that which those were.
NORTH.
Yet hear Dr Thomas Brown — an acute metaphysician — but an obtuse critic
— and no Poet at all. "The two images in this stanza ('Full many a gem,'
&c.,) certainly produce very different degrees of poetical delight. That which
is borrowed from the rose blooming in solitude pleases in a very high degree,
both as it contains a just and beautiful similitude, and still more as the similitude
is one of the most likely to have arisen in such a situation. But the simile in
the two first lines of the stanza, though it may perhaps philosophically be as
just, has no other charm, and strikes us immediately as not the natural sug-
gestion of such a moment and such a scene. To a person moralising amid a
simple Churchyard, there is perhaps no object that would not sooner have
occurred than this piece of minute jewellery — ' a gem of purest ray serene,
in the unfathomed caves of ocean.' "
SEWARD.
A person moralising ! He forgot that person was Thomas Gray. And he
never knew what you have told us now.
' NORTH.
Why, my dear Seward, the Gem is the recognised most intense expression,
from the natural world, of worth — inestimable priceless price — dependent on
242 Christopher under Canvass.
rarity and beauty. The Flower is a like intense expression, from the same
world, of the power to call forth love. The first image is felt by every
reader to be high, and exalting its object; the second to be tender, and
openly pathetic. Of course it moves more, and of course it comes last. The
Poet has just before spoken of Milton and Croimvell — of bards and kings
— and history with all her wealth. Is the transition violent from these
objects to Gems ? He is moved by, but he is not bound to, the scene and
time. His own thoughts emancipate. Brown seems utterly to have forgotten
that the Poet himself is the Dramatic person of the Monologue. Shall he be
restricted from using the richness and splendour of his own thoughts ? That
one stanza sums up the two or three preceding — and is perfectly attuned to
the reigning mood, temper, or pathos.
BTJIXER.
Thank you, gentlemen. The Doctor is done brown.
NORTH.
" The paths of ^lory lead but to the grave ! "
Methinks I could read you a homily on that Text.
BULLER.
To-morrow, sir, if you please. To-morrow is Sunday — and you may read it
to us as we glide to Divine Service atDalmally — two of us to the Established,
and two of us to the Free Kirk.
NORTH.
Be it so. But you will not be displeased with me for quoting now, from
heart-memory, a single sentence on the great line, from Beattie, and from
Adam Fergusson. " It presents to the imagination a wide plain, where
several roads appear, crowded with glittering multitudes, and issuing from
different quarters, but drawing nearer and nearer as they advance, till they
terminate in the dark and narrow house, where all their glories enter in
succession, and disappear for ever."
SEWARD.
Thank you, sir. That is Beattie ?
NORTH.
It is. Fergusson's memorable words are — " If from this we are disposed
to collect any inference adverse to the pursuits of glory, it may be asked
whither do the paths of ignominy lead? If to the grave also, then our choice
of a life remains to be made on the grounds of its intrinsic value, without
regard to an end which is common to every station of life we can lead,
whether illustrious or obscure."
SEWARD.
Very fine. Who says it ? Fergusson — who was he ?
NORTH.
The best of you Euglishers are intolerably ignorant about Scotland. Do
you know the Reverend John Mitford ?
SEWARD.
I do — and have for him the greatest respect.
NORTH.
So have I. He is one of our best Editors — as Pickering is one of our best
Publishers of the Poets. But I am somewhat doubtful of the truthfulness of
his remarks on the opening of the Elegy, in the Appendix to his excellent Life
of Gray. " The Curfew ' toll' is -not the appropriate word — it was not a slow
bell tolling for the dead."
SEWARD.
True enough, not for the dead— but Gray then felt as if it were for the
dying — and chose to say so — the parting day. Was it quick and " merry as a
marriage-bell ?" I can't think it— nor did Milton, " swinging slow with sullen
roar." Gray was II Penseroso. Prospero calls it the " solemn curfew."
Toll is right.
NORTH.
But, says my friend Mitford, " there is another error, a confusion of time.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 243
The curfew tolls, and the ploughman returns from work. Now the plough-
man returns two or three hours before the curfew rings ; and ' the glimmer-
ing landscape' has 'long ceased to fade' before the curfew. The 'parting day'
is also incorrect ; the day had long finished. But if the word Curfew is
taken simply for ' the Evening Bell,' then also is the time incorrect — and
a knett is not tolled for the parting, but for the parted — ' and leaves the world
to darkness and to me.' 'Now fades the glimmering landscape on the
sight.' Here the incidents, instead of being progressive, fall back, and make
the picture confused and inharmonious ; especially as it appears soon after
that it was not dark. For ' the moping owl does to the moon complain.' "
8EWAED.
Pardon me, sir, I cannot venture to answer all that — but if Mitford be
right, Gray must be very wrong indeed. Let me see — give us it over again —
sentence by sentence —
BULLER.
No — no — no. Once is enough — and enough is as good as a feast.
NORTH.
Talboys?
TALBOYS.
Since you have a great respect for Mr Mitford, sir, so have I. But hitherto
I have been a stranger to his merits.
SEWARD.
The best of you Scottishers are intolerably ignorant about England.
TALBOYS.
In the first place, Mr North, when does the Curfew toll, or ring ? — for hang
me if I remember — or rather ever knew. And in the second place, when does
the Evening Bell give tongue ? — for hang me if I am much better informed as
to his motions. Yet I should know something of the family of the Bells. Say —
eight o'clock. Well. It is summer-time, I suppose ; for you cannot believe
that so dainty a person in health and habits, as the Poet Gray, would write an
Elegy in a Country churchyard in winter, and well on towards night. True,
that is a way of speaking ; he did not write it with his crow-quill, in his neat
hand, on his neat vellum, on the only horizontal tomb- stone. But in the
Churchyard he assumes to sit — probably under a Plane-tree, for sake of the
congenial Gloom. Season of the year ascertained — Summer — time of Curfew
—eight — then I can find no fault with the Ploughman. He comes in well —
either as an image or a man. He must have been an honest, hard-working
fellow, and worth the highest wages going between the years 1745 and 1750.
At what hour do ploughmen leave the stilts in Cambridgeshire ? We must
not say at six. Different hours in different counties, Buller.
BULLER.
Go on — all's right, Talboys.
TALBOYS.
It is not too much to believe that Hodge did not grudge, occasionally, a
half-hour over, to a good master. Then he had to stable his horses — Star
and Smiler— rub them down— bed them — fill rack and manger — water them —
make sure their noses were in the oats — lock the stable before the nags were
stolen — and then, and not till then,
" The Ploughman homewards plods his weary way."
For he does not sleep on the Farm — he has a wife and small family—that is,
a large family of smallish children — in the Hamlet, at least two miles oft' —
and he does not walk for a wager of a flitch of bacon and barrel of beer— but
for his accustomed rasher and a jug — and such endearments as will restore
his weariness up to the proper pitch for a sound night's sleep. God bless
him!
BULLER.
Shorn of your beams, Mr North, eclipsed.
TALBOYS.
The ploughman, then, does not return " two or three hours before the cur-
244: Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
few rings." Nor has " the glimmering landscape long ceased to fade before the
curfew." Nor is " the parting day incorrect." Nor " has the day long
finished." Nor, when it may have finished, or may finish, can any man in the
hamlet, during all that gradual subsiding of light and sound, take upon him to
give any opinion at all.
NORTH.
My boy, Talboys.
TALBOYS.
" And leave the world to darkness and to me." Ay — into his hut goes the
ploughman, and leaves the world and me to darkness — which is coming — but
not yet come — the Poet knows it is coming — near at hand its coming glooms ;
and Darkness shows her divinity as she is preparing to mount her throne.
NORTH.
Nothing can be better.
TALBOYS.
" ' Now fades the glimmering landscape on the sight.' Here the incident,
instead of being progressive, falls back, and makes the picture confused and in-
harmonious." Confused and inharmonious ! By no manner of means. Nothing
of the sort. There is no retrogression — the day has been unwilling to die —
cannot believe she is dying — and cannot think 'tis for her the curfew is toll-
ing ; but the Poet feels it is even so ; the glimmering and the fading, beautiful
as they are, are sure symptoms — she is dying into Evening, and Evening will
soon be the dying into Night ; but to the Poet's eye how beautiful the transmuta-
tions ! Nor knows he that the Moon has arisen, till, at the voice of the night-
bird, he looks up the ivied church-tower, and there she is, whether full, wan-
ing, or crescent, there are not data for the Astronomer to declare.
NORTH.
My friend Mr Mitford says of the line, "No more shall rouse them from
their lowly bed " — That " here the epithet lowly, as applied to bed, occasions
an ambiguity, as to whether the Poet means the bed on. which they sleep, or
the grave in which they are laid ;" and he adds, " there can be no greater
fault in composition than a doubtful meaning."
TALBOYS.
There cannot be a more touching beauty. Lowly applies to both. From
their lowly bed in their lowly dwellings among the quick, those joyous sounds
used to awaken them ; from their lowly bed in their lowly dwellings among the
dead, those joyous sounds will awaken them never more : but a sound will
awaken them when He comes to judge both the quick and the dead ; and for
them there is Christian hope — from
K Many a holy text around them strewed
That teach the rustic moralist to die."
NORTH.
" Their furrow oft the stubborn glebe hath broke ;
How jocund did they drive their team afield !
How bowed the woods beneath their sturdy stroke !"
This stanza— says Mr Mitford — " is made up of various pieces inlaid.
' Stubborn glebe' is from Gay ; ' drive afield' from Milton ; ' sturdy
stroke' from Spencer. Such is too much the system of Gray's composition, and
therefore such the cause of his imperfections. Purity of language, accuracy of
thought, and even similarity of rhyme, all give way to the introduction of
certain poetical expressions ; in fact, the beautiful jewel, when brought, does
not fit into the new setting, or socket. Such is the difference between the
flower stuck into the ground and those that grow from it." Talboys ?
BTJLLER.
Why not— Buller?
TALBOYS.
I give way to the gentleman.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 245
BULLER.
Not for worlds would I take the word out of any man's mouth.
TALBOYS.
Gray took " stubborn glebe " from Gay. Why from Gay? It has been
familiar in men's mouths from the introduction of agriculture into this Island.
May not a Saxon gentleman say " drive their teams a-field" without charge
of theft from Milton, who said " drove a-field." Who first said " Gee-ho,
Dobbin ?" Was Spenser the first — the only man before Milton— who used
" sturdy stroke ?" and has nobody used it since Gray?
BULLER.
You could give a "sturdy stroke" yourself, Talboys. What's your
weight ?
TALBOYS.
Gray's style is sometimes too composite — you yourself, sir, would not deny
it is so — but Mr Mitford's instances here are absurd, and the charge founded on
them false. Gray seldom, if ever — say never, " sacrifices purity of language,
and accuracy of thought," for the sake of introducing certain poetical expres-
sions. " All give way" is a gross exaggeration. The beautiful words of
the brethren, with which his loving memory was stored, came up in the hour of
imagination, and took their place among the words as beautiful of his own
congenial inspirations ; the flowers he transplanted from poetry " languished
not, grew dim, nor died ;" for he had taken them up gently by the roots, and
with some of the old mould adhering to their tendrils, and, true florist as he
was, had prepared for them a richest soil in his own garden, which he held
from nature, and which the sun and the dew of nature nourished, and will
nourish for ever.
BIJLLER.
That face is not pleasant, sir. Nothing so disfigures a face as envy. Old
Poets at last grow ugly all — but you, sir, are a Philosopher — and on your
benign countenance 'twas but a passing cloud. There — you are as beautiful as
ever — how comely in critical old age ! Any farther fault to find with our
friend Mitford ?
NORTH.
" On some fond breast the parting soul relies,
Some pious drops the closing eye requires,
Even from the tomb the voice of nature cries ,
Even in our ashes live their wonted fires."
" ' Pious drops' is from Ovid--pise lachrymae ; ' closing eye' is from Pope —
' voice of nature' from the Anthologia, and the last line from Chaucer— 'Yet
on our ashes cold is fire yreken.' From so many quarries are the stones brought
to form this elaborate Mosaic pavement" I say, for "pia3 lachrymse" all
honour to Ovid — for "pious drops" all honour to Gray. " Closing eye" is not
from Pope's Elegy ; " voice of nature" is not from the Anthologia, but from
Nature herself; Chaucer's line may have suggested Gray's, but the reader of
Chaucer knows that Gray's has a tender and profound meaning which is
not in Chaucer's at all — and he knows, too, that Mr Mitford is not a reader
of Chaucer — for were he, he could not have written "ashes" for "ashen."
There were no quarries — there is no Mosaic. Mosaic pavement ! Worse, if
possible — more ostentatiously pedantic — even than stuck in flowers, jewels,
settings, and sockets.
TALBOYS.
The Stanza is sacred to sorrow.
NORTH.
" From this Stanza," quoth Mitford, " the style of the composition drops
into a lower key ; the language is plainer, and is not in harmony with the
splendid and elaborate diction of the former part." This objection is disposed
of by what I said some minutes ago
BULLER.
Half an hour ago — on Grayishness.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVI. R
246 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
NORTH.
And I have only this farther to say, gentlemen, that though the language is
plainer — yet it is solemn ; nor is it nnpoetical — for the hoary-headed swain,
was moved as he spake ; the style, if it drop into a lower key, is accordant
witli that higher key on which the music was pitched that has not yet left our
hearing. An Elegy is not an Ode — the close should be mournful as the open-
ing— with loftier strain between — and it is so ; and whatever we might have to
say of the Epitaph — its final lines are " awful" — as every man must have felt
them to be — whether thought on in our own lonely night-room — in the
Churchyard of Granchester, where it is said Gray mused the Elegy — or by
that Burial-ground in Inishail — or here afloat in the joyous sunshine for an
hour privileged to be happy in a world of grief.
BULLEU.
Let's change the subject, sir. May I ask what author you have in your
other hand?
NORTH.
Alison on Taste.
BULLER.
You don't say so ! I thought you quoted from memory.
NORTH.
So I did ; but I have dog-eared a page or two.
BULLER.
I see no books lying about in the Pavilion — only Newspapers — and Maga-
zines— and Reviews — and trash of that kind
NORTH.
Without which, you, my good fellow, could not live a week.
BULLER.
The Spirit of the Age ! The Age should be ashamed of herself for living
from hand to mouth on Periodical Literature. The old Lady should indeed,
sir. If the Pensive Public conceits herself to bo the Thinking World —
NORTH.
Let us help to make her so. I have a decent little Library of some three
hundred select volumes in the Van — my Plate-chest — and a few dozens of
choice wines for my friends — of Champagne, which you, Buller, call small
beer
BULLER.
I retracted and apologised. Is that the key of the Van at your watch-
chain?
NORTH.
It is. So many hundred people about the Encampment — sometimes among
them suspicious strangers in paletots in search of the picturesque,- and per-
haps the pecuniary — that it is well to intrust the key to my own body-guard.
It does not weigh an ounce. And that lock is not to be picked by the ghost
oi llntroy White.
SEWABD.
IJiit of the volume in hand, sir?
NORTH.
" In that fine passage in the Second Book of the Georgics," says Mr Alison,
." in which Virgil celebrates the praises of his native country, after these fine
linos —
' Hio ver assidnum, atque alienis mensibus nestas;
Bis gravidro pecudes, bis pomis utilis arbos.
At rabid;v tigres absunt, et eseva leonum
Semina: nee miseros fallunt aconita legentes:
Nee rapit immensos orbes per liunmm, neque tanto
Squamens in spiram tractu se colligit anguis.'
There is no reader whose enthusiasm is not checked by the cold and prosaio
fine which follows, —
' Adde tot egregias urbes, operumque laborcm.'
1849.] Christopher undo- Canvass. 247
The tameueas and vulgarity of the transition dissipates at once the emotion
wo had shared with the Poet, and reduces him, in our opinion, to the level of
-a mere describer."
SEWARD.
Cold and prosaic line ! Tameness and vulgarity ! I am struck mute.
NORTH.
I have no doubt that Mr Alison distressed himself with " Adde." It is a
word from a merchant's counting-house, reckoning up his gains. And so much
the better. Virgil is making out the balance-sheet of Italy — he is inventory-
ing her wealth. Mr Alison would have every word away from reality. Not
so the Poet. Every now and then, they — the Poets — amuse themselves with
dipping their pencils into the real, the common, the everyday, the homely.
By so doing they arrest belief, which above everything they desire to hold fast.
I should not wonder if you might catch Spenser at it, even. Shakspeare is
full of it. There is nothing else prosaic in the passage ; and if Virgil had
had the bad taste to say " Eoce " instead of " Adde," I suppose no fault would
have been found.
SEWARD.
But what can Mr Alison mean by the charge of tameuess and -mdgarity f
NORTH.
I have told you, sir.
SEWARD.
You have not, sir.
NORTH.
I have, sir.
BEWARD.
Yes — yes — yes. " Adde " is vulgar ! I cannot think so.
NORTH.
The Cities of Italy, and the " operum labor," always have been and are an
admiration. The words " Egregias nrbes" suggest the general stateliness
and wealth — "operumque laborem," the particular buildings — Temples, Basi-
licas, Theatres, and Great Works of the lower Utility. A summary and most
vivid expression of a land possessed by intelligent, civilised, active, spirited,
vigorous, tasteful inhabitants — also an eminent adorning of the land.
SEWARD.
Lucretius says, that in spring the Cities are in flower — or on flower — or a
flower — with children. And Lucan, at the beginning of the Pharsalia,
describes the Ancient or Greek Cities desolate. They were fond and proud
of their " tot egreg'ue urbes " as the Modem Italians are — and with good
reason.
NORTH.
How judiciously the Critics stop short of the lines that would overthrow
their criterion always ! The present case is an extraordinary example. Had
Mr Alison looked to the lines immediately following, he would not have
objected to that One. For
" Tot congesta manu prneruptis oppida saxis,
Flumiuaque antiques subter labeutia muros "
is very beautiful — brings the whole under the domain of Poetry, by singular
Picturesqueuess, and by gathering the whole past history of Italy up — fetching
it in with a word — antiquos.
SEWARD.
I can form no conjecture as to the meaning of Mr Alison's objections. He
quotes a few fine lines from the " Praise of Italy," and then one line which
he calls prosaic, and would have us to hold up our hands in wonder at tho
lame and impotent conclusion — at the sudden transformation of Virgil the
poet into Virgil the most prosaic of Prosers. You have said enough already,
sir, to prove that he is in error even on his own showing ; — but how can this
fragmentary — this piecemeal mode of quotation — so common among critics of
the lower school, and so unworthy of those of the higher — have found favour
248 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
with Mr Alison, one of the most candid and most enlightened of men ? Some
accidental prejudice from mere carelessness — but, once formed, retained in
spite of the fine and true Taste which, unfettered, would have felt the fallacy,
and vindicated his admired Virgil.
NOETH.
The " Laudes " — to which the Poet is brought by the preceding bold,
sweeping, winged, and poetical strain about the indigenous vines of Italy —
have two-fold root — TREES and the glory of LANDS. Virgil kindles on the
double suggestion — the trees of Italy compared to the trees of other regions.
They are the trees of primary human service and gladness — Oil and Wine.
For see at once the deep, sound natural ground in human wants — the bounty
of Nature — of Mother Earth — "whatever Earth, all-bearing Mother,
yields" — to her human children. That is the gate of entrance; but not
prosaically — but two gate-posts of a most poetical mythus-fed husbandman.
For we have Jason's fire-mouthed Bulls ploughing, and Cadmus- sown teeth
of the dragon springing up in armed men. Then comes, instead, mild, benign,
Man-loving Italy — "gravidae fruges " — the heavy-eared com — or rather big-
teeming — the juice of Bacchus — the Olives, and the " broad herds of Cattle."
Note — ye Virgilians — the Corn of Book First — the Oil and Wine of Book
Second — and the Cattle of Book Third — for the sustaining Thought — the
organic life of his Work moves in his heart.
BUTLER.
And the Fourth — Bees — honey — and honey-makers are like Milkers — in a
way small Milch- cows.
NORTH.
They are. Once a-foot — or a-wing — he hurries and rushes along, all
through the "Laudes." The majestic victim-Bull of the Clitumnus — the inci-
pient Spring — the double Summer — the absence of all envenomed and deadly
broods — tigers — lions — aconite — serpents. This is NATURE'S FAVOUR. Then
Man's Works — cities and forts — (rock-fortresses) — the great lakes of Northern
Italy — showing Man again in their vast edifications. Then Nature in veins
of metals precious or useful — then Nature in her production of Man — the
Marsi — the Sabellian youth — the Ligurian inured to "labour — and the Volscian
darters — then single mighty shapes and powers of Man — ROMANS — the Decii,
the Marii, the Camilli,
" Scipiadas duros bello, et te, maxime Caesar."
The King of Men — the Lord of the Earth — the pacificator of the distracted
Empire — which, to a Roman, is as much as to say the World. Then — hail
Saturnian Land ! Mother of Corn ! Saturnian, because golden Saturn had
reigned there — Mother, I suppose the rather because in his time corn sprung
unsown— sine semine — She gave it from out of her own loving and cherishing
bosom. To Thee, Italy, sing I my Ascrsean or Hesiodic song. The Works[and
Days — the Greek Georgics are his avowed prototype — rude prototype to mag-
nificence— like the Arab of the Desert transplanted to rear his empire of
dazzling and picturesque civilisation in the Pyrenean Peninsula.
BULLER.
Take breath, sir. Virgil said well —
" Adde tot egregias urbes operumque laborem."
SEWARD.
Allow me one, other word. Virgil — in the vivid lines quoted with admiration
by Mr Alison — lauds his beloved Italy for the absence of wild beasts and
serpents — and he magnifies the whole race of serpents by his picture of One
— the Serpent King — yet with subjects all equal in size to himself in our
imagination. The Serpent is in the Poetry, but he is not in Italy. Is this a
false artifice of composition — a vain ornament? Oh, no! He describes the
Saturnian Land — the mother of corn and of men — bounteous, benign, golden,
maternal Italy. The negation has the plenitude of life, which the fabulous
absence of noxious reptiles has for the sacred Island of lerne.
1849.] . Christopher under Canvass. 249
BULLER.
Erin-go-bragh !
6EWARD.
Suddenly he sees another vision — not of what is absent but present ; and
then comes the line arraigned and condemned — followed by lines as great —
" Adde tot egregias urbes, operumque laborem,
Tot congesta manu prccruptis oppida saxis,
Fluminaque antiques subter labentia muros."
The first line grasps in one handful all the mighty, fair, wealthy CITIES of
Italy— the second all the rock-cresting Forts of Italy— from the Alpine head
to the sea-washed foot of the Peninsula. The collective One Thought of the
Human Might and Glory of Italy — as it appears on the countenance of the Land
, — or visible in its utmost concentration in the girdled Towns and Cities of Men.
BULLER.
" Adde" then is right, Seward. On that North and you are at one.
NORTH.
Yes, it is right, and any other word would be wrong. ADDE ! Note the
sharpness, Buller, of the significance — the vivacity of the short open sound.
Fling it out — ring it out — sing it out. Look at the very repetition of the
powerful " TOT" — " tot egregias" — " tot congesta" — witnessing by one of the
first and commonest rules in the grammar of rhetoric — whether Virgil speaks
in prose or in fire.
BULLER.
In fire.
NORTH.
Mr Alison then goes on to say, " that the effect of the following nervous
and beautiful lines, in the conclusion of the same Book, is nearly destroyed
by a similar defect. After these lines,
" Hanc olim veteres vitam coluere Sabini,
Hanc Remus et Frater ; sic fortis Etruria crevit,
Scilicet et rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma ;"
We little expect the following spiritless conclusion : —
" Septemque una sibi muro circumdedit arces."
SEWARD.
Oh ! why does Mr Alison calf that line spiritless?
NORTH.
He gives no reason — assured by his own dissatisfaction, that he has but to
quote it, and leave it in its own naked impotence.
SEWARD.
I hope you do not think it spiritless, sir.
NORTH.
I think it contains the concentrated essence of spirit and of power. Let
any one think of Rome, piled up in greatness, and grandeur, and glory — and
a Wall round about — and in a moment his imagination is filled. What sort
of a Wall ? A garden wall to keep out orchard thieves — or a modern wall of
a French or Italian town to keep out wine and meat, that they may come in
at the gate and pay toll ? I trow not. But a Wall against the World armed
and assailing ! Remember that Virgil saw Rome — and that his hearers did
— and that in his eyes and theirs she was Empress of the inhabited Earth.
She held and called herself such — it was written in her face and on her fore-
head. The visible, tangible splendour and magnificence meant this, or they
meant nothing. The stone and lime said this — and Virgil's line says it,
sedately and in plain, simple phrase, which yet is a Climax.
SEWARD.
As the dreaded Semiramis was flesh and blood — corporeal — made of the four
elements — yet her soul and her empiry spake out of her — so spake they from
the Face of Rome.
250 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
NORTH.
Ay, Seward — put these two things together — the Aspect that speaks Domi-
nation of the World, and the Wall that girds her with strength impregnable
— and what more could you possibly demand from her Great Poet ?
SEWARD.
Arx is a Citadel — we may say an Acropolis. Athens had one Arx — so had
Corinth. One Arx is enough to one Queenly City. But this Queen, within
her one Wall, has enclosed Seven Arces — as if she were Seven Queens.
NORTH.
Well said, Seward. The Seven Hills appeared — and to this day do — to
characterise the Supremacy of Rome. The Seven- Hilled City! You seem to
have said everything — the Seven Hills are as a seven-pillared Throne — and
all that is in one line — given by Virgil. Delete it — no not for a thousand gold
crowns.
BULLER.
Not for the Pigot Diamond — not for the Sea of Light.
NORTH.
Imagine Romulus tracing the circuit on which the walls were to rise of his
little Rome — the walls ominously lustrated with a brother's blood. War
after war humbles neighbouring town after town, till the seas that bathe, and
the mountains that guard Italy, enclose the confederated Republic. It is a
step — a beginning. East and West, North and South, flies the Eagle, dip-
ping its beak in the blood of battle-fields. Where it swoops, there fanning
away the pride, and fame, and freedom of nations, with the wafture of its
wings. Kingdoms and Empires that were, are no more than Provinces ; till
the haughty Roman, stretching out the fact to the limits of his ambitious
desires, can with some plausibility deceive himself, and call the edges of the
Earth the boundaries of his unmeasured Dominion.
SEWARD.
" O Italy ! Italy ! would Thou wert stronger or less beautiful !" — was the
mournful apostrophe of an Italian Poet, who saw, in the latter ages, his re-
fined but enervated countrymen trampled under the foot of a more martial
people from far beyond the Alps.
NORTH.
Good Manners giving a vital energy and efficacy to good Laws — in these
few words, gentlemen, may be comprised the needful constituents of National
Happiness and Prosperity — the foremost conditions.
TALBOYS.
Ay — ay — sir. For good Laws without good Manners are an empty breath —
whilst good Manners ask the protecting and preserving succour of good Laws.
But the good Manners are of the first necessity, for they naturally produce
the good Laws.
NORTH.
What does history show, Talboys, but nations risen up to flourish in wealth,
power, and greatness, that with corrupted and luxurious manners have again
sunk from their pre-eminence ; whilst another purer and simpler people has
in turn grown mighty, and taken their room in the world's eye — some hardy,
simple, frugal race, perhaps, whom the seeming disfavour of nature constrains
to assiduous labour, and who maintain in the lap of their mountains their
independence and their pure and happy homes.
TALBOYS.
The Luxury- — the invading Goth and Hun — the dismembering — and new
States uprisen upon the ruins of the World's fallen Empire. There is one line
in Collins' Ode to Freedom — Mr North — which I doubt if I understand.
NORTH.
Which?
TALBOYS.
" No, Freedom, no— I will not tell
How Rome before thy weeping face
Pushed by a wild and artless race
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 251
• From off its wide, ambitious base,
With heaviest sound a giant-statue fell —
What time the northern Sons of Spoil awoke,
And all the blended work of strength and grace,
With many a rude repeated stroke,
And many a barbarous yell, to thousand fragments broke."
NORTH.
Which?
TALBOYS.
" How Rome before thy weeping face."
NORTH.
Freedom wept at Eome's overthrow — though she had long been Freedom's
enemy — and though her destroyers were Freedom's children — and " Spoil's
Sous"— for how could Freedom look unmoved at the wreck "of all that
blended work of strength aud grace " — though raised by slaves at the beck of
Tyrants ? It was not always so.
BULLER.
Let me, Apollo-like, my dear sir, pinch your ear, and admonish you to re-
turn to the point from which, in discursive gyrations, you and Seward have
been
NORTH.
Like an Eagle giving an Eaglet lessons how to fly
BULLER.
You promised solemnly, sir, not to mention Eagles this evening.
NORTH.
I did not, sir.
BULLER.
But, then, Seward is no Eaglet — he is, and long has been, a full-fledged
bird, and can fly as well's yourself, sir.
NORTH.
There you're right. But then, making a discursive gyration round a point
is not leaving it — and there you're wrong. Silly folk — not you, Buller, for
you are a strong-minded, strong-bodied man — say " keep to the point" — know-
ing that if you quit it one inch, you will from their range of vision disappear
— and then they comfort themselves by charging you with having melted
among the clouds.
,j BULLER.
I was afraid, my dear sir, that having got your Eaglet on your back — or
your Eaglet having got old Aquila on his — you would sail away with him — or
he with you — " to prey in distant isles."
NORTH.
You promised solemnly, sir, not to mention Eagles this evening.
BULLER.
I did not, sir. But don't let us quarrel.
SEWARD.
What does Virgil mean, sir, by " Rerum," in the line which Mr Alison
thinks shoxild have concluded the strain —
rt Scilicet et rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma."
NORTH.
" Rerum " — what does he mean by " Rerum ? " Let me perpend. Why,
Seward, the legitimate meaning of Res here is a State — a Commonwealth.
" The fairest of Powers— then— of Polities— of States."
SEWARD.
Is that all the word means here ?
NORTH.
Why, methinks we must explain. Observe, then, Seward, that Rome is
the Town, as England the Island. Thus " England has become the fairest
among the Kingdoms of the Earth." This is equivalent, good English ; and
the only satisfactory and literal translation of the Latin verse. But here, the
252 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
Physical "and the Political are identified, — that is, England. England is
the name at ouce of the Island — of so much earth limited out on the surface
of the terraqueous globe — and of what besides ? Of the Inhabitants ? Yes ;
but of the Inhabitants (as the King never dies) perpetuated from generation
to generation. Moreover, of this immortal inhabitation, further made one by
blood and speech, laws, manners, and everything that makes a people. ' In
short, England, properly the name of the land, is intended to be, at the same
time, the name of the Nation.
" England, with all thy faults, I love Thee still."
There Cowper speaks to both at once — the faults are of the men only— moral
— for he does not mean fogs, and March east winds, and fever and agues.
I love thee — is to the green fields and the white cliffs, >s well as to all that
still survives of the English heart and thought and character. And this ab-
sorption, sir, and compenetration of the two ideas — land into people, people
into land — the'exposition of which might, in good hands, be made beautiful — is
a fruitful germ of Patriotism — an infinite blending of the spiritual and the
corporeal. To Virgil, Rome the City was also Rome the Romans ; and, there-
fore, sir, those Houses and Palaces, and that Wall, were to him, as those
green fields, and hills, and streams, and towns, and those cliffs are to Us.
The girdled-in compendium of the Heaven's Favour and the Earth's Glory
and Power.
" Scilicet et RERCM facta est pulcherrima ROMA,
Septemque una sibi muro circumdedit arces."
Do you all comprehend and adopt my explanation, gentlemen?
TALBOYS.
I do.
BULLER.
I do.
SEWARD.
I ask myself whether Virgil's " Reruui Pulcherrima" may not mean
"Fairest of Things" — of Creatures — of earthly existences? To a young
English reader, probably that is the first impression. It was, I think, mine.
But fairest of earthly States and Seats of State is so much more idiomatic and
to the purpose, that I conceive it — indubitable.
NORTH.
You all remember what Horatio sayeth to the soldiers in Hamlet, on the
coming and going of the Ghost.
1 In the most high and palmy state of Rome,
A little ere the mightiest Julius fell,
The graves stood tenantless, and the sheeted dead
Did squeak and gibber in the Roman streets ;
Stars shone with trains of fire, dews of blood fell ;
Disasters veiled the sun, and the moist star
Upon whose influence Neptune's empire stands,
Was sick almost to Doomsday with eclipse.
What does Horatio mean by high and palmy state ? That Rome was in a
flourishing condition ?
DULLER.
That, I believe, sir, is the common impression. Hitherto it has been mine.
NORTH:
Let it be erased henceforth and for ever.
BCLLER.
It is erased — I erase it.
NORTH.
Read henceforth and for ever high and palmy State. Write henceforth and
for ever State_with a towering Capital. RES ! " Most high and palmy State "
is precisely and literally " Rerum Pulcherrima."
SEWARD.
At your bidding — you cannot err.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 253
NORTH.
I err not unfrequeutly — but not now, nor I believe this evening. Horatio,
the Scholar, speaks to the two Danish Soldiers. They have brought him to
be of their watch because he is a Scholar — and they are none. This relation
of distinction is indeed the ground and life of the Scene.
" Therefore I have entreated him, along
With us to watch the minutes of the night ;
That if again this apparition come,
He may approve our eyes, and speak to it."
TALBOYS.
" Thou art a Scholar — speak to it, Horatio."
NORTH.
You know, Talboys, that Scholars were actual Conjurors, in the me-
diaeval belief, which has tales enow about Scholars in that capacity. Ho-
ratio comes, then, possessed with an especial Power ; he knows how to deal
with Ghosts — he could lay one, if need were. He is not merely a man of
superior and cultivated intellect, whom intellectual inferiors engage to assist
them in an emergency above their grasp — but he is the very man for the work.
TALBOYS.
Have not the Commentators said as much, sir?
NORTH.
Perhaps — probably — who? If they have in plenitude, I say it again —
because I once did not know it — or think of it — and I suppose that a great
many persons die believing that the Two resort in the way of general depen-
dence merely on Horatio.
TALBOYS.
I believed, but I shall not die believing so.
NORTH.
Therefore, the scholarship of Horatio, and the non-scholarship of Bernardo
and Marcellus, strikes into the life, soul, essence, ground, foundation, fabric,
and organisation of this First Ghost Scene — sustain and build the whole
Play.
TALBOYS.
Eh?
NORTH.
Eh? Yes. But to the point in hand. The Ghost has come and gone ;
and the Scholar addresses his Mates the two Non-Scholars. And show me
the living Scholar who could speak as Horatio spake. Touching the matter
that is in all their minds oppressively, he will transport their minds a flight
suddenly off a thousand years, and a thousand miles or leagues — their un-
tutored minds into the Region of History. He will take them to Rome — " a
little ere " — and, therefore, before naming Rome, he lifts and he directs their
imagination — " In the most high and palmy STATE." There had been Four
Great Empires of the World — and he will by these few words evoke in their
minds the Image of the last and greatest. And now observe with what de-
cision, as well as with what majesty, the nomination ensues— OF ROME.
TALBOYS.
I feel it, sir.
NORTH.
Try, Talboys, to render " State " by any other word, and you will be put
to it. You may analogise. It is for the Republic and City, what Realm or
Kingdom is to us — at once Place and indwelling Power. " State " — properly
Republic — here specifically and pointedly .means Reigning City. The Ghosts
walked in the City — not in the Republic.
TALBOYS.
I think I have you, sir — am not sure.
NORTH.
You have me — you are sure. Now suppose that, instead of the solemn,
ceremonious, and stately robes in which Horatio attires the Glorious Rome,
he had said simply, " in Rome," or " at Rome," where then his -va'ai* —
254 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
his leading of their spirits ? Where his own scholar-enthusiasm, and love,
and joy, and wonder ? All gone ! And where, Talboys, are they who, by
here understanding "state" for "condition" — which every man alive does —
TALBOYS.
Every man alive ?
NORTH.
Yes, you did — confess you did. Where are they, I ask, who thus oblige
Horatio to introduce his nomination of Rome — thus nakedly — and prosaic-
ally ? Every hackneyer of this phrase — state — as every man alive hackneys
it — is a nine-fold Murderer. He murders the Phrase — he murders the Speech
— he murders Horatio — he murders the Ghost — he murders the Scene — he
murders the Play — he murders Borne — he murders Shakspeare — and he mur-
ders Me.
TALBOYS.
I am innocent.
NORTH.
Why, suppose Horatio to mean — " in the most glorious and victorious con-
dition of Rome, on the Eve of Caesar's death, the graves stood tenantless " —
You ask — WHERE ? See where you have got. A story told with two de-
terminations of Time, and none of Place ! Is that the way that Shakspeare,
the intelligent and intelligible, recites a fact? No. But my explanation shows
the Congruity or Parallelism. "In the most high and palmy State," — that
is, City of Rome— ceremonious determination of Place — " a little ere the
mightiest Julius fell," — ceremonious determination of Time.
TALBOYS.
But is not the use of State, sir, for City, bold and singular ?
NORTH.
It is. For Verse has her own Speech — though Wordsworth denies it in his
Preface — and proves it by his Poetry, like his brethren Shakspeare and
Milton. The language of Verse is rapid — abrept and abrupt. Horatio wants
the notion of Republic ; because properly the Republic is high and palmy,
and not the wood, stone, and marble. So he manages an expeditious word
that shall include both, and strike you at once. The word of a Poet strikes
like a flash of lightning- — it penetrates — it does not stay to be scanned —
" probed, vexed, and criticised," — it illuminates and is gone. But you must
have eyes — and suffer nobody to shut them. I ask, then — Can any lawful,
well-behaved Citizen, having weighed all this, and reviewed all these things,
again violate the Poesy of the Avonian Swan, and his own muse- enlightened
intelligence, by lending hand or tongue to the convicted and condemned
VULGARISM ?
TALBOYS.
Now, then, and not till now, we Three know the full power of the lines —
" Scilicet et Rerum facta est pulcherrima Roma,
Septemque una sibi muro circumdedit arces."
NORTH.
Another word anent Virgil. Mr Alison says — " There is a still more sur-
prising instance of this fault in one of the most pathetic passages of the whole
Poem, in the description of the disease among the cattle, which concludes the
Third Georgic. The passage is as follows : —
rt Ecce autem duro fumans sub vomere Taurus
Concidit, et mixtuni spumis vomit ore cruorem
Extremosque ciet gemitus ; it tristis arator,
Mcerentem abjungens fraterna morte juvencum,
Atque opere in medio defixa relinquit aratra."
The unhappy image in the second line is less calculated to excite compassion
than disgust, and is singularly ill-suited to the tone of tenderness and delicacy
which the Poet has everywhere else so successfully maintained, in describing
the progress of the loathsome disease." The line here objected to is the life
of the description— and instead of offence, it is the clenching of the pathos.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 255
First of all, it is that which the Poet always will have and the Critics wont —
the Necessitated — the Thing itself — the Matter in hand. It shapes — features —
characterises that particular Murrain. Leave it out — ' the one Ox drops dead
in the furrow, and the Ploughman detaches the other.' It's a great pity, and
very surprising — but that is NO PLAGUE. Suddenly he falls, and blood and
foam gush mixed with his expiring breath. Tliat is a plague. It has terror —
affright — sensible horror — life vitiated, poisoned in its fountains. Vomit — a
settled word, and one of the foremost, of the reversed, unnatural vital func-
tion. Besides, it is the true and proper word. Besides, it is vivid and pic-
turesque, being the word of the Mouth. Effundit (which they would prefer
— (I do not mean it would stand in the verse) is general — might be from the
ears. Vomit in itself says mouth. The poor mouth! whose function is to
breathe, and to eat grass, and to caress — the visible organ of life — of vivifica-
lion — and now of mortification. Taken from the dominion of the holy powers,
and given up to the dark and nameless destroyer. " Vomit ore cruorem!"
The verse moans and groans for him — it may have in it a death-rattle. How
much more helpless and hopeless the real picture makes Arator's distress !
Now, " it trislis" comes with effect.
SEWAHD.
Yes, Virgil, as in duty bound to do, faced the Cattle Plague in all its hor-
rors. Had he not, he would have been false to Pales, the Goddess of Shep-
herds— to Apollo, who fed the herds of Admetus. So did his Master, Lucretius
— whom he emulated — equalled, but not surpassed, in execution of the dismal
but inevitable work. The whole land groaned under the visitation — nor was it
confined to Cattle — it seemed as if the brute creation were about to perish.
But his tender heart, near the close, singled out, from the thousands, one yoke
of Steers — in two lines and a half told the death of one — in two lines and a
half told the sadness of its owner — and in as many lines more told, too, of the
survivor sinking, because his brother " was not" — and in as many more a
lament for the cruel sufferings of the harmless creature — lines which, Scaliger
says, he would rather have written than have been honoured by the Lydian
or the Persian king.
BTJLLER.
Perhaps you have said enough, Seward. It might have been better, per-
haps, to have recited the whole passage.
NORTH.
Here is a sentence or two about Homer.
BULLER.
Then you are 9K. Oh ! sir — why not for an hour imitate that Moon
and those Stars? How silently they shine ! But what care yon for the hea-
venly luminaries ? In the majestic beauty of the nocturnal heavens vain man
will not hold his peace.
SEWARD.
Is that the murmur of the far-off sea ?
NORTH.
It is — the tide, may be, is on its return — is at " Connal's raging Ferry" —
from Loch Etive — yet this is not its hour — 'tis but the mysterious voice of
Night.
BULLER.
Hush!
NORTH.
By moonlight and starlight, and to the voice of Night, I read these words
from Mr Alison — " In the speech of Agamemnon to Idomeneus, in the
Fourth Book of the Iliad, a circumstance is introduced altogether inconsistent
both with the dignity of the speech, and the Majesty of Epic Poetry : —
'Divine Idomeneus! what thanks we owe
To worth like thine, what praise shall we bestow!
To Thee the foremost honours are decreed,
First in the fight, and every graceful deed.
256 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
For this, in banquets, when the generous bowls.
Restore our blood, and raise the warriors' souls,
Though all the rest with stated rules be bound,
Unmixed, unmeasured, are thy goblets crowned.'"
SEWARD. %
That is Pope. Do you remember Homer himself, sir ?
NORTH.
I do.
'l8o/*ej/ei), Trepi /iei> ere ri'co Aavacov ra^uTrwXwv,
rififv fv\ TTTO\efj,a> ^S' aXXot'w eVl epyw,
T)8' fv 8aid\ ore Trep re yepovcriov aWoTTa olvov
'Apyeicav ol apicrrot, eVi Kpijr^pai Kepcavrai.
e?7rep yap r' aXXot ye KaprjKop.6a>vrfS 'A^aiol
8airpov irlvKHTiv, crov 8e TrXetoj/ SeVa? atei
eoT/jx', &<TTrep epjol, TTiffiv, ore dvfios dvd>yoi,
aXX' opcrev 7rdXejidi>§', olos irapos fv%eo flvai.
I believe you will find that in general men praise more truly, that is
justly, deservedly, than they condemn. They praise from an impulse of love —
that is, from a capacity. Nature protects love more than hate. Their con-
demnation is often mere incapacity — want of insight. Sir Alison had elegance
of apprehension — truth of taste — a fine sense of the beautiful — a sense of the
sublime. His instances for praise are always well — often newly chosen, from
an attraction felt in his own genial and noble breast. The true chord struck
then. But he was somewhat too dainty-schooled — school-nursed, and school-
born. A judge and critic of Poetry should have been caught wild, and tamed ;
he should carry about him to the last some relish of the wood and the
wilderness, as if he were ever in some danger of breaking away, and relapsing
to them. He should know Poetry as a great power of the Universe — a sun —
of which the Song — whosesoever — only catches and fixes a few rays. How
different in thought was Epos to him and to Homer ! Homer paints Man-
ners— archaic, simple manners. Everybody feels — everybody says this — Mr
Alison must have known it— and could have said it as well as the best —
SEWARD.
But the best often forget it. They seem to hold to this knowledge better
now, Mr North ; and they do not make Homer answerable as a Poet, for the
facts of which he is the Historian— -Why not rather accept than criticise ?
NORTH.
I am sorry, Seward, for the Achsean Chiefs who had to drink bairpov — that is
all. I had hoped that they helped themselves.
SEWARD.
Perhaps, sir, the Stint was a custom of only the oivov yepno-iov — a ceremonious
Bowl — and if so, undoubtedly with religious institution. The Feast is not
honorary — only the Bowl: for anything that appears, Agamemnon, feasting his
Princes, might say, " Now, for the Bowl of Honour" — and Idomeneus alone
drinks. Or let the whole Feast be honorific, and the Bowl the sealing, and
crowning, and characterising solemnity. Now, the distinction of the Stint, and
the Full Bowl, selected for a signal of different honouring, has to me no
longer anything irksome. It is no longer a grudged and scanted cheer — but
lawful Assignment of Place.
TALBOYS.
The moment you take it for Ceremonial, sir, you don't know what profound
meaning may, or may not be in it. The phrase is very remarkable.
NORTH.
When the " Best of the Argives" mix in the Bowl " the honorific dark-glowing
wine," or the dark-glowing wine of honour — when ore — quite a specific and
peculiar occasion, and confined to the wine— you would almost think that the
Chiefs themselves are the wine-mixers, and not the usual ministrants — which
would perhaps express the descent of an antique use from a time and manners
of still greater simplicity than those which Homer describes. Or take it
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 257
merely, that in great solemnities, high persons do the functions proper to
Servants. This we do know, that usually a servant, the Ta/u«vy, or the
ou*>xooj, does mix the Bowl. By the way, Talboys, I think you will be not a
little amused with old Chapman's translation of the passage.
TALBOYS.
A fiery old Chap was George.
NORTH.
It runs thus —
" 0 Idomen, I ever loved thyself past all the Greeks,
In war, or any work of peace, at table, everywhere ;
For when the best of Greeks, besides, mix ever at our cheer
My good old ardent wine with small, and our inferior mates
Drink ever that mixt wine measured too, thou drink'st without those rates
Our old wine neat \ and ever more thy bowl stands like to mine ;
To drink still when and what thou wilt ; then rouse that heart of thine ;
And whatsoever heretofore thou hast assumed to be,
This day be greater."
TALBOYS.
Well done, Old Buck ! This fervour and particularity are admirable. But,"
uiethinks, if I caught the words rightly, that George mistakes the meaning of
yepsa-iov — honorary ; he has y*pa>v yepovros, an old man, singing in his ears ; but
old for wine would be quite a different word.
NORTH.
And he makes Agamemnon commend Idomeneus for drinking generously
and honestly, whilst the others are afraid of their cups — as Claudius, King of
Denmark, might praise one of his strong-headed courtiers,- and laugh at
Polonius. Agamemnon does not say that Idomeneus' goblet was not mixed —
was neat — rather we use to think that wine was always mixed — but whether
"with small," as old Chapman says, or with water, I don't know — but I
fancied water! But perhaps, Seward, the investigation of a Grecian Feast in
heroic time, and in Attic, becomes an exigency. Chapman is at least deter-
mined— and wisely — to show that he is not afraid of the matter — that he saw
nothing in it " altogether inconsistent with the dignity of the speech and the
majesty of Epic Poetry.
SEWARD.
Dignity ! Majesty ! They stand, sir, in the whole together — in the Manners
taken collectively by themselves throughout the entire Iliad — and then taken
as a part of the total delineation. Apply our modern notions of dignity and
majesty to the Homeric Poetry, and we shall get a shock in every other page.
NORTH.
The Homeric, heroic manners! Heyne has a Treatise or Excursus — as you
know — on the dvropma — I think he calls it — of the Homeric Heroes — their
waiting on themselves, or their self-sufficiency — where I think that he collects
the picture.
SEWARD.
I ana ashamed to say I do not know it.
NORTH.
No matter. You see how this connects with the scheme of the Poem— in
which, prevalent or conspicuous by the amplitude of the space which it occu-
pies, is the individual prowess of heroes in field — conspicuous, too, by its moment
in action. This is another and loftier mode of the dvrap/ceia. The human bosom
is a seat or fountain of power. Power goes forth, emanates in all directions,
high and low, right and left. The Man is a terrestrial God. He takes coun-
sel with his own heart, and he acts. " He conversed with his own magna-
nimous spirit" — or as Milton says of Abdiel meeting Satan — " And thus his
own undaunted heart explored."
SEWARD.
Yes, Mr North, the Man is as a terrestrial God; but— with continual
recognition by the Poet and his heroes — as under the celestial Gods. And I
apprehend, sir, that this two-fold way of representing man, in himself and
258 Christopher under Canvass, [Aug.
towards them, is that which first separates the Homeric from and above all
other Poetry, is its proper element of grandeur, in which we never bathe
without coming out aggrandised.
NORTH.
Seward, you instruct me by
SEWARD.
Oh, no, sir ! You instruct me
NORTH.
We instruct each other. For this the heroes are all Demigods — that is, the
son of a God, or Goddess, or the Descendant at a few Generations. Sarpedon
is the Son of Jupiter, and his death by Patroclus is perhaps the passage of
the whole Iliad that most specially and enei'getically, and most profoundly
and pathetically, makes the Gods intimate to the life and being of men — pre-
sents the conduct of divinity and humanity with condescension there, and for
elevation here. I do not mean that there is not more pomp of glorification about
Achilles, for whom Jupiter comes from Olympus to Ida, and Vulcan forges
arms — whose Mother- Goddess is Messenger to and from Jupiter, and into
whose lips, when he is faint with toil and want of nourishment — abstaining in
his passion of sorrow and vengeance — Minerva, descending, instils Nectar.
But I doubt if there be anything so touching — under this relation — and so inti-
mately aggrandising as that other whole place — the hesitation of Jupiter whether
he shall VIOLATE FATE, in order to save his own flesh and blood from its
decreed stroke — the consolatory device of Juno (in remonstrating and dis-
suading) that he shall send Apollo to call Death and Sleep — a God-Messenger
to God-Ministers — to bear the dead body from the battle-field to his own land
and kin for due obsequies. And, lastly, those drops of blood which fall from
the sky to the earth, as if the heart-tears of the Sire of all the worlds and
their inhabitants.
BULLER.
You are always great, sir, on Homer. . But, pray, have you any intention
of returning to the durapiceia ?
NORTH.
Ha ! Buller — do you speak ? I have not wandered from it. But since you
seem to think I have, think of Patroclus lighting a fire under a tripod with his
own hands, to boil meat for Achilles' guests — of Achilles himself helping to lay
the ransomed body of Hector on the car that was to take it away. This last is
honorific and pathetic. Ministrations of all degrees for themelves, in their own
affairs, characterise them all. From the least of these to Achilles fighting the
River-God — which is an excess — all holds together — is of one meaning — and
here, as everywhere, the least, and the familiar, and most homely, attests,
vouches, makes evident, probable, and facile to credence, the highest, most
uncouth, remote, and difficult otherwise of acceptation. Pitching the specu-
lation lower, plenitude of the most robust, ardent, vigorous life overflows the
Iliad — up from the animal to the divine — from the beautiful tall poplar by the
river- side, which the wheelwright or wainwright fells. Eating, drinking,
sleeping, thrusting through with spears, and hacking the live flesh off the bone
—all go together and help one another — and make the "Majesty and Dignity"
— or what not — of the Homeric Epos. But I see, Buller, that you are timeing
me — and I am ashamed to confess that I have exceeded the assigned limit.
Gentlemen, I ask all your pardons.
BULLER.
Timeing you — my dear sir ! Look — 'tis only my snuff-box — your own gift —
with your own haunted Head on the lid — inspired work of Laurence Macdonald.
NORTH.
Give it me— why there — there — by your own unhappy awkwardness — it has
gone— gone— to the bottom of the deepest part of the Loch !
BULLER.
I don't care. It was my chronometer ! The Box is safe.
NORTH.
Arid so is the Chronometer. Here it is — I was laughing at you — in my sleeve.
1849. J Christopher under Canvass. 259
DULLER.
Another Herman Boaz ! — Bless my eyes, there is Kilchnrn ! It must be —
there is no other such huge Castle, surely, at the head of the Loch — and no
other such mountains —
NORTH.
You promised solemnly, sir, not to say a single word about Loch Awe or
its appurtenance, this Evening — so did every mother's son of us at your order
— and t'was well — for we have seen them and felt them all— at times not the less,
profoundly — as the visionary pomp keeps all the while gliding slowly by — per-
petual accompaniment of our discourse, not uninspired, perhaps, by the beauty
or the grandeur, as our imagination was among the ideal creations of genius
— with the far-off in place and in time — with generations and empires
M When dark oblivion swallows cities up,
And mighty States, characterless, are grated
To dusty nothing !
SEWARD.
In the declining light I wonder your eyes can see to read print.
NORTH.
My eyes are at a loss with Small Pica — but veritable Pica I can master,
yet, after sunset. Indeed, I am sharpest-sighted by twilight, like a cat or an
owl.
BTJLLER.
Have you any more annotations on Alison ?
NORTH.
Many. The flaws are few. I verily believe these are all. To elucidate
his Truths — in Taste and in Morals — would require from us Four a far longer
Dialogue. Alison's Essays should be reprinted in one Pocket Volume — wis-
dom and Goodness are in that family hereditary — the editing would be a Work
of Love — and in Bohn's Standard Library they would confer benefit on
thousands who now know but their name.
SEWAKD.
My dear sir, last time we voyaged the Loch, you said a few words — per-
haps you may remember it — about those philosophers — Alison — the " Man
of Taste," as Thomas Campbell loved to call him — assuredly is not of the
number — who have insisted on the natural Beauty of Virtue, and natural De-
formity of Vice, and have appeared to place our capacity of distinguishing
Eight from Wrong chiefly, if not solely, on the sense of this Beauty and of
this Deformity —
NORTH.
I remember saying, my dear Seward, that they have drawn their views
too much from the consideration of the state of these feelings in men who
had been long exercised in the pure speculative contemplation of moral Good-
ness and Truth, as well as in the calmness and purity of a tranquil, virtuous
life. Was it so ?
8EWARD.
It was.
NORTH.
In such minds, when all the calm faculties of the soul are wedded in happy
union to the image of Virtue, there is, I have no doubt, that habitual feeling
for which the term Beauty furnishes a natural and just expression. But I
apprehend that this is not the true expression of that serious and solemn feeling
which accompanies the understanding of the qualities of Moral Action in the
minds of the generality of men. They who in the midst of their own un-
happy perversions, are visited with knowledge of those immutable distinctions,
and they who in the ordinary struggles and trials incident to our condition,
maintain their conduct in unison with their strongly grounded principles and
better aspirations, would seldom, I apprehend, employ this language for the
description of feelings which can hardly be separated from the ideas of an
awful responsibility involving the happiness and misery of the accountable sub-
jects of a moral order of Government.
2GO Christopher under Canvass. [Aug.
SEWARD.
You think, sir, that to assign this perception of Beauty and Deformity, as
the groundwork of our Moral Nature, is to rest on too slight a foundation
that part of man's constitution which is first in importance to his welfare ?
NORTH.
Assuredly, my dear friend, I do. Nay, I do not fear to say that the
Emotion, which may properly be termed a Feeling of Beauty in Virtue, takes
place at those times when the deepest affection of our souls towards Good
and Evil acts less strongly, and when the Emotion we feel is derived more
from Imagination — and —
SEWARD.
And may I venture to suggest, sir, that as Imagination, which is so strong a
principle in our minds, will take its temper from any prevalent feelings, and
even from any fixed and permanent habits of mind, so our Feeling of
Beauty and Deformity shall be different to different men, either according to
the predominant strength of natural principles, or according to their course
of life?
NORTH.
Even so. And therefore this general disposition of Imagination to receive
its character will apply, no doubt, where the prevailing feelings and habits
are of a Moral cast ; and hence in minds engaged in calm intellectual specula-
tion, and maintaining their own moral nature rather in innocence and simplicity
of life than in the midst of difficult and trying situations and in conflict with
passions, there can be no doubt that the Imagination will give itself up to this
general Moral Cast of Mind, and feel Beauty and Deformity vividly and uni-
formly in the contemplation of the moral quality of actions and moral states
of character.
SEWARD.
But your words imply — do they not, sir ? that such is the temper of their
calmer minds, and not the emotion which is known when, from any great act
of Virtue or Crime, which comes suddenly upon them, their Moral Spirit rises
up in its native strength, to declare its own Affection and its own Judgment ?
NORTH.
Just so. Besides, my excellent friend, if you consider well the feeling which
takes possession of us, on contemplating some splendid act of heroic and self-
devoting Virtue, we shall find that the sort of enthusiastic transport which may
kindle towards him who has performed it, is not properly a moral transport
at all ; but it is a burst of love and admiration. Take out, then, from any
such emotion, what Imagination, and Love, and Sympathy have supplied, and
leave only what the Moral Spirit recognises of Moral Will in the act, and you
will find that much of that dazzling and splendid Beauty which produced the
transport of loving admiration is removed.
SEWARD.
And if so, sir, then must it be very important that we should not deceive
ourselves, and rely upon the warmth of emotion we may feel towards generous
and heroic actions as evidence of the force of the Moral Principle in our own
breasts, which requires to be ascertained by a very different test —
NORTH.
Ay, Seward ; and it is important also, that we should learn to acknowledge
and to respect, in those who, without the capacity of such vivid feelings, are
yet conscientiously faithful to the known Moral Law, the merit and dignity of
their Moral Obedience. We must allow to Virtue, my dearest Seward, all that
is her due — her countenance beautiful in its sweet serenity — her voice gentle
and mild — her demeanour graceful — and a simple majesty in the flowing folds
of her stainless raiment. So may we picture her to our imagination, and to our
hearts. But we must beware of making such abstractions fantastic and
visionary, lest we come at last to think of emotions of Virtue and Taste as one
and the same — a fatal error indeed — and that would rob human life of much of
its melancholy grandeur. The beauty of Virtue is but the smile on her celestial
countenance— and may be admired — loved— by those who hold but little com-
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 261
munion with her inner heart — and it may be overlooked by those who pay to
her the most devout worship.
TALBOY8.
Methinks, sir, that the moral emotion with which we regard actions greatly
right or greatly wrong, is no transport ; it is an earnest, solemn feeling of a
mind knowing there is no peace for living souls, except in their Moral Obe-
dience, and therefore receiving a deep and grateful assurance of the peace of
one soul more, in witnessing its adherence to its virtue ; and the pain which
is suffered from crime is much more allied to sorrow, in contemplating the
wilful departure of a spirit from its only possible Good, than to those feelings
of repugnance and hate which characterise the temper of our common human
emotion towards crimes offering violence and outrage to humanity.
NORTH.
I believe that, though darkness lies round and about us seeking to solve
such questions, a feeling of deep satisfaction in witnessing the adherence to
Moral Rectitude, and of deep pain in witnessing the departure from it, are
the necessary results of a moral sensibility ; but taken in their elementary
simplicity, they have, I think, a character distinct from those many other
emotions which will necessarily blend with them, in the heart of one human
being looking upon the actions of another — " because that we have all one
human heart."
TALBOYS.
Who can doubt that Religion infuses power and exaltation into the Arts?
The bare Histoiy teaches this. In Greece Poetry sang of Gods, and of Heroes,
in whose transactions Gods moved. Sculpture moulded Forms which were
attempted expressions of Divine Attributes. Architecture constructed Tem-
ples. De facto the Grecian Arts rose out of Religion. And were not the
same Arts, of revived Italy, religious ?
BULLER.
They all require for their foundation and support a great pervading sym-
pathy— some Feeling that holds a whole national breast. This is needed to
munificently defraying the Costlier Arts — no base consideration at bottom.
For it is a life-bond of this life, that is freely dropped, when men freely and
generously contribute their means to the honour of Religion. There is a sen-
timent in opening your purse.
SEWARD.
Yes, Buller — without that sentiment, no man can love noble Art. The
true, deep, grand support of Genius is the confidence of universal sympathy.
Homer sings because Greece listens. Phidias pours out his soul over marble,
gold, and ivory, because he knows that at Olympia united Greece will wonder
and will worship. Think how Poet is dumb and Sculptor lame, who fore-
knows that what he would sing, what he would carve, will neither be felt nor
understood.
BULLER.
The Religion of a people furnishes the sympathy which both pays and
applauds.
TALBOYS.
And Religion affords to the Artist in Words or Forms the highest Norms of
Thought — sublime, beautiful, solemn — withal the sense of Aspiration — pos-
sibly of Inspiration.
NORTH.
And it guards Philosophy — and preserves it, by spiritual influence, from
degradation worse than death. The mind is first excited into activity through
the impressions made by external objects on the senses. The French meta-
physicians— pretending to follow Locke — proceeded to discover in the mind a
mere compound of Sensations, and of Ideas drawn from Sensations. Sensa-
tions, and Ideas that were the Relics of Sensations — nothing more.
TALBOYS.
And thus, sir, by degrees, the Mind appeared to them to be nothing else
than a product of the Body — say rather a state of the Body.
VOL. LXVI. — xo. crccvi. s
262 Christopher under Canvass. [Aug. 1849.
NORTH.
A self-degradation, my friend, which to the utmost removes the mind from
God. And this Creed was welcome to those to whom the belief in Him
was irksome. That which we see and touch became to such Philosophers the
whole of Reality. Deity — the Relation of the Creation to the Creator — the
hope of a Futurity beyond the grave — vanished from the Belief of Materialists
living in, and by, and to— Sensation.
SEWARD.
And with what a horrid sympathy was the creed welcomed !
NORTH.
Ay, Seward, I who lived nearer the time — perhaps better than you can —
know the evil. Not in the schools alone, or in the solitude of philosophical
thought, the doctrine of an arid speculation circulated, like a thin and un-
wholesome blood, through the veins of polite literature ; not in the schools
alone, but in the gorgeous and gay saloons, where the highly-born, the courtly,
and the wealthy, winged the lazy hours with light or dissolute pleasures —
there the Philosophy which fettered the soul in the pleasing bands of the
Senses, which plucked it back from a feared immortality, which opened a gulf
of infinite separation between it and its Maker, was cordially entertained —
there it pointed the jest and the jibe. Scepticism a study — the zeal of Un-
belief! Principles of false thought appeared suddenly and widely as principles
of false passion and of false action. Doubts, difficulties, guesses, fine spinnings
of the perverse brain, seized upon the temper of the times — became the springs
of public and popular movements — engines of political change. The Venera-
lions of Time were changed into Abominations. A Will strong to overthrow
— hostile to Order — anarchical — " intended siege and defiance to Heaven."
The irreligious Philosophy of the calmer time now bore its fruits. The Cen-
tury had prepared the explosion that signalised its close — Impiety was
the name of the Giant whom these throes of the convulsed earth had borne
into the day, and down together went Throne and Altar. — But where are we ?
DULLER.
At the river mouth.
NORTH.
What ! at home.
BULLER.
See the Tent-Lights — hear the Tent-Music.
NORTH.
Your arm, Talboys — till I disembark. Up to the Mount I shall then climb,
unassisted but by the Crutch.
Pi luted by William Blacktcood and Sons, EdinlAtryh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. CCCCVII.
SEPTEMBER, 1849.
VOL. LXVI.
THE SCOTTISH MARRIAGE AND REGISTRATION BILLS.
ABOUT two years ago, we found it
necessary to draw the attention of our
readers to certain alterations which
our Whig rulers, or at least a section
of them, proposed to make in the ex-
isting law of marriage, as applicable
to Scotland. We stated our views
moderately, not denying that in some
points it might be possible to effect a
salutary change ; but utterly depre-
cating the enforcement of a bill which
was so constructed as to uproot and
destroy the ancient consuetudinal law
of the kingdom, to strike a heavy and
malignant blow at morality and reli-
gion, and which, moreover, was re-
garded by the people of Scotland with
feelings of unequivocal disgust. So
widely spread was that feeling amongst
our countrymen, of every shade of
political opinion and form of religious
faith, that we believed this ill-advised
attempt, once arrested in its progress,
would be finally withdrawn. Popu-
larity, it was quite clear, could never
be gained from persisting in a mea-
sure so unpalatable to the whole com-
munity ; nor had England, save in
the matter of Gretna-green marriages,
any visible interest in the question.
It is just possible — for self-conceit will
sometimes betray men into strange
extravagancies — that a few individual
legislators had more confidence in the
soundness of their own opinions than
in that of the opinions of the nation ;
but, even if we should give them credit
for such honest convictions, it still re-
mains a doubtful point how far indi-
vidual opinions should be allowed to
override the national will. There may
be parliamentary as well as regal
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVII.
despotism ; and we are much mistaken
if the people of Scotland are inclined
to submit to the former yoke, even at
the hands of those who claim honour
for their party on the strength of tra-
ditionary denunciations of the latter.
We think it is pretty clear that no
private member of parliament would
have attempted to carry through a
bill, the provisions of which had been
encountered by such general opposi-
tion in Scotland. No ministry would
have lent its support to such a case
of insolent coercion ; and we confess
we cannot see why the crotchets, or
even the convictions, of an official are
to be regarded with greater favour.
In a matter purely Scottish, it would,
indeed, be gross despotism if any Bri-
tish cabinet should employ its power
and its interest to overwhelm the voice
of Scotland, as fairly enunciated by
her representatives. That has not
been done, at least to the last unpar-
donable degree; yet, whilst grateful
to Lord John Russell for having, at
the last moment, stopped the progress
of these bills, we may very fairly com-
plain that earlier and more decided
steps were not taken by the premier
for suppressing the zeal of his subor-
dinates. Surely he cannot have been
kept in ignorance of the discontent
which has been excited by the intro-
duction of these bills, three several
times, with the ministerial sanction,
in both houses of parliament ? Had a
bill as obnoxious to the feelings of the
people of England, as these avowedly
are to the Scots, been once aban-
doned, it never would have appeared
again. No minister would have been
264
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
[Sept.
so blind to his duty, or at all events
to his interest, as to have adopted the
repudiated bantling ; since, by doing
so, he would have inevitably caused
an opposition which could only termi-
nate in his defeat, and which, proba-
bly, might prove fatal to the existence
of his cabinet. And yet, in the case
of these bills, we have seen three
separate attempts deliberately made
and renewed — first in the House of
Commons, and afterwards in the
House of Peers — to thrust upon Scot-
land measures of which she has em-
phatically pronounced her dislike.
No wonder if, under such circum-
stances, when remonstrance is disre-
garded, and the expression of popular
opinion either misrepresented or sup-
pressed, men begin to question the
prudence of an arrangement which
confides the chief conduct of Scottish
affairs to a lawyer and judge-expect-
ant, whose functions are so multifa-
rious as to interfere with their regular
discharge. No wonder if the desire
of the Scottish nation to have a sepa-
rate and independent secretary of state,
altogether unconnected with the legal
profession, is finding an audible voice
at the council-boards of the larger
cities and towns. Of late years it has
been made a subject of general and
just complaint, that the public busi-
ness of Scotland is postponed to every-
thing else, huddled over with indecent
haste at untimeous hours, and often
entirely frustrated for the want of a
parliamentary quorum. This arises
from no indisposition, on the part of
the House of Commons, to do justice
to the internal affairs of the northern
kingdom, but it is the natural result
of the system, which virtually leaves
Scotland without an official represen-
tative in the cabinet. Everyone knows
that Sir George Grey is not only an
able, but a most conscientious home-
secretary ; but, in point of fact, he is
home-secretary for England alone. It
is impossible to expect that, in addi-
tion to the enormous labour attendant
upon the English home administra-
tion, any man can adequately master
the details of Scottish business. The
fundamental difference which exists in
the laws of the two countries would
of itself prove an insurmountable bar-
rier to this; and consequently, like
his predecessors, Sir George Grey has
no personal knowledge either of .our
Avishes or our requirements. He can-
not, therefore, take that prominence
in a Scottish debate which his posi-
tion would seem to require ; and the
duty which ought to be performed by
a member of the cabinet is usually
intrusted to a subordinate. In this
way Scottish public business receives
less than its due share of attention,
for the generality of members, observ-
ing that cabinet ministers take little
share in such discussions, naturally
enough attribute their silence to a cer-
tain degree of indifference, and are
careless about their own attendance.
All this, which involves not only scan-
dal, but positive inconvenience, would
be cured, if a return were made to the
older system, and a secretary of state
for Scotland numbered in the roll of
the cabinet. The want of such an
arrangement is positively detrimental
to the interests of ministry ; for, dur-
ing the last session, they have assur-
edly gained but few laurels from
their northern legislation. Four or
five bills, purporting to be of great
public importance, have been with-
drawn, and one only, which esta-
blishes a new office connected with
the Court of Session, has been graced
by the royal assent. Among the
lapsed bills are those which form the
subject of the present paper ; but they
have not yet lost their vitality. On
the contrary, we are led to infer that,
in the course of next session, they will
again be introduced, in some form or
other, before parliament.
This mode of treatment is so unpre-
cedented, that we cannot pass it over
in silence. It may not be unconsti-
tutional, according to the letter of the
law ; but if it be true, as we maintain
it to be, that the people of Scotland
have already protested against these
measures, it does seem rather tyranni-
cal that for the fourth time they should
be compelled to organise a resistance,
and to make themselves heard through
petitions, lest the very absence of
these should be held as an intimation
of passive acquiescence. This kind of
reasoning has actually been resorted
to ; and a very pregnant instance of it
is to be found in the reported speech
of the Lord Advocate upon the third
reading of the Marriage Bill. " With
respect to the dissenters in Scotland,
1849.]
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
265
there was not a single petition from
them against the bill ; therefore they
were to be takenas being in favour of it !"
This is a notable sequitur. In the first
place, it is quite a new doctrine to main-
tain that because men do not organise
meetings, or go out of their way to
petition parliament against any mea-
sure, they must therefore be held as
assenting. In the second place, it is
rather a startling thing to find that
men are expected to petition in a reli-
fious rather than in a social character,
f this view be correct, no individual
Anabaptist has any right to express
his political opinions unless he petitions
along with his congregation. No
member of the Episcopal Church ought
to have a voice in a secular matter
nnless he goes along with his dio-
cesan. We are almost tempted to
ask the question, whether congrega-
tions in Scotland are to be regarded
as mere political clubs, or as associa-
tions for praise and worship? The
town -councils of most of the large
towns of Scotland have petitioned
against the bills — are there no dis-
senters at any of those boards ? One
hundred and thirty parishes have
separately recorded their detestation
of the bills, not one parish has made
the smallest demonstration in their
favour, yet, according to the logic of
the Lord Advocate, those that are
silent must be held as acquiescing!
It is remarkable, however, that if
these bills really tend to confer such
inestimable boons upon the people of
Scotland, that stubborn race have
been singularly reluctant to acknow-
ledge the extent of the benefit. Nay
more, it is certainly a most striking
fact, that notwithstanding thereligious
divisions, which are more numerous
here than elsewhere, it has been im-
possible to procure one isolated testi-
mony, by an ecclesiastical body, in
direct support of these singularly un-
fortunate bills. Lord Campbell, in
his evidence given before the Com-
mittee of the House of Commons — of
which more anon — indicates an opinion
that the clergy of the Established
Church of Scotland have been actu-
ated in their unanimous and decided
opposition to the Marriage Bill by the
desire to preserve a monopoly of cele-
brating formal marriages. If so, how
is it that none of the dissenting clergy,
in whose favour this monopoly was to
be broken up, came forward in sup-
port of the measure ? But the truth
is, as we shall presently show, that no
such monopoly exists at all, save in
the imagination of the noble lord.
By the law of Scotland, there is no
distinction in favour of any sect, and
clergymen, of whatever denomina-
tion they may be, have the right, and
are in the daily practice, of celebrat-
ing formal marriages.
" I admit," says the Lord Advo-
cate, " that the clergymen of Scotland
are generally against this measure;
but surely the house will think that,
by this time, the third year of the dis-
cussion of this bill, these reverend
gentlemen ought to have come for-
ward with some substantial grounds
for their opposition." We must fairly
confess our inability to fathom the
meaning of this remark. Two hundred
and twenty-five petitions against this
bill have emanated from the Esta-
blished Church — at almost every
meeting of presbytery and synod, the
matter has been fully and thoroughly
discussed — the moral and political
objections to its enactment have been
over and over again brought forward
— yet still, in the eyes of the learned
lord, there is a want of " substantial
grounds." It is not enough, there-
fore, to say that a measure is unneces-
sary, immoral, and impolitic — it is
not enough to assign reasons why
these opinions are entertained, and to
repeat them year after year. Some-
thing more must be done, according
to this remarkably liberal view, before
it becomes the duty of the legislature
to give any weight to the general re-
monstrance— something " substantial"
is required, but no intelligible defini-
tion has been vouchsafed of that sub-
stantiality. Nor does the following
sentence by any means tend to sharpen
the edge of our apprehension. " If
they (the clergy) meant to say that
they came here to assert that they had
the power or right to supersede the
interference of the legislature, they
would put forward a right in them
much greater than the Church of
Rome asserted, because they took
their right to interfere in reference to
the rules of marriage, on the ground
that it was a sacrament, which car-
ried with it a degree of plausibility ;
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
266
and they required no witness to their
marriage, or proof of the marriage,
beyond that of the parish priest who
performed the ceremony." Now, if
any kind of meaning whatever is to
be extracted from this sentence, it
must be taken as an inuendo that the
Church of Scotland, in petitioning
against the bill, is directly or occultly
preferring some ecclesiastical claim to
interfere in the celebration of regular
public marriages. The Church of
Scotland asserts no claim of the kind,
nor has it ever been so much as hinted
that such a right was inherent in that
body. The church does not seek to
interfere with the legislature. It
neither has, nor claims ecclesiastical
dominion or preference in the matter
of marriage. As a Christian com-
munion and a Christian church, it
has entreated parliament not to pass
a measure which, justly or not, it con-
siders as hurtful to the moral charac-
ter of the people, and in doing so, it
has been actuated by no motive save
a due regard to its high and holy
functions. If such considerations as
these are not sufficient to justify the
right of petitioning, it is difficult to
understand why that right should be
exercised at all. Must a pounds-
shillings-and-pence interest be estab-
lished, before the Church of Scotland
can be allowed to approach the legis-
lature on such a question? In our
mind, the absence of all pecuniary
interest, and the utter abnegation of
any kind of ecclesiastical monopoly,
are the strongest reasons why the
opinion of the Church of Scotland, in
a matter such as this, should be lis-
tened to with reverence and respect.
Having thus disposed of the church,
though in a manner, we should think,
scarcely satisfactory to himself, and
not at all to his auditory, the Lord
Advocate summarily remarks of the
petitions against the bill, that " as
proof to be relied on of a general feel-
ing throughout Scotland, they were
worthless and insignificant." It may
be useful for intending petitioners to
know what sort of demonstration they
must be prepared to make, if they
wish their remonstrances against any
government measure to pass the limits
of worthlessness. It is always advan-
tageous to learn what is the last de-
finition of the true vox populi, in order
[Sept.
that there be no mistake or misinter-
pretation of its extent. We turn to the
admirable speech of Mr M'Neill, the
learned Dean of Faculty, and we find
the following analysis of the extent of
the lay opposition : —
" An opportunity had been afforded to
the counties of Scotland to take the mea-
sure into consideration at their annual
meetings on the 30th April. They had
done so, and, with very few exceptions,
had petitioned against this measure ; and
of those that had not actually petitioned
this year, some had petitioned last year ;
and some had contented themselves this
year with reiterating, in resolutions
passed at public meetings, their continued
dissatisfaction with the measure. The
county which "he had the honour to re-
present (Argyleshire) had not sent up a
petition ; but they had, at a public meet-
ing, passed resolutions, temperately, yet
firmly expressed, in reference both to the
Marriage and the Registration Bills. No
county, he believed, had passed resolu-
tions iu favour of this bill. So much for
the counties. Next as to the burghs.
The burghs comprehended about one-
third of the population of Scotland.
There was an institution recognised by
law called the Convention of Royal
Burghs, and which consisted of delegates
from all the burghs in Scotland, who as-
sembled once a-year or oftener in Edin-
burgh, and deliberated on matters affect-
ing their interests. At the convention of
1849, the matter of these bills was taken
into consideration. They were disap-
proved of, and a petition against them
was voted unanimously. Thus you had
all, or nearly all, the counties petition-
ing, and you had the assembled dele-
gates from all the burghs petitioning.
Then there were separate petitions from
the popularly elected town-councils of
most of the large towns in Scotland.
The town-councils of Edinburgh, of Dun-
dee, of Perth, of Greenock, of Leith,
of Inverness, of Stirling, of Kilmar-
nock, of St Andrews, of Haddington,
and many others, had petitioned against
this bill. There was also another body
of persons, popularly elected to a great
extent, and who had a very material in-
terest in the probable effects of this mea-
sure, especially with a knowledge of the
fearful extent of bastardy in some parts
of England — he meant the parochial
boards of populous parishes. Petitions
against this measure had been presented
from the parochial boards of many of the
most populous parishes in Scotland — the
parochial board of the city parishes of
Edinburgh— of the great suburban parish
1849.]
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
2C7
of St Cuthberts — of the city of Glasgow
— of the great suburban parish of the
Barouy — of the parishes of Dundee,
Paisley, Greenock, Leith, Port-Glasgow,
Campbelton, and several others."
Such is the demonstration which
the Lord Advocate of Scotland, with-
out any counter display of opinion to
back him, ventures to characterise as
worthless and insignificant! Coun-
ties, burghs, town-councils, parochial
boards, presbyteries, and General
Assembly, which also represents the
opinion of the universities, all combine
to denounce the hated measure; still
their remonstrance is to be cast aside
as worthless and insignificant, and as
in no way representing the feeling of
the people of Scotland ! A more ex-
traordinary statement, we venture to
say, was never made within the walls
of the House of Commons; but the
premier very properly refused to ho-
mologate its extravagance, and with-
drew the bill on account, as he ex-
pressly said, of the opinion that had
been expressed in the house regard-
ing the sentiments of the Scottish
people. Indeed, as Lord Aberdeen
afterwards remarked, had the bill not
been withdrawn, " representative go-
vernment would become a farce ; for
the whole kingdom of Scotland was
universally against it."
Some of our readers may naturally
wonder why so much perseverance
should be shown in this reiterated
attempt to force an obnoxious bill
upon the acceptance of the nation.
It is, to say the least of it, an un-
usual thing to find a professing phy-
sician so clamorously and importu-
nately insisting upon his right to
practise on the person of a patient,
who vehemently denies the existence
of any bodily ailment. It is true,
that we are accustomed to hear
crotchety people crying up the effi-
cacy of their peculiar remedies, and
we admit the right even of Paracelsus
to dilate upon the value of his drugs.
But the case becomes widely different
when the empiric requires that, nolens
volens, you shall swallow them. Such,
however, for the last three sessions,
has been the conduct of the promoters
of this bill ; and as it is now plain be-
yond all dispute that nobody wanted
it, this sudden rage for legislation
becomes proportionally wonderful.
Hitherto we have rather complained
of the apathy than of the over- zeal of
our representatives. Sometimes wo
have grumbled at their want of spirit
for not watching more closely over
our immediate interests, and in not
protesting more loudly against the
injustice of that neglect to which Scot-
tish charities, foundations, and institu-
tions are consigned, whilst a very
different mode of treatment is adopted
by government upon the other side of
the Irish Channel. But we have seldom
had reason to deprecate an excess of
legislative activity, and it therefore
becomes matter of curiosity to dis-
cover the motives for the present fit.
We must premise that the Scottish
Marriage and Registration Bills are
indissolubly linked together. The
object of the Registration Bill is to
secure a perfect record of all births,
marriages, and deaths; and no reason-
able objection can be taken to this
upon the score of principle. It is ad-
mitted on all hands that our registers
are at present defective — that is, they
are not sufficiently minute to satisfy
the cravings of the scrupulous statist.
To hav« a perfect record is unques-
tionably desirable : the main objec-
tion to the scheme lies in the expense
with which it must be attended. It
is not our present purpose to examine
the details of this bill, which we have
nevertheless perused with much at-
tention. We shall therefore merely
remark that it seems to us quite pos-
sible to realise the same results with
a far less expensive machinery. The
present bill would create not only a
well-salaried staff of officials in Edin-
burgh, but registrars in every county
and town, whose services would fall
to be defrayed by local assessment ;
and we need hardly say that, under
present circumstances, the imposition
of any new burden, especially in the
shape of direct taxation, would be
felt as an especial grievance. There
is no prospect of relief from the in-
come and property tax, though Sir
Robert Peel gave the country a direct
assurance that the measure was merely
proposed to supply a temporary de-
ficiency. It is now quite clear that
neither the right hon. baronet,
nor his successors, will ever attempt
to redeem that dishonoured pledge.
The poor-rates are increasing in Scot-
268
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
[Sept.
land at a frightful ratio, and are al-
ready so high as, in the opinion of
many, to constitute an intolerable
burden. It is now evident that, in a
very short while, the inexpediency of
the new system will be submitted to
a serious review, or at least that some
such attempt will be made. Other
burdens are by no means decreasing,
whilst the general wealth and pro-
sperity of the country has, within the
last three years, received a violent
check. It is, therefore, not in the least
surprising, if men hesitate to accept
the proffered boon of a perfect regis-
try at the price of a new assessment.
Isolated cases of inconvenience which
have occurred, from the want of such
a register, may no doubt be pointed
out ; but, upon the whole, there is no
general grievance, since the means of
effective registration are at present
open to all who choose to avail them-
selves of it. The present bill proposes
to do nothing more than to substitute
imperative for voluntary registration :
its provisions are not only costly, but
in some respects they are highly penal,
and therefore, for a double reason, it
is regarded with general dislike. Men
do not like to be taxed for the altera-
tion of a privilege which is already suf-
ficiently within their power; and they
are jealous of exposing themselves to
fines, for omitting to do that which
is no duty at all, except it is made
so by the force of statute. They do
not see any weight or shadow of
reason in the argument, that Scotland
must necessarily have a registration
act, because England has already
submitted herself to such a measure.
On the contrary, they are not fond of
uniformity, because, under that pre-
text, many inroads have of late years
been made upon laws and institutions
which hitherto have worked well, and
against which, intrinsically, it was
impossible to bring any tangible
ground of complaint. Nor is it with-
out some reason that they view with
jealousy that endless multiplication of
offices which the Whigs seem deter-
mined to effect. No doubt it is con-
venient for a political leader to extend
the sphere of his patronage ; but the
public have, at the present time, too
many stringent motives for economy,
to acquiesce in the creation of a new
staff as the indispensable consequence
of every ministerial bill. They do
not want to be visited by a fresh flight
of locusts, whose period of occupation
is to be everlasting, whenever it is
thought expedient to make some
change in the form and not the essence
of our institutions. And therefore it
is that the Registration, apart alto-
gether from its connexion with the
Marriage Bill, has been regarded as a
measure not strictly objectionable in
principle, but exceedingly ill-timed,
inconvenient, and unlikely to produce
any results commensurate with the
cost which it must entail.
We believe that the above is a fair
statement of the public feeling with
regard to the Registration Bill ; but,
notwithstanding all these objections,
it might very possibly have been car-
ried had it stood alone. The minis-
terial phalanx in the House of Com-
mons would probably have regarded
the advantages of uniformity as a
thorough answer to the arguments
which might be adduced on the other
side; and English members might na-
turally have been slow to discover
any valid objections to the extension
of a system already in full operation
within their own domestic bounds.
But the promoters of the bill had, at
the very outset, to encounter a diffi-
culty of no ordinary weight and
magnitude. That difficulty arose
from the peculiar position of the
law of Scotland with regard to mar-
riage. There could be no mistake
about births and death, for these are
distinct contingencies ; but how to
register marriages, which required no
legal formality at all, save consent, to
render them binding, was indeed a
puzzle, which even the wisest of the
innovators could not pretend to solve.
There stood the law as it had done for
ages ; not demanding any ceremony
to render the deliberate consent of
contracting parties binding ; shielding
the weaker sex against the machina-
tions of fraud, and interposing an
effectual barrier to the designs of the
unscrupulous seducer. There it stood,
so merciful in its provisions that it left
open a door to reparation and repen-
tance, and did not render it imperative
that the birthright of the child should
be irretrievably sacrificed on account
of the error of the parents. At the
same time, that law drew, or rather
1849.]
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
269
established, a wide distinction iii point
of character between regular and irre-
gular marriages. It had wrought so
npon the people that instances of the
latter were of comparatively rare oc-
currence, except, perhaps, upon the
Border, which was crossed by English
parties, less scrupulous in their feel-
ings of decorum. Irregular marriages
were discountenanced by the church,
not by the establishment only, but by
every religious body; and, to consti-
tute a regular marriage, publication
-of the banns was required. No com-
plaint had been heard from Scotland
against the law; on the contrary, it
was considered, both by jurists and
by the people, as equitable in its prin-
ciple, and less liable than that of
other nations to abuse in the mode of
its operation.
The existence of this law effectually
interfered with the establishment of
«uch a system of registration as was
contemplated by the reforming Whigs.
So long as it stood intact, their efforts
in behalf of uniformity, additional
taxation, and increased patronage,
were hopeless ; and no alternative
remained save the desperate one of
deliberately smiting down the law.
It was not difficult for men so pur-
posed arid inspired to find out defects
in the marriage law, for never yet
was law framed by human wisdom in
which some defect could not be de-
tected. It was, first of all, urged,
that the state of the Scottish law gave
tindue encouragement to the contract
of Gretna-green marriages by fugitive
English couples. The answer to that
was obvious — Pass a law prohibiting
such marriages until, by residence,
English parties have obtained a Scot-
tish domicile. That would at once
have obviated any such ground of
complaint, and such a measure actually
was introduced to parliament by Lord
Brougham in 1835, but never was
carried through. Next, the whole
fabric of the law was assailed. The
facilities given to the contraction of
irregular marriages were denounced
as barbarous and disgraceful to any
civilised country. Old cases were
raked up to sho\v the uncertainty of
the law itself, and the difficulty of
ascertaining who were and who were
not married persons. According to
one noble and learned authority, the
time of the House of Peers, while sit-
ting in its judicial capacity, was grie-
vously occupied in considering cases
which arose out of the anomalous con-
dition of the Scottish law with regard
to marriage ; and yet, upon referring to
an official return, it appeared very
plainly that, for the last seventeen or
eighteen years, only six cases of decla-
rator of marriage or legitimacy had
been brought before that august tri-
bunal, and that of these six, three had
no connexion with the subject-matter
of the proposed bill ! Lord Brougham,
who entertains- strong opinions on the
subject, felt himself compelled to ad-
mit, in evidence, that most of the hy-
pothetical abuses which might take
place under the existing system, did
not, in practice, occur amongst na-
tives and residenters in Scotland.
Lord Brougham is to this extent a
Malthusian, that he thinks minors
ought to be, in some way or other,
protected against the danger of an
over-hasty marriage. His lordship's
sympathies are strongly enlisted in
behalf of the youthful aristocracy,
more especially of the male sex ; and
he seems to regard Scotland as an in-
finitely more dangerous place of resi-
dence for a young man of rank and
fortune than Paris or Vienna. In the
latter places, the morals may be
sapped, but personal liberty is pre-
served; in the former, the heir- ex-
pectant is not safe, for at any moment
he is liable to be trapped like vermin.
The red-haired daughters of the Gael,
thinks Lord Brougham, are ever on
the watch for the capture of some
plump and unsuspecting squire. Pen-
niless lads and younger sons may be
insured at a reasonable rate against
the occurrence of the matrimonial
calamity, but wary indeed must be
the eldest son who can escape the
perfervidum ingenium Scotarum. This
is, no doubt, an amusing picture, and
the leading idea might be worked out
to great advantage in a novel or a
farce; but, unfortunately, it is not
drawn from the usual occurrences of
life. Isolated cases of hasty marriages
may, no doubt, have taken place, but
our memory does not supply us with
a single instance of a clandestine mar-
riage having been contracted under
such circumstances as the above. In
Scotland, a stranger may, for the base
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
[Sept.
purposes of seduction, pledge his so-
lemn faith to a woman, and so obtain
possession of her person. If he does
so, the law most justly interferes to
prevent him resiling from his contract,
and declares that he is as completely
bound by the simple interchange of
consenting vows, as though he had
solicited and received the more formal
benediction of the priest. Will any
man gravely maintain that in such a
case the tenor of the law is hurtful to
morals, or prejudicial to the interests
of society ? Even if the woman should
happen to be of inferior rank in life to
the intending seducer, is she on that
account to be consigned to shame,
and the man permitted to violate his
engagement, and escape the conse-
quences of his dastardly fraud ? In
England, it is notorious to every one,
and the daily press teems with in-
stances, that seduction under promise
of marriage is a crime of ordinary
occurrence. We call it a crime, for
though it may not be so branded by
statute, seduction under promise of
marriage is as foul an act as can well
be perpetrated by man. In Scotland,
seduction under such circumstances is
next to impossible. The Scottish
people are not without their vices, but
seduction is not one of these ; and we
firmly believe that the existing law of
marriage has operated here as an effec-
tual check to that license which is far
too common in England. Would it
be wise, then, to remove that check,
•when no flagrant abuse, no common
deviation even from social distinctions,
can be urged against it ? If seduction
does not prevail in Scotland, still less
do hasty and unequal marriages. Lord
Brougham is constrained to admit that
it is most unusual for Scottish heirs,
or persons possessed of large estates,
or the heirs to high honours, to con-
tract irregular marriages when in a
state of minority. The law, in the
opinion of Lord Brougham, may be
theoretically bad, but its very badness
raises a protection against its own
mischiefs — it ceases, in fact, to do any
harm, because the consequences which
it entails are clearly and generally
understood. We confess that, accord-
ing to our apprehension, a law which
is theoretically bad, but practically
innocuous, is decidedly preferable to
one which may satisfy theorists, but
which, when we come to apply it, is
productive of actual evil. It requires
no great stretch of legal ingenuity to
point out possible imperfections in the
best law that ever was devised by the
wit of man. That is precisely what
the advocates of the present measure
have attempted to do with the estab-
lished marriage law of Scotland ; but
when they are asked to specify the
practical evils resulting from it, they
are utterly driven to the Avail, and
forced to take refuge under the con-
venient cover of vague and random
generalities.
It is said that, under the operation;
of the present law, persons in Scotland
may be left in doubt whether they are-
married or not. This is next thing to
an entire fallacy, for though there
have been instances of women claim-
ing the married status in consequence
of a habit-and-repute connexion, with-
out distinct acknowledgment of ma-
trimony, such cases are remarkably
rare, and never can occur save under
most peculiar circumstances. The
distinction between concubinage and
matrimony is quite as well established
in Scotland as elsewhere. Nothing
short of absolute public recognition,
so open and avowed that there can
be no doubt whatever of the position
of the parties, can supply the place of
that formal expressed consent which
is the proper foundation of matri-
mony. If the consent once has been
given, if the parties have seriously
accepted each other for spouses, or if
a promise has been given, subsequente
copula, there is an undoubted mar-
riage, and the parties themselves can-
not be ignorant of their mutual rela-
tionship. It is, however, quite true
that proof may be wanting. It is
possible to conceive cases in which
the contract cannot be legally estab-
lished, and in which the actual wife
may be defrauded of her conjugal
rights. But granting all this, why
should the whole character of mar-
riage be changed on account of pos-
sible cases of deficient evidence ? Fo?
if this bill were to pass into law,
consent must necessarily cease to be
the principal element of marriage. No
marriage could be contracted at all
unless parties went either before the
priest or the registrar ; and the fact
of the mutual contract would be
1849.]
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
271
ignored without the addition of the
imposed formality. Upon this point
the commentary of Mr M'Neill seems
to us peculiarly lucid and quite irre-
sistible in its conclusions.
" The law of Scotland being now as
heretofore, that consent, given in the way
he had described, makes marriage — that
it is, in the language of Archbishop
Cranmer, 'beyond all doubt ipsum matri-
monium' — the present bill says that
henceforth it shall not make marriage,
whatever may have followed upon it,
unless the consent is given in presence of
a clergyman, or by signing the register.
It does not say that all marriages must
be celebrated in presence of a clergy-
man ; but, professing to recognise the
principle that consent, though not given
in presence of a clergyman, may consti-
tute marriage, it says that the consent
shall be of non-avail whatever may have
followed upon it, unless it was given in
the particular form of signing the regis-
ter, and can be there pointed out. No
matter how deliberately the consent may
have been interchanged, and how com-
pletely susceptible of proof. No matter
although the parties may have lived all
their lives as man and wife — may have
so published themselves to the world
every day, by acts a thousand times more
public than any entry in a register can
possibly be — by a course of life more
clearly indicating deliberate and conti-
nued purpose than a single entry in a
register can do. All that shall not avail
them or their families ; they are to be
denied the rights and privileges of legiti-
macy unless they can point to their names
in the journal kept by the registrar.
To borrow the language of a high au-
thority, relied upon in support of the bill,
' It may be according to the law of Scot-
land that it is a complete marriage, and
so it may be by the law of God ; but if
the woman is put to prove that marriage
after the birth of children, of that she is
or may be without proof.' That which, by
the law of Scotland and by the law of God,
is a marriage, the people of Scotland wish
to be allotted to prove by all the evidence of
which it is susceptible. They do not wish
that parties should be allowed to escape
from such solemn obligations undertaken
towards each other, to their offspring,
and to society. They are unwilling that
any man should be enabled, with the con-
fidence of perfect inipunity, to impose
upon an unsuspecting community, by
wearing a mask of pretended matrimony,
behind which is conceuled the reality of
vice. I do not wonder that the people of
Scotland have no liking to this measure.
There may occasionally be cases in which
the proof of marriage is attended with
difficulty ; and so there may be with
regard to any matter of fact whatever.
So there may be in regard to the fact
of marriage under the proposed bill, even
where the marriage has been celebrated in
the most solemn manner in presence of a
clergyman. Occasional difficulty of proof
is not a satisfactory or adequate reason
for so great a change in the law. Cer-
tainty is desirable in all transactions, and
is especially desirable in regard to mar-
riage ; and the means of preserving evi-
dence of such contracts is also desirable ;
but although these objects are desirable,
they should not be prized so highly, or
pursued so exclusively, as to endanger
other advantages not less valuable."
We think it is impossible for any
one to peruse the foregoing extract
from the speech of the Dean of Fa-
culty, without being forcibly impress-
ed by the soundness and strength of
his argument. He is not contending
against registration ; he simply de-
mands that through no pedantic desire
for uniformity or precision, shall the
general principle of the law of Scot-
land regarding marriage be virtually
repealed. We are indeed surprised
to find a lawyer of great professional
reputation attributing to the estab-
lished clergy of the Church of Scot-
land a desire to arrogate to themselves
the functions of the Church of Rome,
whilst, in the same breath, he asks
the legislature to constitute itself into
an ecclesiastical court, and to enact
new preliminaries, without the obser-
vance of which there shall hencefor-
ward be no marriage at all. If the-
old principle of the law is to be aban-
doned, if consent is no longer to be
held as sufficient for the contraction
of a marriage, but if some further
ceremony or means of publication are
thought to be essential, we have no
hesitation in saying that we would
infinitely prefer the proscription and
annulment of all marriages which are
not performed in facie ccclesice, with
the previous proclamation of the
banns, to a hybrid measure such as
this, which neither declares marriage
to be the proper subject of ecclesiasti-
cal function, nor permits it to remain
a civil contract which may be estab-
lished and proved by any mode of
evidence within the reach of either of
the parties. If marriage is not a
72
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Sills.
[Sept.
sacrament, but a civil contract, why
take it out of the operation of the
common law? Why make it null
without the observance of certain civil
ceremonies, unless it is intended vir-
tually to confer upon the legislature
regulating powers which have been
claimed by none of the reformed
churches, and which, when arrogated
by that of Rome, have been bitterly
and universally opposed ?
Another objection to our present
law of marriage has been frequently
urged, and great use has been made
of it to prejudice the minds of English
members in favour of the proposed
alteration. We have already shown
that there is in reality no doubt of
what constitutes a Scottish marriage ;
that parties so contracting know very
well what they are about, and are fully
sensible of the true nature of their ob-
ligations. If any doubt should by
possibility exist, it can be set at rest
by a simple form of process — a form,
however, which is never resorted to,
unless there has been gross intention
to deceive on the one part, or a most
unusual degree of imprudence on the
other. But it is said that the possible
existence of a private marriage may
entail the most cruel of all injuries
upon innocent parties — that it is easy
for a man who has already contracted
a private marriage, to present himself
in the character of an unfettered suitor,
and to enter into a second matrimonial
engagement, which may be, at any
moment, shamefully terminated by the
appearance of the first wife. No ordi-
nary amount of rhetoric has been ex-
pended in depicting the terrible con-
sequences of such a state of things ;
the misery of the deceived wife, and
the wrongs of the defrauded children,
have, in their turn, been employed as
arguments against the existing mar-
riage law of Scotland.
This is a most unfair mode of rea-
soning. Unless it can be shown,
which we maintain it cannot, that the
law of Scotland, with regard to matri-
mony, is so loose that a party may
really be married without knowing it,
the argument utterly fails. Without
distinct matrimonial consent there is
no marriage, and no one surely can be
ignorant of his own intention and act
upon an occasion of that kind. He
jnay try to suppress proofs, but for all
that he is married, and if, during the
lifetime of the other party, he shall
contract a second marriage, he has
committed bigamy, and is guilty of a
criminal offence. Lord Campbell, in
his evidence, admits that the marriage
law of Scotland has been perfectly
well ascertained upon most points —
that there can be no doubt what is,
and what is not, a marriage ; but that
the real difficulty consists in getting at
the facts. Armed with this testimony,
we may fairly conclude that uninten-
tional bigamy is impossible ; but that
bigamy, when it takes place, is the
deliberate act of a party.
Bigamy is beyond all dispute a crime
of a heinous nature. Its consequences
are so obviously calamitous, that no
power of oratory can make them ap-
pear greater than they are ; and we
should rejoice to see any legislative
measure introduced which could ren-
der its perpetration impossible. But,
unfortunately, the eradication of big-
amy, like that of every other crime, is
beyond the power of statute. It may
perhaps be lessened by decreasing
facilities, or by augmenting its punish-
ment, but we cannot see how it is to
be prevented altogether by any effort
of human ingenuity. But if the
marriage law of Scotland is to be
assailed upon this ground, it is incum-
bent upon its opponents to show that
it really tends to promote bigamy. If
the wrongs so pathetically deplored
have a real existence, let us be made
aware of that fact, and we shall all of
us be ready to lend our assistance to-
wards the remedy. No paltry scruples
shall stand in the way of such a refor-
mation, and we shall willingly pay
even for registration, if it can be made
the means of averting an actual social
calamity.
But here again we find, on exa-
mination, that we are dealing with a
pure hypothesis. We are told of hor-
rible private injuries that may occur
under the operation of a law which
has been in force for centuries : we
ask for instances of those injuries ;
and, as in the former case, it turns
out that they have no existence save
in the imagination of the promoters of
the new bills. If the present law of
Scotland has a tendency to promote
bigamy, surely by this time it would
have been extremely fruitful in its
1849.]
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
273
results. On the contrary, we are told
by Lord Campbell that the Scots are
a very virtuous people ; and certainly,
iu so far as bigamy is concerned, no
one will venture to contradict that
opinion. One case, it appears, has
occurred, in which a man of high rank,
Jiaving previously contracted a private
marriage under peculiar circumstances,
married a second time, and that union
was found to be illegal. The case is
a notorious one in the books and in
the records of society, and it occurred
forty years ago. " About forty years
ago," said the Dean of Faculty, " a
gentleman of high position in society,
so far forgot for the time what was
worthy of, and due to that position in
point of honour, and truth, and obser-
vance of the law, as to marry a lady
in England, while he had a wife living
in Scotland — and so he might have done
if he had had a wife living in France
or Holland. In short, he committed
bigamy. And this one case of bigamy,
forty years ago, without even an alle-
gation of any similar case since that
time, is brought forward at the present
day, as a reason for now altering the
law of Scotland in regard to the con-
stitution of marriage." The individual
in question lived and died in exile,
and the case is never quoted without
ex pressions of deep reprobation. It is
the only one of the kind which can be
brought forward ; and surely it cannot
be taken as any ground for altering the
established law of the country. But
does registration prevent bigamy ? Un-
fortunately it is shown by numerous
instances in England that it does not.
In that country, registration is already
established, but, notwithstanding re-
gistration, bigamy is infinitely more
prevalent there than in Scotland. It
is, indeed, impossible by any means of
legislation to prevent imposition, fraud,
and crime, if men are determined to
commit them. Registration at Man-
chester will not hinder a heartless vil-
lain from committing deliberate bigamy
in London. The thing is done every
day, and will be done in spite of all
the efforts of law-makers. Why, then,
make the law of Scotland conformable
to that of England, since, under the
operation of the latter, the very griev-
ance complained of flourishes fourfold?
We pause for a reply, and are likely
to pause long before we receive any
answer which can be accepted as at all
satisfactory.
Under the Scottish law, it is ad-
mitted that there is far less seduction,
and far less bigamy, than under the
English law, which is here propounded
as the model. And having come to
this conclusion — which is not ours
only, but that of the witnesses exa-
mined in favour of the bill, all evi-
dence against it having been refused —
what need have we of saying anything
further? Surely there is enough on
the merits of the question to explain
and justify the unanimous opposition
which has been given to the Marriage
Bill by men of every shade of opinion
throughout Scotland, without expos-
ing them to the imputation either of
obstinacy or caprice : indeed we are
distinctly of opinion that the pro-
moters of the bill have laid themselves
palpably open to the very charges
which they rashly bring against their
opponents.
We cannot, however, take leave of
the subject, without making a few
remarks upon the evidence of a noble
and learned lord, who was kind enough
to take charge of this bill during its
passage through the upper house.
Lord Campbell is not a Scottish peer,
nor, strictly speaking, a Scottish law-
yer, though he is in the habit of
attending pretty regularly at the hear-
ing of Scottish appeals. But he is of
Scottish extraction ; he has sat in the
House of Commons as member for
Edinburgh, and he ought therefore to
be tolerably well conversant with the
state of the law. Now we presume
it will be generally admitted, that
any person who undertakes to show
that an amendment of the law is
necessary, ought, in the first place, to
be perfectly cognisant of the state of
the law as it exists. That amount of
knowledge we hold to be indispensa-
bly necessary for a reformer, since he
must needs establish the superiority
of his novel scheme, by contrasting its
advantages with the deficiencies of
the prevalent system. But in read-
ing over the evidence of Lord Camp-
bell, as given before the Committee of
the House of Commons, a very pain-
ful suspicion must arise in every mind,
that the learned peer is anything but
conversant with the Scottish marriage
law : nay, that upon many important
274
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
[Sept.
particulars he utterly misunderstands
its nature. Take for example the
following sentence : —
" With regard to this bill which has
been introduced, I am very much surprised
and mortified to find the grounds upon
which it has been, opposed ; for it has
been opposed on the ground that it intro-
duces clandestine marriages into Scotland.
I think, with deference to those who may
have a contrary opinion, that its direct
tendency, as well as its object, is to pre-
vent clandestine marriages. I may like-
wise observe, that I am very sorry — being
the son of a clergyman of the Church of
Scotland — to find that it is opposed, and
I believe very violently opposed, by the
clergy of the Established Church of Scot-
land. I think that they proceed upon
false grounds ; and I am afraid, although
I would say nothing at all disrespectful
of a body for whom I feel nothing but
respect and affection, that they are a little
influenced by the notion, that a marriage
by a clergyman who is not of the Established
Church, is hereafter to be put upon the
same footing with a marriage celebrated by
a clergyman of the Established Church :
but I should be glad if they would con-
sider, that they are placed nearly in the
same situation as the clergy of the Church
of England, who, without the smallest
ecruple or repining, have submitted to it,
because a marriage before a Baptist min-
ister, or before a Unitarian minister, ia
just as valid now as if celebrated by the
Archbishop of Canterbury ; and I should
trust that, upon consideration, they would
be of opinion that their dignity is not at
all compromised, and that their opposition
to it may subside."
We can conceive the amazement
with which a minister of the Esta-
blished Church, could he have been
present at the deliberations of the
select committee, must have listened
to the reasons so calmly assigned for
his opposition, and that of his brethren,
to the progress of the present bill!
Never for a moment could it have
crossed his mind, that a marriage
celebrated by him was of more value
in the eye of the law than that which
had received the benediction of a dis-
senter ; and yet here was a distinct
assumption that he was in possession
of some privilege, of which, up to that
hour, he had been entirely ignorant.
" At present," continued Lord Camp-
bell, " a marriage by a dissenting
clergyman, I rather think, is not
strictly regular!" Here a hint was
interposed from the chair to the fol-
lowing effect: — "He cannot marry
without banns ; he is subject to pun-
ishment if he marries without banns?"
But the hint, though dexterously
given, fell dead on the ear of the ex-
chancellor of Ireland. He proceeded
deliberately to lay down the law, —
u There are statutes forbidding mar-
riages unless by clergymen of the
Established Church."
This is, to say the least of it, a sin-
gular instance of delusion. No such
statutes are in force ; they have long
been repealed ,• and every clergyman is
free to perform the ceremony of mar-
riage, whatever be his denomination,
provided he receives a certificate of the
regular proclamation of the banns.
So that Lord Campbell, if he again
girds himself to the task, must be pre-
pared to account on some more intel-
ligible grounds for the opposition which
his father's brethren have uniformly
given to this bill. But, to do him
justice, Lord Campbell does not stand
alone in error with regard to the pre-
sent requirements for the celebration
of a regular marriage. Unless there
is a grievous error in the reported de-
bate before us, the Lord Advocate of
Scotland is not quite so conversant
with statute law as might be expected
from a gentleman of his undoubted
eminence. Whilst advocating a sys-
tem which is to entail the inevitable
payment of a fee to the registrar, he
at the same time considers the fee
which is presently exigible for pro-
claiming the banns a grievance. " He
was astonished to hear the honourable
baronet opposite (Sir George Clerk)
state that it was the first time he had
heard it considered a grievance, that
persons could not marry without pro-
clamation of banns in the parish church,
by the payment of a large fee to the
precentor or other officer of the church.
That had always been considered a
very great grievance by the dissent-
ing body throughout Scotland, so far
as he understood. The members of
the Episcopal communion were, how-
ever, saved from that grievance, be-
cause they were in possession of an
act of parliament, which provided that
the proclamation of banns made in
their own chapel was sufficient to au-
thorise a clergyman to solemnise the
marriage," We should like very much.
1849.] The Scottish Marriage
indeed to know what act of parlia-
ment gives any such dispensation from
parochial proclamation to the Episco-
palians. Certain we are that the
statute 10 Anne, cap. 7, confers no
such privilege ; for though it allows
proclamation of banns to be made in
an Episcopal chapel, it at the same
time enjoins, under a penalty, that pro-
clamation shall also be made " in the
churches to which they belong as pa-
rishioners by virtue of their residence ;"
and accordingly, in practice, no Epis-
copalian marriage is ever celebrated
without previous proclamation of the
banns in the parish church. We do
not attribute much importance to this
error, though it is calculated to mis-
lead those who are not conversant
with the law and practice of Scotland.
We were rather impressed, on reading
the debate, with the circumstance, that
the old system of proclaiming by banns
in the parish church was denounced,
and we therefore directed our atten-
tion the more closely to the provisions
of the bill, in order to discover the exact
nature of the new method by which
it was to be superseded. The bill is
singularly ill- drawn and worded ; but
•we comprehend it sufficiently to see
that, had it passed into law, regular
marriages could have been contract-
ed nnder its sanction without any
difficulty, and with no publicity at
all.
The bill declares that henceforward
marriage shall be contracted in Scot-
land in one of the following modes,
and not otherwise : — 1st, By solem-
nisation in presence of a clergyman ;
or, 2d, by registration, the parties
proposing so to marry appearing " in
presence of the registrar, and there
and then signing, before witnesses,
the entry of their marriage in the re-
gister."
It is evident, however, that without
some precaution for publicity, the re-
gistrar's office would be as much a
temple of Hymen as the blacksmith's
forge at Gretna-green, and accord-
ingly, previous to registration — that
is, legal marriage — residence for four-
teen days was required ; and, besides
that, a written notice to the registrar,
with the names and designations of the
parties, seven days previous to the
fated entry. A copy of such notice
Avas to be affixed upon the door of the
and Registration Bills.
275
parish church for one Sunday, and this
was to be the whole of the publication.
Notwithstanding this, if the registrar
chose to take the risk of a penalty,
and allow the parties to sign the re-
gister without their havingproved their
residence or given notice of their in-
tention, the marriage was, neverthe-
less, to be valid and effectual.
Worse regulations, we are bound to
say, never were invented. Why se-
lect the church door? Why post up
the names amidst lists of candidates
for registration, notices of roups, and
advertisements of the sale of cattle?
Is not the present mode of announcing
the names within the church more
decent than the other, and likely to
attract greater notice? But the whole
thing is a juggle. The bill gives ample
facility for evasion, should that be
contemplated ; for it is easy to divine
that, with the whole proof in his own
hand, and no check whatever placed
upon him, no registrar would be hard-
hearted enough to refuse dispensing
with the preliminaries in any case
where the amorous couple were ready
and willing to remunerate him for the
risk of his complaisance.
So much for marriage by registra-
tion, which, instead of throwing any
obstacle in the way of ill-advised or
hasty unions, would, in effect, have
a direct tendency to increase them.
But the case is absolutely worse when
we approach the other form of mar-
riage, which was to supersede that
solemnity which is at present in
every case preceded by the formal
proclamation of banns. The provi-
sions of the bill were as follows : —
No clergymen could solemnise a
marriage, unless,
1st. Both or one parties should
have been resident for fourteen
days within the parish in which
the marriage was to take place :
or,
2d. In some other parish in Scot-
land : the certificate in both
cases to be granted by the Regis-
trar ; or,
3d. Unless both or one of the
parties had been for a fortnight
a member or members of the
congregation resorting to the
church or chapel in which the
clergyman solemnising the mar-
riage usually officiates ; or.
276
The Scottish Marriage and Registration Bills.
[Sept.
4th. Unless they had similarly
attended some other place of wor-
ship ; the same to be certified by
the minister of such congrega-
tion; or,
5th. Unless they could produce
the registrar's certificate of a
week's notice ; or
6th. Unless they had been regularly
proclaimed by banns.
Such is the species of hotch-potch,
which it was seriously proposed to
substitute, instead of the present
clear, simple, cheap, and decent mode
of celebrating regular marriages ; and
it is not at all surprising that hardly
one native of Scotland could be found
to raise his voice in favour of such
an enormity. So far from publicity
being obtained or increased, it would
have afforded the most ample facili-
ties for the celebration of marriage
without the slightest warning given
to the friends of either party. In
reality, this pretended mode of mar-
riage in facie ecclesite, would have
been far more objectionable than the
simple method of registration ; for, in
the latter case, the registrar, if he did
his duty, was. bound to give some
kind of notice ; in the former, none
whatever was required by the clergy-
man. What is a member of a con-
gregation? Abounding as Scotland
is in sects, we apprehend that any
one who pays for a sitting in any
place of worship is entitled to that
denomination. For ten shillings, or
five shillings, or half-a-crown, a seat
may be readily purchased in some
place of worship ; and if any one held
that seat for a fortnight, he was to
be entitled, according to this bill, to
ask the officiating minister to marry
him, without any further process
whatever. If it should, however, be
held, that no one is a member of a
congregation unless he is in full com-
munion, all difficulty could have been
got over, by resorting to the fourth
method. The member of the Estab-
lished Church had simply 'to ask
from his minister a certificate of his
membership, and, armed with that,
he might be legally married anywhere,
and by any kind of clergyman, with-
out the slightest notice to the public!
We confess that, when we arrived at
this portion of the provisions of the
bill, we could scarcely credit the tes-
timony of our eyesight. We have
heard it proclaimed, over and over
again, by those who supported the
measure, that its principal aim was
to put an end to hasty and ill-advised
marriages ; and on perusing the evi-
dence, we found Lord Brougham
most clamorous against the facilities
given by the present law of Scotland
for tying the nuptial knot, without
due warning afforded to parents,
more especially when young noble-
men were concerned. We look to
the remedy, and we find that, with-
out the assistance of the registrar,
marriages might, under the provisions
of this bill, have been contracted
before a clergyman, at a minute's
notice, without any banns at all, and
no formality, beyond payment of
seat-rent for a single fortnight in any
chapel, or a certificate to the same
effect ! A proposal more preposterous
than this — more irreconcilable with
decency — more injurious to the in-
terests of society and of religion,
it is really impossible to conceive ;
and if the language which has been
used regarding it throughout Scot-
land has been generally temperate,
we apprehend that the temperance
has been entirely owing to a some-
what inaccurate estimate of the full
extent of its provisions. It is, in our
judgment, emphatically a bad bill;
and we trust that after this, its third
defeat, it will never again be per-
mitted to appeal' in either house of
parliament. Our representatives have
done no more than their duty in
giving it their most strenuous op-
position ; and, though a few in-
dividuals may mourn over the frus-
trated hopes, occasioned by the ruth-
less blight of a crop of expected
offices, they can look for no sym-
pathy from the people. We can
assure Lord John Russell, that he
never acted more wisely than in
refusing to force through the final
stages such unpalatable bills as
these ; and we hope that, in future, he
will give the Scottish people credit
for understanding their own affairs,
and not suffer their deliberate and
expressed opinion to be treated with
undeserved contempt, simply because
it may be possible, by "making a
house," to swamp the suffrages of
their representatives.
1849.]
The Caxtons.— Part XVI.
277
THE CAXTONS. — PART XVI.
CHAPTER XCV.
THE stage-scene has dropped. Settle
yourselves, my good audience ; chat
each with his neighbour. Dear ma-
dam in the boxes, take up your opera-
glass and look about yon. Treat Tom
and pretty Sal to some of those fine
oranges, O thou happy - looking
mother in the two-shilling gallery !
Yes, brave 'prentice boys, in the tier
above, the cat- call by all means ! And
you, " most potent, grave, and reve-
rend seigneurs," in the front row of
the pit — practised critics and steady
old play-goers — who shake your heads
at new actors and play-wrights, and,
true to the creed of your youth, (for
the which all honour to you!) firmly
believe that we are shorter by the
head than those giants our grand-
fathers— laugh or scold as you will,
while the drop-scene still shuts out the
stage. It is just that you should all
amuse yourselves in your own way,
O spectators ! for the interval is long.
All the actors have to change their
dresses ; all the scene- shifters are at
work, sliding the "sides" of a new
world into their grooves ; and, in
high disdain of all unity of time as of
place, you will see in the playbills
that there is a great demand on your
belief. You are called upon to sup-
pose that we are older by five years
than when you last saw us " fret our
hour upon the stage." Five years !
the author tells us especially to humour
the belief by letting the drop-scene
linger longer than usual between the
lamps and the stage.
Play up, O ye fiddles and kettle-
drums! the time is elapsed. Stop that
cat-call, young gentleman ! — heads
down in the pit there ! Now the
flourish is over — the scene draws up :
— look before.
A bright, clear, transparent atmo-
sphere— bright as that of the East, but
vigorous and bracing as the air of the
North ; a broad and fair river, rolling
through wide grassy plains ; yonder,
far in the distance, stretch away vast
forests of evergreen, and gentle slopes
break the line of the cloudless horizon;
see the pastures, Arcadian with sheep
in hundreds and thousands — Thyrsis
and Menalcas would have had hard
labour to count them, and small timer
I fear, for singing songs about Daphne.
But, alas ! Daphnes are rare ; no
nymphs with garlands and crooks trip
over those pastures.
Turn your eyes to the right, nearer
the river ; just parted by a low fence
from the thirty acres or so that are
farmed for amusement or convenience,
not for profit — that comes from the
sheep, — you catch a glimpse of agarden.
Look not so scornfully at the primi-
tive horticulture ; such gardens are
rare in the Bush. I doubt if the
stately King of the Peak ever more
rejoiced in the famous conservatory,
through which you may drive in your
carriage, than do the sons of the Bush
in the herbs and blossoms which taste
and breathe of the old fatherland.
Go on, and behold the palace of the
patriarchs — it is of wood, I grant you,
but the house we build with our own
hands is always a palace. Did you
ever build one when you were a boy ?
And the lords of that palace are lords
of the land, almost as far as you can
see, and of those numberless flocks ;
and, better still, of a health which an
antediluvian might have envied, and
of nerves so seasoned with horse-
breaking, cattle-driving, fighting with
wild blacks — chases from them and
after them, for life and for death —
that if any passion vex the breast of
those kings of the Bushland, fear at
least is erased from the list.
See, here and there through the
landscape, rude huts like the masters'
— wild spirits and fierce dwell within.
But they are tamed into order by
plenty and hope; by the hand open
but firm, by the eye keen but just.
Now, out from those woods, over
tnosc green rolling plains, harum-
scarum, helter-skelter, long hair flying
wild, and all bearded as a Turk or a
pard, comes a rider you recognise.
The rider dismounts, and another old
acquaintance turns from a shepherd,
with whom he has been conversing
on matters that never plagued Thyr-
278
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
[Sept.
sis and Menalcas, whose sheep seem
to have been innocent of foot-rot and
scab, and accosts the horseman.
PISISTRATUS. — My dear Guy,
where on earth have you been ?
GUY {producing a book from his
pocket with great triumph.) — There !
Dr Johnson's Lives of the Poets. I
could not get the squatter to let me
have Kentlu'orth, though I offered him
three sheep for it. Dull old fellow,
that Dr Johnson, I suspect ; so much
the better, the book will last all the
longer. And here's a Sydney paper
too, only two months old! (Guy takes
a short pipe or dodeen from his hat, in
the band of which it had been stuck, fills
and lights it.)
PISISTRATUS. — You must have
ridden thirty miles at the least. To
think of your turning book-hunter,
Guy!
GUY BOLDING, (philosophically.) —
Ay, one don't know the worth of a
thing till one has lost it. No sneers
at me, old fellow ; you, too, declared
that you were bothered out of your
life by those books, till you found how
long the evenings were without them.
Then, the first new book we got — an
old volume of the Spectator! — such
fun!
PISISTRATUS. — Very true. The
brown cow has calved in your absence.
Do you know, Guy, I think we shall
have no scab in the fold this year ? If
so, there will be a rare sum to lay
by! Things look up with us now,
Guy.
GUY BOLDIXG. — Yes ; very diffe-
rent from the first two years. You
drew a long face then. How wise
you were, to insist on our learning ex-
perience at another man's station be-
fore we hazarded our own capital !
But, by Jove ! those sheep, at first,
were enough to plague a man out of
his wits ! What with the wild dogs,
just as the sheep had been washed
and ready to shear ; then that cursed
scabby sheep of Joe Timmes's, that
we caught rubbing his sides so com-
placently against our unsuspecting
poor ewes. I wonder we did not run
away. But " Patiejitiafit," — what is
that line in Horace? Never mind now.
" It is a long lane that has no turn-
ing" does just as well as anything in
Hoi ace, and Virgil to boot. I say, has
not Vivian been here ?
PISISTRATUS. — No ; but he will be
sure to come to-day.
GUY BOLDING. — He has much the
best berth of it. Horse-breeding and
cattle-feeding; galloping after those
wild devils ; lost in a forest of horns ;
beasts lowing, scampering, goring,
tearing off like mad buffaloes ; horses
galloping up hill, down hill, over
rocks, stones, and timber ; whips
cracking, men shouting — your neck
all but broken ; a great bull making
at you full rush. Such fun! Sheep
are dull things to look at after a bull-
hunt and a cattle-feast.
PISISTRATUS. — Every man to his
taste in the Bush. One may make
one's money more easily and safely,
with more adventure and sport, in
the bucolic department. But one
makes larger profit and quicker for-
tune, with good luck and good care,
in the pastoral — and our object, I take
it, is to get back to England as soon
as we can.
GUY BOLDING. — Humph ! I should
be content to live and die in the Bush
— nothing like it, if women were not
so scarce. To think of the redundant
spinster population at home, and not
a spinster here to be seen within
thirty miles, save Bet Goggins, in-
deed— and she has only one eye ! But
to return to Vivian — why should it
be our object, more than his, .to get
back to England as soon as we can ?
PISISTRATUS. — Not more, certainly.
But you saw that an excitement more
stirring than that we find in the sheep
had become necessary to him. You
know he was growing dull and deject-
ed ; the cattle station was to be sold a
bargain. And then the Durham bulls,
and the Yorkshire horses, which Mr
Trevanion sent you and me out as pre-
sents, were so tempting, I thought we
might fairly add one speculation to
another ; and since one of us must
superintend the bucolics, and two of
us were required for the pastorals, I
think Vivian was the best of us three
to intrust with the first; and, cer-
tainly, it has succeeded as yet.
GUY. — Why, yes, Vivian is quite
in his element — always in action, and
always in command. Let him be
first in everything, and there is not a
finer fellow, nor a better tempered —
present company excepted. Hark !
the dogs, the crack of the whip ; there
1849.J
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
270
he is. And now, I suppose, we may
go to dinner.
Enter VIVIAN.
His frame has grown more athletic ;
his eye, more steadfast and less rest-
less, looks you full in the face. His
smile is more open; but there is a
melancholy in his expression, almost
approaching to gloom. His dress is
the same as that of Pisistratus and
Guy — white vest and trowsers ; loose
neckcloth, rather gay in colour ; broad
cabbage-leaf hat ; his mustache and
beard are trimmed with more care
than ours. He has a large whip in
his hand, and a gun slung across his
shoulders. Greetings are exchanged ;
mutual inquiries as to cattle and sheep,
and the last horses despatched to the
Indian market. Guy shows the Lives
of the Poets; Vivian asks if it is pos-
sible to get the Life of Clive, or Na-
jjoleon, or a copy of Plutarch. Guy
shakes his head — says, if a Robinson
Crusoe will do as well, he has seen
one in a very tattered state, but in too
great request to be had a bargain.
The party turn into the hut. Mise-
rable animals are bachelors in all
countries ; but most miserable in Bush-
land. A man does not know what
a helpmate of the soft sex is in the
Old World, where women seem a
matter of course. But in the Bush,
a wife is literally bone of your bone,
flesh of your flesh — your better half,
your ministering angel, your Eve of
the Eden — in short, all that poets
have sung, or young orators say at
public dinners, when called upon to
give the toast of "The Ladies."
Alas ! we are three bachelors, but we
are better off than bachelors often are
in the Bush. For the wife of the
shepherd I took from Cumberland
does me and Bolding the honour to
live in our hut, and make things tidy
and comfortable. She has had a
couple of children since we have been
in the Bush ; a wing has been added
to the hut for that increase of family.
The children, I daresay, one might
have thought a sad nuisance in Eng-
land; but I declare that, surrounded
as one is by great bearded men, from
sunrise to sunset, there is something
humanising, musical, and Christian-
like, in the very squall of the baby.
There it goes — bless it ! As for my
other companions from Cumberland,
Miles Square, the most aspiring of all,
has long left me, and is superinten-
dent to a great sheep-owner some two
hundred miles oiF. The Will-o'-the-
Wisp is consigned to the cattle sta-
tion, where he is Vivian's head man,
finding time now and then to indulge
his old poaching propensities at the
expense of parrots, black cockatoos,
pigeons, and kangaroos. The shep-
herd remains with us, and does not
seem, honest fellow, to care to better
himself; he has a feeling of clanship,
which keeps down the ambition com-
mon in Australia. And his wife —
such a treasure ! I assure you, the
sight of her smooth, smiling woman's
face, when we return home at night-
fall, and the very flow of her gown,
as she turns the " dampers"* in the
ashes, and fills the teapot, have in
them something holy and angeli-
cal. How lucky our Cumberland
swain is not jealous! Not that there
is any cause, enviable dog though he
be; but where Desdemonas are so
scarce, if you could but guess how
green-eyed their Othellos generally
are ! Excellent husbands, it is true
— none better; but you had better
think twice before you attempt to
play the Cassio in Bushland ! There,
however, she is, dear creature ! —
rattling among knives and forks,
smoothing the tablecloth, setting on
the salt-beef, and that rare luxury of
pickles, (the last pot in our store),
and the produce of our garden and
poultry-yard, which few Bushmen
can boast of— and the dampers, and a
pot of tea to each banqueter; no
wine, beer, nor spirits — those arc only
for shearing- time. We have just said
grace, (a fashion retained from the
holy mother country), when, bless my
soul ! what a clatter without, what a
tramping of feet, what a barking of
dogs! Some guests have arrived.
They are always welcome in Bush-
land! Perhaps a cattle-buyer in
search of Vivian ; perhaps that cursed
squatter, whose sheep are always
migrating to ours. Never mind, a
hearty welcome to all — friend or foe.
The door opens ; one, two, three
strangers. More plates and knives ;
v A damper is a cake of flour baked without yeast, iu the ashes.
VOL, LXVI. — NO. CCCCVII. U
280
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
[Sept.
draw your stools ; just in time. First
eat, then — what news ?
Just as the strangers sit down, a
voice is heard at the door —
" You will take particular care of
this horse, young man : walk him
about a little ; wash his back with
salt and water. Just unbuckle the
saddle-bags ; give them to me. Oh !
safe enough, I daresay — but papers of
consequence. The prosperity of the
colony depends on these papers.
What would become of you all if any
accident happened to them, I shudder
to think."
And here, attired in a twill shoot-
ing-jacket, budding with gilt buttons,
impressed with a well-remembered
device ; a cabbage-leaf hat shading a
face rarely seen in the Bush — a face
smooth as razor could make it : neat,
trim, respectable-looking as ever — his
arm full of saddle-bags, and his nostrils
gently distended, inhaling the steam
of the banquet, walks in — Uncle Jack.
PISISTRATUS, (leaping up.) — Is it
possible! You in Australia — you in
the Bush !
Uncle Jack, not recognising Pisis-
tratus in the tall, bearded man who is
making a plunge at him, recedes in
alarm, exclaiming — "Who are you?
— never saw you before, sir ! I sup-
pose you'll say next that / owe you
something ! "
PISISTRATUS. — Uncle Jack !
UNCLE JACK, (dropping his saddle-
bags.')— Nephew! — Heaven be praised .
Come to my arms !
They embrace ; mutual introduc-
tions to the company — Mr Vivian,
Mr Bolding, on the one side — Major
MacBlarney, Mr Bullion, Mr Emanuel
Speck on the other. Major Mac-
Blarney is a fine portly man, with a
slight Dublin brogue, who squeezes
your hand as he would a sponge.
Mr Bullion — reserved and haughty —
wears green spectacles, and gives you
a forefinger. Mr Emanuel Speck —
unusually smart for the Bush, with a
blue satin stock, and one of those
blouses common in Germany, with
elaborate hems, and pockets enough
for Briareus to have put all his hands
into at once — is thin, civil, and stoops
— bows, smiles, and sits down to dinner
again, with the air of a man accus-
tomed to attend to the main chance.
UNCLE JACK, (his mouth full of
beef.) — Famous beef! — breed it your-
self, eh ? Slow work that cattle-feed-
ing ! (Empties the rest of the pickle-
jar into his plate.) Must learn to go
ahead in the new world — railway times
these ! We can put him up to a thing
or two — eh, Bullion ? ( Whispering
me,) — Great capitalist that Bullion !
LOOK AT Hm !
MR BULLION, (gravely.) — A thing
or two ! If he has capital — you have
said it, Mr Tibbets. (Looks round for
the pickles — the green spectacles remain
fixed upon Uncle Jack's plate.)
UNCLE JACK. — All that this colony
wants is a few men like us, with capi-
tal and spirit. Instead of paying
paupers to emigrate, they should pay
rich men to come — eh, Speck ?
While Uncle Jack turns to Mr Speck,
Mr Bullion fixes his fork in a pickled
onion in Jack's plate, and transfers it
to his own— observing, not as inciden-
tally to the onion, but to truth in
general — " A man, gentlemen, in this
country, has only to keep his eyes on
the look-out, and seize on the first ad-
vantage ! — resources are incalculable !"
Uncle Jack, returning to the plate
and missing the onion, forestalls Mr
Speck in seizing the last potato — ob-
serving also, and in the same philoso-
phical and generalising spirit as Mr
Bullion — " The great thing in this
country is to be always beforehand :
discovery and invention, promptitude
and decision ! — that's your go. Ton
my life, one picks up sad vulgar say-
ings among the natives here! — 'that's
your go !' shocking ! What would
your poor father say ? How is he —
good Austin ? Well ?— that's right :
and my dear sister ? Ah, that dam-
nable Peck ! — still harping on the
Anti- Capitalist, eh ? But I'll make it
up to you all now. Gentlemen, charge
your glasses — a bumper-toast"
MR SPECK, (in an affected tone.) —
I respond to the sentiment in a flowing
cup. Glasses are not forthcoming.
UNCLE JACK. — A bumper-toast to
the health of the future millionnaire,
whom 1 present to you in my nephew
and sole heir — Pisistratus Caxton,
Esq. Yes, gentlemen, I here publicly
announce to you that this gentleman
will be the inheritor of all my wealth —
freehold, leasehold, agricultural, and
mineral ; and when I am in the cold
grave — (takes out his pochet-handker-
18-19.]
chief) — arid nothing remains of poor
John Tibbets, look upon that gentle-
man, and say, " John Tibbets lives
again !"
MK SPECK, (chauntingly.) —
"Let the bumper toast go round."
GUY BOLDING. — Hip, hip, hurrah !
— three times three ! What fun !
Order is restored ; dinner-things are
cleared; each gentleman lights his pipe.
VIVIAN. — What news from Eng-
land?
MR BULLION. — As to the funds, sir?
MR SPECK. — I suppose you mean,
rather, as to the railways : great for-
tunes will be made there, sir ; but
still I think that our speculations here
will—
VIVIAN. — I beg pardon for inter-
rupting you, sir ; but I thought, in the
last papers, that there seemed some-
thing hostile in the temper of the
French. No chance of a war ?
M\JOR MACBLARNEY. — Is it the
wars you'd be after, young gintleman ?
If me interest at the Horse Guards
can avail you, bedad ! you'd make a
proud man of Major MacBlarney.
MR BULLION, (authoritatively.') —
No, sir, we won't have a war : the
capitalists of Europe and Australia
won't have it. The Rothschilds, and
a few others that shall be nameless,
have only got to do this, sir — (Mr Bul-
lion buttons up his pockets) — and we'll
do it too ; and then what becomes of
your war, sir ? (Mr Bullion snaps his ,
pipe in the vehemence with which he
brings his hand on the table, turns round
the green spectacles, and takes up Mr
Speck's pipe, which that gentlemen had
laid aside in an unguarded moment.)
VIVIAN. — But the campaign in
India ?
MAJOR MACBLARNEY. — Oh ! — and
if its the Ingees you'd —
BULLION, (refilling Speck's pipe from
Guy Balding' s exclusive tobacco-pouch,
and interrupting the Major.) — India —
that's another matter : I don't object
to that ! War there — rather good for
the money market than otherwise !
VIVIAN.— What news there, then ?
BULLION. — Don't know— haven't
got India stock.
MR SPECK. — Nor I either. The day
for India is over : this is our India
now. (Misses his tobacco-pipe ; sees
it in Bullion's mouth, and stares aghast!
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
281
— N. B. — The pipe is not a clay dodeen,
but a small meerschaum — irreplaceable
in Bushland.)
PISISTRATUS. — Well, uncle, but I
am at a loss to understand what new
scheme yon have in hand. Something
benevolent, I am sure — something for
your fellow-creatures — for philan-
thropy and mankind ?
MR BULLION, (starting.) — Why,
young man, are you as green as all
that?
PISISTRATUS. — I, sir — no — Heaven
forbid ! But my — ( Uncle Jack holds
up his forefinger imploringly, and spills
his tea over the pantaloons of his
nephew !)
Pisistratus, wroth at the effect of
the tea, and therefore obdurate to the
sign of the forefinger, continues rapid-
ly, "But my uncle is! — some grand
national-imperial-colonial-anti-mono-
poly"-
UNCLE JACK. — Pooh ! Pooh ! What
a droll boy it is !
MR BULLION, (solemnly.) — With
these notions, which not even in jest
should be fathered on my respectable
and intelligent friend here — (Uncle
Jack bows) — I am afraid you will never
get on in the world, Mr Caxton. I
don't think our speculations will suit
you ! It is growing late, gentlemen :
we must push on.
UNCLE JACK, (jumping up.) — And
I have so much to say to the dear boy.
Excuse us : you know the feelings of
an uncle ! (Takes my arm, and leads
me out of the hut.)
UNCLE JACK, (as soon as we are in
the air.) — You'll rain us — you, me,
and your father and mother. Yes !
What do you think I work and slave
myself for but for you and yours ? —
Ruin us all, I say, if you talk in that
way before Bullion ! His heart is as
hard as the Bank of England's — and
quite right he is, too. Fellow-crea-
tures ! — stuff ! I have renounced that
delusion — the generous follies of my
youth ! I begin at last to live for my-
self— that is, for self and relatives !
I shall succeed this time, you'll see !
PISISTRATUS. — Indeed, uncle, I
hope so sincerely ; and to do yon jus-
tice, there is always something very
clever in your ideas — only they don't —
UNCLE JACK, (interrupting me with
a groan.) — The fortunes that other
men have gained by my ideas!—
282
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
[Sept.
shocking to think of ! What ! — and
shall I be reproached if I live no longer
for such a set of thieving, greedy, un-
grateful knaves ? No — no ! Number
one shall be my maxim ; and I'll make
you a Croesus, rny boy — I will.
Pisistratns, after grateful acknow-
ledgments for all prospective benefits,
inquires how long Jack has been in
Australia ; what brought him into the
colony ; and what are his present
views. Learns, to his astonishment,
that Uncle Jack has been four years
in the colony ; that he sailed the year
after Pisistratus — induced, he says, by
that illustrious example, and by some
mysterious agency or commission,
which he will not explain, emanating
either from the Colonial Office, or an
Emigration Company. Uncle Jack
has been thriving wonderfully since he
abandoned his fellow-creatures. His
first speculation, on arriving at the
colony, was in buying some houses in
Sydney, which (by those fluctuations
in prices common to the extremes of
the colonial mind — which is one while
skipping up the rainbow with Hope,
and at another plunging into Ache-
rontian abysses with Despair) he
bought excessively cheap, and sold
excessively dear. But his grand ex-
periment has been in connexion with
the infant settlement of Adelaide, of
which he considers himself one of the
first founders ; and as, in the rush of
emigration which poured to that
favoured establishment in the earlier
years of its existence, — rolling on its
tide all manner of credulous and in-
experienced adventurers, — vast sums
were lost, so, of those sums, certain
fragments and pickings were easily
griped and gathered up by a man of
Uncle Jack's readiness and dexterity.
Uncle Jack had contrived to procure
excellent letters of introduction to the
colonial grandees : he got into close
connexion with some of the principal
parties seeking to establish a mono-
poly of land, (which has since been
in great measure effected by raising
the price, and excluding the small fiy
of petty capitalists ;) and effectually
imposed on them, as a man with a
vast knowledge of public business
— in the confidence of great men at
home — considerable influence with
the English press, &c., &c. And no
discredit to their discernment, for
Jack, when he pleased, had a way
with him that was almost irresistible.
In this manner he contrived to asso-
ciate himself and his earnings with
men really of large capital, and long
practical experience in the best mode
by which that capital might be em-
ployed. He was thus admitted into
a partnership (so far as his means
went) with Mr Bullion, who was one
of the largest sheep-owners and land-
holders in the colony, though, having
many other nests to feather, that gen-
tleman resided in state at Sydney,
and left his runs and stations to the
care of overseers and superintendents.
But land-jobbing was Jack's special
delight ; and an ingenious German
having lately declared that the neigh-
bourhood of Adelaide betrayed the
existence of those mineral treasures
which have since been brought to day,
Mr Tibbets had persuaded Bullion
and the other gentlemen now accom-
panying him, to undertake the land
journey from Sidney to Adelaide,
privily and quietly, to ascertain the
truth of the German's report, which
was at present very little believed.
If the ground failed of mines, Uncle
Jack's account convinced his asso-
ciates that mines quite as profitable
might be found in the pockets of the
raw adventurers, who were ready to
buy one year at the dearest market,
and driven to sell the next at the
cheapest.
" But," concluded Uncle Jack, with
a sly look, and giving me a poke in
the ribs, "I've had to do with mines
before now, and know what they are.
I'll let nobody but you into my pet
scheme: you shall go shares if you
like. The scheme is as plain as a
problem in Euclid, — if the German is
right, and there are mines, why, the
mines will be worked. Then miners
must be employed ; but miners must
eat, drink, and spend their money.
The thing is to get that money. Do
you take ? "
PISISTRATUS. — Not at all !
UNCLE JACK, (majestically.') — A
Great Grog and Store Depot I The
miners want grog and stores, come to
your depot ; you take their money ;
Q.E.D! Shares— eh, you dog? Cribs,
as we said at school. Put in a paltry
thousand or two, and you shall go
halves.
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
283
PISISTRATUS, (vehemently.) — Not
for all the mines of Potosi.
UNCLE JACK, (good humouredlt/.)
— Well, it shan't be the worse for
you. I shan't alter my will, in spite
of your want of confidence. Your
young friend, — that Mr Vivian, I
think you call him — intelligent-look-
ing fellow, sharper than the other, I
guess, — would he like a share ?
PISISTRATUS. — In the grog depot ?
You had better ask him !
UNCLE JACK. — What! you pretend
to be aristocratic in the Bush ! Too
good. Ha, ha ! — they're calling to me
— we must be off.
PISISTRATUS. — I will ride with you
a few miles. What say you, Vivian ?
and you, Guy ? —
As the whole party now joined us.
Guy prefers basking in the sun,
and reading the Lives of the Poets.
Vivian assents ; we accompany the
party till sunset. Major MacBlarney
prodigalises his offers of service in
every conceivable department of life,
and winds up with an assurance that,
if we want anything in those depart-
ments connected with engineering —
such as mining, mapping, surveying,
&c. — he will serve us, bedad, for
nothing, or next to it. We suspect
Major MacBlarney to be a civil en-
gineer, suffering under the innocent
hallucination that he has been in the
army.
Mr Specks lets out to me, in a con-
fidential whisper, that Mr Bullion is
monstrous rich, and has made his for-
tune from small beginnings, by never
letting a good thing go. I think of
Uncle Jack's pickled onion, and Mi-
Speck's meerschaum, and perceive,
with respectful admiration, that Mr
Bullion acts uniformly on one grand
system. Ten minutes afterwards, Mr
Bullion observes, in a tone equally
confidential, that Mr Speck, though
so smiling and civil, is as sharp as a
needle ; and that if I want any shares
in the new speculation, or indeed in
any other, I had better come at once
to Bullion, who would not deceive
me for my weight in gold. " Not,"
added Bullion, " that I have any-
thing to say against Speck. He is
well enough to do in the world — a
warm man, sir ; and when a man is
really warm, I am the last person to
think of his little faults, and turn on
him the cold shoulder."
"Adieu!" said Uncle Jack, once
more pulling out his pocket-handker-
chief; "my love to all at home."
And, sinking his voice into a whisper,
" If ever you think better of the grog
and store depot, nephew, you'll find
an uncle's heart in this bosom ! "
CHAPTER XCVI.
It was night as Vivian and myself
rode slowly home. Night in Austra-
lia ! How impossible to describe its
beauty ! Heaven seems, in that new
world, so much nearer to earth !
Every star stands out so bright and
particular, as if fresh from the time
when the Maker willed it. And the
moon like a large silvery sun ; — the
least object on which it shines so
distinct and so still.* Now and then
a sound breaks the silence, but a
sound so much in harmony with the
solitude that it only deepens its
charms. Hark ! the low cry of a
night-bird, from yonder glen amidst
the small gray gleaming rocks. Hark !
as night deepens, the bark -of the dis-
tant watch-dog, or the low strange
howl of his more savage species, from
which he defends the fold. Hark!
the echo catches the sound, and flings
it sportively from hill to hill — farther,
and farther, and farther down, till all
again is hushed, and the flowers
hang noiseless over your head, as
you ride through a grove of the giant
gum-trees. Now the air is literally
charged with the odours, and the sense
of fragrance grows almost painful in
its pleasure. You quicken your pace,
and escape again into the open plains,
* " I have frequently," says Mr Wilkinson, in his invaluable work upon South
Australia, at once so graphic and so practical, " been out on a journey in such a
night, and, whilst allowing the horse his own time to walk along the road, have
solaced myself by reading in the still moonlight."
284
The Caxtons—Part XV].
[Sept.
and the fall moonlight, and through
the slender tea-trees catch the gleam
of the river, and, in the exquisite fine-
ness of the atmosphere, hear the sooth-
ing sound of its murmur.
PISISTRATUS. — And this land has
become the heritage of our people !
Methinks I see, as I gaze around, the
scheme of the All-beneficent Father
disentangling itself clear through the
troubled history of mankind. How
mysteriously, while Europe rears its
populations, and fulfils its civilising
mission, these realms have been con-
cealed from its eyes — divulged to us
just as civilisation needs the solution
to its problems ; a vent for feverish
energies, baffled in the crowd ; offer-
ing bread to the famished, hope to the
desperate ; in very truth enabling the
" New World to redress the balance
of the Old." Here, what a Latium
for the wandering spirits,
" On various seas by various tempests
toss'd."
Here, the actual JEneid passes before
our eyes. From the huts of the ex-
iles scattered over this hardier Italy,
who cannot see in the future,
" A race from whence new Alban sires snail
come,
And the long glories of a future Eome " ?
VIVIAN, (mournfully.) — Is it from
the outcasts of the workhouse, the
prison, and the transport- ship, that a
second Rome is to arise ?
PISISTRATUS. — There is something
in this new soil — in the labour it calls
forth, in the hope it inspires, in the
sense of property, which I take to be
the core of social morals — that expe-
dites the work of redemption with
marvellous rapidity. Take them alto-
gether, whatever their origin, or what-
ever brought them hither, they are a
fine, manly, frank- hearted race, these
colonists now ! — rude, not mean, es-
pecially in the Bush — and, I suspect,
will ultimately become as gallant and
honest a population as that now
springing up in South Australia, from
which convicts are excluded — and hap-
pily excluded — for the distinction will
sharpen emulation. As to the rest,
and in direct answer to your question,
I fancy even the emancipist part of
our population every whit as respect-
able as the mongrel robbers under
Romulus.
VIVIAN. — But were they not sol-
diers ? — I mean the first Romans ?
PISISTRATUS. — My dear cousin, we
are in advance of those grim outcasts,
if we can get lands, houses, and wives,
(though the last is difficult, and it is
well that we have no white Sabines
in the neighbourhood !) without that
same soldiering which was the neces-
sity of their existence.
VIVIAN, (after a pause.) — I have
written to my father, and to yours
more fully — stating in the one letter
my wish, in the other trying to explain
the feelings from which it springs.
PISISTRATUS. — Are the letters
gone ?
VIVIAN.— Yes.
PISISTRATUS. — And you would not
show them to me !
VIVIAN. — Do not speak so re-
proachfully. I promised your father
to pour out my whole heart to him,
whenever it was troubled and at strife.
I promise you now that I will go by
his advice.
PISISTRATUS, {disconsolately.) —
What is there in this military life for
which you yearn that can yield you
more food for healthful excitement and
stirring adventure than your present
pursuits afford?
VIVIAN. — Distinction! You do not
see the difference between us. You
have but a fortune to make,- 1 have a
name to redeem ; you look calmly on
the future, I have a dark blot to erase
from the past.
PISISTRATUS, (soothingly.) — It is
erased. Five years of no weak be-
wailings, but of manly reform, stead-
fast industry, conduct so blameless,
that even Guy (whom I look upon as
the incarnation of blunt English ho-
nesty) half doubts whether you are
''cute enough for "a station " — a cha-
racter already so high, that I long for
the hour when you will again take
your father's spotless name, and give
me the pride to own our kinship to
the world ; all this surely redeems the
errors arising from an uneducated
childhood and a wandering youth.
VIVIAN, (haniny over his horse,
and putting his hand on my shoulder.) —
"My dear friend, what do I owe you?''
Then recovering his emotion, and
push ing on at a quicker pace, while he
continues .to speak, " But can you
not see that, just in proportion as my
1849.]
The Cartons.— Part XVI.
285
comprehension of right would become
clear and strong, so my conscience
would become also more sensitive and
reproachful ; and the better I under-
stand my gallant father, the more I
must desire to be as he would have
had his son. Do you think it would
content him, could he see me brand-
ing cattle and bargaining with bullock-
drivers? Was it not the. strongest
wish of his heart that I should adopt
his own career ? Have I not heard you
say that he would have had you too a
soldier, but for your mother ? I have
no mother ! If I made thousands, and
tens of thousands, by this ignoble
calling, would they give my father
half the pleasure that he would feel at
seeing my name honourably men-
tioned in a despatch? No, no ! you
have banished the gipsy blood, and
now the soldier's breaks out ! Oh for
one glorious day in which I may clear
my way into fair repute, as our fathers
before us ! — when tears of proud joy
may flow from those eyes that have
wept such hot drops at my shame !
When she, too, in her high station,
beside that sleek lord, may say, ' His
heart was not so vile, after all ! '
Don't argue with me — it is in vain !
Pray, rather, that I may have leave
to work out my own way; for I
tell you that, if condemned to stay
here, I may not murmur aloud — I
may go through this round of low du-
ties as the brute turns the wheel of a
mill : but my heart will prey on itself,
and you shall soon write on my grave-
stone the epitaph of the poor poet you
told us of, whose true disease was the
thirst of glory — ' Here lies one whose
name was written in water.' "
I had no answer ; that contagious
ambition made my own veins run
more warmly, and my own heart beat
with a louder tumult. Amidst the
pastoral scenes, and under the tran-
quil moonlight, of the New, the Old
World, even in me, rude Bushman,
claimed for a while its son. But as
we rode on, the air, so inexpressibly
buoyant, yet soothing as an anodyne,
restored me to peaceful Nature. Now
the flocks, in their snowy clusters,
were seen sleeping under the stars ;
hark, the welcome of the watch-dogs ;
see the light gleaming far from the
chink of the door ! And, pausing, I
said aloud, " No, there is more glory
in laying these rough foundations of
a mighty state, though no trumpets
resound with your victory — though no
laurels shall shadow your tomb — than
in forcing the onward progress of your
race over burning cities and hecatombs
of men ! " I looked round for Vivian's
answer ; but, ere I spoke, he had
spurred from my side, and I saw the
wild dogs slinking back from the hoofs
of his horse, as he rode at speed, on
the sward, through the moonlight.
CHAPTER XCVII.
The weeks and the months rolled
on, and the replies to Vivian's letters
came at last : I foreboded too well
their purport. I knew that my father
could not set himself in opposition to
the deliberate and cherished desire of
a man who had now arrived at the
full strength of his understanding, and
must be left at liberty to make his
own election of the paths of life.
Long after that date, I saw Vivian's
letter to my father ; and even his con-
versation had scarcely prepared me
for the pathos of that confession of a
mind remarkable alike for its strength
and its weakness. If born in the age,
or submitted to the influences, of reli-
gious enthusiasm, here was a nature
that, awaking from sin, could not have
been contented with the sober duties
of mediocre goodness — that would have
plunged \nto the fiery depths of monk-
ish fanaticism — wrestled with the fiend
in the hermitage, or marched barefoot
on the infidel, with the sackcloth for
armour — the cross for a sword. Now,
the impatient desire for redemption
took a more mundane direction, but
with something that seemed almost
spiritual in its fervour. And this en-
thusiasm flowed through strata of such
profound melancholy ! Deny it a vent,
and it might sicken into lethargy, or
fret itself into madness — give it the
vent, and it might vivify and fertilise
as it swept along.
My father's reply to this letter
was what might be expected. It
286
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
[Sept.
gently reinforced the old lessons in
the distinctions between aspirations
towards the perfecting ourselves — as-
pirations that are never in vain — and
the morbid passion for applause from
others, which shifts conscience from
our own bosoms to the confused Babel
of the crowd, and calls it "fame."
But my father, in his counsels, did
not seek to oppose a mind so obsti-
nately bent upon a single course — he
sought rather to guide and strengthen
it in the way it should go. The seas
of human life are wide. Wisdom may
suggest the voyage, but it must first
look to the condition of the ship, and
the nature of the merchandise to ex-
change. Not every vessel that sails
from Tarshish can bring back the
gold of Ophir ; but shall it therefore
rot in the harbour? No; give its
sails to the wind !
But I had expected that Roland's
letter to his son would have been full
of joy and exultation — joy there was
none in it, yet exultation there might
be — though serious, grave, and sub-
dued. In the proud assent that the
old soldier gave to his son's wish, in
his entire comprehension of motives
so akin to his own nature — there was
yet a visible sorrow ; it seemed even
as if he constrained himself to the
assent he gave. Not till I had read
it again and again, could I divine Ro-
land's feelings while he wrote. At
this distance of time, I comprehend
them well. Had he sent from his
side, into noble warfare, some boy
fresh to life, new to sin, with an en-
thusiasm pure and single-hearted as
his own young chivalrous ardour —
then, with all a soldier's joy, he had
yielded a cheerful tribute to. the hosts
of England ; but here he recognised,
though perhaps dimly, not the frank
military fervour, but the stern desire
of expiation — and in that thought he
admitted forebodings that would have
been otherwise rejected — so that, at
the close of the letter, it seemed not
the fiery war-seasoned Roland that
wrote, but rather some timid, anxious
mother. Warnings and entreaties,
and cautions not to be rash, and as-
surances that the best soldiers were
ever the most prudent — were these
the counsels of the fierce veteran, who,
at the head of the forlorn hope, had
mounted the wall at , his sword
between his teeth !
But, whatever his presentiments,
Roland had yielded at once to his
son's prayer — hastened to London at
the receipt of his letter— obtained a
commission in a regiment now in ac-
tive service in India ; and that com-
mission was made out in his son's
name. The commission, with an order
to join the regiment as soon as pos-
sible, accompanied the letter.
And Vivian, pointing to the name
addressed to him, said, " Now, in-
deed, I may resume this name, and,
next to Heaven, will I hold it sacred !
It shall guide me to glory in life, or
my father shall read it, without shame,
on my tomb !" I see him before me,
as he stood then — his form erect, his
dark eyes solemn in their light, a
serenity in his smile, a grandeur on
his brow, that I had never marked till
then ! Was that the same man I had
recoiled from as the sneering cynic,
shuddered at as the audacious traitor,
or wept over as the cowering outcast ?
How little the nobleness of aspect de-
pends on symmetry of feature, or the
mere proportions of form ! What dig-
nity robes the man who is filled with
a lofty thought !
CHAPTER XCVIII.
He is gone ! he has left a void in
my existence. I had grown to love
him so well; I had been so proud
when men praised him. My love was
a sort of self-love — I had looked
upon him in part as the work of my
own hands. I am a long time ere I can
settle back, with good heart, to iny
pastoral life. Before my cousin went,
we cast up our gains, and settled our
shares. When he resigned the allow-
ance which Roland had made him,
his father secretly gave to me, for his
use, a sum equal to that which I and
Guy Bolding brought into the com-
mon stock. Roland had raised the
sum upon mortgage ; and, while the
interest was a trivial deduction from
his income, compared to the former
allowance, the capital was much more
1849.]
The Caxtons— Part XVI.
287
useful to his son than a mere yearly
payment could have been. Thus, be-
tween us, we had a considerable sum
for Australian settlers — £4500. For
the first two years we made nothing ;
indeed, great part of the first year
was spent in learning our art, at the
station of an old settler. But, at the
end of the third year, our flocks hav-
ing then become very considerable,
we cleared a return beyond my most
sanguine expectations. And when
my cousin left, just in the sixth year
of exile, our shares amounted to £4000
each, exclusive of the value of the
two stations. My cousin had, at first,
wished that I should forward his share
to his father, but he soon saw that
Roland would never take it ; and it
was finally agreed that it should rest
in my hands, for me to manage for
him, send him out interest at five
per cent, and devote the surplus pro-
fits to the increase of his capital. I
had now, therefore, the control of
£12,000, and we might consider our-
selves very respectable capitalists. I
kept on the cattle station, by the aid
of the Will-o'-the- Wisp, for about two
years after Vivian's departure, (we
had then had it altogether for five.)
At the end of that time, I sold it and
the stock to great advantage. And
the sheep — for the " brand" of which
I had a high reputation — having won-
derfully prospered in the meanwhile,
I thought we might safely extend our
speculations into new ventures. Glad,
too, of a change of scene, I left Bold-
ing in charge of the flocks, and .bent
my course to Adelaide, for the fame
of that new settlement had already
disturbed the peace of the Bush. I
found Uncle Jack residing near Ade-
laide, in a very handsome villa, with
all the signs and appurtenances of co-
lonial opulence ; and report, perhaps,
did not exaggerate the gains he had
made : — so many strings to his bow —
and each arrow, this time, seemed to
have gone straight to the white of the
butts ! I now thought I had acquired
knowledge and caution sufficient to
avail myself of Uncle Jack's ideas,
without ruining myself by following
them out in his company ; and I saw
a kind of retributive justice in making
his brain minister to the fortunes
which his ideality and constructive-
ness, according to Squills, had served
so notably to impoverish. I must
here gratefully acknowledge, that I
owed much to this irregular genius.
The investigation of the supposed
mines had proved unsatisfactory to
Mr Bullion ; and they were not fairly
discovered till a few years after.
But Jack had convinced himself of
their existence, and purchased, on his
own account, " for an old song," some
barren land, which he was persuaded
would prove to him a Golconda, one
day or other, under the euphonious
title (which, indeed, it ultimately
established) of the "Tibbet's Wheal."
The suspension of the mines, how-
ever, fortunately suspended the ex-
istence of the Grog and Store Depot,
and Uncle Jack was now assisting
in the foundation of Port Philip. Pro -
fiting by his advice, I adventured
in that new settlement some timid
and wary purchases, which I resold
to considerable advantage. Mean-
while, I must not omit to state briefly
what, since my departure from Eng-
land, had been the ministerial career
of Trevamon.
That refining fastidiousness, — that
scrupulosity of political conscience,
which had characterised him as an in-
dependent member, and often served,
in the opinion, both of friend and of
foe, to give the attribute of general
impracticability to a mind that, in
all details, was so essentially and labo-
riously practical — might perhaps have
founded Trevanion's reputation as a
minister, if he could have been a
minister without colleagues — if, stand-
ing alone, and from the necessary
height, he could have placed, clear and
single, before the world, his exquisite
honesty of purpose, and the width of
a statesmanship marvellously accom-
plished and comprehensive. But
Trevanion could not amalgamate with
others, nor subscribe to the discipline
of a cabinet in which he was not the
chief, especially in a policy which
must have been thoroughly abhorrent
to such a nature — a policy that, of
late years, has distinguished not one
faction alone, but has seemed so
forced upon the more eminent political
leaders, on either side, that they who
take the more charitable view of
things may, perhaps, hold it to arise
from the necessity of the age, fostered
by the temper of the public — I mean
288
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
[Sept.
the policy of Expediency. Certainly
not in this book will I introduce the
angry elements of party politics ; and
how should I know much about them?
All that I have to say is, that, right
or wrong, such a policy must have
been at war, every moment, with each
principle of Trevanion's statesman-
ship, and fretted each fibre of his
moral constitution. The aristocratic
combinations which his alliance with
the Castleton interest had brought to
his aid, served perhaps to fortify his
position in the cabinet ; yet aristo-
cratic combinations were of small
avail against what seemed the atmo-
spherical epidemic of the age. I could
see how his situation had preyed on
his mind, when I read a paragraph
in the newspapers, " that it was re-
ported, on good authority, that Mr
Trevanion had tendered his resigna-
tion, but had been prevailed upon to
withdraw it, as his retirement at that
moment would break up the govern-
ment." Some months afterwards
came another paragraph, to the effect
" that Mr Trevanion was taken sud-
denly ill, and that it was feared his
illness was of a nature to preclude his
resuming his official labours." Then
parliament broke up. Before it met
again, Mr Trevanion was gazetted
as Earl of Ulverstone, a title that
had been once in his family — and
had left the administration, unable
to encounter the fatigues of ofiice.
To an ordinary man, the elevation
to an earldom, passing over the
lesser honours in the peerage, would
have seemed no mean close to a
political career ; but I felt what pro-
found despair of striving against cir-
cumstance for utility — what entangle-
ments with his colleagues, whom he
could neither conscientiously support,
nor, according to his high old-fashioned
notions of party honour and etiquette,
energetically oppose — had driven him
to abandon that stormy scene in which
his existence had been passed. The
House of Lords, to that active intellect,
was as the retirement of some warrior
of old into the cloisters of a convent.
The gazette that chronicled the Earl-
dom of Ulverstone was the proclama-
tion that Albert Trevanion lived no
more for the world of .public men.
And, indeed, from that date his career
vanished out of sight. Trevanion
died — the Eaii of Ulverstone made
no sign.
I had hitherto written but twice to
Lady Ellinor during my exile — once
upon the marriage of Fanny with Lord
Castleton, which took place about six,
months after I sailed from England,
and again, when thanking her husband
for some rare animals, equine, pastoral,
and bovine, which he had sent as
presents to Bolding and myself. I
wrote again after Trevanion's eleva-
tion to the peerage, and received in
due time a reply, confirming all my
impressions — for it was full of bitter-
ness and gall, accusations of the
world, fears for the country : Richelieu
himself could not have taken a
gloomier view of things, when his
levees were deserted, and his power
seemed annihilated before the u Day
of Dupes." Only one gleam of com-
fort appeared to visit Lady Ulver-
stone's breast, and thence to settle
prospectively over the future of the
world — a second son had been born to
Lord Castleton ; to that son the earl-
dom of Ulverstone, and the estates
held in right of its countess, would
descend ! Never was there a child of
such promise! Not Virgil himself,
when he called on the Sicilian Muses
to celebrate the advent of a son to
Pollio, ever sounded a loftier strain.
Here was one, now perchance en-
gaged on words of two syllables,
called —
" By labouring nature to sustain
The nodding frame of heaven, and earth, and
main,
See to their hase restored, earth, sea, and air.
And joyful ages from behind in crowding-
ranks appear! "
Happy dream which Heaven sends
to grandparents ! rebaptisin of Hope
in the font whose drops sprinkle the
grandchild !
Time flies on ; affairs continue to
prosper. I am just leaving the bank
at Adelaide with a satisfied air, when
I am stopped in the street by bowing
acquaintances, who never shook me
by the hand before. They shake me
by the hand now, and cry — "• I wish
you joy, sir. That brave fellow, your
namesake, is of course your near
relation."
" What do you mean? "
"Have not you seen the papers?
Here they are."
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Parl XVI.
289
" Gallant conduct of Ensign de
Caxton — promoted to a lieutenancy
on the field " — I wipe my eyes, and
cry — " Thank Heaven — it is my
cousin ! " Then new hand-shakings,
new groups gather round. I feel
taller by the head than I was before !
Wt1 grumbling English, always quar-
relling with each other — the world
not wide enough to hold us ; and yet,
when in the far land some bold deed
is done by a countryman, how we feel
that we are brothers ! how our hearts
warm to each other ! What a letter I
wrote home ! and how joyously I went
back to the Bush ! The Will-o'-the
Wisp has attained to a cattle station
of his own. I go fifty miles out of
my way to tell him the news and
give him the newspaper; for he knows
now that his old master, Vivian, is a
Cumberland man — a Caxton. Poor
Will-o'-the Wisp ! The tea that night
tasted uncommonly like whisky-
punch ! Father Mathew forgive us !
— but if you had been a Cumberland
man, and heard the Will-o'-the Wisp
roaring out, u Blue bonnets over the
Borders," I think your tea, too, would,
not have come out of the caddy !
CHAPTER XCIX.
A great change has occurred in our
household. Guy's father is dead —
his latter years cheered by the accounts
of his son's steadiness and prosperity,
and by the touching proofs thereof
which Guy has exhibited. For he
insisted on repaying to his father the
old college debts, and the advance of
the £1500, begging that the money
might go towards his sister's portion.
Now, after the old gentleman's death,
the sister resolved to come out and
live with her dear brother Guy. An-
other wing is built to the hut. Ambi-
tious plans for a new stone house, to
be commenced the following year, are
entertained ; and Guy has brought
back from Adelaide not only a sister,
but, to my utter astonishment, a wife,
in the shape of a fair friend, by whom
the sister was accompanied. The
young lady did quite right to come to
Australia if she wanted to be married.
She was very pretty, and all the beaux
in Adelaide were roundher in amoment.
Guy was in love the first day — in a
rage with thirty rivals the next — in
despair the third — put the question
the fourth — and before the fifteenth
was a married man, hastening back
with a treasure, of which he fancied
all the world was conspiring to rob
him. His sister was quite as pretty
as her friend, and she too had offers
enough the moment she landed — only
she was romantic and fastidious, and
I fancy Guy told her that " I was just
made for her."
However, charming though she be
— with pretty blue eyes, and her
brother's frank smile — I am not en-
chanted. I fancy she lost all chance
of my heart by stepping across the
yard in a pair of silk shoes. If I were
to live in the Bush, give me a wife as
a companion who can ride well, leap
over a ditch, walk beside me when I
go forth, gun in hand, for a shot at
the kangaroos. But I dare not go on
with the list of a Bush husband's requi-
sites. This change, however, serves,
for various reasons, to quicken my
desire of return. Ten years have now
elapsed, and I have already obtained
a much larger fortune than I had cal-
culated to make. Sorely to Guy's
honest grief, I therefore wound up our
afiairs, and dissolved partnership ; for
he had decided to pass his life in the
colony — and, with his pretty wife, who
has grown very fond of him, I don't
wonder at it. Guy takes my share of
the station and stock off my hands ;
and, all accounts squared between us,
I bid farewell to the Bush. Despite
all the motives that drew my heart
homeward, it was not without partici-
pation in the sorrow of my old com-
panions, that I took leave of those I
might never see again on this side the
grave. The meanest man in my em-
ploy had grown a friend ; and when
those hard hands grasped mine, and
from many a breast that once had
waged fierce war with the world came
the soft blessing to the Homeward-
bound — with a tender thought for the
Old England, 'that had been but a
harsh step-mother to them — I felt a
choking sensation, which I suspect is
little known to the friendships of May-
fair and St James's. I was forced to-
290
The Caxtons.— Part XVI.
[Sept.
get off, with a few broken words,
when I had meant to part with a long
speech: perhaps the broken words
pleased the audience better. Spurring
away, I gained a little eminence and
looked back. There, were the poor
faithful fellows gathered in a ring,
watching me — their hats off — their
hands shading their eyes from the sun.
And Guy had thrown himself on the
ground, and I heard his loud sobs
distinctly. His wife was leaning over
his shoulder, trying to soothe: for-
give him, fair helpmate, you will be
all in the world to him— to-morrow !
And the blue-eyed sister, where was
she ? Had she no tears for the rough
friend who laughed at the silk shoes,
and taught her how to hold the reins,
and never fear that the old pony
would run away with her? What
matter? — if the tears were shed, they
were hidden tears. No shame in
them, fair Ellen — since then, thou
hast wept happy tears over thy first-
born — those tears have long ago
washed away all bitterness in the
innocent memories of a girl's first
fancy.
(DATED FROM ADELAIDE.)
Imagine my wonder — Uncle Jack
has just been with me, and — but hear
the dialogue.
UNCLE JACK — So you are posi-
tively going back to that smoky,
fusty, old England, just when you are
on your high road to a plumb. A
plumb, sir, at least ! They all say
there is not a more rising young man
in the colony. I think Bullion would
take you into partnership. What are
you in such a hurry for ?
PISISTRATUS. — To see my father,
and mother, and Uncle Roland, and
(was about to name some one else,
but stops.)
You see, my dear uncle, I came out
solely with the idea of repairing my
father's losses, in that unfortunate
speculation of The Capitalist.
UNCLE JACK (coughs and ejaculates')
—That villain Peck !
PISISTRATUS. — And to have a few
thousands to invest in poor Roland's
acres. The object is achieved : why
should I stay ?
UNCLE JACK. — A few paltry thou-
sands, when in twenty years more,
at the farthest, you would wallow in
gold!
PISISTRATUS. — A man learns in the
Bush how happy life can be with
plenty of employment, and very little
money. I shall practise that lesson
in England.
UNCLE JACK. — Your mind's made
up?
PISISTRATUS. — And my place in the
ship taken.
UNCLE JACK. — Then there's no
more to be said. (Hums, haws, and
examines his nails — -filbert nails, not a
speck on them.) Then suddenly, and
jerking up his head. "That '•Capi-
talist!'1 it has been on my conscience,
nephew, ever since; and, somehow
or other, since I have abandoned the
cause of my fellow- creatures, I think
I have cared more for my rela-
tions."
PISISTRATUS, (smiling, as he re-
members his father's shrewd predictions
thereon.) — Naturally, my dear uncle :
any child who has thrown a stone into
a pond knows that a circle disappears
as it widens.
UNCLE JACK. — Very true — I shall
make a note of that, applicable to my
next speech, in defence of what they
call the "land monopoly." Thank
you — stone — circle ! ( Jots down notes
in his pocket-booh.) But, to return to
the point : I am well off now — I have
neither wife nor child ; and I feel that
I ought to bear my share in your fa-
ther's loss : it was our joint specula-
tion. And your father, good dear
Austin, paid my debts into the bar-
gain. And how cheering the punch
was that night, when your mother
wanted to scold poor Jack ! And the
£300 Austin lent me when I left him :
nephew, that was the remaking of me
— the acorn of the oak I have trans-
planted. So here they are, (added
Uncle Jack with a heroical effort —
and he extracted from the pocket-
book, bills for a sum between three
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part XVI.
291
and four thousand pounds.) There,
it is done — and I shall sleep better
for it ! ( With that Uncle Jack got up,
and bolted out of the room.)
Ought I to take the money ? Why,
I think yes! — it is but fair. Jack
must be really rich, and can well spare
the money ; besides, if he wants it
again, I know my father will let him
have it. And, indeed, Jack caused
the loss of the whole sum lost on The
Capitalist, &c. ; and this is not quite
the half of what my father paid away.
But is it not fine in Uncle Jack !
Well, my father was quite right in his
milder estimate of Jack's scalene con-
formation, and it is hard to judge of a
man when he is needy and down in
the world. When one grafts one's
ideas on one's neighbour's money, they
are certainly not so grand as when
they spring from one's own.
UNCLE JACK, (popping his head into
the room.) — And you see, you can
double that money if yon will just
leave it in my hands for a couple of
years. — you have no notion what I
shall make of the Tibbet's Wheal ! Did
I tell you? — the German was quite
right, — I have been offered already
seven times the sum which I gave for
the land. But I am now looking out for
a Company : let me put you down for
shares to the amount at least of those
trumpery bills. Cent per cent, — I
guarantee cent per cent ! (And Uncle
Jack stretches out those famous smooth
hands of his, ivith a tremulous motion
of the ten eloquent fingers.)
PISISTRATUS. — Ah, my dear uncle,
if you repent
UNCLE JACK. — Eepent ! when I
offer you cent per cent, on my per-
sonal guarantee !
PISISTRATUS, (carefully putting the
bills into his breast coat-pocket.) Then,
if you don't repent, my dear uncle,
allow me to shake you by the hand,
and say that I will not consent to
lessen my esteem and admiration for
the high principle which prompts this
restitution, by confounding it with
trading associations of loans, interests,
and copper mines. And, you see,
since this sum is paid to my father, I
have no right to invest it without his
permission.
UNCLE JACK, (with emotion.) —
"Esteem, admiration, high principle!"
— these are pleasant words, from you,
nephew. (Then shaking his head and
smiling.) You sly dog ! you are quite
right : get the bills cashed at once.
And hark ye, sir, just keep out of my
way, will you? — and don't let me coax
you out of a farthing! (Uncle Jack
slams the do'or, and rushes out. Pisis-
tratus draws the bills warily from his
pocket, half- suspecting they must al-
ready have turned into withered leaves,
like fairy money; slowly convinces him-
self that the bills are good bills, and by
lively gestures testifies his delight and
astonishment.) SCENE CHANGES.
292
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
[Sept.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY — CHATEAUBRIAND'S MEMOIRS.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY, when skilfully
and judiciously done, is one of the
most delightful species of composition
of which literature can boast. There
is a strong desire in every intelligent
and well-informed mind to be made
acquainted with the private thoughts,
and secret motives of action, of those
who have filled the world with their
renown. We long to learn their early
history, to be made acquainted with
their first aspirations — to learn how
they became so great as they after-
wards turned out. Perhaps literature
has sustained no greater loss than that
of the memoirs which Hannibal wrote
of his life and campaigns. From the few
fragments of his sayings which Roman
admiration or terror has preserved,
his reach of thought and statesman-
like sagacity would appear to have
been equal to his military talents.
Caesar's Commentaries have always
been admired; but there is some doubts
whether they really were written by
the dictator ; and, supposing they
were, they relate almost entirely
to military movements and public
events, without giving much insight
into private character. It is that
which we desire in autobiography :
we hope to find in it a window by
which we may look into a great man's
mind. Plutarch's Lives owe their vast
and enduring popularity to the insight
into private character which the in-
numerable anecdotes he has collected,
of the heroes and statesmen of anti-
quity, afford.
Gibbon's autobiography is the most
perfect account of an eminent man's
life, from his own hand, which exists
in any language. Independent of the
interest which naturally belongs to
it as the record of the studies, and the
picture of the growth of the mind of
the greatest historian of modern times,
it possesses a peculiar charm from the
simplicity with which it is written,
and the judgment it displays, con-
spicuous alike in what is revealed
and what is withheld in the narrative.
It steers the middle channel so diffi-
cult to find, so invaluable when found,
between ridiculous vanity on the one
side, and affected modesty on the
other. We see, from many passages
in it, that the author was fully aware
of the vast contribution he had made
to literature, and the firm basis on
which he had built his colossal fame.
But he had good sense enough to see,
that those great qualities were never
so likely to impress the reader as
when only cautiously alluded to by
the author. He knew that vanity
and ostentation never fail to make the
character in which they predominate
ridiculous — if excessive, contemptible ;
and that, although the world would
thankfully receive all the details, how
minute soever, connected with his im-
mortal work, they would not take off
his hands any symptom of his own
entertaining the opinion of it which
all others have formed. It is the con-
summate judgment with which Gib-
bon has given enough of the details
connected with the preparation of his
works to be interesting, and not
enough to be ridiculous, which consti-
tutes the great charm, and has oc-
casioned the marked success, of his
autobiography. There are few pas-
sages in the English language so
popular as the well-known ones in
which he has recounted the first con-
ception, and final completion of his
history, which, as models of the kind,
as well as passages of exquisite beauty,
we cannot refuse ourselves the plea-
sure of transcribing, the more espe-
cially as they will set off, by way of
contrast, the faults in some parallel
passages attempted by Chateaubriand
and Lamartine.
u At the distance of twenty-fire years,
I can neither forget nor express the strong
emotions which agitated my mind as I
first approached and entered the Eternal
City. After a sleepless night, I trod with
a lofty step the ruins of the Forum. Each
memorable spot — where Romulus stood,
or Tully spoke, or Caesar fell — was at once
present to my eyes; and several days of
intoxication were lost, or enjoyed, before
Mtmoires d'Outre Tombe.
Paris, 1846-9.
Par M. le VICOMTE DE CHATEAUBRIAND. 4 vols.
1849.]
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
1 could descend to a cool and minute in-
vestigation. It was at Rome, on the 15th
October 1764, as I sat musing amidst the
ruins of the Capitol, while the barefooted
friars were singing vespers in the Temple
of Jupiter, that the idea of writing this
Decline and Fall of the city first started to
my mind. But my original plan was cir-
cumscribed to the decay of the city, rather
than of the empire ; and though my read-
ing and reflections began to point towards
that object, some yean elapsed, and seve-
ral avocations intervened, before I was
seriously engaged in the execution of that
laborious work." — (Life, p. 198, 8vo edi-
tion.)
Again, the "well-known description
of the conclusion of his labours : —
" I have presumed to mark the moment
of conception: I shall now commemorate
the hour of my final deliverance. It was
on the day, or rather night, of the 27th
June 1787, between the hours of eleven
and twelve, that I wrote the last lines of
the last page, in a summer-house in my
garden. After laying down my pen, I
took several turns in a berceau, or covered
walk of acacias, which commands a pro-
spect of the country, the lake, and moun-
tain*. The air was temperate, the sky
was serene, the silver orb of the moon was
reflected from the waters, and all nature
was silent. I will not dissemble the first
emotions of joy on recovery of my free-
dom, and perhaps the establishment of my
fame. But my pride was soon humbled,
and a sober melancholy was spread over
my mind, by the idea that I had taken an
everlasting leave of an old and agreeable
companion ; and that, whatever might be
the future fate of my History, the life of
the historian must be short and preca-
rious."— (Life, p. 255, 8vo edition.)
Hume's account of his own life is a
model of perspicuity, modesty, and
good sense ; but it is so brief that it
scarcely can be called a biography.
It is not fifty pages long. The wary
Scotch author was well aware how
vanity in such compositions defeats its
own object : he had too much good
sense to let it appear in his pages.
Perhaps, however, the existence of
such a feeling in the recesses of his
breast may be detected in the promin-
ent manner in which he brings forward
the discouragement he experienced
when the first volume of his history
was published, and the extremely
293
limited sale it met with for some time
after its first appearance. He kneAv
well how these humble beginnings
would be contrasted with its subse-
quent triumphant success. Amidst
his many great and good qualities,
there is none for which Sir Walter
Scott was more admirable than the
unaffected simplicity and good sense
of his character, which led him to con-
tinue through life utterly unspotted
by vanity, and unchanged by an
amount of adulation from the most
fascinating quarters, which would pro-
bably have turned the head of any
other man. Among the many causes
of regret which the world has for the
catastrophes which overshadowed his
latter years, it is not the least that
it prevented the completion of that
autobiography with which Mr Lock-
hart has commenced his Life. His
simplicity of character, and the
vast number of eminent men with
whom he was intimate, as well as the
merit of that fragment itself, leave no
room for doubt that he would have
made a most charming memoir,
if he had lived to complete it. This
observation does not detract in the
slightest degree from the credit justly
due to Mr Lockhart, for his admirable
Life of his illustrious father-in-law : on
the contrary, it forms its highest enco-
mium. The charm of that work is
mainly owing to its being so embued
with the spirit of the subject, that it
may almost be regarded as an auto-
biography.
Continental writers of note have,
more than English ones, fallen into
that eiTor which is of all others the
most fatal in autobiography — inordi-
nate vanity. At the head of all the
delinquents of this class we must
place Rousseau, whose celebrated
Confessions contain a revelation of
folly so extreme, vanity so excessive,
and baseness so disgraceful, that it
would pass for incredible if not proved
by the book itself, which is to be found
in every library. Not content with
affirming, when past fifty, that there
was no woman of fashion of whom
he might not have made the conquest
if he chose to set about it,* he
thought fit to entertain the world
* "II y a peu des femmes, meme dans le haut rang, dont je n'eusee fait la conquete
sijel'avais enterprise." — Biographie L'lilrcrtelle, xxxix. 136.
294
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
[Sept.
with all the private details of his life,
which the greater prudence of his
most indiscreet biographers would
have consigned to oblivion. No one
who wishes to discredit the Genevese
philosopher, need seek in the works of
others for the grounds of doing so.
Enough is to be found in his own to
consign him to eternal execration and
contempt. He has told us equally in
detail, and with the same air of
infantine simplicity, how he com-
mitted a theft when in service as a
lackey, and permitted an innocent
girl, his fellow-servant, to bear the
penalty of it ; how he alternately
drank the wine in his master's cellars,
and made love to his wife ; how he
corrupted one female benefactress
who had sheltered him in extremity
of want, and afterwards made a boast
of her disgrace ; and abandoned a
male benefactor who fell down in a
fit of apoplexy on the streets of Lyons,
and left him lying on the pavement,
deserted by the only friend whom he
had in the world. The author of so
many eloquent declamations against
mothers neglecting their children, on
his own admission, when in easy cir-
cumstances, and impelled by no neces-
sity, consigned five of his natural
children to a foundling hospital, with
such precautions against their being
known that he never did or could
hear of them again ! Such was his
vanity, that he thought the world
would gladly feed on the crumbs of
this sort which fell from the table of
the man rich in genius. His grand
theory was that the human mind is
born innocent, with dispositions only
to good, and that all the evils of
society arise from the follies of educa-
tion or the oppression of government.
Judging from the picture he has pre-
sented of himself, albeit debased by
no education but what he himself had
afforded, we should say his disposition
was more corrupt than has even been
imagined by the most dark-minded
and bigoted Calvinist that ever ex-
isted.
Alfieri was probably as vain in
reality as Rousseau ; but he knew
better how to conceal it. He had
not the folly of supposing that he
could entertain women by the boast-
ful detail of his conquests over them.
He judged wisely, and more like a man
who had met with bonnes fortunes^
that he would attain more effectually
the object of interesting their feelings,
by painting their conquests over him.
He has done this so fully, so sincere-
ly, and with such eloquence, that
he has made one of the most power-
ful pieces of biography in any lan-
guage. Its charm consists in the
picture he has drawn, with equal
truth and art, of a man of the
most impetuous and ardent tempera-
ment, alternately impelled by the
strongest passions which can agitate
the breast — love and ambition. Born
of a noble family, inheriting a great
fortune, he exhibited an uncommon
combination of patrician tastes and
feelings with republican principles
and aspirations. He was a democrat
because he knew the great by whom
he was surrounded, and did not know
the humble who were removed to a
distance. He said this himself, after
witnessing at Paris the horrors of the
10th August. — " Je connais bien les
grands, maisje ne connais pas lespetits.^
He drew the vices of the former
from observation, he painted the
virtues of the latter from imagination.
Hence the absurdity and unnatural
character of many of his dramas,
which, to the inhabitant of our free
country, who is familiar with the
real working of popular institutions,
renders them, despite their genius,
quite ridiculous. But, in the deli-
neation of what passed in his own
breast, he is open to no such reproach.
His picture of his own feelings is as
forcible and dramatic as that of any
he has drawn in his tragedies ; and it
is far more truthful, for it is taken
from nature, not an imaginary world
of his own creation, having little
resemblance to that we see around
us. His character and life were
singularly calculated to make such a
narrative interesting, for never was
one more completely tossed about by
vehement passions, and abounding
with melodramatic incidents. Al-
ternately dreaming over the most
passionate attachments, and labour-
ing of his own accord at Dante four-
teen hours a-day ; at one time mak-
ing love to an English nobleman's
wife, and fighting him in the Park, at
another driving through France with
fourteen blood horses in harness ;
1849.]
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
295
now stealing from the Pretender his
queen, now striving to emulate Sopho-
cles in the energy of his picture of the
passions, he was himself a living
example of the intensity of those feel-
ings which he has so powerfully
portrayed in his dramas. It is this
variety, joined to the simplicity and
candour of the confessions, which
constitutes the charm of this very
remarkable autobiography. It could
have been written by no one but
himself; for an ordinary biographer
would only have described the inci-
dents of his life, none else could have
painted the vehement passions, the
ardent aspirations, from which they
sprang.
From the sketches of Goethe's life
which have been preserved, it is evi-
dent that, though probably not less
vain than the French philosopher or
the Italian poet, his vanity took a
different direction from either of theirs.
He was neither vain of his turpitudes,
like Rousseau, nor of his passions,
like Alfieri. His self-love was of a
more domestic kind ; it partook more
of the home-scenes of the Father-
land. No one will question the
depth of Goethe's knowledge of the
heart, or the sagacity of the light
which his genius has thrown on the
most profound feelings of human
nature. But his private life partook
of the domestic affections and un-
obtrusive rest in which it was
passed, exempt alike from the grind-
ing poverty which too often impelled
the Genevese watchmaker's son into
disgraceful actions, or the vehement
passions which drove the Italian
nobleman into brilliant crimes. Hence
his biography exhibits an extraor-
dinary mixture of lofty feelings with
puerile simplicity, of depth of views
with childishness, of divine philoso-
phy with homely inclinations. Amidst
all his enthusiasm and effusions of
sentiment, he was as much under the
influence as any man of creature
comforts ; and never hesitated to
leave the most lofty efforts of the
muse, to participate in the substantial
advantages of rich preserves or sweet
cakes. This singular mixture arose
in a great measure from the habits of
his life, and the limited circle by which,
during the greater part of it, he was
surrounded. Living with a few
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVII.
friends in the quiet seclusion of a
small German town, the object of
almost superstitious admiration to a
few females by whom he was sur-
rounded, he became at once a little
god of his own and their idolatry,
and warmly inclined, like monks all
over the world, to the innocent but
not very elevating pleasures of break-
fast and dinner. Mahomet said that
he experienced more difficulty in per-
suading his four wives of his divine
mission, than all the rest of the world
besides ; and this, says Gibbon, was
not surprising, for they knew best his
weaknesses as a man. Goethe
thought, on the same principle, his
fame was secure, when he was wor-
shipped asagod by his female coterie.
He had the highest opinion of his
own powers, and of the lofty mission
on which he was sent to mankind ;
but his self-love was less offensive
than that of Rousseau, because it was
more unobtrusive. It was allied
rather to pride than vanity — and
though pride may often be hateful, it
is never contemptible.
From the Life of Lord Byron which
Moore has published, it may be in-
ferred that the latter acted wisely in
consigning the original manuscript of
the noble poet's autobiography to the
flames. Assuming that a consider-
able part of that biography is taken
from what the noble bard had left of
himself, it is evident that a more com-
plete detail of his feelings and motives
of action would have done anything
rather than have added to his reputa-
tion. In fact, Moore's Life has done
more than anything else to lower it.
The poetical biographer had thought
and sung so much of the passions, that
he had forgot in what light they are
viewed by the generality of men ; he
was so deeply imbued with the spirit
of his hero, that he had come to regard
his errors and vices as not the least
interesting part of his life. That they
may be so to that class of readers,
unhappily top extensive, who are en-
gaged in similar pursuits, is probably
true ; but how small a portion do these
constitute of the human race, and how
weak and inaudible is their applause
when compared to the voice of ages !
What has become of the innumerable
licentious works whose existence in
antiquity has become known from the
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
296
specimens disinterred in the ruins of
Herculaneum ? Is there one of them
which has taken its place beside the
Lives of Plutarch ? Whatever is fetid,
however much prized at the moment,
is speedily sunk in the waves of time.
Nothing permanently floats down its
stream but what is buoyant from its
elevating tendency.
Boswell's Life of Johnson is so re-
plete with the sayings and thoughts
of the intellectual giant, whom it was
so much his object to elevate, even
above his natural Patagonian stature,
that it may be regarded as a sort of
autobiography, dictated by the sage
in his moments of abandon to his de-
vout worshipper. It is hardly going too
far to say that it is the most popular
book in the English language. John-
son's reputation now mainly rests on
that biography. No one now reads
the Rambler or the Idler — few the
Lives of the Poets, interesting as they
are, and admirable as are the criticisms
on our greatest authors which they
contain. But Boswell's Life of John-
son is in everybody's hands ; you
will hear the pithy sayings, the admi-
rable reflections, the sagacious remarks
it contains, from one end of the world
to the other. The secret of this asto-
nishing success is to be found in the
caustic tone, sententious brevity, and
sterling good sense of Johnson, and
the inimitable accuracy, faithful me-
mory, and almost infantine simplicity
of his biographer. From the un-
bounded admiration with which he
was inspired for the sage, and the
faithful memory with which he was
gifted, he was enabled to commit to
paper, almost as they were deliver-
ed, those admirable sayings which
have ever since been the delight
and admiration of the world. We
almost live with the members of the
Literary Club ; we hear their divers
sentiments, and can almost conceive
their tones of voice. We see the gigan-
tic form of the sage towering above
his intellectual compeers. Burke said
that Johnson was greater in conver-
sation than writing, and greater in
Boswell than either ; and it is easy to
conceive that this must have been the
case. The Life contains all the admi-
rable sayings, verbatim as they were
delivered, and without the asperity of
tone and manner which formed so
[Sept.
great a blot in the original deliverer.
Johnson's sayings were of a kind
which were susceptible of being accu-
rately transferred, and with full effect,
to paper, because they were almost all
reflections on morals, men, or man-
ners, which are of universal applica-
tion, and come home to the senses of
mankind in every age. In this re-
spect they were much more likely to
produce an impression in biography
than the conversation of Sir Walter
Scott, which, however charming to
those who heard it, consisted chiefly
of anecdotes and stories, great part of
the charm of which consisted in the
mode of telling and expression of
the countenance, which, of course,
could not be transferred to paper.
But it is not every eminent man
who is so fortunate as to find a bio-
grapher like Boswell, who,'totally for-
getful of self, recorded for posterity
with inimitable fidelity all the sayings
of his hero. Nor is it many men
who would bear so faithful and search-
ing an exposure. Johnson, like every
other man, had his failings ; but they
were those of prejudice or manner,
rather than morals or conduct. We
wish we could say that every other
eminent literary man was equally
immaculate, or that an entire dis-
closure of character would in every
case reveal no more weaknesses or
failings than have been brought to
light by Boswell's faithful chronicle.
We know that every one is liable to
err, and that no man is a hero to his
valet-de-chambre. But being aware
of all this, we were not prepared for
the immense mass of weaknesses,
follies, and errors, which have been
brought to light by the indiscreet zeal
of biographers, in the character of
many of our ablest literary, poetical,
and philosophical characters. Cer-
tainly, if we look at the details of their
private lives, these men of literary
celebrity have had little title to set
up as the instructors, or to call them-
selves the benefactors of mankind.
From the days of Milton, whose
divine genius was so deeply tarnished
by the asperity of his feelings, and
the unpardonable license in contro-
versy which he permitted to his
tongue, to those of Lord Byron, who
scandalised his country and the world
by the undisguised profligacy of his
1849.]
A utobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
297
private life, the biography of literary
men, with a few brilliant exceptions,
— in the foremost of which we must
place Sir Walter Scott — consists in
great part of a series of follies, weak-
nesses, or faults, which it would be
well for their memory could they be
buried in oblivion. We will not say
that the labours of their biographers
have been the Massacre of the Inno-
cents, for truly there were very few
innocents to massacre; but we will
say that they have, in general, done
more to degrade those they intended
to elevate, than the envenomed hosti-
lity of their worst enemies. We for-
bear to mention names, which might
give pain to many respectable persons
still alive. The persons alluded to,
and the truth of the observation, will
be at once understood and admitted
by every person acquainted with the
literary history of France and Eng-
land during the last century.
Vanity and jealousy — vanity of them-
selves, jealousy of others — are the
great failings which have hitherto tar-
nished the character and disfigured the
biography of literary men. We fear it
is destined to continue the same to the
end of the world. The qualities which
contribute to their greatness, which
occasion their usefulness, which insure
their fame, are closely allied to failings
which too often disfigure their private
lives, and form a blot on their memory,
when indiscreetly revealed in bio-
graphy, either by themselves or others.
Genius is almost invariably united to
susceptibility; and this temperament
is unhappily too apt to run into irrita-
bility. No one can read D'Israeli's
essay on TJie Literary Character, the
most admirable of his many admirable
works, without being convinced of
that. Celebrity of any sort is the
natural parent of vanity, and this
weakness is in a peculiar manner fos-
tered in poets and romance writers, be-
cause their writings interest so warmly
the fair, who form the great dispensers
of general fame, and convey it in the
most flattering form to the author. It
would perhaps be unjust to women to
say that poets and novelists share in
their weaknesses ; but it is certain that
their disposition is, in general, essen-
tially feminine, and that, as they attract
the admiration of the other sex more
strongly than any other class of wri-
ters, so they are liable in a peculiar
degree to the failings, as well as distin-
guished by the excellencies, by which
their female admirers are character-
ised. We may regret that it is so :
we may lament that we cannot find
poets and romancers, who to the genius
of Byron, or the fancy of Moore, unite
the sturdy sense of Johnson, or the
simplicity of character of Scott : but
it is to be feared such a combination
is as rare, and as little to be looked for
in general life, as the union of the
strength of the war-horse to the fleet-
ness of the racer, or the courage of the
mastiff to the delicacy of the grey-
hound . Adam Smith long ago pointed
out the distinction between those who
serve and those who amuse mankind ;
and the difference, it is to be feared,
exists not merely between the philoso-
pher and the opera-dancer, but be-
tween the instructors of men in every
department of thought, and those
whose genius is devoted rather to the
pleasing of the eye, the melting of the
feelings, or the kindling of the imagi-
nation. Yet this observation is only
generally, not tiniversally, true ; and
Sir Joshua Reynolds remains a me-
morable proof that it is possible for an
artist to unite the highest genius and
most imaginative power of mind to the
wisdom of a philosopher, the liberality
of a gentleman, the benevolence of a
Christian, and the simplicity of a
child.
We are not at all surprised at the
intoxication which seizes the literary
men and artists whose genius procures
for them the favour or admiration of
women. Everybody knows it is the
most fascinating and transporting flat-
tery which the mind of man can receive.
But we confess we are surprised, and
that too not a little, at the want of
sense which so frequently makes men
even of the highest abilities mar the
influence of their own genius, and de-
tract from the well-earned celebrity
of their own productions, by the in-
discreet display of this vanity, which
the applause they have met with has
produced in their minds. These
gentlemen are charmed with the
incense they have received, and of
course desirous to augment it, and ex-
tend the circle from which it is to be
drawn. Well, that is then- object;
let us consider what means they take
298
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
[Sept.
to gain it. These consist too often in
the most undisguised display of vanity
in their conduct, manner, and conver-
sation. Is this the way likely to aug-
ment the admiration which they enjoy
so much, and are so solicitous to ex-
tend ? Are they not clear-sighted
enough to see, that, holding this to
be fheir aim, considering female admi-
ration as the object of their aspira-
tions, they cannot in any way so effec-
tually mar their desires as by permit-
ting the vanity, which the portion of
it they have already received has pro-
duced, to appear in their manner or
conversation? Are they so little
versed in the female heart, as not to
know th'at as self-love acts, if not in
a stronger at least in a more conspicu-
ous way in them than in the other sex,
so there is nothing which repels them
so effectually as any display of that
vanity in men which they are all con-
scious of in themselves, and nothing at-
tracts them so powerfully as that self-
forgetfulness, which, estimable in all,
is in a peculiar manner graceful and
admirable when it is met with in
those whom none others can forget ?
Such a quality is not properly modesty
— that is the retiring disposition of
those who have notyet won distinction.
No man who has done so is ignorant
of it, as no woman of beauty is in-
sensible to her charms. It is more
nearly allied to good sense, and its
invariable concomitant — a due regard
for the feelings of others. It not
infrequently exists, in the highest
degree, in those who have thestrongest
inward consciousness of the services
they have rendered to mankind. No
man was more unassuming than
Kepler, but he wrote in reference to
his great discoveries, and the neglect
they at first met with, "I may
well be a century without a reader,
since God Almighty has been six
thousand years without such an ob-
server as me." Yet is this univer-
sally felt to have been no unworthy
effusion of vanity, but a noble ex-
pression of great services rendered by
one of his most gifted creatures to
the glory of the Almighty. Such
men as Kepler are proud, but not
vain, and proud men do not bring
their feelings so prominently or fre-
quently forward as vain ones ; for
pride rests on the consciousness of
superiority, and needs no external
support ; vanity arises from a secret
sense of weakness, and thirsts for a
perpetual solace from the applause of
others.
It is in the French writers that
this inordinate weakness of literary
men is most conspicuous, and in
them it exists to such an extent as,
on this side of the Channel, to be alto-
gether ridiculous. Every Frenchman
thinks his life worth recording. It
was long ago said that the number
of unpublished memoirs which exist
in France, on the war of the League,
would, if put together, form a large
library. If those relating to the war
of the Revolution were accumulated,
we have no doubt they would fill the
Bibliotheque du Roi. The number
already published exceeds almost the
dimensions of any private collection
of books. The composition and style
of these memoirs is for the most part
as curious, and characteristic of
French character, as their number
is descriptive of their ruling passion.
In the age of the religious wars, every
writer of memoirs seems to have
placed himself in the first rank,
Henry IV. in the second ; in that of
the Revolution, the greater part of the
autobiographies scarcely disguise the
opinion, that, if the first place must
be reluctantly conceded to Napoleon
Buonaparte, the second must, beyond
all question, be assigned to them-
selves. The Abbe1 de Pradt expressed
the feeling almost every one enter-
tained of himself in France, not the
sentiment of an individual man, when
he said, " There was one who over-
turned Napoleon, and that man was
me." Most persons in this country
will exclaim, that this statement is
overcharged, and that it is incredible
that vanity should so generally per-
vade the writers of a whole nation.
If they will take the trouble to read
Lamartine's Confidences and Raphael,
containing the events of his youth, or
his Histoire de la Revolution de 1848,
recently published, they will find ample
confirmation of these remarks; nor are
they less conspicuously illustrated by
the more elaborate Memoir es d 'Outre
Tombe of Chateaubriand, the name of
which is prefixed to this essay.
One thing is very remarkable, and
forcibly illustrates the marked differ-
1849.]
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
299
ence, in this respect, between the cha-
racter of the French and the English
nation. In France all memoirs as-
sume the form of autobiographies : and
so general is the thirst for that species
of composition that, where a man of
any note has not compiled his own
life, his papers are put into the
hands of some skilful bookmaker,
who speedily dresses them up, in
the form of an attractive autobio-
graphy. This was done with the
papers of Brissot^ Robespierre, Mar-
shal Ney, Fouche, and a great many
others, all of which appeared with the
name of their authors, and richly
stored with these private papers,
though it was morally certain that
they could not by possibility have
written their own lives. In England
nothing of the kind is attempted.
Scarcely any of the eminent men in the
last age have left their own memoirs ;
and the papers of the most remark-
able of them have been published
•without any attempt at biography.
Thus we have the Wellington Papers,
the Marlborough Papers, the Nelson
Papers, the Castlereagh Papers, pub-
lished without any autobiography,
and only a slight sketch, though in
all these cases very ably done, of the
author's life by their editor. The
lives of the other eminent men of the
last age have been given by others,
not themselves : as that of Pitt, by
Tomliue and Gifford ; that of Fox, by
Trotter; that of Sheridan, by Moore ;
that of Lord Eldon, by Twiss ; that of
Lord Sidmouth, by Pellew. There is
more here than an accidental diversity :
there is a difference arising from a
difference of national character. The
Englishmen devoted their lives to
the public service, and bestowed not
a thought on its illustration by them-
selves ; the French mainly thought of
themselves when acting in the public
service, and considered it mainly as
a means of elevation and self-lauda-
tion to themselves.
In justice to the literary men of
France, however, it must be stated
that, of late years at least, they have
been exposed to an amount of tempta-
tion, and of food for their self-love,
much exceeding anything previously
seen among men, and which may go
far to account for the extraordinary
vanity which they have everywhere
evinced. In England, literary distinc-
tion is neither the only nor the greatest
passport to celebrity. Aristocratic
influences remain, and still possess
the deepest hold of the public mind :
statesmen exist, whose daily speeches
in parliament render their names as
household words. Fashion exercises
an extraordinary and almost inex-
plicable sway, especially over the
fairest part of creation. How cele-
brated soever an author may be, he
will in London soon be brought to his
proper level, and a right appreciation
of his situation. He will see himself
at once eclipsed by an old nobleman,
whose name is fraught with historic
glory ; by a young marquis, who is an
object of solicitude to the mothers
and daughters in the room; by a
parliamentary orator, who is begin-
ning to acquire distinction in the
senate house. We hold this state of
things to be eminently favourable to
the right character of literary men ;
for it saves them from trials before
which, it is all but certain, both their
good sense ancl their virtue would
succumb. But in Paris this salutary
check upon individual vanity and
presumption is almost entirely awant-
ing. The territorial aristocracy is
confiscated and destroyed; titles of
honour are abolished ; historic names
are almost forgotten in the ceaseless
whirl of present events; parliamentary
orators are in general unpopular, for
they are for the most part on the side
of power. Nothing remains but the
government of mind. The intellectual
aristocracy is all in all.
It makes and unmakes kings alter-
nately ; produces and stops revolu-
tions ; at one time calls a new race to
the throne, at another consigns them
with disgrace to foreign lands. Cabi-
nets are formed out of the editors
of newspapers, intermingled with a
few bankers, whom the public con-
vulsions have not yet rendered insol-
vent ; prime ministers are to be found
only among successful authors. Thiers,
the editor of the National and the
historian of the Revolution ; Guizot,
the profound professor of history ;
Villemain, the eloquent annalist of
French literature; Lamartine, the
popular traveller, poet, and historian,
have been the alternate prime mini-
sters of France since the revolution of
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
[Sept.
1830. Even the great name of Na-
poleon cannot save his nephew from
the irksomeness of bending to the
same necessity. He named Thiers
his prime minister at the time of the
Boulogne misadventure, he is caress-
ing him now in the salons of the
Elyse"e Bourbon. Successful authors
thus in France are surrounded with
a halo, and exposed to influences, of
which in this country we cannot form
a conception. They unite in their per-
sons the fame of Mr Fox and the lustre
of Sir Walter Scott : often the political
power of Mr Pitt with the celebrity of
Lord Byron. Whether such a con-
centration is favourable either to their
present utility or lasting fame, and
whether the best school to train au-
thors to be the instructors of the
world is to be found in that which
exposes them to the combined influence
of its greatest temptations, are ques-
tions on which it is not necessary now
to enter, but on which posterity will
probably have no difficulty in coming
to a conclusion.
But while we fully admit that these
extraordinary circumstances, unparal-
leled in the past history of the world,
go far to extenuate the blame which
must be thrown on the French writers
for their extraordinary vanity, they
will not entirely exculpate tham.
Ordinary men may well be carried
away by such adventitious and flatter-
ing marks of their power ; but we can-
not accept such an excuse from the
first men of the age — men of the
clearest intellect, and the greatest ac-
quisitions— whose genius is to charm,
whose wisdom is to instruct the world
through every succeeding age. If the
teachers of men are not to be above
the follies and weaknesses which are
general and ridiculous in those of
inferior capacity, where are we to
look for such an exemption ? It is a
poor excuse for the overweening va-
nity of a Byron, a Goethe, a Lamar-
tine, or a Chateaubriand, that a similar
weakness is to be found in a Madame
Grisi or a Mademoiselle Cerito, in the
first cantatrice or most admired balle-
rina of the day. We all know that
the professors of these charming arts
are too often intoxicated by the ap-
plause which they meet with ; we
excn.=e or overlook this weakness from
respect due to their genius and their
sex. But we know, at the same time,
that there are seme exceptions to the
general frailty ; and in one enchanting
performer, our admiration for talents
of the very highest order is enhanced
by respect for the simplicity of cha-
racter and generosity of disposition
with which they are accompanied. We
might desiderate in the men who aspire
to direct the thoughts of the world,
and have received from nature talents
equal to the task, the unaffected single-
ness of heart, and sterling good sense,
which we admire, not less than her ad-
mirable powers, in Mademoiselle Jenny
Lind.
The faults, or rather frailties, we
have alluded to, are in an especial
manner conspicuous in two of the most
remarkable writers of France of the
present century — Lamartine and
Chateaubriand. There is some excuse
for the vanity of these illustrious men.
They have both acquired an enduring
fame — their names are known all over
the world, and will continue to be so
while the French language is spoken
on the earth ; and they have both, by
their literary talents, been elevated to
positions far beyond the rank in so-
ciety to which they were born, and
which might well make an ordinary
head reel from the giddy precipices
with which it is surrounded. Chateau-
briand powerfully aided in crush-
ing Napoleon in 1814, when Europe
in arms surrounded Paris : with
still more honourable constancy he
resisted him in 1804, when, in the
plenitude of his power, he executed
the Duke d'Enghien. He became
ambassador to London for the Resto-
ration— minister of foreign affairs, and
representative of France at the Con-
gress of Verona. He it was who pro-
jected and carried into execution the
French invasion of the Peninsula in
1823, the only successful expedition of
the Restoration. Lamartine's career,
if briefer, has been still more dazzling.
He aided largely in the movement
which overthrew Louis Philippe ; by the
force of his genius he obtained the mas-
tery of the movement, "struggled with
democracy when it was strongest, and
ruled it when it was wildest ;" and had
the glory, by his single courage and
energy, of saving the character of the
revolution from bloodshed, and coer-
cing the Red Republicans in the very
1849.]
A utobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
301
tumult of their victory. He has since
fallen from power, less from any known
delinquencies imputed to him, than
from the inherent fickleness of the
French people, and the impossibility
of their submitting, for any length of
time, to the lead of a single individual.
The autobiography of two such men
cannot be other than interesting and
instructive in the highest degree; and
if we see in them much which we in
England cannot altogether under-
stand, and which we are accustomed
to stigmatise with the emphatic epi-
thet "French," there is much also
in them which candour must respect,
and an equitable spirit admire.
The great thing which characterises
these memoirs, and is sufficient to re-
deem a multitude of vanities and frail-
ties, is the elevated and chivalrous
spirit in which they are composed.
In this respect they are a relic, we
fear, of the olden time ; a remnant of
those ancient days which Mr Burke
has so eloquently described in his por-
trait of Marie Antoinette. That is
the spirit which pervades the breasts of
these illustrious men ; and therefore it
is that we respect them, and forgive or
forget many weaknesses which would
otherwise be insupportable in their au-
tobiographies. It is a spirit, however,
more akin to a former era than the
present ; to the age which produced
the crusades, more than that which
gave birth to railways ; to the days of
Godfrey of Bouillon, rather than those
which raised a monument to Mr Hud-
son. We are by no means convinced,
however, that it is not the more likely
to be enduring in the future ages of
the world ; at least we are sure it will
be so, if the sanguine anticipations
everywhere formed, by the apostles
of the movement of the future im-
provement of the species, are destined
in any degree to be realised.
Although, however, the hearts of
Chateaubriand and Lamartine are
stamped with the impress of chivalry,
and the principal charm of their writ-
ings is owing to its generous spirit,
yet we should err greatly if we ima-
gined that they have not shared in the
influencesof the age in which they lived,
and become largely imbued with the
more popular and equalising notions
which have sprung up in Europe dur-
ing the last century. They could not
have attained the political power which
they have both wielded if they had
not done so ; for no man, be his
genius what it may, will ever acquire
a practical lead among men unless his
opinions coincide in the main with
those of the majority by whom, he is
surrounded. Chateaubriand's earliest
work, written in London in 1793— the
Essai Historique — is, in truth, ra-
ther of a republican and sceptical ten-
dency; and it was not till he had
travelled in America, and inhaled a
nobler spirit amid the solitudes of na-
ture, that the better parts of his nature
regained their ascendency, and his
fame was established on an imperish-
able foundation by the publication of
Atala et Rene, and the Genie du
Christianisme. Throughout his whole
career, the influence of his early liberal
principles remained conspicuous : al-
beit a royalist, he was the steady sup-
porter of the freedom of the press and
the extension of the elective suffrage ;
and he kept aloof from the government
of Louis Philippe less from aversion
to the semi-revolutionary spirit in
which it was cradled, than from an
honourable fidelity to misfortune and
horror at the selfish corrupt multitude
by which it was soon surrounded.
Lamartine's republican principles are
universally known : albeit descended
of a noble family, and largely imbued
with feudal feelings, he aided in the
revolt which overturned the throne of
Louis Philippe in February 1848, and
acquired lasting renown by the cour-
age with which he combated the san-
guinary spirit of the Red Republicans,
when minister of foreign affairs. Both
are chivalrous in heart and feeling,
rather than opinions ; and they thus
exhibit curious and instructive in-
stances of the fusions of the moving
principle of the olden time with the
ideas of the present, and of the man-
ner in which the true spirit of nobility,
forgetfulness of self, can accommodate
itself to the varying circumstances of
society, and float, from its buoyant
tendency, on the surface of the most
fetid stream of subsequent selfish-
ness.
In two works recently published by
Lamartine, Les Confidences and Ra-
phael, certain passages in his auto-
biography are given. The first recounts
the reminiscences of his infancy and
302
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
[Sept.
childhood; the second, a love-story
in his twentieth year. Both are dis-
tinguished by the peculiarities, in re-
spect of excellences and defects, which
appear in his other writings. On the
one hand we have an ardent imagina-
tion, great beauty of language, a gene-
rous heart — the true spirit of poetry —
and uncommon pictorial powers. On
the other, an almost entire ignorance
of human nature, extraordinary va-
nity, and that susceptibility of mind
which is more nearly allied to the
feminine than the masculine character.
Not but that Lamartine possesses
great energy and courage: his con-
duct, during the revolution of 1848,
demonstrates that he possesses these
qualities in a very high degree ; but
that the ardour of his feelings leads
him to act and think like women, from
their impulse rather than the sober
dictates of reason. He is a devout
optimist, and firm believer in the in-
nocence of human nature, and indefi-
nite perfectibility of mankind, under
the influence of republican institu-
tions. Like all other fanatics, he is
wholly inaccessible to the force of
reason, and altogether beyond the
reach of facts, how strong or convin-
cing soever. Accordingly, he remains
to this hour entirely convinced of the
perfectibility of mankind, although he
has recounted, with equal truth and
force, that it was almost entirely owing
to his own courage and energy that
the revolution was prevented, in its
very outset, from degenerating into
bloodshed and massacre ; and a tho-
rough believer in the ultimate sway
of pacific institutions, although he
owns that, despite all his zeal and
eloquence, the whole provisional go-
vernment, with himself at its head,
would on the 16th April have been
guillotined or thrown into the Seine,
but for the determination and fidelity
of threebattalions of the Garde Mobile,
whom Changarnier volunteered to
arrange in all the windows and ave-
nues of the Hotel de Ville, when
assailed by a column of thirty thou-
sand furious revolutionists.
Chateaubriand is more a man of
the world than Lamartine. He has
passed through a life of greater vicis-
situdes, and been much more fre-
quently brought into contact with
men in all ranks and gradations of
society. He is not less chivalrous
than Lamartine, but more practical ;
his style is less pictorial but more
statesmanlike. The French of all shades
of political opinion agree in placing
him at the head of the writers of the
last age. This high position, how-
ever, is owing rather to the detached
passages than the general tenor of his
writings, for their average style is
hardly equal to such an encomium.
He is not less vain than Lamartine,
and still more egotistical — a defect
which, as already noticed, he shares
with nearly all the writers of autobio-
graphy in France, but which appears
peculiarly extraordinary and lament-
able in a man. of such talents and
acquirements. His life abounded
with strange and romantic adven-
tures, and its vicissitudes would have
furnished a rich field for biography
even to a writer of less imaginative
powers.
He was born on the 4th September
1768 — the same year with Napoleon —
at an old melancholy chateau on the
coast of Brittany, washed by the waves
of the Atlantic ocean. His mother,
like those of almost all other eminent
men recorded in history, was a very
remarkable woman, gifted with a
prodigious memory and an ardent
imagination — qualities which she
transmitted in a very high degree to
her son. His family was very an-
cient, going back to the year 1000 ;
but, till illustrated by Francois Rene,
who has- rendered it immortal, the
Chateaubriands lived in unobtrusive
privacy on their paternal acres. After
receiving the rudiments of education
at home, he was sent at the age of -
seventeen into the army; but the
Revolution having soon after broken
out, and his regiment revolted, he
quitted the service and came to Paris,
where he witnessed the horrors of
the storming of the Tuileries on the
10th of August, and the massacre in
the prisons on 2d September. Many
of his nearest relations — in particular
his sister-in-law, Madame de Cha-
teaubriand, and sister, Madame Ro-
zambo — were executed along with
Malesherbes, shortly before the fall
of Robespierre. Obliged now to fly
to England, he lived for some years in
London in extreme poverty, support-
ing himself by his pen. It was there
1849.]
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
he wrote his earliest and least credi-
table work, the Essai Historique.
Tired of such an obscure and mono-
tonous life, however, he set out for
America, with the Quixotic design of
discovering by land journey the
North-west passage. He failed in
that attempt, for which, indeed, he
had no adequate means ; but he dined
with Washington, and in the solitudes
of the Far West imbibed many of
the noblest ideas, and found the sub-
jects of several of the finest descrip-
tions, which have since adorned his
works. Finding that there was no-
thing to be done in the way of dis-
covery in America, he returned to
England. Afterwards he went to
Paris, and there composed his greatest
works, Atala et Rene and the Genie
du Christianisme, which soon acquired
a colossal reputation, and raised the
author to the highest pinnacle of lite-
rary fame.
Napoleon, whose piercing eye dis-
cerned talent wherever it was to be
found, now selected him for the pub-
lic service in the diplomatic line. He
gives the following interesting account
of the first and only interview he had
with that extraordinary man, in the
saloon of his brother Lucien : —
" I was in the gallery when Napoleon
entered ; his appearance struck me with
an agreeable surprise. I had never pre-
viously seen him but at a distance. His
smile was sweet and encouraging ; his
eye beautiful, especially from the way in
which it was overshadowed by the eye-
brows. He had no charlatanism in his
looks, nothing affected or theatrical in his
manner. The Genie du Christianisme,
which at that time was making a great
deal of noise, had produced its effect on
Napoleon. A vivid imagination animated
his cold policy ; he would not have been
what he was if the Muse had not been
there ; reason in him worked out the
ideas of a poet. All great men are com-
posed of two natures — for they must be
at once capable of inspiration and action,
— the one conceives, the other executes.
" Buonaparte saw me, and knew me I
know not how. When he moved towards
me, it was not known whom he sought.
The crowd opened; every one hoped the
First Consul would stop to converse with
him ; his air showed that he was irritated
at these mistakes. I retired behind those
303
around me; Buonaparte suddenly raised
his voice, and called out, " Monsieur de
Chateaubriand." I then remained alone in
front; for the crowd instantly retired, and
re-formed in a circle around us. Buona-
parte addressed me with simplicity, with-
out questions, preamble, or compliments.
He began speaking about Egypt and the
Arabs, as if I had been his intimate
friend, and he had only resumed a con-
versation already commenced betwixt us.
' I was always struck,' said he, ' when I
saw the Scheiks fall on their knees in
the desert, turn towards the east, and
touch the sand with their foreheads.
What is that unknown thing which they
adore in the east ?' Speedily then pass-
ing to another idea,he said, ' Christianity!
the Ideologues wished to reduce it to a
system of astronomy ! Suppose it were
so, do they suppose they would render
Christianity little? Were Christianity
only an allegory of the movement of the
spheres, the geometry of the stars, the
esprits forts would have little to say :
despite themselves, they have left suffi-
cient grandeur to VInfame' *
" Buonaparte immediately withdrew.
Like Job in the night, I felt as if a spirit
had passed before me; the hairs of my
flesh stood up. I did not know its coun-
tenance ; but I heard its voice like a little
whisper.
" My days have been an uninterrupted
succession of visions. Hell and heaven
continually have opened under my feet, or
over my head, without my having had time
to sound their depths, or withstand their
dazzling. I have met once, and once
only, on the shores of the two worlds, the
man of the last age, and the man of the
new — Washington and Napoleon — I con-
versed a few moments with each — both
sent me back to solitude — the first by a
kind wish, the second by an execrable
crime.
" I remarked that, in moving through
the crowd, Buonaparte cast on me looks
more steady and penetrating than he had
done before he addressed me. I followed
him with my eyes.
' Who is that great man -who cares not
For conflagrations ?'"f— (Vol. iv. 118-121.)
This passage conveys a just idea of
Chateaubriand's Memoirs : his eleva-
tion of mind, his ardent imagination,
his deplorable vanity. In justice to
so eminent a man, however, we tran-
scribe a passage in which the noble-
ness of his character appears in its
true lustre, untarnished by the weak-
* Alluding to the name VInfame, given by the King of Prussia, D'Alembert, and
Diderot, in their correspondences, to the Christian religion,
t Dante.
301
Autobiography — Chateaubriand's Memoirs.
[Sept.
nesses which so often disfigure the cha-
racter of men of genius. We allude to
his courageous throwing down the
gauntlet to Napoleon, on occasion of
the murder of the Duke d'Enghien : —
" Two days before the fatal 20th March,
I dressed myself, before taking leave of
Buonaparte, on my way to the Valais,
to which I had received a diplomatic mis-
sion; I had not seen him since the time
when he had spoken to me at the Tuile-
ries. The gallery where the reception
was going on was full ; he was accom-
panied by Murat and his aide-de-camp.
When he approached me, I was struck
with an alteration in his countenance :
his cheeks were fallen in, of a livid hue ;
his eyes stern ; his colour pale ; his air
sombre and terrible. The attraction
which had formerly drawn me towards
him was at an end ; instead of awaiting,
I fled his approach. He cast a look to-
wards me, as if he sought to recognise me,
moved a few steps towards me, turned,
and disappeared. Returned to the Hotel
de France, I said to several of my friends,
' Something strange, which I do not know,
must have happened : Buonaparte could
not have changed to such a degree unless
he had been ill.' Two days after, at
eleven in the forenoon, I heard a man cry
in the streets — ' Sentence of the military
commission convoked at Vincennes, which
has condemned to the pain of DEATH
Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon, born
2d August 1772 at Chantilly.' That cry
fell on me like a clap of thunder: it
changed my life as it changed that of Na-
poleon. I returned home, and said to
Madame de Chateaubriand — ' The Duke
d'Enghien has just been shot.' I sat
down to a table and began to write my
resignation — Madame de Chateaubriand
made no opposition : she had a great deal
of courage. She was fully aware of my
danger: the trial of Moreau and Georges
Cadoudal was going on: the lion had
tasted blood : it was not the moment to
irritate him."— (Vol. iv. 228-229.)
After this honourable step, which
happily passed without leading to
Chateaubriand's being shot, he tra-
velled to the East, where he visited
Greece, Constantinople, the Holy
Land, and Egypt, and collected the
materials which have formed two of
his most celebrated works, L1 Itineraire
a Jerusalem, and Les Martyrs. He
returned to France, but did not appear
in public life till the Allies conquered
Paris in 1814, where he composed with
extraordinary rapidity his famous
pp^iphlet entitled Buonaparte and the
rtourbons, which had so powerful an
effect in bringing about the Restora-
tion. The royalists were now in
power, and Chateaubriand was too
important a man to be overlooked. In
1821 he was sent as ambassador to
London, the scene of his former
penury and suffering ; in 1823 he was
made Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
in that capacity projected, and success-
fully carried through, the expedition
to Spain which reseated Ferdinand on
the throne of his ancestors; and he
was afterwards the plenipotentiary of
France at the congress of Verona in
1824. He was too liberal a man to be
employed by the administration of
Charles X., but be exhibited an hon-
ourable constancy to misfortune on
occasion of the Revolution of 1830. He
was offered the portfolio of Foreign
Affairs if he would abstain from oppo-
sition ; but he refused the proposal^
made a last noble and eloquent speech
in favour of his dethroned sovereign in
the Chamber of Peers; and, withdraw-
ing into privacy, lived in retirement,
engaged in literary pursuits, and in the
composition or revising of his numer-
ous publications, till his death, which
occurred in June 1848.
Such a life of such a man cannot be
other than interesting, for it unites
the greatest possible range and variety
of events with the reflections of a
mind of great power, ardent imagina-
tion, and extensive erudition. His
autobiography, or Memoires d1 Outre
Tombe, as it is called, was accord-
ingly looked for with great inte-
rest, which has not been sensibly
diminished by the revolution of 1848,
which has brought a new set of poli-
tical actors on the stage. Foul-
volumes only have hitherto been pub-
lished, but the rest may speedily be
looked for, now that the military
government of Prince Louis Napoleon
has terminated that of anarchy in
France. The three first volumes cer-
tainly disappointed us : chiefly from
the perpetual and offensive vanity
which they exhibited, and the num-
ber of details, many of them of a
puerile or trifling character, which
they contained. The fourth volume,
however, from which the preceding
extracts have been taken, exhibits
Chateaubriand, in many places, in his
original vigour ; and if the succeeding
ones are of the same stamp, we pro-
pose to return to them.
1819.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
305
THE GREEN HAND.
A "SHORT" TARN. PART iv.
" You must surely be tired by this
time, ma'am, of this long-winded
yarn of mine ? " said the commander of
the Gloucester to the elder of his fair
listeners, next evening they met with
the evident expectation of hearing
further ; " but after all, this must be
dull work for you at present, so I
daresay you are amused with any-
thing by way of a change.
" Well, one morning when
Westwood and I went on deck, it was
a stark staring calm ; as dead as a
mill-pond, save for the long winding
heave that seemed to come miles up
out of the stale blue water, and get
tired with the journey — from the
horizon to us in one lazy coil, and on
every side, just serving to jerk the
wheel a spoke back and forward, with
nobody at it. The very bits of
pumpkin-paring and fat which the
cook had thrown overboard the night
before, lay still alongside, with an
oily track oozing round about them
from the ' slush,' * — the sails hang-
ing from the yards, up and down,
like clothes on a screen — and when
you looked over the side away from
the sun, yoti saw your own face, like
a fellow's that had been long drowned,
peering back at you as it were round
the keel — in fact, there you scarce
knew where the water was. Some-
how or other the ship kept sheering
round, by little and little, till, although
one had chosen a shady spot, all of a
sudden the blazing sun came right
into his eyes ; or the single streak of
white cloud laying behind you, to star-
board, a while after stuck itself before
your face from the very opposite
quarter — you fancying, too, you had
your eye the whole time on the same
bit of water. Being lost in a wood
or a fog was nothing to it, especially
with the sun at noon drawn up right
overhead, so that you couldn't look
aloft, and staring down into the sea
out of a pool of bright light ; " like
one tremendously keen little eye," as
some of the passengers said, " ex-
amining a big blind one." " Why,"
put in one of the " writers," " I fear
he wants to take the mote out of his
brother's eyCj — this vessel, that is to
say ! " " Hang it, I hope not ! " said
Winterton, rather alarmed. " He
promises well to do it, then," said
another young civilian, " but I wish
he'd take the beam out of his own,
first— ha, Smythe?" However, few
men have the spirit to laugh at little
in a calm near the Line, so Smythe
gave no more than a sickly grin, while
Westwood looked the clergyman very
properly.
Both passengers and crew, all of us
that could swim, gave wistful looks now
and then alongside at the ,water, hot
as it seemed, for a bathe ; just floating
up, as it were, with the mere huge
size of it, under a dazzle of light, and
so blue and smooth you could'nt see a
hair'sbreadth below ; while, a bit off,
the face of it, and the very air, ap-
peared to dance and quiver like little
streams of glass. However, all
thoughts of bathing were put out of
your head when you saw the black
three-cornered affair, with a rake aft,
somewhat like the end of a scythe, that
went steering slowly round us ; then
cruising hither and thither, till its
infernal horn was as dry as the deck ;
and at times driving straight off, as if
it ran in a groove through the level
surface, when back again it came
from the other side, creeping lazily
towards us, till it sank with a light
tip, and a circle or two on the blue
water. The hook and chain were
hanging up and down over the taffrail,
with the piece of rank pork looking
green in the shadow near the rudder,
where you read the white figures of
her draught as plain as in dock ; but
the shark, a fifteen-feet customer, if
he was an inch, was too knowing to
have touched it. *' Pity he's gone,
Collins," said Ford to me, after we
had watched him at last out of sight ;
" wasn't there any plan of catching
him, I wonder ! Now we shall have a
Cook's grease.
306
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
[Sept.
bathe though, at any rate." " Gone?"
said I, " lie won't leave us in a huny,
if we don't leave him ! " " Fob, man ! "
said Ford, " I tell you he's tired out
and gone away !" Five minutes after,
Ford was leaning over the quarter,
and wiping his face, while he fanned
himself with his straw-hat, which fell
out of his hand into the water. He had
got over into the mizen-chains to
throw a line round it, when he gave a
loud shriek, and jumped in-board
again. Two or three fathoms of
green came up from the keel, balan-
cing on a pair of broad fins under
Ford's hat, and a big round snout
touched it ; then a dozen feet of white
belly gleamed in the water, the hat
gave a gulp as it was drawn down,
and a few small air-bells rose to the
top. " He prefers some flavours to
others you see, Ford," said I. " 'Tis
the second hat I've seen yon lose : I
hope your head won't be in the third;
but you mariners, you see /'how-
ever Ford had bolted to his cabin.
On turning round I perceived Miss
Hyde with the General's lady under
the awning on the other side, where
the old lady leant against a cushion,
with her hands crossed, and her bon-
net-strings loose — though a strapping
raw-boned Irishwoman she was —
and kept Miss Hyde's maid fanning
her from behind with a large feather
punkah. The old lady had started at
Ford's cry, and gave a look round at
me, half fierce and half order- wise, as
if she expected to know what was the
matter at once. " Only my friend
lost his hat, ma'am," said I, stepping
forward. " These cadets are so tay-
gious, my dear!" said she to the
young lady, falling back again with-
out the least other notice of me.
il They plague the life of me, but the
brigadier can't drill them as he would
if this were a troop-ship — I wish he
could, for the sake of the profession !
— now, my dear, d/*o kape out of the
s-hun!" However I stuck where I
•was, fancying I caught the slightest
bit of an arch twinkle in the corner of
the young lady's eye, though she
didn't look at me. " Keep going,
can't ye ! " said the old lady crossly
to the maid. " No, ma'am, indeed !"
said the girl, glancing over to her
young mistress, " I'm ready to drop !"
" Send up papa's kitmagar, then,
Wilkins," said Miss Hyde ; and the
girl went off toward the gallery stair,
muttering she " hoped she didn't come
— here to be — made a black Indian
slave of— at least to an old" — the re-
mainder being lost in the stair. As I
leant on the rail-netting, behind the
old lady, I happened to tread on her
fat pug-dog's tail, whereupon the ugly
brute made its teeth meet without
further notice in the small of my leg,
after which it gave a yelp, and ran
beneath the chairs. " What's that,
Die?" exclaimed its mistress : "good
hivens ! is that same griffin here yet,
my dear ! Hadn't he ay v en the spirit to
take a hint ? — I say, was it you hurt
Dianny. young man?" " Oh, dear !
no, ma'am, not for the world ! " said
I, looking at my trousers, hard as
the thing was to stand, but thinking to
smooth her over, though Iwas'nt quite
up to the old Irishwoman, it turned
out. "Ha! ha! so she bit yon?"
said she, with a flash of her hawk's-
eye, and leaning back again coolly :
" If he'd only kicked poor Die for
it under my chair, now, I'd have
forgiven him ; but he hadn't ayven
the heart at the time to drop her a
curse, — and / thinking all the while,
too, by the luke of his eye, he was
from the county Clare ! My heart
warms to the county Clare always,
because, although I'm not Irish my-
self, you know, I'd once a schoolfellow
was born in it — without counting all
my relations ! Oh, the smooth spal-
peen!" continued she, harder than
•before, glancing at me as I looked all
abroad from one to the other ; — " lis-
ten, niver you let that fellow spake to
you, my dear! he's too ." But
here I walked quietly off, to put the
poop's length betwixt me and the
talking old vixen, cursing her and her
dog both, quite enough to have pleased
her Irish fancy.
On the quarterdeck, the Judge and
the General seemed to enjoy the heat
and quiet, sitting with their feet up
before the round-house, and smoking
their long red-twisted hookahs, while
they watched the wreaths of smoke go
whirling straight up from the bowls to
the awning, and listened to the faint
bubble of it through the water in the
bottles, just dropping a word now and
then to each other. A tall thin " na-
tive" sen-ant, with long sooty hair
1849.]
The Green Hand.— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
307
hanging from his snow-Avhite turban,
stood behind the Judge's chair, bolt
upright, with his arras folded, and
twice as solemn as Sir Charles him-
self: you saw a stern-window shining
far abaft, through one of the round-
house doors, and the fat old fellow of
a consumah* busy laying the cloth for
tiffin, while the sole breath of air
there was came out of there- away.
Suddenly eight bells struck, and
every one seemed glad of something
new ; the Judge's consumah came out
salaaming to say tiffin was ready ;
the cuddy passengers went below for
wine-and- water and biscuit ; and the
men were at dinner. There being
nothing to take care of on deck, and
the heat of course getting greater, not
a soul staid up but myself ; but I pre-
ferred at the moment lighting a
cheroot, and going up aft to see clear
of the awnings. The cockatoo had
been left on the poop-rail, with his
silver chain hitched round one of the
mizen back-stays, where it shifted
from one leg to the other, hooked
itself up the back-stay as far as it
could go, then hurried down again,
and mused a bit, as wise as Solomon,
— then screamed out at the top of its
voice — " Tip — tip — pr-r-retty cacka
— tip-poo — cok-ka — whee-yew-ew-
ew!" finishing by a whistle of tri-
umph fit to have split one's ears, or
brought a gale of wind — though not
on account of skill in its books, at any
rate. Again it took to swinging
quietly head-down, at a furious rate,
and then slewed upright to plume its
feathers, and shake the pink tuft on
its head. No sooner had I got up the
stair, however, than, to my perfect
delight, I saw Violet Hyde was still
sitting aft, and the old Irishwoman
gone ; so I stepped to the taffrail at
once, and, for something to be about,
I hauled up the shark-hook from
astern. The moment I caught her
eye, the young lady smiled — by way
of making up, no doubt, for the old
one. " How. very lonely it is !" said
she, rising and looking out; " the
ship almost seems deserted, except by
us!" " By Jove! I almost wish it
were," thought I. " A dead calm,
madam," I said, " and likely to hold
— the under-swell's gone quite down,
and a haze growing." " Are we sure
ever to leave this spot then?" asked
she, with a slight look of anxiety.
" Never fear it, ma'am," said I ; "as
soon as the haze melts again, we're
near a breeze I assure you — only, by
the length of the calm and the heat
together, not to speak of our being so
far to east'ard, I'm afraid we mayn't
get rid of it without a gale at the end
to match." " Indeed?" said Miss
Hyde. The fact was, Westwood and
I had been keeping a log, and calcu-
lated just now we were somewhere to
south-eastward of Ascension ; where-
as, by the captain and mate's reckon-
ing, she was much farther to west.
" I never thought the sea could ap-
pear so awful," said she, as if to her-
self— " much more than in a storm."
" Why, madam," said I, " you
haven't exactly seen one this voyage
— one needs to be close-hauled off the
Cape for that." Somehow or other,
in speaking to her, by this time I for-
got entirely about keeping up the
sham cadet, and slipped into my own
way again; so all at once I felt her
two dark-blue eyes looking at me
curiously. "How! — why," exclaimed
she suddenly, and then laughing,
" you seem to know all about it ! —
why, you speak — have you been stu-
dying sea affairs so thoroughly, sir,
with your friend, who — but I do think,
now, one can scarcely trust to what
you have said?" "Well — why —
well," said I, fiddling with the shark-
hook, " I don't know how it is, but I
feel as if I must have been at sea
some time or other before ; — you
wouldn't suppose it, ma'am, but when-
ever I fix my eyes on a particular
rope, I seem almost to know the name
of it!" "And its use, too?" asked
she, merrily. " I shouldn't wonder!"
said I ; " perhaps I was born at sea,
you know, ma'am ?" and I gave a side-
look to notice how she took it. " Ah !
perhaps ! " said Miss Hyde, laughing ;
" but do you know one sometimes
fancies these things ; and now I think
of it, sir, I even imagined for a moment
I had seen yourself before !" " Oh,"
said I, " that couldn't be the case ; I'm
sure, for my part, I should recollect
clear enough if I'd seen — a — a lady
anywhere ! I think you said something
* East-Indian steward.
308
Tlie Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part IV.
[Sept.
of the kind, ina'am, that night of the
last squall — about the water and the
clouds, ma'am, you remember?" The
young lady looked away, though a no-
tion seemed to flash through her mind.
" Yes," said she, " that terrible rain —
you were " " Washed into the lee-
scuppers," said I, indifferently, for I
didn't want her to suspect it was /
that had kissed her hand in the dark
as I carried her in. "I hope Sir
Charles and yourself got in safe,
madam?" However, she was watching
the water alongside, and suddenly she
exclaimed — " Dear ! what a pretty
little fish !" " By heavens !" said I,
seeing the creature with its sharp nose
and blue bars, as it glanced about near
the surface, and then swam in below
the ship's bilge again, " that's one of
the old villain's pilots — he's lying right
across our keel ! I wish I could catch
that shark !" The pork was of no use
for such an old sea-lawyer, and I cast
a wistful eye on the Irishwoman's fat
pug-dog stretched asleep on her shawl
by the bulwark ; she was far gone in
the family way, and, thought I, " he'd
take that in a trice !" I even laid out
some marline from a stern-locker, and
noticed how neatly one could pass the
hook under her belly round to the
tail, and seize her so snugly on,
muzzled and all ; but it was no go,
with the devil to pay afterwards. All
of a sudden I heard somebody hawking
and spitting above the awning forward,
near where the cockatoo kept still try-
ing to master his own name. " The
Yankee, for a thousand !" thought I,
" is Daniel trying to walk along the
spanker-boom !" Next, some one sung
out, " Hal-loo-oo-oo !" as if there was
a tomahawk over him, ready to split
his brain. Miss Hyde looked alarmed,
when the Scotch mate, as I thought,
roared, " Shiver my tops'ls !" then it
was a sailor hailing gruffly, " Bloody
Capting Brown — bloody Capting
Brown, damn your — Capting Brown!"
" Somebody drunk aloft!" thought I,
walking forward to see ; when a funny
little black head peeped round the
awning, with a yellow nose as sharp as
a marlinspike, and red spectacles,
seemingly, round its keen little eyes ;
then, with a flutter and a hop, the
steward's pet Mina-bird came down,
and lighted just under the cockatoo.
"Ha!" said I, laughing, "it's only
Parson Barnacle !" as the men called
him — a sooty little creature scarce big-
ger than a blackbird, with a white
spot on each wing, and a curious pair
of natural glasses on his head, which
they kept in the forecastle and taught
all sorts of "jaw," till they swore he
could have put the ship about, took
kindly to tar, and hunted the cock-
roaches like a cat. No doubt he was
glad to meet his countryman the
cockatoo, but Tippoo stuck up his
crest, swelled his chops, and looked
dreadfully frightened ; while the Mina-
bird* cocked his head on one side,
gave a knowing wink as it were,
though all the time as grave with his
spectacles as a real parson. " How's
her head?" croaked he, in a voice like
a quarter-master's, " blowing hard !"
" Damn Capting Brown !" and hopped
nearer to the poor cockatoo, who could
stand it no longer, but hooked himself
up the backstay as fast as possible, out
of sight, the chain running with him :
and just as I swung myself clear of the
awning to run aloft for a catch of it,
out flew Parson Barnacle to the end of
the crojack-yard, while the cockatoo
gave a flap that loosed the kitmagar's
lubberly hitch, and sent him down with
his wings spread on the water. At
another time it wouldn't have cost me
a thought to go head-foremost after
him, when I heard his young mistress
exclaiming, "Oh, poor dear Tippoo
will be drowned !" but recollecting our
hungry green friend on the other side,
I jumped down for the end of a rope
to slip myself quietly alongside with.
However, at the very moment, Tom
the man-o' -war's man happening to
come up from the fore-hatchway to
throw something overboard, and seeing
Miss Hyde's cockatoo, off went his
shoes and jacket at once, and I heard
the splash as he struck the water. I
had scarce time to think, either, before
I saw Mick O'Hooney's red head shoot
up on deck, and heard him sing out,
* Mina-bird, or Grakle ; a frequent pet in. homeward-bound East Indiamen, and
singular for its mimetic faculty ; but impudent, and, from educational disadvantages,
not particularly select in its expressions : appearance as described by the
lieutenant.
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yam. Part IV.
1849.]
*' Man overboard, be the powers, boys !
Folly my lader ! Hurroo !" and over
he sprang. " Here's dip," said another,
and in half a minute every man that
could swim was floundering in the
smooth water alongside, or his head
showing as it came up, — pitching the
cockatoo to each other, and all ready
to enjoy their bathe ; though, for my
part, I made but one spring to the
ship's starboard quarter, to use the
only chance of saving the thoughtless
fellows from a bloody fate to some of
them. I knew the shark would be
cautious at first, on such a sudden to-
do, and I had marked his whereabouts
while the men were all well toward the
bows; and "hang it!," thought I,
seeing the old woman's fat pug in my
way, " Dianny, or die-all ; I bear no
malice, but you must go for it, my
beauty !" As quick as thought, I made
one turn of marline round her nose,
took off the pork, and lashed her fast
on to the hook all standing, in spite of
her squeaks ; then twisted the lady's
shawl round the chain fora blind to it,
and flung the whole right over the lar-
board quarter, where I guessed the old
fellow would be slewing round astern
to have a lookout before he went fairly
in chase. I watched the line sink
slowly with the weight over the gun-
wale for half a minute, afraid to let him
see rny head, and trembling for fear I
should hear a cry from one of the men ;
when jerk went the rope clear of a be-
laying-pin as he ran off with his bait.
I took a quick turn to hookhim smartly
in the throat, and then eased off again
till the " cleets" brought him up with
a " surge " fit to have parted the line,
had it not been good new three-inch
rope — though, as it was, the big India-
man would soon have sheered stem-
round to the force of it, if he'd only
pulled fair. The young lady stood
noticingwhat I did, first in a perplexed
sort of way, and then with no small
surprise, especially when the shai-k
gave every now and then a fiercer tug,
as he took a sweep astern : by this
time, however, everybody was on deck
in a crowd, the passengers all in a
flurry, and half of the men scrambling
up from alongside to tail on to the
line, and run him out of water. So
away they went with it full speed to-
wards the bows, as soon as the ladies
were out of the way — dragging two or
three cadets back foremost, head over
heels, down the poop stair — till, in
spite of his tugging, the shark's round
snout showed over the taffrail, with
the mouth wide open under his chin,
as it were, and one row of teeth laid flat
behind another, like a comb-maker's
shop. A running bowline passed round
his handsome waist, then another pull,
and over he came on the poop, floun-
dering fourteen feet long, and flourish-
ing his tail for room, till the carpenter
chopped it across, in a lucky moment,
with his axe.
All hands gathered round the shark
to see him cut up, which was as good
as a play to them, becalmed as we
were ; when, to my no small dismay,
I heard Mrs Brigadier Brady's loud
voice asking where her dog was ; and
the Brigadier himself, who seemed
more afraid of his wife than anybody
else, kept poking about with his red-
faced English butler to find the ani-
mal. "For godsake," said he, in a
half whisper, twenty times over,
" haven't ye seen Mrs Brady's dog,
any of ye ? — she'll rout the ship inside
out for it, captain, if we don't soon
ase her mind I" However, I knew
only Miss Hyde was aware who
caught the shark, and as she didn't
appear to have told, why of course I
kept all fast, myself. " Here's a
'baccy-box!" sung out the big old
boatswain, standing astride over the
tail, while the cook and his black mate
ripped away from the tail up. " Hand
over, if ye please, sir," said ' ugly '
Harry, " it's mine's, Mr Burton ! "
Harry gave it a wipe on his knee, and
coolly bit a quid off the end of his
lost pigtail. The next thing was
Ford's hat, which no one claimed, so
black Sambo clapped it on his woolly
head. " What's that you've got there
now, Sambo?" said the boatswain,
" out with it, my lad !" " Golly !"
chuckled the nigger, rolling the whites
of his eyes and grinning like mad ;
" oh sar, misser Barton ! dis 'ere
shark riglar navligator ! I 'clare to
you, sar, um got chr'ometer aboard!
Oh gum ! berry mnch t'ink dis you
own lost silber tickler, misser Barton ! "
"Bless me, so it is, my lad!" said
the boatswain, as the black handed
him a silver watch as big as a turnip,
and he looked at the cook, who was
busy fumbling with his knife. " Sorry
310
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
[Sept.
as you was taxed with it, doctor!"*
said he, doubtfully, — " well I'm blow-
eel, though ! — it only goes an hour and
a-half, — and here it's a-ticking yet!"
Here a burst of laughter went round,
and somebody sung out, " Maybe the
ould pawn-broking Judas of a shark
winded it up, hisself, jist to mark
the time o' his ' goin' off the hooks'!"
"I say, doctor!" hailed another,
" too bloody bad, an't it though, to
cut up yer uncle?'1'1 " Ha ! ha ! ha ! "
cried the cadets and writers, looking
at the Scotch surgeon, " d'ye hear
that, doctor? I wouldn't stand it!
They say you ain't particular in Edin-
bro', though ! Some rum mistakes
happened there, eh, doctor?" The
Scotchman got into a passion at this,
being the worst cut they could give
any fellow from a country where they
were famous for kindred and body-
snatching at once — but all of a sudden
there was a " Hull op ! Shiver my
taw'sels ! What's this ? Let's see ! "
and the whole poopful of us were
shoving together, and jumping on each
other's shoulders to have a look.
"Well, we-ell!" said the old boat-
swain, as he peered curiously into
the mess of shark's bowels — " I'll be
d d!" " The likes o' that now !"
croaked the old sailmaker, lifting up
his two hands, " tan't lucky, Mr Bur-
ton !" " My eye ! them's not young
sharks, anyhow ! " said one of the
men. " What's t'ou think they be,
mun," said the north- country Chips,
" but litter o' yoong blind poops? an'
here's t' ou'd uu, see, as deed's mutton !
Dang him, but some un's got an'
baited t' hook wi't, there's nou't else
in 's guts ! " The whole poop was
one roar of laughing, when Mrs
Brady's pug was found delivered of
four pups, inside the shark, since she
went overboard, and two of 'em alive ;
the news ran fore and aft in a moment.
" Took short she's been, Jack!" said
one. "Beats the profit Joney!"
" I say, 'mate, them whelps is born
twice over. Blessed if my Sal at
home, now, wouldn't give a year's
'lotment for one on 'em ! " " Poor
devil !" said one of the writers, " she
must have been sadly in want of a
lying-in hospital !" "Look out,
all hands of ye ! " cried some one,
" there's the old girl herself coming
on deck ! sharp's the word ! " And
away we scuttled right and left, some
aloft, and some down one poop-ladder,
as Mrs Brady, with the Brigadier
and his butler after her, came fuming
up the other. The black made one
spring over the quarter as soon as he
saw her; but the Irish topman, Mick,
slipped his foot amongst the shark's
blood, and rolled on his back, while
the old bo'suu made stand in the
thick of it behind. " Saze the villains,
I charge ye, Brigadier!" screamed
Mrs Brady, though he and his man-
servant only kept dodging the boat-
swain round a sort of a quagmire of
blood and grease, while the old vixen
caught Mick by his red hair and
Avhiskers. " Where's my dog, ye
murdering spalpeen ? " said she, pant-
ing for breath, " what have ye done
with myDianny, yemonsther? Spake,
or I'll " " Be the holy elaven
thousand, yer ladyship ! " said Mick,
"an' it's lost did ye think shewor!
isn't there five of 'em back ! Whisper !
yer ladyship's riv'rence, — she's laid in,
poor craythure, an' " "Oh ! you
Irish thief!" roared Mrs Brady, hit-
ting him a slap as he tried to rise,
that sent him down again, " is it that
you'd say to " " No, thin'," sung
out Mick, rubbing his ear, and guard-
ing with one arm, — "rest her sowl !
but I'm innycint ! Av that '11 plase,
mim, och an' I'll swear she died a
vargin " Tug came both Mrs
Brady's hands through his hair, while
the butler caught a kick in the stomach
from Mick's foot. "Murther!"
gasped the poor fellow, "sure an' I
dun' know she was ayven a faym'le ;
bad luck t'ye, 'mates, give uz a hand.
Och, an' is this the road ye thrate a
counthryman, mim?" "Me your
countryman! ye bogtrottin' wretch
ye ! " screamed the old fury, her
brogue getting worse the more she
heated, — " take that! — don't rise, if ye
dare!" "Faix thin, yer ladyship
darlin'," said O'Hooney, grinning in
spite'of his hard usage, " I tould a lie,
— och, lave some o' me hair! — mur-
ther intirely ! I'm " All the time
none of us could stir for sheer laugh-
ing, but seeing poor Mick like to fare
hard with the old vixen, who was
Familiar metonomy, at sea, for the ship's cook.
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part IV.
311
near as big as himself, and as strong
as a horse, I whispered to the men to
run round and let go the poop awn-
ing— so down it came, with a few
buckets of water in it, over the five
of them ; and you just saw Mrs
Brady's sharp elbow through the can-
vass, lifted for the next slap, when
we had her all fast, struggling like a
cat in a bag, while O'Hooney and the
boatswain crept out below. " D d
breeze that we've had ! " said the
bo'suu, shaking himself on the fore-
castle. " Couldn't ye've bowsed over
on the old jade's pitticuts, Mick?"
said one of his shipmates, " and cap-
sized her all standing?" " Sorra fut
you'd stir, yourself, 'mate," said he,
wiping his face, " wid such a shay
grinnydeer ! she'd manhandle ye as
asy's twurl a mop !"
After all this you may suppose
one didn't weary even of the calm.
As soon as the decks were clear, most
of us took tea on the poop, for fear of
meeting the Brigadier's lady below,
every one holding his cup ready for a
start. Rollock the planter, who had
slept and swung in his cot half the
day, was like to split his sides when
he heard the story: by the way, I
believe both the little pups lived and
throve on goats' milk, and the men
called one of them 'Young Jonah,'
though he had so much of the terrier
that the old lady disowned him. It
was quite dark, and cool for a night
near the Line, though not a ripple
stirred, and I staid after the rest to
smoke a cigar, stopping every now
and then near the aftermost bull's-
eye, that shone through the deck,
and thinking of Lota. " By Jove ! "
thought I, " she hasn't said a word of
it. Think of having a secret, almost,
with her!'11 After all, though, I felt
well enough I might as soon hope for
the Emperor of China's daughter as
for such a creature, unless something
wonderfully strange fell out : deucedly
in love as I was, I wasn't puppy
enough to fancy I'd ever succeed by
mere talk ; " but here's for a bold
heart and a weather-eye !" I thought ;
" and if these can do it, I will!" said
I aloud, when some one clapped me
on the shoulder. "Well, Tom, are
you there?" said I, thinking it was
Westwood. " Why," answered old
Rollock, laughing, " not so far wrong,
VOL. LXVI. — NO. ccccvn.
my boy, — but as it's thirty years
since any one called me so, I thought
you were, for a moment! — meditating,
eh ?" " Only a cigar before bed-time
— will you have one, sir?" "Ah —
well," said the planter, "I'll take a
light, at least — queer life this, eh?
Shouldn't know this was water, now
— more like train-oil ! ~Lo6ksjunglisfi
a little under the stars yonder."
" Nothing but the haze come down,"
said I; "'tis clear enough aloft, though,
— look out for squalls ere long !"
' ' As your friend Ford would have it, " —
said Rollock ; " but how a lad of your
spirit can manage to stand this so
well, I can't think!" "Deyvilish
dull, sir!" said I, with a lazy drawl,
" but can't be helped, you know."
" Come, come, now, don't mend it by
copying poor Winterton," ch'uckled
Rollock; "you're no fool, Collins, so
don't pretend to be. I say though,
Collins my boy," continued he, rather
gravely, " there is one really soft
piece I begin to notice in you lately —
I fear you're falling in love with that
girl ! " " /, sir ! " said I ; " dear me !
what makes you — " " My dear boy,"
went on the kind-hearted old fellow,
"I take an interest in you; no lad
of your stuff practises all this tom-
foolery without something under it,
and I see you've some serious meaning
or other. Did you know her before ? "
" Oh — why — not exactly," I dropped
out, taken rather short. "I see, I
see!" he went on; "but I tell you
what, Collins, a cadet can do nothing
madder than many at first landing ;
she had better be a cold-hearted flirt,
after all — though, God knows, no man.
can say what that does but one that's
— felt it ! I — I mean I knew — a young
fellow that went out as ambitious as
you can be, and he — " Here the
planter's voice shook a little, and he
stopped, puffing at his cheroot till the
short end of it just lighted up his hook
nose and part of his big white whiskers
in the dark, only you saw his eye
glistening too. "Devil take it!"
thought I, " who'd have expected the
old boy to be so sharp, though."
" Well but, Collins," said he at last,
"just you enter heart and soul into
your profession ; I'd stake my life you'll
rise, who knows how far — get your
captain's pay even, then you may think
of it— that is, if she— " "Why," said
312
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yam. Part IV.
I, " d'ye suppose the Judge would — "
'•'•Judge!'1'' exclaimed Mr Bollock,
" when — worse and worse ! weren't
we talking of pretty little Kate For-
tescue? My dear boy, yon don't
intend to say you mean Miss Hyde !
I left that to your first officer, as they
call him ! — why, that young girl will
be the beauty of Calcutta." At this
I fancied some one else gave a whistle
near us. " Of course, sir," said I,
raising my voice, "you didn't suppose
me such a fool." In fact, Miss For-
tescue had never entered my head at
all. " Something strange about you,
Collins!" said the planter, a little
shortly; "you puzzle me, I must
say." As we turned to go below, I
heard somebody walk down the poop-
ladder, and then the mate's voice
sung out from the binnacle to " strike
eight bells ! "
The calm was as dead as ever next
morning, and, if possible, hotter than
before — not a rope changed aloft, nor
a cloth in the sails moved ; but it was
pretty hazy round us, which made the
water a sort of pale old-bottle blue,
that sickened you to look at ; and a
long dipping and drawling heave gra-
dually got up as if there were blankets
on it ; the ship, of course, shifting
round and round again slowly, like a
dog going to lie down, and the helm
getting eveiy now and then a sudden
jolt. Near noon it cleared up with a
blaze of light, as it were ; the sole
difference at first being, that what
looked like melting lead before, now
turned into so many huge bright sheets
of tin, every bend of it as good as
flashing up thousands of needles in
your eyes. A good deal surprised we
were, however, shortly after, to find
there was a sail in sight, another
square-rigged vessel, seemingly stand-
ing up on the horizon six or seven miles
off. Being end on to us at the time,
though every glass in the ship was
brought to bear on her, 'twas hard to
say what she was ; then she and we
went bobbing and going up and down
with a long round heave between us,
slowly enough, but always at cross
purposes, like two fellows see-sawing
on a plank over a dyke. When she
was up, we were down, and we just
caught sight of her royal, no bigger
than a gull on the water; j~erk went
jour rudder, and next time she seemed
[Sept.
to have vanished out of the glasses
altogether, till we walked round to the
other side, and made her out again
under the awning on the opposite
beam. At length she lifted broad to
us for a moment or two, showing a
long pale sort of hull with a red streak,
apparently without ports, and brig-
rigged, though the space betwixt her
two masts was curious for that kind
of craft. " Wonderful light-sparred
for her size that brig, sir," said the
third officer, dropping his glass. "Ay,
so she is, Mr Small," replied Captain
Williamson : " what would you call
her, then ? You've as good knowledge
of craft as an}- man, Mr Small, I
think." " Why," said the old mate,
screwing his eye harder for a long look,
"I'd say she's — not a cruiser, Cap-
tin Williamson — no, nor a Greenock
Indyman — nor a — " "Oh!" said
Finch, "some African timberer or
other, I daresay, Small." " Well, Mi-
Finch," said the third mate, handing
him the glass, " mayhap you'll just
say yourself, sir." "No, no, Mr
Small," said the captain ; "I'd trust to
you as soon as any man, sir, in a
matter of the kind." " Why, the hull
of her 's wonderful Yankee-like, sir,"
said Small again ; " I'm thinking
they've been and squared her out of a
schooner — and a d — — d bad job of it,
sir! Bless us ! what a lean-headed
pair o' taups'ls, too, — as high as our
fore one, sir." Suddenly the old mate
gave his thigh a slap, and laid down
his glass on the capstan: "Lord,
sir !" said he, "that's the thing ; she's
nothing more nor less but a John
Crapeau, Captain Williamson!" "I
daresay you're right, Mr Small," said
the skipper, taking the glass; "just
so, — ay, ay, — I thought it myself!"
"Pity old Nap's boxed up yonder
then, sir," said the first officer, rub-
bing his hands and pointing to east-
ward, where he thought St Helena
was: "why, sir, we should have the
peppering of the Frenchman ; I don't
suppose we'd need to care though she
were twice the size — and what's
more, we want fresh water before
seeing the Cape, sir ! " " Well," said
the old skipper, laughing, "that is the
worst of it, Finch! As for spirit,
you've as much as any man. Mi-
Finch, and I do think we'd know how
to take the weather-hand of him— eh ?''
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
313
"I'll be bound we should!" said
Finch, laughing too. As for the
Frenchman, both Westwood and I
had made him out by his rig at once,
thanks to man-o'-war practice ; but
we smiled to each other at the notion
of making a prize of Monsieur, under
Finch's management, with not a gnn
that could have been used for half a
day, and everything else at sixes and
sevens.
In a little while it was proposed
amongst the cadets, hot as the calm
was, to make a party to go and see
the French vessel. Ford of course
was at the head of it. Winterton
thought they would no doubt have
plenty of champagne on board, and
some others, who could row, wanted
to try their hands. Accordingly the
captain's gig was got ready, a sort of
awning rigged over it, and two or
three of them got in ; when one, who
was Miss Fortescue's cousin, per-
suaded her to join, if Mr Rollock .
would come. Then the Brigadier, being
rather a goodhumoured man, said he
should like to face the French once
more, and Daniel Snout shoved him-
self in without asking by your leave.
One of the men was sent to take
charge ; and as there was room still,
I was just going to jump in too, for
the amusement of it, when Mrs Brady
hurried to the tafirail with her parasol
up, and said, if the Brigadier went,
she should go as well, — in fact, the
old woman's jealousy of her rib was
always laughably plain. " Hang it !
then," thought I, " catch me putting
myself in the same boat with her !
the same ship is enough, in all con-
science ! " So away they were low-
ered oiF the davits, and began pulling
in tolerable style for the brig, a couple
of hours' good work for such hands at
mid-day, smooth water as it was.
"Now, gentlemen," said the first
officer briskly, as we looked after
them dipping over the long bright
blue heave — " now, gentlemen, and
ladies also, if they please, we'll have
another party as soon as the men get
their dinner — give these gentlemen a
full hour's law, we '11 overhaul them.
See the larboard quarter-boat clear,
Jacobs." It was just the least pos-
sible hazy again behind the brig in
the distance, and as the Judge stood
talking to his daughter on the poop, I
heard her say, " Is the other vessel
not coming nearer already, papa ?
See how much more distinct its sails
are this moment — there! — one al-
most observes the white canvass ! "
"Pooh, Lota child!" answered Sir
Charles, "that cannot be — 'tis per-
fectly calm, don't you know?" In
fact, however, Lota showed a sailor's
eye for air, and I was noticing it my-
self ; but it was only the air made it
look so. " Ah ! now," exclaimed she
again, " 'tis as distant as ever ! That
must have been the light : " besides,
the brig had been lifting on a wide
swell. " I beg pardon, Sir Charles,"
said the mate, coming up and taking
off his cap, " but might I use the free-
dom — perhaps yourself and Miss
Hyde would like to visit the French
brig ? " The Judge looked at his
daughter as much as to ask if she
would like it. " Oh yes ! so much ! "
exclaimed she, her bright eyes spark-
ling, " shall we ? " " No, the deuce !
Not //" said Sir Charles: "I shall
take my siesta. Quite safe, sir — eh?"
" Oh, quite safe, Sir Charles ! " said
Finch, "a dead calm, sir — I'll take
the utmost cfire you may be sure,
Sir Charles — as safe as the deck, sir !"
" Oh, very well," replied the Judge,
and he walked down to see after his
tiffin. The young lady was going
down the quarter-gallery stair, when
I caught my opportunity to say — "I
hope you '11 excuse it, Miss Hyde,
ma'am — but I do trust you '11 not risk
going in the boat so far, just now ! "
Half a minute after I spoke, she
turned round, and looked at me with
a curious sort of expression in her
charming face, which I couldn't make
out, — whether it was mischievous,
whether it was pettish, or whether
'twas inquisitive. " Dear me ! " said
she, " why— do you — " "The
weather might change," I said, look-
ing round about, " and I shouldn't
wonder if it did— or a swell might
get up — or — " " I must say, Mr —
Mr Collins," said she, laughing
slightly, " you are very gloomy in
anticipating — almost timorous, I de-
clare ! I wonder how you came to
be so weather-wise ! But why did
you not advise — poor Mrs Brady,
now ? " I couldn't see her face as
she spoke, but the tone of the last
words made me feel I'd have given
8U
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn. Part IV.
[Sept.
worlds to look round and see what it
was like at the moment. " Perhaps,
ma'am," said I, " you may remember
the rain?'" "Well, we shall see,
sir ! " replied she, glancing up with a
bright sparkle in her eye for an in-
stant, but only toward the end of the
spanker-boom, as it were ; and then
tripping down the stair.
I kept watching the gig pull slowly
toward the brig in the distance, and
the cutter making ready on our quar-
ter, till the men were in, with Jacobs
amongst them ; where they sat wait-
ing in no small glee for the mate and
his party, who came up a few minutes
after: and I was just beginning to
hope that Violet Hyde had taken my
advice, when she and another young
lady came out of the round-house,
dressed for the trip, and the captain
gallantly handed them in. " My
compliments to the French skipper,
Mr Finch," said the captain, laugh-
ing, " and if he an't better engaged,
happy to see him to dinner at two
bells * in the dog-watch, we '11 make
it!" "Ay, ay, sir," said Finch.
4 ' Now then !— all ready ? " " Smy the's
coming yet," said a "writer." "We
<;an't wait any longer for him," re-
plied the mate ; " ease away the
falls, handsomely, on deck ! " "Stop,"
said I, " I'll go, then ! " " Too late,
young gentleman, " answered the
mate, sharply, " you '11 cant us
gunnel up, sir ! — lower away, there !"
However, I caught hold of a rope and
let myself down the side, time enough
to jump lightly into her stem- sheets
the moment they touched the water.
The officer stared at me as he took
the yokelines to steer, but he said
nothing, and the boat shoved off;
while Miss Hyde's blue eyes only
•opened out, as it were, for an instant,
at seeing me drop in so uncere-
moniously ; and her companion
laughed. " I shouldn't have sup-
posed you so nimble, Mr Collins ! "
said the writer, looking at me through
his eye-glass. " Oh," said I, "Ford
and I have practised climbing a good
deal lately." " Ha ! ha ! " said the
civilian, "shouldn't be surprised, now,
if youv friend were to take the navi-
gation out of Mr Finch's hands, some
day ! " " Bless me, yes, sir ! " said
Finch, with a guffaw, as he sat hand-
ling the lines carelessly, and smiling
to the ladies, with his cap over one
ear; " to be sure — ha ! ha ! ha !— it's
certain, Mr Beveridge ! Wouldn't you
take the helm here, sir ? " to me.
" Oh, thank you, no, sir ! " replied I,
modestly, " I'm not quite so far yet —
but we Ve got a loan of Hamilton
Moore and Falconer's Dictionary
from the midshipmen, and mean to —
44 No doubt you'll teach us a trick or
two yet ! " said Finch, with a
sneer. "Now, for instance," said I
coolly, " aloft yonder, you've got the
throat halliards jammed in the block
with a gasket, and the mizen-topsail
cluelines rove wrong-side of it, which
Hamilton Moore distinctly — " "Hang
the lubber that did it, so they are !"
exclaimed the mate, looking through
the spy-glass we had with us. " Now
you've your jibs hauled down, sir,"
continued I, " and if a squall came on
abeam, no doubt they'd wish to shorten
sail from q/it, and keep her away —
however, she would broach-to at once,
as Hamilton Moore shows must — "
" You and Hamilton Moore be ;
no fear of a squall just now, at any
rate, ladies," said he. "Stretchout,
men — let's head upon Mr Ford and his
gig, yet !" Terribly hot it was close to
the water, and so stifling that you
scarce could breathe, while the long
glassy swell was far higher than one
thought it from the ship's deck ; how-
ever, we had an awning hoisted, and
it refreshed one a little both to hear
the water and feel it below again, as
the cutter went sliding and rippling
over it to long slow strokes of the
oars ; her crew being all man-o'-war's-
raen, that knew how to pull together
and take it easy. The young ladies
kept gazing rather anxiously at the
big old Seringapatam, as she rose and
dropped heavily on the calm, amused
though they were at first by a sight
of their late home turning " gable" on
to us, with her three masts in one,
and a white straw hat or two watch-
ing us from her taffrail ; whereas,
ahead, they only now and then caught
a glimpse of the brig's upper canvass,
over a hot, hazy, sullen-looking sweep
of water as deep-blue as indigo — with
six hairy brown breasts bending be-
* Fire o'clock, P.M.
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
315
fore them to the oars, and as many
pair of queer, rollicking, fishy sort of
eyes fixed steadily on their bonnets,
in a shame-faced, down-hill kind of
way, like fellows that couldn't help it.
In fact, I noticed a curious grin now
and then on every one of the men's
faces, and a look to each other, when
they caught sight of myself, sitting
behind the mate as he paid off his
high-flying speeches ; Jacobs, again,
regarding me all the while out of the
whites of his eyes, as it were, in a
wooden, unknowing fashion, fit to
have made a cat laugh — seeing he
never missed his mark for one moment,
and drew back his head at every pull
with the air of a drunk man keeping
sight of his waistcoat buttons. By
the time we were half-way, the swell
began to get considerable, and the
mate stepped up abaft to look for the
gig. u Can't see the boat yet," said
he; "give way there, my lads — stretch
out and bend your backs ! there's the
brig!" "Hal-lo!" exclaimed he again,
"she's clued up royals and to'gal-
lants'ls ! By heavens ! there go her
tops'ls down too ! Going to bend new
sails, though, I daresay, for it looks
clear enough there." " The ship's run
up a flag aft, sir," said Jacobs. "The
— so she has," said Finch, turning
round ; " recall signal ! What's
wrong? Sorry we can't dine aboard
the French vessel this time, ladies !"
said he — "extremely so — and the
griffins there after all, too. I hope you
won't be disappointed in any great
measure, Miss Hyde — but if you
wished it now, Miss, I'd even keep on,
and — " The young lady coloured a
little at this, and turned to her com-
panion just as I remembered her doing
from the dragoon in the ball-room.
" Do you not think, Miss Wyndham,"
said she, " we ought not to wish any
officer of the ship should get reproved,
perhaps, on our account?" " Oh dear
no," said Miss Wyndham ; " indeed,
Mr Finch, you had better go back, if
the captain orders you." " Hold on
there with your la'rboard oars, you
lubbers !" sang out Finch, biting his
lip, and round we went pulling for the
Indiaman again ; but by this time the
swell was becoming so heavy as to
make it hard work, and it was soon
rarely we could see her at all ; for
nothing gets up so fast as a swell,
sometimes, near the Line ; neither one
way nor the other, but right up and
down, without a breath of wind, in
huge smooth hills of water, darker
than lead, not a speck of foam, and
the sky hot and clear. 'Twas almost
as if a weight had been lifted from off
the long heaving calm, and the whole
round of it were going up dark into
the sky, in one weltering jumble, the
more strange that it was quiet : sweep
up it took the boat, and the bright
wet oar-blades spread feathering out
for another stroke to steady her, let
alone making way ; though that was
nothing to the look of the Indiamau
when we got near. She was rolling
her big black hull round in it as help-
less as a cask ; now one side, then the
other, dipping gunwale to in the round
swell that came heaping up level with
her very rail, and went sheeting out
bright through the bulwarks again \
the masts jumping, clamps and boom-
irons creaking on the yards, and every
sail on her shaking, as her lower yard-
arms took it by turns to aim at the
water — you heard all the noise of itr
the plunge of her flat broadside, the
plash from her scuppers, the jolts of
her rudder, and voices on board ; and
wet you may swear she was from stem
to stem. " Comfortable!" thought I ;
" we've come home too soon of a
washing-day, and may wait at the
door, I fear!" " Oh dear," exclaimed
the three griffins, " how are we to
get in !" and the young ladies looked
pale at the sight. The mate steered
for her larboard quarter without say-
ing a word, but I saw he lost coolness
and got nervous — not at all the man.
for a hard pinch : seemingly, he meant
to dash alongside and hook on. "If
you do, sir," said I, "you'll be
smashed to staves ;" and all at once
the ship appeared almost over our
heads, while the boat took a send in.
I looked to Jacobs and the men, and
they gave one long stroke off, that
seemed next heave to put a quarter of
a mile between us. " D d close
shave that," said the bowman. " Begs
pardon, sir," said Jacobs, touching
his hat, with his eyes still fixed past
the mate, upon me ; " hasn't we better
keep steadying off, sir, till such time
as the swell — " " Hold your jaw,
sirrah," growled Finch, as he looked
ahead still more flurried ; " there's a
316
The Green Hand— A « Short " Yarn. Part IV.
[Sept.
squall coming yonder, gentlemen, and
if we don't get quick aboard, we may
lose the ship in it ! Pull round, d'ye
hear there." Sure enough, when we
lifted, there was the French brig clear
out against a sulky patch of dark-gray
sky, growing in as it were far off be-
hind the uneven swell, till it began to
look pale ; the Indiaman's topsails
gave a loud flap out, too, one after the
other, and fell to the mast again.
Suddenly I caught the glance of Violet
Hyde's eyes watching me seriously as
I sat overhauling the Indiaman for a
notion of what to do, and I fancied
the charming girl had somehow got
nearer to me during the last minute or
two, whether she knew it or not : at
any rate the thought of protecting such
a creature made all my blood tingle.
" Never fear, ma'am," said I, in a
half whisper ; when Finch's eye met
mine, and he threw me a malicious
look, sufficient to show what a devil
the fellow would be if ever he had oc-
casion ; however, he gave the sign for
the men to stretch out again, and high
time it was, as the Indiaman's main-
topsail made another loud clap like a
musket-shot. Still he was holding
right for her quarter — the roll the ship
had on her was fearful, and it was
perfect madness to try it ; but few
merchant mates have chanced to be
boating in a Line swell, I daresay :
when just as we came head on for her
starboard counter, I took the boat's
tiller a sudden shove with my foot,
as if by accident, that sent us sheering
in close under her stern. The bowman
prized his boat-hook into the rudder-
chains, where the big hull swung
round us on both sides like an im-
mense wheel round its barrel, every
stern -window with a face watching
us — though one stroke of the loose
rudder would have stove us to bits,
and the swell was each moment like
to make the men let go, as it hove us
up almost near enough to have caught
a hand from the lower-deck. " For
godsake steady your wheel," said I;
"hard a-port!" while the mate was
singing out for a line. " Now, up
you go," said I to Jacobs in the hub-
bub, u look sharp, and send us down
a whip and basket from the boom-end,
as we did once in the Pandora, you
know!" Up the rope went Jacobs
like a cat, hand over hand ; and five
minutes after, down came the " bas-
ket " over our heads into the boat,
made out of a studding-sail and three
capstan-bars, like a big grocer's scale
dangling from the spanker-boom.
The mate proposed to go up first with
Miss Hyde, but she hung back in.
favour of her companion ; so away
aloft went Miss Wyndham and he,
swinging across the Indiaman's stem
as she rolled again, with a gautline to
steady them in — Finch holding on to
the whip by one hand, and the other
round the young lady, while my blood
crept at the thought how it might
have been Lota herself ! As soon as it
came down again, she looked for a
moment from me to Jacobs, when
Captain Williamson himself shouted
over the taffrail, ' ' Sharp, sharp there !
the squall's coming down ! she'll be
up in the wind ! let's get the helm,
free !" and directly after I found my-
self swinging twenty feet over the
water with Violet Hyde, as the ship
heeled to a puff that filled the spanker,
and rose again on a huge swell,
gathering steerage way, while every
bolt of canvass in her flapped in again
at once like thunder. I felt her
shudder and cling to me — there was
one half minute we swung fairly clear
of the stern, they stopped hoisting,
— and I almost thought I'd have
wished that same half minute half a
day ; but a minute after she was in
the Judge's arms on the poop ; the
men had contrived to get the cadets
on board, too, and the boat was drag-
ging astern, with the line veered out,
and her crew still in it baling her out.
I fixed my eyes at once, breathless
as we of the boat-party were, on the
weather-signs and the other vessel,
which everybody on the poop was
looking at, as soon as we were safe,
and our friends in the gig had to be
thought of. The short top-swell was
beginning to soften in long regular
seas, with just air enough aloft to give
our light sails a purchase on it, and
put an end to the infernal clatter ;
but the vapour had gathered quicker
than you could well fancy behind the
brig in the distance, so that she looked
already a couple of miles nearer, rising
up two or three times on as many
huge swells that shone like blue glass,
while she steadied herself like a tight-
rope dancer on the top of them, by a
1840.]
The Green Hand— A " Sltort " Yarn. Part IV.
studding-sail set high from each side.
On the far horizon beyond her, you'd
have thought there was a deep black
ditch sunk along under the thickening
blue haze, as it stretched out past her
to both hands, till actually the solid
breast of it seemed to shove the brig
bodily forward over the oily-like
water, every spar and rope distinct ;
then the fog lifted below as if the teeth
of a saw came spitting through it, and
we saw her bearing down toward us
— cloud, water, and all, as it were —
with a white heap of foam at her
bows. " Brace up sharp, Mr Finch !"
said the old skipper hastily, u and
stand over to meet her. Confound this !
we must have these people out of that
brig in a trice ! we shall soon have a
touch of the Horse Latitudes, or my
uame's not Richard Williamson — ay,
and bid good-bye to 'ein, too, I
think!"
For a quarter of an hour or so, ac-
cordingly, we kept forging slowly
ahead, while the brig continued to
near us. No one spoke, almost — you
heard the lazy swash of the water
round our fore-chains, and the still-
ness aboard had a gloomy enough
effect, as one noticed the top of the
haze creep up into round vapoury
heads upon the sky, and felt it dark-
ening aloft besides. We were scarce
three quarters of a mile apart, and
could see her sharp black bows drip
over the bright sheathing, as she
rolled easily on the swell, when the
Indiaman suddenly lost way again,
sheered head round, and slap went all
her sails from the royals down, as if
she had fired a broadside. Almost the
next moment, a long, low growl ran
muttering and rumbling far away
round the horizon, from the clouds
and back to them again, as if they
had been some huge monster or other
on the watch, with its broad grim
muzzle shooting quietly over us as it
lay ; the brig dipped her gilt figure-
head abeam of us, and then showed
her long red streak ; the swell sinking
fast, and the whole sea far and wide
coming out from the sky as dark and
round as the mahogany drum-head of
the capstan.
" Bless me, Small," said the Cap-
tain, " but I hope they've not knocked
a hole in my gig_ay, there they are,
I think, looking over the brig's quar-
ter; but don't seem to have a boat
to swim ! Get the cutter hauled along-
side, Mr Stebbing," continued he to
the fourth mate, " and go aboard for
them at once — confounded bothering,
this ! Mind get my gig safe, sir, if you
please — can ye parky-voo, though, Mr
Stebbing?" " Not a Avord, sir," said
the young mate, a gentlemanly, rather
soft fellow, whom the other three all
used to snub. " Bless nie, can't we
muster a bit o' French amongst us?"
said the skipper ; " catch a monshoor
that knows a word of English like any
other man — 'specially if they've a
chance of keeping my gig!" " Well,
sir," said I, " I'll be happy to go with
the officer, as I can speak French well
enough !" " Thank ye, young gentle-
man, thank ye," said he, " you'll do it
as well as any man, I'm sure — only
look sharp, if you please, and bring
my gig with you !" So down the side
we bundled into the cutter, and pulled
straight for the brig, Avhich had just
hois ted French colours, not old "three-
patches," of course, but the new Re-
storation flag.
I overhauled her well as we got
near, and a beautiful long schooner-
model she was, with sharp bows, and
a fine easy-run hull from stem to
stern, but dreadfully dirty and spoilt
with top-bulwarks, as if they meant
to make her look as clumsy as pos-
sible ; while the brig-rig of her aloft,
with the ropes hanging in bights and
hitches, gave her the look of a hedge-
parson on a race-horse : at the same
time, I counted six closed ports of a
side, in her red streak, the exact
breadth and colour of itself. Full of
men, with a long gun, and schooner-
rigged, she could have sailed round
the Indiaman in a light breeze, and
mauled her to any extent.
They hove us a line out of the gang-
way at once, the mate got up her side
as she rolled gently over, and I follow-
ed him : the scene that met our eyes
as soon as we reached her deck, how-
ever, struck me a good deal on va-
rious accounts. We couldn't at first
see where Mr Rollock and his party
might be, for the shadow of a thick
awning after the glare of the water,
and the people near the brig's gang-
way ; — but I saw two or three dark-
faced, very. French-like individuals,
in broad-brimmedstraw hats and white
318
The Green Hand— A " Short11 Yarn. Part IV.
[Sept.
trousers, seemingly passengers; while
about twenty Kroomen and Negroes,
ami as many seamen with unshaven
chins, ear-rings, and striped frocks,
were in knots before the longboat,
turned keel up amidships, careless
enough, to all appearance, about us.
One of the passengers leant against
the mainmast, with his arms folded
over his broad chest, and his legs
crossed, looking curiously at us as we
came up ; his dark eyes half closed,
the shadow of his hat down to his
black mustache, and his shirt-collar
open, showing a scar on his hairy
breast ; one man, whom I marked for
the brig's surgeon, beside him ; and
another waiting for us near the bul-
warks— a leathery-faced little fellow,
with twinkling black eyes, and a sort
of cocked hat fore-and-aft on his
cropped head. " Mot, Monsieur,"
said he, slapping his hand on his
breast as the mate looked about him,
" oui, je suis capitaine, monsieur."
u Good-day, sir ; " said Stebbing,
" we've just come aboard for our
passengers — and the gig — sir, if you
please." " Certainement, monsieur,"
said the French skipper, bowing and
taking a paper from his pocket, which
he handed to the mate, " I comprind,
sare — monsieur le capitaine d' la
fregatte Anglaise, il nous demande nos
— vat you call, — peppares — voila ! I
have 'ad le honncur, messieurs, to be
already sarch by vun off vos crusoes —
pour des esclaves ! vous imaginez cela,
messieurs ! " and here the worthy
Frenchman cast up his hands and
gave a grin which seemed meant for
innocent horror. " Slaifs! c/iez le
brigantin Louis Bourbon, Capitaine
Jean Duprez ? Non ! " said he, talk-
ing away like a windmill, " de Mar-
seilles k 1'Isle de France, avec les vins
choisis " " You mistake, mon-
sieur," said I, in French; " the ship is
an Indiaman, and we have only come
for our friends, who are enjoying your
wine, I daresay, but we must "
" Comment?" said he, staring, " what,
monsieur? have de gotness to "
Here the mustached passenger sud-
denly raised himself off the mast, and
made one stride between us to the
bulwarks, where he looked straight
out at the Indiaman, his arms still
folded, then from us to. the French
master. He was a noble-looking man,
with an eye I never saw the like of i»
any one else, 'twas so clear, bold, and
prompt, — it actually went into you
like a sword, and I couldn't help fancy-
ing him in the thick of a battle, with
thousands of men and miles of smoke.
" Duprez," said he, quickly, " je vous
le dis encore — debarquez ces misera-
bles! — nous combattrons ! " Then,
mon ami," said the surgeon, in a low,
cool, determined tone, stepping up
and laying a hand on his shoulder,
" aussi, nous couperons les ailes de
VAigle, seulement! — Hush, mon ami,
restrain this unfortunate madness of
yours ! — c'est bien malapropos, a
present ! " and he whispered some-
thing additional, on which the pas-
senger fell back and leant against the
main-mast as before. " Ah ! " said
the French master, shaking his head,
and giving his forehead a tap, " le
pauvre homme-la! He has had a
coup-de-soleil, messieurs, or rather of
the moon, you perceive, from sleep-
ing in its rays! Ma foil'1'' exclaimed
he, on my explaining the matter, "c'est
pos-sible?— we did suppose your boat
intended to visit us, when evidently
deterred by the excessive undulation !
—My friends, resign yourselves to a
misfort — " " Great heavens ! Mr
Stebbing," said I, " the boat is lost!"
"By George! what will the captain
say, then ! " replied he ; however, as
soon as I told him the sad truth, poor
Stebbing, being a good-hearted fellow,
actually put his hands to his face and
sobbed. All this time the brig's crew
were gabbling and kicking up a con-
founded noise about something they
were at with the spare spars, and in
throwing tarpaulins over the hatches;
for it was fearfully dark, and going to
rain heavy; the slight swell shone
and slid , up betwixt the two vessels
like oil, and the clouds to south-west-
ward had gathered up to a steep black
bank, with round coppery heads, like
smoke over a town on fire. " Will
you go down, messieurs," said the
Frenchman, politely, " and taste my
vin de — " " No, sir," said I, " we
must make haste off, or else — besides,
by the way, we couldn't, for you've
got all your hatches battened down !"
" Diable, so they are !" exclaimed he,
"par honnenr, gentlemen, I regret the
occasion of— ha! " Just before, a glar-
ing brassy sort of touch had seemed to
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
as the
1849.]
come across the face of the immense
cloud; and though every thing, far
and wide, was as still as death, save
the creaking of the two ships' yards,
it made you think of the last trumpet's
mouth ! But at this moment a dazzling
flash leaped zig-zag out of it, running
along from one cloud to another, while
the huge dark mass, as it were, tore
right up, changing and turning its in-
side out like dust — you saw the sea far
away under it, heaving from glassy
blue into unnatural-like brown — when
crash broke the thunder over our very
heads, as if something had fallen out
of heaven, then a long bounding roar.
The mad French passenger stood up,
walked to the bulwarks, and looked
out with his hand over his eyes for
the next; while the young mate and I
tumbled down the brig's side without
further to do, and pulled fast for the
ship, where we hardly got aboard be-
fore there was another wild flash, an-
other tremendous clap, and the rain
fell in one clash, more like stone than
water, on sea and decks. For half-
an-hour we were rolling and soaking
in the midst of it, the lightning hissing
through the rain, and showing it
glitter; Avhile every five minutes came
a burst of thunder and then a rattle
fit to split one's ears. At length, just
as the rain began to slacken, you
could see it lift bodily, the standing
sheets of it drove right against our
canvass and through the awnings, —
when we made out the French brig
with her jib, topsails, and boom-main-
sail full, leaning over as she clove
through it before the wind. The
squall burst into our wet topsails as
loud as the thunder, with a flash al-
most like the lightning itself, taking
us broad abeam ; the ship groaned
and shook for a minute ere gathering
way and falling off, and when she
rose and began to go plunging through
the black surges, no brig was to be
seen: every man on deck let his
breath out almost in a cry, scarce
feeling as yet but it was equal to los-
ing sight for ever of our late ship-
mates, or the least hope of them. The
passengers, ladies and all, crowded in
the companion-hatch in absolute ter-
ror, every face aghast, without think-
ing of the rain and spray : now and
then the sulky crest of a bigger wave
would be caught sight of beyond the
310
bulwarks, as the sea rose with its
green back curling over into white ;
and you'd have said the shudder ran
down into the cabin, at thought of
seeing one or other of the lost boat's
crew come weltering up from the mist
and vanish again. I knew it was of
no use, but I held on in the weather
mizen-rigging, and looked out to
westward, against a wild break of
light which the setting sun made
through the troughs of the sea ; once
and again I could fancy I saw the
boat lift keel up, far off betwixt me
and the fierce glimmer. " Oh, do you
see them ? do you not see it yet !"
was passed up to me over and over,
from one sharp-pitched voice to an-
other ; but all I could answer was to
shake my head. At last, one by one,
they went below ; and after what had
happened, I must say I could easily
fancy what a chill, dreary-like, awful
notion of the seannust have come for
the first time on a landsman, not to
speak of delicate young girls fresh
from home : at sight of the drenched
quarterdeck leaning bare down to
leeward, the sleet and spray battering
bleak against the round-house doors,
where I had seen Miss Hyde led sob-
bing in, with her wet hair about her
face ; then the ship driving off from
where she had lost them, with her
three strong lower-masts aslant into
the gale, ghastly white and dripping
— her soaked sheets of canvass blown
gray and stiff into the rigging, and it
strained taut as iron ; while you saw
little of her higher than the tops, as
the scud and the dark together closed
aloft. Poor Miss Fortescue's mother
was in fits below in her berth — the
two watches were on the yards aloft,
where noeye couldseethem, struggling
hard to furl and reef; so altogether it
was a gloomy enough moment. I
stayed awhile on deck, wrapped in a
peacoat, keeping my feet and hanging
on, and thinking how right down in
earnest matters could turn of a sud-
den. I wasn't remarkably thoughtful
in these days, I daresay, but there
did I keep, straining my eyes into the
mist to see I couldn't tell what, and
repeating over and over again to-
myself these few words out of the
prayer-book, "In the midst of life we
are in death," though scarce knowing
what I said.
320
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part IV.
However, the Indiamau's officers
and crew had work enough in manag-
ing her at present : after a sunset
more like the putting out of him than
anything else, with a flaring snuff and
a dingy sort of smoke that followed,
the wind grew from sou'west into
a regular long gale, that drove the
tops of the heavy seas into the dead-
lights astern, rising aft out of the dark
like so many capes, with the snow
drifting off them over the poop. At
midnight, it blew great guns, with a
witness ; the ship, under storm stay-
sails and close-reefed maintopsail, go-
ing twelve knots or more, when, as
both the captain and mate reckoned,
we were near St Helena on our pre-
sent coarse, and to haul on a wind
was as much as her spars were worth :
her helm was put hard down and we
lay to for morning, the ship drifting
off bodily to leeward with the water.
The night was quite dark, the rain
coming in sudden spits out of the wind ;
you only heard the wet gale sob and
hiss through the bare rigging into her
storm- canvass, when the look-out men
ahead sung out, " Land — land close
to starboard!" "Bless me, sir," said
the mate to the captain, "it's the Rock
— well that we did — " " Hard up !
hard up with the helm !" yelled the
men again, " it's a ship /" I ran to
the weather main-chains and saw a
broad black mass, as it were, rising
high abeam, and seeming to come out
from the black of the night, with a
gleam or two in it which they had
taken for lights ashore in the island.
The Seringapatam's wheel was put up
already, but she hung in the gale,
doubtful whether to fall off or not ;
and the moment she did sink into the
trough, we should have had a sea over
her broadside fit to wash away men,
boats, and all — let alone the other ship
bearing down at twelve knots.
" Show the head of the fore-topmast-
staysail!" shouted I with all my
strength to the forecastle, and up it
went slapping its hanks to the blast —
the Indiaman sprang round heeling to
her ports on the next sea, main-top-
sail before the wind, and the staysail
down again. Next minute, a large
ship, with the foam washing over her
cat-heads, and her martingale gear
dripping under the huge white bow-
sprit, came lifting close past us — as
[Sept.
black as shadows aloft, save the glim-
mer of her main-tack to the lanterns
aboard — and knot after knot of dim
faces above her bulwarks shot by, till
you saw her captain standing high in
the mken-chains, with a speaking
trumpet. He roared out something
or other through it, and the skipper
sung out under both his hands, " Ay,
ay, sir !" in answer; but it turned out
after that nobody knew what it was,
unless it might be as I thought,
" Where are you going?" The minute
following, we saw her quarter-lanterns
like two will-o'-the-wisps beyond a
wave, and she was gone — a big frigate
running under half her canvass, strong
though the gale blew.
" Why, Mr Finch," said Captain
Williamson, as soon as we had time
to draw breath, " who was that, bid
show the fo'topmast-stays'l — 'twan't
you f " No," said the mate, " I'd like
to know who had the hanged impu-
dence to give orders here without — "
" Well now, Finch," continued the
old skipper, "I'm not sure but that
was our only chance at the moment,
sir ; and if 'twas one of the men, why
I'd pass it over, or even give him an
extra glass of grog in a quiet way !"
No one could say who it was, how-
ever; and, for my part, the sight of the
frigate made me still more cautious
than before of letting out what West-
wood and I were : in fact, I couldn't
help feeling rather uneasy, and I was
glad to hear the superstitious old
sailmaker whispering about how he
feared there was no luck to be looked
for, when " drowned men and ghost-
esses began to work the ship !" The
first streak of dawn was hardly seen,
when a sail could be made out in it,
far on our lee bow, which the officers
supposed to be the frigate; Westwood
and I, however, were of opinion it was
the French brig, although by sunrise
we lost sight of her again. Every one
in the cuddy talked of our unfortunate
friends, and their melancholy fate ;
even Ford and Winterton were missed,
while old Mr Rollock had been the
life of the passengers. But there was
naturally still more felt for the poor
girl Fortescue ; it made all of us
gloomy for a day or two ; though the
fresh breeze, and the Indiaman's fast
motion, after our wearisome spell of a
calm, did a great deal to bring things
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn. Part IV.
1849.]
round again. Westwood was greatly
taken up with my account of the brig
and her people, both of us agreeing
there was somewhat suspicious about
her, though I thought she was pro-
bably neither more nor less than a
slaver, and he had a notion she was
after something deeper : what that
might be, 'twas hard to conceive, as
they didn't appear like pirates. One
thing, however, we did conclude from
the matter, that the brig couldn't
have been at all inclined for visitors ;
and, in fact, there was little doubt but
she would actually refuse letting the
boat aboard, if they reached her ; so
in all likelihood our unhappy friends
had been swamped on that very ac-
count, just as the squall came on.
When this idea got about the ship, of
course you may suppose neither pas-
sengers nor crew to have felt particu-
larly amiable towards the French ves-
sel; and if we had met her again, with
any good occasion for it, all hands
were much inclined to give her a right-
down thrashing, if not to make prize
of her as a bad character.
" Well, Tom," said I to West-
wood one day, " I wish these good
folks mayn't be disappointed, but I
do suspect this blessed mate of ours
will turn out to have run us into
some fine mess or other with his navi-
gation ! Did you notice how blue the
sky looked this morning, over to east-
ward, compared with what it did
just now where the sun set?" " No,"
said Westwood, " not particularly ;
but what of that ?" " Why, in the
Iris," replied I, " we used always to
reckon that a sign, hereabouts, of our
being near the land! Just you see,
now, to-morrow morning, if the dawn
hasn't a hazy yellow look in it before
the breeze fails ; in which case, 'tis
the African coast to a certainty! Pity
these 'Hyson Mundungo' men, as
Jack calls them, shouldn't have their
eyes about 'em as well as on the log-
slate ! I daresay, now," continued I,
laughing, " you heard the first mate
bothering lately about the great vari-
ation of the compass here? Well,
what do you suppose was the reason
of it — but that sly devil of a kitmagar
shoving in his block for grinding curry,
under the feet of the binnacle, every
time he was done using it ! I saw him
get a kick one morning from the man
321
at the wheel, who chanced to look
down and notice him. Good solid
iron it is, though painted and polished
like marble, and the circumcised rascal
unluckily considered the whole binnacle
as asort of second Mecca for security!"
" Hang the fellow !" said Westwood,
" but I don't see much to laugh at,
Ned. Why, if you're right, we shall
all be soaked and fried into African
fever before reaching the Cape, and
we've had misfortunes enough already!
Only think of an exquisite creature
like Miss " " Oh," interrupted
I, fancying Master Tom began lately
to show sufficient admiration for her,
" betwixt an old humdrum, and a
conceited fool like that, what could
you expect ? All I say is, my dear
parson, stand by for a pinch when it
comes."
On going down to tea in the cuddy,
we found the party full of spirits, and
for the first time there was no men-
tion of their lost fellow-passengers,
except amongst a knot of cadets and
writers rather elevated by the Madeira
after dinner, who were gathered round
the reverend Mr Knowles, pretending
to talk regretfully of his Yankee Mend,
Mr Daniel Snout. " Yes, gentlemen,"
said the missionary, who was a wor-
thy, simple-hearted person," " in spite
of some uncouthness — and perhaps
limited views, the result of defective
education — he was an excellent man,
I think ! " "Oh certainly, certainly ! "
said a writer, looking to his friends,
" and the one thing needful you spoke
of just now, air, I daresay he had it
always in his eye. now ? " " Mixed,
I fear," replied the missionary, " with
some element of worldly feeling — for
in America they are apt to make even
the soul, as well as religious associa-
tion, matter of commerce — but Mr
Snout, I have reason to be assured,
had the true welfare of India at heart
— we had much interesting conversa-
tion on the subject." "Ah!" said
the sharp civilians, " he was fond of
getting information, was poor Daniel!
Was that why he asked you so many
questions about the Hindoo gods, Mr
Knowles ? " " He already possessed
much general knowledge of their
strange mythology, himself," answered
the missionary, " and I confess I was
surprised at it — especially, as he con-
fessed to me, that that gorgeous
322 The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part IV.
country, with its many boundless like
many
capabilities, should have occupied his
thoughts more and more from boy-
hood, amidst the secular activity of
modern life— even as it occurred unto
myself!" Here the worthy man took
off his large spectacles, gave them a
wipe, and put them on again, while
he finished his tea. " Before this
deplorable dispensation," continued
he again, "he was on the point of
revealing to me a great scheme at
once for the enlightenment, I believe,
of that benighted land, and for more
lucrative support to those engaged in
it. I fear, gentlemen, it was enthu-
siasm— but I have grounds for think-
ing that our departed friend has left
in this vessel many packages of vol-
umes translated into several dialects
of the great Hindu tongue — not omit-
ting, I am convinced, the best of
books." "Where!" exclaimed several
of the cadets, rather astonished, "well!
poor Snout can't have been such a bad
fellow, after all ! " " All hum ! " said
the writer, doubtfully, " depend upon
it. I should like, now, to have a peep
at Jonathan's bales!" "I myself
have thought, also," said the mission-
ary, " it would gratify me to look into
his apartment — and were it permitted
to use one or two of the volumes, I
should cheerfully on our arrival in
Bom " "Come along!" said
the cadets, — " let's have a look ! —
shouldn't wonder to see Daniel beside
his lion yet, within ! or hear ' guess
I aint.' " " My young friends," said
the missionary, as we all went along
the lighted passage, " such levity is
unseemly;" and indeed the look of
the state-room door, fastened outside
as the steward had left it before the
gale came on, made the brisk cadets
keep quiet till the lashing on it was
unfastened — 'twas so like breaking in
upon a ghost. However, as it
chanced, Mr Snout's goods had got
loose during her late roll, and heaped
down to leeward against the door —
so, whenever they turned the handle,
a whole bundle of packages came
tumbling out of the dark as it burst
open, with a shower of small affairs
[Sept,
so many stones after them.
"What's all this!" exclaimed the
cadets, stooping to look at the articles
by the lamp-light, strewed as they
were over the deck. The reverend
gentleman stooped too, stood straight,
wiped his spectacles and fixed them
on his nose, then stooped again ; at
length one long exclamation of sur-
prise broke out of his mouth. They
were nothing but little ugly images,
done in earthenware, painted and
gilt, and exactly the same : the writer
dived into a canvass package, and
there was a lot of a different kind,
somewhat larger and uglier. Every
one made free with a bale for himself,
shouting out his discoveries to the
rest. "I say Smythe, this is Vishnu,
it's marked on the corner !" " D n
it, Ramsay, here's Brahma!" "Ha!
ha ! ha ! if 7 havn't got Seeva !" "I
say, what's this though ?" screamed a
young lad, hauling at the biggest bale
of all, while the missionary stood
stock upright, a perfect picture of be-
wilderment— "io."' being all he
could say. " What can ' Lingams '
be, eh?" went on the young griffin,
reading the mark outside — " ' Lingams
— extra fine gilt, Staffordshire — 70 Rs.
per doz. — D. S. to Bombay,' — what
may Lingams be ? " and he pulled out
a sample, meant for an improvement
on the shapeless black stones reckoned
so sacred by Hindoo ladies that love
their lords, as I knew from seeing
them one morning near Madras, bring-
inggifts and bowing to the Lingam, at a
pretty little white temple under an old
banian-tree. For my part, I had lighted
on a gross or so of gentlemen and
ladies with three heads and five arms,
packed nicely through each other in
cotton, but inside the state-room.
At this last prize, however, the poor
missionary could stand it no longer ;
" Oh ! oh !" groaned he, clapping his
hand to his head, and walking slowly
off to his berth ; while, as the truth
gleamed on the cadets and us, we sat
down on the deck amidst the spoil,
and roared with laughter like to go
into fits, at the unfortunate Yankee's
scheme for converting India."* "Well
* It is here due to the credit of our friend the captain, who was not unusually ima-
ginative for a sailor, to state, that this speculation as a commercial one, is strictly
and literally a /act, as the Anglo-Indian of Calcutta can probably testify. The bold
and all but poetical catholicity of the idea could have been reached, perhaps, by the
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part IV.
323
— hang me ! " said a writer, as soon
as be could speak, "but this is a streak
beyond the Society for Diffusing Use-
ful Knowledge!" "Every man his
own priest, — ha! ha! ha!" shouted
another. "I say, Smythe," sung
out a cadet, "just fancy — ha! ha!
4D. Snout and Co'— ho! ho! ho!
you know it's too rich to enjoy by our-
selves. ' Mythullogy store,' Bombay,
near the cathedral!" "Cheap Bra-
mahs, wholesale and retail — eh?
families supplied!" "By George!
he's a genius lost!" said Smythe,
" but the parson needn't have broken
with him for that, — I shouldn't won-
der, now, if they had joined partner-
ship, but Daniel might have thought
of mining all their heads with gun-
powder and percussion springs, so
that the missionary could have gone
round afterwards and blown up hea-
thenism by a touch!" The noise of
all this soon brought along the rest
of the gentlemen, and few could help
laughing. When the thing got wind
on deck, however, neither the old
skipper nor the men seemed to like it
much : what with the notion of the
ship's being taken, as it were, by a
thousand or two of ugly little imps
and Pagan idols, besides bringing up
a drowned man's concerns, and ' yaw-
hawing,' as they said, into his very
door, — it was thought the best thing
to have them all chucked over board
next morning.
'Twas a beautifully fine night, clear
aloft, and the moon rising large on our
larboard bow, out of a delicate pale
sort of haze, as the ship headed
south'ard with the breeze ; for I
marked the haze particularly, as well
as the colour of the sky that lay high
over it like a deep-blue hollow going
away down beyond, and filling up with
the light. There was no living below
for heat, and the showers of cock-
roaches that went whirring at the
lamps, and marching with their infer-
nal feelers out, straight up your legs ;
so, fore and aft, the decks were astir
with us all. Talk of moonlight on
land ! but even in the tropics you have
to see it pouring right down, as it was
then, the whole sky full of it aloft as
the moon drew farther up ; till it came
raining, as it were, in a single sheet
from one bend of the horizon to an-
other : the water scarce rippling to the
breeze, only heaving in long low
swells, that you heard just wash her
bends ; one track brighter than the
rest, shining and glancing like a look-
ing-glass drawn out, for a mile or so
across our quarter, and the ship's
shadow under her other bow. You
saw the men far forward in her head,
and clustered in a heap on the bow-
sprit-heel, enjoying it mightily, and
looking out or straight aloft as if to
polish their mahogany faces, and get
their bushy whiskers silvered ; while
the awnings being off the poop, the
planks in it came out like so much
ivory from the shade of the spanker,
which sent down a perfect gush of
light on every one moving past. For
the air, again, as all the passengers
said, it was balmy ; though for my
part — perhaps it might be a fancy of
mine — but now and then I thought it
sniffed a little too much that way, to
be altogether pleasant in the circum-
stances.
Of course, no sooner had I caught
sight of Sir Charles Hyde than I looked
for his daughter, and at last saw some
one talking to a young lady seated
near the after-gratings, with her head
turned round seaward, whom it didn't
require much guessing for me to name.
Not having seen her at all since the
affair of the boats, I strolled aft, when
I was rather surprised to find that her
companion was Tom Westwood, and
they seemed in the thick of an inte-
resting discourse. The instant I got
near, however, they broke it off; the
young lady turned her head — and
never, I'd swear, was woman's face
seen fairer than I thought hers at that
moment — when the bright moonlight
that had seemed trying to steal round
her loose bonnet and peep in, fell
straight down at once from her fore-
head to her chin, appearing, as it
were, to dance in under her long eye-
lashes to meet her eyes; while one
mass of her brown hair hung bright in
it, and white against the shadow
round her cheek, that drew the charm-
' progressing ' American intellect alone, while Staffordshire, it is certain, furnished
its realisation : the investment, it is nevertheless believed, proved eventually unpro-
fitable.
324
Tfte Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part IV.
[Sept.
ing line of her nose and lip as clear
as the horizon on the sky ! The very
moment, in fact, that a bitter thought
flashed into my mind — for to my fancy
she looked vexed at seeing me, and a
colour seemed mounting up to her
cheek, even through the fairy sort of
glimmer on it. Could Tom Westwood
have been acting no more than the
clerical near such a creature ? and if a
fellow like him took it in his head,
•what chance had I? The next minute,
accordingly, she rose off her seat, gave
me a slight bow in answer to mine,
and walked direct to the gallery stair,
where she disappeared.
" We were talking of that unlucky
adventure the other day," said West-
wood, glancing at me, but rather taken
aback, as I thought. "Ay?" said I,
carelessly. " Yes," continued he ;
" Miss Hyde had no idea you and I
were particularly acquainted, and
seems to think me a respectable
clergyman ; but I must tell you, Ned,
she has rather a suspicious opinion of
yourself!" "Oh, indeed!" said I,
sullenly. " Fact, Ned," said he ;
" she even remembers having seen you
before, somewhere or other — I hope,
mydearfellow, itwasn't on thestage?"
" Ha ! ha ! how amusing !" I said,
with the best laugh I could get up.
" At any rate, Collins," he went on,
" she sees through your feigned way
of carrying on, and knows you're nei-
ther griffin nor land-lubber, but a
sailor ; for I fancy this is not the first
time the young lady has met with the
cloth ! What do you suppose she
askedmenow, quite seriously?" "Oh,
1 couldn't guess, of course," replied I,
almost with a sneer ; " pray don't — "
" Why, she inquired what could be
the design of one concealing his pro-
fession so carefully ; and actually ap-
pearing to be on a secret understand-
ing with some of the sailors ! Directly
after, she asked whether that brig
mightn't really have been a pirate,
and taken off the poor general, Miss
Fortescne, and the rest?" "Ah,"
said I, coldly, " and if I might venture
to ask, what did you—" "Oh, of
course," replied Westwood, laughing,
" I could only hide my amusement,
and profess doubts, you know, Ned !"
" Deuced good joke, Mr Westwood,"
thought I to myself, " but at least you
can't weather on me quite so inno-
cently, my fine fellow ! I didn't think
it of him, after all ! By heaven, I did
not!" "By the bye, Collins," ex-
claimed Westwood in a little, as he
kept his eye astern, " there's some-
thing away yonder on our lee -quarter
that I've been watching for these last
ten minutes — what do you think it
may be? Look ! Justin the tail of the
moonshine yonder!" What it might
be, I cared little enough at the time ;
but I did give a glance, and saw a
little black dot, as it were, rising and
falling with the long run of the water,
apparently making way before the
breeze. " Only a bit of wood, I dare-
say," remarked I ; " but whatever it
is, at any rate the drift Avill take it far
to leeward of us, so you needn't
mind." Here we heard a steward
come up and say to the first officer,
who was waiting with the rest to take
a lunar observation, that Captain
Williamson had turned in unwell, but
he wanted to hear when they found
the longitude : accordingly, they got
their altitude, and went on making
the calculations on deck. " Well,
steward," said the mate, after a little
humming and hawing, "go down and
tell the captain, in the meantime,
about five east; but I think it's a good
deal over the mark — say I'll be down
myself directly."
" A deuced sight below the mark,
rather! " said I, walking aft again,
where Westwood kept still looking
out for the black dot. " You'll see it
nearer, now, Ned," said he ; " more
like a negro's head, or his hand, than
a bit of wood — eh ?" " Curious !" I
said ; "it lies well iip for our beam,
still — 'spite of the breeze. Must be a
shark's back-fin, I think, making for
convoy." In ten minutes longer, the
light swell in the distance gave it a
lift up fair into the moonshine ; it
gleamed for a moment, and then
seemed to roll across into the blue
glimmer of the sea. " By Jove, Col-
lins," said Westwood, gazing eagerly
at it, " 'tis more like a bottle, to my
sight ! " We walked back and forward,
looking each time over the taffrail, till
at length the affair in question could
be seen dipping and creeping ahead
in the smooth shining wash of the sur-
face, just like to go bobbing across our
bows and be missed to windward.
" Crossing our hause I do declare ! —
1849.]
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn. Part IV.
Hanged if that ain't fore-reaching on
us, with a witness!" exclaimed the
two of us together: "and a bottle it
«/" said Westwood. I slipped down
the poop-stair, and along to the fore-
castle, where I told Jacobs ; when
two or three of the men went out on
the martingale-stays, with the bight
of a line and a couple of blocks in it,
ready to throw round this said floating
oddity, and haul it alongside as it
surged past. Shortly after we had it
safe in our hands ; a square-built old
Dutchman it was, tight corked, with
a red rag round the neck, and crusted
over with salt — almost like one of
Vanderdecken's messages home, com-
ing up as it did from the wide glitter-
ing sea, of a tropical moonlight night,
nine weeks or so after leaving land.
The men who had got it seemed afraid
of their prize, so Westwood and I had
no difficulty in smuggling it away
below to our berth, where we both
sat down on a locker and looked at
one another. "What poor devil
hove this overboard, I wonder, now,"
said he; "I daresay it may have
knocked about, God knows how long,
since his affair was settled." " Why,
for that matter, Westwood," replied
I, " I fancy it's much more important
to find there's a strong easterly cur-
rent hereabouts just now ! " * Here
Westwood got a cork-screw, and pulled
out the cork with a true parson-like
gravity : as we had expected, there
was a paper tacked to it, crumpled up
and scrawled over in what we could
only suppose was blood.
" ' No. 20,'" read he,— " what does
that mean ? " " The twentieth bottle
launched, perhaps," said I, and he
went on — " ' For Godsake, if you find
this, keep to the south-west — we are
going that way, we think — we've fallen
amongst regular Thugs, I fear — just
from the folly of these three — (they're
looking over my shoulder, though) —
we are not ill-treated yet, but kept
below and watched — yours in haste — '
What this signature is I can't say for
the life of me, Ned ; no date either ! "
" Did the fellow think he was writing
by post, I wonder," said I, trying to
make it out. " By the powers ! West-
wood, though," and I jumped up,
" that bottle might have come from
the Pacific, 'tis true — but what if it
were old Rollock after all ! Thugs,
did you say ? Why, I shouldn't won-
der if the jolly old planter were on
the hooks still. That rascally brig ! "
And accordingly, on trying the scrawl
at the end, over and over, we both
agreed it was nothing but T. ROL-
LOCK!
* Currents are designated from the direction they run towards; winds, the quarter
they blow from.
326
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
[Sept.
MORAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION OF WALES.
WE have before us a valuable and
interesting work on a portion of the
British dominions much visited but
little known, and one which is satis-
factory, not only from the good feel-
ing and taste it evinces on the part of
its author, but also from its setting at
rest a question that was lately much
agitated, and to which we at the time
adverted in our pages for May 1848.
Sir Thomas Phillips has taken up the
cudgel, or rather the pen, to defend
the honour of his beloved country, and
has acquitted himself well of the task,
partly in combating real opponents,
partly in knocking down men of straw.
The book, however, comes so far late
of its subject as that the interest felt
upon it had been gradually subsiding.
No very mighty grievance could be
alleged by our hot-blooded Cambrian
brethren ; many hard words and blus-
tering speeches had been uttered
throughout the length and breadth of
Wales, and a sort of Celtic agitation
had been got up by sundry ladies and
gentlemen, not much connected with
the country. The nation at large,
however, had not paid great atten-
tion to it ; the British lion did not
show any indication to lash his sides
into foam with his magnanimous tail ;
the storm in a tea-cup was left to
itself: oil had been floating on the
face of the troubled waters ; and though
a few disappointed persons had tried
to revive a little excitement, for the
sake of " having their names before
the public," peace was again reigning
throughout Cambria's vales, and her
people were following their own simple
occupations, unknowing and unknown.
Sir Thomas Phillips, however, with a
most patriotic motive, determined to
fire one shot more against his coun-
try's traducers ; and thus, while con-
cocting a final reply to the " Blue
Books," — as they are commonly called
in the Principality — found himself led
on and on, from page to page, and
chapter to chapter, until, instead of a
pamphlet, he has produced a thick
volume of six hundred pages, and has
compiled what may be termed a com-
plete apology for Wales.
Our readers will very likely remem-
ber that certain Reports on the state
of education in Wales, printed by
order of the House of Commons, gave
immense offence to all who had got
ever so little Welsh blood in their
veins. We reviewed these very re-
ports, and gave our opinions on Welsh
education at considerable length;
and therefore we do not open Sir Tho-
mas Phillips' pages with the intention
of reverting to that part of the sub-
ject, though the author, in compiling
it, seems to have had the education of
his countrymen principally in view.
We consider, however, that a work
written by a gentleman, known for
his forensic abilities and literary pur-
suits, upon a large portion of this
island, and purporting to be a complete
account of its moral and social con-
dition, must form a suitable topic for
review and discussion. Our readers
will not repent our introducing it to
their notice : we can at once assure
them that it will amply repay the
trouble — if it be a trouble at all — of
perusing it. The style is graceful and
yet nervous; the whole tone and colour
of the thoughts of the author show
the gentleman ; while the general com-
pilation and discussion of the facts
collected prove Sir Thomas Phillips to
have the mind and the abilities of a
statesman.* Another, and a more
important reason, however, why this
work will be acceptable to many of
our readers, is that it touches upon
various questions which, at times like
the present, are of vital importance to
the welfare, not of Wales only, but of
Wales : the Language, Social Condition, Moral Character, and Religious Opinions
of the People considered in their relation to Education. By Sir THOMAS PHILLIPS.
1 vol. 8vo, pp. 606. London : 1 849.
* For the information of those among our readers who may not be aware of the
fact, it will be well to mention that Sir Thomas Phillips was knighted for having, as
mayor of Newport, in Monmouthshire, aided so materially in suppressing the Char-
tist riots that took place there in 1839.
1849.]
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
327
the British empire ; and that it proves
the existence of feelings in the Princi-
pality— mentioned by ns on a pre-
vious occasion — which ought to be
brought before the notice of the public,
and commented upon. This is the
task which we reserve for ourselves
after reviewing more in detail the work
of tho learned author ; for Wales may
become a second Ireland in time, if
neglected, or it may continue to be
a source of permanent strength to
the crown, if properly treated and pro-
tected. The existence of such a state
of things is hinted at in the preface —
an uncommonly good one, by the way,
and dated, with thorough Cambrian
spirit, on St David's Day, if not from
the top of Snowdon, yet from the more
prosaic and less mountainous locality
of the Inner Temple. The author's
words are —
" Amongst the mischievous results which
the temper and spirit of the reports have
provoked in Wales, I regard with dis-
comfort and anxiety a spirit of isolation
from England, to which sectarian agen-
cies, actively working through various
channels, have largely ministered. In
ordinary times this result might be disre-
garded ; but at a period of the world's
history when the process of decomposi-
tion is active amongst nations, and phrases
which appeal to the sympathies of race
become readily mischievous, it behoves
those very excellent persons, who claim
Wales for the Welsh, to consider whether
they are prepared to give up England to
the English, and to relinquish the advan-
tages which a poor province enjoys by its
union with a rich kingdom. For genera-
tions, Welshmen have been admitted to
an equal rivalry with Englishmen, as
well in England as in those colonial pos-
sessions of the British crown, which have
offered so wide a field for enterprise, and
secured such ample rewards to provident
industry ; and, whether at the bar or in
the senate, or in the more stirring feats of
war, they have obtained a fair field, and
have won honourable distinction. There
are offices in the Principality, the duties
of which demand a knowledge of the
Welsh language, and for them such know-
ledge should be made a condition of eli-
gibility, in the same manner as a know-
ledge of English would be required, under
analogous circumstances, in England. In
the law these 'offices will be few, and pro-
bably confined to the local judges ; as it
will not be seriously proposed that, in our
assize courts, the pleadings of the advo-
cate, and the address of the judge, sliall
VOL. LXVI. — NO. ccccvir.
be delivered in the Welsh language; and
even in the courts of quarter-sessions,
which are composed of local magistrates
most of whom were born and reside in
the country, but few of those gentlemen
could address a jury in their own tongue.
A remedy for the inconvenience occa-
sioned by an ignorant or imperfect ac-
quaintance, on the part of the people, with
the language employed in courts of jus-
tice, must be looked for iu that instruc-
tion in the English language which is in-
tended to be provided for all, and which
is necessary to qualify men to appear as
witnesses, or to serve as jurors, in courts
wherein the proceedings are conducted
in that tongue. The difficulties arising
from language are principally felt in the
Church : and it seems a truism to affirm,
that where Welsh is the ordinary lan-
guage of public worship, and the common
medium of conversation, the language
should be known to those who are to
teach and exhort the people, and to with-
stand and convince gainsayers. The no-
mination of foreign prelates to English
sees before the Reformation, occasioned
great dissatisfaction in the minds of the
English clergy, and tended to alienate
them from the papacy; and yet men who
are prompt to recognise that grievance,
are insensible to the effect produced on
the Welsh clergy, by their general exclu-
sion from the higher offices of the Church.
The ignorance of Welsh in men promoted
to bishoprics in Wales, may be more than
compensated for by the possession of other
qualifications; and a rigid exclusion from
the episcopal office in the Principality of
every man who is unacquainted with the
language of the people, might be inconve-
nient, if not injurious, to the best interests
of the Church. The selection, however,
for the episcopal office of men conversant
with the language of the country, when
otherwise qualified to bear rule in the
Christian ministry, would give a living
reality to the episcopate in the Principal-
ity, and might materially aid in bringing
back the people into the fold of the
Church."
The difference of language is here
made the principal grievance between
the Saxon and Celtic population ; and
it is certainly one of the principal,
though not the main, nor the only,
cause of the unpleasantness and un-
settledness of feeling that exists in
Wales towards England and English
people. Where two languages exist,
it is impossible but that national dis-
tinctions should exist also ; and as tho
traditions of conquest, and the heredi-
tary consciousness of political inferior-
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
ity, are some of the last sentiments that
abandon a vanquished people, so it is
probable that the Welsh will remain a
distinct people for more centuries to
come than we care to count up. We
do not know but that, to a certain ex-
tent, it may be a source of strength to
England that it should be so, though it
will undoubtedly be a cause of weak-
ness and division to Wales. Never-
theless, the difficulty is not so great as
may be at first sight supposed. In
adverting to this part of the subject,
Sir Thomas Phillips observes —
"When Edward the First conquered
the country, and subjected the natives to
English rule, he was deeply sensible of
the difficulty which now paralyses educa-
tion commissioners, and he dealt with it
in a manner characteristic of the monarch
and the times. Of him Carlyle would
say, he was a real man, and no sham; and
did not believe in any distracted jargon
of universal rose-water in this world still
so full of sin. Accordingly, he gathered
all the Welsh bards together, and put
them to death ; and Hume, a philosophic
and ordinarily not a cruel historian, says
this policy was not absurd. English
legislation, between the conquest of the
country by Edward the First and its in-
corporation with England by Henry the
Eighth, was characterised by a deliberate
and pertinacious endeavour to extirpate
the language and subjugate the spirit of
the inhabitants. By laws of the Lancas-
trian princes, (whose usurpation was long
resisted by the Welsh people,) 'rhymers,
minstrels, and other Welsh vagabonds,'
were forbidden to burden the country ;
the natives were not permitted to have
any house of defence, to bear arms, or to
exercise any authority ; and an English-
man, by the act of marrying a Welsh wo-
man, became ineligible to hold office in
his adopted country. By statutes of
Henry the Eighth, it was enacted, that
law proceedings should be in the English
tongue ; that all oaths, affidavits, and
verdicts, should be given and made in
English; and that no Welsh person, 'who
did not use the English speech' should
hold office within the King's dominions.
Even at the Reformation, which secured
the sacred volume to Englishmen ' in
their own tongue wherein they were born,'
the revelation to man of God's will was
not given to Welshmen in a language un-
derstood by the people. In 1562, how-
[Sept.
ever, provision was made for translating
the Bible and the Book of Common
Prayer into the British or Welsh tongue,
by an act which declared that the most
and greatest part of the Queen's loving
subjects in Wales did not understand the
English tongue, and therefore were ut-
terly destitute of God's holy Word, and
did remain in the like, or rather more,
darkness and ignorance than they were in
the time of papistry, and required that
not only a Welsh, but also an English,
Bible and Book of Common Prayer should
be laid in every church throughout Wales,
there to remain, that such as understood
them might read and peruse the same ;
and that such as understood them not
might, by conferring both tongues together,
the sooner attain to the knowledge of the
English tongue.
" Nearly six centuries have elapsed
since the first Edward crossed the lofty
mountains of North Wales, which, before
him, no King of England had trodden,
and in the citadel of Caernarvon received
the submission of the Welsh people ; and
more than three centuries have passed
away since the country was incorporated
with, and made part of, the realm of
England ; and although, for so long a
period, English laws have been enforced,
and the use of the Welsh language dis-
couraged, yet, when the question is now
asked, what progress has been made in
introducing the English language \ the
answer may be given from Part II. of the
Reports of the Education Commissioners,
page 68. In Cardiganshire, 3000 people
out of 68,766 speak English.* The re-
sult may be yet more strikingly shown by
saying that double the number of persons
now speak Welsh who spoke that lan-
guage in the reign of Elizabeth."
It is a mistaken idea to suppose that
the Welsh language is hard to be ac-
quired,— the very reverse of this is the
fact, : there is probably no spoken
language of Europe, not derived from
the Latin, which may be so soon or so
agreeably acquired as the Welsh. A
good knowledge of it, so as to enable
the learner to read and write it cur-
rently, may be attained certainly with-
in a year by even a moderately dili-
gent student ; and the power of con-
versing in it with ease and fluency is
to be gained within the course of
perhaps a couple of years. The lan-
guage is daily studied more and more
" In Breconshire, the proportion of persons who speak English is much larger;
but a considerable number of these are immigrants from England to the iron
works ; whilst, in Radnorshire, the great bulk of the population is not Celtic, and
English is all but universal."
1849.]
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
329
by persons not connected with the
Principality, and acquired by them ;
nay, what is a remarkable fact, next
to the galaxy of the Williamses,* the
best Welsh scholar of the present day
is Dr Meyer, the learned German
librarian at Buckingham Palace ;
while Dr Thirlwall, the present bishop
of St David's, has made himself, with
only a few years' study, as good a
Welsh scholar as he had long before
been a German one. We believe that,
if the present system of education be
steadily carried out, with its conse-
quent developments, in the Principa-
lity, the two languages, English and
Welsh, will become equally familiar
to those who may be born in the
second generation from the present
day; and that the inhabitants of
Wales, becoming thoroughly bilingual
— for we do not anticipate that they
will abandon their ancient tongue —
this apparent obstacle to a more com-
plete amalgamation of interests be-
tween the two races will be entirely
removed. One thing is certain, that
the aptitude of Welsh children to learn
English, of the purest dialectic kind,
is very remarkable— and that the de-
sire to acquire English is prevalent
amongst all the people.
We confess that we should be sorry
to see any language impaired, much
less forgotten : they constitute some of
the great marks which the Almighty
has impressed upon the various tribes
of his children — not lightly to be ne-
glected nor set aside. They form
some of the surest grounds of national
strength and permanence; and they
are some of those old and venerable
things which, as true conservatives,
we are by no means desirous to see
obliterated or injured. As, however,
it is obviously impossible that the
whole literature of the Anglo-Saxon
race should be translated into Welsh,
it is essential to the Cambrians that
they should no longer hesitate as to
qualifying themselves for reading, in
its own tongue, that literature which
is exercising so great an influence over
a large portion of the globe ; and the
possession of the two languages will
tend to elevate the character, as well
as to remove the prejudices, of the
people that shall take the trouble to
acquire them.
The social condition of Wales is
gone into by the author at some
length; but he confines his observa-
tions principally to the manufacturing
and mining population of Glamorgan
and the southern counties. Upon
this part of the subject he has com-
piled much valuable information
which, though not exactly new, tells
well in his work when brought into
a focus and reasoned upon. He in-
troduces the subject thus: —
" The social condition of the inhabitants
is influenced by the configuration of the
country, for the most part abrupt, and
broken into hill and valley; the elevation
of the upper mountain ranges, which are
the loftiest in South Britain, and the
large proportion of waste and barren
land; the humidity of the climate; the
variety and extent of the mineral riches
in certain localities; and the great length
of the sea-coast, forming numerous bays
and havens ; and thus there is presented
much variety in the occupation, and re-
markable contrasts in the means of sub-
sistence and habits of life, of the people.
Monmouthshire, Glamorganshire, and the
southern extremity of Breconshire, are
the seat of the iron and coal trades. In
the western part of Glamorganshire,
around Swansea, and in the south-eastern
corner of Carmarthenshire, copper ore,
imported from Cornwall, as well as from
foreign countries, is smelted in large
quantities ; and the same neighbourhood
is the seat of potteries, at which an inex-
pensive description of earthenware is
made. Coal, in limited quantities, and of
a particular description, is exported from.;
Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire; and
lead ore and quarries of slate are worked
in Cardiganshire. In North Wales, con-
siderable masses of people are collected
around the copper mines of Anglesey ;
amidst the slate quarries opened in the
lofty mountains of Caernarvonshire and
Merionethshire, as well as in some of the
sea-ports of those counties ; amongst the
lead mines of Flintshire, and the coal and
iron districts, which extend from the con-
fines of Cheshire, through Flintshire and
Denbighshire, to the confines of Merion-
ethshire ; and in those parts of Montgom-
eryshire, on the banks of the Severn,
where flannel-weaving prevails. For-
merly, the woollen cloths and flannels
with which the people clothed themselves
were manufactured throughout the coun-
* The leading scholars and authors of Wales are all named Williams : viz. Arch-
kacon Williams, and the Revs. Robert Williams, John Williams, Rowland Williams,
Charles Williams, and Morris Williams— none of them relations !
330
try, at small mills or factories placed on
the margin of mountain streams, which
furnished the power or agency necessary
for carrying on the process ; but the
growth of the large manufacturing esta-
blishments in the north of England and
Scotland, and the substitution of cotton
for wool in various articles of clothing,
have uprooted many of the native facto-
ries, and reduced to very small dimensions
the once important manufacture of home-
made cloths and flannels. The larger
portion of the industrial population of
North Wales, and of the counties of Car-
digan, Carmarthen, Radnor, and Pem-
broke, in South Wales, is engaged in
agriculture. It consists, for the most
part, of small farmers — a frugal and cau-
tious race of men, employing but few la-
bourers, and cultivating, by means of their
own families and a few domestic servants,
the lands on which they live.
" In times of mining and manufacturing
prosperity, the productions of the agricul-
tural and pastoral districts find ready
purchasers, at remunerating prices, at the
mining and manufacturing establishments,
to which they are conveyed from distant
places; and the surplus labour of the agri-
cultural districts finds profitable employ-
ment at the mines, factories, and shipping
ports, where a heterogeneous population
is collected from every part of the king-
dom. The wages of labour are, neverthe-
less, very low, in the agricultural portions
both of North and South Wales; and are
probably lower in the western counties of
South Wales, and in some districts of
North Wales, than in any other part of
South Britain. The Welsh farmer pre-
sents, however, a stronger contrast than
even the Welsh labourer to the same class
in England. He occupies a small farm,
employs an inconsiderable amount of
capital, and is but little removed, either
in his mode of life, his laborious occupa-
tion, his dwelling, or his habits, from the
day-labourers by whom he is surrounded;
feeding on brown bread, often made of
barley, and partaking but seldom of ani-
mal food. The agricultural and pastoral
population is, for the most part, scattered
in lone dwellings, or found in small ham-
lets, in passes amongst the hills, on the
sides of lofty mountains, or the margin of
a rugged sea-coast, or on lofty moors, or
table-land; and oftentimes this population
can be'approached only along sheep-tracks
or bridle-paths, by which these mountain
solitudes are traversed.
" Whilst, however, such is the condition
of a wide area of the Principality, there
is found in particular districts, of which
mention has been already made, a popu-
lation congregated together in large num-
bers, which has grovai with a rapidity of
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
[Sept.
which there is scarcely another example
— not by the gradual increase of births
over deaths, but by immigration from
other districts, as well of Wales and Eng-
land, as of Ireland and Scotland also.
That immigration is not constant in its
operation and regular in its amount, but
fluctuating, or abruptly suspended ; and
in times of adversity, which frequently
recur, men, drawn hither by the prospect
of high wages, however short-lived such
prosperity may prove, migrate in search
of employment to other districts, or are
removed to their former homes. In the
iron and coal districts of South Wales,
these colonies are collected -at two points
— the mountain sides, at which the mine-
rals are raised, and the shipping ports, at
which the produce of the mines is ex-
ported."
It appears that the total value of
shipments from the counties of Mon-
mouth, Glamorgan, and Carmarthen,,
in metals and minerals, during the
year 1847 was, in round numbers, as
follows : —
Iron, .
Copper,
Coal, .
Tin plate,
.£4,000,000
2,000,000
800,000
400,000
£7,200,000
The copper specified above is not
copper found in Wales, but that which
is brought to Swansea, and other
ports of Glamorgan and Carmarthen,
for the purpose of being smelted,
and then reshipped for various parts
of the world, principally to France
and South America. This trade gives
occupation to a large population
in those districts, and it forms one
of the few branches of British manu-
factures, in which no very great
fluctuations have been experienced
during the last few years. It is, in-
deed, estimated that more than three-
fourths of all the copper used on the
face of the globe is smelted in the
South-Welsh coal-field. Buthowpros-
perous soever may have been the con-
dition of the great capitalists and iron-
masters in South Wales, it does not
appear that, with two or three bright
exceptions, they have done much to
ameliorate the condition of the people
in their employment, — and even, in the
present unsettled state of the world,
the influence upon their hearts, of the
metals they deal in, may be but too
evidently seen. We find a most inge-
1849.]
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
331
niotis and important passage in SirT.
rhillips' work upon this subject, full
of sound philosophy and excellent
feeling. He observes : —
" The wilderness, or mountain waste,
has been covered with people; an activity
and energy almost superhuman characte-
rise the operations of the district; wealth
has been accumulated by the employer;
and large wages have been earned by the
labourer. Thus far the picture which has
been presented is gratifying enough ; but
the more serious question arises — How
have the social and moral relations of the
district been influenced by the changes
which it has witnessed ? May it not be
said with truth, that the wealth of the
capitalist has ordinarily ministered to the
selfish enjoyments of the possessor, whilst
the ample wages earned in prosperous
times by the labourer have been usually
squandered in coarse intemperance, or
careless extravagance ? Prosperity is suc-
ceeded periodically by those seasons of
adversity to which manufacturing indus-
try is peculiarly exposed ; when the la-
bourer, whose wants grew with increased
means, experiences positive suffering at a
rate of wages on which he would have
lived in comfort, had he not been accus-
tomed to larger earnings. Crowded dwell-
ings, badly-drained habitations, constant
incitements to intemperance, and, above
all, association with men of lawless and
abandoned character, (who so frequently
resort to newly-peopled districts,) are also
unfavourable elements in the social condi-
tion of this people. To those influences
may be added, the absence of a middle
class, as a connecting link between the
employer and the employed ; the neglect
of such moral supervision on the part of
the employers as might influence the cha-
racter of their workmen ; and the want
of those institutions for the relief of moral
or physical destitution — whether churches,
schools, almshouses, or hospitals — which
characterise our older communities.
AVealth accumulated by the employer is
found by the side of destitution and suffer-
ing in the labourer — often, no doubt, the
result of intemperance and improvidence,
but not seldom the effect of those calami-
ties against which no forethought can
adequately guard ; and when no provision
is made for the relief of physical or moral
suffering, by a dedication to God's service,
for the relief of His creatures, of any por-
tion of that wealth, to the accumulation
of which by the capitalist the labourer
has contributed, it will be manifest that
the social and political institutions of our
Jand are exposed to trials of no ordinary
severity in these new communities.
•" We live in times of great mental and
moral activity. In the year which has
now reached its close, changes have been
accomplished, far more extensive and
important than are usually witnessed by
an entire generation of the sons of men ;
and around and about us opinions may be
discerned, which involve, not merely the
machinery of government, but the very
framework of society : and these opinions
are not confined to the closets of the stu-
dious, but pervade the workshop and the
market, and interest the men who'fill our
crowded thoroughfares. In former ages,
as well as in other conditions than the
manufacturing in our own times, social
inequalities may have presented them-
selves, or may still exist, great as those
which characterise, in our own age, the
seats of manufacturing labour ; and the
lord and vassal of the feudal system may
have exhibited, and the squire and the
peasant of some of our agricultural dis-
tricts may still present, as wide a dispar-
ity of condition, as exists at this day be-
tween the master manufacturer and the
operative ; but the antagonism of inter-
ests, whether real or apparent, between
the manufacturer and the operative, is
altogether unlike that simple disparity of
condition which may have perplexed for-
mer serfdom, or may excite wonder in the
agricultural mind of our own age. To
the eyes and the contemplations of the
serf, as of the peasant, the lord or the
squire was the possessor of wide and fer-
tile lauds, which he had inherited from
other times, and which neither serf nor
peasant had produced, but which both
believed would minister to their necessi-
ties, whether in sickness or in poverty,
because neither the castle -gate nor the
hall-door had ever been closed against
their tales of suffering and woe. Neither
the ancient serf, nor the modern peasant,
witnessed that rapid accumulation of
wealth, which is so peculiarly the product
of our manufacturing system, and saw
not, as the operative does, fortunes built
up from day to day, which he regards as
the creation of his sweat and labour— and
at once the result and the evidence of a
polity which fosters capital more than
industry, and regards not the poverty with
which labour is so often associated. Dif-
ferent ages and conditions produce differ-
ent maxims. The modern manufacturer
is not a worse (he may be, and often is, a
better) man than the ancient baron, but
he has been brought up in a different phi-
losophy. By him, the operative is well-
nigh regarded as a machine, from whom
certain economical results may be obtained
— who is free to make his own bargains,
and whose moral condition is a problem
to be solved by himself, because, for that
condition, no duty attaches to his em-
332
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
[Sept,
ployer, who has contracted with him none
other than an economical relation. Yet,
is there not danger that, in pursuing with
logical precision, and with the confidence
of demonstrated truths, the doctrines of
political economy, we may forget duties
far higher than any which that science
can teach — duties which man owes to his
fellow, and which are alike independent
of capital and labour ? It is no doubt
true, that men who earn large wages,
whilst blessed with health and strength,
and in full employment, ought to make
provision for sickness, old age, or want of
work ; but suppose that duty neglected,
even then the obligation attaches to the
employer to care for those of his own
household. In old communities, too, the
proportion must ever be large of those
who, in prosperity, can barely provide for
their bodily wants, and, in adversity, ex-
perience the bitterness of actual want in
some of its sharpest visitations. To the
humble-minded Christian, who has been
accustomed to consider the gifts of God,
whether bodily strength, or mental power,
or wealth, or rank and influential station,
as talents intrusted to him, as God's
steward, for the good of his fellow-crea-
tures—afflicting, indeed, is the spectacle
of wealth, rapidly accumulated by the
agency of labour, employed only for self-
aggrandisement, with no fitting acknow-
ledgment, by its possessor, of the claims
of his fellow-men.
" In our new and neglected communi-
ties, Chartism is found in its worst mani-
festations— not as an adhesion to political
dogmas, but as an indication of that class-
antagonism which proclaims the rejection
of our common Christianity, by denying
the brotherhood of Christians. This anta-
gonism originated, as great social evils
ever do, in the neglect of duty by the
master, or ruling class. They first practi-
cally denied the obligation imposed on
every man who undertakes to govern or
to guide others, whether as master or
ruler, to care for, to counsel, to instruct,
and, when necessary, to control those who
have contracted with him the dependent
relation of servant or subject ; and from
that neglect of duty has sprung up, and
been nourished in the subject, or depend-
ent class, impatience of restraint, discon-
tent with their condition, a jealousy, often
amounting to hatred, of the classes above
them, and a desire, first to destroy to the
base, and then to reconstruct on differ-
ent principles, the political and social
systems under which they live. Thus
will it ever be, as thus it ever has been,
throughout the world's history ; and the
violation or neglect of duty, whether by
nations or individuals, in its own direct
and immediate consequences, works out
the appropriate national or individual
punishment; and those who sow the wind,
will surely reap the whirlwind — it may
be, not in their own persons, but in the
visitation of their children's children."
Notwithstanding the lamentable
prevalence of diseased political and
moral feeling among a certain portion
of the inhabitants of South Wales, it
is certain that the primitive simplicity
of character by which the Welsh
nation is still distinguished, tends in a
great degree to keep them from the
commission of those crimes which at-
tract the serious notice of the law. In
most of the counties of Wales, the
business on the crown side at the
assizes is generally light, sometimes
only nominal ; and the general con-
dition of the public mind may be fairly
judged of from the following table of
criminal returns for 1846 : —
" Convictions —
England, .... 17,644, or 1 in 850
Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire, . 250, or 1 in 1200
1 1 counties of North and South Wales, 250, or 1 in 3000
Executions —
England, ... 6
Wales, ....'. None.
Transportations —
England, .... 2801, or 1 in 5300
Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire, . 29, or 1 in 10,000
11 Welsh counties, . . . o5j or j ja 30,000
Imprisonments above a year —
England, .... 322, or 1 in 4500
Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire, . 10, or 1 in 30,000
1 1 Welsh counties, . . . 2, or 1 in 350,000
Imprisonments not above a year —
England, .... 14,515, or 1 in 1000
Monmouthshire and Glamorganshire, . 211, or 1 in 1500
11 Welsh counties, . . . 223, or 1 in 3300
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
1819.]
" The comparative rarity of crime in
the eleven Welsh counties is represented
by 1 offence to 3000 of the population ;
and the absence of serious crimes by the
small number of transportations, namely,
25, or 1 in 30,000 ; and still more remark-
ably, by the large proportion of the offend-
ers whose punishment did not exceed a
year's imprisonment, namely, 223 out of
250, leaving 27 as the number of all the
criminals convicted [in a year, in eleven
counties, whose punishment exceeded a
year's imprisonment."
The accusation that was brought
forward in the unfortunate Blue Books
against the chastity of the Welsh
women, and which was the real cause
of the hubbub made about them, we
dismiss from our consideration. It
arose from a misapprehension of the
degree of criminality implied by the
prevalence of an ancient custom,
which exists not in Wales only, but
we rather think amongst the peasants
of the whole of Europe, and certainly
as widely in England as in Wales.
Whether existing in other nations or
not, the Welsh press, (generally con-
ducted by Englishmen, be it observed,)
and the pseudo-patriots of Wales, a
noisy empty-headed class, made a
great stir about it, and declaimed
violently : they did not, however, ad-
duce a single solid argument in dis-
proof of the accusation. There is one
fact alone which is quite sufficient to
explain the accusation and to remove
the stain : bastardy is not less common
than in England, but prostitution is
almost unknown ; the common people
do not consider that to be a crime be-
fore marriage, which after it they look
upon as a heinous enormity. Such is
their code of national morals : whether
right or wrong, they abide by it pretty
consistently ; and they appear to have
done so from time immemorial. They
mean no harm by it, and they look
upon it as venial : this is the state of
the national feeling, and it settles the
question.
Wo now turn to the chapters that
refer to the religious condition of the
country, which is treated of by the
author at full length, though our own
comments must be necessarily brief.
He gives a luminous account of the
rise and progress of modern dissent
in Wales ; from which, however, we
give the highly improbable statement,
that the actual number of members of
333
dissenting congregations, of all deno-
minations in Wales, amounted to only
166,606 in 1846, with 1890 ministers.
We should rather say that, whatever
the gross population of the country
may be at the present moment, there
is not more than one person out of
ten, who have arrived at years of dis-
cretion, belonging altogether to the
church ; and we infer the fulness of
dissenting chapels, not only from the
crowds that we have seen thronging
them-, on all occasions, but also from
the thinness of the congregations at
church. For the Welsh are eminently
an enthusiastic, and we might almost
say, a religious people: they are decid-
edly a congregational people ; and as
for staying at home on days of public
worship, no such idea ever yet entered
a true Welshman's head. We think
that the author must have been mis-
informed on this head, and that the
numbers should rather be the other
way— 100,000 out of 900,000 being a
very fair proportion for the members
of the church.
For all this there are good and
legitimate reasons to be found, not
only in what is adduced in this work
on the church establishment, but also
in the current experience of every
man of common observation through-
out the Principality. The wonder
is, not that dissent should have at-
tained its present height, but that
the church should have continued to
exist at all, amidst so many abuses,
so much ignorance, so much neglect,
and such extraordinary apathy — until
of late days — on the part of her rulers.
The actual condition of the church in
Wales may be summed up in a few
words — it is that of the church in Ire-
land : only those who differ from it are
Protestants instead of Roman Catho-
lics. Let us quote Sir Thomas
Phillips again : —
" We have now passed in review various
influences by which the church in Wales
has been weakened. We have seen the
religious edifices erected by the piety of
other times, and with the sustentation of
which the lands of the country have been
charged, greatly neglected, whilst the lay
officers, on whom the duty of maintaining
those buildings in decent condition was
imposed, are sometimes not appointed, or,
if appointed, make light or naught of their
duties : we have seen ecclesiastical offi-
cers, specially charged with the oversight
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
[Sept.
of the churches, not required to exercise
functions which have been revived by re-
cent legislative enactments : we have
found a clergy, with scanty incomes, and
a want of decent residences, ministering
in a peculiar language, with which the
gentry have most commonly an imperfect
and often no acquaintance— even where it
is the language of public worship — influ-
ences which lower the moral and intel-
lectual standard of the clergy, by intro-
ducing into holy orders too large a pro-
portion of men, whose early occupations,
habits, and feelings, do not ordinarily con-
duce to maintain the highest standard of
conduct, and who (instead of forming, as
in England, a minority of the whole body,
and being elevated in tone, morally and
mentally, by association with minds of
higherculture) compose the largemajority
of the clergy of the Principality. It can-
not, then, be matter of surprise, if amongst
those men some should be found who (not
being received on a footing of equality
into the houses of the gentry, over whom
they exercise but little influence) again
resume the habits from which they were
temporarily rescued by an education itself
imperfect, and, selecting for daily compa-
nionship uneducated men, are either
driven for social converse to the village
alehouse, or become familiarised with
ideas and practices unsuited to the cha-
racter, injurious to the position, and de-
structive to the influence of the Christian
pastor. Nor could we wonder, if even
the religious opinions and well-meant ac-
tivity of the more zealous among persons
thus circumstanced, were to borrow their
tone and colour from the more popular
influences by which they are surrounded,
rather than from the profounder and more
•disciplined theology of the church of
which they are ministers. We have
found the ecclesiastical rulers of this
clergy and chief pastors of the people, as
well as many other holders of valuable
church preferment, to consist often of
strangers to the country, ignorant alike of
the language and character of the inhabi-
tants, by many of whom they are regarded
with distrust and dislike ; unable to in-
struct the flock committed to their charge,
or to teach and exhort with wholesome
doctrine, or to preach the word, or to
withstand and convince gainsayers, in the
language familiar to the common people of
the land. Finally, we have seen the
church, whilst she compassed sea and
land to gain one proselyte from the hea-
thendom without, allow a more deplorable
heathendom to spring into life within her
own borders; and the term baptised hea-
tliens, instead of being a contradiction in
terms, has become the true appellation of
thousands of men and women in this
island of Christian profession and Chris-
tian action. Nevertheless the Welsh are
not an irreligious people; and whilst the
religious fabrics of dissent are reared up
by the poor dwellers of their mountain
valleys, in every corner in which a few
Christian men are congregated, and these
buildings are thronged by earnest-minded
worshippers, assembled for religious ser-
vices in the only places, it may be, there
dedicated to God's glory, the feeling must
be ever present, ' Surely these men and
women might have been kept within the
fold of the church.' A supposed excita-
bility in the Cambro-Briton, a love for
extemporaneous worship, and an impa-
tience of formal services, have been repre-
sented as intractable elements in the cha-
racter of this people. Even if such ele-
ments exist, it does not follow that they
might not have received a wholesome di-
rection ; while, unfortunately, their action
now finds excuse in the neglect and pro-
vocation which alone render them danger-
ous. The church in Wales has been pre-
sented in her least engaging aspect ; her
offices have been reduced to the baldest
and lowest standard; and whilst no suffi-
cient efforts have been employed to make
the beauty of our liturgical services
appreciated by the people, neither has any
general attempt been made to enlist, in the
performance of public worship, their pro-
found and characteristic enjoyment of
psalmody, by accustoming them to chant
or sing the hymns of the church."
All the abuses of ecclesiastical
property seem to have flourished in
the land of Wales, as in a nook where
there was no chance of their being
ever brought to light ; — more than
one-half of the income of the church,
for parochial purposes, totally alien-
ated ; the bishops and other digni-
taries totally asleep, and exercising no
spiritual supervision ; pluralities and
non-residence prevailing to a great ex-
tent ; the character of the clergy de-
graded ; the gentry and aristocracy
of the land starving the church, and
giving it a formal, not a real support;
— how can any spiritual system flourish
under such an accumulation of evils ?
The true spirit of the church being
dead, a reaction on the part of the
people inevitably took place ; and it
is hardly going too far to say, that had
it not been for the efforts of dissenters,
" progressing by antagonism," Chris-
tianity would by this time have fallen
into desuetude within the Principality.
1849.]
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
335
It is a very thorny subject to touch
upon, in the present excitable state
of the world, and therefore we refrain;
but we would earnestly solicit the
attention of our readers to the pages
of Sir Thomas Phillips, — himself one
of the very few orthodox churchmen
still left in Wales, — for a proof of
what we have asserted ; and should
they still doubt, let them try an ex-
cursion among the wilds of the nor-
thern, or the vales of the southern
division of the country, and they will
become full converts to our opinion.
Things, however, in this respect are
mending — the church has at length
stirred, abuses are becoming corrected,
the ecclesiastical commissioners have
done justice in several cases — and in
none more signally than in the extra-
ordinary epitome of all possible abuses,
shown by the chapter of Brecon —
abuses existing long before the Refor-
mation, but increased, like many others,
tenfold since that period. The church
has never yet had fair play in the
country, for she has never yet done
herself — much less her people — justice ;
so that what she is capable of effect-
ing among the Cambrian mountains
cannot yet be predicated. We fondly
think, at times, that all these evils
might be abolished ; but this is not
the place for such a lengthy topic :
we have adverted to the state of things
as they have hitherto existed in the
Principality, chiefly with the view of
showing their influence upon the pecu-
liar political and ethnical condition of
the people, which it is our main object
to discuss. We will content ourselves
with observing, that Sir Thomas
Phillips' remarks on this subject,
and on the connexion of the state
with the education of the country, are
characterised by sound religious feel-
ing, and a true conservative interpre-
tation of the political condition of the
•empire.
On a calm view of the general con-
dition of Wales, we are of opinion that
the inhabitants, the mass of the nation,
are as well off, iu proportion to the
means of the country itself, to the
moderate quantity of capital collected
in the Principality, and the number of
resident gentry — which is not very
great — as might have been fairly ex-
pected ; and that it is no true argu-
ment against the national capabilities
of the Welsh, that they are not more
nearly on a level with the inhabitants
of some parts of England. The Welsh
inhabit a peculiar land, where fog and
rain, and snow and wind, are more
prevalent than fine working weather
in more favoured spots of this island.
A considerable part of their land is
still unreclaimed and uncultivated —
their country does not serve as a place
of passage for foreigners. Visitors,
indeed, come among them ; but, with
the exception of the annual flocks of
summer tourists, and the passengers
for Ireland on the northern line of rail-
road, they are left to themselves with-
out much foreign admixture during a
great portion of each year. The mass
of the gentry are neither rich nor
generous : there are some large and
liberal proprietors, but the body of the
gentry do not exert themselves as
much as might be expected for the
benefit of their dependants ; and hence
the Welsh agriculturist lacks both
example and encouragement. That the
cultivation of theland, therefore, should
be somewhat in arrear, that the min-
eral riches of the country should be but
partially taken advantage of, and that
extensive manufactures should rarely
exist amongst the Welsh, ought not to
form any just causes of surprise : these
things will in course of time be reme-
died of themselves. The main evil that
the Welsh have to contend against is
one that belongs to their blood as a
Celtic nation ; and which, while that
blood remains as much unmixed as at
present, there is no chance of eradi-
cating. We allude to that which has
distinguished all Celtic tribes wherc-
ever found, and at whatever period of
their history — we mean their national
indolence and want of perseverance —
the absence of that indomitable energy
and spirit of improvement which has
raised the Anglo-Saxon race, crossed
as it has been with so many other
tribes, to such a mighty position in
the dominion of the world.
This absence of energy is evident
upon the very face of things, and lies
at the bottom of whatever slowness of
improvement is complained of in Wales.
It is the same pest that infests Ireland,
only it exists in a minor degree ; it is
that which did so much harm to the
Scottish Highlands at one period of
their history ; and it is a component
336
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
[Sept.
cause of many anomalies in the French
character, though in this case it is
nearly bred out. One of the most
striking evidences and effects of it is
the dirt and untidiness which is so strik-
ing and offensive a peculiarity of Welsh
villages and towns — • that shabby,
neglected state of the houses, streets,
and gardens, which forms such a pain-
ful contrast the moment you step
across the border into the Principality.
In this the Welsh do not go to the
extremes of the Irish : they are pre-
served from that depth of degradation
by some other and better points of
their character; but they approach
very closely to the want of cleanliness
observable in France — and the look of
a Welsh and a French village, nay,
the very smell of the two places, is
nearly identical. A Welsh peasant,
amidst his own mountains, if he can
get a shilling a-day, will prefer starv-
ing upon that to labouring for another
twelvepence. A farmer with £50
a-year rent has no ambition to become
one of £200 ; the shopkeeper goes on
in the small-ware line all his life, and
dies a pedlar rather than a tradesman.
There are brilliant and extraordi-
nary exceptions to all this, we are
well aware ; nay, there are differences
in this respect between the various
counties, — and generally the southern
parts of Wales are as much in advance
of the northern, in point of industry,
as they are in point of intellect and
agricultural wealth, It is the general
characteristic of this nation — and it
evidences itself, sometimes most dis-
agreeably, in the want of punctuality,
and too often of straightforward deal-
ing, which all who have any commer-
cial or industrial communications with
the lower and middle classes of the
Welsh have inevitably experienced.
It is the vice of all Celtic nations, and
is not to be eradicated except by a
cross in the blood. Joined with all
this, there is a mean and petty spirit of
deceit and concealment too often shown
even in the middle classes ; and there
is also the old Celtic vice of feud and
clanship, which tends to divide the
nation, and to impede its advance-
ment in civilisation. Thus the old
feud between North and South Wales
still subsists, rife as ever ; the nor-
thern man, prejudiced, ignorant, and
indolent, comes forth from his moun-
tains and looks down with contempt
on the dweller in the southern vales,
liis superior in all the arts and pursuits
of civilised life. Even a difference of
colloquial dialects causes a national
enmity ; and the rough Cymro of
Gwynedd still derides the softer man
from Gwent and Morganwg. All
these minor vices and follies tend to
impair the national character — and
they are evidences of a spirit which
requires alteration, if the condition of
the people is to be permanently eleva-
ted. On the other hand, the Welsh
have many excellent qualifications
which tend to counteract their innate
weaknesses, and afford promise of
much future good : their intellectual
acuteness, their natural kindliness of
heart, their constitutional poetry and
religious enthusiasm, their indomit-
able love of country — which they share
with all mountain tribes — all these
good qualities form a counterbalance
to their failings, and tend to rectify
their national course. Take a Welsh-
man out of Wales, place him in Lon-
don or Liverpool, send him to the East
Indies or to North America, and he
becomes a banker of fabulous wealth,
a merchant of illimitable resources, a
great captain of his country's hosts, or
an eminent traveller and philosopher ;
but leave him in his native valley, and
he walks about with his hands in his
pockets, angles for trout, and goes to
chapel with hopeless pertinacity. Such
was the Highlander once ; but his
shrewd good sense has got the better
of his indolence, and he has come out
of his fastnesses, conquering and to
conquer. Not such, but far, far worse
is the Irishman ; and such will he be
till he loses his national existence. St
Andrew is a better saint than St
David, and St David than St Patrick ;
but they all had the same faults once,
and it is only by external circum-
stances that any amelioration has been
produced.
It is a fact of ethnology, that while
a tribe of men, kept to itself and free
from foreign admixture, preserves its
natural good qualities in undiminished
excellence through numerous ages, all
its natural vices become increased in
intensity and vitality by the same
circumstances of isolation. Look at
the miserable Irish, always standing in
their own light; look at the Spaniards,,
1849.]
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
337
keeping to themselves, and stifling all
their noble qualities by the perma-
nence of their national vices ; look
at the tribes of Asia, doomed to per-
petual subjection while they remain
unmixed in blood. Had the Saxons
remained with uncrossed blood, they
had still been stolid, heavy, dreaming,
impracticable Germans, though they
had peopled the plains of England ;
but, when mixed with the Celts and
the Danes, they formed the Lowland
Scots, the most industrious and can-
niest chields in the wide world : fused
with the Dane and Norman, and sub-
sequently mixed with all people, they
became Englishmen — rerum Domini —
like the Romans of old. It may be
mortifying enough to national pride,
but the fact is, nevertheless, patent
and certain, that extensive admix-
ture of blood commonly benefits a
nation more than all its geographical
advantages.
It is our intimate conviction of the
truth of this fact, so clearly deducible
from the page of universal history,
and especially from the border history
of England and Wales, that shows us,
inter a/ia, how false and absurd is the
pretended patriotism of a small party
among the gentry and clergy of Wales
who have lately raised the cry of
"Wales for the Welsh!" and who
would, if they could, get up a sort of
agitation for a repeal of the Norman
conquest ! There are sundry persons
in Wales who, principally for local
and party purposes, are trying to
keep the Welsh still more distinct from
the English than they now are, — who
try to revive the old animosities be-
tween Celt and Saxon, — who pretend
that Englishmen have no right even
to settle in Wales, — and who, instead
of promoting a knowledge of the Eng-
lish language, declaim in favour of the
exclusive maintenance of the Welsh.
These persons, actuated by a desire to
bring themselves forward into tempo-
rary notoriety, profess, at the same
time, by an extraordinary contradic-
tion, to be of the high Conservative
party, and amuse themselves by thwart-
ing the Whigs, and abusing the Dis-
senters, to the utmost of their power.
They are mainly supported — not by
the Welsh of the middle classes, who
have their separate hobby to ride,
and who distrust the former too much
to co-operate with them — but by Eng-
lish settlers in Wales, and on its
borders, who, in order to make for
themselves an interest in the country,
pander to the prejudices of a few am-
bitious twaddlers, and get up public
meetings, at which more nonsense i&
talked than any people can be supposed
gullible enough to swallow. This
spirit exists in the extreme northern
portion of Wales, in Flintshire, Den-
bighshire, and Caernarvonshire ; and
on the south-eastern border of the
country, in Monmouthshire, more than
in any other district. It is doomed to
be transient, because it is opposed,
not less to the wishes and the good
sense of the mass of the people, than
to the views and policy of the nobles
and leading gentry of the Principality.
One or two radical M.P.s., a few
disappointed clergymen, who fancy
lhat their chance of preferment lies in
abusing England, and a few amateur
students of Welsh literature, who
think that they shall thereby rise to
literary eminence, constitute the cliquer
which will talk and strut for its dayr
and then die away into its primitive
insignificance. But, by the side of
this unimportant faction, there does
exist, amongst the working classes and
the lower portion of the middle orders,
a spirit of radicalism, chartism, or
republicanism, — for they are in rea-
lity synonymous terms, — which is
doing much damage to the Principality,
and which it lies easily within the
power of the upper classes to extin-
guish,— not by force, but by kindness-
aud by example.
It hag been one of the consequences
of dissent in Wales — not intended, we
believe, by the majority of the mini-
sters, but following inevitably from
the organisation of their congrega-
tions, — that a democratic spirit of
self-government should have arisen
among the people, and have inter-
woven itself with their habits of
thought and their associations of daily
life. The middle and lower classes,
separated from the upper by a differ-
ence of language, and alienated from
the church by its inefficiency and ne-
glect, have thrown themselves into
the system of dissent, — that is, of self-
adopted religious opinions, meditated
upon, sustained, and expounded in
their own native tongue, with all the
338
enthusiasm that marks the Celtic cha-
racter. The gulf between the nobles
and gentry of Wales on the one side,
and the middle and lower classes on
the other, was already sufficiently
wide, without any new principle of
disunion being introduced ; but now
the church has become emphatically
the church of the upper classes alone,
— the chapel is the chapel of the lower
orders — and the country is divided
thereby into two hostile and bitterly
opposed parties. On the one hand
are all the aristocratic and hierarchic
traditions of the nation ; on the other
is the democratic self-governing spirit,
opposed to the former as much as
light is to darkness, and adopted with
.the greater readiness, because it is
linked to the religious feelings and
ipractices of the vast majority of the
whole people. Dissent and democra-
tic opinions have now become the tra-
ditions of the lower orders in Wales ;
And every thing that belongs to the
•church or the higher orders of the
country, is repulsive to the feelings of
the people, because they hold them
identical with oppression and super-
stition. The traditions of the con-
quest were quite strong enough, — the
Welshman hated the Englishman tho-
roughly enough already ; but now
that he finds his superiors all speak-
ing the English tongue, all members
of the English church, he clings the
more fondly and more obstinately to
his own self-formed, self-chosen, sys-
tem of worship and government, and
the work of reunion and reconciliation
is made almost impossible. In the
midst of all this, the church in Wales
is itself divided into high and low,
into genteel and vulgar; the digni-
taries hold to the abuses of the system,
— and some, less burdened with com-
•mon sense than the rest, gabble about
" Wales and the Welsh," as if any
fresh fuel were wanted to feed the fire
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
[Sept.
already burning beneath the surface
of society !
Even at the present moment, char-
tism is active in Wales : Monnonites
and Latter-day Saints still preach and
go forth from the Principality to the
United States, (fortunately for this
country;) and unprincipled itinerant
lecturers on socialism, chartism, and
infidelity, are now going their circuits
in Wales, and obtaining numerous
audiences.*
Most of the leading gentry and
nobility of Wales are, strange to say,
dabblers in Whiggism and amateur
radicalism ; many of the M.P.s are
to be found on the wrong side in the
most disgraceful divisions : the cor-
porations of the country are of an un-
satisfactory character, and disaffection
prevails extensively in many of the
chief towns. We believe that a great
deal of all this has arisen from the
folly, the neglect, the bad example,
and the non-residence of the natural
leaders of the Principality. Welsh
landlords, like Irish — though not so
bad as the latter — are uncommonly
unwilling to loosen their purse-strings,
except for their own immediate plea-
sures. Scores of parishes have no
other representative of the upper
classes in them than a half-educated
and poorly paid resident clergyman :
agents and lawyers ride it roughly
and graspingly over the land ; the
people have few or no natural leaders
within reach ; they pay their rents,
but they get little back from them, to
be spent in their humble villages.
Their only, and their best friend, as
they imagine, is their preacher — one
of themselves, elected by themselves,
deposabk by themselves. They come
in contact with a sharp lawyer, a
drunken journalist, a Chartist lecturer,
a Latter-day Saint — can the result be
wondered at?
As long as the patriotism of the
* It is only a short time since that Vincent, of London notoriety, made a success-
ful visit to South Wales, lecturing in the Baptist chapels, wherever he went, on the
'Claims of the Age, on the Rights of Woman, on the Claims of Labour, and the other
usual clap-trap subjects. At Swansea, though it is a poor compliment to the good
sense of its inhabitants, he actually succeeded in getting one of his meetings pre-
sided over by a gentleman who had once been mayor of the town, and he lined his
pockets at the expense of not a few persons calling themselves respectable, and pre-
tending to be people of discernment. The lecturer, in his hand-bills posted on the
walls of Swansea and Tenby, called himself simply Henry Vincent; but in the smaller
towns, such as Llanelly and Caermarthen, he gave himself out as Henry Vincent,
1849.]
Moral and Social Condition of Wales.
339
"Welsh gentry and clergy consists, as it
now, too often, does, in frothy words,
and an absence of deeds — in the accept-
ing of English money and in abusing
England — in playing the Aristocrat at
home, and the Whig-radical-liberal
in public — so long will disaffection
continue in the Principality, and the
social condition of the people remain
unimproved. The only thing that
preserves Wales from rapidly verging
to the condition of Ireland, is the
absence of large towns with their con-
taminating influences, and the purely
agricultural character of the greatest
portion of the people. But even the
mountaineer and the man of the plain
may be corrupted at last, and he may
degenerate into the wretched cottier —
the poor slave, not of a proud lord,
but of a profligate republic. It is
from this lowest depth that we would
wish to see him rescued ; for in the
peasantry the ultimate hope of the
country is involved quite as much as in
the upper classes ; and until the latter
set the example, by actually putting
their shoulders to the wheel, throwing
aside their political tamperings with
the worst faction that divides the
state, and especially by encouraging
the introduction of English settlers
into all corners of the country, — we
shall not see the social and moral con-
dition of Wales such as it should be.
Let the nobles and gentry spend their
incomes in the country, not out of it ;
let them live even amid their moun-
tains, and mix with their people ; let
them improve the towns by introdu-
cing English tradesmen as much as
possible ; let them try to get up a
spirit of industry, perseverance, and
cleanliness throughout the land; — so
shall they discomfit the Chartists,
and convert the democrats into good
subjects. Let the clergy reform the
discipline of the Welsh church ; let
them alter the financial inequalities
and abuses that prevail in it, to an
almost incredible extent; and let them,
by their doctrines and practice, emulate
the good qualities of their professional
opponents ; — so shall they empty the
meeting-houses, and thaw the cold-
ness of Independentism or Methodism
into the warmth of union and affec-
tionate co-operation. Let every
Welshman, while he maintains intact
and undiminished the real honour of
his country, join with his Saxon
neighbour, imitating his good quali-
ties, correcting his evil ones by his
own good example ; and let their
children, mingling in blood, obliterate
the national distinctions that now are
mischievously sought to be revived ;
— so shall the union of Wales with
England remain unrepealed, and the
common honour of the two countries,
distinct yet conjoined, be promoted
by their common weal.
The Strayed Reveller.
[Sept.
THE STRAYED REVELLER.
THE other evening, on returning
home from the pleasant hospitalities
of the Royal Mid-Lothian Yeomanry,
our heart cheered with claret, and our
intellect refreshed by the patriotic elo-
quence of M'Whirter, we found upon
our table a volume of suspicious thin-
ness, the title of which for a moment
inspired us with a feeling of dismay.
Fate has assigned to us a female rela-
tive of advanced years and a curious
disposition, whose affection is con-
stantly manifested by a regard for our
private morals. Belonging to the
Supra-lapsarian persuasion, she never
loses an opportunity of inculcating her
own peculiar tenets : many a tract has
been put into our hands as an anti-
dote against social backslidings ; and
no sooner did that ominous phrase,
The Strayed Reveller, meet our eye,
than we conjectured that the old lady
had somehow fathomed the nature of
our previous engagement, and, in our
absence, deposited the volume as a
special warning against indulgence in
military banquets. On opening it,
however, we discovered that it was
verse ; and the first distich which met
our eye was to the following effect : —
" O Vizier, thou art old, I young,
Clear in these things I cannot fee.
My head is burning ; and a heat
Is in my skin, which angers me."
This frank confession altered the
current of our thought, and we straight-
way set down the poet as some young
roysterer, who had indulged rather
too copiously in strong potations, and
who was now celebrating in lyrics his
various erratic adventures before
reaching home. But a little more
attention speedily convinced us that
jollity was about the last imputation
which could possibly be urged against
our new acquaintance.
One of the most painful features of
our recent poetical literature, is the
marked absence of anything like hear-
tiness, happiness, or hope. We do
not want to see young gentlemen
aping the liveliness of Anacreou, in-
dulging in praises of the rosy god, or
frisking with supernatural agility;
but we should much prefer even such
an unnecessary exuberance of spirits,
to the dreary melancholy which is
but too apparent in their songs. Read
their lugubrious ditties, and you would
think that life had utterly lost all
charm for them before they have
crossed its threshold. The cause of
such overwhelming despondency it is
in vain to discover ; for none of them
have the pluck, like Byron, to commit
imaginary crimes, or to represent
themselves as racked with remorse for
murders which they never perpetrated.
If one of them would broadly accuse
himself of having run his man through
the vitals — of having, in an experi-
mental fit, plucked up a rail, and so
caused a terrific accident on the South-
western— or of having done some
other deed of reasonable turpitude and
atrocity, we conld understand what
the fellow meant by his excessively
nnmirthful monologues. But we are
not indulged with any full-flavoured
fictions of the kind. On the contrary,
our bards affect the purity and inno-
cence of the dove. They shrink from
naughty phrases with instinctive hor-
ror— have an idea that the mildest
kind of flirtation involves a deviation
from virtue ; and, in their most savage
moments of wrath, none of them would
injure a fly. How, then, can we ac-
count for that unhappy mist which
floats between them and the azure
heaven, so heavily as to cloud the
whole tenor of their existence ? What
makes them maunder so incessantly
about gloom, and graves, and misery?
Why confine themselves everlastingly
to apple-blossoms, whereof the pro-
duct in autumn will not amount to a
single Ribston pippin? What has
society done to them, or what can
they possibly have done to society,
that the future tenor of their span
must be one of unmitigated woe?
We rather suspect that most of the
poets would be puzzled to give satis-
factory answers to such queries. They
might, indeed, reply, that misery is the
heritage of genius; but that, we ap-
prehend, would be arguing upon false
The Strayed Reveller, and other Poems. By A. London: 1849.
1849.]
The Strayed Reveller.
premises; for we can discover very
little genius to vindicate the existence
of so vast a quantity of woe.
We hope, for the sake of human
nature, that the whole thing is a hum-
bug ; nay, we have not the least doubt
of it; for the experience of a good
many years has convinced us, that a
young poet in print is a very different
person from the actual existing bard.
The former has nerves of gossamer,
and states that he is suckled with dew ;
the latter is generally a fellow of his
inches, and has no insuperable objec-
tion to gin and water. In the oue
capacity, he feebly implores an early
death; in the other, he shouts for
broiled kidneys long after midnight,
when he ought to be snoring on his
truckle. Of a morning, the Strayed
Keveller inspires you with ideas of
dyspepsia — towards evening, your es-
timate of his character decidedly im-
proves. Only fancy what sort of a
companion the author of the following
lines must be : —
" TO FAUSTA.
" Joy comes and goes: life ebbs and Howe,
Like the wave.
Change doth unknit the tranquil strength
of men.
Love lends life a little grace,
A few sad smiles : and then,
Both are laid in one cold place,
In the grave.
•" Dreams dawn and fly : friends smile and die,
Like spring flowers.
Our vaunted life is one long funeral.
Men dig graves with bitter tears,
For their dead hopes ; and all,
Mazed with doubts, and sick with fears,
Count the hours.
*' We count the hours : these dreams of ours,
False and hollow,
Shall we go hence and find they are not
dead ?
Joys we dimly apprehend,
Faces that smiled and fled,
Hopes born here, and born to end,
Shall we follow?"
It is impossible to account for tastes ;
but we fairly confess, that if we
thought the above lines were an ac-
curate reflex of the ordinary mood of
the author, we should infinitely prefer
supping in company with the nearest
sexton. However, we have no sus-
picion of the kind. An early inti-
macy with the writings of Shelley, who
in his own person was no impostor, is
enough to account for the composition
of these singularly dolorous verses,
without supposing that they are any
symptom whatever of the diseased
idiosyncrasy of the author.
If we have selected this poet as the
type of a class now unfortunately too
common, it is rather for the purpose
of remonstrating with him on the abuse
of his natural gifts, than from any de-
sire to hold him up to ridicule. We
know not whether he may be a strip-
ling or a grown-up man. If the lat-
ter, we fear that he is incorrigible,
and that the modicum of talent which,
he certainly possesses is already so
perverted, by excessive imitation, as to
afford little ground for hope that he
can ever purify himself from a bad
style of writing, and a worse habit of
thought. But if, as we rather incline
to believe, he is still a young man, we
by no means despair of his reforma-
tion, and it is with that view alone
that we have selected his volume for
criticism. For although there is hardly
a page of it which is not studded with
faults apparent to the most common
censor, there are nevertheless, here
and there, passages of some promise
and beauty ; and one poem, though it
be tainted by imitation, is deserving
of considerable praise. It is the glit-
ter of the golden ore, though obscured
by much that is worthless, which has
attracted our notice; and we hope,
that by subjecting his poems to a strict
examination, we may do the author a
real service.
It is not to be expected that the
first essay of a young poet should be
faultless. Most youths addicted to
versification, are from an early age
sedulous students of poetry. They
select a model through certain affini-
ties of sympathy, and, having done so,
they become copyists for a time. We
are far from objecting to such a prac-
tice ; indeed, we consider it inevitable ;
for the tendency to imitate pervades
every branch of art, and poetry is no
exception. We distrust originality hi
a mere boy, because he is not yet
capable of the strong impressions, or
of the extended and subtile view?,
from which originality ought to spring.
His power of creating music is still
undeveloped, but the tendency to imi-
tate music which he has heard, and
can even appreciate, is strong. Most
immature lyrics indicate pretty clearly
the 'favourite study of their authors.
342
Sometimes they read like a weak ver-
sion of the choric songs of Euripides :
sometimes the versification smacks of
the school of Pope, and not unfre-
quently it betrays an undue intimacy
with the writings of Barry Cornwall.
Nor is the resemblance always con-
fined to the form ; for ever and anon
we stumble upon a sentiment or ex-
pression, so very marked and idiosyn-
cratic as to leave no doubt whatever
of its paternity.
The same remarks apply to prose
composition. Distinctions of style
occupy but a small share of academi-
cal attention ; and that most important
rhetorical exercise, the analysis of
the Period, has fallen into general dis-
regard. Rules for composition cer-
tainly exist, but they are seldom
made the subject of prelection ; and
consequently bad models find their
way into the hands, and too often
pervert the taste, of the rising genera-
tion. The cramped, ungrammatical
style of Carlyle, and the vague pom-
posity of Emerson, are copied by
numerous pupils ; the value of words
has risen immensely in the literary
market, whilst that of ideas has de-
clined; in order to arrive at the
meaning of an author of the new
school, we are forced to crack a sen-
tence as hard and angular as a hick-
ory-nut, and, after all our pains, we
are usually rewarded with no better
kernel than a maggot.
The Strayed Reveller is rather a
curious compound of imitation. He
claims to be a classical scholar of no
mean acquirements, and a good deal
of his inspiration is traceable to the
Greek dramatists. In certain of his
poems he tries to think like Sophocles,
and has so far succeeded as to have
constructed certain choric passages,
which might be taken by an unletter-
ed person for translations from the
antique. The language, though hard,
is rather stately; and many of the
individual images are by no means
destitute of grace. The epithets
which he employs bear the stamp of
the Greek coinage ; but, upon the
whole, we must pronounce these speci-
mens failures. The images are not
bound together or grouped artisti-
cally, aud the rhythm which the
author has selected is, to an English
ear, utterly destitute of melody. It
The Strayed Reveller.
[Sept.
is strange that people cannot be
brought to understand that the genius
and capabilities of one language differ
essentially from those of another : and
that the measures of antiquity are
altogether unsuitable for modern verse.
It is no doubt possible, by a Pro-
crustean operation, to force words
into almost any kind of mould ; a
chorus maybe constructed, which, so
far as scanning goes, might satisfy the
requirements of a pedagogue, but the
result of the experiment will inevit-
ably show that melody has been sacri-
fied in the attempt. Now melody is
a charm without which poetry is of
little worth ; we are not quite sure
whether it would not be more correct
to say, that without melody poetry
has no existence. Our author does
not seem to have the slightest idea of
this ; and accordingly he treats us to
such passages as the following : —
" No, no, old men, Creon I curse not.
I weep, Thebans,
One than Creon crueller far,
For he, he, at least by slaying her,
August laws doth mightily vindicate :
But thou, too bold, headstrong, pitiless,
Ah me ! honourest more than thy lover,
O Antigone,
A dead, ignorant, thankless corpse."
" Nor was the love untrue
Which the Dawn-Goddess bore
To that fair youth she erst,
Leaving the salt-sea beds
And coming flush M over the stormy frith
Of loud Euripus, saw :
Saw and snatch 'd, wild with love,
From the pine-dotted spurs
Of Parnes, where thy waves,
Asopus , gleam rock-hemm'd ;
The Hunter of the Tanagroean Field.
But him, in his sweet prime,
By severance immature,
By Artemis' soft shafts,
She, though a goddess born,
Saw in the rocky isle of Delos die.
Such end o'ertook that love,
For she desired to make
Immortal mortal man,
And blend his happy life,
Far from the gods, with hers :
To him postponing an eternal law."
We are sincerely sorry to find the
lessons of a good classical education
applied to so pitiable a use ; for if, out
of courtesy, the above should be de-
nominated verses, they are neverthe-
less as far removed from poetry as
the Indus is from the pole. It is one
thing to know the classics, and an-
other to write classically. Indeed, if
1849.]
The Strayed Reveller.
this be classical writing, it would fur-
nish the best argument ever yet ad-
vanced against the study of the works
of antiquity. Mr Tennyson, to whom,
as we shall presently have occasion to
observe, this author is indebted for
another phase of his inspiration, has
handled classical subjects with fine
taste and singular delicacy ; and his
" Ulysses" and " (Enone" show how
beautifully the Hellenic idea may be
wrought out in mellifluous English
verse. But Tennyson knows his craft
too well to adopt either the Greek
phraseology or the Greek rhythm.
Even in the choric hymns which he
has once or twice attempted, he has
spurned halt and ungainly metres,
and given full freedom and scope to
the cadence of his mother tongue.
These antique scraps of the Reveller
are further open to a still more serious
objection, which indeed is applicable
to most of his poetry. We read them,
marking every here and there some
image of considerable beauty; but,
when we have laid down the book,
we are unable for the life of us to tell
what it is all about. The poem from
which the volume takes its name is a
confused kind of chaunt about Circe,
Ulysses, and the Gods, from which
no exercise of ingenuity can extract
the vestige of a meaning. It has
pictures which, were they introduced
for any conceivable purpose, might
fairly deserve some admiration ; but,
thrust in as they are, without method
or reason, they utterly lose their
effect, and only serve to augment our
dissatisfaction at the perversion of a
taste which, with so much culture,
should have been capable of better
things.
The adoption of the Greek choric
metres, in some of the poems, appears
to xis the more inexplicable, because
in others, when he descends from his
classic altitudes, our author shows
that he is by no means insensible to
the power of melody. True, he wants
that peculiar characteristic of a good
poet — a melody of his own ; for no
poet is master of his craft unless his
music is self-inspired : but, in default
of that gift, he not unfrequently bor-
rows a few notes or a tune from some
of his contemporaries, and exhibits a
fair command and mastery of his in-
strument. Here, for example, are a
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVII.
few stanzas, the origin of which no-
body can mistake. They are an
exact echo of the lyrics of Elizabeth
Barrett Browning : —
" Are the accents of your luring
More melodious than of yore ?
Are those frail forms more enduring
Than the charms Ulysses bore ?
That we sought you with rejoicings,
Till at evening we descry,
At a pause of siren voicings,
These vext branches and this howling sky ?
" Oh ! your pardon. The uncouth ness
Of that primal age is gone,
And the kind of dazzling smoothness
Screens not now a heart of stone.
Love has flushed those cruel faces ;
And your slackened arms forego
The delight of fierce embraces ;
And those whitening bone-mounds do not
grow.
" ' Come,' you say ; ' the large appearance
Of man's labour is but vain ;
And we plead as firm adherence
Due to pleasure as to pain.'
Pointing to some world- worn creatures,
' Come,' you murmur with a sigh :
' Ah ! we own diviner features,
Loftier bearing, and a prouder eye.' "
High and commanding genius is
able to win our attention even in its
most eccentric moods. Such genius
belongs to Mrs Browning in a very
remarkable degree, and on that ac-
count we readily forgive her for some
forced rhyming, intricate diction, and
even occasional obscurity of thought.
But what shall we say of the man who
seeks to reproduce her marvellous
effects by copying her blemishes ? Read
the above lines, and you will find that,
in so far as sound and mannerism go,
they are an exact transcript from Mrs
Browning. Apply your intellect to
the discovery of their meaning, and
you will rise from the task thoroughly
convinced of its hopelessness. The
poem in which they occur is entitled
The New Sirens, but it might with
equal felicity and point have been
called The New Harpies, or The Lay
of the Hurdy-Gurdy. It seems to us
a mere experiment, for the purpose of
showing that words placed together
in certain juxtaposition, without any
regard to their significance or pro-
priety, can be made to produce a
peculiar phonetic effect. The pheno-
menon is by no means a new one — it
occurs whenever the manufacture of
nonsense-verses is attempted ; and it
needed not the staining of innocent
2A
344
The Strayed Reveller.
[Sept.
wire- wove to convince us of its prac-
ticability. Read the following stanza
— divorce the sound from the sense,
and then tell us what you can make
of it :—
" With a sad majestic motion —
With a stately slow surprise —
From their earthward-bound devotion
Lifting up your languid eyes :
Would you freeze my louder boldness,
Humbly smiling as you go ?
One faint frown of distant coldness
Flitting fast across each marble brow ? "
What say you, Parson Sir Hugh
Evans ? " The tevil with his tarn ;
what phrase is this— -freeze my louder
boldness ? Why, it is affectations."
If any one, in possession of a good
ear, and with a certain facility for
composing verse, though destitute of
the inventive faculty, will persevere
in imitating the style of different
poets, he is almost certain at last to
discover some writer whose peculiar
manner he can assume with far greater
facility than that of others. The
Strayed Reveller fails altogether with
Mrs Browning ; because it is beyond
his power, whilst following her, to
make any kind of agreement between
sound and sense. He is indeed very
far from being a metaphysician, for
his perception is abundantly hazy ;
and if he be wise, he will abstain from
any future attempts at profundity.
But he has a fair share of the painter's
gift ; and were he to cultivate that
on his own account, we believe that
he might produce something far supe-
rior to any of his present efforts. As
it is, we can merely accord him the
praise of sketching an occasional
landscape, very like one which we
might expect from Alfred Tennyson.
He has not only caught the trick of
Tennyson's handling, but he can use
his colours with considerable dexte-
rity. He is like one of those second-
rate artists, who, with Danby in their
eye, crowd our exhibitions with fiery
sunsets and oceans radiant in carmine ;
sometimes their pictures are a little
overlaid, but, on the whole, they give
a fair idea of the manner of their un-
doubted master.
The following extract will, we
think, illustrate our meaning. It is
from a poem entitled Mycerinus.
which, though it does not possess the
interest of any tale, is correctly and
pleasingly written : —
" So spake he, half in anger, half in scorn,
And one loud cry of grief and of amaze
Broke from his sorrowing people ; so he spake,
And turning, left them there ; and with brief
pause,
Girt with a throng of revellers, bentf his way
To the cool regions of the grove he loved.
There by the river banks he wandered on,
From palm-grove on to palm-grove ; happy trees,
Their smooth tops shining sunwards, and beneath
Burying their unsunn'd stems in grass and
flowers ;
Where in one dream the feverish time of youth
Might fade in slumber, and the feet of Joy
Might wander all day long and never tire :
Here came the king, holding high feast, at morn
Rose-crown 'd ; and ever, when the sun went
down,
A hundred lamps beam'd in the tranquil gloom
From tree to tree, all through the twinkling
grove,
Revealing all the tumult of the feast,
Flugh'd guests, and golden goblets, foam'd with.
wine,
While the deep burnish'd foliage overhead
Splinter'd the silver arrows of the moon."
This really is a pretty picture ; its
worst, and perhaps its only fault, being
that it constantly reminds us of the
superior original artist. Throughout
the book indeed, and incorporated in
many of the poems, there occur
images to which Mr Tennyson has a
decided right by priority of invention,
and which the Strayed Reveller has
" conveyed " with little attention to
ceremony. For example, in a poem
which we never much admired, The
Vision of Sin, Mr Tennyson has the
two following lines —
" And on the glimmering limit, far withdrawn,
God made himself an awful rose of dawn."
This image is afterwards repeated in
the Princess. Thus —
" Till the sun
Grew broader toward his death and fell, and all
The rosy heights came out above the lawns."
Young Danby catches at the idea,
and straightway favours us with a
copy—
" When the first rose-flush was steeping
All the frore peak's awful crown."
The image is a natural one, and of
course open to all the world, but the
diction has been clearly borrowed.
Not only in blank verse but in
lyrics does the Tennysonian tendency
of oui' author break out, and to that ten-
1 849.] The Strayed Reveller,
dency we owe by far the best poem in
the present volume. " The Forsaken
Merman," though the subject is fan-
tastic, and though it has further the
disadvantage of directly reminding us
of one of Alfred's early extravagan-
zas, is nevertheless indicative of con-
siderable power, not only of imagery
and versification, but of actual pathos.
A maiden of the earth has been taken
down to the depths of the sea, where
for years she has resided with her
merman lover, and has borne him
children. We sna11 let the poet tell
the rest of his story, the more readily
because we are anxious that he should
receive credit for what real poetical
accomplishment he possesses, and that
he may not suppose, from our cen-
sure of his faults, that we are at all
indifferent to his merits.
345
But, ah, she gave me never a look,
For her eyes were sealed to the holy book.
' Loud prays the priest ; shut stands the door.'
Come away, children, call no more.
Come away, come down, call no more.
" Children dear, was it yesterday
(Call yet once) that she went away ?
Once she sate with you and me,
On a red gold throne in the heart of the sea,
And the youngest sate on her knee.
She comb'd its bright hair, and she tended it well,
"When down swung the sound of the far-offbell.
She sigh'd, she look'd up through the clear green
sea.
She said, ' I must go, for my kinsfolk pray
In the little gray church on the shore to-day.
Twill be Easter-time in the world — ah me !
And I lose my poor soul, Merman, here with
thee.'
I said, ' Go up, dear heart, through the waves,
Say thy prayer, and come back to the kind sea-
caves.'
She srail'd, she went up through the surf in the
bay.
Children dear, was it yesterday ?
" Children dear, were we long alone ?
' The sea grows stormy, the little ones moan.
Long prayers,' I said, ' in the world they say.
Come,' I said, and we rose through the surf in the
bay.
We went up the beach, by the sandy down
Where the sea-stocks bloom, to the white- wall'd
town.
Through the narrow pav'd streets, where all was
still,
To the little gray church on the windy hill.
From the church came a murmur of folk at their
prayers,
But we stood without in the cold-blowing airs.
We climbed on the graves, on the stones worn
with rains,
And we gazed up the aisle through the small
leaded panes.
She sate by the pillar ; we saw her clear :
' Margaret, hist ! come quick, we are here.
Dear heart,' I said, ' we are long alone,
The sea grows stormy, the little ones moan.'
" Down, down, down,
Down to the depths of the sea.
She sits at her wheel in the humming town,
Singing most joyfully.
Hark, what she sings ; ' O joy, O joy,
For the humming street, and the child with its
toy.
For the priest, and the bell, and the holy well.
For the wheel where I spun,
And the bless'd light of the sun.'
And so she sings her fill,
Singing most joyfully,
Till the shuttle falls from her hand,
And the whizzing wheel stands still.
She steals to the window, and looks at the sand ;
And over the sand at the sea ;
And her eyes are set in a stare ;
And anon there breaks a sigh,
And anon there drops a tear,
From a sorrow-clouded eye,
And a heart sorrow-laden,
A long, long sigh,
For the cold strange eyes of a little Mermaiden,
And the gleam of her golden hair."
Had the author given us much
poetry like this, our task would, in-
deed, have been a pleasant one ; but
as the case is otherwise, we can do no
more than point to the solitary pearl.
Yet it is something to know that, in
spite of imitation, and a taste which
has gone far astray, this writer has
powers, which, if properly directed
and developed, might insure him a
sympathy, which, for the present,
must be" withheld. Sympathy, in-
deed, he cannot look for, so long as he
appeals neither to the heart, the aflFec-
tions, nor the passions of mankind, but
prefers appearing before them in the
ridiculous guise of a misanthrope.
He would fain persuade us that he is
a sort of Timon, who, despairing of
the tendency of the age, wishes to
wrap himself up in the mantle of ne-
cessity, and to take no part whatever
in the vulgar concerns of existence.
It is absolutely ridiculous to find this
young gentleman — after confiding " to
a Republican friend " the fact that he
despises
" The barren, optimistic sophistries
Of comfortable moles, whom what they do
Teaches the limit of the just and true,
And for such doing have no need of eyes,"— -
thus favouring the public in a sonnet
The Strayed Reveller.
[Sept.
with his views touching the onward
progress of society : —
" Yet, when I muse on what life is, I seem
Rather to patience prompted, than that proud
Prospect of hope which France proclaims so
loud —
France, famed in all good arts, in none
supreme.
Seeing this vale, this earth, whereon we
dream,
Is on all sides overshadowed by the high
Uno'erleap'd mountains of necessity,
Sparing us narrower margin than we deem.
Nor will that day dawn at a human nod,
When, bursting through the network super-
pos'd
By selfish occupation — plot and plan,
Lust, avarice, envy — liberated man,
All difference with his fellow-man composM,
Shall be left standing face to face with God."
What would our friend be at ? If
he is a Tory, can't he find work
enough in denouncing and exposing
the lies of the League, and in taking
up the cudgels for native industry ? If
he is a Whig, can't he be great upon
sewerage, and the scheme of planting
colonies in Connaught, to grow corn
and rear pigs at prices which will not
pay for the manure and the hogs' -
wash ? If he is a Chartist, can't he
say so, and stand up manfully with
Julian Harney for "the points," what-
ever may be their latest number ? But
we think that, all things considered,
he had better avoid politics. Let him
do his duty to God and man, work six
hours a-day, whether he requires to do
so for a livelihood or not, marry and
get children, and, in his moments of
leisure, let him still study Sophocles
and amend his verses. But we hope
that, whatever he does, he will not
inflict upon us any more such plati-
tudes as " Resignation," addressed
" to Fausta," or any sonnets similar
to that which he has written in Emer-
son's Essays. We tender our counsel
with a most sincere regard for his fu-
ture welfare ; for, in spite of his many
faults, the Strayed Reveller is a clever
fellow ; and though it cannot be averred
that, up to the present time, he has
made the most of fair talents and a
first-rate education, we are not with-
out hope that, some day or other, we
may be. .able to congratulate him on
having fairly got rid of his affected
misanthropy, his false philosophy, and
his besetting sin of imitation, and that
he may yet achieve something which
may come home to the heart, and se-
cure the admiration of the public.
1849.]
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
347
NEW LIGHT OX THE STORY OF LADY GRANGE.
BEFORE we offer our readers some
new light on this renowned mystery,
it is necessary that we should give
them, in a sentence, the briefest pos-
sible outline of the oft-told tale, so
far as it has been hitherto known.
John Erskine, Lord Grange, a judge
of the Court of Session, and a leader
of the ultra-religious party in Scot-
land, was married to the daughter of
that Chiesley of Dairy who had shot
the Lord President in the High Street
of Edinburgh, for giving a decision
against him. The marriage was a
very unhappy one. The pious leader
of a religious party was scandalised
in various ways, obliged toliveseparate
from his wife, and subjected to many
outrages from her. At length her
death was announced, her funeral was
duly attended, and the widower pre-
served the decorous silence of one to
whom death has brought relief from
what is generally counted a calamity.
This occurred in January 1732.
The lapse of nearly nine years had
almost consigned the remembrance of
the unfortunate woman to oblivion,
when strange rumours gained circu-
lation, that she who was believed to
be dead and buried Avas living in bon-
dage in the distant island of St Kilda.
The account she subsequently gave of
her adventures, bore, that one night in
her solitary lodging she was seized by
some Highlanders, whom she knew to
be retainers of Lord Lovat, and con-
veyed away, gagged and blindfolded, in
the arms of a man seated in a sedan
chair. It appears that she was kept in
various places of confinement, and sub-
jected to much rough usage, in the Low
Country. At length she was conveyed
north-westward, towards the Highland
line. She passed through the grim soli-
tudes of Glencoe, where recent murder
must have awakened in the captive hor-
rible associations, on to the western
part of Lord Lovat's country, where
any deed of tyranny or violence might
be committed with safety. Thence she
was transferred to the equally safe
country of Glengarry, and, after cross-
ing some of the highest mountains in
Scotland, was shipped on the wild
Loch Hourn, for ever darkened by the
shadow of gigantic mountains falling
on its narrow waters. She was kept
for some time on the small island of
Heskir, belonging to Macdonald of
Sleat, and was afterwards transferred
to the still more inaccessible St Kilda,
which has acquired a sort of celebrity
from its connexion with her strange his-
tory. In 1741, when a communication
from the captive had, through devious
courses, reached her friends in Edin-
burgh, an effort was made to release
her ; but it was baffled by her trans-
ference to another place of confine-
ment, where she died in 1745.
Little did the old judge imagine, at
the time when he had so successfully
and so quietly got rid of his domestic
curse — when the mock funeral had
been performed, the family condo-
lences acted over, and the victim
safely conveyed to her distant prison,
that on some future day the public,
frantic with curiosity, would tear to
pieces the covering of his great mys-
tery, and expose every fragment of
it to the admiring crowd. It was but
a simple matter in the eyes of those
who were concerned in it. The
woman was troublesome — her husband
was a judge, and therefore a power-
ful man — so he put her out of the
way. Nor was he cruel or unscru-
pulous, according to . the morality of
the circle in which he lived, in the
method he adopted to accomplish his
end. He had advisers about him,
who would have taken a shorter and
a more effectual plan for ridding them-
selves of a troublesome woman, wife
or not, and would have walked forth
into the world without being haunted
by any dread that rumours of remote
captivities might rise up to disturb
their peace. Indeed, when we re-
member the character of the instru-
ments to whom Lord Grange com-
mitted the kidnapping and removal
of his wife, it is only wonderful
that they had patience enough to
carry out so long and troublesome an
operation ; and that they did not, out
of regard to themselves and to their
employer, put a violent termination
to the career of their troublesome
charge, and send her at once to where
348
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
[Sept.
the weary are at rest. Had this been
her fate, the affair of Lady Grange
would have been one of secondary
interest. Such things were too easily
accomplished in those days. The
chances would have been greatly
against a discovery, and if it took place,
equally great against the conviction
and punishment of the offenders, un-
less the lady had a more powerful
party at her back than the daughter
of Chiesley the murderer would be
likely to command. It would have
created, so far as it was known, great
excitement, and some little horror at
the time, but it would have speedily
sunk to the level of the ordinary con-
tents of the criminal records, and
would never have bequeathed to the
ensuing century an object which anti-
quarians have hunted out as religiously
and zealously as if it had involved the
fate of Europe.
In fact, Lord Grange was what was
called in his day " a discreet man."
He wished to avoid scandal, and bore
a character for religious zeal, which
afipears to have been on occasion a
very serious burden not easily borne.
He dreaded scandal and notoriety, and
therefore he shrouded his great act of
iniquity in the most profound secrecy.
Moreover, he kept a conscience —
something that, like Rob Roy's
honesty, might be called a conscience
" after a kind." He said pretty accu-
rately of himself in his Diary — " I
have religion enough to spoil my
relish and prosecution of this world,
and not enough to get me to the
next." We may probably believe
that, even if he could have performed
the deed with perfect secrecy and
safety, so far as this world is con-
cerned, he would not have murdered
his wife, his conscience recoiling at
the dreadful crime — his fear of the
world causing him .to shrink from ex-
posure. Urged by these two conflict-
ing motives, he adopted the expedient
of the secret removal to a desolate and
distant spot, believing that he had sur-
rounded the whole project with a deep
and impenetrable cloud of mystery.
Never was human foresight more
signally set at naught. It was this
very machinery of intense mystery
that, by ministering to one of the
cravings of the human imagination,
has made the incident one of the most
notorious of human events. It is
almost satisfactory to know that this
dreaded notoriety visited the hoary
tyrant, for after he had for nine years
enjoyed in secret the success of his
plot, and kept his fair fame with the
world, we find him, when legal pro-
ceedings were commenced against
him, bitterly saying that " strange
stories were spread all over the town
of Edinburgh, and made the talk of
coffee-houses and tea-tables, and sent,
as I have ground to apprehend, to
several other places of Great Britain." *
One may notice, too, in the following
discontented mumblings, the bitter-
ness with which he contemplated the
divulging of the secret, — it is in a
letter to the imprisoned lady's cham-
pion, Mr Hope of Rankeillor.
" Any of the smallest discretion will
see what a worthy part he acts towards
me and mine, and many others, and even
towards the person pretended to be cared
for, who, in such an occasion, begins by
spreading through Great Britain strange
stories, unexamined and unvouched, and
not so much as communicated to us con-
cerned ; and next, when offered satisfac-
tion, yet proceeds to fix such on public
records, and to force others to bring on
record sad and proved truths, which he
himself knows and formerly has acknow-
ledged to be truths, and that ought for
ever to be sunk. This cannot be con-
strued to be anything but an endeavour
to fix, as far as in him lies, a lasting blot
on persons and families. The first was
defamation, and the next would be the
same, under a cover of a pretended legal
shape, but in itself more atrocious. One
cannot doubt that this is a serious thing
to many more than me, and cannot but
be laid to heart." f
The text from which we are at pre-
sent discoursing, is a bundle of confi-
dential letters from Lord Grange,
printed in the Miscellany of the
Spotting Club, and not the least
valuable and curious of the many
contributions made by that useful
and spirited institution, to the eluci-
dation of Scottish history and man-
ners. At the foot of the high conical
hill of Bennochie, in a small group of
forest trees, there nestles one of those
quaint small turreted mansions of old
* Miscellany of the Spalding Club, iii. 58.
t Ibid. 62-3.
1849.]
New Liyht on the Story of Lady Grange.
349
French architecture so frequently to
be seen iii the north of Scotland.
The owner of this mansion was an
Erskine ; he was related to Erskine
of Grange, and it so happened that
this relative was the person in whose
ear he poured his secret sorrows, as a
disappointed and morbid politician.
Such confidential outpourings are not
the most interesting of communica-
tions, even when one has the fortune to
be so far connected with the waller as
to be the chosen vessel into which he
pours the anguish of his heart. Some of
these letters are portentous — they are
absolute pamphlets — in their spirit
as yellow and mildewed with discon-
tent, as their outward aspect may
have been by the cold damp air of
Bennochie, when they were discov-
ered in the worm-eaten chest. It re-
quires a little zeal to peruse the whole
series ; but, unless we are greatly de-
ceived, we think we can present our
readers with a few plums picked out
of the mass, which they may find not
unacceptable. And here, by the way,
let us observe, how great a service is
done by those who ransack the repo-
sitories of our old Scottish houses,
and make their contents accessible to
the public. We are convinced that
in dusty garrets, in vaults, in musty
libraries, and crazy old oak-chests,
there is still an almost inexhaustible
wealth of curious lore of this descrip-
tion. The correspondence of the old
Scottish families is generally far more
interesting than that of English houses
of the same rank. Since the civil wars
of the seventeenth century, England
may be said to have been internally
undisturbed, and no private papers
contain matters of state, save those of
the great families whose ancestors
have been high in office. But in
Scotland, the various outbreaks, and
the unceasing Jacobite intrigues,
made almost all the country gentle-
men statesmen — made too many of
them state offenders. The Essex
squire, be he ever so rich, was still
but the lord of a certain quantity of
timber and oxen, grass and turnips.
The Highland laird, be he ever so poor,
was a leader of men — a person who
had more or less the power of keeping
the country in a state of war or dan-
ger— a sort of petty king reigning
over his own people. Hence, while
the letters of the last century one
might pick up in a comfortable old
English mansion, would relate to
swing-gates and turnpike roads,
game preserves and tithes, those
found hidden behind the wainscoat of
a gaunt old cheerless Scottish fortalice,
would relate to risings at home, or
landings from abroad — to the number
of broadswords and targets still kept
in defiance of the Arms Act — to com-
munications received through French
Jesuits, or secret missions " across
the water." *
We believe that the passages from
these documents, on which we are
now to comment, in the first place
exhibit to us pretty plainly the motive
of Lord Grange for the deportation
of his wife ; and, in the second place,
prove that he entertained designs of a
similar character against another fe-
male with whom he was nearly con-
nected.
When Lady Grange's strange his-
tory was first communicated to the
public, it was believed that the cause
of her abduction was not merely her
violent temper, but her possession of
certain secrets which would enable
her to compromise the safety of her
husband and his friends, by proving
* We remember once in such a house — it was a rainy day, and for the amusement
of the inmates a general rummage was made among old papers — that in a corner of
a press of a law library were found a multitude of letters very precisely folded up,
and titled — they had a most business-like and uninteresting appearance, but on
being examined they were found to consist of the confidential correspondence of the
leaders of the Jacobite army in 1745. Their preservation was accounted for by the
circumstance that an ancestor of the owner of the house was sheriff of the county at
the period .of the rebellion. He had seized the letters; but, finding probably that
they implicated a considerable number of his own relations, he did not consider him-
self especially called on to invite the attention of the law officers of the crown to hia
prize ; while, on the other hand, the damnatory documents were carefully preserved,
lest some opportunity should occur of turning them to use. They are uow printed
in a substantial quarto, under the patronage of one of the book clubs.
Ntw Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
350
their connexion with the Jacobite
intrigues of the period. The view
more lately taken of the mystery,
has been that she was merely
a mad woman, and that her ab-
duction, with all its laborious mys-
tery, was only an attempt to ac-
commodate the judge with a resource
in which Scotland was then deficient
— a lunatic asylum forinsane relatives.
Though, as we shall presently see,
his confidential communications give
other and darker revelations, this was
the light in which Lord Grange wished
the matter to be viewed, after his
plot had been discovered; and in his
controversial letter to Mr Hope, al-
ready referred to, he gives an account
of her frantic outbreaks, which cer-
tainly affords a picture of one likely to
have been a most distressing partner
in life to a grave judge, having a few
secrets to conceal which required him.
to be peculiarly circumspect in his
walk ; and holding a high, but a rather
precarious position, in the opinion of
the religious world. After stating
that she had agreed to a separation,
he continues —
" Then it was hoped that I and the
children (who she used to curse bitterly
when they went dutifully to wait on her)
would be in quiet; but she often attacked
my house, and from the streets, and
among the footmen and chairmen of
•visitors, cried and raged against me and
mine, and watched for me in the streets,
and chased me from place to place in
the most indecent and shameless manner,
and threatened to attack me on the
bench, which, dreading she would do
every time I went to it, made my duty
there very heavy on me, lest that honour-
able Court of Session should be disturbed
and affronted on my occasion. And not
content with these, and odd and very bad
contrivances about the poor children, she
waited on a Sunday's afternoon that my
sister, Lady Jane Paterson, with my
second daughter, came out of the Tron
Church, and on the street, among all
the people, fell upon her with violent
scolding and curses, and followed her so
down Merlin's Wynd, till Lady Jane and
the child near the bottom of it got shelter
from her and being exposed to the multi-
tude in a friend's house. You also
know, and may well remember, that be-
fore yon and the rest advised the separa-
tion, and till she went from my house,
she would not keep herself in that part
[Sept,
of it (the best apartment) which was as-
signed her, but abused all in the family,,
and when none were adverting, broke
into the room of anc old gentlewoman,
recommended to me for housekeeper,
and carried off and destroyed her ac-
compts, &c., and committed outrages, so
that at length I was forced to have a
watch in my house, and especially in the
night time, as if it had been in the fron-
tier of an enemy's country, or to be
spoiled by robbers."*
This was doubtless the truth, but
not the whole truth. Founding ap-
parently on these statements, which
are Lord Grange's vindication of
himself, the editor of the collection of
letters says— -"The letters now printed
must considerably impair the mystery
of the reasons which led to the abduc-
tion of Lady Grange. They may be
held conclusively to refute the sup-
position that the affair had any con-
nexion with the political intrigues of
the period." On the contraiy, we
cannot read the confidential portion
of the correspondence without feeling
that it almost conclusively establishes
the fact, that the affair had a " con-
nexion with the political intrigues of
the period ;" and that the reason why
so many people of rank and political
influence aided the plot, why the re-
moval was conducted with so much-
secrecy, and the place of seclusion
was so remote and inaccessible, was
because Lady Grange was possessed
ot dangerous secrets, which compro-
mised her husband and his friends.
The general tone of the letters, and
their many cautious and mysterious,
yet unmistakeable references to the
proceedings of friends across the
water, show that the judge confided
to the owner of the old mansion at
the foot of Bennochie some things
which it would be dangerous for an
enemy to know. But we shall cite
just one passage, which we consider
sufficient of itself to support our posi-
tion. It is taken from a letter dated
22d March 1731, just ten months be-
fore his wife was seized and carried
off. There is something very peculiar
in the structure of the letter; and,
whether in pursuit of some not very
appreciable joke, or to waylay the
penetration of any hostile party who
might take the liberty of opening the
Miscellany of the Spaldiny Club, Hi. 60.
1849.]
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
351
packet on its journey, the writer
speaks of himself during the most
curious and important part of it, in
the third person. Talking of a very
difficult and hazardous project in
which he is about to be engaged, he
thus passes a neat commendation on
himself, — u but I am sure he never
yet was frightened from what was
right in itself, and his duty towards
his friends, by his own trouble or
danger, and he seems as little frighted
now, as ever in his life." He then
approaches the subject of his wife's
character and intentions, like a man
treading on the verge of a frightful pit-
fall. "I have found that, in such a
case, there is no bounds set to such
mischief, and it is pushed on though it
should go the length of your utter
ruin, and of Tyburn itself, or the
Grassmarket" — the one being the
place where the gibbet of London, the
other where that of Edinburgh stood.
From such portentous associations he
passes immediately to his wife and
her proceedings. To make the pas-
sage more distinct, we fill up the
names, of which the letter contains
only the first and last letters ; it will
be remarked that he still assumes the
third person, and that he himself is
the person about to depart for
London.
" Then I am told that Lady Grange
is going to London. She knows no-
thing of his going, nor is it suspected
here, nor shall be till the day before
he goes off, and so she cannot pretend
it is to follow him. She will certainly
strive to get access to Lady Mary
Wortley, Lady Mar's sister, (whom
she openly blesses for her opposition
to our friends,) and to all where her
malice may prompt her to hope she
can do hurt to us. You will remember
with what lying impudence she threat-
ened Lord Grange, and many of his
friends, with accusations of high trea-
son and other capital crimes, and
spoke so loud of her accusing directly
by a signedinformation to Lord Justice-
Clerk, that it came to his ears, and
she was stopped by hearing he said,
that, if the mad woman came to him,
he would cause his footmen turn her
down -stairs. What effect her lies
may have, where she is not so well
known, and with those who, from
opposition to what Lord Grange is
about, may think their interest to en-
courage them, one cannot certainly
know ; but if proper measures be not
fallen on against it, the creature may
prove troublesome; at any rate, this
whole affair will require a great
deal of diligence, caution, and ad-
dress."*
He talks of her as mad ; and so far
as passion and the thirst of vengeance
make people mad, she undoubtedly
was so. He speaks of her intended
accusations as lies — that is, of course,
a convenient expression to use towards
them. But what is very clearly at
the bottom of all the trepidation, and
doubt, and difficulty, is, that she
might be able, mad and false as she
was, to get facts established which
called up very ugly associations with
Tyburn and the Grassmarket. A
minute incident stated in the common
histories of the affair, that Lady
Grange planned a journey to London
for the purpose of taking her accusa-
tion to the fountain-head of political
power, is confirmed by this extract.
It may easily be believed that, among
Grange's official colleagues — some of
whom had also their own secrets to
keep — the lady's frantic accusations
met with little encouragement. The
Justice-clerk referred to in the extract,
Adam Cockburn of Ormiston, was,
like Grange himself, a great professed
light of the church, and what sort of
interview he would have held with
the furious lady, may be inferred from
the character given of him by a con-
temporary,— "He became universally
hated in Scotland, where they called
him the curse of Scotland ; and when
ladies were at cards, playing the nine
of diamonds, commonly called ' the
curse of Scotland,' they called it the
Justice-Clerk. He was, indeed, of a
hot temper, and violent in all his
measures. "f
In the old narratives of the affair,
it is stated that Grange felt his posi-
tion to be the more dangerous, as
some letters had been intercepted
tending to inculpate him with the
Jacobites on the Continent. It is sin-
gular that this should also be pretty
satisfactorily proved by the present
Miscellany of the Spalding Club, iii. 6.
Houston's Memoirs, 92.
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
352
correspondence. It will be remem-
bered that Grange was a brother of
the Earl of Mar, whose prominence
in the affairs of 1715 had driven him
into exile. A strong attachment to
this unfortunate man is, on the whole,
the most pleasing feature in the cha-
racter of the more cautious and more
fortunate judge. It was natural that
the brothers should keep up a corre-
spondence, and quite as natural that
Sir Robert Walpole should be parti-
cularly anxious to discover what they
said to each other. Grange con-
ducted some negotiations with the
government for his brother's pardon
and restoration, and we find him de-
feated in his aim, and receiving some
very significant hints about the nature
of his correspondence.
" Sir Robert told me in wrath that
he would have nothing to do with
Lord Mar, that he had dealt ill with
him, and he should not have his par-
don ; and he would by no means give
me any reason for it, but Lord Town-
send did, whom they had stirred up ;
for he in anger told me Sir Robert had
intercepted his letters to me with very
odd things in them, injurious to Sir
Robert and his friends.
Soon after this, Hay, with cloudy
looks, began to make insinuations of
some discoveries against me too, and
at length told me that Sir Robert said
that he had also intercepted bad let-
ters of mine to Lord Mar, but con-
fessed they were not directed to Lord
Mar, and neither subscribed by me
nor in my hand of write, but that by
the contents they knew them to be
mine to Lord Mar. I answered that
they might assert what they pleased
of letters said to be directed to me,
and which they owned I had never
seen, but that I must know of letters
wrote by myself, and that I ever
wrote any such was a damned, villain-
ous, malicious lie ; and let Sir Robert
or any else be the asserter of it, who-
ever did assert it, was a liar."*
This is a very successful outbreak of
virtuous indignation, and does consi-
derable credit to its author, as a pupil
of that school of which his dear friend
Lord Lovat was the undoubted head.
We cannot help considering that it
is a question of some historical in-
[Sept.
terest and importance whether the
abduction of Lady Grange was or was
not a measure adopted for political
reasons, and that the letters before us,
by finally deciding the question, throw
an important light on the political
state of Scotland in the early part of
the eighteenth century. If we suppose
that the lady was carried under cir-
cumstances of such profound mystery,
and by the agency of some conspicuous
and distinguished personages, to the
distant island of St Kilda, merely be-
cause she was a lunatic who required
to be in custody, we only see that
many important and sagacious people
were taking a very complex and
cumbrous method of accomplishing
what might have been done with
ease ; for in those days, few would
have troubled themselves about the
wretched woman, if her husband had
chosen to keep her in any place of
confinement, telling the neighbourhood
that she was insane. But when we
find that the Jacobite party in Scot-
land were powerful enough to kidnap
a person obnoxious to them, and keep
her for nine years in a place to which
the laws of the realm and the autho-
rity of the crown nominally extended,
but where their own power was the
real operative authority, we have a
very formidable notion of the strength
and compactness of the Jacobite union,
during Walpole's apparently powerful
ministry.
The correspondence of Lord Grange
admits its reader to a species of con-
fidential intercourse with him, which
can scarcely be called agreeable. It
exhibits one of the most disgusting of
all the moral diseases — the rankling of
the arrow of disappointment in the
heart of a defeated political schemer.
It is not the man of brave and bold
designs baffled, or the Utopian enthu-
siast disappointed of the fulfilment of
his golden dreams, or the adherent of
one absorbing political idea looking at
it lying broken to pieces at his feet :
in all of these there is a dash of noble
and disinterested sentiment, and the
politician defeated in his conflict with
the world has still the consolation of
an honest if mistaken heart, into
which he can retire without the sting
of self-reproach. But all Grange's
Miscellany of the Spaldlng Club,i\\. 34-5.
1849.]
disappointments were connected with
paltry schemes of personal aggrandise-
ment. Fawn and flatter as he might,
Sir Robert Walpole, and his Scottish
coadjutor Ilay, knew him and dis-
trusted him, and, when he came to
court them, gave him but fair words,
and sometimes not even that. With
Sir Robert he carried on an unequal
war. Believing that he could scourge
the minister in parliament, while he
was a judge of the Court of Session, he
resolved to obtain a seat, and there-
upon the all-powerful minister at once
checkmated him, by carrying an act
to prohibit judges of the Court of
Session from holding seats in the House
of Commons — it was a less invidious
proceeding than the dismissal of his
lordship from the bench would have
been, and it had the appearance of
being dictated by a desire for the
public good. Grange preferred the
senate to the bench, and resigned his
judgeship, but he never achieved
political eminence. In the mean time
he acquired Dr Johnson's desideratum
of an honest hatred towards his enemy,
and indeed hatred appears to have
been the only honest ingredient in his
character. He expressed it so well
towards Walpole, that we must quote
his confidential opinion of that mighty
statesman : —
" An insolent and rapacious minister,
who has kept us under the expense of war
in time of peace, yet hindered us to fight
to vindicate our trade, so grossly violated
by Spanish robberies, and when we could
have put a stop to it, and corrected them
without drawing upon us the arms of any
other nation, maintained bis hollow and
expensive peace by ridiculous contradic-
tory treaties, trying us to take part in all
the quarrels of Europe, and sometimes to
be on both sides, and at the same time
allowing confederacies to go on so power-
ful, and which we are not of, that now
when a war is breaking out we know not
where to turn us ; laying plots to devour
the land by new swarms of officers of the
revenue, to put the merchants' stocks in
the possession of these vermin, and trade
under their power, &c., as by that most
damned excise scheme; openly protecting
the frauds and villains that plunder the
stocks and ruin multitudes, and must sink
the kingdom ; plundering the revenue,
and using all his art, and power, and
Lit/fit on the Story of Lady Grange. 353
bribes to stop all inquiry into, or the least
amendment of these things, either by par-
liament or otherwise ; openly ridiculing
all virtue and uprightness ; enhancing all
power to himself and his brother, and
suffering almost none else to do or know
anything ; barefaced and avowed bribing
of members of parliament and others, and
boasting of it ; heaping up immense
wealth to himself and his most abject pro-
fligate creatures of both sexes, while the
public treasure and trade of the nation ia
ruined ; suffering and encouraging these
locusts to get large bribes, and giving
considerable employment at their recom-
mendation, while men of merit and service,
and of the best families and interest, are
neglected or abused, employing insignifi-
cant brutes or the greatest rogues, and
favouring almost none but such ; maltreat-
ing and insulting all whom hia rascals and
jades complain of. But the list is too long
to go through with here." *
Grange thought at one time that he
had great claims on Walpole and
Lord Ilay ; and he seems to have
very diligently performed one class of
duties which politicians sometimes
think sufficient to establish a claim
for reward — he had been an indefati-
gable petitioner for ministerial favours.
We have heard somewhere of a story
of a political economist, who during
a long walk is pestered by an Irish
beggar, who asks- his honour just to
give him a sixpence, " for the love of
God." The economist turns round to
argue the matter : " I deny," says he,
" that I would be showing my love to
the Deity by giving an idle rascal like
you money ; if you can state any
service you have ever done to me
worth the sixpence, you shall have
it." — " Why, then," says the mendi-
cant thus appealed to, " haven't I
been keeping your honour in discourse
this half hour ? " Such seems to have
been the character of Grange's claim
on the ministry — he kept them in
unceasing " discourse" as a peti-
tioner. Not that he did not profess
some claims of another kind. " Dur-
ing all this time," he says, "I ran
their errands and fought their battles
in Scotland." Nor did he fail some-
times to allude to his services as a
religious professor, so ill-requited,
that he taunts Ilay with having
"already effectually interposed for
* Miscellany of the Spalding Club, iii. p. 57.
354
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
[Sept.
Tom (now Baron) Kennedy, who had
been Queen's advocate, and obnoxious
to all the Presbyterian party, which I
was not." And how was he re-
warded for all this running errands,
fighting battles, and being reli-
gious enough not to be obnoxious?
" Hay showed me no countenance,
and Argyle shunned to see me. . . .
He [Hay] never speaks nor writes to
me of any business, but to shamm me
(as you have seen) about my own :
and, these three or four years past,
has visibly to all the world drawn off
by degrees from all familiarity with
me, and has dropped me even from
his conversation about trifles or
mirth. I could give you many strong
instances of this." Here is an inci-
dent told with a pathos sufficient to
move a whole antechamber to
tears : —
" Before I came from London in No-
vember last, he bade me wait on Sir
Robert at his levee. I told him I had
always done so, but was not in the least
noticed, or had so much as a smile or a
gracious nod from him. But said he, ' I
promise you I'll tell him to take particu-
lar notice of you, and to assure you of
favour, and that he will do for you: which
(said his lordship) will make my game
more easy when I ask anything for you ;'
and he bid me come to him that he might
carry me to the levee in his coach. This
was done, and I set myself in Sir Robert's
eye in the front of the crowd that sur-
rounded him, and Hay was by and look-
ing on. Sir Robert came and went by
me without the least regard. Hay slipt
into another room ; and, that I might
not wait longer in so silly a figure, I
made up without being called to the
great knight ; and told him I came to
testify my respect, and ask his commands
for Scotland. His answer, with a very
dry look, and odd air was, ' I have nothing
to say to you, my lord. I wish you a
good journey.' I saw Hay afterwards,
and he said there was nothing in it. Sir
Robert had only forgot, and I am sure
(said he) he will do for you what I de-
sired him."*
In the sequel he exclaims, " Can
such usage be bore, even by the spirit
of a poor mouse ! " — deeming probably
that its endurance by a rat was quite
out of the question.
It is singular enough to find from
these revelations of Lord Grange's
character and habits, that while he
WAS plotting the abduction of one mad
woman, he was busily engaged in
attempting the release of another.
Yes, as a first step, he was intending
to release her; but there are a few
hints, slight in themselves, but won-
derfully suggestive when they are
associated with his wife's history,
showing us that his ultimate intention
was to make a second victim. In
this scheme he was defeated by a spi-
rit less crafty but more audacious
than his own — by no less renowned a
person than Lady Mary Wortley
Montague, whose name has already
been mentioned as " openly blessed"
by Lady Grange for her " opposition
to our friends," meaning the Jacobites.
We have among the papers the his-
tory of the baffled attempt — at least
one side of the history, and, when
shaken free of the dust of Grange's
prolix grumblings, it is infinitely
amusing. The intended victim in
this instance was Lady Mar, Lady
Mary's sister, the wife of Grange's
brother. Lady Mar was insane, and
in some shape or other committed to
the guardianship of her sister.
There were some pecuniary matters
depending on the question of her de-
tention or release, so vaguely hinted
at that it is not easy to discover their
nature. It would appear that Lady
Mar was allowed by the favour of the
court, and probably through the inte-
rest of her relatives, a jointure of
£500 a-year over the estates which
wereforfeited from her husband. Lord
Mar was then living in poverty
abroad; and Lord Grange was in-
clined to think that this sum would
be better administered by himself
and his friends than by Lady Mary.
Looking at the £500 from his own
side, he of course saw Lady Mary on
the other, and judged that her mo-
tives were as parallel to his own as
the one jaw of a shark is to the other —
so he says, " Lady Mar, they say, is
quite well ; and so as in common jus-
tice she can no longer be detained as
a lunatic ; but she is obstinately
averse to appearing in chancery, that
* Miscellany of the Spalding Club, iii. p. 46.
1849.]
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
355
the sentence may be taken off. Her
sister probably will oppose her liberty,
for thereby she would lose, and Lord
Mar in effect gain, £500 yearly : and
the poor lady, being' in her custody,
and under her management, had need
to be very firmly recovered, for the
guardian may at present so vex,
tease, and plague her, that it would
turn anybody mad."*
It was believed that if Lady Mar
were released from Lady Mary Wort-
ley Montague's influence, means might
be taken for so arranging matters that
her husband should participate in her
jointure. There was another matter,
however, in which Grange himself
had a more particular prospect of
pecuniary advantage. Lady Mar ap-
pears to have had a beneficiary inte-
rest in a lease of a house in White-
hall, forming part of the royal demesne.
An arrangement seems to have been
made by which, during her incapacity
from insanity, her own term was con-
veyed to her brother-in-law, Lord
Grange, while he at the same time
obtained a reversion of the lease in
his own favour. He had, it appears,
sold his whole interest in the pro-
perty— both the lease he had obtained
from Lady Mar's guardians and his
own reversionary interest. He was
now, therefore, in endeavouring to
procure the release of Lady Mar, on
the ground of her restoration to
sanity, about to enable her to revoke
the transference that had been made
to him of her own share in the lease.
In his own words, " On Lady Mar's
being at freedom, the assignment of
her lease to Lord Grange becomes
void, and so does the sale he has
made of it ; and in that sale the lease
to Lady Mar was valued at £800
sterling, which will be lost by the
avoidance of it." Such is the danger ;
and now, in a very brief continuation
of the quotation, let us observe the
way in which it was to be met, for,
considering who was the writer, it
is really well worthy of observation.
" Were Lady Mar in her freedom, in
right hands, she would ratify the bar-
gain, but if in her sister's, probably
she will not." Such was the plot;
she was to be restored to her freedom
that she might be put "in right hands,"
— in hands in which there was no chance
of her refusing what might be de-
manded. But there was a lion in the
way, or rather a lioness, as we shall
see. Lord Grange's anticipations of
Lady Wortley Montague's operations
is not the least remarkable of his
revelations. It is " the power within
the guilty breast" working as in
Eugene Aram's dream. What Lady
Mary suspected it were difficult to
say, but he who ventured to predict
her suspicions spoke from his own
guilty conscience — spoke as the kid-
napper and secret imprisoner. We
pray attention to the remarkable ex-
pressions with which the following
quotation closes : —
" May not an artful woman impose on
one in such circumstances, and whose
mind cannot yet be very firm ? And this
is the more to be feared, because at the
beginning of her illness the sister said
loudly, and oftener than once to Lord
Grange himself, that her husband's bad
usage had turned her [Lady Marl mad.
Supposing, then, the sister tell and per-
suade her to this purpose : ' You see
your husband's friends quite neglect you.
Lord Erskine, though in the place, seldom
comes near you. How easy were it for
Lord Grange to have made you a visit on
hearing you are so well. Surely it be-
came the fellow to pay you that regard,
and he would have done it had he any
kindness for you ; and, if the husband
had, he would have laid such commands
on his son and brother which they could
not have resisted. Now, you may get
your freedom, but can you again trust
yourself in their hands ? Quite separated
from your father's and mother's friends,
and from your country, locked up in Scot-
land or foreign parts, and wholly in their
power, what can you expect ? Your
friends here could give you no relief, and
you should be wholly at the barbarous
mercy of those whose sense get not suf-
ficiently the better of their hatred or con-
tempt, as to make them carry with seem-
ing respect to you till they get you in
their power. What will they not do when
they hate youl"~\"
Such are Lord Grange's "imaginary
conversations" of Lady Mary Wort-
ley — like many others, a more accu-
rate reflection of the thoughts habitu-
ally dwelling in the writer's own mind,
Miscellany of Ihe Spalding Club, iii. 4.
t Ibid. p. 6.
356
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
[Sept.
than of those of the person in whose
name they are uttered. And then, in
continuation, he paints the formidable
effect of the imaginary pleading —
" Such things to a woman so lately of
a disturbed brain, constantly incul-
cated by so near a relation whom she
only sees, and her creatures, and de-
pends on her entirely for the time —
what may they not produce ? And if
they have their effect, then the con-
sequences are these : the lady being
at freedom legally, but de facto still
tinder her sister's absolute govern-
ment, the bargain about her jointure
becomes void, and thereby she (or
rather the sister) gets more by £500
sterling yearly, and our friend has
nothing at all." Then follows the
statement about the lease ; and the
meaning of the whole is, that Lady
Mar, as a free woman, would be
entitled to live with her sister, and
dispose of her own property, unless
she were put in the " right hands" to
make her "ratify" any desired bar-
gain.
The interchange of compliments
between the parties, when they came
to actual conflict, is extremely in-
structive. " She concluded with rage,"
says the judge, " that we were both
rascals, with many other ridiculous
things." Bat perhaps more people
will think her ladyship's penetration
was not more ridiculously at fault on
this than on other occasions. Horace
Walpole left an unfavourable testi-
mony to her treatment of her sister,
when he alluded to " the unfortunate
Lady Mar, whom she treated so hardly
when out of her senses." Pope caught
up the same charge in the insinua-
tion—
" Who starves a sister, or denies a debt."
Lord Grange, for his own part, has
the merit, when characterising his op-
ponent, of a coincidence with the illus-
trious poet — at least in the bestowal
of an epithet. Every one remembers
Pope's —
" Avidien and his wife, no matter which;
For him you call a dog, and her a .'"
It is satisfactory to find, on the most
palpable evidence, that Lord Grange
had sufficient poetical genius to supply
this rhyme, though whether his poetic
powers went any farther, we are un-
able, and perhaps no one will ever be
able, to determine.
We must quote, unmutilated, one
of Grange's conflicts with Avidien's
wife. Though the scene be roughly
described, it has an interest, from the
unscrupulous vehemence of the prin-
cipal actors, and the eminence of the
little group, who cluster round it like
a circle of casual passengers round the
centre of disturbance, where the wife
and the brother-bacchanalian compete,
on the pavement, for the possession
of some jovial reveller, whose half-
clouded mind remains vibrating be-
tween the quiet comforts of home and
the fierce joys of the tavern. There
is something affecting in the vacil-
lating miseries of the poor invalid —
we wonder how much of the cruel
contest can be true ; for, that it is all
true, it is impossible to believe — yet
Lady Mary could be violent, and she
could be hard, when she was attacked
or baffled ; and she had a rough and
unscrupulous nature to combat with,
in the historian of their warfare.
" Lady Mary, perceiving how things
were like to go, did what I was always
afraid of, and could not possibly prevent :
she went in rage to her poor sister, and
so swaggered and frightened her, that she
relapsed. While she was about that fine
piece of work, Lord Erskine happened to
go to Lady Mar's; and in his presence
Lady Mary continued to this purpose
with her sister : ' Can you pretend to be
well 1 Don't you know yon are still mad ?
You shan't get out of my custody ; and if
Lord Grange and his confederates bring
you before Lord Chancellor, I'll make
you, in open court, in presence of the
world, lay your hand on the Gospel, and
swear by Almighty God, whether you can
say you are yet well. Your salvation
shall be at stake ; for, remember, perjury
infers damnation — your eternal damna-
tion.' So soon as 1 was informed of this,
I assured my lady (and so did others,)
that in law no such oath could be put to
her, and that Lady Mary had only said
so to fright her. But so strong was the
fright, that nothing we could say was able
to set her right again. And Lady Mary,
having thus dismounted her, came again
and coaxed her, and (as I found by di-
verse instances) strove to give her bad
impressions of her family, and everybody
but Lady Mary's sweet self. Yet next
day Lady Mar went and dined at Mr
Baillie's in town, and there saw a deal of
company, and behaved very well. And
Dr Arbuthnot, who, among others, saw
1849.]
New Light on t/ie Story of Lady Grange.
357
her there, said he thought her very well ;
and had not the turn happened you will
presently hear of, he and Dr Monro (son
to Mr Monro who, at the Revolution, was
Principal of Edinburgh College, and is
now physician to Bedlam,) and Dr Mead,
were to have gone to her with me next
day and afterwards, that they might have
vouched her condition before the chan-
cellor. I believed it best for me not to
be at Mr Baillie's, that all might appear
as it was, free and natural, and not con-
ducted by any art of mine ; only I went
thither about seven at night, and found her
in a room with Ladies Harvey, Binning,
Murray, Lady Grizzel Baillie, and others.
She was behaving decently, but with the
gravity of one that is wearied and tired.
Mr Baillie himself, and the other gentle-
men and ladies, (a great many being in
the next room,) now and then joined us,
and she seemed not in anything discom-
posed, till the conversation turned on her
sister's late insult, which, it was visible,
gave a shock to her, and disconcerted her;
and when Lady Murray and I went home
with her to Knightsbridge, she was so
dumpish that she scarcely said one word.
When I went to her next day, I saw how
strongly Lady Mary's physic wrought,
and dissipated her poor returning senses.
She had before urged me earnestly to
proceed faster than was fit, to get her
before the chancellor, and do everything
needful for her liberation, that she might
go to her husband and family. But now
she told me she would not for the world
appear before the chancellor, and that
neither she nor any other must make oath
as to her recovery, (at this time, indeed,
it had been a very bold oath) ; and that
she preferred her soul's salvation to all
things. And, among other things, she
said, what a dismal condition shall I be
in if, after all, the chancellor send me
back under Mary's government ; how
shall I pass my time after such an at-
tempt ? In short, she was bambouzled,
and frighted quite. But that her head
was really turned by Lady Mary's threats
of damnation, farther appeared by this
instance : Lady Grizzel Baillie and Lady
Murray having gone to take leave of her,
(their whole family is gone to Spa,) when
I saw her next day, she gravely told me
that Lady Murray was no more her
friend, having endeavoured, when taking
leave, to deprive her of all the comfort
left her — the hope of heaven. And though
(said she) I was bred to the Church of
England, and she to that of Scotland, yet
merely the difference is not BO great that
she must pronounce me in a state of
damnation : and she asked me seriously,
what Lady Murray had said tome about her
beiug damned ? Never in my life, madam,
answered I, did she or any London lady
speak to me about salvation or damna-
tion; but I'm sure my Lady Murray loves
you as her sister, and heartily wishes
your happiness here and hereafter. Then
she gave me a sealed letter to Lady
Murray, begging me to deliver it and
bring an answer. I read it with Lady
Murray. It was long, and all expostu-
latory why she pronounced her to be
damned ; and said many odd things.
Lady Murray's answer was the proper
one — short and general, but very kind,
which I also delivered ; and Lady Mar
said no more to me on that head. Before
she took this turn, perceiving her so va-
pourish and easily disconcerted, I would
not venture to put the case wholly on
perfect recovery, but stated it also as I
really thought it — viz., recovered from all
that could properly be called lunacy, yet
exceeding weak, and apt to be over-
turned. And I had prepared a memorial
in law on that supposition, which I was
to have laid before Mr Talbot, solicitor-
general, and other counsel, the very day
she took this wrong turn; but thereupon
stopt altogether. At parting, she ap-
peared to me as one who, fearing to pro-
voke a worse fate by attempting to be
better, sat down in a sort of sullen de-
spairing, content with her present con-
dition, which she (justly) called misery.
Thus seemed she to be as to any sense
that remained with her; but all her sense
was clouded, and, indeed, fancies which
now perplexed her brain were, like the
clouds, fleeting, inconstant, and sometimes
in monstrous shapes." *
We have no more of this affair until
the lapse of several months, when the
judge, at the very moment of apparent
victoiy, is routed by his watchful an-
tagonist. He had obtained possession
of Lady Mar — she was on her way to
Scotland, " in right hands," but had
not crossed the border. This was in
1733, a few months after Lady Grange
had been safely conveyed to the grim
solitudes of Hesker. Surely some bird
of the ah- had whispered the matter to
Lady Mary ; for her measures were
prompt and stern, and they draw from
the baffled plotter many hard expres-
sions and insinuations. " But on the
road, she [Lady Mar] was seized by
Lord Chief- Justice's warrant, procured
on false affidavit of her sister Lady
Miscellany of the Spaldinq Club, pp. 17-20.
358
New Light on the Story of Lady Grange.
[Sept.
Mary, &c., and brought back to Lon-
don— declared lunatic, and by Lord
Chancellor (whose crony is Mr Wort-
ley, Lady Mary's husband) delivered
into the custody of Lady Mary, to the
astonishment and offence even of all
the English, (Sir Robert among the
rest ;) and Hay pretended to be angry
at it, yet refused to give me that relief
by the king in council, which by law
was undoubtedly competent."*
The people with whom his London
connexion brought the judge in con-
tact, display a gathering of dazzling
names in the firmament of fashion and
wit. Bolingbroke, Windham, and
"the courtly Talbot" are casually
mentioned. Grange says in passing,
" I am acquainted with Chesterfield."
He has something to say of " sweet
Lepel," the " wife of that Lord Her-
vey who last winter wrote the pam-
phlet against Mr Pulteney, and on Mr
Pulteney's answer, fought with him
and was wounded." Arbuthnot, and
the prince of classical collectors,
Richard Mead, mis with the ordinary
actors of the scene. Young Murray,
not then a crown lawyer — but suffi-
ciently distinguished for wit, elo-
quence, and fashionable celebrity, to
have called forth the next to immortal
compliments of Pope — must have been
one of the brilliant circle ; and in the
early period of his intercourse with
his brother's sister-in-law, accident
would be strangely against him, if he
did not sometimes meet in the ordi-
nary circle the pale distorted youth,
with noble intellectual features and
an eye of fire, whose war of wit and
rancour with " furious Sappho" left
the world uncertain whether to laugh
with their fierce wit, or lament the
melancholy picture of perverted ge-
nius, exhibited by a hatred so paltry
yet so unquenchable.
In his autobiographical revelations,
the economical old judge leaves some
traces of his consciousness that his
journeys from Merlyn's Wynd to
Whitehall were a decided transition
from the humble to the great world.
He thus describes one of these jour-
neys, in the letter already cited, in
which he gratified his humour by talk-
ing of himself in the third person.
" Lord G.is now pretty well acquainted
with the ways there ; his personal charges,
he is sure, will be small in comparison ;
he will not be in expensive companies or
houses, but when business requires it ;
nor at any diversion but what he finds
necessary for keeping up the cheerfulness
of his own spirit, and the health of his
body. He wears plaiu and not fine
clothes. When there last he kept not a
servant, but had a fellow at call, to whom
he gave a shilling a-day such days as he
was to be at court or among the great,
and must have a footman as necessarily
as a coat on his back or a sword by his
side. He never was nice and expensive
in his own eating, and less now than
ever ; for this winter he has quite lost the
relish of French claret, the most expen-
sive article in London. He is to travel
without a servant, for whom he knows
not any sort of use on the road, and only
has a post-boy, whom he must have, had
he twenty servants of his own ; and so
lie travelled last year."f
Strange indeed were the social ex-
tremes between which this journey lay.
At the one end we see the brilliant
assemblages of the most brilliant age
of English fashion. The rays of the
wax-lights glitter back from stars and
sword-hilts, diamond buttons and
spangles. Velvet coats, huge laced
waistcoats, abundant hoops, spread
forth their luxurious wealth — the air
is rich and thick with perfumed pow-
der— the highest in rank, and wealth,
and influence are there, so are the first
in genius and learning. Reverse the
picture, and take the northern end of
the journey. In an old dark stone
house, at the end of a dismal alley,
Lovat's ragged banditti throttle a
shrieking woman — a guilty cavalcade
passes hurriedly at night across the
dark heath — next opens a dreary
dungeon in a deserted feudal fortalice
— a boat tosses on the bosom of the
restless Atlantic — and the victim is
consigned to the dreary rock, where
year follows year, bringing no change
with it but increasing age. The con-
trast is startling. Yet, when we read
Lady Grange's diary and Lady Mary
Wortley's letters together, they leave
one doubtful whether most to shudder
at the savage lawlessness of one end
of the island, or the artificial vices that
were growing out of a putrid civilisa-
tion in the other.
Hotiston's Memoirs, p. 31.
1849.]
Tfte Royal Progress.
359
THE ROYAL PROGRESS.
QUESTION — "What is a King?"
Answer — " A monster who devours
the human race." Such was a part
ef the catechism taught to all the
children of France during the first
fervour of the Revolution in 1789. "I
wonder the people should die of want,"
said a princess during the dreadful
famine of 1774 ; " for my part, if I was
one of them, I should live on beef-
steaks and porter, rather than perish."
Such are the feelings with which the
members of the same community,
children of the same family, unhappily
sometimes come to regard each other
during periods of democratic excite-
ment, or mutual estrangement. Igno-
rance, worked on by falsehood, and
misled by ambition, is the main cause
of this fatal severance. Nothing re-
moves it so effectually as bringing
them together. So natural are the
feelings of loyalty to the human heart,
so universally do they spring up when
the falsehood which has smothered
them is neutralised by the evidence of
the senses, that it may be considered
as one of the greatest evils which can
afflict society, when circumstances
occur which keep sovereigns aloof from
their people, and one of the greatest
blessings when they can rejoin each
other. Of this, a signal example oc-
curred on the return of the royal
family of France from the fatal jour-
ney to Varennes, when Barnave, who
had been sent down with Petion, as
one of the most vehement and stern
republicans, to bring them back to
Paris, was so impressed with the phi-
lanthropic benevolence of the King,
and so melted by the heroic magnani-
mity of the Queen, that he became
thenceforward one of the most faithful
defenders of the royal cause. " How
often," says Thiers, in recounting
this remarkable conversion, "would
factions the most inveterate be recon-
ciled, if they could meet and read each
other's hearts!"
The sudden change often produced
in the general mind, by the veil of
ignorance and prejudice being with-
drawn, which had concealed from them
the real character of their rulers, is
not to be ascribed merely to the lustre
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVII.
of royalty, or the dazzling of the pub-
lic gaze by the magnificent pageants
which, on such occasions, generally
surround it. It arises mainly from a
different cause: it is allied to the
generous affections — it springs from
the feelings planted by the Author of
nature in the human heart, to bind
society together. It is often seen
most strongly when the royal pageants
are the most unpretending, and the
royal personages, laying aside their
previous state, mingle almost without
distinction, save from the superior grace
of their manners, with the ordinary citi-
zens. It is more like the irresistible
gush of affection which overspreads
every heart, when the members, long
severed, of a once united family are
reassembled ; or when the prodigal
returns to his father's home, only the
more dear from the events which had
estranged him from it.
It is sometimes said that loyalty is
an instinctive principle, meant to sup-
ply the place of reason before the in-
tellectual faculties have grown to their
full strength among a people, but un-
necessary, and which gradually dies
out, when society, under the direction
of self-government, has come to be
regulated by the rational faculties.
There never was a greater mistake ;
and every day's experience may con-
vince us that it is not only false, but
directly the reverse of the truth. The
time will never come, when the aid of
loyalty will not be required to bind
society to its chief: and if the time
should ever come that its generous in-
fluence is no longer felt, it may safely
be concluded that the sun of national
prosperity has set, and that a night
of darkness and suffering is at hand.
Mankind cannot be attached, save in
a passing moment of fervour, to an
abstract principle, or a vast com-
munity without a head, or some-
thing which may supply its want to
the senses. The aid of individuals or
localities is required to concentrate
and keep alive the patriotic affections,
where they are not centred on an
individual sovereign. What the
Acropolis was to Athens, the Capitol
to Rome, St Mark's to Venice, that
2B
360
The Royal Progress.
[Sept.
the sovereign is to a monarchical
community, and so it will remain to
the end of the world. All the fervour
of the Revolution could not supply in
France the want of one chief, till
Napoleon concentrated the loyal affec-
tioiis on himself. The real enemy to
loyalty is not reason, but selfishness.
It dies away, not under the influence
of enlarged education, but under that
of augmented corruption ; and till that
last stage of national decay has arrived,
its flame will only burn the more stead-
ily from reason adding the fuel by
which it is to be fed.
If any doubt could be entertained,
by a well-informed mind, of the incal-
culable importance of loyalty, as the
chief and often the only bond which
holds society together, it would be re-
moved by two events which have oc-
curred in our own times, — the Moscow
invasion, and the steadiness of Eng-
land during the mind-quake of 1848.
On the first occasion, this sacred prin-
ciple defeated the mightiest arma-
ment ever assembled by the powers of
intellect against the liberties of man-
kind; on the last, it preserved un-
shaken and unscathed the ark of the
constitution in the British islands,
amidst the deluge which had shaken
the thrones of almost all the other
European monarchies. In these two
examples, where two states in the
opposite extremes of infancy and civi-
lisation were successively rescued from
the most appalling dangers, amidst
the ruins of all around them, by the
influence of this noble principle, we
may discern the clearest proof of its
lasting influence upon man, and of
the incalculable blessings it is fitted to
confer, not less in the most enlight-
ened than the most unenlightened ages
of society. But for it, the social insti-
tutions of Great Britain would have
been overturned on the 10th April
1848, and England, with all its edu-
cation, civilisation, and habits of free-
dom, would have been consigned to
destruction by a deluge of civilised
barbarians, compared to whom, as
Macaulay has well said, those that
followed the standard of Attila or
Alaric were humane and temperate
warriors. Hence we may learn how
wonderfully loyalty is strengthened,
instead of being weakened, by the
progress of knowledge and the spread
of civilisation in a really free commu-
nity ; and what force that noble prin-
ciple acquires when, to the generous
enthusiasm which binds the unlettered
warrior to his chief, is added the de-
termination of freemen to defend a
throne which all feel to be the key-
stone in the arch of the national for-
tunes.
It is a fortunate, perhaps it would
be nearer the truth to say a provi-
dential circumstance, that a QUEEN,
during the late eventful years, has been
on the throne of the British empire.
Had a king been there, still more one
of unpopular manner or retired habits,
when all the thrones of Europe were
falling around us, the event might
have been very different, and England,
with all its glories, have been sunk in
the bottomless pit of revolution. The
feelings of loyalty to a Queen, especi-
ally if she is young and handsome, and
unites the virtues to the graces of her
sex, are very different from those
which, under the most favourable cir-
cumstances, can be awakened in favour
of a king. The natural gallantry of
man, the feek'ngs of chivalry, the re-
spect due to the softer sex, are mingled
in overwhelming proportions with the
abstract passions of loyalty when a
young and interesting woman, endow-
ed with masculine energy, but adorned
with feminine beauty, surrounded by
the husband of her choice and the
children of her love, is seen braving
the risks and enduring the fatigues of
a journey through lands recently con-
vulsed by civil dissension, solely to
win the love of her subjects, to heal
the divisions of the great family of
which she forms the head.
History affords numerous examples
of the far greater power, in periods of
intestine troubles, queens have than
kings in winning the affections or
calming the exasperation of their sub-
jects. Despite all her errors, not-
withstanding her faults, Queen Mary
exercised a sway over a large part of
her subjects which no man in similar
circumstances could have done. Aus-
tria would have been crushed by the
arms of France and Bavaria in 1744,
but for the chivalrous loyalty which
led the Hungarian nobles to exclaim
in a transport of generous enthusiasm,
"MoriamuT pro Rege nostro, Maria
Theresa."
1849.]
The Royal Progress.
361
" Fair Austria spreads her mournful charms,
The Queen, the beauty, sets the world in
arms."
And it is doubtful if all the fervours
of the Reformation could have enabled
England to withstand the assault of
the Catholic league, headed by Spain
in the time of Philip II., if in defence
of the nation had not been joined the
chivalrous loyalty of a gallant nobility
to their queen, as well as the stern re-
solution of a Protestant people in be-
half of their religion and their liberties.
But the passion of loyalty, as all
other passions, requiries aliment for its
support. Like love, it can live on
wonderfully little hope, but it absolutely
requires some. A look, a smile, a
word from a sovereign, doubtless go a
great way ; but entire and long- conti-
nued absence will chill even the warm-
est affections. It is on this account
that royal progresses have so impor-
tant an influence in knitting together
the bonds which unite a people to their
sovereign. They have one inestimable
effect — they make them known to each
other. The one sees in person the
enthusiastic affection with which the
sovereign is regarded by the people,
the latter the parental interest with
which the people are regarded by their
sovereign. Prejudices, perhaps, nou-
rished by faction or fostered by party,
melt away before the simple light of
truth. A few hours of mutual inter-
course dispels the alienation which
years of separation, and the continued
efforts of guilty ambition during a
generation, may have produced. The
generous affections spring up unbidden,
when the evidence of the senses dis-
pels the load of falsehood by which
they had been restrained. Mutual
knowledge produces mutual interest ;
and the chances of success to sub-
sequent efforts to bring about an
estrangement are materially lessened,
by the discovery of how wide had been
the misapprehension which had for-
merly existed, and how deep the mu-
tual affection which really dwelt in the
recesses of the heart, and was now
brought to light by the happy ap-
proximation of the sovereign and her
people.
It was a noble spectacle to behold a
young Queen, at a time when scarce a
monarch in Europe was secure on his
throne, setting out with her illustrious
consort and family to make a royal
progress through her dominions, and
selecting for the first place of her visit
the island which had so .recently
raised the standard of rebellion
against her government, and for the
next the city which had first in the
empire responded to the cry of treason
raised in Paris, on the overthrow of
the throne of Louis Philippe. Nor
has the result failed to correspond,
even more happily than could have
been hoped, to the gallant undertaking.
If it be true, as is commonly reported,
that our gracious sovereign said, " She
went to Ireland to make friends, but
to the Land of Cakes to find them,"
she must by this time have been con-
vinced that the generous design has,
in both islands, proved successful be-
yond what her most enthusiastic
friends could have dared to hope.
Who could have recognised, in the
multitudes which thronged to witness
her passage through Cork, Dublin, and
Belfast, and the universal acclamations
with which she was everywhere re-
ceived by all classes of her subjects,
the chief cities of an island long torn
by civil dissension, and which had only
a year before broken out into actual
rebellion against her government?
Who could have recognised in the
youthful sovereign visiting the public
buildings of Dublin, like a private
peeress, without any of the state of a
Sovereign, and chiefly interested with
her royal consort in the institutions
devoted to beneficence, the Head of a
Government whom The Nation had so
long represented as callous to all the
sufferings of the people? And du-
ing the magnificent spectacle of the
royal progress through Glasgow,
where five hundred thousand persons
were assembled from that great city,
and the neighbouring counties, to see
their Queen — and she passed for three
miles through stately structures, loaded
with loyalty, under an almost con-
tinued archway of flags, amidst inces-
sant and deafening cheers — who could
have believed he was in a city in which
democratic revolt had actually broken
out only eighteen months before, and
the walls had all been placarded, on
the day when London was menaced,
with treasonable proclamations, call-
ing on the people to rise in their thou-
sands and tens of thousands against
362
The Royal Progress.
[Sept.
the throne? And how blessed the
contrast to the condition of Scotland
when her last Queen had been in that
neighbourhood, and the towers of
Glasgow cathedral looked down on
Morton issuing from the then diminu-
tive borough, to assail, in the imme-
diate vicinity at Langside, the royal
army headed by Mary, and drive her
to exile, captivity, and death.*
We are not foolish enough to expect
impossibilities from the Queen's visit,
— how splendid and gratifying soever
its circumstances may have been. We
know well how many and deep-rooted
are the social evils which in both
islands afflict society, and we are not
so simple as to imagine that they will
be removed by the sight of the Sove-
reign, as the innocent peasants believe
that all physical diseases will be cured
by the royal touch. We are well
aware that the impression of even
the most splendid pageants is often
only transitory, and that sad reali-
ties sometimes return with accu-
mulated force after they are over,
from the contrast they present to
imaginative vision. Still a step, and
that, too, a most important one, has
been taken in the right direction. If
great, and, in some respects, lasting
good has been done — if evils remain,
as remain they ever will, in the pre-
sent complicated condition of society,
and the contending interests which
agitate its bosom — one evil, and that
the greatest of all, is lessened, and
that is an estrangement between the
People and their Sovereign. Crimes
may return ; but the recurrence of the
greatest of all, because it is the parent
of all others — high treason — is for a
time, to any extent at least, ren-
dered impossible. The most sacred
and important of all bonds, that
which unites the sovereign and her sub-
jects, has been materially strength-
ened. The most noble of all feel-
ings, the disinterested affection of a
people to their Queen, has been
called into generous and heart-stirring
action. The " unbought loyalty of
men, the cheap defence of nations," is
not at an end. And if the effect of
the Koyal Visit were only that, in the
greatest cities of her dominions, our
gracious sovereign, in an age unusually
devoted to material influences, has
succeeded, by the sweetness and grace
of her manners, in causing the hearts
of some hundred thousands of her
subjects to throb with loyal devotion,
and, for a time at least, supplanted
the selfish by the generous emo-
tions— the effect is not lost to the
cause of order and the moral eleva-
tion of her people.
* It is a curious coincidence, that the first man whom her Majesty met with and
addressed, when she landed in Glasgow, was the Earl of Morton, the lineal descen-
dant of the ruthless baron whose arms then proved so fatal to her beautiful aud
unfortunate ancestress.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 363
Dtc$
No. IV.
CHRISTOPHER UNDER CANVASS.
SCENE — The Pavilion.
TIME — One P.M.
BULLER — SEWARD — TALBOYS — NORTH.
TALBOYS.
Here he is — here he is ! I traced him by Cratch-print to the Van — like an
old Stag of Ten to his lair by the Slot.
SEWARD.
Thank heaven ! But was this right, my dear sir ?
BULLER.
Your Majesty ought not thus to have secreted yourself from your subjects*
SEWARD.
We feared you had absconded — abdicated — and retired into a Monastery.
BULLER.
We have all been miserable' about you since an early hour in the morning —
invisible to mortal eye since yester bed-going gong — regal couch manifestly
unslept in — tent after tent scrutinised as narrowly as if for a mouse — Swiss
Giantess searched as if by custom-house officers — no Christopher in the En-
campment— what can I compare it to — but a Bee-hive that had lost its Queen.
The very Drones were in a ferment — the workers demented — dismal the hum
of grief and rage — of national lamentation and civil war.
NORTH.
Billy could have told you of my retreat.
SEWARD.
Billy was in a state of distraction— rushed to the Van — and, finding it
empty, fainted.
NORTH.
Billy saw me in the Van — and I told him to shut the spring smartly — and
be mum.
BULLER.
Villain !
NORTH.
Obedience to orders is the sum-total of Duty. Most of the men seem
tolerably sober — those whom despair had driven to drink have been sent to
sleeping-quarters — the Camp has recovered from its alarm — and is fit for
Inspection by the General Commanding the Forces.
SEWARD.
But have you breakfasted, my dear sir?
NORTH.
Leave me alone for that. What have you all been about ?
364 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
TALBOYS.
We three started at Five for Luib, in high glee.
NORTH.
What ! in face of my prediction ? Did I not tell you that in that dull,
dingy, dirty, ochre sunset — in that wan moon and those tallow-candle stars —
I saw the morning's Deluge.
BULLER.
But did you not also quote Sir David Brewster? " In the atmosphere in
which he lives and breathes, and the phenomena of which he daily sees, and
feels, and describes, and measures, the philosopher stands in acknowledged
ignorance of the laws which govern it. He has ascertained, indeed, its extent,
its weight, and its composition ; but thougi he has mastered the law of heat
and moisture, and studied the electric agencies which influence its condition,
he cannot predict, or even approximate to a prediction, whether on the mor-
row the sun shall shine, or the rain fall, or the wind blow, or the lightning
descend."
NORTH.
And all that is perfectly true. Nevertheless, we weather-wise and weather-
foolish people — not Philosophers but Empirics — sailors and shepherds — with
all our eyes on the lower and the higher heavens — gather up prognostications
of the character of the coming time — an hour or a day — take in our canvass
and set our storm-jib — or run for some bay where the prudent ship shall ride
at anchor, as safe and almost as motionless as if she were in a dry-dock ; or
off to the far hill-side to look after the silly sheep — yet not so silly either —
for there they are, instinctive of a change, lying secured by that black belt of
Scotch-Firs against the tempest brewing over Lockerby or Lochmaben — far
from the loun Bilholm Braes ! — You Three started at Five o'clock for Luib ?
TALBOYS.
I rejoice we did. A close carriage is in all weathers detestable — your
vehicle should be open to all skyey influences — with nothing about it that can
be set up or let down — otherwise some one or other of the party — on some
pretence or other — will be for shutting you all in. And then — Farewell, Thou
green Earth — Thou fair Day — and ye Skies ! It had apparently been raining
for some little time
NORTH.
For six hours, and more heavily, I do think, than I ever heard it rain before
in this watery world. Having detected a few drops in the ceiling of my cubi-
culum, I had slipt away to the Van on the first Wash of the business — and
from that hour to this have been under the Waterfall — as snug as a Kelpie.
TALBOYS.
In we got — well jammed together — a single gentleman, or even two, would
have been blown out — and after some remonstrances with the old Greys, we
were off to Luib. Long before we were nearly half-way up the brae behind the
Camp, Seward complained that the water was running down his back — but ere
we reached the top, that inconvenience and every other was merged. The car-
riage seemed to be in a sinking state, somewhere about Achlian ; and rolling
before the rain-storm — horses we saw none — it needed no great power of ima-
gination to fear we were in the Loch. At this juncture we came all at once
close upon — and into — an appalling crash, and squash, and splash — a plunging,
rushing, groaning, and moaning, and roaring — which for half-a-minute baffled
conjecture. The Bridge — you know it, sir — the old Bridge, that Seward was
never tired of sketching — going — going — gone ; down it went — men, horses,
all, at the very parapet, and sent us with ajaup in among the Woods.
NORTH.
Do you mean to say you were on the Bridge as it sunk ?
TALBOYS.
I know nothing about it. How should I? We were in the heart of the
Noise — we were in the heart of the Water — we were in the heart of the
Wood — we, the vehicle, the horses — the same horses, I believe, that were
standing behind the Camp when we mounted — though I had not seen them
1849.] Christophw under Canvass.
distinctly since, till I recognised them madly galloping in their traces up
and down the foaming banks.
NORTH.
Were you all on this side of the River ?
TALBOYS.
Ultimately we were — else how could we have got here ? You seem incre-
dulous, sir. Mind me — I don't say we were on the Bridge — and went down
with it. It is an open question — and in the absence of dispassionate wit-
nesses must be settled by probabilities. Sorry that, though the Driver saved
himself, the Vehicle in the mean time should be lost — with all the Rods.
NORTH.
They will be recovered on a change of weather. How and when got ye
back?
TALBOYS. \_
On horseback. Buller behind Seward — myself before a man who occa-
sionally wore a look of the Driver. I hope it was he — if it was not — the Driver
must have been drowned. We had now the wind — that is, the storm — that
is, the hurricane in our faces — and the animals every other minute wheeled
about and stood rooted for many minutes to the road, with their tails towards
Cladich. My body had fortunately lost all sensation hours before we regained
the Camp.
NORTH.
Hours ! How long did it take you to accomplish the two miles ?
TALBOYS.
I did not time it ; but we entered the Great Gate of the Camp to the sound
of the Breakfast Bagpipes.
SEWARD.
As soon as we had changed ourselves — as you say in Scotland
TALBOYS.
Let's bother Mr North no more about it. With exception of the Bridge,
'tis not worth talking of— and we ought to be thankful it was not Night.
Then what a delightful feeling of security now, sir, from all intrusion of vagrant
visitors from the Dalmally side ! By this time communication must be cut oft*
with Edinburgh and Glasgow — via Inverary — so the Camp is virtually insu-
lated. In ordinary weather, there is no calling the Camp our own. So far
back as yesterday only, 8 English — 4 German — 3 French — 2 Italian — 1 Irish,
all Male, many mustached — and from those and other countries, nearly an
equal number of Female — some mustached too — " but that not much."
NORTH.
Impossible indeed it is to enjoy one hour's consciousness of secure solitude,
in this most unsedentary age of the world. — Look there. Who the deuce
are you, sir? Do you belong to Cloud-land — and have you made an in-
voluntary descent in the deluge ? Or are yon of the earth earthy ? Oif, sir — off
to the back premises. Enter the Pavilion at your peril, yon Phenomenon.
Turn him out, Talboys.
TALBOYS.
Then I must turn out myself. I stepped forth for a moment to the
Trout
NORTH.
And have in that moment been transmogrified into the Man of the Moon.
A false alarm. But methinks you might have been satisfied with the Bridge.
TALBOYS.
It is clearing up, sir — it is clearing up — pails and buckets, barrels and hogs-
heads, fountains and tanks, are no longer the order of the day. Jupiter Plu-
vitis is descending on Juno with moderated impetuosity — is restricting himself
to watering pans and garden engines — there is reason to suspect, from the look
of the atmosphere, that the supplies are running short — that in a few hours the
glass will be up to Stormy — and hurra, then, for a week of fine, sunshiny,
shadowy, breezy, balmy, angling Weather! Why, it is almost fair now.
I do trust that we shall have no more of those dry, dusty, sandy, gravelly
366 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
days, so unlike Lochawe-side, and natural only in Modern Athens or the
Great Desert. Hark ! it is clearing up. That is always the way with
thorough-bred rain — desperate spurt or rush at the end — a burst when blown
— dead-beat
SKWARD.
Mr North, matters are looking serious, sir.
NORTH.
I believe there is no real danger.
SEWARD.
The Pole is cracking
TALBOYS.
Creacking. All the difference in the world between these two words. The
insertion of the letter E converts danger into safety — trepidation into confi-
dence— a Tent into a Rock.
BULLER.
I have always forgot to ask if the Camp is insured?
NORTH.
An insurance was effected, on favourable terms, on the Swiss Giantess
before she came into my possession — the Trustees are answerable for the Van
— the texture of the Tents is tough to resist the Winds — and the stuff itself
was re-steeped during winter in pyroligneous acid of my own invention,
which has been found as successful with canvass as with timber. Dee-
side, the Pavilion and her fair Sisterhood are impervious alike to Wet and
Dry Rot — Fire and Water.
TALBOYS.
You can have no idea, sir, of the beautiful running of our Drains. When
were they dug ?
NORTH.
Yestreen — at dusk. Not a field in Scotland the worse of being drained —
my lease from Monzie allows it — a good landlord deserves a good tenant ; and
though it is rather late in the year for such operations, I ventured on the
experiment — partly for sake of the field itself, and partly for sake of self-pre-
servation. Not pioneers, and miners, and sappers alone — the whole Force
were employed under the Knave of Spades — open drains meanwhile — to be all
covered in — with tiles — ere we shift quarters.
TALBOYS.
A continuance of this weather for a day or two will bring them up ia
shoals from the Loch — Undoubtedly we shall have Eels. I delight in drain-
angling. Silver Eels ! Gold Fish ! You shall be wheeled out, my dear sir,
in Swing, and the hand of your own Talboys shall disengage the first " Fish
without fins" from the Wizard's Hook.
SEWARD.
And he shall be sketched by his own Seward, in a moment of triumph, and
lithographed by Schenck for the forthcoming Edition of Tom Stoddart.
BULLER.
And his own Buller shall make the chips fly like Michael Angelo — and from
the marble block evolve a Christopher Piscator not unworthy a Steele — or a
Macdonald.
NORTH.
Lay aside your tackle, Talboys, and let us talk.
TALBOYS.
I am never so talkative as over my tackle.
BULLER.
Lay it aside then, Talboys, at Mr North's request.
TALBOYS.
Would, my dear sir, you had been with me on Thursday, to witness the
exploits of this GRIESLY PALMER. Miles up Gleusrae, you come — suddenly on
the left — in a little glen of its own — on such a jewel of a Waterfall. Not ten
feet tall — in the pleasure-grounds of a lowland mansion 'twould be called a
Cascade. But soft as its voice is, there is something in it that speaks the
1819.] Cliristopher under Canvass. 367
Cataract. You discern the Gaelic gurgle — and feel that the Fountain is high
up in some spot of greensward among heather-hills. Snow-white it is not — almost
as translucent as the pool into which it glides. You see through it the green
ledge it slides over with a gentle touch — and seeking its own way, for a few
moments, among some mossy cones, it slips, without being wearied, into its
place of rest, which it disturbs not beyond a dimple that beautifies the quiver-
ing reflection of the sky. A few birch-trees — one much taller than the rest —
are all the trees that are there — but that sweetest of all scents assures you of
the hawthorn — and old as the hills — stunted in size — but full-leaved and
budded as if in their prime — a few hawthorns close by among the clefts. But
why prattle thus to you, my dear sir? — no doubt you know it well — for what
bea'utiful secret in the Highlands is unknown to Christopher North ?
NORTH.
I do know it well ; and your description — so much better than I could have
drawn — has brought it from the dimmer regions of memory, " into the study
of imagination."
TALBOYS.
After a few circling sweeps to show myself my command of my gear, and
to give the Naiad warning to take care of her nose, I let drop this GRIESLY
PALMER, who alighted as if he had wings. A Grilse ! I cried — a Grilse ! No,
a Sea- trout — an Amber Witch — a White Lady — a Daughter of Pearl — whom
with gentle violence and quick despatch I solicited to the yellow sands — and
folding not my arms, as is usual in works of fiction, slightly round her waist —
but both hands, with all their ten fingers, grasping her neck and shoulders to
put the fair creature out of pain — in with her — in with her into my Creel —
and again to business. It is on the First Victim of the Day, especially if, as
in this case, a Bouncer, an angler fondly dwells in reminiscence — each succes-
sive captive — however engrossing the capture — loses its distinct individuality
in the fast accumulating crowd ; and when, at close of day, sitting down
among the broom, to empty and to count, it is on the First Victim that the-
angler's eye reposes — in refilling, it is the First Victim you lay aside to crowi>
the treasure — in wending homewards it is on the First Victim's biography you
muse ; and at home — in the Pavilion — it is the First Victim you submit to the.
critical ken of Christopher
BULLER.
Especially if, as in this case, she be a Bouncer.
NORTH.
You pride yourself on your recitation of poetry, Talboys. Charm us with
the finest descriptive passage you can remember from the British Poets.
Not too loud — not too loud — this is not Exeter Hall — nor are you about to-
address the Water- witch from the top of Ben-Lomond.
TALBOYS.
" But thou, Clitumnus! in thy sweetest wave
Of the most living crystal that was e'er
The haunt of river nymph, to gaze and lave
Her limbs where nothing hid them, thou dost rear
Thy grassy banks, whereon the milk-white steer
Grazes; the purest god of gentle waters!
And most serene of aspect, and most clear;
Surely that stream was unprofaned by slaughters —
A mirror and a bath for Beauty's youngest daughters !
u And on thy happy shore a Temple still,
Of small and delicate proportion, keeps,
Upon a mild declivity of hill,
Its memory of thee; beneath it sweeps
Thy current's calmness; oft from out it leaps
The finny darter with the glittering scales,
Who dwells and revels in thy glassy deeps;
While, chance, some scatter'd water-lily sails
Down where the shallower wave still tells its bubbling tales.
368 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
" Pass not unblest the Genius of the place !
If through the air a zephyr more serene
Win to the brow, 'tis his ; and if ye trace
Along his margin a more eloquent green,
If on the heart the freshness of the scene
Sprinkle its coolness, and from the dry dust
Of weary life a moment lave it clean
With Nature's baptism, — 'tis to him ye must
Pay orisons for this suspension of disgust."
NORTH.
Admirably said and sung. Your low tones, Talboys, are earnest and impres-
sive ; and you recite, like all true lovers of song, in the spirit of soliloquy, as
if you were yourself the sole listener. How I hate Spouting. Your elocu-
tionist makes his mouth a, jet cTeau — and by his gestures calls on all the audi-
tors to behold the performance. From the lips of the man who has music in.
his soul, the words of inspiration flow as from a natural fountain, for his soul
has made them its own — and delights to feel in their beauty an adequate
expression of its own emotions.
TALBOYS.
I spoke them to myself — but I was still aware of your presence, my dear sir.
NORTH.
The Stanzas are fine — but are they the finest in Descriptive Poetry ?
TALBOYS.
I do not say so, sir. Any request of yours I interpret liberally, and accede
to at once. Finer stanzas there may be — many; but I took them because they
first came to heart. " Beautiful exceedingly " they are — they may not be
faultless.
NORTH.
Sir Walter has said — " Perhaps there are no verses in our language of hap-
pier descriptive power than the two stanzas which characterise the Clituni-
nus."
TALBOYS.
Then I am right.
NORTH.
Perhaps you are. Scott loved Byron — and it is ennobling to hear one great
Poet praising another : yet the stanzas which so delighted our Minstrel may
not be so felicitous as they seemed to be to his moved imagination.
TALBOYS.
Possibly not.
NORTH.
In the First Stanza what do we find ? An apostrophe — " Thou Clitumuus,"
not yet quite an Impersonation — a few lines on, an Impersonation of the Stream —
" the purest God of gentlest waters!
And most serene of aspect, and most clear."
What is gained by this Impersonation ? Nothing. For the qualities here
attributed to the River- God are the very same that had already been attributed
to the water — purity — serenity — clearness. " Sweetest wave of the most living
crystal" — affects us just as much— here I think more than the two lines about
the God. And observe, that no sooner is the God introduced than he disap-
pears. His coming and his going are alike unsatisfactory — for his coming
gives us no new emotion, and his going is instantly followed by lines that
have no relation to his Godship at all.
TALBOYS.
Why — why — I really don't know.
NORTH.
I have mildly — and inoffensively to all the world — that is, to all us Four —
shown one imperfection ; and I think — I feel there is another — in this Stanza.
11 The sweetest wave of the most living crystal" is visioned to us in the open-
ing lines as the haunt " of river nymph, to gaze and lave her limbs where no-
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 369
thing hid them," — and we are pleased ; it is visioned to us, in the concluding
line, as " the mirror and the bath for Beauty's youngest daughters" — and we
are not pleased ; or if we are, but for a moment — for it is, as nearly as may
be, the same vision over again — a mirror and a bath !
TALBOYS.
But then, sir —
NORTH.
Well?
TALBOYS.
Go on, sir.
NORTH.
I am not sure that I understand " Beauty's youngest daughters."
TALBOYS.
Why, small maidens from ten to twelve years old, who in their innocent
"beauty may bathe without danger, and in their innocent self-admiration may
gaze without fear.
NORTH.
Then is the expression at once commonplace and obscure.
TALBOYS.
Don't say so, sir.
NORTH.
Think you Byron means the Graces ?
TALBOYS.
He does — he does — the Graces sure enough — the Graces.
NORTH.
Whatever it means — it means no more than we had before. A descriptive
Stanza should ever be progressive, and at the close complete. To my feeling,
" slaughters" had better been kept far away from the imagination as from the
eyes. I know Byron alludes here to the Sanguinetto of the preceding Stanza.
But he ought not to have alluded to it — the contrast is complete without
such reference — between the river we are delighting in and the blood-
named torrent that has passed away. Why, then, force such an image back
upon us — when of ourselves we should never have thought of it, and it is the
last image we should desire to see ?
TALBOYS.
Allow me a few minutes to consider
NORTH.
A day. Will you be so good, Talboys, as tell me in ten words the meaning
of— in the next Stanza — " keeps its memory of Thee"?
TALBOYS.
I will immediately.
NORTH.
To my mind — angler as I am —
TALBOYS.
The Prince of Anglers.
NORTH.
To my mind, two lines and a half about Fishes are here too much — " finny
darter" seems conceited — and "dwells and revels'1'1 needlessly strong — and
the frequent rising of " finny darters with the glittering scales" to me seems
hardly consistent with the solemn serenity inspired by the Temple, " of small
and delicate proportion" " keeping its memory of Thee," — whatever that may
mean ; — nor do I think that a poetical mind like Byron's, if fully possessed in
ideal contemplation with the beauty of the whole, would have thought so
much of such an occurrence, or dwelt upon it with so many words.
TALBOYS.
I wish that finny darters with the glittering scales had oft leaped from out
thy current's calmness, Thou Glenorchy, yesterday — but not a fin could I stir
with finest tackle and Double-Nothings.
NORTH.
That is no answer, either one way or another, to my gentle demur to the
370 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
perfection of the stanzas. The " scattered water-lily" may be well enough — so
let it pass — with this ob, that the flower of the water-lily is not easily separated
from its stalk— and is not, in that state, eligible as an image of peace.
TALBOYS.
It is of beauty.
NORTH.
Be it so. But is "scattered" the right word? No. A water-lily to be
scattered must be torn — for you scatter many, not one— a fleet, not a ship — a
flock of sheep, not one lamb. A solitary water-lily — broken off and drifting
by, has, as you said, its own beauty — and Byron doubtlessly intended that —
but he has not said it — he has said the reverse — for a " scattered " water-lily
is a dishevelled water-lily — a water-lily no more — a dispersed or dispersing
multitude of leaves — of what had been a moment before — a Flower.
TALBOYS.
The image pleases everybody — take it as you find it, and be content.
NORTH.
I take it as I find it, and am not content ; I take it as I don't find it, and
am. Then I gently demur to " still tells its bubbling tales." In Gray's line —
" And pore upon the brook that babbles by,"
the word " babbles " is the right one — a mitigated " brawling" — a continuous
murmur without meaning, till you give it one or many — like that of some
ceaseless female human being, pleasantly accompanying your reveries that
have no relation to what you hear. Her blameless babble has that effect —
and were it to stop, you would awake. But Byron's " shallower wave still
tells its bubbling tales " — a tale is still about something — however small — and
pray what is that something ? Nothing. " Tales," then, is not the t-e?T/word
here — nor will "bubbling" make it so — at best it is a prettyism rather than
Poetry. The Poet is becoming a Poetaster.
TALBOYS.
I shall never recite another finest descriptive passage from the whole range
of our British Poets — during the course of my life — in this Pavilion.
NORTH.
Let us look at the Temple.
TALBOYS.
Be done, I beseech you, sir.
NORTH.
Talboys, yon have as logical — as legal a head as any man I know.
TALBOYS.
What has a logical or legal head to do with Byron's description of the
Clitumnus ?
NORTH.
As much as with any other " Process." And you know it. But you are
in a most contradictory — I had almost said captious mood, this forenoon —
and will not imbibe genially
TALBOYS.
Imbibe genially — acids — after having imbibed in the body immeasurable
rain.
NORTH.
Let us look at the Temple. " A Temple still" might mean a still temple.
TALBOYS.
But it doesn't.
NORTH.
A Poet's meaning should never, through awkwardness, be ambiguous.
But no more of that. " Keeps its Memory of Thee " suggests to my mind that
the Temple, dedicated of old to the River- God, i-etains, under the new religion
of the laud, evidence of the old Deification and Worship. The Temple survives
to express to us of another day and faith, a Deification and worship of Thee —
Clitumnus— dictated by the same apprehension of thy characteristic Beauty
in the hearts of those old worshippers that now possesses ours looking on Thee.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 371
Thou art unchanged — the sensitive and imaginative intelligence of Thee in
man is unchanged — although times have changed — states, nations — and, to the
eyes of man, the heavens themselves! If all this be meant — all this is not
said — in the words you admire.
TALBOYS.
I cannot say, as an honest man, that I distinctly understand you, my dear
sir.
NORTH.
You understand me better than you understand Byron.
TALBOYS.
I understand neither of you.
NORTH.
The poetical thought seems to be here — that the Temple rises up spon-
taneously on the bank — under the power of the Beautiful in the river — a per-
manent self-sprung reflexion of that Beautiful — as indeed, to imagination, all
things appear to create themselves!
TALBOYS.
You speak like yourself now, sir.
NORTH.
But look here, my good Talboys. The statue of Achilles may " keep its
memory"— granting the locution to be good, which it is not — of Achilles — for
Achilles is no more. Sink — in a rapture of thought — the hand of the artist —
think that the statues of Achilles came of themselves — as unsown flowers come
— for poets to express to all ages the departed Achilles. They keep — as
long as they remain uuperished — "their memory of Achilles" — they were
from the beginning voluntary and intentional conservators of the Memory of
the Hero. But Clitumnus is here — alive to this hour, and with every prospect
of outliving his own Temple. What do you say to that ?
TALBOYS.
To what?
NORTH.
Finally— if that reminiscence of the Heathen deification, which I first pro-
posed, was in Byron's mind — and he means by " still keeps its memory of Thee"
memory of the River-God — and of the Worship of the River-God — then all he
says about the mere natural river — its leaping fishes, and so forth, is wide
of his own purpose — and what is worse — implies an absurdity — a reminiscence
— not of the past — bat of the present.
TALBOYS.
If all that were submitted to me for the Pursuer, in Printed Papers — I
should appoint answers to be given in by the Defender — within seven days —
and within seven days after that — give judgment.
NORTH.
Keep your temper, Mr Testy. As I have no wish to sour you for the rest
of the day, I shall say little about the Third Stanza. " Pass not unblest the
Genius of the Place," would to me be a more impressive prayer, if there were
more spirituality in the preceding stanzas — and in the lines which follow it ;
for the Genius of the Place has been acting, and continues to act, almost
solely on the Senses. And who is the Genius of the Place ? The River-God —
he to whom the Gentile worship built that Temple. But Byron says, most
unpoetically, " along his margin " — along the margin of the Genius of the
Place ! Then, how flat — how poor— after " the Genius of the Place" — " the
freshness of the Scene1'' — for the freshness of the Scene bless the genius of the Place!
Is that language flowing from the emotion of a Poet's heart? And the last line
spoils all ; for he whom we are to bless — the River- God — or the Genius of the
Place— has given the heart but a "moment's" cleanness from dry dust — but a
moment's, and no more ! And never did hard, coarse Misanthropy so mar a
Poet's purpose as by the shocking prose that is left grating on our souls —
" suspension of disgust!" So, after all this beauty — and all this enjoyment of
beauty — well or ill painted by the Poet — you must pay orisons to the River-God
or the Genius — whom you had been called on to bless — for a mere momentary
372 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
suspension of disgust to all our fellow-creatures — a disgust that would return
as strong — or stronger than ever — as soon as you got to Eome.
TALBOYS.
I confess I don't like it.
NORTH.
" MUST !" There are NEEDS of all sorts, shapes, and sizes. There is terrible
necessity — there is bitter necessity — there is grinding necessity — there is fine
— delicate— loving— playful necessity.
TALBOYS.
Sir?
NORTH.
There are MUSTS that fly upon the wings of devils — Musts that fly upon the
wings of angels — Musts that walk upon the feet of men — Musts that flutter
upon the wings of Fairies. — But I am dreaming ! — Say on.
TALBOYS.
I think the day's clearing — let us launch Gutta Percha, Buller, and troll for
a Ferox.
NORTH.
Then fling that Tarpaulin over your Feather- Jacket, on which you plume
yourself, and don't forget your Gig-Parasol, Longfellow — for the rain-gauge is
running over, so are the water-butts, and I hear the Loch surging its way up
to the Camp. The Cladich Cataract is a stunner. Sit down, my dear Tal-
boys. Recite away.
TALBOYS.
No.
NORTH.
Gentlemen, I call on Mister Buller.
BULLER.
" The roar of waters ! — from the headlong height
Velino cleaves the wave-worn precipice ;
The fall of waters ! rapid as the light
The flashing mass foams shaking the abyss ;
The hell of waters ! where they howl and hiss,
And boil in endless torture ; while the sweat
Of their great agony, wrung out from this
Their Phlegethon, curls round the rocks of jet
That gird the gulf around, in pitiless horror set,
" And mounts in spray the skies, and thence again
Returns in an unceasing shower, which round,
With its unemptied cloud of gentle rain,
Is an eternal April to the ground,
Making it all one emerald : — how profound
The gulf ! and how the giant element
From rock to rock leaps with delirious bound,
Crushing the cliffs, which, downward worn and rent
"With his fierce footsteps, yield in chasms a fearful vent
" To the broad column which rolls on, and shows
More like the fountain of an infant sea
Torn from the womb of mountains by the throes
Of a new world, than only thus to be
Parent of rivers, which flow gushingly
With many windings, through the vale; — Look back :
Lo ! where it comes like an eternity,
As if to sweep down all things in its track,
Charming the eye with dread, — a matchless cataract,
" Horribly beautiful ! but on the verge,
From side to side, beneath the glittering morn,
An Iris sits, amidst the infernal surge,
Like Hope upon a death-bed, and, unworn
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 373
Its steady dyes, while all around is torn
By the distracted waters, bears serene
Its brilliant hues with all their beams unshorn ;
Resembling, 'mid the torture of the scene,
Love watching Madness with unalterable mien."
NORTH.
In the First Stanza there is a very peculiar and a very striking form — or con-
struction—The Roar of Waters— The Fall of Waters— The Hell of Waters.
BULLER.
You admire it.
NORTH.
I do.
TALBOYS.
Don't believe him, Buller. Let's be off— there is no rain worth mentioning
— see — there's a Fly. Oh ! 'tis but a Red Professor dangling from my bonnet
— a Red Professor with tinsy and a tail. Come, Seward, here's the Chess-
Board. Let us make out the Main.
NORTH.
The four lines about the Roar and the Fall are good
TALBOYS.
Indeed, sir.
NORTH.
Mind your game, sir. Seward, you may give him a Pawn. The next four
— about Hell — are bad.
TALBOYS.
Indeed, sir.
NORTH.
Seward, you may likewise give him a Knight. As bad as can be. For there
is an incredible confusion of tormented and tormentor. They howl, and hiss,
and boil in endless torture — they are suffering the Pains of Hell — they are in
Hell. " But the sweat of their great agony is wrung out from this their
Phlegethon." Where is this their Phlegethon? Why, this their Phlegethon
is — themselves ! Look down — there is no other river — but the Velino.
BULLER.
Hear Virgil —
" Moania lata videt, triplici circumdata muro,
Qmu rapidus flammis ambit torreutibus aninis
Tartareus Phlegethon, torquetque sonantia saxa."
No Phlegethon with torrents of fire surrounding and shaking Byron's Hell. I
do not understand it — an unaccountable blunder.
NORTH.
In next stanza, what is gained by
" How profound
The gulf ! and how the giant element
From rock to rock leaps with delirious bound " ?
Nothing. In the First Stanza, we had the " abyss," " the gulf," and the agony
— all and more than we have here.
SEWARD.
Check-mate.
TALBOYS.
Confound the board ! — no, not the board — but Hurwitz himself could not
play in such an infernal clatter.
NORTH.
Boiler has not got to the word " infernal " yet, PhUlidor— but he will
by-and-by. " Crushing the Cliffs" — crushing is not the right word — it is the
wrong one — for not such is the process — visible or invisible. " Downward
worn" ia silly. "Fierce footsteps," to my imagination, is tame and out of
place — though it may not be to yours ; — and I thunder in the ears of the
Chess-players that the first half of the next stanza— the third— is as bad
waiting as is to be found in Byron.
374 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
TALBOYS.
Or in North.
NORTH.
Seward — you may give him likewise a Bishop —
" Look back :
Lo! where it comes like an Eternity !"
I do not say that is not sublime. If it is an image of Eternity —
sublime it must be — but the Poet has chosen his time badly for inspiring us
with that thought — for we look back on what he had pictured to us as falling
into hell — and then flowing diffused " only thus to be parents of rivers that
flow gushingly with many windings through the vale" — images of Time.
" As if to sweep down all things in its track,"
is well enough for an ordinary cataract, but not for a cataract that comes
" like an Eternity."
TALBOYS.
" Charming the eye with dread — a matchless cataract,
Horribly beautiful."
SEWAKD.
One game each.
TALBOYS.
Let us go to the Swiss Giantess to play out the Main.
NORTH.
In Stanza Fourth — " But on the verge" is very like nonsense —
TALBOYS.
Not at all.
NORTH.
The Swiss Giantess is expecting you — good-bye, my dear Talboys. Now,
Buller, I wish you, seriously and calmly, to think on this image —
" An Iris sits, amidst the infernal surge,
Like Hope upon a death-bed."
Did Hope — could Hope ever sit by stick a death-bed ! The infernal surge — the
hell of waters — the howling— the hissing — the boiling in endless torture — the
sweat of the great agony wrung out — and more of the same sort — these image
the death-bed. Hope has sat beside many a sad — many a miserable death-
bed— but not by such as this ; and yet, here, such a death-bed is hinted at as
not uncommon — in a few words — " like Hope upon a death-bed." The
simile came not of itself — it was sought for — and had far better have been
away. There is much bad writing here, too — " unworn" — " unshorn" —
" torn" — " dyes" — "hues" — "beams" — " torture of the scene" — epithet heaped
on epithet, without any clear perception, or sincere emotion — the Iris changing
from Hope upon a death-bed to Love watching Madness — both of which I
pronounce, before that portion of mankind assembled in this Tent, to be on
the FALSETTO — and wide from the thoughts that visit the suffering souls of
the children of men remembering this life's greatest calamities.
SEWARD.
Yet throughout, sir, there is Power.
NORTH.
Power! My dear Seward, who denies it? But great Power — true poeti-
cal Power — is self-collected — not turbulent though dealing with turbulence —
in its own stately passion dominating physical nature in its utmost distrac-
tion— and in her blind forces seeing a grandeur — a sublimity that only becomes
visible or audible to the senses, through the action of imagination creating
its own consistent ideal world out of that turmoil — making the fury of falling
waters appeal to our Moral Being, from whose depths and heights rise emo-
tions echoing all the tones of the thundering cataract. In these stanzas of
Byron, the main Power is in the Cataract — not in the Poetry — loud to the ear
—to the eye flashing and foaming — full of noise and fury, signifying not much to
the soul, as it stuns and confounds the senses — while its more spiritual signifi-
1819.] Christopher under Canvass. 375
cations are uncertain, or unintelligible, accepted with doubt, or rejected with-
out hesitation, because felt to be false and deceitful, and but brilliant mockeries
of the Truth.
TALBOYS.
Spare Byron, who is a Poet — and castigate some popular Versifier.
NORTH.
I will not spare Byron — and just because he is a Poet. For popular Versi-
fiers, they may pipe at their pleasure, but aloof from our Tents — chirp any-
where but in this Encampment ; and if there be a Gowdspink T Yellow-ham-
mer among them, let us incline our ear kindly to his chattering or his yammer-
ing, " low doun in the broom," or high up on his apple-tree, in outfield or
orchard, and pray that never naughty schoolboy may harry his nest.
SEWARD.
Would Sir Walter's Poetry stand such critical examination ?
NORTH.
All — or nearly so — directly dealing with War — Fighting in all its branches-
Indeed, with any kind of Action he seldom fails — iu Reflection, often — and,
strange to say, almost as often in description of Nature, though there in his
happier hours he excels.
SEWARD.
I was always expecting, during that discussion about the Clitumnus, that
you would have brought in Virgil.
NORTH.
Ay, Maro — in description — is superior to them all — in the JEneid as well as
in the Georgics. But we have no time to speak of his Pictures now — only just
let me ask you — Do you remember what Payne Knight says of JEneas ?
SEWARD.
No, for I never read it.
NORTH.
Payne Knight, in his Analytical Inquiry into the Principles of Taste — a work
of high authority in his own day, and containing many truths vigorously
expounded, though characterised throughout by arrogance and presumption —
speaks of that " selfish coldness with which the JEneas of Virgil treats the unfor-
tunate princess, whose affections he had seduced" and adds, that " Every modern
reader of the JEneid finds that the Episode of Dido, though in itself the most
exquisite piece of composition existing, weakens extremely the subsequent inte-
rest of the Poem, it being impossible to sympathise either cordially or kindly
with the fortunes or exertions of a hero who sneaks away from his high-
minded and much-injured benefactress in a manner so base and unmanly.
When, too, we find him soon after imitating all the atrocities, and surpassing
the utmost arrogance, of the furious and vindictive Achilles, without display-
ing any of his generosity, pride, or energy, he becomes at once mean and
odious, and only excites scorn and indignation ; especially when, at the con-
clusion, he presents to Lavinia a hand stained with the blood of her favoured
lover, whom he had stabbed while begging for quarter, and after being ren-
dered incapable of resistance." Is not this, Seward, much too strong ?
SEWARD.
I think, sir, it is not only much too strong, but outrageous ; and that we
are bound, in justice to Virgil, to have clearly before our mind his own Idea
of his Hero.
TALBOYS.
To try that 2Eneas by the rules of poetry and of morality ; and if we find
his character such as neither our imagination nor our moral sense will suffer
us to regard with favour — to admire either in Hero or Man — then to throw
the 2Eneid aside.
BULLER.
And take up his Georgics.
TALBOYS.
To love Virgil we need not forget Homer — but to sympathise with JEneas,
our imagination must not be filled with Achilles.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVII. 2 C
37(3 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
SEWARD.
Troy is dust — the Son of Thetis dead. Let us go with the Fugitives arid
their Leader.
TALBOYS.
Let us believe from the first that they seek a Destined Seat — under One
Man, who knows his mission, and is worthy to fulfil it. Has Virgil so sus-
tained the character of that Man — of that Hero ? Or has he, from ineptitude,
and unequal to so great a subject — let him sink below our nobler sympathies —
nay, unconscious of failure of his purpose, as Payne Knight says, accom-
modated him to our contempt ?
SEAVARD.
For seven years he has been that Man — that Hero. One Night's Tale has
shown him — as he is — for I presume that Virgil — and not Payne Knight — was
his Maker. If that Speech was all a lie — and the Son of Auchises, not a gal-
lant and pious Prince, but a hypocrite and a coward — shut the Book or burn
it.
TAXBOYS.
Much gossip — of which any honest old woman, had she uttered the half of
it, would have been ashamed before she had finished her tea — has been scrib-
bled by divers male pens — stupid or spritely — on that magnificent Recital.
^Eneas, it has been said, by his own account, skulked during the Town Sack —
and funked during the Sea Storm. And how, it has been asked, came he to
lose Creusa ? Pious indeed ! A truly pious man, say they, does not speak
of his piety— he takes care of his household gods without talking about Lares
and Penates. Many critics — some not without name — have been such —
unrepentant — old women. Come we to Dido.
NORTH.
Be cautious — for I fear I have been in fault myself towards JSneas for his
part in that transaction.
TALBOYS.
I take the account of it from Virgil. Indeed I do not know of any
scandalous chronicle of Carthage or Tyre. A Trojan Prince and a Tyriau
Queen — say at once a Man and a Woman — on sudden temptation and unfore-
seen opportunity — SIN — and they continue to sin. As pious men as .ZEneas —
and as kingly and heroic too, have so sinned far worse than that — yet have
not been excommunicated from the fellowship of saints, kings, or heroes.
SEWARD.
To say that 2Eneas " seduces Dido," in the sense that Payne Knight uses
the word, is a calumnious vulgarism.
TALBOYS.
And shows a sulky resolution to shut his eyes — and keep them shut.
SEWARD.
Had he said that in the Schools at Oxford, he would have been plucked at
his Little-go. But I forget — there was no plucking in those days — and indeed
I rather think he was not an University Man.
NORTH.
Nevertheless he was a Scholar.
SEWARD.
Not nevertheless, sir — notwithstanding, sir.
NORTH.
I sit corrected.
SEWARD.
Neither did Infelix Elissa seduce him — desperately in love as she was —
'twas not the storm of her own will that drove her into that fatal cave.
TALBOYS.
Against Venus and Juno combined, alas ! for poor Dido at last !
SEWARD.
^Eneas was in her eyes what Othello was in Desdemona's. No Desdemona
she — no " gentle Lady" — nor was Virgil a Shakspeare. Yet those remon-
strances— and that raving — and that suicide !
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 377
TALBOYS.
Ay, Dan Virgil feared not to put the condemnation of his Hero into those
lips of fire — to let her winged curses pursue the Pious Perfidious as he
puts to sea. But what is truth — passion — nature from the reproachful and
raving — the tender and the truculent — the repentant and the revengeful — the
true and the false Dido — for she had forgot and she remembers Sychaeus —
when cut up into bits of bad law, and framed into an Indictment through
which the Junior Jehu at the Scottish Bar might drive a Coach and Six !
8EWARD.
But he forsook her ! He did — and in obedience to the will of heaven.
Throughout the whole of his Tale of Troy, at that fatal banquet, he tells her
whither, and to what fated region, the fleet is bound — he is not sailing under
sealed orders — Dido hears the Hero's destiny from the lips of Mcestissimus
Hector, from the lips of Creusa's Shade. But Dido is deaf to all those solemn
enunciations — none so deaf as those who will not hear ; the Likeness of Ascanius
lying by her on her Royal Couch fired her vital blood — and she already is so
insane as to dream of lying ere long on that God-like breast. He had forgot
— and he remembers Ms duty — yes — his duty ; according to the Creed of his
country — of the whole heathen world — in deserting Dido, he obeyed the
Gods.
TALBOYS.
He sneaked away ! says Knight. Go he must — would it have been more
heroic to set fire to the Town, and embark in the General Illumination ?
SEWABD.
Would Payne Knight have seriously advised Virgil to marry zEneas, in
good earnest, to Dido, and make him King of Carthage ?
BULLER.
Would they have been a happy Couple ?
SEWARD.
Does not our sympathy go with zEneas to the Shades ? Is he unworthy
to look on the Campos Lugentes ? On the Elysian Fields ? To be shown
by Anchises the Shades of the predestined Heroes of unexisting Rome ?
TALBOYS.
Do we — because of Dido — despise him when first he kens, on a calm
bright morning, that great Grove on the Latian shore near the mouth of the
Tiber ?
" ^Eneas, primique duces, et pulcher lulus,
• Corpora sub ramis deponunt arboris alta?,
Instituuntque dapes."
STEWARD.
But he was a robber — a pirate—an invader — an usurper — so say the Payne
Knights. Virgil sanctifies the Landing with the spirit of peace — and a hun-
dred olive-crowned Envoys are sent to Laurentum with such peace- offerings
as had never been laid at the feet of an Ausonian King.
TALBOYS.
Nothing can exceed in simple grandeur the advent of JEneas — the reception
of the Envoys by old Latinus. The right of the Prince to the region he has
reached is established by grant human and divine. Surely a father, who is a
king, may dispose of his daughter in marriage — and here he must ; he knew,
from omen and oracle, the Hour and the Man. Lavinia belonged to -Eneas
— not to Turnus — though we must not severely blame the fiery Rutulian
because he would not give her up. Amata, in and out of her wits, was on his
side ; but their betrothment — if betrothed they were — was unhallowed — and
might not bind in face of Fate.
BULLER.
Turnus was in the wrong from beginning to end. Virgil, however, has
made him a hero — and idiots have said that he eclipses JEneas — the same
idiots, who, at the same time, have told us that Virgil could not paint a hero
at all.
378 CliristopJier under Canvass. [Sept.
TALBOYS.
That his genius has no martial fervonr. Had the blockheads read the Kising
— the Gathering — in the Seventh 2Eneid V
NORTH.
Sir Walter himself had much of it by heart — and I have seen the " repeated
air" kindle the aspect, and uplift the Lion-Port of the greatest War- Poet that
ever blew the trumpet.
SEWARD.
JEneas at the Court of Evander — that fine old Grecian ! There he is a Hero
to be loved — and Pallas loved him — and he loved Pallas — and all men with hearts
love Virgil for their sakes.
TALBOYS.
And is he not a Hero, when relanding from sea at the mouth of his own
Tiber, with his Etrurian Allies — some thousands strong? And does he not then
act the Hero ? Virgil was no War-Poet ! Second only to Homer, I hold —
SEWARD.
An imitator of Homer ! With fights of the Homeric age — how could he help
it? But he is, in much, original on the battle-field — and is there in all the
Iliad a Lausus, or a Pallas ?—
BTJLLER.
Or a Camilla?
SEWARD.
Fighting is at the best a sad business — but Payne Knight is offensive on
the cruelty — the ferocity of JEneas. I wish Virgil had not made him seize and
sacrifice the Eight Young Men to appease the Manes of Pallas. Such sacri-
fice Virgil believed to be agreeable to the manners of the time — and, if usual
to the most worthy, here assuredly due. In the final Great Battle,
" Away to heaven, respective Lenity,
And fire-eyed Fury be my conduct now."
BULLER.
Knight is a ninny on the Single Combat. In all the previous circumstances
regarding it, Turnus behaved ill — now that he must fight, he fights well : 'tis
as fair a fight as ever was fought in the field of old Epic Poetry : tutelary in-
terposition alternates in favour of either Prince : the bare notion of either
outliving defeat never entered any mind but Payne Knight's : nor did any
other fingers ever fumble such a charge against the hero of an Epic as
" Stabbing while begging for quarter" — but a momentary weakness in Turnus
which was not without its effect on JEneas, till at sight of that Belt, he
sheathed the steel.
TALBOYS.
Payne works himself up, in the conclusion of the passage, into an absolute
maniac.
NORTH.
Good manners, Talboys — no insult — remember Mr Knight has been long
dead.
• TALBOYS.
So has JEneas — so has Virgil.
NORTH.
Time. Young gentlemen, I have listened with much pleasure to your ani-
mated and judicious dialogue. Shall I now give Judgment?
BULLER.
Lengthy ?
NORTH.
Not more than an hour.
BULLER.
Then, if you please, my Lord, to-morrow.
NORTH.
You must all three be somewhat fatigued by the exercise of so much critical
acumen. So do you, Talboys and Seward, unbend the bow at another game
1849.] Christopher wider Canvass. 379
of Chess ; and you, Buller, reanimate the jaded Moral Sentiments by a sharp
letter to Marmaduke, insinuating that if he don't return to the Tents within
a week, or at least write to say that he and Hal, Volusene and Woodburn,
are not going to return at all, but to join the Rajah of Sarawak, the Grand
Lama, or Prester John — which I fear is but too probable from the general
tone and tenor of their life and conversation for some days before their Seces-
sion from the Established Camp — there will be a general breaking of Mothers'
hearts, and in his own particular case, a cutting off with a shilling, or disin-
heriting of the heir apparent of one of the finest Estates in Cornwall. But I
forget — these Entails will be the rain of England. What ! Billy, is that
you?
BILLY.
Measter, here's a Fish and a Ferocious.
TALBOYS.
Ha ! what Whappers !
BULLER.
More like Fish before the Flood than after it.
SEWARD.
After it indeed! During it. What is Billy saying, Mr North? That
Coomerlan' dialect's Hottentot to my Devonshire ears.
NORTH.
They have been spoiled by the Doric delicacies of the " Exmopr Courtship."
He tells me that Archy M'Callum, the Cornwall Clipper, and himself, each in
a cow-hide, having ventured down to the River Mouth to look after and bale
Gutta Percha, foregathered with an involuntary invasion of divers gigantic
Fishes, who had made bad their landing on our shores, and that after a
•desperate resistance they succeeded in securing the Two Leaders — a Salmo
Salar and a Salmo Ferox — see on snout and shoulder tokens of the Oar.
Thirty— and Twenty Pounders— Billy says; I should have thought they were
respectively a third more. No mean Windfall. They will tell on the Spread.
I retire to my Sanctum for my Siesta.
TALBOYS.
Let me invest you, my dear sir, with my Feathers.
BULLER.
Do — do take my Tarpaulin.
SEWARD.
Billy, your Cow-hide.
NORTH.
I need none of your gimcracks — for I seek the Sanctum by a subterranean
— beg your pardon — a Subter- Awning Passage.
SCENE II.
SCENE — Deeside.
TIME — Seven p.c.
NORTH — BULLER — SEWARD — TALBOYS .
NORTH.
How little time or disposition for anything like serious Thinking, or Read-
Ing, out of people's own profession or trade, in this Railway World ! The
busy-bodies of these rattling times, even in their leisure hours, do not affect
an interest in studies their fathers and their grandfathers, in the same rank
of life, pursued, even systematically, on many an Evening sacred from the dis-
traction that ceased with the day.
380 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
TAXBOYS.
Not all busy-bodies, my good sir — think of
NORTH.
I have thought of them — and I know their worth — their liberality and their
enlightenment. In all our cities and towns — and villages — and in all orders
of the people — there is Mind — Intelligence, and Knowledge ; and the more's
the shame in that too general appetence for mere amusement in literature, per-
petually craving for a change of diet — for something new in the light way —
while anything of any substance, is, " with sputtering noise rejected" as tough
to the teeth, and hard of digestion — however sweet and nutritious ; would they
but taste and try.
SEWARD.
I hope you don't mean to allude to Charles Dickens ?
NORTH.
Assuredly not. Charles Dickens is a man of original and genial genius —
his popularity is a proof of the goodness of the heart of the people ; — and the
love of him and his writings — though not so thoughtful as it might be — does
honour to that strength in the English character which is indestructible by
any influences, and survives in the midst of frivolity, and folly, and of mental
depravations, worse than both. *-
SEWARE.
Don't look so savage, sir.
NORTH.
I am not savage — I am serene. Set the Literature of the day aside alto-
gether— and tell me if you think our conversation since dinner would not have
been thought dull by many not altogether uneducated persons, who pride
themselves not a little on their intellectuality and on their full participation in
the Spirit of the Age ?
TAXBOYS.
Onr conversation since dinner DULL ! ! No — no — no. Many poor creatures,
indeed, there are among them — even among those of them who work the Press
— pigmies with pap feeding a Giant who sneezes them away when sick of
them into small offices in the Customs or Excise ; — but not one of our privi-
leged brethren of the Guild — with a true ticket to show — but would have
been delighted with such dialogue — but would be delighted with its continu-
tion — and thankful to know that he, " a wiser and a better man, will rise to-
morrow morn."
SEWARD.
Do, my dear sir — resume your discoursing about those Greeks.
NORTH.
I was about to say, Seward, that those shrewd and just observers, and at
the same time delicate thinkers, the ancient Greeks, did, as you well know,
snatch from amongst the ordinary processes which Nature pursues, in respect
of inferior animal life, a singularly beautiful Type or Emblem, expressively
imaging to Fancy that bursting disclosure of Life from the bosom of Death,
which is implied in the extrication of the soul from its corporeal prison,
when this astonishing change is highly, ardently, and joyfully contemplated.
Those old festal religionists — who carried into the solemnities of their
worship the buoyant gladsomeness of their own sprightly and fervid secular
life, and contrived to invest even the artful splendour and passionate human
interest of their dramatic representations with the name and character of
a sacred ceremony — found for that soaring and refulgent escape of a spirit
from the dungeon and chains of the flesh, into its native celestial day, a fine
and touching similitude in the liberation of a beautiful Insect, the gorgeously-
winged, aerial Butterfly, from the living tomb in which Nature has, during a
season, cased and urned its torpid and death- like repose.
SEWARD.
Nor, my dear sir, was this life-conscions penetration or intuition of a keen
and kindling intelligence into the dreadful, the desolate, the cloud-covered
Future, the casual thought of adventuring Genius, transmitted in some happier
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 881
verse only, or in some gracious and visible poesy of a fine chisel ; but the
Symbol and the Thing symbolised were so bound together in the understand-
ing of the nation, that in the Greek language the name borne by the Insect
and the name designating the Soul is one and the same — ¥YXH.
NORTH.
Insects ! They have come out, by their original egg- birth, into an active
life. They have crept and eaten — and slept and eaten — creeping, and sleep-
ing, and eating — still waxing in size, and travelling on from fitted pasture to
pasture, they have in not many suns reached the utmost of the minute
dimensions allotted them — the goal of their slow-footed wanderings, and the
term, shall we say — of their life.
SEWARD.
No! But of that first period, through which they have made some display
of themselves as living agents. They have reached this term. And look at
them — now.
NORTH.
Ay — look at them — now. Wonder on wonder ! For now a miraculous instinct
guides and compels the creature — who has, as it were, completed one life —
who has accomplished one stage of his existence — to entomb himself. And he
accordingly builds or spins himself a tomb — or he buries himself in his grave.
Shall I say, that she herself, his guardian, his directress, Great Nature, coffins
him ? Enclosed in a firm shell — hidden from all eyes — torpid — in a death-like
sleep — not dead — he waits the appointed hour, which the days and nights
bring, and which having come — his renovation, his resuscitation is come. And
now the sepulture no longer holds him I Now the prisoner of the tomb has right
again to converse with embalmed ah- and with glittering sunbeams — now, the
reptile that was — unrecognisably transformed from himself — a glad, bright,
mounting creature, unfurls on either side the translucent or the richly-
hued pinions that shall waft him at his liking from blossom to blossom, or lift
him in a rapture of aimless joyancy to disport and rock himself on the soft-
flowing undulating breeze.
SEWARD.
My dearest sir, the Greek in his darkness, or uncertain twilight of belief,
has culled and perpetuated his beautiful emblem. Will the Christian look
unmoved upon the singular imaging, which, amidst the manifold strangely-
charactered secrets of nature, he finds of his own sealed and sure faith ?
NORTH.
No, Seward. The philosophical Theologian claims in this likeness more
than an apt simile, pleasing to the stirred fancy. He sees here an ANALOGT
— and this Analogy he proposes as one link in a chain of argumentation,
by which he would show that Reason might dare to win from Nature, as
a Hope, the truth which it holds from God as revealed knowledge.
SEWARD.
I presume, sir, you allude to Butler's Analogy. I have studied it.
NORTH.
I do — to the First Chapter of that Great Work. This parallelism, or appre-
hended resemblance between an event continually occurring and seen in
nature, and one iinseen but continually conceived as occurring upon the utter-
most brink and edge of nature — this correspondency, which took such fast hold
of the Imagination of the Greeks, has, as you know, my dear friends, in these
latter days been acknowledged by calm and profound Reason, looking around
on every side for evidences or intimations of the Immortality of the Soul.
BTJLLER.
Will you be so good, sir, as let me have the volume to study of an evening
in my own Tent ?
NORTH.
Certainly. And for many other evenings — in your own Library at home.
TALBOY8.
Please, sir, to state Butler's argument in your own words and way.
NORTH.
For Butler's style is hard and dry. A living Being undergoes a vicissitude by
382 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
which on a sudden he passes from a state in which he has long continued into a
new state, and with it into a new scene of existence. The transition is from a
narrow confinement into an ample liberty — and this change of circumstances is
accompanied in the subject with a large and congruous increment of powers.
They believe this who believe the Immortality of the Soul. But the fact is, that
changes bearing this description do indeed happen in Nature, under our very
eyes, at every moment ; this method of progress being universal in her living
kingdoms. Such a marvellous change is literally undergone by innumerable
kinds, the human animal included, in the instant in which they pass out from
the darkness and imprisonment of the womb into the light and open liberty of
this breathing world. Birth has been the image of a death, which is itself
nothing else than a birth from one straightened life into another ampler and
freer. The ordering of Nature, then, is an ordering of Progression, whereby
new and enlarged states are attained, and, simultaneously therewith, new and
enlarged powers ; and all this not slowly, gradually, and insensibly, but sud-
denly and per saltum.
TALBOYS.
This analogy, then, sir, or whatever there is that is in common to birth as
we know it, and to death as we conceive it, is to be understood as an evidence
set in the ordering of Nature, and justifying or tending to justify such our
conception of Death ?
NORTH.
Exactly so. And you say well, my good Talboys, "justifying or tending
to justify." For we are all along fully sensible that a vast difference — a dif-
ference prodigious and utterly confounding to the imagination — holds betwixt
the case from which we reason, birth — or that further expansion of life in
some breathing kinds which might be held as a second birth — betwixt these
cases, I say, and the case to which we reason, DEATH !
TALBOYS.
Prodigious and utterly confounding to the imagination indeed! For in
these physiological instances, either the same body, or a body changing by
such slow and insensible degrees that it seems to us to be the same body, ac-
companies, encloses,rand contains the same life — from the first moment in which
that life comes under our observation to that in which it vanishes from our
cognisance ; whereas, sir, in the case to which we apply the Analogy — our own
Death — the life is supposed to survive in complete separation from the body,
in and by its union with which we have known it and seen it manifested.
NORTH.
Excellently well put, my friend. I see you have studied Butler.
TALBOYS.
I have — but not for some years. The Analogy is not a Book to be for-
gotten.
NORTH.
This difference between the case from which we reason, and the case to
which we reason, there is no attempt whatever at concealing — quite the con-
trary— it stands written, you know, my friend, upon the very Front of the
Argument. This difference itself is the very motive and occasion of
the Whole Argument ! Were there not this difference between the cases
which furnish the Analogy, and the case to which the Analogy is applied — had
we certainly known and seen a Life continued, although suddenly passing out
from the body where it had hitherto resided — or were Death not the formid-
able disruption which it is of a hitherto subsisting union — the cases would be
identical, and there would be nothing to reason about or to inquire. There is
this startling difference — and accordingly the Analogy described has been pro-
posed by Butler merely as a first step in the Argument.
TALBOYS.
It remains to be seen, then, whether any further considerations can be pro-
posed which will bring the cases nearer together, and diminish to our minds
the difficulty presented by the sudden separation.
NORTH.
Just so. What ground, then, my dear young friends— for you seem and
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 383
are young to me — what ground, my friends, is there for believing that the
Death which we see, can affect the living agent which we do not see ? But-
ler makes his approaches cautiously, and his attack manfully — and this is the
course of his Argument. I begin with examining my present condition of
existence, and find myself to be a Being endowed with certain Powers and
Capacities — for I act, I enjoy, I suffer.
TALBOYS.
Of this much there can be no doubt ; for of all this an unerring conscious-
ness assures me. Therefore, at the outset, I hold this one secure position —
that I exist, the possessor of certain powers and capacities.
NORTH.
But that I do now before Death exist, endued with certain powers and capa-
cities, affords a presumptive ov prima facie probability that I shall after death
continue to exist, possessing these powers and capacities —
BULLER.
How is that, sir ?
NORTH.
You do well to put that question, my dear Buller — a prima facie proba-
bility, unless there be some positive reason to think that death is the " de-
struction" of Me, the living Being, and of these my living Faculties.
BULLER.
A presumptive or prima facie probability, sir? Why does Butler say so?
NORTH.
" Because there is in every case a probability that all things will continue as
we experience they are, in all respects, except those in which we have some
reason to think they will be altered."
BULLER.
You will pardon me, sir, I am sure, for having asked the question.
NORTH.
It was not only a proper question, but a necessary one. Butler wisely
says — " This is that kind of Presumption or Probability from Analogy, ex-
pressed in the very word CONTINUANCE, which seems our only natural reason
for believing the course of the world will continue to-morrow, as it has done
so far as our experience or knowledge of history can carry us back." I give
you, here, the Bishop's very words — and I believe that in them is affirmed a
truth that no scepticism can shake.
TALBOYS.
If I mistake not, sir, the Bishop here frankly admits, that were we not for-
tified against a natural impression, with some better instruction than unre-
flecting Nature's, the spontaneous disposition of our Mind would undoubtedly
e to an expectation that in this great catastrophe of our mortal estate, We
arselves must perish ; but he contends — does he not, sir? — that it would be a
L id fear, and without rational ground.
NORTH.
Yes — that it is an impression of the illusory faculty, Imagination, and not
an inference of Reason. There would arise, he says, " a general confused
suspicion, that in the great shock and alteration which we shall undergo by
death, We, i.e. our living Powers, might be wholly destroyed ; " — but he adds
solemnly, u there is no particular distinct ground or reason for this apprehen-
sion, so far as I can find."
TALBOY8.
Such " general confused suspicion," then, is not justified?
NORTH.
Butler holds that any justifying ground of the apprehension that, in the
shock of death, I, the living Being, or, which is the same thing, These my
powers of acting, enjoying, and suffering, shall be extinguished and cease,
must be found either in " the reason of the Thing" itself, or in " the Analogy
of Nature." To say that a legitimate ground of attributing to the sensible
mortal change a power of extinguishing the inward life is to be found in the
Reason of the Thing, is as much as to say, that when considering the essen-
tial nature of this great and tremendous, or at least dreaded change, Death,
384 Cliristopher under Canvass. [Sept.
and upon also considering what these powers of acting, of enjoying, of suffer-
ing, truly are, and in what manner, absolutely, they subsist in us — there
does appear to lie therein demonstration, or evidence, or likelihood, that
the change, Death, will swallow up such living Powers — and that We shall no
longer be.
TALBOYS.
In short, sir, that from considering what Death is, and upon what these
Powers and their exercise depend, there is reason to think, that the Powers or
their exercise will or must cease with Death.
NORTH.
The very point. And the Bishop's answer is bold, short, and decisive. We
cannot from considering what Death is, draw this or any other conclusion, for
we do not know what Death is ! We know only certain effects of Death — the
stopping of certain sensible actions — the dissolution of certain sensible parts.
We can draw no conclusion, for we do not possess the premises.
SEWARD.
From your Exposition, sir, I feel that the meaning of the First Chapter of
the Analogy is dawning into clearer and clearer light.
NORTH.
Inconsiderately, my dear sir, we seem indeed to ourselves to know what
Death is ; but this is from confounding the Thing and its Effects. For we see
effects : at first, the stoppage of certain sensible actions — afterwards, the dis-
solution of certain sensible parts. But what it is that has happened — where-
fore the blood no longer flows — the limbs no longer move — that we do not see.
We do not see it with our eyes — we do not discern it by any inference of our
understanding. It is a, fact that seems to lie shrouded for ever from our facul-
ties in awful and impenetrable mystery. That fact — the produce of an
instant — which has happened within, and in the dark — that fact come to pass
in an indivisible point of time — that stern fact — ere the happening of which
the Man was alive — an inhabitant of this breathing world — united to our-
selves our Father, Brother, Friend — at least our Fellow-Creature — by the
happening, he is gone — is for ever irrecoverably sundered from this world, and
from us its inhabitants — is DEAD — and that which lies outstretched before
our saddened eyes is only his mortal remains — a breathless corpse — an inani-
mate, insensible clod of clay : — Upon that interior sudden fact — sudden, at
last, how slowly and gradually soever prepared — since the utmost attenuation
of a thread is a thing totally distinct from its ending, from its becoming no
thread at all, and since, up to that moment, there was a possibility that some
extraordinary, perhaps physical application might for an hour or a few
minutes have rallied life, or might have reawakened consciousness, and eye,
and voice upon that elusive Essence and self of Death no curious search-
ing of ours has laid, or, it may be well assumed, will ever lay hold. When
the organs of sense no longer minister to Perception, or the organs of motion
to any change of posture — when the blood stopped in its flow thickens and
grows cold — and the fair and stately form, the glory of the Almighty's Hand,
the burning shrine of a Spirit that lately rejoiced in feeling, in thought, and in
power, lies like a garment .done with and thrown away — " a kneaded clod" —
ready to lose feature and substance — and to yield back its atoms to the
dominion of the blind elements from which they were gathered and com-
pacted What is Death? And what grounds have we for inferring that an
event manifested to us as a phenomenon of the Body, which alone we touch,
and hear, and see, has or has not reached into the Mind, which is for us Now
just as it always was, a Thing utterly removed and exempt from the cognis-
ance and apprehension of our bodily senses? The Mind, or Spirit, the un-
known Substance, in which Feeling, and Thought, and Will, and the Spring of
Life were — was united to this corporeal frame ; and, being united to it, ani-
mated it, poured through it sensibility and motion, glowing and creative life —
crimsoned the lips and cheeks — flashed in the eye — and murmured music from
the tongue ; — now, the two — Body and Soul — are disunited — and we behold
one-half the consequence — the Thing of dust relapses to the dust ; — we dare
to divine the other half of the consequence — the quickening Spark, the sentient
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 385
Intelligence, the Being gifted with Life, the Image of the Maker, in Man, has
reascended, has returned thither whence it came, into the Hand of God.
SEWARD.
If, sir, we were without light from the revealed Word of God, if we were
left, by the help of reason, standing upon the brink of Time, dimly guessing,
and inquiringly exploring, to find for ourselves the grounds of Hope and Fear,
would your description, my dear Master, of that which has happened, seem to
our Natural Faculties impossible ? Surely not.
NORTH.
My dear Seward, we have the means of rendering some answer to that
question. The nations of the world have been, more or less, in the condition
supposed. Self-left, they have borne the burden of the dread secret, which
for them only the grave could resolve ; but they never were able to sit at rest
in the darkness. Importunate and insuppressible desire, in their bosoms,
knocked at the gate of the invisible world, and seemed to hear an answer
from beyond. The belief in a long life of ages to follow this fleet dream —
imaginary revelations of regions bright or dark — the mansions of bliss or of
sorrow — an existence to come, and often of retribution to come — has been the
religion of Mankind — here in the rudest elementary shape — here in elabo-
rated systems.
SEWARD.
Ay, sir; methinks the Hell of Virgil — and his Elysian Fields are examples
of a high, solemn, and beautiful Poetry. But they have a much deeper in-
terest for a man studious, in earnest, of his fellow-men. Since they really
express the notions under which men have with serious belief shadowed out
for themselves the worlds to which the grave is a portal. The true moral
spirit that breathes in his enumeration of the Crimes that are punished,
of the Virtues that have earned and found their reward, and some scattered
awful warnings — are impressive even to us Christians.
NORTH.
Yes, Seward, they are. Hearken to the attestation of the civilised and
the barbarous. Universally there is a cry from the human heart, beseeching,
as it were, of the Unknown Power which reigns in the Order and in the Muta-
tions of Things, the prolongation of this vanishing breath — the renovation, in
undiscovered spheres, of this too brief existence — an appeal from the tyranny
of the tomb — a prayer against annihilation. Only at the top of Civilisation,
sometimes a cold and barren philosophy, degenerate from nature, and bastard
to reason, has limited its sullen view to the horizon of this Earth — has shut
out and refused all ulterior, happy, or dreary anticipation.
SEWARD.
You may now, assured of our profound attention — return to Butler — if in-
deed you have left him
NORTH.
I have, and I have not. A few minutes ago I was expounding — in my own
words — and for the reason assigned, will continue to do so — his argument. If,
not knowing what death is, we are not entitled to argue, from the nature of
death, that this change must put an end to Ourselves, and those essential
powers in our mind which we are conscious of exerting — just as little can we
argue from the nature of these powers, and from their manner of subsisting in
us, that they are liable to be affected and impaired, or destroyed by death.
For what do we know of these powers, and of the conditions on which we
hold them, and of the mind in which they dwell? Just as much as we do of
the great change, Death itself— that is to say — NOTHING.
TALBOY8.
We know the powers of our mind solely by their manifestations.
NORTH.
But people in general do not think so — and many metaphysicians have
written as if they had forgot that it is only from the manifestation that we
give name to the Power. We know the fact of Seeing, Hearing, Remember-
ing, Reasoning — the feeling of Beauty — the actual pleasure of Moral Appro-
bation, the pain of Moral Disapprobation — the state — pleasure or pain of loving
086 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
— the state — pleasure or pain of hating — the fire of anger — the frost of fear —
the curiosity to know — the thirst for distinction — the exultation of conscious
Power — all these, and a thousand more, we know abundantly: our conscious
Life is nothing else but such knowledge endlessly diversified. But the POWERS
themselves, which are thus exerted — what they are — how they subsist in us
ready for exertion — of this we know — NOTHING.
TALBOYS.
We know something of the Conditions upon which the exercise of these
Powers depends — or by which it is influenced. Thus we know, that for seeing,
we must possess that wondrous piece of living mechanism, the eye, in its
healthy condition. We know further, that a delicate and complicated system
of nerves, which convey the visual impressions from the eye itself to the see-
ing power, must be healthy and unobstructed. We know that a sound and
healthy state of the brain is necessary to these manifestations — that accidents
befalling the Brain totally disorder the manifestations of these powers — turn-
ing the clear self-possessed mind into a wild anarchy — a Chaos — that other
accidents befalling the same organ suspend all manifestations. We know
that sleep stops the use of many powers — and that deep sleep — at least as far
as any intimations that reach our waking state go — stops them all. We know
that a nerve tied or cut stops the sensation — stops the motoiy volition which
usually travels along it. We know how bodily lassitude — how abstinence —
how excess — affects the ability of the mind to exert its powers. In short, the
most untutored experience of every one amongst us all shows bodily con-
ditions, upon which the activity of the facilities which are seated in the mind,
depends. And within the mind itself we know how one manifestation aids or
counteracts another — how Hope invigorates — how Fear disables — how Intre-
pidity keeps the understanding clear —
NORTH.
You are well illustrating Butler, Talboys. Then, again, we know thai for
Seeing, we must have that wonderful piece of living mechanism perfectly con-
structed, and in good order — that a certain delicate and complicated system
of nerves extending from the eye inwards, is appointed to transmit the im-
mediate impressions of light from this exterior organ of sight to the percipient
Mind — that these nerves allotted to the function of seeing, must be free from
any accidental pressure ; knowledge admirable, curious, useful ; but when all
is done, all investigated, that our eyes, and fingers, and instruments, and
thoughts, can reach — What, beyond all this marvellous Apparatus of seeing,
is That which sees — what the percipient Mind is — that is a mystery into which
no created Being ever had a glimpse. Or what is that immediate connexion
between the Mind itself, and those delicate corporeal adjustments — whereby
certain tremblings, or other momentary changes of state in a set of nerves, upon
the sudden, turn into Colours — into Sight — INTO THE VISION OF A UNIVERSE.
SEWARD.
Does Butler say all that, sir ?
NORTH.
In his own dry way perhaps he may. These, my friends, are Wonders into
which Reason looks, astonished ; or, more properly speaking, into which she
looks not, nor, self-knowing, attempts to look. But, reverent and afraid, she
repeats that attitude which the Great Poet has ascribed to " brightest cheru-
bim" before the footstool of the Omnipotent Throne, who
" Approach not, but with both wings veil their eyes."
TALBOYS.
For indeed at the next step beyond lies only the mystery of Omnipotence —
that mystery which connects the world, open and known to us, to the world
withheld and unknown.
NORTH.
The same with regard to Pleasure and Pain. What enjoys Pleasure or
suifers Pain ?— all that is, to our clearest, sharpest-sighted science, nothing
else but darkness — but black unfathomable night. Therefore, since we know not
what Death itself is — and since we know not what this Living Mind is, nor
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 387
what any of its powers and capacities are — what conclusion, taken in the na-
ture of these unknown subjects, can we possibly be warranted in drawing as
to the influence which this unknown change, Death, will exert upon this un-
known Being— Mind — and upon its unknown faculties and sensibilities ? —
None.
SEWARD.
Shall unknown Death destroy this unknown Mind and its unknown capa-
cities? It is just as likely, for anything that Reason can see, that it will set
them free to a larger and more powerful existence. And if we have any reason
upon other grounds to expect this — then by so much the more likely.
NORTH.
We know that this Eye and its apparatus of nerves no longer shall serve
for seeing — we know that these muscles and their nerves shall no longer serve
for moving — we know that this marvellous Brain itself no longer shall serve, as
we are led to believe that it now serves, for thinking — we know that this
bounding heart never again shall throb and quicken, Avith all its leaping pulses,
with joy — that pain of this body shall never again tire the mind, and that pain
of this mind shall never again tire this body, once pillowed and covered up in
its bed of imperturbable slumber. And there ends our knowledge. But that
this Mind, which, united to these muscles and their nerves, sent out vigorous
and swift motions through them — which, united to this Brain, compelled this
Brain to serve it as the minister of its thinkings upon this Earth and
in this mode of its Being — which, united to this Frame, in it, and through
it, and from it, felt for Happiness and for Misery — that this Mind,
once disunited from all these, its instruments and servants, shall therefore
perish, or shall therefore forego the endowment of its powers, which it mani-
fested by these its instruments — of that we have no warranty — of that there is
no probability.
TALBOYS.
Much rather, sir, might a probability lie quite the other way. For if the
structure of this corporeal frame places at the service of the Mind some five or
six senses, enabling it, by so many avenues, to communicate with this external
world, this very structure shuts up the Mind in these few senses, ties it down
to the capacities of exactness and sensibility for which they are framed. But
we have no reason at all to think that these few modes of sensibility, which
we call our external senses, are all the modes of sensibility of which our spirits
are capable. Much rather we must believe that, if it pleased, or shall ever
please, the Creator to open in this Mind, in a new world, new modes of sensa-
tion, the susceptibility for these modes is already there for another set of
senses. Now we are confined to an eye that sees distinctly at a few paces of
distance. We have no reason for thinking that, united with a finer organ of
sight, we should not see far more exquisitely ; and thus, sir, our notices of the
dependence in which the Mind now subsists upon the body do of themselves
lead us to infer its own self-subsistency.
NORTH.
What we are called upon to do, my friends, is to set Reason against Ima-
gination and against Habit. We have to lift ourselves up above the limited
sphere of sensible experience. We have to believe that something more is
than that which we see — than that which we know.
TALBOYS.
Yet, sir, even the facts of Mind, revealed to us living in these bodies, are
enough to show us that more is than these bodies — since we feel that WE
ARE, and that it is impossible for us to regard these bodies otherwise than as
possessions of ours — utterly impossible to regard them as Ourselves.
NORTH.
We distinguish between the acts of Mind, inwardly exerted — the acts, for
instance, of Reason, of Memory, and of Affection — and acts of the Mind com-
municating through the senses with the external world. But Butler seems to
me to go top far when he says, " I confess that in sensation the mind uses the
body ; but in reflection I have no reason to think that the mind uses the body."
But, my dear friends, I, Christopher North, think, on the contrary, that the
388 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept.
Mind uses the Brain for a thinking instrument ; and that much thought
fatigues the Brain, and causes an oppressive flow of the blood to the Brain,
and otherwise disorders that organ. And altogether I should be exceedingly
sorry to rest the Immortality of the Soul upon so doubtful an assumption as
that the Brain is not, in any respect or sort, the Mind's Organ of Thinking. I
see no need for so timid a sheltering of the argument. On the contrary, the
simple doctrine, to my thought, is this — The Mind, as we know it, is impli-
cated and mixed up with the Body — throughout — in all its ordinary actions.
This corporeal frame is a system of organs, or Instruments, which the Mind
employs in a thousand ways. They are its instruments — all of them are — and
none of them is itself. What does it matter to me that there is one more
organ — the Brain — for one more function — thinking ? Unless the Mind were
in itself a seeing thing — that is, a thing able to see — it could not use the Eye
for seeing ; and unless the Mind were a thinking thing, it could not use the
Brain for thinking. The most intimate implication of itself with its instru-
ments in the functions which constitute our consciousness, proves nothing in
the world to me, against its essential distinctness from them, and against the
possibility of its living and acting in separation from them, and when they are
dissolved. So far from it, when I see that the body chills with fear, and glows
with love, I am ready to call fear a cold, and love a warm passion, and to say
that the Mind uses its bodily frame in fearing and in loving. All these things
have to do with manifestations of my mind to itself, Now, whilst implicated
in this body. Let me lift myself above imagination — or let my imagination
soar and carry my reason on its wings — I leave the body to moulder, and I go
sentient, volent, intelligent, whithersoever / am called.
TALBOYS.
It seems a timidity unworthy of Butler to make the distinction. Such a
distinction might be used to invalidate his whole doctrine.
NORTH.
It might — if granted — and legitimately. But the course is plain, and the
tenor steadfast. As a child, you think that your finger is a part of yourself,
and that you feel with it. Afterwards, you find that it can be cut off without
diminishing you: and physiologists tell you, and you believe, that it does not
feel, but sends up antecedents of feeling to the brain. Am I to stop any-
where ? Not in the body. As my finger is no part of Me, no more is my
liver, or my stomach, or my heart — or my brain. When I have overworked
myself, I feel a lassitude, distinctly local, in my brain — inside of my head —
and therewithal an indolence, inertness, inability of thinking. If reflection —
as Butler more than insinuates — hesitatingly says — is independent of my brain
and body, whence the lassitude ? And how did James Watt get unconquer-
able headachs with meditating Steam-engines?
TALBOYS.
It is childish, sir, to stagger at degrees, when we have admitted the kind.
The Bishop's whole argument is to show, that the thing in us which feels, wills,
thinks, is distinct from our body ; that I am one thing, and my body another.
NORTH.
Have we Sours ? If we have — they can live after the body — cannot perish
with it ; if we have not — wo betide us all !
8EWARD.
Will you, sir, be pleased to sum up the Argument of the First Chapter of the
Analogy ?
NORTH.
No. Do you. You have heard it — and you understand it.
SEWARD.
I cannot venture on it.
NORTH.
Do you, my excellent Talboys — for you know the Book as well as I do
myself.
TALBOYS.
That the Order of Nature shows us great and wonderful changes, which
the living being undergoes — and arising from beginnings inconceivably
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 389
low, to higher and higher conditions of consciousness and action ; —
That hence an exaltation of our Powers by the change Death, would be con-
gruous to the progress which we have witnessed in other creatures, and have
experienced in ourselves ; — That the fact, that before Death we possess
Powers of acting, and suffering, and enjoying, affords a primd facie probabi-
lity that, after Death, we shall continue to possess them ; because it is a con-
stant presumption in Nature, and one upon which we constantly reason and
rely, speculatively and practically, that all things will continue as they are,
unless a cause appear sufficient for changing them ; — But that in Death no-
thing appears which should suffice to destroy the Powers of Action, Enjoy-
ment, and Suffering in a Living Being ; — For that in all we know of Death
we know the destruction of parts instrumental to the uses of a Living
Being; — But that of any destruction reaching, or that we have reason to sup-
pose to reach the Living Being, we know nothing ; — That the Unity of Con-
sciousness persuades us that the Being in which Consciousness essentially
resides is one and indivisible — by any accident, Death inclusive, indiscerp-
tible ; — That the progress of diseases, growing till they kill the mortal body,
but leaving the Faculties of the Soul in full force to the last gasp of living
breath, is a particular argument, establishing this independence of the Living
Being — the Spirit — which is the Man himself — upon the accidents which may
befall the perishable Frame.
NORTH.
Having seen, then, a Natural Probability that the principle within us, which
is the seat and source of Thought and Feeling, and of such Life as can be im-
parted to the Body, will subsist undestroyed by the changes of the Body — and
having recognised the undoubted Power of the Creator — if it pleases Him —
indefinitely to prolong the life which He has given — how would you and I,
my dear Friends, proceed — from the ground thus gained — and on which — with
Butler — we take our stand — to speak farther of reasons for believing in the
Immortality of the Soul ?
SEWARD.
I feel, sir, that I have already taken more than my own part in this conver-
sation. We should have to inquire, sir, whether in His known attributes, and
in the known modes of His government, we could ascertain any causes making
it probable that He will thus prolong our existence — and we find many such
grounds of confidence.
NORTH.
Go on, my dear Seward.
SEWARD.
If you please, sir, be yours the closing words — for the Night.
.WORTH.
The implanted longing in every human bosom for such permanent exist-
ence— the fixed anticipation of it — and the recoil from annihilation — seem
to us intimation vouchsafed by the Creator of His designs towards
us ; — the horror with which Remorse awakened by sin looks beyond the
Grave, partakes of the same prophetical inspiration. We see how precisely the
lower animals are fitted to the places which they hold upon the earth, with
instincts that exactly supply their needs, with no powers that are not here
satisfied — while we, as if out of place, only through much difficult experience
can adapt ourselves to the physical circumstances into which we are intro-
duced— and thus, in one respect, furnished below our condition, are, on the
other hand, by the aspirations of our higher faculties, raised infinitely above
it — as if intimating that whilst those creatures here fulfil the purpose of their
creation, here we do not — and, therefore, look onward ; — That whilst our
other Powers, of which the use is over, decline in the course of nature as Death
approaches, our Moral and Intellectual Faculties often go on advancing to the
last, as if showing that they were drawing nigh to their proper sphere of ac-
tion ; — That whilst the Laws regulating the Course of Human Affairs visibly
proceed from a Ruler who favours Virtue, and who frowns upon Vice, yet that a
just retribution does not seem uniformly earned out in the good success of
well-doers, and the ill success of evil-doers — so that we are led on by the
390 Christopher under Canvass. [Sept. 1849.
constitution of our souls to look forward to a world in which that which here
looks like Moral Disorder, might be reduced into Order, and the Justice of the
Kuler and the consistency of His Laws vindicated ; — That in studying the
arrangements of this world, we see that in many cases dispositions of Human
affairs, which, upon their first aspect, appeared to us evil, being more clearly
examined and better known, resulted in good — and thence draw a hope that
the stroke which daunts our imagination, as though it were the worst of evils,
will prove, Avhen known, a dispensation of bounty — " Death the Gate of Life,"
opening into a world in which His beneficent hand, if not nearer to us than here,
will be more steadily visible— no clouds interposing between the eyes of our soul
and their Sun ; — That the perplexity which oppresses our Understanding from
the sight of this world, in which the Good and Evil seem intermixed and crossing
each other, almost vanishes, when we lift up our thoughts to contemplate this mu-
table scene as a place of Probation and of Discipline, where Sorrows and Suffer-
ings are given to school us to Virtue — as the Arena where Virtue strives in the
laborious and perilous contest, of which it shall hereafter receive the well- won
and glorious crown ; — That we draw confidence in the same conclusions, from
observing how closely allied and agreeing to each other are the Two Great
Truths of Natural Religion, the Belief in God and the Belief in our own
Immortality ; so that, when we have received the idea of God, as the Great
Governor of the Universe, the belief in our own prolonged existence appears
to us as a necessary part of that Government ; or if, upon the physical argu-
ments, we have admitted the independent conviction of our Immortality, this
doctrine appears to us barren and comfortless, until we understand that this con-
tinuance of our Being is to bring us into the more untroubled fruition of that
Light, which here shines upon us, often through mist and cloud ; — That in all
these high doctrines we are instructed to rest more securely, as we find the
growing harmony of one solemn conviction with another — as we find that all
our better and nobler Faculties co-operate with one another — and these pre-
dominating principles carry us to these convictions — so that our Under-
standing then first begins to possess itself in strength and light when the
heart has accepted the Moral Law ; — But that our Understanding is only fully
at ease, and our Moral Nature itself, with all its affections, only fully sup-
ported and expanded, when both together have borne us on to the knowledge
of Him who is the sole Source of Law — the highest Object of Thought — the
Favourer of Virtue — towards whom Love may eternally grow, and still be
infinitely less than His due — till we have reached this knowledge, and with it
the steadfast hope that the last act of this Life joins us to Him — does not for
ever shut us up in the night of Oblivion ; — And we have strengthened our-
selves in inferences forced upon us by remembering how humankind has con-
sented in these Beliefs, as if they were a part of our Nature — and by remem-
bering farther, how, by the force of these Beliefs, human Societies have sub-
sisted and been held together — how Laws have been sanctioned, and how
Virtues, Wisdom, and all the good and great works of the Human Spirit
have, under these influences, been produced ; — Surely GREAT is THE POWER
of all these concurrent considerations brought from every part of our Nature —
from the Material and the Immaterial — from the Intellectual and Moral — from
the Individual and the Social — from that which respects our existence on this
side of the grave, and that which respects our existence beyond it — from that
which looks down upon the Earth, and that which looks up towards
Heaven.
Printed by William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh.
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. CCCCVIII.
OCTOBER, 1849.
VOL. LXVI.
THE CAXTONS. — PART THE LAST.
CHAPTER CI.
ADIEU, thou beautiful land ! Canaan
of the exiles, and Ararat to many a
shattered ark ! Fair cradle of a race
for whom the unbounded heritage of
a future, that no sage can conjecture,
no prophet divine, lies afar in the
golden promise-light of Time ! — des-
tined, perchance, from the sins and
sorrows of a civilisation struggling
with its own elements of decay, to
renew the youth of the world, and
transmit the great soul of England
through the cycles of Infinite Change.
All climates that can best ripen the
products of earth, or form into various
character and temper the different
families of man, "rain influences" from
the heaven, that smiles so benignly
on those who had once shrunk, ragged,
from the wind, or scowled on the
thankless sun. Here, the hardy air
of the chill Mother Isle, there the mild
warmth of Italian autumns, or the
breathless glow of the tropics. And
•with the beams of every climate, glides
subtle HOPE. Of her there, it may
be said as of Light itself, in those ex-
quisite lines of a neglected poet —
" Through the soft ways of heaven, and air,
and sea,
Which open all their pores to thee ;
Like a clear river thou dost glide —
All the world's bravery, that delights our
eyes,
Is but thy several liveries ;
Thou the rich dye on them bestowest ;
Thy nimble pencil paints the landscape as
thou goest."*
Adieu, my kind nurse and sweet
foster-mother! — a long and a last
adieu ! Never had I left thee but for
that louder voice of Nature which calls
the child to the parent, and woos us
from the labours we love the best by
the chime in the Sabbath-bells of Home.
No one can tell how dear the memory
of that wild Bush-life becomes to him
who has tried it with a fitting spirit.
How often it haunts him in the com-
monplace of more civilised scenes !
Its dangers, its risks, its sense of
animal health, its bursts of adventure,
its intervals of careless repose — the
fierce gallop through a very sea of
wide rolling plains — the still saunter,
at night, through woods never chang-
ing their leaves — with the moon, clear
as sunshine, stealing slant through
their clusters of flowers. With what
an effort we reconcile ourselves to the
trite cares and vexed pleasures, " the
quotidian ague of frigid impertinences,"
to which we return ! How strong and
black stands my pencil-mark in this
passage of the poet from which I have
just quoted before ! —
"We are here among the vast and
noble scenes of Nature — we are there
among the pitiful shifts of policy ; we
walk here, in the light and open ways
of the Divine Bounty — we grope there,
in the dark and confused labyrinth of
human malice." f
But I Aveary you, reader. The New
World vanishes — now a line — now a
* Cowley's Ode to Light.
t Cowley on Town and Country.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVIII.
(Discourse on Agriculture.)
392
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
[Oct.
speck: let us turn away, with the face
to the Old.
Among my fellow-passengers, how
many there are returning home dis-
gusted, disappointed, impoverished,
ruined, throwing themselves again on
those unsuspecting poor friends, 'who
thought they had done with the luck-
less good-for-naughts for ever. For
don't let me deceive thee, reader, into
supposing that every adventurer to
Australia has the luck of Pisistratus.
Indeed, though the poor labourer, and
especially the poor operative from
London and the great trading towns,
(who has generally more of the quick
knack of learning — the adaptable fa-
culty— required in a new colony, than
the simple agricultural labourer,) are
pretty sure to succeed, the class to
which I belong is one in which failures
are numerous, and success the ex-
ception— I mean young men with
scholastic education and the habits of
gentlemen — with small capitals and
sanguine hopes. But this, in ninety-
nine times out of a hundred, is not the
fault of the colony, but of the emi-
grants. It requires, not so much
intellect as a peculiar turn of intellect,
and a fortunate combination of physi-
cal qualities, easy temper, and quick
mother- wit, to make a small capitalist
a prosperous Bushman. * And if you
could see the sharks that swim round
a man just dropped at Adelaide or
Sydney, with one or two thousand
pounds in his pocket ! Hurry out of
the towns as Fast as you can, my young
emigrant; turn a deaf ear, for the
present at least, to all jobbers and
speculators ; make friends with some
practised old Bushman ; spend several
months at his station before you hazard
your capital ; take with you a temper
to bear everything and sigh for no-
thing ; put your whole heart in what
you are about ; never call upon Her-
cules when your cart sticks in the rut,
and, whether you feed sheep or breed
cattle, your success is but a question
of time.
But, whatever I owed to nature, I
owed also something to fortune. I
bought my sheep at little more than
7s. each. When I left, none were
worth less than 15s., and the fat sheep
were worth £l.f I had an excellent
shepherd, and my whole care, night
and day, was the improvement of the
flock. I was fortunate, too, in enter-
ing Australia before the system mis-
called "The Wakefield"t had dimin-
ished the supply of labour and raised
* How true are the following remarks : —
" Action is the first great requisite of a colonist, (that is, a pastoral or agricultural
settler.) With a young man, the tone of his mind is more important than his pre-
vious pursuits. I have known men of an active, energetic, contented disposition,
with a good flow of animal spirits, who had been bred in luxury and refinement,
succeed better than men bred as farmers, who were always hankering after bread
and beer, and market ordinaries of Old England. ... To be dreaming when
you should be looking after your cattle, is a terrible drawback. . . . There are
certain persons who, too lazy and too extravagant to succeed in Europe, sail for
Australia under the idea that fortunes are to be made there by a sort of legerdemain,
spend or lose their capital in a very short space of time, and return to England to
abuse the place, the people, and everything connected with colonisation." — Sidney's
Australian Handbook — admirable for its wisdom and compactness.
t Lest tbis seem an exaggeration, I venture to annex an extract from a MS. letter
to the author from Mr George Blakeston Wilkinson, author of South A ustralia.
" I will instance the case of one person, who had been a farmer in England, and
emigrated with about £2000 about seven years since. On his arrival, he found that
the prices of sheep had fallen from about 30s. to 5s. or 6s. per head, and he bought
some well-bred flocks at these prices. He was fortunate in obtaining a good and
extensive run, and he devoted the whole of his time to improving his flocks, and
encouraged his shepherds by rewards ; so that, in about four years, his original num-
ber of sheep had increased from 2500 (which cost him £700) to 7000 ; and the
breed and wool were also so much improved that he could obtain £1 per head for
2000 fat sheep, and 15s. per head for the other 5000, and this at a time when the
general price of sheep was from 10s. to 16s. This alone increased his original capital,
invested in sheep, from £700 to £5700. The profits from the wool paid the whole of
his expenses and wages for his men."
t I felt sure, from the first, that the system called " The Wakefield" could never
fairly represent the ideas of Mr Wakefield himself, whose singular breadth of under-
1849.]
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
393
the price of land. When the change
came, (like most of those with large
allotments and surplus capital,) it
greatly increased the value of my own
property, though at the cost of a ter-
rible blow on the general interests of
the colony. I was lucky, too, in the
additional venture of a cattle station,
and in the breed of hdrses and herds,
which, in the five years devoted to
that branch establishment, trebled the
sum invested therein, exclusive of the
advantageous sale of the station. * I
was lucky, also, as I have stated, in
the purchase and resale of lands, at
Uncle Jack's recommendation. And,
lastly, I left in time, and escaped a
very disastrous crisis in colonial af-
fairs, which I take the liberty of
attributing entirely to the mischievous
crotchets of theorists at home, who
want to set all clocks by Greenwich
time, forgetting that it is morning
in one part of the world at the time
they are tolling the curfew in the
other.
CHAPTER Cn.
London once more ! How strange,
lone, and savage I feel in the streets.
I am ashamed to have so much health
and strength, when I look at those
slim forms, stooping backs, and pale
faces. I pick my way through the
crowd with the merciful timidity of a
good-natured giant. I am afraid of
jostling against a man for fear the col-
lision should kill him. I get out of
the way of a thread-paper clerk, and
'tis a wonder I am not run over by the
omnibuses ; — I feel as if I could run
over them ! I perceive, too, that there
is something outlandish, peregrinate,
and lawless about me. Beau Brum-
mell would certainly have denied me
all pretension to the simple air of a
gentleman, for every third passenger
turns back to look at me. I retreat
to my hotel — send for bootmaker,
hatter, tailor, and haircutter. I
humanise myself from head to foot.
Even Ulysses is obliged to have re-
course to the arts of Minerva, and, to
speak unmetaphorically, " smarten
himself up," before the faithful Pene-
lope condescends to acknowledge him.
The artificers promise all despatch.
Meanwhile I hasten to re-make ac-
quaintance with my mother country
over files of the Times, Post, Chronicle,
and Herald. Nothing comes amiss to
me, but articles on Australia ; from
those I turn aside with the true
pshaw-supercilious of your practical
man.
No more are leaders filled with
praise and blame of Trevanion.
" Percy's spur is cold." Lord Ulver-
stone figures only in the Court Circular,
or " Fashionable Movements." Lord
Ulverstone entertains a royal duke at
dinner, or dines in turn with a royal
duke, or has come to town, or gone
out of it. At most, (faint Platonic
reminiscence of the former life,) Lord
Ulverstone says in the House of
Lords a few words on some question,
not a party one ; and on which (though
affecting perhaps the interests of some
few thousands, or millions, as the case
may be) men speak without " hears,"
and are inaudible in the gallery ; or
Lord Ulverstone takes the chair at an
agricultural meeting, or rettirns thanks
when his health is drank at a dinner
at Guildhall. But the daughter rises
as the father sets, though over a very
different kind of world.
" First ball of the season at Castle -
ton House!" Long descriptions of
standing, and various knowledge of mankind, belied the notion that fathered on him
the clumsy execution of a theory wholly inapplicable to a social state like Australia.
I am glad to see that he has vindicated himself from the discreditable paternity. But
I grieve to find that he still clings to one cardinal error of the system, in the dis-
couragement of small holdings, and that he evades, more ingeniously than ingenu-
ously, the important question — " What should be the minimum price of land \ "
' The profits of cattle-farming are smaller than those of the sheepowner, (if the
latter have good luck, for much depends upon that,) but cattle-farming is much more
safe as a speculation, and less care, knowledge, and management are required. £2000,
laid out on 700 head of cattle, if good runs be procured, might increase the capital
in five years, from £2000 to £6000, besides enabling the owner to maintain himself,
pay wages, &o."—M8. letter from G. B. Wilkinson.
The Cantons.— Part the Last.
[Oct.
the rooms and the company; above
all, of the hostess. Lines on the
Marchioness of Castleton's picture iu
the " Book of Beauty," by the Hon.
Fitzroy Fiddledum, beginning with,
•" Art thou an angel from," &c. — a
paragraph that pleased me more on
" Lady Castleton's Infant School, at
Raby Park ; " then again — " Lady
Castleton, the new patroness at
Almacks ; " a criticism more rapturous
than ever gladdened living poet, on
Lady Castleton's superb diamond
stomacher, just re- set by Storr and
Mortimer ; Westmacott's bust of Lady
Castleton ; Landseer's picture of Lady
Castleton and her children, in the
eostume of the olden time. Not a
month in that long file of the Morning
Post but what Lady Castleton shone
forth from the rest of womankind —
" Velut inter ignes
Luna minores."
The blood mounted to my cheek.
Was it to this splendid constellation
in the patrician heaven that my obs-
cure, portionless youth had dared to
lift its presumptuous eyes ? But
what is this? "Indian intelligence
— Skilful Retreat of the Sepoys, under
Captain de Caxton!" A captain
already — what is the date of the news-
paper? Three months ago. The lead-
ing article quotes the name with high
praise. Is there no leaven of envy
amidst the joy at my heart? How
obscure has been my career — how
laurel-less my poor battle with adverse
fortune ! Fie, Pisistratus ! I am
ashamed of thee. Has this accursed
Old "\Vorld, with its feverish rivalries,
diseased thee already? Get thee
home, quick, to the arms of thy
mother, the embrace of thy father —
hear Roland's low blessing, that thou
hast helped to minister to the very
fame of that son. If thou wilt have
ambition, take it, not soiled and foul
with the mire of London. Let it
spring fresh and hardy in the calm
air of wisdom ; and fed, as with dews,
by the loving charities of Home.
CHAPTER CIH.
It was at sunset that I stole through
the ruined courtyard, having left my
chaise at the foot of the hUl below.
Though they whom I came to seek
knew that I had arrived in England,
they did not, from my letter, expect
me till the next day. I had stolen a
march upon them ; and now, in spite
of all the impatience which had urged
me thither, I was afraid to enter —
afraid to see the change more than
ten years had made in those forms,
for which, in my memory, Time had
stood still. And Roland had, even
when we parted, grown old before his
time. Then, my father was in the
meridian of life, now hehad approached
to the decline. And my mother,
whom I remembered so fair, as if the
freshness of her own heart had pre-
served the soft bloom to the cheek —
I could not bear to think that she
was no longer young. Blanche, too,
whom I had left a child — Blanche,
my constant correspondent during
those long years of exile, in letters
crossed and re-crossed, with all the
small details that make the eloquence
of letter writing, so that in those epistles
I had seen her mind gradually grow
up in harmony with the veiy charac-
ters— at first vague and infantine —
then somewhat stiff with the first
graces of running hand, then dashing
off, free and facile ; and, for the last
year before I left, so formed, yet so
airy — so regular, yet so unconscious
of effort — though, in truth, as the
caligraphy had become thus matured,
I had been half vexed and half pleased
to perceive a certain reserve creeping
over the style — wishes for my return
less expressed from herself than as
messages from others ; words of the
old childlike familiarity repressed ;
and "Dearest Sisty " abandoned for
the cold form of " Dear Cousin."
Those letters, coming to me in a spot
where maiden and love had been as
myths of the bygone, phantasms and
eidola, only vouchsafed to thevisions of
fancy, had, by little and little, crept
into secret corners of my heart ; and
out of the wrecks of a former romance,
solitude and reverie had gone far to
build up the fairy domes of a romance
yet to come. My mother's letters
had never omitted to make mention
of Blanche — of her forethought and
tender activity, of her warm heart
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part the Last.
395
and sweet temper — and, in many a
little home picture, presented her
image where I would fain have placed
it, not "crystal-seeing," but join-
ing my mother in charitable visits to
the village, instructing the young,
and tending on the old, or teaching
herself to illuminate, from an old
missal in my father's collection, that
she might surprise my uncle with a
new genealogical table, with all shields
and quarterings, blazoned or, sable,
and argent; or flitting round my father
where he sat, and watching when he
looked round for some book he was
too lazy to rise for. Blanche had
made a new catalogue and got it by
heart, and knew at once from what
comer of the Heraclea to summon
the ghost. On all these little traits
had my mother been eulogistically
minute*; but somehow or other she
had never said, at least for the last
two years, whether Blanche was pretty
or plain. That was a sad omission.
I had longed just to ask that simple
question, or to imply it delicately and
diplomatically ; but, I know not why,
I never dared — for Blanche would
have been sure to have read the letter
— and what business was it of mine ?
And, if she loos ugly, what question
more awkward both to put and to an-
swer? Now, in childhood, Blanche
had just one of those faces that might
become very lovely in youth, and
would yet quite justify the suspicion
that it might become gryphonesque,
witch-like, and grim. Yes, Blanche,
it is perfectly true ! If those large,
serious black eyes took a fierce light,
instead of a tender — if that nose, which
seemed then undecided whether to
be straight or to be aquiline, arched
off in the latter direction, and assumed
the martial, Roman, and imperative
character of Roland's manly proboscis
— if that face, in childhood too thin,
left the blushes of youth to take refuge
on two salient peaks by the temples
(Cumberland air, too, is famous for
the growth of the cheek-bone \) — if all
that should happen, and it very well
might, then, O Blanche, I wish thou
hadst never written me those letters ;
and I might have done wiser things
than steel my heart so obdurately to
pretty Ellen Boldiug's blue eyes and
silk shoes. Now, combining together
all these doubts and 'apprehensions,
wonder not, O reader, why I stole so
stealthily through the ruined court-
yard, crept round to the other side of
the tower, gazed wistfully on the sun
setting slant on the high casements
of the hall, (too high, alas, to look
within,) and shrunk yet to enter ; —
doing battle, as it were, with my
heart.
Steps ! — one's sense of hearing
grows so quick in the Bushland ! —
steps, though as light as ever brushed
the dew from the harebell ! I crept
under the shadow of the huge but-
tress mantled with ivy. A form
comes from the little door at an
angle in the ruins — a woman's form.
Is it my mother ? — it is too tall, and
the step is more bounding. It winds
round the building, it turns to look
back, and a sweet voice — a voice
strange, yet familiar — calls, tender,
but chiding, to a truant that lags
behind. Poor Juba ! he is trailing
his long ears on the ground: he is
evidently much disturbed in his
mind ; now he stands still, his nose
in the air. Poor Juba! I left thee
so slim and so nimble —
" Thy form, that was fashioned as light as a
fay's,
Has assumed a proportion more round."
Years have sobered thee strangely,
and made thee obese and Primmins-
like. They have taken too good care
of thy creature comforts, 0 sensual
Mauritanian ! still, in that mystic
intelligence we call instinct, thou art
chasing something that years have
not swept from thy memory. Thou
art deaf to thy lady's voice, however
tender and chiding. That's right,
— come near — nearer — my cousin
Blanche ; let me have a fair look at
thee. Plague take the dog ! he flies
oif from her : he has found the scent
— he is making up to the buttress!
Now — pounce — he is caught! whining
ungallant discontent. Shall I not yet
see the face? it is buried in Juba's
black curls. Kisses too ! Wicked
Blanche, to waste on a dumb animal
what, I heartily hope, many a good
Christian would be exceedingly glad
of! Juba struggles in vain, and is
borne off. I don't think that those
eyes can have taken the fierce turn,
and Roland's eagle nose can never
go with that voice which has the coo
of the dove.
396
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
I leave my hiding-place, and steal
after the Voice, and its owner. Where
can she be going? Not far. She
springs up the hill whereon the lords
of the castle once administered justice
— that hill which commands the land
far and wide, and from which can be
last caught the glimpse of the west-
ering sun. How gracefully still is
that attitude of wistful repose ! Into
what delicate curves do form and
drapery harmoniously flow ! How
softly distinct stands the lithe image
against the purple hues of the sky!
Then again comes the sweet voice,
gay and carolling as a bird's — now in
snatches of song, now in playful ap-
peals to that dull four-footed friend.
She is telling him • something that
must make the black ears stand on
end, for I just catch the words, " He
is coming," and " home ! "
I cannot see the sun set where I
lurk in my ambush, amidst the brake
and the ruins ; but I feel that the orb
has passed from the landscape, in the
fresher air of the twilight, in the
deeper silence of eve. Lo ! Hesper
[Oct.
conies forth : at his signal, star after
star, come the hosts —
" Cli'eran con lui, quando Pamor divino,
Mosse da prima quelle cose belle ! "
and the sweet voice is hushed.
Then slowly the watcher descends
the hill on the opposite side — the
form escapes from my view. What
charm has gone from the twilight?
See, again, where the step steals
through the ruins and along the deso-
late court. Ah ! deep and true heart,
do I divine the remembrance that
leads thee ? I pass through the wick-
et, down the dell, skirt the laurels,
and behold the face, looking up to
the stars — the face which had nestled
to my breast in the sorrow of parting,
years, long years ago: on the grave
where we had sat, I the boy, thou
the infant — there, O Blanche ! is thy
fail- face — (fairer than the fondest
dream that had gladdened my exile)
— vouchsafed to my gaze !
"Blanche, my cousin! — again,
again — soul with soul, amidst the
dead ! Look up, Blanche ; it is I."
CHAPTER CIV.
"Go in first, and prepare them,
dear Blanche : I will wait by the door.
Leave it ajar, that I may see them."
Roland is leaning against the wall
— old armour suspended over the gray
head of the soldier. It is but a glance
that I gave to the dark cheek and
high brow : no change there for the
worse — no new sign of decay. Bather,
if anything, Roland seems younger
than when I left. Calm is the brow
— no shame on it now, Roland ; and
the lips, once so compressed, smile
with ease — no struggle now, Roland,
" not to complain." A glance shows
me all this.
" Papa?! " says my father, and I hear
the fall of a book, " I can't read a line.
He is coming to-rnorrow ! — to-mor-
row ! If we lived to the age of Me-
thusalem, Kitty, we could never
reconcile philosophy and man ; that
is, if the poor man's to be plagued
with a good affectionate son !"
And my father gets up and walks
to and fro. One minute more, father
— one minute more — and I am on thy
breast ! Time, too, has dealt gently
with thee, as he doth with those for
whom the wild passions and keen
cares of the world never sharpen his
scythe. The broad front looks more
broad, for the locks are more scanty
and thin ; but still not a furrow !
Whence comes that short sigh ?
" What is really the time, Blanche ?
Did you look at the turret clock ?
Well, just go and look again."
" Kitty," quoth my father, " you
have not only asked what time it is
thrice within the last ten minutes, but
you have got my watch, and Roland's
great chronometer, and the Dutch
clock out of the kitchen, all before
you, and they all concur in the same
tale — to-day is not to-morrow."
" They are all wrong, I know," said
my mother, with mild firmness ; "and
they've never gone right since he left."
Now out comes a letter — for I hear
the rustle — and then a step glides to-
wards the lamp ; and the dear, gentle,
womanly face — fair still, fair ever for
me — fair as when it bent over my
pillow, in childhood's first sickness, or
when we threw flowers at each other
1849.]
on the lawii at sunny noon ! And
no\v Blanche is whispering ; and now
the nutter, the start, the cry — "It is
true ! it is true ! Your arms, mother.
The Caxtons—Part the Last.
307
Close, close round my neck, as in the
old time. Father ! Roland, too ! Oh
joy ! joy ! joy ! home again — home
till death!"
CHAPTER CV.
From a dream of the Bushland,
howling dingoes,* and the war-whoop
of the wild men, I wake and see the
sun shining in through the jasmine
that Blanche herself has had traiued
round the window — old school-books,
neatly ranged round the wall — fishing
rods, cricket-bats, foils, and the old-
fashioned gun,— and my mother seated
by the bedside — and Juba whining
and scratching to get up. Had I
taken thy murmured blessing, my
mother, for the whoop of the blacks,
and Juba's low whine for the howl of
the dingoes ?
Then what days of calm exquisite
delight ! — the interchange of heart with
heart ; what walks with Roland, and
tales of him once our shame, now our
pride ; and the art Avith which the old
man would lead those walks round by
the village, that some favourite gossips
might stop and ask, " What news of
his brave young honour ? "
I strive to engage my uncle in my
projects for the repair of the ruins —
for the culture of those wide bogs and
moorlands : why is it that he turns
away, and looks down embarrassed ?
Ah, I guess! — his true heir now is
restored to him. He cannot consent
that I should invest this dross, for
which (the Great Book once published)
I have no other use, in the house and
the lands that will pass to his sou.
Neither would he suffer me so to in-
vest even his son's fortune, the bulk of
which I still hold in trust for that son.
True, in his career, my cousin may
require to have his money always
forthcoming. But I, who have no
career, — pooh ! these scruples will rob
me of half the pleasure my years of toil
were to purchase. I must contrive it
somehow or other : what if he would
let me house and moorland on a'long
improving lease ? Then, for the rest,
there is a pretty little property to be
sold close by, on which I can retire
when my cousin, as heir of the family,
comes, perhaps with a wife, to reside
at the Tower. I must consider of all
this, and talk it over with Bolt when
my mind is at leisure from happiness
to turn to such matters ; meanwhile
I fall back on my favourite proverb,
— " Where tliere's a will there's a way."
What smiles and tears, and laughter
and careless prattle with my mother,
and roundabout questions from her, to
kuow if I had never lost my heart in the
Bush ; and evasive answers from me,
to punish her for not letting out that
Blanche was so charming. " I fancied
Blanche had grown the image of her
father, who has a fine martial head
certainly, but not seen to advantage
in petticoats ! How could you be so
silent with a theme so attractive ?"
" Blanche made me promise."
Why ? I wonder. Therewith I fell
musing.
What quiet delicious hours are
spent with my father in his study, or
by the pond, where he still feeds the
carps, that have grown into Ceprini-
dian leviathans. The duck, alas !
has departed this life — the only victim
that the Grim King has carried off;
so I mourn, but am resigned to that
lenient composition of the great tribute
to Nature. I am sorry to say the
Great Book has advanced but slowly
— by no means yet fit for publication,
for it is resolved that it shall not come
out as first proposed, a part at a time,
but totus, teres, atque rotundus. The
matter has spread beyond its original
compass ; no less than five volumes —
and those of the amplest — will contain
the History of Human Error. How-
ever, we are far in the fourth, and one
must not hurry Minerva.
My father is enchanted with Uncle
Jack's " noble conduct," as he calls it ;
but he scolds me for taking the money,
and doubts as to the propriety of re-
turning it. In these matters my father
is quite as Quixotical as Roland. I
am forced to call in my mother as
umpire between us, and she settles the
matter at once by an appeal to feeling.
Dingoes — the name given by Australian natives to the wild dogs.
398
TJie Caxtons.—Part the Last.
[Oct.
" Ah, Austin ! do you not humble me,
if you are too proud to accept what is
due to you from my brother "
" Velit, nolit, quod arnica" an-
swered my father, taking off and rub-
bing his spectacles — "which means,
Kitty, that when a man's married he
has no will of his own. To think,"
added Mr Caxton, musingly, " that
in this world one cannot be sure of the
simplest mathematical definition ! You
see, Pisistratus, that the angles of a
triangle so decidedly scalene as your
Uncle Jack's, may be equal to the
angles of a right-angled triangle after
all !"*
The long privation of books has
quite restored all my appetite for them.
How much I have to pick up ! — what
a compendious scheme of reading I
and my father chalk out. I see
enough to fill up all the leisure of
life. But, somehow or other, Greek
and Latin stand still : nothing charms
me like Italian. Blanche and I are
reading Metastasio, to the great indig-
nation of my father, who calls it
"rubbish," and wants to substitute
Dante. I have no associations at pre-
sent with the souls
" Che son content!
Nel fuoco ; "
I am already one of the " beate
gente." Yet, in spite of Metastasio,
Blanche and I are not so intimate as
cousins ought to be. If we are by
accident alone, I become as silent as
a Turk, as formal as Sir Charles
Grandison. I caught myself calling
her Miss Blanche the other day.
I must not forget thee, honest
Squills ! — nor thy delight at my health
and success ; nor thy exclamation of
pride, (one hand on my pulse and the
other griping hard the " ball " of my
arm,) "It all comes of my citrate of
iron ; nothing like it for children ; it
has an effect on the cerebral develop-
ments of hope and combativeness."
Nor can I wholly omit mention of poor
Mrs Primmins, who still calls me
" Master Sisty," and is breaking her
heart that I will not wear the new
flannel waistcoats she had such plea-
sure in making — "Young gentlemen
just growing up are so apt to go off in a
galloping 'sumption !" " She knew just
such another as Master Sisty, when
she lived at Torquay, who wasted
away, and went out like a snuff, all
because he would not wear flannel
waistcoats." Therewith my mother
looks grave, and says, " One can't
take too much precaution."
Suddenly the whole neighbourhood
is thrown into commotion. Trevanion
— I beg his pardon, Lord Ulverstone
— is coming to settle for good at
Compton. Fifty hands are employed
daily in putting the grounds into hasty
order. Fonrgons, and waggons, and
vans have disgorged all the necessaries
a great man requires, where he means
to eat, drink, and sleep — books, wines,
pictures, furniture. I recognise my
old patron still. He is in earnest,
whatever he does. I meet my friend,
his steward, who tells me that Lord
Ulverstone finds his favourite seat,
near London, too exposed to interrup-
tion ; and, moreover, that as he has
there completed all improvements that
wealth and energy can effect, he hag
less occupation for agricultural pur-
suits, to which he has grown more
and more partial, than on the wide
and princely domain which has hither-
to wanted the master's eye. " He is
a bra' farmer, I know," quoth the
steward, " so far as the theory goes ;
but I don't think we in the north wan*
great lords to teach us how to follow
the pleugh." The steward's sense of
dignity is hurt ; but he is an hones*
fellow, and really glad to see the
family come to settle in the old place.
They have arrived, and with them
the Castletons, and a whole posse
comitatus of guests. The County
Paper is full of fine names.
' ' What on earth didLord Ulverstone
mean by pretending to get out of the
way of troublesome visitors ? "
"My dear Pisistratus," answered
* Not having again to advert to Uncle Jack, I may be pardoned for informing the
reader, by way of annotation, that he continues to prosper surprisingly in Aus-
tralia, though the Tibbets' Wheal stands still for want of workmen. Despite of a
few ups and downs, I have had no fear of his success until this year, (1849,) when I
tremble to think what effect the discovery of the gold mines in California may have
on his lively imagination. If thou escapest that snare, Uncle Jack, res acfe,tutus eris, —
thou art safe for life !
1849.]
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
my father to that exclamation, " it
is not the visitors who come, bnt the
visitors who stay away, that most
trouble the repose of a retired minister.
In all the procession, he sees but the
images of Brutus and Cassius — that
are not there ! And depend on it, also,
a retirement so near London did not
make noise enough. You see, a re-
tiring statesman is like that fine carp
— the farther he leaps from the water,
the greater splash he makes in falling
into the weeds! But," added Mr
Caxton, in a repentant tone, "this
jesting does not become us ; and, if I
indulged it, it is only because I am
heartily glad that Trevaniou is likely
now to find out his true vocation.
And as soon as the fine people he
brings with him have left him alone
in his library, I trust he will settle to
that vocation, and be happier than he
has been yet."
" And that vocation, sir, is — "
Metaphysics ! " said my father.
" He will be quite at home in puzzling
over Berkeley, andconsidering whether
the Speaker's chair, and the official
red boxes, were really things whose
ideas of figure, extension, and hard-
ness, were all in the mind. It will
be a great consolation to him to agree
with Berkeley, and to find that he has
only been baffled by immaterial phan-
tasma!"
My father was quite right. The
repining, subtle, truth-weighing Tre-
vanion, plagued by his conscience in-
to seeing all sides of a question, (for
the least question has more than two
sides, and is hexagonal at least,) was
much more fitted to discover the origin
of ideas than to convince Cabinets
and Nations that two and two make
four — a proposition on which he him-
self would have agreed with Abraham
Tucker, where that most ingenious
and suggestive of all English meta-
physicians observes, "Well persuaded
as I am that two and two make four,
if I were to meet with a person of
credit, candour, and understanding,
who should sincerely call it in question,
I would give him a hearing ; for I am
not more certain of that than of the
whole being greater than a part. And
yet I could myself suggest some con-
siderations that might seem to contro-
vert this point"* I can so well imagine
Trevanion listening to " some person
of credit, candour, and understanding,"
in disproof of that vulgar proposition
that twice two make four ! But the
news of this arrival, including that of
Lady Castleton, disturbed me greatly,
and I took to long wanderings alone.
In one of these rambles, they all called
at the Tower — Lord and Lady Ulver-
stone, the Castletons, and their chil-
dren. I escaped the visit; and on
my return home, there was a certain
delicacy respecting old associations,
that restrained much talk before me
on so momentous an event. Roland,
like me, had kept out of the way.
Blanche, poor child, ignorant of the
antecedents, was the most communi-
cative. And the especial theme she
selected — was the grace and beauty of
Lady Castleton !
A pressing invitation to spend some
days at the castle had been cor-
dially given to all. It was accep-
ted only by myself: I wrote word
that I would come.
Yes ; I longed to prove the strength
of my own self-conquest, and accu-
rately test the nature of the feelings
that had disturbed me. That any senti-
ment which could be called love
remained for Lady Castleton, the
wife of another, and that other a man-
with so many claims on my affection
as her lord, I held as a moral impos-
sibility. But, with all those lively
impressions of early youth still en-
graved on my heart — impressions
of the image of Fanny Trevanion,
as the fairest and brightest of human
beings — could I feel free to love
again? Could I seek to woo, and
rivet to myself for ever, the entire
and virgin affections of another, while
there was a possibility that I might
compare and regret? No; either
I must feel that, if Fanny were
again single — could be mine without
obstacle, human or divine — she
had ceased to be the one I would
single out of the world; or, though
regarding love as the dead, I would
be faithful to its memory and its
* L'ujht of Nature — chapter on Judgment. — See the very ingenious illustration of
doubt, "whether the part is always greater than the whole " — taken from time, or
rather eternity.
400
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
[Oct.
ashes. My mother sighed, and
looked fluttered and uneasy all the
morning of the day on which I was
to repair to Compton. She even
seemed cross, for about the third time
in her life, and paid no compliment
to Mr Stultz, when my shooting-
jacket was exchanged for a black
frock, which that artist had pro-
nounced to be " splendid ; " neither
did she honour me with any of those
little attentions to the contents of my
portmanteau, and the perfect "getting
up " of my white waistcoats and
cravats, which made her natural
instincts on such memorable occa-
sions. There was also a sort of que-
rulous pitying tenderness in her tone
when she spoke to Blanche, which
was quite pathetic; though, for-
tunately, its cause remained dark
and impenetrable to the innocent
comprehension of one who could not
see where the past filled the unis of
the future, at the fountain of life.
My father understood me better —
shook me by the hand, as I got into
the chaise, and muttered, out of
Seneca —
" Non tanquam tra nsfuga, sed tanquam
explorator! "
' Not to desert, but examine/
Quite right.
CHAPTER CVI.
Agreeably to the usual custom in
great houses, as soon as I arrived at
Compton I was conducted to my
room, to adjust my toilet, or com-
pose my spirits by solitude : — it
wanted an hour to dinner. I had
not, however, been thus left ten
minutes, before the door opened, and
Trevanion himself, (as I would fain
still call him) stood before me. Most
cordial were his greeting and wel-
come ; and, seating himself by my
side, he continued to converse, in his
peculiar way — bluntly eloquent, and
carelessly learned — till the half hour
bell rang. He talked on Australia,
the Wakefield system — cattle — books,
his trouble in arranging his library —
his schemes for improving his pro-
perty, and embellishing his grounds —
his delight to find my father look so
well — his determination to see a great
deal of him, whether his old college
friend would or no. He talked, in
short, of everything except politics,
and his own past career — showing only
his soreness in that silence. But (in-
dependently of the mere work of time,)
he looked yet more worn and jaded in
his leisure than he had done in the full
tide of business ; and his former ab-
rupt quickness of manner now seemed
to partake of feverish excitement. I
hoped that my father would see much
of him, for I felt that the weary mind
wanted soothing.
Just as the second bell rang, I en-
tered the drawing-room. There were
at least twenty guests present — each
guest, no doubt, some planet of fashion
or fame, with satellites of its own.
But I saw only two forms distinctly —
first, Lord Castleton, conspicuous
with star and garter, somewhat am-
pler and portlier in proportions, and
with a frank dash of gray in the silky
waves of his hair, but still as pre-
eminent as ever for that beauty —
the charm of which depends less than
any other upon youth — arising, as it
does, from a felicitous combination of
bearing and manner, and that exqui-
site suavity of expression which steals
into the heart, and pleases so much
that it becomes a satisfaction to ad-
mire ! Of Lord Castleton, indeed, it
might be said, as of Alcibiades, ' that
he was beautiful at every age.' I felt
my breath come thick, and a mist
passed before my eyes, as Lord Cas-
tleton led me through the crowd, and
the radiant vision of Fanny Treva-
ion, how altered — and how dazzling !
— burst upon me.
I felt the light touch of that hand
of snow ; but no guilty thrill shot
through my veins. I heard the voice,
musical as ever — lower than it was
once, and more subdued in its key,
but steadfast and untremulous — it was
no longer the voice that made "my
soul plant itself in the ears." * The
* Sir Philip Sidney.
1849.]
event was over, and I knew that the
dream had fled from the wakiiig world
for ever.
"Another old friend!" as Lady
Ulverstone came forth from a little
group of children, leading one fine
boy of nine years old, while one, t\vo
or three years 3rounger, clung to her
gown. " Another old friend ! — and,"
added Lady Ulverstone, after the first
kind greetings, "two new ones, when
the old are gone." The slight melan-
choly left the voice, as, after presenting
to me the little viscount, she drew
forward the more bashful Lord Albert,
who indeed had something of his
grandsire's and namesake's look of re-
fined intelligence in his brow and eyes.
The watchful tact of Lord Castleton
was quick in terminating whatever
embarrassment might belong to these
introductions, as, leaning lightly on
my arm, he drew me forward, and
presented me to the guests more im-
mediately in our neighbourhood, who
seemed by their earnest cordiality to
have been already prepared for the
introduction.
Dinner was now announced, and I
welcomed that sense of relief and se-
gregation with which one settles into
one's own "particular" chair at your
large miscellaneous entertainments.
I stayed three days at that house.
How truly had Trevanion said that
Fanny would make " an excellent
great lady." What perfect harmony
between her manners and her position;
just retaining enough of the girl's se-
ductive gaiety and bewitching desire
to please, to soften the new dignity of
bearingshe had unconsciously assumed
— less, after all, as great lady than as
wife and mother: with a fine breeding,
perhaps a little languid and artificial,
as compared with her lord's — which
sprang, fresh and healthful, wholly
from nature — but still so void of all
the chill of condescension, or the subtle
impertinence that belongs to that order
of the inferior noblesse, which boasts
the name of " exclusives ; " with what
grace, void of prudery, she took the
adulation of the flatterers, turning
from them to her children, or escaping
lightly to Lord Castleton, with an
ease that drew round her at once the
protection of hearth and home.
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
401
And certainly Lady Castleton was
more incoutestably beautiful than
Fanny Trevanion had been.
All this I acknowledged, not with a
sigh and a pang, but with a pure feeling
of pride and delight. I might have
loved madly and presumptuously, as
boys will do ; but I had lo ved worthily ;
— the love left no blush on my man-
hood ; and Fanny's very happiness
was my perfect and total cure of every
wound in my heart not quite scarred
over before. Had she been discon-
tented, sorrowful, without joy in the
ties she had formed, there might have
been more danger that I should brood
over the past, and regret the loss of
its idol. Here there was none. And
the very improvement in her beauty
had so altered its character — so altered
— that Fanny Trevauion and Lady
Castleton seemed two persons. And,
thus observing and listening to her, I
could now dispassionately perceive
such differences in our nature as
seemed to justify Trevanion's asser-
tion, which once struck me as so
monstrous, " that we should not have
been happy had fate permitted our
union." Pure-hearted and simple
though she remained in the artificial
world, still that world was her element ;
its interests occupied her ; its talk,
though just chastened from scandal,
flowed from her lips. To borrow the
words of a man who was himself a
courtier, and one so distinguished that
he could afford to sneer at Chester-
field,* " Site had the routine of that
style of conversation which is a sort
of gold leaf, that is a great embellish-
ment where it is joined to anything
else." I will not add, "but makes a
very poor figure by itself," — for that
Lady Castleton's conversation cer-
tainly did not do — perhaps, indeed,
because it was not "by itself" — and
the gold leaf was all the better for
being thin, since it could not cover
even the surface of the sweet and ami-
able nature over which it was spread.
Still, this was not the mind in wliich
now, in maturer experience, I would
seek to find sympathy with manly
action, or companionship in the charms
of intellectual leisure.
There was about this beautiful
favourite of nature and fortune a cer-
* Lord Hervey's Memoirs of George II.
402
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
[Oct.
tain" helplessness, which had even its
grace in that high station, and -which
perhaps tended to insure her domestic
peace, for it served to attach her to
those who had won influence over her,
and was happily accompanied by a
most affectionate disposition. But-
still, if less favoured by circumstances,
less sheltered from every wind that
could visit her too roughly — if, as the
wife of a man of inferior rank, she had
failed of that high seat and silken
canopy reserved for the spoiled darlings
of fortune — that helplessness might
have become querulous. I thought of
poor Ellen Bolding and her silken
shoes. Fanny Trevanion seemed to
have come into the world with silk
shoes — not to walk where there was
a stone or a briar ! I heard something,
in the gossip of those around, that con-
firmed this view of Lady Castleton's
character, while it deepened my ad-
miration of her lord, and showed me
how wise had been her choice, and
how resolutely he had prepared him-
self to vindicate his own. One evening,
as I was sitting a little apart from the
rest, with two men of the London
world, to whose talk — for it ran upon
the on-dits and anecdotes of a region
long strange to me — I was a silent but
amused listener ; one of the two said
— "Well, I don't know anywhere a
more excellent creature than Lady
Castleton ; so fond of her children —
and her tone to Castleton so exactly
what it ought to be— so affectionate,
and yet, as it were, respectful. And
the more credit to her, if, as they say,
she was not in love with him when
she married, Cto be sure, handsome as
he is, he is twice her age !) And no
woman could have been more flattered
and courted by Lotharios and lady-
killers than Lady Castleton has been.
I confess, to my shame, that Castleton's
luck puzzles me, for it is rather an
exception to my general experience."
"My dear * * *," said the other,
who was one of those wise men of
pleasure, who occasionally startle us
into wondering how they come to be
so clever, and yet rest contented with
mere drawing-room celebrity — men
who seem always idle, yet appear to
have read everything ; always indif-
ferent to what passes before them, yet
who know the characters and divine
the secrets of everybody—" my dear
* * *," said the gentleman, "you would
not be puzzled if you had studied Lord
Castleton, instead of her ladyship. Of
all the conquests ever made by Sedlcy
Beaudesert, when the two fairest
dames of the Faubourg are said to
have fought for his smiles in the Bois
de Boulogne — no conquest ever cost
him such pains, or so tasked his know-
ledge of women, as that of his wife
after marriage ! He was not satisfied
with her hand, he was resolved to have
her whole heart, ' one entire and per-
fect chrysolite;' and he has succeeded?
Never was husband so watchful, and
so little jealous— never one who con-
fided so generously in all that was best
in his wife, yet was so alert in protect-
ing and guarding her wherever she
was weakest ! When, in the second
year of marriage, that dangerous
German Prince Von Leibenfels at-
tached himself so perseveringly to
Lady Castleton, and the scandal-
mongers pricked up their ears in hopes
of a victim, I watched Castleton with
as much interest as if I had been look-
ing over Deschappelles playing at
chess. You never saw anything so
masterly: he pitted himself against lib
highness with the cool confidence, not
of a blind spouse, but a fortunate rival.
He surpassed him in the delicacy of his
attentions, he outshone him by his
careless magnificence. Leibenfels had
the impertinence to send Lady Castle-
ton a bouquet of some rare flowers
just in fashion. Castleton, an hour
before, had filled her whole balcony
with the same costly exotics, as if they
were too common for nosegays, and
only just worthy to bloom for her a
day. Young and really accomplished
as Leibenfels is, Castleton eclipsed
him by his grace, and fooled him with
his wit : he laid little plots to turn his
mustache and guitar into ridicule \
he seduced him into a hunt with the
buckhounds, (though Castleton him-
self had not hunted before, since he
was thirty,) and drew him, spluttering
German oaths, out of the slough of a
ditch ; he made him the laughter of
the clubs; he put him fairly out of
fashion— and all with such suavity and
politeness, and bland sense of supe-
riority, that it was the finest piece of
high comedy you ever beheld. The
poor prince, who had been coxcomb
enough to lay a bet with a French-
1849.]
man as to his success with the English
in general, and Lady Castleton in
particular, went away with a face as
long as Don Quixote's. If you had
but seen him at S House, the night
before he took leave of the island, and
his comical grimace when Castleton
offered him a pinch of the Beaudesert
mixture ! No ! the fact is, that Castle-
ton made it the object of his existence,
the masterpiece of his art, to secure to
himself a happy home, and the entire
possession of his wife's heart. The
first two or three years, I fear, cost
him more trouble than any other man
ever took, with his own wife at least
— but he may now rest in peace ; Lady
Castleton is won, and for ever."
As my gentleman ceased, Lord
Castleton's noble head rose above the
group standing round him ; and I
saw Lady Castleton turn with a look
of well-bred fatigue from a handsome
young fop, who had affected to lower
his voice while he spoke to her, and,
encountering the eyes of her husband,
the look changed at once into one of
such sweet smiling affection, snch
frank unmistakeable wife-like pride,
that it seemed a response to the as-
sertion— " Lady Castleton is won, and
for ever."
Yes, that story increased my ad-
miration for Lord Castleton : it show-
ed me with what forethought and ear-
nest sense of responsibility he had
undertaken the charge of a life, the
guidance of a character yet undeve-
The Caxtons.—Part the Last.
403
loped ; it lastingly acquitted him of
the levity that had been attributed to
Sedley Beaudesert. But I felt more
than ever contented that the task had
devolved on one whose temper and
experience had so fitted him to dis-
charge it. That German prince made
me tremble from sympathy with the
husband, and in a sort of relative shud-
der for myself! Had that episode
happened to me, I could never have
drawn " high comedy" from it ! — I
could never have so happily closed
the fifth act with a pinch of the Beau-
desert mixture ! No, no ; to my
homely sense of man's life and em-
ployment, there was nothing alluring
in the prospect of watching over the
golden tree in the -garden, with a
" woe to the Argus, if Mercury once
lull him to sleep ! " Wife of mine
shall need no watching, save in sick-
ness and sorrow ! Thank Heaven,
that my way of life does not lead
through the roseate thoroughfares, be-
set with German princes laying bets
for my perdition, and fine gentlemen
admiring the skill with which I play at
chess for so terrible a stake ! To each
rank and each temper, its own laws.
I acknowledge that Fanny is an ex-
cellent marchioness, and Lord Cas-
tleton'an incomparable marquis. But,
Blanche ! if I can win thy true simple
heart, I trust I shall begin at the fifth
act of high comedy, and say at the
altar —
" Once won, won for ever ! "
CHAPTER CVII.
I rode home on a horse my host
lent me ; and Lord Castleton rode
part of the way with me, accompanied
by his two boys, who bestrode man-
fully their Shetland ponies, and can-
tered on before us. I paid some com-
pliment to the spirit and intelligence
of these children — a compliment they
well deserved, •
"Why, yes," said the marquis,
with a father's becoming pride, "I
hope neither of them will shame his
grandsire, Trevaniou. Albert (though
not quite the wonder poor Lady Ulver-
stone declares him to be) is rather too
precocious ; and it is all I can do to
prevent his being spoilt by flattery to
his cleverness, which, I think, is much
worse than even flattery to rank— a
danger to which, despite Albert's
destined inheritance, the elder brother
is more exposed. Eton soon takes
out the conceit of the latter and more
vulgar kind. I remember Lord
(you know what an unpretending
good-natured fellow he is now) strut-
ting into the play-ground, a raw boy
with his chin up in the air, and burly
Dick Johnson (rather a tuft-hunter
now, I'm afraid) coming up, and say-
ing, ' Well, sir, and who the deuce are
you ? ' ' Lord ,' says the poor
devil unconsciously, 'eldest son of the
Marquis of .' ' Oh, indeed !' cries
Johnson ; ' then, there's one kick for
my lord, and two for the marquis ! '
404
The Caxtons. — Part the Last
[Oct.
I am not fond of kicking, but I doubt
if anything ever did more good
than those three kicks ! But " con-
tinued Lord Castleton, "when one
flatters a boy for his cleverness, even
Eton itself cannot kick the conceit out
of him. Let him be last in the form,
and the greatest dunce ever flogged,
there are always people to 'say that
your public schools don't do for your
great geniuses. And it is ten to one
but what the father is plagued into
taking the boy home, and giving him
a private tutor, who fixes him into a
prig for ever. A coxcomb in dress,"
said the marquis smiling, " is a trifler
it would ill become me to condemn,
and I own that I would rather see a
youth a fop than a sloven ; but a cox-
comb in ideas — why, the younger he is,
the more unnatural and disagreeable.
Now, Albert, over that hedge, sir.":
" That hedge, papa ? The pony
will never do it."
"Then,"saidLord Castleton, taking
off his hat with politeness, " I fear
you will deprive us of the pleasure of
your company."
The boy laughed, and made gal-
lantly for the hedge, though I saw by
his change of colour that it a little
alarmed him. The pony could not
clear the hedge ; but it was a pony of
tact and resources, and it scrambled
through like a cat, inflicting sundry
rents and tears on a jacket of Raphael
blue.
Lord Castleton said, smiling, "You
see I teach them to get through a
difficulty one way or the other. Be-
tween you and me," he added serious-
ly, "I perceive a very different world
rising round the next generation from
that in which I first went forth and
took my pleasure. I shall rear my
boys accordingly. Rich noblemen
must now-a-days be useful men ; and
if they can't leap over briars, they
must scramble through them. Don't
you agree with me ?"
" Yes, heartily."
"Marriage makes a man much
wiser," said the marquis, after a pause.
" I smile now, to think how often I
sighed at the thought of growing old.
Now I reconcile myself to the gray
hairs without dreams of a wig, and
enjoy youth still — for" (pointing to his
sons) "it is there!"
" He has very nearly found out the
secret of the saffron bag now," said
my father, pleased, and rubbing his
hands, when I repeated this talk with
Lord Castleton. " But I fear poor
Trevanion," he added, with a compas-
sionate change of countenance, "is still
far away from the sense of Lord
Bacon's receipt. And his wife, you
say, out of very love for him, keeps
always drawing discord from the one
jarring wire."
" You must talk to her, sir."
" I will," said my father angrily ;
" and scold her too — foolish woman !
I shall tell her Luther's advice to the
Prince of Anhalt."
" What was that, sir?"
" Only to throw a baby into the
river Maldon, because it had sucked
dry five wet-nurses besides the mo-
ther, and must therefore be a change-
ling. Why, that ambition of hers
would suck dry all the mothers' milk
in the genus mammalian ! And such
a withered, rickety, malign little
changeling too ! She shall fling it into
the river, by all that is holy !" cried
my father ; and, suiting the action to
the word, away went the spectacles he
had been rubbing indignantly for the
last three minutes, into the pond.
" Papse !" faltered my father aghast,
while the Ceprinidas, mistaking the
dip of the spectacles for an invitation
to dinner, came scudding up to the
bank. " It is all your fault," said Mr
Caxton, recovering himself. " Get
me the new tortoise-shell spectacles
and a large slice of bread. You see
that when fish are reduced to a pond
they recognise a benefactor, which
they never do when rising at flies, or
groping for worms, in the waste world
of a river. Hem ! — a hint for the
Ulverstones. Besides the bread and
the spectacles, just look out and bring
me the old black-letter copy of St
Anthony's Sermon to Fishes."
1849.]
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
405
CHAPTER CVIII.
Some weeks now have passed since
my return to the Tower : the Castle-
tons are gone, and all Trevanion's gay
guests. And since these departures,
visits between the two houses have
beeninterchanged often, and the bonds
of intimacy are growing close. Twice
has my father held long conversations
apart with Lady Ulverstone, (my
mother is not foolish enough to feel a
pang now at such confidences,) and the
result has become apparent. Lady
Ulverstone has ceased all talk against
the world and the public — ceased to
fret the galled pride of her husband
with irritating sympathy. She has
made herself the true partner of his
present occupations, as she was of
those in the past ; she takes interest
in farming, and gardens, and flowers,
and those philosophical peaches which
come from trees academical that Sir
William Temple reared in his graceful
retirement. She does more — she sits
by her husband's side in the library,
reads the books he reads, or, if in
Latin, coaxes him into construing
them. Insensibly she leads him into
studies farther and farther remote from
Blue Books and Hansard ; and, taking
my father's hint,
" Allures to brighter -worlds, and leads the
way."
They are inseparable. Darby-and-
Joan-like, you see them together in
the library, the garden, or the homely
little pony-phaeton, for which Lord
Ulverstone has resigned the fast-trot-
ting cob, once identified with the
eager looks of the busy Trevanion. It
is most touching, most beautiful ! And
to think what a victory over herself
the proud woman must have obtained I
— never a thought that seems to mur-
imir, never a word to recall the ambi-
tious man back from the philosophy
into which his active mind flies for
refuge. And with the effort her brow
has become so serene ! That care-
worn expression, which her fine
features once wore, is fast vanishing.
And what affects me most, is to think
that this change (which is already set-
tling into happiness) has been wrought
by Austin's counsels and appeals to
her sense and affection. " It is to you,"
he said, " that Trevanion must look
for more than comfort — for cheerful-
ness and satisfaction. Your child is
gone from yon — the world ebbs away
— you two should be all in all to each
other. Be so." Thus, after paths so
devious, meet those who had parted
in youth,' now on the verge of age.
There, in the same scenes where
Austin and Ellinor had first formed
acquaintance, he aiding her to soothe
the wounds inflicted by the ambition
that had separated their lots, and
both taking counsel to insure the hap-
piness of the rival she had preferred.
After all this vexed public life of
toil, and care, and ambition, — to see
Trevanion and Ellinor drawing closer
and closer to each other, knowing
private life and its charms for the first
time, — verily it would have been a
theme for an elegiast like Tibullos.
But all this while a younger love,
with no blurred leaves to erase from
the chronicle, has been keeping sweet
account of the summer time. " Very
near are two hearts that have no guile
between them," saith a proverb, traced
back to Confucius. O ye days of still
sunshine, reflected back from ourselves
— O ye haunts, endeared evermore by
a look, tone, or smile, or rapt silence ;
when more and more with each hour,
unfolded before me that nature, so
tenderly coy, so cheerful though seri-
ous, so attuned by simple cares to af-
fection, yet so filled, from soft musings
and solitude, with a poetry that gave
grace to duties the homeliest ; — setting
life's trite things to music. Here
nature and fortune concurred alike :
equal in birth and pretensions — simi-
lar in tastes and in objects, — loving
the healthful activity of purpose, but
content to find it around us — neither
envying the wealthy, nor vying with
the great ; each framed by temper to
look on the bright side of life, and find
founts of delight, and green spots
fresh with verdure, where eyes but
accustomed to cities could see but the
sands and the mirage. While afar (as
man's duty) I had gone through the
travail that, in wrestling with fortune,
gives pause to the heart to recover its
losses, and know the value of love,
in its graver sense of life's earnest
realities ; heaven had reared, at the
406
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
[Oct.
thresholds of home, the young tree
that should cover the roof with its
blossoms, and embalm with its fra-
grance the daily air of my being.
It had been the joint prayer of those
kind ones I left, that such might be
my reward ; and each had contributed,
in his or her several way, to fit that
fair life for the ornament and joy of
the one that now asked to guard and
to cherish it. From Roland came that
deep, earnest honour — a man's in its
strength, and a woman's in its deli-
cate sense of refinement. From
Roland, that quick taste for all things
noble in poetry, and lovely in nature
— the eye that sparkled to read how
Bayard stood alone at the bridge, and
saved an army — or wept over the
page that told how the dying Sidney
put the bowl from his burning lips. Is
that too masculine a spirit for some ?
Let each please himself. Give me
the woman who can echo all thoughts
that are noblest in man ! And that
eye, too — like Roland's, — could pause
to note each finer mesh in the won-
derful webwork of beauty. No land-
scape to her was the same yesterday
and to-day, — a deeper shade from the
skies could change the face of the
moors — the springing up of fresh wild
flowers, the very song of some bird
unheard before, lent variety to the
broad rugged heath. Is that too sim-
ple a source of pleasure for some to
prize ? Be it so to those who need the
keen stimulants that cities afford. But
if we were to pass all our hours in
those scenes, it was something to have
the tastes which own no monotony in
Nature.
All this came from Roland; and
to this, with thoughtful wisdom, my
father had added enough knowledge
from books to make those tastes
more attractive, and to lend to im-
pulsive perception of beauty and good-
ness the culture that draws finer
essence from beauty, and expands the
Good into the Better by heightening
the site of the survey : hers, know-
ledge enough to sympathise with
intellectual pursuits, not enough to
dispute on man's province — Opinion.
Still, whether in nature or in lore, still
" The fairest garden in her looks,
And in her mind the choicest hooks ! "
And yet, thou wise Austin — and thou
Roland, poet that never wrote a verse,
— yet your work had been incomplete,
but then Woman stept in, aud the
mother gave to her she designed for a
daughter the last finish of meek every-
day charities — the mild household
virtues, — " the soft word that turneth
away wrath," — the angelic pity for
man's rougher faults — the patience
that bideth its time— and, exacting no
" rights of woman," subjugates us,
delighted, to the invisible thrall.
Dost thou remember, my Blanche,
that soft summer evening when the
vows our eyes had long interchanged
stole at last from the lip ? Wife mine !
come to my side, — look over me while
I write ; there, thy tears — (happy
tears, are they not, Blanche ?) — have
blotted the page ! Shall we tell the
world more ? Right, my Blanche, no
words should profane the place where
those tears have fallen !
******
And here I would fain conclude ;
but alas, and alas ! that I cannot
associate with our hopes, on this side
the grave, him who, we fondly hoped,
(even on the bridal-day, that gave his
sister to my arms,) would come to the
hearth where his place now stood
vacant, contented with glory, and
fitted at last for the tranquil happiness,
which long years of repentance and
trial had deserved.
Within the first year of my mar-
riage, and shortly after a gallant share
in a desperate action, which had
covered his name with new honours,
just when we were most elated, in the
blinded vanity of human pride — came
the fatal news ! The brief career was
run. He died, as I knew he would
have prayed to die, at the close of a
day ever memorable in the annals of
that marvellous empire, which valour
without parallel has annexed to the
Throne of the Isles. He died in the
arms of Victory, and his last smile
met the eyes of the noble chief who,
even in that hour, could pause from
the tide of triumph by the victim it
had cast on its bloody shore. " One
favour," faltered the dying man ; " I
have a father at home — he too is a
soldier. In my tent is my will : it
gives all I have to him — he can take
it without shame. That is not enough !
Write to him— you— with your own
hand, and tell him how his son fell ! "
And the hero fulfilled the prayer, and
1849.]
that letter is dearer to Roland than
all the long roll of the ancestral dead !
Nature has reclaimed her rights, and
the forefathers recede before the son.
In a side chapel of the old Gothic
church, amidst the mouldering tombs
of those who fought at Acre and Agin-
court, a fresh tablet records the death
of HERBERT DE CAXTON, with the
simple inscription —
HE FELL ON THE FIELD :
HIS COUNTRY MOURNED HIM,
AND HIS FATHER IS RESIGNED.
Years have rolled away since that
tablet was placed there, and changes
have passed on that nook of earth
which bounds our little world : fail-
chambers have sprung up amidst the
desolate ruins ; far and near, smiling
corn-fields replace the bleak, dreary
moors. The land supports more re-
tainers than ever thronged to the
pennon of its barons of old ; and Ro-
land can look from his tower over
domains that are reclaimed, year by
year, from the waste, till the plough-
share shall win a lordship more opu-
lent than those feudal chiefs ever held
by the tenure of the sword. And the
hospitable mirth that had fled from
the ruin has been renewed in the hall ;
and rich and poor, great and lowly,
have welcomed the rise of an ancient
house from the dust of decay. All
those dreams of Roland's youth are
fulfilled ; but they do not gladden his
heart as does the thought that his son,
at the last, was worthy of his line, and
the hope that no gulf shall yawn be-
tween the two when the Grand
Circle is rounded, and man's past
and man's future meet where Time
disappears. Never was that lost one
forgotten ! — never was his name
breathed but tears rushed to the eyes ;
and, each morning, the peasant going
to his labour might see Roland steal
down the dell to the deep-set door of
the chapel. None presume there to
follow his steps, or intrude on his
solemn thoughts; for there, in sight
of that tablet, are his orisons made,
and the remembrance of the dead
forms a part of the commune with
heaven. But the old man's step is
still firm, and his brow still erect ; and
you may see in his face that it was no
hollow boast which proclaimed that
VOL. LXVI. — KO. ccccvin.
Tne Caxtons.—Part the Last.
407
the " father was resigned : " and ye
who doubt if too Roman a hardness
might not be found in that Christian
resignation, think what it is to have
feared for a son the life of shame, and
ask, then, if the sharpest grief to a
father is in a son's death of honour.
Years have passed, and two fair
daughters play at the knees of Blanche
or creep round the footstool of Austin,
waiting patiently for the expected
kiss when he looks up from the Great
Book, now drawing fast to its close ;
or, if Roland enter the room, forget
all their sober demureness, and, un-
awed by the terrible "Papae!" run
clamorous for the promised swing in
the orchard, or the fiftieth recital of
" Chevy Chase."
For my part, I take the goods the
gods provide me, and am contented
with girls that have the eyes of their
mother ; but Roland, ungrateful man,
begins to grumble that we are so ne-
glectful of the rights of heirs-male.
He is in doubt whether to lay the
fault on Mr Squills or on us: I am
not sure that he does not think it a
conspiracy of all three to settle the
representation of the martial De Cax-
tons on "the spindle side." Who-
soever be the right person to blame,
an omission so fatal to the straight
line in the pedigree is rectified at last ;
and Mrs Primmins again rushes, or
rather rolls — in the movement natural
to forms globular and spheral — into
my father's room with —
" Sir, sir — it is a boy !"
Whether my father asked also this
time that question so puzzling to
metaphysical inquirers, " What is a
boy ?" I know not ; I rather suspect
he had not leisure for so abstract a
question : for the whole household
burst on him, and my mother, in that
storm peculiar to the elements of the
Mind Feminine— a sort of sunshiny
storm between laughter and crying-
whirled him off to behold the Neogilos.
Now, some months after that date,
on a winter's evening, we were all
assembled in the hall, which was still
our usual apartment, since its size
permitted to each his own segregated
and peculiar employment. A large
screen fenced off from interruption my
father's erudite settlement ; and quite
out of sight, behind that impermeable
barrier, he was now calmly winding
SE
408
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
[Oct.
tip that eloquent peroration which will
astonish the world whenever, by
Heaven's special mercy, the printer's
devils have done with "The History
of Human Error." In another nook
my uncle had ensconced himself—
stirring his coffee, (in the cup my
mother had presented to him so many
years ago, and which had miracu-
lously escaped all the ills the race of
crockery is heir to,) a volume of
Ivanhoe in the other hand : and, de-
spite the charm of the Northern
Wizard, his eye not on the page. On
the wall behind him, hangs the picture
of Sir Herbert de Caxton, the soldier-
comrade of Sidney and Drake ; and,
at the foot of the picture, Roland has
slung his son's sword beside the letter
that spoke of his death, which is
framed and glazed : sword and letter
bad become as the last, nor least
honoured, Penates of the hall : — the
son was grown an ancestor.
Not far from my uncle sat Mr
Squills, employed in mapping out
phrenological divisions on a cast he
had made from the skull of one of the
Australian aborigines — a ghastly pre-
sent which (in compliance with a
yearly letter to that effect) I had
brought him over, together with a
stuffed " wombat" and a large bundle
of sarsaparilla. (For the satisfaction
of his patients, I may observe, paren-
thetically, that the skull and the
"wombat" — that last is a creature
between a miniature pig and a very
small badger — were not precisely
packed up with the sarsaparilla !) Far-
ther on stood open, but idle, the new
pianoforte, at which, before my father
had given his preparatory hem, and
sat down to the Great Book, Blanche
and my mother had been trying hard
to teach me to bear the third in the
glee of " The Chough and Crow to
roost have gone," — vain task, in spite
of all flattering assurances that I have
a very fine " bass," if I could but
manage to humour it. Fortunately
for the ears of the audience, that at-
tempt is now abandoned. My mother
is hard at work on her tapestry — the
last pattern in fashion — to wit, a rosy-
cheeked young troubadour playing the
lute under a salmon-coloured bal-
cony : the two little girls look gravely
on, prematurely in love, I suspect,
with the troubadour; and Blanche and
I have stolen away into a corner, which,
by some strange delusion, we consider
out of sight, and in that corner is the
cradle of the Neogilos. Indeed it is not
our fault that it is there — Roland
would have it so ; and the baby is so
good, too, he never cries — at least so
say Blanche and my mother : at all
events he does not cry to-night. And
indeed, that child is a wonder ! He
seems to know and respond to what
was uppermost at our hearts when he
was born ; and yet more, when Ro-
land (contrary, I dare say, to all cus-
tom) permitted neither mother, nor
nurse, nor creature of womankind, to
hold him at the baptismal font, but
bent over the new Christian his own
dark, high-featured face, reminding
one of the eagle that hid the infant
in its nest, and watched over it with
wings that had battled with the storm :
and from that moment the child, who
took the name of HERBERT, seemed
to recognise Roland better than his
nurse, or even mother — seemed to
know that, in giving him that name,
we sought to give Roland his son
once more ! Never did the old man
come near the infant but it smiled
and crowed, and stretched out its
little arms ; and then the mother and I
would press each other's hands secretly,
and were not jealous. Well, then,
Blanche and Pisistratus were seated
near the cradle, and talking in low
whispers, when my father pushed
aside the screen and said —
"There — the work is done! and
now it may go to press as soon as
you will."
Congratulations poured in — my
father bore them with his usual equa-
nimity ; and standing on the hearth,
his hand in his waistcoat, he said
musingly, " Among the last delusions
of Human Error, I have had to notice
Rousseau's phantasy of Perpetual
Peace, and all the like pastoral dreams,
which preceded the bloodiest wars
that have convulsed the earth for
more than a thousand years ! "
"And to judge by the newspapers,'
said I, "the same delusions are re-
newed again. Benevolent theorists
go about, prophesying peace as a
positive certainty, deduced from that
sibyl-book the ledger; and we are
never again to buy cannons, provided
only we can exchange cotton for corn.
1849.]
The Caxtons. — Part the Last.
409
MR SQUILLS, (who, having almost
wholly retired from general business,
has, from want of something better to
do, attended sundry " Demonstrations
in the North," since which Ae has talked
much about the march of improvement,
the spirit of the age, and " us of the
nineteenth century.'''1) — I heartily hope
that these benevolent theorists are
true prophets. I have found, in the
course of my professional practice,
that men go out of the world quite
fast enough, without hacking them
into pieces, or blowing them up into
the air. War is a great evil.
BLANCHE, (passing by Squills, and
glancing towards Roland.) — Hush !
Roland remains silent.
MR CAXTON. — War is a great evil ;
but evil is admitted by Providence
into the agency of creation, physical
and moral. The existence of evil has
puzzled wiser heads than ours, Squills.
But, no doubt, there is One above
who has His reasons for it. The
combative bump seems as common to
the human skull as the philo-progeni-
tive ; if it is in our organisation, be
sure it is not there without cause.
Neither is it just to man, nor wisely
submissive to the Disposer of all
events, to suppose that war is wholly
and wantonly produced by human
crimes and follies — that it conduces
only to ill, and does not as often arise
from the necessities interwoven in the
framework of society, and speed the
great ends of the human race, confor-
mably with the designs of the Omni-
scient. Not one great war has ever
desolated the earth, but has left behind
it seeds that have ripened into bless-
ings incalculable.
MR SQUILLS, (with the groan of a
dissentient at a '•'•Demonstration.'''1) —
Oh ! oh ! OH !
Luckless Squills! Little could he
have foreseen the shower-bath, or
rather douche, of erudition that fell
splash on his head, as he pulled the
spring with that impertinent Oh! oh!
Down first came the Persian War,
with Median myriads disgorging all
the rivers they had drunk up in their
march through the East— all the arts,
all the letters, all the sciences, all the
notions of liberty that we inherit from
Greece — my father rushed on with
them all, sousing Squills with his
proofs that, without the Persian War,
Greece would never have risen to
be the teacher of the world. Be-
fore the gasping victim could take
breath, down came Hun, Goth, and
Vandal, on Italy and Squills.
" What, sir ! " cried my father,
"don't you see that, from those erup-
tions on demoralised Rome, came the
regeneration of manhood ; the re-
baptism of earth from the last soils of
paganism ; and the remote origin of
whatever of Christianity yet exists,
free from the idolatries with which
Rome contaminated the faith ? "
Squills held up his hands, and made
a splutter. Down came Charle-
magne— paladins and all ! There
my father was grand ! What a pic-
ture he made of the broken, jarring,
savage elements of barbaric society.
And the iron hand of the great Frank
— settling the nations, and founding
existent Europe. Squills was now
fast sinking into coma, or stupefaction ;
but, catching at a straw, as he heard
the word "Crusades" he stuttered
forth, " Ah ! there I defy you ! "
" Defy me, there !" cries my father ;
and one would think the ocean was in
the shower-bath, it came down with
such a rattle. My father scarcely
touched on the smaller points in ex-
cuse for the Crusades, though he re-
cited veiy volubly all the humane
arts introduced into Europe by that
invasion of the East ; and showed
how it had served civilisation, by the
vent it afforded for the rude energies
of chivalry — by the element of de-
struction to feudal tyranny that it
introduced — by its use in the emanci-
pation of burghs, and the disrupture
of serfdom . But he showed, in colours
vivid as if caught from the skies of the
East, the great spread of Mahometan-
ism, and the danger it menaced to
Christian Europe — and drew up the
Godfreys, and Tancreds, and Richards,
as a league of the Age and Necessity,
against the terrible progress of the
sword and the Koran. " You call
them madmen," cried my father, " but
the frenzy of nations is the statesman-
ship of fate ! How know yon that —
but for the terror inspired by the hosts
who inarched to Jerusalem — how
know you that the Crescent had not
waved over other realms than those
which Roderic lost to the Moor ? If
Christianity had been less a passion,
410
and the passion had less stirred up all
Europe — how know you that the creed
of the Arab (which was then, too, a
passion) might not have planted its
mosques in the forum of Kome, and
on the site of Notre Dame ? For in
the war between creeds — when the
creeds are embraced by vast races —
think you that the reason of sages can
cope with the passion of millions ?
Enthusiasm must oppose enthusiasm.
The crusader fought for the tomb of
Christ, but he saved the life of Chris-
tendom."
My father paused. Squills was quite
passive ; he struggled no more — he was
drowned.
" So," resumed Mr Caxton, more
quietly — " so, if later Avars yet per-
plex us as to the good that the All-
wise One draws from their evils, our
posterity may read their uses as clear-
ly as we now read the finger of
Providence resting on the barrows of
Marathon, or guiding Peter the Her-
mit to the battle-fields of Palestine.
Nor, while we admit the evil to the
passing generation, can we deny that
many of the virtues that make the
ornament and vitality of peace sprang
up first in the convulsions of war !"
Here Squills began to evince faint
signs of resuscitation, when my father
let fly at him one of those numberless
waterworks which his prodigious
memory kept in constant supply.
" Hence," said he, " hence not un-
justly has it been remarked by a philo-
sopher, shrewd at least in worldly
experience — (Squills again closed his
eyes, and became exanimate) — ' It is
strange to imagine that war, which of
all things appears the most savage,
should be the passion of the most
heroic spirits. But 'tis in war that
the knot of fellowship is closest drawn ;
'tis in war that mutual succour is most
given — mutual danger run, and com-
mon affection most exerted and em-
ployed ; for heroism and philanthropy
are almost one and the same !'"*
My father ceased, and mused a
little. Squills, if still living, thought
it prudent to feign continued extinc-
tion.
" Not," said Mr Caxton, resuming
— u not but what I hold it our duty
never to foster into a passion what we
The Caxtons. — Part the Last. [Oct.
must rather submit to as an awful
necessity. You say truly, Mr Squills
— war is an evil ; and woe to those
who, on slight pretences, open the
gates of Janus,
' The dire abode,
And the fierce issues of the furious god.' "
Mr Squills, after a long pause,
(employed in some of the more handy
means for the reanimation of sub-
merged bodies, supporting himself
close to the fire in a semi-erect pos-
ture, with gentle friction, self- applied,
to each several limb, and copious re-
course to certain steaming stimulants
which my compassionate hands pre-
pared for him,) stretches himself, and
says feebly, " In short, then, not to
provoke further discussion, you would
go to war in defence of your country.
Stop, sir — stop, for God's sake! I
agree with you — I agree with you !
But, fortunately, there is little chance
now that any new Boney will build
boats at Boulogne to invade us."
MR CAXTON. — I am not so sure of
that, Mr Squills. {Squills falls back
iviih a glassy stare of deprecating hor-
ror.) I don't read the newspapers
very often, but the past helps me to
judge of the present.
Therewith my father earnestly re-
commended to Mr Squills the careful
perusal of certain passages in Tbucy-
dides, just previous to the outbreak
of the Peloponnesian War, (Squills
hastily nodded the most servile acquies-
cence^) and drew an ingenious paral-
lel between the signs and symptoms
foreboding that outbreak, and the very
apprehension of coming war which
was evinced by the recent Io pceans
to peace. And, after sundry notable
and shrewd remarks, tending to show
where elements for war were already
ripening, amidst clashing opinions and
disorganised states, he wound up with
saying, — " So that, all things con-
sidered, I think we had better just
keep up enough of the bellicose spirit,
not to think it a sin if we are called
upon to fight for our pestles and mor-
tars, our three per cents, goods, chat-
tels, and liberties. Such a time must
come, sooner or later, even though
the whole world were spinning cotton,
and printing sprigged calicoes. We
may not see it, Squills, but that
Shaftesbury.
1849.]
The Caxtons.—Part the Last.
411
young gentleman in the cradle, whom
you have lately brought into light,
may."
" And if so," said my uncle abruptly,
speaking for the first time — "if indeed
it is for altar and hearth ! "
My father suddenly drew in and
pished a little, for he saw that he was
caught in the web of his own elo-
quence.
Then Roland took down from the
wall his son's sword. Stealing to the
cradle, he laid it in its sheath by the
infant's side, and glanced from my
father to us with a beseeching eye.
Instinctively Blanche bent over the
cradle, as if to protect, the Neogilos ;
but the child, waking, turned from
her, and, attracted by the glitter of
the hilt, laid one hand lustily thereon,
and pointed with the other, laugh-
ingly, to Roland.
"Only on my father's proviso," said
I hesitatingly. " J'or hearth and altar
— nothing less !"
" And even in that case," said my
father, "add the shield to the sword !"
and on the other side of the infant he
placed Roland's well-worn Bible,
blistered in many a page with secret
tears.
There we all stood, grouping round
the young centre of so many hopes
and fears — in peace or in war, born
alike for the Battle of Life. And he,
unconscious of all that made our lips
silent, and our eyes dim, had already
left that bright bauble of the sword,
and thrown both arms round Roland's
bended neck.
"Herbert" murmured Roland; and
Blanche gently drew away the sword,
— and left the Bible.
412
Lynmouth Revisited.
[Oct.
LYXMOUTH REVISITED.
BY THE SKETCHER.
NEARLY sixteen years ago, there
appeared in the pages of Maga, de-
scriptions of the scenery of Lynmouth,
North Devon. As Sketcher, I then
proposed to myself to analyse the
impressions which landscape scenery
makes upon the minds of artists and
lovers of nature, and to show that
there must be in the artist a higher
aim .than imitation; and that the
pleasure of the unpractising admirer
will be in proportion to his power of
extracting from the insensitive matter
of nature, the poetic life of thought;
to rescue both art and nature from
the degradation they suffer when dis-
connected with the higher senses; to
show that nature, to be the worthy ob-
ject of art, should be suggestive. Its
charm is to elicit, to draw out finely,
and to embellish what is already, in a
ruder state, in the mind. If there be
poverty within, there is no room for
the reception of the riches so profusely
surrounding us in the external world.
Neither artists nor amateurs are gene-
rally sufficiently aware, that a pre-
vious education is necessary to make
sketching effective and expressive.
We find ourselves everywhere. What-
ever be the scenery, the sketcher
brings little back that he does not
take with him. Hence the diversity
in the character of sketches — of differ-
ent sketchers — and the one character
that pervades the portfolio of each.
I have heard of an artist who visited
our lakes, and brought back with him
only cottages ! Morland would have
added, or rather made the principal,
the stye and pigs ; and even Gains-
borough's sketch-book may have
shown little more than ragged pol-
lards, and groups of rustic children.
To know what is in nature, you must
know what is in yourself. If you are
ignorant of art, your sketches can
only be accidentally good. It is pos-
sible to be a very close observer, even
of minute beauties, and yet be a very
bad sketcher. One of an original
genius will convert, and, by a bold
dissimilitude in non-essentials, incor-
porate into his own previous concep-
tions whatever is before him ; and
thus, by preserving the great sugges-
tive characteristics, represent nature
with a far greater truth, exhibiting
her very life and feeling, than they
who aim at truth through exact and
minute imitation.
Let this be exemplified in Salvator
Rosa. Do his wild scenes of rock,
and rugged rock- engendered trees,
exist to the general eye, exactly in
their form, and colour, and composi-
tion, as he has represented them ?
The exact sketcher would have found
a less correspondence in branches and
foliage — a less marked living feeling
between the rocks and trees ; he
would have found much in the colour-
ing, especially in the green leaves,
where they are so few and scattered,
of an inconsistent gaiety. These
would have been distracting ; but his
educated eye, toned by a one bold
feeling, rejected these, and seized the
wilder characteristic, to which he
resolutely, under the impulse of his
genius, made all the rest subservient
and suggestive. He embodied what
he saw with what he felt, and marred
not the savage freedom by attractive
littlenesses, but gave it full play ;
and with an execution as bold and
free, which the minute critic would
pronounce not natural, though most
natural, as most expressive of that
spontaneous out-flung unconstrained-
ness of nature's growth, which really
pervades all, he harmoniously brought
all the parts under the dominion of
one poetic feeling. Take his foliage,
even in form — to say nothing of its
actual unnaturalness of colour in the
exact sense — there is a raggedness, as
torn and storm-beaten, in the indi-
vidual leafage, which the untutored
sketcher will in vain look for in his
beat; but all this stamps one great
truth, and that speaks more of nature
than many small ones. I do not
mean here to give the palm to Salva-
tor Rosa, as if he were "• Lord of
Landscape ;" I mention him as a
1849.]
Li/nmouth Revisited.
413
strong example, as the boldest devi-
ator from that which the unpoetic
eye sees, and minds totally tin-
charmed by poetry can conceive.
I think it well here to lay some stress
upon these preliminary remarks, be-
cause much has been written, with a
great fascination of language, recom-
mending, as I believe too strongly, a
close observation in detail of the phe-
nomena of nature ; overlooking the
great phenomenon — the accordance of
external nature with the heart, feel-
ings, and very life and soul of man.
One writer in particular, with great
ability, and audacious confidence, be-
cause in his blindness he, uneducated
to it, sees not in nature what such
great men as Salvator Rosa and
Gaspar Poussin have extracted from
it, and yet made it nature's and their
own, flings upon their established
fame the brutum fulmen of his con-
tempt and abuse. Damnat quod non
inteUigit. He knows not the true
principles of art which exist to per-
fection in their works, nor knows how
strictly these principles belong to art
and nature only through and by their
connexion with the mind of man.
You may study meteorology in the
Penny Magazine, or geology and
botany, most scientifically ; but it will
further you a very little way, while
your portfolio is under your arm, and
your eye in search of a picturesque
which you have not learned to find.
Nay, it may happen, for it often does
happen, that the more you sketch
the farther you are from art. It is
possible, also, for the most accom-
plished artist to sketch too much ;
and to stay the power of his invention,
by referring too constantly to the pre-
ciseness and individuality of scenery.
He dares not so much trust his palette
as his portfolio, as it were his register
of nature, to which he has bound him-
self beyond the usual apprenticeship.
It has been remarked by sketchers,
amateurs, and artists by profession,
that, upon a sketching expedition,
"their hands are not in" for some
days. I doubt if the fault be so much
in the hand as in the eye ; for in most
cases the hantl had come from the
immediate practice of the studio:
but the eye is distracted by the many
beauties which now force themselves
into observation, and which in the
home-practice, and in following the
mind's bent on the canvass, the
memory did not vividly present as not
wanted. It is more difficult, there-
fore, at first to generalise, to escape
the fascinations of local form and
colour, which keep the eye from the
instant acknowledgment of a whole.
We are thus at first apt to begin with
the detail, instead of leaving it to the
last, by which means we have more
than we want, or less accurately and
accommodatingly what is wanted.
When we have learned again to
reject, and to see, we are surprised
with a facility we at first despaired of.
We do, then, because we know what
to do.
I would recommend, therefore, be-
fore setting out on such expeditions,
where it be practicable, to visit daily,
and all day, during a week or fortnight,
the best galleries of pictures, such as
contain all schools, that as much as
possible there may be no bias, but
such as every one must find in him-
self before he reaches the gallery. I
would do this to confirm, and fasten
upon the memory, the principles of
art, — breadth, greatness, truth, ex-
pression, colouring, sentiment, and
how obtained. Here will be a gram-
mar without its drudgery ; for every
lesson will be a delight, if we go to it
with no conceited opinions of our own,
and no cavilling spirit bringing our-
selves down to an admission that these
great men of former days had some
foundation upon which they built their
fame, their acknowledged fame — so
searching, we shall see the reasons of
their doings — why they, each for their
own purpose, adopted this or that
style of colour, or of composition, or
chiaro-scuro. Going then imme-
diately to nature from art, we shall
see how very true art is — a secret that,
without this immediate comparison,
would be very apt to be hidden from
us. No man in Ills senses would be-
gin a science from his own observation
alone. It was not the first shepherd
who, studying the stars, laid open the
study of astronomy. We shall learn
nothing by despising all that has been
learnt before we were born. So it is
in art ; some principles have been
established, which it is well to know
thoroughly ; and, the more we know
them, the more enthusiastic will be
Lynmoutlt Revisited.
[Oct.
our admiration, the love of art through
nature, and of nature through art.
During my former visits to the
beautiful scenery of Lynmotith, I had
seldom taken any whole view, but
-chiefly studied parts for use in the
detail of compositions ; and this I
think to be a good practice for the
landscape painter, which term I use
here in contradistinction to the pain-
ter of views. There is so great a
pleasure in as it were creating — in
being the 71-04777-779, the maker — that, to
one accustomed to and at all skilled
in composing, it becomes an irksome
task to make a "view." The con-
tinued habit of view-painting must
necessarily check invention, and
limit unworthily the painter's aim.
In revisiting Lynmouth, I changed
my purpose ; and this, not under the
idea of making pictures of any of the
sketches, but for the practice of not-
ing how a picture, framed in from
nature, as if it were a work of art,
would be bronght to its completion ;
for sketching with such an object, I
.cannot but think of as great impor-
tance as the other method. We must
learn from nature to make a whole,
as well as the use of the parts sepa-
rately. With this purpose the
sketcher will look out for subjects,
not detail ; he will be curious to see
how nature composes now, and when
it is that scenes are most agreeable —
made so by what combination of lines,
by what agreement of colours, by
what proportions of light, and grada-
tions of shadow : for he will often find,
when nature looks her best, that light
and shade are employed as substitutes
for lines which, in the actual and true
drawing of them, would be unfortu-
nate. How often is it that a scene
strikes the eye at once for its great
beauty, that, when we come to it again,
seems entirely to have lost its charm !
Now these spots should be visited
again and again, till the causes be
ascertained of the charm and of the
deterioration : for here must lie the
principles of art, nature assuming and
putting off that which is most agree-
able to us, that in which our human
sympathies are engaged. Sketchers
often pass hastily these spots that are
no longer beautiful ; but they are
wrong, for they can learn best, by
accurate observation of the changes
presented to them. And they will
thus learn to remedy deficiencies,
and acquire a better power of selecting
scenes, by knowing where the defi-
ciencies lie ; the mind's eye will not
dwell upon them, or will fill them up,
and the composition show itself to
them in a manner quite otherwise than
it would have appeared, had no such
previous observations been made.
There are sometimes good lines marred
by bad effects, and bad lines remedied
by skilful management of effects — of
light and shadow. It must be a
practised eye that can properly ab-
stract and separate lines from effects,
and effects from lines. We play with
colour, but our serious business is
with light and shade ; the real picture
is more frequently in black and white,
than those who addict themselves to
colour will credit. I will here but
refer to some passages in the early
numbers of The Sketcher, on the com-
position of lines, wherein I showed,
and I believe truly explained, the
principle of composition upon which
many of the old masters worked. And
I particularly exemplified the princi-
ple in the pictures of Gaspar Poussin,
whom Thompson calls learned Pous-
sin, (unless he meant Nicolo, who,
though in other respects he may with
equal justice be called learned, is, in
this art of the composition of lines, in
no way to be compared with his
brother-in-law.) I showed that there
was one simple rule which he invari-
ably adopted. We may likewise go
to nature, and find the rule there,
when nature, as a composition, looks
her best.
I think it will be found that any
scene is most pleasing when its va-
riety is in the smallest portion — that
is, when the greatest part of the pic-
ture is made up of the most simple
and pervading lines, and the intri-
cacies, all variety, and alternations,
and interchanges of lines and parts,
shall be confined to a very small por-
tion ; for thus a greatness, a large-
ness, an importance, is preserved and
heightened, and at the same time
monotony is avoided — though there
be much in it, the piece is not
crowded. There is a print from a
picture by Smith of Chichester, who,
by the bye, obtained the prize against
Richard Wilson, which attracted ray
1849.]
Lynmouth Revisited.
415
•attention the other day at a print-
seller's window. It was meant, I
presume, as an imitation of Claude,
Claude reduced to the then English
vulgarity. If multiplicity of parts
would make a picture, doubtless
Richard Wilson, with his simple,
sweeping, free lines, could have no
chance in competition with such a
painter. Every niche was crowded
— and equally so — every niche might
have made a picture, such as it was,
but all the niches made none, or a
bad one. Why, the variety was uni-
versal ; it should have been confined
to the smaller space. The picture is
objectionable in other points of view;
but this ignorance of the very nature
of composition was fatal. Yet this
work was evidently an imitation of
Claude, whose variety, however, of
distance, the modern imitator brought
into his very foreground. He could
not see the simplicity of Claude.
Not that Claude himself was a learned
composer ; his lines are often incon-
gruous, and there is not unfrequently
a poverty of design, scarcely con-
cealed by the magic of his colouring.
Now, I find, in looking over my
sketches, that I had selected those
scenes where the passages of variety
lay in the distance, and, it being a
narrow valley, they occupied but a
small space ; but, though small, it
was mostly the place of interest —
there was the more vivid light or the
deeper shade, the change, the life of
the picture, and the embellished way
of escape out of a defile, that from
its closeness would have been other-
wise painful. In saying " painful," I
seem to point to a defect in this
Lynmouth valley. Indeed, it will
not suit those who do not love close
scenery. That certainly is its charac-
ter. Yet is it not so close, but that
there is room for this kind of variety.
I think what I have said upon this
point, of interest and variety lying in
the smaller portion of the canvass —
for I here speak even of nature as a
picture — may be applicable generally
to light. I imagine those scenes will
be found most pleasing, where the
light is by far the smallest portion,
the half-tone by far the larger, and
the dark but to show the power of
both. Take, for instance, a garden
scene — a broad walk, trees ou each
side — all is in broad light, but all is
in painful glare, monotony, and same-
ness of endless detail. Let a shadow
pass over it, a broad shadow — or
rather a half-tone of light, that shall
only show the local colour subdued —
now, let a gleam pass across it, and
just touch here and there the leafage,
and seem to escape behind it — how
small is the light, but it has given
life to the picture. I cannot but
think it a fault of our day that half-
tone is neglected ; light is made a
glare, and therefore the very object of
light is lost. I believe it was the
aim at a mere novelty that first intro-
duced this false principle. It was
recommended to Guido, but he failed
in it : pictures so painted by him are
far from being his best. Rubens
erred in it ; but modern artists have
carried the false principle to the ut-
most limit ; and, in doing so, are
liable to a palpable incongruity,
an impossibility in nature, which they
profess to imitate. For it is the pro-
perty of light to take away colour ;
yet in this school, the whitest light,
and the most vivid colours, are in the
same piece. The old painters, aware
of this property of light, in their out-
of-door scenes, avoid, not to say a
white, but even a light sky — especially
the Venetian — so that their great
depth and power of colour was ren-
dered natural, by the depth of their
skies. Their blues were dark — in-
tensely so — but they were sustained
by the general colour. If it be said the
Italian skies are notoriously the bluest,
Mr Ruskin has, in contradiction, pro-
nounced them to be white ; but I be-
lieve the fact is, that the great pain-
ters considered colour, as a beauty in
art, sui generis, and that there was no
need of a slavish adherence, in this
respect, to nature herself. Indeed,
they delighted, even when aiming at
the richest colouring, to subdue all
glare, and to preserve rather a deep
half-tone.
I believe they studied nature through
coloured glasses; and we learn from
Mrs Merrifield that Caspar Poussin
used a black mirror, which had been
bequeathed to him by Bamboccio.
The works of some of the Flemish
painters evidently show that they used
such a mirror.
Have I not, then, reached Lyn-
416
Lynmouth Revisited.
[Oct.
mouth yet? I found it in full leafage,
and the little river as clear as amber,
and like it in colour. It is always
beautiful, and variable too — after rain
it assumes more variety of colour, and
of great richness. For most part of
the time of my visit, it was more shal-
low than I had ever seen it. I was
pleased that it was so, though I heard
many complaints on that score. To
those who sketch close to the water,
it is, in fact, an advantage ; for where
the scenery is so confined, it is a great
thing to be able to reach the large
stones in mid-stream, and thus many
new views are obtained ; and when
you are pretty close to water, whether
it be a fall, or still, there is really but
very little difference whether the river
be full or not — the falls still retain
sufficient body, and the still pools are
sufficiently wide.
There are but two parties who know
anything of the painter-scenery of
Lynmouth — the sketchers and the
anglers. The common road generally
taken by tourists shows not half the
beauty of the place. Did Lynmouth
appear less beautiful? — certainly not.
I easily recognised the chosen spots,
and was surprised to find what little
change had taken place. I knew in-
dividual trees perfectly, and, strange
to say, they did not seem to have ac-
quired growth. There were ap-
parently the same branches stretch-
ing over the stream.
In one spot where large ledges of
rock shoot out in mid-stream, down
whose grooves the river rushes pre-
cipitously, (I had, sixteen years ago,
sketched the scene,) there was grow-
ing out of the edge of the rock a young
ash-tree shoot — to my surprise, there
it was still, or the old had decayed,
and a similar had sprung up. There
is something remarkable in this con-
tinued identity, year after year, as if
the law of mutability had been sus-
pended. Yet there were changes.
I remember sketching by a little fall
of the river, where further progress
was staid by a large mass of project-
ing rock. I felt sure there must be
fine subjects beyond, and in my at-
tempt to reach it from the opposite
side by climbing, and holding by the
boughs of a tree, one broke oif. and I
fell into the cauldron. I found now
that the whole mass of this ledge of
rock had given way, and opened a
passage, and one of no great difficulty.
Here, as I suspected, were some very
fine studies. The place where I de-
scended is about half a mile, or less,
from Lynmouth, where the road turns,
near to a little bridge across a water-
course intercepting the road. The
view of this little fall from above is
singularly beautiful ; and, being so-
much elevated, you see the bed of the
river continuous for a long distance,,
greatly varied. I know no place
where there are such fine studies of
this kind, though they are rarely
taken, being only parts for composi-
tion— the whole not making a view.
Was Lynmouth, then, to me as it
was? — not quite. The interval of years
had not, I trust, been lost. If there
was little change in the place, there
was a change in the mind's eye and
head of the sketcher. Though I re-
cognised nearly all the spots where I
had sketched, I found many new —
some that might have escaped me,
because I had not taken the feeling
with me, at least not in the degree
in which I now possessed it. During
all the years that had intervened, I
had scarcely painted a single view.
I could not but observe that the new
scenes were those more especially
suggestive, leading to the ideal.
A Mend who was part of the time
with me observed that he had thought
some of my pictures, which he had
seen, compositions without the war-
ranty of nature ; but he now saw that
nature supplied me with what I
wanted, and acknowledged that the
sketches were correct. It was then
I observed that the sketcher may find
almost everywhere what he has learnt
to look for. The fact is, that it is not
whole and large scenery, nor the most
beautiful, that best suits the painter,
but those parts which he can com-
bine. The real painter looks to nature
for form and colour, the elements of
his art : upon these he must work ;
and they seldom reach any great
magnitude, or are diffused over large
space.
Why is it, that generally what we
term beautiful scenery was seldom the
ground of the old painters? They
were not, generally speaking, painters
of views ; and why not ? There the
pictures were made for them. They
1849.]
and all the world had the thing be-
fore them to love and to admire — it
was already done ; there was no room
for their genius, which 13 a creative,
not an imitative faculty. The scene
for every eye was not theirs. They
found that, by their art, they could
take nature's best feeling, even from
her fragments. It requires not an
Alp to portray grandeur. Fifty feet
of rock, precipitous or superimpend-
ing, will better represent the greatness
of danger ; for it is a more immediate
and solid mass to crush the intruder,
and the form may frown with a demon
malice. The whole awe of darkness
may be felt in a cavern of a few feet
space. Indeed, it may be almost said
that largeness is not to be obtained
on the canvass, by the largeness of
whole extensive scenes in nature, but
by the continuous lines of near
masses : whatever is actually largest
in nature — the forest and the moun-
tain— in art may with advantage
occupy the smallest space. For the
best magnitude here is in perspective,
and in that aerial tone which, as a
veil, half conceals, and thereby makes
mysterious, and converts into one
azure whole the parts which would,
otherwise seen, but break up the
great character. The Arabian genii
were greatest when dimly seen through
smoke and vapour.
Art, indeed, differs from nature in
this, as regards the pleasure derived
through the eye, that nature allows you
many unperspective views at many in-
stant glances, and therefore surprises
you, if I may so express it, with a
perspective impossibility, of which the
judgment at the time is not cognisant ;
whereas art is bounded by a rule,
looks not all around, and comprehends
by mind beyond the eye, but is con-
strained to frame in the conception.
It must, therefore, make to itself an-
other power — and this power it finds
in form, in light and shade, and co-
lour, all which are in greater intensity
and force in the .fragmentary parts
than in the whole and large scenes.
It is a step for the young artist to be-
lieve that art and nature are not and
^ should not be the same — that they are
essentially different, and use their
materials differently, have other rules
of space and largeness. If art be
more limited, its power is greater by
Lynmouth Revisited.
417
being more condensed, — and its im-
pressions more certain, because more-
direct, and not under the vague and
changeable process of making an ideat
from many perspectives.
If there be truth iii these remarks,
we may see why the old masters left
untouched those scenes which are th&
delight of tourists. To copy the scene
before them was to put their creative
faculty in abeyance. It was only to
work after a given pattern — and that
pattern imperfect — of a whole which
defied the laws of optics. I here
speak almost entirely of the Italian
masters, both the historical, and more
strictly the landscape painters. The
Flemish and Dutch schools had mostly
another aim, and were more imita-
tive ; - hence they are more easily
understood, but felt with a far less
passion. But even these, far from
undervaluing the conventional aids of
art, applied as much of them as the
nature of their subjects would admit.
But the sketcher must not consider
himself in his studies when he is out
with his portfolio. However he may
select, he must be faithful. And this
fidelity I have seen painters of great
skill often unwisely contemn, become
too conventional, both in their draw-
ing and colouring. It requires much
practice of the eye, as well as that
knowledge which constitutes taste,
to frame in as it were pictures, from
the large space that fills the eye.
Nothing is more useful than to carry
in the portfolio a light frame of stiff
paper or wood, and to hold it up, so
as actually to frame in pictures, and
thus to experimentalise upon the
design, and see what shiftings of the
frame make the best choice. It is an
assistance even to the most practised
in composition.
Lynmouth is greatly improved of
late years in accommodation ; many
new lodging-houses are built, and
there are some residents who have
shown great taste in laying out their
grounds, and in their buildings. The
little pier has been rendered pic-
turesque, by the erection of a small
look-out house after a model from
Rhodes. There is not much here at
any time that would deserve the
name of shipping ; but a few fishing
boats, and such small craft compose
well with the little pier. The even-
418
Lynmouth Revisited.
[Oct.
ings arc very fine, the sun setting
over the Channel ; and the Welsh
coast in the distance assumes, occa-
sionally, a very beautiful ultramarine
blue, like a glaze over warm colour-
•iag. When the tide comes in, and
the little vessels are afloat, these are
good subjects, the water being of a
gray green, softening the reflections.
I began a sketch when the boats were
aground ; but the tide, coming in
rapidly, soon so altered the position
ef the vessels that I did not proceed.
When the tide receded, leaving the
vessels aground, they were not in the
same direction in which I had sketched
them ; and an artist who was present
remarked, that the beauty of the
scene as a composition was gone, and
referred to the sketch. This led to
some discussion, as to the cause — Why
should it be less good now, said he,
than when you drew it ? I believe I
saw the reason, and pointed it out.
There was a sloop, larger by much
than all the rest, which were indeed,
though having masts, but boats. The
larger vessel was the principal ob-
ject, even more so than the buildings
on the pier, towards which it leaned ;
and this leaning was important, for
a union and certain connexion of
parts was everything here, for it made
•one of many things. Accordingly,
the smaller boats on each side the
larger vessel inclined their masts
towards it ; so that this manifest
uniting, and the belonging of one to
the other, was the pleasing idea,
and invested the whole with a kind
of life and sensitiveness ; but in the
alteration, after the receding of the
tide, this communication of the one
with the other was gone, and, on the
.contrary, there was left an uncomfort-
able feeling of disunion.
This reasoning was admitted, and
we further discussed the principle in-
volved in the remarks, as applicable
•to all scenes and subjects. It is this
correspondence of part with part
which animates the works of nature,
invests them with an ideal sensitive-
ness ; and through this fond belief of
-their life, our own sensitiveness is
awakened to a sympathy with them.
Whatever inanimate objects we in
our fancy invest with life, through
our own sympathy, we clothe with a
kind of humanity ; and thus we look
on trees and rocks, and water, as to a
degree our fellow creatures, in this
great wild world. We love accord-
ingly. Nihil humanum a me aliemnn
puto. The very winds speak to us
as human voices, as do the trees in
their whisperings or complainings;
and the waters are ever repeating
their histories and their romances to
our willing ears. As we walked we
tested the principle, and were believ-
ers in its truth. "Mark," said our
friend, "that bank of fern — how
graceful, hoAv charming, is their bend-
ing, their interchange, their masses
and their hollow shades, their little
home- depths, wherein they grow,
and retire as their home-chambers :
there is throughout the pleasing idea
of a family enjoying their quiet ex-
istence, and all in one small green
world of their own." He enjoys
nature most worthily, and most in-
tensely, who carries with him this
sense of nature's life, and of a mu-
tuality, a co-partnership with the
blessings of existence with himself.
There are some fine rocks at the base
of the precipitous cliffs— of fine form
and colour'; I never went sufficiently
near to sketch them, having no fancy
to be caught by the tide. I have
seen sketches made amongst them
that prove them to afford very good
subjects. Many years ago, while sit-
ting under these cliffs, I heard a
groan ; I thought at the time it must
have been a delusion, but on that
evening a man had fallen over the
cliffs. His body was, I think, found
the next day. It fell from Countes-
bury Hill, the road on which is
certainly not sufficiently protected.
And this reminds me to speak of
an alarming occurrence on the road,
about half a mile from Lynmouth.
We were a small party, and had
taken shelter from rain against the
receding part of the rocks cut for
the widening the road. I and
another were reading a newspaper.
Looking up, we suddenly saw a wo-
man on horseback very near us. The
animal started, and was frightened at
the newspaper. Our endeavour to
conceal it made the matter worse ; the
horse retreated from us, and I think
his hind legs could not have been
many inches from the precipice. It
was a trying moment ; one step more
1849.]
Lynmouth Revisited.
419
back would have been certain death to
both the woman and the horse. We
were truly happy when, by a little
management, we contrived to get
them past us. The road, too, is in
these dangerous places very narrow ;
yet the people venture to drive at a
good pace, and without reins, their
uncouth and apparently unmanage-
able teams — neither quite dray nor
cart — fearlessly. It is surprising that
accidents do not often occur, especi-
ally as there is some danger from the
falling of masses of stone from above ;
and even such as the sheep remove
with their feet may frighten horses,
and precipitate all to sure destruction.
There are great rents in huge masses
of rock, close to the road, and some
apparently are kept firm with but
little earth, and seem to threaten a
move. I have had some blows on the
back occasionally from small stones,
cast down by passing sheep, while I
have been sketching down by the
water ; and once so large a one took
the corner of my portfolio, that with
my best speed I quitted the place.
That was some years ago ; but I have
recently seen not very small fragments
fall very near me. I would, there-
fore, caution the sketcher to choose as
safe a position as he can, which he
may generally find under some pro-
jection of rock. Some of the masses
in the bed of the river are of enormous
size ; and let me here remark upon
the fine, bold character these masses
in the river possess — they are very
fine in form, and the beauty and
variety in their colouring are quite
wondrous. Some are very dark, en-
tirely covered with brown, and some
with bright golden moss. But most
of them when dry are gray — but one
name will not describe that gray,
varying as it does from the blue to the
green and pink hues. They are com-
monly in bold relief against the dark
water — yet themselves show dark,
edged by the white foam, where the
water, sloping insinuatingly, falls and
rushes by them. Here and there, in
some deep-shaded, wild, lonely places,
they are of gigantic size, and look
like huge Titans turned to stone, amid
the fragments that had hurled them
down. The sketcher may easily
imagine himself in the territory of
magic. Shall I confess that, in such
places, I do not like to sketch alone ?
And why not ? Why should there be
a something like a superstitious awe
of the spot, the " severi reliyio loci?"
Doubtless it is because we do feel
contradicting knowledge, in this con-
sciousness of all nature in its own life
and power. Nor can we divest our-
selves of a kind of natural poetry — a
feeling that the rocks, the wild trees,
and the somewhere though unseen
" genius loci" all look at us, and we
fancy ourselves but under sufferance,
and know not how long our presence
may be endured. It is surprising how
a sense of such presences possesses
us when alone. I could often have
fancied voices, aud mocking ones too,
in the waters, and threats that thun-
dered-in the ear, and went off as if to
fetch and bring whole cataracts down
upon me. In such places I do not
like to be caught by the dusk of the
evening, being quite alone.
The fact is, nature, to a real lover
and sketcher, is at all times powerful.
Scenes affect him as they affect no
other. I have often surprised people
by the assertion that I could not live
in the midst of fine scenery ; it is too
powerful, it unnerves one with an
unrelaxing watchfulness. The pre-
sence of the mountain will not be
shaken off. It becomes a nightmare
upon the spirits, holds communion
with the wild winds and storms, and
has fearful dealings I would not dream
of in the dark, howling, dismal nights.
Nor, when the sombre light of a melan-
choly day just obscures the clouds that
have been gathering round it, would
I in imagination draw the curtain to
behold the unearthly drama.
There is something terrific in the
sound of unseen rushing water. When
all else is still in the dark night, and
you are uncertain of the path, and
feel the danger that a false footing
may plunge you into an abyss of
waters, that seem to cry out and roar
for a victim, have you not felt both
fear and shame ? Recently I experi-
enced this in Lynmouth, having in
the darkness lost my way. To the
poet and the painter, here is a source
of the sublime. Plunge your pencil
boldly into this eclipse, and work
into it a few dim lights, formless and
undefined — the obscure will be of a
grand mystery. The night-darkness
420
Lynmouth Revisited.
[Oct.
that settles over fine mountainous
scenery does not remove the sense of
its presence ; as its lakes blacken,
they become fabulous, of unknown
depths, below which may be infernal
" bolge." But I am wandering into
strange regions now, and far from
Lynmouth, whose scenes, after all,
are not of a very severe beauty, unless
we will to make it so. It will then
answer the demand imagination makes
upon it. Many are the scenes of a
purely quiescent kind, still and calm,
and of gentle repose, where the shal-
low river shows its amber bed, where-
in the gleams rest upon the well-de-
fined ledges beneath, whose gray
shadows melt into golden tints ; and
beyond, in the deeper pools, the green
of the trees is reflected greener still,
across which here and there is a gray
streak, showing the river's silent on-
ward movement ; and farther on, some
dark stones send their brown and
purple hues, mirrored and softened
down into the green, just dotted here
and there with white. Then the trees
shoot out lovingly from the bank over-
head, and reach and communicate
pleasantly with those on the opposite
side ; and here a bough sends down
and just forbears to touch the stream,
Narcissus-like, loving its own image.
The gray stones in the foreground,
half beneath the water, are of a deli-
cate hue, blue intermingling with pale
greenish and lakey tints ; for there is
nothing violent in all this scene of
peaceful repose. Very many spots of
this kind are there that court the
sketcher. Let him wind his way over
masses of stone, and roots of trees,
beyond these — the scene how chang-
ed ! The masses of stone are huge,
blocking up, in various positions, the
free passage of the river, which chafes
and foams between them, throwing
oft7 its whiteness into the brown and
green water depths. One broad sha-
dow is over the dark stones ; and be-
yond that rise the tops of other
masses, gray illuminated ; and beyond
them, a gleam or two of falling water.
Wilder are the trees that shoot out,
from rocky fragments near, and lock
their branches with those on the other
side ; while in the hollow space be-
neath their arching boles, distant and
fantastic stems cross the stream.
Opposite are huge masses, ledges
with precipitous and brown-mossed
sides ; above which the high rocky
bank sends forth large trees, their
roots twisting about the rocks and
coming out again through the fissures,
and met by green weed leafage. The
trees are darker than the dun -red
ground, but edged with greenish light ;
and above them the yellow sunlight
gleams through, and the dotted blue
of sky is just seen ; and, as avoiding
the light, a huge branch, or limb
rather, shoots down, edged with the
light on its upper surface, and dark
underneath, and throws a scanty de-
fined leafage across over the depth of
the river. But this precipitous bank
again terminates towards the ledges
in fine masses, rocks that project and
recede, partially luminous with re-
flected light, and then falling back
into extreme brown and purple dark-
ness, down into which the ivy falls
clustering and perpendicular, with in--
numerable briar- like shoots and ten-
drils. Here are severer studies.
They are to be found by crossing the
Lyn by the wooden bridge, not far
from Lynmouth, and following the
path through the wood some way,
and seeking the bed of the river by a
scarcely-discernible sheep-path, till
it be lost at the edge of a downward
way, not very difficult of descent.
Within a very small space, there are
fine and very different subjects. One
of scarcely less grandeur than the
last described, if it had not more
beauty blended with it ; but it
must be seen in the sun's eye —
the best time will be about 3 o'clock.
Beach a large stone that juts out from
the river's side, climb it, and look
down the stream. You must sketch
rapidly, for the charm will not last — it
is most lovely in colour, and the forms
are very beautiful. The opposite side
of the river may be termed a moun-
tain side, broken into hollows, in which
rock and vegetation deepen into shade.
The top is covered with trees, very
graceful, the sun edges their tops, and
rays flow through them, touching with
a white and silver light the ivied rock,
which is here perpendicular. Beyond
this mountain-side, which juts out, is
another clothed cliff, terminating at
the base in bold and bare rock ; be-
yond this, and high above, shooting
into the sky, are piled rocks of a wild
1849.]
Lynmouth Revisited.
421
and broken character, gray, but dark
against the distant mountain range, of
an ultramarine haze, over warm and
slightly marked downward passages ;
above is the illumined and illuminat-
ing sky. On the side of the river from
which this lovely view is seen, are
large masses, backed by trees, which
shoot across, but high overhead, so
that in the sketch the leafage would
drop as it were from the sky into the
middle of the picture. The river itself
is quite accordant in colour, and in the
forms and light and shade of the
stones, that, though so large, are
dwarfed by the large precipitous rocks
perpendicular above them. The course
of the stream is away from the eye of
the spectator — is in parts darkly tran-
sparent and deep — here and there
showing the white foam, and in other
parts its amber and reddish bed.
A little further back from this point
of view is another of the same scene ;
I am doubtful which would make the
best picture. On the very same stone
from which I sketched the scene de-
scribed, turning with my back to the
opposite side of the river, I was much
struck with the fine forms and solemn
light and shade of a rock, that was
cavernously hollow at its base, and
very near the stream. Above it, and
declining into the middle of the pic-
ture, the sunlit boles of coppice-trees,
rising among the light- green leafage,
made the only positive sunlight of
the picture : whatever else of light
there was, was shade luminous. This
rock was united with another across
the picture, that thus made a centre
and opening for the coppice, dotted
with the blue sky ; but all that side of
the picture was in very dark shadow,
being rock perpendicular, througli the
depth of which light and boldly formed
trees rose to the top of the picture, and
threw down leafage into the deep
shade. The colouring of the cavernous
hollow was remarkable : it was dark,
yet blending gray, and pink, and green.
The scene was of an ideal character ;
and I doubt if the sketch, though
taken with as much truth as I could
reach, would be thought to be from
nature. The same rocky mass, taken
in another direction, supplies a very
different but perhaps equally good
subject for the pencil. I say these
sketches are of an ideal kind. It maybe
asked — Are they not true ? — are they
not in nature ? They are ; but still for
a better use than the pleasure of the
imitation a mere sketch offers. These
are the kinds of scenes for the painter's
invention, into which he is to throw
his mind, and to dip his pencil freely
into the gloom of his palette, and con-
centrate depths, and even change the
forms, and even to omit much of the
decorative detail, and make severity
severer. He would give the little trees
a wilder life, a more visible power, as
if for lack of inhabitant they only were
sentient of the scene. If a figure be
introduced, they would be kept dbwn,
but shoot their branches towards him,
for there would be an agreement, a
sentient sympathy. But what figure?
It is not peaceful enough for a hermit ;
too solemn for the bandit, such as
Salvator would love to introduce ; an
early saint, perhaps a St Jerome — no
unapt place for him and his lion : and
somehow it must be contrived to have
the water perhaps entering even into
the retreat, and reflecting the aged,
the hoary bearded saint. Is not then
the subject ideal, and the sketch only
suggestive? And here let me remark,
with regard to that favourite word
" finish," — an elaborate finish of all
the detail, either of objects or colour-
ing, would ruin the sketch •; it would
lose its suggestive character, which is
its value. I have here described, I
know how inadequately, several very
striking scenes ; yet are they scarcely
a stone's throw apart. I mention them
exclusively on that account, for, where
there is so much, it must be the more
worth the while of the sketcher to
take some pains to find out the spot.
What do we mean by the " ideal "
of landscape ? The " naturalists "
ask the question in a tone of somewhat
more than doubt. The sketcher is apt
to be caught in the snare of nature's
many beauties, and, growing enamour-
ed of them in detail, to lose the higher
sense in his practical imitation. This
is a danger he must avoid, by study,
byreflection, bypoetry. If the "ideal"
be in himself, he will find it in nature.
If he sees in mountains, woods, and
fields but materials for the use of man,
and what the toil of man has made
them, he may be a good workman
in his imitation, but he will be a poor
designer. The " ideal" grows out of
Lynmouili Revisited.
422
a reverence, which he can scarcely
feel. If the earth be nothing to him
but for the plough, and the rivers for
the mill, and its only people are the
present people — doomed to toil, bear-
ing about them parochial cares, and
tasteless necessity, ignorant and re-
gardless of the history of the earth
they tread — he may boast of his love
of nature • but his love is, in fact, the
love of his technical skill, of his imi-
tation. He thinks more of the how
to represent, than what the scene may
represent. The ideal ranges beyond
the present aspect, and he who has a
belief in it will reverence this ancient
earth, the cradle wherein he and all
living things took form from their
creation. He will see visions of the
past, and dream dreams of its future
aspects and destiny ; and will learn, in
his meditations, to recall the people of
old, and imprint its soil with imagi-
nary footsteps. The painter is no true
artist if he feel not the greatness of
nature's immortality — atleast, that as
it rose from the creation so will it be,
throwing forth its bounty, and beam-
ing with the same vigorous beauty,
till it shall pass away as a scroll. The
painter-poet must be of a loving super-
stition, must acknowledge powers
above his own — beings greater between
him and the heavens. They may be
invisible as angels, yet leave some un-
derstanding of their presence. They
will voice the woods and the winds,
and tell everywhere that all of nature
is life. Are there not noble elements
here for the landscape painter, and
can neither history nor fable supply
him with better figures than toil-worn
labourers, drovers taking their cattle
or' sheep to the butchers, and paupers
walking to the poorhouse? I like not
the "naturalist's" poverty of thought.
If the art be not twin sister with poetry,
her charm is only for the eye. Nothing
great ever came from such hands.
" And deeper faith — intenser fire —
Fed sculptor's chisel — poet's pen ;
What nobler theme might art require
Than gods on earth, and godlike men ?
Yea, gods then watched with loving care
(Or such, at least, the fond belief)
E'en lifeless things of earth and air —
The cloud, the stream, the stem, the leaf :
Iris, a goddess ! tinged the flower
With more than merely rainbow hues ;
Great Jove himself sent down the shower,
Or freshcn'd earth with healing dews ! "
KEN VON 's Poems.
[Oct.
How do such thoughts enhance all
nature's beauties ! The sketcher's
real work is to see, to feel them all,
and to fit them to the mind's poetic
thoughts.
I seem to be forgetting that the
reader and myself are all this while at
the water's edge, and under deep-
brow'd rocks; that sunshine has left
us, and it is time to climb to the
path that leads toward Lynmouth.
For such an hour we are on the wrong
side of the stream. Now the woods
are mapped, and edged only by the sun
hasteningdownward. Yet after awhile
we shall not regret that we are in this
path. Escaping the closer and shaded
wood, we shall reach a more open
space, and see the flood of evening's
sunlight pouring in. Here it is ; my
sketch was poor indeed, for there was
neither time nor means to do anything
like justice to the scene. Here is a
narrow, winding rocky path, a little
above the river, from whose superim-
pending bank, trees that now look
large shoot across the landscape, and
a bold stem or two rises up boldly to
meet them ; the river stretches to
some distance, wooded on this side to
the edge, and wooded hills in front,
and in perspective. The distant hills
are most lovely in colour, pearly and
warm gray; the river, the blazing
sky reflected, yet showing how rich
the tone, by a few yellowish-gray
lighter streaks that mark its move-
ment. The fragments of rock in the
river are of a pinkish -gray, and,
though not dark, yet strongly marked
against the golden stream, — the whole
scene great in its simplicity of effect
and design. In broad day the scene
would be passed unnoticed ; it would
want that simplicity which is its
charm, and be a scene of detail ; but
now the lines are the simplest, and,
happily, where the river really turns,
its view is lost in the reflection of the
shaded wood. And here, in this
smallest portion of the picture, the
hills on each side seem to meet and
fold, giving the variety in the smallest
space, upon which I have made re-
marks in this paper. This beautiful
picture of nature I visited several
evenings, and it little varied. But the
charm lasts not long — the sun sets, or
is behind the wooded hill, before its
actual setting, yet leaves its tinge of
1849.] Lynmouth
lake blushing above the gold in the
sky — the life of the scene has faded,
and it is still and solemn. I cannot
better describe the impression it left,
than by a quotation from an old play,
in which the lover sees his mistress,
who had swooned, or was in a death-
like sleep : —
" ANTONIO.
At the first sight I did believe her dead —
Yet in that state so awful she appeared,
That I approached her with as much respect
As if the soul had animated still
That body which, though dead, scarce mortal
seemed.
But as the sun from our horizon gone,
His beams do leave a tincture on the skies,
AVhich shows it was not long since he withdrew ;
So in her lovely face there still appeared
Some scattered streaks of those vermilion beams
Which used t' irradiate that bright firmament.
Thus did I find that distressed miracle,
Able to wound a heart, as if alive —
Incapable to cure it, as if dead."
Thus is there sympathy between our
hearts and nature — a sympathy, the
secret of taste, which, above aU, the
sketcher should cultivate as the
source of his pleasure, and (may it
not be added ?) of his improvement.
I will not proceed further with
description of scenes ; Lynmouth will
be long remembered. I scarcely know
a better spot for the study of close
scenery. On reviewing my former
impressions with the present, I should
not say that Lynmouth has lost, but
I have certainly gained some know-
Revisited.
423
ledge, and, I think, improved my
sympathies with nature ; and if I have
not enjoyed so enthusiastically as I
did sixteen years ago, I have enlarged
my sight and extended my power. I
am practically a better sketcher. The
hand and the eye work together; the
improvement of one advances the
other.
I know no better method of sketch-
ing than the mixture of transparent
and semi-opaque colouring. It best
represents the variety and the power
of nature; and as it more nearly
resembles in its working the practice
of oil-painting, so is it the more
likely to improve the painter. I
have remarked that, even in depth of
colour, the semi-opaque is very much
more- powerful than the transparent,
however rich ; for the one has, be-
sides its more varied colour, the
solidity of nature ; whereas the most
transparent has ever an unsubstantial
look — you see through to the paper or
the canvass. Semi-opaque, (or de-
grees of opacity, till it borders on the
transparent,) as it hides the material,
and throws into every part the charm
of atmosphere, so it will ever bestow
upon the sketch the gift of truth.
I did not begin this paper on Lyn-
mouth Revisited with any intention
of entering upon the technicalities of
art; so I will refrain from any
further remarks tending that way,
which leads to far too wide a field for
present discussion.
VOL. LXVI.— NO. ccccvni.
424
What has Revolutionising Germany attained?
[Oct.
WHAT HAS REVOLUTIONISING GERMANY ATTAINED?
IT is now rather more than a year
since we asked, " What would revo-
lutionising Germany be at ? " A full
year has passed over the dreamy,
theorising, restless, and excited head
of Germany, then confused and stag-
gering, like " a giant drunken with
new wine," but loudly vaunting that
its strong dose of revolution had
strengthened and not fuddled it, and
that it was about to work out of its
troubled brains a wondrous system of
German Unity, which was to bring it
infinite and permanent happiness ; and
now we would once more ask, What
is the result of the attempted applica-
tion of German revolutionising theory
to practice ? In fact, what has revo-
lutionising Germany attained? Our
first question we asked without being
able to resolve an answer. The pro-
blem was stated: an attempt was
made to arrive at something like a
solution out of the distracting hurly-
burly of supposed purposes and so-
called intentions ; but, after every
effort to make out our " sum" in any
reasonable manner, we were obliged
to give it up, as a task impossible to
any political mathematician, not of
German mould ; to declare any defi-
nite solution for the present hopeless, —
and to end our amount of calculation
by arriving only in a cercle vicieux at
the statement of the problem with
which we started, and asking, as de-
spairingly as a tired schoolboy with
a seejmngly impracticable equation
before him, " What, indeed, would
revolutionising Germany be at ? " Are
we any further advanced now ? We
will not attempt the difficult sum
agam, or we might find ourselves
obliged to avow ourselves as much
deficient in the study of German poli-
tical mathematics as before. But we
may at least try to undertake a mere
sum of addition, endeavour to cast up
the amount of figures the Germans
themselves have laid before us, and
make out, as well as we can, what,
after a year's hard — and how hard ! —
work, revolutionising Germany has
attained. The species of sum-total,
as far as the addition can yet go, to
which we may arrive, may be still a
very confused and unsatisfactory one ;
but in asking, " What has revolution-
ising Germany attained ? " we will not
take it entirely to our own charge, if
the answer attempted to be made is
thus confused and unsatisfactory.
German political sums are all too
puzzling for English heads.
Last year Germany was, as yet,
very young in its revolutionary career.
It galloped over the country like an
unbroken colt, or rather like a mad
bull, "running a-muck" it scarcely
knew, and seemingly little cared, at
what, provided that it trampled be-
neath its hoofs all that stood, and, with
proper culture, might have flourished
and borne fruit. It tried to imitate
the frantic caperings of its fellow-
revolutioniser in the next paddock,
just over the Rhine ; but it imitated
this model in so clumsy a fashion, that
it might have been very aptly com-
pared to the ass in the fable, had not
the demonstrations it sought to make
been destructive kicks, and not mis-
taken caresses ; and the model it
sought to copy resembled the blood-
hound rather than the lap-dog. It
kicked out to the right and to the left,
and, with its kicks, inflicted several
stunning blows, from which the other
states, upon whose heads the kicks fell,
found some difficulty in recovering.
Even the maddest of the drivers who
spurred it on, however, found it neces-
sary to present some goal, at which it
was eventually to arrive in its mad
career — that goal was called " Ger-
man Unity" in one great powerful
united Germany. Where this vision-
ary goal existed, or how it was to be
attained — by what path, or in what
direction, none seemed to know ; but
the cry was, " On, on, on!" That it
should miss this goal, thus visionary
and indistinct, and plunge on past it,
through the darkness of anarchy, to
another winning-post, just as indis-
tinct and visionary, called " a univer-
sal republic," was a matter of little
consideration, or was even one of hope,
to those of its principal drivers who
whipped, and spurred, and hooted it,
with deafening and distracting cries,
like the Roman drivers of the un-
1849.]
What has Revolutionising Germany attained?
425
ridden horses in the Corso races. A
breaker-in was attempted, however,
to be placed, and not, at first, pre-
cisely by those who most wished to
check it, upon the back of the tearing
beast, in order to moderate its paces,
and canter it as gently as might be,
onwards to the denied goal — which
still, however, lay only in a most misty
distance, to which none seemed to
know the road. In this rider, called
a central Frankfort parliament, men
began to place their hopes ; they
trusted confidently that it might ride
the animal to its destination, although
they knew not where that lay. The
revolution, then, was decked out with
colours of red, and black, and gold —
the colours of an old German empire,
and of a new derived German unity —
and the rider mounted into the saddle.
How the rider endeavoured to show
the animal's paces — how he strove to
guide him forwards — how sometimes
he seemed, indeed, to be proceeding
along a path, uncertain, it is true, but
apparently leading somewhere — how
often he stumbled — how often, in his
inexperience, he slipped in his saddle
— how, at last, he slipped and fell from
it altogether, in vain endeavouring,
maimed, mutilated, bruised, and half
stunned, to spring into the saddle
again, are matters of newspaper his-
tory that need no detail here. It
suffices to say, that the rider was un-
horsed— that the animal gave a last
desperate plunge, kicking and wound-
ing the only one of the states around
that strove to the last to caress and
soothe it with gentle treatment — that
it now stands perspiring, shaking,
quivering in every limb — snorting
in vain struggle, and champing the
bit of the bridle which Prussian mili-
tary force has thrown upon it. To
what, then, has Germany attained in
its revolutionising career? It has,
at all events, not reached that ima-
ginary goal to which men strove to
ride it without direction -post. The
goal is as far off as ever, perhaps
farther off than before, as may be
shown. It remains just as vague, and
visionary, and misty. Not one step
seems to have been taken towards it.
Has no farther step whatever been
taken, then, after all this mad rushing
hither and thither ? And if any, how,
and whither? We shall endeavour to
see, as far as we are able. Our readers
must, then, judge whether it be for-
wards or backwards, or whether, in
fact, it be any step at all.
The Frankfort parliament has fallen
from its seat. Last year, when we
gave a sketch of its sittings in that
Lutheran church of St Paul in Frank-
fort— now bearing a stamp which
its sober-minded architect probably
never dreamt of, as a historical build-
ing— it was young, still in hopes ;
and amidst its inexperience, its va-
pouring declamation upon impractic-
able theories, its noise and confusion, its
clamorous radicalism, and its internal
treachery, that sought every pretext for
exciting to anarchy and insurrection, it
put forward men of note and ability —
who, however lacking in practical ex-
perience, gave evidence of noble hearts,
if not sound heads, and good intentions,
if not governmental power. It con-
tained, amidst much bad, many ele-
ments of good ; and, if it has no other
advantageous result, it has proved a
school of experience, tact, andreason —
as far at least as Germans, in the pre-
sent condition of their political educa-
tion, have been able to profit by its
lessons and its teaching. De mortuis
nil nisi bonum as far as possible ! It
is defunct. What its own inability,
want of judgment, internal disorgani-
sation, and " vaulting ambition, that
o'erleaps its sell," commenced, was
completed by the refusal of the prin-
cipal northern German states to ac-
knowledge its ill-digested constitution.
It sickened upon over-feeding of con-
ceit, excess of supposed authority, and a
naturally weak constitution, combined
with organic defects, weakened still
more by a perpetual and distracting
fever ; it was killed outright by what
the liberals, as well as the democrats,
of Germany choose to call the ill
faith and treachery of Prussia in de-
clining to accept its offers, and ulti-
mately refusing to listen to its dic-
tates. Its dying convulsions were
frightful. It fled to Stutgardt, in the
hopes that change of air might save it
in its last extremity: and there it
breathed its last. Its very home is a
wreck ; its furniture has been sold to
pay the expenses of its burial ; its
lucubrations, and its mighty acts, in
which it once fondly hoped to have
swayed all Germany, if not the world,
WJiat has Revolutionising Germany attained?
426
have been dispersed, in their recoi'ded
form, among cheesemongers and green-
grocers as waste-paper, at so much the
pound. Its house — the silent, sad, and
denuded church of St Paul — looks now
like its only mausoleum ; and on its
walls remains alive the allegorical pic-
ture of that great German empire,
which it deemed it had but to will to
found — the grim, dark, shaded face of
which grows grimmer and darker still,
day by day ; whilst the sun that rises
behind it, without illuminating its
form, daily receives its thicker and
thicker cloud of dust to obscure its
painted rays. Of a sooth, the allegory
is complete. It is dead, and resolved
to ashes. Its better and brighter ele-
ments have given up their last breath,
as, in their meeting at Gotha, they
made a last effort to discuss the ac-
ceptance of the constitution which
Prussia offered in lieu of their own,
and strove, although only still wear-
ing a most ghostly semblance of life,
to propose to themselves the best ulti-
mate means of securing that deside-
ratum, which they still seem to con-
sider as the panacea for all evils — the
great and powerful " United Ger-
many" of their theoretical dreams.
This last breath was not without its
noble aspirations. Its less pure, more
self-seeking, and darker elements have
striven, by wild and no longer (even
in appearance) legal means, to galva-
nise themselves into a false existence ;
their last struggles were such hideous
and distracted contortions as are usu-
ally produced by such galvanic appli-
cations ; and now the German papers
daily record the arrest of various
members of the so-called " Rump
Parliament," (so nicknamed by the
application or rather misapplication of
an English historical term,) which re-
ceived its final extinguishing blow at
Stutgardt, mixed up, in these days of
imprisonment, as the consequence of
mistaken liberty, along with insur-
gents and rebels engaged in the late
disastrous scenes acted in the duchy
of Baden. Such was to be their fate.
But, be it for good or for evil, the
Frankfort parliament has died, as was
prophesied, and not without convul-
sions : its purposes have proved null ;
its hopes have been dispersed to the
winds; its very traces have been
.swept away; its memory is all but a
[Oct.
bitter mockery. Thus far, then, we-
may indeed shake our heads despair-
ingly as we ask — " What has
revolutionising Germany as yet at-
tained?"
What has it attained? Let us go
on. In the first place, what remains
of the gigantic cloud, which men
attempted to catch, embody, and
model into a palpable form, although
with hands inexperienced, and with
as little of the creative and vivifying
health really within its power, as
Frankenstein, when he sought to
remould the crumbling elements he
possessed into a human form, and
produced a monster. What remains
of the great united German empire
of men's dreams? Nothing but a
phantom of a central power, grasping
the powerless sceptre of a ghostly
empire ; surrounded by ministers
whose dictates men despise and dis-
regard, in veritable exercise of their
functions, as ghostly as itself. The
position of the Imperial adminis-
tration has become a byword and a
scoff; and it is lamentable to see a
prince, whose good intentions never
have been doubted, and whose popu-
lar sympathies have been so often
shown, standing thus, in a situation
which borders upon the ridiculous —
an almost disregarded and now use-
less puppet — a quasi emperor without
even the shadow of an empire ; and
yet condemned to play at empire-
administrating — as children play at
kings and queens — none heeding their
innocent and bootless game. How
far the edicts of the defunct Frank-
fort parliament, and the decrees of
the government of the Imperial. Vicar-
age— paralysed in all real strength, if
not utterly defunct now — are held as
a public mockery, is very pithily evi-
denced to the least open eyes of any
traveller to the baths of Germany,
at most of which the gambling tables
— supposed to be suppressed, and
declared to be illegal by the shade of
the " central power," — openly pursue
their manoeuvres, and earn their gains
as of yore ; or, at most, fix upon the
doors of their hells a ticket, written
" salons reserves" to give them the
faint appearance of private establish-
ments, and thus adopt a very flimsy
pretext, and effect a most barefaced
evasion of a hitherto useless law.
1849.]
What lias Revolutionising Germany attained?
427
Croupiers and gamblers sit squatting,
most disrespectfully, at almost every
bathiiig-place, upon the Imperial edict
— as the toads and frogs squatted
upon King Log — treating him as a
jest, and covering him with their
filthy slime. By what authority — of
the same Imperial Vicar also — the
whole country around Frankfort is
overrun with Prussian soldiers, it
would be difficult to show. That the
so-called free city itself should be
occupied by a joint garrison of Prus-
sian and Austrian troops for its
protection, may be looked upon as
a legal measure, adopted and autho-
rised by a new parliament, and a
central power, such as it is, as by
the old Diet. But when we see
in every village round about — in
«very house, in almost every hovel
— those hosts of Prussian spiked
helmets gleaming in the sun — those
Prussian bayonets planted before
every door — those Prussian uniforms,
studding, with variegated colour,
every green rural scene ; when we
never cease to hear upon the breeze — •
wherever we may wander in the
country — the clang of Prussian mili-
tary bands, and the tramp of Prussian
infantry ; when we find the faces of
Prussian military at every window,
and observe Prussian soldiers mixing
in every action of the common every-
day life of the country; and then
turn to ask how it comes that Prus-
sian soldiers swarm throughout a
part of the land in no way belonging
to Prussia, we are able to receive no
more reasonable answer than that
"they are there because they are
there" — an explanation which has a
more significant meaning in it than
the apparently senseless words seem
to express. " They are there because
they are there" — that is to say, without
anyrecognised authorityfroni anycen-
tral German power. " They are there
because they are there," — because
Prussia has sent them. Where, then,
is the central power? — what is its
force? what its authority? what its
sense ? If, then, all that still remains,
in living form, of that great united
Germany of men's dreams, is but the
"shadow of a shade," in power — a
power disregarded — even more, de-
spised and ridiculed— what has revo-
lutionising Germany attained in its
chase after the phantom of its
hopes ?
If in this respect it has attained
nothing which it can show, after
more than a year's revolution, for the
avowed or pretended purpose of ob-
taining some result to this very end,
it cannot be said, however, that no-
thing remains to Germany of its
dream of unity. Spite of sad expe-
rience— spite of the uselessness of
every effort — spite of sacrifices made
and sorrows suffered — Germany still
pursues its phantom with as much
ardour as before. Like the prince in
the fairy-tale, who, panting, breath-
less, half-dead with exhaustion and
fatigue, still hunted without rest for
the imaginary original of the fair por-
trait placed in his hands — untired
and unyielding, after the repeated
disappointments of lifting veil after
veil from forms which he thought
might be that of the beloved one —
still driven on by an incurable longing
— still yearning despairingly, and with
false hope, — so does Germany, after
lifting veil after veil only to find de-
lusive spectres beneath, still yearn
and long for the object of its adora-
tion. It is impossible to travel, even
partially, through the country, with-
out discovering, from every conversa-
tion with all classes, that the intense
craving for this object — this great
blessing of a grand and powerful
United Germany — is as strong as
ever — far stronger than ever ! For
what was not very long ago only the
watchword of the fancied liberal stu-
dent, in his play of would-be conspi-
rator— what was but the pretext of
really conspiring and subversive de-
mocrats— what grew only by degrees
into the cry of the people, who
clamoured, not knowing what they
clamoured for — has taken evidently
the strongest root throughout the
whole mass of German nationality,
and grows — grows in despite of the
rottenness of the branches it has as
yet sent forth — grows in despite of
the lopping, breaking, and burning of
its first offshoots — grows in despite of
the atmosphere of contention, rather
than of union, that becomes thicker
and more deleterious to its growth,
around it, and of the blight it daily
receives from the seemingly undis-
persable mildew of hatred, suspicion,
What has Revolutionising Germany attained?
428
and total want of sympathy between
Southern and Northern Germany,
which formerly arose only from un-
cougeniality of temperament, mixed
up more or less with difference of
religious creed, but now is generated
by a thousand causes. This intense
craving for the possession of the
phantom — increasing, it would seem,
in proportion as the phantom flies
farther and farther from the grasp — is
no longer expressed by the student,
the democrat, and the man of the
people : it pervades all classes from
below to above ; it is in the mouth of
the man of caution and of sense, as in
that of the wild and poetico-political
enthusiast ; it becomes more and
more universal, and it amounts to a
mania. Ask of whom you will, Whi-
ther tends German hope ? and the an-
swer will still and ever be the same —
" German unity." But ask no more ;
for if you inquire, as last year, into
the "how," the "when," the "where,"
the answer will in most cases be given
in the same strain of incomprehensible
and still more impracticable rhapsody
— visionary, poetical, noble some-
times, but purposeless as before ; or
men will shrug their shoulders, shake
their heads, and sigh, but still dream
on the dream of German unity — still
clamour for it loudly. And well may
they shake their heads and groan, if
such be the end and aim of all Ger-
man aspirations ! for where, indeed,
is the path that leads to it? That
which Germany is itself following up,
leads (for the present at least) visibly
from it, and not towards it. Prussia
has promulgated its constitution, —
and we may ask, par parenthese,
whether that is to be put forward as
the great end which revolutionising
Germany has attained, after more
than a year's revolution? Prussia
has called upon all Germany to join
with it, hand in hand, in this consti-
tution, granted and given, but not
accepted, at the hands of a Frank-
fort parliament. In answer to its
call, it has found the cleft between
Northern and Southern Germany —
the cleft of envy and jealousy, suspi-
cion and mistrust — growing wider and
wider to oppose it. It has attempted
to form a partial union of Northern
Germany — between the more north-
ern states of Prussia, Hanover, and
[Oct.
Saxony ; but even in this union has
been disunion — reticence, and suspi-
cion, and doubt, and indecision, among
the proposed allies themselves ; while
Austria, Bavaria, and even Wu'rtem-
berg, have held aloof to sulk and
scoff, and have seemed to bide that
time when Austria should be less
shackled, and could better oppose the
supremacy of Northern German in-
fluence. Coalitions even now are
talked of, to which, if Prussia be not
a stranger, it is to be admitted only
as a humbled ally. With these feel-
ings, which exist not only between
powers, but in the people, the cry of
United Germany is but a jest — the
longing a green- sickness. Certainly
revolutionising Germany has not thus
far attained any step in its progress
towards the great desideratum of its
nationality. The only semblance of
progress has been, in the advances of
Prussia towards supremacy, in the
cession of the principality of Hohen-
zollern Sigmaringen to its territory,
(an example which other small Ger-
man principalities may follow,) in its
present occupation of the free town of
Hamburg, in its military occupation
of the duchy of Baden, of which
more further on. But if these be
steps towards a united Germany, tell
it to Southern Germany, and hear
what it will say!
If so little, then, has been attained
by revolutionising Germany, in its
progress towards its most loudly
clamoured desire, let us see what
else it has attained. After a year's
labour, which was not without its
throes, revolutionising Germany, as
represented by its central parliament,
brought forth its constitution — a
ricketty child, but fully expected by
its fond, and in many respects infatu-
ated parents, to grow into a giant,
and flourish under the edifice of a
United German Empire. The im-
plicit adoption of this bantling by
the several German states, as their
heir and future master, was declared
by revolutionisers to be the sine qua
non of their sufferance still to exist
at all, under the will of the people.
Unhappy bantling, decked out with ^
all sorts of promised gifts for the
future weal of mankind by its would-
be fairy godmothers ! it proved but a
changeling — or rather an imp, pro-
1849.]
Wltat has Revolutionising Germany attained?
429
Tided with every curse, instead of
every blessing ; as if the gifts it was
intended to bestow had been reversed
by a wicked fairy among the god-
mothers, who had more power than
the rest. And, of a truth, there was
such a one among them : and her
name was Anarchy or Subversion, al-
though the title she gave herself was
Red Republic, and the beast on which
she rode was Self-interest. The conse-
quence was, that the very contrary
occurred to that which revolutionisers
had prophesied or rather menaced.
Prussia, and the other states, which
refused to adopt the bantling, thus
menacingly thrown into their arms,
have gone on, we cannot say the
" even," but uneven " tenor of their
way " — no matter now by what means,
for we speak only of the strange
destinies of the much-laboured, long-
expected, loudly- vaunted Frankfort
constitution. Almost the only one —
at least of the larger states the only
one — that seemingly accepted the
adoption forced upon it, with frank-
ness, willingness, and openness, has
been convulsed by the most terrible
of civil wars. In Baden, the accep-
tance of the Frankfort constitution,
and not its rejection, by a well-
meaning, mild, but perhaps weak
ruler, was eagerly seized upon as
a pretext for disaffection, armed
insurrection, civil war ; while Wur-
temberg, where it was received by
tha king, although with evident un-
willingness, or, as he himself ex-
pressed it, in a somewhat overstrained
tone of pathos, " with bleeding and
broken heart, " narrowly escaped
being involved in the same fearful
issue. The process by which this
result was attained in Baden was
curious enough, although fully in
accordance with the usual mano3uvres
of the anarchical leaders of the day,
who, while denouncing Jesuitism, in
many parts of the world, as the great
evil and anti-popular influence against
which they have most to contend,
evidently adopt the supposed and
most denounced principle of Jesuit-
ism — that " the ends justify the
means " — as their own peculiar line
of conduct ; and use every species of
treachery, deceit, falsehood, and de-
lusion, as holy and righteous weapons
in the sacred cause of liberty, or of
that idol of their worship which they
choose to nickname liberty. In show-
ing what revolutionising Germany
has, or rather perhaps has not, as yet,
attained, we must briefly, then, revert
once more to that insurrection and
its suppression, that has so fearfully
devastated the duchy of Baden, and
its neighbouring province of the Pala-
tinate, which, although belonging to
Bavaria, is so distant and divided
from that kingdom as to be included,
without further distinction, in the
same designation.
It was with almost prophetic spirit
that we, last year, spoke of the un-
happy duchy of Baden, which had
then, as since, the least cause of com-
plaint of any of the several subdivi-
sions of Germany. " Nothing," it
was then said, " can be more uneasy
and disquieting than its appearance.
In this part of Germany, the revolu-
tionary fermentation appears far more
active, and is more visible in the
manner, attitude, and language of the
lower classes, than even in those (at
that time) hotbeds of revolutionary
movement, Austria and Prussia. To
this state of things the confinity with
agitated France, and consequently a
more active affinity with its ideas,
caught like a fever from a next-door
neighbour's house, the agency of the
emissaries from the ultra-republican
Parisian clubs, who find an easier
access across the frontiers, and the fact
also that the unhappy duchy has been,
if not the native country, at least
the scene of action of the repub-
lican insurgents, Hecker and Struve,
have all combined to contribute."
"It is impossible to enter the duchy,
and converse with the peasant popu-
lation, formerly and proverbially so
peacefully disposed in patriarchal
Germany — formerly so smiling, so
ready, so civil, perhaps only too
obsequious in their signs of respect,
now so insolent and rude — without
finding the poison of those various
influences gathering and festering in
all their ideas, words, and actions."
Such were the views written last
year; and this state of things has
since continued to increase, as regards
popular fermentation, and disposition
to insurrection. Demagogic agitators
swarmed in the land, instilling poison
wherever they went, and rejoicing as
430
What has Revolutionising Germany attained?
[Oct.
they saw the virus do its work in the
breaking out of festering sores. The
tactics of this party, in all lands, has
been to try their experiments upon
the military ; but it has only been in
Baden, thus demoralised, and dis-
organised by weakness of sufferance,
and a vain spirit of concession and
looked-for conciliation, that these
subjects' were found fitting for the
efforts of the experimentalisers. The
virus had already done its work
among them, to the utmost hopes of
the poisoning crew, when the New
Frankfort Constitution — the rejection
of which was to be the signal for a
quasi legal insurrection — was accepted
by the Grand-duke of Baden. But
the agitators were not to be thus
baffled. A pretence, however shallow
and false, was easily found in the
well-prepared fermentation of men's
minds ; and the military, summoned
by demagogic leaders to tumultuous
meetings, were easily persuaded that
a false, or at least a defective draught
of the new boasted constitution had
been read to them and proclaimed —
that, in the real constitution, an enact-
ment provided that the soldiers were
to choose and elect their own officers —
that this paragraph had been care-
fully suppressed ; and that the mili-
tary had been thus deprived and
cheated of their rights. Easily de-
tected as might have been the false-
hood, it nevertheless succeeded in
its purposes. The military insurrec-
tion, in which the tumultuous and
evil-disposed of the lower classes, and
a great portion of the disaffected
peasantry joined, broke out on the
very evening of one of these great
meetings ; and, by means of a well-
prepared and actively organised con-
centration of measures, in various
parts of the duchy at the same time.
Thus was the very acceptance of the
revolutionary constitution made in
Baden a pretext to stir the land to
insurrection.
After the full account already pub-
lished in these pages, it is needless
to enter into detail, with regard to
the events which marked the pro-
gress and suppression of this great
insurrection. It is only to show the
insensate state of mind to which re-
volutionary agents, left to do their
will, were able to work up the mili-
tary ; the confused ideas and purposes,
with which these would-be revolution-
ising German heads were filled ; the
ignorance that was displayed among
these men, said to be enlightened by
"patriots," and their want of all
comprehension of the very rights for
which they pretended to clamour — in
fact, the utter absence of any expe-
rience gained by the lower classes,
and especially the military portion of
them, after more than a year's revolu-
tionising, that we briefly recapitulate
some of the leading events of the out-
break. It was with a perfect headlong
frenzy that the garrison of the fortress
of Rastadt first revolted ; it was with
just as much appearance of madness
that the mutiny broke out simulta-
neously in the other garrison towns.
There was every evidence of rabid
mania in the deplorable scenes which
followed, when superior officers in vain
attempted with zeal and courage to
stem the torrent, and, in many in-
stances, lost their lives at the hands
of the infuriated soldiery ; when others
were cruelly and disgracefully mis-
handled, and two or three, unable to
contend with the sense of dishonour
and degradation which overwhelmed
them as military men, rushed, mad-
dened also, into suicide, to have their
very corpses mutilated by the men
whom they had treated, as it happened,
with kindness and concession ; when
others again, who had escaped over
the frontiers, were, by a violation of
the Wiirtemberg territory, captured,
led back prisoners, and immured, under
every circumstances of cruelty and
ignominy, in the fortress they had in
vain attempted loyally to guard.
There was madness in all this ; and
then we learn, to complete the
deplorable picture, from a very ac-
curate account of all the circum-
stances, lately published by a Baden
officer, as well as from another pamph-
let, more circumscribed in detail, but
fully as conclusive as regards narra-
tion of feeling, in almost every page,
that when the insurgent soldiers were
asked by their officers what they
wanted, they could only answer, " Our
rights and those of the people ;" and
when questioned further, " What are
those rights?" either held their tongues
and shook their heads in ignorance,
or replied with the strangest naivete,
1849.]
What has Revolutionising Germany attained ?
"That yon ought to know better than
we." Still more strikingly character-
istic of the insensate nature of the
struggle are the examples where
the infatuated soldiers parted from
their officers with tears in their eyes,
then, driven on by their agitators,
hunted them to the death ; and then,
again, with eyes opened at last to
their delusion, sobbed forth the bit-
terest repentance for their blindness.
It has been already seen how the
Grand-duke fled the land, how Baden
was given up, in a state of utter
anarchy, to a Provisional govern-
ment, that existed but long enough
to be utterly rent and torn by the
very instruments which its members
had contributed to set in movement ;
and to a disorganised, tumultuous
army, prepared to domineer and
tyrannise in its newly- acquired self-
power ; how the insurrection was
suppressed, after an unwilling appeal
to Prussia by the Grand- duke — how
the insurgent troops were dispersed by
means of a Prussian army — and how
Rastadt was finally surrendered by
the revolutionary leaders. As these
events have already been detailed, and
as it is our purpose to ask in general,
" What has revolutionising Germany
attained ? " we need do no more
on this head, than ask, "What,
by its late movement, has revolution-
ising Baden attained? " " What then
is the present position, and the pre-
sent aspect of the country, after the
armed suppression ? "
What, indeed! Poor old Father
Rhine, although still, in these revolu-
tionary days, somewhat depressed in
spirits, does not now, however, exhibit
that aspect of utter melancholy and
despair which we last year pictured ;
he has even contrived to reassume
something of that conceited air which
we have so often witnessed in his
eld face. Foreign tourists, if not in
the pleasure-seeking shoals of afore-
time, at least in very decent sprink-
lings, return again to pay him visits ;
and the hotels upon his banks give
evidence that his courts are not wholly
deserted. Ems, from various causes
independent of its natural beauties —
the principal one of which has been
the pilgrimage of French Legitimists
to the heir of the fallen Bourbons,
during his short residence in that
431
sweet bathing-place — has overflowed
with "guests." Homburg has had
scarcely a bed to offer to the wan-
derer on his arrival. Rhenish Prus-
sia, then, has profited, by its com-
parative state of quiet, somewhat to
redeem its losses of last year. But
the poor duchy of Badeii still hangs
its head mournfully ; and Baden-
Baden, the fairest queen of German
watering-places, finds itself utterly
deprived of its well-deserved crown
of supremacy, and seems to have
covered itself, in shame, with a veil
of sadness. Although all now wears
again a smiling face of peaceful quiet,
and Prussian uniforms, which at least
have the merit of studding with colour
the gay scene, give warrant for peace
by the force of the bayonet, yet
tourists seem to avoid the scene of
the late fearful convulsions, as they
would a house in which the plague
has raged, although now declared
wholly disinfected. A few wandering
" guests " only come and go, and tell
the world of foreign wanderers with
dismal faces, " Baden-Baden is
empty !" Travellers seem to hurry
through the country, as swiftly as the
railroad can whirl them across it, to-
wards Strasburg and Bale — ay! rather
to republican France, or fermenting
Switzerland : they appear unwilling
to turn aside and seek rest among the
beautiful hills of a country where the
reek of blood, or the vapour of the
cannon-smoke, may be still upon the
air. In Baden-Baden bankrupt hotels
are closed; and the lower classes,
who have been accustomed to amass
comparative wealth by the annual in-
flux of foreigners, either by their pro-'
duce, or in the various different occu-
pations of attending upon visitors,
wear the most evident expression of
disappointment, listlessuess, and want.
Baden pays the bitter penalty of in-
surrection, by being utterly crippled
in one of the branches of its most
material interests. It bears as quiet
an aspect outwardly, however, as if
it were sitting, in humiliation and
shame, upon the stool of repentance.
There is nothing (if they go not be-
yond the surface) to prevent foreign
pleasure or health seekers from find-
ing their pleasure or repose in this
sweet country ; and in what has been
simply, but correctly, termed " one of
432
What has Revolutionising Germany attained ?
[Oct.
the loveliest spots upon God's earth,"
as of yore ; but they are evidently shy,
and look askance upon it. Baden
pays its penalty.
Although nature smiles, however,
upon mountain and valley, and ro-
mantic village, as cheerily as before,
and there is gaiety still in every sun-
beam, yet traces of the horrors lately
enacted in the land are still left, which
cannot fail to strike the eye of the
most listless, mere outward observer,
as he whisks along the country —
sometimes in the trampled plain, on
which nature has not been as yet
able to throw her all-covering veil
again, and which shows where has
been the battle-field, which should
have been the harvest-field, and was
not — sometimes in the shattered wall
or ruined house — sometimes in the
wood cut down or burned. At every
step the traveller may be shown, by
his guide, the spots on which battles
or skirmishes have taken place, where
the cannon has lately roared, where
blood has been shed, where men have
fallen in civil contest. Here he may
be conveyed over the noble railway-
bridge of the Neckar, and see the
broken parapet, and hear how the
insurgents had commenced their work
of destruction upon the edifice, but
were arrested in its accomplishment
by the rapid advance of the Prussian
troops. Here again he may mark the
late repairs of the railroad, where it
has been cut up into trenches, to pre-
vent the speedy conveyance of the
war-material of the enemy. If he
lingers on his way, he may seek in
vain in the capital, or other "resi-
dence towns " of Baden, where ducal
palaces stand, for the treasures of
antiquity which were their boast.
Pillage has done its work : insurgents
have appropriated these objects of
value to themselves, in the name of
the people ; and the costly and be-
jewelled trappings of the East, the
rich gold inlaid armour, and the valu-
able arms, brought in triumph home
by the Margrave Louis of Baden, after
his Turkish campaigns, are now dis-
persed, none knows where, after hav-
ing fed the greed of some French
red-republican or Polish democrat.
But it is more particularly in the
neighbourhood of the fortress town of
Eastadt, where the insurgents last
held out, that the strongest traces
of the late convulsions may be
found. Marks of devastation are
everywhere perceptible in the country
around ; the remains of the temporary
defences of the besiegers still lie scat-
tered in newly dug trenches ; and the
blackened walls of a railway station-
house, by the road-side, tell him how
it was bombarded from the town by
the besieged insurgents, and then
burned to the ground, lest it should
afford shelter to the besiegers. These
are, however, after all, but slight
evidences of what the duchy of
Baden has attained by its late revolu-
tion. If we go below the surface, the
dark spots are darker and far more
frequent still.
It is impossible to enter into con-
versation with persons of any classr
without discovering, either directly or
indirectly, how deeply rooted still
remains the demoralisation of the
country. The bitterness of feeling,
and the revolutionary mania of revolu-
tionising, to obtain no one can tell
what, may have been crushed down
and overawed ; but they evidently
still smoulder below the surface and
ferment. The volcano - mouth has
been filled with a mass of Prussian
bayonets ; but it still burns below : it
is clogged, not extinct. The demo-
cratic spirit has been too deeply in-
fused to be drugged out of the mass
of the people by the dose of military
force. Fearful experience seems to-
have taught the sufferers little or
nothing ; and although, here and
there, may be found evidences of
bitter repentance, consequent upon
personal loss of property, or family
suffering, yet even below that may
be constantly found a profound bit-
terness, and an eager rancour, against
unknown and visionary enemies.
Talk to that poor old woman, who
sits with pale face upon a stile on the
mountain-side. She will weep for
the son she has lost among the in-
surgents, and deplore, with bitter
tears, his error and his delusion ; and
yet, if you gain her confidence, she
will raise her head, and, with some
fire in her sunken eye, tell you that
she has still a son at home, a boy,
her last- born, who bides but his time
to take up the musket against " those
accursed enemies of the people and
1849.]
What has Revolutionising Germany attained?
433
the people's rights!" Enter into
conversation with that shopkeeper
behind his counter, or that hotel-
keeper in his palace hotel — both are
" well to do " in the world, or have
been so, until revolutions shattered
the commerce of the one, or deprived
the other of wealthy visitors — you
may expect to find in them a feeling,
tanght them at least by experience,
against any further convulsion. No
such thing ; they are as ripe for further
revolution as the lower classes, and
as eager to avenge their losses — not
upon those who have occasioned
them, but upon those who would
have averted them. Even in the
tipper classes you will find that crav-
ing for the idol, " United Germany,"
to which we have before alluded, and
which seems to invite revolutions,
rather than to fear them. Of course
exceptions may be found, and many,
to the examples here given ; but in
putting these figures into the fore-
ground of the picture to be painted
of the state of Baden, (if not of
Germany in general,) we firmly
believe we have given characteristic
types of the prevailing feelings of the
country. German heads, once let
loose into the regions of ideal fantasy,
be it political or philosophical, or the
strange and unpractical mixture of
both, seem as if they were not to be
recalled to the earth and the realms
of palpable truth by the lessons of
experience, however strongly, and
even terribly, inculcated.
The prevailing feeling, however, at
the present time in Baden, among the
lower classes, seems the hatred of
the occupation of the Prussian army,
which has saved the land from utter
anarchy. The very men who have
been taught by their demagogues to
clamour for " German Unity" as a
pretext for insurrection, look on the
Prussian military as usurping aliens
and foreign oppressors. Military oc-
cupation is certainly the prevailing
feature of the country. Prussian
troops are everywhere — in every town,
in every village, in every house, in
every hovel. Whichever way you turn
your eyes, there are soldiers — soldiers
— soldiers — horse and foot. The mili-
tary seem to form by far the greater
half of the population ; and, much
disposed as many may have been to
greet the return of the Grand- duke
to his states, as the symbol of the
cause of order, yet, in spite of birth-
day fetes, and banners, and garlands,
and loyal devices in flowers, which
have bedecked the road of the traveller
in the land not long since, these same
men will grumble to you of those
" accursed Prussian soldiers," who
alone were able to restore him to his
country, when the Baden army, as
troops to support their sovereign,
existed no longer — when those who
composed it fought at the head of the
insurgents. The very shadow of a
Baden army, even, is not now to be
found. And it is this fact, and the
evidences that an insurrectionary
spirit is still widely spread abroad,
which are given as the exeuse of a
continued Prussian occupation. It is
difficult, certainly, for a traveller in
a land so lately convulsed, and still
placed in circumstances so peculiar,
to arrive at truth. Prussian officers
will tell him how, on the arrival of
the Prussian army in the country,
and the dispersion of the insurgents,
flowers were strewn along its path
by the populations, who thus seeming-
ly hailed the Prussian soldiers as
their deliverers ; and in the next
breath they will inform him that this
was only done from fear, and that,
were it not for this salutary fear, the
insurrection would break forth again.
He may suspect that this account is
given as the pretext for a continued
occupation of the land. But Baden
officials will tell him that such is the
case — that Prussian troops alone keep
down a further rising ; and if he still
suspects his source, he will certainly
find among the people, at all events,
both the hatred and the fear. Mean-
while the Prussian officers seem to
think that both these feelings are
necessary for the pacification of the
land ; and, upon their own showing,
or rather boasting, they inculcate
them by flogging insolent peasants
across the cannon, by shooting down
insurgent prisoners, who spit upon
them from prison windows, without
any other form of trial, and by other
autocratic repressive measures of a
similar stamp. Meanwhile, also, they
seem, by all their words as well as
actions, to look upon Baden as a
conquered province acquired to Prus-
434
Wliat has Revolutionising Germany attained ?
[Oct.
sia, and openly and loudly vaunt
their conquest. Let it not be sup-
posed that this is exaggeration. It
is the general tone of Prussian officers —
ay, and even of the common Prussian
soldiers, occupying the duchy of
Baden — with a super-addition of true
Prussian conceit in manner, indescrib-
able by words. In spite of what we
may read in late newspaper reports,
then, of conciliation between the two
greatpowers of Northern andSouthern
Germany, we may well ask, What
will rival Austria say to this ? Where
is the prospect here of a great United
Germany ? And, after this resume of
the present position of Baden as a
part, we may well ask, also, What
has revolutionising Germany attained
as a whole ?
We have seen that the main ob-
ject, and at all events the chief pre-
text of the revolution, the establish-
ment of a great United Germany,
is still further from the grasp of the
revolutionising country than ever —
although it remains still the clamour
and the cry. Prussia may point in
irony to its advances, by the occupa-
tion of the duchy of Baden and of
Hamburg, and by its acquisition of the
principality of Hohenzpllern-Sigma-
ringen, and smile while it says that it
has effected thus much towards a union
of Germany under one head. Or, in
more serious mood, it may put for-
ward its projected alliance of the three
northern German potentates. But,
with regard to the former, what, in
«pite of the reports we hear of conci-
liation, will be the conduct of jealous
Austria, now at last unshackled in its
dealings ? The latter only shows still
more the cleft that divides the north-
ern portion of the would-be united
country from the southern. "United
Germany" only remains, then, a play-
thing in the hands of dreamers and
democrats — a pretty toy, about which
they may build up airy castles to the
one — an instrument blunted and
notched, for the present, to the other.
What has revolutionising Germany
attained here ?
What declared last year the mani-
festo of Prince Leiningen, then Minister
for Foreign Affairs, and leading mem-
ber of the cabinet of the newly estab-
lished central power — put forward, as
it was, as the programme of the new
government for all Germany? It
denounced "jealousies between the
individual states, and revilings of the
northern by the southern parts of the
empire," as " criminal absurdities ;"
and yet went on to say that "if the
old spirit of discord and separation
were still too powerfully at work — if
the jealousy between race and race,
between north and south, were still too
strongly felt — the nation must convince
itself of the fact, and return to the old
feudal system." It declared, however,
in the same breath as it were, that " to
retrograde to a confederation of states
would only be to create a mournful
period of transition to fresh catastro-
phes, and new revolutions." Failing
of the realisation of the great union,
to which the revolution was supposed
to tend, the manifesto then placed re-
volutionising Germany between the
alternative of returning to a part,
which it declared impossible, or further
convulsions and civil wars. It put
Germany, in fact, into a cleft stick.
Has a year's revolution tended to ex-
tricate it from this position? The
alternative remains the same — Ger-
many sticks in the cleft stick as much
as ever. Revolutionising Germany,
with all its throes and all its efforts,
has attained nothing to relieve it from
this position. Without accepting the
manifesto of Prince Leiningen, either
as necessarily prophetic, or as a poli-
tical dictum, from which there is no
evasion or escape, it is yet impossible
to look back upon it, while trying to
discover what revolutionising Ger-
many has attained, without sad pre-
sentiments, without looking with much
mournful apprehension upon the future
fate of the country. To return, how-
ever to the present state of Germany —
for the investigation of that is our
purpose, and not speculation upon the
future, although none may look upon
the present without asking with a
sigh, " What is to become of Ger-
many ? "
We find the revolutionary spirit
crushed by the events of the last year,
but not subdued; writhing, but not
avowing itself vanquished. The fer-
mentation is as great as heretofore :
experience seems to have taught the
German children in politics no useful
lesson. Now that the great object, for
which the revolution appeared to
1819.]
What has Revolutionising Germany attained?
436
struggle, lias received so notable a
check, the confusion of purposes, (if
German political rhapsodies may be
called such ;) of projects, (if, indeed, in
such visionary schemes there be any,)
and pretexts, (of a nature so evidently
false,) is greater than ever — the con-
fusion not only exists, but ferments,
and generates foul air, which must find
vent somewhere, be it even in imagi-
nation. Of the revolutionary spirits
whom we sketched last year in
Germany, the students alone seem
somewhat to have learned a lesson of
experience and tactics. Although many
may have been found in the ranks of
insurgents, yet the general mass has
sadly sobered down, and, it may be
hoped, acquired more reason and
method. The Jews — we cannot again
now inquire into the strange whys
and wherefores — still remain the rest-
less, gnawing, cankering, agitating
agents of revolutionary movement.
The insolence and coarseness of the
lower classes increases into bitter ran-
cour, and has been in no way amended
Tby concession and a show of good-will.
Among the middle-lower classes, the
most restless and reckless spirits, it
appears from well-drawn statistical
accounts, are the village schoolmas-
ters, (as in France) — to exemplify that
" a little learning is a dangerous
thing" — the barbers, and the tailors.
Had we time, it might form the sub-
ject of curious speculation to attempt
to discover why these two latter
occupations, (and especially the last
one) induce, more than all others,
heated brains and revolutionary
habits ; but we cannot stop on our
way to play with such curious ques-
tions. Over all the relations of social,
as well as public life, hover politics
like a deleterious atmosphere, blighting
all that is bright and fair, withering art
in all its branches, science, and social
intercourse. And, good heavens, what
politics ! — the politics of a bedlamite
philosopher in his ravings. In the
late festivities, given in honour of
Goethe at Frankfort, the city of
his birth, to commemorate the hun-
dredth anniversary of that event,
when it might have been supposed
that all men might have, for once,
nnited to do homage to the memory
of one whom Germans considered
their greatest spirit, politics again
interfered to thwart, and oppose, and
spoil. The democratic party endea-
voured to prevent the supplies offered
to be given by the town for the festi-
vities, because they saw the names of
those they called the " aristocrats,"
among the list of the committee, even
although men of all classes were in-
vited to join it ; and, when a serenade
was given before the house in which
the poet was born, the musicians were
driven away, and their torches extin-
guished, by a band of so-called u pa-
triots," who insisted upon singing, in
the place of the appointed cantata
composed for the occasion, the revo-
lutionary chorus in honour of the re -
publican Hecker — the now famous
song of the revolutionary battle-field,
the Hecker-Lied. And such an ex-
ample of this fermentation of politics
in all the circumstances of life, hoAv-
ever far from political intents, is nofc
singular: it is only characteristic of
the every-day doings of the times.
Among the upper classes, those feel-
ings which we last year summed up in
the characteristic words, " the dulness
of doubt and the stupor of apprehen-
sion," have only increased in intensity^
None see an issue out of the troubled
passage of the revolution. Their eyes
are blinded by a mist, and they
stumble on their way, dreading a pre-
cipice at every step. This impression
depicts more especially the feelings of
the so-called moderates and liberal
conservatives, who had their repre-
sentatives among the best elements of
the Frankfort parliament, and who,
with the vision of a united Germany
before their eyes, laboured to reach,
that visionary goal, at the same time
that they endeavoured to stem the
ever-invading torrent of ultra-revolu-
tion and red- republicanism. "The
duluess of doubt, and the stupor of
apprehension," seem indeed to have
fallen upon them since the last vain
meeting of the heads of their party in
Gotha. They let their hands fall
upon their laps, and sit shaking their
heads. Gagern, the boldest spirit,
and one of the best hearts that
represents their cause and has strug-
gled for its maintenance, is represent-
ed as wholly prostrate in spirit, un-
strung— missgestimmt, as the Germans
have it. He has retired entirely into
private life, to await events with aching
436
TJie Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
heart. If any feeling is still expressed
by the moderate liberals, it has been,
of late, sympathy in the fate of Hun-
gary, which the Prussians put forward
visibly only out of opposition to Aus-
tria, at the same time that, with but
little consistency, they condemn all
the agents of the Hungarian struggle.
We have endeavoured to give a
faint and fleeting sketch of what revo-
lutionising Germany has attained, after
a year's revolution. The picture is a
dark one, of a truth, but we believe
in no ways overdone. In actual pro-
gress the sum-total appears to be a
zero. The position of Germany, al-
though calmer on the surface, is as
difficult, as embarrassing, as much in
the " cleft stick," as when we specu-
lated upon it last year. All the well-
wishers of the country and of mankind
may give it their hopes ; but when
they look for realisation of their hopes,
they can only shake their heads, with
the Germans themselves, as they ask,
" What will become of Germany? "
THE GREEN HAND — A " SHORT" TARN.
THE next evening our friend the
Captain found his fair audience by
the taflrail increased to a round dozen,
while several of the gentlemen passen-
gers lounged near, and the chief officer
divided his attention between the gay
group of ladies below and the " fan-
ning" main-topsail high up, with its
corresponding studding-sail hung far
out aloft to the breeze ; the narrative
having by this time contracted a sort
of professional interest, even to his
matter-of-fact taste, which enabled
him to enjoy greatly the occasional
glances of sly humour directed to him
.by his superior, for whom he evidently
entertained a kind of admiring respect,
that seemed to be enhanced as he lis-
tened. As for the commander him-
self, he related the adventures in
question with a spirit and vividness of
manner that contributed to them no
small charm ; amusingly contrasted
with the cool, dry, indifferent sort of
gravity of countenance, amidst which
the keen gray seawardly eye, under
the peak of the naval cap, kept chang-
ing and twinkling as it seemed to run
through the experience of youth again
— sometimes almost approaching to
an undeniable wink. The expression
of it at this time, however, was more
serious, while it appeared to run along
the dotted reef-band of the mizen-
topsail above, as across the entry in
a log-book, and as if there were some-
thing interesting to come.
" Well, my dear captain," asked his
matronly relative, " what comes next ?
You and your friend had picked up a
— a — what was it now!"
" Ah ! I remember, ma'am," said the
naval man, laughing ; "the bottle —
that was where I was. Well, as you
may conceive, this said scrap of pen-
manship in the bottle did take both of
us rather on end ; and for two or three
minutes Westwood and I sat staring
at each other and the uncouth-looking
fist, in an inquiring sort of way, lite
two cocks over a beetle. Westwood,
for his part, was doubtful of its being
the Planter at all; but the whole
thing, when I thought of it, made
itself as clear to me, so far, as two
half-hitches, and the angrier I was at
myself for being done by a frog-eating,
bloody- politeful set of Frenchmen like
these. Could we only have clapped
eyes on the villanous thieving craft
at the time, by Jove! if I wouldn't
have manned a boat from the India-
man, leave or no leave, and boarded
her in another fashion! But where
they were now, what they meant, and
whether we should ever see them
again, heaven only knew. For all we
could say, indeed, something strange
might have turned up at home in
Europe — a new war, old Boney got
loose once more, or what not — and I
could scarce fall asleep for guessing
and bothering over the matter, as
restless as the first night we cruised
down Channel in the old Pandora.
Early in the morning- watch a sudden
stir of the men on deck woke me, and I
bundled up in five minutes' time. But
1849. ]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part V.
it was only the second mate setting
them to wash decks, and out they came
from all quarters, yawning, stretching
themselves, and tucking up their
trousers, as they passed the full
backets lazily along ; while a couple
of boys could be seen hard at work to
keep the head-pump going, up against
the gray sky over the bow. How-
ever, I was so anxious to have the
first look-out ahead, that I made a
bold push through the thick of it for
the bowsprit, where I went out till I
could see nothing astern of me but the
Indiaman's big black bows and figure-
head, swinging as it were round the
spar I sat upon, with the spread of
her canvass coming dim after me out
of the fog, and a lazy snatch of foam
lifting to her cut-water, as the breeze
died away. The sun was just begin-
ning to rise ; ten minutes before, it
had been almost quite dark ; there was
a mist on the water, and the sails
were heavy with dew ; when a circle
began to open round us, where the
surface looked as smooth and dirty as
in a dock, the haze seeming to shine
through, as the sunlight came sifting
through it, like silver gauze. You saw
the big red top of the sun glare against
the water-line, and a wet gleam of
crimson came sliding from one smooth
blue swell to another ; while the back
of the haze astern turned from blue
to purple, and went lifting away into
vapoury streaks and patches. All of
a sudden the ship came clear out aloft
and on the water, with her white
streak as bright as snow, her fore-
royal and truck gilded, her broad fore-
sail as red as blood, and every face on
deck shining as they looked ahead,
where I felt like a fellow held up on a
toasting-fork, against the fiery wheel
the sun made ere clearing the horizon.
Two or three strips of cloud melted in
it like lumps of sugar in hot wine ;
and, after overhauling the whole sea-
board round and round, I kept strain-
ing my eyes into the light, with the
notion there was something to be seen
in that quarter, but to no purpose ;
there wasn't the slightest sign of the
brig or any other blessed thing. What
struck me a little, however, was the
look of the water just as the fog was
clearing away : the swell was sinking
down, the wind fallen for the time to
a dead calm ; and when the smooth
face of it caught the light full from
aloft, it seemed to come out all over
long-winding wrinkles and eddies,
running in a broad path, as it were,
twisted and woven together, right into
the wake of the sunrise. When I came
inboard from the bowsprit, big Harry
and another grumpy old salt were
standing by the bitts, taking a fore-
castle observation, and gave me a
squint, as much as to ask if I had come
out of the east, or had been trying to
pocket the flying-jib-boom. " D'you
notice anything strange about the
water at all ? " I asked in an off-
hand sort of way, wishing to see if the
men had remarked aught of what I
suspected. The old fellow gave me
a queer look out of the tail of his eye,
and the ugly man seemed to be mea-
suring me from head to foot. " No,
sir," said the first, carelessly ; " can't
say as how I does," — while Harry
coolly commenced sharpening his
sheath-knife on his shoe. " Did you
ever hear of currents hereabouts?"
said I to the other man. "Here-
away!" said he ; " why, bless ye, sir,
it's unpossible as I could ha' heer'd tell
on sich a thing, 'cause, ye see, sir, there
an't none so far out at sea, sir — al'ays
axin' your parding, ye know, sir ! "
while he hitched up his trousers and
looked aloft, as if there were some-
what wrong about the jib-halliards.
The Indiaman by this time had
quite lost steerage-way, and came
sheering slowly round, broadside to
the sun, while the water began to
glitter like a single sheet of quicksilver,
trembling and swelling to the firm
edge of it far off ; the pale blue sky
filling deep aloft with light, and a long
white haze growing out of the horizon
to eastward. I kept still looking over
from the fore-chains with my arms
folded, and an eye to the water on the
starboard side, nextthe sun, where, just
a fathom or two from the bright cop-
per of her sheathing along the water-
line, you could see into it. Every now
and then little bells and bubbles, as I
thought, would come up in it and
break short of the surface ; and some-
times I fancied the line of a slight
ripple, as fine as a rope-yarn, went
turning and glistening round one of
the ship's quarters, across her shadow.
Just then the old sailor behind me
shoved his face over the bulwark, too,
438
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
all warts and wrinkles, like a ripe
walnut-shell, with a round knob of a
nose in the middle of it, and seemed
to be watching to see it below,
when he suddenly squirted his to-
bacco-juice as far out as possible
alongside, and gave his mouth a wipe
with the back of his tarry yellow
hand ; catching my eye in a shame-
faced sort of way, as I glanced first at
him and then at his floating property.
I leant listlessly over the rail, watch-
ing the patch of oily yellow froth, as
it floated quietly on the smooth face
of the water ; till all at once I started
to observe that beyond all question it
had crept slowly away past our star-
board bow, clear of the ship, and at
last melted into the glittering blue
brine. The two men noticed my at-
tention, and stared along with me ;
while the owner of the precious cargo
himself kept looking after it wistfully
into the wake of the sunlight, as if he
were a little hurt; then aloft and
round about, in a puzzled sort of
way, to see if the ship hadn't perhaps
taken a sudden sheer to port. " Why,
my man," I said, meeting his oyster-
like old sea-eye, " what 's the reason
of that? — perhaps there is some cur-
rent or other here, after all, eh ? "
Just as he meant to answer, however,
I noticed his watchmate give him a
hard shove in the ribs with his huge
elbow, and a quick screw of his
weather top-light, while he kept the
lee one doggedly fixed on myself. I
accordingly walked slowly aft as if to
the quarterdeck, and came round the
long-boat again, right abreast of them.
Harry was pacing fore and aft with
his arms folded, when his companion
made some remark on the heat, peer-
ing all about him, and then right up
into the air aloft. " Well then,
shipmate," said Harry, dabbing his
handkerchief back into his tarpaulin
again, "I've seen worse, myself, —
ownly, 'twas in the Bight o' Benin,
look ye, — an' afore the end on it,
d'ye see, we hove o'board nine of
a crew, let alone six dozen odds of a
cargo ! " " Cargo ! " exclaimed his
companion in surprise. "Ay, black
passengers they was, ye know, old
ship ! " answered the ugly rascal,
coolly; "an' I tell ye what it is, Jack,
I never sails yet with passengers
aboard, but some'at bad turned up in
the end, — al'ays one or another on
'em's got a foul turn in his conscience,
ye see ! I say, 'mate," continued heT
looking round, " didn't ye note that
'ere 'long-shore looking customer as
walked aft just now, with them bloody
soft quest'ns o' his about—" " Why,"
said Jack, " it's him Jacobs and the
larboard watch calls the Green HandT
an' a blessed good joke they has about
him , to all appearance, — but they keeps
it pretty close." " Close, be d — d !"
growled Harry, "I doesn't like the
cut of his jib, I tell ye, shipmate !
Jist you take my word for it, that
'ere fellow's done some'at bad at
home, or he's bent on some'at bad
afloat — it's all one ! Don't ye mark
how he keeps boxhaulin' and skulk-
ing fore an' aft, not to say look-
ing out to wind'ard every now an'
again, as much as he expected a
sail to heave in sight!" "Well,
I'm blowed but you're right, Harry !"
said the other, taking off his hat to
scratch his head, thoughtfully. "Ay,
and what's more," went on Harry,
" it's just corned ath'art me as how
I've clapped eyes on the chap some-
wheres or other afore this — d — n me
if I don't think it was amongst a gang
o' Spanish pirates I saw tried for
their lives and let off, in the Havan-
ney!" "Thank you, my man!"
thought I, as I leant against the
booms on the other side, " the devil
you did ! — a wonder it wasn't in the
Old Bailey, which would have been
more possible, though less romantic, —
seeing in the Havaunah I never was !"
The curious thing was that I began
to have a faint recollection, myself, of
having seen this same cross-grained
beauty, or heard his voice, before ;
though where and how it was, I
couldn't for the life of me say at the
moment. " Lord bless us, Harry !"
faltered out the old sailor, " ye don't
mean it! — sich a young, soft-looked
shaver, too !" " Them smooth-skinned
sort o' coves is kiminonly the worst,
'mate," replied Harry; "for that
matter ye may be d — d sure he's got
his chums aboard, — an' how does we
know but the ship's sold, from stem
to starn? There's that 'ere black-
avizzed parson, now, and one or two
more aft — cuss me if that 'ere feller
smells brine for the first time 1 An' as
for this here Bob Jacobs o' yours, blow
1849.]
me if there an't ov<v many of his kind
in the whole larboard watch, Jack !
A mau-o'-war's-man's al'ays a black-
guard out on a man- o' -war, look-yc !"
" Wliy, bless me, shipmate,", said
Jack, lowering his voice, " by that
recknin', a man don't know his friends
in this here craft ! The sooner we
gives the mate a hint, the better, to
my thinking?" " No, blow me, no,
Jack," said Harry, "keep all fast, or
ye'll kick up a worse nitty, old boy !
Jist you hould on till ye see what's to
turn up, — ownly stand by and look
out for squalls, that's all! There's
the skipper laid up below in his berth,
I hears, — and to my notions, that 'ere
mate of ours is no more but a blessed
soldier, with his navigation an' his
head-work, an' be blowed to him —
where's he runned the ship, I'd like
to know, messmate !" " Well, strike
me lucky if I'm fit to guess !" answer-
ed Jack, gloomily. " No, s'help me
Bob, if he knows hisself !" said Harry.
" But here's what / says, anyhow, —
if so be we heaves in sight of a pirate,
or bumps ashore on a ileyand i' the
dark, shiver my tawsels if I doesn't
have a clip with a handspike at that
'ere soft-sawderin' young blade in the
straw hat !" " Well, my tine fellow,"
thought I, " many thanks to you
again, but I certainly shall look out
for you!" All this time I couldn't
exactly conceive whether the sulky
rascal really suspected anything of
the kind, or whether he wasn't in fact
sounding his companion, and perhaps
others of the crew, as to how far they
would go in case of an opportunity
for mischief ; especially when I heard
him begin to speculate if " that 'ere
proud ould beggar of a naboob, aft
yonder, musn't have a sight o' gould
and jowels aboard with him !" " Why,
for the matter o' that, 'mate," con-
tinued he, "I doesn't signify the
twinklin' of a marlinspike, mind ye,
what lubberly trick they sarves this
here craft, — so be ownly ye can get
anyhow ashore, when all's done ! It's
nouther ship-law nor shore-law, look
ye, 'mate, as houlds good on a bloody
dazart !" " Ay, ay, true enough,
bo'," said the other, "but what o'
that? — there au't much signs of a
dazart, I reckon, in this here blue
water!" "Ho!" replied Harry,
rather scornfully, "that's 'cause you
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVIII.
'h-ecn Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part V.
blue-water, long-v'yage chaps isn't up
to them, brother ! There's you and
that 'ere joker in the striped slops,
Jack, chaffing away over the side
jist now about a current, — confounded
sharp he thinks hisself, too! — but
d'ye think Harry Foster an't got his
weather- eye open? For my part I
thinks more of the streak o' haze
yonder-away, right across the star-
board bow, nor all the currents in — "
" Ay, ay," said Jack, stretching ont
again to look, " the heat, you means ?"
" Heat !" exclaimed the ugly topmau,
"heat be blowed! Hark ye, 'mate,
it may be a strip o' cloud, no doubt,
or the steam over a sand-bank, — but
so be the calm lasts so long, and you
sees that 'ere streak again by sun-
down, with a touch o' y allow in't — "
"What — what, shipmate?" asked
Jack, breathless with anxiety. "Then,
dammee,it's the black coast iv Africay,
and no mistake !" said Harry. " And
what's more," continued the fellow,
coolly, after taking a couple of short
turns, " if there he's a current, why,
look ye, it'll set dead in to where the
land lays — an' I'm blessed if there's
one aboard, breeze or no breeze, as is
man enough for to take her out o'
the suck of a Africane current !" " The
Lord be with us !" exclaimed the
other sailor, in alarm, " what's to be
done, Harry, bo', — when d'ye mean
for to let them know, aft ?" " Why,
maybe I'm wrong, ye know, old
ship," said Harry, " an' a man musn't
go for to larn his betters, ye know, —
by this time half o' the watch has a
notion on it, at any rate. There's
Dick White, Jack Jones, Jim Sidey,
an' a few more Wapping men, means
to stick together in case o' accidents —
so d — n it, Jack, man, ye needn't be in
sich an a taking! What the — "
(here he came out with a regular string
of top-gallant oaths,) " when you finds
a good chance shoved into your fist,
none o' your doin', an't a feller to haul
in the slack of it 'cause he's got a tarry
paw, and ships before the mast? I
tell ye what it is, old ship, 'tan't the
first time you an' me's been cast
away, an' I doesn't care the drawin'
of a rope-yarn, in them here latitudes,
if I'm cast away again ! Hark ye,
ould boy, — grog to the mast-head, a
grab at the passengers' wallibles,
when they han't no more use for 'em,
440
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
in course — an' the pick on the ladies,
jist for the takin' o' them ashore !"
" Lord love ye, Harry, belay there !"
said Jack, " what's the good o' talkin'
on what an't like to be?" "Less
like things turns up !" said Harry.
" More by token, if I hasn't pitched
upon my fancy lass a'ready — an'
who knows, old ship, but you marries
a naboob's darter yet, and gets your-
self shoved all square, like a rig'lar
hare, into his heestate, as they calls
it? For my part, I've more' notion of
the maid! An' it '11 go hard with
me if we doesn't manage to haul that
'ere mishynar' parson safe ashore on
the strength of it ! " " God bless ye,
Harry," answered Jack, somewhat
mournfully, "I'm twice spliced
already ! " " Third time's lucky,
though," replied Harry, with a chuckle,
as he walked towards the side again,
and looked over; the rest of the
watch being gathered on the other
bow, talking and laughing; the pas-
sengers beginning to appear on the
poop, and the Scotch second-mate
standing up aft on the taffrail, feeling
for a breath of wind. The big top-
man came slowly back to his com-
panion, and leant himself on the spars
again . ' ' Blowed if I don't think you're
right, 'mate," said he, " you and that
'ere lawyer. You'd a'rnost say there's
a ripple round her larboard bow just
now, sure enough — like she were
broadside on to some drift or another.
Hows'ever, that's nouther here nor
there, — for my part, I sets more count
by the look o' the sky to east'ard,
an' be blowed, shipmate, if that same
yonder don't make me think o' woods!"
" Well," said Jack, " / goes by sun-
rise, messmate, an' I didn't like it
overmuch myself, d'ye see! That
'ere talk o' yours, Harry, consarnin'
dazarts and what not — why, bless me,
it's all my eye, — this bout, at any
rate — seein' as how, if we doesn't have
a stiff snuffler out o' that veiy quarter
afore twenty-four hours is over, you
call me lubber ! " " Ho, ho ! old salt,"
chuckled Harry, " none o' them saws
holds good hereaway, if its the coast
of Africay — d — n it, 'mate, two
watches '11 settle our hash in them
longitudes, without going the length
o' six! Han't I knocked about the
bloody coast of it six weeks at a time,
myself, let alone livin' as many months
in the woods ? — so I knows the breedin'
of a turnady a cussed sight too well, not
to speak on the way the land-blink
looms afore you sights it ! " " Lived
in them there woods, did ye?" in-
quired Jack. " Ay, bo', an' a rum
rig it was too, sure enough," said
Harry ; " the very same time I tould
you on, i' the Bight o' Benin." " My
eye ! " exclaimed the other, " a man
never knows what he may come to.
Let's into the rights of it, Harry,
carn't ye, afore eight-bells strikes?"
" Woods ! " said Harry, " I b'lic ^
ould ship. I see'd enough o' woods,
that time, arter all ! — and 'twan't that
long agone, either — I'll not say Itoir
long, but it wan't last v'yage. A sharp,
clinker-built craft of a schooner she
wor, I'm not goin' to give ye her right
name, but they called her the Lubber-
hater,* — an' if there wan't all sorts on
us aboard, it 's blaming ye — an' a big
double-jinted man-eatin' chap of a
Yankee was our skipper, as sly as
slush — more by token, he had a wart
alongside o' one eye as made him look
two ways at ye— Job Price by name
— an' arter he'd made his fortin. I
heard he's took up a tea-total chapel
afloat on the Missishippey. She'd got
a hell of a long nose, that 'ere schooner,
so my boy we leaves everything astarn,
chase or race, I promise ye ; an' as
for a blessed ould ten-gun brig what
kept a-cruising thereaway, why, we
jest got used to her, like, and al'ays
lowers our mainsail afore takin' the
wind of her, by way o' good bye, quite
peiiite. 'Blowed if it wara't nun,
though, for to see the brig's white
figger'ed over the swell, rolfin' under
a cloud o' canvass, sten-s'ls crowded
out alow an' aloft, as she jogged arter
us ! Then she'd haul her wind and
fire a gun, an' go beating away up in
chase of some other craft, as caught
the chance for runnin' out whenever
they sees the Lubber-hater well to
sea— why, s'elp me Bob, if the traders
on the coast didn't pay Job Price half
a dozen blacks a-piece every trip, jist
for to play that 'ere dodge ! At last,
one time, not long after I joined the
craft, what does he do but nigh-hand
loses her an' her cargo, all owin' to
* Q,uere — Liberator ?
1849.]
Tlie Green Hand— A '•'Short'1'1 Yarn. Part V.
441
reckonin' over much on this here
traverse. Out we comes one night in
the tail of a squall, an' as soon as it
clears, there sure enough we made out
the brig, hard after UB, as we thinks,
— so never a rag more Job claps on,
'cause two of his friends, ye see, was
jist outside the bar in the Noon river.
Well, bloody soon the cruiser begins
to overhaul us, as one gaff-taups'l
wouldn't do, nor yet another, till the
flying-jib and bonnets made her walk
away from them in right 'arnest,
— when slap comes a long-shot that
took the fore-topmast out of us in a
twinkling. So when the moonlight
corned out, lo an' behold, instead o'
the brig's two masts stiff and straight
against the haze, there was three
spanking sticks all ataunto, my boy,
in a fine new sloop- o'- war as had fresh
came on the station — the Irish, they
called her — and a fast ship she wor.
But all said and done, the schooner
had the heels of her in aught short of
a reef-taups'l breeze, — though, as for
the other two, the sloop-o'-war picked
off both on 'em in the end." At this
point of the fellow's account, I, Ned
Collins, began to prick up my ears,
pretty sure it was the dear old Iris he
was talking of ; and thought I, " Oho,
my mate, we shall^fcave you directly,
— listening's fair with a chap of this
breed."
" Well," said he, " 'twas the next
trip after that, we finds the coast clear,
as commonly was — for, d'ye see, they
couldn't touch us if so be we hadn't a
slave aboard, — in fact, we heerd as
how the cruiser was up by Serry Lony,
and left some young lufftenant or
other on the watch with a sort o'
lateen-rigged tender. A precious raw
chap he was, by all accounts, — and
sure enough, there he kept plying off
and on, inshore, 'stead of out of sight
to seaward till the craft would make
a bolt ; an' as soon as ye dropped an
anchor, he'd send a boat aboard with
a reefer, to ax if ye'd got slaves in the
hold. In course, ye know, Job Price
sends back a message, " palm-ile an'
iv'ry, an' gould if we can," — h'ists the
Portingee colours, brings up his Por-
tingee papers, and makes the Portingee
stoo'rd skipper for the spell, — but
anyhow, bein' no less nor three slavers
in the mouth of the Bonny river at
the time, why, he meant to show fight
if need be, and jest manhandle the
young navy sprig to his heart's con-
tent. Hows'ever, the second or third
night, all on a suddent we fouud he'd
sheered off for decency's sake, as it
might be, an hour or two afore we'd
began to raft off the niggers. Well,
'maj;e, right in the midst of it there
comes sich a fury of a turnady off the
land, as we'd to slip cable and run
fair out to sea after the other craft
what had got sooner full, — one on 'em
went ashore in sight, an' we not
ninety blacks aboard yet, with barely
a day's water stowed in. The next
morning, out o' sight of land, we got
the sea-breeze, and stood in again
under everything, till we made Fer-
nandy Po ileyand three leagues off,
or thereby, an' the two ebony-brigs
beating out in company, — so the skip-
per stands over across their course
for to give them a hail, heaves to and
pulls aboard the nearest, where he
stays a good long spell and drinks a
stiff glass, as ye may fancy, afore
partin'. Back comes Job Price in
high glee, and tonld the mate as how
that mornin' the brigs had fell foul o'
the man-o'-war tender, bottom up,
an' a big Newfoundling dog a-howlin'
on the keel— no doubt she'd turned
the turtle in that 'ere squall — more by
token he brought the dog alongst
with him in a present. So away we
filled again to go in for the Bonny
river, when the breeze fell, and
shortly arter there we was all three
dead becalmed, a couple o'miles be-
twixt us, sticking on the water like
flies on glass, an' as hot, ye know, as
blazes — the very moral o' this here.
By sundown we hadn't a drop o'
water, so the skipper sent to the
nearest brig for some ; but strike me
lucky if they'd part with a bucketful
for love, bein' out'ard bound. As
the Spanish skipper said, 'twas either
hard dollars or a stout nigger, and
t'other brig said the same. A slight
puff o' land-wind we had in the night,
though next day 'twas as calm as
ever, and the brigs farther off — so by
noon, my boy, for two blessed casks,
if Job Price hadn't to send six blacks
in the boat. Shorter yarn, Jack, —
but the calm held that night too, and
'blowed if the brigs would sell another
breaker — what we had we couldn't
spare to the poor devils under hatches,
442
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
and the next day, why, they died off
like rotten sheep, till we hove the last
on 'em o'board ; and frightful enough
it was, mind ye, for to see about fifty
sharks at work all round the schooner
at once, as long as it lasted. Well,
in the arternoon we 'd just commenced
squabbling aboard amongst ourselves,
round the dreg water, or whether to
board one o' the brigs and have a fair
fight, when off come a bit of a breeze,
betwixt the two high peaks on Fer-
nandy Po, both the brigs set stensails,
and begins slipping quietly off — our
skipper gave orders to brace after
them, and clear away the long gun
amidships ; but all on a suddent we
made out a lump of a brig dropping
down before it round the ileyand,
which we knowed her well enough for
a Bristol craft as had lost half her
hands up the Callebar, in the gould
an' iv'ry trade. Down she corned,
wonderfle fast for the light breeze, if
there hadn't been one o' yer currents
besides off the ileyand, ti 11 about half -
a-mile away she braces up, seemingly
to sheer across it and steer clear of us.
Out went our boat, an' the skipper bids
every man of her crew to shove a
short cutlash inside his trousers.
Says he," I guess we'll first speak 'em
fair, but if we don't ha' water enough,
it '11 be 'tarnal queer, that's all," says
he — an' Job was a man never swore,
but he looked mighty bad, that time,
I must say ; so we out oars and pulls
right aboard the trader, without an-
swerin' ever a hail, when up the side
we bundled on deck, one arter the
other, mad for a drink, and sees the
master with five or six of a crew, all
as white as ghostesses, and two or
three Kroomen, besides a long-legged
young feller a-sittin' and kicking his
feet over the kimpanion-hatch, with a
tumblerful o' grog in his fist, as fresh
to all seemin' as a fish, like a supper-
cargo or some'at o' the sort, as them
craft commonly has. "What schooner's
that ? " axes the master, all abroad
like ; an' says Job, says he out o'
breath, "Never you mind; I guess
you'll let's have some water, for we
wants it almighty keen ! " " Well,
says the other, shaking his head,
" I'm afeared we're short ourselves —
anyhow," says he, " we'll give ye a
dipper the piece," — and accordingly
ihey fists us along a dozen gulps,
hand over hand. " 'Twon't do, I
guess, mister, says our skipper; " we
wants a cask ! " Here the master o'
the brig shakes his head again, and
giv a look to the young 'long-shore-
like chap aft, which sings out as we
couldn't have no more for love nor
money, — an' I see Cap'en Price com-
mence for to look savitch again, and
feel for the handle on his cutlash.
" Rather you'd ax iv'ry or gould-
dust ! " sings out the supper-cargo, —
"hows'ever," says he: "as ye've
tooken sich a fancy to it, short o'
water as we is, why a fair exchange
an't no robbery," says he : " you
wants water, an' we wants hands ;
haven't ye a couple o' niggers for to
spare us, sir, by way off a barter, no w ? "
he says. Well, 'mate, Pll be blowed
if I ever see a man turn so wicked
fur'ous as Job Price turns at this
here, — an' says he, through his teeth,
" If ye'd said a nigger's nail-parin', I
couldn't done it, so it's no use talkin'."
" Oh come, capting," says the young
fellow, wonderfle angshis like, " say
one jist — it's all on the quiet, ye
know. Bless me, captin," says he,
" I'd do a deal for a man in a strait,
'tickerly for yerself— an' I think we'd
manage with a single hand more.
I'll give ye two casks and a bag o'
gould-dust for one black, and we'll
send aboard for him just now, our-
selves ! " " No ! " roars Job Price,
walkin' close up to him ; " ye've riz
me, ye cussed Britisher ye, an' I tell
ye we'll take what we wants ! " "No
jokes, though, captin !" says thefeller —
" what's one to a whole raft-ful I heerd
of ye shipping?" " Go an' ax
the sharks, ye beggar ! " says the
skipper ; — " here my lads ! " says he,
an' makes grab at the other's throat,
when slap comes a jug o' rum in his
eye-lights, and the young chap ups
fist in quick-sticks, and drops him
like a cock, big as he was. By that
time, though, in a twinklin', the
master was flat on deck, and the
brig's crew showed no fight — when lo
an' behold, my boy, up bundles a
score o' strapping men-o'-war's-men
out of the cabin. One or two on
us got a cut about the head, an'
my gentleman supper-cargo claps a
pistol to my ear from aft, so we
knocked under without more to do.
In five minutes time every man jack
1849.]
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn. Part V.
of us had a seizing about his wrists
and lower pins, — and says Job Price,
in a givin-up sort o' v'ice, 'You're
too cust spry for playin' jokes on, I
calc'late, squire,' he says. ' Jokes !'
says the young feller, ' why, it's no
joke — in course you knows me?'
'Niver see'd ye atweenthe eyes afore,'
says Job, ' but don't bear no malice,
mister, now.' ' That's it,' says the
t'other, lookin' at the schooner again,
— 'no more I does — so jist think a
bit, han't you really a nigger or so
aboard o' ye — if it was jist one?'
* Squash the one !' says Job, shakin'
his head nellicholly like, — an' ' Sorry
for it,' says the chap, ' 'cause ye see
I'm the lufftenant belongin' to the
Irish, an' I carn't titch yer schooner
if so be ye han't a slave aboard.'
' Lawk a'mighty ! — no !' sings out
Job Price, 'cause bein' half blinded he
couldn't ha' noted the lot o' man-o'-
war's-men sooner. — ' But I can,' says
the other, ' for piratecy, ye see ; an'
what's more,' he says, ' there's no help
for it now, I'm afeared, mister what-
they-call-ye !' Well, 'mate, after that
ye may fancy our skipper turns terrible
down in the mouth ; so without a
word more they parbuckles us all
down below into the cabin — a.n' what
does this here lufftenant do but he
strips the whole lot, rigs out as many
of his men in our duds, hoists out a
big cask o' water on the brig's far
side, and pulls round for the schooner,
— hisself togged out like the skipper,
and his odd hands laid down in the
boat's bottom." You won't wonder
at my being highly amused with the
fellow's yarn, since the fact was that
it happened to be one of my own
adventures in the days of the Iris,
two or three years before, when we
saw a good many scenes together, far
more wild and stirring, of course, in
the thick of the slave-trade ; but
really the ugly rascal described it
wonderfully well.
" Well," said Harry, " I gets my
chin shoved up in the starn- windy,
where I see'd the whole thing, and
tould the skipper accordently. The
schooner's crew looked out for the
water like so many oysters in a tub ;
the lufftenant jumps up the side with
his men after him, an' not so much as
the cross of two cutlashes did we
hear afore the onion -jack flew out
a-peak over her mains'l. In five
minutes more, the schooner fills
away before the breeze, and begins
to slide off in fine style after the pair
o' brigs, as was nigh half hull-down
to seaward by this time. There we
was, left neck an' heel below in the
trader, and he hauled up seemin'ly for
the land, — an' arter a bit says the
skipper to me, 'Foster, my lad, I
despise this way o' things,' says he,
' an't there no way on gettin' clear ?'
' Never say die, cap'en !' I says ; an'
says he, ' I calc'late they left consid-
erable few hands aboard ?' ' None
but them sleepy-like scum o' iv'ry
men,' I says, — but be blowed if I
see'd what better we was, till down
comes a little nigger cabin-boy for
some'at or other, with a knife in his
hand. Job fixes his eye on him —
I've heerd he'd a way in his eye with
niggers as they couldn't stand — an'
says he, soft-sawderin' like, ' Come
here, will ye, my lad, an' give us a
drink,' — so the black come for'ad with
a pannikin, one foot at a time, an' he
houlds it out to the skipper's lips — for,
d'ye see, all on us had our flippers
lashed behind our backs. 'Now,'
says he, thankee, boy, — look iu
atwixt my legs, and ye'll find a dollar.'
With that, jest as the boy stoops,
Job Price ketches his neck fast be-
twixt his two knees, an' blowed if he
didn't jam them harder, grinning all
the time, till down drops the little
black throttled on the deck. ' That's
for thankin' a bloody niggur!' says
he, lookin' as savitch as the devil,
and got the knife in his teeth, when
he turned to and sawed through the
seizing round my wrists — an' in
course I sets every man clear in quick-
sticks. 'Now!"1 says Job, lookin'
round, ' the quicker the better — that
cussed lubber- ratin' hound's got my
schooner, but maybe, my lads, this
here iv'ry man '11 pay expenses — by
th'almighty, if I'm made out a pirate,
I'll arn the name !'
• " Well, we squints up the hatch-
way, and see'd a young midshipman
a-standing with his back to us,
watching the brig's crew at the braces,
an' a pistol in one hand — when all at
once our skipper slips off his shoes,
run up the stair as quiet as a cat, an'
caught the end of a capstan-bar as
Jay on the scuttle. With that down
444
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
he comes crash on the poor fellow's
scull from aft, and brained him in a
moment. Every man of us got
bloody-minded with the sight, so we
scarce knowed what we did, ye know,
'mate, afore all hands o' them was
gone, — how, I an't goin' for to say,
nor the share as one had in it more
nor another. The long an' the short
on it was, we run the brig by sun-
down in amongst the creeks up the
Camaroons river, thinkin' to lie stowed
away close thereabouts till all wor
cold. Hows'ever they kicked up the
devil's delight about a piratecy, and
the sloop-o'war comes back shortly,
when night an' day there was that
young shark of a_ lufftenant huntin'
arter us, as sharp as a marlinspike —
we dursn't come down the river
nohow, till what with a bad con-
science, fogs, and sleepin' every night
within stink o' them blasted muddy
mangroves an' bulrushes together,
why, mate, the whole ten hands died
off one arter the other in the fever —
leaving ownly me an' the skipper.
Job Price was like a madman over
the cargo, worth, good knows how
many thousand dollars, as he couldn't
take out — but for my part, I gets the
brig's punt one night and sculls myself
ashore, and off like a hare into the
bush by moonlight. No use, ye
know, for to say what rum chances I
meets with in the woods, livin' up
trees and the like for fear o' illiphants,
sarpents, an' bloody high-annies, —
but, blow me, if I didn't think the
farther ye went aloft, the more
monkeys an' parrykeets you rowsed
out, jabberin' all night so as a feller
couldn't close an eye — an' as for
the sky, be blowed if I ever once
sighted it. So, d' ye see, it puts all
notions o' fruits an' flowers out o'
my head, an' all them jimmy-jessamy
sort o' happy-go-lucky yarns about
barbers' ileyands and shipherdresses
what they used for to spell out o'
dicshinars at school — all gammon,
mate !" " Lord love ye, no, sure-
ly," said Jack ; " it's in the Bible !"
" Ay, ay," said Harry, " that's
arter ye've gone to Davy Jones,
no doubt ; but I've been in the
South-Sy ileyands since, myself, an'
be blowed if it's much better there !
Hows'ever, still anon, T took a new
fancy, an' away I makes for the river,
in sarch of a nigger villache, as they
calls 'em ; and sure enough it warn't
long ere right I plumps in the midst
on a lot o' cane huts amongst trees.
But sich a shine and a nitty as I kicks
up, ye see, bein' half naked, for all the
world like a wild man o' the woods,
an' for a full hour I has the town to
myself, so I hoists my shirt on a stick
over the hut I took, by way of a flag
o' truce, an' at last they all begins for
to swarm in again. Well, ye see, I
knowed the ways o' the natifs there-
abouts pretty well, an' what does I do
but I'd laid myself flat afore a blasted
ugly divvle of a wooden himmache, as
stood on the flour, an' I wriggles and
twists myself, and groans like a chap
in a fit — what they calls finish, there-
away— an' in course, with that they
logs me down at once for a rig'lar
holy-possel from Jerusalem. The
long an' the short on it was, the fit-
tish-man takes me under charge, and
sets me to tell fortins or the like with
an ould quadrant they'd got some-
wheres — gives me a hut an' two
black wives, begad ! and there I lives
for two or three weeks on end, no
doubt, as proud as Tommy — when, one
fine morning, what does I see offshore
in the river but that confounded man-
o'-war tender, all ship-shape an'
ataunto again. So, my boy, I gives
'em to understand as how, bein' over
vallible at home with the King of
England, in course he'd sent, for to
puckalow me away — an' no sooner
said, but the whole town gets in a
fluster — thefittish-man, which akuow-
ing chap he was, takes an' rubs me
from heel to truck with ile out on a
sartain nut, as turned me coal-black
in half an hour, an' as soon as I looks
in the creek, 'mate, be blowed if I'd a
known myself from a nigger, some-
how !" To tell the truth, as / thought
to myself, it was no wonder, as Master
Harry's nose and lips were by no
means in the classic style, and his
skin, as it was, didn't appear of the
whitest. "So there, ye know, I sits
before a hut grindin' away at maize,
with nothink else but a waist-cloth
round me, and my two legs stuck out,
till such time as the lufftenant an' tvro
boats' crews had sarched the villache,
haviii' heerd, no doubt, of a white
man thereabouts— an' at last off they
went. Well, in course, at first this
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part V.
445
here affair gives the fittisli-man a lift
in the niggerses eyes, by reason o'
haviu' turned a white man black —
'cause, ye see, them fittish-men has a
riglar-bred knowledge on plants and
sichlike. But hows'ever, in a day or
two I begins for to get rayther oneasy,
seein' it didn't wash off, an' accord-
antly I made beknown as much to the
fittish-man, when, my boy, if he
doesn't shake his mop-head, and rubs
noses, as much as to say, ' We an't
agoin' to part.' 'Twas no use, and
thinks I, ' Ye man-eatin' scum, be
blowed if I don't put your neck out,
then !' So I turns to with my knife
on a log o' wood, carves a himmage
twice as big an' ugly as his'n, and
builds a hut over it, where I plays all
the conjerin' tricks I could mind on —
till, be hanged if the niggers didn't
begin to leave the fittish-man pretty
fast, an' make a blessed sight more o'
me. I takes a couple more wives,
gets drunk every day on palm-wine
and toddy -juice — as for the hogs an'
the yams they brought me, why I
couldn't stow 'em away ; an' in place
o' wantin' myself white again, I rubs
myself over an' over with that ere
nut, let alone palm-ile, till the bloody
ould fittish-man looks brown alongside
o' me. At last the king o' the niggers
thereaway — KingChimbey they called
him, or some'at o' the sort — he sends
for to see me, an' away to his town
they takes me, a mile or two up the
country, where I see'd him ; but I'm
blowed, Jack, if he'd got a crown on
at all, ounly a ould red marine's coat,
an' a pair o' top-boots, what was laid
away when lie warn't in state. Hows' -
ever he gives me two white beans an'
a red un, in sign o' high favour, and
gives me to know as I wor to stay
there. But one thing I couldn't make
out, why the black king's hut an' the
'osst-honse, as they calls it, was all
stuck round with bones an' dead men's
skulls! — 'twan't long, though, ere I
finds it out, 'mate ! That ere fittish-
man, d'ye see, wor a right-down imp
to look at, and devilish wicked he
eyed me ; but still anon I sends over
for my wives, turns out a black feller
out on his hut, an' slings a hammock
in it, when the next day or so I meets
the first fittish-man in the woods, an'
the poor diwle looks wonderfle
friendly- like, rnakin' me all kinds o'
woeful signs, and seemin'ly as much
as to say for to keep a bright look-out
on the other. All on a suddent what
does he do, but he runs a bit, as far
as a tree, picks up a sort of a red
mushroom, an' he rubs with it across
the back o' my hand, gives a wink,
and scuttles off. What it meaned I
couldn't make out, till I gets back to
the town, when I chanced to look at
my flipper, and there I see a clean
white streak alongst it! Well, I
thinks, liberty's sweet, an' I'm blessed
if a man's able to cruize much to
windward o' right-down slavery,
thinks I, if he's black ! Howsomever,
thinks I, I'll jest hold on a bit longer.
Well, next day, the black king had
the blue-devils with drinkin' rum,
an' he couldn't sleep nohow, 'cause, as
I made out, he'd killed his uncle, they
said — I doesn't know but he'd eaten
him, too — anyhow, I see'd him eat as
much of a fat hog, raw, as ud sarve
out half the watch — so the fittish-man
tells him there's nought for it but to
please the fittish. What that wor,
blowed if I knew ; but no sooner sun-
down nor they hauls me out o' my
hut, claps me in a stinking hole as
dark as pitch, and leaves me to smell
hell till mornin', as I thought. Jist
about the end o' the mid- watch, there
kicks up a rumpus like close-reef
taups'ls in a hurricane — smash goes
the sticks over me ; I seed the stars,
and a whole lot o' strange blacks
with long spears, a-fightin', yellin',
tramplin', an' twistin' in the midst
o' the huts, — and off I'm hoisted in
the gang, on some feller's back or
other, at five knots the hour, through
the woods, — till down we all comes in
a drove, plash amongst the very
swamps close by the river, where, lo
an' behold, I makes out a schooner
afloat at her anchor. The next thing
I feels a blasted red-hot iron come
hiss across my shoulders, so I jumped
up and sang out like blazes, in course.
But, my flippers bein' all fast, 'twas
no use : I got one shove as sent me
head-foremost into a long canoe, with
thirty or forty niggers stowed away
like cattle, and out the men pulls for
the schooner. A big bright fire there
was ashore, astarn of us, I mind,
where they heated the irons, with a
chap in a straw hat sarviii' out rum
to the wild blacks from a cask ; and
446
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yam. Part V.
[Oct.
ye saw the pitch-black woods behind,
with the branches shoved out red in
the light on it, an' a bloody-like patch
on the water under a clump o' sooty
mangrooves. An' be d — d, Jack, if
I didn't feel the life sick in me, that
time — for, d'ye see, I hears nothin'
spoke round me but cussed French,
Portingeese, an' nigger tongue — 'spe-
cially when it jist lightens on me what
sort on a case I were in; an' thinks I,
' By G — if I'm not took for a slave,
arter all ! — an' be hanged but I left that
'ere 'farnal mushroom a- lying under
that there tree yonder ! ' I begins for to
think o' matters an' things, an' about
Bristol quay, an' my old mother, an'
my sister as was at school — mind ye,
'mate, all atwixt shovin' off the man-
groves an' coming bump again the
schooner's side — an' blow me if I
doesn't tarn to, an' nigh-hand com-
mences for to blubber — when jist then
what does I catch sight on, by the lan-
tern over the side, but that 'ere villain
of a fittish-man, an' what's more,
King Chimbey hisself, both hauled in
the net. And with that I gives a
chuckle, as ye may suppose, an' no
mistake ; for, thinks I, so far as con-
sarns myself, this here can't last long,
blow me, for sooner or later I'll find
some un to speak to, even an I niver
gets rid o' this here outer darkness —
be blowed if I han't got a white mind,
any ways, an' free I'll be, my boy !
But I laughs, in course, when I see'd
the fittish-man grin at me, — for thinks
I, my cocks, you're logged down for
a pretty long spell of it ! "
" Well, bo', somehow I knows no
more about it till such time as I sort
o' wakes up in pitch-dark, all choke
and sweat, an' a feller's dirty big toe
in my mouth, with mine in some un
else's eye, — so out I spits it, an' makes
scramble for my life. By the roll an'
the splash, I knowed I wor down in
the schooner's hold ; an' be hanged if
there wan't twenty or thirty holding
on like bees to a open weather-port,
where the fresh wind and the spray
come a-blowing through — but there,
my boy, 'twere no go for to get so
much as the tip o' yer nose. Accor-
dently, up I prizes myself with my
feet on another poor devil's wool, —
for, d'ye see, by that time I minds a
man's face no more nor so much tim-
ber!— an' I feels for the hatch over me,
where by good luck, as I thought,
there I finds it not battened down
yet, so I shoved my head through on
deck like a blacksmith's hammer.
Well, 'mate, there was the schooner's
deck wet, a swell of a sea on round
her, well off the land, no trifle of a
morning gale, and the craft heeling ta
it — a lot o' hands up on her yards,
a-reeflug at the boom mains'l and
fo'taups'l, an' begod if my heart
doesn't jump into my mouth with the
sight, for I feels it for all the world
like a good glass o' grog, settin' all to
rights. Two or three there was walk-
in' aft the quarterdeck, so out I sings
' Hullo ! hullo there, shipmates, give
us a hand out o' this !' Two on 'em
comes forud, one lifts a handspike,
but both gives a grin, as much as to
say it's some nigger tongue or other,
in place oVgood English — for, d'ye see,
they'd half their faces black-beard,
and rings i' their ears — when up walks
another chap like the skipper, an'
more the looks of a countryman.
'D — n it,' roars I again, * I'm a
free-born Briton !' with that he lends
me a squint, looks to the men, an1
gives some sort o' a sign — when they
jams-to the hatch and nips me fast by
the neck. ' Devil of a deep beggar,
this here !' says he; 'jist give him the
gag, my lads,' says he ; ' the planters
often thinks more of a dumby, 'cause
he works the more, and a stout piece
o' goods this is!' says he. Well, 'mate,
what does they do but one pulls out
a knife, an' be blowed if they warn't
a-goin' for to cut out my tongue; but
the men aloft sung out to hoist away
the yards; so they left me ready
clinched till they'd belay the ropes.
Next, a hand forud, by good luck,
hailed ' Sail-O,' and they'd some'at
else to think o' besides me ; for there,
my boy, little more nor three miles
to wind'ard, I see'd the Irish as she
come driving bodily out o' the mist,
shakin' out her three to'gallant-sails,
an' a white spray flying with her off
one surge to another. Bloody bad it
was, mind ye, for my wind-pipe, foF
every time the schooner pitched,
away swings my feet clear o' the nig-
ger's heads, — 'cause, d'ye see, we
chancedfortobe stowed on the 'tween-
decks, an' another tier there was, stuffed
in her lower hold— an' there I stuck,
'mate, so as I couldn't help watchm?
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part V.
447
the whole chase, till at last the hatch
slacks nip a bit, and clown I plumps
into the dark again."
" Well, bo', the breeze got lighter,
an1 to all seemin' the cursed schooner
held her own; butiiows'ever, the sloop-
o'-war kept it up all day, and once
or twice she tips us a long shot ; till
by sunset, as I reckoned, we hears no
more on her. The whole night long,
again, there we stews as thick as peas
— I keeps harknin' to the sighs an'
groans, an' the wash along the side,
in a sort of a doze ; an' s'help me Bob,
I fancies for a moment I'm swinging
in my hammock in the fox'sle, an' it's
no more but the bulkheads and tim-
bers creakin'. Then I thinks its some
un else I dreams on, as is d — d on-
easy, like to choke for heat and thirst ;
an' I'm a- chuckling at him — when up
I wakes with the cockroaches swarm-
ing over my face. Another groan runs
from that end to this, the whole lot
on us tries hard, and kicks their neigh-
bours to turn, an' be blowed if I
knowed but I was buried in a church-
yard, with the blasted worms all a-
crawl about me. All on a sudden,
nigh-hand to day-break it was, I
hears a gun to wind'ard, so with that
I contrives for to scramble up with
my eye to the scuttle-port. 'Twas a
stiffish breeze, an' I see'd some'at lift
on a sea, like a albatrosse's wing, as
one may say — though what wor this
but the Irish's bit of a tender, stand-
ing right across our bows — for the
schooner, ye see, changed her course i'
the night-time, rig'lar slaver's dodge,
thinkin' for to drop the sloop-o'-
war, sure enough. But as for the
little f'lucca, why, they hadn't
bargained for her at all, lying-to as
she did, with a rag o' sail up, in the
troughs of the sea, till the schooner was
close on her. Well, no sooner does
they go about, my boy, but the mus •
keety of a cruiser lets drive at her off
the top of a sea, as we hung broadside
to them in stays. Blessed if I ever
see sich a mark! — the shot jist takes
our fore-top fair slap — for the next
minute I see'd the fore-topmast come
over the lee-side, an' astarn we begins
to go directly. What's more, mate, I
never see a small craft yet handled
better in a sea, as that 'ere chap did —
nor the same thing done, cleaner at
any rate — for they jist comes nigh-
hand tip on our bowsprit-end, as the
schooner lifted — then up in the wind
they went like clock-work, with a
starnway on as carried the f'lucca
right alongside on us, like a coachman
backing up a lane, and grind we both
heaved on the swell, Avith the top-
mast hamper an' its canvass for a
fender atwixt us. Aboard jumps the
man-o'-war's-men, in course, cutlash
in hand, an' for five minutes some
tough work there was on deck, by the
tramp, the shots, an' the curses over
our heads — when off they shoved the
hatches, and I see'd a tall young feller
in a gold-banded capjook below. Be
blowed if I wasn't goin' to sing out
again, for, d'ye see, I'm blessed if I
took mind on the chap at all, as much
by reason o' the blood an' the smoke
he'd got on his face as aught else.
Hows'ever I holds a bit meantime, on
account o' Job Price an' that 'ere
piratecy consarn — till what does I
think, a hour or two arter, when I
finds as this here were the very luff-
tenant as chased us weeks on end in
the Camaroons. So a close stopper,
sure enough, I keeps on my jaw ; an'
as for scentin' me out amongst a
couple o' hundred blacks in the hold,
why, 'twere fit to paul my own mother
herself.
"Well, Jack, by this time beinr
near Serry Lone, next day or so we
got in — where, what does they do but
they lubber-rates us all, as they calls
it, into a barracoon ashore, till sich
time as the slaver ud be condemned —
an' off goes the tender down coast
again. Arter that, they treats us well
enough, but still I dursn't say a word -
for one day, as we goed to work makin'
our huts, there I twigs a printed bill
upon the church-wall, holdin' out a
reward, d'ye see, consarnin' the pi-
ratecy, with my oun name and my
very build logged down — ownly, be
hanged if they doesn't tack on to it all,
by way of a topgallant ink-jury to a
man, these here words — ' He's a very
ugly feller — looks like a furrincr.'
Well, mate, I an't a young maiden,
sure enough — but, thinks I, afore I fell
foul o' that blasted fittish-man an' his
nut, cuss me if I looks jist so bad as
that 'ere ! So ye know this goes more
to my heart nor aught else, till there
I spells out another confounded lie in
the bill, as how Cap'eii Price's men
448
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
had mutinied again him, and murdered
the brig's crew — when, in course, I sees
the villain's whole traverse at once. So
seem' I watched my chance one night,
an' went aboard of a Yankee brig as
were to sail next day ; an' I tells the
skipper part o' the story, offerin' for
to work my passage across for no-
thin' — which, says he, ' It's a hinter-
esstin' narritife' — them was his words ;
an' says he, ' It's a land o' freedom is
the States, an' no mistake — an't there
no more on ye in the like case ? ' he
eays. 'Not as I knows on, sir,' I
answers ; an' says he, ' Plenty o'
coloured gen'lmen there is yonder, all
in silks an' satins ; an' I hear,' says
he, ' there's one On 'em has a chance
o' bein President next time — anyhow
I'm your friend,' says he, quite
hearty. Well, the long an' short of
it was, I stays aboard the brig, works
my spell in her, an' takes my trick at
the helm — but I'm blowed, Jack, if
the men ud let me sleep in the fok'sle,
'cause I was a black, — so I slung my
hammock aft with the nigger stoo'rd.
D'ye see, I misgived myself a bit
when we sank the coast, for thinks I
its in Africay as that 'ere blessed
mushroom are to be found, to take
the colour off me — hows'ever, I thinks
it carn't but wear out in time, now
I've got out o' that 'ere confounded
mess, where, sure enough, things was
against me — so at last the v'yage were
up, an' the brig got in to New Orleens.
There I walks aft to the skipper for
to take leave, when says he, won-
tlerfle friendly like, — ' Now my lad.'
says he, ' I'm goin' up river a bit for
to see a friend as takes a interesst in
your kind — an' if ye likes, why, I'll
pay yer passage that far ?' In course
I agrees, and up river we goes, till we
lands at a fine house, where I'm left
in a far-handy, ye know, while the
skipper an' his friend has their dinner.
All at once the gen'lman shoves his
head out of a doure, takes a look at
me, an' in again, — arter that I hears
the chink o' dollars — then the skipper
walks out, shuts the doure, an' says
he to me, ' Now,' he says, ' that's a
'cute sort o' tale you tould me, my
lad — but it's a lie, I guess !' ' Lie,
sir !' says I, ' what d'ye mean ?' for
ye see that 'ere matter o' the iv'ry
brig made me sing small, at first.
x No slack, Pumpey,' says he, liftin'
his fore-finger like a schoolmaster, —
' ain't yer name Pumpey ? ' says he.
' Pumpey be d — d !' says I, ' my
name's Jack Brown' — for that wor
the name I'd gived him, afore. ' Oh 1'
says he, 'jest say it's Gin'ral Wash-
inton, right off! Come,' says he, ' I
guess I'd jest tell ye what tripe you
belongs to — you're a Mandingy nig-
gur,' says he. ' It's all very well,' he
says, ' that 'ere yarn, but that's wot
they'd all say when they comes,
they've been dyed black ! Why,' says
he,' doesn't I see that 'ere brand one
night on yer back — there's yer arms
all over pagan tattooin' — ' ' Bless
ye, cap'en,' I says, a-holdin' up my
arm, ' it's crowns an' anchors !'
' Crowns !' says he, turnin' up his
nose, ' what does we know o' crowns
hereaway — we ain't barbers yet, I
guess.' — Of what he meaned by
barbers here, mate, I'm hanged if I
knowed — ' 'sides,' says he, ' you
speaks broken Aimerricaue !' ' 'Mer-
ricain ?' I says, ' why, I speaks good
English ! an' good reason, bein' a free-
born Briton — as white's yerself, if so
be I could ownly clap hands for a
minnet on some o' them mushrooms I
tould ye on !' ' Where does they
grow, then ?' axes he, screwin' one
eye up. ' In Africay yonder, sir,' I
says, ' more's the pity I hadn't the
chance to lay hands on 'em again !'
• Phoo !' says he, ' glad they ain't
here ' An does you think we're agoin'
for to send all the way over to Africay
for them mushrooms you talks on?
Tell ye what, yer free papers 'ud do
ye a sight more good here /' says he —
' its no use, with a black skin, for to
claim white laws ; an' what's more,
ye're too tarnation ugly-faced for it,
let alone colour, Pumpey, my man !'
he says. ' I tell ye what it is, Cap'en
Edwards,' says I, 'my frontispiece
an't neither here nor there, but if you
calls me Pumpey again, 'blowed an'
I don't pitch inty ye !' — so with that
I handles my bones in a way as
makes him hop inside the doure —
an' says the skipper, houldin' it
half shut, ' Harkee, lad,' he says,
' it's no go your tryin' for to run,
or they'll make ye think angels o'
bo'sun's-mates. But what's more,'
says he, ' niver you whisper a word
o' what ye tells "me, about nuts an'
mushrooms, or sichlike trash — no
1849.]
The Green Hand— A "S/twt" Yarn. Part V.
449
more will I ; for d'ye see, my lad, in
that case they'd jest hush ye up for
good ! ' ' Who d'ye mean ! ' I says, all
abroad, an' of a shiver, like — mindin'
on the slave-schooner again. ' Why,
the planter's people,' says he, ' as I've
sold ye to ; ' an' with that he p'ints
into his mouth, and shuts the door.
Well, 'mate, ye may fancy how I feels !
Here I stands, givin' a look round for
a fair offing .; but there was bulwarks
two-fadom high all round the house,
a big bloodhound chained, with his
muzzle on his two paws, an' nobody
seems for to mind me. So I see'd it
were all up wonst more ; an' at the
thou't of a knife in my tongue, I sits
right down in the far-handy, rig'lar
flabbergasted, — when out that 'ere
blasted skipper shoots his head again,
an' says he 'Pnmpy, my lad, good
day,' says he ; ' you knows some'at o'
the water, an' as they've boat- work at
times here-away, I don't know but, if
you behaves yerself, they'll trust you
with an oar now an' then ; for I tould
yer master jist now,' says he, ' as how
you carn't speak no English ! ' Well,
I gives him a damn, 'cause by that
time I hadn't a word to throw at a
dog; an' shortly arter, up comes the
overseer with his black mate, walks
me off to a shed, strips me, and gives
me a pair o' cotton drawers an' a
broad hat — so out I goes the next
mornin' for to hoe sugar-cane with a
gang o' niggers.
" Well, 'mate, arter that I kept
close enough — says no more but mum-
bles a lot o' no-man's jargon, as makes
'em all log me down for a sort o'
double-guinea savitch — ,cause why, I
were hanged afeared for my tongue,
seeiu', if so be I lost it, I'd be a nig-
ger for ever, sure enough. So the
blacks, for most part bein' country
bred, they talks nothin' but a blessed
jumble, for all the world like babbies
at home ; an' what does they do but
they fancies me a rig'lar African
uigger, as proud as Tommy, an'
a'most ready for to washup me they
wor — why, the poor divvies ud bring
me yams an' fish, they kisses my
flippers an' toes as I'd been the Pope ;
an' as for the young girls, I'm blowed
if I wan't all the go amongst 'em —
though I carn't say the same where
both 's white, ye know ! What with
the sun an' the cocoa-nut ile, to my
thinkin', I gets blacker an' blacker —
'blessed if I didn't fancy a feller's veiy
mind tamed nigger. I larns their
confounded lingo, an' I answers to the
name o' Pumpey, blast it, till I right-
down forgets that I'd ever another.
As for runnin', look ye, I knowed 'twas
no use thereaway, as long as my skin
tould against me, an' as long as Africay
wor where it wor. So, my boy, I
see'd pretty clear, ye know, as this
here bloody world ud turn a man into
a rig'lar built slave-nigger in the long
run, if he was a angel out o' heaven !
" Well, 'mate, one day I'm in the
woods amongst a gang, chopping fire-
wood for the sugar-mill, when, by the
Lord ! what does I light on betwixt
some big ground- leaves and sichlike,
but a lot o' them very same red mush-
rooms as the fittish-man shows me in
Africay! — blowed if there warn't a
whole sight o' them round about, too !
So I pulls enough for ten, ye may be
sure, stuffs 'em in my hat, an' that
same night, as soon as all's dark, off
I goes into the woods, right by the
stars, for the nearest town 'twixt there
an' New Orleens. As soon as I got
nigh-hand it, there I sits down below
a tree amongst the bushes, hauls off
my slops, an' I turns to for to rub
myself all over, from heel to truck,
till daybreak. So, in course, I watches
for the light angshis enough, as ye
may suppose, to know what colour I
were. Well, strike me lucky, Jack,
if I didn't jump near a fadom i' the
air, when at last I sees I'm white
wonst more ! — 'blessed if I didn't feel
myself a new man from stem to starn!
I makes right for a creek near by,
looks at my face in the water, then up
I comes again, an' every bloody yarn
o' them cussed slave-togs I pulls to
bits, when I shoves 'em under the
leaves. Arter that I took fair to the
water for about a mile, jist to smooth
out my wake, like ; then I shins aloft
up a tree, where I stowed myself
away till noon — 'cause, d'ye see, I
knowed pretty well what to look for
next. An' by this time, mind ye, all
them queer haps made a feller won-
derfle sharp, so I'd schemed out the
whole chart aforehand how to weather
on them cussed Yankees. Accord-
entlye, about noon, what docs I hear
but that 'ere blasted bloodhound
comin' along up creek, with a set o'
450
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
slave- catchers astarn, for to smell out
my track. With that, down I went
in the water again, rounds a point
into the big river, where I gets
abreast of a landin' - place near the
town, with craft laying out- stream,
boats plying, an' all alive. D'ye see,
bo', I'd got no clothes at all, an' how
for to rig myself again, 'bio wed if I
knows — seein' as how by this time
I'd tarned as white as the day I were
born, an' a naked white man in a
town arn't no better nor a black nig-
ger. So in I swims like a porpus
afore a breeze, an' up an' down I
ducks in the shallow, for all the world
like a chap a-takin' a bath ; an' out I
hollers to all an' sundry, with a
Yankee twang i' my nose, for to know
if they'd see'd my clothes, till a whole
lot on 'em crowds on the quay.
Hows'ever, I bethinks me on that
'ere blasted brand atwixt my shoul-
ders, an' I makes myself out as modest
as a lady, kicks out my legs, and
splashes like a whale aground, an'
sticks out my starn to 'em for to let
'em see it's white. ' Hullo ! ' I sings
out, 'han't ye seen my clothes?'
* No, stranger,' says they, ' some un's
runned off with 'em, we calc'lates ! '
With that I tells 'em I'm a Boston
skipper new corned up from New
Orleens ; an' not bein' used to the
heat, why, I'd took a bath the first
thing ; an' I 'scribes the whole o' my
togs as if I'd made 'em, — ' split new,'
says I, ' an' a beaver hat, more by
token there's my name inside it ; an' '
says I, ' there's notes for a hundred
dollars in my trousers !' By this
time down comes the slave-catchers,
an' says they, hearin' on it, 'That 'ere
tarnation niggur's gone off with 'em,
we'll know ua by them marks well
enough,' says they, an' off they goes
across river. ' Hullo!' I sings out to
the folks, ' I'm a gettin' cold here, so
I guess I'll come ashore again, slick
off! ' I twangs out. ' Guess ye can't,
straunger !' they hails; 'not till we gets
ye some kiverin's! — we're considerable
proper here, we are ! ' ' An't this a free
country, then?' I says, givin' a
divvle of a splash ; an' with that they
begs an' axes me for to hould on, an'
they'd fix me, as they calls it, in no
time. Well, mate, what does they do
but one an' another brings me some-
thin' as like what I 'scribed as could
be, hands 'em along on a pole, an' I
puts 'em on then an' there. Arter
that, the ladies o' the place bein'
blessed modest, an' all of a fright
leest I'd a corned out an' gone through
the town, — why, out o' granuytude,
as they says, they gets up a supper-
scription on a hundred dollars to make
up my loss — has a public meetin' log-
ged down for the evenin', when I'm
for to indress the citizens, as they
says, all about freedom an' top-gal-
lantry, an' sichlike. Hows'ever, I jist
sticks my tongue in my cheek, eats
a blessed good dinner in a hot- ell,
watches my chance, an' off by a track-
boat at sun-down to New Orleens,
where I shipped aboard a English
barque, an' gets safe out to sea wonst
more." " Lord love ye, Harry!" ex-
claimed Jack hereupon, " the likes o'
that now ! But I've heerd say, them
fittish-men you talks on has wonder-
ful knowledge — why, mayhap it's
them as keeps all the niggers black,
now ? " " Well, bo'," said Harry, " I
don't doubt but if them 'Merricane
slaves jist knowed o' that 'ere red
mushroom, why, they'd show the Yan-
kees more stripes nor stars ! D'ye see,
if a Yankee knowed as his own father
were a-hoein' his sugar-canes, 'blowed
if he wouldn't make him work up his
liberty in dollars! All the stripes,
d'ye see, 'mate, is for the blacks, an'
all the stars is for the whites, in them
Yankee colours as they brags so much
about ! But what I says is, it's curst
hard to get through this here world,
shipmate, if ye doesn't keep well to-
wind'ard of it!" I was the more
amused with this account of the ugly
rascal's adventures, that I remembered
two or three of the occasions he men-'
tioned, and he told them pretty exactly
so far as I had to do with them. As
for the fetish-man's curious nut, and
that extraordinary mushroom of hisr
why ' ten to one' thought I, ' but
all the while the fellow never once
touched a piece of soapf which, no
doubt, had as much to do with it as
anything besides. Somehow or other,
notwithstanding, I had taken almost
a fancy to the villain — such a rough
sample of mankind he was, with his
uncouth, grumpy voice and his huge
black beard ; and he gave the story in
a cool, scornful sort of way that was
laughable in itself. ' So, my lad,' I
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part V.
451
thought, ' it seems you and I have
met twice before ; but if you play any
of your tricks this time, Master Harry,
I hope you've found your match ;' and
certainly, if I had fancied my gentle-
man was in the slaver's hold that time
off the African coast, I'd have ' lub-
ber-rated' him with a vengeance ! " I
say, 'mates," said he again, with a
sulky kind of importance, to those of
the watch who had gathered round
during the last half of his yarn,
"there's three things I hates — an'
good reason !" " What be's they,
Harry ?" asked the rest. " One's a
Yankee," said he, " an' be bio wed
to him! the second's a slaver; and
the third is — I carn't abide a nigger,
nohow. But d'ye see, there's one
thing as I likes " Here eight
bells struck out, and up tumbled the
watch below, with Jacobs's hearty
face amongst them ; so I made my
way aft, and, of course, missed hear-
ing what that said delightful thing
might be, which this tarry ^sop ap-
proved of so much.
While I was listening, I had scarcely-
noticed, that within the last few mi-
nutes a light air had begun to play
aloft among the higher canvass, a
faint cat's-paw came ruffling here and
there a patch of the water, till by this
time the Indiaman was answering
her wheel again, and moving slowly
ahead, as the breeze came down and
crept out to the leeches of her sails,
with a sluggish lifting of her heavy
fore-course. The men were all below
at breakfast, forward, and, of course,
at that hour the poop above me was
quite a Babel of idlers' voices ; while
I looked into the compass and watched
the ship's head falling gradually off
from north-east-by-north, near which
it had stuck pretty close since day-
break. The sun was brought before
her opposite beam, and such a perfect
gush of hazy white light shot from
that quarter over the larboard bul-
warks, that there-away, in fact, there
might have been a fleet of ships, or a
knot of islands, and we none the
wiser, as you couldn't look into it at
all. The chief mate came handing a
wonderfully timid young lady down
the poop-ladder with great care, and
as soon as they were safe on the quar-
terdeck, she asked with a confiding
sort of lisp, " And where are we going
now then, Mr Finch?" "Well,
Miss," simpered he, "wherever you
please, I'll be glad to conduct you ! "
" Oh, but the ship I mean," replied
she, giggling prettily. " Why," said
Finch, stooping down to the binnacle,
" she heads due south-east at present,
Miss." " I am so glad you are going
on again !" said the young lady ; " but
oh ! when shall we see dear land once
more, Mr Finch?" "Not for more
than a week, I fear," answered the
mate, " when we arrive at the Cape
of Good Hope. But there, Miss, your
poetic feelings will be gratified, I
assure you ! The hills there, I might
say, Miss Brodie," he went on, " not
to speak of the woods, are quite dra-
matic! You mustn't suppose the
rough, mariner, rude as he seems, Miss
Brodie, is entirely devoid of romance
in his sentiments, I hope ! " and he
looked down for the twentieth time
that morning at his boots, as he
handed her down the cabin hatchway,
longing to see the Cape, no doubt.
' Much romance, as you call it, there
is in ugly Harry yonder !' thought I ;
and comparing this sort of stuff, aft,
with the matter-of-fact notions before
the mast, made me the more anxious
for what might turn up in a few hours,
with this gallant first officer left in
full charge, and the captain, as I un-
derstood, unable to leave his cot. A
good enough seaman the fellow was,
so far as your regular deep-sea work
went, which those India voyagers had
chiefly to do with then ; but for aught
out of the way, or a sudden pinch, why,
the peace had just newly set them free
of their leading-strings, and here this
young mate brought his new-fangled
school navigation, forsooth, to run the
Seringapatam into some mess or
other ; whereas, in a case of the kind,
I had no doubt he would prove as
helpless as a child. By this time, for
my part, all my wishes for some tick-
lish adventure were almost gone,
when I thought of our feelings at the
loss of the boat, as well as the num-
ber of innocent young creatures on
board, with Lota Hyde herself amongst
them : while here had I got myself
fairly set down for a raw griffm. Yet
neither Westwood nor I, unless it
came to the very worst, could venture
to make himself openly useful ! I was
puzzled both what to think of our
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part F.
[Oct.
exact case, and what to do ; whereas
a pretty short time in these latitudes,
as the foremast-man had said, might
finish our business altogether; indeed,
the whole look of things, somehow or
other, at that moment, had a strange
unsettled touch about it, out of which
one accustomed to those parts might
be sure some change would come.
The air, a little ago, was quite suffo-
cating, the heat got greater ; and the
breeze, though it seemed to strengthen
aloft, at times sank quietly out of her
lower canvass like a breath drawn in,
and caught it again as quietly ere it
fell to the masts. What with the
slow huge heave of the water, as it
washed glittering past, and what with
the blue tropical sky overhead, get-
ting paler and paler at the horizon
astern, from fair heat — while the sun-
light and the white haze on our lar-
board beam, made it a complete puzzle
to behold — why, I felt just like some
fellow in one of those stupid dreams
after a heavy supper, with nothing at
all in them, when you don't know how
long or how often you've dreamt it
before. Deuce the hand or foot you
can stir, and yet you've a notion of
something horrid that's sure to come
upon you. We couldn't be much
more than a hundred miles or so to
south'ard of St Helena ; but we might
be two thousand miles off the land, or
we might be fifty. I had only been
once in my life near the coast there-
away, and certainly my recollections
of it weren't the most pleasant. As
for the charts, so little was known of
it that we couldn't depend upon them ;
yet there was no doubt the ship had
been all night long in a strong set of
water toward north-east, right across
her course. For my own part, I was
as anxious as any one else to reach
the Cape, and get rid of all this
cursed nonsense ; for since last night,
I saw quite well by her look that
Violet Hyde would never favour me, if
I kept in her wake to the day of judg-
ment. There was I, too, every time 1
came on deck and saw those round-
house doors, my heart leapt into my
throat, and I didn't know port from
starboard ! But what was the odds,
that I'd have kissed the very pitch
she walked upon, when she wasn't for
me! — being deep in love don't
sharpen the faculties, neither, and the
morel thought of matters the stupider
I seemed to get. " Green Hand !"
thought I, "as Jacobs and the larboard
watch call me, it appears — why,
they're right enough ! A green hand
I came afloat nine years ago, and by
Jove ! though I know the sea and
what belongs to it, from sheer liking
to them, as 'twere — it seems a green
hand I'm to stick — seeing I know so
blessed little of woman-kind, not ta
speak of that whole confounded world
ashore ! With all one's schemes and
one's weather-eye, something new
always keeps turning up to show one
what an ass he is ; and hang me, if I
don't begin to suppose I'm only fit for
working small traverses upon slavers
and jack-nasty-faces, after all! There's
Westwood, without troubling himself,
seems to weather upon me, with her,
like a Baltimore clipper on a Dutch
schuyt !" In short, I wanted to leave
the Seringapatam as soon as I could,
wish them all a good voyage together
away for Bombay, sit down under
Table Mountain, damn my own eyes,
and then perhaps go and travel
amongst the Hottentots by way of a
change.
The chief officer came aft towards
the binnacle again, with a strut in his
gait, and more full of importance than
ever, of course. "This breeze '11
hold, I think, Macleod ? " said he to
the second mate, who was shuffling
about in a lounging, unseamanlike
way he had, as if he felt uncomfort-
able on the quarterdeck, and both
hands in his j acket pockets. ' ' Well, "
said the Scotchman, " do ye not think
it's too early begun, sir ? " and he
looked about like an old owl, winking
against the glare of light past the
mainsheet to larboard ; " I '11 not say
but it will, though," continued he,
" but 'odsake, sir, it's terrible warm !"
" Can't be long ere we get into Cape
Town, now, " said the mate, " so
you '11 turn the men on deck as soon
as breakfast's over, Mr Macleod, and
commence giving her a coat of paint
outside, sir." " Exactly, Mr Finch,"
said the other, " all hands it ;ll be,
sir ? For any sake, Mr Finch, give
thay lazy scoundrels something ado !"
" Yes1, all hands," said Finch; and he
was going below, when the second
mate sidled up to him again, as if he
had something particular to say.
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part V.
1849,]
" The captain '11 be quite better by
this time, no doubt, Mr Finch ? "
asked he. " Well — d'ye mean ? " in-
quired the mate, rather shortly;
"why no, sir — when the surgeon saw
him in the morning watch, he said it
was a fever, and the sooner we saw
the Cape, the better for him." "No
doubt, no doubt, sir," said the second-
mate, thoughtfully, putting his fore-
finger up his twisted nose, which I
noticed he did in such cases, as if the
twist had to do with his memory, —
" no doubt, sir, that 's just it I The
doctor's a sharp Edinbro' lad — did he
see aucht bye common about the cap-
tain, sir ? " " No," said Finch, "ex-
cept that he wanted to go on deck
this morning, and the surgeon took
away his clothes and left the door
locked." "Did he though?" asked
Macleod, shaking his head, and look-
ing a little anxious; "didna he ask
for aucht in particular, sir?" "Not
that I heard of, Mr Macleod," replied
the mate; "what do you mean?"
" Did he no ask for a green leaf? "
replied the second mate. "Pooh!"
said Finch, " what if he did?"
" Well, sir," said Macleod, " neither
you nor the doctor 's sailed five
voy'ges with the captain, like me.
He's a quiet man, Captain Weelum-
son, an' well he knows his calling ;
but sometimes warm weather doesn't
do with him, more especial siccan
warm weather as this, when the
moon's full, as it is the night, ye
know, Mr Finch. There 's something
else besides that, though, when he 's
taken that way." " Well, what is
it ? " asked the mate caa-elessly.
" Oo ! " said Macleod, " it can't be
that this time, of course, sir, — it's
when he's near the land ! The cap-
tain knows the smell of it, these
times, Mr Finch, as well 's a cock-
roach does— an' it's then he asks for
a green leaf, and wants to go straight
ashore — I mind he did it the voy'ge
before last, sir. He 's a quiet man,
the captain, as I said, for ord'nar'—
but when he 's roused, he 's a — "
"Why, what was the matter with
him ? " said Finch, more attentive
than before, "you don't mean to say — ?
go on, Mr Macleod. " The second
mate, however, looked cautious, closed
his lips firmly, and twirled his red
whiskers, as he glanced with one eye
453
aloft again. "Hoo!" said he, care-
lessly, " hoo, it 's nothing, nothing, —
just, I'm thinking, sir, what they
call disgestion ashore — all frae the
stommach, Mr Finch I We used jast
for to lock the state-room door, an'
never let on we heard — but at any
rate, sir, this is no the thing at all, ye
know ! " " Mester Semm, " con-
tinued he to the fat midshipman, who
came slowly up from the steerage,
picking his teeth with a pocket-knife,
" go forred and get the bo'suu to turn
up all hands."
" Sir," said I, stepping up to the
mate next moment, before the round-
house, " might I use the freedom of ask-
ing whereabouts we are at present ?"
Finch gave me a look of cool indiffe-
rence,,without stirring head or hand ;
which I saw, however, was put on,
as, ever since our boating affair, the
man evidently detested me, with all
his pretended scorn. u Oh certainly,
sir !" said he, " of course ! — sorry I
haven't the ship's log here to show
you — but it's two hundred miles or so
below St Helena, eight hundred miles
odd off south-west African coast,
with a light westerly breeze bound for
the Cape of Good Hope — so after that
you can look about you, sir!" Are
you sure of all that, sir?" asked I,
seriously. " Oh, no, of course not !"
said he, still standing as before, " not
in the least, sir! It's nothing but
quadrant, sextant, and chronometer
work, after all — which eveiy young
gentleman don't believe in !" Then he
muttered aloud, as if to himself,
"Well, if the captain should chance to
ask for a green leaf, I know where to
find it for him !" I was just on the
point of giving him some angry answer
or other, and perhaps spoiling all,
when I felt a tap on my shoulder,
and on turning round saw the Indian
judge, who had found me in the
way either of his passage or his pro-
spect, on stepping out of the starboard
door. "Eh !" said he, jocularly, as I
begged his pardon, "eh, young sir —
I've nothing to do with pardons — al-
ways leave that to the governor-gene-
ral and councillors ! Been doing any-
thing wrong, then ? Ala, what's this —
still calm, or some of your wind again,
Mrofficer?" "Afine breeze like to hold,
Sir Charles," answered the mate, all
bows and politeness. " So !" said Sir
454
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn. Part V.
[Oct.
Charles, " but I don't see Captain
Williamson at all this morning — where
is he?" " I am sorry to say he is very
unwell, Sir Charles," said Finch.
" Indeed !" exclaimed the Judge, with
whom the captain stood for all the
seamanship aboard, and looking round
again rather dissatisfied. u Don't like
that, though ! I hope he won't be long
unable to attend to things, sir — let me
know as soon as he is recovered, if
you please !" " Certainly, Sir Charles,"
said the chief officer, touching his cap
with some appearance of pique, "but
I hope, sir, I understand my duties in
command, Sir Charles." " Daresay,
sir," said the Judge, " as officer, pro-
bably. Commander absent! — horrible
accidents already!" he muttered cross-
ly, changing his usual high sharp key
to a harsh croak, like a saw going
through a heavy spar, " something
sure to go wrong — wish we'd done
with this deuced tiresome voyage !"
"Ha, young gentleman!" exclaimed
he, turning as he went in, " d'ye play
chess — suppose not — eh ?" "Why yes,
sir," said 1, " I do." " Well," conti-
nued he, overhauling me more care-
fully than he had done before, though
latterly I had begun to be somewhat
in his good graces when we met by
chance, " after all, you've a chess eye,
if you know the game at all. Come
in, then, for godsake, and let's begin !
Ever since the poor brigadier went,
I've had only myself or a girl to play
against ! 'Gad, sir, there is something,
I can't express how horrible to my
mind, in being matched against no-
body— or, what's worse, damme, a
woman ! But recollect, young gentle-
man, I can not bear a tyro !" and he
glanced at me as we walked into the
large poop-cabin, as sharply and as
cold as a nor'-wester ere it breaks to
windward. Now I happened to know
the game, and to be particularly fond
of it, so, restless as I felt otherwise, I
gave the old nabob a quiet nod, laid
down my griffin-looking straw-hat on
the sofa, and in two minutes there we
were, sitting opposite over a splendid
China-made chess-board, with ele-
phants, emperors, mandarins, and
china-men, all square and ataunto, as
if they'd been set ready for days.
The dark kitmagar commenced fan-
ning over his master's head with a
bright feather punka, the other native
sen-ant handed him his twisted hookah
and lighted it, after which he folded
his arms and stood looking down on
the board like a pundit at some cam-
paign of the Great Mogul — while the
Judge himself waited for my first
move, as if it had been some of our
plain English fellows in Hindostan
commencing against your whole big
India hubbub and finery, to get hold
of it all in the end. For my part I
sat at first all of a tingle and tremble,
thinking IIOAV near his lovely daughter
might be ; and there were the break-
fast cups laid out on a round table at
the other side, behind me. However I
made my move, Sir Charles made his,
and pitched in to the game in a half
impatient, half long-headed sort of
way, anxious to get to the thick of it,
as it were, once more. Not a word
was said, and you only heard the suck
of the smoke bubbling through the
water-bottle of his pipe, after each
move the Judge made ; till I set my-
self to the play in right earnest, and,
owing to the old gentleman's haste at
the beginning, or his over-sharpness,
I hooked him into a mess with which
I used to catch the old hands at chess
in the cock-pit, just by fancying what
they meant to be at. The Judge lifted
his head, looked at me, and went on
again. " Your queen is in check, Sir
Charles !" said I, next time, by way
of a polite hint. " Check, though,
young gentleman !" said he, chuckling,
as he dropped one of his outlandish
knights, which I wasn't yet up to the
looks of, close to windward of my
blessed old Turk of a king ; so the
skirmish was just getting to be a fair
set-to, when I chanced to lift my eyes,
and saw the door from the after-cabin
open, with Miss Hyde coming through .
" Now, papa," exclaimed she on the
moment, " you must come to break-
fast,"— when all of a sudden, at see-
ing another man in the cabin, she
stopped short. Being not so loud
and griffin-like in my toggery that
morning, and my hat off, the young
lady didn't recognise me at first, —
though the next minute, I saw by her
colour and her astonished look, she
not only did that, but something else
— no doubt remembering at last where
she had seen me ashore. " Well,
child," said the Judge, " make haste
with it, then! — Recollect where we
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn. Part V.
455>
are, now, young gentleman, — and
come to breakfast." She had a pink
muslin morning-dress on, with her
brown hair done up like the Virgin
Mary in a picture, and the sea had
taken almost all the paleness off her
cheek that it had in the ball-room at
Epsom, a month or two ago, — and, by
Jove ! when I saw her begin to pour
out the tea out of the silver tea-pot, I
didn't know where I was ! " Oh, I
forgot," said the Judge, waving his
hand from me to her, iu a hurry,
"Mr Bobbins, Violet !— ho, Kitma-
gar, curry 1'ao !" " Oh," said she,
stifflv, with a cold turn of her pretty
lip, " I have met Mr— Mr— " " Col-
lins, ma'am," said I. " I have met
this gentleman by accident before.'1'1
*' So you have — so you have," said
her father ; " but you play chess well,
Mr — a — a — what's his name? — ah!
Colley. Gad you play well, sir, — we
must have it out !" The' young lady
glanced at me again with a sort of asto-
nishment ; at last she said, no doubt
for form's sake, though as indiffer-
ently as possible, — " You have known
your friend the missionary gentleman
long, I believe, sir? — the Reverend
Mr Thomas — I think that is his name?"
" Oh no, ma'arn !" said I hastily, for
the Judge was the last man I wished
should join Westwood and me to-
gether, " only since we crossed the
Line, or so." " Why, I thought he
said you were at school together!"
said she, in surprise. " Why — hem
— certainly not, ma'am — a— a — I — a
— a — I don't remember the gentleman
there," I blundered out. " Eh, what?
— check to your queen, young gentle-
man, surely?" asked Sir Charles.
" What's this, though ! Always like
to hear a mystery explained, so" —
and he gave me one of his sharp
glances. " Why, why — surely, young
man, now I think of it in that
way, I've seen you before in some
peculiar circumstances or other — on
land, too. Why, where was it — let
me see, now ? " putting his finger to
his forehead to think ; while I sat
pretty uneasy, like a small pawn
that had been trying to get to the
head of the board, and turn into a
knight or a bishop, when it falls foul
of a grand figured-out king and queen.
However, the queen is the only piece
you need mind at distance, and bless-
ed hard it is to escape from her, of
course. Accordingly, I cared little
enough for the old nabob finding out
I had gone in chase of them ; but
there sat his charming little daughter,
with her eyes on her teacup ; and
whether the turn of her face meant
coolness, or malice, or amusement, I
didn't know — though she seemed a little
anxious too, I thought, lest her father
should recollect me.
" It wasn't before me, young man?"
asked he, looking up of a sudden:
" no, that must have been in India —
must have been in England, when I
was last there — let me see." And I
couldn't help fancying what a man's
feelings must be, tried for his life, as
I caught a side-view of his temples
working, dead in my wake, as it
were. The thing was laughable
enough, and for a moment I met
Lota's eye as he mentioned England
— 'twas too short a glimpse, though,
to make out ; and, thought I, " he'll
be down on Surrey directly, and
then Croydon — last of all, the back of
his garden wall, I suppose ! " "Check"
it was, and what I was going to say
I couldn't exactly conceive, unless I
patched up some false place or other,
with matters to match, and mentioned
it to the old fellow, though small
chance of its answering with such a
devil of a lawyer — when all at once I
thought I heard a hail from aloft,
then the second-mate's voice roared
close outside, " Hullo ! — aloft there !"
The next moment I started up, and
looked at Miss Hyde, as I heard
plainly enough the cry, " On deck
there — land O ! " I turned round at
once, and walked out of the round-
house to the quarterdeck, where, two
minutes after, the whole of the pass-
engers were crowding from below, the
Judge and his daughter already on
the poop. Far aloft, upon the fore-
to'gallant-yard, in the hot glare of the
sun, a sailor was standing, with his
hand over his eyes, and looking to the
horizon, as the Indiaman stood quietly
before the light breeze. " Where -
away-ay?"was the next hail from
deck. " Broad on our larboard bow,
sir," was the answer.
VOL, LXVI. — M>. ccccvnr.
2n
456
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.
WE have here combined the best of
all books, and the best of all maps,
for the study of the most interesting
description of geography. Mr John-
ston's Physical Atlas, now published
in a form which renders it accessible
to greater numbers, is without a rival
as a companion and guide in this de-
partment of study ; and by dwelling
on its merits and utility, we should
be only echoing a verdict which has
already been pronounced by almost
every journal of scientific or critical
celebrity. And, indeed, the same
might be said of our commendation of
Mrs Somerville's book ; our praise
comes lagging in the rear, and is well-
nigh superfluous. But not only are
we desirous to tender our tribute of
respect to one who has done more
than any other living writer to extend
amongst us sound, as well as general
knowledge of physical science ; we are
anxious also to recommend to our
youth the enlarged method of studying
geography, which her present work
demonstrates to be as captivating as
it is instructive.
Mrs Somerville's Physical Geography
does not assume so profound an aspect,
nor has it so lofty an aim, as the
Cosmos of Alexander Von Humboldt ;
neither can it claim, like that work,
to be written by one who has himself
surveyed the greater part of the terra-
queous globe he undertakes to de-
scribe. This latter circumstance gives
an extraordinary interest to the Cos-
mos. From time to time the pro-
fessor of science, gleaning his know-
ledge from books, and laboratories,
and museums, steps aside, and we
hear, and almost see, the adventurous
traveller, the man Humboldt himself,
who seems to speak to us from the
distant ocean he has traversed, or the
sublime mountain heights he has
ascended. Our countrywoman can
claim no such peculiar prerogative.
Who else can? To few — to none
other— has it ever been permitted to
combine so wide a range of knowledge
with so wide a range of vision — to
have earned his mind through all
science, and his eye over all regions.
He is familiar with all the grandeurs
of our earth. He speaks with the air
of the mountain still around him.
When he discourses of the Himalaya
or the Andes, it is with the vivid
impression of one whose footsteps are
still lying uneffaced amongst their
rarely-trodden and precipitous passes.
The phenomena he describes he has
seen. He can reveal to us, and make
us feel with him, that strange impres-
sion which " the first earthquake "
makes even upon the most educated
and reflective man, who suddenly
finds his old faith shaken in the stabi-
lity of the earth. And what lecturer
upon electricity could ever arrest the
attention of his auditors by so charm-
ing a reference to his personal expe-
rience as is contained in the following
passage? —
" It was not without surprise that I
noticed, on the shores of the Orinoco,
children belonging to tribes in the lowest
stage of barbarism amusing themselves
by rubbing the dry, flat, shining seeds
of a leguminous climbing plant (probably
a negretia) for the purpose of causing
them to attract fibres of cotton or bam-
boo. It was a sight well fitted to leave
on the mind of a thoughtful spectator a
deep and serious impression. How wide
is the interval which separates the simple
knowledge of the excitement of electricity
by friction, shown in the sports of these
naked, copper-coloured children of the
forest, from the invention of the metallic
conductor, which draws the swift lightning
from the storm-cloud — of the voltaic pile,
capable of effecting chemical decomposi-
tion— of a magnetic apparatus, evolving
light — and of the magnetic telegraph !"
The writer naturally reflects on the
wide interval which separates the
knowledge of electricity shown by
these naked children on the banks of
the Orinoco, and the inventions of
modem science, which have taught
the lightnings of heaven to do our
messages on the earth. But, to our
mind, this wide interval is far more
strikingly displayed by the picture
Physical Geography.
The Physical Atlas.
By MARY SOMERVILLE.
By ALEXANDER KEITH JOHNSION.
1849.]
Physical Geography.
457
which is here presented to the imagi-
nation, of the profound and meditative
European looking down, pleased and
surprised, at the first unconscious
steps in experimental philosophy
which these copper- coloured children
of the forest are making in their
sport.
But if Mrs Somerville's book has
none of this extraordinary interest
which the great traveller has thrown
over his work, and if it does not aspire
to that philosophic unity of view, (of
which a word hereafter, in passing,) it
must take precedence of this, and
of all other works, as a useful com-
pendium of the latest discoveries, and
the soundest knowledge we possess,
in the various subjects it embraces.
Nowhere, except in her own previous
work, The Connexion of the Physical
Sciences, is there to be found so large
a store of well-selected information,
so lucidly set forth. In surveying
and grouping together whatever has
been seen by the eyes of others, or
detected by their laborious investiga-
tions, she is not surpassed by any
one ; and the absence of all higher
aim, or more original effort, is favour-
able to this distinctness of exposition.
We have no obscurities other than
what the imperfect state of science
itself involves her in ; no dissertations
which are felt to interrupt or delay.
She strings her beads distinct and
close together. With quiet perspica-
city she seizes at once whatever is
most interesting and most captivating
in her subject.
The Cosmos of Humboldt has the
ambitious aim of presenting to us
the universe, so far as we know it, in
that beauty of harmony which results
from a whole. Thus, at least, we
understand his intention. He would
domineer, as with an eagle's glance,
over the known creation, and embrace
it in its unity, displaying to us that
beauty which exists in the harmony
of all its parts. The attempt no one
would depreciate or decry, but mani-
festly the imperfect state of science
forbids its execution. We have at-
tained no point of view from which we
can survey the world as one harmo-
nious whole. Our knowledge is frag-
mentary, uncertain, imperfect; and
the most philosophic mind cannot
reduce it into any shape in which it
shall appear other than uncertain and
fragmentary. We cannot " stand in
the sun," as Coleridge says in his fine
verse, and survey creation ; we have
no such luminous standing-point.
There never, indeed, was a time when
the attempt to harmonise our know-
ledge, and view the universe of things
" in the beauty of unity," was so hope-
less, so desperate. For the old
theories, the old methods of repre-
senting to the imagination the more
subtle and invisible agencies of the phy-
sical world, are shaken, or exploded,
and nothing new has been able to
take their place. What is new, and
what is old, are alike unsettled, un-
confirmed. In reality, therefore, the
work of Mrs Somerville is as much a
Cosmos as that of Von Humboldt; and,
as a work of instruction, is far better
for not aiming higher than it does.
Mrs Somerville presents to us each
gospel of science — if we may give that
title to its imperfect revelations — and
does not bewilder or confuse by
attempting that "harmony of the
gospels " which the scientific expositor
is, as yet, unable to accomplish.
As yet, we have said — but, indeed,
will science be ever able to realise
this aspiration of the intellect after
unity and completeness of view ? To
the reflective mind, human science
presents this singular aspect. Whilst
the speculative reason of man con-
tinually seeks after unity, strives to
see the many in the one — as the Pla-
tonist would express himself— or, as
we should rather say, strives to resolve
the multiplicity of phenomena into a
few ultimate causes, so as to create
for itself a whole, some rounded system
which the intellectual vision can em-
brace ; the discoveries of science, by
which it hopes and strives to realise
this end, do in fact, at every stage,
increase the apparent complexity of
the phenomena. The new agencies,
or causes, which are brought to light,
if they explain what before was ano-
malous and obscure, become them-
selves the source of innumerable
difficulties and conjectures. Each dis-
covery stirs more questions than it
sets at rest. What, on its first intro-
duction, promised to explain so many
things, is found, on further acquain-
tance, to have added but one more to
the inexplicable facts around us.
458
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
With each step, also, in our inquiry,
the physical agents that are revealed
to us become more subtle, more cal-
culated to excite and to elude our
curiosity. Already, half our science
is occupied with matter that is in-
visible. From time to time some
grand generalisation is proposed —
electricity is now the evoked spirit
which is to help us through our
besetting difficulties — but, fast as the
theory is formed, some new fact
emerges that will not range itself
within it ; the cautious thinker steps
back, and acknowledges that the
effort is as yet premature. It always
will be premature.
There is a perpetual antagonism
between the intellectual tendency to
reduce all phenomena to a harmo-
nious and complete system, and that
increase of knowledge which, while it
seems to favour the attempt, renders
it more and more impracticable. With
our limited powers, we cannot embrace
the whole ; and therefore it must
follow, that it is only when our know-
ledge is scanty, that we seem capable
of the task. Every addition to that
knowledge, from the time that Thales
would have reduced all things to the
one element of water, has rendered
the task more hopeless. And as
science was never so far advanced as
at the present time, so this antagonism
was never so clearly illustrated be-
tween the effort of reason to general-
ise, and the influx of broken know-
ledge, reducing the overtasked intel-
lect to despair. How much has
lately been revealed to us of the more
subtle powers and processes of nature
— of light, of heat, of electricity!
How tempting the generalisations
offered to our view ! We seem to be,
at least, upon the eve of some great
discovery which will explain all : an
illusion which is destined to prompt
the researches of the ardent spirits of
every age. They will always be on
the eve of some great discovery which
is to place the clue of the labyrinth
into their hand. The new discovery,
like its predecessor, will add only
another chamber to the interminable
labyrinth.
Let us, for instance, suppose that
we have discovered, in electricity, the
cause of that attraction to which we
had confided the revolution of the
planets ; of that chemical affinity to
which we had ascribed the various
combinations of those ultimate atoms
of which the material world is pre-
sumed to be composed ; of that vital
principle which assimilates in the
plant, and grows and feels in the
animal. Let us suppose that this is a
sound generalisation ; yet, as electri-
city cannot be alone both attraction
in the mass, and chemical affinity in
the atom, and irritability and suscep-
tibility in the fibre and the nerve,
what has the speculative reason at-
tained but to the knowledge of a new
and necessary agent, producing dif-
ferent effects according to the different
conditions in which, and the different
co-agencies with which it operates ?
These conditions, these co-agencies,
are all to be discovered. It is one
flash of light, revealing a whole world
of ignorance.
To the explanation of the most
obstinate of all problems — the nature
of the vital principle — we seem to
have made a great step when we
introduce a current of electricity cir-
culating through the nerves. If this
hypothesis be established, we shall
probably have made a valuable and
very useful addition to our stock of
knowledge ; but we shall be as far as
ever from solving the problem of the
vital principle. We have now a
current of electricity circulating along
the nerves, as we had before a current
of blood, circulating through the veins
and arteries ; the one may become as
prominent and as important arfact in
the science of the physician as the
other ; but it will be equally power-
less with the old discovery of Harvey
to explain the tiltimate cause of
vitality. To the speculative reason
it has but complicated the phenomena
of animal life.
Within the memory of a living
man, there has been such progress
and revolution in science, that not
one of the great generalisations taught
him in his youth can be now received
as uncontested propositions. Not
many years ago, how conimodiously
a few words, such as attraction,
caloric, affinity, rays of light, and
others, could be used, and how much
they seemed to explain ! Caloric was
a fluid, unseen indeed, but very obe-
dient to the imagination— expanding
1849.]
Physical Geography.
bodies, and radiating from one to the
other in a quite orderly manner.
What is it now ? Perhaps the vibra-
tion of a subtle ether interfused
through all bodies ; perhaps the vibra-
tion of the atomic parts themselves of
those bodies. Who will venture to
say ? Attraction and affinity are no
longer the clearly defined ultimate
facts they seemed to be ; we know so
much, at least, that they are intimately
connected Avith electrical phenomena,
though not to what extent. That
electricity is implicated with chemical
composition, and recomposition, is
clearly recognised; and Sir J. Her-
schel has lately expressed his opinion,
that it is impossible any longer to
attempt the explanation of the move-
ments of all the heavenly bodies by
simple attraction, as understood in
the Newtonian theory — these comets,
with their trains perversely turned
from the sun, deranging sadly our
systematic views. The ray of light,
which, with its reflection and its
refraction, seemed a quite manageable
substance, has deserted us, and we
have an ethereal fluid — the same as
that which constitutes heat, or another
— substituted in its stead. Science
has no language, and knows not hoAv
to speak. If she lectures one day
upon the " polarisation" of light, she
professes the next not to know what
she means by the term ; she is driven
even to talk of "invisible rays" of
light, or chemical rays. Never was
it so difficult to form any scientific
conception on these subjects, or to
459
speak of them with any consistency.
Mrs Somerville is a correct writer ;
yet she opens her brief section upon
magnetism thus : — " Magnetism is one
of those unseen imponderable exist-
ences, which, like electricity and heat,
are known only by their effects. It is
certainly identical with electricity,
for," &c. It is like, and it is identical,
in almost the same sentence.
Even in the fields of astronomy,
where we have to deal with large
masses of matter, it is no longer pos-
sible for the imagination to form any
embraceable system. We are plunged
into hopeless infinitude, and the little
regularities we had painfully delineated
on the heavens are all effaced. The
earth had been torn from its moorings
and sent revolving through space, but
it revolved round a central stationary
sun. Here, at least, was something
stable. The sun was a fixed centre
for our minds, as well as for the
planetary system. But the sun him-
self has been uprooted, and revolves
round some other centre — we know
not what — or else travels on through
infinite space — we know not whither.
A little time ago, the stately seven
rolled round their central orb in clear
and uninterrupted space ; their number
has been constantly increasing; we
reckon now seventeen planetary bodies
that can be reduced to no law of pro-
portion or harmony, either as to their
size, their orbits, the inclination of
their axes, or any other planetary pro-
perty ; * and the space they circulate
in is intruded on by other smaller
" Nor are there," writes Humboldt, " any constant relations between the distances
of the planets from the central body round which they revolve, and their absolute
magnitudes, densities, times of rotation, eccentricities and inclinations of orbit and of
axis. We find Mars, though more distant from the sun than either the earth or
Venus, inferior to them in magnitude; Saturn is less than Jupiter, and yet much
larger than Uranus. The zone of the telescopic planets, which are so inconsiderable
in point of volume, viewed in the series of distances commencing from the sun, comes
next before Jupiter, the greatest in size of all the planetary bodies. Remarkable as
is the small density of all the colossal planets which are farthest from the sun, yet
neither in this respect can we recognise any regular succession. Uranus appears to
be denser than Saturn, and (though the inner group of planets differ but little from
each other in this particular) we find both Venus and Mars less dense than the earth,
which is situated between them. The time of rotation increases, on the whole, with
increasing solar distance, but yet it is greater in Mars than in the earth, and in.
Saturn than in Jupiter." After other remarks of the same character, he adds, " The
planetary system, in its relation of absolute magnitude, relative position of the axis,
density, time of rotation, and different degrees of eccentricity of the orbits, has, to
our apprehension, nothing more of natural necessity than the relative distribution of
land and water on the surface of our globe, the configuration of continents, or the
elevation of mountain chains. No general law, in these respects, is discoverable
•either in the regions of space or in the irregularities of the crust of the earth."
460
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
and miscellaneous bodies, asteroids,
and the like, some of which, it seems,
occasionally fall to the earth. Comets
come sweeping in from illimitable
space, requiring, it is thought, some
eight thousand years for their revolu-
tion round the sun. Some of these
cross each other's orbits : one has
crossed the orbit of the earth; and
their decreasing circle round the sun,
gives notice of some unknown ether
suffused through the interstellar spaces.
The outlying prospect, beyond our
system, grows still more bewildering.
The stars are no longer " fixed," nor
is their brilliancy secured to them ;
this increases and diminishes with
perplexing mystery. What seemed
a single point of light, resolves itself
into two stars revolving round each,
perhaps reciprocally sun and planet.
The faint and telescopic nebula, just
reached by the glass in one age, is
found in the next to be a congrega-
tion of innumerable stars. Our milky
way is, at the same distance, just such
another nebula. " The elder Her-
schel calculates that the light of the
most distant nebula, discovered by
his forty-feet refractor, requires two
millions of years to reach our eyes."
Oh, shut up the telescope ! the reason
reels.
Science, in short, presents before us
a field of perpetual activity — of end-
less excitement, and that of the high-
est order — of practical results of the
greatest utility and most beneficial
description ; but it gives no prospect
of any resting-place — any repose for
the speculative reason — any position
with which the scientific mind shall be
content, and from which it shall em-
brace the scene before it in its unity
and harmony. Always will it be
" Moving about in worlds half-realised."
Having touched upon these subtle
agencies of light, and heat, and electri-
city, and on the increasing difficulty
we have of framing to ourselves any
distinct conception of them, we can-
not refrain from alluding to a little
work or pamphlet, by Mr Grove,
entitled, The Correlation of Physical
Forces, in which this subject is treated
with great originality. Mr Grove
has made himself a name in experi-
mental science by his discoveries in
electricity and chemistry ; in this
pamphlet he shows, that he has the
taste and power for enlarged specula-
tion on the truths which experiment
brings to light. We would recom-
mend the perusal of his pamphlet to
all who are interested in these higher
and more abstract speculations. How
far the wide generalisation he adopts
is sustained by facts, we are not pre-
pared to say. But it is a powerful
work, and it is a singular one ; for it
is not often, in this country at least,
that a man so well versed in the
minutiae of science ventures upon so
bold a style of generalisation. After
reviewing some of the more lately dis-
covered properties of electricity, heat,
light, and magnetism, and showing
how each of them is capable of pro-
ducing or resolving itself into the
others, he reasons that all the four
are but the varied activity of one and
the same element. He adds, that
this element is probably no other than
the primitive atom itself; and that,
in fact, these may be all regarded
as affections of matter, which follow
in their legal sequence, and not as the
results of separate fluids or ethers.
We are not sure that we do justice to
his views, as we have not the work at
hand, and it is some time since we
read it; but we are persuaded that
its perusal will be of interest to a
philosophic reader, though its reason-
ing should fail to satisfy him.
But we have not placed the title of
Mrs Somerville's book at the head of
this paper, as an occasion to involve
ourselves in these dark and abstract
discussions. We are for out-of-door
life ; we would survey this visible
round world, whose various regions,
with their products and their inhabi-
tants, she has brought before us.
" Physical geography," thus commences
our writer, "is a description of the earth,
the sea, and the air, with their inhabi-
tants animal and vegetable, of the dis-
tribution of these organised beings, and
the causes of that distribution. Political
and arbitrary divisions are disregarded :
the sea and the land are considered only
with respect to these great features, that
have been stamped upon them by the
hand of the Almighty ; and man himself
is viewed but as a fellow-inhabitant of
the globe with other created things, yet
influencing them to a certain extent by
his actions, and influenced in return."
Physical geography stands thus in
1849.]
Physical Geography.
4G1
contrast with political and historical
geography. Kussia is here no despot-
ism, and America no democracy ; they
are only portions of the globe inha-
bited by certain races. To some per-
sons it will doubtless seem a strange
" geography" that takes no notice of
the city, and respects not at all the
boundaries of states. Those to whom
the name recalls only the early labours
of the school-room, when counties and
county-towns formed a great branch
of learning — where the blue and red
lines upon the map were so anxiously
traced, and where, doubtless, some
suspicion arose that the earth itself
was marked out by corresponding
lines, or something equivalent to them
— will hardly admit that to be geo-
graphy which takes no note of these
essential demarcations, or allow that
to be a map in which the very city
they live in cannot be found. To them
the Physical Atlas will still seem no-
thing but a series of maps, in which
most of the names have still to be
inserted. They unconsciously regard
cities and provinces as the primary
objects and natural divisions of the
earth. They share something of the
feeling of that good man, more pious
than reflective, who noted it as an
especial providence that all the great
rivers ran by the great towns.
Others, however, will be glad to
escape for a time from these land-
marks which man has put upon the
earth, and to regard it in its great
natural lineaments of continent and
sea, mountain and island. To do this
with advantage, it is necessary to dis-
embarrass ourselves, both in the book
and the map, of much that in our
usual nomenclature ranks pre-emi-
nently as geography. Nor is it easy
to study this, more than the older
branch of geography, without an ap-
propriate atlas. To turn over the
maps of Mr Johnston's, and con the
varied information which accompanies
them, is itself a study, and no dis-
agreeable one. Of the extent of this
information we can give no idea by
extract or quotation ; it is manifestly
in too condensed a form for quota-
tion ; it is a perfect storehouse of
knowledge, gathered from the best
authorities.
The first thing which strikes an
observant person, on looking over a
map, or turning round a globe, is the
nn equal division and distribution of
land and water. Over little more
than one-fourth of the surface of the
earth does dry land appear ; the re-
maining three-fourths are overflowed
by water. And this land is by no
means equally disposed over the
globe. Far the greater part of it lies
in the northern hemisphere. " In the
northern hemisphere it is three times
greater than the south."
Of the form which this land as-
sumes, the following peculiarities have
been noticed : —
" The tendency of the land to assume
a peninsular form is very remarkable,
and it is still more so that almost all the
peninsulas tend to the south — circum-
stances that depend on some unknown
cause which seems to have acted very
extensively. The continents of South
America, Africa, and Greenland, are
peninsulas on a gigantic scale, all tending
to the south ; the Asiatic peninsula of
India, the Indo-Chinese peninsula, those
of Corea, Kamtchatka, of Florida, Califor-
nia, and Aliaska, in North America, as
well as the European peninsulas of Nor-
way and Sweden, Spain and Portugal,
Italy and Greece, take the same direc-
tion. All the latter have a rounded form
except Italy, whereas most of the others
terminate sharply, especially the conti-
nents of South America and Africa, India
and Greenland, which have the pointed
form of wedges; while some are long and
narrow, as California, Aliaska, and Ma-
lacca. Many of the peninsulas have an
island, or group of islands, at their extre-
mity— as South America, which terminates
with the group of Terra del Fuego; India
has Ceylon; Malacca has Sumatra and
Banca; the southern extremity of New
Holland ends in Van Diemen's Land; a,
chain of islands run from the end of the
peninsula of Aliaska; Greenland has a
group of islands at its extremity; and
Sicily lies close to the termination of
Italy. It has been observed, as another
peculiarity in the structure of peninsulas,
that they generally terminate boldly, in
bluffs, promontories, or mountains, which
are often the last portions of the conti-
nental chains. South America terminates
in Cape Horn, a high promontory which
is the visible termination of the Andes;
Africa with the Cape of Good Hope ; India
with Cape Comorin, the last of the
Ghauts; New Holland ends with South-
East Cape in Van Diemen's Land ; and
Greenland's farthest point is the elevated
bluff of Cape Farewell."
462
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
These are peculiarities interesting
to notice, and which may hereafter
explain, or be explained by, other
phenomena. Resemblances and ana-
logies of this kind, whilst they are
permitted only to direct and stimulate
inquiry, have their legitimate place in
science. It was a resemblance of this
description, between the zig-zag course
of the metalliferous veins, and the path
of the lightning, which first suggested
the theory, based, of course, on very
different reasonings, that electricity
had essentially contributed to the for-
mation of those veins — a theory which
Mrs Somerville has considered suf-
ficiently sound to introduce into her
work.
What lies within our globe is still
matter of conjecture. The radius of
the earth is 4000 miles, and by one
means or another, mining, and the
examination of the upheaved strata,
and of what volcanoes have thrown
out, we are supposed to have pene-
trated, with speculative vision, to about
the depth of ten miles.
" The increase of temperature," writes
Mrs Somerville, "with the depth belowthe
surface of the earth, and the tremendous
desolation hurled over wide regions by
numerous fire-breathing mountains, show
that man is removed but a few miles from
immense lakes or seas of liquid fire. The
very shell on which he stands is unstable
under his feet, not only from those tem-
porary convulsions that seem to shake the
globe to its centre, but from a slow, almost
imperceptible, elevation in some places,
and an equally gentle subsidence in others,
as if the internal molten matter were sub-
ject to secular tides, now heaving and now
ebbing ; or that the subjacent rocks were
in one place expanded and in another
contracted by changes in temperature."
Perhaps these "immense lakes or
seas of liquid fire " are a little too
hastily set down here in our geography.
But of these obscure regions beneath
the earth, the student must understand
he can share only in the best conjec-
tures of scientific men. Geology is
compelled, at present, in many cases,
to content herself with intelligent con-
jecture.
To return again to the surface of
the earth, the first grand spectacle
that strikes us is the mountains. Be-
fore it was understood how the moun-
tain was the parent of the river, the
noble elevation was apt to be regard-
ed in the light of a ruin, as evidence
of some disastrous catastrophe ; and
Burnett, in his Theory of the Earth,
conceived the ideal or normal state of
our planet to be that of a smooth ball,
smooth as an egg. The notion not
only betrays the low state of scien-
tific knowledge in his age, but a
miserable taste in world-architec-
ture, which, we may remark in excuse
for poor Burnett, was, almost as much
as his scientific ignorance, to be shared
with the age in which he lived. For
it is surprising, with the exception of
a few poets, how destitute men
were, in his time, of all sympathy
with, and admiration of, the grander
and more sublime objects of nature.
" We have changed all that ! " The
mountain range, pouring down its
streams into the valleys on both sides,
is not only recognised as necessary to
the fertility of the plain ; but, strange
to say, we become more and more
awake to its surprising beauty and
magnificence. The description of the
mountain ranges of the several con-
tinents of the world, forms one of the
principal attractions of the study of
physical geography, and one of the
great charms of Mrs Somerville's book.
The mountains of Asia take prece-
dence of all others in altitude and
length of range.
" The mean height of the Himalaya is
stupendous. Captain Gerard and hig
brother estimated that it could not be less
than from 16,000 to 20,000 feet; but, from
the average elevation of the passes over
these mountains, Baron Humboldt thinks
it must be under 15,700 feet. Colonel
Sabine estimates it to be only 11,510 feet,
though the peaks exceeding that eleva-
tion are not to be numbered, especially
at the sources of the Sutlej. Indeed, from
that river to the Kalee, the chain ex-
hibits an endless succession of the loftiest
mountains on earth : forty of them sur-
pass the height of Chimborazo, one of the
highest of the Andes, and several reach
the height of 25,000 feet at least. . .
The valleys are crevices so deep and nar-
row, and the mountains that hang over
them in menacing cliffs are so lofty,
that these abysses are shrouded in perpe-
tual gloom, except where the rays of a ver-
tical sun penetrate their depths. From the
steepness of the descent the rivers shoot
down with the swiftness of an arrow, fill-
ing the caverns with foam and the air
with mist.
'•' Most of the passes over the Himalaya
1849.]
Physical Geography.
are but little lower than the top of Mont
Blanc ; many are higher, especially near
the Sutlej, where they are from 18,000 to
19,000 feet high ; and that north-east of
Khoonawur is 20,000 feet above the level
of the sea, the highest that has been at-
tempted. All are terrific, and the fatigue
and suffering from the rarity of the air in
the last 500 feet is not to be described.
Animals are as much distressed as human
beings, and many of them die ; thousands
of birds perish from the violence of the
winds ; the drifting snow is often fatal to
travellers, and violent thunder-storms add
to the horror of the journey. The Niti
Pass, by which Mr Moorcroft ascended to
the sacred lake of Manasa, in Tibet, is
tremendous : he and his guide had not
only to walk bare-footed, from the risk of
slipping, but they were obliged to creep
along the most frightful chasms, holding
by twigs and tufts of grass, and sometimes
they crossed deep and awful crevices on
a branch of a tree, or on loose stones
thrown across. Yet these are the
thoroughfares for commerce in the Hima-
laya, never repaired, nor susceptible of
improvement, from frequent landslips and
torrents.
" The loftiest peaks, being bare-of snow,
give great variety of colour and beauty
to the scenery, which in these passes is
at all times magnificent. During the day,
the stupendous size of the mountains, their
interminable extent, the variety and
sharpness of their forms, and, above all,
the tender clearness of their distant out-
line melting into the pale blue sky, con-
trasted with the deep azure above, is de-
scribed as a scene of wild and wonderful
beauty. At midnight, when myriads of
stars sparkle in the black sky, and the
pure blue of the mountains looks deeper
still below the pale white gleam of the
earth and snowlight, the effect is of un-
paralleled sublimity; and no language can
-describe the splendour of the sunbeams
at daybreak streaming between the high
peaks, and throwing their gigantic
shadows on the mountains below. There,
far above the habitation of man, no living
thing exists, no sound is heard ; the very
echo of the traveller's footsteps startles
him in the awful solitude and silence that
reigns in these august dwellings of ever-
lasting snow."
The table-lands of Asia are on a
scale corresponding with its moun-
tains. But the same elevation, it is
remarked, is not accompanied with
the same sterility in these parts of the
•world, as in the temperate zone. Corn
has been found growing at heights
exceeding the summit of Mont Blanc.
463
" According to Mr Moorcroft, the
sacred lake of Manasa, in Great Tibet,
and the surrounding country, is 17,000
feet above the sea, which is 1240 feet
higher than Mont Blanc. In this ele-
vated region wheat and barley grow,
and many of the fruits of Southern
Europe ripen. The city of H'Lassa,
in eastern Tibet, the residence of the
Grand Lama, is surrounded by vine-
yards, and is called by the Chinese
' the Realm of Pleasure ! ' " Never-
theless the general aspect of the table-
lands is that of a terrific sterility.
Here is a striking description of them.
We should have been tempted to say,
that in this singularly dark appear-
ance of the sky at mid-day, there was
something of exaggeration, if our own
limited experience had not taught us
to be very cautious in attributing ex-
aggeration where the scenic effects of
nature are concerned.
" In summer the sun is powerful at
mid-day; the air is of the purest transpa-
rency, and the azure of the sky so deep
that it seems black as in the darkest
night. The rising moon does not en-
lighten the atmosphere; no warning radi-
ance announces her approach, till her
limb touches the horizon, and the stars
shine with the distinctness and bril-
liancy of suns. In southern Tibet the ver-
dure is confined to favoured spots ; the
bleak mountains and high plains are
sternly gloomy — a scene of barrenness
not to be conceived. Solitude reigns in
these dreary wastes, where there is not a
tree, nor even a shrub to be seen of more
than a few inches high. The scanty,
short-lived verdure vanishes in October ;
the country then looks as if fire had pass-
ed over it; and cutting dry winds blow
with irresistible fury, howling in the bare
mountains, whirling the snow through
the air, and freezing to death the unfortu-
nate traveller benighted in their defiles."
The description of the territory of
the East India Company will be read
with interest. We cannot afford space
to extract it. Plains and valleys the
very richest in the globe are to be
found here, as also much rank marshy
land, and also much jungle. " It has
been estimated that a third of the
East India Company's territory is
jungle."
As a set-off against this jungle we
have it intimated that, if proper search
were made, gold would probably be
found in this territory, as abundantly
as in California. We sincerely hope
464
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
no such discovery will be made. If
there is a sure specific for demoralis-
ing a people, it is to involve them in
the chase for gold, instead of that pro-
fitable industry which produces the
veritable wealth for which gold has
become the symbol and representative.
The discovery of gold in one of our
colonies would not only demoralise, it
would impoverish. It would demo-
ralise, by substituting for steady in-
dustry, with steady returns, a species
of enterprise which has all the uncer-
tainty and fluctuation of gambling ;
and it would finally impoverish by
diverting labour from the creation of
agricultural and manufacturing wealth,
to the obtaining of the dry barren
symbol of wealth, which, apart from its
representative character, has but very
little value whatever.
We will not look back towards
Chimborazo and the Andes, as we
should involve ourselves in long and
tempting descriptions. In Africa, it
is remarkable that we are little ac-
quainted with the mountains. " No
European has yet seen the Mountains
of the Moon !" What a challenge to
enterprising travellers ! We know the
level sands of Africa better than these
elevations which have assumed so
magnificent a title. What a terrific
sterility does a large portion of this
the most ill-fated of the great conti-
nents present ! " On the interminable
sands and rocks of these deserts no
animal — no insect — breaks the dread
silence ; not a tree nor a shrub is to be
seen in this land without a shadow.
In the glare of noon the air quivers
with the heat reflected from the red
sand, and in the night it is chilled
under a clear sky sparkling with its
host of stars." The wind of heaven,
which elsewhere breathes so refresh-
ingly, is here a burning blast fatal to
life; or else it drives the sand in clouds
before it, obscuring the sun, and
stifling and burying the hapless cara-
van.
In the new continent of America —
if it still retains that title — the desert
is comparatively rare. But its enor-
mous forests have, in some regions,
proved that excessive vegetation can
assume almost as terrific an appear-
ance as this interminable sterility.
" The forests of the Amazons not only
cover the basin of that river, from the Cor-
dillera of Chiquitos to the mountains of
Parima, but also its limiting mountain-
chains, the Sierra Dos Vertentes and
Parima, so that the whole forms an area
of woodland more than six times the size
of France, lying between the 1 8th parallel
of south latitude and the 7th of north,
consequently inter-tropical and traversed
by the equator. According to Baron Hum-
boldt, the soil, enriched for ages by the
spoils of the forest, consists of the richest
mould. The heat is suffocating in the
deep and dark recesses of these primeval
woods, where not a breath of air pene-
trates, and where, after being drenched
by the periodical rains, the damp is so ex-
cessive that a blue mist rises in the early
morning among the huge stems of the
trees, and envelops the entangled creepers
stretching from bough to bough. A death-
like stillness prevails from sunrise to sun-
set, then the thousands of animals that in-
habit these forests join in one loud discor-
dant roar, not continuous, but in bursts.
The beasts seem to be periodically and
unanimously roused by some unknown im-
pulse, till the forests ring in universal
uproar. Profound silence prevails at
midnight, which is broken at the dawn of
morning by another general roar of the
wild chorus. The whole forest often re-
sounds when the animals, startled from.
their sleep, scream in terror at the noise
made by bands of its inhabitants flying
from some night-prowling foe. Their
anxiety and terror before a thunder-storm
is excessive, and all nature seems to par-
take in the dread. The tops of the lofty
trees rustle ominously, though not a
breath of air agitates them; a hollow
whistling in the high regions of the atmo-
sphere comes as a warning from the black
floating vapour; midnight darkness enve-
lops the ancient forests, which soon after
groan and creak with the blast of the
hurricane. The gloom is rendered still
more hideous by the vivid lightning, and
the stunning crash of thunder."
One of the most interesting subjects,
of which mention is made in the work
before us, is the gradual elevation and
subsidence observed in some portions
of these continents themselves. Just
when the imagination had become
somewhat familiar with the sudden
but very partial upheaving of the earth
by volcanic agencies, this new disco-
very came to light of the slow rising
and sinking of vast areas of the land,
and unaccompanied with any earth-
quakes or volcanic eruptions. In
some parts the crust of the earth has
sunk and risen again; in others,
1849.]
Physical Geography.
sort of see-saw movement on a most
gigantic scale has been detected.
" There is a line crossing Sweden from
east to west, in the parallel of 56° 3' N.
lat., along which the ground is perfectly
stable, and has been so for centuries. To
the north of it for 1000 miles, between
Gottenburg and North Cape, the ground
is rising; the maximum elevation, which
takes place at North Cape, being at the
rate of five feet in a century, from whence
it gradually diminishes to three inches in
a century at Stockholm. South of the
line of stability, on the contrary, the laud
is sinking through part of Christianstad
and Malmo ; for the village of Stassten in
Scania is now 380 feet nearer to the
Baltic than it was in the time of Linnaeus,
by whom it was measured eighty-seven
years ago."
It is evident that the elevation of
the land, in relation to the level of the
sea, may be produced either by an
uprising of the continent or a depres-
sion of the bed of the ocean, permit-
ting the waters to sink ; as also the
apparent depression of the land may
be occasioned by an elevation in the
bed of the ocean. This renders the
problem somewhat more difficult to
solve, because the causes we are seek-
ing to discover may be sometimes
operating at that part of the crust of
the earth which is concealed from our
view. Mr Lyell, who, in his Prin-
ciples of Geology, has collected and
investigated the facts bearing upon
this subject, mentions the following
as probable causes of the pheno-
mena : —
1. "It is easy to conceive that the
shattered rocks may assume an arched
form during a convulsion, so that the
country above may remain permanently
upheaved. In other cases, gas may drive
before it masses of liquid lava, which
may thus be injected into newly opened
fissures. The gas having then obtained
more room, by the forcing up of the in-
cumbent rocks, may remain at rest; while
the lava, congealing in the rents, may
afford a solid foundation for the newly
raised district.
2. " Experiments have recently been
made in America by Colonel Patten, to
ascertain the ratio according to which
some of the stones commonly used in
architecture expand with given incre-
ments of heat. . . . Now, according
to the law of expansion thus ascertained,
a mass of sandstone, a mile in thickness,
which should have its temperature raised
200° F., would lift a super-imposed layer
of rock to the height of ten feet above its
former level. But, suppose a part of the
earth's crust one hundred miles in thick-
ness, and equally expansible, to have its
temperature raised 600° or 800% this
might produce an elevation of between
two and three thousand feet. The cool-
ing of the same mass might afterwards
cause the overlying rocks to sink down
again, and resume their original position.
By such agency, we might explain the
gradual rise of Scandinavia, or the subsi-
dence of Greenland, if this last pheno-
menon should also be established as a fact
on further inquiry.
3." It is also possible that, as the clay
in Wedgwood's pyrometer contracts, by
giving off its water, and then by incipient
vitrification ; so large masses of argilla-
ceous strata, in the earth's interior, may
shrink, when subjected to heat and che-
mical changes, and allow the incumbent
rocks to subside gradually. It may fre-
quently happen that fissures of great ex-
tent may be formed in rocks, simply by
the unequal expansion of a continuous
mass heated in one part, while in another
it remains in a comparatively low temper-
ature. The sudden subsidence of land
may also be occasioned by subterranean
caverns giving way, when gases are con-
densed, or when they escape through
newly formed crevices. The subtraction,
moreover, of matter from certain parts of
the interior, by the flowing of lava and of
mineral springs, must, in the course of
ages, cause vacuities below, so that the
undermined surface may at length fall
in."*
Two agencies of the most opposite
character have apparently been, at all
times, acting on the crust of the earth
to change its form, or add to the sur-
face of dry land — the volcano and the
insect ! — the one the most sudden and
violent imaginable, producing in a
short time the most astonishing effects ;
the other gradual, silent, and imper-
ceptible, yet leaving the most stu-
pendous monuments of its activity.
The volcano has thrown up a moun-
tain in a single night ; there is an in-
stance, too, 011 record, where a moun-
tain has quite a» suddenly disappeared,
destroying itself in its own violent
combustion, and breaking up with re-
peated and terrific explosions. On
the other hand, besides what has been
* LyelPs Principles of Geology, p. 536.
466
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
long known of the works of the coral
insect, the microscope has revealed to
us that huge cliffs have been con-
structed of the minute fossil shells of
animalcule. These creatures, abstract-
ing from the water, or the air, or both,
the minute particles of vegetable or
other matter they hold in solution,
first frame of them their own siliceous
shells, and then deposit these shells
by myriads, so as ultimately to con-
struct enormous solid mounds out of
imperceptible and fluent particles.
Astonishing, indeed, is the new
world of animals invisible to the naked
eye, which science has lately de-
tected.
" Professor Ehrenberg," says Mrs
Somerville, "has discovered a new world
of creatures in the infusoria, so minute
that they are invisible to the naked eye.
He found them in fog, rain, and snow, in
the ocean and stagnant water, in animal
and vegetable juices, in volcanic ashes
and pumice, in opal, in the dusty air that
sometimes falls on the ocean ; and he de-
tected eighteen species twenty feet below
the surface of the ground in peat earth,
which was full of microscopic live animals:
they exist in ice, and are not killed by
boiling water. This lowest order of ani-
mal life is much more abundant than any
other, and new species are found every
day. Magnified, some of them seein to
consist of a transparent vesicle, and some
have a tail; they move with great alacrity,
and show intelligence by avoiding ob-
stacles in their course: others have sili-
ceous shells. Language, and even ima-
gination, fails in the attempt to describe
•the inconceivable myriads of these in-
visible inhabitants of the ocean, the air,
and the earth."
With every great change, however
brought about, in the surface of the
earth, and the climate of its several
regions, it appears that, either by the
direct agency of the Omnipotent
Creator, or through the intermediate
operations of laws which are at present
profoundsecrets to us, a corresponding
change takes place in the forms of
animal life, and in the whole vegetable
kingdom. Modern science presents
no subject to us of more interest than
this, and none apparently so inscrut-
able. Nor does the examination of
the globe, as it exists before us at this
moment, with its various floras and
faunas, at all assist us in forming any
conception of the law by which the
geological series (if we may so term
it) of animal life has been regulated,
for the distribution of the several
animals over the several countries and
climates of the world follows no rule
that one can detect. Of course, no
animal can exist where provision has
not been made for its subsistence, but
the provision has been made with the
same abundance in two countries, and
in the one the animal is found, and
the other not. "We should ask in
vain why the horse was found a na-
tive of the deserts of Tartary, and
why it was originally unknown to the
plains of America? Nor can any
cause be detected for the difference
between the congeners, a representa-
tive species of one continent or island,
and those of another. And not only
have the larger animals an arbitrary
territory marked out to them by na-
ture, but birds, and even insects, are
separated and grouped together in the
same unaccountable manner. The
chapters which Mrs Somerville has
devoted to this subject will be read,
especially by those to whom the topic
is new, with extreme interest. They
are enlightened and judicious.
It is a natural supposition to make,
that, in the series of animals which at
great geological periods have been
introduced upon the earth, there has
been a progression, so that each new
form of animal life has been, in some
marked manner, superior to that which
is substituted. The comparative ana-
tomist has not sanctioned this opinion ;
he tells us that he finds the same "high
organisation" in the fossil saurians of
a by-gone world, as in the lions and
leopards of the present day. But
we would observe that the presence
of this " high organisation " is not
sufficient to determine the question.
We should be surprised, indeed, if
any creature were to be found whose
structure was not perfectly adapted
to the mode of life it was destined to
lead. But it is permissible to com-
pare one animal with another in its
whole nature, and the character of its
existence. The pig has the same
high organisation as the dog, yet we
should certainly prefer the one animal
to the other ; we should say that it
was calculated for a happier life. We
cannot suppose that a bird is not a
more joyous creature than the worm or
1819.]
Physical Geography.
407
the snail. The adaptation of the whole
form and structure to a pleasurable
existence, and not what is termed high
organisation, is that which we must
regard, in estimating the superiority of
one animal to another. Now, in this
respect, there surely has been a pro-
gression from the earliest epochs.
The crocodile and the tortoise are,
amongst the animals which now exist,
those which most resemble some of
the more remarkable of the extinct
genera. They are as perfectly
adapted, no doubt, as any other crea-
ture, to their peculiar mode of
being ; but that mode of being is not
an enviable one. The long stiff un-
wieldy body of the one, and the slow
movement, with the oppressive car-
case, of the other, are not consistent
with vivid animal enjoyment. The
crocodile, accordingly, lies motionless
for hours together — waits for its prey
—and slumbers gorged with food.
And for the tortoise, it appears to
lead a life as near to perpetual torpor
as may be. Pass through a museum,
and note those huger animals, the
elephant and the rhinoceros, the seal
or walrus, all those which most
remind us of the gigantic creatures of
the antediluvian world, and compare
them with the horse, the deer, the
dog, the antelope. Surely the latter
present to us a type of animal life
superior to the former — superior, inas-
much as the latter are altogether cal-
culated for a more vivacious, sprightly,
and happy existence. We must jiot
venture to remark on their greater
comparative beauty, for we shall be
told that this is a matter for our own
peculiar taste. We should not be
contented to be so easily silenced on
this head, but we should require far
more space than we have now at our
disposal to defend our aesthetic notions.
We have found ourselves imper-
ceptibly conducted from the inani-
mate to the animate creation ; we
shall proceed, therefore, with the same
topic, in the few farther extracts we
shall be able to make from the work
before us. Indeed, with so vast a
subject, and so brief a space, it would
be idle to affect any great precision
in the arrangement of our topics;
enough if they follow without abrupt-
ness, and are linked together by
natural associations of thought.
"Three hundred thousand insects
are known ! " and every day. we were
almost going to add, increases the
number. They abound, as may be
expected, in equatorial regions, and
decrease towards the poles. "The
location of insects depends upon that
of the plants which yield their food ;
and as almost each plant is peopled
with inhabitants peculiar to itself,
insects are distributed over the earth
in the same manner as vegetables ;
the groups, consequently, are often
confined within narrow limits, and it is
extraordinary that, notwithstanding
their powers of locomotion, they often
remain within a particular compass,
though the plant, and all other cir-
cumstancesin their immediate vicinity,
appear equally favourable for their
habitation."
Mountain-chains, Mrs Somerville
observes, are a complete barrier to
insects ; they differ even in the two
sides of the Col de Tende in the Alps,
and they are limited in the choice of
their food. If a plant is taken to a
country where it has no congeners, it
will be safe from the insects of that
country ; but if it has congeners, the
insect inhabitants will soon find the
way to it. Our cabbages and carrots,
when transplanted to Cayenne, were
not injured by the insects of that
country; and the tulip tree,'and other
magnolias brought here, are not mo-
lested by our insects.
The insect is a race, or order, of
creatures not friendly to man, or any
of the larger animals.
• " The mosquito and culex are spread
over the world more generally than any
other tribe ; they are the torment of men
and animals from the poles to the equa-
tor, by night and by day ; the species are
numerous, and their location partial.
... Of all places on earth, the Orinoco
and other great rivers of tropical America ,
are the most obnoxious to this plague.
The account given by Baron Humboldt is
really fearful ; at no season of the year,
at no hour of the day or night, can rest
be found ; whole districts in the Upper
Orinoco are deserted on account of these
insects. Different species follow one
another with such precision, that the
time of day or night may be known ac-
curately from their humming noise, and
from the different sensations of pain which
thedifferent poisons produce. The only
468
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
respite is the interval of a few minutes
between the departure of one gang and
the arrival of their successors, for the
species do not mix. On some parts of
the Orinoco, the air is one dense cloud of
poisonous insects to the height of twenty
feet."
The sea, as well as the air, is popu-
lous with insect life. The discoloured
portions of the ocean generally owe
their tint to myriads of insects. The
vermilion sea off California is pro-
bably to be accounted for from this
cause, " as Mr Darwin found red
and chocolate-coloured water on the
coast of Chili, over spaces of several
square miles, full of microscopic ani-
malcules, darting about in every direc-
tion, and sometimes exploding" — we
hope for joy. " In the Arctic seas,
where the water is pure transparent
ultramarine colour, parts of twenty or
thirty square miles, one thousand five
hundred feet deep, are green and
turbid, from the quantity of minute
animalcules. Captain Scoresby calcu-
lated that it would require eighty
thousand persons working unceasingly,
from the creation of man to the pre-
sent day, to count the number of in-
sects contained in two miles of the
green water."
Captain Scoresby must be very fond
of calculations. We have noticed, by
the way, on several occasions, how
very bold these men of figures are !
One pounds and pulverises the Pyre-
nees, and strews them over France,
and tells us how many feet this would
raise the level of the whole country.
Another calculates how much soil the
Mississippi brings down, per hour, to
the ocean ; and another, still bolder,
undertakes to say what quantity of
ice lies amongst the whole range of
the Alps. Some of these calculations
are laborious inutilities, as it is evi-
dent that no accurate data can be
obtained to proceed upon. In the
last instance, how find the depth of
the ice ? The sand of the desert has
been sounded in one place, we are told,
and the lead has sunk three hundred
and sixty feet without finding a bottom;
but what plummet can sound the gla-
cier? Here and there a crevice may
let us into the secret of its depth, and
we know that below a certain level ice
cannot remain unmelted ; but who can
tell the configuration of the mountain
under the ice, how shallow the glacier
may be in some parts, and into what
profound caverns it rnaysink in others?
Thei»e is something childish in giving
us an array of figures, when the figures
present no useful approximation to
the truth.
We have alluded to the difficult
problem of the distribution of the
different species of animals through-
out the several regions of the globe :
the same problem meets us in the
vegetable world. Here we might
expect to grapple with it with some
better hopes of success, yet the diffi-
culties are by no means diminished ;
we only seem to see them more plainly.
In the first place, it is clear, as Mrs
Somerville says, that "no similarity
of existing circumstances can account
for whole families of plants being con-
fined to one particular country, or
even to a very limited district, which,
as far as we can judge, might have
grown equally well in many others."
But the difference of the floras is not
the only difficulty. While there is
difference in a great number of the
species, there is identity in a certain
other number. If now we account
for the difference by supposing that
the several portions of land emerged
from the ocean at different epochs,
and under different conditions, and
that, therefore, the generative powers
of vegetable life, (in whatever, under
the will of Divine Providence, these
may be supposed to consist) mani-
fested themselves differently, how
shall we next account for this identity ?
" In islands far from continents, the
number of plants is small; but of
these a large proportion occur nowhere
else. In St Helena, of thirty flower-
bearing plants one or two only are
native elsewhere." But these one
or two become a new perplexity.
" In the Falkland Islands there are
more than thirty flowering plants
identical with those in Great Britain."
Very many similar cases might be
cited ; we quote these only to show
the nature of the difficulty with which
science has to cope.
And here comes in the following
strange and startling fact, to render
this subject of vegetable production
still more inexplicable : —
" Nothing grows under these great
forests, (of South America ;) and when ac-
1849.]
Physical Geography.
469
cideutally burnt down in the mountainous
parts of Patagonia, they never rise again ;
but the ground they grow on is soon covered
with an impenetrable bruslncood of other
plants. lu. Chili the violently stinging
Loasa appears first in these Jburnt places,
bushes grow afterwards, and then comes
a tree-grass, eighteen feet high, of which
the Indians make their huts. The new
vegetation that follows the burning of
primeval forests is quite unaccountable.
The ancient and undisturbed forests of
Pennsylvania have no undergrowth ; and
when burnt down they are succeeded by
a thick growth of rhododendrons." — (Vol.
ii. p. 190.)
But we must bring our rambling
excursion through these pleasant
volumes to a close ; the more especially
as we wish once more to take this
opportunity, not as critics only, but
as readers also, to express our grate-
ful sense of the benefit which Mrs
Someryille has conferred upon society
by this and her preceding volume,
The Connexion of the Physical Sciences.
It was once a prevailing habit to
speak in a sort of apologetic strain of
works of popular science. Such habit,
or whatever residue of it remains, may
be entirely laid aside. If by popular
science is meant the conveyance, in
clear intelligible language, as little
technical as possible, of the results of
scientific inquiry, then are we all of us
beholden more or less to popular
science. The most scientific of men
cannot be equally profound in all
branches of inquiry. The field has
now become so extensive that he can-
not hope to obtain his knowledge in
all departments from the first sources.
He must trust for much to the autho-
rity of others. Every one who is
desirous of learning what anatomy
and physiology can teach us, cannot
attend the dissecting table. How
much that we esteem, as amongst the
most valuable of our acquisitions,
depends on this secondary evidence !
How few can follow the calculations
of the mathematician, by which he
establishes results which are neverthe-
less familiar to all as household words!
And the mathematician himself, great
aristocrat as he is in science, must
take the chemist on his word for the
nice analysis the latter has performed.
He cannot leave his papers to follow
out experiments, often as difficult and
intricate as his own calculations. In-
deed the experiments of the man of
science have become so refined and
elaborate, and deal often with such
subtle matter, and this in so minute
quantities, that, as it has been said
of the astronomer, that it requires a
separate education, and takes half a
life to learn to observe, so it may
be truly said, that to devise and con-
duct new experiments in philosophy
has become an art in itself. We must
be content to see a great deal with
the eyes of others ; to be satisfied with,
the report of this or that labourer in
the wide field of science. We cannot
all of us go wandering over moor and
mountain to gather and classify herbs
and flowers ; interested as we all are
in geological speculations, we cannot
all use the geological hammer, or use
it to any purpose ; still less can we
examine all manner of fishes, or pry
with the microscope into every cranny
of nature for infusoria.
Mrs Somerville gives us the book !
— the neat, compact, valuable volume,
which we hold so commodiously in
the hand. The book — the book for
ever ! There are who much applaud
the lecture and the lecture-room, with
its table full of glittering apparatus,
glass and brass, and all the ingenious
instruments by which nature, as we
say, is put to the torture. Let such
as please spend their hot uneasy hour
in a crowd. We could never feed in
a crowd ; we detest benches and sit-
ting in a row. To our notion, more is
got, in half the time, from a few pages
of the quiet letterpress, quietly perused :
the better if accompanied by skilful
diagrams, or, as in this case, by ad-
mirable maps. As to those experi-
ments, on the witnessing of which so
much stress is laid, it is a great fallacy
to suppose that they add anything to
the certainty of our knowledge. When
we see an experiment performed at a
distance, in a theatre, we do, in fact,
as entirely rely on the word of the
lecturer as if we only read of its per-
formance. It is our faith in his cha-
racter that makes all the difference
between his exhibition and that of
the dexterous conjurer. To obtain
any additional evidence from behold-
ing the experiment, we ought to
be at the elbow of the skilful mani-
pulator, and weigh, and test, and
scrutinise.
470
Physical Geography.
[Oct.
But, indeed, as a matter of evidence,
the experiment in a popular lecture-
room is never viewed for a moment.
It is a mere show. It has degene-
rated into a mere expedient to attract
idlers and keep them awake. The
crowd is there, and expect to see some-
thing'; and it has become the confirmed
habit of the whole class of popular
lecturers to introduce their experi-
ments, not when they are wanted to
elucidate or prove their propositions,
but whenever and wherever they can
answer the purpose of amusing the
audience. If a learned professor is
lecturing upon the theory of combus-
tion, he will burn a piece of stick or
paper before you, to show that when
such things are burnt flame is pro-
duced. He would on no account forego
that flame. Yes ; and the audience
look on as if they had never seen a
stick or a piece of paper burn before.
And when he is so happy as to arrive
at the point where a few grains of gun-
powder may be ignited, they give him
a round of applause ! In the hands of
many, the lecture itself becomes little
more than an occasion for the experi-
ment. The glittering vials, the air-
pump, the electrical machine, undoubt-
edly keep the eyes at least of the
audience open ; but the expedient,
with all due deference be it said, re-
minds us of the ingenious resource of
the veteran exhibitor of Punch, who
knows that if his puppets receive
knocks enough, and there is sufficient
clatter with the sticks, the dramatic
dialogue may take its course as it
pleases : he is sure of his popularity.
Therefore it is we are for the book ;
and we hold such presents as Mrs
Somerville has bestowed upon the
public to be of incalculable value, dis-
seminating more sound information
than all the literary and scientific in-
stitutions will accomplish in a whole
cycle of their existence. We will con-
clude with one or two practical sug-
gestions, which would add to the utility
of the last of her two works — The Phy-
sical Geography. Mrs. Somerville has
thought it well to insert a few notes
explanatory of some scientific terms.
But these notes are few. If it
was well to explain such terms as
" Marsupial animals, " or " Tes-
taceap," a reader might be excused for
wishing to know what a " torsion
balance" was, or what a " moraine,"
— terms which fall upon him just as
suddenly, and unexplained by any
previous matter. Would not a glos-
sary of such terms be advisable ? But
whatever may be thought of this sug-
gestion, our next remark is indis-
putable. To such a work as this, an
index is extremely useful — is all but
essential. There is an index, but it is
so defective, so scanty, that it is worth
nothing. We cannot say whether
this last remark applies equally to
The Connexion of the Physical Sciences,
not having that work at present under
our eye. But we beg to intimate to
all authors and authoresses, that
whenever a book is of such a nature
that it becomes valuable as a work of
reference, it should be accompanied by
a good index. It is a plodding busi-
ness, but it must be executed.
1849.]
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
471
CIVIL REVOLUTION IN THE CANADAS. — A REMEDY.
To be British, or not to be, is now
literally the question in all the North
American colonies. Like England,
when Mr Cobden and the potato
blight produced, together, a panic
which seemed to obliterate, for the
time, all past arguments, and all
future consequences — changing minds
before deemed unchangeable, and
raising to fame and greatness men
and reasoning that the world was
never previously able to see the force
or the depth of— like England then,
are the colonies now. They are in all
the depths and mazes of a panic. One
of the storms which occasionally break
over the heads of all people is now
raging over theirs. Nor is it sur-
prising— with England's history for
ten years before us — if there should be
those among them who shrink from
its drenchings or its shocks, or are
incapable, in the midst of its wild
commotions, of seeing sunshine in the
distance. For our part, we are fond
of that sturdy greatness which can put
its shoulder to the blast, and say,
u Blow on, great guns ; we can stand
your thunder."
Not that the panic in the colonies
arises from the people's looking for-
ward to having nothing to eat. They
have plenty, thank God, and to spare.
But they have nothing in their pockets ;
and, what is worse, they are afraid, if
they go on much longer as they are
noAv doing, they will soon be without
pockets too. Factory cotton may be
but fourpencc a-yard ; but if they
haven't the fourpence to pay for it, it
might as well be as dear as diamonds,
as far as they are concerned.
The policy of England, from the day
that Lord Chatham said " that he
would not allow the colonies to make
a hob-nail for themselves," has been
to convert them into marts for her
manufactures — to make them useful
and profitable to her, by causing them
to consume those things which give
her poor .employment, her merchants
and manufacturers profit, and her
commercial navy all the incidental
carrying trade. As a return for this,
the colonies were directly and indi-
rectly assured by England, that their
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVIII.
produce should be protected in her
markets — that, for all the profits Eng-
land might make by manufacturing
for the colonies, they should have a
full return in the profits they should
have by their produce being pro-
tected.
Meantime, the United States pursued
an entirely different system. They,
notwithstanding the interests of the
great body of the southern states —
whose interest, their principal product
being cotton, was to buy what they
wanted of manufactured goods in the
lowest market, and to sell their cotton
in the highest — rigidly adhered to the
system of formingmanufacturinginter-
ests of their own, and of fostering and
encouraging them by every means in
their power. While the colonies,
therefore, bought, with the produce
of their country, broad cloths, cottons,
silks, blankets, scythes, hardware, and
crockery, which were manufactured
in England, they saw all the profits
of their manufacture, their sale, and
their carriage, go to another country,
to be spent among another people.
The Americans, on the other hand,
who bought, with the produce of their
lands, the manufactures of their own
country, saw the profits upon these
manufactures applied to building up
factories, villages, and towns, which
brought together a useful population ;
built churches, made roads, established
places of learning and improvement ;
made better markets for some things
which might have been sold other-
wise, and made sale for many that
could not otherwise have been sold at
all, besides greatly enhancing the
values of all adjacent property, and
increasing the general wealth of the
whole country. The advantages
of the one system over the other,
however, did not stop here. The
necessities and the advantages of
manufactures, which first dictated the
making and improving of a common
road, next conceived the benefit of a
railroad and a canal, and the profits
of manufacturing were straightway
applied to their construction, and they
were done. The farmer, therefore,
imperceptibly to himself, was placed
2i
472
Cicil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
[Oct.
within a few hours of the best mar-
kets over the continent — found his
produce carried to them for a trifle, in
comparison to what it used to cost
him — and found, withal, the process
which made it so, bringing thousands
upon thousands of people into the
country, to develop its riches, to in-
crease the price of its lands, and to
contribute to its civilisation and
conveniencies, from the establishment
of a college down to the building of a
blacksmith's shop. The colonial
farmer, too, who bought the goods of
an English or a Scotch manufacturer,
contributed to send those manufac-
turers' children to school, to give
them a profession, or to leave them a
fortune. The American farmer, who
bought his neighbours' manufactures,
contributed to establish a school in
his own neighbourhood, where his
children could be educated ; and to
bring people together to support them,
if they chose to study a profession or
to enter into business.
To trace, within the limits of a
whole magazine even, much less in
the fragment of an article, the wealth
and prosperity that have accrued to
the States over the Colonies, by this
system, would be impossible. We
must content ourselves, for the pre-
sent, with glancing at the accumu-
lation of capital, and the extraordin-
ary improvements in one State, as an
example of what must have, and in
truth what has, accrued to the rest,
in a greater or less degree, in propor-
tion as they have been engaged in
manufacturing.
The state of Massachusetts, in
point of soil, climate, and resources,
has fewer, or, at all events, as few ad-
vantages as any other state in the
American Union. With a few ver-
dant valleys, and some highly pro-
ductive land, it has much that is
rocky and barren, and more that is
marshy and useless. Yet this state,
far below Upper Canada in natural
advantages, has, intersecting it in
different ways, five canals, their ag-
gregate length being ninety-nine
miles. It has, too, no fewer than
eleven railroads winding through it
and round it, constructed at an im-
mense cost, and affording a profitable
return to their proprietors. Now
what is the cause of this extraordinary
growth of capital, in a place where
there was literally so little for it to
grow upon? — and how came such
immense facilities for public business
to be employed, where nature has done
so little to create business? The
answer is obvious. Massachusetts has
not prospered by its land, ornatnral re-
sources— it has prospered by its manu-
factures ; and its improvements, great
and extraordinary though they be, are
but the natural offspring of those
manufactures. Its principal manufac-
turing town, Lowell, the largest such
town in the United States, has
grown from a few hundred inhabit-
ants, that the land might have feebly
supported, to some forty thousand,
that manufactures have profitably
employed. The necessities of these
manufactures called for a canal
and a railroad. The profits of the
capital invested in them, and the
labour they employed, soon con-
structed them. Salem, wholly by the
profits of making cotton fabrics, has
become a town of fifteen thousand
inhabitants. Salem's manufacturing
interests required a railroad to Bos-
ton, and Salem's manufacturers' and
artisans' profits were able to construct
it. Manchester and Lawrence owe
their existence and prosperity, and
the adjacent country owes the advan-
tages they are to it, wholly to manu-
factories. They wanted, too, a rail-
road to connect them ; and they were
able to make, and have made one.
Springfield, also in this State, and
Worcester, Fallriver, Lynn, and New-
bury-port, and several other places of
minor consequence, owe equally their
existence and prosperity to the same
cause. Nor is it to be wondered at
that, in so short a period, such vast
improvements should be made, when
we consider the immense profits that
have accrued upon the capital em-
ployed in these manufactories, and
upon the labour engaged in them.
There is a cotton factory in Salem
which itself employs a capital of
£200,000, giving work to five hundred
and seventy-five operatives, — three-
fourths of whom are girls, — whose
average wages are three pounds twelve
shillings sterling a-month. Yet, a
great proportion of these being very
young, it necessarily follows that the
wages of the grown up are reduced to
1849.]
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
473
make up the average of those of the
weaker, and that in reality an indus-
trious woman " can generally earn a
dollar a-day ; and there are those who
have been known, from one year's end
to another, even to exceed this."
Speaking of the character of this la-
bour, and of its effect upon the States,
Mr Webster, the highest authority
upon this subject in America, thus
truthfully and eloquently remarks —
" I have spoken of labour as one of the
great elements of our society, the great
substantial interest on which we all stand.
Not feudal service, not predial toil, not
the irksome drudgery by one race of man-
kind, subjected, on account of colour, to
the control of another race of mankind ;
but labour, intelligent, manly, independ-
ent, thinking and acting for itself, earning
its own wages, accumulating those wages
into capital, becoming a part of society
and of our social system, educating child-
hood, maintaining worship, claiming the
right of the elective franchise, and helping
to uphold the great fabric of the State.
THAT is AMERICAN LABOUR, and I confess
that all my sympathies are with it, and
my voice, until I am dumb, will be for
it.",
Of the profits arising from the capi-
tal invested in these manufactures,
they have varied in different years,
but have, on the average, vastly ex-
ceeded those upon all similar invest-
ments in England, or in any part of
Europe. The Newburyport Herald,
a couple of years since, gave a state-
ment of the profits arising from the
Essex Steam Mill Company in that
town, by which it appeared that forty -
two and a half per cent upon the capi-
tal invested was paid to the stock-
holders, as the amount of profits for
1845. The Dedham Company, in the
same state, also divided ten per cent
for six months of the same year ; the
Norfolk Company, twelve per cent for
the same period ; and the Northern
Company ten. All these companies
were engaged in the manufacture of
cotton goods — the most profitable,
however, of all manufactures in the
States.
But against this immense accumu-
lation of capital in the States, against
the vast incidental improvements and
wealth to the country that have arisen
from manufactures, what have the
British colonies to show ? What have
the Canadas to arrest the eye of the
traveller, and to prove to him that,
though they have pursued the system
which Lord Chatham chalked out for
them, of not manufacturing a hob-nail
for themselves — and which the policy
of England has ever since prevented
their doing — they have still where-
withal to attest that they have pros-
pered ; and that their labour has been
equally rewarded by agriculture as
by manufactures ?
From one end of the provinces to
the other, in every colony Britain has
in America, there are no evidences of
prosperity approaching, much less
equalling that of Massachusetts ; there
is nothing, in truth, wherewith to in-
stitute a comparison between them.
Beyond the towns which are supported
by the trade incident to selling Eng-
land's goods, there are none to be
found in British America. Beyond
the little villages throughout the pro-
vinces, that owe their existence to the
necessity for agencies to collect the
profits of the whole products of the
country, and to send them to other
lands to be spent, there is no appear-
ance of labour employed in business,
or capital reproducing capital. Pro-
bably one of the best cultivated and
most productive districts in Upper
Canada, is the Gore. It is situated at
the head of Lake Ontario ; has the
beautiful little city of Hamilton for its
capital ; is composed of very fair land,
and is settled by a population distin-
guished for their industry, and for the
great comfort and independence it has
brought them. Upon entering this
district by the high road from Toronto,
or in passing in a steamer up the
north shore of Lake Ontario, the tra-
veller is struck with the appearance
of a little village called Oakville. It
is situated on the bank of the lake,
has its neat white churches, and its
little picturesque cottages, looking out
upon the broad lake. A stranger at
a distance, from its situation and
appearance, would imagine it one of
those villages that spring up so magi-
cally in America, — full of activity,
energy, and prosperity. He visits it,
and to his surprise he finds, that
though it bears all the evidences of
having been built in a hurry, it bears
also all the tokens of rapid decay — its
shops being for the most part unoccu-
474
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
[Oct.
pied, its houses nntenanted, and its
streets without people. And what
may be the reason, in a district so
prosperous as the Gore, and sur-
rounded by a country teeming with
grain, and with still many unused
resources, that this village has so
palpably disappointed the expecta-
tions of its founder? It is this, —
Oakville was projected and built with
a view to the largest prosperity of the
country; and with facilities and neces-
sities for a trade equal to the cultiva-
tion of every lot of land in the adjacent
country that could support a family,
and to the manufacturing into staves
and boards, and square timber, of
every tree in the surrounding woods.
But the policy of England has ren-
dered it unprofitable to get out the
timber; and free trade has taken
away the inducement to enter into
'Canadian farming. The consequence
is that the shops, which were built to
do an anticipated trade in Oakville,
are now unrequired ; and the people,
who built houses for the accommoda-
tion of those who were to be engaged
in the expected business, have their
houses upon their hands. Nor can
any one well acquainted with Upper
Canada fail to recognise in Oakville
a faithful picture of many, if not most,
of the towns and villages in the pro-
vince.
But let us now reverse the picture,
and suppose that Oakville, instead of
looking forward to rising, and being
supported by the trade incident to
selling England's goods, and the
draining of the country's resources to
pay for them, had looked forward to
prosperity by manufacturing and sell-
ing goods of its own. Let us suppose
that its founder — who, fifteen years
ago, spent some £20,000 in adapting
its harbour for ships, that never had
occasion to come ; and in building
storehouses, for which there has
never been use — had spent the same
money in establishing one of these
factories which first formed the nucleus
of Lowell or Salem in Massachusetts.
Is it not reasonable to infer, that in
the same country, and among a people
having the same necessities, the same
results would have accrued in the
Canadas which have accrued in the
States? That the profits of fifteen
years' manufacturing would have
surrounded Oakville with mansions,
proving the success of enterprise ;
and filled its streets with houses,
showing that labour had prospered,
and the country had its benefits?
Would not its capitalists, instead of
empty houses and rained hopes, have
now the proceeds of well-invested
capital, or see them reproducing
wealth in railroads, or public im-
provements?
Bat let us suppose, further, that the
whole province of Upper Canada had
invested in manufactures, from time
to time, for fifty years, the whole pro-
fits that England and other countries
have made by the sale of all the goods
to it that it has consumed, and that
this capital had been augmenting and
reproducing itself during this period —
what would be the probable result?
It is impossible to calculate it. It
can only be measured by the towns
that have sprung up, by the railroads
and canals that have been made, and
by the vast capital that has been
accumulated in the same period by
Massachusetts, and the other manu-
facturing states of America.
It is not, therefore, to institutions
or to laws, to peculiarities of race or
of situation, that we ascribe the pre-
sent undeniable prosperity of the
States, or, at all events, of those states
which have manufactured, over the
Canadas. It is to the system the one
adopted, of manufacturing what they
required, and thus securing to their
country the benefit of the population
it required to do so, the profits of the
labour employed in it, and the inciden-
tal improvements it occasioned. It is
the system the other followed, or which
was chalked out for them, of spending
all they could make in the purchase
of goods manufactured in England,
the profits of which all went there to
be spent. The States, by the one
system, have made the most of their
country's resources and its labour ;
the Canadas, by the other, have made
the least. The States have cities,
and railroads, and canals, and elegant
mansions, to show for their labour of
fifty years ; the Canadas have built
elegant mansions, too, by their la-
bour, and .have bought fine country-
seats, and have contributed to make
railroads, but they are unfortunately
all in England and Scotland. What
1849.]
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
475
holds good of a family, sometimes
holds good of a people. There is as
much often accumulated by saving as
by making. Probably the making
little, and saving it, will end better
than making much and saving little.
The States might have made but little
on their produce at first — probably
less, for many years, than the Cana-
das ; but their system inevitably
tended to saving for the country all
they did make ; whereas the Cana-
dian system, whatever the provinces
made, much or little, as inevitably
tended to the country's losing it:
and the consequences are, the vast
difference in the growth of capital in
the one country over the other.
The arguments, however, in favour
of England's manufacturing for the
colonies, were not without their spe-
ciousness, and, as applied to other
countries, were not without their
truth. These were, that England
could manufacture cheaper for the
colonies than they could manufacture
for themselves ; and, moreover, that
the labour the colonies might apply
to manufacturing, could be more pro-
fitably employed in raising produce.
But these arguments, as far as the
Canadas and all America are con-
cerned, are fallacious. In a country
where the largest possible reward for
labour bears frequently no sort of pro-
portion to the advantages gained by
individuals and the whole common-
wealth, by the mere fact of that
labour's being employed in it, the
question changes from what the people
save upon a yard" of calico, to what
the country loses by towns not being
built, by railroads not being made,
and by improvements not taking
place that always follow manufac-
tures. It may be true, that where
the greatest possible reward for labour
is the only object sought for or attain-
able, that a people should find out,
and engage in what pays them best :
but where the congregation of a hun-
dred people in one place raises the
value of property there ten thou-
sand fold — and such has often been
the case in the States — and every
farmer adjacent not only gains a
market by them, but has his roads
improved, his lauds increased in value,
double, and triple, and ten times ;
and has a thousand conveniences and
benefits supplied him by them, that
he never otherwise could have had —
then the question arises with him,
Which benefited him most? — the hun-
dred people's manufacturing, and
spreading the profits of their labour
around them, or the buying a few
yards of cloth a few shillings cheaper,
and keeping the hundred people
away ? For every penny that the
whole people of the United States
have lost, by buying their own goods,
they have made pounds by making
them. And the profits of a mechanic's
own labour sink into utter insigni-
ficance in comparison to the wealth
he often acquires by a single lot of
land, upon which he settles down
with others, and which makes him
rich by also enriching all around him. v
To measure, indeed, the advantages
that manufactures have given to
America, by the mere profits of the
actual labour employed in them,would
be but like valuing an oak at the price
of one of its acorns. Men may com-
pute the probable profits of labour
employed in manufacturing, by com-
puting the cost of raw material with
the expense of manufacturing it, and
what it sold for. But the enormous
wealth that has accrued to America, —
by the increase of population incident
to manufacturing, by the develop-
ment of its resources, and the gigantic
improvements that have followed it —
would be utterly out of the reach of
all human industry to compute.
But in striking out the system Eng-
land did for her colonies, she should
at least have considered whether the
benefits she intended to confer would
be really used as benefits ; whether
the system of protection to colonial
produce was not, in fact, something like
that of indulgent parents giving to
their sons pocket-money in addition
to sufficient salaries — which same
pocket-money does not generally add
to the morals or property of the
recipients. And, in truth, this was
in effect the character of England's
colonial protective system. But it
went a little farther than the wisdom
displayed by anxious parents ; for,
with the gifts, it took good care to
furnish temptations to spend them — a
piece of amiable generosity that we
would acquit even all indulgent
mothers of. However, this was —
476
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
[Oct.
whatever England meant, or expected,
to the contrary — practically the effect
of the system. When money was
sent out to buy produce or timber, it
was always sure to be accompanied
by a proportionate stock of broad
cloths and silks, challis and shawls.
Those who could have done very
well with Canadian gray, were in-
duced to buy broad cloths, and
often found but these in the market ;
for England bought the country's
crop, and England's merchants knew
full well what the fanners could af-
ford to pay for. Women wore silk
dresses and satin bonnets, who might
have looked charming enough, before
their friends at meeting, in Hoyle's
prints, or before all reasonable beaus
at home, in good, honest, home-made
flannel. Brandy and water, too, was
too often substituted for wholesome
cider, and fashionable tailors for
industrious women. The sliding-scale
of expenditure always went up and
down to suit the times. A good year
was marked by an increase of finery
and extravagance ; a bad one by
debts and law-suits, depressions and
complaints — the country gaining no-
thing, from year to year, for its labour
or its resources. And what is now
the consequence ? The system which
occasioned the evil is now done away,
but the evil and its results remain.
The farmer, unknowing the cause at
first of the declension in his income,
went into debt, thinking, as had
often been the case before, that
a good year would follow a bad
one ; and that he would be able
to retrieve by it. But the next year
came, and it was worse than the
former. He could not pay his debts,
and he was obliged to mortgage his
property, or sell his stock, to do so.
He could no longer get credit from
the shopkeeper, and he was unable
to purchase with cash the quantity or
the quality of goods he bought before.
The shopkeeper, in his turn depending
upon the custom of the farmer for the
sale of his goods, and depending upon
receiving his accounts from him to
meet his own, found both fail him
together; was obliged to curtail his
business to a miserable remnant ; or
to shut up his shop, or to wait for
the sheriff to do it for him. Hence
the altered appearance of every part
of Canada, both town and country.
Hence the whole streets in Montreal
with hardly a single shop open. Hence
those sorry emblems of poverty and
retrogression — empty house/s with
broken windows, and streets without
people, which may be seen in almost
every village in the provinces.
Now, for the system which has pro-
duced this state of things, who is to
blame ? Clearly and unmistakeably,
England. If the colonies, as is now
palpable to all America, have worked
but with one arm towards prosperity,
while the States have worked with
two, it was England's manufacturing
interests that tied the colonies' arm.
The colonies were, in this respect,
wholly in the hands of England. She
not only established a system for
them, by which the proceeds of every
acre of laud they cleared, and every
tree they hewed, went to give work
to her poor, and wealth to her rich,
but she reserved the right of thinking
for them as well. Without her, they
must have naturally adopted the
course taken by the rest of America.
She legislated for them ; they believed
her wise, and followed her dictates
without thought or apprehension.
They are injured ; and she is to
blame.
But when Lord Chatham laid the
foundation of the system by which the
colonies have been, in effect, prevent-
ed manufacturing for themselves, he
established mutuality of interests
between them and the mother country.
If he would have England's poor
employed, and England's capitalists
enriched by making goods for the
colonies, he would have the colonies
profit equally by protection in the
English markets. The partnership,
for such it really was, gave to each
country its own particular share of
benefits; and the system was such,
too, that the more the profits of the
one rose, though by its own individual
efforts, the more it was able to benefit
the other. For the more people en-
gaged in Canadian farming, the more
land that became cleared, and the more
timber that was got out, the more
English manufactures were consumed.
But we have shown, by comparison
with the States, the disastrous
effect of this system upon the pro-
sperity of the colonies. We have
1849.]
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
477
shown, too, from its own char-
acter, that it never was, and never
could have been, of any substantial
benefit to them ; that it made them
extravagant, without leaving them
capital ; that it made them to all
intents and purposes poorer, whilst
it was expected to make them richer.
And who was this system expressly
and avowedly intended to benefit ?
Who were, in all seasons, and at all
times, whether good or bad for the
colonies, the only benefiters by it ?
It was the manufacturers of England.
For if the colonies could buy but
prints and cottons, they bought of
these all they could pay for, and these
manufacturers had all the profit. If
they could buy broad cloths and silks,
they purchased as much as their crops
were worth, and often were induced
to draw upon the future, English
manufacturers and merchants getting
all the benefit. But after these manu-
facturers had thus bled the colonies of
all their vitality, in the shape of capi-
tal, for upwards of half a century —
after the colonies' right arm had been
tied up so long, for their express bene-
fit, that it became impotent from want
of exercise, these same manufacturers
turned round and told their colonial
partners — " We have now made all
we can out of you ; or, if we have not,
we think we can make a little more by
free trade than we can by keeping our
honest engagements with you. We
are sorry you have acquired a lamer
arm in our service. It is a pity. It
can't be helped now. Good-bye."
Yes, it was these manufacturers, who
so long bled the colonies, that turned
round to strike them in the end the
blow that should finish them. It was
their selfish agitation for years ; it
was their constant sounding into the
ears of England one unvarying theme ;
it was their disregard of all inte-
rests, of all duties, and of all obli-
gations to all men, in one deadly, un-
wavering struggle for the attainment
of one object, and for one class, that
cost the colonies their solemnly
pledged protection — that cost them,
we may add, their respect for the
honour and the justice of England.
But we have now, after a digression
which has been somewhat of the
longest, come to the point of our ar-
gument, and that is this : — Upon a
question so vitally affecting the inte-
rests of the colonies ; upon a question;
that might cost them the institutions
of England ; upon a question where
all truth and justice demanded that
they should have been in a situation to
protect themselves against manufactur-
ing selfishness, does it not occur to the
reader, that the colonies should have
had a representation where it was de-
cided? The measures that exaspe-
rated the old colonies to rebellion,
shrink into utter insignificance, as far
as injury or effect are concerned, in
comparison to this one. Here are three
millions of people, the main profits of
whose labour for upwards of fifty
years have gone to enrich a certain
class of people in England. And here
they are now, sacrificed to the selfish-
ness of that very class, without hav-
ing the opportunity of saying a word
for themselves. If the legislation of
England, for ten years past, has been
pregnant with vaster consequences to
her than the legislation of a century,
it has hardly affected her so deeply as
it has affected her North American
colonies. If her landowners see ruin
in it — if her agricultural labourers see
in it the means of depriving them of
bread — still her other classes see, or
think they see, advantages in it to
counteract the evils, and prosperity to
balance the injury. But in England
all have been heard — all have con-
tended, where giant intellect sways as
well as mighty interests ; where mind
has its influences as well as matter.
But in the colonies, where every inte-
rest and every class saw, in imperial
legislation, injustice and ruin, neither
their intellect nor their interests avail-
ed them anything. They were literally
placed in the legislative boat of Eng-
land : they found that they must either
sink or float in it ; that legislation
happened to sink them ; and though
they saw themselves going down, and
might, with their friends, have pulled
themselves ashore, they were not
allowed an oar to do so — they were
not in a situation to make an effort to
save themselves.
In the face of these deeply impor-
tant considerations, can it be fairly
said that the colonies have no interest
in imperial legislation, and that there
are no interests for imperial legislation
to guard in the colonies ? Palpably to
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
[Oct-
all the world, the States have been
making gigantic strides in pros-
perity, while the colonies have been
standing still. Yet in the British
House of Commons, whenever the
question of the colonies has been
mooted, has it not been with the
view to consider how the colonies
could be made to consume more
English manufactures, rather than
how they should prosper by manu-
factures of their own? Who has
urged the question there, that instead
of England's perpetually sending out
goods, and draining the colonies of all
the fruits of their labour, England
should send out people to make goods,
who in making them would make the
country? Yet this is the root of the
depression and the poverty of the
Canadas. And who with this vast
country's resources before him — with
its ways and means of making millions
independent, and with the vast faci-
lities for the investment of capital it
afforded and affords — can say that no
interests could spring up in it of con-
sequence to the legislation of England?
It is true that the colonies have
had their own parliaments ; and it has
been imagined that these parliaments
encompassed the whole of their in-
terests. But when did the colonial
legislatures decide that the colonies
should not make a hob -nail for them-
selves ? Yet the want of making the
hob-nails has been the ruin of their
prosperity. It is estimated that the
colonies lose upwards of two hundred
thousand pounds a-year by the loss
of protection : it is but too well known
how deeply this loss has affected them.
Yet whose legislation and policy edu-
cated them literally to feel this loss ?
whose interests were consulted in
giving the protection, and taking it
away again, that has been the cause
of all the evil? It was England's.
The colonies have been allowed by
their legislatures to shake the leaves
of their interests ; imperial legisla-
tion has always assailed the trunk.
But this is not all ; colonial interests
have been, unheard and unheeded,
sacrificed to other interests in England.
The destiny of the colonies, without
question and without redress, has been
placed in the hands of men who have
made a convenience of their interests,
and an argument of their misfortunes,
brought about by these men them-
selves. Nor could, nor ever canr
whatever may be imagined to the
contrary, the connexion of the colo-
nies be preserved with England, with-
out her policy and her legislation
vitally affecting them. For they
must be either English or American ;
they must be, as they ever have
been, if the connexion is maintained,
made subservient to the interests of
England, or their interests must be
identified with hers : and if their in-
terests are identical, their legislation
should be identical also. It is impos-
sible that the flag of England can
long wave over what is all American.
If the colonies are to be wholly inde-
pendent in their interests of England,
it is in the very nature of things, that
their measures and their policy may
become, not only what England might
not like, but what might be an actual
injury to her ; and what might owe
its very success, like much of the-
policy of America, to its being detri-
mental to her interests. And it is as
unnatural as it is absurd to suppose,
that England would or could, for any
length of time, extend her protection
over a people whose interests and
whose policy might be pulling against
her own, whose success might be
marked by her injury, and whose pro-
sperity might increase at the expense
of her adversity.
But, apart from the abstract right
of the colonies being represented
where they are, and, we insist, must
continue to be, so deeply concerned,
it is time the present humiliating
system of itnderstanding their views
or feelings in the English parliament
should come to an end. Upon a
vitally important question to them —
upon one of these things that only come
up once in a century, or in a people's
whole history — take the following, as
an example of the way in which their
opinions and their interests were re-
garded : —
" DISHONESTY OF PUBLIC MEN. (From
the London Post.)— Mr Labouchere wished
to show that Canada chafed under the
restrictions of the Navigation Laws, and
that they would be satisfied with 'the
new commercial principle,' provided the
Navigation Laws were repealed. For
this purpose the minister took a course
which he would no more have thought of
1849.]
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
taking in the affairs of private life, than he
would have thought of taking purses on
the highway. The minister quoted the
statement of three respectable gentlemen
at Montreal, which coincided with his
views; and [he did not let fall one word
from which the house could have inferred
that the opinions thus alluded to, were not
the general mercantile opinions of Mon-
treal. Now, the minister could scarcely
be ignorant that this question about free
trade, and the alteration of the Naviga-
tion Laws, has been the subject of very
earnest discussion in Montreal; and he
cannot but have known that Mr Young
and Mr Holmes, however respectable in
their position, and influential in their busi-
ness, are the leaders of a small minority
of the body to which they belong. Mr
Labouchere read a statement to the House
of Commons, which he had the confidence
to call ' a proof irrefragable ' of the
mercantile public opinion of Montreal and
Upper Canada, when the truth is — as
he could not but have known — that the
opinions of that statement are the opin-
ions of a few persons utterly opposed to
the general opinion of the mercantile
body. There was held in Montreal, on
the 17th of last month, the largest public
in-door meeting that ever assembled in
that city, at which a string of resolutions
was passed by acclamation, in favour of
the policy of protection, and against the
' new commercial principle ' of the go-
vernment. That meeting was addressed
both by Mr Young and Mr Holmes. They
endeavoured to support the views held by
Mr Labouchere, but against the over-
whelming sense of the meeting, from
which they retired in complete 'discomfi-
ture. We are bound to suppose that the
minister who is head of the British Board
of Trade cannot but be aware of this ;
and yet he not only conceals it altogether
from the House of Commons, but he reads
to that house the statement of Mr Young
and Mr Holmes, as ' proof irrefragable '
of the opinion of the colony of Canada, in
favour of the ministerial policy. The
President of the Board of Trade would as
soon cut off his right hand as do anything
of the kind in the ordinary concerns of
life ; and yet so warped is he by party
politics — so desirous of obtaining a tri-
umph for the political bigotry which pos-
sessed him — that he represents the mer-
cantile interest of Montreal and Upper
Canada as if it were decidedly on his
side, when, if he had told the whole story
fairly and honestly, he would have been
obliged to admit that exactly the contrary
was the fact."
Now, if it be necessary for England
to understand colonial feelings, and
479
opinions in order to legislate for them,
is this a fair or honourable way of
treating them ? Are the interests of
these great provinces to be thus made
subservient to political trickery ? Is
their destiny of so little importance to
Great Britain, that it should be even
in the very nature of things for any
man, or any party, in England, to have
it in his or their power thus to insult
their intellect as well as to violate
their interests ? And is this circum-
stance not a counterpart of others that
have from time to time occurred, when
Canadian subjects have been before
parliament ? If we mistake not, up-
on another vitally important question
to them — the corn laws — the petitions
and the remonstrances even of their
governor and their legislature were,
to enable misrepresentation and un-
truth to have its influence in a
debate, kept back and concealed.
A party's interests in England were
at stake ; the colonies were sacrificed.
Now, can it be reasonably urged, that
the allowing these colonies to speak
for themselves, and to be understood
for themselves, in that place and before
that people who literally hold their
destiny in their hands, would be preg-
nant with more danger to England
than this dishonourable system is to
both her and to them ? Would it not
be better to have them constitutionally
heard than surreptitiously represented?
Is it necessary to the understanding
of the wants and wishes of the colonies,
and to the good government of them,
that tricking and dishonesty should
triumph over truth and principle, and
that the legislative boons which reach
them should be filtered through false-
hood and deception ? It will be in
the recollection of all who have read
the debate in the House of Lords upon
the Navigation Laws, how Lord Stan-
ley exposed these same Messrs Holmes
and Young, mentioned by Mr La-
bouchere, but who, on this occasion,
in the Lords, were joined with a Mr
Knapp. It was shown by his lord-
ship that these eminent commercial
men (who seem to be the standing
correspondents of the present minis-
try,) wrote what is called in America
a bunkum letter to Earl Grey, to be
used in the House of Lords, making a
grand flourish of their loyalty, and a
great case out in favour of the colonial
480
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
[Oct.
secretary's side of the question. But
it was unfortunately, or rather for-
tunately, discovered, that these emi-
nent individuals had been, at the very
same time, writing to their commercial
correspondents in London to shape
their business for an early annexation
of the colonies to the United States !
Yet it is upon such eminent testimony
as this that imperial legislation for the
colonies is founded. This is the way
England comes to a sufficient under-
standing of a people's interests, to
shape a policy which may change their
whole political existence.
But, in addition to these reasons
why the colonies themselves should
be represented in England, there
may be reasons why England herself
might wish the same thing. May
it not be possible, nay, is it not the
fact, that a vast amount of trouble,
vexation, and expense might be
avoided by it ? How many commis-
sioners sent out to find out difficulties
and to redress grievances, — how many
investigations before parliamentary
committees, — how many debates in
parliament, — how many expenses of
military operations, might have been
avoided, had these colonies been in a
situation from time to time to have
explained their own affairs, and to
have allowed their petty squabbles of
race and of faction to have escaped in
the safety-valves of imperial legisla-
tion ? In 1827, it cost England the
time and expense incident to a par-
liamentary report, upon the civil
government of Lower Canada alone,
which extends over nearly five hun-
dred pages octavo. And this was irre-
spective, of course, of the questions
and debates which led to it, besides
all that grew out of it. Next came
the debates upon the causes of the
failure of the remedies proposed in the
report — for the report itself turned out
to be like throwing a little water on a
large fire — it only served to increase
the blaze. Then came Lord Gosford,
with extensive powers to settle all
difficulties, and, it was hoped, with a
large capacity for understanding them.
But he, whatever else he did, succeeded
to admiration in bringing matters to a
head ; or, being an Irishman, perhaps
he thought he would make things go
by contraries — for he came out to pacify
All parties, and he managed to leave
them all fighting. Next came the
debates upon, and the cost of, the
rebellion, and then rose the bright
star of Canadian hope and prosperity ;
for the Earl of Durham was deputed,
with a large collection of wisdom, and
a pretty good sprinkling of other com-
modity as well, to settle the whole
business. But, in sooth, these Cana-
dians must be a sad set, for he pro-
cured them responsible government,
and this seems to have set them clean
into the fire.
Now, although it may be true that
the colonies might have had but few
interests at first to engage the atten-
tion of imperial legislation, yet it
would have been far better to have
educated them to understand that
legislation, and to have appreciated
England's true greatness through her
institutions — and at the same time, to
have England taught, by practical
association and connexion with them,
their real worth — than to have had
English legislation largely and per-
petually wasted upon colonial broils,
and the colonies as perpetually dis-
satisfied with English legislation. The
truth is, their system of international
legislation only made the two coun-
tries known to each other by means
of their difficulties. The colonies
were never taught to look to the pro-
ceedings of the imperial parliament,
unless when there was some broil to
settle, or some imperial question to
be decided, that was linked with colo-
nial ruin, and in the decision of which
the colonies had the interesting part
to play of looking on. Nor has Eng-
land ever thought of, or regarded the
colonies, except to hand them over
bodily to some subordinate in the
colonial office — unless when they were
forced upon her attention by her pride
being likely to be wounded by her
losing them, or by some other equally
disagreeable consideration. The legis-
lative intercourse between them has
ever been of the worst possible kind.
Instead of intending to teach the
people of England to respect, to rely
upon, and to appreciate the real worth
of the colonies, it has taught them to
underrate, to distrust, and to avoid
them. Instead of imperial legislation's
forming the character of the people,
as it has formed the character of the
people of England, and giving them
1849.] Civil Revolution in the
principles to cling to, and to hope
upon, it has directly tended to con-
centrate their attention upon America,
and to alienate their feelings from
England.
But it is not alone in the passing of
laws, or in the arrangements of com-
merce, or the harmonising and com-
bining of interests, that the colonies
would be benefited by imperial repre-
sentation. They would be benefited
a thousand times more by the inter-
course it would occasion between the
two countries. The colonies would
then be taught to regard England as
their home. They would read the
debates of her parliament as their own
debates; they would feel an interest
in her greatness, in her struggles, and
in her achievements, because they
would participate in their accomplish-
ment. The speeches of English states-
men—^the literature of England — her
institutions and her history, would
then be studied, understood, and ap-
preciated by them ; and instead of the
colonies belonging to the greatest
empire in the world, and being the
most insignificant in legislation, they
would rise to the glory and dignity of
that empire of which they formed a
part — sharing in its intellectual great-
ness, its rewards, and the respect that
is due to it from the world. Every
person, too, who represented the colo-
nies in England, would not simply be
the representatives of their public
policy, or national interests — he would
also represent their vast resources,
their thousand openings for the pro-
fitable investment of capital, which the
people of England might benefit by as
much as the colonies. The public im-
provements now abandoned in the
colonies for want of capital to carry
them on, and for want of sufficient
confidence in their government on the
part of capitalists, to invest their
money in them, wonld then become,
as similar improvements are in the
States, a wide field for English enter-
prise to enrich itself in, and for Eng-
lish poverty to shake off its misery
by. If the resources of the colonies
— if their means of making rich, and
being enriched, were understood and
taken advantage of — if international
legislation, common interests, and a
common destiny, could make the colo-
nies stand upon the same footing to
Canadas. — A Remedy. 481
England as England does to herself,
God only can tell the vast amount
of human comfort, independence, and
happiness, that might result from the
consummation.
But how can these advantages
accrue to England, or to the colonies,
as long as it is understood that, the
moment a man plants his foot upon a
colony, that moment he yields up the
fee-simple of his forefathers' institu-
tions— that moment he takes, as it
were, a lease of them, conditioned to
hold them by chance, and to regard
them as a matter of temporary con-
venience and necessity. And who
that has observed the tone of public
feeling in England for years, or the
spirit of the debates in her parliament,
can deny that this is the case ? — who
that now lives in the colonies can
deny it ? And with such an under-
standing as this, and with an educa-
tion perpetually going on in colonial
legislatures, weaning the feelings and
separating the interests of the colo-
nies from the mother country, how
can it be expected that that interest
in England necessary to all true
loyalty, and that knowledge and ap-
preciation of her institutions necessary
to all enlightened or patriotic attach-
ment, can take root, or subsist for any
length of time in the colonies ? If the
colonies, in truth, are to be made, or
to be kept British, in anything else
than in name — if even in name they
can long be kept so — it must be by
the infusion of the essential ele-
ments of British character and British
principle into them, by means of
British legislation. If they are to be
part and parcel of the great oak, the
grafts must be nourished by the same
sap that supports the tree itself. The
little boat that is launched on the
great sea to shift for itself, must soon
be separated from the great ship.
The colonies, denied all practical par-
ticipation in the true greatness of
England, and having with them, by
virtue of their very name as colonies,
the prestige of instability and insecu-
rity, must, in the very nature of
things, be avoided by all who, though
they would be glad to trust the great
ship, cannot rely upon one of its frail
boats. The great wings of England's
legislation must be made to cover the
North American colonies, and to warm
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
482
them into a British existence; or they
will be doomed to stray and to wander,
and to be disrespected and uncared
for, until inevitable destiny at last
forces them under the wings of another.
Franklin, the profoundest thinker
of the many great men connected
with the American Revolution, thus
wrote upon this subject : —
" The time has been when the colonies
might have been pleased with imperial
representation ; they are now indifferent
about it ; and if it is much longer delayed,
they will refuse it. But the pride of the
English people cannot bear the thought
of it, and therefore it will be delayed.
Every man in England seems to consider
himself as a piece of a sovereign over
America — seems to jostle himself into
the throne with the King, and talks of
our subjects in the colonies. The par-
liament cannot well and wisely make
laws suited to the colonies, without being
properly and truly informed of their
circumstances, ability, temper, &e. This
cannot be without representatives from
the colonies ; yet the parliament of Eng-
land is fond of exercising this power, and
averse to the only means of acquiring
the necessary knowledge for exercising
it ; which is desiring to be omnipotent
without being omniscient
There remains among the
colonists so much respect, veneration, and
affection for Britain, that, if cultivated
prudently, with a kind usage, and tender-
ness for their privileges, they might be
easily governed by England still for ages,
without force, or any considerable ex-
pense. But I do not see there a sufficient
quantity of the wisdom that is necessary
to produce such a conduct, and I lament
the want of it." — Letter to Lord Kames.
But it is most strange, that while
England's policy, and the spirit of her
legislation, have for some years past
clearly indicated to the world, that
she expected and seemed disposed to
pave the way for a separation between
herself and her colonies, her conduct
in other respects should be so opposed
to her views in this. For while she
was foreshadowing in her legislature
the independence of her colonies, she
was building, at a heavy expense,
garrisons in them to support her power
for all time to come. Within the ten
years last past, garrison quarters, upon
a large scale, have been built at Toron-
to ; and large sums have been laid out
upon every fort and place of defence
in the colonies. Surely this must
[Oct.
have been done with some other view
than making safe and convenient
places for the stars and stripes to
wave on in a few years ! Yet when
\ve come to look back upon England's
legislation for the same period, and
upon the spirit evoked by the debates
in her parliament, it would really
seem, if she had any rational design
in these expenditures at all, that she
must have intended them for the ex-
press benefit of her once rebellious son
Jonathan. England, by these de-
fences, would seem to say to the colon-
ists— "-Look there, my lads, and see
the emblems of your protection, and of
British rule in America for ever." By
her legislation and free-trade policy,
she has unequivocally told them,
" that she must buy her bread where
she pleases ; and they may find a
government where they please." With
one hand she has taken her colonies
by the shoulder, and told them they
must behave themselves : with the
other, she has shaken hands with
them, and told them they may kick
up their heels as they please for all
she cares.
But there is a question, upon the
satisfactory answering of which rests
the whole matter of whether the colo-
nies can, or cannot, continue connected
with Great Britain. And that ques-
tion is, Can they prosper in propor-
tion to their abilities to prosper, by
that connexion ?
We have already partially answered
it, by showing the benefit that would
inevitably accrue to the colonies from
their being represented in the imperial
parliament — by their whole property
and worth being, by this means,
placed in the market of the world side
by side with the property and worth
of England herself; and by England's
capital partially, if not to all intents
and purposes, flowing into the colonies
upon the same footing that it flows
through England — i. e., upon the
principle of advantageous investment-
But we shall prove that they can and
should prosper, to the fullest extent
of their capabilities, in connexion
with Britain, in another way.
It is admitted, on all hands, that
were their connexion with England
broken off, and were the colonies to
become, as it is certain they would,
several States of the American Uuionr
1849.]
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
483
they would prosper, in proportion to
their capabilities, equally with any of
the northern states having no greater
advantages in soil or resources. It is
thought, and we believe with truth,
that the public improvements which
now lie dormant for want of capital to
carry them on, or for want of sufficient
knowledge of, or confidence in, the
colonies from without, to induce the
necessary capital to be advanced for
them, would be completed, if the
colonies Avere joined to the States. It
is thought, too, and with equal pro-
priety, that Lower Canada, whose
population is singularly well fitted to
prosper and be benefited by manu-
factures, would, were it a State, be
directed in that course most condu-
cive to its prosperity. And it is
thought — likewise correctly — that the
great resources of Upper Canada,
were that province too a State,
would become greatly more available
than they now are: its population
would increase ; its cities and towns
enlarge ; and every man having an
acre of land, or a lot in a town in it,
would become much better off than he
is at present. This, if the States re-
main united as they have been, and
prosper as they have done, might be
all strictly true. But why is it that
the colonies believe this, and that the
States are also of the same opinion ? It
is because the colonies know what the
Americans are, and the Americans
know what the colonies are capable of.
They understand each other, and
they know how they could work to-
gether for good.
But what means would the Ameri-
cans employ to develop the undeveloped
resources of the colonies, and to secure
wealth to themselves, while they
brought prosperity to them? They
would simply employ their capital in
them; and. they know that it could,
and they would see that it should, be
so employed as to secure these results.
But let us now inquire, — Is it impos-
sible to employ the capital of England
in these colonies, so as to effect the
same thing? If American enterprise
and skill could cause wealth to spring
up in Lower Canada, and could enrich
itself by doing so, is it impossible for
English enterprise and skill to do
likewise ? If American capitalists
could, beyond any manner of ques-
tion, accumulate wealth for them-
selves, and vastly benefit the Canadas,
by constructingrailroads through them,
or rather by continuing their own,
is it out of the power of English capi-
talists to be enriched by the same
process ? If the Canadas, as we have
said, believe the States can infuse
prosperity into them, because they
see the States understand them, and
know what they are capable of, is it
impossible for England to understand
them also, and to take advantage of
their worth ? But then, it will be an-
swered, there is the difficulty of colo-
nial government. Who will invest
his capital for a period of fifteen or
twenty years, where he may be paid
off by a revolution — when, as Moore
said of the old colonies —
" England's debtors might be changed to
England's foes ?"
But suppose the stability of Eng-
land's own government were imparted
to the colonies, suppose the perma-
nency and the interests of England
became effectually and for ever iden-
tified with them— what then? That
there is no reason under heaven left
why they should not prosper, to the
fullest extent of their ability to pros-
per, and that England might not be
benefited by them in proportion.
But even this is but a partial view
of the case ; for the Americans would
actually borrow the money in Eng-
land that they would invest in the
colonies, and yet enrich themselves by
doing so. The colonies, in truth —
joined to the States — would prosper
by diluted benefits, the Americans
reaping all the advantages of the di-
lution. Connected with Great Bri-
tain — did Britain confide in them as
she might, and understand them as
she should, and were they in a situ-
ation to inspire that confidence, and to
occasion that understanding — they
must inevitably reap, in many re-
spects, double the benefits they would
enjoy with the States.
But the States would benefit the colo-
nies all they could. Will England <
The scheme of imperial representa-
tion for the North American colonies
may be, and doubtless is, open to
many objections ; and many difficul-
ties would have to be got over before
it could be accomplished. The first,
484
Civil Revolution in the Canadas. — A Remedy.
[Oct.
if not the only great difficulty, is —
Would the colonies bear the burden
of taxation, and the responsibility of
being part and parcel of the British
empire, for better or for worse, for
all time to come ? And could they, if
they would ?
In considering these questions, it is
but fair to view them, not only in re-
gard to the responsibilities the system
we propose would entail, but also in
regard to the responsibilities they
would and must incur by any other
system they might adopt. For this
may be taken for granted — they must
soon become all American, or all Eng-
lish. They must enjoy English credit
and English permanency, or they must
have some other. A great country,
with an industrious, enterprising
people, cannot long remain without
credit, without prosperity, and with-
out either the use or the hope of capi-
tal. The Canadas are now in this
situation.
If, then, the colonies should become
independent, and it were possible for
them to continue so, they would have
to pay for their own protection. And
if they became a republic, they would
have to take their stand with the
other powers of the world, and bear
the expense of doing so. If, on the
other hand, they were taken into the
American Union, they would have to
contribute, in addition to the cost of
their own local or state governments,
to the support of the general govern-
ment of the whole Union ; they would
have, too, to contribute to the form-
ing a navy for the States, such as Eng-
land has now got ; and they would be
obliged to contribute, too, for the con-
struction of military defences for
America, which England is pretty
well supplied with. They would have,
in short, to expend upon America a
great deal of what England, in three
or four centuries, has been expending
upon herself as a nation.
It may also be fairly presumed,
that, with interests every day becom-
ing more independent of England;
with a system of government which
leaves England nothing in America
but a name — or, as Lord Elgin says,
a " dignified neutrality," and which
really means a dignified nothingness —
with a system of government such as
this, every sensible man must foresee
that England will soon get tired of
paying largely for the support of her
dignified nothingness in America ;
that she will — as indeed she has al-
ready done — inquire what right or
occasion she has for protecting colo-
nies from their enemies from without :
or, what is much more serious to her,
from themselves within, when she has
ceased to have a single interest in
commerce with them ; and when she
must see — if the present system be
kept up much longer — that every day
must separate her still more widely
from them in feeling, and in all the es-
sential principles that bind a people to
each other, or a colony to a mother
country ?
In view, therefore, of all these con-
siderations, taken separately or to-
gether, it is but reasonable to suppose
that the colonies may soon be called
upon to pay for their own protection
from their enemies from without, or
for their own squabbles within, if
they must indulge in such expensive
amusements. And the question then
arises — Would their being practi-
cally identified with the British em-
pire, participating in all its greatness,
and enjoying the prestige of its sta-
bility and its credit, entail upon them
greater cost or responsibility, than
they would have to incur to maintain
a puny, helpless independence, or in
becoming states of the American
Union?
It is out of our power to make the
calculation, as it is [impossible for us
to know upon what terms England
would agree to the colonies partici-
pating in her government as we pro-
pose. It is likewise impossible for us
to tell how much might be saved by
removing the tea-pots, so pregnant
with tempests, in the shape of colonial
legislatures ; in removing governors
to preserve " dignified neutrality-,''
and courts to keep up the shadow of
England's government in America,
the substance having grown " beauti-
fully less " of late years. But after
much thought and investigation, by
both ourselves and others better
accustomed to such matters than we
are, we have come to the conclusion —
that imperial representation might
cost the colonies nothing more, if as
much, as any other change they would
have to make ; that England would
1849.]
Tiie English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
485
gain immensely by the change ; and
that the proceeds of the vast tracts of
country lying north and north-west
of the Canadas, their fisheries, their
mineral resources, and their other
unused and tinappropriated wealth in
timber and other things, might be
converted into a sinking fund by the
united governments of England and
her colonies, that, in its effects, might
astonish both England and the world.
We can but throw out the suggestion ;
it is for others to consider it.
But if the connexion of the colonies
with Great Britain is to be made a
mere matter of time and convenience,
as to when it shall end, or how, then
it is of little use in hoping much, or
thinking deeply, upon what may be
pregnant with such vast consequences
to England's race in America, and
even America's own race in it. A time,
it would seem, which has taught
Britons to know what their institu-
tions are worth, must cost them in
America these institutions. A time,
which has exhibited, during the prin-
cipal settlement of the Canada?, the
fall alike of the fabric of the political
enthusiast and the fortress of the
despot in Europe, must cost, it seems,
the colonies that government which
bore freedom aloft through the wild
storm. England has stood upon a
rock, and, after pointing out to her
colonies the wreck of human institu-
tions, she is about to push them off
to share the fate she has taught them
so much to dread. If England has
the heart to do it, it must be done.
Three millions of people will cease to
say " God save the Queen ! " The
sun will set upon her empire. Full
many an honest tear will be shed at
hearing that it must. Full many a
heart will be torn from what it would
but too gladly die for. But the days
of chivalry are gone ; the days of
memory are fled. The selfish, mer-
cenary nineteenth century will be
marked with the loss of the best jewel
in Britain's crown.
HAMILTON, CANADA WEST,
August 1849.
THE ENGLISH MAIL-COACH, OR THE GLORY OF MOTION.
SOME twenty or more years before
I matriculated at Oxford, Mr Palmer,
M.P. for Bath, had accomplished two
things, very hard to do on our little
planet, the Earth, however cheap they
may happen to be held by the eccen-
tric people in comets : he had invented
mail-coaches, and he had married the
daughter* of a duke. He was, there-
fore, just twice as great a man as Ga-
lileo, who certainly invented (or dis-
covered) the satellites of Jupiter, those
very next things extant to mail-coaches
in the two capital points of speed and
keeping time, but who did not marry
the daughter of a duke.
These mail-coaches, as organised
by Mr Palmer, are entitled to a cir-
cumstantial notice from myself-— hav-
ing had so large a share in developing
the anarchies of my subsequent dreams,
an agency which they accomplished,
first, through velocity, at that time
unprecedented ; they first revealed the
glory of motion : suggesting, at the
same time, an under-sense, not un-
pleasurable, of possible though indefi-
nite danger ; secondly, through grand
effects for the eye between lamp-light
and the darkness upon solitary roads ;
thirdly, through animal beauty and
power so often displayed in the class
of horses selected for this mail ser-
vice ; fourthly, through the conscious
. presence of a central intellect, that, in
the midst of vast distances,! of storms,
of darkness, of night, overruled all
obstacles into one steady co-operation
in a national result. To my own feel-
ing, this Post-office service recalled
some mighty orchestra, where a thou-
sand instruments, all disregarding each
other, and so far in danger of discord,
yet all obedient as slaves to the
* Lady Madeline Gordon.
f " Vast distances." — One case was familiar to mail-coach travellers, where two
mails in opposite directions, north and south, starting at the same minute from points
six hundred miles apart, met almost constantly at a particular bridge which exactly
bisected the total distance.
486
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
[Oct.
supreme baton of some great leader,
terminate in a perfection of harmony
like that of heart, veins, and arteries,
in a healthy animal organisation. But,
finally, that particular element in this
whole combination which most im-
pressed myself, and through which it
is that to this hour Mr Palmer's mail-
coach system tyrannises by terror and
terrific beauty over nay dreams, lay in
the awful political mission which at
that time it fulfilled. The mail-coaches
it was that distributed over the face
of the land, like the opening of apoca-
lyptic vials, the heart-shaking news
of Trafalgar, of Salamanca, of Vitto-
ria, of Waterloo. These were the har-
vests that, in the grandeur of then-
reaping, redeemed the tears and blood
in which they had been sown. Neither
was the meanest peasant so much be-
low the grandeur and the sorrow of the
times as to confound these battles,
which were gradually moulding the
destinies of Christendom, with the vul-
gar conflicts of ordinary warfare, which
are oftentimes but gladiatorial trials
of national prowess. The victories of
England in this stupendous contest
rose of themselves as natural TeDeums
to heaven ; and it was felt by the
thoughtful that such victories, at such
a crisis of general prostration, were
not more beneficial to ourselves than
finally to France, and to the nations
of western and central Europe, through
whose pusillanimity it was that the
French domination had prospered.
The mail-coach, as the national
organ for publishing these mighty
events, became itself a spiritualised
and glorified object to an impassioned
heart ; and naturally, in the Oxford
of that day, all hearts were awakened.
There were, perhaps, of us gownsmen,
two thousand resident* in Oxford,
and dispersed through five-and-twenty
colleges. In some of these the custom
permitted the student to keep what
are called " short terms;" that is, the
four terms of Michaelmas, Lent,
Easter, and Act, were kept severally
by a residence, in the aggregate, of
ninety-one days, or thirteen weeks.
Under this interrupted residence,
accordingly, it was possible that a
student might have a reason for going
down to his home four times in the
year. This made eight journeys to
and fro. And as these homes lay
dispersed through all the shires of the
island, and most of us disdained all
coaches except his majesty's mail, no
city out of London could pretend to
so extensive a connexion with Mr
Palmer's establishment as Oxford.
Naturally, therefore, it became a
point of some interest with us, whose
journeys revolved every six weeks on
an average, to look a little into the
executive details of the system. With
some of these Mr Palmer had no con-
cern; they rested upon bye-laws not
unreasonable, enacted by posting-
houses for their own benefit, and upon
others equally stern, enacted by the
inside passengers for the illustration
of their own exclusiveness. These last
were of a nature to rouse our scorn,
from which the transition was not
very long to mutiny. Up to this time,
it had been the fixed assumption of
the four inside people, (as an old tra-
dition of all public carriages from the
reign of Charles II.,) that they, the
illustrious quaternion, constituted a
porcelain variety of the human race,
whose dignity would have been com-
promised by exchanging one word of
civility with the three miserable delf
ware outsides. Even to have kicked
an outsider might have been held to
attaintthe foot concerned in that opera-
tion ; so that, perhaps, it would have
required an act of parliament to restore;
its purity of blood. What words,
then, could express the horror, and
the sense of treason, in that case,
which had happened, where all three
outsides, the trinity of Pariahs, made
a vain attempt to sit down at the
same breakfast-table or dinner-table
with the consecrated four? I myself
witnessed such an attempt ; and on
that occasion a benevolent old gentle-
man endeavoured to soothe his three
holy associates, by suggesting that, if
the outsides were indicted for this
criminal attempt at the next assizes,
the court would regard it as a case of
* " Resident." — The number on the books was far greater, many of whom kept up
an intermitting communication with Oxford. But I speak of those only who were
steadily pursuing their academic studies, and of those vyho resided constantly as
fellows.
1849.]
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
487
lunacy (or delirium tremens) rather
than of treason. England owes much
of her grandeur to the depth of the
aristocratic element in her social com-
position. I am not the man to laugh
at it. But sometimes it expressed
itself in extravagant shapes. The
course taken with the infatuated out-
siders, in the particular attempt which
I have noticed, was, that the waiter,
beckoning them away from the privi-
leged salle-a-manger, sang out, " This
•way, my good men ;" and then enticed
them away off to the kitchen. But
that plan had not always answered.
Sometimes, though very rarely, cases
occurred where the intruders, being
stronger than usual, or more vicious
than usual, resolutely refused to move,
and so far carried their point, as to
have a separate table arranged for
themselves in a corner of the room.
Yet, if an Indian screen could be found
ample eriough to plant them out from
the very eyes of the high table, or
dais, it then became possible to as-
sume as a fiction of law — that the
three delf fellows, after all, were not
present. They could be ignored by the
porcelain men, under the maxim, that
objects not appearing, and not exist-
ing, are governed by the same logical
construction.
Such now being, at that time, the
usages of mail-coaches, what was to
be done by us of young Oxford ? We,
the most aristocratic of people, who
were addicted to the practice of look-
ing down superciliously even upon the
insides themselves as often very sus-
picious characters, were we voluntarily
to court indignities ? If our dress and
bearing sheltered us, generally, from
the suspicion of being " raff," (the
name at that period for " snobs,"*)
we really were such constructively, by
the place we assumed. If we did not
submit to the deep shadow of eclipse,
we entered at least the skirts of its
penumbra. And the analogy of theatres
was urged against us, where no man
can complain of the annoyances inci-
dent to the pit or gallery, having his
instant remedy in paying the higher
price of the boxes. But the sound-
ness of this analogy we disputed. In
the case of the theatre, it cannot be
pretended that the inferior situations
have any separate attractions, unless
the pit suits the purpose of the drama-
tic reporter. But the reporter or
critic is a rarity. For most people,
the sole benefit is in the price. AVhere-
as, on the contrary, the outside of the
mail had its own incommunicable ad-
vantages. These we could not forego.
The higher price we should willingly
have paid, but that was connected with
the condition of riding inside, which
was insufferable. The air, the free-
dom of prospect, the proximity to the
horses, the elevation of seat — these
were what we desired ; but, above allt
the certain anticipation of purchasing
occasional opportunities of driving.
Under coercion of this great prac-
tical difficulty, we instituted a search-
ing inquiry into the true quality and
valuation of the different apartments
about the mail. We conducted this
inquiry on metaphysical principles ;
and it was ascertained satisfactorily,
that the roof of the coach, which some
had affected to call the attics, and
some the garrets, was really the draw-
ing-room, and the box was the chief
ottoman or sofa in that drawing-
room; whilst it appeared that the
inside, which had been traditionally
regarded as the only room tenantable
by gentlemen, was, in fact, the coal-
cellar in disguise.
Great wits jump. The very same
idea had not long before struck the
celestial intellect of China. Amongst
the presents carried out by our first
embassy to that country was a state-
coach. It had been specially selected
as a personal gift by George III. ; but
the exact mode of using it was a
mystery to Pekin. The ambassador,
indeed, (Lord Macartney,) had made
some dim and imperfect explanations
upon the point ; but as his excellency
communicated these in a diplomatic
whisper, at the very moment of his
departure, the celestial mind was very
feebly illuminated; and it became
necessary to call a cabinet council 011
the grand state question — " Where
was the emperor to sit ? " The ham-
mer-cloth happened to be unusually
* " Snobs," and its antithesis, " nobs," arose among the internal factions of shoe-
makers perhaps ten years later. Possibly enough, the terms may have existed much
earlier; but they were tlien first made known, picturesquely and effectively, by a
trial at some assizes which happened to fix the public attention.
VOL. LXYI. — NO. CCCCVUI. 2 K
488
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
[Oct.
gorgeous ; and partly on that con-
sideration, but partly also because the
box offered the most elevated seat,
and undeniably went foremost, it was
resolved by acclamation that the box
was the imperial place, and, for the
scoundrel who drove, he might sit
where he could find a perch. The
horses, therefore, being harnessed,
under a flourish of music and a salute
of guns, solemnly his imperial majesty
ascended his new English throne,
having the first lord of the treasury
on his right hand, and the chief jester
on his left. Pekin gloried in the spec-
tacle ; and in the whole flowery
people, constructively present by re-
presentation, there was but one dis-
contented person, which was the
coachman. This mutinous individual,
looking as blackhearted as he really
was, audaciously shouted — u Where
am / to sit ? " But the privy council,
incensed by his disloyalty, unani-
mously opened the door, and kicked
him into the inside. He had all the
inside places to himself ; but such is the
rapacity of ambition, that he was still
dissatisfied. " I say," he cried out in
an extempore petition, addressed to
the emperor through a window, " how
am I to catch hold of the reins ? " —
" Any how," was the answer ; " don't
trouble me, man, in my glory ; through
the windows, through the key-holes
— how you please." Finally, this
contumacious coachman lengthened
the checkstrings into a sort of jury-
reins, communicating with the horses ;
with these he drove as steadily as
may be supposed. The emperor re-
turned after the briefest of circuits :
he descended in great pomp from his
throne, with the severest resolution
never to remount it. A public thanks-
giving was ordered for his majesty's
prosperous escape from the disease of
a broken neck ; and the state-coach
was dedicated for ever as a votive
offering to the God Fo, Fo — whom the
learned more accurately call Fi, Fi.
A revolution of this same Chinese
character did young Oxford of that
era effect in the constitution of mail-
coach society. It was - a perfect
French revolution ; and we had good
reason to say, Ca ira. In fact, it
soon became too popular. The " pub-
lic," a well-known character, par-
ticularly disagreeable, though slightly
respectable, and notorious for affect-
ing the chief seats in synagogues, had
at first loudly opposed this revolu-
tion ; but when all opposition showed
itself to be ineffectual, our disagreeable
friend went into it with headlong zeal.
At first it was a sort of race between
us ; and, as the public is usually above
30, (say generally from 30 to 50 years
old,) naturally we of young Oxford,
that averaged about 20, had the ad-
vantage. Then the public took to
bribing, giving fees to horse-keepers,
&c., who hired out their persons as
warming-pans on the box-seat. That,
you know, was shocking to our moral
sensibilities. Come to bribery, we
observed, and there is an end to all
morality, Aristotle's, Cicero's, or any-
body's. And, besides, of what use
was it? For we bribed also. And
as our bribes to those of the public
being demonstrated out of Euclid to
be as five shillings to sixpence, here
again young Oxford had the advan-
tage. But the contest was ruinous to
the principles of the stable-establish-
ment about the mails. The whole
corporation was constantly bribed,
rebribed, and often sur-rebribed ; so
that a horse-keeper, ostler, or helper,
was held by the philosophical at that
time to be the most corrupt character
in the nation.
There was an impression upon the
public mind, natural enough from the
continually augmenting velocity of
the mail, but quite erroneous, that an
outside seat on this class of carriages
was a post of danger. On the con-
trary, I maintained that, if a man had
become nervous from some gipsy pre-
diction in his childhood, allocating to
a particular moon now approaching
some unknown danger, and he should
inquire earnestly, — "Whither can I
go for shelter ? Is a prison the safest
retreat ? Or a lunatic hospital ? Or
the British Museum ?" I should have
replied—" Oh, no ; I'll tell yon what
to do. Take lodgings for the next
forty days on the box of his majesty's
mail. Nobody can touch you there.
If it is by bills at ninety days after
date that you are made unhappy — if
noters and protesters are the sort of
wretches whose astrological shadows
darken the house of life — then note
you what I vehemently protest, viz.,
that no matter though the sheriff in
1849.]
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
489
every county should be running after
you with his posse, touch a hair of
your head he cannot whilst you keep
house, and have your legal domicile,
on the box of the mail. It's felony
to stop the mail ; even the sheriff
cannot do that. And an extra (no
great matter if it grazes the sheriff)
touch of the whip to the leaders at
any time guarantees your safety." In
fact, a bed-room in a quiet house
seems a safe enough retreat ; yet it is
liable to its own notorious nuisances,
to robbers by night, to rats, to fire.
But the mail laughs at these terrors.
To robbers, the answer is packed up
and ready for delivery in the barrel of
the guard's blunderbuss. Rats again !
there are none about mail-coaches,
any more than snakes in Von Troll's
Iceland; except, indeed, now and
then a parliamentary rat, who always
hides his shame in the " coal-cellar."
And, as to fire, I never knew but one
iu a mail-coach, which was in the
Exeter mail, and caused by an obsti-
nate sailor bound to Devonport.
Jack, making light of the law and
the lawgiver that had set their
faces against his offence, insisted
on taking up a forbidden seat in the
rear of the roof, from which he
could exchange his own yarns with
those of the guard. No greater
offence was then known to mail-
coaches ; it was treason, it was Icesa
mojestas, it was by tendency arson ;
and the ashes of Jack's pipe, falling
amongst the straw of the hinder boot,
containing the mail-bags, raised a
flame which (aided by the wind of
our motion ) threatened a revolution
in the republic of letters. But even
this left the sanctity of the box un-
violated. In dignified repose, the
coachman and myself sat on, resting
with benign composure upon our
knowledge — that the fire would have
to burn its way through four inside
passengers before it could reach our-
selves. With a quotation rather too
trite, I remarked to the coachman, —
Ucalegon."
-" Jam proximus ardet
But, recollecting that the Virgilian
part of his education might have been
neglected, I interpreted so far as to
say, that perhaps at that moment the
flames were catching hold of our
worthy brother and next-door neigh-
bour Ucalegon. The coachman said
nothing, but by his faint sceptical
smile he seemed to be thinking that
he knew better ; for that in fact, Uca-
legon, as it happened, was not in the
way-bill.
No dignity is perfect which does
not at some point ally itself with the
indeterminate and mysterious. The
connexion of the mail with the state
and the executive government — a
connexion obvious, but yet not strictly
defined — gave to the whole mail estab-
lishment a grandeur and an official
authority which did us service on the
roads, and invested us with season-
able terrors. But perhaps these
terrors were not the less impressive,
because their exact legal limits were
imperfectly ascertained. Look at
those turnpike gates ; with what de-
ferential hurry, with what an obedient
start, they fly open at our approach 1
Look at that long line of carts and
carters ahead, audaciously usurping
the very crest of the road : ah ! trai-
tors, they do not hear us as yet, but
as soon as the dreadful blast of our
horn reaches them with the proclama-
tion of our approach, see with what
frenzy of trepidation they fly to their
horses' heads, and deprecate our
wrath by the precipitation of their
crane-neck quarterings. Treason they
feel to be their crime; each individual
carter feels himself under the ban of
confiscation and attainder : his blood
is attainted through six generations,
and nothing is wanting but the heads-
man and his axe, the block and -the
sawdust, to close up the vista of his
horrors. What! shall it be within
benefit of clergy, to delay the king's
message on the highroad ? — to inter-
rupt the great respirations, ebb or
flood, of the national intercourse —
to endanger the safety of tidings
running day and night between all
nations and languages? Or can it
be fancied, amongst the weakest of
men, that the bodies of the criminals
will be given up to their widows for
Christian burial? Now, the doubts
which were raised as to our powers
did more to wrap them in terror, by
wrapping them in uncertainty, than
could have been effected by the
sharpest definitions of the law from
the Quarter Sessions. We, on our
490
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
[Oct.
parts, (we, the collective mail, I
mean,) did our utmost to exalt the
idea of our privileges by the insolence
with which we wielded them. Whe-
ther this insolence rested upon law
that gave it a sanction, or upon con-
scious power, haughtily dispensing
with that sanction, equally it spoke
from a potential station ; and the
agent in each particular insolence of
the moment, was viewed reverentially,
as one having authority.
Sometimes after breakfast his ma-
jesty's mail would become frisky ; and
in its difficult wheelings amongst the
intricacies of early markets, it would
upset an apple-cart, a cart loaded
with eggs, &c. Huge was the afflic-
tion and dismay, awful was the smash,
though, after all, I believe the damage
might be levied upon the hundred.
I, as far as was possible, endeavoured
in such a case to represent the con-
science and moral sensibilities of the
mail ; and, when wildernesses of eggs
were lying poached under our horses'
hoofs, then would I stretch forth my
hands in sonwv, saying (in words too
celebrated in those days from the
false* echoes of Mareugo) — "Ah!
wherefore have we not time to weep
over you ?" which was quite impos-
sible, for in fact we had not even time
to laugh over them. Tied to post-
office time, with an allowance in some
cases of fifty minutes for eleven miles,
could the royal mail pretend to under-
take the offices of sympathy and condo-
lence? Could it be expected to provide
tears for the accidents of the road ? If
even it seemed to trample on humanity,
it did so, I contended, in discharge of
its own more peremptory duties.
Upholdingthe morality of the mail, a
fortiori I upheld its rights, I stretched
to theuttermostits privilege of imperial
precedency, and astonished weak minds
by the feudal powers which I hinted
to be lurking constructively in the
charters of this proud establishment.
Once I remember being on the box of
the Holyhead mail, between Shrews-
bury and Oswestry, when a tawdry
thing from Birmingham, some Tallyho
or Highflier, all flaunting with green
and gold, came up alongside of us.
What a contrast to our royal simpli-
city of form and colour is this plebeian
wretch ! The single ornament on our
dark ground of chocolate colour was
the mighty shield of the imperial
arms, but emblazoned in proportions
as modest as a signet-ring bears to a
seal of office. Even this was displayed
only on a single pannel, whispering,
rather than proclaiming, our relations
to the state ; whilst the beast from
Birmingham had as much writing
and painting on its sprawling flanks
as would have puzzled a decipherer
from the tombs of Luxor. For some
time this Birmingham machine ran
along by our side, — a piece of famili-
arity that seemed to us sufficiently
jacobinical. But all at once a move-
ment of the horses announced a des-
perate intention of leaving us behind.
"Do you see that?" I said to the
coachman. "I see," was his short
answer. He was awake, yet he waited
longer than seemed prud"ent ; for the
horses of our audacious opponent had
a disagreeable air of freshness and
power. But his motive was loyal ;
his wish was that the Birmingham
conceit should be full-blown before he
froze it. When that seemed ripe, he
unloosed, or, to speak by a stronger
image, he sprang his known resources,
he slipped our royal horses like
cheetas, or hunting leopards after the
affrighted game. How they could
retain such a reserve of fiery power
after the work they had accomplished,
seemed hard to explain. But on our
side, besides the physical superiority,
was a tower of strength, namely, the
king's name, " which they upon the
adverse faction wanted. " Passing
them without an effort, as it seemed,
we threw them into the rear with so
lengthening an interval between us,
as proved in itself the bitterest mock-
ery of their presumption ; whilst our
guard blew back a shattering blast of
triumph, that was really too painfully
full of derision.
I mention this little incident for its
* " False echoes" — yes, false ! for the words ascribed to Napoleon, as breathed to
the memory of Desaix, never were uttered at all. They stand in the same category
of theatrical inventions as the cry of the foundering Vengeur, as the vaunt of General
Cambronne at Waterloo, " La Garde meitrt, mats ne se rend pas," as the repartees of
Talleyrand.
1 849 .] The English Mail- Coadi,
connexion with what followed. A
Welshman, sitting behind me, asked
if I had not felt my heart burn within
me during the continuance of the
race ? I said — No ; because we were
not racing with a mail, so that no
glory could be gained. In fact, it
was sufficiently mortifying that such
a Birmingham thing should dare to
challenge us. The Welshman re-
plied, that he didn't see that ; for that
a cat might look at a king, and a
Brummagem coach might lawfully
race the Holyhead mail. "Race us
perhaps," I replied, " though even
that has an air of sedition, but not
beat us. This would have been trea-
son ; and for its own sake I am glad
that the Tallyho was disappointed."
So dissatisfied did the Welshman
seem with this opinion, that at last I
was obliged to tell him a very fine
story from one of our elder drama-
tists, viz. — that once, in some Ori-
ental region, when the prince of all
the land, with his splendid court,
were flying their falcons, a hawk
suddenly flew at a majestic eagle; and
in defiance of the eagle's prodigious
advantages, in sight also of all the
astonished field- sportsmen, specta-
tors, and followers, killed him on the
spot. The prince was struck with
amazement at the unequal contest,
and with burning admiration for its
unparalleled result. He commanded
that the hawk should be brought
before him ; caressed the bird with
enthusiasm, and ordered that, for the
commemoration of his matchless
courage, a crown of gold should be
solemnly placed on the hawk's head ;
but then that, immediately after this
coronation, the bird should be led off
to execution, as the most valiant
indeed of traitors, but not the less a
traitor that had dared to rise in rebel-
lion against his liege lord the eagle.
"Now," said I to the Welshman,
" how painful it would have been to
you and me as men of refined feelings,
that this poor brute, the Tallyho, in.
the impossible case of a victory over
us, should have been crowned with
jewellery, gold, with Birmingham
ware, or paste diamonds, and then
led off to instant execution." The
Welshman doubted if that could be
warranted by law. And when I hinted
at the 10th of Edward III. chap. 15,
or the Glory of Motion.
491
for regulating the precedency of
coaches, as being probably the statute
relied on for the capital punishment
of such offences, he replied drily — That
if the attempt to pass a mail was
really treasonable, it was a pity that
the. Tallyho appeared to have so im-
perfect an acquaintance with law.
These were among the gaieties of my
earliest and boyish acquaintance with
mails. But alike the gayest and the
most terrific of my experiences rose
again after years of slumber, armed
with preternatural power to shake my
dreaming sensibilities ; sometimes, as
in the slight case of Miss Fanny on
the Bath road, (which I will imme-
diately mention,) through some casual
or capricious association with images
originally gay, yet opening at some
stage of evolution into sudden capa-
cities of horror ; sometimes through
the more natural and fixed alliances
with the sense of power so various
lodged in the mail system.
The modern modes of travelling
cannot compare with the mail-coach
system in grandeur and power. They
boast of more velocity, but not however
as a consciousness, but as a fact of
our lifeless knowledge, resting upon
alien evidence; as, for instance, be-
cause somebody says that we have
gone fifty miles in the hour, or upon
the evidence of a result, as that actu-
ally we find ourselves in York four
hours after leaving London. Apart
from such an assertion, or such a result,
I am little aware of the pace. But,
seated on the old mail-coach, we need-
ed no evidence out of ourselves to
indicate the velocity. On this system,
the word was — Non magna loquimur,
as upon railways, but magna vivimus*
The vital experience of the glad ani-
mal sensibilities made doubts impos-
sible on the question of pur speed;
we heard our speed, we saw it, we felt
it as a thrilling ; and this speed was
not the product of blind insensate
agencies, that had no sympathy to
give, but was incarnated in the fiery
eyeballs of an animal, in his dilated
nostril, spasmodic muscles, and echo-
ing hoofs. This speed was incarnated
in the risible contagion amongst brutes
of some impulse, that, radiating into
their natures, had yet its centre and
beginning in man. The sensibility of
the horse uttering itself in the maniac
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion. [Oct.
492
light of his eye, might be the last
vibration in such a movement ; the
glory of Salamanca might be the first
— but the intervening link that con-
nected them, that spread the earth-
quake of the battle into the eyeball of
the horse, was the heart of man —
kindling in the rapture of the fiery
strife, and then propagating its own
tumults by motions and gestures to
the sympathies, more or less dim, in
his servant the horse.
But now, on the new system of
travelling, iron tubes and boilers have
disconnected man's heart from the
ministers of his locomotion. Nile nor
Trafalgar has power any more to raise
an extra bubble in a steam-kettle.
The galvanic cycle is broken up for
ever ; man's imperial nature no longer
sends itself forward through the elec-
tric sensibility of the horse ; the inter-
agencies are gone in the mode of com-
munication between the horse and his
master, out of which grew so many
aspects of sublimity under accidents
of mists that hid, or sudden blazes
that revealed, of mobs that agitated,
or midnight solitudes that awed. Tid-
ings, fitted to convulse all nations,
must henceforwards travel by culinary
process ; and the trumpet that once
announced from afar the laurelled mail,
heart-shaking, when heard screaming
on the wind, and advancing through
the darkness to every village or soli-
tary house on its route, has now given
way for ever to the pot-wallopings of
the boiler.
Thus have perished multiform open-
ings for sublime effects, for interesting
personal communications, for revela-
tions of impressive faces that could
not have oifered themselves amongst
the hurried and fluctuating groups of
a railway station. The gatherings of
gazers about a mail-coach had one
centre, and acknowledged only one
interest. But the crowds attending
at a railway station have as little
unity as running water, and own as
many centres as there are separate
carriages in the train.
How else, for example, than as a
constant watcher for the dawn, and
for the London mail that in summer
months entered about dawn into the
lawny thickets of Marlborough Forest,
couldst thou, sweet Fanny of the Bath
road, have become known to myself?
Yet Fanny, as the loveliest young
woman for face and person that per-
haps in my whole life I have beheld,
merited the station which even her I
could not willingly have spared ; yet
(thirty-five years later) she holds in
my dreams ; and though, by an acci-
dent of fanciful caprice, she brought
along with her into those dreams a
troop of dreadful creatures, fabulous
and not fabulous, that were more
abominable to a human heart than
Fanny and the dawn were delightful.
Miss Fanny of the Bath road, strictly
speaking, lived at a mile's distance
from that road, but came so con-
tinually to meet the mail, that I on
my frequent transits rarely missed
her, and naturally connected her name
with the great thoroughfare where I
saw her ; I do not exactly know, but
I believe with some burthen of com-
missions to be executed in Bath, her
own residence being probably the
centre to which these commissions
gathered. The mail coachman, who
wore the royal livery, being one
amongst the privileged few, * hap-
pened to be Fanny's grandfather. A
good man he was, that loved his
beautiful granddaughter ; and, loving
her wisely, was vigilant over her
deportment in any case where young
Oxford might happen to be concerned.
Was I then vain enough to imagine
that I myself individually could fall
within the line of his terrors ? Cer-
tainly not, as regarded any physical
pretensions that I could plead; for
Fanny (as a chance passenger from
her own neighbourhood once told me)
counted in her train a hundred and
ninety-nine professed admirers, if not
open aspirants to her favour ; and
probably not one of the whole brigade
but excelled myself in personal ad van -
* " Privileged few." The general impression was that this splendid costume be-
longed of right to the mail coachmen as their professional dress. Bat that was an
error. To the guard it did belong as a matter of course, and was essential as an
official warrant, and a means of instant identification for his person, in the discharge
of his important public duties. But the coachman, and especially if his place in the
series did not connect him immediately with London and the General Post Office,
obtained the scarlet coat only as an honorary distinction after long or special service.
1849.]
The English Mail-CoacJi, or the Glory of Motion.
493
tages. Ulysses even, with the unfair
advantage of his accursed bow, could
hardly have undertaken that amount
of suitors. So the danger might have
seemed slight — only that woman is
universally aristocratic : it is amongst
her nobilities of heart that she is so.
Now, the aristocratic distinctions in
my favour might easily with Miss
Fanny have compensated my physi-
cal deficiencies. Did I then make
love to Fanny ? Why, yes ; mats oui
done ; as much love as one can make
whilst the mail is changing horses, a
process which ten years later did not
occupy above eighty seconds ; but
•fhen, viz. about Waterloo, it occupied
five times eighty. Now, four hun-
dred seconds pffer a field quite ample
enough for whispering into a young
woman's ear a great deal of truth ;
and (by way of parenthesis) some
trifle of falsehood. Grandpapa did
right, therefore, to watch me. And
yet, as happens too often to the grand-
papas of earth, in a contest with the
admirers of granddaughters, how
vainly would he have watched me
had I meditated any evil whispers to
Fanny ! She, it is my belief, would
have protected herself against any
man's evil suggestions. But he, as
the result showed, could not have
intercepted the opportunities for such
suggestions. Yet he was still active ;
he was still blooming. Blooming he
was as Fanny herself.
" Say, all our praises why should lords — "
No, that's not the line :
" Say, all our roses why should girls engross ?"
The coachman showed rosy blossoms
on his face deeper even than his
granddaughter's, — his being drawn
from the ale - cask, Fanny's from
youth and innocence, and from the
fountains of the dawn. But, in spite
of his blooming face, some infirmities
lie had ; and one particularly, (I am
very sure, no more than one,) in
which he too much resembled a croco-
dile. This lay in a monstrous inapti-
tude for turning round. The crocodile,
I presume, owes that inaptitude to
the absurd length of his back ; but in
our grandpapa it arose rather from
the absurd breadth of his back, com-
bined, probably, with some growing
stiffness in his legs. Now upon this
crocodile infirmity of his I planted an
easy opportunity for tendering my
homage to Miss Fanny. In defiance
of all his honourable vigilance, no
sooner had he presented to us his
mighty Jovian back, (what a field for
displaying to mankind his royal scar-
let !) whilst inspecting professionally
the buckles, the straps, and the silver
turrets of his harness, than I raised
Miss Fanny's hand to my lips, and,
by the mixed tenderness and respect-
fulness of my manner, caused her
easily to understand how happy it
would have made me to rank upon her
list as No. 10 or 12, in which case a
few casualties amongst her lovers (and
observe — they hanged liberally in
those days) might have promoted me
speedily to the top of the tree ; as,
on the other hand, with how much
loyalty of submission I acquiesced in
her allotment, supposing that she had
seen reason to plant me in the very
rearward of her favour, as No. 199+1.
It must not be supposed that I al-
lowed any trace of jest, or even of
playfulness, to mingle with these ex-
pressions of my admiration ; that
would have been insulting to her,
and would have been false as regarded
my own feelings. In fact, the utter
shadowyness of our relations to each
other, even after our meetings through
seven or eight years had been veiy
numerous, but of necessity had been
very brief, being entirely on mail-
coach allowance — timed, in reality, by
the General Post- Office — and watched
by a crocodile belonging to the ante-
penultimate generation, left it easy
for me to do a thing which few people
ever can have done — viz., to make
love for seven years, at the same
time to be as sincere as ever creature
was, and yet never to compromise
myself by overtures that might have
been foolish as regarded my own
interests, or misleading as regarded
hers. Most truly I loved this beauti-
ful and ingenuous girl ; and had it
not been for the Bath and Bristol
mail, heaven only knows what might
have come of it. People talk of being
over head and ears in love — now, the
mail was the cause that I sank only
over ears in love, which, you know,
still left a trifle of brain to overlook
the whole conduct of the affair. I
have mentioned the case at all for the
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion. [Oct.
sake of a dreadful result from it in
after years of dreaming. But it seems,
ex abundanti^ to yield this moral — viz.
that as, in England, the idiot and the
half-wit are held to be under the guar-
dianship of Chancery, so the man mak-
ing love, who is often but a variety of the
same imbecile class, ought to be made
a ward of the General Post- Office,
whose severe course of timing and
periodical interruption might inter-
cept many a foolish declaration, such
as lays a solid foundation for fifty
years' repentance.
Ah, reader! when I look back upon
those days, it seems to me that all
things change or perish. Even thun-
der and lightning, it pains me to say,
are not the thunder and lightning
which I seem to remember about the
time of Waterloo. Roses, I fear, are
degenerating, and, without a Red re-
volution, must come to the dust. The
Fannies of our island — though this I
say with reluctance — are not improv-
ing ; and the Bath road is notoriously
superannuated. Mr Waterton telfs
me that the crocodile does not change
— that a cayman, in fact, or an alli-
gator, is just as good for riding upon
as he was in the time of the Pharaohs.
That may be ; but the reason is, that
the crocodile does not live fast — he is
a slow coach. I believe it is generally
understood amongst naturalists, that
the crocodile is a blockhead. It is my
own impression that the Pharaohs were
also blockheads. Now, as the Pha-
raohs and the crocodile domineered over
Egyptian society, this accounts for a
singular mistake that prevailed on the
Nile. The crocodile made the ridicu-
lous blunder of supposing man to be
meant chiefly for his own eating.
Man, taking a different view of the
subject, naturally met that mistake by
another ; he viewed the crocodile as a
thing sometimes to worship, but always
to run away from. And this continued
until Mr Waterton changed the rela-
tions between the animals. The mode
of escaping from the reptile he showed
to be, not by running away, but by
leaping on its back, booted and spurred.
The two animals had misunderstood
each other. The use of the crocodile
has -now been cleared up — it is to be
ridden ; and the use of man is, that he
may improve the health of the croco-
dile by riding him a fox-hunting before
breakfast. And it is pretty certain that
any crocodile, who has been regularly
hunted through the season, and is
master of the weight he carries, will
take a six-barred gate now as well as
ever he would have done in the infancy
of the Pyramids.
Perhaps, therefore, the crocodile
does not change, but all things else do :
even the shadow of the Pyramids grows
less. And often the restoration in vision,
of Fanny and the Bath road, makes
me too pathetically sensible of that
truth. Out of the darkness, if I happen
to call up the image of Fanny from
thirty-five years back, arises suddenly
a rose in June ; or, if I think for an
instant of the rose in June, up rises
the heavenly face of Fanny. One after
the other, like the antiphonies in a
choral service, rises Fanny and the rose
in June, then back again the rose in
June and Fanny. Then come both
together, as in a chorus ; roses and
Fannies, Fannies and roses, without
end — thick as blossoms in paradise.
Then comes a venerable crocodile, in a
royal livery of scarlet and gold, or in
a coat with sixteen capes ; and the
crocodile is driving four-in-hand
from the box of the Bath mail.
And suddenly we upon the mail
are pulled up by a mighty dial, sculp-
tured with the hours, and with the
dreadful legend of TOO LATE. Then
all at once we are arrived in Marl-
borough forest, amongst the lovely
households* of the roe-deer : these re-
tire into the dewy thickets ; the thickets
are rich with roses ; the roses call up
Cas ever) the sweet countenance of
Fanny, who, being the granddaughter
of a crocodile, awakens a dreadful
host of wild semi- legendary animals —
griffins, dragons, basilisks, sphinxes
— till at length the whole vision of
fighting images crowds into one tower-
ing armorial shield, a vast emblazonry
* " Households." — Roe-deer do not congregate in herds like the fallow or the red
deer, but by separate families, parents, and children ; which, feature of approxima-
tion to the sanctity of human hearths, added to their comparatively miniature and
graceful proportions, conciliate to them an interest of a peculiarly tender character,
if less dignified by the grandeurs of savage and forest life.
1849.] The English Mail-Coach,
of human charities and human loveli-
ness that have perished, but quartered
heraldically with unutterable horrors
of monstrous and demoniac natures ;
whilst over all rises, as a surmounting
crest, one fair female hand, with the
fore-finger pointing, in sweet, sorrow-
ful admonition, upwards to heaven,
and having power (which, without ex-
perience, I never could have believed)
to awaken the pathos that kills in the
very bosom of the horrors that madden
the grief that gnaws at the heart, to-
gether with the monstrous creations
of darkness that shock the belief, and
make dizzy the reason of man. This
is the peculiarity that I wish the reader
to notice, as having first been made
known to me for a possibility by this
early vision of Fanny on the Bath
road. The peculiarity consisted in the
confluence of two different keys, though
apparently repelling each other, into
the music and governing principles of
the same dream ; horror, such as pos-
sesses the maniac, and yet, by momen-
tary transitions, grief, such as may be
supposed to possess the dying mother
when leaving her infant children to
to the mercies of the cruel. Usually,
and perhaps always, in an unshaken
nervous system, these two modes of
misery exclude each other — here first
they met in horrid reconciliation.
There was also a separate peculiarity
in the quality of the horror. This was
afterwards developed into far more re-
volting complexities of misery and
incomprehensible darkness ; and per-
haps I am wrong in ascribing any
value as a causative agency to this
particular case on the Bath road —
possibly it furnished merely an occa-
sion that accidentally introduced a
mode of horrors certain, at any rate,
to have grown up, with or without the
Bath road, from more advanced stages
of the nervous derangement. Yet, as
the cubs of tigers or leopards, when
domesticated, have been observed to
or the Glory of Motion.
495
suffer a sudden development of their
latent ferocity under too eager an ap-
peal to their playfulness — the gaieties
of sport in them being too closely con-
nected with the fiery brightness of
their murderous instincts — so I have
remarked that the caprices, the gay
arabesques, and the lovely floral luxu-
riations of dreams, betray a shocking
tendency to pass into finer maniacal
splendours. That gaiety, for instance,
(for such at first it was,) in the dream-
ing faculty, by which one principal
point of resemblance to a crocodile in
the mail-coachman was soon made to
clothe him with the form of a crocodile,
and yet was blended with accessory
circumstances derived from his human
functions, passed rapidly into a fur-
ther development, no longer gay or
playful, but terrific, the most terrific
that besieges dreams, viz. — the horrid
inoculation upon each other of incom-
patible natures. This horror has al-
ways been secretly felt by man ; it
was felt even under pagan forms of
religion, which offered a very feeble,
and also a very limited gamut for
giving expression to the human capa-
cities of sublimity or of horror. We
read it in the fearful composition of
the sphinx. The dragon, again, is the
snake inoculated upon the scorpion.
The basilisk unites the mysterious
malice of the evil eye, unintentional
on the part of the unhappy agent,
with the intentional venom of some
other malignant natures. But these
horrid complexities of evil agency are
but objectively horrid ; they inflict the
horror suitable to their compound na-
ture ; but there is no insinuation that
they feel that horror. Heraldry is
so full of these fantastic creatures,
that, in some zoologies, we find a
separate chapter or a supplement de-
dicated to what is denominated heral-
dic zoology. And why not ? For
these hideous creatures, however
visionary,* have a real traditionary
* " Hoicerer visionary" — But are they always visionary ? The unicorn, the krakcn,
the sea-serpent, are all, perhaps, zoological facts. The unicorn, for instance, so far
from being a lie, is rather too true ; for, simply as a monokeras, he is found in the
Himalaya, in Africa, and elsewhere, rather too often for the peace of what in Scotland
would be called the intending traveller. That which i-eally is a lie in the account of
the unicorn — viz., his legendary rivalship with the lion — which lie may God preserve,
in preserving the mighty imperial shield that embalms it — cannot be more destruc-
tive to the zoological pretensions of the unicorn, than are to the same pretensions
in the lion our many popular crazes about his goodness and magnanimity, or the old
fancy (adopted by Spenser, and noticed by so many among our elder poets) of hi3
496
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
[Oct.
ground in medieval belief— sincere and
partly reasonable, though adulterating
with mendacity, blundering, credulity,
and intense superstition. But the
dream-horror which I speak of is far
more frightful. The dreamer finds
housed within himself— occupying, as
it were, some separate chamber in his
brain — holding, perhaps, from that
station a secret and detestable com-
merce with his own heart — some horrid
alien nature. What if it were his own
nature repeated, — still, if the duality
were distinctly perceptible, even that
— even this mere numerical double of
his own consciousness — might be a
curse too mighty to be sustained.
But how, if the alien nature contra-
dicts his own, fights with it, perplexes,
and confounds it? How, again, if
not one alien nature, but two, but
three, but four, but five, are intro-
duced within what once he thought the
inviolable sanctuary of himself? These,
however, are horrors from the king-
doms of anarchy and darkness, which,
by their very intensity, challenge the
sanctity of concealment, and gloomily
retire from exposition. Yet it was
necessary to mention them, because
the first introduction to such appear-
ances (whether causal, or merely
casual) lay in the heraldic monsters,
which monsters were themselves intro-
duced (though playfully) by the trans-
figured coachman of the Bath mail.
GOING DOWN WITH VICTORY.
But the grandest chapter of our ex-
perience, within the whole mail-coach
service, was on those occasions when
we went down from London with the
news of victory. A period of about
ten years stretched from Trafalgar to
Waterloo : the second and third years
of which period (1806 and 1807) were
comparatively sterile; but the rest,
from 1805 to 1815 inclusively, fur-
nished a long succession of victories ;
the least of which, in a contest of that
portentous nature, had an inappre-
ciable value of position — partly for its
absolute interference with the plans
of our enemy, but still more from its
keeping alive in central Europe the
sense of a deep-seated vulnerability
in France. Even to tease the coasts
of our enemy, to mortify them by
continual blockades, to insult them
by capturing if it were but a baubling
schooner under the eyes of their ar-
rogant armies, repeated from time to'
time a sullen proclamation of power
lodged in a quarter to which the hopes
of Christendom turned in secret. How
much more loudly must this procla-
mation have spoken in the audacity*
of having bearded the elite of their
troops, and having beaten them in
pitched battles ! Five years of life it
was worth paying down for the privi-
lege of an outside place on a mail-
coach, when carrying down the first
tidings of any such event. And it is
to be noted that, from our insular
situation, and the multitude of our
graciousness to maiden innocence. The wretch is the basest and most cowardly
among the forest tribes ; nor has the sublime courage of the English bull-dog ever
been so memorably exhibited as in his hopeless fight at Warwick with the cowardly
and cruel lion called Wallace. Another of the traditional creatures, still doubtful,
is the mermaid, upon which Southey once remarked to me, that, if it had been dif-
ferently named, (as, suppose, a mer-ape,) nobody would have questioned its existence
any more than that of sea-cows, sea-lions, &c. The mermaid has been discredited by her
human name and her legendary human habits. If she would not coquette so much
with melancholy sailors, and brush her hair so assiduously upon solitary rocks,
she would be carried on our books for as honest a reality, as decent a female, as
many that are assessed to the poor-rates.
* " Audacity /" Such the French accounted it; and it has struck me that Soult
would not have been so popular in London, at the period of her present Majesty's
coronation, or in Manchester, on occasion of his visit to that town, if they had been
aware of the insolence with which he spoke of us in notes written at intervals from
the field of Waterloo. As though it had been mere felony in our army to look a
French one in the face, he said more than once — " Here are the English — we have
them : they are caught en flagrant delit." Yet no man should have known us better;
no man had drunk deeper from the cup of humiliation than Soult had in the north of
Portugal, during his flight from an English army, and subsequently at Albuera, in
the bloodiest of recorded battles.
1849.]
The English Mail- Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
frigates disposable for the rapid trans-
mission of intelligence, rarely did any
unauthorised rumour steal away a
prelibation from the aroma of the re
gular despatches. The government of-
ficial news was generally the firstnews.
From eight P.M. to fifteen or twenty
minutes later, imagine the mails as-
sembled on parade in Lombard Street,
where, at that time, was seated the
General Post- Office. In what exact
strength we mustered I do not re-
member ; but, from the length of each
separate attelage, we filled the street,
though a long one, and though we
were drawn up in double file. On any
night the spectacle was beautiful.
The absolute perfection of all the
appointments about the carriages and
the harness, and the magnificence of
the horses, were what might first have
fixed the attention. Every carriage,
on every morning in the year, was
taken down to an inspector for exa-
mination— wheels, axles, linchpins,
pole, glasses, &c., were all critically
probed and tested. Every part of
every carriage had been cleaned,
every horse had been groomed, with
as much rigour as if they belonged to
a private gentleman ; and that part
of the spectacle offered itself always.
But the night before us is a night of
victory ; and behold ! to the ordinary
display, what a heart- shaking addi-
tion ! — horses, men, carnages — all are
dressed in laurels and flowers, oak
leaves and ribbons. The guards, who
are his Majesty's servants, and the
coachmen, who are within the privi-
lege of the Post-Office, wear the royal
liveries of course ; and as it is sum-
mer (for all the land victories were
won in summer,) they wear, on this
fine evening, these liveries exposed to
view, without any covering of upper
coats. Such a costume, and the ela-
borate arrangement of the laurels in
their hats, dilated their hearts, by giv-
ing to them openly an official connec-
tion with the great news, in which
already they have the general interest
of patriotism. That great national
sentiment surmounts and quells all
sense of ordinary distinctions. Those
passengers who happen to be gentle-
men are now hardly to be distin-
497
gnished as such except by dress. The
usual reserve of their manner in speak-
ing to the attendants has on this night
melted away. One heart, one prideT
one glory, connects every man by the
transcendant bond of his English
blood. The spectators, who are nu-
merous beyond precedent, express
their sympathy with these fervent
feelings by continual hurrahs. Every
moment are shouted aloud by the
Post- Office servants the great ances-
tral names of cities known to history
through a thousand years, — Lincoln,
Winchester, Portsmouth, Gloucester,
Oxford, Bristol, Manchester, York,
Newcastle, Edinburgh, Perth, Glas-
gow— expressing the grandeur of the
empire by the antiquity of its towns,
and the grandeur of the mail estab-
lishment by the diffusive radiation of
its separate missions. Every moment
you hear the thunder of lids locked
down upon the mail-bags. That
sound to each individual mail is the
signal for drawing off, which process
is the finest part of the entire spec-
tacle. Then come the horses into
play ; — horses ! can these be horses
that (unless powerfully reined in)
would bound off with the action and
gestures of leopards ? What stir ! —
what sea-like ferment ! — what a thun-
dering of wheels, what a trampling of
horses ! — what farewell cheers — what
redoubling peals of brotherly congra-
tulation, connecting the name of the
particular mail — " Liverpool for
ever 1 " — with the name of the parti-
cular victory — " Badajoz for ever!"
or " Salamanca for ever ! " The half-
slumbering consciousness that, all
night long and all the next day — per-
haps for even a longer period — many
of 'these mails, like fire racing along
a train of gunpowder, will be kindling
at every instant new successions of
burning joy, has an obscure effect of
multiplying the victoiy itself, by mul-
tiplying to the imagination into infi-
nity the stages of its progressive
diffusion. A fiery arrow seems to be
let loose, which from that moment
is destined to travel, almost without
intermission, westwards for three
hundred* miles — northwards for six
hundred ; and the sympathy of our
* * Three hundred" Of necessity this scale of measurement, to an American, if he
happens to be a thoughtless man, must sound ludicrous. Accordingly, I remember a
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
498
Lombard Street friends at parting is
exalted a hundredfold by a sort of
visionary sympathy with the ap-
proaching sympathies, yet unborn,
which we were going to evoke.
Liberated from the embarrassments
of the city, and issuing into the broad
uncrowded avenues of the northern
suburbs, we begin to enter upon our
natural pace of ten miles an hour. In
the broad light of the summer even-
ing, the sun perhaps only just at the
point of setting, we are seen from
every storey of every house. Heads
of every age crowd to the windows —
young and old understand the lan-
guage of our victorious symbols — and
rolling volleys of sympathising cheers
run along behind and before our course.
The beggar, rearing himself against
the wall, forgets his lameness — real or
assumed — thinks not of his whining
trade, but stands erect, with bold
exulting smiles, as we pass him. The
victory has healed him, and says — Be
thou whole ! Women and children,
from garrets alike and cellars, look
down or look up with loving eyes upon
our gay ribbons and our martial lau-
rels — sometimes kiss their hands,
sometimes hang out, as signals of
affection, pocket handkerchiefs, aprons,
dusters, anything that lies ready to
their hands. On the London side of
Barnet, to which we draw near with-
in a few minutes after nine, observe
[Oct.
that private carriage which is ap-
proaching us. The weather being so
warm, the glasses are all down ; and
one may read, as on the stage of a
theatre, everything that goes on within
the carriage. It contains three ladies,
one likely to be " mama," and two of
seventeen or eighteen, who are proba-
bly her daughters. What lovely ani-
mation, what beautiful unpremeditated
pantomime, explaining to us every
syllable that passes, in these inge-
nuous girls ! By the sudden start and
raising of the hands, on first discover-
ing our laurelled equipage — by the
sudden movement and appeal to the
elder lady from both of them — and by
the heightened colour on their ani-
mated countenances, we can almost
hear them saying — " See, see ! Look
at their laurels. Oh, mama! there
has been a great battle in Spain ; and
it has been a great victory." In a
moment we are on the point of pass-
ing them. We passengers — I on the
box, and the two on the roof behind
me — raise our hats, the coachman
makes his professional salute with the
whip ; the guard even, though punc-
tilious on the matter of his dignity as
an officer under the crown, touches his
hat. The ladies move to us, in re-
turn, with a winning graciousness of
gesture : all smile on each side in a
way that nobody could misunderstand,
and that nothing short of a grand
case in which an American writer indulges himself in the luxury of a little lying,
by ascribing to an Englishman a pompous account of the Thames, constructed en-
tirely upon American ideas of grandeur, and concluding in something like these
terms : — " And, sir, arriving at London, this mighty father of rivers attains a breadth
of at least two furlongs, having, in its winding course, traversed the astonishing dis-
tance of 170 miles." And this the candid American thinks it fair to contrast with the
scale of the Mississippi. Now, it is hardly worth while to answer a pure falsehood
gravely, else one might say that no Englishman out of Bedlam ever thought of look-
ing in an island for the rivers of a continent ; nor, consequently, could have thought
of looking for the peculiar grandeur of the Thames in the length of its course, or in
the extent of soil which it drains : yet, if he had been so absurd, the American might
have recollected that a river, not to be compared with the Thames even as to volume
of water — viz. the Tiber — has contrived to make itself heard of in this world for
twenty-five centuries to an extent not reached, nor likely to be reached very soon, by
any river, however corpulent, of his own land. The glory of the Thames is measured
by the density of the population to which it ministers, by the commerce which it sup-
ports, by the grandeur of the empire in which, though far from the largest, it is the
most influential stream. Upon some such scale, and not by a transfer of Columbian
standards, is the course of our English mails to be valued. The American may fancy
the effect of his own valuations to our English ears, by supposing the case of a Sibe-
rian glorifying his country in these terms : — " Those rascals, sir, in France and Eng-
laud, cannot march half a mile in any direction without finding a house where food
can be had and lodging : whereas, such is the noble desolation of our magnificent
country, that in many a direction for a thousand miles, I will engage a dog shall not
find shelter from a snow-storm, nor a wren find an apology for breakfast."
1849.] The English Mail- Coach,
national sympathy could so instanta-
neously prompt. Will these ladies say
that we are nothing to them ? Oh, no ;
they will not say that. They cannot
deny — they do not deny — that for this
night they are our sisters: gentle or
simple, scholar or illiterate servant,
for twelve hours to come — we on the
outside have the honour to be their
brothers. Those poor women again,
Avho stop to gaze upon us with delight
at the entrance of Barnet, and seem
by their air of weariness to be return-
ing from labour — do you mean to say
that they are washerwomen and char-
women ? Oh, my poor friend, you are
quite mistaken ; they are nothing of
the kind. I assure you, they stand in
a higher rank : for this one night they
feel themselves by birthright to be
daughters of England, and answer to
no humbler title.
Every joy, however, even rapturous
joy — such is the sad law of earth —
may cany with it grief, or fear of grief,
to some. Three miles beyond Barnet,
we see approaching us another private
carriage, nearly repeating the circum-
stances of the former case. Here also
the glasses are all down — here also is
an elderly lady seated ; but the two
amiable daughters are missing; for
the single young person, sitting by
the lady's side, seems to be an at-
tendant— so I judge from her dress,
and her air of respectful reserve.
The lady is in mourning; and her
countenance expresses sorrow. At
first she does not look up ; so that
I believe she is not aware of
our approach, until she hears the
measured beating of our horses' hoofs.
Then she raises her eyes to settle them
painfully on our triumphal equipage.
Our decorations explain the case to
her at once ; but she beholds them
Avith apparent anxiety, or even with
terror. Some time before this, I, find-
ing it difficult to hit a flying mark,
when embarrassed by the coachman's
person and reins intervening, had
given to the guard a Courier evening
paper, containing the gazette, for the
next carriage that might pass. Ac-
cordingly he tossed it in so folded that
the huge capitals expressing some
such legend as — GLORIOUS VICTORY,
might catch the eye at once. To see
the paper, however, at all, interpreted
as it was by our ensigns of triumph,
or the Glory of Motion. 4[>9
explained everything ; and, if the
guard were right in thinking the lady
to have received it with a gesture of
horror, it could not be doubtful that
she had suffered some deep personal
affliction in connexion with this
Spanish war.
Here now was the case of one who,
having formerly suffered, might, erro-
neously perhaps, be distressing her-
self with anticipations of another
similar suffering. That same night,
and hardly three hours later, occurred
the reverse case. A poor woman, who
too probably would find herself, in a
day or two, to have suffered the
heavest of afflictions by the battle,
blindly allowed herself to express an
exultation so unmeasured in the news,
and its details, as gave to her the ap-
pearance which amongst Celtic High-
landers is called fey. This was at
some little town, I forget what, where
we happened to change horses near
midnight. Some fair or wake had
kept the people up out of their beds.
We saw many lights moving about as
we drew near ; and perhaps the most
impressive scene on our route was
our reception at this place. The flash-
ing of torches and the beautiful ra-
diance of blue lights (technically Ben-
gal lights) upon the heads of our
horses; the fine effect of such a showery
and ghostly illumination falling upon
flowers and glittering laurels, whilst
all around the massy darkness seemed
to invest us with walls of impenetrable
blackness, together with the prodigious
enthusiasm of the people, composed a
picture at once scenical and affecting.
As we staid for three or four minutes,
I alighWd. And immediately from a
dismantled stall in the street, where
perhaps she had been presiding at
some part of the evening, advanced
eagerly a middle-aged woman. The
sight of my newspaper it was that
had drawn her attention upon myself.
The victory which we were carrying
down to the provinces on this occa-
sion was the imperfect one of Tala-
vera. I told her the main outline of
the battle. But her agitation, though
not the agitation of fear, but of exul-
tation rather, and enthusiasm, had
been so conspicuous when listening,
and when first applying for informa-
tion, that I could not but ask her if
she had not some relation in the
500
The English Mail-Coach, or the Glory of Motion.
[Oct.
Peninsular army. Oh! yes: her only
son was there. In what regiment?
He was a trooper in the 23d Dragoons.
My heart sank within me as she made
that answer. This sublime regiment,
which an Englishman should never
mention without raising his hat to
their memory, had made the most
memorable and effective charge re-
corded in military annals. They
leaped their horses — over a trench,
where they could into it, and with the
result of death or mutilation when they
could not. What proportion cleared the
trench is nowhere stated. Those who
did, closed up and went down upon
the enemy with such divinity of fer-
vour— (I use the word divinity by de-
sign : the inspiration of God must
have prompted this movement to
those whom even then he was calling
to his presence) — that two results fol-
lowed. As regarded the enemy, this
23d Dragoons, not, I believe, origi-
nally 350 strong, paralysed a French
column, 6000 strong, then ascending
the lull, and fixed the gaze of the
whole French army. As regarded
themselves, the 23d were supposed at
first to have been all but annihilated;
but eventually, I believe, not so many
as'one in four survived. And this, then,
was the regiment — a regiment already
for some hours known to myself and
all London as stretched, by a large
majority, upon one bloody aceldama —
in which the young trooper served
whose mother was now talking with
myself in a spirit of such hopeful en-
thusiasm. Did I tell her the truth ?
Had I the heart to break up her
dream ? No. I said to myself, To-
morrow, or the next day, she will hear
the worst. For this night, wherefore
should she not sleep in peace ? After
to-morrow, the chances are too many
that peace will forsake her pillow.
This brief respite, let her owe this to
my gift and my forbearance. But, if
I told her not of the bloody price that
had been paid, there was no reason
for suppressing the contributions from
her son's regiment to the service and
glory of the day. For the very few
words that I had time for speaking,
I governed myself accordingly. I
showed her not the funeral banners
under which the noble regiment was
sleeping. I lifted not the oversha-
dowing laurels from the bloody trench
in which horse and rider lay mangled
together. But I told her how these
dear children of England, privates
and officers, had leaped their horses
over all obstacles as gaily as hunters
to the morning's chase. I told her
how they rode their horses into the
mists of death, (saying to myself, but
not saying to her,) and laid down
their young lives for thee, O mother
England! as willingly — poured out
their noble blood as cheerfully — as ever,
after a long day's sport, when infants,
they had rested their wearied heads
upon their mothers' knees, or had sunk
to sleep in her arms. It is singular
that she seemed to have no fears,
even after this knowledge that the
23d Dragoons had been conspicuously
engaged, for her son's safety : but so
much was she enraptured by the
knowledge that his regiment, and
therefore he, had rendered eminent
service in the trying conflict — a ser-
vice which had actually made them
the foremost topic of conversation in
London — that in the mere simplicity
of her fervent nature, she threw her
arms round my neck, and, poor wo»
man, kissed me.
1849.]
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
501
DIARY OF SAMUEL PEPYS.
LORD BRAYBROOKE has established
a strong claim to the gratitude of the
literary world for his present elegant,
improved, and augmented edition, of
the Diary of Samuel Pepys. The
work may now, we presume, be re-
garded as complete, for there is little
chance that any future editor will
consider himself entitled to supply the
lacuna or omissions which still con-
fessedly exist. Lord Braybrooke in-
forms us that, after carefully rep£r-
using the whole of the manuscript, he
had arrived at the conclusion, " that
a literal transcript of the Diary was
absolutely inadmissable ; and he more
than hints that most of the excluded
passages have been withheld from
print on account of their strong in-
delicacy. We cannot blame the noble
editor for having thus exercised his
judgment, though we could wish that
he had been a little more explicit as
to the general tenor and application
of the proscribed entries. The Diary
of Pepys is a very remarkable one,
comprehending both a history or sketch
of the times in which he lived, and an
accurate record of his own private
transactions and affairs. He chronicles
not only the faults of others, as these
were reported to him or fell under his
personal observation, but he notes his
own frailties and backslidings with a
candour, a minuteness, and even occa-
sionally a satisfaction, which is at
once amusing and uncommon. The
one division of his subject is a political
and social — the other a psychological
curiosity. We are naturally desirous
to hear all about Charles and his cour-
tiers, and not averse to the general
run of gossip regarding that train of
beautiful women whose portraits, from
the luxuriant pencil of Lely, still adorn
the walls of Hampton Court. But
not less remarkable are the quaint
confessions of the autobiographer,
whether he be recording, in conscious
pride, the items of the dinner and the
plate with which he appeased the
appetite and excited the envy of some
less prosperous guest, or junketing
with Mrs Pierce and equivocal Mrs
Knipp the actress, whilst poor Mrs
Pepys was absent on a fortnight's
visit to the country. Far are we from
excusing or even palliating the pro-
pensities of Pepys. We have enough
before us to show that he was a sad
flirt, and a good deal of a domestic
hypocrite: all this he admits, and
even exhibits at times a certain
amount of penitence and compunction.
But we confess that we should be glad
to know from which section of the
Diary the objectionable matter has
been expunged. If from the public
part, or rather that disconnected with
the personality of Pepys, we acquiesce
without further comment in the taste
and judgment of the editor. We do
not want to have any minute details,
even though Pepys may have written
them down, of the drunken and dis-
graceful exhibitions of Sir Charles
Sedley and his comrades, or even of
the private actings of the Maids (by
courtesy) of Honour. We have enough,
and more than enough, of this in the
Memoirs of Gi'ammont, and no one
would wish to see augmented that
repertory of antiquated scandal.
History, and the products of the
stage as it then existed, speak quite
unequivocally as to the general de-
moralisation of those unhappy times,
and it cannot serve any manner of
use to multiply or magnify instances.
But whilst we so far freely concede
the right of omission to Lord Bray-
brooke, we must own that we are not
a little jealous lest, out of respect to
the individual memory of Pepys, he
should have concealed some personal
confessions, which may have been
really requisite in order to form an
accurate estimate of the man. We
cannot read the Diary without strong
suspicions that something of the kind
has taken place. Mere flirtation on
the part of her husband could hardly
Diary and Correspondence of Samuel Pepys, F.R.S., Secretary at the Admiralty
in the Reigns of Charles II. and James II. With a Life and Notes by RICHARD
LORD BRAYBROOKE. Third edition, considerably enlarged. London, 1849.
502
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
[Oct,
have driven Mrs Pepys to the des-
perate extremity of heating the tongs
in the fire, and approaching the nup-
tial couch therewith, obviously for no
good purpose, to the infinite dismay
of Samuel. Pepys might perhaps be
excused for a reciprocated oscillation
of the eyelid, when Mrs Knipp
winked at him from the stage ; but
why, if his motives for frequenting
her company were strictly virtuous
and artistical, did he go to kiss her
in her tireing-room ? why should
she have pulled his hair, when she sat
behind him in the pit ? or why should
he have been sorely troubled " that
Knipp sent by Moll (an orange-
woman, whose basket was her charac-
ter) to desire to speak to me after the
play, and I promised to come ; but it
was so late, and I forced to step to
Mrs Williams' lodgings with my Lord
Brouncker and her, where I did not
stay, however, for fear of her showing
me her closet, and thereby forcing me
to give her something; and it was
so late, that, for fear of my wife's
coming home before me, I was forced
to go straight home, which troubled
me"? If Pepys was really innocent
in deed, and but culpable in thought
and inclination, his escape was a
mighty narrow one, and Mrs Pepys
may well stand excused for the
strength and frequency of her sus-
picions. The truth is, that Pepys, at
least in the earlier part of his life, was
avery odious specimen of the Cockney,
and would upon many occasions have
been justly punished by a sound kick-
ing, or an ample dose of the cudgel.
It seems to us perfectly inexplicable
how the coxcomb — who, by the way,
was a regular church-goer, and rather
zealous religionist — could have pre-
vailed upon himself to make such
entries as the following in his journal :
" August 18, 1667.— 1 walked towards
Whitehall, but, being wearied, turned
into St Dimstan's church, where I
heard an able sermon of the minister
of the place ; and stood by a pretty,
modest maid, whom I did labour to
take by the hand ; but she would not,
but got further and further from me ;
and at last I could perceive her to
take pins out of her pocket to prick
me if I should touch her again, which
seeing, I did forbear, and was glad I
did spy her design. And then I fell
•to gaze upon another pretty maid in
a pew close to me, and she on me ;
and I did go about to take her by the
hand, which she suffered a little, and
then withdrew. So the sermon ended,
and the church broke up, and my
amours ended also." What a pity
that the first maid in question had not
been more nimble with her fingers !
The poisoned bodkin which the goblin
page shoved into the knee of Wat
Tinlinn, would have been well be-
stowed, if buried to the very head, on
this occasion, in the hip of Pepys;
and charity does not forbid us from
indulging ourselves in fancy with the
startling hideousness of his howl !
No wonder that Mrs Pepys not only
made hot the tongs, but incoherently
insisted, at times, on the necessity of
a separate maintenance.
The great charm of the book is its
utter freedom from disguise. The
zeal of antiquaries, and the patriotic
exertions of the literary clubs, have,
of late years, put the public in posses-
sion of various diaries, which are most
valuable, as throwing light upon the
political incidents and social manners
of the times in which the authors lived.
Thus we have the journals of honest
John Nicholl, writer to the signet in
Edinburgh, who saw the great Mar-
quis of Montrose go down from his
prison to the scaffold ; of the shrewd
and cautious Fountainhall ; of the
high-minded and accomplished Eve-
lyn, and many others — the manu-
scripts of which had lain for years un-
disturbed on the shelf or in the char-
ter-chest. But it cannot be said of
any one of those diaries, that it was
kept solely for the use and reference
of the writer. Some of them may not
have been intended for publication ;
and it is very likely that the thoughts
of posthumous renown never crossed
the mind of the chronicler, as he set
down his daily jotting and observa-
tion. Nevertheless those were family
documents, such as a father, if he had
no wider aim, might have bequeathed
for the information of his children.
Diaries of more modern date have,
we suspect, been kept principally with
a view to publication ; or, at least,
the writers of them seem never to
have been altogether devoid of a kind
of consciousness that their lucubra-
tions might one day see the light.
1849.]
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
503
Owing to that feeling, the veil of do-
mestic privacy is seldom withdrawn,
and seldomer still are we treated to
a faithful record of the deeds and
thoughts of the diarist. But Pepys
framed his journal with no such inten-
tion. He durst not, for dear life,
have submitted a single page of it to
the inspection of the wife of his bo-
som— had he been as fruitful as Jacob,
no son of his would have been intrust-
ed with the key which could unlock
the mysterious cipher in which the
most private passages of his life were
written. No clerk was allowed to
continue it in a clear, legible hand,
when failing eyesight rendered the
task irksome or impossible to him-
self. There is something of pathos in
his last entry, when the doors of the
daily confessional were just closing
for ever. " And thus ends all that I
doubt I shall ever be able to do with
my own eyes in the keeping of my
journal, I being not able to do it any
longer, having done now so long as to
undo my eyes almost every time that
I take a pen in my hand ; and,
therefore, whatever comes of it, I
must forbear ; and therefore resolve,
from this time forward, to have it
kept by my people in long hand, and
must be contented to set down no
more than is fit for them and all the
world to know ; or, if there be any-
thing, I must endeavour to keep a
margin in my book open, to add now
and then a note in short-hand, with my
own hand." Perhaps it is as well that
the marginal continuation so hinted
at was withheld ; for, in the process
of decanting, the wine would have
lost its flavour, and must have suf-
fered terribly in contrast with the
raciness of the earlier cooper.
The position in life which Pepys
occupied renders his Diary doubly
interesting. Had he been only a
hanger-on of the court, we might have
heard more minute and personal scan-
dal, conveyed through the medium of
Bab May, or Chiffinch, or other un-
scrupulous satellites of a very profli-
gate monarch. Had he been a mere
private citizen or merchant, his know-
ledge of or interest in public events
•would probably have been so small,
as to assist us but little in unravelling
the intricate history of the time.
But, standing as he did between two
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCVTII.
classes of society, then separated by a
far stronger line of demarcation
than now, — a citizen of London
by birth and connexion, by occupa-
tion a government official, and
through instinct an intense admirer of
the great — he had access to more
sources of information, and could in-
terpret general opinion better, than
the professional courtier or tradesman.
Shrewd, sharp, and not very scru-
pulous, he readily seized all oppor-
tunities of making his way in the
world ; and though privately a censor
of the more open vices of the great,
he never was so truly happy as when
admitted by accident to their society.
Lord Braybrooke, we think, is too
partial in his estimate of Pepys' char-
acter. If we are to judge of him by
his own confessions, he was largely
imbued with that spirit of meanness,
arrogance, and vanity, which dramatic
writers have always seized on as
illustrative of the parvenu, but which
is never apparent in the conversation,
or discernible in the dealings, of a true
and perfect gentleman.
Sam does not appear to have
troubled himself much about his pedi-
gree until he became a person of
considerable note and substance. In-
deed, the circumstances of his imme-
diate extraction i were not such as to
have found much favour in the eyes of
the professors of Herald's College.
His father was a respectable tailor,
and, in his own earlier years, Pepys
had carried doublets to customers, if
not actually handled the goose. The
impressions that he received in his
boyhood seem to have been indelible
through life; prosperity could not
make him insensible to the flavour of
cucumber. The sight of a new gar-
ment invariably kindled in his mind
the aspirations of his primitive calling,
and very proud, indeed, was he when
brother Tom brought him his "jack-
anapes coat with silver buttons." In
his way he was quite a Sir Piercie
Shafton, and never formed a complete
opinion of any man without due con-
sideration of his clothes. At the out-
set of his diary we find him married,
and in rather indifferent circumstan-
ces. He was then a clerk in some
public office connected with the Ex-
chequer, at a small salary. But he
was diligent in his vocation, and pru-
504
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
[Oct.
dent in his habits ; so that he and his
wife, and servant Jane, fared not
much worse, or perhaps rather
better, than Andrew Marvell, for we
find them living in a garret, and din-
ing on New Year's day on the re-
mains of a turkey, in the dressing
whereof Mrs Pepjrs unfortunately
burned her hand. A few days after-
wards, they mended their cheer at the
house of" cosen Thomas Pepys" the tur-
ner, where the dinner u was very good ;
only the venison pasty was palpable
mutton, which was not handsome."
But the advent of better banquets
was near. In the preceding autumn,
the old protector, Oliver Cromwell,
had been earned to the grave, and the
reins of government, sorely frayed
and worn, were given to the weak
hands of Richard. In truth, there
was hardly any government at all.
The military chiefs did not own the
second Cromwell as their master ;
Lambert was attempting to get up a
party in his own favour ; and Monk,
in command of the northern army,
was suspected of a similar design.
The bulk of the nation, in terror of
anarchy, and heartily sick of the con-
sequences of revolution, which, as
usual, had terminated in arbitrary
rule, longed for the restoration of
their legitimate sovereign, as the only
means of arresting further calamity;
and several of the influential officers,
not compromised by regicide, were
secretly of the same opinion. Amongst
these latter was Sir Edward Montagu,
admiral of the fleet, afterwards created
Earl of Sandwich, whose mother was
a Pepys, and with whom, accordingly,
Samuel was proud to reckon kin.
Sir Edward had been already very
kind to his young relative, and now
laid the foundation of his fortunes by
employing him as his secretary, during
the expedition which ended with the
return of Charles II. to his hereditary
dominions. Pepys, in his boyish days,
had been somewhat tainted with the
Roundhead doctrines, bnt he was now
as roaring a royalist as ever danced
round a bonfire ; and the slight ac-
cession of profit which accrued to him
for his share in the Restoration, gave
him an unbounded appetite for future
accumulations. He made himself
useful to Montagu, who presently
received his earldom, and through his
interest Pep}rs was installed in office
as clerk of the Acts of the Navy.
Other snug jobs followed, and
Pepys began to thrive apace. It is
possible that, if judged by the stan-
dard of morality recognised in his
time, GUI- friend may have been
deemed, on the whole, a tolerably
conscientious officer; but, according
to our more strict ideas, he hardly
could have piqued himself, like a
modern statesman, on the superior
purity of his palms. If not grossly
avaricious, he was decidedly fond of
money ; he cast up his accounts with
great punctuality, and seems to have
thought that each additional hundred
pounds came into his possession
through a special interposition of Pro-
vidence. No w, although we know well
that there is a blessing upon honest
industiy, it would appear that a good
deal of Pepys' money flowed in
through crooked channels. Bribes
and acknowledgments he received
without much compunction or hesita-
tion, only taking care that little evi-
dence should be left of the transac-
tion. The following extract shows
that his conscience was by no means
of stiff1 or inflexible material : "I
met Captain Grove, who did give me
a letter directed to myself from him-
self. I discerned money to be in it,
knowing as I found it to be, the pro-
ceeds of the place I have got him to
be — the taking up of vessels for Tan-
gier. But I did not open it till I came
home — not looking into it until all
the money was out, that I might say
I saw no money in the paper, if ever
I should be questioned about it.
There was a piece in gold, and £4
in silver." Pepys made altogether a
good thing out of the Tangier settle-
ment, for which he was afterwards
secretary, as, besides such small pick-
ings as the above, we read of magni-
ficent silver flagons — "the noblest that
ever I saw all the days of my life" —
presented to him, in grateftil acknow-
ledgment of services to come, by Gau-
den, victualler of the navy. Samuel
had twinges of conscience, bnt the
sight of the plate was too much for
him : " Whether I shall keep them or
no," saith he, striving to cast dust in
his own eyes, " I cannot tell ; for it is
to oblige me to him in the business of
the Tangier victualling, wherein I
1849.]
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
505
doubt I shall not ; but glad I am to
see that I shall be sure to get some-
thing on one side or other, have it
which will ; so with a merry heart I
looked upon them, and locked them
tip." The flagons, however, did the
business. Gauden was preferred ;
and, from an entry in the Diary, made
about a year afterwards, we must
conclude that his profits were enor-
mous : "All the afternoon to my
accounts ; and then find myself, to my
great joy, a great deal worth — above
£4000 — for which the Lord be
praised ! and is principally occasioned
by my getting £500 of Cocke for my
profit in his bargains of prize goods,
and from Mr Gauden's making me a
present of £500 more, when I paid
him £800 for Tangier. Thus ends
this year, to my great joy, in this
manner. I have raised my estate
from £1300, in this year, to £4400."
A pretty accretion : but made, we fear,
at the expense of the nation, by means
which hardly would have stood the
scrutiny of a court of justice. It may
be quite true that every man in office,
from the highest to the lowest, from
the chancellor to the doorkeeper, was
then doing the like ; still we cannot
give Pepys the benefit of a perfect in-
demnity on the score of the general
practice. Even when he tells us else-
where, with evident satisfaction —
" This night I received, by Will, £105,
the first-fruits of my endeavours in
the late contract for victualling of
Tangier, for which God be praised !
for I 'can, with a safe conscience,
say that I have therein saved the
king £5000 per annum, and yet got
myself a hope of .£300 per annum,
without the least wrong to the king"
— it is impossible to reconcile his con-
duct with the strict rules of morality,
or of duty : nor, perhaps, need we do
so, seeing that Pepys makes no pre-
tence of being altogether immaculate.
He began by taking small fees in a
surreptitious way, and ended by
pocketing the largest without a single
twinge. It is the progress from re-
muneration to guerdon, as philosophi-
cally explained by Costard — " Guer-
don ! — O sweet guerdon ! better than
remuneration ; elevenpence farthing
better. Most sweet guerdon ! — I will
do it, sir, in print ; — guerdon — remu-
neration ! "
The common proverb tells us that
money easily got is lightly expended.
In one sense Pepys formed no excep-
tion to the common rule ; for, notwith-
standing divers good resolutions, he
led rather a dissipated life for a year
or two after the Restoration, and was
in the constant habit of drinking more
wine than altogether agreed with his
constitution. This fault he strove to
amend by registering sundry vows,
which, however, were often broken ;
and he was finally weaned from the
bottle by the pangs of disordered di-
gestion. His expenses kept pace with
his income. The " jackanapes coat,
with silver buttons," was succeeded
by a " fine one of flowered tabby vest,
and coloured camelott tunique, made
stiff with gold lace at the bands," in
which Pepys probably expected to do
great execution in the Park, or, at
any rate, to astonish Mrs Knipp ; but
it proved to be so extravagantly fine,
that his friends thought it necessary
to interfere. " Povy told me of my
gold-laced sleeve in the Park yester-
day, which vexed me also, so as to
resolve never to appear in court with
them, but presently to have them
taken off, as it is fit I should, and so
called at my tailor's for that purpose."
Povy's hint might have its origin in
envy ; but, on the whole, it was wise
and judicious. Also Mrs Pepys was
indulged with a fair allowance of lace,
taffeta, and such trinkets as females
affect ; and both'of them sat for their
portraits to Hales, having previously
been refused by Lely. Furniture and
plate of the most expensive descrip-
tion were ordered ; and finally, to his
intense delight, Samuel achieved the
great object of his own ambition, and
set up a carriage of his own. The
account of his first public appearance
in this vehicle is too characteristic to
be lost :—" At noon home to din-
ner, and there found my wife ex-
traordinary fine, with her flowered
gown that she made two years
ago, now laced exceeding pretty,
and indeed was fine all over ; and
mighty earnest to go, though the day
was very lowering; and she would have
me put on my fine suit, which I did.
And so anon we went alone through
the town with our new liveries of
serge, and the horses' manes and tails
tied with red ribbons, and the stan-
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
506
davds gilt with varnish, and all clean,
and green reins, that people did
mightily look upon us ; and, the truth
is, I did not see any coach more pretty,
though more gay, than ours all the
day. But we set out, out of humour
— I, because Betty, whom I expected,
was not come to go with us ; and my
wife, that I would sit on the same seat
•with her, which she likes not, being so
fine ; and she then expected to meet
Sheres, which we did in the Pell Mell,
and, against my will, I was forced to
take him into the coach, but was sullen
all day almost, and little complaisant ;
the day being unpleasing, though the
Park full of coaches, but dusty, and
windy, and cold, and now and then a
little dribbling of rain ; and, what made
it worse, there were so many hackney
coaches as spoiled the sight of the
gentlemen's ; and so we had little
pleasure." The tale of Seged, Em-
peror of Ethiopia, does not convey a
clearer moral. No peacock was proud-
er than Samuel Pepys, as he stepped
that day, in all the luxury of gor-
geous apparel, into his coach, and
drove through the streets of London,
under the distinct impression that, for
the moment, he was the most remark-
ed and remarkable man in the whole
of his Majesty's dominions. Yet
there were drops of bitterness in the
cup. Betty Turner was not there to
enjoy the triumph, and Sheres, who
must needs join the party, was sup-
posed by Samuel to stand rather high
in the good graces of Mrs Pepys, in-
somuch that he mourned not a whit
when he heard that the gallant cap-
tain was about to set off to Tangier.
Add to this, the uugenial weather,
and the insolent display of hackney
coaches, obscuringsomewhatthe lustre
of his new turn-out, and detracting
from the glory of red ribbons, gilt
standards, and green reins, and we
need hardly wonder if, even in the
hour of triumph, Pepys felt that he
was mortal. It is to be hoped that,
when he returned home, he vented his
ill-humour neither upon his wife nor
his monkey, both of whom, on other
occasions, were made to suffer when
anything had gone wrong.
Three great national events, which
have not yet lost their interest, are
recorded in this Diary. These are the
plague, the great fire of London, and
[Oct.
the successful enterprise of De Ruyter
and the Dutch fleet at Chatham. The
account of the plague will be read
with much interest, especially at the
present time, when another terrible
epidemic has been raging through the
streets and lanes of the metropolis.
The progress of the plague through
Europe seems, in many respects, to
have resembled that of the cholera.
It did not burst out suddenly in one
locality, but appears to have pervaded
the Continent with a gradual and
irresistible march, sometimes linger-
ing in its advance, and ever and anon
breaking out with redoubled viru-
lence. Several years before it reached
England, the pestilence raged in
Naples, and is said to have carried off
in six months nearly 400,000 victims.
Its introduction was traced to a trans-
port ship, with soldiers on board,
coming from Sardinia. It reached
Amsterdam and Hamburg more than
a year before it broke out in London,
and its malignity may be judged of by
the following entry in Pepys' Diary :
" We were told to-day of a sloop, of
three or four hundred tons, where all
the men were dead of the plague, and
the sloop cast ashore at Gottenburg."
In England there had been great ap-
prehension of its coming, long before
the visitation ; and two exceedingly
unhealthy seasons, occurring in suc-
cession, had probably enfeebled the
constitutions of many, and rendered
them more liable to the contagion.
Pepys' note of 15th January 1662 is
as follows : " This morning Mr Ber-
kenshaw came again, and after he
had examined me, and taught me
something in my work, he and I went
to breakfast in my chamber upon a
collar of brawn ; and after we had
eaten, asked me whether we had not
committed a fault in eating to-day;
telling me that it is a fast-day, ordered
by the parliament, to pray for more
seasonable weather ; it having hither-
to been summer weather : that it is,
both as to warmth and every other
thing, just as if it were the middle of
May or June, which do threaten a
plague, (as all men think,) to fol-
low, for so it was almost the last win-
ter ; and the whole year after hath
been a very sickly time to this day."
The plague appeared in London in
December 1664, and reached its dead-
1849.]
Diary of Sarmiel Pepys.
507
liest point in August and September
of the ensuing year. The number of
those who died from it has been dif-
ferently estimated from sixty-eight to
one hundred thousand. London is
now, according to the best authorities,
about four times as populous as it was
then, so that we may easily judge of
the consternation into which its in-
habitants must have been thrown
when the pestilence was at its worst.
During the month of September 1849,
the greatest number of deaths occur-
ring from cholera in the metropolis, in
one day, was about four hundred and
fifty — a proportion very small when
compared with the ravages of the
plague at its most destructive season,
and yet large enough to justify great
apprehension, and to demand humilia-
tion and prayer for national apathy
and transgression. Yet, great as the
alarm was, when death was waving
his wings over the affrighted city, it
does not seem to have been so exces-
sive as we might well imagine. The
truth is, that, notwithstanding intra-
mural interment, bad sewerage, and
infected air, the sanatory condition of
London, since it was rebuilt after the
great fire, has improved in a most re-
markable degree. Prior to that event,
the metropolis had at various times
suffered most severely from epidemics.
In 1204, when the population must have
been very small, it is recorded that
two hundred persons were buried
daily in the Charterhouse-yard. The
mortality in 1367 has been described
as terrific. In 1407, thirty thou-
sand persons perished of a dreadful
pestilence. There was another in
1478, which not only visited London
with much severity, but is said to
have destroyed, throughout England,
more people than fell in the wars
which had raged with little intermis-
sion for the fifteen preceding years.
In 1485, that mysterious complaint
called the sweating sickness was very
fatal in London. Fifteen years later,
in 1500, the plague there was so
dreadful that Henry VII. and his
court were forced to remove to Calais.
The sweating sickness, described as
mortal in three hours, again scourged
England in 1517, and its ravages
were so great, that, according to
Stowe, half of the inhabitants of most
of the larger towns died, and Oxford
was almost depopulated. In 1603-4,
upwards of thirty thousand persons
died of the plague in London alone ;
and in 1625 there was another great
mortality. Since the great plague of
London in 1664-5, down to our time,
no very fatal epidemic — at least none
at all comparable to those earlier
pestilences — seems to have occurred
in the metropolis, and it is therefore
natural that any extraordinary visita-
tion should, from its increased rarity,
occasion a much higher degree of
alarm. Of all the accounts extant of
the plague, that of Pepys appears to
be the most truthful and the least
exaggerated. He remained in Lon-
don at his post until the month of
August, when he removed to Green-
wich ; and although a timorous man,
and exceedingly shy of exposing him-
self to unnecessary risks, he seems on
this occasion to have behaved with
considerable fortitude. One anec-
dote we cannot omit, for it tells in a
few words a deep and tearful tragedy,
and is moreover honourable to Pepys.
It occurred when the plague was at
its height. " My Lord Brouncker,
Sir J. Minnes, and I, up to the
vestry, at the desire of the justices of
the peace, in order to the doing some-
thing for the keeping of the plague
from growing ; but, Lord ! to con-
sider the madness of people of the
town, who will, because they are for-
bid, come in crowds along with the
dead corpses to see them buried ; but
we agreed on some orders for the pre-
vention thereof. Among other stories,
one was very passionate, methought,
of a complaint brought against a man
in the town, for taking a child from
London from an infected house. Al-
derman Hooker told us it was the
child of a very able citizen in Gracious
Street, a saddler, who had buried all
the rest of his children of the plague ;
and himself and wife, now being
shut up iu despair of escaping, did
desire only to save the life of this
little child, and so prevailed to have
it removed, stark -naked, into the
arms of a friend, who brought it, hav-
ing put it into fresh clothes, to Green-
wich ; when, upon hearing the story,
we did agree it should be permitted
to be received, and kept in the town."
It is now generally admitted that
the Account of the Plague, written by
508
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
[Oct.
Defoe, cannot be accepted as a
genuine narrative, but must be classed
with the other fictions of that re-
markable man, whose singular power
of giving a strong impression of
reality to every one of his compo-
sitions must always challenge the
admiration of the reader. He has
not, perhaps, aggravated the horrors
of the pestilence, for that were impos-
sible ; but he has concentrated them
in one heap, so as to produce a more
awful picture than probably met the
eye of any single citizen of London
even at that disastrous period. Pepys,
in his account of different visits which
he was forced to make to the City
when the epidemic was at its height,
has portrayed the outward desolation,
and the inward anxiety and appre-
hension, which prevailed, in more
sober, yet very striking colours: "28th
August 1665.— To Mr Colville the
goldsmith's, having not been for some
days in the streets ; but now how few
people I see, and those looking like
people that had taken leave of the
world. To the Exchange, and there
was not fifty people upon it, and but
few more like to be, as they told me.
I think to take adieu to-day of the
London streets 30th. —
Abroad, and met with Hadley, our
clerk, who, upon my asking how the
plague goes, told me it increases
much, and much in our parish ; for,
says he, there died nine this week,
though I have returned but six ;
which is a very ill practice, and makes
me think it is so in other places, and
therefore the plague much greater
than people take it to be. I went
forth, and walked towards Moorefields,
to see — God forgive my presumption !
• — whether I could see any dead corpse
going to the grave, but, as God would
have it, did not. But, Lord! how
everybody's looks and discourse in the
street is of death, and nothing else !
and few people going up and down,
that the town is like a place deserted
and forsaken. . . . 6th Sept. —
To London, to pack up more things ;
and there I saw fires burning in the
street, (as it is through the whole
cityi) by the lord mayor's order.
Hence by water to the Duke of Albe-
niarle's : all the way fires on each side
of the Thames, and strange to see, in
broad daylight, two or three burials
upon the Bankside, one at the very
heels of another : doubtless, all of the
plague, and yet at least forty or fifty
people going along with every one of
them. . . . 20th. — Lord! what
a sad time it is to see no boats upon
the river ; and grass grows all up and
down Whitehall Court, and nobody
but poor wretches in the streets!"
By this time the plague had become
so general, that all attempt to shut
up the infected houses was aban-
doned; so that, says Pepys, "to be
sure, we do converse and meet with
people that have the plague upon
them." A little later, when the pes-
tilence was abating, we find this
entry : " I walked to the town ; but,
Lord ! how empty the streets are,
and melancholy ! so many poor, sick
people in the streets, full of sores, and
so many sad stories overheard as I
walk, everybody talking of this dead,
and that man sick, and so many in
this place, and so many in that ; and
they tell me that, in Westminster,
there is never a physician, and but
one apothecary, left — all being jlead ;
but that there are great hopes of a
great decrease this week : God send
it ! " Still, without the circle of the
plague, (for it does not seem to have
penetrated beyond the immediate
environs of London,) men ate, drank,
and made merry, as though no vial
of divine wrath had been poured out
amongst them. Even Pepys, after
returning from the melancholy spec-
tacles of this day, seems to have
drowned his care in more than usual
jollity ; and his records go far to con-
firm the truthfulness of Boccaccio, in
the account which he has given of the
levity of the Florentines during the
prevalence of a like contagion.
The fire of London, which occurred
about the middle of the succeeding
year, not only dispelled the more
poignant memories of the plague,
but is thought to have done good
service in eradicating its remains,
which still lingered in some parts of
the city, and may perhaps have been
the means of preventing a second
outbreak of this pestilence. On the
second night the conflagration was
awful: Pepys watched it from the
river, — " So near the fire as we could
for the smoke ; and all over the
Thames, with one's face in the wind,
1849.]
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
509
you were almost burned with a shower
of firedrops. This is very true ; so as
houses were burned by these drops
and flakes of fire — three or four, nay,
five or six houses, one from another.
AVhen we could endure no more upon
the water, we to a little alehouse on
the Bankside, over against the Three
Cranes, and there stayed till it was
dark almost, and saw the fire grow,
and, as it grew darker, appeared more
and more ; and in corners, and upon
steeples, and between churches and
houses, as far as we could see up the
hill of the City, in a most horrid,
malicious, bloody flame, not like the
fine flame of an ordinary fire. Bar-
bary and her husband away before us.
We stayed till, it being darkish, we
saw the fire as only one entire arch of
fire, from this to the other side of the
bridge, and in a bow up the hill for
an arch of above a mile long : it
made me weep to see it. The churches,
houses, and all on fire and flaming at
once ; and a horrid noise the flames
made, and the cracking of houses at
their ruin." For five days the confla-
gration raged, nor was its force spent
until the greater part of London was
laid in ashes. The terror of the cala-
mity was heightened by rumours in-
dustriously propagated, though their
origin never could be traced. The fire
was said to be the result of a deep-
laid Popish plot ; and that report,
though in all probability utterly with-
out foundation, was at a future day
the cause of shameful persecution and
bloodshed. A great alarm was raised
that the Dutch, with whom England
was then at war, and whose fleet was
actually in the Channel, had lauded ;
so that a kind of sullen despair and
apathy seized upon the minds of
many. It was long before London
could recover from the blow ; but at
length a new city, far more substan-
tial and splendid than the first, arose
from the scattered ruins.
England was at that time contest-
ing the supremacy of the seas with
the States of opulent and enterprising
Holland. Amsterdam was then con-
sidered the most wealthy capital of
Europe. The Dutch navy was power-
ful, well equipped, and well manned,
and the admirals, De Ruyter and De
Witt, were esteemed second to none
living for seamanship and ability.
The struggle was not a new one. In
1652, after a desperate engagement
with Blake, Van Tromp, the renowned
commander of Holland, had sailed in
triumph through the Channel, with a
broom at his masthead, to denote that
he had swept the English from the
seas. That premature boast was
afterwards terribly avenged. Three
times, in three successive months, did
these foes, worthy of each other, en-
counter on the open seas, and yet
victory declared for neither. Four
other battles were fought, which Eng-
land has added to her proud list of
naval triumphs ; but most assuredly
the decisive palm was not won until,
on the 31st July 1653, gallant Van
Tromp fell in the heat of action. A
braver man never trod the quarter-
deck, and Holland may well be proud
of such a hero. For a time the States
succumbed to the stern genius of
Cromwell ; nor did the struggle com-
mence anew until after the Restora-
tion of Charles. The first engagement
was glorious for England. The Duke
of York, afterwards James II., com-
manded in person : he encountered the
Dutch fleet off Harwich, and defeated
it after a stubborn engagement.
Eighteen of their finest vessels were
taken, and the ship of the admiral
(Opdam) blown into the air. Mr
Macaulay, in his late published His-
tory of England, has not deigned even
to notice this engagement — a remark-
able omission, the reason of which it
is foreign to our purpose to inquire.
This much we may be allowed to say,
that no historian who intends to form
an accurate estimate of the character
of James II., or to compile a complete
register of his deeds, can justly ac-
complish his task without giving that
unfortunate monarch due credit for
his conduct and intrepidity, in one
of the most important and successful
naval actions which stands recorded in
our annals. The same year (1665) is
memorable for another victory, when
the Earl of Sandwich captured four-
teen of the enemy's ships. Prince
Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle
were less successful in the engage-
ment which commenced on 1st June
1666. The fight lasted four days,
with no decisive result, but consider-
able loss on either side. The next
battle, fought at the mouth of the
510
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
[Oct.
Thames, ended in favour of England ;
the Dutch lost four-and-twenty men-
of-war, and four of their admirals,
and four thousand officers and sea-
men, fell. When we take into consi-
deration the state of the navy during
the earlier part of the reign of Charles,
it is absolutely astonishing that Eng-
land was able not only to cope with
the Dutch on equal terms, but ulti-
mately to subdue them. We learn
from Pepys the particulars of a fact
long generally known, that in no de-
partment of the state were there
greater corruptions, abuses, and frauds
practised than in that of the Ad-
miralty. The pay both of officers and
men was constantly in arrear, inso-
much that some of them were re-
duced to absolute starvation whilst
considerable sums were due to them.
Stores were embezzled and plundered
almost without inquiry. The fleets
were often wretchedly commanded,
for there was not then, as there is
now, any restriction between the ser-
vices ; and new-made captains from
the circle of the court, who never in
their lives had been at sea, were fre-
quently put over the heads of vete-
rans who from boyhood had dwelt
upon the ocean. There was scarcely
any discipline in the navy ; impress-
ment was harshly and illegally prac-
tised, and after each engagement the
sailors deserted by hundreds. So bad
did matters at length become, that,
towards the close of the year 1666,
the fleet was in actual mutiny, and
the naval arm of England paralysed.
The subsequent reform of the navy is
mainly attributable to the firmness
and determination of the Duke of
York, who, being a far better man of
business than his indolent and selfish
brother, applied himself resolutely to
the task. The most important sug-
gestions and rules for remedying
grievances, and securing future effi-
ciency, were made and drawn out by
Pepys, who showed himself, in this
respect, a most able officer of the
crown, and who, in consequence, ac-
quired an ascendency in navy affairs,
which he never lost until the Revolu-
tion deprived him of a master who
thoroughly understood his value. But,
before any steps were taken towards
this most necessary reform, her daring
adversaries aimed at the capital of
England a blow which narrowly failed
of success.
The seamen, as we have said, being
in a state of mutiny arising from
sheer wanton mismanagement, it be-
came apparent that no active naval
operations could be undertaken in the
course of the following year. All this
was well known to the Dutch, who
determined to avail themselves of the
opportunity. During the spring of
1667, the whole British coast, as far
north as the firth of Forth, was mo-
lested by the Dutch cruisers, inso-
much that great inconvenience was
felt in London from the total stop-
page of the coal trade. In the month
of June, De Ruyter, being by that
time fully prepared and equipped,
sailed boldly into the Thames, with-
out encountering a vestige of opposi-
tion. It is not too much to say, that
the plague and fire combined, had not
struck the citizens of London with so
much alarm as did this hostile de-
monstration. All the former naval
triumphs of England seemed to have
gone for nothing, for here was inva-
sion brought to the very doors of the
capital. The supremacy of the seas
was not now in dispute : it was the
occupancy of the great British river,
the highway of the national com-
merce. Strange were the thoughts
that haunted the minds of men whilst
that mighty armament was hovering-
on our shores : it seemed a new
Armada, with no gallant Drake to
oppose it. " We had good company
at our table," wrote Pepys, upon the
3d of June; " among others, my good
Mr Evelyn, with whom, after dinner,
I stepped aside, and talked upon the
present posture of our affairs, which
is, that the Dutch are known to be
abroad with eighty sail of ships of
war, and twenty fireships ; and the
French come into the Channel, with
twenty sail of men-of-war, and five
fireships, while we have not a ship
at sea to do them any hurt with ; but
are calling in all we can, while our
ambassadors are treating at Breda ;
and the Dutch look upon them as
come to beg peace, and use them ac-
cordingly : and all this through the
negligence of our prince, who had
power, if he would, to master all these
with the money and men that he hath
had the command of, and may now
1849.]
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
611
have if lie would mind his business.
But, for aught we see, the kingdom is
likely to be lost, as well as the repu-
tation of it, for ever ; notwithstand-
ing so much reputation got and pre-
served by a rebel that went before
him." All this was true. Had he
been alive — he whose senseless clay
had six years before been exhumed
and dishonoured at Tyburn — England
would not then have been submitting
to so unexampled a degradation.
Traitor and renegade as he was,
Cromwell loved his country well.
Self-ambition might be his first
motive, but he was keenly alive to
the glory of England, and had made
her name a word of fear and terror
among the nations. He was no vulgar
demagogue, like those of our dogmatic
time. Unlawfully as he had usurped
the functions of a sovereign, Britain
suffered nothing in foreign estimation
while her interests were committed to
his charge. What wonder if, at such
a crisis, Pepys and others could not
help reverting to the memory of the
strong man whose bones were lying
beneath the public gallows, whilst the
restored king was squandering among
his harlots that treasure which, if
rightfully applied, might have swept
the enemies of England from the
seas?
On the 8th of June, the Dutch fleet
appeared off Harwich. Two days
afterwards they ascended the river,
took Sheerness, and, breaking an
enormous chain which had been drawn
across the Medway for defence, pene-
trated as far as Upnor Castle, where,
in spite of all resistance, they made
prize of several vessels, and burned
three men-of-war. By some shame-
ful mismanagement the English ships
had been left too far down the river,
notwithstanding orders from the Ad-
miralty to have them removed : they
were, besides, only half manned; and
on this occasion the English sailors
did not exhibit their wonted readiness
to fight. It was even reported to
Pepys, by a gentleman who was pre-
sent, " that he himself did hear many
Englishmen, on board the Dutch ships,
speaking to one another in English;
and that they did cry and say, We
did heretofore fight for tickets, now we
fight for dollars! and did ask how
such and such a one did, and would
commend themselves to them — which
is a sad consideration." Reinforce-
ments arrived from Portsmouth ; but
instead of working, they " do come to
the office this morning to demand the
payment of their tickets; for other-
wise they would, they said, do no more
work ; and are, as I understand from
everybody who has to do with them,
the most debauched, damning, swear-
ing rogues that ever were in the navy
—just like their profane commander."
It seemed, at one time, more than pro-
bable that the Dutch would attack
the city: had they made the attempt,
it is not likely, so great was the panic,
that they would have been encoun-
tered by effectual opposition ; but De
Kuyter was apprehensive of pushing
his advantage too far, and contented
himself with destroying such shipping
as he found in the river.
Meanwhile, great was the explosion
of public wrath, both against the Court
and the Admiralty officials. Crowds
of people congregated in Westminster,
loudly clamouring for a parliament.
The windows of the Lord Chancellor's
house were broken, and a gibbet
erected before his gate. " People do-
cry out in the streets of their beiug
bought and sold ; and both they, and
everybody that do come to me, do
tell me that people make nothing of
talking treason in the streets openly ;
as, that they are bought and sold, and
governed by Papists, and that we are
betrayed by people about the king,
and shall be delivered up to the
French, and I know not what." Poor
Pepys expected nothing else than an
immediate attack upon his office, in
which, by some miraculous circum-
stance, there happened to be at the
moment a considerable sum of public
money. His situation rendered him
peculiarly obnoxious to abuse ; and
at one time it was currently reported
that he was summarily ordered to the
Tower. These things cost him no
little anxiety; but what distracted
him most was, the agonising thought
that the whole of his private sayings
and fortune, which he had by him in
specie, might, in a single moment, be
swept away and dissipated for ever.
If the seamen who were mutinous for
pay should chance to hear of the funds
in hand, and take it into their heads
to storm the office, there was little-
512
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
[Oct.
probability of them drawing nice dis-
tinctions between public and private
property : and, in that case, money,
flagons, and all would find their way
to Wapping. Also, there might be a
chance of a reckoning in any event ;
"for," said he, "the truth is, I do
fear so much that the whole kingdom
is undone, that I do this night resolve
to study with my father and wife what
to do with the little I have in money
by me, for I give up all the rest that
I have iu the king's hands, for Tan-
gier, for lost. So God help us ! and
God knows what disorders we may
fall into, and whether any violence
on this office, or perhaps some se-
verity on our persons, as being
reckoned by the silly people, or per-
haps may, by policy of state, be
thought fit to be condemned by the
king and Duke of York, and so put to
trouble ; though, God knows ! I have
in my own person done my full duty,
I am sure." So, iu the very midst of
the confusion, Samuel, like a wise
man, set about regulating his own af-
fairs. He was lucky enough to get
£400 paid him, to account of his sa-
lary, and he despatched his father and
wife to Cambridgeshire, with £1300
in gold iu their night-bag. Next day
Mr Gibson, one of his clerks, followed
them with another 1000 pieces, " un-
der colour of an express to Sir Jeremy
Smith." The two grand silver flagons
went to Kate Joyce's, where it is to
be presumed they would be tolerably
safe. Pepys, moreover, provided
himself a girdle, " by which, with
some trouble, I do carry about me
£300 of gold about my body, that I
may not be without something in case
I should be surprised ; for I think, in
any nation but ours, people that ap-
pear— for we are not indeed so — so
faulty as we would have their throats
cut," Still he had £200 in silver by
him, which was not convertible into
gold, there having been, as usual on
such occasions, a sharp run upon the
more portable metal. His ideas as to
secreting this sum would not have
displeased Vespasian, but he seems to
have been deterred from that experi-
ment by the obvious difficulty of re-
covering the silver at the moment of
need. These dispositions made, Pepys
obviously felt himself more comfort-
able, and manfully resolved to abide
the chances of assault, imprisonment,
or impeachment.
Xone of those calamities befel him.
After the navy of Holland had disap-
peared from the waters of the Thames,
an inquiry, of rather a strict and rigo-
rous nature, as to the causes of the
late disaster, was instituted ; but,
where the blame was so widely
spread, and retort so easy, it was dif-
ficult to fix upon any particular vic-
tim as a propitiation for the official
sins ; and Pepys, who really under-
stood his business, made a gallant and
successful defence, not only for him-
self, but for his associates. We need
not, however, enter into that matter,
more especially as we hope that the
reader feels sufficient interest in Pepys
and his fortunes, to be curious to
know what became of his money ; nor
is the history of its disposal and re-
covery the least amusing portion of
this narrative.
Mr Peter Pett, commissioner of the
navy, who was principally blamable
for the loss of the ships at Chatham,
had been actually sent to the Tower ;
and our friend Pepys, being summoned
to attend the council, had an awful
misgiving that the same fate was in
store for him. He escaped, however ;
" but my fear was such, at my going
in, of the success of the day, that I
did think fit to give J. Hater, whom I
took with me to wait the event, my
closet key, and directions where to
find £500 and more in silver and
gold, and my tallies, to remove [in
case of any misfortune to me. Home,
and after being there a little, my wife
came, and two of her fellow-travellers
with her, with whom we drank — a
couple of merchant-like men, I think,
but have friends in our country. They
being gone, my wife did give me so bad
an account of her and my father's me-
thod, in burying of our gold, that made
me mad ; and she herself is not pleased
with it — she believing that my sister
knows of it. My father and she did
it on Sunday, when they were gone to
church, in open daylight, in the midst
of the garden, where, for aught they
knew, many eyes might see them,
which put me into trouble, and I pre-
sently cast about how to have it back
again, to secure it here, the times
being a little better now."
The autumn was well advanced be-
1849.]
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
513
fore Pepys could obtain leave to go
down into the country, Avhither at
length he proceeded, not to shoot part-
ridges or pheasants, but to disinter his
buried treasure. We doubt whether
ever resurrectionist felt himself in such
a quandary.
" My father and I with a dark-laiitern,
it being now night, into the garden with
my wife, and there went about our great
work to dig up my gold. But, Lord !
what a tosse I was for some time in, that
they could not justly tell where it was;
that I began hastily to sweat, and be
angry that they could not agree better
upon the place, and at last to fear that it
was gone: but by-and-by, poking with a
spit, we found it, and then began with a
spudd to lift up the ground. But, good
God ! to see how sillily they did it, not half
afoot under ground, and in the sight of the
world from a hundred places, if anybody
by accident were near hand, and within
sight of a neighbour's window : only my
father says that he saw them all gone to
church before he began the work, when he
laid the money. But I was out of my
wits almost, and the more for that, upon
my lifting up the earth with the spudd, I
did discern that I had scattered the pieces
of gold round about the ground among
the grass and loose earth; and taking up
the iron headpieces wherever they were
put, I perceived the earth was got among
the gold, and wet, so that the bags were
all rotten, and all the notes, that I could
not tell what in the world to say to it, not
knowing how to judge what was wanting,
or what had been lost by Gibson in his
coming down ; which, ai put together,
did make me mad; and at last I was fix-
ed to take up the headpieces, dirt and all,
and as many of the scattered pieces as I
could with the dirt discern by candle-light,
and carry them into my brother's cham-
ber, and there lock them up till I had eat
a little supper; and then, all people go-
ing to bed, W. Hewer and I did all alone,
with several pails of water and besoms, at
last wash the dirt off the pieces, and part-
ed the pieces and the dirt, and then began
to tell them by a note which I had of the
value of the whole, in my pocket; and do
find that there was short above a hundred
pieces ; which did make me mad ; and
considering that the neighbour's house
was so near that we could not possibly
speak one to another in the garden at that
place where the gold lay — especially my
father being deaf — but they must know
what we had been doing, I feared that
they might in the night come and gather
some pieces and prevent us the next morn-
ing; so W. Hewer and I out again about
midnight, for it was now grown so late,
and there by candle-light did make shift
to gather forty-five pieces more. And so
in, and to cleanse them; and by this time
it was past two in the morning; and so to
bed, with my mind pretty quiet to think
that I have recovered so many, I lay in
the trundle-bed, the girl being gone to bed
to my wife, and there lay in some disquiet
all night, telling of the clock till it was
daylight."
Then ensued a scene of washing for
gold, the study of which may be use-
ful to any intending emigrant to Cali-
fornia.
" And then W. Hewer and I, with pails
and a sieve, did lock ourselves into the
garden, and there gather all the earth
about the place into pails, and then sift
those pails in one of the summer-houses,
just as they do for diamonds in other
parts of the world ; and there, to our
great content, did by nine o'clock make
the last night's forty-five up seventy-nine :
so that we are come to about twenty or
thirty of what the true number should be;
and perhaps within less ; and of them I
may reasonably think that Mr Gibson
might lose some : so that I am pretty
well satisfied that my loss is not great,
and do bless God that all is so well.
So do leave my father to make a second
examination of the dirt ; and my mind at
rest on it, being but an accident : and so
gives me some kind of content to remem-
ber how painful it is sometimes to keep
money, as well as to get it, and how
doubtful I was to keep it all night, and
how to secure it in London : so got all
my gold put up in bags."
And then did Samuel Pepys return
to London rejoicing, not one whit the
worse for all his care and anxiety, yet
still incubating 'on his treasure, whicli
he had prudently stowed away beneath
him, and, says he, " my work every
quarter of an hoiir was to look to see
whether all was well ; and I did ride
in great fear all the day."
We have already hinted that
Pepys was by no means a Hector in
valour. The sight of a suspicious
bumpkin armed with a cudgel, on the
road, always gave him qualms of ap-
prehension ; and in the night-season
his dreams were commonly of robbery
and mnrder. For many nights after
the great fire, he started from sleep
under the conviction that his premises
were in a bright flame : the creaking
of a door after midnight threw him
into a cold perspiration ; and a reported
noise on the leads nearly drove him
514
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
[Oct.
past his judgment. He thus reports
his sensations on the occurrence of the
latter phenomenon : —
" Knowing that I have a great sura of
money in. the house, this puts me into a
most mighty affright, that for more than
two hours, I could not almost tell what
to do or say, but feared this night, and
remembered that this morning I saw a
woman and two men stand suspiciously
in the entry, in the dark; I calling to
them, they made me only this answer,
the woman saying that the men only
come to see her; but who she was, I
cannot tell. The truth is, my house is
mighty dangerous, having so many ways
to be come to ; and at my windows, over
the stairs, to see who goes up and down ;
but if I escape to-night, I will remedy it.
God preserve us this night safe ! So, at
almost two o'clock I home to my house,
and, in great fear, to bed, thinking every
running of a mouse really a thief ; and so
to sleep, very brokenly, all night long,
and found all safe in the morning."
All of us have, doubtless, on occa-
sion, been wakened from slumber by
a hollow bellowing, as if an ox had,
somehow or other, fallen half way
down the chimney. Once, in a
remote country district, we were
roused from our dreams by a hideous
flapping of wings in the same locality,
and certainly did, for a moment, con-
jecture that the foul fiend was flying
away with our portmanteau. The
first of these untimeous sounds usually
proceeds from a gentleman of Ethio-
pian complexion, who is perched some-
where among the chimney-pots ; the
latter we discovered to arise from the
involuntary struggles of a goose, who
had been cruelly compelled to assist
in the dislodgement of the soot. Some
degree of tremor on such occasions is
admissible without reproach, but
surely old Trapbois himself could
hardly have behaved worse than
Pepys upon the following alarm.
" Waked about seven o'clock this
morning, with a noise I supposed I heard
near our chamber, of knocking, which
by-and-by increased ; and I, now awake,
could distinguish it better. I then
waked my wife, and both of us wondered
at it, and lay so a great while, while
that increased, and at last heard it plainer,
knocking, as it were breaking down a
window for people to get out ; and then
removing of stools and chairs ; and
plainly, by-and-by, going up and down
our stairs. We lay, both of us, afraid ;
yet I would have rose, but my wife would
not let me. Besides, I could not do it
without making noise ; and we did both
conclude that thieves were in the house,
but wondered what our people did, whom
we thought either killed, or afraid as we
were. Thus we lay till the clock struck
eight, and high day. At last, I removed
my gown and slippers safely to the other
side of the bed, over my wife ; and there
safely rose, and put on my gown and
breeches, and then, with a firebrand in
my hand, safely opened the door, and saw
nor heard anything. Then, with fear, I
confess, went to the maid's chamber door,
and all quiet and safe. Called Jane up,
and went down safely, and opened my
chamber door, where all well. Then
more freely about, and to the kitchen,
where the cookmaid up, and all safe. So
up again, and when Jane came, and we
demanded whether she heard no noise,
she said " Yes, but was afraid," but rose
with the other maid and found nothing ;
but heard a noise in the great stack of
chimneys that goes from Sir J. Minnes's
through our house ; and so we sent, and
their chimneys have been swept this
morning, and the noise was that, and
nothing else. It is one of the most ex-
traordinary accidents in my life, and
gives ground to think of Don Quixote's
ad ventures, how people may be surprised;
and the more from an accident last night,,
that our young gibb-cat did leap down
our stairs, from top to bottom, at two
leaps, and frighted us, that we could not
tell whether it was the cat or a spirit,
and do sometimes think this morning that
the house might be haunted."
Had our space admitted of it, we
should have been glad to copy a few
of the anecdotes narrated by Pepys
regarding the court of King Charles.
These are not always to be depended
upon as correct, for Pepys usually re-
ceived them at second hand, and put
them down immediately without fur-
ther inquiry. We all know, from ex-
perience, what exaggeration prevails
in the promulgation of gossip, and
how difficult it is at any time to ascer-
tain the real merits of a story. The
raw material of a scandalous anecdote
passes first into the hands of a skilful
manufacturer, who knows how to give
it due colour and fit proportion ; and
when, after undergoing this process,
it is presented to the public, it would
puzzle any of the parties concerned to
reconcile it with the actual facts. In
a court like that of Charles, there is
always mixed up with the profligacy
1849.] Diary of Samuel Pepys. 515
a considerable deal of wit. Such men story of Mrs Stewart's going away from
as Sedley, Rochester, Etherege, and
Killigrew, were privileged characters,
and never scrupled to lay on the
never
'varnish, if by so doing they could
heighten the effect. Neither the
station, nor the manners, nor, indeed,
the tastes of Pepys, qualified him to
mix with such society, and therefore
he can only retail to us the articles
which came adulterated to his hand.
It is rash in any historian to trust
implicitly to memoirs. They may,
indeed, give an accurate general pic-
ture, but they cannot be depended on
for particulars : for example, we en-
tertain a strong suspicion that one-
half at least of the personal anecdotes
related by Count Anthony Hamilton
are, if not absolutely false, at least
most grossly exaggerated. We shall
allude merely to one notable instance
of this kind of misrepresentation which
occurs in Pepys. Frances, more com-
monly known as La Belle Stewart, a
lady of the noblehouse of Blantyre, was
beloved by Charles II., with probably
as much infusion of the purer passion
as could be felt by so sated a volup-
tuary. So strong was his admiration,
that it was currently believed that the
fair Stewart, failing Katherine, had an
excellent chance of being elevated to
the throne ; and it is quite well known
that her virtue was as spotless as her
beauty was unrivalled. In spite of
the opposition of the king, she married
Charles, Duke of Lennox and Rich-
mond ; and her resolute and spirited
conduct on that occasion, under very
trying circumstances, was much and
deservedly extolled. And yet we
find in the earlier pages of Pepys
most scandalous anecdotes to her dis-
credit. In the second volume there is
an account of a mock marriage be-
tween her and Lady Castlemaine, in
which the latter personated the bride-
groom, making way, when the com-
pany had retired, for the entry of her
royal paramour. On several other
occasions Pepys alludes to her as the
notorious mistress of the king, and it
was only after her marriage that he
appears to have been undeceived. His
informant on this occasion was the
honourable Evelyn, and it may not
displease our readers to hear his vin-
dication of the lady —
" He told me," says Pepys, " the whole
Court, he knowing her well, and be-
lieves her, up to her leaving the Court,
to be as virtuous as any woman in
the world : and told me, from a lord that
she told it to but yesterday, with her own
mouth, and a sober man, that when the
Duke of Richmond did make love to her
she did ask the King, and he did the like
also, and that the King did not deny it :
and told this lord that she was come to
that pass as to have resolved to have
married any gentleman of £1500 a-year
that would have had her in honour ; for
it was come to that pass, that she would
not longer continue at Court without yield-
ing herself to the King, whom she had so
long kept off, though he had liberty more
than any other had, or he ought to have,
as to dalliance. She told this lord that
she had reflected upon the occasion she
had given the world to think her a bad
woman, and that she had no way but to
marry and leave the Court, rather in this
way of discontent than otherwise, that
the world might see that she sought not
anything but her honour ; and that she
will never come to live at Court more
than when she comes to town to kiss the
Queen her mistress's hand : and hopes,
though she hath little reason to hope, she
can please her lord so as to reclaim him,
that they may yet live comfortably in the
country on his estate."
" A worthy woman," added Evelyn,
" and in that hath done as great an
act of honour as ever was done by
woman." The fact is, that it was next
thing to impossible for any lady to
preserve her reputation at the court
of King Charles. Those who handle
pitch cannot hope to escape defile-
ment ; and daily association with the
Duchess of Cleveland, and other
acknowledged mistresses of the king,
was .not the best mode of impressing
the public with the idea of a woman's
virtue. Frances Stuart, a poor un-
protected girl, did, we verily believe,
pass through as severe an ordeal as
well can be imagined : the cruel accu-
sations which were raised up against
her, were no more than the penalty
of her position ; but no stain of dis-
grace remains on the memory of her,
whose fair and faultless form was
selected as the fittest model for the
effigy of the Genius of Britain.
In a small way, Pepys had some
intercourse with the ladies of the
court, though it must be confessed
that his acquaintances were rather of
516
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
the lower sphere. He was a staunch
admirer of that splendid spitfire, Lady
Castlemaine, whose portrait he greatly
coveted. " It is," quoth he, "a most
blessed picture, and one I must have
a copy of." Mary Davis seems to
have been no favourite of his, princi-
pally because she was an object of
especial detestation to the monopo-
lising Castlemaine. He styled her an
" impertinent slut," and, one night at
the theatre, " it vexed me to see Moll
Davis, in the box over the king's, and
my Lady Castlemaine's, look down
upon the king, and he up to her ; and
so did my Lady Castlemaine once, to
see who it was ; but when she saw
Moll Davis, she looked like fire, which
troubled me." Why it should have
troubled Pepys, we cannot perfectly
comprehend. With Nell Gwynne,
Samuel was upon exceedingly easy
terms; and no wonder, for she and
Knipp belonged to the same company.
u To the King's house : and there, go-
ing in, met with Knipp, and she took us
up into the tireing-rooms; and to the
women's shift, where Nell was dressing
herself, and was all unready, and as very
pretty, prettier than I thought. And into
the scene-room, and there sat down, and
she gave us fruit; and here I read the
questions to Knipp, while she answered
me, through all her part of " Flora Fig-
arys," which was acted to-day. But,
Lord ! to see how they were both painted
would make a man mad, and did make
me loathe them; and what base company
of men comes among them, and how
lewdly they talk! and how poor the men
are in clothes, and yet what a show they
make upon the stage by candlelight, is
very obserrable. But to see how Nell
cursed, for baring so few people in the
pit, was pretty; the other house carrying
away all the people at the new play, and
is said, now-a-days, to have generally
most company, as being better players.
By-and-by into the pit, and there saw the
play, which is pretty good."
We dare wager a trifle that Mrs
Pepys died in total ignorance of her
husband having been behind the
scenes. Probably Nelly's style of
conversation would have found less
favour in her eyes. True, she had
been introduced to Nelly on a pre-
vious occasion ; but the little lady
seems then to have been on her good
behaviour, and had not made herself
notorious with Lord Buckhurst, and
Sir Charles Sedley, as was the case
when Sam assisted at her toilet. Here
again we find that arch -intriguer,
Knipp, countermining the domestic
peace of poor innocent Mrs Pepys.
" Thence to the King's house, and
there saw The Humorous Lieutenant,
a silly play, I think ; only the Spirit
in it that grows very tall, and then
sinks again to nothing, having two
heads breeding upon one ; and then
Knipp's singing did please us. Here,
in a box above, we spied Mrs Pierce ;
and, going out, they called us, and
brought to us Nelly, a most pretty
woman, who acted the great part of
Coelia to-day very fine, and did it
pretty well. I kissed her, and so did
my wife ; and a mighty pretty soul
she is. We also saw Mrs Bell,
which is my little Roman-nose black
girl, that is mighty pretty: she is
usually called Betty. Knipp made us
stay in a box and see the dancing —
preparatory to to-morrow, for The
Goblins, a play of Suckling's, not act-
ed these twenty-five years — which
was pretty ; and so away thence,
pleased with this sight also, and spe-
cially kissing of Nell."
We have searched these volumes
with some curiosity for entries which
might throw any light on the history
and character of the Duke of Mon-
mouth. Of late he has been exalted
to the rank of a champion of the Pro-
testant cause, and figures in party
chronicles rather as a martyr than a
rebel. Now, although there is no
doubt that he was privy to the designs
of Sydney and Russell, the object of
his joining that faction still remains a
mystery to be explained. We can
understand the spirit that animated
the Whig Lords and Republican plot-
ters, in attempting to subvert the
power of the crown, which they
deemed exorbitant and dangerous
to the liberties of the subject.
The personal character of the men
was quite reconcilable with the mo-
tives they professed, and the prin-
ciples they avowed. But that Mon-
mouth — the gay, fickle, licentious,
and pampered Monmouth— had any
thought beyond his own aggrandise-
ment, in committing such an act of
monstrous ingratitude as rebellion
against his indulgent father, seems to
us an hypothesis unsubstantiated by
1849.]
even a shadow of proof. We do not
here allude to his second treason,
which brought him to the scaffold — his
motives on that occasion are suffi-
ciently clear: he never was a favourite
with his uncle ; he aimed at the crown
through a false assertion of his legiti-
macy ; and the knaves and fools who
were his counsellors made use of the
cry of Protestantism merely as a cover
to their designs. Monmouth's first
treason was undoubtedly his blackest
crime: for, had he been the rightful
heir of Britain, he could not have ex-
perienced at the hands of Charles
more ample honour and affection. It
is, therefore, valuable to know what
position he occupied during the earlier
period of his life.
The following are some of Pepys'
entries, which we think are histori-
cally valuable : —
" 31st Dec. 1662.— The Duke of Mon-
mouth is in so great splendour at court,
and so dandled by the King, that some
doubt that, if the King should hare no
child by the Queen, which there is yet no
appearance of, whether he would not be
acknowledged as a lawful son ; and that
there will be a difference between the
Duke of York and him, which God pre-
vent ! . . 8th Feb. 1663.— The little
Duke of Monmouth, it seems, is ordered
to take place of all Dukes, and so do fol-
low Prince Rupert now, before the Duke
Diary of Samuel Pepys,
517.
mother llth September
1667. — Here came Mr Moore, and sat
and conversed with me of public matters,
the sum of which is, that he has no doubt
there is more at the bottom than the re-
moval of the Chancellor; that is, he do-
verily believe that the King do resolve to
declare the Duke of Monmouth legitimate,
and that we shall soon see it. This I do
not think the Duke of York will endure
without blows."
These are but a few of Pepys' notes
relative to this subject, and we think
there is much significancy in them.
The fondness of Charles for Mon-
mouth was, to say the least of it,
extravagant and injudicious. He
promoted him to the highest grade of
the nobility; he procured for him a
match with one of the wealthiest
heiresses in Britain ; and he allowed
and encouraged him to assume out-
ward marks of distinction which had
always been considered the preroga-
tive of Princes of the blood royal.
In the words of Dryden —
" His favour leaves me nothing to require,
Prevents my -wishes and outruns desire ;
What more can I expect while David lives ?
All but his kingly diadem he gives."
Such unprecedented honours heaped
upon the eldest of the bastards of
Charles must necessarily have been
extremely annoying to the Duke of
York, and were ill-calculated to con-
1UVY 1£11U/C iVUUClL JUUVY, UC1U1C IUC i-»Ua.C .,.',./. • j/L A. C
of Buckingham, or any else. ciliate his favour, in the event of
his succeeding to the crown. They
certainly were enough to give much
weight to the rumour long current in
the nation, that Charles contemplated
the step of declaring Monmouth legi-
timate, and of course they excited in
the mind of the youth aspirations of
the most dangerous nature. At no
^£^%^^^TZ£ period- of his career did the son of
hour at the Tangier committee, and £„.,„ TIT.UA«, <i:oni.v nnaii+foB ^.Vli
27th April. — The Queen, which I did not
know, it seems was at Windsor, at the
late St George's feast there; and the
Duke of Monmouth dancing with her,
•with his hat in his hand, the King came
in and kissed him, and made him put on
his hat, which everybody took notice of.
.... 4th May. — I to the garden
with my Lord Sandwich, after we had sat
an
after talking largely of his own businesses,
we began to talk how matters are at
court : and though he did not fully tell me
any such thing, yet I do suspect that all
is not kind between the King and the
Lucy Walters display qualities which
can fairly entitle him to our esteem.
As a husband, he was false and heart-
less ; as a son, he was undutiful and
treacherous. Pepys always speaks of
Duke, (York) and that the King's fondness him disparagingly, as a dissipated,
*-iU"1:"1" rk"1'~ J !~- :i- ~ J :i profligate young man; and he is borne
out in this testimony by the shameful
outrage committed on the person of
Sir John Coventry, at his direct insti-
gation. Again he says, " IGth
December 1666— Lord Bronncker tells
me, that he do not believe the Duke
of York will go to sea again, though
there are many about the king that
would be glad of any occasion to take
to the little Duke do occasion it; and it
may be that there is some fear of his
being made heir to the crown. . . .
22d Feb. 1664.— He (Charles) loves not
the Queen at all, but is rather sullen to
her; and she, by all reports, incapable of
children. He is so fond of the Duke of
Monmouth that everybody admires it ;
and he says that the Duke hath said,
that he would be the death of any man
that says the King was not married to his
518
Diary of Samuel Pepys.
[Oct. 1849.
him out of the world, he standing in
their ways : and seemed to mean the
Duke of Monmouth, who spends his
time the most viciously and idle of
any man, nor will be fit for anything ;
yet he speaks as if it were not impos-
sible but the king would own him
for his son, and that there was mar-
riage between his mother and him."
This was a strange champion to put
forward in the cause of liberty and
religion.
We now take our leave of these
volumes, the perusal of which has
afforded us some pleasant hours.
Every one must regret that the health
of Pepys compelled him to abandon
his daily task so early ; for by far the
most interesting period of the reign of
Charles remains unillustrated by his
pen. Had his Diary been continued
down to the Revolution, with the
same spirit which characterises the
extant portion, it would have been
one of the most useful historical re-
cords in the English language. Pepys,
beyond the immediate sphere of his
own office, was no partisan. He
never throws an unnecessary mantle
over the faults even of his friends and
patrons. No man was more alive to
the criminal conduct of Charles, and
his shameful neglect of public duty.
He has his quips and girds at the
Duke of York, though he entertained
a high, and, we think, a just opinion
of the natural abilities of that prince :
and while he gives him due credit for
a sincere desire to reform abuses in
that public department which was
under his superintendence, he shows
himself by no means blind to his vices,
and besetting obstinacy. Even the
Earl of Sandwich, to whom he was so
much indebted, does not escape. On
one occasion, Pepys took upon him-
self to perform the dangerous office
of a Mentor to that high-spirited
nobleman, and it is to the credit
of both parties that no breach of
friendship ensued. Good advice was
an article which Samuel was ever
ready to volunteer, and his natural
shrewdness rendered his councils really
valuable. But, like many other peo-
ple, he was not always so ready
with his purse. Considering that he
owed everything he possessed in the
world to the earl, we think he might
have opened his coffers, at such a
pinch as the following, without any
Israelitish contemplation of security.
" After dinner comes Mr Moore, and
he and I alone awhile, he telling me
my Lord Sandwich's credit was like
to be undone, if the bill of £200 my
Lord Hinchingbroke wrote to me about
be not paid to-morrow, and that, if I
do not help them about it, they have
no way but to let it be protested. So,
finding that Creed had supplied them
with £150 in their straits, and that
this was no bigger sum, I am very
willing to serve my lord, though not
in this kind ; but yet I will endeavour
to get this done for them, and the
rather because of some plate that was
lodged the other day with me, by my
lady's order, which may be in part
security for my money. This do trou-
ble me ; but yet it is good luck that
the sum is no bigger." We cannot
agree with Lord Braybrooke that
Pepys was a liberal man, even to his
own relations. We do not go the
length of saying that he was deficient
in family duties, but it seems to us
that he might have selected a fitter
gift for his father than his old shoes ;
and surely, when his sister Paulina
came to stay with him, there was no
necessity for insisting that she should
eat with the maids, and consider her-
self on the footing of a servant.
Whatever Pepys may have been in
after life, he portrays himself in his
Diary as a singularly selfish man; nor
is that character at all inconsistent
with the shrewd, but sensual, and
somewhat coarse expression of his
features in the frontispiece. Yet it
is impossible to read the Diary with-
out liking him, with all his faults.
There was, to be sure, a great deal of
clay in his composition, but also many
sparkles of valuable metal ; and per-
haps these are seen the better from
the roughness of the material in which
they are embedded. This at least
must be conceded, that these volumes
are unique in literature, and so they
will probably remain.
Printed by William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh.
No. CCCCIX.
NOVEMBER, 1849.
VOL. LXVI.
THE TRANSPORTATION QUESTION.
THE great question of SECONDARY
PUNISHMENTS has now been settled
by experience, so far as the mother
country is concerned. It is now
known that imprisonment has no
effect whatever, either in deterring
from crime, or in reforming criminals.
Government, albeit most unwilling
to recur to the old system of trans-
portation, has been compelled to do
so by the unanimous voice of the
country ; by the difficulty of finding
accommodation for the prodigious in-
crease of prisoners in the jails of the
kingdom ; and by the still greater diffi-
culty, in these days of cheapness and
declining incomes, of getting the per-
sons intrusted with the duty of provid-
ing additional prison accommodation,
to engage in the costly and tedious work
of additional erections. An order in
council has expressly, and most wisely,
authorised a return to transportation,
under such regulations as seem best
calculated to reform the convicts, and
diminish the dread very generally felt
in the colonies, of being flooded with
an inundation of crime from the mother
country. And the principal difficulty
felt now is, to find a colony willing to
receive the penal settlers, and incur the
risks thought to be consequent on their
unrestricted admission.
It is not surprising ttiUt government
should have been driven from the
ruinous system of substituting impri-
sonment for transportation ; for the
results, even during the short period
that it was followed out, were abso-
lutely appalling. The actual augmen-
tation of criminals was the least part
of the evil; the increase of serious
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX.
crimes, in consequence of the har-
dened offenders not being sent out of
the country, but generally liberated
after eighteen months' or two years'
confinement, was the insupportable
evil. The demoralisation so strongly
felt and loudly complained of in Van
Diemen's Land, from the accumula-
tion of criminals, was rapidly taking
place in this country. The persons
tried under the aggravation of pre-
vious convictions in Scotland, in the
three last years, have stood as fol-
lows : —
Under aggrava-
Years. Total convicted, tion of previous
convictions.
1846 2936 858
1847 3569 1024
1848 3669 1043
— Parliamentary Reports, 1846-48.
So rapid an increase of crimes, and
especially among criminals previously
convicted, sufficiently demonstrates
the inadequacy of imprisonment as a
means either of deterring from crimes,
or reforming the criminals. The same
result appears in England, where the
rapid increase of criminals sentenced
to transportation, within the same
period, demonstrates the total ineffi-
cacy of the new imprisonment system.
Transported.
Y*ears. England and Wales. Scotland.
184G 2805 352
1847 2896 456
1848 3251 459
And of thefutilityof thehopc that the
spread of education will have any effect
in checking the increase of crime, deci-
sive proof is afforded in the same cri-
minal returns ; for from them it appears
that the number of educated criminals
2M
520
The Transportation Question.
[Nov.
in England is above twice, in Scotland uneducated, — the numbers, during the
above three times and a half that of the last three years, being as follows : —
Years.
ENGLAND AND WALES.
SCOTLAND.
Educated.
Uneducated.
Educated.
Uneducated.
1846
1847
1848
16,963
19,307
20,176
7,698
9,050
9,691
3,155
3,562
3,985
903
1,048
911
— Parliamentary Returns, 1846-8.
Nay, what is still more alarming,
steadily on the increase in Great
it distinctly appears, from the same Britain. Take the centesimal pro-
returns, that the proportion of edu- portions given in the last returns for
cated criminals to uneducated is England — those of 1848 : —
Degrees of Instruction.
1839.
1840.
1841.
1M2.
1843.
1844.
1845.
1846.
1847.
1818.
Unable to read or write,
33.53
33.32
33.21
32.35
31.00
29.77
30.61
30.66
31.39
31.93
Imperfectly,
53.48
55.57
56.67
58.32 57.60
59.28
58.34 59.51
58.59
56.38
Well,
10.07
8.29
7.40
6.77 8.02
8.12
a38 7.71
7.79
9.83
Superior, .
0.32
0.37
0.45
0.22 0.47
0.42
0.37
0.34
0.28
0.27
Not ascertained,
2.60
2.46
227
2.34
2.91
2.41
2.30
1.78
1.60
1.59
— Parliamentary Upturns for England, 1848, p. 12.
The great increase here is in the
criminals who have received an im-
perfect education, which class has in-
creased as much as that of the totally
uneducated has diminished. Unhap-
pily, imperfect education is precisely
the species of instruction which alone,
in the present days of cheapened pro-
duction and diminishing wages, the
great body of the poor are able to
give to their children.
Mr Pearson, M.P., who has paid
great attention to this subject, and
whose high official situation in the
city of London gives him such ample
means of being acquainted with the
practical working of the criminal law,
has given the following valuable
information in a public speech, which
every one acquainted with the subject
must know to be thoroughly well
founded : —
" In the year 1810, which is the earliest
account that we possess in any of our ar-
chives, the number of commitments, of
assize and sessions cases, was 5146. In
the year 1848, the number of commit-
ments for sessions and assize cases was
30,349. Population during that period
had increased but 60 per cent, whilst
the commitments for crime had increased
420 per cent. I should not be candid
with this assembly if I did not at once
say, that there are various disturbing cir-
cumstances which intervene, during that
period, to prevent the apparent increase
of commitments being the real estimate
of the actual increase. There was the
transition from war to peace. We all
know, that from the days of Holling-
shed, the old chronicler, it has been said
that war takes to itself a portion of the
loose population, who find in the casual-
ties of war, its dangers, rewards and
profligate indulgences, something like a
kindred feeling to the war made upon
society by the predatory classes. Hence
we find that, when war ceases, a number
of that class of the community are thrown
back on the honest portion of society,
which, during the period of war, had
been drained off. Besides this, there are
other co-operating causes. There is the
improved police, the constabulary, rural
or metropolitan, who undoubtedly detect
many of those offences which were for-
merly committed with impunity. There
is also the act of parliament for paying
prosecutors and witnesses their expenses,
which led to an increased number of pro-
secutors in proportion to the number of
crimes actually detected. These circum-
stances have, no doubt, exercised a con-
siderable influence over the increase in
the commitments ; but after having for
35 years paid the closest attention to the
subject, having filled, and still filling, a
high office in regard to the administration
of the law in the city of London, I am
bound to say, that, making full deduction
from the number which every feeling of
anxiety to raise the country from the im-
putation of increasing in its criminal
character dictates — after making every
deduction, I am bound with shame and
1849.]
TJie Transportation Question.
521
humility to acknowledge, that it leaves
a very large amount of increase in
the actual, the positive number of com-
mitments for crime. Sir, this is in-
deed a humiliating acknowledgment ;
but happily the statistics of this coun-
try, in other particulars, warrant us
in drawing comfort from the conviction,
that even this fact affords no true repre-
sentation of the state of the moral char-
acter of -the people — no evidence of their
increasing degradation of character or
conduct, in anything like the proportion
or degree that those statistics would ap-
pear to show. I appeal to history — I ap-
peal to the recollection of every man in
this assembly, who, like myself, has
passed the meridian of life, whether society
has not advanced in morals as well as in
arts, science, and literature, and every-
thing which tends to improve the social
character of the people. Let any man
who has read not our country's history
alone, but the tales and novels of former
times — and we must frequently look to
them, rather than to the records of his-
tory, for a faithful transcript of the morals
of the age in which they were written, —
let any man recur to the productions of
Fielding and of Smollett, and say whether
the habits, manners, and morals of the
great masses of our population are not
materially improved within the last cen-
tury. Great popular delusions prevail as
to the causes of the increase of commit-
ments for criminal offences in this coun-
try, which I deem it to be my duty to
endeavour to dispel. Some ascribe the
increase to the want of instruction of our
youth, some to the absence of religious
teaching, some to the increased intemper-
ance, and some to the increased poverty
of the people. I assert that there is no
foundation for the opinions that ascribe
the increase of crime to these causes. If
the absence of education were the cause
of crime, surely crime would be found to
have diminished since education has in-
creased. For the purpose of comparing
the present and past state of education,
for its influence upon the criminal statistics
of the nation, I will not go back to the
time when the single Bible in the parish
was chained to a pillar in the church ; or
when the barons affixed their cross to
documents, from inability to write their
names. I refer to dates, and times, and cir-
cumstances within our own recollection . In
the year 1814 the report of the National
Society says, there were only 100,000
children receiving the benefit of educa-
tion. Now there are above 1,000,000
under that excellent institution, besides
the tens of thousands and hundreds of
thousands who are receiving education
under the auspices of the Lancasterian
Society Schools. But some may say that
the value of .education is not to be esti-
mated by numbers. Well then, I reject
numbers, if you please, and try it by its
quality. I ask any man who listens to
me if he does not know that the national
schools, and other gratuitous establish-
ments in this country, now give privileges
in education which children in a respect-
able condition of life could hardly obtain,
such was the defective state of instruction
in this country, 40 or 50 years ago.
(Cheers.) No man, therefore, can say
that the increase of crime is attributable
to the absence of education. If it were
so, with education increased 800 per
cent during the last 30 years, crime
would have diminshed, instead of in-
creased, 400 per cent." — Times, Aug. 28,
1849.
The immense expense with which
the maintenance of such prodigious
numbers of prisoners in jail is
attended, is another most serious
evil, especially in these days of
retrenchment, diminished profits,
and economy. From the last Report
of the Jail Commissioners for Scot-
land— that for 1848 — it appears that
the average cost of each prisoner
over the whole country for a year,
after deducting his earnings in con-
finement, is £16, 7s. 6d. As this is
the cost after labour has been gene-
rally introduced into prisons, and the
greatest efforts to reduce expense
have been made, it may fairly be
presumed that it cannot be reduced
lower. The average number of pri-
soners constantly in jail in Scotland is
now about 3500, which, at £16, 7s.
6d. a-head, will come to about
£53,000 a-year.* Applying this pro-
portion to the 60,000 criminals, now
on an average constantly in confine-
ment in the two islands, f the annual
expense of their maintenance cannot
be under a million sterling. The
prison and county rates of England
alone, which include the cost of pro-
secutions, are £1,300,000 a-year. But
that result, enormous as it is in a
country in which poor-rates and all
local burdens are so rapidly augment-
* Prison Report 1848, p. 73.
t In 1848, the number committed for serious offences was 73,770.
522
The Transportation Question.
[Xov.
ing, is but a part of the evil. Under
the present system a thief is seldom
transported, at least in Scotland, till
he has been three or four years plying
his trade? during which period his
gains by depredations, and expenses
of maintenance, cannot have averaged
less than £25 yearly. Thusitmaywith
safety be affirmed, that every thief
transported from Scotland has cost the
country, before he goes, at least £100 ;
and that has been expended in training
him up to such habits of hardened
depravity, that he is probably as
great a curse to the colony to which
he is sent, as he had proved a burden
to that from which he was conveyed.
Sixteen pounds would have been the cost
of his transportation in the outset of his
career, when, from his habits of crime
not being matured, he had a fair chance
of proving an acquisition, instead of a
curse, to the place of his destination.
As the question of imprisonment
or transportation, so far as Great
Britain and Ireland are concerned,
is now settled by the demonstrative
evidence of the return of a reluct-
ant government to the system which
in an evil hour they abandoned,
it may seem unnecessary to go into
detail in order to show how abso-
lutely necessary it was to do so;
and how entirely the boasted system
of imprisonment, with all its adjuncts
of separation, silence, hard labour,
and moral and religious instruction,
has failed either in checking crime, or
producing any visible reformation in
the criminals. No one practically
acquainted with the subject ever
entertained the slightest doubt that
this would be the case ; and in two
articles directed to the subject in this
magazine, in 1844, we distinctly
foretold what the result would be.*
To those who, following in the wake
of prelates or philanthropists, how
respectable soever, such as Arch-
bishop Whately, who know nothing
whatever of the subject except from
the fallacious evidence of parliamen-
tary committees, worked up by their
own theoretical imaginations, we re-
commend the study of the Tables be-
low, compiled from the parliamentary
returns since the imprisonment system
began, to show to what a pass the
adoption of their rash visions has
brought the criminal administration of
the country.f
It is not surprising that it should be
so, and that all the pains taken, and
philanthropy wasted, in endeavouring
to reform criminals in jail in this coun-
try, or hindering them from returning
to their old habitswhen let loose within
it, should have proved abortive. Two
reasons of paramount efficacy have ren-
dered them all nugatory. The first of
these is, that the theory regarding the
possibility of reforming offenders when.
in prison, or suffering punishment in
this country, is wholly erroneous, and
proceeds on an entire misconception
of the principles by which alone such
a reformation can in any case be
effected. In prison, how solitary so-
* See the " Increase of Crime, and Imprisonment, and Transportation," IHacfacood's
Magazine, May and July 1844, vol. Iv. p. 532, and vol. Ivi. p. 1.
+ Table showing the number of commitments for serious offences in the undermen-
tioned years in England, Scotland, and Ireland : —
Years.
England.
Scotland.
Ireland.
Total.
1837
23,612
3,126
24,804
51,542
1838
23,094
3,418
25,723
52,235
1839
24,443
3,409
26,392
54,244
1840
27,187
3,872
23,833
54,892
1841
27,760
3,562
20,776
52,118
1842
31,309
4,189
21,186
56,684
1843
29,591
3,615
20,126
53,332
1844
26,542
3,577
19,448 49,565
1845
24,309
3,537
16,696
44,542
1846
25,107
2,901
1 8,492
46,500
1847
28,833
4,635
31,209
64,677
1848
30,349
4,909
38,522*
73,770
— Parliamentary Returns, 1842-8.
* Irish Rebellion.
1849.]
The Transportation Question.
523
ever, you can work only on the intel-
lectual faculties. The active powers
or feelings can receive no development
within the four walls of a cell, for they
have no object by which they can be
called forth. But nine-tenths of
mankind in any rank, and most cer-
tainly uineteen-twentieths of per-
sons bred as criminals, are wholly
inaccessible to the influence of the
intellect, considered as a restraint
or regulator of their passions. If
they had been capable of being in-
fluenced in that way, they would
never have become criminals. Per-
sons who fall into the habits which
bring them under the lash of the
criminal law, are almost always those
in whom, either from natural disposi-
tion, or the unhappy circumstances of
early habits and training, the intel-
lectual faculties are almost entirely
in abeyance, so far as self-control is
concerned ; and any development they
have is only directed to procuring
gratification for, or furthering the ob-
jects of the senses. To address to such
persons the moral discipline of a prison,
however admirably conducted, is as
hopeless as it would be to descant
to a man born blind on the objects of
sight, or to preach to an ignorant boor
in the Greek or Hebrew tongue.
Sense is to them all in all. Esau is
the true prototype of this class of
men ; they are always ready to ex-
change their birthright for a mess of
pottage.
No length of solitary confinement,
or scarce any amount of moral or reli-
gious instruction, can awaken in them
either the slightest repentance for their
crimes, or the least power of self-con-
trol when temptation is again thrown
in their way. They regard the period
of imprisonment as a blank in their
lives — a time of woful monotony and
total deprivation of enjoyment, which
only renders it the more imperative on
them, the moment it is terminated, to
begin anew with fresh zest their old
enjoyments. Their first object is to
make up for months of compulsory
sobriety by days of voluntary intoxi-
cation. At the close of a short
period of hideous saturnalia, they are
generally involved in some fresh
housebreaking or robbery, to pay for
their long train of indulgence ; and
soon find themselves again immured
in their old quarters, only the more
determined to run through the same
course of forced regularity and willing
indulgence. They are often able to
feign reformation, so as to impose on
their jailors, and obtain liberation on
pretended amendment of character.
But it is rarely if ever that they are
really reclaimed ; and hence the per-
petual recurrences of the same charac-
ters in the criminal courts ; till the
magistrates, tired of imprisoning
them, send them to the assizes or
quarter- sessions for transportation.
Even then, however, their career is
often far from being terminated in this
country. The keepers of the public
penitentiaries become tired of keeping
them. When they cannot send them
abroad, their cells are soon crowded ;
and they take advantage of a feigned
amendment to open the prison doors
and let them go. They are soon
found again in their old haunts, and
at their old practices. At the spring
circuit held at Glasgow in April 1848,
when the effects of the recent impri-
sonment mania were visible, — out of
117 ordinary criminals indicted, no
less than twenty- two had been sen-
tenced to transportation at Glasgow,
for periods not less than seven years,
tvithin the preceding two years; and the
previous conviction and sentence of
transportation was charged as an ag-
gravation of their new offence against
each in the indictment.
The next reason which renders im-
prisonment, in an old society and
amidst a redundant population, utterly
inefficacious as a means of reforming
criminals is, that, even if they do im-
bibe better ideas and principles during
their confinement, they find it impos-
sible on their liberation to get into any
honest employment, or gain admission
into any well-doing circle, where they
may put their newly-acquired prin-
ciples into practice. If, indeed, there
existed a government or parochial
institution, into which they might be
received on leaving prison, and by
which they might be marched straight-
way to the nearest seaport, and there
embarked for Canada or Australia, a
great step would be made towards
giving them the means of durable re-
formation. But as there is none such
in existence, and as they scarcely
ever are possessed of money enough, on
524
The Transportation Question.
[Nov.
leaving prison, to carry them across
the Atlantic, they are of necessity
obliged to remain in their own coun-
try— and that, to persons in their situa-
tion, is certain ruin. In new colonies,
or thinly-peopled countries, such as
Australia or Siberia, convicts, from the
scarcity of labour, may in general be
able to find employment ; and from the
absence of temptation, and the seve-
rance of the links which bound them
to their old associates, they are often
there found to do well. But nothing
of that sort can be expected in an old
and thickly-peopled country, where
the competition for employment is uni-
versal, and masters, having the choice
of honest servants of untainted cha-
racter, cannot be expected to take
persons who have been convicted of
crimes, and exposed to the pollutions
of a jail.
Practically speaking, it is impossible
for persons who have been in jail to
get into any honest or steady employ-
ment in their own country ; and if they
do by chance, or by the ignorance of
their employers of their previous his-
tory, get into a situation, it is ere long
discovered, by the associates who come
about them, where they have been, and
they speedily lose it. If you ask any
person who has been transported in con-
sequence of repeated convictions, why
he did not take warning by the first, the
answer uniformly is, that he could
not get into employment, and was
obliged to take to thieving, or starve.
Add to this that the newly- reformed
criminal, on leaving jail, "and idling
about, half starved, in search of work,
of necessity, as well as from inclina-
tion, finds his way back to his old re-
sidence, where his character is known,
and he is speedily surrounded by his
old associates, who, in lieu of starving
integrity, offer him a life of joyous and
well-fed depravity. It can hardly be
expected that human virtue, and least
of all the infant virtue of a newly-
reformed criminal, can withstand so
rude a trial. Accordingly, when the
author once asked Mr Brebner, the
late governor of the Glasgow bride-
well, what proportion of formed cri-
minals he ever knew to have been
reformed by prison discipline, he an-
swered that the proportion was easily
told, for he never /mew one. And in
the late debate in parliament on this
subject, it was stated by the Home
Secretary, Sir George Grey, that
while the prison discipline at Penton-
ville promised the most cheering re-
sults, it was among those trained
there, and subsequently transported,
that the improvement was visible; for
that no such results were observed
among those who, after liberation,
were allowed to remain in this coun-
try.
But while it is thus proved, both
by principle and experience, that the
moral reformation of offenders cannot
be effected by imprisonment, even
under the most improved system, in
this country, yet, in one respect, a
very great amelioration of the priso-
ner's habits, and extension of his
powers, is evidently practicable. It is
easy to teach a prisoner a trade ; and
such is the proficiency which is rapidly
acquired by the undivided attention,
to one object in a jail, that one
objection which has been stated to
the imprisonment system is, that it
interferes with the employment of
honest industry out of doors. No
one can walk through any of the
well-regulated prisons in Great Bri-
tain without seeing that, whatever
else you cannot do, it is easy to teach,
such a proficiency in trade to the
convicts as may render them, if their
depraved inclinations can be arrested,
useful members of society, and give
them the means of earning a liveli-
hood by honest industry. Many of
them are exceedingly clever, evince
great aptitude for the learning of
handicrafts, and exert the utmost
diligence in their prosecution. Let
no man, however, reckon on their
reformation, because they are thus
skilful and assiduous : turn them out
of prison in this country, and you will
soon see them drinking and thieving
with increased alacrity, from the
length of their previous confinement,,
It is evidently not intellectual cunning,
or manual skill, or vigour in pursuit,
which they in general want — it is the
power of directing their faculties to
proper objects, when at large in this
country, which they are entirely with-
out, and which no length of confine-
ment, or amount of moral and religious
instruction communicated in prison, is
able to confer upon them. Here then
is one great truth ascertained, by the
1849.]
The Transportation Question.
625
only sure guide in such matters —
acperience — that while it is wholly
impossible to give prisoners the
power of controlling their passions, or
abstaining from their evil propensities,
when at large, by any amount of
prison discipline, it is always not
only possible, but easy, to communi-
cate to them such handicraft skill, or
power of exercising trades, as may,
the moment the wicked dispositions
are brought under control, render
them useful and even valuable mem-
bers of society.
Experience equally proves that,
though the moral reformation of con-
victs in this country is so rare as, prac-
tically speaking, to be considered as
impossible, yet this is very far indeed
from being the case when they are re-
moved to a distant laud, where all con-
nexion with their old associates is at
once and for ever broken ; where an
iionest career is not only open, but easy,
to the most depraved, and a boundless
supply of fertile but unappropriated
land affords scope for the exercise of
the desire of gain on legitimate objects,
and affords no facilities for the com-
mission of crime, or the acquisition of
property, by the short- hand methods of
theft or robbery. Lord Brougham,
in a most able work, which is little
known only because it runs counter to
the prejudices of the age, has well
explained the causes of this peculi-
arity : —
" The new emigrants, who at various
times continued to flock to the extensive
country of America, were by no means of
the same description with the first settlers.
Some of these were the scourings of jails,
banished for their crimes; many of them
were persons of desperate fortunes,, to
whom every place was equally uninviting;
or men of notoriously abandoned lives, to
whom any region was acceptable that
offered them a shelter from the vengeance
of the law, or the voice of public indigna-
tion. But a change of scene will work
some improvement upon the most dissolute
of characters. It is much to be removed
from the scenes with which villany has been
constantly associated, and the companions
who have rendered it agreeable. It is some-
thing to have the leisure of a long voyage,
with its awakening terrors, to promote re-
flection. Besides, to regain once more the
privilege of that good name, which every
unknown man may claim until he is tried,
presents a powerful temptation to reform,
and furnishes an opportunity of amend-
ment denied in the scenes of exposure
and destruction. If the convicts in the
colony of New Holland,though surrounded
on the voyage and in the settlement by
the companions of their iniquities, have
in a great degree been reclaimed by the
mere change of scene, what might not be
expected from such a change as we are
considering \ But the honest acquisition
of a little property, and its attendant
importance, is, beyond any other circum-
stance, the one most calculated to reform
the conduct of a needy and profligate
man, by inspiring him with a respect for
himself and a feeling of his stake in the
community, and by putting a harmless
and comfortable life at least within the
reach of his exertions. If the property
is of a nature to require constant industry,
in order to render it of any value; if it
calls forth that sort of industry which
devotes the labourer to a solitary life in
the open air, and repays him not with
wealth and luxury, but with subsistence
and ease ; if, in short, it is property in
land, divided into small portions and
peopled by few inhabitants, no combina-
tion of circumstances can be figured to
contribute more directly to the reforma-
tion of the new cultivator's character and
In addition to these admirable
observations, it may be stated, as
another, and perhaps the principal
reason why transportation, when con-
ducted on proper principles, is attended
with such immediate and beneficial in-
fluences on the moral character of the
convict, that it places him in situa-
tions where scope is afforded for the
development of the domestic and gene-
rous affections. A counterpoise is
proyided to self. It is the impossibi-
lity of providing such a counterpoise
within the four walls of a cell — the
extreme difficulty of finding it, in any
circumstances in which a prisoner can
be placed, on his liberation from jail in
his own country, which is the chief
cause of the total failure of all attempts
to work a moral reform on prisoners,
when kept at home, by any, even the
most approved system of jail discipline.
But that which cannot be obtained at
home is immediately, on transporta-
tion, found in the colonies. The cri-
minal is no longer thrown back oil
* BROUGHAM'S Colonial Policy, i. 61, 62.
52G
The Transportation Question.
[Nov.
himself in the solitude of a cell — he is
not surrounded by thieves and prosti-
tutes, urging him to resume his old
habits, on leaving it. The female con-
vict, on arriving in New South Wales,
is almost immediately married ; ere
long the male, if he is industrious and
well-behaved, has the means of being
so. Regular habits then come to
supplant dissolute — the natural affec-
tions spring up in the heart with the
creation of the objects on which they
are to be exercised. The solitary
tenant of a cell — the dissolute fre-
quenter of spirit- cellars and bagnios,
acquires a home. The affections of the
fireside begin to spring up, because a
fireside is obtained.
Incalculable is the eifect of this
change of circumstances on the charac-
ter of the most depraved. Accordingly
it is mentioned by Mr Cunningham, in
his very interesting Account of New
South Wales, that great numbers of
young women taken from the streets of
London, who have resisted all efforts
of Christian zeal and philanthropy in
Magdalene Asylums or Penitentiaries
at home, and embark for New South
Wales in the most shocking state of
depravity, become sensibly improved
in their manners, and are not tinfre-
quently entirely reformed by forming,
during the voyage, temporary connec-
tions with sailors, to whom, when the
choice is once made, they generally re-
main faithful : so powerful and imme-
diate is the effect of an approach even
to a home, and lasting ties, on the female
heart.* The feelings which offspring
produces are never entirely obliterated
in the breast of woman. It has been
often observed, that though dissolute
females generally, when they remain
at home, find it impossible to reform
their own lives, yet they rarely, if
they have the power, fail to bring up
their children at a distance from their
haunts of iniquity. So powerful is the
love of children, and the secret sense
of shame at their own vices, in the
breasts even of the most depraved of
the female sex.
It has been proved, accordingly, by
experience, on the very largest scale,
not only that the reformation of of-
fenders, when transported to a colony
in a distant part of the world, takes
place, if they are preserved in a due
, proportion of numerical inferiority to
the untainted population, to an extent
unparalleled in any other situation;
but that, when so regulated, they con-
stitute the greatest possible addition to
the strength, progress, and riches of a
colony. From official papers laid be-
fore parliament, before the unhappy
crowding of convicts in New South
Wales began, and the gang-system
was introduced, it appears that be-
tween the years 1800 and 1817— that
is, in seventeen years — out of 17,000
convicts transported to New South
Wales, no less than six thousand had,
at the close of the period, obtained their
freedom from their good conduct, and
had earned among them, by their free
labour, property to the amount of
£1,500,000 ! It may be safely affirmed
that the history of the world does not
afford so astonishing and gratifying
an instance of the moral reformation
of offenders, or one pointing so clearly
to the true system to be pursued re-
garding them. It will be recollected
that this reformation took place when
17,000 convicts were transported in
seventeen years — that is, on an average,
1000 a-year only — and when the gang-
system was unknown, and the convict
on landing at Sidney was immediately
assigned to a free colonist, by whom
he was forthwith marched up the
country into a remote situation, and
employed under his master's direction
in rural labour or occupations.
And that the colony itself prospers
immensely from the forced labour of
convicts being added, in not too great
proportions, to the voluntary labour of
freemen, is decisively proved by the
astonishing progress which Australia
has made during the last fifty years ;
the degree in which it has distanced
all its competitors in which convict
labour was unknown ; and the mar-
vellous amount of wealth and comfort,
so much exceeding upon the whole
that known in any other colony, which
now exists among its inhabitants. We
say upon the whole, because we are
well aware that in some parts of Aus-
tralia, particularly Van Diemen's
Land, property has of late years been
most seriously depreciated in value —
partly from the monetary crisis, which
* CUNNINGHAM'S New South Wales, i. 262.
1849.]
The Transportation Question.
has affected that distant settlement as
well as the rest of the empire, and
partly from the inordinate number of
convicts who have been sent to that
one locality, from the vast increase
of crime at home, and the cessations of
transportation to Sidney ; — a number
which has greatly exceeded the proper
and salutary proportion to freemen,
and has been attended with the most
disastrous results. But that the intro-
duction of convicts, when not too de-
praved, and kept in due subordination
by being in a small minority compared
to the freemen, is, so far from being an
evil, the greatest possible advantage
to a colony, is decisively proved by the
parliamentary returns quoted below,
showing the comparative progress
during a long course of years of Aus-
tralia, aided by convict labour, and
the Cape of Good Hope and Canada,
which have not enjoyed that advan-
tage. These returns are decisive.
They demonstrate that the progress
of the convict colonies, during the
last half century, has been three times
as rapid as that of those enjoying
equal or greater advantages, to whom
convicts have not been sent ; and that
the present state of comforts they
enjoy, as measured by the amount
per head of British manufactures they
consume, is also triple that of any
other colony who have been kept
entirely clear from the supposed stain,
but real advantages, of forced labour.*
Accordingly, the ablest and best-
informed statistical writers and tra-
vellers on the Continent, struck with
the safe and expeditious method of
getting quit of and reforming its
convicts which Great Britain enjoys,
from its numerous colonies in every
* Table showing the annual exports of British manufactures to the under-
mentioned Colonies, from 1828 to 1846.
Years.
Canada, &c.
Without Convicts.
The Cape,
Without Convicts.
Australia,
With Convicts.
1828
£1,691,044
£218,849
£443,839
1829
1,581,723
257,501
310,681
1830
1,857,133
330,036
314,677
1831
2,089,327
257,245
398,471
1832
2,075,725
292,405
466,328
1833
2,092,550
346,197
558,372
1834
1,671,069
304,382
716,014
1835
2,158,158
326,921
696,345
1836
2,732,291
482,315
835,637
1837
2,141,035
488,811
921,568
1838
1,992,457
623,323
1,336,662
1839
3,047,671
464,130
1,679,390
1840
2,847,913
417,091
2,004,385
1841
2,947,061
384,574
1,269,351
1842
2,333,525
369,076
916,164
1843
1,751,211
• 502,577'
1,211,815
1844
3,076,861
420,151
744,482
1845
3,555,954
648,749
1,201,076
1846
3,308,059
480,979
1,441,640
PORTER'S Parliamentary Tables, 1846, p. 121.
Exports, per head, to the following countries in 1836.
United States of America,
Canada, &c.,
British West India Islands,
Australia, ....
Population.
Exports.
Proportion per
head.
14,000,000
1,500,000
900,000
100,000
£12,425,605
2,739,291
3,786,453
835,637
£0 17 6
1 16 0
3 12 0
8 14 0
— PORTER'S Parliamentary Tables.
528
The Transportation Question.
[Nov.
part of the world, and the want of
which is so severely felt in the Conti-
nental states, are unanimous in con-
sidering the possession of such colo-
nies, and consequent power of un-
limited transportation, as one of the
very greatest social advantages which
England enjoys. Hear what one of
the most enlightened of those writers,
M. Malte-Brun, says on the sub-
ject :—
" England has long been in the habit of
disposing of its wicked citizens in a way
at once philosophic and politic, by send-
ing them out to cultivate distant colonies.
It was thus that the shores of the Dela-
ware and the Potomac were peopled in
America. After the American war, they
were at a loss where to send the con-
victs, and the Cape of Good Hope was
first thought of; but, on the recommenda-
tion of the learned Sir Joseph Banks,
New South Wales obtained the prefer-
ence. The first vessel arrived at Botany
Bay on the 20th January 1788, and
brought out 760 convicts, and according
to a census taken in 1821, exhibited the
following results in thirty-three years,
viz. —
Free settlers, men, women
and children . . . 23,254
Convicts . . . .13,814
37,068"
In 1832, that population had risen
to 40,000 souls.* In 1821, there
were in the colony 5000 horses,
120,000 horned cattle, and 350,000
sheep. It consumed, at that period,
5,500,000 francs' (£340,000) worth of
English manufactures, being about
£8, 10s. a-head, and exported to
Europe about £100,000 worth in rude
produce.
" Great division of opinion has existed
in France, for a long course of years, on
the possibility of diminishing the fre-
quency of the punishment of death, as
well as that of the galleys ; but a serious
difficulty has been alleged in the expense
with which an establishment such as
New South Wales would cost. It is
worthy of remark, however, that from
1789 to the end of 1821, England had
expended for the transport, maintenance,
and other charges of 33,155 convicts,
transported to New South Wales,
£5,301,023, being scarce a third of what
the prisoners would have cost in the
prisons of Great Britain, without having
the satisfaction of having changed into
useful citizens those who were the shame
and terror of society.
" When a vessel with convicts on
board arrives in the colony, the men who
are not married in it, are permitted to
choose a wife among the female convict?.
At the expiration of his term of punish-
ment, every convict is at liberty to return
to his own country, at his own expense.
If he chooses to remain, he obtains a grant
of land, and provisions for 18 months :
if he is married the allotment is larger,
and an adequate portion is allowed for
each child. Numbers are provided with
the means of emigration at the expense
of government; they obtain 150 acres of
land, seed-corn, and implements of hus-
bandry. It is worthy of remark that,
thanks to the vigilance of the authorities,
the transported in that colony lose their
depraved habits; that the women become
well behaved and fruitful ; aud that the
children do not inherit the vices of their
parents. These results are sufficient to
place the colony of New South Wales
among tlie most noble philanthropic in-
stitutions in the world. After that, can
any one ask the expense of the establish-
ment?"— MALTE-BRUN, Geographic Uni-
xerseUe, xii. 194-196.
But here a fresh difficulty arises.
Granting, it will be said, that trans-
portation is so immense a benefit to
the mother country, in affording a
safe and certain vent for its criminals;
and to the colonies, by providing
them with so ample a supply of forced
labour, what is to be done when they
will not receive it ? The colonies are
all up in arms against transportation ;
not one can be persuaded, on any terms,
to receive these convicts. When a
ship with convicts arrives, they begin
talking about separation and inde-
pendence, and reminding us of Bunk-
er's Hill and Saratoga. The Cape
shows us with what feelings colonies
which have not yet received them
view the introduction of criminals;
Van Diemen's Land, how well founded
their apprehensions are of the conse-
quences of such an invasion of civi-
lised depravity. This difficulty, at
first sight, appears not only serious
but insurmountable. On a nearer
examination, however, it will be
found that, however formidable it
may appear, it could easily be got
over; and that it is entirely owing
* It now (1849) exceeds 200,000 souls.
1849.]
The Transportation Question.
529
to the true principles of transportation
having been forgotten, and one of the
first duties of government neglected
by our rulers for the last thirty years.
It is very remarkable, and throws
an important light on this question,
that this horror at the influx of
convicts, which has now become so
general in the colonies as to render it
almost impossible to find a place
where they can with safety be landed,
is entirely of recent origin. It never
was heard of till within the last
fifteen or twenty years. Previous
to that time, and even much later,
transportation was not only regarded
by the penal colonies without aver-
sion, but with the utmost possible
complacency. They looked to a
series of heavy assizes in Great
Britain with the same feelings of
anxious solicitude, as the working
classes do to a good harvest, or the
London tradesman to a gay and
money-spending season. Spirits never
were so high in Sidney, speculation
never so rife, property never so valu-
able, profits never so certain, as when
the convict ships arrived well stored
with compulsory emigrants. If any
one doubts this, let him open the early
numbers of the Colonial Magazine,
and he will find them filled with resolu-
tions of public meetings in New
South Wales, recounting the immense
advantages the colony had derived
from the forced labour of convicts,
and most earnestly deprecating any
intermission in their introduction.
As a specimen, we subjoin a series of
resolutions, by the Governor and
Council of New South Wales, on a
petition agreed to, at a public meet-
ing held in Sidney, on 18th February .
1838.
Resolutions of the Legislative Council, New
South Wales,\lth July 1838.
4. Resolved. — That, in opinion of this
council, the numerous free emigrants of
character and capital, including many
officers of the army and navy, and East
India Company's service, who have set-
tled in this colony, with their families,
together with a rising generation of
native-born subjects, constitute a body of
colonists who, in the exercise of the
social and moral relations of life, are not
inferior to the inhabitants of any other
dependency of the British crown, and
are sufficient to impress a character of
respectability upon the colony at large.
5. Resolved — That, in the opinion of
this council, the rapid and increasing
advance of this colony, in the short space
of fifty years from its first establishment,
in rural, commercial, and financial pros-
perity, proves indisputably the activity,
the enterprise, and industry of the colo-
nists, and is wholly incompatible with
the state of society represented to exist
here.
6. Resolved. — That, in the opinion of
this council, the strong desire manifested
by the colonists generally, to obtain
moral and religious instruction, and the
liberal contributions, which have been
made from private funds, towards this
most essential object, abundantly testify
that the advancement of virtue and
religion amongst them is regarded with
becoming solicitude.
7. Resolved. — That, in the opinion of
this council, if transportation and assign-
ment have hitherto failed to produce all
the good effects anticipated by their
projectors, such failure may be traced to
circumstances, many of which are no
longer in existence, whilst others are in
rapid progress of amendment. Amongst
the most prominent causes of failure may
be adduced the absence, at the first
establishment of the colony, of adequate
religious and moral instruction, and the
want of proper means of classification in
the several gaols throughout the colony,
as well as of a sufficient number of free
emigrants, properly qualified to become
the assignees of convicts, and to be in-
trusted with their management and con-
trol.
8. Resolved. — That, in the opinion of
this council, the great extension which
has latterly been afforded of moral and
religious instruction, the classification
which may in future be made in the
numerous gaols now in progress of erec-
tion, upoh the most approved principles
of inspection and separation, the most
effectual punishment and classification of
offenders in ironed gangs, according to
their improved system of management —
the numerous free emigrants now eligible
as the assignees of convicts, and the ac-
cumulated experience of half a century —
form a combination of circumstances,
which renders the colony better adapted
at the present, than at any former period,
to carry into effect the praiseworthy in-
tentions of the first founders of the sys-
tem of transportation and assignment,
which had no less for its object reforma-
tion of character than a just infliction of
punishment.
9. Rcsohed. — That, in the opinion of this
530
The Transportation Question.
[Nor.
council, no system of penal discipline, or
secondary punishmeut,will be found at once
so chfiap, so effective, and so reformatory,
as that of well-regulated assignment — the
good conduct of the convict, and his con-
tinuance at labour, being so obviously
the interest of the assignee ; whilst the
partial solitude and privations, incidental
to a pastoral or agricultural life in the
remote districts of the colony, (which
may be made the universal employment
of convicts,) by effectually breaking a
connexion with companions and habits
of vice, is better calculated than any
other system to produce moral reforma-
tion, when accompanied by adequate
religious instruction.
10. Re solved. — That, in the opinion of
this council, many men who, previously
to their conviction, had been brought up
in habits of idleness and vice, have
acquired, by means of assignment, not
only habits of industry and labour, but
the knowledge of a remunerative employ-
ment, which, on becoming free, forms a
strong inducement to continue in an
honest course of life.
11. Resolved. — That, in the opinion of
this council, the sudden discontinuance of
transportation and assignment, by depriv-
ing the colonists of convict labour, must
necessarily curtail their means of pur-
chasing crown lands, and, consequently,
the supply of funds for the purpose of
immigration.
12. Resolved. — That, in the opinion of
this council, the produce of the labour of
convicts, in assignment, is thus one of the
principal, though indirect means, of bring-
ing into the colony free persons : it is
obvious, therefore, that the continuance
of emigration in any extended form, must
necessarily depend upon the continuance
of the assignment of convicts.*
It is not surprising that they viewed,
at this period, the transportation sys-
tem in this light ; for under it they had
made advances in population, comfort,
and riches, unparalleled in any other
age or country of the world.
How, then, has it happened that so
great a change has come over the
views of the colonists on this subject ;
and that the system which they for-
merly regarded, with reason, as the
sheet-anchor of their prosperity, is
now almost universally looked to
with unqualified aversion, as the cer-
tain forerunner of their destruction ?
The answer is easy. It is because
transportation, as formerly conducted,
was a blessing, and because, as con-
ducted of late years, it has become a
curse, that the change of opinion has
arisen in regard to it. The feelings
of the colonists, in both cases, were
founded on experience — both were, in
the circumstances in which they arose,
equally well founded, and both were
therefore equally entitled to respect and
attention. We have only to restore
the circumstances in which the convicts
were a blessing, to revive the times
in which their arrival will be regarded
as a boon. And to effect this, can
easily be shown not only to be at-
tended with no difficulty, but only to
require the simultaneous adoption by
government of a system of punish-
ment at home, and of voluntary emi-
gration at the public expense abroad,
attended with a very trifling expense,
and calculated to relieve, beyond any
other measure that could by pos-
sibility be devised, the existing dis-
tress among the labouring classes of
Great Britain and Ireland.
To render the introduction of penal
labour into a colony an advantage,
three things are necessary. 1st, That
the convicts sent out should be for the
most part instructed in some simple
rural art or occupation, of use in the
country into which they are to be
transplanted. 2d, That they should
in general bo beginners in crime, and
a small number of them only hardened
in depravity. 3d, What is most im-
portant of all, that they should be pre-
served in a due proportion, never ex-
ceeding a fourth or a fifth to the free and
untainted settlers. Under these con-
ditions, their introduction will always
prove a blessing, and will be hailed as
a boon. If'they are neglected, they
will prove a curse, and their arrival
be regarded as a punishment.
Various circumstances have con-
tributed, of late years, to render the
convict system a dreadful evil, instead
of, as formerly, a signal benefit to the
colonies. But that affords no ground
for despair ; on the contrary, it fur-
nishes the most well-grounded reason
for hope. We are suffering under the
effects of an erroneous regimen, not
any inherent malady in the patient.
Change this treatment, and his health
will soon return.
Colonial Magazine, i. 431, 433.
1849.]
77<e Transportation Question.
531
It is well known that the greatest
pains have of late years been taken, in
this country, to instruct prisoners in
jnil in some useful handicraft; and
that, so far has this been carried, that
our best-regulated jails are more in
fact great houses of industry. The
general penitentiary at Pentonville,
in particular, where the convicts sen-
tenced to transportation are trained,
previous to their removal to the penal
settlements, is a perfect model of
arrangement and attention in this im-
portant respect. But it is equally
well known that it is only of late years
that this signal reform has come into
operation ; and we have the satisfac-
tion of knowing that already its
salutary effects have been evinced,
in the most signal manner, with the
convicts sent abroad. Previous to the
year 1840, scarcely anything was done
on any considerable scale, either to
teach ordinary prisoners trades in jail,
to separate them from each other, or
to prepare them, in the public peniten-
tiaries, for the duties in which they
were to be engaged, when they arrived
at their distant destination. The
county jails, now resounding with the
clang of ceaseless occupation, pursued
by prisoners in their separate cells,
then only re-echoed the din of riot and
revelling in the day-rooms where the
idle prisoners were huddled together,
and beguiled the weary hours of their
captivity by stories of perpetrated
crime, or plans for its renewal the
moment they got out of confinement.
But the ideas of men are all formed
on the experience of facts, or the
thoughts driven into them, for a con-
siderable time back. The present
universal horror at transportation is.
founded on the experience of the pri-
soners with which, for a quarter of a
century, New South Wales had been
flooded, from the idle day-rooms or pro-
fligate hulks of Great Britain. Some
years must elapse before the effects
of the improved discipline received,
and laborious habits acquired, in the
jails and penitentiaries of the mother
country, produces any general effect on
public opinion in its distant colonies.
The relaxation of the severity of
our penal code at home, during the
last thirty years, however loudly
called for by considerations of justice
and humanity, has undoubtedly had
a most pernicious influence on the
class of convicts who have, during that
period, been sent to the colonies. In
so far as that change of system has
diminished the frequency of the in-
fliction of the punishment of death,
and limited, practically speaking, that
dreadful penalty to cases of wilful
and inexcusable murder, it must com-
mand the assent of every benevolent
and well-regulated mind. But, unfor-
tunately, the change has not stopped
there. It has descended through
every department of our criminal
jurisprudence, and come in that way
to alter much for the worse the class
of criminals who of late years have
been sent to the penal colonies. The
men who were formerly hanged are
now for the most part transported ;
those formerly transported are now
imprisoned ; and those sent abroad
have almost all, on repeated occasions,
been previously confined, generally for
a very long period. As imprisonment
scarcely ever works any reformation
on the moral character or habits of a
prisoner, whatever improved skill in
handicraft it may put into his fingers,
this change has been attended with
most serious and pernicious effect on
the character of the convicts sent to
the colonies, and gone far to produce
the aversion with which they are now
everywhere regarded.
It has been often observed, by those
practically acquainted with the work-
ing of the transportation system in
the colonies, that the Irish convicts
were generally the best, and the
Scotch, beyond all question, the worst
who arrived. This peculiarity, so
widely different from, in fact precisely
the reverse of, what has been observed
of the free settlers from these respec-
tive countries, in every part of the
world, has frequently been made the
subject of remark, and excited no
little surprise. But the reason of it
is evident, and, when once stated,
perfectly satisfactory. The Scotch
law, administered almost entirely by
professional men, and on fixed prin-
ciples, has long been based on the
principle of transporting persons only
who were deemed irreclaimable in
this country. Very few have been
sent abroad for half a century, from
Scotland, who had not either com-
mitted some very grave offence, or
532
The Transportation Qttestion.
[Nov.
been four or five times, often eight or
ten times, previously convicted and
imprisoned. In Ireland, under the
moderate and lenient sway of Irish
county justices, a poacher was often
transported who had merely been
caught with a hare tucked up under
his coat. Whatever we may think of
the justice of such severe punishments
for trivial offences, in the first instance,
there can be but one opinion as to its
tendency to lead a much better class
of convicts from the Emerald Isle, than
the opposite system did from the
shores of Caledonia. Very probably,
also, the system of giving prisoners
" repeated opportunities of amend-
ment," as it is called in this country —
but which, in fact, would be more aptly
styled " renewed opportunities -for
depravity" — has, from good but mis-
taken motives, been carried much too
far in Scotland. Be this as it may,
nothing is.more certain than that the
substitution of a race of repeatedly
convicted and hardened offenders,
under the milder system of punish-
ment in Great Britain, during the last
twenty years, for one comparatively
uninitiated in crime, such as were
formerly sent out, has had a most
pernicious effect on the character of
the convicts received in the colonies,
and the sentiments with which their
arrival was regarded.
But by far the most powerful cause,
which has been in operation for above
a quarter of a century, in destroying
the beneficial effects of the system of
transportation, and substituting the
worst possible consequences in their
stead, has been the sending out of con-
victs in too great a proportion to the free
population, and the consequent neces-
sity for substituting the gang for the
assignment system. This is a matter of
the very highest, indeed of paramount
importance; and it may safely be
affirmed that, unless a remedy is found
for it, all efforts made to render the
system of transportation palatable to
the colonies will prove nugatory.
Fortunately the means of remedying
that evil are not only easy, but, com-
paratively speaking, cheap, and per-
fectly efficacious ; and they promise,
while they remedy the above-men-
tioned evil, to confer, in other respects,
signal benefits both on the colonies and
the mother country.
New South Wales was originally
selected, and not without sufficient
reasons, as the place for the establish-
ment of penal colonies, because the
distance of it from the mother country,
and thejength of the voyage, ren-
dered it a very difficult matter either
for runaway convicts, or those who
had served their time, to get home
again. Once sent out, you were, in
the great majority of cases, clear of
them for ever. This circumstance
was no disadvantage, but rather the
reverse, to the colony, and certainly a
very great advantage to the parent
state, as long as the number of con-
victs annually sent out was incon-
siderable, and the whole convict popu-
lation formed a small minority to the
number of free settlers. When the
whole number committed a-year in
England was 4500, and in Scotland
under 100, as it was in Great Britain
in 1804 or 1805, the settlement of
convicts on the distant shores of
Australia worked well. They were
glad to get the 300 or 400 annually
sent out ; they were benefited by
their forced labour ; and the free
settlers were in sufficient numbers
to keep them with ease in subjection,
and prevent their habits from con-
taminating those of the free inhabi-
tants of the colony. But when the
commitments from Great Britain and
Ireland had risen to 50,000 or 60,000
a-year, and the convicts sent out to
3000 or 4000 annually, as they have
done for some years past, the case
was entirely altered. The polluted
stream became much too large and
powerful for the land it was intended
to fertilise; it did more harm than
good, and became the object of uni-
form and undisguised aversion.
The distance of Australia from the
mother country, which formerly had
been so great an advantage to both
parties, now became the greatest
possible evil ; because it prevented, at
the time this great influx of convicts
was going on, the immigration of
freemen from preserving anything like
a due proportion to it. When the con-
victs rose to 2000 and 3000 yearly, the
free settlers should have been raised
to 8000 or 10,000 annually. This
would have kept all right; because
the tainted population would have
been always in a small minority com-
1849.]
The Transportation Question.
533
pared to the virtuous; order would
have been preserved by the decided
majority of the well-disposed ; and the
assignment system, the parent of so
much good, still rendered practicable by
the ceaseless extension of free settlers
in the wilds of nature. But the
distance of Australia rendered this
impracticable, when the emigration
of freemen was left to its own un-
aided resources. Steam navigation
contributed powerfully to throw it into
the back-ground for all but the very
highest class of emigrants. The voy-
age to Australia is one of fourteen
thousand miles ; it takes from five to
six mouths, must still be performed
by sailing vessels, and costs about
£16 a-head for the ordinary class of
emigrants. That to America is one of
three thousand miles ; it takes from a
fortnight to three weeks, is performed
by great numbers of steam as well as
sailing vessels, and costs from £3 to
£4 a-head for the same class of pas-
sengers.*
These facts are decisive, and must
always continue so, against the choice
of Australia, as the place of their desti-
nation, by the great bulk of ordinary
emigrants. Several young men of
good family, indeed, tempted by the
high profits generally made there in
the wool trade, and the boundless faci-
lities for the multiplication of flocks
which its prairies afforded, have set-
tled there, and some have done well.
But of ordinary labourers, and persons
to do the work of common workmen,
there has always been felt a very great
deficiency, for this simple reason, that
they could not afford the expense of
the voyage. The settlers were almost
entirely of the better class, and they
were in no proportion at all to tbe
number of the convicts. This dis-
tinctly appears, not only from the ex-
travagant wages paid to shepherds
and common labourers, generally not
less than five or six shillings a- day,
but from the very limited number of
emigrants, even during the distress
of the last three years, when the vol-
untary emigration had reached two
hundred and fifty thousand annually
from the British islands, who have
gone to our colonies in New South
Wales.t
This unhappy turn of affairs has
been attended with a double disad-
vantage. In the first place, the vast
increase in the number of convicts
sent to Sydney, compared with the
small number of free settlers, has for a,
long time past rendered the continu-
ance of the assignment system impos-
sible ; and the gang system, to take off
and embody the surplus numbers,
became in a manner a matter of neces-
sity. The manners of the colony, its
habits, its prospects, its morality, have
been seriously damaged by this change.
The emancipated convicts who have
made money, known by the name of
" canary birds," have pressed upon
the heels, and come to excite the
jealousy, of the free settlers. The
accumulation of convicts in the lower
walks of life has checked the immigra-
tion of free labour, perpetuated the
frightful inequality of the sexes, and
led to the most lamentable disorders.
The gang system, of necessity intro-
duced, because free settlers did not
* While we write these lines, the following advertisement, which appeared in the
Times of Oct. 10, will illustrate this vital difference : —
" EMIGRATION. — The undersigned are prepared to forward intending emigrants to
every colony now open for colonisation, at the following ratea of passage-money : —
To Sydney, £15; Melbourne, £15; Adelaide, £15; Swan River, £20; Van Diemen's
Land, £20 ; New Zealand, £18 ; Cape of Good Hope, £10 ; Natal, £10 ; California,
£25 ; New York, £2, 10s. ; Philadelphia, £2, 10s. ; New Orleans, £3.— HARRISON
& Co. — 11 Union Street, Birmingham."
t Emigrants from Great Britain and Ireland to Australia and New Zealand :—
1830, 1,242 1836, 3,124 1842, 8,534
1831, 1,561 1837, 5,054 1843 3,478
1832, 3,733 1838, 14,021 1844, 2,229
1833, 4,093 1839, 15,726 1845, 830
1834, 2,800 1840, 15,850 1846, 2,227
1835, 1,860 1841, 32,625
— PORTER'S Parliamentary Tablet, 1846, p. 236.
534
The Transportation Question.
[Xov.
exist to take the convicts off under the
assignment system, perpetuated in the
colony the vices of the hulks, the
depravity of the galleys. The whole
benefits of transportation to the con-
victs, their whole chances of amend-
ment, are lost, when, instead of being
sent to rural labour in the solitude of
the woods and the prairies, they are
huddled together, in gangs of four
or five hundred, without hope to
counterbalance evil propensities, or
inducement to resist the seduction of
mutual bad example. These evils
were so sensibly felt, and led to such
energetic representations to the gov-
ernment at home, that at length the
colony was pacified, but at the same
time its progress checked, by an order
in council in 1837, that no more con-
victs, for a limited time, should be
sent to Sydney or its dependencies.
But this only shifted the seat of the
evil, and augmented its intensity. The
convicts, now swelled to above four
thousand a-year, could not be kept at
home ; they required to be sent some-
where, and where was that place to
be ? Van Diemen's Land was select-
ed, being the most southernly portion
of New Holland, and of course the
farthest removed from this country ;
and thither nearly the whole convicts
of Great Britain and Ireland, soon
above thirty-five hundred annually in
number, were sent for several years.
The consequence of this prodigious in-
flux of criminals into an infant colony,
so far removed from the parent state
that it cost £20 a-head to send a
common labourer there — and of course
no free emigration in proportionate
numbers could be expected without
public aid — might easily have been
anticipated. Government did nothing
to encourage the simultaneous settle-
ment of free settlers in that distant
land, thus flooded with convicts, or
so little as amounted to nothing.
The consequence was, that, ere long,
three-fifths of the inhabitants of the
colony were convicts. Every one
knows, none could have failed to anti-
cipate the consequences. The morals
of the settlement, thus having a majo-
rity of its inhabitants convicts, were
essentially injured. Crimes unutter-
able were committed ; the hideous
inequality of the sexes induced its
usual and frightful disorders ; the
police, how severe and vigilant soever,
became unable to coerce the rapidly-
increasing multitude of criminals ; the
most daring fled to the woods, where
they became bush-rangers ; life be-
came insecure ; property sank to half
its former value. So powerful, and
evidently well-founded, were the re-
presentations made on the subject to
the legislature, that it became evident
that a remedy must be applied ; and
this was done by an order in council
in 1844, which suspended entirely for
two years the transportation of male
convicts to the colonies. That of
females was still and most properly con-
tinued, in the hope that, by doing so,
the inequality of the sexes in Australia
might in some degree be corrected.
But this measure, like all the rest,
not being founded on the right prin-
ciple, has entirely failed. The accu-
mulation of offenders in the British
islands, from the stoppage of the usual
vent by which they were formerly
carried off, soon became insupport-
able. The jails were crowded to suf-
focation ; it was ere long found to be
necessary to liberate many persons,
transported seven years, at the expira-
tion of two, to make way for new
inmates. The liberated convicts were
soon back in their old haunts, and at
their old practices ; and the great in-
crease of serious crimes, such as rob-
beries, burglaries, and murders, de-
monstrated that the public morals in
the great towns were rapidly giving
way, under the influence of that worst
species of criminals — returned convicts.
The judges both of Great Britain and
Ireland, in common with every person
practically acquainted with the subject,
and who had daily proofs, in the dis-
charge of their important official duties,
of the total failure of the imprisonment
system, were unanimous in recom-
mending a return to transportation.
All the temporary expedients adopted,
such as Gibraltar, Bermuda, &c., soon
failed from the rapid increase of con-
victs, who greatly exceeded all the
means left of taking them off. Govern-
ment became convinced that they had
made a step in the wrong direction ;
and they most wisely took counsel from
experience, and determined to resume
the practice of sending convictsabroad.
But, on the threshold of the renewed
attempt, they were met by the refusal
1819.]
Tlie Transportation Question.
535
of the colonies to take them. The Cape
is almost in rebellion on the subject;
and in despair of finding a willing
colony, it is said they have in contem-
plation to send them to be roasted
under the White Cliffs, and increase
the already redundant population of
Malta.
It is not necessary to do any such
thing. The solution of the transpor-
tation question is easy, the method
to be followed perfectly efficacious.
Government have only to commence
the discharge of one of their most im-
portant social duties to get rid of all
their difficulties, and render the immi-
gration of criminals, as it was in time
past, as great a blessing to the colonies,
and as ardently desired, as of late
years it has been a curse, and earnestly
deprecated.
Transportation is a blessing to a colony
when the convicts are kept in a mino-
rity, perhaps in a fourth or a fifth of
the community to which they are sent,
and when they are not hardened in
crime, and all instructed in some use-
ful trade. In such circumstances, they
are the greatest possible addition to
its strength, riches, and progress, and
will always be gladly received.
Transportation is a curse when the
convicts sent out are so numerous,
and the free settlers so few, that the
former forms a large proportion of the
community compared to the latter, and
•when their habits are those of harden-
ed irreclaimable criminals, instead of
youthful novices in crime. If they
become a majority, certain ruin may
be anticipated to the colony thus
flooded with crime.
The difficulties which now beset the
transportation question have all
arisen from our having pursued u
course, of late years, which rendered
the settlement of convicts a curse in-
stead of a blessing, as it was at first,
when the system was directly the
reverse. To render it a blessing
again, we have only to restore the
circumstances which made it so for-
merly— sending out the convicts when
not completely hardened in depravity,
and in such a proportion to the free
settlers as to keep them a small mino-
rity to the free and untainted part of
the community. The immigration of
convicts to our colonies is like that of
the Irish into western Britain : every-
thing depends on the proportion they
bear to the remainder of the popula-
tion. They are very useful if a fourth;
they can be borne if they are a third ;
but let them become a majority, and
they will soon land the country in the
condition of Skibbereen or Conne-
mara.
We cannot diminish the numbers
of convicts transported ; on the con-
trary, woful results have made us
aware that it should be materially in-
creased. Experience has taught us,
also, that voluntary unaided emigra-
tion cannot enable the free settlers in
Australia to keep pace with the rapid
increase of crime in the British islands.
What, then, is to be done ? The an-
swer is simple : Discharge in part the
vast duty, so long neglected by govern-
ment, of providing, at the public ex-
pense, for the emigration of a certain
portion of the most indigent part of the
community, who cannot get abroad
on their own resources, and SETTLE
THEM IN THE SAME COLONY WITH THE
CONVICTS. Do this, and the labour
market is lightened at home; the con-
victs are kept in a small minority
abroad ; the colony, thus aided by the
combined virtue and penal labour of
the mother country, is secured of pro-
sperity and rapid progress; and its
rate of increase will soon induce the
other colonies to petition for a share
of the prolific stream.
At present, there are, or at least
should be, above 5000 criminals an-
nually transported from the British
islands.* The cost of settling a free
labourer in Australia is about £16
a-head. To send 16,000 free labourers
Sentenced to be transported : —
England. Scotland. Ireland.
1846, . . . 2805 352 753
1847, . . . 2896 456 2185
1848, . . . 3251 459 2678*
Total.
3810
5537
* Rebellion.
-Parliamentary Returns, 1846-8.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX.
2N
53G
Tlie Transportation Question.
[Nov.
with these 5000 criminals would
cost just £256,000 a-year: call it
£300,000 yearly, to make room for
the probable increase of criminals,
from the growing necessities or de-
pravity of the mother country, and
provide for the extra and unavoidable
expenses of an infant establishment,
and the transportation question is at
once solved, a great relief is afforded
to the distressed labourers of the
parent state, and a certain market for
our manufactures provided, which will
double every two or three years, as
long as the system is continued.
Let government, by an order in
council, propose these terms to the
colonies, and we shall see if any of
them will refuse them. If none will
close with them, let them at once
establish a new colony on these prin-
ciples, in some unoccupied part of
New Holland. In twelve months,
there will be a race for who is to get
a share of the fertilising stream. Six-
teen thousand free settlers, and five or
six thousand convicts, annually sent
to any colony, would cause its num-
bers to double every two, and its
prosperity to triple in value every
three years. Everything would go
on in a geometrical progression. It
would soon rival California in progress
and reputation. Capital would rapidly
follow this scene of activity and pro-
gress. Moneyed men are not slow in dis-
covering where labour is plentiful and
comparatively cheap, and where their
investments are doubled in amount
and value every two or three years.
A colony thus powerfully supported
by the parent state would soon dis-
tance all its competitors : while the
Cape, New Zealand, and Australia
were slumbering on with a population
doubling every ten years, from the
tardy and feeble support of free emi-
grants on their own resources, the
establishment thus protected would
double in two or three. Volun-
tary emigrants would crowd to the
scene of activity, progress, and opu-
lence. The 20,000 persons annually
sent out would immediately become
consumers of our manufactures to the
extent of £150,000 a-year :* and this
rate would be doubled the very next
year ! At the end of five or six years,
it would amount to £800,000 or
£900,000 annually. What a relief at
once to the manufacturers of Great
Britain, now labouring so severely
under the combined effect of foreign
competition and a declining home
market, and the starving peasantry
of Ireland, where half a million of
stout labourers — admirable workmen
in a foreign country, though wretched
ones in their own — are pining in hope-
less destitution, a burden upon their
parishes, or flocking in ruinous multi-
tudes to Liverpool and Glasgow.
But where is the £300,000 to come
from? The Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer has no money ; taxation has
reached its limits ; and loans are out
of the question. What ! have free
trade and a restricted currency, then,
so quickly prostrated the resources of
the country, that the nation which, in
1813, with eighteen millions of in-
habitants, at the close of a twenty
years' costly war, raised £72,000,000
by taxation, and £80,000,000 by loan,
cannot now, with thirty millions, for
so very important an object, after
thirty- three years of unbroken peace,
muster up £300,000 a-year? A shil-
ling a gallon on the 6,259,000 gallons
of whisky annually consumed in Scot-
land alone, in demoralising the com-
munity, would provide the requisite
sum, and tend to equalise the ruinous
exemption which Scotland now enjoys
in the manufacture of that attractive
and pernicious liquor. A similar duty
on the 12,000,000 gallons annually
consumed in England, would raise
double the sum. But if government,
despite the £100,000,000 we were
promised by free trade, cannot afford
£300,000 a-year for this vital object,
let it be laid on the counties as part
of the prison or county rates. A little
reflection would soon show every
person of sense in the country, that
its amount could speedily be saved in
prison and poor rates.
Simultaneously with this change, an
alteration, equally loudly called for,
should take place in the administra-
tion of our criminal law at home.
The present system of inflicting short
imprisonments at first, and reserving
long imprisonments and transporta-
tion for criminals who have plied their
* At the rate of £7, 14s. a-head— the present rate in Australia.
1849.]
The Transportation Question.
trade of pillage for two or three years,
should be abolished. Imprisonment
should consist of three kinds : — 1. A
very short imprisonment, perhaps of
a week or ten days, for the youngest
criminals and a first trifling offence,
intended to terrify merely. 2. For a
second offence, however trivial — or a
first, if considerable, and indicating
an association with professional
thieves — a long imprisonment of nine
months or a year, sufficient to teach
every one a trade, should invariably be
inflicted. 3. The criminal who has
been thus imprisoned, and taught a
trade, should, when next convicted,
be instantly transported. In this way
a triple advantage would be gained.
1. The immense number of prisoners
now constantly in confinement in the
British islands would be materially
lessened, and the prison -rates propor-
tionally relieved. 2. The cost of now
maintaining a convict in one of the
public penitentiaries, to prepare him
for transportation, not less than £17
or £18, would be almost entirely
saved; he would be prepared for it,
in the great majority of cases, by his
previous imprisonment. 3. The cha-
racter and habits of the convicts sent
out would be materially improved,
by getting comparatively young and
untainted men for penal labour, in-
stead of old offenders, who have learned
no other trade than that of thieving.
To the country it would undoubtedly
save £60 or £80 on each criminal
transported, by removing him at the
commencement of his career, when
his reformation was possible, instead
of waiting till its close, when he had
lived for three or four years in flash-
houses and prisons at the public ex-
pense, paid in depredations or prison
rates, and acquired nothing but habits
which rendered any change of cha-
racter abroad difficult, if not impos-
sible. The prisons would become,
instead of mere receptacles of vice,
great houses of industry, where the
most dangerous and burdensome part
of our population would be trained
for a life of industry and utility in the
colonies.
For a similar reason, the great ob-
ject in poor-houses, houses of refuge,
hospitals, and other institutions where
the destitute poor children are main-
tained at the public expense, or that
of foundations bequeathed by the
piety of former times, should be to
prepare the young of both sexes, by
previous education, for the habits and
duties of colonists ; and, when they
become adults, to send them abroad at
the expense of the public or the institu-
tion. Incalculable would be the
blessings which would ensue, both to
the public morals and the public ex-
penditure, from the steady adoption
of this principle. It is a lamentable
fact, well known to all practically
acquainted with this subject, that a
large proportion of the orphan or des-
titute boys, educated in this manner
at the public expense, in public insti-
tutions, become thieves, and nearly
all the girls prostitutes. It could not
be otherwise with young creatures of
both sexes, turned out without a
home, relation, or friend, shortly after
the age of puberty, into the midst of
an old and luxurious community,
overloaded with labour, abounding in,
snares, thickly beset with temptations.
Removed to Australia, the Cape, or
Canada, they might do well, and
would prove as great a blessing in
those colonies, where labour is dear,
women wanted, and land boundless,
as they are a burden here, where la-
bour is cheap, women redundant, and
land all occupied. Every shilling laid
out in the training the youth of both
sexes in such situations, for the duties
of colonial life, and sending them to it
when adults, would save three in fu-
ture prison or poor rates. A pauper
or criminal, costing the nation £15 or
£20 a-year, would be converted into
an independent man living on his
labour, and consuming £7 or £8 worth
yearly of the manufactures of his na-
tive country.
The number of emigrants who now
annually leave the British shores, is
above 250,000 ! * No such migration
of mankind is on record since the days
when the Goths and Vandals over-
threw the Roman empire, and settled
amidst its ruins. It might naturally
have been supposed that so prodigious
a removal of persons, most of them in
* Viz. :— 1847, 258,000 ; 1848, 248,000 j 1849, understood to be still larger.—
Parliamentary Reports.
538
The Transportation Question.
[NOT.
the prime of life, would have contri-
buted in a material degree to lighten
the market of labour, and lessen the
number of persons who, by idleness
or desperation, are thrown into habits
of crime. But the result has been
just the reverse ; and perhaps nothing
has contributed so powerfully to in-
crease crime, and augment destitution
among the labouring classes of late
years, as this very emigration. The
reason is evident. It is for the most
part the wrong class which has gone
abroad. It is the employer, not the
employed ; the holders of little capi-
tals, not the holders of none. Left to
its own unaided resources, emigration
could be undertaken only by persons
possessed of some funds to pay their
passage. It took £100 to transport
a family to Australia ; £20 or £30 to
America. The destitute, the insol-
vent, the helpless, could not get away,
and they fell in overwhelming and
crushing multitudes on the parish
funds, county rates, and charity of
the benevolent at home. Labour be-
came everywhere redundant, because
so many of the employers of labour
had gone away. The grand object
for all real lovers of their country
now, should be to induce government
or the counties to provide means for
the emigration, on a large scale, of
destitute labourers, chained by their
poverty to the soil. About 150,000
persons have annually emigrated from
Ireland for the last three years,
carrying with them above half its
agricultural capital ; and the conse-
quence is, that in many districts the
land is uncultivated, and the bank-
notes in circulation, which, in 184Gr
were £7,500,000, have sunk in August
1849 to £3,833,000!* The small
cultivators, the employers of the poor,
have disappeared, and with them their
capital — leaving only to the owners
of land a crowd of starving, unem-
ployed labourers, to consume their
rents. A million of such starving
labourers now oppress the industry of
Ireland. Such is the result of agita-
tion at home, and free trade in emi-
gration abroad. The American papers
tell us, that each of these starving
Irishmen, if strong and healthy, is
worth 1000 dollars to the United
States. Free-trade emigration can
never send them out — it can transport
only those who can pay. A large
increase of penal emigration, coupled
with such a proportionate influx, at
the public expense, of free settlers, as
would prevent it from becoming an
evil, at once solves the transportation
question, and is the first step in the
right direction in that of Emigration.
See Dublin University Magazine, October 1849, p. 372.
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part 7.
539
MY PENINSULAR MEDAL.
BY AN OLD PENINSULAR.
PART I. — CHAPTER I.
ON the evening of the 13th of Feb-
ruary last, I was sitting in my library,
at my residence in Square, when
a double knock at the door announced
the postman. Betty presently entered,
bringing, not as I anticipated, a letter
or two, but a small packet, which
evidently excited her curiosity, as it
did mine.
The first thing upon the said packet
that caught my eye was a large seal
of red wax — the royal arms ! — then,
above the direction, " On Her Majes-
ty's service ! " — just beneath, the word,
"Medal!" Yes, the medal that I
had earned five-and-thirty years be-
fore, in the hard-fought fight on the
hill of Toulouse — long expected, it
was come at last ! And, let me tell
you, a very handsome medal, too;
well designed, well executed; and
accompanied with a very civil letter,
from that old soldier, and true soldier's
friend, Lord Fitzroy Somerset, the
military secretary. This letter being,
no doubt, precisely the same as hun-
dreds of " Old Peninsulars" have by
this time received, I presume I am
guilty of no breach of confidence in
here transcribing it for the benefit of
nay readers : —
" Horse-Guards, 31st January 1849.
" Sir, — I am directed by the Com-
mander-in- Chief to transmit to you
the Medal and Clasps graciously
awarded to you by her Majesty under
the general order of the first of June
1847. I have the honour to be, &c.
" FITZROY SOMERSET."
As I never attempt to describe
my own feelings, except such as are
describable, I shall not relate what I
aow felt on the receipt of this much
desired, anxiously expected medal.
But this I will say; — long live the
Queen! long live Queen Victoria!
God bless her ! Oh, it was a kind
thought : it was a gracious act. It
comes to cheer the heart of many an
old soldier, and of many a middle-aged
gentleman like myself, who got no-
thing but honour and aching bones
for his share in the Peninsular glories ;
and now has something that he can
add to the archives of his family, and
leave to those who come after him.
" Graciously awarded to you by her
Majesty:" Yes; and I feel it as much
so, as if her Majesty's own gracious
hands had placed it in mine. And, if
ever she wants defenders, so long as
this arm can wield — but enough :
romance would be out of place.
After the delivery of the medals
had been proceeding for some time, I
was coming, one morning, out of the
Horse-Guards, when I met old Major
Snaffle, who had just got his. The
major belongs to that class who are
known in the army by the name of
" grumblers ; " and, having been
knocked down by the wind of a shot
at the Trocadero, having been brought
away in the last boat but nineteen
from Corunna, having seen the battle
of Salamanca from the top of a tree,
having been seized with the ague but
an hour before the storming of Bada-
joz, having again been very ill in the
south of France from eating unripe
grapes, having regularly drawn his
pay and allowances, and never having
been absent from his regiment on sick
leave when he could not get it, now
justly deems himself a very ill-used
man, because more has not been done
for him. " Well, major," said I, " I
wish you joy. So you have got your
medal at last." " Yes," growled the
major, or rather grunted, " at last I
have got it. Long time, though, six-
and-thirty years — long time to wait
for half-a-crown."
My own profession, at present, is
very different from that of arms.
Nor can I presume, having been in
but one general action, to rank with
those brave old fire-eaters of the Pe-
ninsular army, whose medals with
many clasps — bar above bar — tell of
six, seven, eight, critical combats or
more, in which they took a part under
the illustrious Wellington, in Portu-
540
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Nov.
gal, in Spain, in the south of France.
By the bye, how I should like to see
the Duke's own medal ! What a lot
of bars HE must have! — what a glori-
ous ladder, step rising above step in
regular succession, when he sits down
to soup in his field- marshal's coat !
But I was going to say — to return
from great things to small — so far
from being able to claim high military
honours for myself, though serving
under his Grace's orders in the Penin-
sular war, I was not there at all in a
strictly military capacity. Yet as,
from this very circumstance, I had
opportunities of seeing scenes, charac-
ters, and incidents, connected with
the British army, of a different kind
from those described by other writers
on the subject, I am induced, by the
arrival of my medal, to place on record
a short narrative of my personal ad-
ventures in the Peninsula and south
of France.
Yet, ere I commence the yarn, a
word, one word, for the honour-
ed dead. Many, who came home
safe from the Peninsula, fell at
Waterloo. Others were borne from
the western ports of Europe across
the Atlantic, to be marks for Ken-
tucky riflemen and New England
bushfighters. Of the survivors, mul-
titudes upon multitudes have gradually
dropped off; and those who now re-
main, of the legions that conquered at
Vimeira, at Vittoria, and at Orthes,
to receive her Majesty's gracious
gift, are probably fewer in number
than those who are gone. One " Old
Peninsular" I have heard of, in whose
own family and connexions, had all
lived, there would have been fourteen
or fifteen claimants of the medal. He
is now, if he still survives, the only
one left. In my own connexions we
should have made seven ; and now,
besides myself, there remains only
one venerable uncle, who is comfort-
ably located in a snug berth in Canada.
There was my honoured father, who
received the thanks of parliament for
his services at Corunna, and pounded
the French batteries at Cadiz. There
was my cousin, Tom Impett, of the
53d, whom I found with a musket-
ball in his leg two days after the
battle of Toulouse, in a house full of
wounded men and officers. He died
in Canada. There was another vene-
rable uncle, as kind an uncle as ever
breathed, and as honest a man as
ever lived. He died, to his honour,
far from rich, after having been per-
sonally responsible for millions upon
millions of public money, the sinews
of war, all paid away in hard cash for
our Peninsular expenses. He was ge-
nerally known at headquarters by a
comical modification of his two Chris-
tian names. There was Captain, after-
wards Colonel B , of the Royal
Engineers, a quiet, mild-tempered
man, with military ardour glowing in
his breast — the man of education and
the gentleman. We met near the
platform of St Cyprien; and he had
the kindness to entertain me with a
calm disquisition on the fight, while
we were both in the thick of it. He
had his share of professional employ-
ment in the Peninsular sieges, and got
a bad wound or two ; but lived to
fortify Spike Island, and was at length
lost at sea. And then there was colo-
nel H , who commanded a Portu-
guese brigade with the rank of briga-
dier-general— an extraordinary com-
position of waggery, shrewdness, chi-
valry, and professional talent. He
came down to Lisbon while I was
there, on his way to England, quite
worn out with hard service and the
effect of his wounds, or, as he told us
himself, " unripped at every seam."
He died not many days after, on his
passage to England.
Now for myself. I commenced
keeping my terms at Trinity College,
Cambridge, in the year 1809, the
seventeenth of my age. A college
life was not altogether my own choice ;
for nearly all the males of my family,
for three generations, had served or
were serving their country either in
the army, navy, or marines, to the
number of some ten or twelve ; and I
myself had always looked forward to
wearing the king's uniform. More-
over, as the Peninsular war had al-
ready commenced when I went to col-
lege, and I had learned at school the
use of the broadsword and small
sword, had been drilled, and could
handle a musket, my thoughts often
turned to military scenes, especially
when I read in the daily journals of
victories won, first by Sir Arthur
Wellesley, then by Lord Wellington.
But, once at Cambridge, I caught the
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
541
fever of academic emulation. My
cousin B (brother of the Captain
B above mentioned,) had been
senior wrangler, and had given me
some useful hints as to the mode of
reading with effect ; I read hard, ob-
tained a Trinity scholarship in my first
year, first class the same year, ditto
the second year, and stood fair for a
place among the wranglers.. But now
my health broke ; not, however, from
hard living, but from hard study. I
was compelled to give up ; and, not
choosing to read for a middling degree
after having been booked for a high
one, determined to go out among the
hoys. Now my penchant for military
adventure returned with full force. I
was miserably out of health, with an
excellent constitution — in proof of
which I always found that I lost
ground by nursing, but gained by a
rough open-air life. A campaign or
two would be just the thing for me.
And I beg to offer this suggestion to
growing young gentlemen who are
sickly, and consequently hipped, as I
was. If, with rough living — that is,
with much moving about, and constant
exposure to the atmosphere — you grow
worse, I can give you no comfort ; you
are a poor creature, take all the care
of yourself you can. But if, with the
same kind of life, you grow better,
stronger, stouter, heartier, saucier,
depend upon it, you have some sta-
mina. This was my case. I saw
that a sedentary life was not the life I
was made for ; an active life was the
life for me ; and my thoughts dwelt
more and more on the Peninsula. I
rubbed up my French, procured a
Gil Bias in Spanish, ditto in Portu-
guese, a Portuguese and a Spanish
grammar, and, for a sick man, made
wonderful progress in all the three
languages.
But, alas! there was a hitch. I
was an only son, and an only child —
intended for the law! My dear father
had already made me a present, while
at school, of Fortescue De Laudibus ;
and I had already gobbled up a por-
tion of that excellent work — for I was
always an omnivorous reader — and
had digested it too. And then what
Avould my dear mother say, if I talked
to her about going to be shot at for
the benefit of my health ? It was a
delicate point to manage, and how to
manage it I knew not.
In the long vacation of 1812, which
closed my third year at Trinity Col-
lege, Cambridge, I brought matters
to an explanation. My father's
ship, the , 74, was then in the
Downs, and we had lodgings on Wal-
mer beach. I stated my desire to
enter the army, and my firm convic-
tion that nothing else would restore
my shattered constitution. But my
father was inflexible, my mother an-
swered all my arguments, and I saw
that I had no chance.
But when one way of gaining an
object fails, another sometimes pre-
sents itself. My two uncles, of whom
I have spoken, were already in the
Peninsula, both of them in the same
department, the senior at the head of
it, with the privilege of occasionally
nominating his own clerks. Their
friends in England heard from them
now and then ; and I saw a letter
from my senior uncle to a particular
old crony of his own, who had influ-
ential connexions, asking him why he
did not come out to the army with the
rank of A. D. P. M. G.,* instead of
staying at home, and eating roast pig
for supper.
Like all the hipped, a miserable
race, I was constantly thinking about
myself; and now a happy thought
struck me. As to parliamentary inte-
rest, to be sure I had none. Besides,
being under one-and-twenty, I was
not of an age to aspire to an officer's
rank, in a department of so much re-
sponsibility as the paymaster-gene-
ral's ; therefore, the above standing
of assistant-deputy, which put an
epaulet on the shoulder at once, was
not to be thought of. But then, if
Buonaparte would only have the kind-
ness to keep us in hot water two or
three years longer, I might rise to the
said rank by previous good conduct in
the office of clerk, and that my uncle
could get me at once.
* For the benefit of the uninitiated, assistant-deputy-paymaster-general; A.A.D.
P. M. G., acting-assistant-deputy-paymaster-general; a long title, but not so long, by
four syllables, as that of the letter-carrier of a certain German war-office — Ober-
kriegsversammhingrathsverhandlungpapieraufhebergeliulfe.
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
512
I again broke ground with my
honoured parents. My father assured
me that, if I went to Lisbon, where he
had been stationed with his ship, I
should find it a hell upon earth :
though I afterwards learned that he
had contrived to spend a tolerably
happy life there. " And as to your
being attached to headquarters, and
following the movements of the army,
I," said he, " have seen quite enough
of service ashore to be able to tell you
that you will be soon sick of that."
But, to cut the story short, my dear
mother now began to incline to my
view of the subject. To be sure a
clerkship was not exactly what they
had thought of for me — but it might
lead to something better — no man's
education was complete without a tour
on the Continent — the usual tour
through France, Italy, and the south
of Germany, was rendered impossible
by the war — and where, in all Europe,
could a young man travel, except in
Spain and Portugal? Fighting, and
paying those who fought, were diffe-
rent things — I might keep out of the
way of bullets, and yet contrive to see
the world. In short, these arguments
prevailed. A letter was written out
to my uncle, begging him to write a
letter to the head office in London,
nominating me as one of his clerks for
Peninsular service. I went back to
Cambridge, attacked Spanish and
Portuguese with renewed ferocity,
took my degree of A. B., and returned
home in the early part of 1813, just in
time to meet a letter from the best of
uncles, stating that he had written to
the home authorities, and was anxi-
ously expecting my valuable assis-
tance in the Peninsula.
Nothing was now wanting but the
nomination from London. That anxi-
ous month ! Morning after morning I
watched for the postman's knock ;
and, at every such summons, it was
myself that opened the door to him.
But great bodies move slowly, and
official dignity delights to announce
itself by tardiness of action. At
length the wished-for communication
arrived ; a letter, u On His Majesty's
Service," of no common magnitude ;
a seal of correspondent amplitude ;
and an intimation, in terms of stately
brevity, that I was appointed a clerk
of the military chest attached to the
[Nov.
Peninsular army, and was to attend
at the office in London to receive my
instructions.
During that month the bustle of
preparation, in our usually quiet domi-
cile, had been immense. Stockings
sufficient to set up a Cheapside hosier,
shirts enough for a voyage to India,
flannel commensurate with a visit to
the North Pole — everything, in short,
that could be thought of, was prepared
for the occasion with kind and provi-
dent care. I said farewell, reached
London, reported myself, got my
orders and an advance, booked my
place for Falmouth, and found myself
the same evening a passenger to Exe-
ter by the fast coach.
In those times, the journey from
London to Falmouth by the fast coach
was a light off-hand affair of two
nights and two days. We reached
Exeter on the second night, and there
I was allowed the indulgence of three
hours' bed, till the Falmouth coach
was ready to start. As part of the
said three hours was occupied in un-
dressing and dressing, and part also
in saying my prayers, I entered the
new vehicle far more disposed for
sleep than for conversation. But
there I found, to my consternation, a
very chatty passenger, perfectly/rcs/i/
He was a man of universal informa-
tion— in short, a talented individual,
and an intellectual character ; had his
own ideas upon morals, politics, theo-
logy, physics, metaphysics, and gene-
ral literature ; wasparticularly anxious
to impart them ; and was travelling to
obtain orders in the rum and hollauds
line. Ah, what a night was that !
Oh the dismal suffering which a prosy
talker inflicts on a weary head ! Of all
nuisances, the most unconscious is
the bore. I do think the Speaker of
the House of Commons is the most ill-
used man in the three kingdoms. Re-
flect : he must not only hear — he
must listen! And then think what a
time ! — hour after hour, and day after
day ! For a period amounting, in the
aggregate, to no small portion of the
life of man, must that unfortunate vic-
tim of British institutions sit and
hearken to
" Now a louder, now a weaker,
Now a snorter, now a squeaker ;
How I pity Mr Speaker !"
Some portion of such suffering I my-
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part 7.
543
.self was now compelled to endure, by
my communicative friend in the Fal-
mouth coach. To be sure, it was
only a single proser ; but then there
was variety in one. He commenced
by a few remarks on the weather, by
which he introduced a disquisition on
meteorology. He then passed, by an
easy transition, to the question of
secondary punishments ; glanced at
the theory of gravitation ; dwelt for
some time on heraldry ; touched on
hydrostatics; waslarge onlogarithms ;
then digressed on the American war ;
proposed emendations of our autho-
rised version ; discussed the Neptu-
nian theory ; and at length suspended
his course, to inform me that I was
decidedly the most agreeable fellow-
traveller he had ever met with. The
fact is, I was sitting up all this time
in the corner of the coach, in a state
of agony and indignation indescribable,
meditating some mode of putting a
stop to the annoyance, and mentally
seeking a solution to the question —
What right has a very stupid person
to make your brain a thoroughfare
for his stupid ideas, especially when
you would particularly like to go to
sleep? He mistook my silence for
attention, and thought he was appre-
ciated. This went on till daylight —
continued to breakfast- time — proceed-
ed during breakfast — ceased not when
we had re-entered the coach — talk,
talk, talk, de omnibus rebus et quibus-
dam aliis — still the same stream of
stuff. That long, that dreary journey
from Exeter to Falmouth ! The soft
lull of somnolency came at length to
my relief; and I began to nod my
assent, much to my tormentor's grati-
fication. But presently I was dead
asleep ; and, most unfortunately, my "
head dropped forward into the pit of
his stomach. The breath, knocked
out of his body, escaped with a gasp,
like an Indian's " ugh !" In a moment
I was broad awake, and made a thou-
sand apologies, which he politely ac-
cepted, and renewed the thread of his
discourse. Again, I dropped off ; and
again my head dropped forward.
Another "ugh!" another ocean of
apologies, another resumption of the
endless yarn. The other passengers,
two sedate and remarkably silent
.gentlemen of Falmouth, in broad-
brimmed hats and drab coats of a
peculiar cut, had each his weather-
eye open, and began to enjoy the joke
amazingly. Gradually, once more,
the incessant clack subsided in my
ears to a pleasing hum ; I was off;
the cervical, dorsal, and lumbar
muscles once more lost their tension
beneath the narcotic influence of
incessant sound ; and my drowsy
head gave a pitch as before, with the
same results — " ugh!" — apologies un-
limited— ditto accepted — and more
yarn. The Quakers — I beg their
pardon, the "Friends" — are, you
must know, eminently humourists.
This, please to take notice, arises from
their superior intelligence, and high
degree of mental culture ; the result
of which is high susceptibility. You
might now have seen, in our two fel-
low-travellers in the Falmouth coach,
what you would see nowhere but in
their "connexion" — two men ready to
die of laughing, and each looking as
grave as a judge. For a few miles it
went on. Talk — sleep — head pitched
into bread-basket — " ugh !" — pungent
and profound regrets — regrets accept-
ed— talk recommenced — and so on
with a perpetual da capo. At length
the most gifted of gratuitous lec-
turers began to perceive that he was
contributing to the amusement of the
party in a way that he had not intend-
ed, and grew indignant. But I paci-
fied him, as we drove into Falmouth,
by politely soliciting a card of his
house ; stepped out of the coach into
the coffee-room of the hotel, out of
the coffee-room into bed as soon as it
was ready, and made up for two
sleepless nights by not coming down to
breakfast till two o'clock the next day.
The Lisbon packet was not to sail
for a week. My extra baggage
arrived in due time by the heavy ;
and I occupied the interval, as best I
could, in a pedestrian survey of the
environs of Falmouth, walks to Truro,
Pendennis Castle, &c. I was much
delighted with clouted cream, and
gave the landlady an unlimited order
always to let me have a John dory for
dinner, when there was one in the
market. N.B. — No place like Fal-
mouth for John dories. Clouted cream
always ask for, when you go into the
West — very good with tea, not bad
with coffee ; and?«e»i., unimpeachable
with apple-pie.
544
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Nov.
The packet, that was to have the
honour of conveying mefromFalmouth
to Lisbon, was a little tub of a gun-
brig, yclept the Princess Wilhelmina.
Judging from her entire want of all
the qualities requisite for the service
on which she was employed, I pre-
sume she must have obtained the
situation through some member of
parliament. Her captain was laid up
with the gout ; and we were to be
commanded by the mate, who turned
out to be a Yankee, and an ugly cus-
tomer; but more of him anon. At
the same hotel where I had established
my habitat, was a military party,
three in number, waiting, like myself,
for the sailing of the packet ; yet not,
like myself, men fresh in the service,
but all three regular " Peninsulars" —
men who had returned on leave from
the British army, and were now about
to join, in time for the opening of the
campaign. They had established
themselves in a front drawing-room
on the first floor, seemed very fond of
music, and had good voices. But as
they always sang together, and each
sang his own song, it was not easy to
determine the vocal powers of each.
The coffee-room was quite good enough
for me ; and there I had the honour
of forming the acquaintance of an-
other fellow- voyager that was to be —
a partner in a large London house in
the Manchester line, whom, to avoid
personality, I beg leave to distinguish
by the name of Gingham. He had
many of the peculiarities of Cockney-
ism, and some that were entirely his
own; but I found him a very pleasant
companion, and we perambulated the
town and neighbourhood in com-
pany.
CHAPTER II.
My first chapter brought me, on my
way to Portugal, as far as the Royal
Hotel, Falmoath. At this stage of
my travels, I must beg to detain the
reader for a short space ; for here it is
that I may be said to have had my
seasoning ; here, in fact, I obtained
my first introduction to military so-
ciety, and to military life, as it pre-
vailed at the British headquarters in
the Peninsula. This advantage I
gained by falling in with the party of
" Peninsulars " already mentioned,
who were on their way out, like my-
self. I must also make my readers
better acquainted with my friend
Gingham, whom I hope they will not
dislike on further knowledge. Ging-
ham and I afterwards campaigned in
company. I must premise that he
had a touch of romance ; and, as I
afterwards discovered, had not been
brought up as a merchant.
It was the early spring of 1813 : a
year big with events of import to
Spain, to France, to England, and, in
fact, to the whole of Europe. On
leaving London by the fast coach, we
had bowled away over frozen roads.
But at Falmouth, the trees were bud-
ding in the hedgerows, the sun was
shining, the birds were singing; while
the soft air stole gently by, and,
whispering, sportively saluted us as it
passed, like some coy nymph invisible
— that idea was Gingham's — the sky
was clear, and the haze danced in the
sunshine on the distant hills — Gingham
again. Towards the afternoon, it
generally fell calm. The capacious
harbour, smooth as glass, though
gently undulating at its entrance, with
the swell of the Atlantic that rolled
lazily in, bore on its bosom not only
the tub-like Princess Wilhelmina and
her Yankee mate, but many a noble
vessel of ampler tonnage, that showed
no water-line in the transparent and
silent mirror on which it floated, and
seemed to hang suspended between
earth and heaven, motionless in the
sun-lit and misty ether.
A very odd fish was that Gingham.
We enjoyed our walks amazingly.
He was going out to Lisbon in a large
way, on a mission of mercantile specu-
lation, with full authority from his
firm to do anything and everything,
whether in the way of contracts for
the army, buying up commissariat
bills, engaging in monetary transac-
tions, or, above all — for that was his
chief object — forming a Peninsular con-
nexion, and opening a new market for
British goods. His was, indeed, a
voyage of enterprise and of discovery ;
not, however, his first. His manners
were precise. He was a higgler in
1819.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part /.
little things, but had large ideas, and
lots of gentlemanly feeling. Like
many other Cockneys of those days,
he was always dressed, and always
conscious of being dressed. His hat
was white, with the exception of the
interior green of the brim, which
matched with his spectacles. His
gloves were white, his unmentionables
were white, and so was his waistcoat.
His white cravat was tied before in a
sort of pilot-balloon, or white rosi-
crucian puff. His hair also was
pomatum'd, and powdered white.
His very pigtail, all but the narrow
silk ribbon that held it together, was
white. His coat was not white, but
a light pepper-and-salt, approaching
to white. On the whole, there was
so much white in his general appear-
ance, that on board the packet he at
ouce received the name of " the white
man." He was generally well-in-
formed, but particularly so in matters
of commerce. Our intimacy increased
rapidly, and I afterwards, indeed very
soon, found the advantage of it. He
was naturally of a communicative dis-
position, while he had much to com-
municate that was worth knowing.
In me he found a willing hearer ; for
I was glad to receive any kind of use-
ful information. With the prospect
before us of a campaign in common,
we soon knocked up a sort of friend-
ship.
Gingham could do the handsome
thing. Two days before our embarka-
tion he insisted on my dining with
him — taking my chop with him, he
called it — in return for half a beef-
stake, which he had accepted from
me at breakfast, his own being de-
layed. I entered the coffee-room at
the appointed hour ; but was ushered
up stairs into a private room with
some degree of ceremony by the
waiter, who, I observed, had on
gloves, knees, silk stockings, and
pumps.
Gingham was there. He had order-
ed a regular spread. We sat down.
The landlord, who had not hitherto
made himself visible, emerged on this
festive occasion, brought in the soup,
bowed, and retired. Gingham said
grace. The soup excellent : it was
turtle ! " Capital turtle !" said I ;
" had no idea that anything half so
good was to be had in all Falmouth."
" Always take a small stock when I
travel," said Gingham ; " got a dozen
three-quart cases from Cornhill. Just
found room for it in my travelling
store - closet. " " Travelling store-
closet !" thought I : " what a capital
fellow to campaign with !"
Soup removed. Re-enter landlord,
attended by waiter. John dory, in
compliment to me, splendid. Large
soles, fried. " I despise the man
that boils a sole," said Gingham. It
was despicable, I admitted. "My
dear sir," said he, u allow me to lay
down a principle, which you will find
useful as long as you live. With
boiled fish — turbot, for instance, or
John dory— always take sauce. You
did quite right, in allowing me to
help you to sauce just now. But with
fried fish, at least with fried sole —
this, for instance — never, never per-
mit sauce or melted butter to be put
upon your plate." It was a manoeuvre
to get me to try the sole, after the
John dory. " Fried sole without
butter ?" said I. u Try it my way,"
said Gingham, helping me : " take
some salt — that's right — now put to
that a modicum of cayenne — there — a
little more — don't be afraid of putting
enough — cayenne, though hot, is not
heating, like common pepper — now
mix them well together with the point
of your knife." I obeyed implicitly.
" Now then," said Gingham, with a
look of exultation, " TRY THAT." I
tried it ; and owned that I had never
known, till then, the right way of
eating fried sole. It was excellent,
even after the John dory. Try it, only
try it, the first time a fried sole ap-
pears on the dinner table, under which
are your legs.
A peculiar sound at the side-table
now announced that he of the pumps
was opening a bottle of champagne.
Up to that moment we had managed
to put up with Madeira, which was
the fashionable dinner wine in those
days. N.B. — Good wine to be got at
Falmouth. It comes direct from
abroad, not via London.
Fish removed. Door opens. Though
rejoicing in those days in a very fair
appetite, I was rather alarmed, after
such a commencement of our humble
meal, at the thought of what might be
coming. But Gingham had a delicacy
of taste, which never overdid things.
546
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Nov.
Enter once more the landlord, bearing
an elegant little saddle of Dartmoor
mutton, and audibly whispering to the
waiter, " Boiled fowls and tongue to
follow." I commenced this history
with a resolution to conceal nothing ;
therefore, away with reserve : both
mutton, fowls, and tongue were excel-
lent. " A little more Madeira, Mr
Y — ," said Gingham. The currant
jelly had distasted my mouth. I
merely put the glass to my lips, and
set it down again. Gingham observed,
and at once discovered the reason.
" Take a mouthful of potato," said
Gingham, " the hottest you can find
in the dish." My taste was restored.
Table cleared again. I hoped the
next entree would be the cheese and
celery.
During the short armistice, Ging-
ham, who delighted to communicate
useful knowledge, resumed the subject
of the potato. Like all merchants
who pay frequent visits to the Penin-
sula— and Gingham .had been there
often — he was knowing in wines, and
in everything vinous. " Yes," said
he, " nothing like a mouthful of hot
potato to make you taste wine. There
are lots of things besides, but none
equal to that. The invention is my
own."
" Then," replied I, " I presume you
use it at Oporto and Xeres, when you
make purchases ? "
" Why, not exactly that neither,"
said he. " The worst of it is, it makes
all wine relish alike, bad as well as
good. Now, in buying wine, you
want something to distinguish the
good wine from the bad. And for
this purpose — " The landlord and
waiter reappeared.
" Sorry, Mr Y — , there is no game,"
said Gingham. " Fine jack hare in
the larder this morning, but rather
late in the season. Wouldn't have it.
Can you finish oif with one or two
light things in the French way?"
" My dear sir, my dear sir !"
The table was this time covered
with such a display of patisserie, maca-
roni, and made dishes, as would have
formed of itself a very handsome
petit souper for half-a-dozen people.
Gingham wanted me to try every-
thing, and set me an example.
The whole concluded, and the cloth
.about to be removed, " Mr Ging-
ham," said I, " you said grace before
dinner, and I think / ought to say
grace -now." The waiter drew up
reverently with his back to the side-
board, adjusted his neckcloth, and
tightened with his right hand the glove
upon his left.
We sat sipping our wine, and nib-
bling at a very handsome dessert. I.
wanted to know more about distin-
guishing good wine from bad.
" I have made large purchases of
wine on commission," said Gingham,
" for private friends ; and that, you
know, is a delicate business, and
sometimes a thankless one. But I
never bought a bad lot yet ; and if
they found fault with it, I wouldn't
let them have it — kept it myself, or
sold it for more in the market."
" You were just on the point," said
I, " of mentioning a method of dis-
tinguishing good wine from bad."
" Well," replied he, " those fellows
there, on the other side of the Bay of
Biscay, have methods innumerable.
After all, taste, judgment, and ex-
perience must decide. The Oporto
wine - merchants, who know what
they are about, use a sort of silver
saucer, with its centre bulging up-
wards. In this saucer they make the
wine spin round. My plan is dif-
ferent."
" I should like to know it," said I.
" Well, sir," said he, " mix with
water — two-thirds water to one-third
wine. Then try it."
" Well ?"
" If there is any bad taste in the
wine, the mixing brings it out. Did
you never notice in London, even if
the port or sherry seems passable
alone, when you water it the compound
is truly horrid, too nauseous to drink V"
" The fact is, though a moderate
man, I am not very fond of watering
wine."
" The fact is," continued Gingham,
" there is very little good wine to be
got in London, always excepting such
places, for instance, as the Chapter.
When you return, after having tasted
wine in the wine countries, you will
be of my opinion. Much that you get
is merely poor wine of the inferior
growths, coloured, flavoured, and
dressed up with bad brandy for the
London market. That sort comes
from abroad. And much that you
1849.]
get is not wine at all, but a decoction ;
a vile decoction, sir; not a drop of
vine in its composition. That sort is
the London particular." I felt that I
was receiving ideas.
"Now, sir," said Gingham, "my
cold-water test detects this. If what
you get for wine is a decoction, a
compound, and nothing but a com-
pound, no wine in it, then the water
— about two-thirds to one-third —
detects the filthy reality. Add a
lump or two of sugar, and you get as
beastly a dose of physic as was ever
made up in a doctor's shop."
" Just such a dose," I replied, " as
I remember getting, now you mention
it, as I came down here by the fast
coach, at an inn where I asked, by
way of a change, for a glass of cold
white-wine negus. The slice of lemon
was an improvement, having done
duty before in a glass of gin punch."
" Shouldn't wonder," said Ging-
ham. " And if what you buy for port
or sherry be not absolutely a decoc-
tion, but only inferior wine made up,
then the water equally acts as a de-
tective. For the dilution has the
effect of separating, so to speak, the
respective tastes of the component
parts — brings them out, sir ; and you
get each distinct. You get, on the
one hand, the taste of the bad brandy,
harsh, raw, and empyreumatic : and
you get, on the other hand, the taste
of the poor, paltry wine, wretched
stuff, the true vinho ordinario flavour,
that makes you think at once of some
dirty road- side Portuguese posada,
swarming with fleas."
" But what if you water really good
wine ?"
" Why, then," said Gingham, " the
flavour, though diluted, is still the
flavour of good wine."
"I should like," said I, "to be
knowing in wines."
Seeing in me a willing learner, he
was about to open. But at this mo-
ment the mail drove into the yard of
the hotel ; and, knowing that Ging-
ham was always ravenous for the
London journals on their first arrival,
I insisted on our going down into the
public room, taking a cup of coffee,
and reading the papers. We had
talked about wines ; but, being neither
of us topers, had taken only a mode-
rate quantum suff., though all of the
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I. 547
best kind. Gingham, out of compli-
ment to me, wished to prolong the
sitting. But, knowing his penchant
for a wet newspaper, I was inflexible.
We rose from the table.
I felt that I had been handsomely
entertained, and that something hand-
some ought to be said. The pleasing
consciousness, however, of having
eaten a good dinner, though it excited
my finest feelings, did not confer the
faculty of expressing them. I began:
" Sir, Mr Gingham ; I feel we
ought not to leave this room, till I
have expressed the emotions — " Then,
taking a new departure^ " Really, sir,
your kind hospitality to a compara-
tive stranger— "
"Well, sir," said Gingham, laugh-
ing, " I will tell you how it was. Do
you remember your first breakfast in
the coffee-room, the day after your
arrival by the mail? I was present,
and enjoyed it amazingly."
" Oh, sir! oh, sir ! " said I, a leetle
taken aback ; " really I was enor-
mously hungry. In fact I had eaten
nothing during my two days' previous
journey; and was so sleepy on my
arrival, that I got to bed as fast as I
could, without thinking of ordering
supper. And when I came down
next morning, or rather afternoon,
why, to tell you the truth, I made it
breakfast and dinner in one ; and
perhaps I did seem a little savage in
my first onset on the Falmouth — "
" No, NO, NO ! " exclaimed Ging-
ham, interrupting me. " That was
not it. No, NO, NO ! far from it.
My dear sir, you merely disposed of
two or three plates of ham and eggs ;
then a few nmffins, with about half-
a-dozen basins of tea. After that —
let me see — after that, to the best of
my recollection — after that, you took
nothing, no, nothing, but the mutton
chops. No, sir, it was not the quan-
tity. I have often made as hearty a
meal myself; and, if we campaign
together, I trust we shall often make
as hearty a meal together. Nothing
like campaigning for an appetite. No,
sir; that was not it. It was your
manner of taking it."
' ' My manner of taking it ? Really !
And pray what did you see in my
manner of taking it ? "
" Sir," said Gingham, with emo-
tion, "I know this house. I have
518
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Xov.
long used this house. Everything in
this house is good. The accommoda-
tion is good. The attendance is
good. The wine is good. The din-
ners are good. The breakfasts are
good. Now, sir, I have seen some
persons conduct themselves in this
house in a manner that filled me
with scorn, disgust, and indignation.
They arrive by the London mail, sir,
as you did, and go to bed. In the
morning they come down into the
public room, and order breakfast.
They breakfast, not like you, my dear
sir, very moderately, but enormously.
That I could forgive; after a long
journey it is excusable. But, sir,
what I cannot tolerate is this : They
find fault with everything. The tea
is bad ; the coffee is bad. They take
up the silver cream-jug ; examine the
clouted cream ; smell to it — yes, sir ;
they actually smell to it — and smelling
to anything, I need not say, is as
great a betise as a man can commit at
table — ask the waiter what he means
by bringing them such stuff as that ;
and, before they have done, gobble
up the whole, and perhaps call for
more."
" Call for more ? Why, that, 1
think, is exactly what I did."
" Yes, my dear sir," said Ging-
ham, " you enjoyed it ; and you
took a pretty good lot of it ; but .you
did not find fault with it. Not so the
people I am talking of. The fact is,
sir, we Londoners have a great idea
of keeping up our dignity. These
persons wish to pass for people of
importance ; and they think impor-
tance is announced by finding fault.
Item, they are enormously, indecent-
ly hungry, and fully intend to make
a breakfast for two, but wish to do it
surreptitiously. On the arrival of
the beefsteak, they turn round the
dish, and look at it contemptuously,
longing, all the while, to fall to.
Yes, sir, they turn round the dish
two or three times ; then stick their
fork into the steak, and turn it over
and over ; perhaps hold it up, sus-
pended by a single prong, and ex-
amine it critically; and end all by
pushing away their plate, drawing
the dish into its place, and bolting
the whole beefsteak, without taking
time to masticate. Sir, there was a
man in that coffee-room this morning,
who grumbled at everything, and ate
like a dog. In short, they clear the
table of eatables and drinkables ; then
call the waiter, and reproach him,
with a savage look, for bringing them
a tough beefsteak ; and, in a plaintive
voice, like ill-used men, inquire if
there is any cold meat-pie."
I owned, from personal observa-
tion in the public room, to the general
correctness of this sketch.
" Now you, sir," continued Ging-
ham, " enjoyed your breakfast, and
made a good one ; but found fault
with nothing ; because, I presume,
there was nothing to find fault with.
I like to see a man enjoy his meals.
And if he does, I like to see him
show it. It is one of the tokens by
which I judge of character. Your
conduct, my dear sir, commanded my
respect. Shall I say more ? It won
my esteem. Then and there my re-
solution was formed, to invite you, at
the first convenient opportunity, to
partake of my humble hospitality."
It was too much. I extended my
fist. A shaking of hands, of some
continuance — cordial on my part, and
evidently so on Gingham's, by the
pain I felt in my shoulder.
" Well, sir," said Gingham, "I had
already learned that you were a pas-
senger for the Peninsula. I was a
passenger for the Peninsula ; and, as
we were to sail together, and pro-
bably to campaign together, I re-
solved to introduce myself. I said,
This lad — I beg your pardon, this
youth — excuse me, this gentleman,
this young gentleman — for I guess
you have some ten years the advan-
tage of me in that respect — this
gentleman is, like myself, bound for
the headquarters of the Peninsular
army. I know something of cam-
paigning ; he knows nothing. We
campaign together."
" Well now," said I, " that is just
what I should like amazingly."
Gingham now took the initiative,
and put forth his paw. Again we
tackled, and, in the true pump-handle
style, so dear to Englishmen, ex-
pressed mutual cordiality : only that
this time, being better prepared, I
reversed the electric stream, and
brought tears into Gingham's eyes.
He sung out, " Oh ! " and rubbed his
arm.
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
"The rest," said Gingham, "is
easily told. After breakfast you
walked out into the court-yard, lit a
cigar, and stood on the steps. I lit
another, followed, and had the plea-
sure of making your acquaintance."
I gave audible expression to my
profound self-congratulations.
"Allow me, however, to add," said
Gingham, " you raised yourself great-
ly in my esteem by asking the waiter
for a red herring. The request
evinced a superiority to vulgar pre-
judices. Your way of putting it, too,
was in perfect good keeping : for you
did not commit yourself by ordering
a red herring ; but asked whether
you could have one ia the coffee-
room. Believe me, I was pained,
when he stated that red herrings
were not permitted ; and could but
admire your self-denial, in accepting,
as a substitute, the mutton-chops."
We adjourned to the public room.
Gingham had entertained me hospi-
tably and handsomely. Yet this was
the same Gingham who, when I made
him take part of my beefsteak at
breakfast, because his own was de-
layed, proposed that we should desire
the waiter to tell the landlady to
charge only half a beefsteak to me,
and half a beefsteak to him, Ging-
ham. My rejection of this proposal
was the immediate occasion of the
dinner, at which the reader has just
been present.
While we were eviscerating the
papers, fresh from London, Gingham
leaned over the table, with the air of
a man who had something important
to communicate. He looked me ear-
nestly in the face.
" Mr Y — ," said he, " what do you
say — to a red herring — this evening —
for supper ? "
"Thank you. You must excuse
me. Nothing more to-night, but one
cup of coffee, and perhaps a cigar.
Not even an anchovy toast. I really
couldn't."
" Well, then," said Gingham, " to-
morrow at breakfast. We will en-
gage a room up stairs, and ask leave
of nobody. I have brought down a
small barrel from London — always
take some when I visit the Penin-
sula—get them in Lower Thames
Street. You will pronounce them
excellent."
549
The offer was too good to be de-
clined.
Next morning we ordered break-
fast up stairs. Indeed, a fire had
been h't in one of the parlours, by
Gingham's directions ; and there I
found him, with the table laid, and
the herrings ready for cooking. Ging-
ham had secured a small Dutch oven ;
not with the design of baking the
herrings — no, no, he knew better
than that — but to keep them hot
when done. The doing he reserved
to himself, on the plea of experience.
I was not to assist, except in eating
them.
" Do you understand cookery, Mr
Y— ? " said Gingham.
I ingenuously owned my deficiency
in that branch of education, which is
no part of the Cambridge curri-
culum.
" Three months at headquarters,"
said he, "will make you an excel-
lent cook."
It so happened that the parlor, in
which we had located ourselves for
the purpose of cooking our herrings,
was not that in which we had dined
the day before, but one adjoining the
larger apartment occupied by the
three military gentlemen, with whom
we were to cross the Bay of Biscay.
A boarding, removable at pleasure,
was the only separation between the
two rooms. We had not yet become
acquainted.
Shortly after I joined Gingham,
two of the three entered their parlour;
presently the third followed. They
rang the bell, and ordered breakfast,
all in high good humour, and talking
incessantly. We were not listeners,
but could not help hearing every word
that was said.
" Good blow-out that, yesterday."
— " Pity we didn't know of it sooner;
might as well have dined with them."
—"Turtle, too."— " Ton your ho-
nour ? " — " Turtle, and lots of cham-
pagne. Caught the waiter swigging off
the end of a bottle in the passage." —
"Who are they ?"—" Don't know;
can't make them out. Both going
out with us in the packet, though." —
" Think I remember seeing the white
fellow at Cadiz ; almost sure I did ;
and afterwards again at Madrid. Al-
ways wore his hair in that way, well
floured and larded, except when it
550
My Peninsular Medal. — Part /.
[Nov.
was too hot, and combed down
straight on each side of his ugly face."
— " What 9 nose ! Prodigious ! A
regular proboscis." — " Yes, and all on
one side, like the rudder of a barge."
— u Let me tell you, a very good thing ;
for if it was straight, it would be
always in his way." — " Always in his
way? Why it would trip him up
when he walked." — Omnes, " Ha, ha,
ha." — " Going with us, do you say?
Hope he don't snore. Why, such a
tromba as that would keep a whole
line-of-battle ship awake." — " Bet
you a dollar he's blind of one eye."
— " Done." " Done. Book it, major."
— I'll trouble you for a dollar. He
does walk a little sideways, but it isn't
his eye."—" What is it, then ? One-
eyed people always walk sideways." —
" Why, I'll tell you, now. It's a
principle which most people observe
through life." — " What principle?" —
" Guess."—" Come, tell us, old fel-
low. None of your nonsense." —
" D'ye give it up ? "— " Yes, I give it
up. Come, tell us." — " Follow your
nose." — Omnes, " Ha, ha, ha." —
"Capital! capital! That's the best
we've had for some time. Follow
your nose ! Capital ! Ha, ha, ha." —
" Well, that's it, depend upon it.
Other people follow their noses by
walking straight forward. That white
fellow walks sideways, but still follows
his nose." — " No, no, major. Your
theory is fallacious. When he walks
his nose points backwards. His nose
points over his left shoulder, and he
walks right shoulders forward." I
looked at Gingham, and laughed.
Gingham was looking rather grave,
and feeling his nose. " No, no. I
tell you he walks left shoulders for-
ward." — " Bet you a dollar." —
" Done."—" Done. Book it, major."
— " I'll trouble you for a dollar. Saw
him this morning, all in a bustle.
Took particular notice of his nose." —
"Who is the young chap?"— "Oh,
he's a regular Johnny Newcoine, that's
evident." — " Johnny Newcome? Yes;
but I wish he wasn't such a chap for
John dories. Price in the market is
doubled." Gingham laughed and
looked at me. " Suppose he's a sub
going out to join his regiment." —
" No, no. Got such lots of baggage.
No regimental officer would be ass
enough to take such a heap of trunks.
Load for three mules." — " He'll soon
knock up. Those long fellows always
knock up." — " Shouldn't wonder if he
gets the fever next autumn. Then
what will his mammy say ?" — " Well,
but what did they dine about ? Thou-
sand pities we did not join them."-
" Oh, I suppose it was something of
a parting feed ; taking leave of Old
England, you know : toasting Miss
Ann Chovy, Miss Mary Gold, Miss
Polly Anthus, and all that kind of
thing." — " Hang it all; a good dinner
for eight people ; thousand pities we
missed it."
By this time, our cookery was pro-
ceeding in due course. Two splendid
bloaters, whole, lay extended where
chestnuts are roasted ; while two more,
split open, hung suspended from alarge
toasting-fork, held by Gingham, who
told me to look and learn, but not to
meddle. With a clear bright fire, they
soon began to spit. Nor was there
wanting another token of our opera-
tions. For now the savoury odour of
four red herrings, simultaneously un-
der a brisk process of culinary prepa-
ration, diffused itself through the
apartment, and no doubt through the
whole hotel, from the cellar to the
attics. The effect on our friends in
the next room was instantaneous.
Conversation ceased. Then there was
a deal of sniffing — then audible whis-
pering and suppressed laughter — then
again, a dead silence. Gingham and
I exchanged looks. " We must be
acquainted," said Gingham, quietly ;
" and the sooner the better." I saw
he had made up his mind, and was
prepared for what was about to take
place. Then the conversation was
heard a little louder, but not distin-
guishable. There was evidently a
council of war. Much laughter. Then,
audibly spoken, " Are you fond of
herrings ? " — " Very ; capital for
breakfast." — " So am I, very ; that is,
of red herrings. Fresh, can't endure
them." — " Nor I ; they have such a
horrid SMELL. But a bloater, — often
dined off them up the country ; didn't
we, major ?" — " Oh yes, lots of times.
But you were moderate. Never could
manage above half-a-dozen at a sit-
ting."—"Ring for the waiter."— "No,
no ; nonsense. Major M — , YOU."
After a moment's pause, one of the
party left the room ; walked, appa-
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
551
rently to the end of the passage ; then
walked back again; opened our door;
entered, and politely apologised for
the mistake. He was a middle-aged,
well-built, gentlemanly-looking man,
with bonhomie beaming in his counte-
nance, and came at once to business.
His eye dropped upon the herrings.
" Beg ten thousand pardons. Oh !
I see it's here. We perceived that
bloaters were frying somewhere in the
house, and thought we should like to
try a few. Will you have the kind-
ness to inform me where they can be
procured ? Didn't know there was a
single bloater in all Falmouth."
I, in my simplicity, thought the
major was really asking for informa-
tion, and was going to tell him of
several shops where I had seen
bloaters ; but Gingham was too
quick for me.
" Here is a barrel-full," said Ging-
ham, pointing to the corner of the
room. " Shall be most happy to sup-
ply you and your friends with any
quantity. Do me the favour to accept
of two or three dozen."
" Oh no, sir," said Major M — ,
drawing up, as if he had been misun-
derstood. The major was playing a
higher game. " Couldn't think of
such a thing. Thought you had pro-
cured them in the town."
" Indeed, sir," said Gingham, " I
don't think the town contains their
equais. They are from London direct.
Always take a small barrel with me
when I visit the Peninsula. Get
them in Lower Thames Street."
"Really, a most excellent idea,"
said Major M — . " I wish I had
done the same. Well, I think I never
will return to headquarters again
without taking a barrel of red her-
rings." The Major cast a sort of
domesticated look about the room,
as if he felt quite at home with
us.
" Go it, Major !" said an opening in
the partition, sotto voce.
" Come, Major," said Gingham, " I
see you and the gentlemen your com-
panions are old campaigners. So am
I. Suppose we waive ceremony. You
see we have got our cooking apparatus
all ready. Suppose — do us the favour
— excuse the shortness of the invita-
tion—I shall be delighted, and so will
my friend here, if you and your party
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX.
will oblige us with your company to
breakfast."
" Yes, yes, Major," said the crevice,
as before. " Yes, Major, yes," said
another crevice.
" Really, sir," said the Major, with
an admirably assumed look of polite
embarrassment, and turning a deaf
ear to his two prompters behind the
scenes — " really, sir, I hardly know
how to thank you sufficiently for your
obliging invitation. But — shall we
not intrude? You meant to break-
fast in private. Yon have, perhaps,
business? Matters to arrange, pre-
paratory to the voyage ? "
"None in the world, sir," said Ging-
ham, " till after breakfast. Oar only
business here is to cook our bloaters
and eat them, which we could not do
in the public room below. Do, pray,
oblige us by negotiating this little
affair, Major, and persuade your
friends to favour us with their com-
pany."
The Major, in fact, was negotiating
already ; and a capital negotiator he
made. He might, had he pleased,
have walked off, at an earlier stage of
the proceedings, with a whole pile of
herrings ; and even that, at college,
we should have thought a capital coup.
But the Major was not so green.
" Well, sir, since you are so very
pressing, I shall have the pleasure of
communicating to my comrades your
l<ind invitation ; and I presume," he
added, bowing politely to me, " I may
also have the honour of saying,
the invitation of your friend, Cap-
tain Y— ."
I bowed in return, too much taken
by surprise to disclaim the rank so
unexpectedly conferred ; and a little
sore at being saluted " captain," by
the same voice which I had heard,
just before, proclaiming aloud, that if
I was a regimental officer I was an
ass. The Major bowed again ; backed
out of the room, still bowing, and
closed the door.
The remaining negotiation was not
of long continuance. His two friends
were already in the passage, hard by
the entrance of our apartment. A
dead silence — one irrepressible burst
of laughter, instantly hushed — again
dead silence — a tap at the door — door
opened by Gingham — and enter THE
THUEE PENINSULARS.
2o
552
My Peninsular Medal. — Part 7.
[Nov.
I really could not help admiring the
perfectly free and easy, but at the
same time quiet, self-possessed, and
gentlemanly style of their entree, and
of their bearing during the first few
moments of our interview. Gingham
expressed his gratification ; was happy
to see them. Advancing on their
right flank, taking up a central posi-
tion, and then facing to the left,
" Allow me," said the major, " to
avail myself of my brief priority of
acquaintance, and to introduce — Cap-
tain Gabion, of the Royal Engineers,"
(bowing, on both sides) — "and Mr
Commissary Capsicum," (more bow-
ing,)— " half-brothers, I need not say
— the family likeness is so striking."
Gingham presented Mr Y — . Mr
Y — (booby !) presented Gingham.
"Not very striking that family
likeness, though," thought I, of course
taking seriously what the wag of a
major spoke with perfect seriousness.
The captain of the Engineers was a
pale-looking man, buttoned up to the
chin in his regulation frock-coat, rather
above the common height, air mili-
tary and symmetrical. Education had
traced on his countenance the lines of
thought ; and, in short, his whole ap-
pearance was a little aristocratic, and
what we now call distingue. His
" half-brother," the commissary, on
the contrary, who appeared at least
twelve years his senior, was a short,
pursy, puffy man ; with a full, rubi-
cund, oleaginous, and pimpled visage;
a large, spongy, purple blob of a
nose, its broad lower extremity pen-
dulous, and slightly oscillatory when
he moved ; a humorous twinkle in his
eye, which was constantly on the
range in search of fun; two black,
bushy tufts for eyebrows ; his hair dis-
tributed over his ample pericranium
in large detached flocks, each flock
growing a way of its own, and no two
alike ; coat flying open ; waistcoat
open, all but the two bottom buttons ;
a bull neck, with very little cravat ;
and a profuse display of shirt and
frill. His shirt and frill, imperfectly
closed, revealed his grizzly chest ;
while his nether extremities were set
off to great advantage by a pair of
tight blue kerseymere pantaloons with
a scarlet stripe; and something — I
suppose, as bustles were not then the
fashion, it must have been his tailors'
clumsiness — imparted a peculiar
breadth and bulge to the tail of his
coat. He wore splendid gaiters of
bright nankeen, with mother-of-pearl
buttons. No ceremony when gentle-
men meet. We were all quite at
home in a moment.
There was a little hitch. All the
party were quite of one mind and
will, in the project and purpose of
cooking and eating bloaters. But
how were five cooks to cook at one
fire?
We all saw it together. I looked
at the partition. "Better unship
that," said the commissary. The
commissary, I soon saw, was, by
common consent, the commanding
officer of the party. We went to
work ; and in no time the partition
was cleverly removed, and stowed
away on one side. We thus made
our small parlour a large one, with
the additional advantage of two fires
instead of one for our culinary opera-
tions. Gingham, meanwhile, had
slipped out of the room ; but returned
in a few minutes, looking quite inno-
cent. He had been absent to some
purpose, as the result shortly proved.
We now found full employment with
the herrings, roasting and toasting.
Gingham, the captain, and the major,
at the larger fire; I and Mr Com-
missary Capsicum at the other.
Gingham, when he left the room,
had given his order ; a carte blanche
to the whole establishment to extem-
porise as handsome a breakfast as
circumstances would permit, with a
special caveat against delay.
Enter the waiter, with a tray, and
a large table-cloth. — Previous set-out
transferred from the table to the tray,
and placed on the sideboard. — Two
tables run into one — fresh tablecloth
laid. — Exit waiter.
Enter waiter again, with plates,
cups and saucers, knives, forks, and
spoons, basin, two sugar-basins — in
short, all the apparatus of a break-
fast-table.— The whole laid, in the
twinkling of an eye. — Exit waiter.
Enter waiter a third time, with a
large tray — bread, (varieties,) butter,
water-cresses, ham, tongue, cold fillet
of veal, cold chicken, cold pigeon-pie,
all the cold eatables. — Boots handed
in from the door a large block of
quince marmalade, on a silver salver.
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
553
— Boots handed in small jars : potted
shrimps, pickled oysters, pot of Scotch
honey, strawberry jam, other jams. —
Boots handed in one larger jar, a
Portuguese conserve, quartos de mar-
melas. (N. B. quinces cut up into
lumps, and boiled in Brazilian sugar.
Portuguese beat all the world in
sweatmeats, and quartos de marmelas
beat all the rest.) I guessed Ging-
ham had given the landlady the key
of his travelling store-chest. — Boots
handed in milk, cream, clouted cream.
Boots handed in two splendid brass
kettles of boiling water, one of which
waiter placed on each flre. — Exit
waiter.
A temporary pause. During this
lull, the utmost energies of the house
were in exercise below, to provide
with despatch the remaining materiel
of our humble meal. I observed,
from time to time, that he of the com-
missariat eyed the preparations with
peculiar benignity. It was all in his
way, as I subsequently had the
pleasure of experiencing, among the
sources of the Adour and the Garonne.
" Ever been with the army?" said he.
— " Never," said I ; " but hope to be
soon." — " Hope you'll often dine with
me. But don't spoil that fine bloater.
There, hold it a little further from the
fire. Red herring should be toasted,
not burnt to death. Done, when the
backbone is crisp ; not before. But
should not be done quickly, like
murder in Shakspeare. Do it slowly,
my dear sir ; do it slowly. If you do
it fast, you burn all the flavour out of
it." I saw he was a connoisseur.
Yet — stupid, conceited, arrogant
young coxcomb — so inexperienced
was I then, so indignant at the.
shadow of interference, so unaccus-
tomed to anything that bore the least
semblance of control, I inwardly
curled at even these valuable and truly
philanthropic suggestions — thought it
all exceedingly odd, and took it for
dictation.
Lots of bloaters were now toasted
or roasted, and prepared for eating.
Just as we were ready, for the fourth
time enter waiter, bringing eggs,
coffee-pot, two tea-pots, (tea and
coffee ready,) muffins, hot buttered'
rolls, &c., &c., &c. But among the
etceteras I really must pause, to spe-
cify a certain delicate sort of round
west-country breakfast cake — piles of
which were also brought in, buttered
and smoking hot. Gingham whispered
the waiter, "Keep on bringing them."
Gingham1, with his usual judgment,
had prohibited anything hot in the
shape of chops, steaks, cutlets, grills,
rashers, or even kidneys. It was a
herring breakfast; and he excluded
what would only have divided the
appetite, and interfered with the
bloaters.
We made a capital breakfast.
Everythipg was excellent. The pile
of breakfast cakes received perpetual
accessions, but never gained in height.
The bloaters, however, were the staple
of our meal ; and Gingham's barrel
suffered a considerable reduction. As
we were all sensible people, or wished
to appear so, there was very little
talk ; and what there was referred to
the important business in hand. At
length it was clear that we had break-
fasted. Gingham was beginning to
recommend the knick-knackeries —
jams, pickled oysters, marmalade.
Each seemed disposed to pause, yet
none had quite left off. Our guests
were evidently telegraphing, and ex-
changing looks of approval, when —
Enter the waiter once more, bring-
ing, upon a silver tray, two curiously
shaped bottles cased in a sort of
wicker-woi'k, with glasses. A splen-
did Italian liqueur! It was sipped,
approved, tossed off with wonderful
despatch. One by one we gradually
leaned back in our chairs, and the
bottles began to move round, as if
spontaneously. That is, I cannot
exactly say I saw any one pass them ;
but from time to time, first here, first
there, I -noticed a little finger pointing
to the ceiling ; a movement which
certainly had something to do with
the progress of the bottles. We sat,
sipped, and chatted. Our breakfast
was an accomplished fact.
" Hear, hear, hear !" Mr Commissary
Capsicum was on his legs. Knuckles
rapped ; glasses jingled ; "Hear, hear,
hear!" — The telegraphic communica-
tions of his two friends had intimated
to him their wishes : the unexpec-
ed bonus of the liqueur, coming in at
the last, had awakened, in his own
bosom, its most benevolent emotions :
he rose to acknowledge our hospi-
tality ; and in his friends' name, as
554
well as in his own, to invite us that
day to dinner.
His address I shall not attempt to
report. It was brief, well-bred, and
well- expressed ; had several good
points, and was heard with immense
applause. He invited ns to dinner ;
gave Gingham's health and mine ;
and concluded by observing that,
"conscious that he had not made a
neat and appropriate speech, he
begged leave," (filling, and suiting the
action to the word,) "to drink long
life and prosperity to us, in a neat
and appropriate bumper." Consid-
ering it was our first meeting, I did
think that was a little broad.
Gingham returned thanks, and gave
the health of Major M— , R.A.
Major M — returned thanks.
I returned thanks, and gave the
health of Captain Gabion, R. E.
Captain Gabion returned thanks,
sat down, and rose a second time, but
was anticipated by
Gingham again, who gave the health
of Mr Commissary Capsicum. ,
Mr Commissary Capsicum returned
thanks.
With respect to the dinner, it would
not do. It was our last day before
sailing ; Gingham had whole reams of
letters to write ; I also had matters
to attend to ; we pleaded the circum-
stances, and begged to be excused.
Our friends saw the difficulty, and
reluctantly accepted our apologies.
There was a moment's pause. Then
all three rose from the table at once,
again thanked us politely for our hos-
pitality, and withdrew to their private
apartments. Shortly after, looking
out of the window, I saw them walk-
ing down the street, all arm in arm,
and each puffing a cigar.
Gingham stood pensive by the fire,
his elbow on the mantelpiece, his head
leaning on his hand.
" I fear," said I, "your exertions
to entertain your guests have wearied
you."
•? He made no reply. I went up to him.
He seemed to awake as from a reverie.
"Hang it!" said Gingham, in a
plaintive tone, " there should have
been some mashed potatoes."
" Never mind, my dear sir — excel-
lent breakfast ; everything went off
capitally. I, for one, enjoyed it
amazingly."
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Nov.
" Yes," said Gingham, mournfully ;
"but, to make the thing complete,
there should have been some mashed
potatoes with the bloaters. Had I
only known of it in time ! By the
bye," added he, " I thought once or
twice, you did not seem entirely at
your ease. Nothing more gentlemanly,
my dear sir, than your general man-
ner. But at times, it struck me, you
did appear a little — a little — stiffish.
You must get rid of that before \ve
reach headquarters."
"Well," said I, "I'll tell you.
That 'captain' stuck in my gizzard.
There's the truth. Coupled with what
we heard previously, and Major M —
must have known that we heard it, it
was just the same as calling me a,
donkey to my face."
" Oh, that's nothing," said Gingham.
" Don't distress yourself about such
trifles as that."
" To tell you the truth," said I,
" the whole thing appeared to me
a little too free and easy. Here were
you and I preparing to take a quiet
breakfast, when those three guerilla
fellows, with their off-hand Penin-
sular manners, actually took us by
storm, made a most ferocious attack
on your barrel of herrings, sunk it one-
third, drank up your two bottles of
liqueurs, and civilly wished us good
morning. Now, when I was at col-
lege, to be sure we were merry enough,
no etiquette, no ceremony there. But
then there was a certain gentlemanly /
feeling, which forbade vulgar familiar-
ity in any shape. And as to people
that assumed, or made free, I always
kept them at arm's length."
" Well, Mr Y— ," said Gingham,
" I see plainly how it is. Follow my
advice. If you can't take a joke,
resign your appointment, forfeit your
money, and return to London. You'll
find it awkward enough living among
military men on actual service."
" I trust," said I, "by adhering to
my invariable rule, never to effer a
deliberate insult, but at the same time
never to brook one, go where I will, I
shall be fortunate enough to escape
disagreeable rencontres."
" Nonsense !" said Gingham, look-
ing very serious, and speaking quite
in a sharp and peremptory tone —
" nonsense !" Then softening a little,
"Rencontres, my dear sir? Ren-
1849.]
Mi/ Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
centres ? Nothing of the kind. Ren-
contres? You talk like a militia
officer. Rencontres? You'll soon
dismiss all that kind of thing from
your thoughts, after you have seen
two or three rencontres with the
French. Rencontres? No, no; no
field of forty footsteps at headquarters.
Rencontres? It would be a perfect
absurdity, where men have the chance
of being shot gratis every day of their
lives, without going out of the way
for it. Rencontres ? No ; I did not
mean that. What I meant to say
was this: you would infallibly be
made a general butt. Rencontres ?
Why, Mr Y — , if you show any
nonsense of that sort, you'll be tor-
mented to death. Rencontres? Oh,
what lots of fun they'll take out of
you ! Meanwhile, think yourself for-
tunate that you are now getting a
seasoning. I am truly glad, for your
sake, that you have had the opportu-
nity here at Falmouth, and will have
the opportunity on your passage out,
of seeing something of military men
and modes before you join. You
may, and probably will, be dubbed,
on your arrival, a Johnny Newcome.
But, at any rate, you will not be a
Johnny Raw."
Gingham closed the conference by
walking to the other end of the room,
and steadfastly contemplating his own
beautiful physiognomy in the glass.
During our conversation, his hand
had frequently visited his nose. He
now stood opposite the mirror, slew-
ing his head first this way, then that,
and at length broke silence : —
" Well, I was not aware of it ; but
I do think that my nose is a little
crooked."
" I presume," said I, " yon have no
sisters ?"
" I have none," replied Gingham.
" Nor are you, I apprehend, a mar-
ried man?"
"There, alas, you are right again,"
said Gingham ; " but what has that
to do with it?"
" Your wife, or your sisters, if you
had any, would have told you that
you have a very crooked nose."
" Well, but," said Gingham,
" there's my mother. My dear
mother never told me that my nose
was crooked."
" Your mother, probably, is totally
unconscious of the fact ; and, should she
hear any one else assert such a thing,
would deny it most strenuously."
"Nay, but, "said Gingham, "though
I have neither sister nor Avife, and
supposing my dear mother to be blind
to my personal defects, I have — in
short, Mr Y — , before I left Lon-
don, I took a tender leave of her
whom I hope to persuade, on my next
return from the Peninsula, to accept
the hand and the heart of a Gingham.
SHE did not tell me that my nose was
crooked. She mentioned various ob-
stacles to our union ; but she never
mentioned that.'1'1
" Then," said I, " depend upon it,
she means to have you. And depend
upon this, too ; she will tell you your
nose is crooked when you have made
her Mrs Gingham, if she does not tell
you so before."
"As to my walking sideways,"
said Giughain, " that's a palpable
fiction."
" Here," said I, " come to this ex-
tremity of the room, and place your-
self opposite the glass." He came,
and placed himself accordingly.
" Now walk straight down upon
the glass, keeping your eye fixed upon
your reflected nose."
"What nose? Which nose?" said
Gingham, in a state of obvious alarm.
"Do you mean the nose in my
face ?"
" I mean your nose in the glass. ""
He walked as I had directed.
" Well, really," said GinghamT
" it's extraordinary ; it's very curious.
When I walk and look at my nose in
the glass, it appears quite straight
again— just as it ought to be, in the
middle of my face."
" That's just it," said I. "Then
you walk sideways. Depend upon it,
if you walked straight, your nose
would appear crooked."
He repeated the experiment again
and again, muttering to himself,
"Very remarkable, very curious;
quite a natural phenomenon."
" Don't distress yourself about your
nose," said I ; " it is a good enough
nose, in magnituderespectable, though
not strictly rectilinear. Make your-
self easy ; and say, with Erasmus,
' Nihil me pcenitet hugeous nasi.' "
556
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Nov.
CHAPTER III.
Where Gingham got his classical
knowledge, I had not at this time
ascertained. Certain it is, he was a
very fair classic. But there was one
dreadful drawback to his character,
and, in a man of his gravity, a strange
one : I mean his offensive, horrid
practice of making most atrocious
Latin puns. A pun in English he
viewed with utter contempt. It
stirred his bile. No English pun
escaped his lips. But for a Latin
pun, he scrupled not to lay under
contribution even the first- rate Latin
poets, Virgil, Ovid — nay, his favour-
ite author, Horace ; and if I, influ-
enced by bad example, was weak
enough, in an unguarded moment, to
commit the same offence, he stole my
puns, and made them again as his
own.
On the eve of our embarkation we
strolled forth, after an early dinner,
for a parting view of the sunset from
the castle. Walking up town, we
met the man of rum, the sleep-murder-
ing Macbeth of the mail-coach. Still
he was talking — for want of company,
talking to himself. But his eyes were
set, half-closed, and dim ; his aspect
was peculiarly meditative, and his
course curvilinear. He had taken on
board plus cequo of his own samples.
Perceiving our approach, he gave a
lurch to clear us. But his legs, being
not altogether under management,
brought him exactly in the direction
which he sought to shun ; his sto-
mach, which had already suffered so
many assaults in the coach, most un-
fortunately impinged upon my elbow ;
and again it was " ugh !" His gummy
eyes expanded, and gleamed on us
like two fresh-opened oysters. Awhile
he gazed with drunken gravity ; then,
turning round, bent over the roadside
gutter, as if about to tumble in, and
jocosely imitated the operation of
drawing a cork. His organs of vision
then assumed a slow movement of
horizontal oscillation, and gradually
settled on a pastry-cook's shop over
the way. Towards this point he di-
rected his zigzag approaches, recom-
mencing his agreeable conference with
himself, in terms of which we could
catch only the words — " Archimedes
— screw — pneumatic chemistry — soda
water — pop !" He left with us the
odour of a very bad cigar, which led
Gingham to remark that he was
" backy plenus" in more senses than,
one.
The influence of bad example is
dreadful. Emerging from the town in
our way to the castle, we met a merry
party, male and female, all equestri-
ans save some six or eight, who occu-
pied the interior and exterior of a
post-chaise. Gingham, who saw into
a thing at once, pronounced them a
wedding party ; and a buxom dame,
who was mounted on a lively little
west country galloway, the bride.
" Pony subit conjux," said I. " Yes,"
said Gingham ; u but if that dear lady
rides so near the carriage, oh ! oh !
oh! she will infallibly be capsized!
' Pony sub curru uimium propinqui !' "
We reached the hill in time, saw a
glorious sunset, and returned to let-
ter-writing, and a light supper on
hashed duck.
As Gingham appears more than
once upon the stage in the course of
my Peninsular adventures, and I
should really be sorry to annoy the
reader, as much as I was annoyed
myself, with his perpetual and abomi-
nable perversions of classic latiuity, I
beg leave to dispose of this part of the
subject at once, before we get to sea.
Suffice it to say, then, that in the
spring of the year 1838, just a quarter
of a century after the period of which
I am now writing, I once more left
London for Falmouth, en route to Lis-
bon, though with an object far diffe-
rent from that of my voyage now to
be recorded, and in a far different ca-
pacity. Science, in these five-and-
twenty years, had don£ wonders ; and
I had secured my passage in London,
not by a miserable tub of a sailing
packet, but by a well-found and fast
Peninsular steamer. The day before
the steamer was to start from Fal-
mouth, I walked down to the waters
side to take a view of her. On the
quay stood Gingham. By one of
those strange coincidences which some-
times happen in life, we bad again met
at Falmouth, and were again to cross
the Bay of Biscay in company. I
1819.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
557
recognised him : he did not recognise
me. Time had somewhat changed
his look, his dress very little. Its
predominant aspect was still white.
His nose, too, was unniistakeable.
Perceiving at once that he was, like
myself, a passenger to the Peninsula,
I availed myself of the freedom con-
ceded in such cases, and commenced a
conversation by some remark on the
steaniei'.
" I presume, sir," said he, " you are
a passenger ?"
" Yes, Mi- Gingham, and so are
you. Glad to meet you." He stared,
but admitted the fact.
" But, sir," said he, " you have the
advantage of me."
" Well, well," said I, " you'll find
me out to-morrow on board the Gua-
dalquivir. Fine ship that. To-mor-
row, you know, as Horace said, when
he was off by the steamer : — ' Cras,
iugins ! iterabimus aequor !"
The effect was instantaneous. Ging-
ham did not speak, he shouted : —
"Dine with me: I have got a John dory."
We walked off to the town — I rub-
bing my shoulder, which Gingham,
shook, when he shook my hand — he,
for a few paces, thoughtful and silent.
I expected a burst of sentiment.
" By the bye," said Gingham,
" while your hand was in, you might
just as well have quoted the other line,
for that, also, refers to our voyage."
" The other line ?"
" Yes, the other line. Don't you
see that pan- of rooks flying over the
harbour?"
" Rooks fly in droves. I see no
rooks."
" Right," said he ; " they are a
<jouple of crows."
' ' But the line from Horace, referring
to our voyage ?"
" Not only referring to it," said
Gingham, " but highly encouraging.
4 Nil desperandum two crow duce, et
auspice two crow."
" Gingham, you are incorrigible."
To reach the street from the water's
side we had to pass through a narrow
passage, and there met the stewardess
of the steamer, who was going on
board. She stalked along in clogs on
tiptoe, her left hand gathering up, be-
hind, her cloak, gown, petticoat, &c.,
while her right hand bore an umbrella
one size larger than a parasol, and a
reticule one size less than a pannier ;
emerging from which pannier appeared
the ugly mug of an enormous Portu-
guese red ram cat, the pet of the
stewardess, and the constant compa-
nion of her Peninsular voyages.
"My cat inter omnes," said Ging-
ham.
But I have rambled, and am a
quarter of a century wide of the mark.
The period of which I have now to
write, the important period to which
my present narrative refers, is not the
more recent year, 1838, but the re-
moter year, 1813, glorious in the
annals of England ; the year that saw
the commencement of Napoleon's
downfal ; the year of triumph and
rout beneath the walls of Vittoria ;
the year of a still sterner and equally
successful conflict at St Sebastian ;
the year, too, that furnished a name
for a princess of a royal line, that
QUEEN VICTORIA who, in her high
estate and royal clemency, remem-
bered and rewarded the long-forgotten
and long unrecompensed heroes of
those bygone times. In the early
spring of that year, 1813, I was there
at Falmouth, a raw youth, launched
on the wide world in search of adven-
ture, burning to reach the headquar-
ters of the Peninsular army, fully
capable of making a fool of myself
when I got there, and anxiously wait-
ing for the sailing of the Princess
Wilhelmina gun-brig, which, for want
of a better, performed the office of
Lisbon packet. It was well for me
that, at Falmouth, I had already fallen
into friendly hands.
On the morning of our embarkation,
March, the — th, 1813, Gingham went
early on board the packet, for his per-
sonal baggage was bulky and various,
to see to its stowage — part in his berth,
part in the hold. It was settled be-
tween us that he was to return ashore,
that we were to breakfast together at
the hotel, and afterwards go off to-
gether to the packet, which was still
lying in the harbour, and was to sail
about noon.
I waited breakfast for Gingham, but
no Gingham came. At length I re-
ceived a long note from him, dated on
board the packet. It began by stating
that an attempt had been made to
impose upon him, and that he was
558
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Nov.
determined not to stand it. The at-
tempted imposition, as I learned from
him afterwards, was this : —
Gingham walked down from the
hotel to the water's side, and engaged
a boat, which was to take him on
board the packet for eighteenpence ;
he, Gingham, understanding thereby,
according to the tenor of many previ-
ous bargains at the same rate of pay-
ment, that he was to be taken on
board, and put on shore again. On
this, however, the last day of onr
abode at Falmouth, the two boatmen,
thinking they might safely try it on,
and conjecturing also that Gingham's
time might possibly be too valuable to
be wasted in discussion, determined to
take a different view of the subject,
and exact a second fare for landing
him. The boat reached the packet,
Gingham went on board, the boatmen
made fast to a harbour-buoy, and
waited the result. Gingham went
below, made his arrangements, came
on deck, and hailed his boat to take
him ashore. The elder boatman
civilly touched his hat, and remarked,
with a winning smile, that they hadn't
been paid "nuffin" for bringing him
on board. Gingham replied, that he
should pay as usual when they had
got back to the quay. The boatman,
courteous as before, again touched his
hat, and answered, simpering, " Beg
your pardon, sir, but this ear last day,
when the peckit's hoff, jeddlemen hoi-
ways pays bofe ways, cummin aboord,
and gooin back again." " Oh, do
they?" said Gingham, and walked
down into the cabin, where he quietly
wrote his note to me, in a hand that
beat copperplate ; and breakfasted
upon sea biscuit, junk, and ship's
cocoa, the steward not having yet got
off his stock of groceries for the voyage.
Everybody on board knew Gingham,
and he had no difficulty in getting
his note brought ashore in the ship's
boat, without the knowledge of the
two 'longshore fellows, who were riding
at the buoy, and who still thought
they had the best of the bargain — as it
is a rule in harbour, or at any rate was
in those days, that no private passen-
ger by a packet passed or repassed
except by 'longshore boats. Gingham
was now all right, and did not care
one farthing for the boatmen ; for he
already had the bulk of his things on
board, he was on board himself, and
his note advised me respecting his re-
maining matters ashore. He continu-
ed below, having resolved, as he told
me afterwards, to keep the boatmen
waiting alongside till the packet was
off, and then give them ninepence.
Meanwhile he sent up, by the steward,
an injunction to the people on deck,
w^io enjoyed not a little the false posi-
tion of the two boatmen, not on any
account to let them come on board.
Gingham's note to me, which was,
as I have already intimated, a beau-
tiful specimen of commercial penman-
ship, was to the following effect : —
That he was detained on board by
his determination to resist a gross
imposition ; that the laundress had
still in her keeping a small quantity
of his linen, which she was to bring
to the hotel about breakfast- time;
that he had settled with the servants
that morning ; and that the landlady
was indebted to him in the sum of
two shillings, he having paid his bill
the night before, in which bill was
included the charge of two shillings
for a cold-meat breakfast, which he
should not take; that he requested
me to get back the two shillings from
the landlady; that he would also
thank me to receive the linen from
the laundress, see that it was correct
per invoice, (washing-bill, I presume,)
check her account, liquidate it, and
bring the linen on board with me.
Meanwhile a circumstance arose,
which was of great moment in itself,
and gave Gingham a further advan-
tage in his affair with the two Fal-
mouth lads. An extra mail for
Lisbon had arrived from London,
sent off by despatch to catch the
packet before she sailed; and, by
management of Gingham's partners,
who were influential people, brought
Gingham letters on a matter of some
importance. These letters were taken
off to Gingham by a trusty drab-
coated Falmouth " Friend," in another
'longshore boat, and rendered it ab-
solutely requisite that he should go
ashore, and perhaps defer his voyage;
The packet at this time was sur-
rounded with boats and bustle, the
two boatmen still fast to the buoy ;
and Gingham had no difficulty in
returning ashore by the boat which
brought off his mercantile friend^
1849.]
My Peninsidar Medal. — Part I.
559
without being observed by them.
In fact, they were half asleep, still
secure, as they thought, of their
victim, and affording no small sport
to the crew of the packet, who saw
how things were going. I shall only
mention here, that the communica-
tion, received by Gingham from Lon-
don, related to a grand financial
speculation, an idea of his OWB,
having reference to the monetary
transactions at headquarters, which
were very large, and as well conducted
as circumstances permitted, but at-
tended with great difficulties, and
considerable loss to the British gov-
ernment. Gingham's plan would have
been backed by private capital to any
amount. It was knocked on the head
by the peace of 1814 : but I have more
to say about it hereafter.
True to her time, the laundress
arrived at the hotel ; not bringing, as
Gingham had described it, a small
quantity of linen, but attended by a
man with a barrow, wheeling two
large buckbaskets, each piled with an
immense heap of shirts, white in-
expressibles, white double-breasted
dimity waistcoats, — in short every
thing white, — a stock for a voyage to
China. On the interior of the collar
of one of the said white double-
breasted dimity waistcoats, I noticed
the cypher G£ !— No. 1 of the fourth
dozen ! So profuse was Gingham in
his provision for the habiliment of his
own elegant exterior. I settled with
the laundress, engaged the barrow-
man to go off with me in charge of
the linen, and take back the baskets,
finished my breakfast, paid my bill,
and went on board. Such was my-
first embarkation for the Peninsula.
Little dreaming that there was a
spoke in my wheel, and that some time
was still to elapse between my depar-
ture from Falmouth and my arrival
at the British headquarters, I had
longed for the day of the packet's
sailing. But now, when the wished-
f or moment had arrived, a lot of little
things, coming upon me at the last,
quite put it out of my head that I was
quitting my native land, and about to
enter on new scenes, mingle with
strangers, embark in active life,
and master — where alone they could
be mastered, on their vernacular
soil — two ancient, expressive, and
kindred languages, which I had
conned rudimentally on the banks
of Cam. Nor did I dream that I
went to earn a prospective claim to
a Peninsular Medal; and jot down
mental memoranda, still vividly legi-
ble, of all I heard and saw, for the in-
formation and amusement of readers
then unborn. " Gooin' off to the
peckit, sir? Here, Bill, hand the
jeddleman's boxes." Then, when we
we're half way to the brig, — " Wherry
'ot on the worter, sir. Ope you'll be
ginnerous a little hextry for the lug-
gidge, sir. Wherry dry work pullin',
sir."
Gingham, when I reached the
packet, was not on board. The cause
of his absence was explained to me
by the steward, who assisted in stow-
ing away the contents of the two
buckbaskets in Gingham's berth.
During this operation, the steward,
who fully participated in the anti-
pathy to 'longshore boatmen common
to his class, communicated to me,
with no small glee, the occurrences of
the morning ; and begged me to take
a sight, when I went on deck, of the
two expectant gentlemen at the buoy.
There they were, sure enough, very
much at their ease — quite satisfied
that Gingham would want to be taken
ashore again before the packet sailed,
that theirs was the boat that must
take him, and that they had the game
in their own hands.
On deck I met our three breakfast
guests of the day before. They
greeted me cordially, made many
inquiries after Gingham, and intro-
duced me, as a particular old crony
of theirs, to Staff-Surgeon Pledget,
who had arrived by the mail over-
night, and was also a passenger to
Lisbon, on his return to the British
army. I soon began to perceive that
it was a standing rule with my three
new acquaintances, regular " Penin-
sulars," to extract fun from even the
most common incidents — in fact, from
everybody and everything. Staff-
Surgeon Pledget, as able a man in
his profession as any staff- surgeon
attached to the Peninsular army, was
matter-of-fact personified ; and the
dignified cordiality with which he
received an old crony of theirs, evi-
dently afforded the three hoaxers
560
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
[Nov.
extraordinary sport. Major M — did
the presentation with perfect coolness
and amenity. Gammon was his
element. Mr Commissary Capsicum
winked his eye in the richest style of
comedy, and nearly made me spoil
all by laughing. Captain Gabion
looked gravely on, and laughed inter-
nally. His sides shook, his elbows
twitched, and his countenance wore
its usual expression of melancholy.
Presently after was seen approach-
ing a man-of-war's boat, pulling at
the steady rate, which indicated that
it conveyed an officer of rank. The
boat came alongside with a graceful
sweep ; twelve oars stood upright, as
if by magic ; and a tall, military-look-
ing man, who had lost an arm, rose,
politely took leave of the lieutenant in
charge of the boat, ascended the ship's
side, with the aid of his single hand,
faster than some people perform the
same difficult operation with two,
and stood on deck. This was the
brave Colonel of the cavalry,
who was going out with us to rejoin
his regiment. He had lost his arm at
Oporto, on that memorable occasion
when the French, to their astonish-
ment, found the British army on their
side of the Douro ; and when the
British army, too, quite surprised at
finding itself, as if by magic, on
the opposite bank of a broad, deep,
and rapid river, and struck with ad-
miration at the bold conception and
skilful execution which had effected
the transition under the enemy's
nose, with one consent dubbed its
illustrious leader " Old Douro." By
that title, from that time forward, he
was commonly known at headquar-
ters : and is it not a glorious one, so
won, and so conferred, and truly wor-
thy of descending in his family ? On
that occasion, I was told, Colonel
charged through the enemy at
the head of his regiment, and, as
one good turn deserves another,
thought he might as well charge back
again. It was in this second charge
that he lost his arm.
Arrived on deck, the colonel made
a somewhat semicircular bow to all of
us, and immediately recognised Major
M — . His valet followed him, and
presently went below. The next mo-
ment, the colonel began to take a first
view of the vessel, and turned from
us for that purpose. Captain Gabion,
first nudging Mr Commissary Capsi-
cum, whispered Major M — , "Come,
major, give us the colonel." The
major, having an arm too many, in a
twinkling whipped one behind him,
stepped to the gangway, and did the
colonel's first appearance to the life.
To execute the colonel's recognition of
himself, for want of a better substitute,
he advanced, with the colonel's three
military strides, to me. I, carried
away by the drollery of the scene, so
far forgot myself that I did the major.
This caused a general laugh ; the
colonel turned round, and caught me
and the major bowing, grimacing, and
shaking hands. He saw at once what
had been going on, and laughed too.
But the major wished to shift the
responsibility. " That Pledget," said
he, "keeps us in a constant roar. "
Mr Staff-Surgeon Pledget looked a
little surprised. When the major gave
us the colonel's horizontal salutation to
the company assembled, Pledget took
it all in earnest, and bowed in return.
One other arrival followed. A shore
boat came off, having four more pas-
sengers— a lady, two gentlemen, and
a female attendant. One of the said
gentlemen, an Irishman, was the
lady's brother : she, in face and form,
a perfect specimen of Irish beauty ;
he, both in person and in feature, all
that might be expected in the brother
of such a sister. In this respect he
presented a remarkable contrast to
their fellow-passenger, who was a
young Irish officer of the East India
Company's navy, and, what made it
more remarkable, the accepted swain,
as we afterwards had every reason to
conclude, of his fair countrywoman.
How shall I describe this lovely youth ?
His head was large ; his face prodigious-
ly large and flat; his features were lu-
dicrously diminutive. Fancy a full
moon seen broad and white through a
Shetland mist — in short, a full moon
of putty ; then fancy, stuck exactly
in the centre of this moon, the little
screwed-up pug face of a little ugly
monkey, and you have him to a T.
His two little twinkling eyes, deep
sunk beneath the beetling browr of his
prominent and massive forehead, and
in such close proximity that nothing
separated them but the bridge of his
nose, were constantly and inquisitively
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part I.
561
on the move. The nose itself was too
insignificant to merit a description.
Yet it was not exactly what is called
a squashed nose, but a nose without a
nib. It conveyed to you, indeed, the
painful impression that some unfeeling
barber had sliced off its extremity,
and left the two unprotected nostrils
staring you full in the face, like the
open ports of a ship. His ears were
like an elephant's, — large, loose, thin,
flat, and unhemrned. His mouth, like
that described by a distinguished au-
thoress, " had a physiognomy of its
own." Not very observable when
quiescent, in speaking it became
curiously expressive, and, at times,
enormously elongated or strangely
curvilinear. It had also, under the
same circumstances, another pecu-
liarity. It was a travelling mouth :
yes, it travelled. When it talked, it
was constantly shifting its position,
not only up and down, but side-
ways and obliquely. In the utter-
ance of a single sentence, it would
traverse the whole extent of his
face. It was now high, now low;
now on this side, now on that. It
ranged, at will, the whole breadth of
his countenance from ear to ear ; so
that at times he was all mouth on
one side of his face, and no mouth on
the other. This gave him the addi-
tional advantage, that his profile could
maintain a dialogue with you, as well
as another man's full face. When
conversing with his lady-love, side
by side at the dinner-table, he never
turned to look at her — he had no need.
Viewing her with one eye, like a duck,
in tones of deferential tenderness he
addressed her from the cheek that
was nearest hers. His perfectly-
well-bred deportment, nay, elegance
of manner, his inexhaustible fund of
good humour, and amusing waggery,
did not, I am sorry to say, prevent
his acquiring, and bearing during the
voyage, the name of Joey : allusive,
I presume, to the feats of mouth per-
formed in those days by the far-
famed Grimaldi. The malevolent
suspicion, that a title so derogatory
was any suggestion of mine, I scorn
to notice. To this, however, I do
confess, that, ere we had been four-
aud- twenty hours at sea, as a slight
token of my profound veneration for
the stateliest and the loveliest of
Erin's daughters, I proposed, and it
was carried unanimously, that she
should bear the name of Juno. And,
the colonel having pronounced her
brother a perfect Apollo, I also pro-
posed, and it was also carried unani-
mously, that we should call him Mr
Belvidere. But I am anticipating.
On the practice of giving sobriquets,
so common at headquarters, much
remains to be said hereafter. As to
the maid-servant, she was a quiet
little Irishwoman of about five-and-
thirty, in a duffle cloak with pink
bows, snug straw bonnet neatly tied
under her chin with a pink ribbon,
and snow-white cotton stockings, ex-
hibiting a rather broad instep, which,
led me to conjecture that she had not
always worn shoes. Her mistress
called her Kitty, and that name she
was allowed to keep, as no one on.
board thought he could improve it.
It is time to get to sea. Gingham,
where are you? what are you about?
We shall be off, and leave you be-
hind. Noon, our hour of sailing,
was now near at hand. The anchor
was hove short ; the sails were shak-
ing in the wind ; the skipper came
on board ; the foresail was then set ;
still there was no Gingham. Those
talented individuals, the two boatmen,
still supposing Gingham was on board,
were getting a little uneasy. They
were now wide awake, and anxiously
peering at the ship with their hands
over their eyes, watching every one
that came on deck, but watching in.
vain. Their uneasiness evidently
increased, as our remaining time di-
minished ; till at length, as the town
clock struck twelve, the capstan was
manned. The anchor was then hove
to the tune of " Off she goes," per-
formed on a single fife in admirable
time, marked by the tread of many
feet. The flood- tide was beginning
to make ; but we didn't care for that,
as we had wind enough from the north-
east, and to spare. Other sails were
now set, and we were beginning to
get way ; while I was intently eyeing
the shore, expecting to see Gingham
shove off, and perfectly sure he would
come, because he had taken no steps
for the re- landing of his baggage.
But I did not look in the right di-
rection. Gingham, detained to the
last moment, and then, having settled
562
My Peninsular Medal. — Part L
[Nor.
all things to his satisfaction, at liberty
to prosecute his voyage, had made
his arrangements with his usual judg-
ment. It was a near thing though.
He put off from a part of the town
lower down than the quay from which
he usually embarked, so as to cut in
upon us as we glided down the har-
bour ; and was within a few fathoms
of the ship before I saw him. He
was then standing upright in his boat,
completely absorbed in a London
paper, but with one hand waving his
umbrella, without looking up, to stop
the ship. Stopping the ship was ont
of the question. Indeed, I fancied the
skipper would have been glad to go
without him. The boat, coming end
on, and not very cleverly handled by
the Falmouth fellows, bumped against
the side of the ship, which, as she
was now under way, they were afraid
of missing altogether ; and the shock
almost pitched Gingham and his
umbrella into the water. He came
on board amidst general laughter,
and the hearty greetings of such of
the passengers as knew him — none
heartier than mine. " How his green
spectacles would have frightened the
fishes!" said Mr Commissary Capsi-
cum to Captain Gabion. "Don't
joke on such a serious subject," re-
plied the captain ; " had he gone
over, we should have quitted England
without getting a sight of the last
London newspaper."
The two worthies, who, still
expecting to see Gingham emerge
from the cabin, had so long waited
for him in vain, were by this
time in an awkward predicament.
When the ship first began to move,
they had no resource but to unmoor
from the buoy, out oars, and pull
away in company. But this, it was
soon clear, would not do. The ship
was getting more and more way, and,
had they pulled their hearts out, would
soon have left them astern ; when,
as their only chance, they pulled close
alongside, and made free with a rope's
end that was dragging through the
water. This one of them held, after
giving it a turn round a bench ; while
the other kept off the boat from the
ship's side by means of the boat-hook.
While they were being thus dragged
through the water, each, as he could,
from time to time touching his hat,
each beseechingly simpering, each
saying something that nobody could
hear, and both anxiously looking for
Gingham on deck, to their great sur-
prise the}' saw him come alongside in
another boat, as I have already re-
lated ; and, before they could say
Jack Robinson, he was on board."
After our fir,st greetings, I called
Gingham's attention to the disagree-
able position of our two friends, who
were still holding on alongside, and
dragging through the water. Indeed,
I was disposed to hold an argument
with him on the subject, and thought
a different view might be taken of
their case. " No, no," said Gingham;
" this is the first time any Falmouth
man has ever attempted to impose
upon me, and I mean it to be the last."
The breeze, no unusual circumstance
in such localities, stiffened as we ap-
proached the entrance of the harbour,
where the high land closes in, and the
sea-way is comparatively narrow ;
and, meeting the swell which came
tumbling in from the ocean with the
flood-tide, knocked up a little bit of
an ugly ripple. The situation of the
two boatmen was becoming every
moment more awkward. We were
now going six knots, (through the
water, mind you, not making six knots
— that, against such a current, was
quite beyond our tubby little Wilhel-
mina's capabilities ;) the ripple was
gradually becoming nastier ; the boat-
men, still touching their hats from
time to time, still blandly smiling,
and still making unheard but pathetic
appeals to Gingham's generosity, did
not like to let go till they had got
something ; and I really thought the
end must be, that their boat would
be swamped alongside. At length,
Gingham put an end to the farceT
by screwing up ninepence in a bit of
paper, and throwing it into the boatr
telling them it was threepence more
than they deserved. They then let
go ; and we left them poppling up and
down, like a cork, in the broken water,
and scuffling about in the bottom of
the boat for the scattered coin.
1349. J Disenchantment. 563
DISEXCHAKTMEXT.
I.
ALTHOUGH from Adam stained with crime,
A halo girds the path of time,
As 'twere things humble with sublime,
Divine with mortal blending,
And that which is, with that which seems, —
Till blazoned o'er were Jacob's dreams
With heaven's angelic hosts, in streams,
Descending and ascending.
Ask of the clouds, why Eden's dyes
Have vanished from the sunset skies?
Ask of the winds, why harmonies
Now breathe not in their voices?
Ask of the spring, why from the bloom
Of lilies comes a less perfume?
And why the linnet, 'mid the broom,
Less lustily rejoices?
in.
Silent are now the sylvan tents ;
The elves to airy elements
Resolved are gone; grim castled rents
No more show demons gazing,
With evil eyes, on wandering men ;
And, where the dragon had his den
Of fire, within the haunted glen,
Now herds unharmed are grazing.*
* A clearer day has dispelled the marvels, which showed themselves in heaveu
above and in earth beneath, when twilight and superstition went hand in hand.
Horace's
" Somnia, terrores magi cos, miracula, sagas,
Nocturnes Lemures, portentaque Thessala,"
as well as Milton's
" Gorgons, Hydras, and Chimera's dire,"
have all been found wanting, when reduced to the admeasurements of science ; and
the " sounds that syllable men's names, on sands, and shores, and desert wilder-
nesses," are quenched in silence, or only exist in what James Hogg most poetically
terms
" That undefined and mingled hum,
Voice of the desert, never dumb.'11
The inductive philosophy was " the bare bodkin " which gave many a pleasant vision
" its quietus." " Homo, naturje minister," saith Lord Bacon, " et interpres, tantum
facit et intelligit, quantum de naturrc ordine se vel mente observaverit : nee amplius
scit nee potest." — NOT. Organum, Aph. I.
The fabulous dragon has long acted a conspicuous part in the poetry both of the
north and south. We find him in the legends of Regnar Lodbrog and Kempion, and
in the episode of Brandimarte in the second book of the Orlando Inamorato. He is
also to be recognised as the huge snake of the Edda ; and figures with ourselves in
the stories of the Chevalier St George and the Dragon — of Moor of Moorhall and the
Dragon of Wantley— in the Dragon of Loriton— in the Laidley Worm of Spindleton
564 Disenchantment. [Nov.
IV.
No more, as horror stirs the trees,
The path- belated peasant sees
Witches, adown the sleety breeze,
To Lapland flats careering:*
As on through storms the Sea-kings sweep,
No more the Kraken huge, asleep,
Looms like an island, 'mid the deep,
Eising and disappearing.
v.
No more, reclined by Cona's streams,
Before the seer, in waking dreams,
The dim funereal pageant gleams,
Futurity fore - showing ;
No more, released from churchyard trance,
Athwart blue midnight, spectres glance,
Or mingle in the bridal dance,
To vanish ere cock-crowing, f
Heugh — in the Flying Serpent of Lockburne — the Snake of Wormieston, &c. &c.
Bartholinus and Saxo-Grammaticus volunteer us some curious information regarding
a species of these monsters, whose particular office was to keep watch over hidden
treasure. The winged Gryphon is of " auld descent," and has held a place in unna-
tural history from Herodotus (Thalia, 116, and Melpomene, 13, 27) to Milton (Para-
dise Lost, book v.) —
" As when a Gryphon, through the wilderness,
With winged course, o'er hill or moory dale,
Pursues the Arimaspian," &c.
* Of the many mysterious chapters of the human mind, surely one of the most
obscure and puzzling is that of witchcraft. For some reason, not sufficiently explained,
Lapland was set down as a favourite seat of the orgies of the " Midnight Hags."
When, in the ballad of " The Witch of Fife," the auld gudeman, in the exercise of
his conjugal authority, questions his errant spouse regarding her nocturnal absences
without leave, she is made ecstatically to answer,
" Whan we came to the Lapland lone,
The fairies war all in array ;
For all the genii of the North
War keepyng their holyday.
The warlocke man and the weird womyng,
And the fays of the woode an!F the steep,
And the phantom hunteris all were there,
And the mermaidis of the deep.
And they washit us all with the witch-water,
Distillit fra the moorland dew,
Quhill our heauty bloomit like the Lapland rose,
That wylde in the foreste grew."
Queen's Wake, Night 1st.
" Like, but oh how different," are these unearthly goings on to the details in the Wal-
purgis Night of Faust (Act v. Scene 1.) The " phantom-hunters" of the north were
not the " Wilde Jager" of Burger, or " the Erl-king" of Goethe. It is related by
Hearne, that the tribes of the Chippewas Indians suppose the northern lights to be
occasioned by the frisking of herds of deer in the fields above, caused by the haloo
and chase of their departed friends.
•f It is very probable, that the apparitional visit of "Alonzo the Brave" to the
bridal of " the Fair Imogene," was suggested to M. G. Lewis, by the story in the old
chronicles of the skeleton masquer taking his place among the wedding revellers, at
Jedburgh Castle, on the night when Alexander III., in 1286, espoused as his second
queen, Joleta, daughter of the Count le Dreux. These were the palmy days of por-
tents; and the prophecy uttered by Thomas of Ercildoune, of the storm which was
to roar
" From Ross's hills to Solway sea,"
was supposed to have had its fulfilment in the death of the lamented monarch, which
1849.] Disenchantment. 565
VI.
Alas! that Fancy's fount should cease!
In rose-hues limn'd, the myths of Greece
Have waned to dreams — the Colchian fleece,
And labours of Alcides : —
Nay, Homer, even thy mighty line —
Thy living tale of Troy divine —
The sceptic scholiast doubts if thine,
Or Priam, or Pelides!
VII.
As silence listens to the lark,
And orient beams disperse the dark,
How sweet to roam abroad, and mark
Their gold the fields adorning :
But, when we think of where are they,
Whose bosoms like our own were gay,
While April gladdened life's young day,
Joy takes the garb of mourning.
VIII.
Warm gushing thro' the heart come back
The thoughts that brightened boyhood's track;
And hopes, as 'twere from midnight black,
All star-like re- awaken ;
Until we feel how, one by one,
The faces of the loved are gone,
And grieve for those left here alone,
Not those who have been taken.
The past returns in all we see,
The billowy cloud, and branching tree ;
In all we hear — the bird and bee
Remind of pleasures cherish'd ;
When all is lost it loved the best,
Oh ! pity on that vacant breast,
Which would not rather be at rest,
Than pine amid the perish'd !
x.
A balmy eve I the round white moon
Emparadises midmost June,
Tune trills the nightingale on tune—
What magic ! when a lover,'
occurred, only a few months after the appearance of the skeleton masquer, by a fall
from his horse, over a precipice, while hunting between Burntisland and Kinghorn, at
a place still called " the King's Wood-end."
Wordsworth appears to have had the subject in his eye, in two of the stanzas of
his lyric, entitled Presentiments, — the last of which runs as follows: —
" Ye daunt the proud array of war,
Pervade the lonely ocean far
As sail hath been unfurled,
For dancers in the festive hall
What ghostly partners hath your call
Fetched from the shadowy world."
—Poetical Works, 1845, p. 176.
The same incident has been made the subject of some very spirited verses, in a
little volume — Ballads and Lays from Scottish History — published in 1844; and
which, I fear, has not attracted the attention to which its intrinsic merits assuredly
entitle it.
566 Disenchantment. [Nov.
To him, who now, gray-haired and lone,
Bends o'er the sad sepulchral stone
Of her, whose heart was once his own :
Ah ! bright dream briefly over !
XI.
See how from port the vessel glides
With streamered masts, o'er halcyon tides;
Its laggard course the sea- boy chides,
All loath that calms should bind him ;
But distance only chains him more,
With love-links, to his native shore,
And sleep's best dream is to restore
The home he left behind him.
To sanguine youth's enraptured eye,
Heaven has its reflex in the sky,
The winds themselves have melody,
Like harp some seraph sweepeth ;
A silver decks the hawthorn bloom,
A legend shrines the mossy tomb,
And spirits throng the starry gloom,
Her reign when midnight keepeth.
XIII.
Silence o'erhangs the Delphic cave;
Where strove the bravest of the brave,
Naught met the wandering Byron, save
A lone, deserted barrow ;
And Fancy's iris waned away,
When Wordsworth ventured to survey,
Beneath the light of common day,
The dowie dens of Yarrow.
XIV.
Little we dream — when life is new,
And Nature fresh and fair to view,
When throbs the heart to pleasure true,
As if for naught it wanted, —
That, year by year, and ray by ray,
Romance's sunlight dies away,
And long before the hair is gray,
The heart is disenchanted.
1849.]
Across the Atlantic.
567
ACROSS THE ATLANTIC.
ANOTHER book from the active pen
of our American acquaintance, the
able seaman. The question having
been raised whether Mr Herman Mel-
ville has really served before the mast,
and lias actually, like the heroine of a
well-known pathetic ballad, disfigured
his lily-white fingers with the nasty
pitch and tar, he does his best to dis-
sipate all such doubts by the title-page
of his new work, on which, in large
capitals, is proclaimed that Redburn
is " The Sailor -boy Confessions and
Reminiscences of the son of a gentleman
in the merchant service;'1'' and, colla-
terally, by a dedication to his younger
brother, " now a sailor on a voyage to
China." An unmerited importance
has perhaps been given to the inquiry
whether Mr Melville's voyages were
made on quarterdeck or on forecastle,
and are genuine adventures or mere
Robinsonades. The book, not the
writer, concerns the critic ; and even
as there assuredly are circumstances
that might induce a youth of gentle
birth and breeding to don flannel shirt,
and put fist in tar-bucket as a mer-
chant seaman, so the probably unplea-
sant nature of those circumstances
precludes too inquisitive investigation
into them. We accept Mr Melville,
theiefore, for what he professes to be,
and we accept his books, also, with
pleasure and gratitude Avhen good,
just as we neglect and reject them
when they are the contrary. Redburn,
we are bound to admit, is entitled to
a more favourable verdict than the
author's last previous work. We do
not like it so well as Typee and Omoo ;
and, although quite aware that this is
a class of fiction to which one cannot
often return without finding it pall, by
reason of a certain inevitable same-
ness, we yet are quite sure we should
not have liked it so well as those two
books, even though priority of publi-
cation had brought it to a palate un-
sated with that particular sort of lite-
rary diet. Nevertheless, after a de-
cided and deplorable retrogression, Mr
Melville seems likely to go ahead
again, if he will only take time and
pains, and not over-write himself, and
avoid certain affectations and pedantry
unworthy a man of his ability. Many
of the defects of Mardi are corrected
in Redburn. We gladly miss much
of the obscurity and nonsense that
abound in the former work. The
style, too, of this one is more natural
and manly ; and even in the minor
matter of a title, we find reason to
congratulate Mr Melville on improved
taste, inasmuch as we think an Eng-
lish book is better fitted with an Eng-
lish-sounding name than with uncouth
dissyllables from Polynesia, however
convenient these may be found for the
purposes of the puif provocative.
Redburn comprises four months of
the life of a hardy wrong-headed
lad, who ships himself on board a
trading vessel, for the voyage from
New York to Liverpool and back,
As there is no question of shipwreck,
storm, pirates, mutiny, or any other
nautico - dramatic incidents, during
Wellingborough Redburn's voyage out
and home ; and as the events of his
brief abode in England are neither
numerous nor (with the exception of
one rather far-fetched episode) by any
means extraordinary, it is evident
that a good deal of detail and inge-
nuity are necessary to fill two volumes,
on so simple and commonplace a
theme. So a chapter is devoted to
the causes of his addiction to the sea,
and shows how it was that childish
reminiscences of a seaport town, and
stories of maritime adventure told him
by his father, who had many times
crossed the Atlantic, and visions of
European magnificence, and, above
all, the frequent contemplation of an
old-fashioned glass ship which stood
in his mother's sitting-room, and
which is described with considerable
minuteness, and some rather feeble
attempts at the facetious — how all
these things combined had imbued
young Wellingborough with a strong
craving after salt water. Other cir-
cumstances concurred to drive him
Redburn : his First Voyage. By HERMAN MELVILLE, author of Typee, Omoo, and
JIardi. 2 vols. London, 1849.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX. 2 P
568
Across the Atlantic.
forth upon the world. He hints at
family misfortunes. His father had
been a merchant at New York, in a
flourishing business. Things were
now less prosperous. " Some time
previous, my mother had removed
from New York to a pleasant village
on the Hudson river, where we lived
in a small house, in a quiet way. Sad
disappointments in several plans which
I had sketched for my future life ; the
necessity of doing something for my-
self, united to a naturally roving dis-
position, had now conspired within
me to send me to sea as a sailor."
And yet it would appear that he might
have done better than plunge thus
recklessly into the hardships and evil
associations of a merchantman's fore-
castle ; for he more than half admits
that he was erring and wilful, and that
he had kind relatives and sympathis-
ing patrons, who would have put him
in the way of earning a living other-
wise. Redburn, however, seems to
have been in some respects as preco-
cious as in others we shall presently
find him simple and inexperienced. A
mere boy, adversity had already con-
verted him into a misanthrope, at an
age when most lads are as yet without
plans for their future, and know not
disappointment in any more important
matters than a treat to the play, or an
extra week's holiday. The forward-
ness of the rising generation is remark-
able enough in England, and has been
amusingly hit off by one of our clever-
est caricaturists. In America, there-
fore, which notoriously goes ahead of
the old country in most particulars,
and whose inhabitants lay claim to an
extraordinary share of railroad and
earthquake in their composition, boy-
ish precocity is possibly still more re-
markable ; and one must not wonder
at finding Master Redburn talking in
misanthropic vein of the world's treat-
ment of him, how bleak and cheerless
everything seemed, and how " the
warm soul of him had been flogged out
by adversity." This, at an age when
the stinging memory of the school-
master's taws must still have been
tolerably vivid about the seat of his
breeks, seems rather absurd to begin
with. It was under the influence of
such feelings, however, that this infant
Timon left his home to cast his lot
upon the wide waters. His friends
[Nov.
were evidently either very angry with
him or very poor ; for they allowed
him to depart with but one dollar in
his pocket, a big shooting-jacket with
foxes' heads on the buttons, and a
little bundle, containing his entire kit,
slung at the end of the fowling-piece
which his good-natured elder brother
pressed upon him at parting. Thus
equipped, he tramps off to the steamer
that is to carry him down the Hudson,
early on a raw morning, along a muddy
road, and through a drizzling rain.
The skyey influences will at times
affect even the most stoical, and the
dismal aspect of external nature makes
Master Redburn revert to his blighted
prospects — how his soul is afflicted
with mildew, " and the fruit which,
with others, is only blasted after ripe-
ness, with him is nipped in the first
blossom and bud." The blight he
complains of is evidently of a most
virulent description, for it " leaves
such a scar that the air of Paradise
might not erase it." As he has just
before told us how, whilst walking
along, his fingers " worked moodily
at the stock and trigger" of his bro-
ther's rifle, and that he had thought
this was indeed " the proper way to
begin life, with a gun in your hand,"
we feel, upon hearing him croak so
desperately, some apprehension for
his personal safety, and think his bro-
ther would have done as well to have
kept his gun. On this last point we
quite make up our minds, when we
shortly afterwards find him levelling
the weapon at the left eye of a steam-
boat passenger who is so imprudent
as to stare at him, and bullying the
steward for demanding the fare,
(which is two dollars, whereas Red-
burn has but one,) and looking cat-
a- mounts at his less needy fellow-
voyagers, because they have the rude-
ness to enjoy their roast beef dinner,
whilst he has had the improvidence to
leave home without even a crust in
his wallet. It seems the author's aim
to start his hero in life under every
possible circumstance of disadvantage
and hardship ; and to do this, he
rather loses sight of probability. At
last, however, Redburn reaches New
York, with gun and bundle, foxes'
heads and shooting-jacket, and has-
tens to visit a friend of his brother's,
to whom he is recommended. A kind
1849.]
Across the Atlantic.
569
welcome, good supper, and warm bed,
go some way towards dissipating his
ill humour ; and next morning the
friend accompanies him to the docks
to seek a ship. But none of his
brother's kindnesses prosper him.
The gun, as we have seen, has already
led him to the verge of homicide, the
foxes' heads are yet to be the source
of innumerable vexations; and Mr
Jones, a silly young man, does more
harm than good, by taking the direc-
tion of Redburn's affairs, and acting
as his spokesman with Captain Riga,
of the regular trader, Highlander,
then loading for Liverpool.
" We found the captain in the cabin,
which was a very handsome one, lined
with mahogany and maple ; and the
steward, an elegant-looking mulatto, in a
gorgeous turban, was setting out, on a
sort of sideboard, some dinner-service
which looked like silver, but it was only
Britannia ware highly polished. As soon
as I clapped my eye on the captain, I
thought to myself he was just the cap-
tain to suit me. He was a fine-looking
man, about forty, splendidly dressed,
with very black whiskers and very white
teeth, and what I took to be a free frank
look out of a large hazel eye. I liked
him amazingly."
The scene that ensues is quietly
humorous, and reminds us a good
deal of Marryat, in whose style of
novel we think Mr Melville would
succeed. The upshot of the confer-
ence is that Redburn ships as a boy
on board the Highlander. By vaunt-
ing his respectability, and the' wealth
of his relations, his injudicious friend
furnishes Riga with a pretext for
withholding the custom aiy advance
of pay ; and although the sale of the
fowling-piece to a Jew pawnbroker
produces wherewith to purchase a
red woollen shirt, a tarpaulin hat,
and jack-knife, Redburn goes on
board but slenderly provided. His
reception is not very cheering.
" When I reached the deck, I saw no
one but a large man in a large dripping
pea-jacket, who was calking down the
mainhatches.
"'What do you want, Pillgarlic ? '
said he.
' | I've shipped to sail in this ship,' I
replied, assuming a little dignity to chas-
tise his familiarity.
" ' What for —a tailor ? ' said he, look-
ing at my shooting-jacket.
" I answered that I was going as a
' boy;' for so I was technically put down
on the articles.
"'Well,' said he, 'have you got your
traps aboard 3 '
" I told him I didn't know there were
any rats in the ship, and hadn't brought
any ' trap.'
" At this he laughed out with a great
guffaw, and said there must be hay-seed
in my hair.
" This made me mad; but, thinking he
must be one of the sailors who was going
in the ship, I thought it wouldn't be
wise to make an enemy of him, so only
asked him where the men slept in the
vessel, for I wanted to put my clothes
away.
" ' Where's your clothes ? ' said he.
" ' Here in my bundle,' said I, holding
it up.
'"Well, if that's all you've got,' he
cried, ' you'd better chuck it overboard.
But go forward, go forward to the fore-
castle; that's the place you live in aboard
here.'
" And with that he directed me to a
sort of hole in the deck of the bow of the
ship; but looking down, and seeing how
dark it was, I asked him for a light.
" ' Strike your eyes together and make
one,' said he, ' we don't have any lights
here.' So I groped my way down into
the forecastle, which smelt so bad of old
ropes and tar, that it almost made me
sick. After waiting patiently, I began
to see a little; and, looking round, at last
perceived I was in a smoky-looking place,
with twelve wooden boxes stuck round
the sides. In some of these boxes were
large chests, which I at once supposed to
belong to the sailors, who must have
taken that method of appropriating their
'bunks,' as I afterwards found these
boxes were called. And so it turned
out.
" After examining them for a while, I
selected an empty one, and put my bundle
right in the middle of it, so that there
might be no mistake about my claim to
the place, particularly as the bundle was
so small."
The ship is not to sail till the next
day ; the crew are not yet aboard ;
there is no mess, and Redburn has no
money. He passes a wretched night
in his evil-smelling bunk, and next
morning is crawling about the deck,
weak from hunger, when he is accosted
by the first mate, who curses him for
a lubber, asks his name, swears it is
too long to be handy, rebaptises him
by that of Buttons, and sets him to
clean out the pig-pen, and grease the
570
Across the Atlantic.
[Nor;
main-topmast. Having accomplished
these savoury duties, and narrowly
escaped falling overboard from his
unwonted elevation, Redburn is
ordered to the quarterdeck, where
the men are divided into watches,
and he falls to the lot of his friend
the first mate, who tries hard to get
rid of him to Mr Rigs, the second
mate ; but Mr Rigs refuses the tyro,
even as a free gift. Redburn now
gets sea-sick, and, when ordered on
deck to stand the first night-watch,
from eight o'clock to midnight, he,
feeling qualmish, requests one of the
sailors to make his excuses very
civilly to the chief mate, for that he
thinks he will go below and spend
the night in his bunk. The sailor, a
good-natured Greenlander, laughs at
his simplicity, and doctors him with
a canikin of rum and some ship bis-
cuits, which enable him to get through
his watch. Minute incidents of this
kind, reflections, reminiscences, and
thoughts of home, occupy many
chapters ; and, at times, one is in-
clined to think they are dwelt upon
at too great length : but, as before
hinted, it is necessary to do something
to fill two volumes. A slight incon-
sistency strikes us in this first portion
of the book. Redburn, a sharp
enough lad on shore, and who, it has
been seen, is altogether precocious
in experience of the world's disap-
pointments, seems converted, by the
first sniff of salt water, into as arrant
a simpleton as ever made mirth in a
cockpit. Mr Melville must surely
have had Peter Simple in his head,
when describing "Buttons" at his
first deck- washing. " The water
began to splash about all over the
decks, and I began to think I should
surely get my feet wet, and catch my
death of cold. So I went to the
chief mate and told him I thought
I would just step below, till this
miserable wetting was over ; for I
did not have any waterproof boots,
and an aunt of mine had died of con-
sumption. But he only roared out
for me to get a broom, and go to
scrubbing, or he would prove a worse
consumption to me than ever got hold
of my poor aunt." Now Redburn,
from what has previously been seen
of him, was evidently not the lad to
care a rush about wet soles, or even
about a thorough ducking. On the
Hudson river steamer, he had volun-
tarily walked the deck in a dreary
storm till soaked through ; and his
first night on board the Highlander
had been passed uncomplainingly in
wet clothes. He has borne hunger
and thirst and other disagreeables
most manfully, and the impression
given of him is quite that of a stub-
born hardy fellow. So that this sud-
den fear of a splashing is evidently
introduced merely to afford Mr Mel-
ville opportunity of making a little
mild fun, and is altogether out of
character. Equally so is the elaborate
naivete with which Redburn inquires
of a sailor whether, as the big bell
on the forecastle "hung right over
the scuttle that went down to the
place where the watch below were
sleeping, such a ringing every little
while would not tend to disturb them,
and beget unpleasant dreams." The
account of his attempts at intimacy
with the captain, although humorous
enough, is liable to a similar objec-
tion ; and, in so sharp a lad, such
simple blunders are not sufficiently
accounted for by ignorance of sea
usages. His recollection of the bland
urbanity with which Captain Riga
had received him and Mr Jones, when
they first boarded the Highlander,
induces him to believe that he may
reckon on sympathy and attention in
that quarter, when bullied by the
rough sailors, and abused by the
snappish mate. He had vague ideas
of Sunday dinners in the cabin, of an
occasional lesson in navigation, or an
evening game at chess. Desirous to
realise these pleasant visions, but ob-
serving that the captain takes no
notice of him, and altogether omits to
invite him aft, Buttons, as he is
now universally called on board the
trader, thinks it may be expected that
he, the younger man, should make the
first advances. His pig- sty and
chicken-coop cleanings have not greatly
improved the aspect of his clothes, or
the colour of his hands ; but a bucket
of water gets off the worst of the
stains, and a selection from his limited
wardrobe converts him into a decent
enough figure for a forecastle, although
he still would not have excited much
admiration in Broadway or Bond
Street.
1849.]
Across the Atlantic.
571
" When the sailors saw me thus em-
ployed, they did not know what to make
of it, and wanted to know whether I
was dressing to go ashore. I told them
no, for we were then out of sight of
land, but that I was going to pay my
respects to the captain. Upon which
they all laughed and shouted, as if I
•were a simpleton; although there seemed
nothing sovery simple in going to make an
evening call upon a friend. When some
of them tried to dissuade me, saying I
was green and raw ; but Jackson, who
sat looking on, cried out with a hideous
grin — ' Let him go, let him go, men; he's
a nice boy. Let him go; the captain has
some nuts and raisins for him.' And so
he was going on, when one of his violent
fits of coughing seized him, and he almost
choked For want of kids, I
slipped on a pair of woollen mittens,
which my mother had knit for me to carry
to sea. As I was putting them on,
Jackson asked me whether he shouldn't
call a carriage ; and another bade me
not forget to present his best respects to
the skipper. I left them all tittering,
and, coming on deck, was passing the
cook-house, when the old cook called
after me, saying I had forgot my cane."
The Jackson here referred to is a
prominent character in the book, an
important personage amongst the in-
mates of the Highlander's forecastle.
He was a yellow-visaged, whiskerless,
squinting, broken-nosed ruffian, and
his head was bald, " except in the
nape of his neck and just behind the
ears, where it was stuck over with
short little tufts, and looked like a
worn-out shoe-brush." He claimed
near relationship with General Jack-
son, was a good seaman and a great
bully, and, although physically weak,
and broken down by excess and dis-
ease, the other sailors gave way to,
and even petted him. He had been
at sea ever since his early childhood,
and he told strange wild tales of his
experiences in many lands and on
many distant seas, and of perils en-
countered in Portuguese slavers on
the African coast, and of Batavian
fevers and Malay pirates, and the like
horrible things, which composed, in-
deed, all his conversation, save when
he found fault with his shipmates, and
cursed, and reviled, and jeered at them
— all of which they patiently endured,
as though they feared the devil that
glared out of " his deep, subtle, infer-
nal-looking eye." All who have read
Omoo, (the best of Mr Melville's
books,) will remember that the author
is an adept in the sketching of nautical
originals. Jackson is by no means a
bad portrait, and doubtless he is
" founded on fact ;" although much of
his savage picturesqueness may be
attributed to the clever pencil of his
former shipmate. Riga is another
good hit. The handsome captain,
with the fine clothes and the shining
black whiskers, who spoke so smooth
and looked so sleek when his craft lay
moored by New York quay, is alto-
gether another sort of character when
once the anchor is up. Seamen never
judge a captain by his shoregoing
looks. Tyrants and martinets afloat are
often all simper and benevolence across
a mahogany plank ashore. But cer-
tainly there never was a more thorough
metamorphosis than afour- and-t wenty
hours' sail produced in Captain Riga.
His glossy sxiit and gallant airs dis-
appeared altogether. " He wore no-
thing but old-fashioned snuff-coloured
coats, with high collars and short
waists, and faded short-legged panta-
loons, very tight about the knees, and
vests that did not conceal his waist-
bands, owing to their being so short,
just like a little boy's. And his hats
were all caved in and battered, as if
they had been knocked about in a
cellar, and his boots were sadly
patched. Indeed, I began to think he
was but a shabby fellow after all, par-
ticularly as his whiskers lost their
gloss, and he went days together
without shaving ; and his hair, by a
sort of miracle, began to grow of a
pepper and salt colour, which might
have been owing, though, to his dis-
continuing the use of some kind of dye
while at sea. I put him down as a
sort of impostor." This the captain
certainly is, and ultimately proves to
be something worse, for he swindles
poor Buttons and another unfortunate
" boy" out of their hard-earned wages,
and proves himself altogether a far
worse fellow than the rough mate,
whose first salutation is often a curse
or a cuff, but who, nevertheless, has
some heart and humanity under his
coarse envelope. Of various other
individuals of the ship's company
sketches are given, and prominent
amongst these is the dandy mulatto
steward, called Lavender by the crew,
Across the Atlantic.
[Nov.
from his having been a barber in New
York. Following the example of the
captain, whose immediate dependant
he is, Lavender, when at sea, lays by
his gorgeous turban, and sports his
wool, profusely scented with the resi-
due of his stock in trade. " He was
a sentimental sort of darky, and read
the Three Spaniards and Charlotte
Temple, and carried a lock of frizzled
hair in his vest pocket, which he fre-
quently volunteered to show to people,
with his handkerchief to his eyes."
It must have been sympathy of race,
not congeniality of disposition, that
made cronies of Lavender and the
methodistical black cook. Thompson,
the sable Soyer of the Highlander, was
known as the Doctor, according to the
nautical practice of confounding the
medical and the gastronomical pro-
fessions. He is a capital portrait,
scarcely caricatured. On a Sunday
morning, " he sat over his boiling
pots, reading out of a book which was
very much soiled, and covered with
grease spots, for he kept it stuck into
a little leather strap, nailed to the keg
where he kept the fat skimmed off the
water in which the salt beef was cook-
ed." This book was the Bible, and
what with the heat of the five-feet-
sqnare kitchen, and his violent efforts
to comprehend the more mysterious
passages of scripture, the beads of
sweat would roll off the Doctor's brow
as he sat upon a narrow shelf, oppo-
site the stove, and so close to it that
he had to spread his legs out wide to
keep them from scorching. During
the whole voyage he was never known
to wash his face but once, and that
was on a dark night, in one of his own
soup-pots. His coffee, by courtesy so
called, was a most extraordinary com-
pound, and would not bear analysis.
Sometimes it tasted fishy, at others
salt ; then it would have a cheesy
flavour, or — but we abridge the tin-
savoury details with which Redburn
disgusts us upon this head. Sambo's
devotional practices precluded due
attention to his culinary duties. For
his narrow caboose he entertained a
warm affection. " In fair weather he
spread the skirt of an old jacket before
the door by way of a mat, and screwed
a small ringbolt into the door for a
knocker, and wrote his name, ' Mr
Thompson,' over it, with a bit of red
chalk." The old negro stands before
us as we read ; cooking, praying, per-
spiring, and with all the ludicrous
self-sufficiency of his tribe. Mr Mel-
ville is very happy in these little
touches. Max the Dutchman is an-
other original. Although married to
two highly respectable wives, one at
Liverpool and the other at New York,
at sea he is quite an old bachelor,
precise and finical, with old-fashioned
straight-laced notions about the duties
of sailor boys, which he tries hard to
inculcate upon Redburn. Upon the
whole, however, Red Max, as he is
sometimes called — his shirt, cheeks,
hair, and whiskers being all of that
colour — is tolerably kind to the young-
ster, in whose welfare he occasionally
shows some little interest. Jack
Blunt, to whose description the author
devotes the greater part of a chapter,
is not quite so happy a hit — rather
overdone — overloaded with peculiari-
ties. Although quite a young fellow,
his hair is turning gray, and, to check
this premature sign of age, he thrice
in the day anoints his bushy locks
with Trafalgar Oil and Copenhagen
Elixir, invaluable preparations retailed
to him by a knavish Yankee apothe-
cary. He is also greatly addicted to
drugging himself: takes three pills
every morning with his coffee, and
every now and then pours down " a
flowing bumper of horse salts." Then
he has a turn for romance, and sings
sentimental songs, which must have
had an odd enough sound from the
lips of one whose general appearance
is that of " a fat porpoise standing on
end ;" and he believes in witchcraft,
and studies a dream-book, and mutters
Irish invocations for a breeze when
the ship is becalmed, &c., &c. Rather
much of all this, Mr Melville, and not
equal, by a long chalk, to what you
once before did in the same line. As
we read, we cannot help a comparison
with some former pencillings of yours,
which, although earlier made, referred
to a later voyage. Involuntarily we
are carried back to the rat-and-cock-
roach-haunted hull of the crazy little
Jule, and to the strange collection of
originals that therein did dwell. We
think of bold Jermin and timid Cap-
tain Guy, and, above all, of that glo-
rious fellow Doctor Long-Ghost. We
remember the easy natural tone, and
1849.]
Across the Atlantic.
573
well -sustained interest of the book in
which they figured ; and, desirous
though we are to praise, we are com-
pelled to admit that, in Redburn, Mi-
Melville comes not up to the mark he
himself has made. It is evident that,
on his debut, he threw off the rich
cream of his experiences, and he must
not marvel if readers have thereby
been rendered dainty, and grumble a
little when served with the skim-milk.
Redburn is a clever book, as books
now go, and we are far from visiting
it with wholesale condemnation ; but
it certainly lacks the spontaneous
flow and racy originality of the author's
South Sea narration.
To proceed, however. " Redburn
groivs intolerably fiat and stupid over
some outlandish old guide-books.'1'' Such
is the heading of Chapter XXX. ; and,
from what Mr Melville says, we do
not, in this instance, presume to dif-
fer. We are now in Liverpool. Much
of what Redburn there sees, says, and
does, will be more interesting to
American than to English readers, al-
though to many even of the latter
there will be novelty in his minute
account of sailor life ashore — of their
boarding-houses, haunts, and habits ;
of the German emigrant ships, and the
salt-droghers and Lascars, and of
other matters seemingly common-
place, but in which his observant eye
detects much that escapes ordinary
gazers. We ourselves, to whom the
aspect and ways of the great trading
city of northern England are by no
means unfamiliar, have derived some
new lights from Redburn's account of
what he there saw. Clergymen of the
Church of England, we are informed,
stand up on old casks, at quay corners,
arrayed in full canonicals, and preach
thus, al fresco, to sailors and loose
women. Paupers are allowed to lin-
ger and perish unaided, almost in the
public thoroughfare, within sight and
knowledge of neighbours and police.
Curious, seemingly, of the horrible,
Redburn visits the dead-house, where
he sees " a sailor stretched out, stark
and stiff, with the sleeve of his frock
rolled up, and showing his name and
date of birth tatooed upon his arm.
It was a sight full of suggestions : he
seemed his own head-stone." We would
implore Mr Melville to beware of a
fault by no means uncommon with a
certain school of writers at the pre-
sent day, but into which it would be
unworthy a man of his ability to fall.
We refer to that straining for striking
similes, at the expense of truth and
good taste, of which he has here fur-
nished us with a glaring example. A
dead sailor's name is tatooed upon his
arm; therefore — mark the conse-
quence— he seems his own head-
stone. How totally inapt is this ;
how violent and distorted the figure !
Such tricks of pen may, by a sort of
tinsel glitter, dazzle for a moment
superficial persons, who weigh not
what they read ; but they will never
obtain favour, or enhance a reputa-
tion with any for whose verdict Mr
Melville need care. Neither will he,
we apprehend, gain much praise, that
is worth having, for such exaggerated
exhibitions of the horrible as that
afforded in chapter VI. of his second
volume. Passing through Lancelott's
Hey, a narrow street of warehouses,
Redburn heard " a feeble wail, which
seemed to come out of the earth. . . .
I advanced to an opening, which com-
municated downwards with deep tiers
of cellars beneath a crumbling old
warehouse ; and there, some fifteen
feet below the walk, crouching in
nameless squalor, with her head bowed
over, was the figure of what had been
a woman. Her blue arms folded to
her livid bosom two shrunken things
like children, that leaned towards her,
one on each side. At first I knew
not whether they were dead or alive.
They made no sign ; they did not
move or stir ; but from the vault came
that soul-sickening wail." We can-
not quite realise the " opening" in
questioa, but take it for granted to be
some sufficiently dreary den, and are
only puzzled to conjecture how, con-
sidering its depth, the woman and
children got there. Redburn himself
seems at a loss to account for it. This,
however, his compassionate heart tar-
ried not to inquire; but, perceiving
the poor creatures were nearly dead
with want, he hurried to procure them
assistance. lu an open space hard by,
some squalid old women, the wretched
chiffonieres of the docks, were gather-
ing flakes of cotton in the dirt heaps.
To these Redburu appealed. They
knew of the beggar-woman and her
brats, who had been three days in
the pit or vault, with nothing to eat,
but they would not meddle in the mat-
ter ; and one hag, with an exagge-
rated morality that does not sound
very probable, declared " Betsy Jen-
nings desarved it, for she had never
been married ! " Turning into a more
frequented street, Redburn met a po-'
liceman. " None of my business,
Jack," was the reply to his applica-
tion. " I don't belong to that street.
But what business is it of yours ? Are
you not a Yankee ? "
" Yes," said I ; " but come, I will
help you to remove that woman, if you
say so."
" There now, Jack, go on board
your ship, and stick to it, and leave
these matters to the town."
Two more policemen were applied
to with a like result. Appeals to the
porter at an adjacent warehouse, to
Handsome Mary the hostess, and
Brandy Nan the cook at the Sailors'
boarding-house, were equally fruit-
less. Redburn took some bread and
cheese from his dinner-room, and car-
ried it to the sufferers, to whom he
gave water to drink in his hat — de-
scending with great difficulty into the
vault, which was like a well. The
two children ate, but the woman re-
fused. And then Redburn found a
dead infant amongst her rags, (Tie de-
scribes its appearance with harrowing
minuteness,) and almost repented
having brought food to the survivors,
for it could but prolong their misery,
without hope of permanent relief. And
on reflection, " I felt an almost irre-
sistible impulse to do them the last
mercy, of in some way putting an end
to their horrible lives ; and I should
almost have done so, I think, had I
not been deterred by thought of the
law. For I well knew that the law,
which would let them perish of them-
selves, without giving them one sup
of water, would spend a thousand
pounds, if necessary, in convicting
him who should so much as offer
to relieve them from their miserable
existence." The whole chapter is in
this agreeable style, and indeed we
suppress the more revolting and ex-
aggerated passages. Two days longer,
Redburn informs us, the objects of his
compassion linger in their foul retreat,
and then the bread he throws to them
remains untasted. They are dead,
Across the Atlantic. [Nov.
and a horrible stench arises from the
opening. The next time he passes,
the corpses have disappeared, and
quicklime strews the ground. Within
a few hours of their death the nui-
sance has been detected and removed,
although for five days, according to
Redburn, they had been allowed to
die by inches, within a few yards of
frequented streets, and with the full
knowledge and acquiescence of sundry
policemen. We need hardly waste a
comment on the more than impro-
bable, on the utterly absurd character,
of this incident. It will be apparent
to all readers. Mr Melville is, of
course, at liberty to introduce ficti-
tious adventure into what professes
to be a narrative of real events ; the
thing is done every day, and doubtless
he largely avails of the privilege. He
has also a clear right to deal in the
lugubrious, and even in the loathsome,
if he thinks an occasional dash of tra-
gedy will advantageously relieve the
humorous features of his book. But
here he is perverting truth, and lead-
ing into error the simple persons who
put their faith in him. And, from the
consideration of such misguidance, we
naturally glide into the story of Mas-
ter Harry Bolton. Redburn had been
at Liverpool four weeks, and began to
suspect that was all he was likely to
see of the country, and that he must
return to New York without obtain-
ingthe most distant glimpse of "the old
abbeys, and the York minsters, and
the lord mayors, and coronations, and
the maypoles and fox-hunters, and
Derbyraces, and dukes, and duchesses,
and Count d'Orsays," which his boy-
ish reading had given him the habit
of associating with England, — when
he one day made acquaintance, at the
sign of the Baltimore Clipper, with " a
handsome, accomplished, but unfortu-
nate youth, one of those small but
perfectly-formed beings who seem to
have been born in cocoons. His com-
plexion was a mantling brunette, femi-
nine as a girl's ; his feet were small ;
his hands were white ; and his eyes
were large, black, and womanly ; and,
poetry aside, his voice was as the
sound of a harp." It is natural to
wonder what this dainty gentleman
does in the sailors' quarter of Liver-
pool, and how he comes to rub his
dandified costume against the tarry
1849.]
Across the Atlantic.
575
jackets of the Clippers' habitual fre-
quenters. On these points we are
presently enlightened. Harry Bolton
was born at Bury St Edmunds. At
a very early age he came into posses-
sion of five thousand pounds, went
tip to London, was at once admitted
into the most aristocratic circles,
gambled and dissipated his money in
a single winter, made two voyages to
the East Indies as midshipman- in a
Company's ship, squandered his pay,
and was now about to seek his for-
tune in the New World. On reach-
ing Liverpool, he took it into his head,
for the romance of the thing, to ship
as a sailor, and work his passage.
Hence his presence at the docks, and
his acquaintance with Redburn, who,
delighted with his new acquaintance,
prevails on him to offer his services to
Captain Riga of the Highlander, who
graciously accepts them.
" I now had a comrade in my after-
noon strolls and Sunday excursions ; and
as Harry was a generous fellow, he shared
with me his purse and his heart. He
sold off several more of his fine vests and
trousers, his silver-keyed flute and ena-
melled guitar ; and a portion of the mo-
ney thus furnished was pleasantly spent
in refreshing ourselves at the roadside
inns, in the vicinity of the town. Re-
clining i side by side in some agreeable
nook, we exchanged our experiences of
the past. Harry enlarged upon the fas-
cinations of a London life ; described the
curricle he used to drive in Hyde Park ;
gave me the measurement of Madame
Vestris's ankle ; alluded to his first intro-
duction, at a club, to the madcap Marquis
of Waterford ; told over the sums he had
lost upon the turf on a Derby day ; and
made various but enigmatical allusions
to a certain Lady Georgiana Theresa, the
noble daughter of an anonymous earl."
Even Redburn, inexperienced as he
is in the ways of the old country, is
inclined to suspect his new friend of
" spending funds of reminiscences not
his own," — that being as near an
approach as he can make to accusing
the he-brunette with the harp-like
voice of telling lies — until one day, when
passing a fashionable hotel, Harry
points out to him u a remarkable
elegant coat and pantaloons, standing
upright on the hotel steps, and con-
taining a young buck, tapping his
teeth with an ivory-headed riding-
whip." The buck is u very thin and
limber about the legs, with small feet
like a doll's, and a small, glossy head
like a seal's," and presently he steps
to " the open window of a flashing
carriage which drew up ; and, throwing
himself into an interesting posture,
with the sole of one boot vertically
exposed, so as to show the stamp on it
— a coronet — fell into a sparkling con-
versation with a magnificent white
satin hat, surmounted by a regal
marabout feather, inside." The young
gentleman with the seal's-head and
the coroneted- boot, is, as Harry assures
Redburn, whilst dragging him hastily
round a corner, Lord Lovely, a most
particular "old chum" of his own.
" Sailors," Redburn somewhere ob-
serves, " only go round the world
without going into it ; and their re-
miniscences of travel are only a dim
recollection of a chain of tap-rooms
surrounding the globe, parallel with
the equator." This being the case,
we would have him abstain from
giving glimpses of the English aris-
tocracy, his knowledge of which seems
to be based upon the revelations of
Sunday newspapers, and upon that
class of novels usually supposed to
be written by discarded valets-de-
chambre. But we are not let off with
this peep at a truant fashionable. Mr
Bolton, having found a purse, or
picked a pocket, or in some way or
other replenished his exchequer, rigs
out Redburn in a decent suit of clothes,
and carries him off to London, pre-
viously disguising himself with false
whiskers and mustaches. Enchanted
to visit the capital, Redburn does not
inquire too particularly concerning
these suspicious proceedings, but takes
all for granted, until he finds himself
" dropped down in the evening among
gas-lights, under a great roof inEuston
Square. London at last," he exclaims,
"and in the West End!" If not
quite in the West End, he is soon
transported thither by the agency of a
cab, and introduced by his friend into
a " semi-public place of opulent enter-
tainment," such as certainly exists no-
where (at least in London) but in our
sailor-author's lively imagination.
The number of this enchanted mansion
is forty, it is approached by high steps,
and has a purple light at the door.
Can any one help us with a conjec-
ture? The following passage we take
576
Across the Atlantic.
[Nor.
to be good of its kind : " The cabman
being paid, Hany, adjusting his
whiskers and mustaches, and bidding
me assume a lounging look, pushed his
hat a little to one side, and then, locking
arms, we sauntered into the house,
myself feeling not a little abashed — it
was so long since I had been in any
courtly society." A pair of tailors
strutting into a casino. It would
seem there are cockneys even in
America. The " courtly society" into
which the Yankee sailor boy and his
anomalous acquaintance now intrude
themselves is that of "knots of gentle-
menly men, seated at numerous
Moorish-looking tables, supported by
Caryatides of turbaned slaves, with
cut decanters and taper -waisted
glasses, journals, and cigars before
them." We regret we have not room
for the description of the magnificent
interior, which is a remarkable speci-
men of fine writing ; but we must
devote a word to the presiding genius
of the mysterious palace, were it only
for the sake of a simile indulged in by
Redbnrn. At the further end of the
brilliant apartment, "behind a rich
mahogany turret-like structure, was a
very handsome florid old man, with
snow-white hair and whiskers, and in
a snow-white jacket — he looked like an
almond-tree in blossom." Enshrined
in mahogany turrets, and adorned by
so imaginative a pen, who would sus-
pect this benign and blooming old
sinner of condescending to direct
waiters and receive silver. Never-
theless these, we are told, are his
chief duties — in short, we are allowed
to suppose that he is the steward of
this club, hell, tavern, or whatever
else it is intended to be. Bolton
speaks a word to the almond tree, who
appears surprised, and they leave the
room together. Redburn remains over
a decanter of pale-yellow wine, and
catches unintelligible sentences, in
which the words Loo and Rouge occur.
Presently Bolton returns, his face
rather flushed, and drags away Red-
burn, not, as the latter hoped, for a
ramble, " perhaps to Apsley House,
in the Park, to get a sly peep at the
old Duke before he retired for the
night," but up magnificent staircases,
through rosewood-doors and palatial
halls, of all which we have a most
florid, high-flown, and classical de-
scription. Again Bolton leaves himr
after being very oracular and myste-
rious, and giving him money for his
journey back to Liverpool, and a letter
which he is to leave at Bury, should
he (the aforesaid Bolton) not return
before morning. And thereupon he
departs with the almond-tree, and
Redbnrn is left to his meditations, and
hears dice rattle, has visions of frantic
men rushing along corridors, and
fancies he sees reptiles crawling over
the mirrors, and at last, what with
wine, excitement, and fatigue, he falls
asleep. He is roused by Harry
Bolton, very pale and desperate, who-
draws a dirk, and nails his empty
purse to the table, and whistles
fiercely, and finally screams for
brandy. Now all this sort of thing,
we can assure its author, is in the
very stalest style of minor- theatre
melodrama. We perfectly remember
our intense gratification when wit-
nessing, at country fairs in our boyish
days, a thrilling domestic tragedy, in
which the murderer rushes on the
stage with a chalked face and a gory
carving-knife, howling for "Brandy!
Brandy ! ! " swallows a goblet of
strong toast and water, and is tran-
quillised. But surely Mr Melville
had no need to recur to such anti-
quated traditions. Nor had he any
need to introduce this fantastical
gambling episode, unless it were upon
the principle of the old cakes of roses
in the apothecary's shop — to make up a
show. We unhesitatingly qualify the
whole of this London expedition as
utter rubbish, intended evidently to
be very fine and effective, but which
totally misses the mark. Why will
not Mr Melville stick to the ship?
There he is at home. The worst
passages of his sea-going narrative
are better than the best of his metro-
politan experiences. In fact, the
introduction at all of the male brunette
is quite impertinent. Having got
him, Mr Melville finds it necessary to
do something with him, and he is
greatly puzzled what that is to be.
Bolton's character is full of inconsis-
tencies. Notwithstanding his two
voyages to the East Indies, and his
great notion of " the romance " of
working his passage as a common
sailor, when he comes to do duty on
board the Highlander he proves him-
1849.] Across the Atlantic.
self totally ignorant of nautical mat-
ters, and is so nerveless a mari-
ner that, on ascending a mast, he
nearly falls into the sea, and nothing
can induce him again to go aloft.
This entails upon him the contempt
and ill-treatment of his officers and
shipmates, and he leads a dog's life
between Liverpool and New York.
"Few landsmen can imagine the
depressing and self- humiliating effect
of finding one's self, for the first time,
at the beck of illiterate sea-tyrants,
with no opportunity of exhibiting any
trait about yon but your ignorance of
everything connected with the sea-
life that you lead, and the duties you
are constantly called on to perform.
In such a sphere, and under such cir-
cumstances, Isaac Newton and Lord
Bacon would be sea -clowns and
bumpkins, and Napoleon Buonaparte
be cuffed and kicked without remorse.
In more than, one instance I have
seen the truth of this; and Harry,
poor Harry, proved no exception."
Poor Harry, nervous, effeminate, and
sensitive, was worried like a hare by
the rude sea-dogs amongst whom he
had so imprudently thrust himself.
His sole means of propitiating his
tormentors was by his voice, and
" many a night was he called upon to
sing for those who, through the day,
li oH incmltaH a«H f\av\t\£\f\ Viiw» "
577
and volunteered the following curious
information : —
" In some places in England, he said,
it was customary for two or three young
men of highly respectable families, of
undoubted antiquity, but unfortunately
in lamentably decayed circumstances,
and threadbare coats — it was customary
for two or three young gentlemen, so
situated, to obtain their livelihood by
their voices ; coining their silvery songs
into silvery shillings. They wandered
from door to door, and rang the bell —
Are the ladies and gentlemen in ? Seeing
them at least gentlemanly-looking, if not
sumptuously apparelled, the servant
generally admitted them at once ; and
when the people entered to greet them,
their spokesman would rise with a gentle
bow, and a smile, and say, We come,
ladies and gentlemen) to sing you a, song ;
ice are singers, at, your service. And so,
without waiting reply, forth they burst
into song ; and, having most mellifluous
voices, enchanted and transported all
auditors ; so much so, that at the con-
clusion of the entertainment they very
seldom failed to be well recompensed,
and departed with an invitation to return
again, and make the occupants of that
dwelling once more delighted and happy."
had insulted and derided him.
Amidst his many sufferings, Redburn
was his only comforter, and at times,
of an evening, they would creep under
the lee of the long-boat and talk of
the past, and still oftener of the
future ; for Harry referred but unwill-
ingly to things gone by, and especially
would never explain any of the mys-
teries of their London expedition, and
had bound Redburn by an oath not to
question him concerning it. He con-
fessed, however, that his resources
were at end ; that besides a chest of
clothes — relics of former finery — he
had but a few shillings in the world ;
and, although several years his senior,
he was glad to take counsel of the
sailor boy as to his future course
of life, and what he could do in
America to earn a living, for he was
determined never to return to Eng-
land. And when Redburn sug-
gested that his friend's musical
talents might possibly be turned to
account, Harry caught at the idea,
Should it not be added that these
errant minstrels of ancient family,
decayed circumstances, and courtly
manners, had their faces lampblacked,
and carried bones and banjos, and
sang songs in negro slang with gurg-
ling choruses ? Some such professors
we have occasionally seen parading
the streets of English towns, although
we are not aware of their being cus-
tomarily welcomed in drawing-rooms.
We ask Mr Herman Melville to ex-
plain to us his intention in this sort
of writing. Does it contain some
subtle satire, imperceptible to our
dull optics ? Does he mean it to be
humorous? Or is he writing seriously ?
(although that seems scarcely pos-
sible,) and does he imagine he is
here recording a common English
custom? If this last be the case,
we strongly urge him immediately to
commence a work " On the Manners
and Customs of the British Isles."
We promise him a review, and gua-
rantee the book's success. But we
have not quite done with Harry
Bolton, and may as well finish him
off whilst our hand is in. Objections
578
Across the Atlantic.
[Xov.
being found to troubadourising in
Xew York, the notion of a clerkship
is started, Harry being a good pen-
man ; and this brings on a discussion
about hands, and Redburn utterly
scouts the idea of slender fingers and
small feet being indicative of gentle
birth and far descent, because the
half-caste paupers in Lima are dainty-
handed and wee-footed, and more-
over, he adds, with crushing force of
argument, a fish has no feet at all !
But poor Harry's tender digits and
rosy nails have grievously suffered
from the pollution of tar-pots, and
the rough contact of ropes, and often-
times he bewails his hand's degrada-
tion, and sighs for the palmy days
when it handed countesses to their
coaches, and pledged Lady Blessing-
ton, and ratified a bond to Lord
Lovely, &c. &c. All which is abun-
dantly tedious and commonplace, and
will not bear dwelling upon.
Part of the Highlander's cargo on
home- voyage was five hundred emi-
grants, to accommodate whom the
" between-decks " was fitted up with
bunks, rapidly constructed of coarse
planks, and having something the
appearance of dog-kennels. The
•weather proved unfavourable, the
voyage long, the provisions of many
of the emigrants (who were chiefly
Irish) ran short, and the consequences
were disorder, suffering, and disease.
Once more upon his own ground, and
telling of things which he knows, and
has doubtless seen, Mr Melville again
rises in our estimation. His details
of emigrant life on board are good ;
and so is his account of the sailors'
shifts for tobacco, which runs short,
and of Jackson's selfishness, and
singular ascendency over the crew.
And also, very graphic indeed, is the
picture of the steerage, when the
malignant epidemic breaks out, and
it becomes a lazar-house, frightful
with filth and fever, where the wild
ignorant Irishmen sat smoking tea
leaves on their chests, and rise in
furious revolt, to prevent the crew
from taking the necessary sanitary
measures of purification, until at
last favourable breezes came, and fair
mild days, and fever fled, and the
human stable (for it was no better)
was cleansed, and the Highlander
bowled cheerily onwards, over a plea-
sant sea, towards the much-desired
haven. Two incidents of especial
prominence occur during the voyage —
one at its outset, the other near its
close. Whilst yet in the Prince's
Dock, three drunken sailors are
brought on board the Highlander by
the crimps. One of them, a Portu-
guese, senseless from intoxication, is
lowered on deck by a rope and rolled
into his bunk, where the crimp tucks
him in, and desires he may not be
disturbed till out at sea. There he
lies, regardless of the mate's angry
calls, and seemingly sunk in a trance,
until an unpleasant odour in the fore-
castle arouses attention, and Jackson,
discovers that the man is dead. Yet
the other sailors doubt it, especially
when, upon Red Max holding a light
to his face, " the yellow flame wavered
for a moment at the seaman's motion-
less mouth. But then, to the silent
horror of all, two threads of greenish
fire, like a forked tongue, darted out
from between the lips ; and in a
moment the cadaverous face was
crawled over by a swarm of wormlike
flames. The lamp dropped from the
hand of Max, and went out, which
covered all over with spires and
sparkles of flame, that faintly crackled
in the silence ; the uncovered parts of
the body burned before us, precisely
like a phosphorescent shark in a mid-
night sea." Spirit- drinking, the sea-
man's bane, had made an end of
Miguel the Portuguese. What shocked
Redburn particularly, was Jackson's
opinion " that the man had been
actually dead when brought on board
the ship; and that knowingly, and
merely for the sake of the month's
advance, paid into his hand upon the
strength of the bill he presented, the
body-snatching crimp had shipped a
corpse on board the Highlander."
The men trembled at the supernatural
aspect of the burning body, but reck-
less Jackson, with a fierce jeer, bade
them hurl it overboard, which was
done. Jackson knew not how soon
the waves were to close over his own
corpse. Off Cape Cod, when the
smell of land was strong in the nos-
trils of the weary emigrants, orders
were given, one dark night, in a stiff
breeze, to reef topsails ; and Jackson,
who had been deadly ill and off duty
most part of the voyage, came upoii
1849.]
Across the Atlantic.
579'
deck, to the surprise of many, to do
his duty with the rest, by way of
reminder, perhaps, to the captain, that
he was alive and expected his wages.
Having pointed pretty freely to Mi-
Melville's defects, it is fair to give an
example of his happier manner.
" At no time could Jackson better
signalise his disposition to work, than
upon an occasion like the present ; which
generally attracts every soul on deck,
from the captain to the child in the
steerage.
" His aspect was damp and deathlike ;
the blue hollows of his eyes were like
vaults full of snakes, [another of Mr
Melville's outrageous similes] ; and, issu-
ing so unexpectedly from his dark tomb in
the forecastle, he looked like a man
raised from the dead.
" Before the sailors had made fast the
reef-tackle, Jackson was tottering up the
rigging ; thus getting the start of them,
and securing his place at the extreme
weather end of the topsail-yard — which
is accounted the post of honour. For it
was one of the characteristics of this man,
that, though when on duty he would shy
away from mere dull work in a calm,
yet in tempest time he always claimed
the van, and would yield it to none ;
and this, perhaps, was one cause of his
unbounded dominion over the men.
"Soon we were all strung along the
main-topsail yard ; the ship rearing and
plunging under us, like a runaway steed ;
each man griping his reef-point, and
sideways leaning, dragging the sail over
towards Jackson, whose business it was
to confine the reef corner to the yard.
" His hat and shoes were off ; and he
rode the yard-arm end, leaning back-
ward to the gale, and pulling at the
earing-rope like a bridle. At all times,
this is a moment of frantic exertion with
sailors, whose spirits seem then to par-
take of the commotion of the elements,
as they hang in the gale, between heaven
and earth — and then it is, too, that they
are the most profane.
"'Haul out to windward!' coughed
Jackson with a blasphemous cry, and he
threw himself back with a violent strain
upon the bridle in his hand. But the
wild words were hardly out of his mouth
when his hands dropped to his side, and
the bellying sail was spattered with a
torrent of blood from his lungs .
" As the man next him stretched out
his arm to save, Jackson fell headlong
from the yard, and, with a long seethe,
plunged like a diver into the sea.
u It was when the ship had rolled to
windward ; which, with the long projec-
tion of the yard-arm over the side, made
him strike far out upon the water. His
fall was seen by the whole upward-gaz-
ing crowd on deck, some of whom were
spotted with the blood that trickled from
the sail, while they raised a spontaneous
cry, so shrill and wild, that a blind man
might have known something deadly had
happened.
" Clutching our reef-points, we hung
over the stick, and gazed down to the
one white, bubbling spot, which had
closed over the head of our shipmate ;
but the next minute it was brewed into
the common yeast of the waves, and Jack-
son never arose. We waited a few
moments, expecting an order to descend,
haul back the foreyard, and man the
boat ; but instead of that, the next
sound that greeted us was, ' Bear a
hand, and reef away, men ! ' from the
mate."
If it be possible (we are aware that
it is very difficult) for an author to
form a correct estimate of his own
productions, it must surely have
struck Mr Melville, whilst glancing
over the proof-sheets of Redburn,
that plain, vigorous, unaffected writing
of this sort is afar superior style of thing
to rhapsodies about Italian boys and
hurdy-gurdies, to gairish descriptions
of imaginary gambling-houses, and
to sentimental effusions about Harry
Bolton, his " Bury blade," and his
" Zebra," as he called him— the latter
word beingused,we suppose, to indicate
that the young man was only one re-
move from a donkey. We can assure
Mr Melville he is most effective when
most simple and unpretending; and
if he will put away affectation and
curb the eccentricities of his fancy,
we see no reason for his not becoming
a very agreeable writer of nautical
"fictions. He will never have the
power of a Cringle, or the sustained
humour and vivacity of a Marryat,
but he may do very well without
aspiring to rival the masters of the
art.
Redburn is not a novel ; it has no
plot ; the mysterious visit to London
remains more or less an enigma to
the end. But having said so much
about Harry Bolton, the author deems
it expedient to add a tag touching
the fate of this worthy, whom Red-
burn left in New York, in charge of a
friend, during his own temporary ab-
sence, and who had disappeared on
580
Across the Atlantic.
[Nov.
his return. For years he hears
nothing of him, but then falls in,
whilst on a whaling cruise in the Pa-
cific, with an English sailor, who tells
how a poor little fellow, a countryman
of his, a gentleman's son, and who
sang like a bird, had fallen over the
side of a Nantucket craft, and been
jammed between ship and whale.
And this is Harry Bolton. A most
lame and impotent conclusion, and
as improbable a one as could well
be devised, seeing that a sailor's life
was the very last the broken down
gambler was likely to choose, after
his experience of his utter incapacity
for it, and after the persecution and
torments he had endured from his
rude shipmates on board the High-
lander.
When this review of his last work
meets the eye of Mr Herman Melville,
which probably it will do, we would
have him bear in mind that, if we
have now dwelt upon his failings, it is
in the hope of inducing him to amend
them ; and that we have already,
on a former occasion, expended at
least as much time and space on a
laudation of his merits, and many un-
deniable good qualities, as a writer.
It always gives ns pleasure to speak
favourably of a book by an American
author, when we conscientiously can
do so. First, because Americans,
although cousins, are not of the house ;
although allied by blood, they are in
some sort strangers ; and it is an act
of more graceful courtesy to laud a
stranger than one of ourselves. Se-
condly, because we hope thereby to
encourage Americans to the cultiva-
tion of literature — to induce some to
write, who, having talent, have not
hitherto revealed it ; and to stimulate
those who have already written to
increased exertion and better things.
For it were false modesty on our part
to ignore the fact, that the words of
Maga have much weight and many
readers throughout the whole length
and breadth of the Union — that her
verdict is respectfully heard, not only
in the city, but in the hamlet, and
even in those remote back-woods
where the law of Lynch prevails.
And, thirdly, we gladly praise an
American book because we praise
none but good books, and we desire
to see many such written in America,
in the hope that she will at last awake
to the advantages of an international
copyright. For surely it is little cre-
ditable to a great country to see her
men of genius and talent, her Irvings
and Prescotts, and we will also say
her Coopers and Melvilles, publishing
their works in a foreign capital, as
the sole means of obtaining that fair
remuneration which, although it
should never be the sole object, is
yet the legitimate and honourable
reward of the labourer in literature's
paths.
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
581
PEACE AND WAR AGITATORS.
IF the experience of the last twelve
months has not opened the eyes of
the most inveterate of Mr Cobden's
quondam admirers to the real quality
of their idol, we very much fear that
such unhappy persons are beyond the
reach of the moral oculist. From the
first moment of his appearance upon
the political stage, while yet unbe-
praised by Peel, and unrewarded by
that splendid testimonial, accorded
unto him by judicious patriots, one
moiety of whom have since done
penance for their premature liberality
in the Gazette, we understood the true
capabilities of the man, and scrupled
not to say that a more conceited per-
sonage never battered the front of a
hustings. Some excellent but decid-
edly weak-minded people were rather
offended with the freedom of our
remarks upon the self-sufficient Cagli-
ostro of free trade, in whose powers
of transmutation they were disposed
to place implicit reliance and belief.
The Tamworth certificate, which we
shrewdly suspect its author would now
give a trifle to recall, was founded on as
evidence sufficient to condemn our ob-
stinate blindness and illiberality ; for
who could doubt the soundness of an
opinion emanating from a statesman
who was just then depositing, in a
mahogany wheelbarrow, the first sod,
raised with a silver spade, on a rail-
way which, when completed, was to
prove a perfect California to the share-
holders? It is not impossible that,
at this moment, some of the share-
holders may be on their way to the
actual California — having found,
through bitter experience, that some
kinds of diggings are anything but pro-
ductive, and having learned that elderly
orators, who make a practice of study-
ing the gyrations of the weather-cock,
may be sometimes mistaken in their
calculations. Matters fared worse
with us, when it was bruited through
the trumpet of fame, that, in every
considerable capital of Europe, multi-
tudes had assembled to do homage to
the apostle of the new era. Our com-
passionate friends, possibly deeming
us irretrievably committed to folly,
put on mourning for our transgres-
sion, and ceased to combat with our
adversaries, who classed us with the
worst of unbelievers. One facetious
gentleman proposed that we should
be exhibited in a glass-case, as a
specimen of an extinct animal ; an-
other, indulging in a more daring
flight of fancy, stigmatised us as a
caukerworm, gnawing at the root of
the tree of liberty. We fairly confess
that we were pained at the alienation
of friends whom we had previously
considered as staunch as the steel of
Toledo : as for our foemen, we, being
used to that kind of warfare, treated
them with consummate indifference.
Yet not the less, on that account, did
we diligently peruse the journals,
which, from various lands, winged
their way to the table of our study,
each announcing, in varied speech,
that Richard Cpbden was expatiating
upon the blessings of free-trade and
unlimited calico to the nations. These
we had not studied long, ere we dis-
covered that, upon one or two un-
fortunate points, there was a want of
understanding between the parties
who thus fraternised. The foreign
audiences knew nothing whatever
about the principles which the orator
propounded ; and the orator knew, if
possible, still less of the languages in
which the compliments of the audi-
ences were conveyed. In so far as
any interchange of ideas was con-
cerned, Mr Cobden might as well
have been dining on cold roast mon-
key with the King of Congo and his
court, as" with the bearded patriots
who entertained him in Italy and
Spain. His talk about reciprocity
was about as distinct to their com-
prehension, as would have been his
definition of the differential calculus ;
nevertheless their shoutings fell no
whit less gratefully on the ear of the
Manchester manufacturer, who inter-
preted the same according to his own
sweet will, and sent home bragging
bulletins to his backers, descriptive of
the thirst for commercial interchange
which raged throughout Europe, and
of the pacific tendencies of the age.
Need we remind our readers of what
followed ? Never had unfortunate
582
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nor,
prophet been possessed by a more
lying and delusive demon. The
words were hardly out of his month,
before the thunderstorm of revolu-
tion broke in all its fury upon France,
and rolled in devastating wrath over
every kingdom of the Continent.
Amongst the foremost agents in this
unholy work were the friends and
entertainers of Mr Cobden, for whose
tranquil dispositions he had been fool-
ish enough to volunteer a pledge.
How he must have cursed " my
friend Cremieux, " when he found
that unscrupulous gentleman giving
the lie to all his asseverations ! No
man, unless cased in a threefold
covering of brass, could have held up
his head to the public, after so tho-
rough and instantaneous an exposure
of his miserable fallacies. But our
Richard is not to be easily put down.
No one understands the trade of the
agitator better ; for, when baffled,
put to silence, and covered with ridi-
cule on one topic, he straightway
shifts his ground, and is heard de-
claiming on another. It is his mis-
fortune that he has been compelled to
do this rather frequently, for in no
one single instance have events real-
ised his predictions. Free trade,
which was to make every man rich,
has plunged the nation in misery.
Reciprocity, for all practical purposes,
is an obsolete word in the dictionary.
The Continental apostles of commer-
cial exchange have been amusing
themselves by cutting each others'
throats, and hatching villanous
schemes for the subversion of all
government ; nor has one of them a
maravedi left, to expend in the pur-
chase of calico. The colonies are up
in arms against the policy of the
mother country. Undismayed by
these failures, still the undaunted
Cobden lifts up his oracular voice,
advocating in turn the extension of
the suffrage, the abolition of standing
armies, financial reform, and what
not. It matters not to him that, on
each new attempt, the rotten tub on
which he takes his stand is either
kicked from under his feet, or goes
crashing down beneath the weight of
the husky orator — up he starts from
the mire like a new Antaeus, and,
without stopping to wipe away the
unsavoury stains from his visage,"holds
forth upon a different text, the
paragon of pertinacious preachers. We
could almost find it in our hearts to be
sorry that such singular pluck should
go without its adequate reward. But
a patriot of this stamp is sure to be-
come a nuisance. However numerous
his audience may be at first, they are
apt to decline when the folly of the
harangue is made patent to the mean-
est capacity, and when current events
everlastingly combine to expose the
nature of the imposture. The popu-
larity of Cobden, for some time back,
has been terribly on the wane. Few
and far between are his present poli-
tical ovations ; and even men of his
own class begin to consider him a
humbug. We are given to under-
stand that, in a majority of the com-
mercial rooms, the first glass of the
statutory pint of wine is no longer
graced with an aspiration for his pro-
sperity and length of years ; and some
ungrateful recreants of the road now
hint, that to his baleful influence may
be attributed the woful diminution of
orders. That exceedingly mangy
establishment, ycleped the Free-trade
Club, of which he was the father and
founder, has just given up the ghost ;
and great is the joy of the denizens of
St James's Square at being relieved
from the visitations of the crew that
haunted its ungarnished halls. Ordi-
nary men might be disheartened by a
succession of such reverses — not so
Cobden. Like an ancient Roman, he
gathers his calico around him, and
announces to a gratified world that he
is ready to measure inches with the
Autocrat of all the Russias !
Cobden is fond of this kind of feat.
About a year ago he put out the same
challenge to the Duke of Wellington
and the Horse Guards, just as we find
it announced in the columns of BeWs
Life in London, that Charles Onions
of Birmingham is ready to pitch in-
to the Champion of England for five
pounds a-side, and that his money is
deposited at the bar of the Pig and
Whistles. But even as the said cham-
pion does not reply to the defiance of
the full-flavoured Charles, so silent
was He of the hundred fights when
Richard summoned him to the field.
Failing this meditated encounter, our
pugnacious manufacturer next des-
patches a cartel to Nicholas, and iia
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
688
response having arrived from St
Petersburg, he magnanimously pro-
fesses himself ready to serve out the
house of Hapsburg ! Really there is
no setting bounds to the valour or the
ambition of this vaunting Achilles,
who, far stronger than his prototype,
or even than the fabled Hercules,
states that he can crumple up king-
doms in his hand as easily as a sheet
of foolscap. We stand absolutely ap-
palled at the temerity of unappeasable
Pelides.
Our readers are probably aware
that, for some time past, there has
been an attempt to preach up a sort of
seedy Crusade, having for its osten-
sible object the universal pacification
of mankind. With such an aim no
good man or sincere Christian can
quarrel. Peace and good-will are ex-
pressly inculcated by the Gospel, and
even upon lower grounds than these
we are all predisposed in their favour.
So that, when America sent us a new
Peter the Hermit, in the shape of one
Elihu Bnrritt, heretofore a hammerer
of iron, people were at a loss to com-
prehend what sort of a mission that
could be, which, without any fresh
revelation, was to put the matter in a
clearer light than was ever exhibited
before. We care not to acknowledge
that we were of the number of those
who classed the said Elihu with the
gang of itinerant lecturers, who turn
a questionable penny by holding forth
to ignorant audiences upon subjects
utterly beyond their own contracted
comprehension. Nor have we seen
any reason to alter our opinion since ;
for the accession of any amount of
noodles, be they English, French,
Dutch, Flemish, or Chinese, can in
no way give importance to a move-
ment which is simply and radically
absurd. If the doctrines and precepts
of Christianity cannot establish peace,
check aggression, suppress insubordi-
nation, or hasten the coming of the
millennium, we may be excused for
doubting, surely, the power of Peace
Congresses, even when presided over
by so saintly a personage as Victor
Hugo, to accomplish those desirable
ends. We do not know whether Alex-
ander Dumas has as yet given in his
adhesion. If not, it is a pity, for his
presence would decidedly give addi-
tional interest to the meetings.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX.
Even on the score of originality, the
founders of the Peace Associations
cannot claim any merit. The idea
was long ago struck out, and promul-
gated, by that very respectable sect
the Quakers ; and though in modern
times some of that fraternity, John
Bright for example, have shown
themselves more addicted to wrangling
than befits the lamb-like docility of
their profession, we believe that oppo-
sition to warfare is still their leading
tenet. We can see no reason, there-
fore, why the bread should be so un-
ceremoniously taken from the mouth
of Obadiah. If the ingenious author
of Lucretia Borgia and Hans of Ice-
land wishes to become the leader of a
great pacific movement, he ought, in
common justice, to adopt the uni-
form of the existing corps. He cer-
tainly should treat the promenaders
of the Boulevards to a glimpse of
the broad-brimmed hat and sober
drab terminations, and conform to
the phraseology as well as the ha-
biliments of the followers of William
Penn.
It may be questionable whether, if
the experiment of free trade had suc-
ceeded, Elihu would have obtained
the countenance of so potent an auxi-
liary as Cobden. Our powers of
arithmetic are too limited to enable
us, at this moment, to recall the pre-
cise amount of additional annual
wealth which the member for the West
Riding, and the wiseacres of The Eco-
nomist, confidently predicted as the
necessary gain to the nation ; it was
something, the bare mention of which
was enough to cause a Pactolus to
distil from the chops of a Chancellor
of the Exchequer, especially if he be-
longed to the Whig persuasion, and
was, therefore, unaccustomed to the
miracle of a bursting revenue. But
as no such miracle ensued ; and as, on
the contrary, Sir Charles Wood was
put to his wit's end — no very formi-
dable stretch — to diminish a horrible
deficit by the sale of rope-ends, rusty
metal, and other material which was
classed under the head of government
stores, it was clearly high time for our
nimble Cobden to shift his ground.
Accordingly he fell foul of the army,
which he would fain have insisted on
disbanding ; and this move, of course,
brought him within the range of the
2Q
584
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
orbit already occupied by the eccentric
Elihu.
It is not very easy to attain to a
distinct understanding of the means
which the Peace Association proposed
to adopt, for carrying out this benevo-
lent scheme. Most of the gentlemen
who have already figured at their de-
bates are so excessively muddle-
headed, that it seems impossible to
extract from their speeches the vestige
of a distinct idea. This much, however,
after diligent study, we have gathered,
that it is proposed to substitute arbi-
tration in place of war, and to render
that mode of arrangement almost ne-
cessary by a general European disarm-
ament. Nothing could tally better
with the views of Cobden. A higher
principle than that of mere retrench-
ment is thus brought to bear upon his
darling scheme of wiping off the army
and the navy ; and we must needs
confess that, to a considerable propor-
tion of the population of modern
Europe, the scheme must be extremely
palatable.
Standing armies, we are told, are
of no earthly use in the time of peace,
and their expense is obviously unde-
niable. If peace could be made uni-
versal and perpetual, there would be
an end of standing armies. The best
means for securing perpetual peace is
to do away with standing armies,
because without standing armies there
would be no facilities for war. This
is the sort of argument which we are
now asked to accept; but, unfortunate-
ly, we demur both to the premises and
the conclusion. Indeed, in a matter
of this kind, we utterly repudiate the
aid of logic, even were it a great deal
more scientifically employed. That
of the free-traders is, if possible, worse
than their arithmetic, though, a year
or two ago, they were ready to have
staked their existence on the infalli-
bility of the latter.
The experience of the last eighteen
months has given us all some tangible
proof of the advantages of standing
armies. Setting aside the Denmark
affair, and also the occupation of Rome,
there has been one aggressive war
waged in Europe by sovereign against
sovereign. That war, we need hardly
say, was commenced by Charles Albert
of Sardinia, who, basely and perfidi-
ously availing himself of the intestine
difficulties of Austria, attempted to
seize the opportunity of making him-
self master of Lombardy. We need
not recapitulate the history of that
campaign, so glorious to the veteran
Radetsky, and so shameful to his un-
principled opponent : but it is well
worth remarking, that the whole of
the sympathies of Mr Cobden and his
radical confederates are enlisted on
the side of the Italian insurgents ; and
that, with all their professed horror
for war, we never hear them attribute
the slightest blame to the Sardinians
for having marched in hostile array
across the frontier of a friendly power.
Nor is this all. In every case where
the torch of insurrection has been
lighted, we find the advocates of peace
clamorous in their approbation of the
movement. Without knowledge, with-
out judgment, without anything like
due consideration either of the provo-
cation given on the one side, or the
license claimed on the other, they have
invariably lent their voices to swell
the revolutionary cry, and backed the
drunken populace in their howl against
order and government. Whoever was
loyal and true has been branded
as a ruffian and a murderer. Assassi-
nation, when it proceeded from the
mob, was in their eyes no offence at
all. Some of them, employing terms
which we never thought to have heard
an Englishman utter, have rather
chuckled over the spectacle of nobles,
priests, and statesmen stabbed, shot
down, hewn with axes, or torn limb
from limb by savages, whose atrocity
was not equalled by that of the worst
actors in the early French Revolution,
— and have not been ashamed to vindi-
cate the authors of such hideous out-
rage.
Aggressive war we deprecate, to
say the least of it, as strongly as any
peace orator who ever spouted from a
platform ; but we by no means think
that peace, in the catholic sense of
the word, can be at all endangered by
the maintenance of standing armies.
So far as the military establishment
of Great Britain is concerned, we have
already had occasion, in a former
paper, to show that it is barely suffi-
cient for the occupation of our large
and numerous colonies, and greatly
inferior in proportion to that of any
other country in Europe. We cer-
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
585
tainly do not intend to resume that
discussion, because the sense of the
nation has unequivocally condemned
the pragmatic fools who provoked it ;
and even the Whigs, who coquetted
with them, have seen the folly of their
ways, and are not likely, in a hurry,
to attempt any numerical reduction.
But we go a great deal farther.
We maintain, that without the assist-
ance of the standing armies through-
put Europe during the late critical
juncture, anarchy would now have
been triumphant, and civilisation
have received a check so terrible, that
ages might have elapsed before we
could have recovered from its effects.
Revolution is incalculably a greater
disaster than war ; and the higher the
point of civilisation to which a nation
has attained before it permits the de-
mocratic flame, smothering beneath
the surface of all society, to burst out
into fury, the more dangerous and
difficult to extinguish must be the
conflagration. But for the regular
army of France, red republicanism
would now be triumphant, and a new
Reign of Terror ha,ve begun. The
armies and discipline of Prussia alone
preserved the Rhenish provinces and
the Palatinate from anarchy, plunder,
and devastation ; and, failing those of
Austria, Vienna would have been a
heap of ashes. Ultra-democrats, in all
ages, have exclaimed against standing
armies as instruments of tyranny for
suppressing and overawing the people,
and they have argued that such a force
is incompatible with free institutions.
Such declamation is perfectly natural,
both now and heretofore, whea we
reflect who the individuals are that
use it. No class of persons are more
bitter against the police than the
professional thieves. To them the
constable's baton also is an emblem
of intolerable tyranny, because it in-
terferes with those liberal ideas re-
garding the distribution of property
which have been philosophically ex-
pounded and reduced to ethics by
certain sages of the socialist school.
The democrat hates the soldier, because
he considers him an obstacle in the
way of that political regeneration
which is merely another word for the
institution of a reign of terror.
We do not, however, think it neces-
sary to enter into any elaborate exposi-
tion of the idleness of the peace move-
ment. So long as the gentlemen who
have gratuitously constituted them-
selves a congress exhibit so much com-
mon sense as to retain the semblance
of consistency, we should hardly feel
ourselves called upon to interfere in
any way with their arrangements.
We should be the last people in the
world to grudge to Mr Ewart, or any
other senator of such limited calibre,
the little notoriety which he may
chance to pick up by figuring in Paris
as a champion of pacific fraternity.
The paths towards the Temple of
Fame are many and devious ; and if a
man feels himself utterly wanting in
that intellectual strength which is ne-
cessary for attaining the summit by
the legitimate and beaten road, he is
certainly entitled to clamber up to any
odd pinnacle from which he can make
himself, for a moment, the object of
observation. In minor theatres, it is
not uncommon to find a broken-down
tragedian attempting to achieve some
popularity in a humble line, by jump-
ing as Harlequin through a clock, or
distorting his ochre- coated visage by
grinning magnanimously as the clown.
To such feats no fair exception can be
taken ; and we doubt not that a roar
of laughter, proceeding from the throats
of the most ignorant assemblage of
numskulls, is as grateful to the ears of
the performer as would be the applause
of the most enlightened and fastidious
audience. We believe that, in the
case of the Congress, audience and
orators were extremely well suited to
the capacity of each other. The peo-
ple of Paris, who drank in the rolling
periods of the pacificators, were ex-
ceedingly-amused with the exhibition ;
and testified their delight, by greet-
ing the reproduction of the farce, in
the shape of a Vaudeville at the
The'atre des Varietes, with unextin-
guishable shouts of laughter !
Neither shall we make any comment
upon the singularity of the time se-
lected for these demonstrations. The
members of the Congress expressly set
forth, that it was their desire to impress
upon the governments of Europe the
folly of maintaining large establish-
ments, and we presume that they en-
tertained some reasonable hope that
their remonstrances might at least be
heard. We need scarcely point out to
586
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
our readers the eminent fitness of the
present juncture for carrying these
views into effect. We have great
faith in the extent and power of human
idiocy, but we hardly supposed that
any body of men could have been con-
gregated, possessed of so much col-
lective imbecility as to conceive that
this was a proper moment for securing
the conviction, or enlisting the sym-
pathies of any government in their
scheme. We are, however, forced to
conclude, that a good many of them
are sincere ; and, believing this, our
regard for their honesty rises in a cor-
responding ratio with the decline of
our respect for the measure of their
intellects. It would probably be un-
just and wrong to confound some of
these simple souls with men of the
stamp of their new ally, who use their
association merely as a means for the
promulgation of part of their political
opinions, but who, in reality, are so
far from being the friends of peace,
that they seem bent upon using their
utmost efforts to involve the whole of
Europe in a new and desolating war.
While, therefore, we drop for the pre-
sent any further notice of the proceed-
ings of the Peace Congress, we feel it
our imperative duty to trace the steps
of Mr Cobden since, arrayed in sheep's
clothing, he chose to make his appear-
ance in the midst of that innocent
assembly.
Whatever sympathy may have been
shown in certain quarters towards the
Italian insurgents, that feeling has
been materially lessened by the awful
spectacles afforded by insurgent rule.
We are, in this country, a great deal
too apt to be carried into extravagance
by our abstract regard for constitu-
tional freedom. We forget that our
own system has been the gradual
work of ages ; that the enlightenment
and education of the people has inva-
riably preceded eveiy measure of sub-
stantial reform ; and that it is quite
possible that other nations may not be
fitted to receive like institutions, or to
work out the social problem, without
more than British restraint. Arbi-
trary government being quite foreign
to our own notions, is invariably re-
garded by us with dislike ; and our
decided impulse, on the appearance of
each new insurrection, is to attribute
the whole of the blame to the inflexi-
bility of the sovereign power. So
long as this feeling is merely confined
to expression of opinion at home, it is
comparatively, though not altogether,
harmless. Undue weight is attached
abroad to the articles of the press,
enunciated with perfect freedom, but
certainly not always expressing the
sense of the community ; and foreign
statesmen, unable to appreciate this
license, have ere now taken umbrage
at diatribes, which, could the matter
be investigated, would be found to
proceed from exceedingly humble
sources. So long, however, as our
government professed and acted upon
the principles of non-interference,
there was little likelihood of our being
embroiled in disputes with which we
had no concern, simply on account
of liberal meetings, tavern speeches,
or hebdomadal objurgations of des-
potism.
The real danger commenced when
a government, calling itself liberal,
began to interfere, most unjustifiably
and most unwisely, with the concerns
of its neighbours. Powerless to do
good at home, the Whigs have ever
shown themselves most ready to do
mischief abroad ; and probably, in
the whole history of British diplo-
macy, there stands recorded no trans-
action more deplorable, from first to
last, than the part which Lord Pal-
merston has taken in the late Italian
movements. It is the fashion to laud the
present Foreign Secretary as a man of
consummate ability ; nor is it possible
to deny that, so far as speech-making
is concerned, he certainly surpasses his
colleagues. We were almost inclined
to go farther, and admit that no one
could equal him in dexterity of read-
ing official documents, so as to mys-
tify and distort their meaning ; but
were we to assign him pre-eminence
in this department, we should do sig-
nal injustice to Earl Grey, who un-
questionably stands unrivalled in the
art of coopering a despatch. Ability
Lord Palrnerston certainly has, but
we deny that he has shown it in his
late Italian negotiations. Restless
activity is not a proof of diplomatic
talent, any more than an appetite for
intrigue, or a perverse obstinacy of
purpose. Men of the above tempera-
ment have, in all ages, been held in-
competent for the duties of so delicate
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
587
and difficult a station as that of minis-
ter of foreign affairs ; and yet who
will deny that the whole course of our
recent diplomatic relations with the
south of Eui-ope, has been marked by
an unusual display of restlessness, ob-
stinacy, and intrigue? Public men
must submit to have their labours
judged of by their fruits ; it is the pe-
nalty attached to their high office, and
most righteously so, since the des-
tinies of nations are committed to their
hands. Lord Palmerston may pos-
sibly have thought that, by dictating
to the governments of Italy the na-
ture of the relations which, in his
opinion, ought to subsist between
them and their subjects, he was con-
sulting the honour and advantage
of England, fulfilling his duty to the
utmost, and providing for the main-
tenance of the public tranquillity of
Europe. We say it is possible that such
was his thought and intention ; but, if
so, surely never yet did a man, possess-
ing more than common ability, resort
to such extraordinary means, or employ
such incapable agents. Of all the men
who could have been selected for such
a service, Lord Minto was incalcu-
lably the worst. We have nothing
whatever to say against that noble-
man in his private capacity ; but,
throughout his whole public, we can-
not say useful, career, he has never,
on one occasion, exhibited a spark
«ven of ordinary talent, and it is more
than questioned by many, whether his
intelligence rises to the ordinary level.
Through accident and connexion he
has been thrust into state employ-
ment, and has never rendered himself
otherwise remarkable than for a most
egregious partiality for those of his
family, kindred, and name. And yet
this was the accredited agent sent
out by Lord Palmerston to expound
the intentions and views of Great
Britain, not only to the sovereigns of
Italy, but also to their revolted sub-
jects.
We say nothing of the diplomatic
employment of such a representative
.as Mr Abercromby, at the court of
Turin. The correspondence contained
in the Blue Books laid before parlia-
ment, shows how singularly ignorant
that minister was of the real posture of
affairs in Italy ; how eagerly he caught
-at every insinuation which was thrown
out against the good faith and pacific
policy of Austria; and how com-
pletely he 'was made the tool and the
dupe of the revolutionary party. It
is enough to note the fruits of the Pal-
merstonian policy, which have been,
so far as we are concerned, the utter
annihilation of all respect for the Bri-
tish name in Italy, insurrections, wild
and wasting civil war, and, finally,
the occupation of Rome by the French.
Whatever may be thought of the pru-
dence of this latter move, or whatever
may be its remote consequences, this
at least is certain, that, but for Oudi-
not and his army, the Eternal City
would have been given up as a prey
to the vilest congregation of ruffians
that ever profaned the name of liberty
by inscribing it on their blood- stained
banners. To associate the cause of
such men with that of legitimate free-
dom is an utter perversion of terms ;
and those who have been rash enough
to do so must stand convicted, before
the world, of complete ignorance of their
subject. No pen, we believe, could
adequately describe the atrocities
which were perpetrated in Rome, from
the day when Count Rossi fell by the
poniard of the assassin, on the steps
of the Quirinal palace, down to that
on which the gates were opened for the
admittance of the besieging army.
Not the least of Popish miracles was
the escape of Pius himself, who be-
held his secretary slain, and his body-
guard butchered by his side. Of these
things modern liberalism takes little
note : it hears not the blood of inno-
cent and unoffending priests cry out
for vengeance from the pavement ; it
makes no account of pillage and spo-
liation,' of ransacked convent, or of
harried home. It proclaims its sym-
pathy aloud with the robber and the
bravo, and is not ashamed to throw
the veil of patriotism over the enor-
mities of the brigand Garibaldi !
When, therefore, not only a consi-
derable portion of the press of this
country, but the government itself, is
found espousing the cause of revolu-
tion in the south of Europe, we need
not be surprised if other governments,
at a period of so much danger and
insecurity, regard Great Britain as a
renegade to the cause of order. Our
position at present is, in reality, one
of great difficulty, and such as ought
588
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
to make us extremely cautious of
indulging in unnecessary bravado.
The state of our financial affairs is
anything but encouraging. We are
answerable for a larger debt than any
other nation of the world ; and our
economists are so sensible of the
weight of our burdens, that they
•would fain persuade us to denude our-
selves even of the ordinary means of
defence. Our foreign exports are
stationary ; our imports immensely
increasing; our home market reduced,
for the present, to a state of terrible
prostration. Free trade, by destroy-
ing the value of agricultural produce,
has almost extinguished our last hope
of restoring tranquillity to Ireland, and
of raising that unhappy country to the
level of the sister kingdoms. It is in
vain that we have crippled ourselves
to stay the recurring famine of years,
since our statesmen are leagued with
famine, and resolute to persevere in
their iniquity. The old hatred of
the Celt to the Saxon is still burn-
ing in the bosoms of a large propor-
tion of the misguided population of
Ireland ; and were any opportunity
afforded, it would break forth as vio-
lently as ever. So that, even within
the girdle of the four seas, we are not
exactly in that situation which might
justify our provoking unnecessary
hostility from abroad. So far we are
entirely at one with the Peace Con-
gress. When we look to the state of
our colonies, the prospect is not more
encouraging. Through Whig misrule,
our tenure of the Canadas has become
exceedingly precarious. The West
Indies are writhing in ruin ; and even
the inhabitants of the Cape are ram-
pant, from the duplicity of the Colo-
nial Office. Our interest is most
clearly and obviously identified with
the cause of order ; for, were Britain
once actively engaged in a general
war, it is possible that the presence
of her forces would be required in
more than a single point. Of the
final result, in the event of such a
calamity, we have no doubt, but not
the less, on that account, should we
deeply deplore the struggle.
Such being our sentiments, it is
with considerable pain that we feel
ourselves called upon to notice as
strong an instance of charlatanism
and presumption as was ever exhi-
bited in this country. Fortunately,
on this occasion, the offender has
gone so far that no one can be
blind to his delinquencies ; for, if there
be any truth in the abstract principles
of the Peace Association, their last
disciple has disowned them ; if the
doctrines of free trade were intended
to have universal application, Richard
Cobden, in the face of the universe,
has entered his protest against them.
It signifies very little to us, and less
to the powers against whom he has
thundered his anathemas, what Mr
Cobden thinks proper either to profess
or repudiate ; still, as he has been
pleased to attempt the performance of
the part of Guy Fawkes, we judge it
necessary to conduct him from the coal-
cellar, and to throw the light of the
lantern upon his visage, and that of
his accomplices. And, first, a word
or two as to the occasion of his last
appearance.
The recent Hungarian rising is by
no means to be classed in the same
category with the wretched Italian
insurrections. Much as it is to be
deplored that any misunderstanding
should have arisen between the Aus-
trian cabinet and the Hungarian Diet,
so serious as to have occasioned a
war ; we look upon the latter body as
uninfluenced by those wild democratic
notions which have been and are
still prevalent in the west of Europe.
Whatever may have been the case
with Kossuth, and some of his more
ambitious confederates, the mass of the
Hungarian people had no wish what-
ever to rise in rebellion against their
king. Their quarrel was that of aminor
state to which certain privileges had
been guaranteed ; againstthe presumed
infringement of which, by their more
powerful neighbour, they first pro-
tested, and finally had recourse to
arms. Their avowed object, through-
out the earlier part of the struggle, was
not to overturn, but to maintain, cer-
tain existing institutions : and it is
remarkable that, from the day on which
Kossuth threw off the mask, and re-
nounced allegiance to his sovereign,
the Hungarians lost confidence in
their leader, and their former energy
decayed. We need not now discuss
the abstract justice of the Hungarian
claims; but whatever may be thought
of these, we must, in common fairness
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
589
to Austria, consider her peculiar posi-
tion at the time when they were
sought to be enforced. Concessions
which, during a season of tranquillity,
might have been gracefully made, were
rendered almost impossible when de-
manded with threats, in the midst of
insurrection and revolt. It was but
too obvious that the leaders of the
Hungarian movement, forgetful of their
fealty to the chief of that great empire
of which their country formed a part,
were bent upon increasing instead of
lessening the difficulties with which
Austria was everywhere surrounded,
and eager to avail themselves of dis-
tractions elsewhere, for the purpose of
dictating insolent and exorbitant
terms. In short, we believe that the
real claims of Hungary, however they
may have formed the foundation of
the discontent which ripened into war,
were used by Kossuth and his col-
leagues as instruments for their own
ambition ; and that, by throwing off
the mask too precipitately, they
opened the eyes of their followers to
the true nature of their designs, and
forfeited that support which the realm
was ready to accord the men who,
with a single and patriotic purpose,
demanded nothing more than the
recognition of the rights of their
country.
It was but natural that the inter-
vention of Russia should have been
viewed with some uneasiness in the
west of Europe. Every movement of
that colossal power beyond the boun-
daries of its own territory excites a
feeling of jealousy, singularly dispro-
portionate to the real character of its
resources, if Mr Cobden's estimate of
these should be adopted as the true
one ; and we fairly confess that we
have no desire to see any considerable
augmentation made to the territorial
possessions of the Czar. But the as-
sistance which, on this occasion, has
been sent to Austria by Russia, how-
ever much we may regret the occasion
which called the latter into activity,
cannot surely be tortured into any
aggressive design. Apart from all
our jealousies, it was a magnanimous
movement on the part of one power-
ful sovereign in favour of a harassed
ally; nor can we see how that assist-
ance could have been refused by
Russia, without incurring the reproach
of bad faith, and running imminent
risk with regard to her own dependen-
cies. Those active revolutionists, the
Poles, whose presence behind every
barricade has been conspicuously
marked and unblushingly avowed,
showed themselves foremost in all the
disturbances which threatened the
dismemberment of Austria. By them
the Hungarian army was principally
officered; and it now appears, from the
intercepted correspondence of their
nominal chief, that the Hungarian in-
surrection was relied upon as the first
step for a fresh attempt towards the
restoration of a Polish kingdom.
Under these circumstances, the Czar
felt himself imperatively called upon
to act; and his honour has been amply
vindicated by the withdrawal of his
forces after his mission was accom-
plished, and the Hungarian insurrec-
tion quelled.
It would undoubtedly have been
far more satisfactory to every one, if
the differences between Austria and
Hungary could have been settled
without an appeal to arms ; but such
a settlement was, we apprehend,
utterly beyond the powers even of the
Peace Congress to effect; and the
next best thing is to know that tran-
quillity has actually been restored.
That a great deal of sympathy should
be shown for the Hungarians, is, un-
der the circumstances, by no means
unnatural. It is no exaggeration to
say, that hardly one man out of a
thousand, in Britain, comprehends the
merits of the dispute, or is able, if
called upon, to give an intelligible ac-
count of the quarrel. Such amount
of knowledge, however, is by no
means necessary to qualify a platform "
orator for holding forth at a moment's
notice ; and, accordingly, meetings
expressive of sympathy with the per-
secuted Hungarians were called in
many of our larger towns, and the
usual amount of rhodomontade uttered,
by gentlemen who make a point of
exhibiting their elocutionary powers
upon the slightest colourable pretence.
Had these meetings been held earlier,
they might have been worth some-
thing. We shall not go the length of
assuring the very shallow and con-
ceited personages who constitute the
oratorical rump, or public debating
society of Edinburgh, that their opi-
590
Peace and TT ar Agitators.
[Nov.
nions are likely to be esteemed of sur-
passing importance, even if they were
to be heard of so far as St Petersburg
or Vienna ; for their utter ignorance
of the aspect of foreign affairs is such
as would excite ridicule in the bosoms
of those whom they profess to patro-
nise and applaud. But if they really
were impressed with the notion that
the claims of Hungary were of such
mighty importance, how was it that
they tarried until the consideration of
all constitutional questions had been
swallowed up in war — until those who
fully understood the true position of
Hungary, and her rights as legally
guaranteed and defined, were forced
to acknowledge that, through the
violence, treachery, and ambition of
the insurgent nobles, all hope of a
pacific settlement had disappeared ;
and that the best result which Europe
could hope for, was the speedy
quenching of an insurrection, now
broadly revolutionary and republican,
and threatening to spread still wider
the devastating flames of anarchy?
The explanation we believe to be a
very simple one. Most of them knew
as much of the affairs of Cappadocia
as they did of those of Hungary, and
-they would have been equally ready
to spout in favour of either country.
Late in July, Mr Bernal Osbome,
backed by Mr R. M. Milnes, whose
knowledge of politics is about equal
to his skill in the construction of dac-
tyls, brought forward the Hungarian
question in the House of Commons,
and thereby gave Lord Palmerston an
opportunity of unbosoming himself on
that branch of our European relations.
His lordship's speech, on that occasion,
was very much lauded at the time ;
but on referring to it now, we are
somewhat at a loss to understand how
it could have given satisfaction to any
•one. It was, indeed, as insulting to
Austria, whose back was then supposed
to be at the wall, as any opponent of
constitutional government could have
desired. Alliance was sneered at, as a
mere empty word of no significance
whatever : nor can we much wonder
at this ebullition, considering the
manner in which his lordship has
thought proper to deal with other
powers, who attached some value to
the term. This topic was, further, a
-congenial one, inasmuch as it afforded
the Foreign Secretary an opportunity
of gibing at his predecessor, Lord
Aberdeen, whose sense of honour does
not permit him to identify the solemn
treaties of nations with folios of waste
paper ; and who, therefore, was held
up to ridicule as a pattern of "anti-
quated imbecility." But, after all
this persiflage, which could serve no
purpose whatever, save that of giving
vent to an unusual secretion ofPalm-
erstonian bile, it appeared that his
lordship was actually to do nothing
at all. He regretted, just as much as
we do, and probably not more than
the Austrian cabinet, that no accom-
modation of differences had taken
place. He said, very truly, that
whatever the result of the struggle
might be, it could not strengthen the
stability of the Austrian empire ; but
at the same time he distinctly repu-
diated all intention of interfering be-
yond mere passive advice, and he
could not deny the right of Austria, if
it thought proper, to call in the aid of
the Russian arms. His conclusion,
in short, was sound, and we only re-
gret that, while it was so, the tone
and temper of his speech were not
equally judicious. This debate in the
House of Commons was immediately
followed up by a public meeting at the
London Tavern, presided over by Mr
Alderman Salomons.
We had not the good fortune to be
present on that occasion ; but, from the
accounts contained in the morning
papers, it must have been an assem-
blage of a singularly motley kind.
There was a considerable muster of
Radical members of parliament ; the
Financial Reform and the Peace As-
sociations were respectively represent-
ed ; Lord Nugent and Mr Milnes
stood forth as delegates from the
Bards of Britain ; Julian Haruey and
Mr G. TV. M. Reynolds headed a
numerous band of Chartists; and Lord
Dudley Stuart, as a matter of course,
was surrounded by a whiskered pha-
lanx of Poles, Hungarians, Italians,
Germans, and Sicilians, each one
striving to look more patriotically
ferocious than his neighbour. Thefirst
sympathetic resolution was moved by
a Quaker, and seconded by no less a
person than Richard Cobden, who
had only been prevented from attend-
ing the previous debate in the House
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
591
of Commons by a swan-hopping ex-
pedition on the Thames.
Then it was that Mr Cobden first
favoured the world with some econo-
mical views, so exceedingly novel and
startling, as to excite, even in that
audience, unequivocal symptoms of
incredulity. He set out by laying it
down as a general rule, that every
separate state ought to be left to the
management of its own affairs, with-
out the interference of any foreign
power whatever. " If," said he," this
had been a question simply between
Hungary and Austria, I should not
have appeared here to-day, nor in-
deed would it have been necessary for
any of us to have appeared here to-
day. So long as the Hungarians were
left to settle their affairs with the
government of Vienna, they were per-
fectly competent to do it, without the
interference of the citizens of Lon-
don." This is intelligible enough.
So long as central governments are
merely fighting with their own depen-
dencies, there is no room at all, ac-
cording to Mr Cobden, for interfer-
ence. It matters not which side pre-
vails :. they must be left wholly to
themselves. This doctrine could not,
we think, have been very acceptable
to the Poles ; since it amounts to an
entire admission that Russia has a
right to deal with them at her plea-
sure ; neither is it altogether consis-
tent with our ideas, or interpretation
of the law of nations. But it is Cob-
den's view, and therefore let it pass.
To him, then, it mattered nothing
whether Goth or Hun prevailed — it
was the intervention of Russia that
peremptorily called him to the plat-
form. Now we must own, that we
cannot understand this sort of reason-
ing, though it may possibly be suited
to the capacities of a Manchester
audience. If, as many people no
doubt conscientiously believe, Austria
was trampling upon the liberties of a
brave and loyal people, not only
justice, but humanity demands that
our sympathies should be enlisted on
their side. We cannot acquiesce in a
doctrine which would have left the
Greeks (lamentably small sense as
they have shown of the benefits of
liberty) to toil on for ever under the
grievous yoke of the Ottoman : nor
are we prepared to carry our apathy
to so extreme a length. The in-
tervention of Russia could not, by
any possibility, alter the complexion
of the quarrel. It might either crush
freedom, or maintain constitutional
government and the balance of power
in Europe ; but the principle of the
contest, whatever that might be, was
declared before Russia appeared, and
according as men view it, so should their
sympathies be given. The whole ques-
tion, however, as Mr Cobden put the
case, turnedupon Russian interference.
If Mr Cobden's next door neigh-
bour happened to have a dispute with
his operatives, touching the interpre-
tation of certain points of the Charter,
and if the latter, in their zeal for en-
lightenment, were to set fire to their
master's premises, we apprehend that
the honourable member for the West
Riding, (having neglected his own
insurance,) might blamelessly bear a
hand to quench the threatening con-
flagration. Further, if he were
assured that the said operatives,
assisted by a gang of deserters from
his own mills, were trying their hands
at an incendiary experiment, preli-
minary to operating upon his calico
warehouses, how could he be blamed,
if he sallied to attack the rioters in
their first position ? Yet, if we are
permitted to compare very great
things with small, this was precisely
the situation of Russia. If she did
not assist Austria, the flame would
have been kindled in her own provin-
ces ; if the Hungarian insurrection
had triumphed, Poland would have
been up in arms. With the old par-
tition of Poland we have nothing now
to do, any more than with the junction
of the Slavonic provinces with Aus-
tria. Right or wrong, these have long
become acknowledged facts in Euro-
pean history, and the boundary divi-
sions have been acquiesced in by a
congress of the assembled nations.
We cannot go back upon matters of
ancient right and occupation ; were
we to do so, the peace of every nation
in Europe must necessarily be dis-
turbed, and no alternative would re-
main, save the Utopian one of par-
celling out territory according to the
language of the inhabitants. Boun-
daries must be settled somehow.
They were so settled, by the consent
of all the nations, at the treaty of
592
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
Vienna ; and our duty, as well as our
interest, is to adhere to that arrange-
ment. Russia, by assisting Austria,
has in no way contravened any of the
stipulations of that treaty. From the
moment when the Hungarian party .de-
clared their country independent, and
proclaimed a republic, a new cause of
discord and misrule was opened in
the east of Europe, and the greatest
of the eastern potentates was not only
entitled but forced to interfere. It by
no means follows that we, who uphold
this view, have any partiality or liking
for Russian institutions. No man
who lives in a free country, like ours,
can possibly sympathise with despot-
ism, serfism, and that enormous
stretch of feudal power which is given
to a privileged class — we must regard
such things with a feeling nearly
akin to abhorrence ; nor can we, with
our Saxon notions, fancy existence
even tolerable ia such a state of
society. But our likings or disgusts
cannot alter matters as they stand.
We cannot force other nations to see
with our eyes, to think with our
thoughts, or to adapt their constitu-
tions according to the measure of our
accredited standard of excellence.
That amount of irresponsible and
uncontrolled action which we term
freedom, presupposes the existence of
a large and general spread of intelli-
gence throughout the community,
fixed laws of property, consolidated
social relationship, pure administra-
tion of justice, and wisdom and
temperance on the part of the
governed and the governor. Such
things are not the rapid results of
months, or years, or centuries. They
are of slow growth, but they are the
inevitable fruits of order; and very
blind and ignorant must that man be
who does not see the hand of progress
at work even in the institutions of
Russia. That country emerged from
barbarism later than the rest of
Europe, but, since the days of Peter
the Czar, its strides towards civilisa-
tion have been most rapid. Com-
merce has been established, manu-
factures introduced, learning and the
arts cultivated, and such a foundation
laid as, in no very long time, must
perforce secure to all ranks of the
people a larger share of freedom than
they are now qualified to enjoy.
Revolution cannot hasten such a
state of matters, but it may materially
retard it. Foolish and short-sighted
men seem to think that revolt is a
synonymous term with freedom, and,
accordingly, they hail each fresh out-
break with shouts of indiscriminate
approval. They can draw no dis-
tinction between the revolt of the
barons and that of Jack Cade in
England ; they are as ready to applaud
Spartacus as Brutus ; they think a
peasant's war as meritorious as the
up-raising of the standard of the
League. They never stop to consider
that freedom is a mere relative term,
and that it is worse than useless to
pluck down one form of government
by violence, unless a better is to be
reared in its stead. And who can
venture to say that this would have
been the case with Hungary ? Who
would predict it with certairity even
of Poland, were that dismembered
kingdom to be restored ? It is noto-
rious that Poland went to pieces
under the weight of its elective mon-
archy, and the perpetual feuds, tur-
bulence, and tyranny of a lawless and
fierce aristocracy. No doubt, men
will fight for these things — they will
fight for traditions, and bad ones too,
as keenly as for the most substantial
benefits. A century ago, the High-
landers would have fought to the
death for clanship, chieftainship,
heritable jurisdictions, and the right
of foray and of feud ; but will any
man now raise up his voice in favour
of the old patriarchal constitution ?
In Ireland, at this moment, we believe
that a large body of the Celts is will-
ing to stand up for a restoration of
the days of Malachi of the Golden
Collar — a form of government which,
we presume, even an O'Connell would
decline. This is just the case with
our sympathisers. They take it for
granted that, because there is revolt,
there must be a struggle for freedom,
and they are perfectly ready to accept,
without the slightest examination,
any legend that may be coined for
the nonce. Gullible as a considerable
number of the British public may be,
especially that section of the public
which -delights in platform oratory,
we really could not have believed that
any assemblage could be so utterly
ignorant, as to receive a statement to
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
593
the effect that the old constitution of
Hungary bore a close resemblance to
our own !
We are tempted here to insert an
extract from the works of a popular
writer regarding the constitution of
Poland, because it expresses, in ex-
cellent language, the opinions which
we are attempting to set forth in this
article, and denounces the folly of
those who confound the term freedom
with its just and rational application.
Will the reader favour us by perusing
the following passage with attention ?
— when he has done so, we shall state
from whose eloquent pen it proceeded.
" Of how trifling consequence it
must be to the practical minded and
humane people of Great Britain, or to
the world at large, whether Poland be
governed by a king of this dynasty or
of that — whether he be lineally de-
scended from Boleslas the Great, or of
the line of the Jagellons — contrasted
with the importance of the inquiries
as to the social and political condition
of its people — whether they be as well
or worse governed, clothed, fed, and
lodged in the present day as compared
with any former period, — whether the
mass of the people be elevated in the
scale of moral and religious beings, —
whether the country enjoys a smaller
or a larger amount of the blessings of
peace ; or whether the laws for the pro-
tection of life and property are more or
less justly administered. These are the
all- important inquiries about which
we busy ourselves ; and it is to cheat
BS of our stores of philanthropy, by
an appeal to the sympathy with which
we regard these vital interests of a
whole people, that the declaimers and
writers upon the subject invariably
appeal to us on behalf of the oppressed
and enslaved Polish nation — carefully
obscuring, amidst the cloud of epi-
thets about ' ancient freedom, '
' national independence,' ' glorious
republic,' and the like, the fact that,
previously to the dismemberment, the
term nation implied only the nobles ;
— that, down to the partition of their
territory, about nineteen out of every
twenty of the inhabitants were slaves,
possessing no rights, civil or political ;
tli at about one in every twenty was a
nobleman — and that that body of
nobles formed the very worst aristo-
cracy of ancient or modern times ;
putting up and pulling down their
kings at pleasure ; passing selfish laws,
which gave them the power of life and
death over their serfs, whom they
sold and bought like dogs or horses ;
usurping, to each of themselves, the
privileges of a petty sovereign, and
denying to all besides the meanest
rights of human beings ; and, scorning
all pursuits as degrading, except that
of the sword, they engaged in inces-
sant wars with neighbouring states,
or plunged their own country into all
the horrors of anarchy, for the pur-
pose of giving employment to them-
selves and their dependants." And
the same writer, after remarking upon
the character and conduct of the pri-
vileged class in Poland, in language
which is just as applicable to those
of the Hungarian nobles, thus ac-
counts for the insurrection in 1830.
The Italics are his own. " We hesi-
tate not emphatically to assert, that it
was wholly, and solely, and exclusively,
at the instigation, and for the selfish
benefit, of this aristocratic faction of
the people, that the Polish nation
suffered for twelve months the horrors
of civil war, was thrown bach in her
career of improvement, and has since
had to endure the rigours of a con-
queror's vengeance. The Russian
government was aware of this ; and
its severity has since been chiefly
directed towards the nobility." And
in a note appended to the above para-
graph he says, " The peasants joined,
to a considerable extent, the standard
of revolt ; but this was to be expect-
ed, in consequence of the influence
necessarily exercised over them by the
superior classes. Besides, patriotism
or nationality is an instinctive virtue,
that sometimes burns the brightest in
the rudest and least reasoning minds ;
and its manifestation bears no propor-
tion to the value of the possessions
defended, or the object to be gained.
The Russian serfs at Borodino, the
Turkish slaves at Ismail, and the laz-
zaroni of Naples, fought for their mas-
ters and oppressors more obstinately
than the free citizens of Paris or
Washington did, at a subsequent
period, in defence of those capitals."
And who was the author of these
very lucid and really excellent re-
marks ? We reply, RICHARD COB-
DEX, ESQ. The curious in such
594
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
matters will find these, and many
similar passages, in a pamphlet entit-
led Russia, by a Manchester Manufac-
turer, which was published in 1836,
for the purpose of showing that, on
the whole, it would be an advantage
to British commerce if Russia were
to lay violent hands on Turkey, and
possess herself of Constantinople !
But it is time we should return to
the London Tavern meeting, where
we left Mr Cobden, this time denoun-
cing the active interference of Russia.
Here the apostle of peace was cer-
tainly upon ticklish ground. Large
as his estimate undoubtedly is of his
own influence and power, he could
hardly expect, that, because he and
some other gentlemen of inferior en-
dowments were pleased to hold a
meeting in the London Tavern, and
pass resolutions condemnatory of the
conduct of the Czar, the immediate
consequence would be a withdrawal
of the Russian forces. Under such
circumstances, as he must have per-
fectly well known, the expression of
his opinion was not worth the splinter
of a rush to the Hungarians, unless,
indeed, he were prepared to follow up
his words by deeds. On the other
hand, he was debarred, by some fifty
public declarations, from advocating
the propriety of a war: not only
upon the general pacific principle — for
that might easily have been evaded,
— but upon economical considerations
connected with his darling scheme of
reducing the British navy and army,
which would be clearly incompatible
with the commencement of a general
European conflict. An ordinary man,
entertaining such views and senti-
ments, would probably have consi-
dered himself as lodged between the
horns of an inextricable dilemma.
Not so Cobdeu, whose genius rose to
the difficulty. The experience of a
hundred platform fights had taught
him this great truth, that no proposi-
tion was too monstrous to be crammed
down the public throat, provided the
operator possessed the requisite share
of effrontery; and he straightway pro-
ceeded, secundum artem, to exhibit a
masterpiece of his skill.
Probably not one man in all that
room but had been impressed, from
his youth upwards, with a wholesome
.terror and respect for the magnitude
of the Russian power. That, at all
events, was the feeling of the Poles,
and decidedly of the Polish cham-
pions. But in less than an instant
they were disabused. Most of our
readers must have seen how a small
figure, painted on a tiny slip of glass,
may, when passed through the aper-
ture of a magic lantern, be made to
reflect the attitude and dimensions of
a giant : Cobden's trick was exactly
the opposite of this ; he made the
actual giant appear in the dwindled
proportions of a dwarf. " I will tell
you," said he, " how we can bring
moral force to bear on these armed
despots. We can stop the supplies.
(Loud cheers.) Why, Russia can't
carry on two campaigns beyond her
own frontiers, without coming to
Western Europe for a loan. She
never has done so, without being
either subsidised by England, or bor-
rowing money from Amsterdam. I
tell you I have paid a visit there, and
I assert that they cannot carry on
two campaigns in Hungary, without
either borrowing money in Western
Europe or robbing the bank at St
Petersburg. (A laugh, and a cry of
' Question.') That must be a Russian
agent, a spy, for this is the question.
I know," continued our magniloquent
Richard, " that the Russian party,
here and abroad, would rather that I
should send against them a squadron
of cavalry and a battery of cannon,
than that I should fire off the facts
that I am about to tell you. I say,
then, that Russia cannot carry on two
campaigns without a loan." We
believe that the latter part of Mr
Cobden's statement is tolerably accu-
rate, so that he need not give himself
any further trouble about the produc-
tion of his indicated horse and artil-
lery. We agree with him that Russia
might be puzzled to carry on two
vigorous campaigns without a loan ;
but we should be glad to know what
country in Europe is not in the same
predicament? War, as everybody
knows, is a very costly matter — not
much cheaper than revolution, though
a good deal more speedy in its results
— and every nation which engages in
it must, perforce, liquidate the ex-
pense. Great Britain could not, any
more than Russia, go to war without
a loan. In such an event, the only
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
595
difference would be that the British
loan must necessarily be six or seven
times greater than that of Russia, for
this simple reason, that Russia has a
large standing army levied and pre-
pared, •whereas we have not. Now
what is there to prevent Russia from
negotiating a loan ? The first ques-
tion, we apprehend, is the state of her
finances — let us see whether there is
any symptom of approaching bank-
ruptcy in these. The debt of Russia,
according to the most recent authori-
ties, is seventy-six millions, being as
near as possible one tenth of our own.
Her revenue is about seventeen mil-
lions, or one-third of ours. So far,
therefore, as the mere elements of
credit go, Russia would, in the eyes of
the capitalist, be the more eligible
debtor of the two. There could, we
apprehend, be no possible doubt of
her solvency, for, with large resources
behind, she has a mere fraction of a
debt, and her power of raising reve-
nue by taxes has been little exercised.
Our readers will better understand
this by keeping in mind, that, while
the revenue presently levied is just
one-third of ours, the population of
Russia is considerably more than
double that of Great Britain and Ire-
land. Mr Cobden, however, accept-
ing, as we presume he must do, the
above official facts, draws from them
inferences of a very startling charac-
ter. " Don't let any one talk," said
he, " of Russian resources. It is the
poorest and most beggarly country
in Europe. It has not a farthing.
Last year there was an immense de-
ficit in its income as compared with
its expenditure, and during the pre-
sent financial year it will be far worse.
Russia a strong political power!
Why, there is not so gigantic a poli-
tical imposture in all Europe." And
again, " Russia a strong, a powerful,
and a rich country ! Don't believe
any one who tells you so in future.
Refer them to me." We feel deeply
obliged to Mr Cobden for the last
suggestion, but we would rather, with
his permission, refer to facts. If the
poorest and most beggarly country in
Europe has contrived to rear its mag-
nificent metropolis from the marshes
of the gelid Neva, to create and main-
tain large and well- equipped fleets in
the Baltic and the Black seas, and to
keep up a standing army of about
half a million of men, without increas-
ing its permanent debt beyond the
amount already specified, all we shall
say is, that the semi- civilised Russian
is in possession of an economical
secret utterly unknown to the states-
men of more favoured climes, and
that the single farthing in his hand,
has produced results more wonderful
than any achieved by the potency of
the lamp of Aladdin. But the climax
has yet to come. Waxing bolder and
bolder on the strength of each succes-
sive assertion of Russian weakness
and impotency, the Apostle of Peace
assumed the attitude of defiance : " If
Russia should take a step that re-
quired England, or any other great
maritime power, like the United
States, to attack that power, why, we
should fall like a thunderbolt upon
her. You would in six months crum-
ple that empire up, or drive it into its
own dreary fastnesses, as I now
crumple up that piece of paper in my
hand ! ! ! " Here is a pretty fellow
for you! This invincible fire-eater
is the same man who, for the last
couple of years, has been agitating
for the reduction of the army and
navy, on the ground that the whole
world was in a state of the profound-
est peace, and likely so to remain !
This crumpler-up and defier of em-
pires is the gentleman who held forth
this by-gone summer, at Paris, on the
wickedness of war, and on the spread
of fraternity and brotherly love among
the nations! Why, if old Admiral
Drake had risen from the dead, he
could not have spoken in a more war-
like strain, only the temper and tone
of his remarks would have been diffe-
rent. A hero is bold but temperate : a
demagogue blustering and pot-valiant.
It is but right to say, that this
impudent and mischievous trash,
though of course abundantly cheered
by many of the poor creatures who
knew no better, did not altogether
impose upon the meeting. Mr Bernal
Osborne could not find it in his con-
science to acquiesce, even tacitly, in
this monstrous attempt at imposition,
and accordingly, though "he coincided
in much that had been said by the
member for the West Riding, he
must take the liberty to say that, in
exposing the weakness of Russia, he
596
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
had gone rather too far. Forewarned
was forearmed, and let them not lay
it to their hearts that the great empire
was not to be feared, but despised."
And therefore, he, Mr Osborne,
*' would be sorry if any man in the
meeting should go away with the
impression that the monstrous Pan-
sclavonic empire was to be thoroughly
despised." Neither did the chairman
exactly approve of the line of discus-
sion which had been introduced by
Mr Cobden. He said, with great
truth, that they had nothing to do at
present with the resources of Russia;
their business being simply to consider
the wrongs of Hungary, and to give
utterance to such an expression of
opinion as might act upon the British
government. Mr Salomons is a prac-
tical man, and understands the use of
mob-meetings, which is to coerce and
compel Whig administrations to do
precisely what the frequenters of the
London Tavern desire. Better versed,
by a great deal, in monetary matters
than Mr Cobden, he knows that finan-
cial discussions are utterly out of place
in such an assemblage ; and, moreover,
•we have a strong suspicion that the
latter part of Mr Cobden's speech, to
which we are just about to refer, must
have sounded harshly in the ears of a
gentleman of the Hebrew persuasion,
initiated, after the custom of his tribe,
in the mysteries of borrowing and
lending. Up to this point we have
considered Mr Cobden in the united
character of peace-maker and bully :
let us now see how he contrives to
combine the hitherto antagonistic qua-
lities of free- trader and restrictionist.
Having, satisfactorily to himself,
demonstrated the pitiable weakness of
Russia, and having got over the
notorious fact of her large bullion
deposit, and her purchases in the
British funds, by explaining that the
first is the foundation of her currency,
and the second a private operation of
tlie'^Bank of St Petersburg — an estab-
lishment which, according to his
showing, is no way connected with
the government — Mr Cobden proceed-
ed to unravel his schemes for paring
the claws of the northern Bear. It
has the merit of pure simplicity. Not
one penny is henceforward to be lent
to the Russian government. The
capitalists of Europe are henceforth to
look, not to the security, but to the
motives of the borrowing power. If
they think that the money required
is to be expended in purchasing mu-
nitions of war, in fitting out an
armament, or in any other way
hostile to the continuance of peace,
they are grimly to close their cof-
fers, shake their heads, and refuse
to advance one single sixpence,
whatever be the amount of percent-
age offered ; and this kind of moral
force, Mr Cobden thinks, would not
only be effectual, but can easily
be brought into action. Let us hear
him. " Now, will any one in the
city of London dare to be a party to
a loan to Russia, either directly or
openly, or by agency and copartner-
ship with any house in Amsterdam or
Paris ? Will any one dare, I say, to
come before the citizens of this free
country, and avow that he has lent
his money for the purpose of cutting
the throats of the innocent people of
Hungary? I have heard such a pro-
ject talked of. But let it only assume
a shape, and I promise you that we,
the peace party, will have such a
meeting as has not yet been held in
London, for the purpose of denouncing
the blood-stained project — for the
purpose of pointing the finger of scorn
at the house, or the individuals, who
would employ their money in such a
manner — for the purpose of fixing
an indelible stigma of infamy upon the
men who would lend their money for
such a vile, unchristian, and barbar-
ous purpose. That is my moral force.
As for Austria, no one, I suppose,
would ever think of lending her
money." We shall, by-and-by, have
occasion to see more of Mr Cobden in •
connexion with the Austrian loan ; in
the mean time, let us keep to the gene-
ral proposition. The meaning of the
above unadorned fustian is simply
this — that no man shall, in future, pre-
sume to lend his money without con-
sulting the views of Mr Cobden and
his respectable confederates. This
ukase — and a magnificent one it is —
was rapturously received by his au-
dience ; a fiat of approval which we
set no great store on, seeing that, in all
probability, not fifty of those excel-
lent philanthropists could command
as many pounds for the permanent
purpose of investment. But the idea
1849.]
of controlling, by their sweet voices,
the monetary operations of the great
banking-houses of the world, the
Rothschilds, the Barings, and the
Hopes, was too delicious a hallucina-
tion not to be rewarded with a cor-
responding cheer. Now, setting aside
the absolute impudence of the pro-
posal—for we presume Mr Cobden
must have known that he had as much
power to stay the flux of the tides, as
to regnlate the actions of the money-
lenders— what are we to think of the
new principle enunciated by the ve-
teran free-trader ? What becomes
of the grand doctrine of buying in
the cheapest and selling in the dearest
market, without the slightest regard
to any other earthly consideration,
save that of price ? Will Mr Cobden
NOW venture to persuade us that he
had some mental reservation, when
he propounded that ever-memorable
axiom ; or that dealers in coin were
to be regulated by a different code of
moral laws from that which was laid
down for the use of the more fortunate
dealers in calico ? We presume, that,
without cotton, and blankets, and ma-
chinery exported from this country,
the slaves of Cuba could hardly be
made to work — why, then, should we
not clap an embargo on these articles,
and point with the finger of scorn,
disgust, and execration, to every man
who traffics in that unholy trade?
And yet, if our memory serves us
right, no very long time has elapsed
since we beggared our West Indian
colonies, solely to drive a larger trade
in those articles with the slave plan-
tations, for behoof of Messrs Cobden
and Co. Slavery, we presume, is an
institution not congenial to the mind
of Mr Cobden — at least we hope not,
and we are sure he would not be will-
ing to admit it. In point of humanity,
it is rather worse than war ; why not,
then, let us have a strong exercise of
moral force to abolish it, by stopping
the supplies ? The withdrawal of our
custom, for three or fouryears, would ef-
fectually knock Cubaon the bead. Why
not try it ? We should like to see Mr
Cobden's face, if such a proposition
were made in Parliament ; and yet is
it not as rational, and a great deal
more feasible, than the other ? But it
is a positive waste of time to dwell
further upon such a glaring absurdity
Peace and War Agitators.
as this. Baron Rothschild, member-
elect though he be for the city of
London, will care very little for the
extended digit of Mr Cobden, and
will doubtless consult his own interest,
without troubling himself about Man-
chester demagogues, when the next
Russian loan is proposed.
Having delivered himself of this
remarkable oration, Mr Cobden very
wisely withdrew ; perhaps he had a
slight suspicion of the scene which
was presently to follow. The majority
of the meeting consisted of gentlemen
whose notions about moral force were
exceedingly vague and general. Their
strong British instincts, inflamed by
the stimulus of beer, led them to
question the use of abstract sympathy,
unless it was to be followed up by
action ; and accordingly Mr Reynolds,
a person of some literary as well as
political notoriety, thought it his duty
to give a more practical turn to the
deliberations of the meeting, and
thereby cut short several interesting
harangues. We qnote from the report
of the Times of 24th July.
" Mr G. W. M. REYNOLDS, whose re-
marks were frequently followed by inter-
ruption and cries of 'question,' next
addressed the meeting. He avowed his
belief, that in so holy, sacred, and solemn
a cause, England must even go to war in
defence of Hungary, if necessary. (This
assertion was received with such hearty
cheering as proved that the speaker had
expressed the sentiments of the vast body
of the meeting.) All the moral effects of
that meeting (continued Mr Reynolds)
would be perfectly useless, unless they
were prepared to go further. If the
government would employ some of the
ships that were now rotting in our har-
.bours, and- some of the troops now march-
ing about London, that would really
benefit the Hungarians. (Cheers.) France
used to be regarded as a barrier against
Russia, but France was no longer so,
because that humbug Louis Napoleon
(tremendous cheers — and three hearty
groans for Louis Napoleon)— that rank
impostor (continued cheering) —
" The CHAIRMAN here interfered, and
much interruption ensued. If anything
could disturb and injure the cause which
they were met to support, it was such
remarks as they had just heard. (" No,
no. ") If he (the Chairman) were a spy
of Russia, he should follow out the course
pursued by Mr Reynolds. (Much con-
fusion and disapprobation.)"
598
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nor,
We really cannot see wherein the
author of the Mysteries of London vf us
to blame. His proposition had, at all
events, the merit of being intelligible,
which Mr Cobden's was not, and he
clearly spoke the sentiments of the
large majority of the unwashed. He
certainly went a little out of his way,
to denounce the President of the
French Republic as an impostor: a
deviation which we regret the more, as
he might have found ample scope for
such expositions without going further
than the speeches of • the gentlemen
who immediately preceded him. We
need not linger over the ensuing
scene. Mr Duncan — "said to be a
Chartist poet" — attempted to address
the meeting, but seems to have failed.
We do not remember to have met
with any of Mr Duncan's lyrics, but
we have a distinct impression of hav-
ing seen a gentleman of his name, and
imputed principles, at the bar of the
High Court of Justiciary in Edin-
burgh. But if the sacred voice of one
poet was not listened to, the same
meed of inattention was bestowed
upon another. The arms of Mr R.
M. Milnes were seen hopelessly gesti-
culating above the press ; and Lord
Dudley Stuart, for once, was cut
short in his stereotyped harangue.
The case was perfectly clear : Rey-
nolds was the only man who had
enunciated a practical idea, and ac-
cordingly the voice of the meeting
was unequivocally declared for war.
We hope that the Peace Congress,
and the economists, and the free-
traders, are all equally delighted with
this notable exhibition of their hero.
If they are so, we certainly have no
further commentary to offer. To se-
cure peace, Mr Cobden openly defies
and challenges Russia ; to further
economy, he does his best to inflame
the passions of the people, and to get
up a cry for war; to vindicate free
trade, he proposes henceforward to
coerce Lombard Street. Is there, in
all the history of imposture, an in-
stance comparable to this ? Possibly
there maybe; but, if so, we are certain
it was better veiled.
The evil luck of Mr Cobden still
clung to him. Within a very short
time after this memorable meeting
was held, the Hungarian armies
surrendered at discretion, and the in-
surrection was thoroughly quenched.
Not two, not even one complete cam-
paign, were necessary to put an end to
an ill-advised struggle, in which the
hearts of the Hungarian people were
never sincerely enlisted ; and good
men hoped that the sword might now
be sheathed in the eastern territories
of Europe. That portion of the press
which had sympathised with the in-
surgents, and hailed with frantic de-
light the suicidal resolution of the
Hungarian chiefs to separate them-
selves for ever from the house of
Austria, was terribly mortified at a
result so speedy and unexpected ; and
did its best to keep up the excitement
at home, by multiplying special in-
stances of cruelty and barbarity said
to have been wrought by the victors
on the persons of their vanquished
foemen. That many such instances
really occurred we do not for a
moment doubt. When the passions
of men have been inflamed by civil
war, and whetted by a desire for ven-
geance, it is always difficult for the
authorities to preserve a proper re-
straint. This is the case even among
civilised nations ; and when we reflect
that a large portion of the troops on
either side engaged in the Hungarian
Avar, cannot with any justice be termed
civilised, it is no wonder if deeds of
wanton atrocity should occur. Indeed,
late events may lead us to question
how far civilisation, on such occasions,
can ever operate as a check. Who
could have believed that last year, in
Frankfort, a young and gallant noble-
man, whose sole offence was, the free
expressions of his opinions in a par-
liament convened by universal suff-
rage, should have been put to death
at noonday by lingering torments,
and his groans of agony echoed back
by the laughter of his brutal assassins?
The names of Felix Lichnowsky and
Von Auerswaldt will surely long be
remembered to the infamy of that
city which was the birthplace of
Goethe, and boasted of itself as the
refined capital of the Rhenish pro-
vinces. A veil of mystery still hangs
over the circumstances connected with
the assassination of Count Latour; and
though we are unwilling to give cur-
rency to a rumour, which would entail
infamy on the memory of one who
has since passed to his account, the
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
victim of an unbridled ambition,
strong suspicions exist that a Hun-
garian minister was directly privy to
that act of dastardly and cruel mur-
der. But there is no manner of
doubt at all as to the atrocities which
were committed in Vienna when that
hapless city was in the hands of the
red republicans and the Poles. Pil-
lage, murder, and violation were crimes
of every-day occurrence, and it is not
wonderful if the memory of these
wrongs has in some instances goaded
on the victors to a revenge which all
must deplore. As to the military
executions which have taken place,
we have a word to say. The sup-
pression of almost every revolt has
been followed by strong measures on
the part of the conquerors, against
those who excited the insurrection.
Our own history is full of them.
Succeeding generations, according to
their estimate of the justness of the
cause which they espoused, have
blamed, or pitied, or applauded the
conduct of the men who thus perilled
and lost their lives ; but the necessity
of such executions has rarely or never
been questioned. We allude, of
course, to those who have been the
leaders and instigators of the move-
ment, and upon whom the responsi-
bility, and the expiation for the
blood which has been shed must
fall ; not to the subordinates who
ought to be, and almost always
are, the proper objects of mercy.
The most ardent Jacobite, while he
deplored the death, and vindicated
the principles of Lords Balmerino and
Kilmarnock, never thought of blaming
the government of the day for having
sent those devoted noblemen to the
block. But in their case the execu-
tion assumed the character of a ter-
rible national solemnity — not hastily
enacted, but following after a delibe-
rate trial before unprejudiced judges,
upon which the attention and interest
of the whole country was concentrated.
And, therefore, while posterity has
been unanimous in expressing its ab-
horrence of the bloody butcheries of
William, Duke of Cumberland, after
the battle of Culloden, no reflection
has been thrown upon the ministers of
George II. for having allowed the law
to take its course against the more
prominent leaders of the rebellion,
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX.
599
even though the sympathies of many
good men have been enlisted on the
losing side. Now, we do not hesitate
to condemn most strongly the conduct
of Austria on the present occasion.
No judicial process, so far as we can
learn, has been instituted against the
captive chiefs, save that which is equi-
valent to no process at all — the sen-
tence of a court-martial. Except in
cases of the most absolute necessity,
the functions of the soldier and the
judge ought never to be combined and
confounded. When the flame of civil
war is once trodden out, the civil
law ought immediately to resume its
wonted supremacy. Treason and re-
bellion are undoubtedly the highest of
all crimes ; but, being the highest, it
is therefore the more necessary that
they should be subjected to the gravest
investigation ; so that in no way may
the punishment inflicted, on account
of a heinous breach of the law, be
mistaken, even by the most ignorant,
for an act of hurried vengeance. We
may perhaps have no right to object
to the measure of the punishment.
We cannot know what charges were
brought, or even substantiated against
the unfortunate Hungarian leaders of
Arad. We are quite unaware what
disclosures may have been laid before
the Austrian government as to the
participation of Count Bathyany in
Kossuth's republican schemes. One
and all of them may have been guilty
in the worst degree ; one and all of
them may have deserved to die ; and
it is even possible that circumstances
may have rendered such a terrible
example necessary, for the future pre-
servation, of order ; but the manner
'in which the punishment has been
dealt, is, we think, wholly indefens-
ible. It is no answer to say, that the
administration of the laws of Austria
is different from that of our own, and
that we are not entitled to apply the
measure of a foreign standard. No
point of legal technicality, or even
consuetude is involved ; there is but
one law which, whatever be its ex-
trinsic form, ought to regulate such a
proceeding as this — a law which, we
trust, is acknowledged in Austria as
well as in Britain — the law of justice
and humanity. The most suspected
criminal, when arraigned before secret
and biassed judges, loses, in the
2n
600
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
estimation of the public, half his
imputed criminality. He has not
had a fair trial ; and, if condemned,
it is possible that his execution may
be considered rather as a case of
martyrdom, than as one of righteous
punishment. A court-martial never
is a satisfactory tribunal ; least of all
can it be satisfactory when the object
of its inquiry arises from a civil war.
The judges have seen too much of the
actual misery and ruin which has
occurred to be impartial. That pro-
pensity to vengeance, from which it
can hardly be said that even the
noblest nature is altogether exempt,
so nearly akin is it to righteous indig-
nation, is at such times unnaturally
excited. The fiery zeal, which shows
so graceful in the soldier, is utterly
nnsuited to the ermine ; and when the
ermine is thrown, as in this instance,
above the soldier's uniform, there
can be very little doubt that ancient
habit and inflamed passion will
supersede judicial deliberation. By
acting thus, we conscientiously believe
that Austria has inflicted a serious
injury on herself. She has given to
those who are her enemies a heavy
cause of argument and reproach against
those who are her well-wishers ; and
the immediate and not unnatural
result will be an increased amount of
sympathy for the political fugitives,
and a great disinclination to canvass
their true motives and their characters.
Francis Joseph at the outset of his
reign will be stigmatised — most
unjustly, indeed, for the fault lies not
with him — as a relentless tyrant, and
all who escape from tyranny are sure
of popular though indiscriminate com-
passion.
We have thought it our duty to
make those remarks at the present
time, because out of this Hungarian
affair a question has arisen in which
we are to a certain extent implicated,
and which may possibly, though we
do not think probably, be productive
of most serious results. We allude,
of course, to the joint demand of
Russia and Austria upon Turkey for
the surrender of the political fugitives
at Widdin. In common with the
whole public press of this country, we
consider such a demand, on general
grounds, to be unexampled and unjust.
The abstract right of every indepen-
dent nation to afford shelter to politi-
cal fugitives, has, we believe, never
been questioned ; but, even had it
been doubtful, there are very many
reasons, founded upon humanity and
honour, why all of us should combine
to protest against a claim so imperi-
ously and threateningly advanced.
Cases may arise, and have arisen,
where the privilege has been scanda-
lously abused. For example, the
Baden insurgents have fled for shelter
across the frontier of Switzerland, and
have there remained hatching treason,
collecting adherents, and waiting for
an opportunity of renewing their
treasonable designs. In such a case,
we conceive that the threatened
government has a decided right to
require the sheltering country to
remove or banish those fugitives from
its territory, and in the event of a
refusal, to declare that a proper
cosus belli. But this, it will be seen,
is widely different from a demand for
the surrender of the fugitives ; and we
presume that, in the case of the
Hungarians, no allegation can be
made, that they have sought harbour,
and remain in Turkey, with a view
towards renewing their attempt. Un-
questionably it is quite competent for
states to enter into treaties in fulfil-
ment of which political fugitives must
be surrendered when claimed. Such
a treaty is said to exist between
Russia and Turkey ; but it is clearly
not applicable in the case of such of
the Hungarian refugees as have claim-
ed the shelter of the latter power.
Russia, in this quarrel, appears only
as the ally of Austria ; and she can
have no right to admit the latter to a
direct participation in any of the
stipulations contained in her peculiar
treaty. No Hungarian is a subject of
Russia; and, therefore, under that
treaty, he cannot possibly be reclaim-
ed. With regard to the Polish refu-
gees, there certainly does seem to be
a difference ; and we care not to own,
that we feel far less interest for them
than for the Hungarians. Their own
national struggle excited throughout
Europe great sympathy and compas-
sion. No matter what were the
merits of the kind of government
which they sought to restore — no man
could be cold-blooded enough to forget
that the kingdom of Peland had been
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
601
violently seized and partitioned ; and
though sober reason, and, in fact,
good faith, compelled us to abstain
from espousing the cause of those who,
by solemn European treaty, had been
confirmed as subjects but who had
risen as rebels, we yet gave our hospi-
tality to the fugitive Poles with a
heartiness greater and more sincere
than was ever accorded on any other
occasion. All ranks in this country,
and in France, combined to do them
honour ; and the general wish in both
countries was, not to afford them a
mere temporary shelter, but to give
them a permanent habitation. For
this purpose, and to fit them for indus-
trial employment, the British govern-
ment gave an annual grant of money,
and the private subscriptions were
munificent. Some of the exiles most
creditably availed themselves of the
means so placed within their reach,
and have become amongst us useful
and esteemed citizens. But there
were others, and the larger number,
who utterly misinterpreted this sym-
pathy, and never would abandon their
dreams of Polish restoration. For
this we cannot blame them ; and we
must needs allow that they received
much encouragement to persevere in
those dreams from men who ought to
have been wiser. They took undue
advantage of their situation, and pre-
ferred living in idleness, though cer-
tainly not in affluence, upon eleemosy-
nary aid, to gaining their bread
honourably by active industry and
exertion. This was certainly not the
best way of securing the affection of a
practical people like the British to
them and to their cause ; and the result
has been, that the moral prestige of
the Poles has greatly declined in this
country. We are not arguing from
inference, but from facts ; for we are
perfectly certain that if the Emperor
Nicholas had made his visit to London
in 1834, instead of nine or ten years
later, his reception by the public
would have been materially different.
Since then, the Poles have altogether
forfeited the esteem of the friends of
order, by coming forward as the
most active agents and instigators
of revolution all over the continent
of Europe. In France, in Italy, in
Germany, and above all, in Hungary,
they have thrust themselves forward
in quarrels with which they had no-
thing to do, and even have violated
that hospitality which was accorded
them on account of their misfortunes.
It is time that they should learn that
the British public has no sympathy
with unprincipled condottieri. No
amount of tyranny, inflicted by one
nation, will entitle an exile deliberately
to arm himself against the constitu-
tion of another. Foreign service —
manly open service indeed is honour-
able, but foreign conspiracy is, beyond
all doubt, one of the basest and the
worst of crimes. Now, we are not
versed enough in treaties to know what
are the exact terms of the conditions
made between Russia and Turkey.
We hope, for the sake of Bern, Dem-
binski, and the others, that they
merely apply to the surrender of those
who shall take refuge in the neigh-
bouring territory on account of war
waged, or revolt raised, against their
sovereigns ; and though, should such
be the nature of the contract, there
may still be a doubt whether the Poles
are entitled to plead exemption under
it, that doubt, we presume, will be
given in their favour by the sheltering
power ; at all events, we think it very
unlikely that any distinction will be
drawn betwixt the two classes of
refugees. Still we are compelled to
maintain our honest and sincere con-
viction that, apart from other and
greater considerations, there is no-
thing in this demand of Russia and
Austria, to justify us in active inter-
ference. The demand has not been
made on us; it does not refer to
British subjects; and it in no way
concerns pur honour. We have no-
thing more to do with it, in the
abstract, than if it was a demand
made by the Shah of Persia upon the
Emperor of China. We beg especial
attention to this point, because we
observe that some of our journalists
assume that Great Britain and France
will act together vigorously in resist-
ing the demand. Now, we hold, that,
though both countries may have a
clear right to protest against such a
demand, on the ground of its being
at variance with the law of nations,
neither of them has the right to make
that a pretext for ulterior measures,
or for resorting to the desperate ex-
pedient of a war. The representatives
602
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
of both powers, it is said, have advised
the Porte to return a firm refusal to
the demand ; and, since their advice
was asked, we hold that they were
clearly right in doing so. They were
acting merely as assessors, or rather
as expounders of international law.
But suppose that Russia should make
this declinature a casus belli with
Turkey, — what then? We have in
that case a most decided interest ;
because it is part of our policy that
Russia shall not, under any pretext
whatever, lay her hand upon the
Turkish dominions, or force the pas-
sage of the Dardanelles. Our policy
may be wrong, and Mr Cobden thinks,
or thought so : still we are committed
to that view ; and we can hardly
escape from interpreting the conduct of
Russia, if she shall persist in enforcing
her demand by dint of arms, into an
overt attempt to get possession of the
Turkish territory. But France has no
such interest as we have. Our reason
for disputing the possession of Turkey
with Russia is a purely selfish one.
We wish to prevent the latter power
from coming into dangerous proximity
with Egypt, and we have a kind of
vague idea that some attack is medi-
tated upon our Indian provinces. It is
quite possible that these notions may
be visionary or greatly exaggerated,
and that Russia wants nothing more
than an open passage from the Black
Sea — a right which, if free-trade doc-
trines are to be held of universal appli-
cation, it does seem rather hard to deny
to her. Still, such is our idea, and in
our present temper we shall probably
act accordingly. But France has no
real interest at stake. She has no-
thing to lose, suppose Russia got pos-
session of Turkey to-morrow; and we
are very much mistaken if she will go
to war from a mere spirit of chivalry,
and in behalf of a few refugees with
whom she is in no way connected.
However disturbed may be the state
of France, or however inflammable
may be the minds of her population,
she has statesmen who will not suffer
her to be committed to so egregious
an act of folly. If Russia perseveres
in her demand to the utmost, on
Britain will fall, in the first instance
at least, the whole weight of the re-
sistance. We agree with the Times,
that " this demand for the surrender
of the refugees, is either a wanton
outrage for an object too trifling to be
insisted on, or else it masks a more
serious intention of hostility against
the Turkish empire ;" but we are not
prepared to adopt the conclusion of
that able journal, that " the govern-
ments and the nations of Western
Europe are resolved to oppose that
demand, even to the last extremity."
On the contrary, we believe that the
opposition would be left to Great
Britain alone.
We trust no apology is necessary
for having wandered from our text
on a topic of so much interest ; how-
ever, we ask Mr Cobden's pardon
for having left him uncourteously so
long.
We were remarking that ill-luck
in the way of prophecy and presenti-
ment still clung to Mr Cobden, even
as Care is said to follow the horseman.
Hungary speedily succumbed, and
Russia did not ask for a loan. Now
that the Hungarians were beaten and
victory impossible, we presume the
next best thing for that unfortunate
people would be to bind up their
wounds, and let them return as speed-
ily as might be to their usual industrial
employments. Austria, at the con-
clusion of the contest, finds herself
largely out of pocket. She has troops
whose pay is greatly in arrear, and she
has made temporary loans which it is
absolutely necessary to discharge.
She might, if she were so disposed,
liquidate the claims of the first, by
letting them loose upon the conquered
Hungarians, from whom they probably
could still contrive to exact a fair
modicum of booty ; she might pay off
the latter by resorting to wholesale
confiscation, and by sweeping into
her public treasury whatever the war
has left of value. But Austria has
no desire to proceed to either extre-
mity. She knows very well that it is
not for her interest that Hungary
should become a sterile waste ; and
she is further aware that the best
mode of securing tranquillity for the
future, is to foster industry, and to ab-
stain from laying any additional bur-
den upon the already impoverished
people. Therefore, meditating no
further conquest, but, on the con-
trary, anxious to sit down to the
sober work of reparation, Austria
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
603
proposes to borrow in the public
money-markets of Europe a sum of
seven millions. The advertisement
meets the eye of Mr Cobden, who
straightway rose in wrath, indited a
letter to a certain Mr Edmund Fry,
ordaining him to convene a public
meeting in London, for the purpose of
considering the said advertisement,
and agreeing "to an address to the
friends of peace and disarmament
throughout the world, on the general
question of loans for war purposes,"
and on the 8th October, the intrepid
orator again mounted on the platform.
This time, we are sorry to remark,
that the meeting was neither so vari-
ously nor so interestingly attended as
before. The Chartists very properly
thought that they had nothing what-
ever to do with foreign loans ; and,
besides, that they had already been
regaled with an ample allowance of
Mr Cobden's eloquence on the sub-
ject. The two parliamentary poets
were doubtless writing odes, and did
not come. Also there was but a poor
sprinkling of M.P's ; but Lord Dudley
Stuart was at his post, and Friend
Alexander ; and beyond these twain
there appeared no notable whomso-
ever. Mr Reynolds must have been
sadly missed.
Mr Cobden's first speech at this
meeting — for the lack of orators was
such, that he was compelled to indulge
his audience with two — was a very
dull and dreary affair indeed. He
began first with loans in general, and
went on in his usual style of asseve-
ration. " I say that, as I have gone
through the length and breadth of
this country with Adam Smith in my
hand to advocate the principles of.
free trade, I can stand here with Adam
Smith also in my hand, to denounce,
not merely for its inherent waste of
national wealth, not only because it
anticipates income and consumes capi-
tal, but also on the ground of injustice
to posterity, in saddling upon our
heirs a debt we have no right to call
upon them to pay — the loans we have
this day met to consider." It is very
hard that unfortunate Adam Smith
should be made answerable for all the
eccentricities of Mr Cobden. Little
did the poor man think, whilst ham-
mering his brains at Kirkcaldy, that
their product was to be explained at
a future time, according to the sweet
will of so accomplished a commenta-
tor! Adam Smith had a great deal
too much sense to expect that wars
would cease to arise, and government
loans to be contracted. His remark
is not directed against loans, but
against the funding or accumulation
of them, which most of us, in the pre-
sent generation, are quite ready to
admit to be an evil. The remedy to
which he pointed, was the establish-
ment of a sinking-fund to prevent
debt from accumulating ; but so long
as Mr Cobden's economical views are
acted on, and the currency maintained
on its present basis, the idea of a
sinking-fund is altogether visionary.
The evil which Adam Smith com-
plains of is permanent funding, not
loan. There is nothing imprudent in
a man borrowing a thousand pounds
from his banker, if he regularly sets
apart an annual sum out of his income
for its repayment : but it is a very
different thing when he hands over the
debt undiminished for his successor to
discharge.
Having preluded with this little piece
of hocus, Mr Cobden came to the point,
and attempted to show that Austria
was in such a state of insolvency that
it was not safe for any one to lend
money to her. We by no means
object to this sort of exposition. If
it be true that the finances of the
borrowing party are in a dismal state,
we are none the worse for the infor-
mation ; if the statement is false, it is
sure to be speedily disproved. We
have no objection to concede to Mr
Cobden the possession of that almost
preternatural amount of knowledge,
which is his daily and perpetual boast.
When he tells us that he knows all
about the produce of the mines of
Siberia, because " I have been there,
and I know what is the value of those
mines" — when he speaks positively
as to the amount of specie in the
vaults of the fortress of St Peters-
burg, and states that he knows it —
" because I have been on the spot,
and made it my business to under-
stand these things " — and when, with
regard to the general question of
Russian finance, he observes that
" few men, probably not six men in
England, have had my opportunities
of investigating and ascertaining upon
604
the best and safest authority on the
spot, where alone you can properly
understand the matter, what actually
is the state of the resources of Russia,"
— we listen with a kind of awe to the
words of this egotistical Exile of
Siberia. But though not six men in
England are qualified to compete with
him in his knowledge of Russian affairs,
we suspect that it would be no difficult
matter to find six clerks in a single
banking establishment a great deal
better acquainted with the state of
Austrian finance than Mr Cobden.
His object, it would appear, is less to
warn the great capitalists — who indeed
may be supposed to be perfectly
capable of taking care of themselves —
against the danger of handing over
their money to Austria, than to secure
the poor labouring man with ten
pounds to spare, against defraudment.
We were not previously aware that
people with ten pounds to spare were
in the habit of investing them in the
foreign funds. We hope to heaven
such is not the case, for we happen to
be acquainted with several very
estimable porters and Celtic chairmen,
who have saved a little money ; and,
should the mania for foreign invest-
ment have reached them, we should
tremble to approach any corner of a
street where those excellent creatures
are wont to linger, lest we should
be assailed with the question, " Hoo's
the Peroovian four per cents ? "
or, "Div ye ken if they're gaun
to pay the interest on the New
Bonos Areas bonds?" We have
hitherto been labouring under the
delusion that the accumulations of
the working classes were safe in the
British Savings Banks, or Funds ; but
we are now sorry to learn from Mr
Cobden that such is not the case. u I
knew myself," said Mr Cobden, "many
years ago, when resident in the city,
a man who worked as a porter on
weekly wages — his family and him-
self being reduced to that state that
they had no other earthly dependence
— and yet that man had Spanish bonds
to the nominal amount of £2000 in
his pocket. They were not worth
more than waste paper, and came
into the hands of poor men like this
porter, who had no experience and
knowledge in such matters ; and it is
to guard such poor men that I now
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
utter the voice of warning." We
have not read anything more aifecting
since we perused The Dairyman's
Daughter. Mr Cobden does not tell
us that he immediately organised a
subscription for the behoof of the
wronged individual; but we think it
probable that he did so, and, if it be
not too late, we shall be glad to con-
tribute our mite — on one condition.
The next time Mr Cobden tells this
story, will he be good enough to spe-
cify the precise sum which the porter
paid for those bonds ? Our reason
for requiring particular information as
to this point, is founded on a fact
which lately came to our knowledge,
viz. that the name of a promising
chimney-sweep stands recorded in the
books of a certain railway company,
which shall be nameless, as the pro-
prietor of stock in new shares, to an
amount of nearly double that pos-
sessed by Mr Cobdeu's acquaintance.
The railway has not paid a single
farthing of dividend, several calls are
still due, and the market price of those
shares is considerably below zero.
The chimne3r-sweep is a steady young
man, whose only failing is an inve-
terate attachment to whisky : he
never was in possession of five pounds
in his life, except on the day when he
became the nominal proprietor of that
stock. We make Mr Cobden a pre-
sent of this anecdote, in case he
should have occasion, in the course of
some future crusade, to warn labour-
ing people against indulging in rail-
waj speculation. It is quite as genuine
and forcible an illustration as his own ;
and we suspect that for one person in
the position of the porter, there are
at this moment some hundreds in
possession of transferred certificates,
like the chimney-sweep.
In sober sadness, it is pitiable to
see a man reduced, for sheer lack of
argument, to such wretched clap-trap
as this. The wildest kind of rant
about freedom and tyranny would
have been more to the purpose, and
infinitely more grateful to the popular
ear. Mr Cobden's estimate of his
own position and European impor-
tance is delicious. " I have no hesi-
tation in saying that there is not a
government in Europe that is not
frowning upon this meeting!" What
a mercy it is that Nicholas had 110
1849.]
Peace and War Agitators.
suspicion of the tremendous influence
of the man who was once rash enough
to trust himself in his dominions!
We positively tremble at the thought
of what might have ensued had Mr
Cobden been detected on his visit to
the Siberian mines ! The governments
of Europe frowning on Mr Cobden's
meeting — what a subject for the clas-
sical painter !
We need hardly trouble our readers
•with any remarks upon the speech of
Lord Dudley Stuart. His monomania
on Continental subjects is well known,
and he carries it so far as to hazard
the most extravagant statements.
For example, he set out with insinu-
ating that this Austrian loan was
neither more nor less than a deliberate
attempt at swindling, seeing that it had
not received the sanction of the Diet ;
" and, consequently," said Lord Dud-
ley, "nothing could be easier than
for the Austrian government, when-
ever they found it inconvenient to pay
the interest of the loan, to turn round
and call those who had advanced the
money very simple people, and tell
them that they ought to have made
due inquiry before parting with it.
It might be said that this would be
a most extraordinary and outrageous
course for any government to adopt ;
but they lived in times when mon-
archs performed acts of the most
unusual and the most outrageous
description ; and it seemed almost
as if the dark ages had returned, such
scenes of barbarity and cruelty were
being enacted throughout Europe, by
order, and in the name of established
governments." Lord Dudley Stuart
is one of those who think that no
crowned head can sit down comfort-
ably to supper, unless he has pre-
viously immolated a victim. His
idea of the dark ages is derived from
the popular legend of Raw-head and
Bloody-bones. Confiding, and it
would appear with justice, in the sin-
gular ignorance of his audience, he
went on to say : — " Certain writers
and speakers were never tired of
uttering warnings against the danger
of an infuriated mob. But had any
of those popular outbreaks, as they
were called, ever been attended with
an amount of cruelty, rapine, and
spoliation, to be named in compari-
son with the deeds of the despots
of Europe? At Paris, Vienna, and
Rome, for a time, power was in the
hands of the people — the wild demo-
cracy, as it was called. Where were
their deeds of blood and spoliation ?'"
Lord Dudley Stuart might just as
well have asked, where were the
victims of the guillotine during the
supremacy of Robespierre. We have
known metaphysicians who could not
be brought to an acknowledgment
that the continent of America has an
actual existence, or that the battle of
Waterloo was ever fought, owing to
what they were pleased to style a
want of sufficient evidence. Lord
Dudley Stuart is precisely in the same
situation. He has patronised foreign
patriots to such an extent, that he be-
lieves every one of them to be a saint ;
and if he saw with his own eyes a
democrat piking a proprietor, he
would probably consider it a mere
deceptio visus. Not that he is in the
slightest degree short-sighted, or in-
credulous, whenever he can get hold of
a story reflecting on the other side. On
the contrary, he favoured his audience
with a minute description of several
floggings and executions, which he
had, tid doubt, received from his
foreign correspondents; and actually
threw the blame of the apostacy of
some of his Polish protegees from the
Christian faith upon the Czar ! This
is a topic upon which we would rather
not touch. Men have been known to
deny their Saviour for the sake of
escaping from the most hideous per-
sonal agony, but we never heard before
of apostaey committed for such motives
as Lord Dudley has assigned. u Some,
but very few men, whose lives had
been devoted to fighting against Rus-
sia, and whose religion seemed to con-
sist in that alone, lured, no doubt, by
the hope of entering the Turkish army,
and again waging war against their
implacable enemies, Russia and Aus-
tria, had been induced to accept the
offers of the Porte, and to embrace
Islamism." We hope it may be long
before we shall be again asked to ex-
press our sympathy for those wretched
renegades from their faith.
Mr Cobden having gathered wind,
again started up ; and this time he did
not confine himself to mere economi-
cal prose. We rather think that he
felt slightly jealous of the cheering
606
Peace and War Agitators.
[Nov.
which Lord Dudley Stuart's more ani-
mated speech had elicited ; for it is a
well-known fact that the majority of
people would rather listen to the
details of an atrocious murder, than
to a dissertation upon Adam Smith.
Accordingly he came out hot, furious,
pugnacious, and withal remarkably
irrelevant. Throwing aside all con-
sideration of the Austrian loan, he fell
foul of the Czar, whom he facetiously
compared to Nebuchadnezzar. Listen
to the Apostle of peace ! " The man
was incapable of appreciating any-
thing but a physical-force argument,
and he (Mr Cobden) did not think he
was departing from his peace princi-
ples, in resorting to a mode of admo-
nition which the nature of the animal
was capable of understanding. He
surely might be excused from admo-
nishing, if it were possible, a wild
bull, that, if he did not take care, he
might run his head against something
harder even than his own skull. He
therefore said, that if the Emperor of
Russia attacked us, we might herme-
tically seal the ports of Russia, and
there would be an end of the matter.
There could be no fighting between
England and Russia. If the question
Avere put to a jury of twelve compe-
tent men, belonging to any maritime
power, who were perfectly indifferent
to the quarrel, they would at once say
that as England and Russia could not
come to collision by land, the only
question was, what naval force would
be required by England to blockade
Petersburg, Archangel, Odessa and
Riga for six mouths of the year, and
that the frost would keep up the
blockade for the other six months."
But the best is 37et to come. Mr Cob-
den is perfectly aware that the senti-
ments of such an eminent European
personage as himself must have terrible
weight on the Continent. "When the
Czar reads the report of the speeches
delivered at the London Tavern, he will
burst into a paroxysm of fury, order
some hundred serfs to be instantly
knouted to death, and send for the
minister of marine. When it is known
at Vienna that Cobden has declared
against the Austrian loan, Francis
Joseph will gnash his teeth, and desire
Jellachich, Radetsky, and Haynau to
concert measures with his brother em-
peror for taking vengeance for this
unparalleled affront. What, then, are
we to do ? Is there no danger to Great
Britain from such a combination ?
None — for AVC have a guarantee. A
greater than Nicholas has promised to
stand between us and peril. People
of Great Britain ! read the following
paragraph, and then lie down in secu-
rity under the charge of your protect-
ing angel.
" If he (Mr Cobden) were told that
he ran the risk of provoking these brutal
tyrants to come here and attack this
country, HE WOULD REPLY THAT HE
WAS PREPARED TO TAKE THE RISK
UPON HIMSELF OF ALL THAT THEY
COULD DO ! "
After this, we have not another
word to say. Yes — one. Before Mr
Cobden's meeting broke up, the Aus-
trian loan had been subscribed for to
more than the required amount.
1849.]
The French Novels of 1849.
THE FRENCH KOVEL8 OF 1849.
DURING the twelve months that
have elapsed since we devoted a sheet
of Maga to a flying glance at French
novels and novelists, there has been a
formidable accumulation upon our
shelves of the produce of Paris and
Brussels presses. Were their merit
as considerable as their number, the
regiment of pink, blue, and yellow
octavos and duodecimos would need
a whole magazine to do them justice.
As it is, however, a line a volume
would be too much to devote to some
of them. The lull in literature which
ensued in France, on the shock of the
February revolution, has been suc-
ceeded by a revival of activity. Most
of the old stagers have resumed the
quill, and a few " green hands" have
come forward. As yet, however, the
efforts of the former have in few
instances been particularly happy;
whilst amongst the latter, there is no
appearance worthy of note. Upon
the whole, we think that the ladies
have been at least as successful as the
men. Here is a trio of tales from
feminine pens, as good as anything
that now lies before us. He'lene, al-
though it may not greatly augment
the well-established reputation of that
accomplished authoress, Madame
Charles Reybaud, is yet a very pleas-
ing novel, approaching in character
rather to a graceful English moral
tale, than to the commonly received
idea of a French romance. It is a
story of the first Revolution ; the scene
is in Provence, and subsequently at
Rochefort, on board ship, and in.
French Guiana. The chief characters
are Helen, and her father, the Count
de Blanquefort, a steadfast royalist,
who traces back his ancestry to the
crusades; her lover, a plebeian and
Montagnard; her godmother, Madame
de Rocabert, and Dom Massiot, a
fanatic priest. Lovers of mysterious
intrigues, and complicated plots, need
not seek them in Madame Reybaud's
novels, whose charm resides for the
most part in elegance of style, grace-
ful description, and delicate and
truthful delineation of character. In
one of her recent tales — a very attrac-
tive, if not a very probable one — Le
Cadet de Colobrieres, she admirably
sketches the interior of a poor noble-
man's dwelling, where all was pride,
penury, and privation, for appearance
sake. The companion and contrast to
that painful picture, is her description
of the domestic arrangements of
Castle Rocabert, where ease, placi-
dity, and comfort reign ; where the
ancient furniture is solid and hand-
some, the apartments commodious,
the cheer abundant ; where the anti-
quated waiting women, and venerable
serving men, are clad after the most
approved fashion of Louis the Fif-
teenth's day, and disciplined in accor-
dance with the most precious tradi-
tions of aristocratic houses. Madame
de Rocabert herself is a fine portrait,
from the old French regime. Forty
years long has she dwelt in her lonely
chateau, isolated from the world, on
the summit of a cloud-capped rock.
Widowed at the age of twenty of an
adored husband, she shut herself up to
weep, and, as she hoped, to die*
Contrary to her expectation, little by
little she was comforted ; she lived,
she grew old. Time and religion had
appeased her sorrow, and dried her
tears. There is a tenderness and
grace in Madame Reybaud's account
of the widow's mourning and consola-
tion, which reminds us of the exqui-
site pathos and natural touches of
Madame d'Arbouville. That such a
comparison should occur to us, is of
itself a high compliment to Madame
Reybaud, who, however, is unques-
tionably a very talented writer, and
to the examination of whose collective
works it is not impossible we may
hereafter devote an article. At pre-
sent, we pass on to a lady of a different
stamp, who does not very often obtain
commendation at our hands ; and
yet, in this instance, we know not why
we should withhold approval from
George Sand's last novel, La Petite
Fadette, one of those seductive trifles
which only Madame Dudevant can
produce, and is free from the pernicious
tendencies that disfigure too many of
her works. In this place we can say
little about it. A sketch of the plot
would be of small interest, for it is
608
as slight and inartificial as well may
be; and an attempt to analyse the
book's peculiar charm would lead us
a length incompatible with the onrni-
um-gatherum design of this article.
La Petite Fadette is a story of peasant
habits and superstitions, and these are
treated with that consummate artis-
tical skill for which George Sand is
celebrated — every coarser tint of the
picture mellowed and softened, but
never wholly suppressed. Fadette, a
precocious and clever child, and her
brother, a poor deformed cripple,
dwelt with their grandmother, a
beldame cunning in herbs and simples,
and who practises as a sort of quack
doctress. The three are of no good
repute in the country-side ; Fadette,
especially, with her large black eyes
and Moorish complexion, her elf-like
bearing and old-fashioned attire, is
alternately feared and persecuted by
the village children, who have nick-
named her the Cricket. But although
her tongue is sharp, and often mali-
cious, and her humour wilful and
strange, the gipsy has both heart and
head ; and, above all, she has the true
woman's skill to make herself beloved
by him on whom she has secretly
fixed her affections. This is the hero
of the story — Landry, the handsome
sou of a farmer. Love works miracles
with the spiteful slovenly Cricket, who
hitherto has dressed like her grand-
mother, and squabbled with all comers.
Although the style of George Sand's
books is little favourable to extract,
and that in this one the difficulty is
increased by the introduction of pro-
vincialisms and peasant phrases, we
will nevertheless translate the account
of Fadette's transformation, and of its
effect upon Landry, upon whom, as
the reader will perceive, the charm
has already begun to work.
" Sunday came at last, and Landry
was one of the first at mass. He
entered the church before the bells
began to ring, knowing that la petite
Fadette was accustomed to come
early, because she always made long
prayers, for which many laughed at
her. He saw a little girl kneeling in
the chapel of the Holy Virgin, but her
back was turned to him, and her face
was hidden in her hands, that she
might pray without disturbance. It
was Fadette's attitude, but it was
The French Novels 0/1849.
[Nov.
neither her head-dress nor her figure,
and Landry went out again to see if
he could not meet her in the porch,
which, in our country, we call the
guenilliere, because the ragged beggars
stand there during service. But Fa-
dette's rags were the only ones he
could not see there. He heard mass
without perceiving her, until, chancing
to look again at the girl who was
praying so devoutly in the chapel, he
saw her raise her head, and recognised
his Cricket, although her dress and
appearance were quite new to him.
The clothes were still the same — her
petticoat of drugget, her red apron,
and her linen coif without lace ; but
during the week she had washed and
re-cut and re-sewn all that. Her gown
was longer, and fell decently over her
stockings, which were very white, as
was also her coif, which had assumed
the new shape, and was neatly set
upon her well- combed black hair ; her
neckerchief was new, and of a pretty
pale yellow, which set off her brown
skin to advantage. Her boddice, too,
she had lengthened, and, instead of
looking like a piece of wood dressed
up, her figure was as slender and
supple as the body of a fine honey-bee.
Besides all this, I know not with what
extract of flowers or herbs she had
washed her hands and face during the
week, but her pale face and tiny hands
looked as clear and as delicate as the
white hawthorn in spring.
" Landry, seeing her so changed,
let his prayer-book fall, and at the
noise little Fadette turned herself
about, and her eyes met his. Her
cheek turned a little red — not redder
than the wild rose of the hedges ; but
that made her appear quite pretty
— the more so that her black eyes,
against which none had ever been
able to say anything, sparkled so
brightly, that, for the moment, she
seemed transfigured. And once more
Landry thought to himself :
" ' She is a witch; she wished to
become pretty, from ugly that she
was, and behold the miracle has been
wrought ! '
" A chill of terror came over him,
but his fear did not prevent his having
so strong a desire to approach and speak
to her, that his heart throbbed with
impatience till the mass was at an end.
" But she did not look at him again,
1849.]
The French Novels 0/1849.
609
and instead of going to rnn and sport
with the children after her prayers,
she departed so discreetly, that there
was hardly time to notice how
changed and improved she was.
Landry dared not follow her, the less
so that Sylvinet would not leave him
a moment ; but in about an hour he
succeeded in escaping ; and this time,
his heart urging and directing him, he
found little Fadette gravely tending
her flock in the hollow road which
they call the Traine-au- Gendarme,
because one of the king's gendarmes
was killed there by the people of La
Cosse, in the old times, when they
wished to force poor people to pay
taillage, and to work without wage,
contrary to the terms of the law,
which already was hard enough, such
as they had made it."
But it is not sufficient to win
Landry's heart: Fadette has much
more to overcome. Public prejudice,
the dislike of her lover's family, her
own poverty, are stumbling-blocks,
seemingly insurmountable, in her path
to happiness. She yields not to dis-
couragement ; and finally, by her
energy and discretion, she conquers
antipathies, converts foes into friends,
and attains her ends — all of which are
legitimate, and some highly praise-
worthy. The narrative of her tri-
bulations, constancy, and ultimate
triumph, is couched in a style of
studied simplicity, but remarkable
fascination. Slight as it is, a mere
bluette, La Petite Fadette is a graceful
and very engaging story ; and it would
be ungrateful to investigate too
closely the amount of varnish applied
b}- Madame Dudevant to her pictures
of the manners, language, and morals
of French peasantry.
La Famille Recour is the last book,
by a lady novelist, to which we shall
now refer. It is the best of a series
of six, intended as pictures of French
society, in successive centuries, clos-
ing with the nineteenth. The five pre-
vious novels, which were published
at pretty long intervals, being of no
very striking merit, we were agree-
ably surprised by the lively and well-
sustaiued interest of this romance, the
last, Madame de Bawr informs us,
which she intends to offer to the pub-
lic. Paul Recour, the penniless ne-
phew of a rich capitalist, is defrauded
by a forged will of his uncle's inherit-
ance, which goes to a worthless cou-
sin, who also obtains the hand of a
girl between whom and Paul an ar-
dent attachment exists. The chief
interest of the tale hinges on Paul's
struggles, after an interval of deep
despondency, against poverty and the
world — struggles in which he is
warmly encouraged by his friend Al-
fred, a successful feuilletoniste and
dramatic author ; and by a warm-
hearted but improvident physician, M.
Duvernoy, whose daughter Paul ulti-
mately marries, out of gratitude, and
to save her from the destitution to
which her father's extravagance and
approaching death are about to con-
sign her. Paul is a charming charac-
ter— a model of amiability, generosity,
and self-devotion, and yet not too
perfect to be probable. There is a
strong interest in the account of his
combat with adversity, and of the tri-
bulations arising from the folly and
thoughtlessness of his wife, and the
implacable hostility of his treacher-
ous cousin. How the story ends
need not here be told. The first four-
fifths of the book entitle it to a high
place amongst the French light litera-
ture of the year 1849 ; but then it
begins to flag, and the termination is
lame and tame — a falling off which
strikes the more from its contrast with
the preceding portion. The author-
ess appears, in some degree, conscious
of this defect, and prepares her readers
for it in her preface. " The second
volume," she says, " was written
amidst the anguish and alarm which
revolutions occasion to a poor old
woman. Although but ill- satisfied with
my work-, I have not courage to recom-
mence it. I appeal, then, to the reader's
indulgence for my last romance, happy
in the consciousness that my pen has
never traced a single word which was
not dictated by my lively desire to
lead men to virtue." So humble and
amiable an apology disarms criticism.
Having given precedence to the la-
dies, we look around for some of their
male colleagues who may deserve a
word. Amongst the new candidates
for the favour of romance-readers is
a writer, signing himself Marquis de
Foudras, and whose debut, if we err
not, was made in conjunction with a
M. de Montepin, in a romance en-
610
The French Novels 0/1849.
[Nov.
titled Les Chevaliers du Lansquenet —
a long-winded imitation of the Sue
school, extremely feeble, and in exe-
crable taste, but which, nevertheless,
obtained a sort of circulating library
success. Encouraged by this, Messrs
Fondras and Montepin achieved a
second novel, upon the whole a shade
better than the first ; and then, dis-
solving their association, set off scrib-
bling, each " on his own hook ;" and
threaten to become as prolific, although
not as popular, as the great Dumas
himself. The last production of M.
de Foudras bears the not unattractive
title of Les Gentilhomm.es Chasseurs.
It is a series of sporting sketches and
anecdotes, of various merit, in most
of which the author — who would evi-
dently convince us that he is a genu-
ine marquis, and not a plebeian under
apseudonyme — himself has cut a more
or less distinguished figure. To the
curious in the science of venery, as
practised in various parts of France,
these two volumes may have some
interest ; and the closing and longest
sketch of the series, a tale of shoot-
ing and smuggling adventures in the
Alps, is, we suspect, the best thing
the author has written. Unless, in-
deed, we except his account of a stag-
hunt in Burgundy in 1785, in which
he gives a most animated and graphic
account of the mishaps of a dull-dog
of an Englishman, who arrives from
the further extremity of Italy to join
the party of French sportsmen. Of
course Lord Henry is formal, peevish,
and unpolished ; the very model, in
short, of an English nobleman. Dis-
daining to mount French horses,
which, he politely informs his enter-
tainer, have no speed, and cannot
leap, he has had four hunters brought
from England, upon one of which,
" a lineal descendant of Arabian Go-
dolphin, and whose dam was a mare
unconquered at Newmarket," he fol-
lows the first day's hunt, by the side
of a beautiful countess, by whose
charms he is violently smitten, and
who rides a little old Limousin mare, of
piteous exterior, but great merit. The
pace is severe, the country heavy, the
Arabian's grandson receives the go-by
from the Limousin cob, and shows
signs of distress. The following pas-
sage exhibits the author's extraordi-
nary acquaintance with the customs
and usages of the English hunting-
field, — " We were still ahead, and
had leaped I know not how many
hedges, ditches, and ravines, when I
observed that Lord Henry, who had
refused to take either a whip or spurs,
struck repeated blows on the flank of
his horse, which, still galloping,
writhed under the pressure of its mas-
ter's fist. Looking with more atten-
tion, I presently discovered in milord's
hand a sharp and glittering object, in
which I recognised one of the elegant
chased gold toothpicks which men car-
ried in those days. I saw at once that
poor C(Eur-de-Lio7i was done up." In
spite of the toothpick, Cceur-de-Lion
refuses a leap, whereupon his master
hurls away the singular spur, leaps
from his saddle, draws his hunting-
knife, and plunges it to the hilt in the
horse's breast ! — with which taste of
his quality, we bid a long farewell to-
the Marquis de Foudras.
It were strange indeed if the name
of Dumas did not more than once
appear on the numerous title-pages
before us. We find it in half-a-dozen
different places. The amusing Char-
latan, who, in the first fervour and
novelty of the republican regime,
seemed disposed to abandon romance
for politics, has found time to unite-
both. Whilst writing a monthly
journal, in which he professes to give
the detailed history of Europe day by
day— forming, as his puffs assure us,
the most complete existing narrative
of political events since February 1848
— he has also produced, in the course of
the last twelve months, some twenty-
five or thirty volumes of frivolities.
Thus, whilst with one hand he in-
structs, with the other he entertains
the public. For our part, we have
enjoyed too many hearty laughs, both
with and at M. Dumas, not to have
all inclination to praise him when
possible. In the present instance, and
with respect to his last year's tribute
to French literature, we regret to say
it is quite impossible. He has been
trifling with big reputation, and with
the public patience. Since last we
mentioned him, he has added a dozen
volumes to the Vicomte de Bragelonne,
which nevertheless still drags itself
along, without prospect of a termina-
tion. A tissue of greater improbabi-
lities and absurdities we have rarely
1849.]
The French Novels 0/1849.
Gil
encountered. Certainly no one but
Alexander Dumas would have ven-
tured to strain out so flimsy a web to
so unconscionable a length. Are there,
we wonder, in France or elsewhere, any
persons so simple as to rely on his re-
presentations of historical characters
and events ? The notions they must
form of French kings and heroes,
courtiers and statesmen, are assuredly
of the strangest. We doubt if, in any
country but France, a writer could
preserve the popularity Dumas enjoys,
who caricatured and made ridiculous,
as he continually does, the greatest
men whose names honour its chronicles.
Besides the wearisome adventures
of Mr Bragelonne and the eternal
Musketeers, M. Dumas has given forth
the first three or four volumes of a
rambling story, founded on the well-
known affair of Marie Antoinette's
diamond necklace. Then he has com-
pleted the account of his Spanish
rambles, which we rather expected
he would have left incomplete, seeing
the very small degree of favour with
which the first instalment of those
most trivial letters was received. In
the intervals of these various labours,
he has thrown off a history of the
regency, and a historical romance, of
Avhich Edward III. of England is the
hero. The latter we have not read.
On French ground, M. Dumas is some-
times unsuccessful, but when he med-
dles with English personages he is in-
variably absurd. Finally, and we
believe this closes the catalogue —
although we will not answer but that
some trifle of half-a-dozen volumes
may have escaped our notice — M.
Dumas, gliding, with his usual facility
of transition, from the historical to the
speculative, has begun a series of
ghost-stories, whose probable length
it is difficult to foretell, seeing that
what he calls the introduction occu-
pies two volumes. Some of these tales
are tolerably original, others are old
stories dressed up a la Dumas. They
are preceded by a dedication to M.
Dumas' former patron, the Duke of
Montpensier, and by a letter to his
friend Ve"ron, editor "of the Constitu-
tionnel, theatrical manager, &c. These
two epistles are by no means the least
diverting part of the book. M. Dumas,
whom we heard of, twenty months
ago, as a fervid partisan and armed
supporter of the republic, appears to
have already changed his mind, and
to hanker after a monarchy. Some
passages of his letter to his friend are
amusingly conceited and characteris-
tic. " My dear Veron," lie writes,
" you have often told me, during those
evening meetings, now of too rare oc-
currence, where each man talks at
leisure, telling the dream of his heart,
following the caprice of his wit.
or squandering the treasures of his
memory — you have often told me, that,
since Scheherazade, and after Nodier,
I am one of the most amusing narra-
tors you know. To-day you write to
me that, en attendant a long romance
from my pen — one of my interminable
romances, in which I comprise a whole
century — you would be glad of some
tales, two, four, or six volumes at
most — poor flowers from my garden —
to serve as an interlude amidst the
political preoccupations of the mo-
ment : between the trials at Bourges,
for instance, and the elections of the
month of May. Alas ! my friend, the
times are sad, and my tales, I warn
you, will not be gay. Weary of what
I daily see occurring in the real world,
you must allow me to seek the sub-
jects of my narratives in an imaginary
one. Alas! I greatly fear that all
minds somewhat elevated, somewhat
poetical and addicted to reverie, arc
now situated similarly to mine ; in
quest — that is to say, of the ideal —
sole refuge left us by God against
reality." After striking this despond-
ing chord, the melancholy poet of
elevated mind proceeds to regret
the good old times, to deplore
the degeneracy of the age, to declare
himself inferior to his grandfather,
and to express his conviction that his
son will be inferior to himself. We
are sorry for M. Dumas, junior. "It
is true," continues Alexander, " that
each day we take a step towards
liberty, equality, fraternity, three
great words which the Revolution of
1793 — you know, the other, the dow-
ager— let loose upon modern society
as she might have done a tiger, a lion,
and a bear, disguised in lambskins ;
empty words, unfortunately, which
were read, through the smoke of June,
on our public monuments all battered
with bullets." After so reactionary a
tirade, let M. Dumas beware lest, in
612
The French Novels c/1849.
[Nov.
the first fight that occurs in Paris
streets, a Red cartridge snatch him
from an admiring world. His moan
made for republican illusions, he pro-
ceeds to cry the coronach over French
society, unhinged, disorganised, de-
stroyed, by successive revolutions.
And he calls to mind a visit he paid,
in his childhood, to a very old lady, a
relic of the past century, and widow
of King Louis Philippe's grandfather,
to whom Napoleon paid an annuity of
one hundred thousand crowns — for
what ? " For having/ preserved in her
drawing-rooms the traditions of good
society of the times of Louis XIV.
and Louis XV. It is just half what
the chamber now gives his nephew
for making France forget what his
uncle desired she should remember."
Take that, President Buonaparte, and
go elsewhere for a character than to
the Debit de Romans of Mr Alexander
Dumas. How is it you have neglected
to propitiate the suffrage of the
melancholy poet ? Repair forthwith
the omission. Summon him to the
Elyse"e. Pamper, caress, and consult
him, or tremble for the stability of
your presidential chair ! After Louis
Napoleon, comes the turn of the legis-
lative chamber ; apropos of which M.
Dumas quotes the Marquis d' Argen-
son's memoirs, where the courtier of
1750 bewails the degeneracy of the
times neither more nor less than does
the dramatic author of a century
later. " People complain," M. d'Ar-
genson says, " that in our day there
is no longer any conversation in
France. I well know the reason. It
is that our cotemporaries daily be-
come less patient listeners. They
listen badly, or rather they listen not
at all. I have remarked this in the
very best circles I frequent." " Now,
my dear friend," argues M. Dumas,
with irresistible logic, " what is the
best society one can frequent at the
present day? Very certainly it is that
which eight millions of electors have
judged worthy to represent the inte-
rests, the opinions, the genius of
France. It is the chamber, in short.
Well ! enter the chamber, at a ven-
ture, any day and hour that you
please. The odds are a hundred to
one, that you will find one man
speaking in the tribune, and five or
six hundred others sitting on the
benches, not listening, but interrupt-
ing him. And this is so true, that
there is an article of the constitution
of 1848 prohibiting interruptions.
Again, reckon the number of boxes
on the ear, and fisticuff's given in the
chamber during a year that it has
existed — they are innumerable. All
in the name — be it well understood —
of liberty, equality, and fraternity ! "
Rather strange language iu the mouth
of a citizen of the young republic;
and its oddness diminishes the sur-
prise with which we find, on turning
the page, the captor of the Tuileries
paying his devoirs to the most pre-
sently prosperous member of the
house of Orleans. " Monseigneur,"
he says, to the illustrious husband of
the Infanta Louisa, " this book is
composed for you, written purposely
for you. Like all men of elevated
minds, you believe in the impossible,"
&c. &c. Then a flourish about
Galileo, Columbus, and Fulton, and
a quotation from Shakspeare, some
of whose plays M. Dumas has been
so condescending as to translate and
improve. Then poor Scheherazede is
dragged in again, always apropos of
"I, Alexander," and then, the flourish
of trumpets over, the fun begins and
phantoms enter.
Although not generally partial to
tales of diablerie — a style which the
Germans have overdone, and in which
few writers of other nations have suc-
ceeded— we have been much amused
by the story of Jean le Trouveur, in
which, upon the old yarn of a pact
with the evil one, M. Paul de Musset
has strung a clever and spirited series
of Gil-Blas-like adventures, inter-
spersed with vivid glimpses of histo-
rical events and personages, with here
and there a garnishing of quiet satire.
" The life of Jean le Trouveur," says
the ingenious and painstaking author
of these three pleasant little volumes,
" is one of those histories which the
people tell, and nobody has writ-
ten. . . . This fantastical personage
is known in several countries, under
different names. In Provence he is
called Jean 1' Heureux ; in Arragon,
Don Juan el Pajarero — that is to say,
the Fowler or Birdcatcher ; in Italy
Giovanni il Trovatore. His real name
will be found in the course of the fol-
1849.]
The French Novels 0/1849.
613
lowing narration. His death was
related to me in Lower Brittany,
where I did not expect to meet with
him. This circumstance decided me
to write his history, uniting the vari-
ous chronicles, whose connexion is
evident." That accomplished anti-
quarian and legendary, M. Prosper
Merimee, would doubtless be able to
tell us whether this be a mere author's
subterfuge, or a veritable account of
the sources whence M. de Musset de-
rived the amusing adventures of John
the Finder. We ourselves are not
sufficiently versed in the traditions of
Provence and Italy, Arragon and
Brittany, to decide, nor is it of much
interest to inquire. M. de Musset
may possibly have found the clay, but
he has made the bricks and built the
house. It is a light and pleasant
edifice, and does him credit.
The main outline of the story of
Jean le Trouveur is soon told, and
has no great novelty. The interest
lies in the varied incidents that crowd
every chapter. In the year 1699
there dwelt at Aries, in Provence,
a commander of Malta, by name
Anthony Quiqueran, Lord of Beaujeu.
After an adventurous career, and in-
numerable valiant exploits achieved
in the wars of the Order against Turks
and barbarians; after commanding
the galleys of Malta in a hundred
successful sea-fights, and enduring a
long captivity in the fortress of the
Seven Towers, this brave man, at the
age of nearly eighty years, dwelt
tranquilly in his castle of Beaujeu,
reposing, in the enjoyment of perfect
health, from the fatigues of his long
and busy life, and awaiting with
seeming resignation and confidence
the inevitable summons of death.
Only two peculiarities struck the
neighbours of the old knight : one of
which was, that he avoided speaking
of his past adventures ; the other,
that he would attend mass but at a
particular convent, and that even
there he never entered the chapel,
but kneeled on a chair in the porch,
his face covered with his hands, until
the service was concluded. It was
supposed by many that he was bound
by a vow, and that his conduct was a
mark of penitence and humiliation.
And although the commander never
went to confession, or the communion
table, his life was so pure, his
charities were so numerous, and he
had rendered such great sen-ices to
the cause of religion, that none ven-
tured to blame his eccentricities and
omissions. But one stormy day a
little old Turk, the fashion of whose
garments was a century old, landed
from a brigantine, which had made
its way up the Rhone in spite of wind,
and, to the wonder of the assembled
population, approached the commander
of Malta, and said to him — "Anthony
Quiqueran, you have but three days
left to fulfil your engagements." An
hour later, the old knight is in the
convent chapel, assisting at a mass,
which he has requested the superior
to say for him. But when the priest
takes the sacred wafer it falls from
his hands, a gust of wind extinguishes
the tapers, and a confused murmur of
voices is heard in the lateral nave of
the church. In spite of himself, the
officiant utters a malediction instead
of a prayer, and, horror-stricken, he
descends the steps of the altar, at
whose foot M. de Beaujeu lies sense-
less, his face against the ground. The
ensuing chapters contain the com-
mander's confession. Long previously,
when languishing in hopeless cap-
tivity in a Turkish dungeon, he had
made a compact with a demon, by
which he was to enjoy liberty and
health, and thirty years of glory and
good fortune. At the end of that
term he must find another person to
take his place on similar conditions,
or his soul was the property of the
fiend. Scarcely was the bargain con-
cluded, when he doubted its reality,
and was disposed to attribute it to
the delirium of fever. In the uncer-
tainty, he studiously abstained from
the advantage of the compact, hoping
thereby to expiate its sin. His
health returned, his liberty was given
him, but he sought neither glory, nor
wealth, nor honours, living retired
upon ten thousand crowns a-year, the
gift of the King of France and other
princes, for his services to Christen-
dom, practising good works, and cul-
tivating his garden. He began to
hope that this long course of virtue
and self-denial had redeemed his sin,
when the warning of the demon, in
the garb of the Turkish captain,
renewed his alarm, and the inter-
614
Tlie French Novels 0/1849.
[Nov.
rupted mass convinced him of the
graceless state of his soul. No act
of penitence, the superior now assured
him, could atone his crime. Too
high-minded to seek a substitute, and
endeavour to shift its penalty upon
another's shoulders, M. de Beaujeu
attempts the only reparation in his
power, by bequeathing half his wealth
to charities. To inherit the other
moiety, he entreats the superior to
select a foundling worthy of such
good fortune. The superior is not at
a loss. "I have got exactly what
you want," he says ; " the chorister
who answered at the mass at which
you swooned away has no relations.
I picked him up in the street on a
winter's night, fourteen years ago,
and since then he has never left me.
He has no vocation for the church,
and you will do a good action in re-
storing him to the world." The cho-
rister boy, who had been baptised
Jean le Trouve, is sent for, but cannot
at first be found ; for the excellent
reason that, hidden in the recesses of
the superior's bookcase, behind a row
of enormous folios, he had listened
to all that had passed between the
commander and the monk. As soon
as he can escape he repairs to the
castle of Beaujeu, where his good
looks, his simplicity and vivacity, in-
terest the old knight, who receives
him kindly, resolves to make him his
heir, and sends him back to the con-
vent to announce his determination
to the superior. The foundling is
grateful. His joy at his brilliant
prospects is damped by the recollec-
tion of the commander's confession
and despair. He resolves to astonish
his benefactor by the greatness of his
gratitude. The following extract,
which has a good deal of the Hoff-
mannsche flavour, will show how he
sets about it.
In the street of La Trouille, which
took its name from the fortress built
by the Emperor Constantine, dwelt a
barber, who, to follow the mode of
the barbers and bath-keepers of Paris,
sold wine and entertained gamesters.
Young men, sailors, merchants, and
citizens of Aries, resorted to his shop —
some to transact business ; others to
discuss matters of gallantry or plea-
sure; others, again, to seek dupes.
Of a night, sounds of quarrel were
often heard in the shop, to which the
town-archers had more than once
paid a visit. If a stranger staked
his coin on a turn of the cards, or
throw of the dice, it was no mere
hazard that transferred his ducats to
the pockets of the regular frequenters
of the house. Seated upon a post,
opposite to this honest establishment,
John the Foundling watched each face
that entered or came out. After
some time, he saw approaching from
afar the captain of the brigantine,
with his flat turban and his great
matchlock pistol. When the Turk
reached the barber's door, John
placed himself before him.
" Sir stranger," said the boy, " did
you not arrive here this morning from
the East, on important business which
concerns the Commander deBeaujen?"
"Si," replied the Turk; "but I
may also say that it is business which
concerns you not."
" You mistake," said John ; " it
does concern me, and I come on pur-
pose to speak to you about it."
" Tis possible," said the old cap-
tain ; " ma mi non voler, mi non jjoter,
mi non aver tempo."
" Nevertheless," firmly retorted
John, " you must find time to hear
me. What I have to communicate to
you is of the utmost importance."
" Do me the pleasure de andar al
didble /" cried the Turk, in his Franco -
Italian jargon.
" I am there already," replied the
lad ; " rest assured that I know who
you are. I will not leave you till
you have given me a hearing."
The old Mussulman, who had hither-
to averted his head to try to break
off the conversation, at last raised his
melancholy and aquiline countenance.
With his yellow eyes he fixed an
angry gaze upon the chorister, and
said to him in a full strong voice : —
" Well, enter this shop with me.
We will presently speak together."
There was company in the barber's
shop of the Hue de la Trouille, when
little John and the captain of the
brigantine raised the curtain of checked
linen which served as a door. In a
corner of the apartment, four men,
seated round a table, were absorbed
in a game at cards, to which they
appeared to pay extreme attention,
although the stake was but of a few
18-19.]
The French Novels of 1849.
615
miserable sous. One of the gamblers
examined, with the corner of his eye,
the two persons who entered ; and,
seeing it was only a lad and a Turk
of mean and shabby appearance, he
again gave all his attention to the
game. The master of the shop con-
ceived no greater degree of esteem
for the new comers, for he did not
move from the stool on which he was
sharpening his razors. At the further
end of the apartment a servant stood
beside the fire, and stirred with a stick
the dirty linen of the week, which
boiled and bubbled in a copper caldron.
A damaged hour-glass upon a board
pretended to mark the passage of
time ; and small tables, surrounded
with straw-bottomed stools, awaited
the drinkers whom evening usually
brought. Bidding the chorister to be
seated, the captain of the brigantine
placed himself at one of the tables,
and called for wine for all the com-
pany. The barber hasted to fetch a
jug of Rhone wine, and as many
goblets as there were persons in the
room. When all the glasses were
filled, the captain bid the barber dis-
tribute them, and exclaimed, as he
emptied his own at a draft. —
" A la salute de Leurs Seiyneuries /"
Thereupon the four gamblers ex-
changed significant glances, whispered
a few words, and then, as if the
politeness of the Turkish gentleman
had caused them as much pleasure as
surprise, they pocketed their stakes
and discontinued their game. With
gracious and gallant air, and smiling
countenance, one hand upon the hip
and the other armed with the goblet,
the four gentlemen approached the
old Turk with a courteous mien, in-
tended to eclipse all the graces of the
courtiers of Versailles. But there
was no need of a magnifying-glass to
discern the true character of the four
companions ; the adventurer was de-
tectible at once in their threadbare
coats, their collars of false lace, and
in the various details of their dress,
where dirt and frippery were 511 con-
cealed by trick and tawdry. A mode-
rately experienced eye would easily
have seen that it was vice which had
fattened some of them, and made
others lean. The most portly of the
four, approaching the Turkish gentle-
man, thanked him in the name of his
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX.
friends, and placed his empty glass
upon the table with so polite and
kindly an air, that the Turk, touched
by his good grace, took the wine jug
and refilled the four goblets to the
brim. Some compliments were ex-
changed, and all sorts of titles used ; so
that by the time the jug was empty
they had got to calling each other
Excellency. The barber, putting his
mouth to the captain's ear, with such
intense gravity that one might have
thought him angry, assured him that
these gentlemen were of the very first
quality, whereat the Turk testified
his joy by placing his hand on his lips
and ou his forehead. In proportion
as mutual esteem and good under-
standing augmented, the contents of
the jug diminished. A second was
called for ; it was speedily emptied in
honour of the happy chance that had
brought the jovial company together.
A third disappeared amidst promises
of frequent future meetings, and a
fourth was drained amidst shaking of
hands,friendly embraces, and unlimited
oifers of service.
The barber, a man of taste, ob-
served to his guests, that four jugs
amongst five persons made an uneven
reckoning, which* it would need the
mathematical powers of Bareme duly
to adjust. For symmetry's sake,
therefore, a fifth jug was brought, out
of which the topers drank the health
of the king, of their Amphitryon, and
of Bareme, so appositely quoted. The
four seedy gentlemen greatly admired
the intrepidity with which the little
old man tossed off his bumpers.
Their project of making the captain
drunk was too transparent to escape
any spectator less innocent than the
' chorister ; but in vain did they seek
signs of intoxication on the imper-
turbable countenance of the old Turk.
In reply to each toast and protestation
of friendship, the captain emptied his
glass, and said : —
" Much obliged, gentlemen ; mitrop
jlatte."
No sparkle of the eyes, no move-
ment of the muscles, broke the mono-
tony of his faded visage. His parch-
ment complexion preserved its yellow
tint. On the other hand, the cheeks
of the four adventurers began to flush
purple ; they unbuttoned their doub-
lets, and used their hats as fans. The
2s
616
The French Novels 0/1849.
[Xov.
signs of intoxication they watched for
in their neighbour were multiplied in
their own persons. At last they got
quite drunk. He of the four whose
head was the coolest proposed a game
at cards.
" I plainly see," said the Turk, ac-
cepting, " that the Sir/nori n'esserpas
joueurs per habitude.'1''
" And how," exclaimed one of the
adventurers, " did your excellency
infer from our physiognomy that in-
contestible truth ? "
" Perche," replied the Turk, " on
my arrival you broke off in the middle
of your game. A professed gambler
never did such a thing."
They were in ecstasies at the noble
foreigner's penetration, and they called
for the dice. When the captain drew
forth his long purse, stuffed with geno-
veses* the four gentlemen experienced
a sudden shock, as if a thunderbolt
had passed between them without
toiiching them, and this emotion half
sobered them. The Turk placed one
of the large gold pieces upon the
table, saying he would hold whatever
stake his good friends chose to venture.
The others said that a genovese was a
large sum, but that nothing in the
world should make them flinch from
the honour of contending with so
courteous an adversary. By uniting
their purses, they hoped to be able to
hold the whole of his stake. And
accordingly, from the depths of their
fobs, the gentlemen produced so many
six-livre and three-livre pieces, tha't
they succeeded in making up the
thirty-two crowns, which were equi-
valent to the genovese. They played
the sum in a rubber. The Turk won
the first game, then the second ; and
the four adventurers, on beholding
him sweep away their pile of coin,
were suddenly and completely sobered.
The captain willingly agreed to give
them their revenge. The difficulty
was to find the two-and-thirty crowns.
By dint of rummaging their pockets,
the gentlemen exhibited four-and-
twenty livres : but this was only a
quarter of the sum. The oldest of 'the
adventurers then took the buckle from
his hat, and threw it on the table,
swearing by the soul of his uncle that
the trinket was worth two hundred
livres, although even the simple cho-
rister discerned the emeralds that
adorned it to be but bits of bottle-
glass. Like a generous player, the
old Turk made no difficulties ; he
agreed that the buckle should stand
for two hundred livres, and it was
staked to the extent of twenty-four
crowns. This time the dice was so
favourable to the captain, that the
game was not even disputed. His
adversaries were astounded : they
twisted their mustaches till they
nearly pulled them up by the roots ;
they rubbed their eyes, and cursed
the good wine of Rhone. In the third
game, the glass jewel, already pledged
for twenty-four crowns, passed entire
into the possession of the Turk. Then
the excited gamblers threw upon the
table their rings, their sword-knots,
and the swords themselves, assigning
to all these things imaginary value,
which the Turk feigned to accept as
genuine. Not a single game did they
win. The captain took a string, and
proceeded to tie together the tinsel
and old iron he had won, when he
felt a hand insinuate itself into the
pocket of his ample hose. He seized
this hand, and holding it up in the
air —
" Messirs," he said, " vous esserdes
coquins. Mi saper que vous aver
triche."
" Triche /" cried one of the sharpers.
He strips us to the very shirt, and then
accuses us of cheating! Morbleu!
Such insolence demands punishment."
A volley of abuse and a storm of
blows descended simultaneously upon
the little old man. The four adven-
turers, thinking to have an easy bar-
gain of so puny a personage, threw
themselves upon him to search his
pockets ; but in vain did they ran-
sack every fold of his loose garments.
The purse of gold genoveses was not
to be found ; and unfortunately the old
Turk, in his struggles, upset the tripod
which supported the copper caldron.
A flood of hot water boiled about the
legs of the thieves, who uttered
lamentable cries. But it was far
worse when they saw the overturned
caldron continue to pour forth its
scalding stream as unceasingly as the
allegoric urn of Scamander. The four
A large gold coin, then worth nearly a hundred French livres.
1849.]
The French Novels 0/1849.
617
sharpers and the barber, perched upon
stools, beheld, with deadly terror, the
boiling lake gradually rising around
them. Their situation resembled that
in which Homer has placed the valiant
and light-footed Achilles ; but as these
rogues had not the intrepid soul of the
son of Peleus, they called piteously
upon God and all the saints of para-
dise ; mingling, from the force of
habit, not a few imprecations with
their prayers. The wizened carcase
of the old Turk must have been proof
against fire and water, for he walked
with the streaming flood up to his
knees. Lifting the chorister upon his
shoulders, he issued, dry-footed, from
the barber's shop, like Moses from the
bosom of the Red Sea. The river of
boiling water waited but his departure
to re-enter its bed. This prodigy
suddenly took place, without any one
being able to tell how. The water
subsided, and flowed away rapidly,
leaving the various objects in the shop
uninjured, with the exception of the
legs of the four adventurers, which
were somewhat deteriorated. The
servant, hurrying back at sound of the
scuffle, raised the caldron, and re-
sumed the stirring of her dirty linen,
unsuspicious of the sorcery that had
just been practised. The barber and
the four sharpers took counsel to-
gether, and deliberated amongst them-
selves whether it was proper to de-
nounce the waterproof and incom-
bustible old gentleman to the authori-
ties. The quantity of hot water that
had been spilled being out of all
proportion with the capacity of the
kettle, it seemed a case for hanging or
burning alive the author of the in-
fernal jest. The barber, however, -
assured his customers that learned
physicians had recently made many
marvellous discoveries, in which the
old Turk might possibly be versed.
He also deemed it prudent not lightly
to put himself in communication with
the authorities, lest they should seek
to inform themselves as to the man-
ner in which the cards were shuffled
in his shop. It was his opinion that
the offender should be generously par-
doned, unless, indeed, an opportunity
occurred of knocking him on the head
in some dark corner. This opinion
met with general approbation.
Whilst this council of war is held,
Jean and the old Turk are in con-
fabulation, and a bargain is at last
concluded, by which the commander's
soul is redeemed, and Jean is to have
five years of earthly prosperity, at the
end of which time, if he has failed to
find a substitute, his spiritual part
becomes the demon's property. Two
years later we find Jean upon the
road to Montpellier, well mounted and
equipped, and his purse well lined.
Although but in his eighteenth year,
he is already a gay gallant, with some
knowledge of the world, and eager for
adventures. These he meets with in
abundance. A mark, imprinted upon
his arm by his attendant demon,
causes him to be recognised as the son
of the Chevalier de Cerdagne. Thus
ennobled, he feels that he may aspire
to all things, and soon we find him
pushing his fortune in Italy, attached
to the person of the French Marshal
de March in, discovering the Baron
d'Isola's conspiracy against the life of
Philip V. of Spain, and gaining laurels
in the campaigns of the War of Suc-
cession. There is much variety and
interest in some of his adventures, and
the supernatural agency is sufficiently
lost sight of not to be wearisome.
Time glides away, and the fatal term
of five years is within a few days of
its completion. But Jean le Trouve,
now le Trouveur, is in no want of
substitutes. Two volunteers present
themselves; one his supposed sister,
Mademoiselle de Cerdagne, whom he
has warmly befriended in certain love
difficulties ; the other a convent gar-
dener, whom he has made his private
secretary, and whose name is Giulio
Alberoni. The demon, who still affects
the form of an old Turkish sailor,
receives Alberoni in lieu of Jean, to
whom, however,— foreseeing that the
young man's good fortune may be the
means of bringing him many other
victims — he offers a new contract on
very advantageous terms. But Jean
de Cerdagne, who is now Spanish
ambassador at Venice, with the title
of prince, and in the enjoyment of
immense wealth, refuses the offer,
anxious to save his soul. He soon
discovers that his good fortune is at
an end. The real son of the Cheva-
lier de Cerdagne turns up, Jean is
disgraced, stripped of his honours and
dignities, and his vast property is
The French Novels of 1849.
[Nov.
confiscated by the Inquisition. The
<ix-ambassador exchanges for a squalid
disguise his rich costume of satin and
velvet, and we next find him a mem-
ber of a secret society in the thieves'
quarter of Venice. The -worshipful
fraternity of Chiodo — so called from
their sign of recognition, which is a rusty
nail— live by the exercise of various
small trades and occupations, which,
although not strictly beggary or theft,
are but a degree removed from these
culpable resources. Jean, whose con-
science has become squeamish, will
accept none but honest employment.
But the malice of the demon pursues
him, and he succeeds in nothing. He
stations himself at a ferry to catch
gondolas with a boat-hook, and bring
them gently alongside the quay ; he
stands at a bridge stairs, to afford
support to passengers over the stones,
slippery with the slime of the lagoons ;
he takes post in front of the Doge's
palace, with a vessel of fresh water
and a well-polished goblet, to supply
passers-by. Many accept his stout
arm, and drink his cool beverage, but
none think of rewarding him. Not
all his efforts and attention are suffi-
cient to coax a sou from the pockets
of his careless customers. At last,
upon the third day, he receives a piece
of copper, and trusts that the charm
is broken. The coin proves a bad one.
His seizure by the authorities, and
transportation to Zara, relieve him of
care for his subsistence. At last,
pushed by misery, and in imminent
danger of punishment for having struck
a Venetian officer, Jean succumbs to
temptation, and renews his infernal
compact. A Venetian senator adopts
him, and he discovers, but too late,
that had he delayed for a few minutes
his recourse to diabolical aid, he would
have stood in no need of it. He
proceeds to Spain, where he has many
adventures and quarrels with his for-
mer secretary, Alberoni, now a power-
ful minister. His contract again at
an end, he would gladly abstain from
renewing it, but is hunted by the In-
quisition into the arms of the fiend.
After a lapse of years, he is again
shown to us in Paris, and, finally, in
Brittany, where he meets his death,
but, at the eleventh hour, disappoints
the expectant demon, (who in a man-
Jier outwits himself,) and re-enters
the bosom of the church, his bad
bargain being taken off his hands by
an ambitious village priest. The
book, which has an agreeable viva-
city, closes with an attempt to explain
a portion of its supernatural incidents
by a reference to popular tradition
and peasant credulity. Near the ram-
parts of the Breton town of Guerande,
an antiquary shows M. de Musset
a moss-grown stone, with a Latin
epitaph, which antiquary and no-
velist explain each • after his own
fashion.
" Let us see if you understand that,
M. le Parisien" said the antiquary.
" Up to the two last words we shall
agree; but what think yon of the
Ars. Inf. ? "
• " It appears to me," I replied,
" that the popular chronicle perfectly
explains the whole epitaph — Ars. Inf.
means ars inferno. ; that is to say, —
' Here reposes Jean Capello, citizen
of Venice, whose body was sent to
the grave, and his soul to heaven, by
infernal artifices.' "
" Atranslation worthy of a romance
writer," said the antiquary. " You
believe then in the devil, in compact
with evil spirits, in absurd legends
invented by ignorance and supersti-
tion amidst the evening gossip of our
peasants? You believe that, in 1718,
a parish priest of Guerande flew away
into the air, after having redeemed the
soul of this Jean Capello. You are
very credulous, M. le Parisien. This
Venetian, who came here but to die, was
simply poisoned by the priest, who
took to flight ; the town doctor, hav-
ing opened the body, found traces of
the poison. That is why they en-
graved upon the tomb these syllables :
Ars. Inf., which signify arsenici in-
fusio, an infusion of arsenic. I will
offer you another interpretation—
Jean Capello was perhaps a saltmaker,
killed by some accident in our salt-
works, and as in 1718 labourers of
that class were very miserable, they
engraved upon this stone, to express
the humility of his station, Ars. Inf.,
that is to say, inferior craft."
" Upon my word ! " I exclaimed,
" that explanation is perfectly absurd.
I keep to the popular version : Jean
le Trouveur was sent to heaven by
the stratagems of the demon himself.
Let sceptics laugh at my superstition,
1849.]
The French Novels 0/1849.
I shall not quarrel with them for their
incredulity."
We see little else worthy of extract
or comment in the mass of books
before us. M. Mery, whose extraor-
dinary notions of English men and
things we exhibited in a former article,
has given forth a rhapsodical history,
entitled Le Transported beginning
with the Infernal Machine, and end-
ing with Surcouf the Pirate, full of
conspiracies, dungeons, desperate sea-
fights, and tropical scenery, where
English line-of- battle ships are braved
by French corvettes, and where the
transitions are so numerous, and the
variety so great, that we may almost
say everything is to be found in its
pages, except probability. Mr Dumas
the younger, who follows at respect-
ful distance in his father's footsteps,
and publishes a volume or two per
month, has not yet, so far as we have
been able to discover, produced any-
thing that attains mediocrity. M.
Sue has dished up, since last we have
adverted to him, two or three more
capital sins, his illustrations of which
are chiefly remarkable for an appear-
ance of great effort, suggestive of the
pitiable plight of an author who, hav-
ing pledged himself to public and
publishers for the production of a
series of novels on given subjects, is
compelled to work out his task, how-
ever unwilling his mood. This is
certainly the most fatal species of
book-making — a selling by the cubic
foot of a man's soul and imagination.
Evil as it is, the system is largely
acted upon in France at the present
day. Home politics having lost much
of the absorbing interest they pos-
sessed twelve months ago, the Paris
newspapers are resorting to their old
stratagems to maintain and increase
their circulation. Prominent amongst
these is the holding out of great at-
tractions in the way of literary
feuilletons. Accordingly, they con-
tract with popular writers for a name
and a date, which are forthwith
printed in large capitals at the head
of their leading columns. Thus, one
journal promises its readers six vol-
umes by M. Dumas, to be published
in its feuilleton, to commence on a
day named, and to be entitled Les
Femmes. The odds are heavy, that
Alexander himself has not the least
idea what the said six volumes are
to be about ; but he relies on his fer-
tility, and then so vague and compre-
hensive a title gives large latitude.
Moreover, he has time before him,
although he has promised in the in-
terval to supply the same newspaper
with a single volume, to be called
Un Homme Fort, and to conclude the
long procession of Fantomes, a thou-
sand and one in number, which now
for some time past has been gliding
before the astonished eyes of the
readers of the Constitutionnel. Other
journals follow the same plan with
other authors, and in France no
writer now thinks of publishing a
work of fiction elsewhere than at the
foot of a newspaper. To this feuille-
ton system, pushed to an extreme,
and entailing the necessity of intro-
ducing into each day's fragment an
amount of incident mystery or pun-
gent matter, sufficient to carry the
reader over twenty-four hours, and
make him anxious for the morrow's
return, is chiefly to be attributed the-
very great change for the worse that
of late has been observable in the
class of French literature at present
tinder consideration. Its actual con-
dition is certainly anything but vigo-
rous and flourishing, and until a
manifest improvement takes place,
we are hardly likely again to pass it
in review.
620 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
Uorcalcs*
No. V.
CHRISTOPHER UNDER CANVASS.
Camp at Cladich.
SCENE — The Pavilion. TIME — After breakfast.
NORTH — TALBOYS — SEWAUD — BULLER.
NORTH.
I begin to be doubtful of this day. On your visits to us, Talboys, you have
been most unfortunate in weather. This is more like August than June.
TALBOYS.
The very word, my dear sir. It is indeed most august weather.
NORTH.
Five weeks to-day since we pitched our Camp — and we have had the
Beautiful of the Year in all its varieties ; but the spiteful Season seems to
owe you some old grudge, Talboys — and to make it a point still to assail your
arrival with " thunder, lightning, and with rain."
TALBOYS.
"I tax not you, ye Elements! with unkindness." I feel assured they
mean nothing personal to me — and though this sort of work may not be very
favourable to Angling, 'tis quite a day for tidying our Tackle — and making
up our Books. But don't you think, sir, that the Tent would look nothing
the worse with some artificial light in this obscuration of the natural ?
NORTH.
Put on the gas. Pretty invention, the Gutta Percha tube, isn't it ? The
Electric Telegraph is nothing to it. Tent illuminated in a moment, at a pig's
whisper.
TALBOYS.
Were I to wish, sir, for anything to happen now to the weather at all, it
would be just ever so little toning down of that one constituent of the orches-
tral harmony of the Storm which men call — howling. The Thunder is perfect
— but that one Wind Instrument is slightly out of tune — he is most anxious
to do his best — his motive is unimpeachable ; but he has no idea how much
more impressive — how much more popular — would be a somewhat subdued
style. There again — that's positive discord — does he mean to disconcert the
Concert — or does he forget that he is not a Solo ?
BULLER.
That must be a deluge of — hail.
TALBOYS.
So much the better. Hitherto we have had but rain. " Mysterious horrors !
HAIL !"
" 'Twas a rough night.
My young remembrance cannot parallel
A fellow to it."
NORTH.
Suppose we resume yesterday's conversation ?
TALBOYS.
By all manner of means. Let's sit close — and speak loud — else all will be
dumb show. The whole world's one waterfall.
NORTH.
Take up Knight on Taste. Look at the dog-ear.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 021
TALBOY8.
" The most perfect instance of this kind is the Tragedy of Macbeth, in which
the character of an ungrateful traitor, murderer, usurper, and tyrant, is made
in the highest degree interesting by the sublime flashes of generosity, magna-
nimity, courage, and tenderness, which continually burst forth in the manly
but ineffective struggle of every exalted quality that can dignify and adorn
the human mind, first against the allurements of ambition, and afterwards
against the pangs of remorse and horrors of despair. Though his wife has
been the cause of all his crimes and sufferings, neither the agony of his distress,
nor the fury of his rage, ever draw from him an angry word, or upbraiding
expression towards her ; but even when, at her instigation, he is about to add
the murder of his friend and late colleague to that of his sovereign, kinsman,
and benefactor, he is chiefly anxious that she should not share the guilt of his
blood : — * Be innocent of the knowledge, dearest chuck ! till thou applaud the
deed.' How much more real grandeur and exaltation of character is displayed
in one such simple expression from the heart, than in all the laboured pomp
of rhetorical amplification."
NORTH.
What think you of that, Talboys?
TALBOYS.
Why, like much of the cant of criticism, it sounds at once queer and com-
mon-place. I seem to have heard it before many thousand times, and yet
never to have heard it at all till this moment.
NORTH.
Seward?
SEWARD.
Full of audacious assertions, that can be forgiven but in the belief that
Payne Knight had never read the tragedy, even with the most ordinary
attention.
NORTH.
Buller?
BUTLER.
Cursed nonsense. Beg pardon, sir — sink cursed — mere nonsense — out and
out nonsense — nonsense by itself nonsense.
NORTH.
How so ?
BULLER.
A foolish libel on Shakspeare. Was he the man to make the character
of an ungrateful traitor, murderer, usurper, and tyrant, interesting by sublime
flashes of generosity, magnanimity, courage, and tenderness, and— do I repeat
the words correctly? — of every exalted quality that can dignify and adorn the
human mind.
NORTH.
Buller — keep up that face — you are positively beautiful —
BULLER.
No quizzing — I am ugly — but I have a good figjjre — look at that leg, sir !
NORTH.
I prefer the other.
TALBOYS.
There have been Poets among us who fain would — if they could — have so
violated nature ; but their fabrications have been felt to be falsehoods — and
no quackery may resuscitate drowned lies.
NORTH.
Shakspeare nowhere insists on the virtues of Macbeth — he leaves their mea-
sure indeterminate. That the villain may have had some good points we are
all willing to believe — few people are without them ; — nor have I any quarrel
with those who believe he had high qualities, and is corrupted by ambition. But
what high qualities had he shown before Shakspeare sets him personally before
us to judge for ourselves ? Valour — courage — intrepidity — call it what you
will — Martial Virtue —
622 Christopher under Canvass. [Xov.
" For brave Macbeth, (well he deserves that name,)
Disdaining fortune, with his brandished steel,
Which smoked with bloody execution
Like valour's minion,
Carved out his passage till he faced the slave;
And ne'er shook hands, nor bade farewell to him,
Till he unseam'd him from the nave to the chaps,
And fixed his head upon our battlements."
The " bleeding Serjeant" pursues his panegyric till he grows faint — and is led
off speechless ; others take it up — and we are thus — and in other ways — pre-
pared to look on Macbeth as a paragon of braverjr, loyalty, and patriotism.
TALBOYS.
So had seemed Cawdor.
NORTH.
Good. Shakspeare sets Macbeth before us under the most imposing circum-
stances of a warlike age ; but of his inner character as yet lie has told us
nothing — we are to find that out for ourselves during the Drama. If there
be sublime flashes of generosity, magnanimity, and every exalted virtue, we
have eyes to see, unless indeed blinded by the lightning — and if the sublime
flashes be frequent, and the struggle of every exalted quality that can adorn
the human mind, though ineffectual, yet strong — why, then, we must not
only pity and forgive, but admire and love the " traitor, murderer, usurper,
and tyrant," with all the poetical and philosophical fervour of that amiable
enthusiast, Mr Payne Knight.
BULLER.
Somehow or other I cannot help having an affection for Macbeth.
NORTH.
You had better leave the Tent, sir.
BULLER.
No. I won't.
NORTH.
Give us then, My dear Buller, your Theory of the Thane's character.
BULLER.
"Theory, God bless you, I have none to give, sir." Warlike valour, as
you said, is marked first and last — at the opening, and at the end. Surely
a good and great quality, at least for poetical purposes. High general repu-
tation won and held. The opinion of the wounded soldier was that of the
whole army ; and when he himself says, " I have bought golden opinions
from all sorts of people, which would be worn now in their newest gloss, not
thrown aside so soon," I accept that he then truly describes his position in
men's minds.
NORTH.
All true. But we soon gain, too, this insight into his constitution, that
the pillar upon which he has built up life is Reputation, and not Respect of
Law — not Self-Respect ; that the point which Shakspeare above all others
intends in him, is that his is a spirit not self-stayed — leaning upon outward
stays — and therefore —
BULLER.
Liable to all —
NORTH.
Don't take the words out of my mouth, sir ; or rather, don't put them into-
my mouth, sir.
BULLER.
Touchy to-day.
NORTH.
The strongest expression of this character is his throwing himself upon the
illicit divinings of futurity, upon counsellors known for infernal ; and you see
what subjugating sway the TJiree Spirits take at once over him. On the con-
trary, the Thaness is self-stayed ; and this difference grounds the poetical
opposition of the two personages. In Macbeth, I suppose a certain splendour
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 623
of character — magnificence of action high — a certain impure generosity —
mixed up of some kindliness and sympathy, and of the pleasure from self-
elation and self-expansion in a victorious career, and of that ambition which
feeds on public esteem.
BULLER.
Ay— just so, sir.
NORTH.
Now mark, Buller — this is a character which, if the path of duty and the
path of personal ambition were laid out by the Sisters to be one and the same
path, might walk through life in sunlight and honour, and invest the tomb
with proud and revered trophies. To show such a spirit wrecked and hurled
into infamy — the ill- woven sails rent into shreds by the whirlwind — is a lesson
worthy the Play and the Poet — and such a lesson as I think Shakspeare
likely to have designed — or, without preaching about lessons, such an ethical
revelation as I think likely to have caught hold upon Shakspeare's intelli-
gence. It would seem to me a dramatically-poetical subject. The mightiest
of temptations occurs to a mind, full of powers, endowed with available moral
elements, but without set virtue — without principles — " and down goes all
before it." If the essential delineation of Macbeth be this conflict of Moral
elements — of good and evil — of light and darkness — I see a very poetical con-
ception ; if merely a hardened and bloody hypocrite from the beginning, I see
none. But I need not say to you, gentlemen, that all this is as far as may be
from the exaggerated panegyric on his character by Payne Knight.
TALBOYS.
Macbeth is a brave man — so is Banquo — so are we Four, brave men — they
in their way and day — we in ours — they as Celts and Soldiers — we as Saxons
and Civilians — and AVB had all need to be so — for hark ! in the midst of ours,
" Thunder and Lightning, and enter Three Witches."
BULLER.
I cannot say that I understand distinctly their first Confabulation.
NORTH.
That's a pity. A sensible man like you should understand everything. But
what if Shakspeare himself did not distinctly understand it ? There may have
been original errata in the report, as extended by himself from notes taken in
short-hand on the spot — light bad — noise worse — voices of Weird Sisters
worst — matter obscure — manner uncouth — why really, Buller, all things con-
sidered, Shakspeare has shown himself a very pretty Penny-a-liner.
BULLER.
I cry you mercy, sir.
SEWARD.
Where are the Witches on their first appearance, at the very opening of the
wonderful Tragedy ?
NORTH.
An open Place, with thunder and lightning.
SEWARD.
I know that — the words are written down.
NORTH.
Somewhere or other — anywhere — nowhere.
BULLER.
In Fife or Forfar ? OrAsome one or other of your outlandish, or inlaudish,
Lowland or Highland Counties ?
NORTH.
Not knowing, can't say. Probably.
SEWARD.
" When the Hurly Burly's done,
When the Battle's lost and won."
What Hurly Burly ? What Battle ? That in which Macbeth is then engaged ?
And which is to be brought to issue ere " set of sun " of the day on which
" enter Three Witches ?"
624 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
NORTH.
Let it be so.
SEWARD.
" Upon the heath,
There to meet with Macbeth."
The Witches, then, are to meet with Macbeth 011 the heath on the Evening of
the Battle ?
NORTH.
It would seeni so.
SEWARD.
They are "posters over sea and land" — and, like whiffs of lightning, can
outsail and outride the sound of thunder. But Macbeth and Banquo must
have had on their seven-league boots.
NORTH.
They must.
SEWARD.
** A drum, a drum !
Macbeth doth come."
Was he with the advanced guard of the Army ?
NORTH.
Not unlikely — attended by his Staff. Generals, on such occasions, usually
ride — but perhaps Macbeth and Banquo, being in kilts, preferred walking in
their seven-league boots. Thomas Campbell has said, " When the drum of
the Scottish Army is heard on the wild heath, and when I fancy it advancing
with its bowmen in front, and its spears and banners in the distance, I am
always disappointed with Macbeth's entrance at the head of a few kilted
actors." The army may have been there — but they did not see the Weirds —
nor, I believe, did the Weirds see them. With Macbeth and Banquo alone
had they to do : we see no Army at that hour — we hear no drums — we are
deaf even to the Great Highland Bagpipe, though He, you may be sure, was
not dumb — all " plaided and plumed in their tartan array" the Highland Host
ceased to be — like vanished shadows — at the first apparition of " those so
withered and so wild in their attire" — not of the earth though on it, and alive
somewhere till this day — while generations after generations of mere Fighting
Men have been disbanded by dusty Death.
SEWARD.
I wish to know where and when had been the Fighting ? The Norwegian —
one Sweno, had come down very handsomely at Inchcolm with ten thousand
dollars — a sum in those days equal to a million of money in Scotland
NORTH.
Seward, speak on subjects you understand. What do you know, sir, of the
value of money in those days in Scotland ?
SEWARD.
But where had been all the Fighting? There would seem to have been two
hurley-burleys.
NORTH.
I see your drift, Seward. Time and Place, through the First Scene of the
First Act, are past finding out. It has been asked — Was Shakspeare ever
in Scotland ? Never. There is not one word in this Tragedy leading a Scots-
man to think so — many showing he never had that happiness. Let him deal
with our localities according to his own sovereign will and pleasure, as a pre-
vailing Poet. But let no man point out his dealings with our localities as
proofs of his having such knowledge of them as implies personal acquaintance
with them gained by a longer or shorter visit in Scotland. The Fights at the
beginning seem to be in Fife, The Soldier, there wounded, delivers his rela-
tion at the King's Camp before Forres. He has crawled, in half-an-hour, or
an hour — or two hours — say seventy, eighty, or a hundred miles, or more —
crossing the ridge of the Grampians. Rather smart. I do not know what you
think here of Time ; but I think that Space is here pretty well done for. The
TIME of the Action of Shakspeare's Plays has never yet, so far as I know,
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 625
been, in any one Play, carefully investigated — never investigated at all ; and
I now announce to you Three — don't mention it — that I have made discoveries
here that will astound the whole world, and demand a New Criticism of the
entire Shakspearean Drama,
BULLER.
Let us have one now, I beseech you, sir.
NORTH.
Not now.
BULLER.
No sleep in the Tent till we have it, sir. I do dearly love astounding dis-
coveries— and at this time of day, an astounding discovery in Shakspeare !
May it not prove a Mare's Nest !
NORTH.
The Tragedy of Macbeth is a prodigious Tragedy, because in it the Chariot
of Nemesis visibly rides in the lurid thunder-sky. Because in it the ill motions
of a human soul, which Theologians account for by referring them all to sug-
gestions of Beelzebub, are expounded in visible, mysterious, tangible, terrible
shape and symbolisation by the Witches. It is great by the character and
person, workings and sufferings, of Lady Macbeth — by the immense poetical
power in doing the Witches — mingling for once in the world the Homely-
Grotesque and the Sublime — extinguishing the Vulgar in the Sublime — by the
bond, whatsoever it be, between Macbeth and his wife — by making us toler-
ate her and him
BULLER.
Didn't I say that in my own way, sir ? And didn't you reprove me for
saying it, and order me out of the Tent ?
NORTH.
And what of the Witches ?
BULLER.
Had you not stopt me. I say now, sir, that nobody understands Shak-
speare's HECATE. Who is SHE? Each of the Three Weirds is = one Witch -t-
one of the Three Fates — therefore the union of two incompatible natures —
more than in a Centaur. Oh ! Sir ! what a hand that was which bound the
two into one — inseverably ! There they are for ever as the Centaurs are.
But the gross Witch prevails ; which Shakspeare needed for securing belief,
and he has it, full. Hecate, sir, comes in to balance the disproporton — she
lifts into Mythology — and strengthens the mythological tincture. So does the
"Pit of Acheron." That is classical. To the best of my remembrance, no
mention of any such Pit in the Old or New Statistical Account of Scotland.
NORTH.
And, in the Incantation Scene, those Apparitions ! Mysterious, ominous,
picturesque — and self-willed. They are commanded by the Witches, but
under a limitation. Their oracular pow.er is their own. They are of unknown
orders — as if for the occasion created in Hell.
NORTH.
Talboys, are you asleep — or are you at Chess with your eyes shut ?
TALBOYS.
At Chess with my eyes shut. I shall send off my move to my friend Stir-
ling by first post. But my ears were open — and I ask — when did Macbeth
first design the murder of Duncan? Does not everybody think — in the mo-
ment after the Witches have first accosted and left him ? Does not — it may
be asked — the whole moral significancy of the Witches disappear, unless the
invasion of hell into Macbeth's bosom is first made by their presence and
voices ?
NORTH.
No. The whole moral significancy of the Witches only then appears, when
we are assured that they address themselves only to those who already have
been tampering with their conscience. " Good sir ! why do you start, and
seem to fear things that do sound so fair ? " That question put to Macbeth by
Banquo turns our eyes to his face — and we see Guilt. There was no start
626 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
at " Hail to thee, Thane of Cawdor,"— but at the word " King" well might
he start ; for eh ?
TALBOYS.
We must look up the Scene.
NORTH.
No need for that. You have it by heart — recite it.
TALBOYS.
" Macbeth. So foul and fair a day I have not seen.
Banquo. How far is't call'd to Forres 1 — What are these,
So wither'd, and so wild in their attire ;
.That look not like the inhabitants of the earth,
And yet are on't ? Live you ? or are you aught
That man may question ? You seem to understand me,
By each at once her choppy finger laying
Upon her skinny lips: — You should be women,
And yet your beards forbid me to interpret
That you are so.
Macbeth. Speak, if you can ; — What are you ?
1st Witcli. All hail, Macbeth ! hail to thee, thane of Glamis !
Id Witch. All hail, Macbeth ! hail to thee, thane of Cawdor !
3d Witch. All hail, Macbeth ! that shalt be king hereafter.
Banquo. Good sir, why do you start; and seem to fear
Things that do sound so fair ? — I' the name of truth,
Are ye fantastical, or that indeed
Which outwardly ye show ? My noble partner
You greet with present grace, aud great prediction
Of noble having, and of royal hope,
That he seems rapt withal; to me you speak not:
If you can look into the seeds of time,
And say which grain will grow, and which will not;
Speak then to me, who neither beg, nor fear
Your favours nor your hate.
1st Witch. Hail !
3d Witch. Hail !
3d Witch. Hail !
1st Witch. Lesser than Macbeth, and greater.
2d Witch. Not so happy, yet much happier.
3d Witch. Thou shalt get kings, though thou be none:
So, all hail, Macbeth and Banquo !
1st Witch. Banquo and Macbeth, all hail !
Macbeth. Stay, you imperfect speakers, tell me more:
By Sinel's death, I know, I am thane of Glamis ;
But how of Cawdor ? the thane of Cawdor lives,
A prosperous gentleman; and to be king,
Stands not within the prospect of belief,
No more than to be Cawdor. Say, from whence
You owe this strange intelligence ? or why
Upon this blasted heath you stop our way
With such prophetic greeting ?— Speak, I charge you.
[ Witches vanish.
Banquo. The earth hath bubbles, as the water has,
And these are of them : — Whither are they vanish'd ?
Macbeth. Into the air, and what seem'd corporal, melted
As breath into the wind. 'Would they had staid !
Banquo. Were such things here, as we do speak about ?
Or have we eaten of the insane root,
That takes the reason prisoner.
Macbeth. Your children shall be kings.
Banquo. You shall be king.
Macbeth. And thane of Cawdor too ; went it not so 2
Banquo. To the self-same tune, and words." .
NORTH.
Charles Kemble himself could not have given it more impressively.
BULLER.
You make him blush, sir.
1849.] Cliristopher under Canvass. 627
NORTH.
Attend to that " start" of Macbeth, Talboys.
TALBOYS.
He might well start on being told of a sudden, by such seers, that he was
hereafter to be King of Scotland.
NORTH.
There was more in the start than that, my lad, else Shakspeare would not
have so directed our eyes to it. I say again — it was the start — of a murderer.
TALBOYS.
And what if I say it was not ? But I have the candour to confess, that I
am not familiar with the starts of murderers — so may possibly be mistaken.
NORTH.
Omit what intervenes — and give us the Soliloquy, Talboys. But before yon
do so, let me merely remind you that Macbeth's mind, from the little he says
in the interim, is manifestly ruminating on something bad, ere he breaks out
into Soliloquy.
TALBOYS.
" Two truths are told,
As happy prologues to the swelling act
Of the imperial theme. — I thank you, gentlemen. —
This supernatural soliciting
Cannot be ill — cannot be good: — If ill,
Why hath it given me earnest of success,
Commencing in a truth? I am Thane of Cawdor:
If good, why do I yield*to that suggestion
Whose horrid image doth unfix my hair,
And make my seated heart knock at my ribs
Against the use of nature? Present fears
Are less than horrible imaginings:
My thought whose murder is yet but fantastical
Shakes so my single state of man, that function
Is smothered in surmise ; and nothing is,
But what is not."
NORTH.
Now, my dear Talboys, you will agree with me in thinking that this first
great and pregnant, although brief soliloquy, stands for germ, type, and law
of the whole Play, and of its criticism — and for clue to the labyrinth of the
Thane's character. " Out of this wood do not desire to go." Out of it I do
not expect soon to go. I regard William as a fair Poet and a reasonable Phi-
losopher; but as a supereminent Play-wright. The First Soliloquy must
speak the nature of Macbeth, else the Craftsman has no skill in his trade. A
Soliloquy reveals. That is its function. Therein is the soul heard and seen
discoursing with itself — within itself; and if you carry your eye through — up
to the First Appearance of Lady Macbeth — this Soliloquy is distinctly the
highest point of the Tragedy — the tragic acme — or dome — or pinnacle — there-
fore of power indefinite, infinite. On this rock I stand, a Colossus ready to be
thrown down by — an Earthquake.
DULLER.
Pushed off by — a shove.
NORTH.
Not by a thousand Buller-power. Can you believe, Buller, that the word
of the Third Witch, " that shalt be KING Hereafter," sotvs the murder in
Macbeth's heart, and that it springs up, flowers, and fruits with such fearful
rapidity.
BTJLLER.
Why — Yes and No.
NORTH.
Attend, Talboys, to the words " supernatural soliciting." What " super-
natural soliciting" to evil is there here? Not a syllable had the Weird
Sisters breathed about Murder. But now there is much soliloquising — and
Cawdor contemplates himself objectively — seen busy upon an elderly gentleman
628 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
called Duncan — after a fashion that so frightens him subjectively — that Banquo
cannot help whispering to Rosse and Angus —
" See how our partner 's rapt!"
TALBOYS.
" My thought whose murder 's yet fantastical." I agree with you, sir, in
suspecting he must have thought of the murder.
NORTH.
It is from no leaning towards the Weird Sisters — whom I never set eyes on
but once, and then without interchanging a word, leapt momentarily out of
this world into that pitch-pot of a pond in Glenco — it is, I say, from no leaning
towards the Weird Sisters that I take this view of Macbeth's character. No
" sublime flashes of generosity, magnanimity, tenderness, and every exalted
quality that can dignify and adorn the human mind," do I ever suffer to pass
by without approbation, when coruscating from the character of any well-
disposed man, real or imaginary, however unaccountable at other times his
conduct may 'appear to be; but Shakspeare, who knew Macbeth better than
any of us, has here assured us that he was in heart a murderer — for how long
he does not specify — before he had ever seen a birse on any of the Weird
Sisters' beards. But let's be canny. Talboys — pray, what is the meaning of
the word " soliciting," " preternatural soliciting," in this Soliloquy?
TALBOYS.
Soliciting, sir, is, in my interpreting, " an appealing, intimate visitation."
NORTH.
Right. The appeal is general — as that challenge of a trumpet — Fairy Queen,
book III., canto xii., stanza 1 —
" Signe of nigh battail or got victorye " —
which, all indeterminate, is notwithstanding a challenge — operates, and is felt
as such.
TALBOYS.
So a thundering knock at your door — which may be a friend or an enemy.
It comes as a summoning. It is more than internal urging and inciting of me
by my own thoughts — for mark, sir, the rigour of the word " supernatu-
ral," which throws the soliciting off his own soul upon the Weirds. The
word is really undetermined to pleasure or pain — the essential thought being
that there is a searching or penetrating provocative — a stirring up of that
which lay dead and still. Next is the debate whether this intrusive, and pun-
gent, and stimulant assault of a presence and an oracle be good or ill ?
NORTH.
Does the hope live in him for a moment that this home-visiting is not ill —
that the Spirits are not ill ? They have spoken truth so far — ergo, the Third
" All hail ! " shall be true, too. But more than that — they have spoken truth.
Ergo, they are not spirits of Evil. That hope dies in the same instant, sub-
merged in the stormy waves which the blast from hell arouses. The infernal
revelation glares clear before him— ?a Crown held out by the hand of Murder.
One or two struggles occur. Then the truth stands before him fixed and
immutable — " Evil, be thou my good." He is dedicated : and passive to fate.
I cannot comprehend this so feeble debate in the mind of a good man — I can-
not comprehend any such debate at all in the mind of a previously settled and
determined murderer ; but I can comprehend and feel its awful significancy
in the mind of a man already in a most perilous moral condition.
SEWARD.
The " start " shows that the spark has caught — it has fallen into a tun of
gunpowder.
TALBOYS.
The touch of Ithuriel's spear.
NORTH.
May we not say, then, that perhaps the Witches have shown no more than
this — the Fascination of Contact between Passion and Opportunity ?
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 629
SEWARD.
To Philosophy reading the hieroglyphic ; but to the People what? To them
they are a reality. They seize the imagination with all power. They come
like " blasts from hell " — like spirits of Plague, whose breath — whose very
sight kills.
« Within them Hell
They bring, and round about them ; nor from Hell
One step, no more than from themselves, can fly."
The contagion of their presence, in spite of what we have been saying, almost
reconciles my understanding to what it would otherwise revolt from, the sudden-
ness with which the penetration of Macbeth into futurity lays fast hold upon
Murder.
BULLER.
Pretty fast — though it gives a twist or two in his handling.
8EWARD.
Lady Macbeth herself corroborates your judgment and Shakspeare's on her
husband's character.
TALBOYS.
Does she ?
SEWARD.
She does. In that dreadful parley between them on the night of the Mur-
der— she reminds him of a time when
({ Nor time nor place
Did then adhere, and yet you would make both;
They have made themselves, and that their fitness now
Does unmake you."
This — mark you, air — must have been before the Play began !
NORTH.
I have often thought of the words — and Shakspeare himself has so adjusted
the action of the Play as that, since the encounter with the Weirds, no opportu-
nity had occurred to Macbeth for the " making of time and place." There-
fore it must, as you say, have been before it. Buller, what say you now ?
BULLER.
Gagged.
NORTH.
True, she speaks of his being " full of the milk of human kindness." The
words have become favourites with us, who are an affectionate and domestic
people — and are lovingly applied to the loving ; but Lady Macbeth attached
no such profound sense to them as we do ; and meant merely that she thought
her husband would, after all, much prefer greatness unbought by blood ; and,
at the time she referred to, it is probable he would ; but that she meant no
more than that, is plain from the continuation of her praise, in which her ideas
get not a little confused ; and her words, interpret them as you will, leave
nothing " milky" in Macbeth at all. Milk of human kindness, indeed I
TALBOYS.
" What thou would'st highly,
That would'st thou holily; would'st not play false,
And yet would'st wrongly win: thou'dst have great Glamis,
That which cries, ' Thus thou must do, if thou have it;
And that which rather thou dost fear to do,
Than wishest should be undone.' "
Tliat is her Ladyship's notion of the " milk of human kindness "! "I wish
somebody would murder Duncan — as for murdering him myself, I am much
too tender-hearted and humane for perpetrating such cruelty with my own
hand!"
BULLER.
Won't you believe a Wife to be a good judge of her Husband's disposition ?
NORTH.
Not Lady Macbeth. For does not she herself tell us, at the same time,
that he had formerly schemed how to commit Murder ?
630 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
BULLER.
Gagged again.
NORTH.
I see no reason for doubting that she was attached to her husband ; and
Shakspeare loved to put into the lips of women beautiful expressions of love —
but he did not intend that we should be deceived thereby in our moral judg-
ments.
SEWARD.
Did this ever occur to you, sir? Macbeth, when hiring the murderers who
are to look after Banquo and Fleance, cites a conversation in which he had
demonstrated to them that the oppression under which they had long suffered,
and which they had supposed to proceed from Macbeth, proceeded really from
Banquo ? My firm belief is that it proceeded from Macbeth — that their suspi-
cion was right — that Macbeth is misleading them — and that Shakspeare means
you to apprehend this. But why should Macbeth have oppressed his inferiors,
unless he had been — long since — of a tyrannical nature ? He oppresses his
inferiors — they are sickened and angered with the world — by his oppression —
he tells them 'twas not he but another who had oppressed them — and that
other — at his instigation — they willingly murder. An ugly affair altogether.
NORTH.
Very. But let us keep to the First Act — and see what a hypocrite Mac-
beth has so very soon become — what a savage assassin ! He has just fol-
lowed up his Soliloquy with these significant lines —
" Come what come may,
Time and the hour run through the roughest day;"
when he recollects that Banquo, Rosse, and Angus are standing near. Richard
himself is not more wily — guily — smily — and oily ; to the Lords his conde-
scension is already quite kingly —
<c Kind gentlemen, your pains
Are registered where every day I turn
The leaf to read them" —
TALBOYS.
And soon after, to the King how obsequious !
" The service and the loyalty I owe,
In doing it, pays itself. Your Highness' part
Is to receive our duties; and our duties
Are to your throne and state, children, and servants;
Which do but what they should by doing everything
Safe toward you love and honour."
What would Payne Knight have said to all that? This to his King, whom
he has resolved, first good opportunity, to murder !
NORTH.
Duncan is now too happy for this wicked world.
" My plenteous joys,
Wanton in fulness, seek to hide themselves
In drops of sorrow."
Invaders — traitors — now there are none. Peace is restored to the Land — the
Throne rock-fast — the line secure —
" We will establish our estate upon
Our eldest, Malcolm ; whom we name hereafter,
The Prince of Cumberland : which honour must
Not, unaccompanied,' invest him only,
But signs of nobleness, like stars, shall shine
On all deservers."
Now was the time for " the manly but ineffectual struggle of every exalted
quality that can dignify and exalt the human mind " — for a few sublime
flashes at least of generosity and tenderness, et cetera — now when the Gra-
cious Duncan is loading him with honours, and, better than all honours,
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 631
lavishing on him the boundless effusions of a grateful and royal heart. The
Priuce of Cumberland! Ha, ha!
" The Prince of Cumberland! — That is a step
On which I must fall down, or else o'erleap,
For in iny way it lies."
But the remorseless miscreant becomes poetical —
" Stars, hide your fires !
Let not light see my black and deep desires :
The eye wink at the hand ! yet let that be,
Which the eye fears, when it is done, to see ! "
The milk of human kindness has coagulated into the curd of inhuman ferocity
— and all this — slanderers say — is the sole work of the Weird Sisters ! No.
His wicked heart — because it is wicked — believes in their Prophecy — the end
is assured to him — and the means are at once suggested to his own slaughter-
ous nature. No supernatural soliciting here, which a better man would not
successfully have resisted. I again repudiate— should it be preferred against
me — the charge of a tendresse towards the Bearded Beauties of the Blasted
Heath ; but rather would I marry them all Three — one after the other — nay
all three at once, and as many more as there may be in our Celtic My-
thology— than see your Sophia, Seward, or, Buller, your —
BULLER.
"We have but Marmy.
NORTH.
Wedded to a Macbeth.
SEWARD.
We know your affection, my dear sir, for your goddaughter. She is insured >
NORTH.
Well, this Milk of Human Kindness is off at a hand-gallop to Inverness.
The King has announced a Royal Visit to Macbeth's own Castle. But Cawdor
had before this despatched a letter to his lady, from which Shakspeare has given
us au extract. And then, as I understand it, a special messenger besides",
to say " the King comes here to-night." Which of the two is the more
impatient to be at work 'tis hard to say ; but the idea of the murder origi-
nated with the male Prisoner. We have his wife's word for it — she told him
so to his face — and he did not deny it. We have his own word for it — he
told himself so to his own face — and he never denies it at any time during the
play.
TALBOYS.
You said, a little while ago, sir, that you believed Macbeth and his wife
•were a happy couple.
NORTH.
Not I. I said she was attached to him — and. I say now that the wise men
are not of the Seven, who point to her reception of her husband, on his arrival
at home, as a proof of her want of affection. They seem to think she ought
to have rushed into his arms — slobbered upon his shoulder — and so forth. For
had he not been at the Wars ? Pshaw ! The most tender-hearted Thanesses
of those days — even those that kept albums — would have been ashamed of
weeping on sending their Thanes off to battle — much more on receiving them
back in a sound skin — with new honours nodding on their plumes. Lady Mac-
beth was not one of the turtle-doves — fit mate she for the King of the Vul-
tures. I am too good an ornithologist to call them Eagles. She received her
mate fittingly — with murder in her soul ; but more cruel — more selfish than
he, she could not be — nor, perhaps, was she less ; but she was more reso-
lute— and resolution even in evil — in such circumstances as hers — seems to
argue a superior nature to his, who, while he keeps vacillating, as if it were
between good and evil, betrays all the time the bias that is surely inclining
him to evil, into which he makes a sudden and sure wheel at last.
BULLER.
The Weirds — the Weirds ! — the Weirds have done it all !
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX. 2 T
632 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
NORTH.
Macbeth — Macbeth ! — Macbeth has done it all !
BULLER.
Furies and Fates !
NORTH.
Who make the wicked their victims !
SEWARD.
Is she sublime in her wickedness ?
NORTH.
It would, I fear, be wrong to say so. But I was speaking of Macbeth's
character — not of hers — and, in comparison with him, she may seem a great
creature. They are now utterly alone — and of the two he has been the more
familiar with murder. Between them, Duncan already is a dead man. But
how pitiful — at such a time and at such a greeting — Macbeth's cautions —
" My dearest Love,
Duncan comes here to-night !
Lady. — And when goes hence \
Macbeth,. — To-morrow, as he purposes.
Lady. — Oh, never
Shall sun that morrow see !"
Why, Talboys, does not the poor devil —
TALBOYS.
Poor devil ! Macbeth a poor devil ?
NORTH.
Why, Buller, does not the poor devil ?
BULLER.
Poor devil ! Macbeth a poor devil ?
NORTH.
Why, Seward, does uot the poor devil —
SEWARD.
Speak up — speak out ? Is he afraid of the spiders ? You know him, sir —
you see through him.
NORTH.
Ay, Seward — reserved and close as he is — he wants nerve— pluck — he is
close upon the coward — and that would be well, were there the slightest
tendency towards change of purpose in the Pale Face ; but there is none —
he is as cruel as ever — the more close the more cruel — the more irresolute the
more murderous — for to murder he is sure to come. Seward, you said
well — why does not the poor devil speak up — speak out ? Is he afraid of the
spiders ?
TALBOYS.
Murderous-looking villain — no need of words.
NORTH.
I did not say, sir, there was any need of words. Why, will you always be
contradicting one ?
TALBOYS.
Me ? I ? I hope I shall never live to see the day on which I contradict
Christopher North in his own Tent. At least — rudely.
NORTH.
Do it rudely — not as you did now — and often do — as if you were agreeing
with me — but you are incurable. I say, my dear Talboys, that Macbeth so
bold in a u twa-haun'd crack" with himself in a Soliloquy — so figurative — and
so fond of swearing by the Stars and old Mother Night, who were not aware
of his existence — should not have been thus tongue-tied to his own wife in
their own secretest chamber — should have unlocked and flung open the door
of his heart to her — like a Man. I blush for him— I do. So did his wife.
BULLER.
I don't find that in the record.
NORTH.
Don't you? " Your face, my Thane, is as a book where men may read
1849.] Christopher under Canvass- 638
strange matters." She sees in his face self-alarm at his own murderous inten-
tions. And so she counsels him about his face — like a self-collected, trust-
worthy woman. " To beguile the time, look like the time ;" with further good
stern advice. But — " We shall speak farther," is all she can get from him in
answer to conjugal assurances that should have given him a palpitation at the
heart, and set his eyes on fire —
" He that's coming
Must be provided for ; and you shall put
This night's great business into my despatch ;
Which shall, to all our nights and days to come,
Give solely sovereign sway and Masterdom."
There spoke one worthy to be a Queen !
SEWARD.
Worthy !
NORTH.
Ay — in that age — in that country. 'Twas not then the custom " to speak
daggers but use none." Did Shakspeare mean to dignify, to magnify Macbeth
by such demeanour? No — to degrade and minimise the murderer.
TALBOYS.
My dear sir, I cordially agree with every word you utter. Go on — my dear
sir — to instruct — to illumine —
SEWARD.
To bring out " sublime flashes of magnanimity, courage, tenderness," in
Macbeth —
BULLER.
" Of every exalted quality that can dignify and adorn the human mind" —
the mind of Macbeth in his struggle with the allurements of ambition !
NORTH.
Observe, how this reticence — on the part of Macbeth — contrasted with his
wife's eagerness and exultation, makes her, for the moment, seem the
wickeder of the two — the fiercer and the more cruel. For the moment only ;
for we soon ask ourselves what means this unhusbandly reserve in him who
had sent her that letter — and then a messenger to tell her the king was coming
— and who had sworn to himself as savagely as she now does, not to let slip
this opportunity of cutting his king's throat. He is well-pleased to see that
his wife is as bloody-minded as himself — that she will not only give all ne-
cessary assistance — as an associate — but concert the when, and the where, and
the how — and if need be, with her own hand deal the blow.
8EWARD.
She did not then know that Macbeth had made up his mind to murder
Duncan that very night. But we know it. She has instantly made up hers
— we know how ; but being as yet unassured of her husband, she welcomes
him home with a Declaration that must have more than answered his fondest
hopes ; and, therefore, he is almost mute — the few words he does utter seem
to indicate no settled purpose — Duncan may fulfil his intention of going in the
morning, or he may not ; but we know that the silence of the murderer now
is because the murderess is manifestly all he could wish — and that, had she
shown any reluctance, he would have resumed his eloquence, and, to convert
her to his way of thinking, argued as powerfully as he did when converting
himself.
BULLER.
You carry on at such a pace, sir, there's no keeping up with you. Pull up,
that I may ask you a very simple question. On his arrival at his castle,
Macbeth finds his wife reading a letter from her amiable spouse, about the
Weird Sisters. Pray, when was that letter written ?
NORTH.
At what hour precisely? That.I can't say. It must, however, have been
written before Macbeth had been presented to the King— for there is no allu-
sion in it to the King's intention to visit their Castle. I believe it to have been
written about an hour or so after the prophecy of the Weirds—either in some
€34 Christopher under Canvass. [Nor.
place of refreshment by the road- side — or in such a Tent as this — kept ready
for the General in the King's Camp at Forres. He despatched it by a Gilly
— a fast one like your Cornwall Clipper — and then tumbled in.
DULLER.
When did she receive it ?
NORTH.
Early next morning.
BXJLLER.
How could that be, since she is reading it, as her husband steps in, well ont
as I take it, in the afternoon ?
NORTH.
Buller, you are a blockhead. There had she, for many hours, been sitting,
and walking about with it, now rumpled up in her fist — now crunkled up
between her breasts — now locked up in a safe — now spread out like a sampler
on that tasty little oak table — and sometimes she might have been heard by
-the servants — had they had the unusual curiosity to listen at the door — mur-
muring like a stock-dove — anon hooting like an owl — by-and-by barking like
an eagle — then bellowing liker a hart than a hind — almost howling like a wolf
— and why not ? — now singing a snatch of an old Gaelic air, with a clear,
wild, sweet voice, like that of " a human !"
" Glamis thou art. and Cawdor ; and shalt be
What thou art promised."
" Hie thee hither,
That I may pour my spirits in thine ear,
And chastise with the valour of my tongue,
All that impedes thee from the golden round,
Which Fate and metaphysical aid doth seem
To have thee crown'd withal."
BULLER.
Grand indeed.
NORTH.
It is grand indeed. But, my dear Buller, was that all she had said to her-
self, think you ? No — no — no. But it was all Shakspeare had time for on
the Stage. Oh, sirs ! The Time of the Stage is but a simulacrum of true
Time. That must be done at one stroke, on the Stage, which in a Life takes
ten. The Stage persuades that in one conversation, or soliloquy, which Life
may do in twenty — you have not leisure or good- will for the ambages and
iterations of the Real.
SEWARD.
See an artist with a pen in his hand, challenged ; and with a few lines he
•will exhibit a pathetic story. From how many millions has he given you —
One ? The units which he abstracts, represent sufficiently and satisfactorily
the millions of lines and surfaces which he neglects.
NORTH.
So in Poetry. You take little for much. You need not wonder, then, that
on an attendant entering and saying, " The King comes here to-night," she
cries, " Thou'rt mad to say it !" Had you happened to tell her so half-an-
hour ago, who knows but that she might have received it with a stately smile,
that hardly moved a muscle on her high-featured front, and gave a merciful
look to her green eyes even when she was communing with Murder !
NORTH.
What hurry and haste had been on all sides to get into the House of Murder !
" Where's the Thane of Cawdor ?
We coursed him, at the heels, and had a purpose
To be his purveyor : but lie rides well :
And his great love, sharp as his spur, hath holp him
To his home before us — Fair and noble Hostess,
We are your guest to-night."
Ay, where is the Thane of Cawdor ? I, for one, not knowing, can't say. The
gracious Duncan desires much to see him as well as his gracious Hostess.
1349.] Christopher under Canvass. 635
" Give me your hand :
Conduct me to mine host : we love him highly,
And shall continue our graces towards him.
By your leave, Hostess."
Ay — where's the Thane of Cawdor? "Why did not Shakspeare show him to
us, sitting at supper with the King ?
TALBOYS.
Did he sup with the King ?
BULLER.
I believe he sat down — but got up again — and left the Chamber.
TALBOYS.
His wife seeks him out. " He has almost supped. Why have you left the
Chamber ?" " Has he asked for me ? " " Know ye not he has ?"
NORTH.
On Macbeth's Soliloquy, which his wife's entrance here interrupts, how
much inconsiderate comment have not moralists made! Here — they have"
said— is the struggle of a good man with temptation. Hearken, say they —
to the voice of Conscience ! What does the good man, in this hour of trial,
say to himself? He says to himself — " I have made up my mind to
assassinate my benefactor in my own house — the only doubt I have, is about
the consequences to myself in the world to come." Well, then — "We'd
jump the world to come. But if I murder him — may not others murder me?
Retribution even in this world." Call you that the voice of Conscience ?
SEWARD.
Hardly.
NORTH.
He then goes on to descant to himself about the relation in which he stands
to Duncan, and apparently discovers for the first time, that " he's here in
double trust ;" and that as his host, his kinsman, and his subject, he should
" against his murderer shut the door, not bear the knife myself."
SEWARD.
A man of genius.
NORTH.
Besides, Duncan is not only a King, but a good King —
" So clear in his great office, that his virtues
Will plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against
The deep damnation of his taking-off."
That is much better morality— keep there, Macbeth — or thereabouts — and
Duncan's life is tolerably safe — at least for one night. But Shakspeare knew
his man — and what manner of man he is we hear in the unbearable context,
that never yet has been quoted by any one who had ears to distinguish between
the true and the false.
" And pity, like a naked new-born babe,
Striding the blast, or heaven's cherubim, hors'd
Upon the sightless couriers of the air,
Shall blow the horrid deed in every eye,
That tears shall drown the wind."
Cant and fustian. Shakspeare knew that cant and fustian would come at
that moment from the mouth of Macbeth. Accordingly, he offers but a poor
resistance to the rhetoric that comes rushing from his wife's heart— even that
sentiment which is thought so fine — and 'tis well enough in its way —
" I dare do all that may become a man;
Who dares do more is none" —
is set aside at once by —
" What beast was it, then,
That made you break this enterprise to me 1"
We hear no more of " Pity like a naked new-born babe" — but at her horrid
scheme of the murder —
636 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
" Bring forth men-children only !
For thy undaunted mettle should compose
Nothing but males !"
Shakspeare does not paint here a grand and desperate struggle between good
and evil thoughts in Macbeth's mind — but a mock fight ; had there been any
deep sincerity in the feeling expressed in the bombast — had there been any
true feeling at all — it would have revived and deepened — not faded and died
almost — at the picture drawn by Lady Macbeth of their victim —
" When Duncan is asleep,
Whereto the rather shall his day's hard journey
Soundly invite him,"
the words that had just left his own lips —
" His virtues
Will plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against
The deep damnation of his taking-off,"
would have re-rung in his ears ; and a strange medley — words and music —
would they have made — with his wife's
" When in swinish sleep
Their drenched natures lie, as in a death,
What cannot you and I perform upon
The unguarded Duncan ?"
That is my idea of the Soliloquy. Think on it.
TALBOYS.
The best critics tell us that Shakspeare's Lady Macbeth has a commanding
Intellect. Certes she has a commanding Will. I do not see what a com-
manding Intellect has to do in a Tragedy of this kind — or what opportunity
she has of showing it. Do you, sir?
NORTH.
I do not.
TALBOYS.
Her Intellect seems pretty much on a par with Macbeth's in the planning
of the murder.
NORTH.
I defy any human Intellect to devise well an atrocious Murder. Pray, how
would you have murdered Duncan ?
TALBOYS.
Ask me rather how I would — this night — murder Christopher North.
NORTH.
No more of that — no dallying in that direction. You make me shudder.
Shakspeare knew that a circumspect murder is an impossibility — that a mur-
der of a King in the murderer's own house, with expectation of non-discovery,
is the irrationality of infatuation. The poor Idiot chuckles at the poor Fury's
device as at once original and plausible — and, next hour, what single soul in
the Castle does not know who did the deed?
SEWARD.
High Intellect inde'ed !
TALBOYS.
The original murder is bad to the uttermost. I mean badly contrived. What
colour was there in colouring the two Grooms? No two men kill their master,
and then go to bed again in his room with bloody faces and poignards.
BULLER.
If this was really a very bad plot altogether, it is her Ladyship's as much —
far more than his Lordship's. Against whom, then, do we conclude? Her?
I think not — but the Poet. He is the badly- contriving assassin. He does
not intend lowering your esteem for her Ladyship's talents. Am I, sir, to
think that William himself, after the same game, Avould have hunted no bet-
ter? I believe he would ; but he thinks that this will carry the Plot through
for the Stage well enough. The House, seeing and hearing, will not stay to
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 687
criticise. The Horror persuades Belief. He knew the whole mystery of
murder.
NORTH.
My dear Buller, wheel nearer me. I would not lose a word you say.
BULLER.
Did Macbeth commit an error in killing the two Grooms ? And does his
Lady think so ?
TALBOYS.
A gross error, and his Lady thinks so.
BULLER.
Why was it a gross error— and why did his lady think so ?
TALBOYS.
Because — why — I really can't tell.
BULLER.
Nor I. The question leads to formidable difficulties— either way. But
answer me this. Is her swooning at the close of her husband's most graphic
picture of the position of the corpses — real or pretended ?
SEWARD.
Keal.
TALBOYS.
Pretended.
BULLER.
Sir?
NORTH.
I reserve my opinion.
TALBOYS.
Not a faint — but a feint. She cannot undo that which is done ; nor hinder
that which he will do next. She must mind her own business. Now dis-
tinctly her own business is — to faint. A high-bred, sensitive, innocent Lady,
startled from her sleep to find her guest and King murdered, and the room full
of aghast nobles, cannot possibly do anything else but faint. Lady Macbeth,
who " all particulars of duty knows," faints accordingly.
NORTH.
Seward, we are ready to hear you.
SEWARD.
She has been about a business that must have somewhat shook her nerves
— granting them to be of iron. She would herself have murdered Duncan had
he not resembled her Father as he slept ; and on sudden discernment of that
dreadful resemblance, her soul must have shuddered, if her body served her
to stagger away from parricide. On the deed being done, she is terrified after
a different manner from the doer of the deed ; but her terror is as great ; and
though she says —
u The sleeping and the dead
Are but as pictures — 'tis the eye of childhood
That fears a painted Devil — "
believe me that her face was like ashes, as she returned to the chamber to
gild the faces of the grooms with the dead man's blood. That knocking, too,
alarmed the Lady — believe me — as much as her husband ; and to keep cool
and collected before him, so as to be able to support him at that moment with
her advice, must have tried the utmost strength of her nature. Call her Fiend
— she was Woman. Down stairs she comes — and stands among them all, at
first like one alarmed only — astounded by what she hears — and striving to
simulate the ignorance of the innocent — "What, in our house?" "Too
cruel anywhere!" What she must have suffered then, Shakspeare lets us
conceive for ourselves ; and what on her husband's elaborate description of
his inconsiderate additional murders. " The whole is too much for her" — she
" is perplexed in the extreme" — and the sinner swoons.
NORTH.
Seward suggests a bold, strong, deep, tragical turn of the scene — that she
faints actually. Well — so be it. I shall say, first, that I think it a weakness
638 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
in my favourite ; but I will go so far as to add that I can let it pass for a not
unpardonable weakness — the occasion given. But I must deal otherwise with
her biographer. Him I shall hold to a strict rendering of account. I will
know of him what he is about, and what she is about. If she faints really,
and against her will, having forcible reasons for holding her will clear, she
must be shown fighting to the last effort of will, against the assault of womanly
nature, and drop, vanquished, as one dead, without a sound. But the Thaness
calls out lustily — she remembers, " as we shall make our griefs and clamours
roar upon his death." She makes noise enough — takes good care to attract
everybody's attention to her performance — for which I commend her. Calculate
as nicely as you will — she distracts or diverts speculation, and makes an
interesting and agreeable break in the conversation. — I think that the obvious
meaning is the right meaning — and that she faints on purpose.
NORTH.
Decided in favour of Feint.
BTJLLER.
You might have had the good manners to ask for my opinion.
NORTH.
I beg a thousand pardons, Buller.
BDLLER.
A hundred will do, North. In Davies' Anecdotes of the Stage, I remember
reading that Garrick would not trust Mrs Pritchard with the Swoon — and that
Macklin thought Mrs Porter alone coiild have been endured by the audience.
Therefore, by the Great Manager, Lady Macbeth was not allowed in the
Scene to appear at all. His belief was, that with her Ladyship it was a feint —
and that the Gods, aware of that, unless restrained by profound respect for the
actress, would have laughed — as at something rather comic. If the Gods, in
Shakspeare's days, were as the Gods in Garrick's, William, methinks, would
not, on any account, have exposed the Lady to derision at such a time. But
I suspect the Gods of the Globe would not have laughed, whatever they might
have thought of her sincerity, and that she did appear before them in a Scene
from which nothing could account for her absence. She was not, I verily be-
lieve, given to fainting — perhaps this was the first time she had ever fainted
since she was a girl. Now I believe she did. She would have stood by her
husband at all hazards, had she been able, both on his account and her own ; she
would not have so deserted him at such a critical juncture; her character was
of boldness rather than duplicity ; her business now — her duty — was to brazen
it out ; but she grew sick — qualms of conscience, however terrible, can be
borne by sinners standing upright at the mouth of hell — but the flesh of man
is weak, in its utmost strength, when moulded to woman's form — other qualms
.assail suddenly the earthly tenement — the breath is choked — the " distracted
globe" grows dizzy — they that look out of the windows know not what they
see — the body reels, lapses, sinks, and at full length smites the floor.
SEWARD.
Well said — Chairman of the Quarter-sessions.
BULLER.
Nor, with all submission, my dear Sir, can I think you treat your favourite
murderess, on this trying occasion, with your usual fairness and candour. All
she says, is, " Help me hence, ho ! " Macduff says, " Look to the Lady" — and
Banquo says, " Look to the Lady" — and she is " carried off." Some critic or
other — I think Malone — says that Macbeth shows he knows " 'tis a feint " by
not going to her assistance. Perhaps he was mistaken — know it he could not.
And nothing more likely to make a woman faint than that revelling and
wallowing of his in that bloody description.
NORTH.
By the Casting Vote of the President — Feint.
TALBOYS.
Let's to Lunch.
NORTH.
Go. You will find me sitting here when you come back.
1849.] Cliristopher under Canvass. 639
SCENE II.
SCENE — The Pavilion. TIME — after Lunch.
NORTH — TALBOYS — BCXLER — SEWARD.
NORTH.
Claudius, the Uncle-king in Hamlet, is perhaps the most odious character
in all Shakspeare. But he does no unnecessary murders. He has killed the
Father, and will the Son, all in regular order. But Macbeth plunges himself,
like a drunken man, into unnecessary and injurious cruelties. He throws like
a reckless gamester. If I am to own the truth, I don't know why he is so
cruel. I don't think that he takes any pleasure in mere cruelty, like
Nero —
BULLER.
What do we know of Nero ? Was he mad ?
NORTH.
I don't think that he takes any pleasure in mere cruelty, like Nero ; but he
seems to be under some infatuation that drags or drives him along. To kill is,
iu every difficulty, the ready resource that occurs to him — as if to go on murder-
ing were, by some law of the Universe, the penalty which you must pay for
having once murdered.
SEWARD.
I think, Sir, that without contradicting anything we said before Lunch
about his Lordship or his Kingship, we may conceive in the natural Macbeth
considerable force of Moral Intuition.
NORTH.
We may.
SEWARD.
Of Moral Intelligence ?
NORTH.
Yes.
SEWARD.
Of Moral Obedience ?
NORTH.
No.
SEWARD.
Moral Intuition, and Moral Intelligence breaking out, from time to time,
all through — we understand how there is engendered in him strong self-dis-
satisfaction— thence perpetual goadings on — and desperate attempts to lose
conscience in more and more crime.
NORTH.
Ay — Seward — even so. He tells you that he stakes soul and body upon
the throw for a Crown. He has got the Crown — and paid for it. He must
keep it — else he has bartered soul and body — for nothing ! To make his first
crime good — he strides gigantically along the road of which it opened the
gate.
TALBOYS.
An almost morbid impressibility of imagination is energetically stamped,
nnd universally recognised in the Thane, and I think, sir, that it warrants,
to a certain extent, a sincerity of the mental movements. He really sees a fan-
tastical dagger — he really hears fantastical voices — perhaps he really sees a
fantastical Ghost. All this in him is Nature — not artifice — and a nature
deeply, terribly, tempestuously commoved by the near contact of a murder im-
minent— doing — done. It is more like a murderer a-making than a murderer
made.
SEWARD.
See, sir, how precisely this characteristic is proposed.
640 Christopher under Canvass. '[Nov.
BULLER.
By whom ?
SEWARD.
By Shakspeare, in that first Soliloquy. The poetry colouring, throughout,
his discourse, is its natural efflorescence.
NORTH.
Talboys, Seward, you have spoken well.
BULLER.
And I have spoken ill ?
NORTH.
I have not said so.
BULLER.
We have all Four of us spoken well — we have all Four of us spoken ill —
and we have all Four of us spoken but so-so — now and heretofore — in this
Tent — hang the wind — there's no hearing twelve words in ten a body says.
Honoured sir, I beg permission to say that I cannot admit the Canon laid
down by your Reverence, an hour or two ago, or a minute or two ago, that
Macbeth's extravagant language is designed by Shakspeare to designate hypo-
crisy.
NORTH.
Why?
BULLER.
You commended Talboys and Seward for noticing the imaginative — the
poetical character of Macbeth's mind. There we find the reason of his extra-
vagant language. It may, as you said, be cant and fustian — or it may not —
but why attribute to hypocrisy — as you did — what may have flowed from his
genius? Poets may rant as loud as he, and yet be honest men. " In a fine
frenzy rolling," their eyes may fasten on fustian.
NORTH.
Good — go on. Deduct.
BULLER.
Besides, sir, the Stage had such a language of its own ; and I cannot help
thinking that Shakspeare often, and too frankly, gave in to it.
NORTH.
He did.
BULLER.
I would, however, much rather believe that if Shakspeare meant anything by
it in Macbeth's Oratory or Poetry, he intended thereby rather to impress on us
that last noticed constituent of his nature — a vehement seizure of imagination.
I believe, sir, that in the hortatory scene Lady Macbeth really vanquishes — as
the scene ostensibly shows — his zVresolution. And if Shakspeare means
imsolution, I do not know why the grounds thereof which Shakspeare assigns
to Macbeth should not be accepted as the true grounds. The Dramatist would
seem to me to demand too much of me, if, under the grounds which he expresses,
he requires me to discard these, and to discover and express others.
SEWARD.
I do not know, sir, if that horrible Invocation of hers to the Spirits of Mur-
der to unsex her, be held by many to imply that she has no need of their help ?
NORTH.
It is held by many to prove that she was not a woman but a fiend. It
proves the reverse. I infer from it that she does need their help — and, what
is more, that she (jets it. Nothing so dreadful, in the whole range of Man's
Tragic Drama, as that Murder. But I see Seward is growing pale — we know
his infirmity — and for the present shun it.
SEWARD.
Thank you, sir.
NORTH.
I may, however, ask a question about Banquo's Ghost.
SEWARD.
Well — well — do so.
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 641
TALBOYS.
You pat the question to me, sir ? I am inclined to think, sir, that no real
Ghost sits on the Stool — but that Shakspeare meant it as with the Daggers.
On the Stage he appears — that is an abuse.
NORTH.
Not so sure of that, Talboys.
TALBOYS.
Had Macbeth himself continued to believe that the first-seen Ghost was a
real Ghost, he would not, could not have ventured so soon'after its disappear-
ance to say again, " And to our dear friend Banquo." He does say it — and
then again diseased imagination assails him at the rash words. Lady Macbeth
reasons with him again, and he finally is persuaded that the Ghost, both times,
had been but brain-sick creations.
" My strange and self-abuse
Is the initiate fear, that wants hard use : —
I am but young in deed."
BULLER.
That certainly looks as if he did then know he had been deceived. But
perhaps he only censures himself for being too much agitated by a real ghost.
TALBOYS.
That won't do.
NORTH.
But go back, my dear Talboys, to the first enacting of the Play. What
could the audience have understood to be happening, without other direc-
tion of their thoughts than the terrified Macbeth's bewildered words ? He
never mentions Banquo's name — and recollect that nobody sitting there then
knew that Banquo had been murdered. The dagger is not in point. Then
the spectators heard him say, " Is this a dagger that I see before me ?" And
if no dagger was there, they could at once see that 'twas phantasy.
TALBOYS.
Something in that.
BULLER.
A settler.
NORTH.
I entirely separate the two questions — first, how did the Manager of the
Globe Theatre have the King's Seat at the Feast filled ; and second, what
does the highest poetical Canon deliver. I speak now, but to the first. Now,
here the rule is — " the audience must understand, and at once, what that which
they see and hear means" — that Rule must govern the art of the drama in
the Manager's practice. You allow that, Talboys ?
TALBOYS
I do.
BULLER.
Rash — Talboys — rash : he's getting you into a net.
NORTH.
That is not my way, Buller. Well, then, suppose Macbeth acted for the
first time to an audience, who are to establish it for a stock-play or to damn
it. Would the Manager commit the whole power of a scene which is perhaps
the most — singly — effective of the whole Play —
BULLER.
No — no — not the most effective of the whole Play —
NORTH.
The rival, then, of the .Murder Scene — the Sleep-Walking stands aloof and
aloft — to the chance of a true divination by the whole Globe audience?
I think not. The argument is of a vulgar tone, I confess, and extremely lite-
ral, but it is after the measure of my poor faculties.
SEWAUD.
In confirmation of what you say, sir, it has been lately asserted that one of
the two appearings at least is not Banquo's — but Duncan's. How is that to
be settled but by a real Ghost — or Ghosts ?
642 Christopher under Canvass. [Xov.
NORTH.
And I ask, what lias Shakspeare himself undeniably done elsewhere ? In
Henry VIII., Queen Katherine sleeps and dreams. Her Dream enters, and
performs various acts — somewhat expressive — minutely contrived and pre-
scribed. It is a mute Dream, which she with shut eyes sees — which you in
pit, boxes, and gallery see — which her attendants, watching about her upon
the stage, do not see.
SEWARD.
And in Richard III — He dreams, and so does Richmond. Eight Ghosts
rise in succession and speak to Richard first, and to the Earl next — each
hears, I suppose, what concerns himself — they seem to be present in the two
Tents at once.
NORTH.
In Cymbeline, Posthumus dreams. His Dream enters — Ghosts and even
JUPITER! They act and speak ; and this Dream has a reality — for Jupiter
hands or tosses a parchment-roll to one of the Ghosts, who lays it, as bidden,
on the breast of the Dreamer, where he, on awaking, perceives it ! I call all
this physically strong, sir, for the representation of the metaphysically
thought.
BULLER.
If Buller may speak, Buller would observe, that once or twice both Ariel
and Prospero come forward " invisible." And in Spenser, the Dream of which
Morpheus lends the use to Archimago, is — carried.
SEWARD.
We all remember the Dream which Jupiter sends to Agamemnon, and which,
while standing at his bed's-head, puts on the shape of Nestor and speaks ;
— the Ghost of Patroclus — the actual Ghost which stands at the bed's-head
of Achilles, and is his Dream.
NORTH.
My friends, Poetry gives a body to the bodiless. The Stage of Shakspeare
was rude, and gross. In my boyhood, I saw the Ghosts appear to John
Kemble in Richard III. Now they may be abolished with Banquo. So may
be Queen Katherine's Angels. But Shakspeare and his Audience had no diffi-
culty about one person's seeing what another does not — or one's not seeing,
rather, that which another does. Nor had Homer, when Achilles alone, in the
Quarrel Scene, sees Minerva. Shakspeare and his Audience had no difficulty
about the bodily representation of Thoughts — the inward by the outward.
Shakspeare and the Great Old Poets leave vague, shadowy, mist-shrouded,
and indeterminate the boundaries between the Thought and the Existent —
the Real and the Unreal. I am able to believe with you, Talboys, that
Banquo's Ghost was understood by Shakspeare, the Poet, to be the Phantasm
of the murderer's guilt-and-fear- shaken soul ; but was required by Shakspeare,
the Manager of the Globe Theatre, to rise up through a trap-door, mealy-
faced and blood-boultered, and so make " the Table full."
BULLER.
Seward, do bid him speak of Lady Macbeth.
SEWARD.
Oblige me, sir — don't now — after dinner, if you will.
NORTH.
I shall merely allude now, as exceedingly poetical treatment, to the discre-
tion throughout used in the SHOWING of Lady Macbeth. You might almost
say that she never takes a step on the stage, that does not thrill the Theatre.
Not a waste word, gesture, or look. All at the studied fulness of sublime
tragical power — yet all wonderfully tempered and governed. I doubt if
Shakspeare could have given a good account of everything that he makes
Macbeth say — but of all that She says he could.
TALBOYS.
As far as I am able to judge, she but once in the whole Play loses her perfect
self-mastery — when the servant surprises her by announcing the King's
coming. She answers, ' thou'rt mad to say it ;' which is a manner of speaking
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 643
used by those who cannot, or can hardly believe tidings that fill them with
exceeding joy. It is not the manner of a Lady to her servant who unex-
pectedly announces the arrival of a high — of the highest visitor. She recovers
herself instantly. ' Is not thy master with him, who, wer't so, would have
informed for preparation?' This is a turn colouring her exclamation, and is
spoken in the most self-possessed, argumentative, demonstrative tone. The
preceding words had been torn from her ; now she has passed, with inimitable
dexterity, from the dreamed Queen, to the usual mistress of her household —
to the huswife.
NORTH.
In the Fourth Act — she is not seen at all. Bat in the Fifth, lo ! and be-
hold ! and at once we know why she had been absent — we see and are turned
to living stone by the revelation of the terrible truth. I am always in-
clined to conceive Lady Macbeth's night- walking as the summit, or top-
most peak of all tragic conception and execution — in Prose, too, the crown-
ing of Poetry! But it must be, because these are the ipsissima verba — yea,
the escaping sighs and moans of the bared soul. There must be nothing,
not even the thin and translucent veil of the verse, betwixt her soul show-
ing itself, and yours beholding. Words which your " hearing latches "
from the threefold abyss of Night, Sleep, and Conscience ! What place for the
enchantment of any music is here ? Besides, she speaks in a whisper. The
Siddons did — audible distinctly, throughout the stilled immense theatre. Here
music is not — sound is not — only an anguished soul's faint breathings — gasp-
ings. And observe that Lady Macbeth carries — a candle — besides washing
her hands — and besides speaking prose — three departures from the severe and
elect method, to bring out that supreme revelation. I have been told that
the great Mrs Pritchard used to touch the palm with the tips of her fingers,
for the washing, keeping candle in hand ; — that the Siddons first set down her
candle, that she might come forwards, and wash her hands in earnest, one
over the other, as if she were at her wash-hand stand, with plenty of water in
her basin — that when Sheridan got intelligence of her design so to do, he ran
shrieking to her, and, with tears in his eyes, besought that she would not, at
one stroke, overthrow Drury Lane — that she persisted, and turned the thou-
sands of bosoms to marble.
TALBOYS.
Our dear, dear Master.
NORTH.
You will remember, my friends, her four rhymed lines — uttered to herself in
Act Third. They are very remarkable —
" Nought's had, all's spent,
Where our desire is got without content:
'Tis safer to be that which we destroy,
Than, by destruction, dwell in doubtful joy."
They are her only waking acknowledgments of having mistaken life ! So —
they forebode the Sleep-Walking, and the Death — as an owl, or a raven, or
vulture, or any fowl of obscene wing, might flit between the sun and a
crowned but doomed head — the shadow but of a moment, yet ominous, for
the augur, of an entire fatal catastrophe.
SEWARD.
They do. But to say the truth, I had either forgot them, or never dis-
covered their significancy. O that William Shakspeare !
TALBOYS.
O that Christopher North !
NORTH.
Speak so, friends — 'tis absurd, but I like it.
TALBOYS.
It is sincere.
NORTH.
At last they call him " black Macbeth," and "this dead Butcher." Aud
64:4 Christopher under Canvass, [Nov.
with good reason. They also call her " his fiend-like Queen," which last
expression I regard as highly offensive.
BTJLLER.
And they call her so not without strong reason.
NORTH.
A bold, bad woman — not a Fiend. I ask — Did she, or did she not, " with
violent hand foredo her life ? " They mention it as a rumour. The Doctor
desires that all means of self-harm may be kept out of her way. Yet the im-
pression on us, as the thing proceeds, is, that she dies of pure remorse —
which I believe. She is visibly dying. The cry of women, announcing her
death, is rather as of those who stood around the bed watching, and when the
heart at the touch of the invisible finger stops, shriek — than of one after the
other coming in and finding the self-slain — a confused, informal, perplexing,
and perplext proceeding — but the Cry of Women is formal, regular for the
stated occasion. You may say, indeed, that she poisoned herself— and so died
in bed — watched. Under the precautions, that is unlikely — too refined. The
manner of Seyton, " The Queen, my Lord, is dead," shows to me that it was
hourly expected. How these few words would seek into you, did you first read
the Play in mature age ! She died a natural death— of remorse. Take my
word for it — the rumour to the contrary was natural to the lip and ear of
Hate.
TALBOY8.
A question of primary import is — What is the relation of feeling between him
and her ? The natural impression, I think, is, that the confiding affection —
the intimate confidence — is " there "—of a husband and wife who love one an-
other— to whom all interests are in common, and are consulted in common.
Without this belief, the Magic of the Tragedy perishes — vanishes to me.
" My dearest love, Duncan comes here to-night." " Be innocent of the know-
ledge, dearest Chuck " — a marvellous phrase for Melpomene. It is the full union
— for ill purposes — that we know habitually for good purposes — that to me
tempers the Murder Tragedy.
NORTH.
Yet believe me, my dear Talboys — that of all the murders Macbeth may
have committed, she knew beforehand but of ONE — Duncan's. The haunted
somnambulist speaks the truth — the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.
TALBOYS.
" The Thane of Fife had a wife." Does not that imply that she was privy
to that Murder ?
NORTH.
No. Except that she takes upon herself all the murders that are the off-
spring, legitimate or illegitimate, of that First Murder. But we know that
Macbeth, in a sudden fit of fury, ordered the Macduffs to be massacred when
on leaving the Cave Lenox told him of the Thane's flight.
TALBOYS.
That is decisive.
NORTH.
A woman, she feels for a murdered woman. That is all — a touch of nature
— from Shakspeare's profound and pitiful heart.
TALBOYS.
" The Queen, my lord, is dead." " She should have died hereafter ; There
would have been a time for such a word" — Often have I meditated on the mean-
ing of these words— yet even now I do not fully feel or understand them.
NORTH.
Nor I. This seems to look from them — " so pressed by outward besiegings,
I have not capacity to entertain the blow as it requires to be entertained.
With a free soul I could have measured it. Now I cannot."
TALBOYS.
Give us, sir, a commentary on the Revelations of the Sleeping Spectre.
NORTH.
I dare not. Let 's be cheerful. I ask this— when you see and hear Kenible-
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. (345
Macbeth — and Siddons-Macbeth — whom do you believe that you see
and hear ? I affirm that you at one and the same instant — (or at the
most in two immediately successive instants — yet I believe in one and the
same instant) — know that you see and hear Kemble — or if that accomplished
gentleman and admirable actor — Macready be performing the part — then
Macready ; — and yet believe that you see and hear Lord Macbeth. I aver
that you entertain a mixt — confused — self-contradictory state of mind — that
two elements of thought which cannot co-subsist do co-subsist.
TALBOYS.
Dejure they cannot — DE FACTO they do.
NORTH.
Just go.
TALBOYS.
They co-subsist fighting, and yet harmonising — there is half-belief— semi-
illusion.
NORTH.
I claim the acknowledgment of such a state — which any one who chooses
may better describe, but which shall come to that effect — for the lowest sub-
stratum of all science and criticism concerning POESY. Will anybody grant
me this, then I will reason with him about Poesy, for we begin with some-
thing in common. Will anybody deny me this, then I will not argue with
him about Poesy, for we set out with nothing in common.
BULLER.
We grant you all you ask — we are all agreed — " our unanimity is won-
derful."
NORTH.
Leave out the great Brother and Sister, and take the Personated alone. I
know that Othello and Desdemona never existed — that an Italian Novelist
began, and an English Dramatist ended them — and there they are. But do I
not believe in their existence, " their loves and woes ?" Yes I do believe in
their existence, in their loves and woes — and I hate lago accordingly with a
vicious, unchristian, personal, active, malignant hatred.
TALBOYS.
Dr Johnson's celebrated expression, " all the belief that Poetry claims"——
BULLER.
Celebrated ! Where is it ?
TALBOYS.
Preface to Shakspeare — is idle, and frivolous, and false ?
NORTH.
It is. He belies his own experience. He cannot make up his mind to
admit the irrational thought of belief which you at once reject and accept.
But exactly the half acceptance, and the half rejection, separates poetry from
— prose.
TALBOYS. *
That is, sir, the poetical from the prosaic.
NORTH.
Just so. It is the life and soul of all poetry — the lusus — the make-believe
— the glamour and the gramarye. I do not know — gentlemen — I wish to be
told, whether I am now throwing away words upon the setting up of a pyra-
mid which was built by Cheops, and is only here and there crumbling a little,
or whether the world requires that the position shall be formally argued and
acknowledged. Johnson, as yon reminded me, Talboys, did not admit it.
TALBOYS.
That he tells us in so many words. Has any more versed and profound
master in criticism, before or since, authentically and authoritatively, lumi-
nously, cogently, explicitly, psychologically, metaphysically, physiosologically,
psychogogically, propounded, reasoned out, legislated, and enthroned the
Dogma?
NORTH.
I know not, Talboys. Do you admit the Dogma ?
646 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
TALBOYS.
I do.
NORTH.
Impersonation — Apostrophe — of the absent ; every poetical motion of the
Soul ; the whole pathetic beholding of Nature— involve the secret existence
and necessity of this irrational psychical state for grounding the Logic of
Poesy.
BTJLLEU.
Go on, sir.
NORTH.
I will — but in a new direction. Before everything else, I desire, for the
settlement of this particular question, a foundation for, and some progress
in the science of MURDER TRAGEDIES.
SEWARD.
I know properly two.
BULLER.
Two only ? Pray same.
SEWARD.
This of Macbeth and Richard III.
BULLER.
The Agamemnon — the Choephoraa — the Electra — the Medea —
SEWARD.
In the Agamemnon, your regard is drawn to Agamemnon himself and to
Cassandra. However, it is after a measure a prototype. Clytemnestra
has in it a principality. Medea stands eminent — but then she is in the right.
BULLER.
In the right?
SEWARD.
Jason at least is altogether in the wrong. But we must — for obvious rea-
sons— discuss the Greek drama by itself; therefore not a word more about
it now.
NORTH.
Richard III., and Macbeth and his wife, are in their Plays the principal
people. You must go along with them to a certain guarded extent — else the
Play is done for. To be kept abhorring and abhorring, for Five Acts
together, you can't stand.
SEWARD.
Oh ! that the difference between Poetry and Life were once for all set down
— and not only once for all, but every time that it comes in question.
BULLER.
My dear sir, do gratify Seward's very reasonable desire, and once for all set
down the difference.
SEWARD.
You bear suicides on the stage, and tyrannicides and other cides — all simple
homicide — much murder. Even Romeo's killing Tybalt in the street, in repara-
tion for Mercutio's death, you would take rather differently, if happening
to-day in Pall Mall, or Moray Place.
NORTH.
We have assuredly for the Stage a qualified scheme of sentiment — grounded
no doubt on our modern or every-day morality — but specifically modified by
Imagination— by Poetry — for the use of the dramatist. Till we have set
down what we do bear, and why, we are not prepared for distinguishing what
we won't bear, and why.
BULLER.
Oracular !
SEWARD.
Suggestive.
NORTH.
And if so, sufficient for the nonce. Hamlet's uncle, Claudius, seems to me
to be the most that can be borne of one purely abhorrible. He is made disgust-
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 647
ing besides — drunken and foul. Able he is — for he won the Queen by
" witchcraft of his wit ;" but he is made endurable by his diminisht proportion
in the Play — many others overpowering and hiding him.
BULLER.
Pardon me, sir, but I have occasionally felt, in course of this conversation,
that you were seeking — in opposition to Payne Knight — to reduce Macbeth to
a species of Claudius. I agree with you in thinking that Shakspeare would
not give a Claudius so large a proportion of his drama. The pain would be
predominant and insupportable.
NORTH.
I would fain hope you have misunderstood me, Btiller.
BULLER.
Sometimes, sir, it is not easy for a plain man to know what yon would be at.
NORTH.
I?
BULLER.
Yea — you.
NORTH.
Richard III. is' a. hypocrite — a hard, cold murderer from of old — and
yet you bear him. I suppose, friends, chiefly from his pre-eminent Intellectual
Faculties, and his perfectly courageous and self-possessed Will. You do
support your conscience — or traffic with it — by saying all along — we are only
conducting him to the retribution of Bosworth Field. But, friends, if these mo-
tions in Macbeth, which look like revealings and breathings of some better ele-
ments, are sheer and vile hypocrisy — if it is merely his manhood that quails,
which his wife has to virilify — a dastard and a hypocrite, and no more — I
cannot abide him — there is too much of a bad business, and then I must
think Shaksperare has committed an egregious error in Poetry. Richard III.
is a bold, heroic hypocrite. He knows he is one. He lies to Man — never
to his own Conscience, or to Heaven.
TALBOYS.
What?
NORTH.
Never. There he is clear-sighted, and stands, like Satan, in open and
impious rebellion.
BULLER.
But your Macbeth, sir, would be a shuffling Puritan— a mixture of Holy
"Willie and Greenacre. Forgive me
SEWARD.
Order — order — order.
TALBOYS.
Chair — chair — chair.
BULLER.
Swing — Swing — Swing.
NORTH.
My dear Buller — you have misunderstood me — I assure you you have.
Some of my expressions may have been too strong — not sufficiently
qualified.
BULLER.
I accept the explanation. But be more guarded in future, my dear sir.
NORTH.
I will.
BULLER.
On that assurance I ask you, sir, how is the Tragedy of Macbeth morally
saved ? That is, how does the degree of complacency with which we consider
the two murderers not morally taint ourselves — not leave us predisposed
murderers ?
NORTH.
That is a question of infinite compass and fathom — answered then only when,
the whole Theory of Poesy has been expounded,
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCIX. 2 U
CIS Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
BULLER.
Whew!
NORTH.
The difference established between our contemplation of the Stage and of
Life.
BTJLLER.
I hardly expect that to be done this Summer in this Tent.
NORTH.
Friends! Utilitarians and Eeligionists shudder and shun. They consider the
Stage and Life as of one and the same kind — look on both through one glass.
BULLER.
Eh?
NORTH.
The Utilitarian will settle the whole question of Life upon half its data—
the lowest half. He accepts Agriculture, which he understands logically —
but rejects Imagination, which he does not understand at all — because, if you
sow it in the track of his plough, no wheat springs. Assuredly not ; a different
plough must furrow a different soil for that seed and that harvest.
BULLER.
Now, my dear sir, you speak like yourself. You always do so — the rash-
ness was all on my side.
SE\VARI>.
Nobody cares — hold your tongue.
NORTH.
The Religionist errs from the opposite quarter. He brings measures from
Heaven to measure things of the Earth. He weighs Clay in the balance of
Spirit. I call him a Religionist who overruns with religious rules and con-
ceptions things that do not come under them — completely distinct from the
native simplicity and sovereignty of Religion in a piously religious heart. Both
of them are confounders of the sciences which investigate the Facts and the
Laws of Nature, visible and invisible — subduing inquiry under precon-
ception.
BULLER.
Was that the Gong— or but thunder?
NORTH.
The Gong.
TALBOYS.
I smell sea-trout.
SCENE HI.
SCENE — Deeside. TIME — after Dinner.
NORTH — BULLER — SEWARD — TALBOYS.
NORTH.
One hour more — and no more — to Shakspeare.
BULLER.
May we crack nuts ?
NORTH.
By all means. And here they are for you to crack.
BULLER.
Xow for some of your astounding Discoveries.
NORTH.
If you gather the Movement, scene by scene, of the Action of this Drama,
you see a few weeks, or it maybe months. There must be time to hear that
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 649
Malcolm and his brother have reached England and Ireland — time for the
King of England to interest himself in behalf of Malcolm, and muster his
array. More than this seems imrequired. But the zenith of tyranny to
which Macbeth has arrived, and particularly the manner of describing the
desolation of Scotland by the speakers in England, conveys to you the notion
of a long, long dismal reign. Of old it always used to do so with me ; so
that when I came to visit the question of the Time, I felt myself as if baffled
and puzzled, not finding the time I had looked for, demonstrable. Samuel
Johnson has had the same impression, but has not scrutinised the data. He
goes probably by the old Chronicler for the actual time, and this, one would
think, must have floated before Shakspeare's own mind.
TALBOYS.
Nobody can read the Scenes in England without seeing long-protracted
time.
* Malcolm. Let us seek out some desolate shade, and there
Weep our sad bosoms empty.
Macduff. Let us rather
Hold fast the mortal sword, and, like good men,
Bestride our down-fallen birthdom: Each new morn,
New widows howl ; new orphans cry; new sorrows
Strike heaven on the face, that it resounds
As if it felt with Scotland, and yell'd out
Like syllable of dolour."
NORTH.
Ay, Talboys, that is true Shakspeare. No Poet — before or since — has in
so few words presented such a picture. No poet, before or since, has used
such words. He writes like a man inspired.
TALBOYS.
And in the same dialogue Malcolm says —
K I think our country sinks beneath the yoke ;
It weeps, it bleeds; and each new day a gash
Is added to her wounds."
NORTH.
Go on, my dear Talboys. Yoxir memory is a treasury of all the highest
Poetry of Shakspeare. Go on.
TALBOYS.
And hear Rosse, on his joining Malcolm and Macduff in this scene, the
latest arrival from Scotland : —
" Macdvf. Stands Scotland where it did ?
• Rosse. Alas, poor country !
Almost afraid to know itself ! It cannot
Be call'd our mother, but our grave : where nothing,
But who knows nothing, is once seen to smile ;
Where sighs and groans, and shrieks that rent the air,
Are made, not mark'd ; where violent sorrow seems
A modern ecstasy ; the dead man's knell
Is there scarce ask'd, for who ; and good men's lives
Expire before the flowers in their caps,
Dying, or ere they sicken."
NORTH.
Words known to all the world, yet coming on the ear of each individual
listener with force unweaken'd by familiarity, power increased by repetition,
as it will be over all Scottish breasts in secula seculorum.
TALBOYS.
By Heavens ! he smiles ! There is a sarcastic smile on that incomprehen-
sible face of yours, sir — of which no man in this Tent, I am sure, may divine
the reason.
NORTH.
I was not aware of it. Now, my dear Talboys, let us here endeavour to
050 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
ascertain Sliakspeare's Time. Here we have long time with a vengeance — and
here we have short time ; FOR THIS is THE PICTURE OF THE STATE OF POOR
SCOTLAND BEFORE THE MURDER OF MACDUFF'S WIFE AND CHILDREN.
BULLER.
What?
SEWARD.
Ell?
NORTH.
Macduff, moved by Rosse's words, asks him, you know, Talboys, " how
does my wife?" And then ensues the affecting account of her murder, which
you need not recite. Now, I ask, when was the murder of Lady Macduff
perpetrated ? Two days — certainly not more — after the murder of Banquo.
Macbeth, incensed by the flight of Fleance, goes, the morning after the mur-
der of Banquo, to the Weirds, to know by " the worst means, the worst."
You know what they showed him — and that, as they vanished, he exclaimed — •
" Where are they? Gone? — Let this pernicious hour
Stand aye accursed in the calendar! —
Come in, without there !
Enter LENOX.
Len. What's your grace's will?
Macb. Saw you the weird sisters?
Len. No, my lord.
Macb. Came they not by you?
Len. No, indeed, my lord.
Macb. Infected be the air whereon they ride ;
And damn'd all those that trust them! — I did hear
The galloping of horse : Who was't came by ?
Len. 'Tis two or three, my lord, that bring you word,
MACDUFF is FLED TO ENGLAND.
Macb. Fled to England?
Len. Ay, my good lord.
Macb. Time, thou anticipat'st my dread exploits:
The flighty purpose never is o'ertook,
Unless the deed go with it: from this moment,
The very firstlings of my heart shall be
The firstlings of my hand. And even now
To crown my thoughts Avith acts, be it thought and done:
The castle of Macduff I will surprise;
Seize upon Fife ; give to the edge o' the sword
His wife, his babes, and all unfortunate souls
That trace his line. No boasting like a fool:
This deed I'll do, before this purpose cool."
And his purpose does not cool — for the whole Family are murdered. When,
then, took place -the murder of Banquo ? Why, a week or two after the Mur-
der of Duncan. A very short time indeed, then, intervened between the first
and the last of these Murders. And yet from those pictures of Scotland,
painted in England for our information and horror, we have before us a long,
long time, all filled up with butchery over all the land ! But I say there had
been no such butchery — or anything resembling it. There was, as yet, little
amiss with Scotland. Look at the linking of Acts II. and III. End of Act
II., Macbeth is gone to Scone— to be invested. Beginning of Act III., Ban-
quo says, in soliloquy, in Palace of Fores, " Thou hast it now" I ask, when
is this NOW? Assuredly just after the Coronation. The Court was moved
from Scone to Fores, which, we may gather from finding Duncan there for-
merly, to be the usual Royal Residence. " Enter Macbeth as King." " Our
great Feast" — our " solemn Supper " — "this day's Council" — all have the
aspect of new taking on the style of Royalty. " Thou hast it NOW," is for-
mal— weighed — and in a position that gives it authority — at the very begin-
ning of an Act — therefore intended to mark time — a very pointing of the finger
on the dial.
BULLER.
Good image — short and apt.
1849.] Christopher tinder Canvass. 651
TALBOYS.
Let me perpend.
BULLER.
Do, sir, let him perpend.
NORTH.
Baiiquo fears "Thou play'dst most foully for it;" he goes no farther — not
a word of any tyranny done. All the style of an incipient, dangerous Rule —
clouds, but no red rain yet. And I need not point out to you, Talboys, who
carry Shakspeare unnecessarily in a secret pocket of that strange Sporting
Jacket, which the more I look at it the greater is my wonder — that Macbeth's
behaviour at the Banquet, on seeing Banquo nodding at him from his own
stool, proves him to have been then young in blood.
" My strange and self-abuse
Is the initiate fear that wants hard use.
We are yet but young in deed."
He had a week or two before committed a first-rate murder, Duncan's — that
night he had, by hired hands, got a second-rate job done, Banquo's — and
the day following he gave orders for a bloody business on a more extended
scale, the Macduifs. But nothing here the least like Rosse's, or Macduffs, or
Malcolm's Picture of Scotland — during those few weeks. For Shakspeare for-
got what the true time was — his own time — the short time; and introduced
long time at the same time — why, he himself no doubt knew — and you no doubt,
Talboys, know also — and will you have the goodness to tell the " why" to the
Tent?
TALBOYS.
In ten minutes. Are you done?
NORTH.
Not quite. Meanwhile — Two Clocks are going at once — which of the two
gives the true time of Day?
BULLER.
Short and apt. Go on, Sir.
NORTH.
I call that an ASTOUNDING DISCOVERY. Macduff speaks as if he knew
that Scotland had been for ever so long desolated by the Tyrant — and yet till
Rosse told him, never had he heard of the Murder of his own Wife ! Here
Shakspeare either forgot himself wholly, and the short time he had himself
assigned — or, with his eyes open, forced in the long time upon the short — in
wilful violation of possibility ! All silent ?
TALBOYS.
After supper — you shall be answered.
NORTH.
Not by any man now sitting here — or elsewhere.
TALBOYS.
That remains to be heard.
NORTH.
Pray, Talboys, explain to me this. The Banquet scene breaks up in most
admired disorder — " stand not upon the order of your going — but go at once,"
— quoth the Queen. The King, in a state of great excitement, says to her —
* I will to-morrow,
(Betimes I will,) unto the weird sisters:
More shall they speak; for now I am bent to know,
By the worst means, the worst: for mine own good,
All causes shall give way ; I am in blood
Stept in so far, that, should I wade no more,
Returning were as tedious as go o'er."
One might have thought not quite so tedious ; as yet he had murdered only
Duncan and his grooms, and to-night Banquo. Well, he does go " to-morrow
and by times " to the Cave.
652 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov.
" Witch. — By the pricking of my thumbs,
Something wicked this way comes :
Open, locks, whoever knocks.
Macbeth. — How now, you secret, Black, and midnight Hags ? "
It is a " dark Cave " — dark at all times — and now " by times " of the morn-
ing ! Now — observe — Lenox goes along with Macbeth — on such occasions
'tis natural to wish t<rone of ourselves " to be at hand. And Lenox had
been at the Banquet. Had he gone to bed after that strange Supper ? No
doubt, for an hour or two — like the rest of " the Family." But whether he
went to bed or not, then and there he and another Lord had a confidential
and miraculous conversation.
TALBOYS.
Miraculous ! What's miraculous about it ?
NOKTH.
Lenox says to the other Lord —
" My former speeches have but hit your thoughts,
Which can interpret further ; only, I say,
Things have been strangely borne : the gracious Duncan
Was pitied of Macbeth — marry he was dead.
And the right valiant Banquo walked too late ;
Whom, you may say, if it please you, Fleance killed,
For Fleance fled"
Who told him all this about Banquo and Fleance ? He speaks of it quite
familiarly to the " other lord," as a thing well known in all its bearings.
But not a soul but Macbeth, and the Three Murderers themselves, could
possibly have known anything about it ! As for Banquo, " Safe in a ditch
he bides," — and Fleance had fled. The body may, perhaps in a few days, be
found, and, though " with twenty trenched gashes on its head," identified as
Banquo's, and, in a few weeks, Fleance may turn up in Wales. Nay, the
Three Murderers may confess. But now all is hush ; and Lenox, unless
endowed with second sight, or clairvoyance, could know nothing of the
murder. Yet, from his way of speaking of it, one might imagine crowner's
'quest- had sitten on the body — and the report been in the Times between
supper and that after-supper confab ! I am overthrown — everted — subverted —
the contradiction is flagrant — the impossibility monstrous — I swoon.
BULLER.
Water — water.
NORTH.
Thank you, Buller. That's revivifying — I see now all objects distinctly.
Where was I ? O, ay. The " other Lord" seems as warlock-wise as Lenox
— for he looks forward to times when
" We may again
Give to our tables meat, sleep to our nights;
Free from our feasts and banquets bloody knives."
An allusion, beyond doubt, to the murder of Banquo ! A sudden thought
strikes me. Why, not only must the real, actual, spiritual, corporeal Ghost of
Banquo sate on the stool, but " Lenox and the other Lord," as well as
Macbeth, saw him.
BULLER.
Are you serious, sir ?
NORTH.
So serious that I can scarcely hope to recover my usual spirits to-day.
Have you, gentlemen, among you any more plausible solution to offer ? All
mum. One word more with you. Lenox tells the " other Lord "
" From broad words, and 'cause he fail'd
His presence at the tyrant's feast, I hear,
MACDUFF LIVES IN DISGRACE ; SIR, CAN you TELL
WHERE HE BESTOWS HIMSELF 1 "
1849.] Christopher under Canvass. 653
And the "other Lord," who is wonderfully well informed for a person
" strictly anonymous, " replies that Macduff —
" Is gone to pray the holy king, (Edward) on his aid
To wake Northumberland, and warlike Siward."
Nay, he minutely describes Macduff's surly reception of the King's messenger,
sent to invite him to the Banquet, and the happy style of that official on
getting the Thane of Fife's " absolute, Sir, not I," and D. I. O. ! And the
same nameless " Lord in waiting'! says to Lenox, that
" this report
Hath so exasperate the king, that he
Prepares for some attempt of war."
I should like to know first where and when these two gifted individuals picked
up all this information ? The king himself had told the Queen, that same
night, that he had not sent to Macduff— but that he had heard " by the way"
that he was not coming to the Banquet— and he only learns the flight of Mac-
duff after the Cauldron Scene — that is at end of it : —
" Macbeth. Come in, without there !
Enter Lenox.
Lenox. What's your Grace's will ?
Macbeth. Saw you the Weird Sisters ?
Lenox. No, indeed, my Lord.
Macbeth. Infected be the air whereon they ride;
And damn'd all those that trust them ! — I did hear
The galloping of horse : Who was't came by ?
Lenox. 'Tis two or three, my Lord, that bring you word,
MACDUFF is FLED TO ENGLAND.
Macbeth. FLED TO ENGLAND ?"
For an Usurper and Tyrant, his Majesty is singularly ill-informed about the
movements of his most dangerous Thanes ! But Lenox, I think, must have
been not a little surprised at that moment to find that, so far from the exas-
perated Tyrant having "prepared for some attempt of war" with England — he
had not till then positively known that Macduff had fled ! I pause, as a man
pauses who has no more to say — not for a reply. But to be sure, Talboys
will reply to anything — and were I to say that the Moon is made of green
cheese, he would say — yellow —
TALBOYS.
If of weeping Parmesan, then I — of the " cheese without a tear" — Double
Gloster.
NORTH.
The whole Dialogue between Lenox and the Lord is miraculous. It
abounds with knowledge of events that had not happened — and could not
have happened— on the showing of Shakspeare himself; but I do not believe
that there is another man now alive who knows that Lenox and the " other
Lord" are caught up and strangled in that noose of Time. Did the Poet ?
You would think, from the way they go on, that one ground of war, one
motive of Macduff's going, is the murder of Banquo — perpetrated since he is
gone off!
TALBOYS.
Eh?
NORTH.
Gentlemen, I have given you a specimen or two of Shakspeare's way of
dealing with Time — and I can elicit no reply. You are one and all durnb-
foundered. What will you be — where will you be — when I —
BULLER.
Have announced " all my astounding discoveries!" and where, also, will
be poor Shakspeare — where his Critics?
NORTH.
Friends, Countrymen, and Romans, lend me your ears! A dazzling
654 Christopher under Canvass. [Nov. 1849.
spell is upon us that veils from our apprehension all incompatibilities — all
impossibilities — for he -dips the Swan-quill in Power — and Power is that which
you must accept from him, and so to the utter oblivion, while we read or
behold, of them all. To go to work with such inquiries is to try to articulate
thunder. What do I intend ? That Shakspeare is only to be thus criticised ?
Apollo forbid — forbid the Nine ! I intend Prolegomena to the Criticism of
Shakspeare. I intend mowing and burning the brambles before ploughing the
soil. I intend showing where we must not look for the Art and the Genius
of Shakspeare, as a step to discovering where we must. I suspect — I know
— that Criticism has oscillated from one extreme to another, in the mind of
the country — from denying all art, to acknowledging consummated art, and no
flaw. I would find the true Point. Stamped and staring upon the front of these
Tragedies is a conflict. He, the Poet, beholds Life — he, the Poet, is on the
Stage. The littleness of the Globe Theatre mixes with the greatness of human
affairs. You think of the Green-room and the Scene-shifters. I think that
when we have stripped away the disguises and incumbrances of the Power, we
shall see, naked, and strong, and beautiful, the statue moulded by Jupiter.
Ptintcd ly William Blacku-ood and Sons, E<r
BLACKWOOD'S
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
No. CCCCX.
DECEMBER, 1849.
VOL. LXVI.
THE NATIONAL DEBT AND THK STOCK EXCHANGK.
THE idea of associating history with
some specific locality or institution,
has long ago occurred to the skilful
fabricators of romance. If old walls
could speak, what strange secrets
might they not reveal ! The thought
suggests itself spontaneously even to
the mind of the boy ; and though it
is incapable of realisation, writers —
good, bad, and indifferent — have
seriously applied themselves to the
task of extracting sermons from the
stones, and have feigned to repro-
duce an audible voice from the vaults
of the dreary ruin. Such was at
least the primary idea of Scott, in-
comparably the greatest master of
modern fiction, whilst preparing his
materials for the construction of the
Heart of Mid-Lothian. Victor Hugo
has made the Cathedral of Paris the
title and centre-point of his most
stirring and animated tale. Harrison
Ainsworth, who seems to think that
the world can never have too much of
a good thing, has assumed the office of
historiographer of antiquity, and has
treated us in succession to Chronicles
of Windsor Castle, the Tower, and
Old St Paul's. Those of the Bastile
have lately been written by an author
of no common power, whose modesty,
rarely imitated in these days, has left
us ignorant of his name ; and we be-
lieve that it would be possible to
augment the list to a considerable
extent. In all those works, how-
ever, history was the subsidiary,
while romance was the principal in-
gredient ; we have now to deal with
a book which professes to abstain
from romance, though, in reality, no
romance whatever has yet been con-
structed from materials of deeper
interest. We allude, of course, to
the work of Mr Francis ; Mr Double-
day's treatise is of a graver and a
sterner nature.
We dare say, that no inconsiderable
portion of those who derive their
literary nutriment from Maga, may
be at a loss to understand what ele-
ment of romance can lie in the his-
tory of the Stock Exchange. With
all our boasted education, we are, in
so far as money-matters are con-
cerned, a singularly ignorant people.
That which ought to be the study of
every citizen, which must be the
study of. every politician, and without
a competent knowledge of which the
exercise of the electoral franchise is a
blind vote given in the dark, is as
unintelligible as the Talmud to many
persons of more than ordinary ac-
complishment and refinement. The
learned expounder of Thucydides
would be sorely puzzled, if called
upon to give an explanation of the
present funding system of Great
Britain. The man in easy circum-
stances, who draws his dividend at
A Financial, Monetary, and Statistical History of England, from the Revolution
o/"1688 to the present time. By THOMAS DOUBLF.DAY, Esq. London: 1847.
Chronicles and Characters of the Stock Exchange. By JOHN FRANCIS, Esq. Lou-
don: 1849.
VOL. LXVI.— NO. CCCCX. 2 X
656
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
the Bank, knows little more about
the funds than that they mysteriously
yield him a certain return for capital
previously invested, and that the
interest he receives comes, in some
shape or other, from the general
pocket of the nation. He is aware
that consols oscillate, but he does
not very well understand why, though
he attributes their rise or fall to
foreign news. It never occurs to him
to inquire for what reason that which
yields a certain return, is yet liable
to such surprising and violent fluctua-
tions ; he shakes his head in despair
at the mention of foreign exchanges,
and is not ashamed to avow his in-
capacity to grapple with the recon-
dite question of the currency. And
yet it may not only be safely, but it
ought to be most broadly averred, that
without a due comprehension of the
monetary system of this country,
and the general commercial princi-
ples which regulate the affairs of the
world, history is nothing more than a
tissue of barren facts and perpetual
contradictions, which it is profitless
to contemplate, and utterly imposs-
ible to reconcile. Nay more, all
history which is written by authors,
who have failed to acknowledge the
tremendous potency of the monetary
power in directing the destinies of
nations, and who have neglected to
scrutinise closely the source and
operation of that power, must neces-
sarily be fallacious, and can only mis-
lead the reader, by false pictures of
the condition of the present as con-
trasted with that of a former age.
!N~o eloquence, no genius, will avail to
compensate for that radical defect,
with which some most popular writers
are justly chargeable, and a glaring
instance of which we propose to exa-
mine in the course of the present
paper.
The study is said to be a dry one.
Certainly, until we have mastered
the details, it does look forbidding
enough ; but, these once mastered,
our eyes appear to be touched witli
fairy ointment. What formerly was
confusion, worse than Babel, assumes
a definite order. We behold, in
tangible form, a power so terribly
strong that with a touch it can
paralyse armies. We behold it gra-
dually weaving around us a net,
from which it is impossible to escape,
and claiming with a stern accent,
Avhich brooks no denial, a right of
property in ourselves, our soil, our
earnings, our industry, and our child-
ren. To its influence we can trace
most of the political changes which
perplex mankind, and which seem to
baffle explanation. Like the small
reptile of the old Northumbrian
legend, it has grown into a monstrous
dragon, capable of swallowing up
both herd and herdsman together.
The wisest of our statesmen have
tried to check its advance and failed ;
the worst of them have encouraged its
growth, and almost declared it harm-
less ; the most adroit have yielded
to its power. Interest after interest
has gone down in the vain struggle
to oppose it, and yet its appetite still
remains as keen aud insatiable as
ever.
When, in future years, the history
of this great nation and its dependen-
cies shall be adequately written, the
annalist must, perforce, give due pro-
minence to that power which we
weakly and foolishly overlook. He
will then see, that the matchless in-
dustry displayed by Great Britain is
far less the spontaneous result of bold
and honest exertion, than the struggle
of a dire necessity which compels us
to go on, because it is death and ruin
to stand still. He will understand the
true source of all our marvellous ma-
chinery, of that skill in arts which the
world never witnessed before, of our
powers of production pushed to the
utmost possible extent. And he will
understand more. He will be able to
comprehend why, within the circuit of
one island, the most colossal fortunes
and the most abject misery should
have existed together ; why Britain,
admitted to be the richest of the
European states, and in one sense
imagined to be the strongest, should
at this moment exercise less influence
in the councils of the world than she
did in the days of Cromwell, and,
though well wcaponed, bo terrified to
strike a blow, lest the recoil should
prove fatal to herself. The knowledge
of such things is not too difficult for
our attainment; and attain it we must,
if, like sensible men, we are desirous
to ascertain the security or the pre-
cariousness of our own position.
1849.]
The. National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
657
The history of the Stock Exchange
involves, as a matter of necessity, the
history of our national debt. From
that debt the whole fabric arose ; and,
interesting as are many of the details
connected with stock-jobbing, state-
loans, lotteries, and speculative manias,
the origin of the mystery appears to
us of far higher import. It involves
political considerations which ought
to be pondered at the present time,
because it has lately been averred, by
a writer of the very highest talent,
that the Revolution of 1688 was the
cause of unminglcd good to this
country. That position we totally
deny. Whatever may be thought of
the folly of James II., in attempting
to force his own religion down the
throats of his subjects — however we
may brand him as a bigot, or de-
nounce him for an undue exercise of
the royal prerogative — he cannot be
taxed with financial oppression, or
general state extravagance. On the
contrary, it is a fact that the revenue
levied by the last of the reigning
Stuarts was exceedingly moderate in
amount, and exceedingly well ap-
plied for the public service. J.t was
far less than that levied by the Long
Parliament, which has been estimated
at the sum of £4,862,700 a-year.
The revenue of James, in 1688,
amounted only to £2,001,855; and
at this charge he kept together a strong
and well-appointed fleet, and an army
of very nearly twenty thousand men.
The nation was neither ground by
taxes, nor impoverished by wars; and
whatever discontent might have been
excited by religious bickerings, and
even persecution, it is clear that the
great body of the people could not be
otherwise than happy, since they
were left in undisturbed possession of
their own earnings, and at full liberty
to enjoy the fruits of their own indus-
try and skill. As very brilliant pic-
tures have been drawn of the improved
state of England now, contrasted with
its former position under the adminis-
tration of James, we think it right to
exhibit another, which may, possibly,
surprise our readers. It is taken from
Mr Doubleday's Financial History of
England, a work of absorbing inter-
est and uncommon research : we have
tested it minutely, by reference to
documents of the time, and we be-
lieve it to be strictly true, as it is un-
questionably clear in its statements.
" The state of the country," says Mr
Doubleday, " was, at the close of the reign
of James II., very prosperous. The whole
annual revenue required from his subjects,
by this king, amounted to only a couple
of millions of pounds sterling, — these
pounds being, in value, equal to about
thirty shillings of the money of the pre-
sent moment. So well off and easy, in
their circumstances, were the mass of the
people, that the poor-rates, which were
in those days liberally distributed, only
amounted to £300,000 yearly. The
population, being rich and well fed,
was moderate in numbers. No such
thing as 'surplus population' was even
dreamed of. Every man had constant
employment, at good wages; bankruptcy
was a thing scarcely known ; and nothing
short of sheer and great misfortune, or
culpable and undeniable imprudence,
could drive men into the Gazette bank-
rupt-list, or upon the parish-books. In
trade, profits were great and competition
small. Six per cent was commonly given
for money when it was really wanted.
Prudent men, after being twenty years in
business, generally retired with a com-
fortable competence: and thus competi-
tion was lessened, because men went out
of business almost as fast as others went
into it; and the eldest apprentice was
frequently the active successor of his re-
tired master, sometimes as the partner of
the son, and sometimes as the husband
of the daughter. In the intercourse of
ordinary life, a hospitality was kept up,
at which modern times choose to mock,
because they are too poverty-stricken to
imitate it. Servants had presents made
to them by guests, under the title of
' vails,' which often enabled them to
realise a comfortable sum for old age.
The dress.of the times was as rich, and as
indicative of real wealth, as the modes of
living. Gold and silver lace was com-
monly worn, and liveries were equally
costly. With less pretence of taste and
show, the dwellings were more substan-
tially built ; and the furniture was solid
and serviceable, as well as ornamental — •
in short, all that it seemed to be."
The above remarks apply princi-
pally to the condition of the middle
classes. If they be true, as we see
no reason to doubt, it will at
once be evident that things have
altered for the worse, notwithstand-
ing the enormous spread of our manu-
factures, the creation of our machinery,
and the constant and continuous labour
of more than a century and a half.
658
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
But there are other considerations
which we must not keep out of view,
if we wish to arrive at a thorough
understanding of this matter. Mr
Macaulay has devoted the most inte-
resting chapter of his history to an
investigation of the social state of
England under the Stuarts. Many of
his assertions have, as we observe,
been challenged ; but there is one
which, so far as we are aware, has
not yet been touched. That is, his
picture of the condition of the
labouring man. We do not think it
necessary to combat his theory, as to
the delusion which he maintains to be
so common, when we contemplate the
times which have gone by, and com-
pare them with our own. There are
many kinds of delusion, and we sus-
pect that Mr Macaulay himself is by
no means free from the practice of using
coloured glasses to assist his natural
vision. But there are certain facts
which cannot, or ought not, to be per-
verted, and from those facts we may
draw inferences which are almost next
to certainty. Mr Macaulay, in estimat-
ing the condition of the labouring man
in the reign of King James, very proper-
ly^selects the rate of wages as a sound
criterion. Founding upon data which
are neither numerous nor distinct, he
arrives at the conclusion, that the
wages of the agricultural labourer of
that time, or rather of the time of
Charles II., were about half the
amount of the present ordinary rates.
At least so we understand him, though
he admits that, in some parts of the
kingdom, wages were as high as six,
or even seven shillings. The value,
however, of these shillings — that is,
the amount of commodities which
they could purchase — must, as Mr
Macaulay well knows, be taken into
consideration ; and here we apprehend
that he is utterly wrong in his facts.
The following is his summary : —
"It seems clear, therefore, that the
wages of labour, estimated in money,
were, in 1685, not more than half of what
they now are ; and there were few articles
important to the working man of which
the price was not, in 1685, more than half
of what it now is. Beer was undoubtedly
much cheaper in that age than at present.
Meat was also cheaper, but was still so
dearthat hundreds of thousands of families
scarcely knew the taste of it. In the coft
of wheat there has been very little chanac.
The average price of the quarter, during
the last twelve years of Charles II.,
was fifty shillings. Bread, therefore,
such as is now given to the inmates of a
workhouse, was then seldom seen, even
on the trencher of a yeoman or of a shop-
keeper. The great majority of the nation
lived almost entirely on rye, barley, and
oats."
If this be true, there must be a vast
mistake somewhere — a delusion which
most assuredly ought to be dispelled,
if any amount of examination can
serve that purpose. No fact, we be-
lieve, has been so well ascertained,
or so frequently commented on, as the
almost total disappearance of the once
national estate of yeomen from the
face of the land. How this could
have happened, if Mr Macaulay is
right, we cannot understand ; neither
can we account for the phenomenon
presented to us, by the exceedingly
small amount of the poor-rates levied
during the reign of King James. One
thing we know, for certain, that, in
his calculation of the price of wheat,
Mr Macaulay is decidedly wrong —
wrong in this way, that the average
which he quotes is the highest that he
could possibly select during two
reigns. Our authority is Adam Smith,
and it will be seen that his statement
differs most materially from that of
the accomplished historian.
"In 1688, Mr Gregory King, a man
famous for his knowledge of matters of
this kind, estimated the average price of
wheat, in years of moderate plenty, to be
to the grower 3s. 6d. the bushel, or elpht-
and-twenty shillings the quarter. The
grower's price I understand to be the
same with what is sometimes called the
contract price, or the price at which a far-
mer contracts for a certain number of
years to deliver a certain quantity of corn
to a dealer. As a contract of this kind
saves the farmer the expense and trouble
of marketing, the contract price is gene-
rally lower than what is supposed to be
the average market price. Mr King had
judged eight-and-twenty shillings the
quarter to be, at that time, the ordinary
contract price in years of moderate
plenty." — SMITH'S Wealth of Nations.
In corroboration of this view, if so
eminent an authority as Adam Smith
requires any corroboration, we sub-
join the market prices of wheat at
Oxford for the four years of James's
reign. The averages are struck from
1849.]
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
C50
t he highest and lowest prices calculated
at Lady-day and Michaelmas.
1685, . . 43.8 per qr.
1686, . . 26.8 ...
1687, . . 27.7 ...
1688, . . 23.2 ...
4)121.1 ...
Average, per qr., 30.3J ...
But the Oxford returns are always
higher than those of Mark Lane, which
latter again are above the average of
the whole country. So that, in form-
ing an estimate from such data, of the
general price over England, we may
be fairly entitled to deduct two shil-
lings a quarter, which will give a
result closely approximating to that
of Gregory King. We may add, that
this calculation was approved of and
repeated by Dr Davenant, who is
admitted even by Mr Macaulay to be
a competent authority.
Keeping the above facts in view,
let us attend to Mr Doubleday's
statement of the condition of the work-
ing men, in those despotic days, when
national debts were unknown. It is
diametrically opposed in every respect
to that of Mr Macaulay : and, from
the character and research of the
writer, is well entitled to exami-
nation : —
" The condition of the working classes
was proportionably happy. Their wages
were good, and their means far above
want, where common prudence was joined
to ordinary strength. In the towns the
dwellings were cramped, by most of the
towns being walled; but in the country,
the labourers were mostly the owners of
their own cottages and gardens, which
studded the edges of the common lands
that were appended to every township.
The working classes, as well as the richer
people, kept all the church festivals,
saints' days, and holidays. Good Friday,
Easter and its week, Whitsuntide, Shrove
Tuesday, Ascension-day, Christmas, &c.,
were all religiously observed. On every
festival, good fare abounded from the
palace to the cottage ; and the poorest
wore strong broad-cloth and homespun
linen, compared with which the flimsy
fabrics of these times are mere worthless
gossamers and cobwebs, whether strength
or value be looked at. At this time, all
the rural population brewed their own
beer, which, except on fast-days, was the
ordinary beverage of the working man.
Flesh meat was commonly eaten by all
classes. The potato was little cultivated;
oatmeal was hardly used ; even bread was
neglected where wheat was not ordinarily
grown, though wheaten bread (contrary
to what is sometimes asserted) was
generally consumed. In 1 760, a later date,
when George III. began to reign, it was
computed that the whole people of Eng-
land (alone) amounted to six millions.
Of these, three millions seven hundred
and fifty thousand were believed to eat
wheaten bread ; seven hundred and thirty-
nine thousand were computed to use bar-
ley bread; eight hundred and eighty-
eight thousand, rye bread; and six hun-
dred and twenty-three thousand, oatmeal
and oat-cakes. All, however, ate bacon
or mutton, and drank beer and cider; tea
and coffee being then principally con-
sumed by the middle classes. The very
diseases attending this full mode of living
were an evidence of the state of national'
comfort prevailing. Surfeit, apoplexy,
scrofula, gout, piles, and hepatitis; agues
of all sorts, from the want of drainage j
and malignant fevers in the walled towns,
from want of ventilation, were the ordi-
nary complaints. But consumption in
all its forms, marasmus and atrophy,
owing to the better living and clothing,
were comparatively unfrequent : and the
types of fever, which are caused by want,
equally so."
We shall fairly confess that we
have been much confounded by the
dissimilarity of the two pictures ; fov
they probably furnish the strongest
instance on record of two historians
flatly contradicting each other. The
worst of the matter is, that we have
in reality few authentic data which
can enable us to decide between them.
So long as Gregory King speaks to
broad facts and prices, he is, we think,
accurate enough ; but whenever he
gives way, as he does exceedingly
often, to his speculative and calculating
vein, we dare not trust him. For ex-
ample, he has entered into an elaborate
computation of the probable increase
of the people of England in succeed-
ing years, and, after a show of figures
which might excite envy in the breast
of the Editor of The Economist, he de-
monstrates that the population in the
year 1900 cannot exceed 7,350,000
souls. With half a century to run, Eng-
land has already more than doubled
the prescribed number. Now, though
King certainly does attempt to frame
an estimate of the number of those
660
Tlie National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
who, in his tinie, did not indulge in
butcher meat more than once a week,
we cannot trust an assertion which
was, in point of fact, neither more nor
less than a wide guess ; but we may,
with perfect safety, accept his prices
of provisions, which show that high
living was clearly within the reach of
the very poorest. Beef sold then at
l^d., and mutton at 2^d. per Ib. ; so
that the taste of those viands must
have been tolerably well known to
the hundreds of thousands of families
whom Mr Macaulay has condemned
to the coarsest farinaceous diet.
It is unfortunate that we have no
clear evidence as to the poor-rates,
which can aid us in elucidating this
matter. Mr Macaulay, speaking of
that impost, says, " It was computed,
in the reign of Charles II., at near
seven hundred thousand pounds a-
year, much more than the produce
either of the excise or the customs,
and little less than half the entire
revenue of the crown. The poor-rate
u'ent on increasing rapidly, and ap-
pears to have risen in a short time to
between eight and nine hundred thou-
sand a-year — that is to say, to one-
sixth of what it now is. The popula-
tion was then less than one-third of
what it now is." This view may bo
correct, but it is certainly not bome
out by Mr Porter, who says that,
" so recently as the reign of George
II., the amount raised within the year
for poor-rates and county-rates in Eng-
land and Wales, was only £730,000.
This was the average amount col-
lected in the years 1748, 1749, 1750."
To establish anything like a rapid
increase, we must assume a much
lower figure than that from which Mr
Macaulay starts. A rise of £30,000
in some sixty years is no remarkable
addition. Mr Doubleday, as we have
seen, estimates the amount of the
rate at only £300,000.
But even granting that the poor-
rate was considered high in the days
of James, it bore no proportion to the
existing population such as that of the
present impost. The population of
England has trebled since then, and
we have seen the poor-rates rise to
the enormous sum of seven millions.
Surely that is no token of the superior
comfort of our people. We shall not
do more than- allude to another topic,
which, however, might well bear am-
plification. It is beyond all doubt,
that, before the Revolution, the agri-
cultural labourer was the free master
of his house and garden, and had,
moreover, rights of pasturage and
commonty, all which have long ago
disappeared. The lesser freeholds, also,
have been in a great measure absorbed.
When a great national poet put the
following lines into the mouth of one
of his characters, —
" Even therefore grieve I for those yeomen,
England's peculiar and appropriate sons,
Known in no other land. Each boasts his
hearth
And field as free, as the best lord his barony,
Owing subjection to no human vassalage,
Save to their king and law. Hence are they
resolute,
Leading the van on every day of battle,
As men who know the blessings they defend ;
Hence are they frank and generous in peace,
As men who have their portion in its plenty.
No other kingdom shows such worth and
happiness
Veiled in such low estate — therefore I raourri
them,"
we doubt not that he intended to
refer to the virtual extirpation of a
race, which has long ago been com-
pelled to part with its birthright, in
order to satisfy the demands of inexor-
able Mammon. Even whilst we are
writing, a strong and unexpected cor-
roboration of the correctness of our
views has appeared in the public prints.
Towards the commencement of the
present month, November, a deputa-
tion from the agricultural labourers of
Wiltshire waited upon the Hon. Sid-
ney Herbert, to represent the misery
of their present condition. Then?
wages, they said, were from six to
seven shillings a- week, and they
asked, with much reason, how, upon
such a pittance, they could be expected
to maintain their families. This is
precisely the same amount of nominal
wage which Mr Macanlay assigns to
the labourer of the time of King J ames.
But, in order to equalise the value?,
we must add a third more to the lat-
ter, which is at once decisive of the
question. Perhaps Mr Macaulay, in a
future edition, will condescend to ex-
plain how it is possible that the la-
bourer of our times can be in a better
condition than his ancestor, seeing
that the price of wheat is nearly
doubled, and that of butcher-meat
184!).]
The Natioiial Debt and the Stock Exchange.
601
fully quadrupled ? We are content to
take his own authorities, King and
Davenant, as to prices ; and the re-
sults are now before the reader.
These remarks we have felt our-
selves compelled to make, because it
is necessary that, before touching upon
the institution of the national debt,
\ve should clearly understand what was
the true condition of the people. We
believe it possible to condense the
leading features within the compass of
a single sentence. There were few
colossal fortunes, because there was
no stock gambling ; there was little
poverty, because taxation was ex-
tremely light, the means of labour
within the reach of all, prices mode-
rate, and provisions plentiful : there
was less luxury, but more comfort,
and that comfort was far more equally
distributed than no w. It is quite true,
that if a man breaks his arm at
the present day, he can have it better
set ; but rags and an empty belly arc
worse evils than indifferent surgical
treatment.
We are very far from wishing to
attribute this state of national com-
fort— for we think that is the fittest
word — to the personal exertions of
James. We give him no credit for
it whatever. Has bigotry was far
greater than his prudence ; and he for-
feited his throne, and lost the alle-
giance of the gentlemen of England,
in consequence of his insane attempt
to thrust Popery upon the nation.
But if we regard him simply as a
financial monarch, we must admit
that he taxed his subjects lightly,
used the taxes which he drew judi-
ciously for the public service and es- .
tablishment, and imposed no burden
upon posterity.
The peculiar, and, to them, fatal
policy of the Stuart family was this,
that they sought to reign as much as
possible independent of the control of
parliaments. Had they not been
blinded by old traditions, they must
have seen that, in attempting to do
so, they were grasping at the shadow
without the possibility of attaining the
substance. They came to the English
throne too late to command the public
purse, and at a period of time when
voluntary subsidies were visionary.
They looked upon parliaments with an
eye of extreme jealousy ; and parlia-
ments, iu return, were exceeding!}'
chary of voting them the necessary
supplies. Corruption, as it afterwards
crept into the senate, was never used
by the Stuarts as a direct engine of
power. The sales of dignities by the
first James, detrimental as they prov-
ed to the dignity of the crown, were in
substitution of direct taxation from
the people. When supplies were with-
held, or only granted with a niggardly
hand, it was but natural in the mo-
narch to attempt to recruit his exche-
quer by means of extraordinary and
often most questionable expedients.
The second James, had he chosen to
bribe the Commons, might have been
utterly too strong for any combina-
tion of the nobles. William III. was
troubled with no scruples on the score
of prerogative. He saw clearly the
intimate and indissoluble connexion
between power and money : he secured
both by acquiescing iu a violent change
of the constitution as it had hitherto
existed ; held them during his life, and
used them for the furtherance of his
own designs ; and left us as his legacy,
the nucleus of a debt constructed 011
such a scheme that its influence must
be felt to the remotest range of poste-
rity.
That the exigencies of every state
must be met by loans, is a proposi-
tion which it would be useless to
question. Such loans are, however,
strictly speaking, merely an anticipa-
tion of taxes to be raised from the
country and generation which reaps
the benefit of the expenditure. Such
was the old principle, founded upon
law, equity, and reason ; and it sig-
nifies nothing how many instances of
forced loans, and breach of repay-
ment, may be culled from our earlier
history. Mr Macaulay says, " From
a period of immemorial antiquity, it
had been the practice of every Eng-
lish government to contract debts.
What the Revolution introduced was
the practise of honestly paying them."
This is epigrammatic, but not sound.
From the time when the Commons
had the power of granting or with-
holding supplies, they became the
arbiters of what was and what was
not properly a state obligation. In
order to ascertain the actual value of
a debt, and the measure of the credi-
tor's claim; we must necessarily look
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
662
to the nature of the security granted
at the time of borrowing. Forced
extortions by kings are not properly
debts of the state. The sanction of
the people, through its representa-
tives, is required to make repayment
binding upon the people. The prac-
tice which the Revolution introduced
was the contraction of debt, not in-
tended to be liquidated by the bor-
rowing generation, but to be carried
over so as to affect the industry of
generations unborn ; not to make the
debtor pay, but to leave the payment
to his posterity.
When William and Mary were pro-
claimed, there was no such thing as
a national debt. We may indeed
except a comparatively small sum,
amounting to above half a million,
which had been detained iu ex-
chequer by the profligate Charles II.,
and applied to his own uses. But
this was not properly a state debt,
nor was it acknowledged as such till
a later period.
To those who are capable of appre-
ciating that genius which is never so
strongly shown as in connexion with
political affairs, the conduct of Wil-
liam is a most interesting study. It
would be impossible to exaggerate his
qualities of clear-sightedness and de-
cision ; or to select a more forcible
instance of that ascendency which
a man of consummate discernment
and forethought may attain, in spite
of every opposition. He had, in truth,
very difficult cards to play. The dif-
ferent parties, both religious and poli-
tical, throughout the nation, were so
strongly opposed to each other, that
it seemed impossible to adopt any
line of conduct, which should not, by
favouring one, give mortal umbrage
to the others. It was reserved for
William, by a master-stroke of policy,
to create a new party by new means,
which in time should absorb the
others; and to strengthen his govern-
ment by attaching to it the commer-
cial classes, by a tie which is ever the
strongest — that of deep pecuniary in-
terest iu the stability of existing
affairs. At the same time he was
most desirous, without materially in-
creasingthe taxation of England, to
raise such sums of money as might
enable him to prosecute his darling
object of striking a death-blow at the
[Dec.
ascendency of France. The scheme
answered well — possibly beyond his
most sanguine expectation. Nor was
it altogether without a precedent.
" la Holland," says Mr DoubleJay,
" the country of his birth, the Dutch
king and his advisers found both a pre-
cedent to quote, and an example to fol-
low. By its position and circumstances,
this country, inconsiderable in size and
population, and not naturally defensible,
had been compelled to act the part, for
a series of years, of a leading power in
Europe ; and this it had only been
enabled to do, by that novel arm which a
very extensive foreign trade is sure to
create, and by the money drawn together
by successful trading. Venice had at an
earlier period played a similar part ; but
a series of struggles at last led the huck-
stering genius of the Dutch into a system
at which the Venetian public had not
arrived : and this was the fabrication of
paper money, the erection of a bank to
issue it, and the systematic borrowing of
that money, and the creation of debt on
the part of government, for only the
interest of which taxes were demanded
of the people. Here was machinery set
up and at work ; and, in the opinion of
interested and superficial observers, work-
ing successfully. It was, accordingly,
soon proposed to set up a copy of this
machinery ilPEngland, and in 1694, the
blow was struck which was destined to
have effects so monstrous, so long con-
tinued, and so marvellous, on the fortunes
of England and her people ; and the
establishment, since known as the Bank of
England, was erected under the sanction
of the government."
The worst and most dangerous
feature of a permanent national debt
is, that, during the earlier stages of its
existence, an appearance of factitious
prosperity is generated, and the nation,
consequently blinded to its remote
but necessary results. The tendency
to such a delusion is inherent in
human nature. Apres nous le deluge !
is a sorry maxim, which has been
often acted on, if not quoted by states-
men, who, like a certain notable Scot-
tish provost, being unable to discover
anything that posterity has done for
them, have thought themselves en-
titled to deal as they pleased with
posterity. The proceeds of the earlier
loans enabled William to carry on his
wars ; and the nation, puffed up with
pride, looked upon the new discovery
as something far more important and
1849.]
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
663
valuable than the opening of another
Indies. Nor did William confine
himself merely to loans. Lotteries,
tontines, long and short annuities,
and every species of device for raising
money, were patronised and urged on
by the former Stadtholder, and the
rage for public gambling became un-
controllable and universal. As we
have just emerged from one of those
periodical fits of speculation which
seem epidemical in Great Britain, and
which, in fact, have been so ever since
the Revolution, it may be interesting
to the reader to know, that the intro-
duction of the new system was marked
by precisely the same social pheno-
mena which were observable four years
ago, when the shares in every bubble
railway scheme commanded a ridicu-
lous premium. We quote from the
work of Mr Francis : —
" The moneyed interest— a title familiar
to the reader of the present day — was
unknown until 1692. It was then arro-
gated by those who saw the great advan-
tage of entering iuto transactions in the
funds for the aid of government. The
title claimed by them in pride was em-
ployed by others in derision; and the
purse-proud importance of men grown
suddenly rich was a common source of
ridicule. Wealth rapidly acquired has
been invariably detrimental to the man-
ners and the morals of the nation, and in
1 692 the rule was as absolute' as now.
The moneyed interest, intoxicated by the
possession of wealth, which their wildest
dreams had never imagined, and incensed
by the cold contempt with which the
landed interest treated them, endeavoured
to rival the latter in that magnificence
which was one characteristic of the landed
families. Their carriages were radiant
with gold; their persons were radiant
with gems ; they married the poorer
branches of the nobility; they eagerly
purchased the princely mansions of the
old aristocracy. The brush of Sir God-
frey Krteller, and the chisel of Caius Cib-
ber, were employed in perpetuating their
features. Their wealth was rarely grudged
to humble the pride of a Howard or a
Cavendish; and the money gained by the
father was spent by the son in acquiring
a distinction at the expense of decency."
It is curious to remark that the
Stock Exchange cannot be said to
have had any period of minority. It
leaped out at once full-armed, like
Minerva from the brain of Jupiter.
All the arts of bulling and bearing, of
false rumours, of expresses, combina-
tions, squeezings — all that constitute
the mystery of Mammon, were known
as well to the fathers of the Alley, as
they are to their remote representa-
tives. Nay, it would almost appear that
the patriarchal jobber had more genius
than has since been inherited. Wil-
liam's retinue did not consist only of
mercenaries' and refugees. Hovering
on the skirts of his army came the sons
of Israel, with beaks whetted for the
prey, and appetites which never can
be sated. Vixere fortes ante Agamem-
nona — there were earlier vultures than
Nathan Rothschild. The principal
negotiators of the first British loan
were Jews. They assisted the Stadt-
holder with their counsel, and a Me-
phistopheles of the money-making
race attached himself even to the side
of Marlborough. According to Mr
Francis : — " The wealthy Hebrew,
Medina, accompanied Marlborough in
all his campaigns ; administered to the
avarice of the great captain by an
annuity of six thousand pounds per
annum ; repaid himself by expresses
containing intelligence of those great
battles which fire the English blood
to hear them named ; and Ramilies,
Oudenarde, and Blenheim, admini-
stered as much to the purse of the,
Hebrew as they did to the glory of
England."
It has been estimated, upon good
authority, that from fifteen to twenty
per cent of every loan raised in Eng-
land, has, directly or indirectly, found
its way to the coffers of those uncon-
scionable Shylocks; so that it is small
wonder if we hear of colossal fortunes
coexisting with extreme national de-
preciation and distress. We might,
indeed, estimate their profits at a much
higher rate. Dr Charles Davenant,
in his essay on the Balance of Trade,
written in the earlier part of the last
century, remarked — "While these
immense debts remain, the necessities
of the government will continue, inter-
est must be high, and large premiums
will be given. And what encourage-
ment is there for men to think of
foreign tratfic (whose returns for those
commodities that enrich England must
bring no great profit to the private
adventurers) when they can sit at
home, and, without any care or ha-
zard, get from the state, by dealing
GG4
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
with the exchequer, fifteen, and some-
times twenty, thirty, forty, and fifty
per cent? Is there any commerce
abroad so constantly advantageous?"
We apprehend not. Capital is defined
by the economists as the accumulation
of the savings of industry. Such men
as Rothschild have no doubt been
industrious, but not according to the
ordinary acceptation of the term.
Their industry is of a wholesale kind.
It is confined to a resolute and syste-
matic endeavour to avail themselves
of the savings of others ; and we need
hardly state that, in this pursuit, they
have shown themselves most emi-
nently successful.
The remarkable change which took
place in the monetary system of Eng-
land, under the auspices of William,
could not, of course, have been effected
without the concurrence of parliament.
That body had certainly no reason to
charge him with neglect of their inter-
ests. The representatives of the
people for the first time began to
understand, that there might be cer-
tain perquisites arising from their
situation as men of trust, which could
be made available to them, provided
they were not too scrupulous as to the
requirements of the crown. The mas-
tiff which had bayed so formidably at
James and his predecessors, because
none of them would deign to cajole
him, became at once amenable to a
sop. MrMacanlay should have writ-
ten: " The revolution of 1688 did not
introduce the practice of regularly
summoning parliaments ; what it in-
troduced was the practice of regularly
bribing them." Mr Francis, though
an apologist of King William, who, as
he thinks, was compelled to act thus
from imperious necessity, is not blind
to this stigma on his memory. He
also believes that the settled animosity
between England and France, which
has caused so many wars, and led to
such an extravagant expenditure of
blood and treasure, is mainly to be
attributed to the persevering efforts of
William of Orange. The following
summary is of much interest : —
" The parliamentary records of Wil-
liam's reign are curious. The demands
which he made for money, the hatred to
France which he encouraged, and the fre-
quent supplies he received, are remark-
able features in his history. Every art
was employed; at one time a mild remon-
strance, at another a haughty menace, at
a third the reproach that he had ventured
his life for the benefit of the country.
The bribery, during this reign, was the
commencement of a system which has been,
very injurious to the credit and character
of England. The support of the members
was purchased with places, with contracts,
with titles, with promises, with portions
of the loans, and with tickets in the lot-
tery. The famous axiom of Sir Robert
Walpole was a practice and a principle
with William; he found that custom could
not stale the infinite variety of its effect,
and that, so long as bribes continued, so
long would supplies be free. Exorbitant
premiums were given for money; and so
low was public credit, that ofjite millions
granted to carry on the; tear, only two and
a half millions reached the Exchequer. Long
annuities and short annuities, lottery
tickets and irredeemable debts, made their
frequent appearance ; and the duties,
which principally date from this period,
were most pernicious."
These things are elements of import-
ance in considering the political his-
tory of the country. They explain the
reason why the great bulk of the
nation never cordially supported the
new succession ; and why, for the
first time in English history, their
own representative house lost caste
and credit with the commons. Fifty
3'ears later, when Charles Edward
penetrated into the heart of England,
he met with no opposition. If the in-
habitants of the counties through
which he passed did not join his stan-
dard, they thought as little of making
any active opposition to his advance ;
thereby exhibiting an apathy totally
at variance with the high national and
independent spirit which in all times
has characterised the English, and to
be accounted for on no other ground
than their disgust with the new sys-
tem which, even then, had swollen the
amount of taxation to an extent
seriously felt by the commonalty, and
which had so corrupted parliament
that redress seemed hopeless within
the peaceful limits of the constitution.
The proclamation issued by the prince,
from Edinburgh, bore direct reference
to the funded debt, and to the noto-
rious ministerial bribery ; and it must
have found an echo in the hearts of
many, who began to perceive that the
' cry of civil and religious liberty is
the standard stalking-horse for every
1849.]
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
GC5
revolution, bnt that the result of revo-
lutions is too commonly an imperative
demand npoii the people for a large
augmentation of their burdens, backed
too by the very demagogues who were
the instigators of the violent change.
In this crisis, the moneyed interest,
•which William had so dexterously
created, saved the new dynasty — less,
certainly, from patriotism, than from
the fear of personal ruin.
It is a memorable fact that, from
the very first, the Tory party opposed
themselves strenuously to the creation
aud progress of the national debt. It
is well that those who, in our own
time.-;, bitterly denounce the system
which has lauded us in such inextri-
cable difficulties, and which has had
the effect of rearing up class interests,
irreconcilably opposed to each other,
in once- united England, should re-
member that for all this legacy we are
specially indebted to the Whigs.
Except by Tory ministers, and in one
case by Walpole, no attempt has
been made to stem the progress of the
current; and this consideration is
doubly valuable at this moment, when
it is proposed, by a vigorous effort, to
make head against the monster griev-
ance, and, by the establishment of an
inviolable sinking-fund, to commence
that work which liberal and juggling
politicians have hitherto shamefully
evaded. It is more than probable that
" the moneyed interest" will throw the
•whole weight of their influence in
opposition to any such movement ;
unless, indeed, they should begin
already to perceive that there may be
worse evils in store for them than a
just liquidation of their claims. Mat-
ters have now gone so far as to be
perilous, if no practicable mode of
ultimate extrication can be shown.
Real property cannot be taxed any
higher — indeed, the landowners have
claims for relief from pecnliar burdens
imposed upon them, which in equity
can hardly be gainsaid. The property
and income-tax, admittedly an im-
politic impost in the time of peace,
cannot remain long on its present foot-
ing. To tax professional earnings at
the same rate as the profits of accumu-
lated capital, is amanifest and gross in-
justice against which people are begin-
ning to rebel. There is no choice left,
except between direct taxation and a
recurrence to the system which we
have abandoned, of raising the greater
part of our revenue by duties upon
foreign imports. The former method,
now openly advocated by the financial
reformers, is, in our opinion, a direct
step towards repudiation. Let the
fundholders look to it in time, and
judge for themselves what results are
likely to accrue from such a policy.
One thing is clear, that if no effort
should be made to redeem any portion
of the debt — but if, on the contrary,
circumstances should arise, the pro-
bability of which is before us even
now, to call for its augmentation, and
for a corresponding increase of the
public revenue — the financial reformers
will not be slow to discover that the
only interest hitherto unassailed must
submit to suffer in its turn. The
Whigs are now brought to such a pass,
that they cannot hope to see their
way to a surplus. We shall have no
more of those annual remissions of du-
ties, which for years past have been
made the boast of every budget, but to
which, in reality, the greater part of our
present difficulties is owing. Had a
sinking fund been established long
ago, and rigidly maintained, and at the
same time the revenue kept full, the na-
tion would ere now have been reaping
the benefit of such a policy. We should
have had the satisfaction of seeing our
debt annuallydiminishing, and the inte-
rest of it becomingless ; whereas, by the
wretched system of fiddling popularity
which has been pursued, the debt has
augmented in time of peace, the annual
burdens absolutely increased, ruinous
competition been fostered, and inter-
nal jealousies excited. The Whigs,
who arrogate for themselves, not only
now bnt in former times, the guardian-
ship of the liberties of Britain, have
taken especial pains to conceal the
fact that they were, in reality, the
authors of our funding system, and
the bitterest opponents of those who
early descried its remote and ruinous
consequences. Their motives cannot
be concealed, however it may be their
interest at the present time to gloss
them over. Lord Bolingbroke thus
exposes their occult designs, in his
" Letters on the Use of History. "
" Few men, at the time (1688), looked
forward enough to foresee the necessary
consequences of the new constitution of
666
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
the revenue that was soon afterwards
formed, nor of the method of funding that
immediately took place ; which, absurd
as they are, have continued ever since,
till it is become scarce possible to alter
them. Few people, I say, saw how the
creation of funds, and the multiplication
of taxes, would increase yearly the power
of the Crown, and bring our liberties, by
a natural and necessary progression, into
more real though less apparent danger
than they were in before the Revolution !
The excessive ill husbandry practised
from the very beginning of King Wil-
liam's reign, and which laid the founda-
tion of all we feel and fear, was not the
effect of ignorance, mistake, or what we call
chance, but of design and scheme in those
who had the sicay at the time. I am not
so uncharitable, however, as to believe
that they intended to bring upon their
country all the mischiefs that we who
came after them experience and appre-
hend. No : they saw the measures they
took singly and unrelatively, or relatively
alone to some immediate object. The
notion of attaching men to the new go-
vernment, by tempting them to embark
their fortunes on the same bottom, was a
reason of state to some ; the notion of
creating a new, that is, a moneyed interest,
in opposition to the landed interest, or as a
balance to it, and of acquiring a superior
interest in the city of London at least, by
the establishment of great corporations, was
a reason of party to others : and I make
no doubt that the opportunity of amassing
immense estates, by the management of
funds, by trafficking in paper, and by all
the arts of jobbing, was a reason of pri-
vate interest to those who supported and
improved that scheme of iniquity, if not
to those who devised it. They looked
no further. Nay, we who came after
them, and have long tasted the bitter
fruits of the corruption they planted,
were far from taking such alarm at our
distress and our dangers as they de-
served."
In like manner wrote Swift, and
Hume, and Smith ; nor need we won-
der at their vehemence, when we dir-
ect our attention to the rapid increase
of the charge. William's legacy was
£16,400,000 of debt, at an annual
charge to the nation of about
£1,311,000. At the death of Queen
Anne, the debt amounted to fifty- four
millions, and the interest to three mil-
lions, three hundred and fifty thou-
sand— being nearly double the whole
revenue raised by King James ! The
total amount of the annual revenue
under Queen Anne, was more than
five millions and a half. Under
George I., singular to relate, there
was no increase of the debt. At the
close of the reign of George II., it
amounted to about a hundred and
forty millions ; and, in 1793, just one
hundred years after the introduction
of the funding system in Britain, we
find it at two hundred and fifty-two
millions, with an interest approaching
to ten. Twenty-two years later, that
amount was more than trebled. These
figures may well awaken grave con-
sideration in the bosoms of all of us.
The past is irremediable ; and it would
be a gross and unpardonable error to
conclude, that a large portion of the
sum thus raised and expended was
uselessly thrown away ; or that the
corruption employed by the founders
of the system, to secure the acquies-
cence of parliament, was of long con-
tinuance. On the contrary, it is un-
deniable that the result of many of
the wars in which Britain engaged
has been her commercial, territorial,
and political aggrandisement ; and that
bribery, in a direct form, is now most
happily unknown. The days have
gone by since the parliamentary guests
of Walpole could calculate on finding
a note for £500, folded up in their
dinnernapkins— since great companies,
applying for a charter, were compelled
to purchase support — or when peace
could only be obtained, as in the fol-
lowing instance, by means of purchased
votes : — " The peace of 1763," said
John Ross Mackay, private secretary
to the Earl of Bute, and afterwards
Treasurer to the Ordnance, " was car-
ried through, and approved, by a pe-
cuniary distribution. Nothing else
could have surmounted the difficulty.
I was myself the channel through
which the money passed. With my
own hand I secured above one hun-
dred and twenty votes on that vital
question. Eighty thousand pounds
was set apart for the purpose. Forty
members of the House of Commons
received from me a thousand pounds
each. To eighty others I paid five
hundred pounds a-piece." Still AVG
cannot disguise the fact, that a vast
amount of the treasure so levied, and
for every shilling of which the indus-
try of the nation was mortgaged,
never reached the coffers of the state,
1 849.] The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
G67
but passed in the shape of bonuses,
premiums, and exorbitant contracts,
to rear up those fortunes which have
been the wonder and admiration of
the world. Nor is it less palpable
that the fortunes so constructed could
not have had existence, unless ab-
stracted from the regular industry of
the country, to the inevitable detri-
ment of the labourer, whose condition
has at all times received by far too
little consideration. Add to this the
spirit of public gambling, which, since
the Revolution, has manifested itself
periodically in this country — the sud-
den fever-fits which seem to possess
the middle classes of the community,
and, by conjuring np visions of un-
bounded and unbased wealth, without
the necessary preliminary of labour,
to extinguish their wonted prudence
— and we must conclude that the
funding system has been pregnant
with social and moral evils which
have extended to the whole commu-
nity. Before we pass from this sub-
ject— which we have dwelt upon at con-
siderable length, believing it of deep
interest at the present point of our
financial history — we would request
the attention of our readers to the
following extract from the work of
Mr Francis, as condemnatory of the
policy pursued by recent governments,
and as tending to throw light on the
ultimate designs of the Financial Re-
form Associations. It is quite poss-
ible that, in matters of detail, we
might not agree with the writer — at
least, he has given us no means of
ascertaining upon what principles he
would base an " efficient revision of
our taxation ;" but we cordially agree .
with him in thinking that, as we pre-
sently stand, the right arm of Great
Britain is tied up, and the Bank of
England, under its present restrictions ,
in extreme jeopardy at the first an-
nouncement of a war.
u It is one great evil of the present age,
that it persists in regarding the debt as
perpetual. Immediately the expenditure
13 exceeded by the revenue, there is a
demand for the reduction of taxation.
We, a commercial people, brought np at
the feet of M'Culloch, with the books of
national debt as a constant study, with
the interest on the national debt as a con-
stant remembrancer, persist in scoffing at
any idea of decreasing the encumbrance:
and when a Chancellor of the Exchequer
proposes a loan of eight millions, we
growl and grumble, call it charitable,
trust for better times, and read the Oppo-
sition papers with renewed zest.
" There is no doubt that the resources
of the nation are equal to far more than
is now imposed ; but it can only be done
by an efficient revision of our taxation,
and this will never be effected till the
wolf is at the door. A war which greatly
increased our yearly imposts would, with
the present system, crush the artisan,
paralyse the middle class, and scarcely
leave the landed proprietor unscathed.
The convertibility of the note of tbe Bank
of England would cease ; and it would be
impossible to preserve the charter of Sir
Robert Peel in its entirety, while twenty-
eight millions were claimable yearly in
specie, and the gold of the country went
abroad in subsidies.
" In an earlier portion of the volume,
the writer briefly advocated annuities as
one mode of treating the national debt.
There would in this be no breach of faith
to the present public ; there would be no
dread of a general bankruptcy ; there
would be no need of loans ; and, had this
principle been carried out, the national
debt would be yearly diminishing. In
ten years, nearly two millions of termin-
able annuities will expire, and it behoves
the government to inquire into the effect
which the conversion of the interminable
debt into terminable annuities would
have on the money market.
" It is absolutely idle for the Financial
Reform Association to think of effectually
lowering the taxation of the country,
while twenty-eight millions are paid for
interest ; and it is to be feared that great
evil will accompany whatever good they
may achieve. That there are many offices
which might be abolished ; that it is a
rule in England that the least worked
should be best paid ; that an extravagant
system of barbaric grandeur exists ; that
the army and the navy, the pulpit and the
bar, are conducted unwisely ; and that
great men are paid great salaries for do-
ing nothing, — is indisputable; but it is
equally so that great savings have been
effected, and that greater efforts are
making to economise further. There is
a faith pledged to the public servant as
much as to the public creditor ; and,
whether lie be a colonel or a clerk, a
man of peace or a man of war, it is
impracticable, imprudent, and unjust to
attempt that which would as much break
faith with him, as to cease to pay the
dividends on the national debt would be
to break faith with the national creditor.
. " These things are paltry and puerile
668
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
compared with that which, excepting a
total revision of taxation, can alone
materially meet the difficulties of Eng-
land ; and the gentlemen of the Reform
Association are aware of this. They
may cut down salaries ; lower the de-
fences of the country ; abolish expen-
sive forms and ceremonies ; amalgamate
a few boards of direction ; reduce the
civil list ; and do away with all sinecures.
But the evil is too vast, and the diffi-
culties are too gigantic, to be met in so
simple a manner. Nor will these gentle-
men be satisfied with it while there are
eight hundred millions at which to level
their Quixotic spear. Repudiation was
darkly alluded to at one meeting of the
Association, and, though it has since been
denied, it is to be feared that time only
is required to ripen the attempt."
Tnrn we now from the national
debt to its eldest offspring, the Ex-
change. Marvellous indeed are the
scenes to which we are introduced,
whether we read its history as in the
time of William of Orange, enter it at
the period when the South Sea bubble
had reached its utmost width of dis-
tension, or tread its precincts at a more
recent date, when railway speculation
was at its height, and the Glenmutchkin
at a noble premium. John Bnnyan
could not have had a glimpse of it, for
he died in 1688: nevertheless his
Vanity Fair is no inaccurate prototype
of its doings. No stranger, indeed,
may enter the secret place where its
prime mysteries are enacted : if any
uninitiated wight should by chance or
accident set foot within that charmed
circle, the alarm is given as rapidly as
in Alsatia when a bailiff trespassed
upon the sanctuary. With a shout of
" Fourteen hundred fives ! " the slogan
of their clan, Jew, Gentile, and prose-
lyte precipitate themselves upon the
rash intruder. In the twinkling of an
eye, his hat is battered down, and
amidst kicks, cuffs, and bustling, he is
ejected from the temple of Mammon.
But, lingering in the outer court and
vestibule, we can gain some glimpses
of the interior worship ; imperfect,
indeed, but such as may well deter us
from aspiring to form part of the con-
gregation.
The creation and transferable cha-
racter of public funds, necessarily in-
volved the existence of a class of men
who deal in such securities. That class
multiplied apace, and multiplied so
much that, after a time, the commis-
sions exigible for each bond fide trans-
action could not afford a decent sub-
sistence for all who were engaged in
the business. People who buy into
the stocks with a view to permanent
investment, are not usually in a hurry
to sell ; and this branch of the profes-
sion, though, strictly speaking, the
only legitimate one, could not be very
lucrative. Gambling was soon intro-
duced. The fluctuations in the price
of the funds, which were frequent in
those unsettled times, presented an
irresistible temptation to buying and
selling for the account — a process by
means of which a small capital may bo
made to represent fictitiously an en-
ormous amount of stock : no transfers
being required, and in fact no sales
effected, the real stake being the dif-
ference between the buying and the
selling prices. But, the natural fluc-
tuations of the stocks not affording a
suflicient margin for the avarice of the
speculators, all sorts of deep-laid
schemes were hatched to elevate or
depress them unnaturally. In other
words, fraud was resorted to, from a
very early period, for the purpose of
promoting gain. The following may
serve as an example: — "The first
political hoax on record occurred in
the reign of Anne. Down the Queen's
road, riding at a furious rate, ordering
turnpikes to be thrown open, and loudly
proclaiming the sudden death of the
Queen, rode a well-dressed man, spar-
ing neither spur nor steed. From west
to east, and from north to south, the
news spread.^ Like wildfire it passed
through the desolate fields where
palaces now abound, till it reached
the City. The train-bands desisted
from their exercise, furled their colours,
and returned home with their arms
reversed. The funds fell with a sudden-
ness which marked the importance of
the intelligence ; and it was remarked
that, while the Christian jobbers stood
aloof, almost paralysed with the in-
formation, Manasseh Lopez and the
Jew interest bought eagerly at the
reduced price." The whole thing was
a lie, coined by the astute Hebrews,
who then, as now, accumulated the
greater part of their money in this
disgraceful and infamous mauuer, and
doubtless had the audacity even to
glory in their shame. A more ingeui-
1849.]
The National Debt and the Stock Excliange.
669
ous trick was played off in 1715, when
n sham capture was made in Scotland
of a carriage and six, supposed to
contain the unfortunate Chevalier St
George. The news, being despatched
to London, instantly elevated the funds,
"and the inventors of the trick laughed
in their sleeves as they divided the
profit." Modern jobbers will doubtless
read these records with a sigh for the
glory of departed times, just as a
schoolboy bitterly regrets that he was
not born in the days of chivalry.
Universal rapidity of communication,
and the power of the press, have ren-
dered snch operations on a large scale
almost impossible. The electric tele-
graph has injured the breed of carrier
pigeons, and more than half the poetry
of fraudulent stock-jobbing has dis-
appeared.
The range of the jobbers speedily
extended itself beyond the compari-
tively nairow field presented by the
funds. Exchequer bills with a
variable premium were invented and
brought into the market, a large and
lucrative business was done in lottery
tickets, and even seats in parliament
were negotiated on the Stock Ex-
change. Joint-stock companies next
came into play, and these have ever
since proved an inexhaustible mine
of wealth to the jobbers. Nor were
they in the least particular as to the
nature of the commodity in which
they dealt. Thomas Guy, founder
of the hospital called after his name,
acquired his fortune by. means similar
to those which are now made matter
of reproach to the Jews of Portsmouth
and Plymouth. It is a curious fea-
ture in the history of mankind, that
money questionably amassed is more
often destined to pious uses than the
savings of honest industry. The con-
science of the usurer becomes alarmed
as the hour of dissolution draws nigh.
" His principal dealings were in those
tickets with which, from the time of
the second Charles, the seamen had
been remunerated. After years of
great endurance, and of greater
labour, the defenders of the land were
paid with inconvertible paper ; and
the seamen, too often improvident,
were compelled to part with their
wages at any discount, which the con-
science of the usurer would offer.
Men who had gone the round of the
world like Drake, or had fought hand
to hand with Tromp, were unable to
compete with the keen agent of the
usurer, who, decoying them into the
low haunts of Rothcrhithe, purchased
their tickets at the lowest possible
price ; and skilled seamen, the glory
of England's navy, were thus robbed,
and ruined, and compelled to transfer
their services to foreign states. In
these tickets did Thomas Guy deal,
and on the savings of these men was
the vast superstructure of his fortune
reared. But jobbing in them was as
frequent in the high places of England
as in 'Change Alley. The seaman
was poor and uninfluential, and the
orders which were refused payment to-
him were paid to the wealthy jobber,
who parted with some of his plunder
as a premium to the treasury to dis-
gorge the remainder." But frauds
and injustice, even when counte-
nanced by governments, have rarely
other than a disastrous issue to the
state. So in the case of those sea-
men's tickets. That the wages due
to the sailor should have fallen into
arrears during the reigns of Charles
and of James, need excite little sur-
prise, when we remember that the
revenue in their day never exceeded
two millions annually. But that the
abuse should have been continued
after the revolutionary government
had discovered its easy method of
raising subsidies — more especially
when ample proof had been given of
the danger of such a system, by the
want of alacrity displayed by the
English seamen when the Dutch fleet
burned our vessels in the Thames and
threatened Chatham — is indeed mat-
ter of marvel, and speaks volumes as
to the gross corruption of the times.
So infamous was the neglect, that at
length the sailors' tickets had accu-
mulated to the amount of nine millions
sterling of arrears. Not one farthing
had been provided to meet this huge
demand ; and in order to stay the
clamours of the holders, — not now
mariners, but men of the stamp of
Thomas Guy, — parliament erected
them into that body known as the
South Sea Company, the transactions
of which will ever be memorable in
the commercial history of Great
Britain.
The existence of this company
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
670
dates from tbe reign of Queen Anne ;
but for some years its operations were
conducted on a small scale, and it
only assumed importance in 1719,
when exclusive privileges of trading
within certain latitudes were assured
to it. We quote from Mr Doubleday
the following particulars, which ut-
terly eclipse the grandeur of modern
gambling and duplicity.
" As soon as the act had fairly passed
the Houses, the stock of the company at
once rose to three hundred and nineteen
per cent ; and a mad epidemic of specu-
lative gambling seemed, at once, to seize
the whole nation, with the exception of
Mr Hutchison, and a few others, who not
only preserved their sanity, but energeti-
cally warned the public of the ultimate
fate of the scheme aud its dupes. The
public, however, was deaf. The first
sales of stock by the Court of Directors
were made at three hundred per cent.
Two millions and a quarter were taken,
and the market price at one reached
three hundred and forty — double the first
instalment according to the terms of
payment. To set out handsomely, the
Court Jvoted a dividend of ten per cent
upon South Sea Stock, being only a
half-yearly dividend, payable at midsum-
mer 1720. To enable persons to hold,
they also offered to lend half a million
on security of their own stock ; and
afterwards increased the amount to a
million, or nearly so. These bold steps
gained the whole affair such an increase
of credit, that, upon a bare notice that
certain irredeemable annuities would be
received for stock, upon terms hereafter
to be settled, numbers of annuitants de-
posited their securities at the South Sea
House, without knowing the terms !
About June, wheu the first half-yearly
dividend was becoming due, the frenzy
rose to such a pitch, that the stock was
sold at eight hundred and ninety per cent.'
This extravagance, howe ver,made so many
sellers, that the price suddenly fell, and
uneasiness began to be manifested ; when
the Directors had the inconceivable auda-
city to propose to create new stock at one
thousand per cent, to be paid in ten in-
stalments of one hundred pounds each.
Strange to relate, this desperate villany
turned the tide again, and, to use the
words of Anderson, ' in a few days the
hundred pound instalment was worth
four hundred .""
We invariably find that the success,
•whether real or pretended, of any one
scheme, gives rise to ahost of imitations.
If any new company, whatever be its
[Dec-
object, is started, and the shares are
selling at a premium, we may look
with perfect confidence for the an-
nouncement of six or seven others
before as many days have elapsed.
This is, of course, partly owing to the
cupidity of the public ; but that cupidity
could not manifest itself so soon in a
tangible form, but for the machinations
of certain parties, who see their way
to a profit whatever may be the re-
sult of the speculation. Amidst the
ruin and desolation which invariably
follow those seasons of infuriated and
infatuated gambling, to which we are
now almost habituated, such men pre-
serve a tranquil and a calm demean-
our. And no wonder : they have
reaped the harvest which the folly of
others has sown. At the hottest and
most exciting period of the game,
they have their senses as completely
under control as the sharper who has
deliberately dined on chicken and
lemonade," with the prospect of en-
countering afterwards an inebriated
victim at Crockford's. They may
play largely, but they only do so while
their hand is safe ; the moment luck
changes, they sell out, and leave the
whole loss to be borne by the unfor-
tunate dupes, who, believing in their
deliberate falsehoods, still continue to
hold on, trusting to the advent of those
fabulous better times which, in their
case, never can arrive. It has been
so in our own times, and it was so
when the South Sea bubble was ex-
panding on its visionary basis. Mul-
titudes of minor schemes were pro-
jected, subscribed for, and driven tip
to an exorbitant premium. The
shares of really solid companies par-
ticipated in the rise, and mounted
correspondingly in the market. The
nominal value of all the sorts of
stock then afloat was computed at no
less than five hundred millions; being
exactly double the estimated value of
the whole lands, houses, and real pro-
perty in the kingdom !
The collapse came, and brought ruin
to thousands who thought that they
held fortune within their grasp.
The history of the downfall is not less
suggestive than that of the rapid rise.
It has had its parallel in our days,
when the most rotten and unsubstan-
tial of companies have brazened out
their frauds to the last, doctored
1849.] The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
accounts, declared fictitious dividends, rouge-et-noir or roulette.
and threatened witii legal prosecution
those who had the courage and the
C71
honesty to expose them.
" The minor bubbles burst first, when
the South Sea schemers were foolish
enough to apply for a scire facias against
their projectors, on the ground that their
schemes injured the credit of the grand
scheme. This turned quondam allies into
furious enemies. The scire facias was is-
sued on 13th August 1720, when the
downfall began; and Mr Hutchison saw
his predictions completely fulfilled. The
South Sea villains, in sheer desperation,
declared a half-yearly dividend of thirty
per cent due at Christmas, and offered to
guarantee fifty per cent per annum for
twelve years! They might as well have
declared it for the thirtieth of February.
Everything was done to prop the repu-
tation of the directors, but all was in vain;
and when the stock fell at last to one
hundred and seventy-five, a panic ensued,
and all went to the ground together, to-
tally ruining thousands, and nearly drag-
ging the Bank and East India Company
along with it."
Mr Francis gives us some interest-
ing anecdotes of the casualties arising
from this gigantic scheme of impos-
ture. Gay, the author of the Beg-
gar's Opera, was a holder of stock,
and at one time might have sold out
with a profit of twenty thousand
pounds — an opportunity very rarely
vouchsafed to a poet. In spite of
shrewd advice, he neglected his chance,
and lost every penny. One Hudson,
a native of Yorkshire, who had suc-
ceeded to a large fortune, went deeply
into the scheme. From a million-
uaire he became a beggar and insane,
and wandered through the streets of
London a pitiable object of charity.
But it would be work of supereroga-
tion to multiply instances of similar
calamity. They are reproduced over
and over again at the conclusion of
every fit of wild and reckless specula-
tion ; and yet the warning, terrible as
it is, seems to have no effect in re-
straining the morbid appetite.
It would, we apprehend, be impos-
sible to fintl any one who will advo-
cate gambling upon principle ; though
a multitude of excellent persons, who
would shrink with horror were the
odious epithet applied to them, are,
nevertheless, as much gamblers as if
they were staking their money at
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCX.
The man
who buys into a public stock with the
intention of selling in a week or a
fortnight, in the expectation of do-
ing so at an advanced price, or the
other who sells shares which he does
not possess, in the confident belief of
a speedy fall, is, in everything save
decency of appearance, on a par with
the haunter of the casino. He may,
if he so pleases, designate himself an
investor, but, in reality, he is a com-
mon gamester. This may be a hard
truth, but it is a wholesome one, and
it cannot be too often repeated, at a
time when general usage, and yield-
ing to temptation, have perverted
words from their ordinary significance,
and led many of us to justify trans-
actions wnich, when tried by the
standard of morality, and stripped of
their disguise, ought to be unhesita-
tingly condemned. " He that lovetb
gold shall not be justified," said the
son of Sirach. f Many have sinned
for a small matter ; and he that seek-
eth for abundance will turn his eyes
away. As a nail sticketh fast be-
tween the joinings of the stones, so
doth sin stick close between buying
and selling." This spirit, when it
becomes general in the nation, cannot
be otherwise than most hurtful to its
welfare, since it diverts the thoughts
of many from those industrial pur-
suits which are profitable to them-
selves and others, and leads them
astray from that honourable and up-
right course which is the sure and
only road to wealth, happiness, and
esteem. This has been, to a certain
extent, acknowledged by government,
even within our own time. The per-
nicious effect of the lotteries, originally
a state device, upon the morals and
condition of the lower classes, as tes-
tified by the vast increase of crime,
became at length so glaring, that these
detestable engines of fraud were sup-
pressed by act of parliament. They
still linger on the Continent, as most
of us have reason to know from the
annual receipt of documents, copiously
circulated by the Jews of Hamburg
and Frankfort, offering us, in ex-
change for a few florins, the chance of
becoming proprietors of several cha-
teaux on the Rhine, with boar- forests,
mineral springs, vineyards, and other
appurtenances. We presume, from
2v
072
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
the continuity of the circulars, that
Israel still finds its dupes ; but we
never happened, save in one of Charles
Lever's novels, to hear of any person
lucky enough to stumble on the ticket
which secured the right to Henkers-
bcrg, Bettlersbad, or Narrenstein. The
extent to which lottery gambling was
carried in this country seems to us
absolutely incredible. Derby sweeps
were nothing to ifc.
11 In 1772," says Mr Francis, "lottery
magazine proprietors, lottery tailors, lot-
tery staymakers, lottery glovers, lottery
hatmakers, lottery tea merchants, lottery
barbers — where a man, for being shaved
and paying threepence, stood a chance of
receiving £10; lottery shoeblacks, lottery
eating-houses — where, for sixpence, a
plate of meat and the chance of 60 gui-
neas were given; lottery oyster-stalls —
where threepence gave a supply of oysters,
and a remote chance of Eve guineas, were
plentiful; and, to complete a catalogue
which speaks volumes, at a sausage-stall,
in a narrow alley, was the important in-
timation written up, that, for one far-
thing's worth of sausages, the fortunate
purchaser might realise a capital of five
shillings. Quack doctors, a class which
formed so peculiar a feature in village
life of old, sold medicine at a high price,
giving those who purchased it tickets in
a lottery purporting to contain silver and
other valuable prizes."
A new_ discovery was presently
made, which had a serious effect upon
trade. Money-prizes were discon-
tinued, and shopkeepers, parcelling
out their goods, disposed of them by
lottery. As a matter of course, this
business, commenced by disreputable
adventurers, proved most injurious to
the regular dealer. People refused to
buy an article at the regular price,
when it might be obtained for next to
nothing. They were, however, utterly
wrong, for the staple of the prize
goods, when inspected, proved to be
of the most flimsy description. Tickets
in the state lotteries became the sub-
ject of pawn, and were so received by
the brokers, and even by the bankers.
Suicide was rife ; forgery grew com-
mon ; theft increased enormously.
Husbands and fathers saw their wives
and children reduced to absolute star-
vation, and weeping bitterly for bread,
and yet pawned their last articles of
household furniture for one more des-
perate chance iu the lottery. Wives
betrayed their husbands, and plunder-
ed them for the same purpose. Ser-
vants robbed their masters ; commis-
sions and offices were sold. Insu-
rance was resorted to, to accommodate
all classes. Those who had not money
to pay for tickets might insure a cer-
tain number for a small sum, and thus
obtain a prize ; and so lottery grew
upon lottery, and the sphere was in-
definitely extended. It was not un-
til 1826 that this abominable system
was finally crushed. The image of
the vans, placards, and handbills of
Bish is still fresh in our memory ; and
we pray devoutly that succeeding ge-
nerations may never behold a similar
spectacle.
It would be in vain for us, within
the limits of an article, to attempt
even the faintest sketch of the specu-
lative manias which, from time to
time, have affected the prosperity of
Great Britain. Some of these have
been quite as baseless as the South
Sea bubble, and may be directly traced
to the agency and instigation of the
Stock Exchange. Otherswere founded
upon schemes of manifest advantage
to the public, and even to the pro-
prietary, if cautiously and wisely car-
ried out; but here again the passion
for gambling has been insanely de-
veloped, and encouraged by those who
sought to make fortunes at the ex-
pense of their dupes. There is at all
times, in this country, a vast deal of
unemployed capital, which, in the
cant phrase, "is waiting for invest-
ment," and which cannot well be in-
vested in any of the ordinary channels
of business. The fact is, that within
the area of Britain, it has been long
difficult for a capitalist to select a
proper field of operation; and the
tendency of recent legislation has
materially increased the dilficnlty. The
country, in fact, may be considered as
entirely made. Agricultural improve-
ment, on a large scale, which implied
the possession of a tract of unprofit-
able country, was considered, even,
before the repeal of the com laws, as
no hopeful speculation. Since that
disastrous event, the chances have
naturally diminished ; and we suspect
that, by this time, very few people
have any faith in Sir Robert Peel's pro-
posal for establishing new colonies in
Connaught. When we find the Whig
1849.]
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
673
Lord Monteagle denouncing free
trade as the bane of Ireland, we may
be sure that few capitalists will sink
their funds in the western bogs, hoping
that they may appear again in the
shape of golden grain which may defy
the competition of the fertile valleys
of America. We have quite enough
of factories for all the demand which
is likely to come for years : instead of
building new ones, it is always easy,
if any one has a fancy for it, to pur-
chase abandoned mills at a very con-
siderable discount; but we do not
find such stock eagerly demanded in
the market. Foreign competition has
extinguished several branches of in-
dustry to which capital might be pro-
fitably applied, and materially injured
others; so that moneyed men really are
at a loss for eligible investment.
This want has been felt for a long
time ; and the uncertain policy of our
ministers, with regard to colonial
affairs, has undoubtedly had an in-
jurious effect upon the prosperity of
these dependencies. We have anni-
hilated much of the capital invested in
the West Indies, and have withdrawn
a great deal more. It is long since
Adam Smith urged the propriety and
the policy of identifying some of our
more important colonies with Great
Britain, by the simple process of in-
corporation, thus extending materially
the field of the capitalist upon se-
curity equal to that which he can
always command at home. Such an
opportunity is at this moment afforded
by Canada ; but it seems that we will
rather run the risk of seeing Canada
merge in the United States than make
any sacrifice of our pride, even where
our interest is concerned. A con-
siderable deal of capital has gone to
Australia ; but we suspect, from late
events, that the future supply will be
limited.
Before the railways opened to ca-
pitalists a channel of investment which
appeared exceedingly plausible, and
which was, . in a great measure,
guaranteed by the result of experi-
ment, vast masses of realised wealth
accumulated from time to time. Upon
these hoards the members, myrmidons,
and jobbers of the Stock Exchange,
cast a covetous eye: they whispered
to each other, in the language of King
John—
_ " Let them shake the bags
Of hoarding abbots ; angels imprisoned
Set thou at liberty: the fat ribs of peace
Must by the hungry now be fed upon :
Use our commission in its utmost force."
Acting upon this principle, they
made their business to find out new-
channels of investment — an easier
task than the discovery of a north-
western passage in the arctic regions
— and to represent these in all the
glowing colours which are peculiar to
the artists of 'Change Alley.
The year 1823 was remarkable for
the commencement of an epidemic
which proved, in its effects, even more
disastrous than the South Sea delusion.
It would be tedious to enumerate or
discuss the causes which led to this
sudden outburst ; some of them have
been indirectly traced to the operation
of Sir Eobert Peel's famous Currency
Act of 1819, which fettered the Bank
of England, whilst it left the country
bankers free to issue unlimited paper,
and to the respite of the smaller notes
which had been previously doomed to
extinction. Whatever may have been
the cause, speculation began and in-
creased at a rate which was quite un-
precedented. All kinds of ridiculous
schemes found favour in the public
eye : nothing was too absurd or pre-
posterous to scare away applicants for
shares. Mining, building, shipping,
insurance, railway, colonising, and
washing companies were established :
even an association for the making of
gold was subscribed for to the full
amount, and doubtless a balloon com-
pany for lunar purposes would have
been equally popular. This period
was marked by the apparition of an
entirely new animal in the precincts
of the Stock Exchange. Bulls, bears,
and even lame ducks, were creatures
coeval with its existence; but the
" stag," in its humanised form, first
appeared in 1823. The following
sketch might pass for a view of Capel
Court some two-and-twenty years
later: —
" The readiness with which shares were
attainable first created a class of specu-
lators that has ever since formed a marked
feature in periods of excitement, in the
dabblers in shares and loans with which
the courts aud crannies of the parent
establishment were crowded. The scene
was worthy the pencil of an artist. With
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
huge pocket-book containing worthless
scrip ; with crafty countenance and cun-
ning eye; with showy jewellery and
threadbare coat ; with well-greased locks,
and unpolished boots ; with knavery in
every curl of the lip, and villany in every
thought of the heart ; the stag, as he was
afterwards termed, was a prominent por-
trait in the foreground. Grouped together
in one corner, might be seen a knot of
boys, eagerly buying and selling at a pro-
fit which bore no comparison to the loss
of honesty they each day experienced.
Day after day were elderly men with
huge umbrellas witnessed in the same
spot, doing business with those whose
characters might be judged from their
company. At another point, the youth
just rising into manhood, conscious of a
few guineas in his purse, with a resolute
determination to increase them at any
price, gathered a group around, while he
delivered his invention to the listening
throng, who regarded him as a superior
spirit. In every corner, and in every
vacant space, might be seen men eagerly
discussing the premium of a new com-
pany, the rate of a newloan, the rumoured
profit of some lucky speculator, the
rumoured failure of some great financier,
or wrangling with savage eagerness over
the fate of a shilling. The scene has been
appropriated by a novelist as not un-
worthy of his pen. ' There I found my-
self,' he writes, ' in such company as I
had never seen before. Gay sparks, with
their hats placed on one side, and their
hands in their breeches' pockets, walked
up and down with a magnificent strut,
whistling most harmoniously, or occasion-
ally humming an Italian air. Several
grave personages stood in close consulta-
tion, scowling on all who approached, and
seeming to reprehend any intrusion. Some
lads, whose faces announced their Hebrew
origin, and whose miscellaneous finery
was finely emblematical of Rag Fair,
passed in and out; and besides these,
there attended a strangely varied rabble,
exhibiting in all sorts of forms and ages,
dirty habiliments, calamitous poverty,
and grim-visaged villany. It was curious
to me to hear with what apparent intelli-
gence they discussed all the concerns of
the nation. Every wretch was a states-
man; and each could explain, not only
all that had been hinted at in parlia-
ment, but all that was at that moment
passing in the bosom of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer.'"
The sketch is not over-coloured.
No one can have forgotten the sudden
swarm of flesh-flies, called from cor-
ruption into existence during the heat
of the railway mania, and the ridi-
culous airs of importance which they
assumed. A convulsion of this kind
— for it can be styled nothing else —
does infinite injury to society ; for the
common greed of gain too often breaks
down the barriers which morality,
education, and refinement have reared
up, and proves that speculation, as
well as poverty, has a tendency to
make men acquainted with strange
companions.
There were, however, features in the
mania of 1823 which distinguish it from
every other. Thejoint-stock companies
established for domestic bubble pur-
poses engrossed but a limited share of
the public attention ; though the ex-
tent of that limitation may be estimat-
ed by the fact, that five hundred and
thirty-two new companies w ere proj ect-
ed, with a nominal subscribed capital of
£441,649,600. Of course only a mere
fraction of this money was actually
put down ; still the gambling in the
shares was enormous. The greater
part of the capital actually abstracted
from the country went in the shape of
foreign loans, of which there were no
less than twenty-six contracted during
that disastrous period, or very shortly
before, to an amount of about fifty-six
millions. On sixteen of these loans
interest has ceased to be paid. We
find among the borrowers such states
as Chili, Buenos Ayres, Colombia,
Guatemala, Gunduljava, Mexico,
and Peru, not to mention Greece,
Portugal, and Spain, countries which
have set to Europe a scandalous ex-
ample of repudiation. Most of these
loans purported to bear interest at the
rate of six per cent, and some of them
were contracted for at so Iowa figure as
68 ; nevertheless, with all these seem-
ing advantages, it appears marvellous
that people should have lent their
money on such slender security as
the new republics could offer. We
observe that Mr Francis has revived
the antiquated scandal touching Jo-
seph Hume's " mistake" with regard
to the Greek bonds, a story which
has been a sore thorn in the side of
the veteran reformer. We think he
might have let it alone. The real
mistake lay on the part of those who
assumed that Joseph's philanthropic
interest in the Greek cause was so in-
tense as to suffer him for one moment
1849.]
TJie National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
to lose sight of his own. His anxiety
to back out of a bad bargain was per-
fectly natural. He never was an
Epaminondas, and he felt justly irri-
tated at the foolishness of the Greeks
in persisting that he should sustain
the heroic character, at the expense
of his privy purse, when the stock
had fallen to a discount. If, when it
rose again to par, the Greek deputies
were weak enough to repay him the
amount of his loss, with the uttermost
farthing of interest, that was their
concern. When a senatorial sympa-
thiser gives the aid of his lungs to
the cause of suffering humanity, he
has surely done enough. Why mulct
him further from the pocket ?
Those foreign loans, and the drain
of bullion which they occasioned,
speedily brought on the crisis. It
was a very fearful one, and for the
second time, at least, the Bank of Eng-
land was in danger. It was then that
mighty establishment owed its safety
to the discovery of a neglected box of
one pound notes, which, according to
the evidence of Mr Harmau, one of
the principal directors, saved the credit
of the country. The coffers of the
bank were exhausted, almost to the
last sovereign ; and but for that most
fortunate box, cash payments must
have been suspended in December
1825, a position of affairs the issue of
which no human intelligence could
predicate. Subsequent legislation has
not been able to guard us against the
possibility of a similar recurrence.
All that has been done is to insure
the certainty of an earlier and more
frequent panic, and to clog the wheels
of commerce by rendering discounts
impracticable at periods when no
speculation is on foot. But as far as
regards the stability of the Bank of
England, under our present monetary
laws, no provision has been made, in
any way commensurate to the addi-
tional risk occasioned by the absorp-
tion of the twenty millions and up-
wards lodged in the savings-banks,
all which must, when required, be
repaid in the precious metals ; and in
case of any convulsion, or violent
alarm, it is clear that such a de-
mand would be made. The experi-
ence of 1832 has clearly demonstra-
ted how the fate of a ministry may be
made to depend upon the position
675
of the establishment in Threadneedle
Street.
It is perhaps not to be wondered at
that, in a commercial country like
ours, wealth should command that
respect and homage which, in other
times, was accorded to the possessors
of nobler attributes. We make every
allowance for the altered circum-
stances of the age. High and heroic
valour, as it existed before, and un-
doubtedly still does exist, has not the
same field for its display as in the days
when Christendom was leagued against
the Infidel, or even in those, compara-
tively later, when contending factions
made their appeal to arms. Our wars,
when they do occur, are matters of
tactics and generalship ; and physical
courage and daring has ceased ,to be
the path to more than common re-
nown. Where most are loyal, and no
treason is at hand, loyalty is no con-
spicuous virtue. Those who are dis-
tinguished in the walks of literature
and science need not covet adulation,
and very seldom can command it.
Their fame is of too noble and endur-
ing a quality to be affected by ephe-
meral applause; and it is good for
them to work on in patience and in
silence, trusting for their reward here-
after. The substantiality of wealth,
the power and patronage which it
commands, will inevitably make its
possessor more conspicuous in the
eyes of the'community, than if he were
adorned with the highest mental attri-
butes. All things are measured by
money : and when money is acknow-
ledged as the chief motive power, he
who knows best how to amass it can-
not fail'to be the object of attention.
But the marked and indiscriminate
homage which is paid to wealth alone,
without regard to the character of the
possessor, or the means through which
that wealth has been acquired, is, in
our estimation, a feature disgraceful
to the age, and, were it altogether
new, would justify us in thinking that
the spirit of independence had declined.
We shall hold ourselves excused from
illustrating our meaning by making
special reference to a recent but strik-
ing instance, in which wealth suddenly
acquired, though by most iniquitous
means, raised its owner, for a time, to
the pinnacle of public observation.
We prefer selecting from the pages of
676
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
[Dec.
Mr Francis the portrait of a man
whose character displayed nothing
that was great, generous, benevolent,
or noble ; whose whole life and whole
energies were devoted to the acqui-
sition of pelf; whose manners were
coarse ; whose person was unprepos-
sessing ; whose mind never ranged
beyond its own contracted and money-
making sphere ; and who yet com-
manded, in this England of ours, a
homage greater than was ever paid to
virtue, intellect, or valour. Such a
man was Nathan Meyer Rothschild,
the famous Jew capitalist.
Originally from Frankfort, this re-
markable man came over to England
towards the close of last century, and
commenced operations in Manchester,
where he is said to have speedily
trebled his first capital of £20,000 :—
" This," says Mr Francis, " was the
foundation of that colossal fortune which
afterwards passed into a proverb ; and in
1800, finding Manchester too small for
the mind which could grapple with these
profits, Rothschild came to London. It
was the period when such a man was
sure to make progress, as, clear and com-
prehensive in his commercial views, he
was also rapid and decisive in working
out the ideas which presented themselves.
Business was plentiful ; the entire Conti-
nent formed our customers ; and Roths-
child reaped a rich reward. From bar-
gain to bargain, from profit to profit, the
Hebrew financier went on and prospered.
Gifted with a fine perception, he never
hesitated in action. Having bought some
bills of the Duke of Wellington at a dis-
count— to the payment of which the faith
of the state was pledged — his next ope-
ration was to buy the gold -which was
necessary to pay them, and, when he had
purchased it, he was, as he expected, in-
formed that the government required it.
Government had it — but, doubtless, paid
for the accommodation. ' It was the best
business I ever did!' he exclaimed tri-
umphantly ; and he added that, when the
government had got it, it was of no ser-
vice to them until he had undertaken to
convey it to Portugal."
Rothschild was, in fact, a usurer to
the state, as greedy and unconscion-
able as the humbler Hebrew who
discounts the bill of a spendthrift at
forty per cent, and, instead of hand-
ing over the balance in cash to his
victim, forces him to accept the moiety
in coals, pictures, or cigars. His
information was minute, exclusive,
and ramified. All the arts which had
been employed on the Stock Ex-
change in earlier times were revived
by him, and new " dodges" intro-
duced to depress or to raise the mar-
ket.
" One cause of his success was the
secrecy with which he shrouded all his
transactions, and the tortuous policy with
which he misled those the most who
watched him the keenest. If he pos-
sessed news calculated to make the funds
rise, he would commission the broker who
acted on his behalf to sell half a million.
The shoal of men who usually follow the
movements of others sold with him. The
news soon passed through Capel Court
that Rothschild was bearing the market,
and the funds fell. Men looked doubt-
ingly at one another; a general panic
spread ; bad news was looked for ; and
these united agencies sank the price two
or three per cent. This was the result
expected ; and other brokers, not usually
employed by him, bought all they could
at the reduced rate. By the time this
was accomplished, the good news had ar-
rived; the pressure ceased; the funds
rose instantly; and Mr Rothschild reaped
his reward."
The morality of the ring has some-
times been called in question ; but we
freely confess, that we would rather
trust ourselves implicitly to the ten-
der mercies of the veriest leg that
ever bartered horse-flesh, than to
those of such a man as " the first
baron of Jewry" — a title which was
given him by a foreign potentate, to
the profanation of a noble Christian
order.
Such were the doings of Rothschild:
let us now see him in person. " He
was a mark for the satirists of the day.
His huge and somewhat slovenly ap-
pearance ; the lounging attitude he as-
sumed, as he leaned against his pillar
in the Royal Exchange ; his rough and
rugged speech ; his foreign accent and
idiom, made caricature mark him as
its own ; while even caricature lost
all power over a subject which defied
its utmost skill. His person was made
an object of ridicule ; but his form
and features were from God. His
mind and manners were fashioned by
circumstances ; his acts alone were
public property, and by these we have
a right to judge him. No great benevo-
lence lit up his path ; no great charity
is related of him. The press, ever
ready to chronicle liberal deeds, was
1849.]
The National Debt and the Stock Exchange.
677
almost silent upon the point ; and the
fine feeling which marked the path of
an Abraham Goldsmid, and which
brightens the career of many of the
same creed, is unrecorded by the
power which alone could give it pub-
licity."
Mr Disraeli, in some of his clever
novels, has drawn the portrait of a
great Jew financier in colours at once
brilliant and pleasing. His Sidonia,
whilst deeply engaged in money-mak-
ing pursuits, is represented as a man
of boundless accomplishment, ex-
panded intellect, varied information,
and princely generosity. He is the
very Paladin of the Exchange — a
compound of Orlando and Sir Moses
Montefiore. The extravagance of the
conception does not prevent us from
admiring the consummate skill of the
author, in adapting his materials so as
to elevate our ideas and estimate of
the Hebrew idiosyncrasy. Sidonia is
as much at home in the palace as in
the counting-room ; his great wealth
ceases to be the prominent feature,
and becomes the mere acetssory of the
polished and intellectual man ; avarice
never for one moment is permitted to
appear ; on the contrary, the prodi-
gality of the munificent Hebrew is
something more than Oriental. We
may refuse to believe in the reality of
such a character, which implies a com-
bination of the most antagonistic pur-
suits, and a union of mental attributes
which could not possibly coexist 5 but,
this difficulty once surmounted," we
cannot challenge the right of so emi-
nently gifted an individual to take his
place among the true nobility of the
earth. We fear, however, that such
a phoenix of Palestine has no exist-
ence, save on paper. Certain it is,
that Rothschild was not the man ;
and yet Rothschild, in his day, com-
manded as much homage as the novel-
ist has claimed for Sidonia. Great is
the power of money ! Princes feasted
with him ; ambassadors attended him
to the tomb ; and yet, for all we can
learn, he was not equal, in moral
worth, to the meanest pauper in the
workhouse. He would at times give
a guinea to a street beggar, not for
the object of relieving his wants, but
to enjoy the joke of seeing him run
away, under the apprehension that
the donor had been mistaken in the
coin! His wealth was gained by
chicanery, and augmented by syste-
matic deceit ; and yet attend to the
words of the chronicler : —
" Peers and princes of the blood sat at
his table ; clergymen and laymen bowed
before him ; and they who preached loud-
est against mammon, bent lowest before
the mammon-worshipper. Gorgeous plate,
fine furniture, an establishment such as
many a noble of Norman descent would
envy, graced his entertainments. With-
out social refinement, with manners which,
offensive in the million, were but brusque
in the millionnaire ; he collected around
him the fastidious members of the most
fastidious aristocracy in the world. He
saw the representatives of all the states
in Europe proud of his friendship. By
the democratic envoy of the New World,
by the ambassador of the imperial Russ,
was his hospitality alike accepted ; while
the man who warred with slavery in all
its forms and phases, was himself slave to
the golden reputation of the Hebrew.
The language which Mr Rothschild could
use when his anger overbalanced his dis-
cretion, was a license allowed to- his
wealth ; and he who, when placed in a
position which almost compelled him to
subscribe to a pressing charity, could ex-
claim, " Here, write a cheque — I have
made one — fool of myself ! " was courted
and caressed by the clergy, was feted and
followed by the peer, was treated as an
equal by the first minister of the crown,
and more than worshipped by those whose
names stood foremost on the roll of a com-
mercial aristocracy. His mode of dicta-
ting letters was characteristic of a mind
entirely absorbed in money- making ; and
his ravings, when he found a bill unex-
pectedly protested, were translated into
mercantile language before they were fit
to meet a correspondent's eye. It is pain-
ful to write thus depreciatingly of a man
who possessed BO large a development of
brain ; but the golden gods of England
have many idolaters, and the voice of
truth rarely penetrates the private room
of the English merchant."
Poor as Lazarus may be, let him not
envy the position of Dives, Even in
this world, riches cannot purchase hap-
piness. Any pecuniary loss was enough
to drive Rothschild to despair. His
existence was further embittered by
the dread of assassination— no uncom-
mon symptom, when the mind is rarely
at ease ; and those who knew him
best, said that he was often troubled
with such thoughts, and that they
haunted him at moments when he
678
My Peninsular Medal. — Part IL
[Dec.
would willingly have forgotten them.
"Happy!" he said, in reply to the
compliment of a guest — ic me happy!
what ! happy when, just as you are
going to dine, you have a letter placed
In your hands, saying, ' If you do not
send me £500, 1 will blow your brains
out ? ' Happy ! — me happy ! " We are
not compassionate enough to wish that
it had been otherwise. Such thoughts
are the foreshadowing of the end of
those who have prospered beyond their
deserts, and have failed in making
even that negative expiation, which
conscience sometimes extorts from the
apprehensions of unscrupulous men.
And here we shall close our re-
marks. There is still a fertile field
before us, on which we might be
tempted to enter ; but that discussion
would bring us too near our own days,
and involve the resumption of topics
which have already been handled in
Maga. The time doubtless will come,
when, after the cessation of some new
fit of speculation, and when men are
cursing their folly, and attempting by
late industry to repair their shattered
fortunes, some historian like Mr Fran-
cis shall take up the pen, and chron-
icle our weakness, as that of our fathers
is already chronicled. In the mean-
time, it would be well for all of us
seriously to lay to heart the lesson
which may be drawn from this inter-
esting record. Speculation, carried
beyond due bounds, is neither more
nor less than a repetition of the old
game of BEGGAR MY NEIGHBOUR,
under another form. To fair and
legitimate enterprise we owe much of
our modern improvement ; which has
been further rendered necessary by
the pressure which has increased, and
is increasing upon us. To unfair and
illegitimate enterprise, undertaken for
the sole purpose of immediate gain,
we owe nothing save periods of great
misery and desolation. The game of
BEGGAR MY NEIGHBOUR may be
played privately or publicly. Some
of us have taken a hand in it privately,
with what results we shall keep to
ourselves. For several years back,
our statesmen have played the public
game, and played it well. They have
succeeded in inflicting successively a
blow upon each great interest of the
country, by dealing with each sepa-
rately, and by alienating the sympathy
of the others. The game is now
pretty well played out ; and when we
come to reckon our counters, it is
evident from the result, that not one
of the parties so dealt with has been
a winner! Who, then, are the gainers?
We think the answer is plain. They
are the Capitalist and the Foreigner.
MY PENINSULAR MEDAL.
BY AN OLD PENINSULAR.
PART II. — CHAPTER IV.
WE held our course, after part-
ing with our friends in the boat, and
were soon at the harbour's mouth.
The breeze continued to freshen, and
the swell to increase. Our little
Wilhelmina now began to give us a
specimen of her qualities as a sea-
boat. Labouring through the curled
and crested seas, creaking, groaning,
vibrating from stem to stern ; now
balancing, with her keel half bare, on
the summit of a lofty surge, now deep
in a liquid trough ; now kicking up
behind, uow running her nose bang
into a bank of water ; now pointing
skywards, as if bound to the moon,
•and not to Lisbon ; now pitching, now
jig-jigging it, she simulated the paces
of a Spanish genet — a great deal of
action, very little progress.
By the time we were clear of the
harbour, and in comparatively smooth
water, the wind had shifted to the
north-west ; our course lay south,
and, being sheltered by the land, we
soon exchanged the jig-jigging of our
exit from port for a far more agree-
able, because more equable motion,
as we drove over ocean's swell. It
had already become palpably evident
that none of our military friends were
good sailors. Now, however, they
were all able to stand without hold-
ing—all, I should say, but one un-
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal.— Part II.
679
happy individual, aud that was Mr
Commissary Capsicum, who had been
reduced to a miserable state of disor-
der by the active movements of the
brig, and whose actual symptoms
were by no means those of convales-
cence.
Night closed in. It was past twilight,
3^ct not wholly dark — in short, that in-
terval between twilight and perfect
wight, for which in English we have no
word, but which the richer language of
Burns expressively designates as " the
gloaming." Little more than enough
of it to fill the sails and give the vessel
way, the wind was soft, and at times
scarcely perceptible. The waves heav-
ed lazily ; the ship surmounted them
with measured rise and fall ; and,
though the heavens were overcast, a
light, different from that of day, clear
but faint, was equably diffused on all
sides. The tremulous surface of the
ocean, dark, but distinguishable to the
horizon, was there sharply outlined
against the pale but still luminous
sky.
Since we left port in the morning,
what with showers and spray, wind
and sunshine, I had been more than
once wet through and dry again. The
consequences were now perceptible.
I shivered inwardly. My mind, too,
was ill at ease. After much reflec-
tion, and some self-examination, I
came to this conclusion : that some-
thing was requisite, something was in-
dispensable, in my actual condition both
of mind and body. What that some-
thing was, did not instantly occur to
me. I asked myself the question
point-blank — I answered it. The
problem was solved : I wanted — a
nightcap. Down I rushed into the
cabin. " Steward, bring me some hot
water and a little brandy." — "Yes,
sir ; a glass of hot brandy and water,
sir ; coming directly, sir." — " No, no,
steward ; that's not what I called for.
Bring the brandy and the hot water
separate. I'll mix for myself."
" Quite right, " growled a feeble
voice. It was poor, unhappy, still-
very-fav-from-perfectly-recovered Mr
Capsicum's. The falling of the wind
had so far abated the ship's move-
ments, that his worst symptoms were
now relieved. Still, however, he was
far, very far, from well. Most of the
passengers had turned in ; but there,
by lamplight, sat poor Capsicum at
the cabin table, from sheer listless-
ness, destitute of sufficient energies to
put himself to bed, a lamentable spec-
tacle.
" Suppose you join me, then," said
I. " Do you good."
" Can't, can't," said he, plaintively.
"Couldn't get it down, if I knew it
would make me well this instant.
Wish I could. I'll see you take
yours, though. That'll be some com-
fort, anyhow."
The steward now brought hot
water, half a lemon, lump-sugar,
tumbler half full of capital brandy. —
" Here, steward, you may take the
lemon away with you. Don't want
it."
" Quite right," grunted Capsicum,
who thought himself a connoisseur in
all things eatable and drinkable.
" Quite right; no rum, no lemon."
Spite of his pitiful plight, he now,
con amore, set himself to watch my
operations critically; as if, from the
brewing, he would form an estimate of
my judgment, capabilities, taste, cha-
racter, and general attainments.
With the silver tongs I extracted a
lump of crystal sugar, the largest in
the basin. The present " without"
system was not then in vogue, nor
have I adopted it yet. But now there
was a hitch — how to melt the sugar'.
In the tumbler it must not go — there
was the brandy : that had been an in-
fringement of all the laws of potatory
combination. I felt that I was under
observation, and that my character
was at stake. I placed the sugar in
the spoon. " Quite right," said Cap-
sicum. •
Yet neither, according to the mo-
dern practice, did I wash the sugar,
half melted, from the spoon into the
tumbler, with a stream of hot water.
That, I submit, is an approximation
to the error of immersing the sugar in
the unmixed brandy. No, no. Hold-
ing the spoon over the tumbler, I
carefully dropped upon the sugar three
drops of the boiling water. It was
enough. The sugar gradually sub-
sided into a pellucid liquid, which filled
the spoon. Capsicum, who, sick as
he was, still watched iny proceedings
with the deepest interest, and with a
patronising air of mild benignity, re-
peated bis testimonial — "Quite right."
C80
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
Waiting till the sngar was wholly
dissolved, I then 'at length infused
sufficient hot water to scald the raw
spirits, then added the sugar. Two
or three stirs sufficed ; not a bead
floated on the surface. The mixture
was made — tumbler about half an inch
from full — a " stiff un." Capsicum
raised himself from the table on which
he had been leaning, with folded arms,
like a cat watching a mouse, and gave
a snort of approbation.
" You and that white fellow old ac-
quaintance ?" said Capsicum.
" Our acquaintance," replied I,
" commenced at Falmouth about a
week ago."
" Oh ! thought perhaps he was some
family connexion," said Capsicum.
" The connexion is quite recent, as
I tell you," said I ; " but I certainly
don't mean to cut it. Hope to dine
with him at headquarters, every day
I'm disengaged."
" Dine with him at headquarters ?"
replied Capsicum. " You'll do nothing
of the kind, I can tell you that, sir.
That is, you'll dine with him at my
table ; pretty often, too, I trust. Hope
I shall frequently have the pleasure of
seeing you both. But at his own
table, if you're twenty years at head-
quarters, you won't dine with him
once ; take my word for that. John
Barrymore wouldn't suffer it." Here
was a blow !
" Well, but that's a thing I can't
understand," said I.
" Well then, I must make you un-
derstand it," replied Capsicum. " You
are going out on an appointment as
clerk in John Barrymore's Depart-
ment. Isn't it so?" I bowed as-
sent.
" Very well. That white chap does
business in commissariat bills. When
lie gets a bill, he's dying to get the
cash. Your Department pays the
cash. Don't you see, my dear sir?
It wouldn't do. It would be utterly
at variance with all the rules of pro-
priety, for any man in your Depart-
ment to be on terms of intimacy with
any man who does business in bills.
Besides, it would be contrary to head-
quarters etiquette ; everybody would
talk about it. Now," added Capsi-
cum, with a self- approving air, " now
I've done my duty by John Barry-
more. Noticed you were very thick.
Thought I'd tell you, the first oppor-
tunity. Oh me! oh me!" (sighing,
panting, gasping, pressing his hands
on his stomach, and swaying his head
from side to side,) " how very ill I do
feel ! Such a horrid sensation ! a don't-
know-howishness — a sort of a come-
overishness ! The exertion of talking
has made me quite bad again. Here,
steward ! steward ! I must go on
deck this instant." He turned ghastly
green.
" Yet," said I, hoping he would
soon be better, " Mr Gingham, it
seems, can dine with J/OM, without any
breach of propriety."
"Yes, yes, to be sure he can,"
said Capsicum ; " and so can you.
Our Department don't finger the cash.
Don't you see? That makes all the
difference. Hope you'll both dine
with me often."
" Shall be very happy," replied I :
" much obliged for your kind invita-
tion. But still I can't understand.
Mr Gingham has been at headquarters
before, and knows headquarters. He
also knows, I suppose, that your
humble servant is a clerk of the mili-
tary chest. Yet it was he himself
who made the proposal that he and I
should campaign together."
" Can't explain that," said Capsi-
cum ; " must leave him to explain
that as he can. Oh ! here he comes."
Gingham, before he turned in, had
been on deck, to take a last look at the
weather, to commune with the silent
night, to scrutinise the horizon, to soli-
loquise with the clouds, and perhaps
for some better and more solemn pur-
poses : for Gingham, with all his oddi-
ties, was a man of religious principle,
and of devotional feeling, and cared
not who knew it. He now approached,
and seated himself with us at the
cabin table.
"Saw you at Cadiz," said Capsi-
cum. ' ' Think I saw you at Madrid."
" I saw yon at Canton," coolly re-
plied Gingham. Capsicum looked a
little queer.
" At Canton ? " said Capsicum.
" Saw me at Canton ? Did you,
though ? Come, come, now you're
joking, you know. Did you though,
really ? How was I dressed ?"
" You were dressed like what yon
were ; not exactly as you are dressed
now. You had a long, taper pigtail,
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal, — Part II.
reaching down to your heels ; no hair
on your head besides. You had slip-
pers, scarlet and gold, turned up at
the toes. You earned a fan ; and
didn't I once or twice see you followed
by a fellow who carried a parasol over
your head at the top of a long pole ?
You had — "
" I'll tell you what," said Capsicum
precipitately ; " I'm a Christian for
all that, and my father was an Eng-
lishman. True, I was bred at Can-
ton ; but I wasn't born there. Born
at Macao. My mother — "
Here, in a voice which ran through
all the notes of the gamut, not how-
ever in due order, but like the cat's
minuet, high and low alternately,
Gingham struck up a strange out-
landish sort of utterance, whether
talking or singing I could not tell ,
but, if singing, it was the rummest
song I ever heard — a jumping, disso-
nant compound of bass and treble.
Capsicum responded in a similar
fugue. The two funny rogues were
speaking Chinese ! The discovery of
Capsicum's semi-gentile extraction
tickled my fancy not a little.
" So," said Capsicum to Gingham,
" you and Johnny intend to make a
joint concern of it at headquarters."
" That's how we've settled it," re-
plied Gingham.
" Can't be," said Capsicum.
" Thought you knew all headquarters'
rules, regulations, and observances."
" Thought I did know something
about them," replied Gingham.
"Well, then," replied Capsicum,
" don't you know what department
young Johnny here belongs to ?"
" Your department, the commis-
sariat department, I always under-
stood," replied Gingham ; " saw his
name put down so in the list of pas-
sengers per packet at Falmonth. If
Mr Y — will oblige me by referring to
a document, which I had the honour
of handing him before dinner, he will
find himself there designated accord-
ingly."
Sure enough, so it was : " G. Y — ,
Esq., Commissary- General's Depart-
ment, in A. C., with Gingham Ging-
ham."
" But didn't you happen to know
that Mr Y — , as you call him," said
Capsicum, " was John Barrymore's
own nephew ?"
" Of that circumstance I was not
cognisant," replied Gingham, " till I
happened to become aware of it by
the conversation during dinner. Still
I retained my former impression, that
Mr Y — belonged to your department,
not to the military chest."
"The long and the short of it,"
said I to Gingham, " is this. Shirty
here, I am sorry to say, gives me to
understand that, at headquarters, as I
am attached to the military chest, and
not to the commissariat, I cannot have
the pleasure of stretching my legs
under your table, when you give a
spread. My regret is undissembled
and profound."
" Nor," said Gingham, " while we
both retain our present positions, can
we be more than common acquaint-
ance."
The shock of this denouement was
diverted by Capsicum. Spite of his
sea- sickness he had purpled up ; his
eyes flashed and twinkled beneath his
massive and contracted brows ; he
growled, he grunted, he wheezed, he
snorted, he pufied ; for a time he could
not articulate. Either he performed
admirably, or he was regularly riled.
At length, recovering his breath, not
once looking at me, but leaning over
to Gingham on the table, he whis-
pered hurriedly, " What does he mean
by that? Shirty? Who's Shirty?"
Again he turned very green, and sat
back in his chair, panting, and sway-
ing his head, like a man ready to
faint.
I was sorry to see him so ill, and
begged to apologise. He with the
greatest propriety might call me
" Johnny Newcome," yet it ill became
me to call him " Shirty." The name
was casually suggested by his profu-
sion of frill, &c. &c. &c.
" I'll tell you what, Mr Johnny,"
said Capsicum, " it's well for you I'm
so bad as I am : wish I was better,
for your sake. Wouldn't I pitch into
you at once, and give you a precious
good hiding ? Oh dear ! oh me ! I am
so very bad !" Then, rallying again :
" Ah, I wish you did belong to my
department ! Wouldn't I detach yon
on outpost duty? Wouldn't I make
you ride till you had no leather loft ?
Wouldn't I send you bullock-hunting
over the sierras ? Oh, dreadful !
dreadful ! What a horrid sensation this
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
G82
sea-sickness is ! Well, good night. I
suppose I shall be called Shirty as
long as I live." He tottled off to his
berth.
"Yes, you may say that," said
Joey, from behind his curtain. Joey
was right. Ten years after, I heard
an old Peninsular speak of Capsicum
by the name of Shirty.
There is certainly something very
adhesive in a sobriquet ; that is, if it
happens to stick when first applied.
A lubberly big boy once gave me a
thrashing at school ; and I gave him
— the only redress in my power, as
we were not allowed to throw stones
— the name of " Buttons." He had
cheated me at the game ; and he had
many on his jacket. " Buttons" was
his name, to his dying day.
Gingham and I remained at the
table. " Mr Capsicum is quite
right," said Gingham. " Very pro-
per it should be so. Not the less
sorry on that account. At Lisbon,
you will, in fact, have joined. From
the time we land, then, our commu-
nications must be limited to the ordi-
nary civilities of social life .- until," he
added, with a confidential look,
" having digested my grand financial
project, with Lisbon as the basis of
my operations, I am prepared to pro-
mulgate it, as authorised, at the
headquarters of the British army.
Then," said he, proudly, "I shall
take such an entirely different foot-
ing, so high above the vulgar impu-
tations which always attach to a
dealer in bills, that, without exposing
either you or myself to criticism, I
may again permit myself the pleasure
of cultivating your acquaintance, on
our present terms of friendship — I
may say, intimacy. At any rate,
while we remain on board the packet,
that intimacy, I trust, will experience
no diminution. Good night, sir."
We shook hands : his manner, I
thought, a little stiff.
Left alone in the cabin, leaning on
the table, the night-lamp shedding a
dim and dubious light, my small
modicum of brandy-and-water ex-
pended, and the time gone by for
brewing another, as the steward had
turned in, I sat and ruminated.
Gingham, watching his opportunity,
had benevolently endeavoured to
make me sensible, that, as a clerk on
[Dec.
actual service, I should soon be en
gaged in duties which could not be
performed to my own credit, without
care and circumspection ; and that 1
might find myself, ere long, in some
responsible situation, demanding the
utmost caution and energy, to compen-
sate my inexperience. Since the morn-
ing, for we had been much together dur-
ing the da}r, through his friendly sug-
gestions, I had, in a measure, become
conscious of all this : I was beginning
to feel the value of such a monitor ;
and now, it appeared, he was lost to
me in that character! Then there
were other considerations of a deeper
kind. I remembered the dinner at
the hotel ; I remembered the break-
fast; I thought of the travelling
store-closet. To have lost such a
companion of my first campaign — it
was, indeed, a loss ! Had I never
dined with him, I could have better
borne it !
At length I came to this conclu-
sion; that, as all the other passen-
gers had retired to rest, I — had better
do the same. I was about to put my
decision in execution, when my atten-
tion was arrested by a lamentable
cry, which issued from the berth of
poor Mr Commissary Capsicum. ' ' I
can't — I can't — I'm stuck ! — weak as
a rat ! Oh, I am so very bad ! Here,
steward! steward!— ah! oh!" Hav-
ing heard his monody to the end, and
waited in vain for a second stave, I
flew to his assistance.
Poor Mr Commissary Capsicum
had contrived to divest himself of his
diurnal habiliments ; and was now
embellished with a red bonnet de nuit ;
and an elegant night-shirt, which fit-
ted— as if it had been made for him.
I found him — in what an attitude !
One leg he had contrived to hoist
into his berth. Quoad that leg, he
was kneeling on the mattress. The
other leg was stretched towards the
floor, which he barely touched with
his extended and agonised toe. In
this painful position, he was clawing
with both hands at the board in-
tended to keep him in bed, equally
unable to advance and to recede.
Something — either the wooden tester
— or the proximity of his shake-down
to the deck above — or what else I
cannot pretend to say — prevented his
further movements. He wanted
1819.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
683
strength ; there he was, literally, as
lie expressed it, stuck. I expressed
the deepest sympathy.
Joey whipped on his drawers and
dressing-gown, and was with us in a
twinkling. Joey, seeing all other
expedients vain, brought his shoulder
to bear, and commenced a series of
well-directed hoists, each hoist accom-
panied with a musical " Yeo-heave-
ho." I laughed; Joey laughed; poor
Capsicum himself caught the infec-
tion : his whining and whimpering
gradually glided into a deep pectoral
chuckle. The object was at length
effected. Capsicum was stowed for
the night ; but not without vigorous
and long-continued efforts, both on
Joey's part and mine. " Can't ima-
gine what caused the obstruction,"
said I ; " it's prodigious ; it's incre-
dible." "Incredible, but true," re-
plied Joey ; " suppose we call it ' A
tail founded on facts.' " " Good
night." Good night, Mr Capsicum."
" Good night, Mr Capsicum ; good
night." " Good night ; ah ! oh !
What shall I do ? Suppose I should
be taken bad again before morning !
Thank you both. Good night. Two
impudent, unfeeling young hounds.
Good night."
So terminated our first day afloat.
CHAPTER V.
It has been intelligently remarked,
that, in writing travels by land or by
sea, the traveller has only to jot down
everything just as it occurs, and he
will be sure to produce a book worth
reading. This rule may be excellent
in theory ; but, gertle reader, it will
not do. Only look here. I have not
jotted down one tithe of the incidents
of the first ten hours since we left har-
bour; and see what a long yarn it
makes. A man who, in travelling,
really registered everything, would
yarn away at the rate of a quarto a
week.
There is, however, an observation
which is much more to the purpose ;
namely, that one day at sea is very
like another. This wo certainly
found out, in our voyage from Fal-
mouth to Lisbon. For, with the
exception of changes in wind and
weather, little occurred to vary our
daily existence ; at least till we got
off Oporto, and took in fresh passen-
gers. During the first night after we
left Falmouth, the wind got round to
the S.W. We bad three days of it,
regular Channel weather : thick,
cloudy, squally — much rain— the ship
pitching, labouring, creaking, strain-
ing, groaning — going every way but
the way we wanted to go — all the
passengers, except Joey, more or less
indisposed — and nobody pleased but
the skipper, who whistled a perpetual
" Yankee doodle" rondo, and seemed
to exult in our miseries. u I calcu-
late," said Joey, " if this lasts much
longer, we shall come to anchor in the
Downs." For want of anything to
relate, and for the benefit of the
reader, should he cross " the Bay," I
shall here beg leave to say a few
words respecting that horrid malady
to which landsmen are subject 011
board ship, and respecting my own
mode of dealing with it. Experto
crede.
My case resembles that of many
other persons ; i.e., in foul weather
on board ship, yon do not, we will
say, at puce get thoroughly ill'; but
certain disagreeable sensations, quite
sufficient to call a man's attention to
himself, such as giddiness, prostration
of strength, awful depression of the
whole system, and still more awful
sensations at the pit of the stomach,
induce the* painful consciousness that
you are. very, very far from well, and
in some danger of being worse before
you are better. In this state of the
case, the " indication," as the doctors
say, is to keep off daddy Neptune's
last outrage, the detested crisis.
Don't give car to the good-natured
friend who says, "You had better be
ill at once, and get it over." That
may do very well in a sail from West
Cowes to Alluni Bay ; but it won't
answer if you are a fortnight at sea.
You may be " ill at once," if you
please; but don't be certain "you'll
get it over ;" if once you begin, you
may go on for a week. Keep well,
then, if you can.
Now, as long as you can keep your
684
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II,
[Dec.
legs, and keep on deck, yon can gene-
rally effect this. In yonr berth, also,
in a recumbent postnre, you may
manage to escape the dire catas-
trophe. The real difficulty is this :
that, in passing from one of these
states to the other, e.g., in turning in
at night, or turning out in the morn-
ing, in all human probability you be-
come a miserable victim. You must
dress— you must undress — and, in the
course of doffing or donning, ten to
one your worst apprehensions become
a reality. What, then, is the remedy?
Now, don't stare, but be advised.
Till you are fairly seasoned, which
you probably will be in three or four
days if you do as I tell you, don't doff
or don at all. Keep on deck all day,
get thoroughly cold, tired, and drowsy,
rush below at night, throw yourself
on your mattress as you are, go to
sleep at once. In the morning, the
moment you tui'n out, rush on deck.
No shaving; no titivating. You
must wash, must you ? Go forwards,
then ; wash in the open air ; wash
anywhere but below. "Beastly,
though, to go day after day without
a change." Beastly, I admit; but
not so beastly as day after day of
convulsive paroxysms and horrid
heaviugs ; and, depend upon it, if
once you begin, there is no telling
how long it may last. Whereas fol-
low my plan, and in three or four
days you are all right — you are sea-
soned— the ship may dance a polka,
and you not the worse for it. You
may then go below, and stay below,
with perfect impunity — treat yourself
to a grand universal scrub and a clean
sliirt — and, if you are a shaver, shave
— only remember you are shaving on
board ship, and mind you don't cut
off your nose. After all, it's a matter
of taste, I admit: and tastes are
various. If you consider a three-days'
shirt, and a rough chin, greater evils
than vomitory agonies, and spasms
of the diaphragm, why, do as you
like; shave, titivate, change your
linen, and retch your heart up.
During the three days of foul
weather, wind S.W., I contrived to
keep about, by following the method
indicated above. On the fourth, the
wind returned to the N.W., with an
occasional brash of rain ; and we
were again able to hold our course.
I was then myself again, past the
power of sea-sickness ; and could walk
the deck with Joey, cast accounts
with Gingham, sit out the dinner
without declining soup, respectfully
ogle the lovely Juno, and occasionally
extort a giggle. On the morning of
this same day, impelled by curiosity,
I approached the berth where lay de-
posited the unhappy Capsicum, and
drew his curtain. Ah ! is that Cap-
sicum? Alas, how changed! He
looked like death. I spoke to him.
His lips moved, but his voice was in-
audible. I felt his pulse. It was
scarcely perceptible. He was in a
state of collapse!
Deeming the exigency cogent, I
fetched Mr Staff-surgeon Pledget.
Pledget, after due examination, pro-
nounced it a serious case, prescribed
a restorative, departed to compound,
and soon came back with it — only
about half a pint. With some diffi-
culty, poor Capsicum was got up in
his berth, and the restorative was got
down. Anticipating recalcitration,
Pledget had come provided with a
small horn. Having swallowed the
dose, Capsicum found his voice.
" Ah me !" he feebly whined, with a
look of inexpressible horror and dis-
gust, and his hand pressed upon the
pit of his stomach ; " ahj-me ! is it an
aperient?" Then, in a low and indig-
nant growl, " Never took physic be-
fore, in all my life." He lay back on
his bolster, with closed eyes, in feeble
and sulky silence. Pledget withdrew,
and I remained.
Presently, reopening his eyes, he
cautiously looked around. " Is that
fellow gone ?" he whispered. I nod-
ded. " Look in the cabin," he whis-
pered again.
" Gone on deck," said I ; "not
quite right yet, himself. Do you want
him? Shall I call him back?"
"No, no; nonsense! I say, you
mix me a glass of tliat — you know
what — the same you took yourself
t'other night."
I hesitated. There was no doubt
in the world it woxild do him a deal
of good. But then he was under
treatment; he was medically ill.
What was I to do ?
He looked at me appealing!}-,
coaxingly, touchingly. "I'd do as
much for you," said he.
My Peninsular Xleilal — Part II.
685
There was no standing that. I
clancularly gave iny orders to the
steward. The steward grinned, and
brought the materials. In due time
the mixture was made ; and, in a very
short time after, the patient had stowed
it away. " I shall get up," said he.
"Just help me out." I sent the
steward to request the aid of Joey.
By unshipping the board at the side,
we got Capsicum out of his crib, far
more easily than we had got him in.
But, alas, his legs doubled under him ^
he was helpless as an infant, and al-
most fainted away. At length we
managed to dress him ; and seated
him in full fig at the cabin table, with
his enormous snuff-box open before
him. At dinner, that day, he managed
the wing of a chicken and a slice of
tongue. Couldn't a currant dumpling,
though — was set against it by the
wine sauce. Pledget had the credit
of the cure.
I omit to relate, in extenso, how we
were chased by what we took for an
American sloop of war, but what
proved to be an English frigate ; how
the arm-chest was got upon deck when
we expected to be brought to action ;
and how the muskets were found, like
poor Capsicum, stuck — rusted to-
gether into a mass, for want of look-
ing after ; how badly the said frigate
threw her shot, sending ^f first,
which ought to have gone ahead of us,
slap through our topsail, and the se-
cond, which should have been a more
direct communication, half a quar-
ter of a mile wide ; how the Major
and Captain Gabion saw the said shot
as they were coming, while I saw
nothing but the splash in the water ;
how our leisure hours were solaced by
two combative drakes, shut up to-
gether in the same coop, which fought
incessantly, day and night, from the
beginning to the end of the voyage —
if you held a lantern to them in the
dark, they were still fighting; how,
when one hen laid an egg, the others
pecked at it, and gobbled it up ; how
the skipper was rude to everybody
on board — to the Major, it appeared,
grossly so. These particulars, with
many others, I defer to my quarto
edition.
Yet let me not omit the skipper's
confidence to Joey ; how he thought
passengers should be victualled on
board ship. " Fust, good flabby pea-
soup, as thick as batter — plenty on it
— let 'em blow out their jecldts with
that. When it's took away, why, then
perpose a glass of bottled porter all
round. Fust dinner aboard ; won' t it
make some on 'em bolt ? "
Perhaps, my dear madam, the best
way of giving you a general idea of
our voyage, will be to present you
with a description of our^mode of life
from day to day. The rule with our
military friends was, to take fun out
of everything ; and they proved them-
selves perfect adepts in all the means
and methods thereto available ;
hoaxing, quizzing, shaving, imitating,
trotting, cajoling, bamboozling. Pled-
get could not make it out — wondered
what it all meant ; and one day
gravely asked me, if I could explain
the nature and cause of laughter.
Laughter he viewed as a psycholo-
gical problem ; we had plenty onboard;
but he could not solve it. The best
thing was, that Pledget himself
caught the infection at last, and be-
gan to laugh. It was curious to
watch the first stirrings of nascent
humour in Pledget's mind. Towards
the close of the voyage he had actu-
ally, though by slow degrees, concoct-
ed a joke ; and, had our passage
been to the West Indies, and not to
Lisbon, he would perhaps have got
so far as to try it on. The victim of
the said joke was to be Capsicum.
Capsicum's birth at Macao, and breed-
ing at Canton, .had transpired through
Joey. Pledget's primary idea was,
that Capsicum might possibly have a
penchant for a dish of stewed puppies.
This bold,, ingenious, and comical
conception, as he fed on it from hour
to hour, and from day to clay, in
about three days' time began to grow
in his mind ; and, as it grew, it rami-
fied. From one thing to another, at
length it came to this : that, with my
co-operation, -Joey's, and the stew-
ard's, Capsicum was to be persuaded
that a batch of puppies had actually
been littered on board. Capsicum,
kept momentarily cognisant of the
progress of Pledget's plot, by the
treachery of those to whom it was
confided, was prepared to humour the
joke, whenever Pledget commenced
operations. Pledget, big with his
own idea, walked the deck for hours
686
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec,
together, rubbing his hands in an
ecstasy, and laughing till he whim-
pered. When Joey or I took a turn,
he was soon by our side, screeching
in a rapidly ascending gamut, with
pungent delight, and much cachin-
nation, "Puppies! puppies! Oh, sir,
won't they be nice ? Poor old Capsi-
cum ! — puppies ! puppies! "
The day before we made the coast
of Spain, I was fairly "trotted."
You must know, I fancied in those
days I could sing. Item, my dear
father had brought home, from the
Peninsula, some very pretty Portu-
guese airs, of the kind called modi-
nhas — which modinhas I had at my
fingers' ends. Now, there are two
very distinct ideas, which young
people are apt to confound. If they
happen to know a pleasing song, they
fancy themselves pleasing singers :
often quite the reverse ; the finer the
song, the fouler the butchery. I wish
singing was visible, and not audible ;
for then we could keep it out by
shutting our eyes. Well, this is how
it was : leaning, as I was wont,
over the ship's side, my face to the
horizon, my back to the company, I
won't pretend to say that I exactly
sang for their benefit : oh no ; I sang,
as I had right to do, for my own
amusement; though I certainly did
sing loud enough to be heard, without
being listened to. Presently by my
side leaned Captain Gabion. I ceased.
He hummed a mellifluous song of
Lusitania.
"Pity the Lisbon music-sellers
don't print their music," said he ;
"Write it all. Quite a fuss, some-
times, to get a song you fancy."
" That explains something I never
understood before," said I. " All
the songs I have received from Por-
tugal are in manuscript. Pray, what
is a modiuha, strictly speaking?"
" Why, a modinha," replied he, " in
common parlance, means any song
that you happen to like. Modinha :
a little mode ; a little fashion ; any
little fashionable song. But the grand,
regular music of the Portuguese —
oh ! that's magnificent — their church
music for instance. You must know,
once a-year, in one of the Lisbon
churches, they sing a grand mass for
the souls of deceased musicians. Of
course, on such an occasion, all the
living forces of the musical world are
put in requisition. The last time
I was at Lisbon, I attended — advise
you, as a musical man, to do the same.
Oh ! wasn't that a grand harmonious
crash? Extraordinary fellows, some
of those singing monks and friars!
Fancy one whole side of an immense
church, from the floor to the roof, a
grand bank of chorus- singers, as high
as Shakspeare's Cliff; each bellowing
like a bull ; yet each with a voice as
finely modulated as the richest violon-
cello, touched by a master's hand.
Then there was one fellow, a bass, who
stood up to sing a solo. Never heard
anything like that. He struck off, deep
down in his throat — yes, sir ; and
deeper down in the scale, too, than I
ever heard any man go before — with
a grand magnificent double shake,
like — like — like the flutter of an eagle.
Then down — down — down the vil-
lain dropped, four notes lower, and
gave such another. I advised him
to go to England. His name was
Naldi. But let me see — oh — we were
talking about modinhas. Why, sir,
the fact is this — if you want to hear
what I call the vernacular basis of
the modinha, you must go up among
the hills, a few leagues out of Lisbon."
"I suppose," said I, "my best plan
will be to go by the mail. "
"Yes," replied he; "any one in
Lisbon will show you the booking
office : unless, by the bye, you prefer
palanquin, in which case I would
advise you to order relays of black
bearers from Jigitononha ; or, you
might do it on two donkeys. Well,
sir ; when you're "up there in the
mountains, among the goats, wolves,
wild buffaloes and rhododendrons, the
altitude about corresponding to lati-
tude 66° N. in Europe, and to— let
me see — latitude— say latitude 50° in
the United States — of course you'll
feel hungry. Step into the first hotel.
But I'd advise you — don't order three
courses ; you'll find it come expensive ;
better rough it with something light —
say a beef-steak and a bottle of port.
That buffalo beef, capital. Port— let
me see — are you particular in your
port? Better ask for the Algarve
sort. Well, sir ; after you have dined,
just step out into the village — walk
into the first wine-shop. You'll pro-
bably find half-a-dozen peasants there
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
687
— big, muscular, broad-chested, good-
humoured-looking fellows — goatherds
and all that kind of thing. Look out
for the chap with the guitar — you'll be
sure to fiud him in the wine-shop ;
order a quart tumbler of wine— just
taste it yourself— then hand it to him
— and tell him to play. The moment
he has tossed off the tipple, he begins
tinkling. The other six fellows stand
up ; throw back their shoulders ; bulge
out their chests ; and begin smirking,
winking their little black eyes, snap-
ping their fingers, and screwing their
backs in such an extraordinary man-
ner as you never beheld — all in
cadence to the guitar. That's the
first access of the musical oestrum.
The guitar goes on — strum — strum —
strum — alow monotonous jingle, just
two or three chords. That's the ac-
companiment to the singing that's
about to begin. At length, one of the
fellows commences — air and words
both ^xtempore ; perhaps something
nmatory, Minha Maria, minha querida ;
or, it may be, something satirical, if
they see anything quizzable — some-
thing about yourself. While that
first fellow is singing, the chap next
him stands, still winking, screwing,
smirking, snapping his fingers ; and
begins, as soon as the other has done.
So it goes on, till all the half-dozen
have had their turn. But the curious
thing is this : though all the songs are
different, different in the tema, dif-
ferent in the style, different in the
compass of voice, different in the pitch,
different in the words, the same ac-
companiment does duty for all : the
chap with the guitar goes on, just
tinkling the same chords, till the whole
is finished. Then, if you want it da
capo, give him another tumbler of
wine. If you've had enough, why,
then, you know, you can just fork out
a moidore or two, tell them to divide
it, and take your leave, — that is, if
you don't want to see the fight for the
money : but that's not worth your
while ; mere rough and tumble, with
a little knifing. Only mind ; don't
give dollars or patacas. They prefer
gold."
I really thought I was now trotting
Captain Gabion, who was a musical
amateur. Villain ! he was operating
to clap the saddle on me, in a way I
little suspected. "Then," said I,
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCX.
" each of these fellows, I suppose, has
sung a modinha. "
" Why, no ; not exactly that,
neither," said the Captain. " I'll tell
you. Curious sort of music it is,
though ; the national music, in fact.
When you see one of those big athletic
fellows expanding his chest, sucking
his breath, his whole pulmonary region
heaving, labouring with the song he is
going to sing, why, of course you'd
expect him to break out like a clap of
thunder. But, instead of that, forth
comes from his big throat a very
mouse- like issue of those mountain
throes ; an attenuated stream, not
altogether unmusical though, .of
growling, grunting, squeaking ca-
dences— for the compass of their voices
is perfectly astonishing — a string of
wild and rapid trills, very short notes,
very long notes, mostly slurred, never
staccato; and, if you should happen
to notice, similar, in its intervals, to
the music of Scotland. With your
musical knowledge, of course you
understand what I mean by intervals.
Well, sir; that sort of mountain music
is what I call the national basis of the
Portuguese modinha. Take one of
those wild airs, arrange it scientifi-
cally, with suitable symphonies, ac-
companiment, and all that sort of
thing — no difficulty to you — the mo-
dinha is then complete. "
This was by no means a bad theory
of the modinha of those days; an
Italian graft upon the native stock ; a
scientific modification of the music of
the peasantry ; so wild, so expressive,
so sweet, so thrilling, never have I
heard songs to compare with those old
modinhas. Once, at a party in the
house of a Lisbon lady, we persuaded
her married daughter to sing; a
round, fat, rosy-brunette little dump
of a woman, famous for singing mo-
dinhas. She kindly took her guitar,
spat in her handkerchief, and gave us
them in such style as I have never
but once heard since — and then the fair
vocalist was not a Portuguese. Wh at
rich expression, what rises and falls,
what rapid execution, what accurate
intonation, what power, what tender-
ness, what point, in that soft, flexible,
delicate, yet rich, full, brilliant, and
highly-cultivated voice ! Alas, the
modinha of that day is rapidly passing
into oblivion. It has yielded in Lisbon
2z
688
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
society to a new style of songs, Btill
called modinhas, the words generally
native, as they used to be ; but the
ninsic, modern Italian — utterly des-
titute of sentiment ; a constant
straining at effect, and a constant
failure.
" I understand, " said I, " that in
every part of the Peninsula you meet
with a kind of songs that may be
called local. "
" Yes," said the Captain ; " all, if
I may so say, provincial ; all pecu-
liar ; all highly characteristic ; and all
excellent. Even the occasional songs
are good as compositions ; that is to
say, songs which refer to politics, pass-
ing events, and so forth. Did you
ever hear this ? " He gave Ya vienen
los Ingleses.
" Very pleasing, and very lively,"
said I. " This is in the same style."
I began to strike up Quando el Pepe
Jose.
"Don't let's have any more Spa-
nish," said the Captain. " Sing
something Portuguese." I gave Os
soldados do comer do.
" Quite humorous," said he, " but
very pleasing music. This is the
Portuguese national song/' He gave
Eis, Principe excelso.
" Some of the satirical songs," said
I, " are very well set." I gave Estas
serilioras da moda. The Captain, I
observed, looked at his watch. Little
dreamt I the traitor was working
against time.
"This, now," said he, "is what
may be called the sentimental style ;
short, but expressive, like the serious
epigram of the Greek Anthology."
He gave Tu me chamas tua vida.
" The finest I have heard, though,"
said I, " in that style, is the Spanish
song — "
" No, no," said the Captain ; " give
us something Portuguese ; something
by an old Padre. They are the fel-
lows that knock off the best modiuhas."
I gave Fui me confessar.
The conclusion of this my third
song was followed by loud shouts of
laughter, a general clapping of hands,
and cries of "Encore! encore! bravo!
viva ! encore ! encore !" I turned,
and stood the centre of a semicircle !
Around me were ranged the delighted,
applauding passengers ; the Colonel,
the Major, Capsicum, Pledget, Ging-
ham, Mr Belvidere, Joey, and, oh !
leaning on Joey's arm, the lovely
Juno ; the whole party, at my ex-
pense, in the highest possible state of
hilarity. The skipper in the back-
ground, leaning on the binnacle, stood
surveying the whole transaction with
his face set in a sarcastic scowl, as
though it had first been cast in plaster
of Paris, and then painted with red
ochre. Kitty's bonnet appeared on
the level of the deck, projecting from
the cabin stairs. Xear her, profnse
in soft attentions, stood the Colonel's
flunkey, lavishing winks and winning
simpers. Immediately above me, in
the shrouds, with his face downwards,
like a monkey in a tree, hung Snow-
ball the nigger ; his two eyes, full of
wonder and delight, gloating like a
basilisk's, and projecting like a skinned
rabbit's ; his mouth extended across
his face in so broad a grin, you'd have
thought his throat had been cut from
ear to ear. The applause having a
little subsided, each in turn paid me a
compliment. Juno, the enchanting
saucy witch, dropped me a demure
and very low curtsy, begged to thank
me, and precipitately put her hand-
kerchief to her face. Gingham ad-
vised me to cultivate my voice ; begged
to assure me I had very good taste,
and only wanted modulation, flexibi-
lity, accuracy, and execution, with a
little attention to time and tune, and
care to avoid passing into the wrong
key — nay, had no doubt, if I took
pains, I should some day acquire an
ear. Just when I was annoyed past
bearing, Pledget, tittering with ec-
stasy, whispered atmy elbow, "Capi-
tal joke ! the Captain did it admirably.
Almost as good as puppies ! — puppies !
— puppies !"
" Your compliment last, sir," said
I, " comes in the proper place. Allow
me to designate it as it deserves — the
ass's kick."
Pledget turned a little pale, and
drew up ; said something that seemed
to stick in his throat, about " lions
roaring, and asses braying."
"VVe were on the edge of a regular
tiff, The general garrulity dropped
into a dead silence, and the whole
party looked concerned. The Colonel
at once interposed, and insisted on
our shaking hands. This operation
was performed accordingly, as in such
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
689
cases provided, with immense cordial-
ity on both sides.
" Captain Gabion, I'll trouble you
for a dollar," said the Major.
"No, no; I'll trouble you for a
dollar," replied the Captain.
"How do you make that out?"
said the Major. " You've lost ; that's
evident."
" What do you mean by lost ?"
said Captain Gabion. " Didn't I
make Mr T — sing three songs
within the given time? Hadn't I two
minutes over, when he finished the
last? Weren't they all three Portu-
guese? I took good care of that.
Wasn't that our bet?"
" Yes, Captain ; all right," said the
Major. " But one of your songs was
Spanish. That was an infringement."
" Didn't understand any condition
of that sort," replied Captain Gabion.
" All the party heard the bet. Let
the company decide."
One said one thing, one another.
By common consent it was referred to
Gingham, who had held his tongue.
Gingham decided that the Captain had
lost.
"Very well," said the Captain,
" then I have had all my trouble for
nothing. Rather hard, though, to
sing three songs yourself; get three
more out of a gentleman that has a
particular objection to singing, in
forty minutes ; and then have to pay
a dollar besides. However, book it,
Major. Very kind of yon, though,
Mr Y — : equally obliged. Trust
you'll often favour us." We all went
below to prepare for dinner ; but I
had not heard the last of my singing.
We were now on the look-out for
Cape Villano, and began to feel the
N. wind which blows down the W.
coast of the Spanish Peninsula ten
months in the year. This wind, as
you get further to the S., is generally
attended with a clear sky. But in
our present latitude, meeting the
upper or S.W. current of air, which
comes charged with the vapours of
the Atlantic, it produced incessant
rain. The rain commenced, as in-
deed rain often does commence, about
three o'clock P.M., and kept us below
all the evening; obliging us also to
lay-to till daybreak, as the skipper
did not like to run nearer in by night,
with such weather.
From dinner to tea we managed to
crack on, without finding the time
hang heavy on our hands. After tea
the conversation was resumed, but in
the course of an hour or two began to
flag ; when Gingham enlivened it by
volunteering his services in brewing
a bowl of punch. The offer was re-
ceived with tumultuous applause ;
except that Capsicum, who thought
nobody understood brewing so well
as himself, politely expressed a doubt
as to Gingham's capabilities. Ging-
ham avowed, with much seriousness,
that he " yielded in punch-making to
no man." A discussion arose, in
the course of which I ventured to
move, and it was carried, that a bowl
of punch should be brewed by each,
and that the company should award
the palm after finishing both.
Capsicum brewed first. The ma-
terials were not wanting. The
steward brought rum, brandy, lemons,
all the etceteras. Gingham, chival-
rous in his rivalry, tendered limes in
lieu of lemons: "always took a few
when he travelled — got them in Pud-
ding Lane." Capsicum's sense of hon-
our would have declined the limes ; but
the company ruled otherwise. The
bowl was brewed — a perfect nosegay
— and stood smoking in the centre of
the table. In a very short time after,
each man had his quantum before him.
" Now, gentlemen," said the Colonel,
(chairman,) "punch is nothing with-
out hannony. I beg leave to call on
Mr Y — for a song." Much applause.
"Hear! hear! hear! A song by Mr
Y — ! hear! hear! hear!"
I had not quite recovered the ad-
venture of the morning, and was far
from disposed to sing. Had sung
enough for one day — felt rather hoarse
— begged to decline — but all in vain :
the company would take no denial.
I was obstinate. Joey began to talk
of keelhauling ; the Major suggested
the old mess fine, a sugared oyster ;
while a soft admonition was heard in
the distance, " The bird that can
sing, and that won't sing, must be
made to sing."
Not to sing was just then a prin-
ciple as fixed in my mind as any
theorem in the first six "books of
Euclid. The company became per-
emptory. At length, tired of saying
no, I rose, and begged leave to ask
'690
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
the chairman whether, if I sang, I
should have the usual privilege of
calling on any other gentleman pre-
sent. The chairman hesitated to re-
ply. He saw his position : I might
call upon him. I now had the best
of it. The chairman laughed, leaned
over to Capsicum, and whispered a
remark about " generalship." Capsi-
cum growled out something, of which
I could only distinguish "jockey" and
*' young fox."
I was still on my legs, and con-
tinued,— "Well, Mr Chairman, as
my very equitable proposal is not met
so promptly as I anticipated, would it
not be better if the company resolve,
instead of extorting a solitary song
from an individual who has already
contributed largely this day to the
common stock of amusement," (hear!
hear! hear!) " that every person pre-
sent should either sing a song, or tell
a story ?"
CHAPTER VI.
The Colonel looked quite relieved ;
the company, also, appeared content.
"Well, gentlemen," said he, "as it
seems to meet your approval, suppose
we accept Mr Y — 's proposition. I
will begin. Sooner, any day, tell a
dozen stories, than sing one song.
My story, at any rate, like Captain
Gabion's last song this morning, when
he had only twelve minutes to spare,
will have the merit of being short. — A
little more punch, if you please. — Al-
low me, then, to break ground, by
relating an anecdote of my esteemed
and much-lamented friend
MAJOR KRAUSS.
Some of you knew the Major well —
are doubtless aware, also, that in a
fit of excitement, which led to tempo-
rary insanity, he fell by his own hand.
The circumstances, however, which
gave occasion to that melancholy
event were known only to myself.
At the time when we were forming
and drilling the Portuguese army,
which afterwards proved so effective
in the field, the Major and I were both
stationed in winter-quarters at L — .
In the same town were two regiments
of newly-raised Portuguese cavalry,
which it was requisite to have in com-
plete efficiency against the opening of
the campaign in the spring. The
Major — a stiff hand I need not say, a
regular Titan of tho German school —
was appointed to drill one; and I,
for want of something to do, under-
took the other. In this duty, there
sprang up between us a little rivalry,
amicable of course, as to which of us
should first have his regiment ready.
The Major had his own ideas ; and, I
4hought, teazed his men, and exacted
too much. He had an eye to a field-
day ; I had an eye to actual service.
Foreigners say, we teach our cavalry
everything, except pulling up. But I
can tell you, before an enemy superior
in force, and pressing you too close,
nothing acts more effectually as a
check, than riding through them.
Well, we both drilled according to
our views. One morning the Major
announced to me, that he considered
his regiment perfect, and that I must
go with him and inspect it. We went.
He put them through ; I looked on ;
they performed admirably. Finally,
he drew them up in line. Riding to
the front, he surveyed his work with
pride. Then, taking a flank position,
he made me notice how accurate the
perspective — every sabre sloped at
the same angle, everything in its
place — you might have stretched a
gardening line from one end of the
regiment to the other. Just then, un-
fortunately, a new idea entered the
Major's mind : he proposed riding to
the rear. Away we went. Alas ! his
discipline had not extended to the
horses' tails ! Every tail was whisking :
horses, Spanish and Portuguese — all
long tails, no cock-tails — every tail in
motion. In front, they stood like a
wall : in the rear, it was whisk, whisk,
whisk, — swirl, swirl, swirl — switch,
switch, switch — all down the line. It
was too much for the poor Major. He
was perfectly dumfounded — looked
like a man out of his wits — took a
hasty leave— rode home to his billet,
and shot himself. I now beg leave to
call on Mr Y — , for either a story
or a song."
"I thought Major Krauss was still
living," said Pledget.
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
691
"Mr Capsicum, " said the Colonel,
" have the kindness to fill Mr Pledget
a bumper. Always the fine, you know,
if any one calls a statement in question,
when story-telling is going on. Now,
if you please, Mr Y — . "
"Gentlemen," I said, " I have seen
nothing of service, and little of the
world. Perhaps, therefore, you will
permit me to relate an anecdote, which
I had from a near relative of mine, a
naval officer ; and which remaikably
illustrates the characteristic coolness
of British seamen. It was the act of
a common sailor, who bore among his
messmates, in consequence, the name
of
SLUICY SAM.
"It was at the evacuation of Toulon.
My aforesaid relative was then a lieu-
tenant, and had been landed with a
party from his ship, to take charge of
one of the forts in the harbour.
When Buonaparte, through the remiss-
ness of our Spanish allies, took the
hill which commanded the anchorage,
and we were forced to withdraw, the
lieutenant received orders to bring off
his party, and the ammunition which
had been landed from the ship.
There were several barrels of gun-
powder to be brought away. These
were stowed in the after part of the
boat, between the officers and the men,
to be under inspection ; and were set
on end, to save room. In pulling for
the ship, the boat had to pass another
fort, which was on fire. The English,
you know, on coming away, burnt
everything they could — that is, I'-
mean, everything connected with the
public service, ships, stores, store-
houses, buildings. Just as the boat
was passing, the fort blew up. The
fragments of the explosion filled the
air; and a rafter charred with fire
fell into the boat, stove in the head of
one of the powder-barrels, and stood
upright in the powder. Its superior
extremity was still burning. There
was a dead silence. The men went
on pulling, as if nothing had happened.
In an instant they might all be blown
to atoms. It seemed the easiest thing
in the world to seize the smoking and
crackling brand, pluck it out of the
powder, and throw it into the sea.
But that, doubtless, would have been
instant destruction ; one spark, shaken
off in the operation and falling, would
have done the business. Everybody
saw the hitch. Still the men pulled
away. It wouldn't do to stir the
brand ; and it evidently wouldn't do
to leave it where it was. " Ship your
oar, Sam," said the lieutenant. Sam
did so. Not a word more was spoken,
or necessary. Sam coolly took off
his hat, dipped it into the sea, filled it,,
carefully and thoroughly sluiced the
whole surface of the exposed powder
in the barrel; and then, having in this
way made all safe, slowly drew the
rafter out of the barrel, and pitched it
overboard. — I beg here to call on Mr
Commissary Capsicum."
" Well, gentlemen," said Capsi-
cum, " I will tell you another boat-
story ; and though the care of Provi-
dence was singularly illustrated in the
wonderful preservation which Johnny
has just related, I think it appeared
quite as remarkably in the case which
I am about to relate, of
THE MAN THAT WASN'T DROWNED.
" I am now a military commissary ;
I was once a naval one. I made my
debut in the British service as a cap-
tain's clerk, and sailed in that capa-
city on board the Negotiator, 74,
which was under orders for Lisbon.
On our arrival in theTagus, we found
there the Protocol, 120, the Pacifica-
tor, 100, the Persuasive, 80, the Con-
ciliator, 74, the Preliminary, 50, the
Envoy, bomb, and the Intervention,
fire-ship. The next day, the captain
of the Protocol came on board, and
was invited by our own skipper to
stay and dine. But he knew the
Lisbon weather too well — foresaw a
gale ; and, not relishing the idea of
getting a wet jacket in returning at
night to his ship, persuaded our skip-
per to go and dine with him. The
Negotiator's boat was to fetch the
skipper. Sure enough, the wind fresh-
ened about sunset, and in an hour or
two it began to blow great guns. Our
boat went, however, as arranged.
Nasty work, boating at Lisbon. You
may think it's nothing, in harbour.
But I can tell you this — whenever
there's a storm at sea, there's sure to
be a little hurricane in the Tagus.
No matter what's the direction of the
wind outside — in the Tagus you have
692
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
it right up or right down. Well,
gentlemen, Protocol advised Nego-
tiator not to think of returning such,
a night as that — offered him a shake-
down on board — assured him he'd be
swamped — all to no purpose; Nego-
tiator would go, as his boat was come.
Just as they were leaving the ship's
side, one of the boat's crew fell over-
board. Every effort was made to
recover him, but with what success
you may easily suppose. The tide
was running down like a torrent ; the
wind came roaring up from the bar,
and lashed the water into froth and
fury ; the spray half filled the boat ;
it was pitch-dark. All was done that
could be done, but to no purpose : the
man was given up for lost ; the boat
returned to the ship. The skipper
came into the cabin quite sorrowful -
like, that he had lost one of his best
men, but didn't forget to tell me to
jump down into the boat, and see to
the handing up of half-a-dozen fine
melons, presented to him by Protocol.
Down I went, in the dark, over the
ship's side, got into the boat, groped
about, found five melons and handed
them up ; couldn't find the sixth. I
was just stepping out of the boat to
return on board, when the thought
struck me, what a blowing-up I should
get from the skipper, when I told him
a melon was missing. I paused, re-
newed my search, happened to put
my hand down to the gunnel of the
boat, to support myself in stooping.
My hand lighted upon something ; it
wasn't the gunnel. I felt it — pitch-
dark ; couldn't see the tip of my own
nose. It was a man's foot ! I felt
further — a man's leg ! Some one was
hanging on, outside the boat, with his
heel uppermost, and his head under
water. I held him fast by the leg,
and sung out for help. The man was
got on board insensible, and to all
appearance past recoveiy. When he
fell overboard alongside the Protocol,
he had hooked on by his foot, and in
that way had been dragged under
water all the time they had been row-
ing about in the dark to find him, as
well as afterwards, while they were
pulling for the ship. We all thought
him a dead man. The doctor said,
' Xo : if he had been, he would have
let go.' Doctor ordered a sailor's
flannel shirt and a kettle of boiling
water : had the patient stripped, and
laid in hot blankets ; rolled up the
flannel shirt into a ball, poured into it
the boiling water, and clapt it to the
pit of his stomach." (Here Pledget
took out his tablets, and made a
note.) " What with this, and other
gentle restoratives," continued Cap-
sicum, "the man recovered. The
skipper, glad as he was when the
doctor reported it, didn't forget to
give me a good blowing-up for the
melon, which I suppose one of the
boat's crew had grabbed in the dark."
" Of course he didn't forget that,"
said Joey, who had listened to this
narrative with professional interest.
" Pray, do you happen to know what
time elapsed from the man's falling
overboard till he was unhooked?"
" The little dog forgot to mention,"
replied Capsicum.
"What little dog?" said Joey
eagerly. " I am quite an animal man.
I am particularly fond of dogs."
" The little dog whose tail curled
so tight, that it lilted him off his hind
legs. Will you oblige us, Mr Ging-
ham?"
" It is extraordinary enough, gen-
tlemen," said Gingham, "that though
three most interesting anecdotes have
been related, we have not yet had
either a ghost story, a love story, or a
touch of the pathetic. The first of
these omissions I will now endeavour
to supply, by relating an occurrence
which befel me during the short time
I was at school, and in which the
party most prominent was a strange
sort of an individual, who went among
the boys by the name of
TUE CONJUROR.
" He was our writing-master. He
was our ciphering-master. He was
also our drawing- master. He was a
foreigner. Not a boy in the school
knew whence he came ; but he cer-
tainly was not an Englishman. In
person he was gaunt and uncouth. He
was a mild, quiet sort of a man ; but
his eye had a sinister expression,
and he was savage when pro-
voked. It was commonly reported
among the boys, not only that he
could do extraordinary conjuring
tricks, but that he was a master of
magic, far deeper and darker than
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal, — Part II.
legerdemain. He lived alone in a
solitary cottage, which, with its gar-
den and long shrubbery, skirted the
road, about a mile out of the town
where was our school. This cottage
had never been entered by any of the
boys ; strange stories were told about
it ; and we viewed it with a sort of
awe. You must know- the gentleman
in question had a remarkable habit of
sitting. When he came to us at one
o'clock, he immediately took his seat
at his desk ; and never rose till his
two hours were up. This circum-
stance suggested to my mind a con-
juring trick, to be played off on the
conjuror. One day, just before hia
arrival, I spread some shoemakers'
wax on his bench ; and afterwards,
when he was fairly seated, I gave out
among the boys that I had conjured
the conjuror, and that at three o'clock
he wouldn't be able to go. The boys
were all expectation. It struck three.
He attempted to rise — an unseen
power held him fast. At length,
amidst much tittering, he contrived
to get free ; but only by extricating
himself from that part of his habili-
ments which was in immediate con-
tact with the bench. He did not
exactly pull them off ; but, poor man !
he was obliged to pull himself out of
them. The master lent him another
pair ; he went home filled with rage,
but perfectly cool, having first con-
trived to identify the culprit ; and his
own, having been carefully detached
with a hot knife by the master's
daughter, Miss Quintilian, as the
boys called her, were sent after him
with a message of kind condolence,
packed by her fail1 hands in a brown
paper parcel, into which I contrived
to slip a fig-leaf. Next day he re-
appeared at the usual hour. All
went on smoothly for about a fort-
night. At the end of that time< one
afternoon when I was showing up my
sum, he addressed me, observing that
I had always been particularly dili-
gent with my arithmetic, and that, as
the holidays were at hand, he hoped
I would do him the favour of drinking
tea with him that evening. Some of
the boys tried to frighten me — said
he bottled the thunder and lightning,
and kept it corked down, ready for
use — oh, wouldn't he give me a touch
of it ? Others encouraged me. I
went. Tea over, he told me that ho
had contrived a little exhibition for
my amusement ; then flung open the
folding doors of the parlour, and dis-
closed a large sheet, hanging as a
curtain in the doorway. ' I must
go into the next room,' said he, 'and
take the candles with me, or you will
not be able to see the exhibition.' He
withdrew, leaving me alone in the
dark, went into the next room, and
commenced the exhibition — a sort of
phantasmagoria — to me, sufficiently
surprising ; for the phantasmagoria
had not at that time been brought
before the public. One of the figures
was a whole-length likeness of my-
self, which suddenly vanished, 'and
was replaced by a skeleton. The
exhibition finished, the conjuror re-
turned with the lights ; and, by way
of supper, treated me to a glass of
negus aad a slice of seed-cake. He
then intimated that it was time for
me to think of playing the Bedford-
shire march, but that before I went
he had something to say to me, if I
would follow him into the next room.
We adjourned : and there, amongst
other strange sights, I saw one of the
identical bottles containing the thun-
der and lightning — expected to be
blown up sky-high. The conjuror
now addressed me. Alluding to the
unfortunate affair of the wax, he
remarked that his conduct to me had
been uniformly kind ; that he had
always encouraged me, commended
my diligence, and helped me in my
difficulties. Then, in an appealing
tone, he inquired how I could have
made such an ungrateful return, as
to play him that horrid trick of the
wax. At the same time opening a
drawer, and producing his corduroys,
he pointed out to me their damaged
condition, and put it to my best feel-
ings, whether that was the way to
recompense kindness such as his. I
felt at once that my conduct had been
immeasurably bad, and most humbly
expressed my compunction. ' No,*
said he, ' that is not sufficient. The
oflfence was public, so should be also
the reparation. Promise me that
to-morrow, before the whole school,
you will come up to my desk and
apologise.' Perhaps this was only
just; but I hesitated. He pressed
me ; but I would make no such pro-
694
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
raise. ' Very well,' said he, ' it is
now time for you to think of returning.
You will be sorry for your obstinacy,
perhaps, before you get back to the '
school.' He then accompanied rae
into the passage, and kindly helped
me on with my greatcoat. ' The
front door,' said he, ' is fastened for
the night. Here, step out this way.'
He led me through the back passage
into the garden, and opened the gar-
den-gate, outside of which was a field.
1 There,' said he, ' follow that path,
which runs along by the side of the
shrubbery. When you have got to
the end of it you will find a gate,
which will let you into the road.
Good night.'
" The night was splendid — a sky
without a cloud. The full moon, high
up in the heavens, shed a lustre which
gave to every prominent object the
distinctness of day. But the shrub-
bery, as I skirted it to gain the road,
was dark — dark — dark. At its ex-
tremity, however, the moment I
emerged from the garden into the
field, I descried the gate ; and to that
point, with my eyes fixed upon it, I
directed my steps. Suddenly, to my
no small surprise, the gate began, to
clatter and rattle, as if violently
shaken by the wind. This was the
more extraordinary, because the night
was as calm as it was brilliant ; not a
breath of air was stirring. Nor was
any creature visible ; yet still the gate
went on, rattle, rattle, clatter, clatter,
as if shaking itself for its own amuse-
ment. Presently, as though violently
pushed by invisible hands, the gate
swung wide open ; then began swing-
ing backwards and forwards, swing,
swing, backwards and forwards, first
into the road, then into the field, with
a bang of the latch at every swing.
The last time it swung fieldways, it
stood open of itself; suddenly fixed
by an unseen power at its utmost
range. Then appeared a tall dark
form, gliding into the field through
the gateway from the road, and de-
scending towards me by the path. It
was the form of the conjuror himself!
Yet, in its appearance, there was
something appalling, and, I may say,
unearthly. It did not step out,
neither did it altogether glide. With
a motion compounded of the two, it
first advanced one leg, then, after a
long interval, the other, still moving
towards me at a slow, uniform rate.
One arm was solemnly extended, with
the forefinger pointing to the moon :
and, as the tall image approached and
passed me, I could distinctly discern
the uplifted visage of the conjuror,
stern but calm, his head turned
slightly on one side, his brow knit,
his eyes fixed upon the moon. With-
out looking behind me to see what
became of him after he passed, I
hurried on ; and had already arrived
within about fifty paces of the gate,
when it again began to rattle and
swing as violently as at first — again
stood open — and again the same form
appeared, gliding, as before, from the
road into the field, and descending
towards me down the path. The arm
was still extended ; the finger still
pointed majestically to the moon ; the
movement also, a mixture of striding
and sliding, was still the same. But
the conjuror's face, not turned as
before towards the moon, was this
time directed towards me. The
eyes glared full in mine — but, oh,
what eyes! They had stolen the
gleam of the luminary on which they
were fixed before; each eye was a
moon ! the window of a brain that
glowed internally with a white heat!
With a look of horrid vacuity fixed on
my face, again it passed ; and I, not
at all coveting a third interview, cut
away for the gate, and up the road
homewards. I had no recollection of
what occurred afterwards, till I was
roused from my slumbers next morn-
ing by Miss Quintilian, who stood by
my bedside with a lump of sugar and
something nice in a teacup, which,
she said, her pa had ordered me
to take. We broke up, returned to
school after the holidays, and found
a new writing-master, the conjuror's
cottage shut up, and the conjuror him-
self gone — nobody knew whither. Miss
Quintilian said she would tell me how
he went, if I promised not to mention
it to her pa : — she had seen him with
her own eyes, riding away over the
church, astride on a broomstick.— Now,
sir," added Gingham, bowing to Mr
Belvidere, "I trust that you will
favour us. By the bye, Colonel, before
we proceed, hadn't I better brew my
promised bowl of punch ? "
" My story will be a very short
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
695
one," said Mr Belvidere, who spoke
little, and, as it afterwards appeared,
had a mighty matter on his mind.
" The punch will take no time,"
said Gingham. " I have everything
ready."
The chairman, governed by the evi-
dent sense of the company, awarded
priority to the punch. Gingham
stepped aside, the steward was smart
with the kettle, and in less than two
minutes a fresh bowl was on the table.
With such punch in Olympus, suffice
it to say, nectar had soon become a
drug. The chairman now called on
Mr Belvidere, who proceeded forth-
M-itli to relate
THE TRIAL.
" I was once staying at Bath, about
fifteen years ago, and, while there,
became very thick with the officers of
an English cavalry regiment. One
day, when I dined at the mess, it so
happened that there was also present
a young gentleman, a sub, who had
joined that morning. It was a prac-
tice in many regiments, in those days,
I suppose I need not mention, when a
sub joined, to take the first oppor-
tunity of trying him, as it was called —
that is, trying his mettle. In the pre-
sent instance, the time fixed was din-
ner. The youth was quiet and well-
bred, a little reserved, and apparently
not quite at home. Doubts were ex-
pressed whether he would show pluck.
When dinner was on table, and we
were all assembled, the senior officer
present politely requested the young
stranger to take the office of vice ; and
he, with equal politeness assenting,
seated himself at the bottom of the
table. A grim-looking countryman of
mine, the major of the regiment, a
jovial red-faced off-hand sort of a per-
sonage, full of whisky and waggery,
was the individual appointed to make
the customary trial, and took his seat
at table to the vice-president's left.
Soup and fish removed, an attendant
placed before the young gentleman a
boiled leg of mutton. Presently the
major, addressing him, said, ' I'll
thank you for a bit of that vale.' — ' I
beg your pardon,' said Mr Vice ; ' I
rather think it's mutton, not veal:
shall I have the pleasure of helping
you?' The major made no reply.
Presently the major began again:
Til thank you for a bit of that vale.1
— ' I tell you,' said the sub, ' it's not
veal ; it's mutton. Shall I give you
some?' Again the major was silent.
After a" pause, the major renewed the
attack: Til thank you for a bit of
that vale.' — ' I'll soon let you know
whether it's veal or mutton,' said the
newly-arrived, jumping up. Then,
with one hand seizing the leg of mut-
ton by the knuckle, with the other
the major by the collar, and wielding
the gigot like a club, he banged it
about the major's sconce till the com-
pany interposed. The major, fairly
basted with half-raw gravy, and
dripping with caper-sauce, flung up
both his arms above his head, in an
ecstasy of delight, and, exultingly
waving his hands, exclaimed at the
top of his voice, ' He'll do ! he'll do !'
Perhaps we shall now be favoured
with a story or a song by Mr Staff-
surgeon Pledget."
" Yes, yes, "said the Colonel, laugh-
ing, " the old major took it all with a
very good grace ; a capital fellow he
was, too. Sorry to say, one of his
peepers got a little damaged, though,
on the occasion. I could not do that,
now that I am minus a claw."
"Why, Colonel d'Arbley!" said
Mr Belvidere, looking the Colonel
very hard in the face, " I really ought
to apologise. Wasn't at all aware that
the hero of my story was sitting at
the head of the table. Ah, I see — I
recollect. The same features ; yesr
exactly. I think, though, Colonel,
you were not then quite so tall."
" Well," replied the Colonel, " I'm
not quite sure that I had done grow-
ing. I entered the service young.
Now, Mr Pledget, sir, if you please."
"I really feel quite at a loss, sir,"
said Pledget. " I have served in dif-
ferent parts of the world ; but I posi-
tively never met with anything half so
curious and interesting as the extra-
ordinary incidents which I have heard
this evening."
" Why, Pledget, man," said the
Major, " you were on the expedition
to Buenos Ayres. Come, tell us some-
thing about those lassoing fellows, or
the lovely sefioras, with their fine-
turned ankles and slaughtering eyes."
'Til tell you," saidPledget, "some-
thing that I picked up at the Cape, on
the passage. It relates to a cele-
COG
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
brated traveller, who was generally
kno\yn at Cape Town by the name of
THE NATURALIST.
"While we were lying at Table Bay,
I resided for a few days on shore. It
so happened that I took up my resi-
dence in the same lodgings which had
formerly been occupied by the travel-
ler in question, the well-known Mons.
V — . The landlord, an antiquated,
good-huuioured old Dutchman, de-
lighted to talk of his illustrious guest,
and told me anecdotes of him. V — ,
it appears, afforded the household
much amusement. One day he had
found what he considered a veiy
curious green bug, which he placed,
alive, in a paper box. The green bug,
however, thought fit to make its
escaps from the box, and walked
away. Y — , soon missing the fugi-
tive, was in an agony — searched the
room — searched the house — ran about,
asking everybody he met, had they
seen his green bug? Meanwhile,
watching an opportunity while V — 's
back was turned, the landlord's son
took a hair-pencil of green paint, and
painted on a panel of the apartment
an exact fac-simile of the green bug.
Presently, in a perfect fever of excite-
ment, the naturalist returned, still
inquiring eagerly for his green bug.
The family looked innocent, shook
their heads, and said nothing. V —
again began to search the room, till at
length his eyes lighted on the panel.
' Ah ! ' he exclaimed, ' my green
bug! Ah, I have finded you now,
my dear little naughty green bug ! '
* Ah non!' he added, after two or
three ineffectual attempts to pick the
picture off the panel — ' ah non! it
not is my littel green bug !' Whether
V — was near-sighted, I know not.
But, if so, I can easily account for his
mistaking a painted green bug for a
real one ; for, gentlemen, I am slightly
near-sighted myself," said Pledget ;
u and last autumn, I do assure you,
while I was out shooting on my bro-
thers estate in Kent, a humble-bee
got up right under my nose, and I
actually blazed away at it with both
barrels, mistaking it for a pheasant.
I know it was nothing but a humble-
bee; for my shooting companion, a
young Oxonian, my own nephew in
fact, positively assured me. I can't
help thinking I must be a little near-
sighted. Well, but that is not all
about V — . The Dutchman one day,
observing him so very curious in ento-
mology, collected a variety of richly-
coloured filaments from the plumage
of birds, shreds of silk, &c. ; then
caught some fine blue-bottles ; fastened
the filaments to the blue-bottles with
gum ; and, when V — was out,
turned the blue-bottles loose in his
bedroom. V — came home — went
direct to his sleeping apartment — tho
whole household, assembled and lis-
tening, stood outside in the passage.
Presently the row began. V — Avas
heard within, first uttering cries of as-
tonishment and delight, then flouncing
about the room, jumping over the bed,
capsizing the water-jug, in hot pur-
suit of the nondescript varieties of the
blue-bottle. At length a heavy bang
was followed by a dead silence ; then
came a cry of piteous lamentation.
The family entered, with sympathising
looks. Poor V — had broken his
shin, in an attempt to leap the table.
The females rushed for brown paper
and vinegar. The wounded man Avas
extricated from the upturned legs of
the table, and led out limping into the
common apartment, to be doctored.
The landlord, profiting by the oppor-
tunity, opened the bedroom window,
and the blue-bottles escaped. The
naturalist, who never knew by what
means he had been beguiled, made
frequent, and I need not say vain, in-
quiries, for similar ' prit littel bottle
blue homing-beards.' — I beg leave to
call on my friend the Major."
" I," said the Major, " as well as
Captain Gabion, was on the retreat to
Corunna, and now beg leave to relate
an incident connected with
THE EMBARKATION.
" After we had served out the French,
on the heights there, just above the
town, we had no farther trouble to
signify, so far as the}' were concerned
—a pretty deal, though, in getting our
own army embarked. I was the last
man on shore but two. Towards the
close of the business, I went down to
the place of embarkation — found old
Blue Breeches (a sobriquet which
I had in the morning been scandal-
ised by hearing applied to my ho-
noured father) there, the officer in
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
697
charge, superintending. There he
was, up to his knees in the surf, giving
his orders, helping the wounded into
the boats with his own hands, direct-
ing everything. Such a precious scene
of noise and confusion I never wit-
nessed. ' Hadn't you better embark
at once, sir?' said he. 'No — I'd
rather wait a while,' said I. ' Hadn't
you better go in this boat ?' said he.
' No, sir ; I'll go in the boat you go
in,' said I. 'Then you'll have to
wait quite to the last ; I intend to be
the last man off,' said he. 'Very
well,' said I. ' If you really mean
to wait, sir, I shall have to request
your assistance,' said he. Didn't
quite understand what that meant,
but determined to stick to Old Blue
Breeches. Don't yon see? It was
my best card. You don't suppose I
was going to be boated oft" to a tran-
sport, when I could go home in a
seventy-four? Well, sir, at length
the men were all embarked — the sick,
the wounded, every man John of
them. The last boat-load had shoved
off, and there now only remained the
captain's own gig, ready to take us
on board. Of course, I expected we
should be off, like the rest, without
delay. No, no ; Old Blue Breeches
had a different way of doing business.
He turns round to me, and says, ' I
am going to take a walk through the
towrij sir. Will you favour me with
your company?' 'Should hardly
think there was time for that, sir,'
said I ; ' but if it will answer any
purpose, and you really mean to go, I
shall be happy to go with yon.'
Thought some of the French might
have got in. 'I want to look into
the different wine-houses,' said he,
4 just to see if there are any stragglers.
Am ordered to bring all off: shouldn't
like to leave a man behind.' Away
we went — he, I, and old Towers, the
Irish coxswain, almost as rum an old
chnp as Old Blue Breeches himself.
He searched all the Avine-shops for
stragglers — found none. Besides our
three selves, thore wasn't an English-
man in Coruuna. Came back through
the sally-port that opened on the
place of embarkation. At the sally-
port Old Blue Breeches made a halt,
rummaged in his pocket, brought out
the hc,y. ' Took care to secure this
yesterday,' said he: 'just wait a
moment, while I lock the door.' lie
locked it, and brought away the key.
Down we went to the boat. I hung
behind, wanting to be the last man
off. Old Powers was playing the
same game, but it wouldn't do.
' Now, sir, if you please,' said Old
Blue Breeches ; ' company first.' In
I got. ' Won't I help yer honour
in? ' said Powers to Old Blue Breeches.
' No, no, old fellow,' said he ; ' that
won't do, you know. Get in first
yourself, and help me in afterwards.'
Powers grinned, and tumbled in over
the stern. Old Blue Breeches got in
last. We shoved off. ' Three cheers,
ycr honour ? ' said Powers, as he
took his seat by the tiller. 'Ay,
ay ; three cheers,' said Old Blue
Breeches ; ' and may the French soon
catch such another whopping.' Three
hearty cheers by the boat's crew, and
away we pulled for the ship. Old
Blue Breeches and I, both of us pretty
considerably done up. Neither spoke
for some minutes. Thought I should
like to have that key ; took a fancy
to it. ' I suppose you mean to keep
the key ? ' said I. ' Indeed you may
say that,' said he. 'I do mean to
keep it; and I have got another to
put to it. Last man ashore here at
Corunna; so I was at Toulon, in
1798. Then, also, I locked the gate^
and brought away the kej'.' Now
that's what I call cool. — Will you
favour us, Captain Gabion?"
"I should esteem it a favour,"
replied the Captain, "if I might be
permitted to tell my story last. Per-
haps the gentleman opposite to mo,"
(bowing to Joey,) "will have the
kindness to take his turn now. Mine
will then be the only one remaining.
Mr Chairman, will you sanction this
arrangement ? " The chairman bow-
ed. Joey began : —
" A previous narrator remarked,
that no one had told either a ghost-
story, a love story, or a pathetic
story. The first deficiency ho himself
supplied ; and, though 1 cannot say
that I ever saw a ghost, I certainly
never experienced anything so like
seeing one, as while I listened to that
extraordinary and appalling narra-
tive. I, gentlemen, have no love
story to tell, but I have a story of
true pathos ; and you shall hear it, if
such is your pleasure."
C98
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
In token of my acquiescence, I
stepped to my berth, took out two white
pocket-handkerchiefs, handed one to
Joey, and kept the other ready for
use.
" Gentlemen," said Joey, deposit-
ing the disregarded cambric on the
table, " I will tell my story, but only
on one condition. It is no fiction ;
and what I stipulate is this — that,
since I relate it with a heart still
wrung by recollection, as to men of
manly feeling, and in perfect good
faith, so you will listen with serious-
ness and sympathy."
We looked at each other. Each
made up a face ; all were grave, or
appeared so ; and Joey, with great
earnestness of manner, and a voice
husky with emotion, commenced the
narrative of
THE MONKEY AND THE CAT.
" While I was serving on board
the East India Company's cruiser the
Jackal, we were one time employed
surveying in the Persian Gulf. Being
infested with rats, we one day re-
quested our interpreter, when he went
ashore, to bring off with him a cat
from the nearest village. He return-
ed, bearing in his arms, gentlemen,
such an extraordinary specimen of
feline beauty as, I will venture to
say, has never graced a British mena-
gerie , or sat upon any hearth-rug in
the United Empire. Her elegance,
her gentleness, her symmetry, I will
not wrong, by attempting to describe :
I should feel the poverty of the English
language. Her two eyes had each a
charm peculiar to itself. One was a
pure celestial blue, the other green as
an emerald. It was at once felt, by
every officer on board, that a creature
so superb was not to be employed in
the vulgar office of catching rats.
Our only thought was, to treat her
with the care and tenderness which
her beauty merited. As she was un-
questionably the princess of cats, and
as her coat was a soft tawny, in hue
somewhat resembling the odoriferous
powder of which our friend Mr Cap-
sicum makes such copious use — com-
bining the two circumstances, we
agreed to call her Princeza. Prin-
ceza at once established herself as
the pet of the ship. What wonder?
We had no other domestic animal on
board, save one solitary monkey — his
name Jocko, his character, I grieve
to say, a revolting compound of arti-
fice, egotism, and low malignity.
"But now a new circumstance aroser
which increased our interest in the
lovely Princeza. Almost immediately
she arrived on board, it became evi-
dent, from unmistakable indications,
that she was about to be a mother.
Her interesting situation, indeed,
might have been detected by an
observant eye, when she first em-
barked. In anticipation of the
earnestly expected event, it was
decided that Princeza should be pro-
vided with every accommodation in the
officers' cabin. A basket, appro-
priated to her use, was lined and half-
filled with the warmest and softest
materials ; and in the cabin this basket
was deposited. Not that we appre-
hended injury from the crew. Oh no !
our only fear was, that Princeza and
her expected little ones would be over-
nursed, over -petted, over- fed — in
short, killed with kindness. Judge,
gentlemen, what were my emotions,
when, one morning early, returning to
the cabin from my duty on deck, I
heard Princeza purring in her basket
with more than usual vehemence, and
discovered, on examination, that she
had become the happy mother of four
dear little lovely kittens." Here Joey's
voice quite broke down. At length,
mastering his emotions, he proceeded :
" Well, gentlemen ; anxious to ex-
amine the little interesting accessions,
I softly introduced my hand into the
basket. But Princeza was now a
mother, and had a mother's feelings.
Doubtless apprehending injury to her
little offspring — ah ! could I have
injured them? — in an instant, poor
thing, she got my hand in chancery.
Her foreclaws, struck deep, held me
faster than a vice ; with her hind claws
she rasped away the flesh, spurring
like a kangaroo ; while, with her for-
midable teeth, she masticated my
knuckles. After admiring awhile this
affecting illustration of maternal ten-
derness, I attempted to withdraw my
hand. But ah, gentle creature! she
only struck her claws the deeper,
spurred more vigorously, and chewed-
with redoubled energy. Only by
assistance was I extricated ; nor was
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
699
my hand perfectly recovered, till a fort-
night after Princeza was herself no
more ! Well, gentlemen ; for greater
security it was now resolved that,
every night at eight o'clock, Princeza's
basket should be set on the cabin table.
There it was placed the first night ;
and next morning, one of the kittens
was found — can I utter it? — dead!
No malice was suspected : the disaster
was attributed to natural causes.
Another night came. We used no
precautions. In the morning, we
found another kitten — dead ! Sus-
picion was now awake, but over-
looked the real culprit. The third
night, I determined to watch. The
basket stood, as before, upon the
table: Princeza, with her two re-
maining little ones, lay snug and
warm within : a lamp, burning near
the entrance, shed its light throughout
the cabin ; and I, with my curtain all
but closed, kept watch within my
berth. In the dead of the night,
when all between decks was quiet,
save the snoring of the men, the flit-
ting of a shadow made me sensible
that same one, or something, was
moving in the cabin. Presently,
approaching stealthily, like Tarquin,
or Shakspeare's wolf, appeared —
gentlemen, I saw it with my eyes —
the form of Jocko ! With silent
grimaces, advancing on all fours,
stealthily, stealthily, a step at a time,
he approached, he reached the table.
There awhile he paused ; then threw
a somerset, and alighted upon it.
The moment he was landed, the pricked
ears and anxious face of Princeza
appeared above the basket. He ap-
proached. She stirred not, but con-
tinued to observe him, with all a
mother's fears depicted in her coun-
tenance. Jocko now laid one paw
upon the basket's edge. Still Princeza
moved not. Blackest of villains ! he
cuffed her — cuffed her again — again ;
— in short, repeated his cuffs, till,
terrified and bewildered, the unhappy
mother leaped from the basket on the
table, from the table on the floor, and
flew out of the cabin. Then did that
monster in a monkey's form quietly
take her place, and settle himself down
for a night's rest, in the midst of the
warmth and comfort from which he
had ejected the lawful tenant. All
was now discovered. The double
murderer of the two preceding nights
lay housed and genial in that basket.
Anxious to see and know the whole,
up to this moment I had controlled
myself. But now, too hastily, I
rushed from my berth, to seize the
detected culprit. The noise alarmed
him. Snatching up a kitten iu one
paw he sprang from the cabin — on
deck — up the rigging. Pursued,
though it was night, he dodged his
pursuers, taking advantage of the
gloom. At length, hard pressed, see-
ing his retreat cut off and his capture
inevitable, he dashed the kitten into
the briny deep, and suffered himself
to be taken. With difficulty I pre-
served him from the fury of the men.
Suffice it to say, that night he was
kept close prisoner in a hencoop, and,
next morning, hanged. But oh, how
shall I relate the sequel? The re-
maining kitten was found severely
injured, crushed doubtless by Jocko's
incumbent weight, and died within
eight-and-forty hours. The mother,
bereaved of all her little ones, went
mewing about the ship as if in search
of them, languished and pined away,
refused all consolation, and expired
about eight days after. We now
became sensible of our loss in its full
extent : and this, gentlemen, was felt
by all on board to be the acme of our
grief — the ship was left without a
pet! Oh, could we have recalled
Princeza and her kittens ! Oh, could
we have recalled even Jocko !"
At the conclusion of this tragic nar-
rative, which was recounted to the
end with unaffected feeling, the com-
pany awhile remained silent, respect-
ing Joey's sensibilities. Joey looked
very much as if my tender of the cam-
bric had not been altogether superflu-
ous. At length the conversation was
renewed by Gingham.
" Your truly affecting story has a
moral, sir. I am an observer of the
habits of animals. Monkeys are very
fond of warmth."
" Well, sir," replied Joey, with a
deep-drawn sigh, " I should like to
hear your moral at any rate."
" The fact is, sir," said Gingham,
" on board ship, what is a poor
wretch of a monkey to do ? At night,
probably, he is driven to the rigging.
He would gladly nestle with the men,
but the men won't have him ; for, to
700
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
say nothing of the general ridicule a
fellow would incur by having a mon-
key for his bedfellow, ten to one the
poor wretch is swarming with fleas
as big as jackasses, to say nothing of
enormous ticks in the creases of his
dirty skin. Monkeys, sir, like dogs,
scratch themselves a great deal, but
cleanse themselves very little. Now
depend upon it, when the weather is
cold and the wind high, monkeys
never sleep in trees. Is it likely then,
on board ship, that they prefer sleep-
ing aloft ? — that is, if a monkey ever
sleeps. Did you ever see a monkey
asleep?"
" Can't say I ever did," replied
Joey. " I have seen them nodding.
But the moral?"
" The moral," said Gingham, " is
simply this. The next time you sail
with a monkey and a cat on board, if
you provide a basket for the cat, pro-
vide another for the monkey."
" Obviously!" replied Joey.
" "Would we had thought of that on
board the Jackal ! Obviously ! "
" May I ask," said Gingham, " how
yon contrived to hang the monkey ? "
" Of course," replied Joey, " he
was first pinioned."
" Exactly," said Gingham ; " so
I conjectured. Otherwise I should
consider the hanging of a monkey no
easy matter."
" Now, Captain Gabion, if you
please," said the Colonel, inter-
posing.
" The punch is nearly out," replied
the Captain, " and, if I might be ex-
cused, I should really feel thankful for
the indulgence. I have nothing to
tell but an ngly dream ; and that
dream relates to a subject which, as I
believe my military friends here pre-
sent are aware, is constantly and pain-
fully present to my mind. The less
said about it the better."
" Come, come, Captain Gabion,"
said the Colonel ; " never think of
that, man. You'll see Old England
again, I tell you, and rise to rank in
the service. Come, give us your
story."
It is well known that, among the
officers who embarked for the Penin-
sula, there was occasionally one who
quitted his native shores with a strong
presentiment that he should never sec
them again, but fall in action. In
such instances the mind retained the
impression almost constantly. It was
not the coward's fear of death — far
from it. If ever it was forgotten, the
moment was that of conflict and peril ;
and then, it was sometimes realised.
" Come, old fellow," said the Colo-
nel ; " your story, if you please."
The Captain was about to reply,
when a musical voice, pitched in alto,
was heard from the state-cabin : —
" Kitty, Kitty, come down ; conic
down, I tell you. You'll catch your
death o' cold, standing there in the
draught without your bonnet. Come
down, child, this instant."
Kitty was now seen gliding from
the foot of the cabin stairs into her
mistress's apartment. The Colonel's
keen eye glanced in that direction;
ours took the same. A pair of legs was
distinctly visible at the bottom of the
stairs.
" Cupid, you villain! Cupid!"
shouted the Colonel, " come here ;
come directly, sir. Aboard or ashore,
that rascal never misses an opportu-
nity of making love. Here, Cnpid!
Cupid ! "
The Colonel's gentleman, with in-
nocence pictured in his countenance,
now entered, stepped quietly up to the
foot of the table, and respectfully
twitched his forelock.
" What are you about there on tho
cabin stairs, sir?" said the Colonel.
" Can't you let the young woman be
quiet, and be hanged to ye ? "
" I vos owny a-cummin down into
the cab'n, yer honour, jist to see if
yer honour vaunted hennythink ! "
The Colonel's gentleman, I oughfe
to have stated before this, was an old
light dragoon, and a Cockney. He
had lost an eye, on the same occasion
when the Colonel lost an arm ; ob-
tained his discharge ; and from that
time followed the Colonel's fortunes.
His loss, I presume, had gained him
the name of Cupid. He was a civil,
well-behaved, handy fellow enough ;
had that particular way of speaking,
emphatic andgesticulatory, which dis-
tinguishes old soldiers who have got
their discharge ; made himself univer-
sally useful to the Colonel, and helped
him to dress and undress, morning
and evening, the Colonel being de-
pendent from the loss of a fin. Cupid,
in consequence, was a privileged per-
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
701
son : had the entree of the cabin at
all times and seasons ; and, being
ready and sometimes sentimental in
his replies, seldom made his appear-
ance amongst us without being as-
sailed with questions on all sides. The
Colonel was now about to give him a
regular jobatiou, but the Major struck
in.
" I say, Cupid, very convenient for
courtship those cabin stairs in rainy
weather. Eh, Cupid?"
" Courtship, yer honour ! " said
Cupid. " I vosn't not a-doin nothink
of the kind. I vos owny a-meditatin,
like."
" Oh, meditating were you, though,
Cupid ?" said Captain Gabion. "Well,
pray what were you meditating about?
Come, tell us your thoughts."
" Vhy, sir," replied Cupid, "I vos
a-meditatin upon the hair and upon
the sea. Got plenty of bofe vhere
ve now are ; nothink helse, has I can
see ; so it vos owny natral I should
meditate. And I vos jist a-thinkin
this : that the hah* is made for men,
and the sea is made for fishes, heach
for heach; and t'other von't do for
nayther. Pull a fish hout of liis own
heliment hinto the hair, and he dies.
And pitch a man hout of his own
heliment hinto the sea, and he's
drownded."
"Really, Cupid," said Capsicum,
" that never struck me before. It's
very curious."
" Wherry," said Cupid. " But,
please yer honour, I thought of some-
think helse, vitch I consider it's more
kew-russer still. And that's this :
that, though too much vorter drownds
a man, and too much hair kills a fish,
yit a fish can't do vithout a little hair,
and a man can't do vithout a little
drink." Cupid's eye, as if he had said
too much, dropped, and fell upon the
punch-bowl.
Amidst the general applause and
merriment excited by this appeal, I
pushed over a tumbler to Joey, who
took up the punch-bowl, and soon
transferred its remaining contents into
the glass, which he handed, brimming,
to Cupid. The next moment it stood
empty on the table. Cupid smacked
his lips.
" Cupid," said the Colonel in a tone
of authority, " what's your opinion of
that punch ?"
"Pertickerly obleeged to yer ho-
nour," replied Cupid, "and to haul
the company vot's present." Cupid
then made a nip at his knee, as if
suddenly bit ; and, availing himself of
the stoop, •whispered Joey : "Please,
sir, did the Cornal brew it hisself?"
With a twitch of the mouth, and a
twist of the eye, Joey indicated
Gingham.
" Come, Cupid," said the Colonel,
'I want a direct answer. Tell me
your opinion of that punch." The
Colonel had a plot.
" Bless yer art, yer honour," said
Cupid.
" Come, speak up, sir," said the
colonel.
"Speak up, man," said Gingham.
" Yell, yer honour," said Cupid, " I
haulvays speaks the troof, except I'm
hordered the contary. Pleasant tipple,
wherry. But if so be I hadn't not
a' seed it in the punch-bowl, vhy, I
shouldn't not a' knowed it vos punch,
not no ho\v."
"What drink do you like best,
Cupid?" said the Major. "What
d'ye think of water, now ?"
" Vhy, I think this, yer honour,"
replied Cupid : " I'm a pertickler dis-
like to vorter ; that's vot I think. I
vonldn't ride no oss into no vorter,
no, not for nothink."
" The fact is, gentlemen," said the
Colonel, " Cupid thinks no man can
brew a bowl of punch like himself.
What say you ? — shall we give him a
trial ?"
Capsicum consented — Gingham
consented — we all consented. The
third bowl of punch was carried by
acclamation. Cupid retired to brew.
" If he' beats mine," said Capsicum,
"I'll give him half-a-guinea for the
recipe."
" A guinea," said the Colonel,
" with a promise not to communicate.
Cupid never takes less."
Cupid returned with the punch-
bowl, having executed the arcana
aside. His punch had the aroma of
arrack, though not arrack punch in
the strict sense of the word. Capsi-
cum's was a nosegay ; Gingham's beat
nectar; but Cupid's put them both
out of court, by consent of the com-
pany. " Now, Captain Gabion," said
the Colonel, "we'll trouble you for
your story."
702
My Peninsular Medal. — Part II.
[Dec.
"Without disparagement of our
previous brewers," said the Captain,
" my feeling at the present moment is
just this, that I never drank punch
before. "Well, gentlemen, if you will
have it so, I proceed to refute
MY DREAM.
" Some of the friends here assembled
are well aware — why should I conceal
it ? — that, for several months past, a
load has been pressing on my mind.
They are also aware of the cause. I
certainly have an impression that I
shall never see England again. But
how that impression began, they are
not aware. What I am now about
to relate will afford the explanation.
Yet what is the subject of my narra-
tive ? A dream — a mere dream ; and
a dream easily accounted for by the
circumstances in which it was dreamt.
So it is. Colonel d'Arbley knows,
the Major knows, that I never shrank
from peril. I have faced death ; to
all appearance, certain death. And,
unless I felt prepared to do the like
again, I should not have been now
returning to the army ; — no, I would
rather have quitted the service. Death
I am prepared at any time to meet ;
yet this presentiment of death is a
burden upon my spirits. By the bye,
my glass is empty. Hadn't I better
replenish it ere I begin ?
" You are aware, sir, that ill health,
the effect of hard service and hard
knocks, obliged me to return to Eng-
land last spring. In the course of
the autumn, I quitted Cheltenham, and
resided at Woolwich. There, I was at
a military party. We kept it up all
night. Next morning, I was unex-
pectedly summoned to London; and,
on my arrival, found work cut out for
me, — papers to be prepared — public
offices to be visited — lots of going
about — lots of writing — all wanted
instantly. Some parliamentary wretch
had moved for returns, and I was to
get them up. In short, the work could
be done in time only by my again
sitting up all night. It was on the
day after these two sleepless nights
that I had my dream. Where, do
you think? And at what hour? At
noon, with the sun shining above my
head, on a bench in St James's Park.
"I had just been calling in at the
Horse- Guards for a chat, my business
completed, the excitement over, and
was proceeding west ward on foot along
the Birdcage Walk, when I began to
feel nervous and done up. All at once,
my faculties experienced a sort of col-
lapse. My whole frame was seized
with a deadly chill ; I shivered spas-
modically ; my strength seemed gone ;
and Ibecame most enormously drowsy.
Just at that moment — I suppose it
was some anniversary, a birthday
perhaps — bang, bang, the Park guns
commenced firing, close at hand. In
the midst of the firing, I sat down on
a bench, and, in no time, dropped
asleep. Then began my dream.
" It was a general action. The curious
circumstance is, that I was still in the
Park. The guns firing a holiday
salute became the French position,
which occupied the plateau of a low
range of hills. At the foot of this
range, in an avenue extending along
its foot, was I alone. The firing went
on, bang-banging, now no longer a
feu-de-joie — the report was that of
shotted guns. I heard not only their
discharge, but the moan of the balls,
and the whisk of the grape ; yes, and
the rattle of musketry, the shouts of
men charging, and all that kind of
thing. I saw the dust, the smoke,
the occasional flash, quite as much as
you can see of any battle if you're in
it. Yet, all this time, I knew I was
in the Birdcage AValk. Presently, in
the direction of the Green Park, I
heard a more distant cannonade, which
was that of the British position. It
was now time to change mine; for
some of the shot from our guns began
to pass up the avenue, close to me,
tearing, rasping up the gravel, crash-
ing among the trees, cutting down
boughs, and rifting the trunks. Yet
something kept me fixed. At length,
looking in the direction of the British
position, I distinctly saw a round-shot
come hopping up the avenue — hop —
hop — hop — nearer and nearer — but
slowly — slowly — slowly ; it seemed all
but spent. Just when I thought it
had done hopping, it took one more
jump, and, with a heavy pitch, fetched
me an awful polt in the right side.
That moment I felt that I was a dead
man ; killed in action, yet by a friendly
ball, and while sitting on a bench in
St James's Park! The vision now
1849.]
My Peninsular Medal — Part II.
703
passed. The noise and firing ceased;
troops, smoke, dust — all the concomi-
tants of combat vanished ; the Bird-
cage Walk and its beautiful environs
resumed their ordinary appearance.
" Presently, while still sitting on the
bench, I was accosted by a tall sallow-
looking gentleman in black, who
smirked, bowed, and handed me a
letter with a broad black border — the
seal, a tombstone and a weeping wil-
low. It was addressed to myself —
an invitation to attend a funeral. I
pleaded my engagements — wanted to
get back to AVoolwich — begged to be
excused. ' Sir,' said he, in courteous
accents, ' you really must oblige us.
Unless you are present, the funeral
cannot take place. Hope you won't
disappoint us, sir. I am the under-
taker, sir.' I somehow felt that I had
no choice, and went. The gentleman
in black met me at the door.
" Other parties were assembled at the
mansion ; but not one of the company
— I thought it rather strange — either
spoke to me, or looked at me, or
showed the least consciousness of my
presence. The undertaker was all
attention; handed round black kid
gloves; fitted first one with a hatband,
then another; and, last of all, ad-
dressed me : ' Now, sir, if you please,
this way, sir ; we only wait for you,
sir.' I followed him. He led me into
an adjoining apartment, where stood
the coffin, surrounded by mutes. I
wished to read the name on the lid,
but was prevented by the pall.
" How we got to the place of inter-
ment, I recollect not. The only thing
I remember is this: as I saw the
coffin carried down stairs, hoisted iuto
the hearse, conveyed, hoisted out, and
at last deposited by the side of the
grave — every movement, every jolt,
every thump, seemed to jar my whole
system with a peculiar and horrid
thrill. The service was performed,
the coffin was lowered, the grating of
the ropes grated upon my very soul ;
and the dust sprinkled by the sexton
on its lid blew into my mouth and
eyes, as I stood by the brink of the
grave, and looked on. The service
concluded, the undertaker, attendants,
and company withdrew; and, what
d'ye think ? — there was I left remain-
ing in the burial-ground, with no com-
panion but a solitary gravedigger!
He set to work, and began shovelling
in the clods, to fill the grave. I heard
their thud; I seemed to feel it, as
they rattled in quick succession on the
lid of the coffin.
" ' You'll soon be filled in and all
right, old feller,' said the gravedigger,
as he proceeded with his work.
"A strange idea had gradually occu-
pied my mind. It seemed absurd —
impossible ; and yet it offered the
only conceivable solution of my sen-
sations at that horrid moment. I
addressed the gravedigger, —
" ' My friend,' said I, ' have the
goodness to inform me WHOSE funeral
this is.'
"'Whose funeral?' replied the
gravedigger. " Come, that's a good
un. Vhy, it's YOUR OWN.' — I'll trouble
you for a little more punch."
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCX.
701
Spain under Narcaez and Christina.
[Dec.
SPAIN UNDER NARVAEZ AND CHRISTESTA.
THE condition of Spain since the
last French revolution, and especially
since the commencement of the present
year, has been taken as a theme of
unbounded self-gratulation by persons
who ascribe her tranquillity and
alleged prosperity to their own patriot-
ism and skill. For many months
past, the friends, organs, and adherents
of the dominant Camarilla have not
ceased to call attention to the flourish-
ing state of the country ; repeatedly
challenging the Continent to produce
such another example of good govern-
ment, internal happiness, and external
dignity, as is now afforded by the
fortunate land which their patrons and
masters rule. When so many Euro-
pean states are revolutionised and
unsettled, it is indeed pleasant to hear
this good report of one which we have
not been accustomed to consider a
model for the imitation of its neigh-
bours. Delightful it is to learn that
Spain has cast her blood-stained
slough of misrule, discord, and corrup-
tion, and glitters in renovated come-
liness, an example to the nations, a
credit and a blessing to herself, a
monument of the disinterested exer-
tions and unwearied self-devotion of
her sage and virtuous rulers. We are
anxious to believe that these glowing
accounts are based upon fact, and
worthy of credence — not a delusion
and a blind ; and that the happiness
and prosperity so ostentatiously
vaunted exist elsewhere than in the
invention of those interested in pro-
claiming them. But we cannot forget
that the evidence produced is entirely
ex-parte, or lose sight of the great
facility with which the French and
English press and public accord credit
and praise to the present government
of Spain, simply on its own or its
partisans' assertions of the great things
it has done, and is about to do. It is
not easy to obtain a correct knowledge
of the condition of the bulk of the
Spanish nation. That the country
prospers means, in the mouths of the
schemers and place-hunters of Madrid,
and of the smugglers of the frontier,
that there is a brisk flow of coin into
their own pockets. That it is tranquil
signifies that no rebellious banner is
openly displayed in its territory. No
matter that the government is earned
on by shifts, by forced loans and fore-
stalled taxes and ruinous contracts ;
that the public servants of all grades,
irregularly paid, and with bad ex-
amples before them, peculate and take
bribes ; that the widow and the orphan,
the maimed soldier and the super-
annuated pensioner, continually with
long arrears due to them, are in rags,
misery, and starvation ; that to the
foreign creditor is given, almost as a
favour, no part of the interest due upon
the capital he has disbursed, but the
interest on a small portion of the
accumulation of unpaid dividends;
that the streets and highways swarm
with mendicants, and are perilous from
the multitude of robbers; that the
insecurity of life and property in
country- places drives the rich proprie-
tors into the towns, and prevents their
expending their capital in the improve-
ment of their property ; and that the
peasantry, deprived of instruction,
example, and encouragement, deprived
too, by the badness and scarcity of
the communications, of an advanta-
geous market for their produce, sink,
as a natural consequence, daily deeper
into sloth, ignorance, and vice. What
matter all these things ? The miseries
of the suffering many are lightly
passed over by the prosperous few:
in Spain the multitude have no voice,
no remedy but open and armed resis-
tance. Thus it is that Spanish revo-
lutions and popular outbreaks startle
by their suddenness. Until the vic-
tim openly rebels, his murmurs are
unheard : the report of his musket is
the first intimation of his misery. In
England and in France, abuses, op-
pression, and injustice, of whatever
kind, cannot long be kept from the
light. It is very different in Spain,
under the present regime. There the
liberty of the press is purely nominal,
and no newspaper dares denounce an
abuse, however flagrant, or speak above
its breath on subjects whose discussion
is unpleasing to the governing powers.
On the first indication of such pre-
sumption, number after number of the
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
705
offending journal is seized, fines are
inflicted, and if the editors audaciously
persevere, they may reckon with
tolerable certainty on exile or a prison.
On the other hand, the ministerial and
Camarilla organs, those of the Duke
of Valencia and of Seiior Sartorius,
and of the dowager queen, and even
of the dowager's husband — for his
Grace of Klanzares follows the fashion,
and has a paper at his beck, (partly
for his assistance in those stock ex-
change transactions whose pursuit
has more than once dilapidated his
wife's savings,) — papers of this stamp,
we say, carefully disguise or distort
all facts whose honest revelation
would be unpleasant or discreditable
to their employers. From the garbled
and imperfect statements of these
journals, which few Frenchmen, and
scarcely any Englishmen, ever see, the
" Madrid correspondents " of French
and English newspapers — not a few
of whom reside in Paris or London —
compile their letters, and editors
derive their data (for want of better
sources) when discussing the condition
and prospects of Spain. Hence spring
misapprehension and delusion. Spain
is declared to be prosperous and happy;
and Spanish bondholders flatter them-
selves, for the hundredth time, with
the hope of a satisfactory arrangement
— to which their great patience cer-
tainly entitles them, and which they
might as certainly obtain were the ill-
administered revenues of Spain so
directed as to flow into the public
coffers, and not into the bottomless
pockets of a few illustrious swindlers,
and of the legion of corrupt underlings
who prop a system founded on immo-
rality and fraud. The system is rotten
to the core, and the prosperity of Spain
is a phantom and a fallacy. Not that
she is deficient in the elements of
prosperity : on the contrary, the
country has abundant vitality and
resource, and its revenue has been for
years increasing, in the teeth of mis-
government, and of a prohibitive
tariff, which renders the customs'
revenue almost nominal. But it mat-
ters little how many millions are col-
lected, if they be intercepted on their
way to the exchequer, or squandered
and misappropriated as soon as
gathered in.
In the absence of better evidence as
to the real state of the country than,
that whose untrustworthiness we have
denounced, the narrative of an unpre-
judiced and intelligent traveller in
Spain has its value ; and although the
title of a recently published book by
Mr Dundas Murray,* proclaimed it to
refer but to one province, yet, as that
province comprises many of the prin-
cipal Spanish posts and cities, we
hoped to have found hi his pages con-
firmation or correction of our opinion
as to the true condition of the nation,
and more particularly of those mid-
dling and lower classes whose wel-
fare is too frequently lost sight of in
the struggles and projects of political
factions. Since those pleasant " Ga-
therings" in which many home-truths
were told with a playful and witty
pen, no book on Spain worth naming
has appeared; and if Mr Murray's
visit be recent, which he does not en-
able us to -decide, he had abundant
opportunity during his pretty long
residence and active rambles — aided,
as we learn he was, by thorough
familiarity with the language — to col-
lect materials for a work of no com-
mon interest and importance. He has
preferred, however, to skim the sur-
face : the romantic and the picaresque,
sketches on the road and traditions of
Moorish Spain, are evidently more to
his taste than an investigation of the
condition of the people, and an expo-
sure of social sores and official cor-
ruption. His book is a slight but
unaffected production, containing
much that has been said before, a
little that has not, some tolerable de-
scriptions of scenery, a number of
legends borrowed from Conde and
other chroniclers, and here and there
a little personal incident which may
almost pass muster as an adventure.
Young Englishmen of Mr Murray's
class and standard of ability, who
start on a tour in Spain, arc of course
on the look-out for the picturesque,
and think it incumbent on them to
embody their experiences and obser-
vations in a book. Such narratives
are usually praiseworthy for good
* The Cities and Wilds of Andalusia.
London: 1849.
By the Honourable R. DUNDAS MURRAY.
706
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec.
feeling and gentlemanly tone; and
indeed would be almost perfect, did
they combine with those qualities the
equally desirable ones of vigour and
originality. But doubtless we shall
do well to take them as they come,
and be thankful ; for it is not every
one who has fortitude and courage to
travel for any length of time in the
flea-and-robber-ridden land of Spain.
And as we cannot expect to meet
every day with a Widdrington, a
Carnarvon, or a Ford, so we must
welcome a Murray when he presents
himself, look leniently upon his repe-
titions, and be grateful if he occasion-
ally affords us a hint or a text. It is
perhaps a pity that Englishmen do
not more frequently turn their steps
towards the Peninsula, instead of per-
tinaciously pursuing the beaten tracks
of Italy, Switzerland, the Levant;
the furthest of which is now within
the leave-of-absence ramble of a de-
sultory guardsman or jaded journalist,
Covetous of purer air than Fleet Street
or St James's aiford. Spain, we can
assure all who are rovingly inclined —
and Mr Murray, we are certain, will
corroborate our word — has at least as
much to interest as any of the above
regions, and much more than most of
them. And assuredly an influx of
British travellers would, by putting
piastres into the pockets of the abori-
gines, do more than anything else to-
wards improving roads, towards
cleansing ventas of the chinches and
other light cavalry, against whose
assaults Mr Murray was fain to cuirass
himself in a flannel bag, towards
ameliorating the Iberian cuisine, and
diminishing the numbers and audacity
of the knights of the road. For, as
regards the last-named peril, greatly
increased by the dispersion of the re-
publican and Carlist bands, and by
the misery prevalent in the country,
Englishmen, if they have the reputa-
tion of travelling with well-filled
pockets and portmanteaus, have also
that of fighting stoutly in defence of
their property ; and if they would
make it a rule to travel two or three
together, with light purses, a sharp
look-out, and a revolver a-piece — or,
as Mr Murray and his companion did,
each with a double-barrel on his
shoulder — they might rest assured
there are not many bands of brigands
on Spanish roads bold enough to bid
them, in the classical phrase of those
gentry, "Boca abajo!" which means,
freely interpreted, " Down in the
dust, and rcith the dust !" But let the
traveller be on his guard against a
surprise, and, to that end, avoid as
much as possible all night-travelling,
especially by diligence, which to
many may seem the safest, on account
of the society it insures, but which is
in reality the most dangerous mode of
journeying, for there the pusillanimous
hamper and impede the resistance-
contemplated by the bold, and the
bravest man can do little when jammed
in amongst screaming women and
terrified priests, with a carbine point-
ing in at each window of the vehicle.
We find Mr Murray and his friend
riding unmolested through an ambus-
cade where, a couple of hours later,
three calesas full of travellers, in-
cluding a colonel in the army, were
assailed by no more than three high-
waymen, and deliberately and unre-
sistingly plundered. For the travel-
ler in Spain there is nothing like the
saddle, whether for safety, indepen-
dence, or comfort ; and as to time,
why, if he is short of that, he had
better not visit the country, for there
all things go despacio, which means
not with despatch but leisurely, and
for one " to-day" he will get twenty
" to-morrows," and most of these
will never come. And, above all, let
him put no faith in the word police,
which, in Spain, is a mere figure of
speech, the thing it indicates never
appearing until it is not wanted ; and
let him not reckon on an escort,
which is rarely to be obtained even
by paying, and on roads notoriously
dangerous, except by tedious formal-
ity of application, to which few will
have patience to submit. And even
if granted, it usually, as in the case of
the calesas above cited, is either too
weak to be useful, or lags behind, or
fairly turns tail. To which prudent
course it is more than suspected that
the faithless guards, who are mostly
pardoned robbers, are frequently sti-
mulated by promise of a share of the
spoil. Nor are they, if all tales be
true, the only class in Spain whose
duty it is to protect the public, and
who foully betray their trust. Dur-
ing this present year of 1849, cited as
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
707
so prosperous a one in Spain, rob-
beries in the capital, and on the roads
within a radius of twenty leagues
around it, have been so numerous and
audacious, and perpetrated with such
impunity, that the finger of public
suspicion has pointed very high, and
the strangest tales — which to English
ears would sound incredible — have
been circulated of the collusion of per-
sonages whose rank and position
would, in any other country, preclude
the idea of participation, however
secret and indirect, in gains so lawless
and iniquitous. But in this, as in
many other matters peculiar to the
Peninsula, although the few may be
convinced, the many will always
doubt, and proof it is of course
scarcely possible to obtain. In so
extensive and thinly peopled a land
as Spain, and which has been so long
a prey to civil war and insurrection,
security of travelling in rural dis-
tricts, and on cross roads, is only to
be obtained by increased cultiva-
tion of the soil, and by improving the
condition of the peasantry. But in
the capital, and on the roads leading
to it, and in the towns and villages,
some degree of law and order might
be expected to prevail. A glance at
the Spanish papers, any time for the
last six months, proves the contrary
to be the case. Their columns are
filled with accounts of atrocious assas-
sinations and barefaced robberies in
the very streets of Madrid ; of dili-
gences stopped, and travellers plun-
dered and abused ; of fanners and
others carried off to the mountains in
open day, and detained until ran-
somed ; and with letters from all parts .
of the country, complaining of the in-
security of life and property, and of
the sluggishness and inefficiency of
the authorities. Such statements are
of course rarely admitted into the
ministerial prints, to read which one
would imagine that the very last
malefactor in the country had just
fallen into the hands of the guardias
civiles, and that a virgin might conduct
a gold-laden mule from Santauder to
Cadiz, unguarded and unmolested.
Since the death of Ferdinand, no
such opportunity of improving and
regenerating Spain has been afforded
to a Spanish ministry, really solicitous
of their country's good, as during the
present year. It opened inauspiciously
enough ; with an impoverished exche-
quer, a ruinously expensive army,
Cabrera and ten thousand Carlists in
arms in eastern Spain, and with insur-
gent bands, of various political deno-
minations, springing up in Navarre
and other provinces. There was every
prospect of a bloody civil war in early
spring. But causes, similar to those
which, on former occasions, had frus-
trated their efforts, again proved fatal
to the hopes of the Carlist party.
With great difficulty, and with little
aid beyond that of contributions levied
in Catalonia, Cabrera had subsisted
his troops through the winter. But,
when spring approached, money was
needed for other purposes besides
mere rations. In the civil wars of
Spain, gold has often been far more
efficacious than steel to overcome dif-
ficulties and gain a point. But gold
was hard to pMain. Revolutions had
raised its valfw; and those who pos-
sessed it were loath to embark it in so
hazardous a speculation as the resto-
ration of Count Montemolin. This
prince, who, for a Spanish Bourbon,
is not deficient in natural ability, has
one unfortunate defect, which more
than counterbalances his good quali-
ties. Infirm of purpose, he is led by
a clique of selfish and unworthy ad-
visers, some of whom — evil counsel-
lors handed down to him by his
father — have retained all the influence
they acquired over him in his child-
hood. Amidst the petty wranglings
and deplorable indecisions of these
men, time wore away. A sum of
money (no very large one) was all
that was needed to achieve a great
object, which would at once have mul-
tiplied fifty-fold the prestige of the
Montemolinist cause, and have placed
vast resources at the disposal of its
partisans. Between the sum required
and the advantage certain to be ob-
tained, the disproportion was enor-
mous. Letter after letter was re-
ceived from Cabrera and other pro-
moters of the Montemolinist cause
in France and Spain, urging and im-
ploring that, at any sacrifice, the
money should be procured. But this
was beyond the power of the incapable
ojalateros who surrounded the young
pretender. Without conduct, energy,
or dignity, they had not a single qua-
708
Spam under Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec.
lity calculated to obtain credit or induce
confidence. In all their attempts they
miserably failed. At last, towards
the end of March, a rumour was spread
abroad that Count Montemolin was
on his way to Catalonia, to head his
faithful adherents. Soon this was
confirmed by newspaper paragraphs,
and presently came a romantic account
of his arrest on the frontier, when
about to enter Spain. The next news
was that of his return to England,
which was almost immediately fol-
lowed by an article in a London paper,
denying point-blank that he had ever
left this country, declaring that the
journey was a hoax, and that the
Spanish prince had been arrested by
proxy. And although this article,
which was extensively copied by the
press of England and the Continent,
elicited an angry contradiction from
a hanger-on of Count Montemolin,
yet many persons, of those most versed
in the intricacies of Spanish intrigue,
were convinced that its statements
were founded on fact, and that the
Count was in reality secreted in Lon-
don at the very time he was supposed
to be travelling towards the Pyrenees.
And some of his own partisans, who
credited the reality of the journey, de-
clared their conviction from the first
to have been, that ho would be be-
trayed before he got through France,
since by that means only could certain
individuals, who dared not refuse to
accompany him, hope to return to
the flesh-pots and security of their
London home, and to avoid encottn-
tering the perils and hardships of
mountain warfare. The abortive
journey or clumsy hoax, whichever
it was, gave the finishing stroke
to the Catalonian insurrection. Ca-
brera, seeing plainly that nothing was
to be hoped from the feeble and
pusillanimous junta of advisers who
swayed and bewildered Count Mon-
temolin by their intrigues and dis-
sensions, found it necessary, after
sending repeated and indignant letters
and messages to London, to abandon
a contest which it was impossible for
him to maintain single-handed, and
from which many subordinate chiefs,
and a large portion of his troops, had
already seceded. His little army fell
to pieces, and he himself fell into the
hands of the French authorities, by
whom, after a brief detention, he was
allowed to go at large. The game
was now good for General Concha and
his fifty thousand men. The scatter-
ing and hunting down of the broken
bands of insurgents was exactly the
sort of amusement they liked ; a fine
pretext for magnificent bulletins, and
the easiest possible way of gaining
praise, honours, and decorations. Be-
fore summer came, Catalonia was
quiet. The most vigorous effort made
by the Carlists since the Convention
of Bergara ; the one offering the best
chances of success, and on which the
very last resources of the party,
(even, it is said, to a few jewels and
pictures of price — the last relics of
princely splendour,) had been ex-
pended ; the effort, in short, of whose
happy issue such sanguine expecta-
tions were entertained, that some of
the leading adherents of the cause de-
clared that, " if they failed this time,
they deserved never to succeed," had
terminated in complete abortion. On
the sierras of Spain not a Carlist
cockade was to be seen ; in the coffers
of the party not a dollar remained.
Many of its most valued members,
disgusted by the weakness of their
prince, and by the baseness of his coun-
cillors, withdrew from its ranks, and
made their peace with the existing
government. And now the most
steadfast well- wishers of Count Mon-
temolin are compelled to admit, that
few contingencies are less probable
than his installation on the Spanish
throne.
Delivered from the disquietude and
expense of civil war, backed by an
overwhelming majority in the Cham-
bers, and having no longer anything
to fear from that " English influence,"
of which the organs of Christina and
Louis Philippe had made such a bug-
bear, the Spanish government, it was
expected, would deem the moment
favourable for those reforms so greatly
needed by the country. It was full
time, and it was now quite practicable,
to adopt extensive and systematic
measures of retrenchment in the
various departments of the adminis-
tration ; to reduce the army; to regu-
larise and lessen the expense of col-
lecting the revenue, which, like a crop
intrusted to negligent and dishonest
reapers, is wasted and pillaged in the
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
709
gathering ; to encourage labour and
industry ; to stimulate private enter-
prise, to which the tranquillity of
Spain was sure to give a first impetus ;
to encourage and co- operate in the
formation of roads and canals, so
essential to agriculture, which there
languishes for want of them ; to give
a death-blow to smuggling by an
honest and sweeping reform of the
absurd tariff ; and, if they could not
give money to the public creditor, at
least to come to a loyal understanding
and arrangement with him, instead of
vexatiously deluding him with fair
promises, never kept. Instead of at
once, and in good faith, setting about
these, and many other equally requi-
site reforms, in whose prosecution
they would have been supported
by a large number of their pi'esent
political opponents; instead of riveting
their attention on the internal mala-
dies and necessities of the country,
and striving strenuously for their cure,
— turning a deaf ear to the clamorous
voices abroad in Europe, and thank-
ing heaven that the position and
weakness of their country allowed her
to stand aloof from the struggles of
her neighbours — what did the Spanish
government? They acted like a
needy spendthrift who, having sud-
denly come into possession of a little
gold, fancies himself a Croesus, and
squanders it in luxurious superfluities.
They had come into possession of a
little tranquillity — in Spain a treasure
far rarer and more precious than
gold — and, instead of using it for
their necessities, they lavished it
abroad. Aping wealthy and power-
ful nations, they aspire to interfere in
the domestic aifairs of others, before
thinking of putting their own house
in order. Home is to be the scene of
their exploits, religion their pretext,
the Pope the gainer by their exertions.
From their eagerness in the crusade,
it might be supposed that Rome and
the pontiff had some great and peculiar
claim on the gratitude and exertions
of Spain; with which country, on the
contrary, ever since the death of Ferdi-
nand of petticoat- making memory, un-
til qnite recently, they have been on the
•worst possible terms — the Holy See
having openly supported the cause of
Don Carlos, refused the recognition of
Isabella, and the investiture of the
prelates she appointed, and played a
variety of unfriendly pranks, of no
material consequence, but yet exceed-
ingly painful and galling to the
bigoted portion of the nation, who
considered their chances of salvation
not a little compromised, so long as
their government was thus in evil
odour and non- communication with
the head of the Church. Altogether,
the attitude assumed by Rome to-
wards Spain, since 1833, was most
detrimental to Queen Isabella, because
it sent a vast number of priests (al-
ways active and influential partisans)
to the side of the Pretender. Con-
sidering these circumstances, when
Rome at last, at its own good time,
and in consideration of concessions,
and also because it suffered pecuniarily
by the duration of the rupture, again
took Spain into favour, and acknow-
ledged her queen as Most Catholic,
Spain, in her impoverished condition,
would surely have sufficiently re-
sponded by her best wishesfor the pros-
perity of the Pope, and for the safety of
his pontifical throne. She might also,
if it was desired, have sent that poeti-
cal statesman, M. Martinez do la Rosa,
to display his eloquence in Italian
counsels. But Spanish pride, the
bigotry of the queen-mother and her
son-in-law, the fanaticism of some,
and the hypocrisy of others, could
not be contented with this. Pinched,
starved, indebted, as Spain is, nothing
would serve but to despatch to Italy,
at heavy cost, a useless corps darmee.
Little enough has it achieved. The
troops have got a bad name by their
excesses, and the generals have been
treated slightingly, almost contemp-
tuously, by the French commanders,
who, doubtless, at sight of the half-
disciplined Dons, felt old animosities
revive, and thought how much they
should prefer a trip to the Trocadero
to this inglorious and unprofitable
Italian campaign. To console Ge-
neral Cordova and his staff, however,
for the necessity of playing second
fiddle to the French, they have been
praised, and caressed, and decorated
by his Holiness, and by that enlight-
ened monarch, Ferdinand of Naples ;
and they have been allowed to send
an aide-de-camp to Barcelona for
three nice little Spanish uniforms, %
which they are to have the honour of '
710
Spain tinder Narvafz and Christina.
[Dec.
presenting to three nice little Neapoli-
tan princes. Whilst this popinjay
general and his men-at-arms idle their
time, and spend their pay, in Italian
quarters, the Moors besiege'and can-
nonade the Spanish possessions in
Africa, within sight of the Andalusian
coast, whence not a soldier is sent to
the assistance of the beleaguered gar-
risons. A most characteristic sample
of " things of Spain." In this country
we are blind to the propriety of leav-
ing your own barn to be pulled down,
whilst you build up your neighbour's
mansion. And, to our matter-of-fact
comprehension, it seems dishonest
to waste money in a frivolous for-
eign expedition, when starving credi-
tors are knocking at the door. But
we are a shop -keeping people, and it
is folly to subject Spanish chivalry to
the gauge of such grovelling, mer-
cantile ideas.
Notwithstanding the draft of troops
to Italy, the Spanish government has
ventured to decree an extensive reduc-
tion in the army. In view of the penury
of the exchequer, of the total suppres-
sion of the Carlist insurrection, and
of thesmall probability of any fresh out-
break in a country worn out as Spain
is by civil wars and commotions, they
could not, in common decency, avoid
some such economical measure. So a
third of the army has been formed
into a reserve, which means that
the officers retain their full pay — with
the exception of those who volun-
tarily exchange from the active army
into the reserve, thereby putting
themselves on half-pay— and that the
sergeants and privates, with the ex-
ception of a skeleton staff, return to
their homes, and no longer receive
pay or rations ; but are to hold them-
selves in readiness, until theregular ex-
piration of their term of service, to join
their colours when required. From this
measure the government anticipates a
great saving, and their partisans hint a
million sterling as its probable amount.
But it is a peculiarity of Spanish admi-
nistration that the real economy of a
change of this kind can never be as-
certained, even approximatively, until
it has been for some time in force,
By a strange fatality, the most brilliant
theoretical retrenchments crumble into
dust when reduced to practice. This
-has been so repeatedly the case in Spain ,
that we receive such announcements
with natural distrust. In this in-
stance, however, it is impossible to
doubt that there will be a considerable
saving, although far less than would at
first sight be expected from the reduc-
tion, by nearly one- third, of an army of
120,000 men. The reduction will de
/actobe confined to the soldiers and non-
commissioned officers; for, half-pay iu
Spain being a wretched pittance, and
usually many months in arrear, few-
officers are likely to avail themselves of
the option afforded them. With refe-
rence to this subject, we shall quote an
extract from a Madrid newspaper,
a strenuous opponent of the present
government, but whose statistics we
have never found otherwise than trust-
worthy ; and which, in this case,
would hardly venture to mis-state
factsso easyof investigation. " Calcu-
lating," says the Clamor Publico of the
30th October 1849, " that the reduc-
tion in the active army amounts to
40,000 men, there still remain 80,000,
too great a number for a nation which
yields no more than 90,000 electors of
deputies to the Cortes ; besides which
there should also be reductions in the
staff. In Spain there is a general for
every four hundred soldiers — [we be-
lieve the Clamorto be mistaken, and the
proportions of generals to be even larger
than here stated ;] and although we do
not possess any great magazines of
clothing, arms, ammunition and other
military stores, our army is yet the-
dearest of the whole European con-
tinent, as is proved by the following
statement. [A statement follows of
the annual cost of a soldier in the
principal Continental services, showing
the Spanish soldier to be the most
expensive of all.] From all which
we infer that the economy decreed is
by no means that required by the con-
dition of the treasury, and permitted
by our present state of profound peace.
The Spanish nation cannot maintain
the immense army with which it is
burdened. Retain, by all means,
the artillery, the engineers, the staff-
corps, and the other elements of war
which cannot be created at brief
notice. Keep up, on full pay, the
framework of officers necessary to
form, at two months' notice, an army
of one hundred thousand men on a war
establishment, whenever it may be
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
711
necessary; but, whilst we are at peace,
restore to agriculture and the arts a
portion of the men now employed in
carrying arms." Under the regency
of Espartero, the Spanish army was
reduced to 50,000 men, and that when
the country was far less tranquil
than at present, when a Moderado
junta was plotting, at Paris, the
downfall of the government, and
Christina and Louis Philippe fur-
nished abundant means of corruption.
Then such an army was too small ;
now it might well be deemed ample
for a country that at most contains
thirteen or fourteen millions of inha-
bitants, with few fortresses to garri-
son, few large towns in which to
guard against insurrection, and, above
all, with a population that would evi-
dently rather submit to misgovern-
ment than plunge again into war.
From external foes Spain has nothing
to fear ; and, even if she had, we are
by no means sure that, paradoxical
as it may seem, a reduction in her
army would not be one of the best
means of guarding against them. For
retrenchments that would enable her
to acquit herself, at least in part, to-
wards her foreign creditors, would
assuredly procure her, in the hour of
need, friends and allies far more effi-
cient in her defence than her own
armies could possibly be. For how-
ever prone the Spaniards as a
people are to exaggerate their power
and means of self-defence, it must
surely be patent to the sensible por-
tion of the nation that, in case of ag-
gression from without, they must look
for aid to France or England. And
although it will doubtless confirm the
opinion of Spanish Modcrados and
French Orleanists as to the invariably
mercenary motives of Great Britain,
we will not conceal our conviction
that the readiness of this country to
succour Spain would be much greater
if she were paying her debt to English
bondholders, than if she were still inher
present state of disreputable insolvency.
At least we are quite certain that
"the pressure from without" would
be materially influenced by such a
consideration. And this reflection
naturally leads us to ask in what
position Spain would have found her-
self, had the projected expedition from
the United States against Cuba taken
place and succeeded. The danger
appears at an end for the present;
but it may recur, under the rule of an
American president who will not in-
terfere to prevent the piratical enter-
prise. As to its chances of success,
we find some striking facts whereon
to base an opinion, in a recently
published book on Cuba, the work of
an intelligent and practical man, on
whose statements and opinions we are
disposed to set a high value.* From
MrMadden's evidence it is quite plain
that the Spanish colonial government
is admirably calculated to excite a
desire of independence, or, failing
that, of annexation to America, in the
breasts of the people of the Havana ;
and what is more, that it has already
done so, and that a body of liberators
from the States might confidently
reckon on being received with open
arms by a very considerable fraction
of the inhabitants. When the mother
country is deplorably misruled, it is not
to be expected that the dependencies
should be models of good government.
"In 1812," says Mr Madden, "the
constitution being proclaimed in Spain,
the whole people of the colonies were
assimilated to the inhabitants of the mo-
ther country, with respect to representa-
tion In 1818, the good effects of
colonial representation were manifested
in the successful efforts of Senor Arango
with the king, Ferdinand VII., for Cuban
interests. He obtained a royal ordinance
from his majesty for the abolition of re-
strictions on Cuban commerce. From this
epoch, the prosperity of the island may
be dated. Instead of being a charge to
the imperial government, it began to re-
mit large sums of money yearly to Spain;
instead of having authorities and troops
paid by the latter, both were henceforth
paid by Cuba. An army of 25,000 men,
sent from Spain in a miserable plight,
was maintained in Cuba, in a few years
entirely equipped and clothed, and dis-
ciplined in the best manner, without cost-
ing a real to the Spanish government.
From 1830, the treasury of the Havana,
in every embarrassment of the home
government, furnished Spain with means,
and was, in fact, a reserved fund for all
its pressing emergencies. When the civil
* The Island of Cuba : its Resources, Progress, and Prospects. By R. R. MADDEN,
M.R.I.A. London: 18-19.
712
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec,
list failed Queen Christina, Cuba furnished
the means of defraying the profuse expen-
diture of the palace. The contributions
arising from the island formed no small
portion, indeed, of the riches bequeathed
by Ferdinand VII. to his rapacious widow,
and to his reputed daughters."
In 1841, the same writer says, Cuba
yielded a net revenue to Spain of a
million and a quarter sterling, fur-
nished timber and stores largely for the
Spanish navy, and entirely supported
the Spanish army in Cuba. From
the amount here stated, deductions
had to be made, or else the revenue
has diminished since that date ; for Mr
Madden subsequently sums up by say-
ing, that " Cuba produces a revenue of
from ten to fifteen millions of dollars ;
of this amount, upwards of three mil-
lions (£600,000 sterling) are remitted
to Madrid ; and these three millions of
taxes are paid by a class not exceed-
ing four hundred thousand inhabitants,
of free persons of all complexions."
A Spanish writer estimates the reve-
nue, in 1839, at eleven millions of dol-
lars ; * and an English one, who had
good opportunities of obtaining infor-
mation, although he is sometimes ra-
ther loose in his statements, declared,
six years later, that " Cuba contri-
butes fifty millions of reals, or £500,000
sterling, of clear annual revenue to
the Spanish crown."t From this con-
current testimony, the sum annually
pocketed by the mother country may
be estimated at £500,000 to £600,000
sterling; an important item in the
receipts of the Madrid government
— more so, even, from its liquid and
availablenature,than from its amount.
Moreover the revenues of Cuba, like
the mines of Almaden, are a ready
resource as security for a loan. But
how has Spain requited the services
of her richest colony? Of course
with gross ingratitude. Strange to
say, the equality of rights sanctioned
by the despotic Ferdinand was arbi-
trarily wrenched from Cuba by the
liberal government that succeeded
him.
" The new Spanish constitution shut
out the colonists from the imperial repre-
sentation. This most unjust, impolitic,
and irritating measure affords a fair spe-
cimen of the liberality and wisdom of
Spanish liberalism. It produced a feel-
ing of hatred against the mother country
that never before existed in Cuba. In
1836-7-8-9, [years passed by Mr Mad-
den in the Havana,] a general feeling
of disaffection pervaded the whole white
Creole community of Cuba. All the intel-
ligence, education, worth, and influence
of the white natives of the island (or
Creoles, as they are there called) was
enlisted against the government and the
sovereign of Spain, and an intense desire
for independence excited. The old rapa-
cious policy of Spain was renewed, of
considering every species of Cuban pro-
duce as a commodity of a distant region,
that it was legitimate to burden with
oppressive taxes." J
Now, it appears that by one of those
strange absurdities which are of no
unfrequent occurrence in Spanish go-
vernments, American settlers in Cuba
have been, and still are, exempt
from a variety of personal contribu-
tions and other imposts, which the
natives have to pay. The laws of the
island forbid the establishment of
foreigners in Cuba; and though the
settlement of Americans has been
connived at, out of respect to the laws
the settlers were supposed, by a curi-
ous fiction, not to exist. Hence the
exemption.
" This immunity," says Mr Madden,
(p. 83,) " drew great numbers of settlers
to Cuba, from the Southern States of
America; so that some districts on the
northern shores of the island, in the vici-
nity, especially, of Cardenas and Matan-
zas, have more the character of American
than Spanish settlements. The prosperity
of the island has derived no small advan-
tage from those numerous American esta-
blishments. Improved modes of agricul-
ture, of fabrication, of conveyance, were
introduced by the Americans. Several
railways have been made. In the course
of ten years, no less than ten have been
carried into effect. At the opening of the
first, from Havana to Guines, in 1837,1
was present. To American enterprise
and energy solely, I have reason to know,
this great undertaking was indebted. The
loan for it was made in England; but the
projectors, the share-jobbers, the engineer,
and the overseers, were Americans. . . .
Cuba, ever since I knew it, has been
slowly but steadily becoming American-
* MAELIANI, ii. 472.
f HUGHES' Revelations of Spain, ii. 383.
The Island of Cuba, pp. 55-6.
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
713
ised. I pestered my superiors -with my
opinions on this subject in 1836-7-8-9.
* Liberayi animam meam ' might be fairly
said by me, if the star-spangled banner
were floating to-morrow on the Moro
Castle^ or flaunting in the breeze at St
lago de Cuba. In the course of seven
years a feeling, strongly prevalent in the
colony, in favour of independence, has
been changed into a desire for connexion
with the United States. It is needless
for recent political writers on Cuba to
deny the existence of a strong feeling of
animosity to the mother country, and a
longing desire for separation. From my
own intimate knowledge of these facts, I
epeak of their existence. If England
could have been induced, in 1837, to gua-
rantee the island of Cuba from the inter-
vention of any foreign power, the white
inhabitants were prepared to throw off
the Spanish yoke. There was then a
Spanish army nominally of twenty thou-
sand men in the island, but the actual
number of native Spaniards in it did not
exceed sixteen thousand. The leading
men of the Creoles had then little appre-
hensions of the result of an effort for in-
dependence. A liberal allotment of land
in the island, for the soldiers who might
be disposed to join the independent party,
was a prospect, it was expected, which
would suffice to gain over the army. . . .
It is not to England, now, that the white
natives of Cuba look for aid or counte-
nance in any future effort for independ-
ence. It is to America that they now
turn their eyes; and America takes good
carp to respond to the wishes that are
eecretly expressed in those regards."
These are the opinions of a man
several years resident in Cuba, evi-
dently a shrewd observer, and who
can hardly be suspected of misrepre-
sentation on this bead; and we do
not hesitate to place confidence in
them in preference to the rose-tinted
acconnts of the Madrid Heraldo, and
other official prints, according to
which the present happiness, pros-
perity, and loyalty of the Havaneros
are such as were never surpassed in
the annals of colonies. Mr Madden,
we have seen, is of opinion that the
Creoles and resident Americans, if
guaranteed from foreign intervention,
are of themselves a match for Spain,
and could throw off her yoke and defy
her efforts to reimpose it. What,
then, would be the state of affairs, if
three or four thousand Yankee volun-
teers, who, by themselves, we suspect,
could give occupation to all the dis-
posable part of the sixteen thousand
Spaniards in garrison, were suddenly
to drop upon the Cuban shore, by
preconcerted arrangement with the
disaffected? In 1849 this has been
within an ace of occurring; in a future
year, not very remote, it may actually
occur. What would Spain do, when
news were brought her that the red-
and-yellow banner was replaced by
the speckled bunting of the States?
Would she declare war against Ameri-
ca, on the strength of the war-
steamers she has been lately building
with her creditors' money? Brother
Jonathan, we suspect, would mightily
chuckle at the notion, and immediately
seize Puerto Rico, and perhaps make
a dash at the Philippines. But the
Spanish government, loud as they can
bluster when sure of impunity, would
hardly render themselves so ridicu-
lous. No; in the hour of their dis-
tress they would piteously look abroad
for succour, and turn their discomfited
countenance to the old ally to whom,
in 'their brief day of seeming pros-
perity, they forgot their numerous
obligations. It is our belief their ap-
peal would not be made in vain. But
although this country, being great and
powerful, could afford to forget its
cause of complaint — as a man over-
looks the petulance of a froward child
— it would be right and fitting that
an amende honorable should previously
be exacted from Spain, and that
humiliation should be inflicted on her
arrogant government, for an insult
which, let them mis-state the circum-
stances as they like,was far from justi-
fied by the alleged provocation. And
moreover, before a move was made,
or a note transmitted by the British
government on behalf of Spain-robbed-
of-its-Cuba, a solid guarantee should
unquestionably be exacted for an
equitable and speedy adjustment of
the claims of the ill-nsed holders of
Spanish bonds.
These gentlemen, roused at last by
a long series of neglect and broken
promises to depart from the suaviter
in modo, and to substitute an energetic
remonstrance for the honeyed and
complimentary epistles they have been
wont to address to the president of
the Spanish council, are raising a fund
to be employed in the advocacy of
their claims by an agent in Madrid.
7U
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec.
Although the gradual progress of the
subscription does not bespeak the
fund-holders very sanguine in their
hopes, they may rest assured that this
is a step in the right direction. Their
only hope is in agitation — in keeping
their just and shamefully-neglected
claims before the world, and in such a
conjunction of circumstances as may
enable the cabinet of St James's to
put on the screw, and compel the
Spanish government to be honest.
As to an appeal to arms, however it
might be justified in equity, and by
references to Vatel and other great
authorities, it would hardly be con-
sonant with prudence, or with the
spirit of the times : but other means
may be devised ; and in the event of
a European war, we can imagine more
than one circumstance in which, as in
the case of the seizure of Cuba by
America, Spain would be too happy
to subscribe to the just conditions this
country might impose for the settle-
ment of English claims. But there is
danger in delay; and if we are un-
willing to believe that Spain is, in the
words of one who knows her well,
"irremediably insolvent,"* there is
no doubt she must speedily become
so, unless some radical change takes
place in the views and system of her
rulers. What she needs is an honest
government, composed of men who
will make their own advantage sub-
servient to their country's weal. " My
firm conviction," says Marliani, "is,
that when the day comes that men of
heart and head shall seize, with a firm
grasp, the rudder of this vessel now
abandoned to the uncertain move-
ment of the political waves, they will
take her into port. Spain is in the
best possible position to make a giant's
stride in the path of prosperity. She
offers to the foreigner a thousand
honourable and profitable specula-
tions ; the application of capital to
public works, to agriculture, to mines,
will be an inexhaustible source of
profit."! "NVhen M. Marliani wrote
this, capitalists were more prone to
embark their money in distant specu-
lations than at the present day. But
still the principle holds good; and
there can be no question in the minds
of any who have studied Spain, that
an honest and moderately able govern-
ment is all that is wanted to develop
her vast resources, and enable her to
come to an honourable compromise
with her creditors, who, there can be
little doubt, would show themselves
accommodating, if they saw evidence
of a desire to pay, and had some cer-
tainty that, when they had accepted
an arrangement advantageous to
Spain, it would not be broken in a
few months, leaving them in worse
plight than before. How this has been
repeatedly done was lately clearly-
exhibited in a letter addressed by a
Spanish bondholder to the Times, of
which we here quote a portion : —
"Between 1820 and 1831, Spain con-
tracted loans as follows, [detail given],
to the amount of 157,244,210 dollars.
And on no portion of these loans does
Spain now pay interest. In 1834 there
was owing, in interest upon those loans,
49,541,352 dollars ; and the Spanish go-
vernment then offered, at a meeting of
bondholders, held at the City of London
Tavern, to give for all those loans, and the
interest upon them, new stock, on the
following terms : — A new active five per
cent stock, upon which the interest should
be always punctually paid, for two-thirds
of the capital ; a new passive stock for
the remaining third ; and a deferred stock
for the overdue interest, on condition that
they had a new loan of £4,000,000 ster-
ling. These terms were agreed to, and
the conversion took place ; and.there were
issued in exchange for the old loans and
overdue interest, £33,322,890 five per
cent active stock;' £12,696,450 passive
stock; and £13,215,672 deferred stock.
These are the stocks now in the market,
in addition to the £4,000,000 loan then
granted. In two years after this tran-
saction, the Spanish government stopped
payment again, and left the bondholders
in the same situation, with one-third of
their capital cancelled, or made passive
stock, which bears no coupons, and is,
consequently, not entitled to claim in-
terest. In 1841, the Spanish govern-
ment paid the active bondholders four
years' interest; i.e., from 1836 to 1840,
in a three per cent stock, instead of cash,
and which produced the holders about
four shillings in the pound ; (this is the
three per cent stock now in the English
market, on which the interest is paid.)';J
It is not very easy to get at infor-
FORD'S Gatherings from Spain.
Histoire Politique de VEspagne Moderne, ii. 424.
City article of the Times, September 14, 1849.
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
715
niation about the amount of Spanish
debts, accumulated dividends, and so
forth ; but the above lucid statement
of the liabilities to foreign creditors,
combined with the testimony of other
authorities before us, leads to an ag-
gregate estimate of the whole debt,
external and internal, at upwards of
one hundred and twenty millions ster-
ling,— probably at the present time
nearly or quite one hundred and
thirty millions, unpaid interest being
added. Without entering into the
intricate complications of the ques-
tion, we shall not be very wide of the
mark in asserting, that less than three
millions sterling per annum, in the
shape of dividends, would constitute
an arrangement surpassing the wildest
dreams in which, for a long time past,
sane bondholders can possibly have
indulged ; in fact that, considering the
amount of passive stock, and the con-
cessions that would willingly be made,
it would pay what would pass muster
as the full dividends. An enormous
sum for Spain — will be the remark of
many. We beg to differ from this
opinion. An enormous sum, certain-
ly, for a dishonest Spanish govern-
ment. Charity begins at home in
Spain as much as anywhere ; and if
people squander their cash in paying
creditors, how shall they enjoy their
little comforts and luxuries, and make
up a purse for a rainy day? How
shall the royal family of a poor and
insolvent kingdom have a civil list of
half a million sterling, besides crown
property and appanages to Infantes ?
— how shall Queen Christina and her
uncle, the ex-king of the French, be
repaid the sums they lavished to oust
Espartero, and to bring about the in-
famous Spanish marriages? — how
shall the same illustrious lady make
her investments in foreign funds, and
add to her hoard of jewellery, already,
it is said, the most valuable in
Europe? — how shall Duke Mniloz
play at bulls and bears on the Bolsa,
and give millions of francs for French
salt-works? — how shall the Spanish
ministers, men sprung from nothing,
and who the other day were penniless,
maintain a sumptuous state and realise
princely fortunes ? — how, finally, shall
the government exercise such influence
at elections as to reduce the numerous
and powerful party opposed to them
in the country to utter numerical in-
significance in the legislative assembly,
and to fill every municipal office with
their own creatures and adherents?
It is a very singular fact that, al-
though for many years past the reve-
nue of Spain has been steadily increas-
ing, the annual deficit always conti-
nues about the same. Thus much can
be discerned even through the habitual
exaggerations and hocus-pocus of
Spanish financial statements. M.
Mendizabal, in his budget for 1837, (in
the very heat and fury of the Carttst
warj showed a deficiency of seven
millions sterling, the revenue then
being about £8,700,000 sterling. In
1840, the minister of finance stated
the deficit at £6,800,000 sterling, the
revenue having then risen to upwards
of ten millions.* And since then the
deficiency has averaged about five
millions sterling ; and even now, that
Spain is declared so prosperous, will
not be rightly stated at a much lower
figure, although financeministers resort
to the most ingenious devices to prove
it much less. But if it is so trifling as
they would have us believe, why do
they not pay their dividends ? Forced
loans, anticipated imposts, unpaid
pensions, and shabby shifts of every
kind, show us how far we are to credit
their balance-sheets. One financier —
that very slippery person, Senor Car-
rasco — actually showed a surplus —
upon paper. " The present revenue,"
wrote Mr Ford in 1846, " may be
taken at about twelve or thirteen mil-
lions sterling. But money is compared
by Spaniards to oil — a little will stick to
the fingers of those who measure it
out ; and such is the robbing and job-
bing, the official mystification and
peculation, that it is difficult to get at
facts when cash is in question." The
sum stated, however, is about the
mark, and bears out Lord Clarendon's
often-quoted declaration in the House
of Lords, that the Spanish revenue is
one-half greater than it was ever be-
fore known to be. Few men have had
better opportunities than Lord Claren-
don of acquiring information on the
affairs of Spain ; and his well-known
friendly feeling towards her present
MARLUNI, ii.; 430 and 471.
716
Spain tinder Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec.
rulers precludes the suspicion of his
giving a higher colouring than the
strictest truth demands to any state-
ment likely to be prejudicial or un-
pleasant to them. It i.s a fact that the
revenue is still upon the increase : and
it has augmented, in the last fifteen
years, by more than one-half, for
in 1835 it was but seven hundred
and fifty -nine millions of reals, or, in
roundnumbers, £7,600,000 sterling. It
certainly seems strange that, with an
increase of revenue of at least four
millions, the decrease of deficit should
barely amount to two, although the
country, at the former period, was
plunged in a most expensive war, and
had an enormous army on foot ; the
estimate for the war department alone,
forl837 — according to MrMendizabal's
budget already quoted, presented to
the Cortes — being upwards of seven
and a-half millions sterling, or within
one million of the total amount of esti-
mated revenue. Thus we see that Spain
presents the curious phenomenon of an
expenditure augmenting in proportion
as the revenue increases. In most
countries the puzzle is the other way;
and how to force the revenue up to the
expenditure, is the knotty point with
statesmen. The most benevolent can
hardly help suspecting that some foul
play is at the bottom of this augmenta-
tive propensity of Spanish financial
outgoings. But Spain is par excel-
lence the country of itching palms ;
and in view of the statements we
have here made, and which defy refu-
tation, most persons will probably
agree with a writer already cited, when
he says that, " with common sense
and common honesty, much might be
done towards releasing Spain from her
financial embarrassments. Perhaps
it is not too much to say, that a vigor-
ous government, capable of enforcing
taxation, might, with integrity and
energy, and a forgetfulness of selfish
gams, provide for the interest of every
portion of her debt, and, in the
end, pay off the principal. . . .
If Spanish finance ministers, and the
capitalists and sharpers by whom
they are surrounded, could bring
themselves to think of their own for-
tunes less and of the nation's more,
we should hear very little of new fo-
reign loans. A virtuous native effort
is wanted; themselves must strike
the blow ! All governments are bound
to support their several departments,
and obtain a sufficient revenue ; and
the administration of Mon and JSTar-
vaez has not the excuse of want of
power."* This is the language uni-
versally held by all persons acquaint-
ed, from actual observation, with the
extent and abuse of Spain's resources.
The taxes in Spain are exceedingly
light in proportion to the population,
but they are unfairly distributed, and
most iniquitously collected — the state
paying an enormous percentage on
most of them, and being besides
scandalously robbed by officials of
every grade. But the inequality of
taxation in Spain, which presses (by
the threefold means of direct impost,
excise, and exorbitant import duties
upon manufactures) especially on the
peasant and agriculturist — crushing
the very nerve and right arm of Spa-
nish prosperity — brings us to the con-
sideration of a recent measure, from
which much good has been predicted,
and from which, as we trust and be-
lieve, advantage will ultimately be ob-
tained.
An ably conducted French perio-
dical, which acquired considerable
weight under Louis Philippe, from the
circumstance that its closing article
expressed, eveiy fifteen days, the
views and opinions of the govern-
ment, and which, since it ceased to be
official, has shown a strong Orleanist
leaning, put forth in a recent num-
ber a glowing statement of the im-
mense advantages to be derived by
Spain from the newly promulgated
tariff bill.f Prepared by a previous
article in the same review, which had
taken for its base, and accepted as in-
controvertible, a tissue of scurrilous
and mendacious statements strung
together by a Salamanquino doctor,
and notoriously instigated by a Spa-
nish minister and ambassador, with
reference to the suspension of relations
between England and Spain, we were
no way surprised to find, in the dis-
cussion of the internal situation of the
latter country, implicit reliance placed
* Revelations of Spain, 365-6.
t Revue des DeuxMondes, let AoAt 1849.
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
717
on the figures and assumptions of
Spanish financiers, and a most naive
conviction that their showy theories
and projects would be honestly and
effectually put in practice. Under
the ingenious one-sidedness and appa-
rent good faith of the writer, it was
not difficult to discern an inspiration
derived from Claremont or the Hotel
Sotomayor. The object of the article
was to prove that Spain, relieved from
the incubus of English influence, and
blessed with an enlightened and ho-
nest government, is rapidly emerging
from her political, social, and financial
difficulties ; nay, that this astound-
ing progress is half accomplished, and
that the despised land has already
risen many cubits in the European
scale. " We ask," says the writer,
after summing up at great length the
benefits conferred on Spain by the
Narvaez cabinet — benefits which, for
the most part, have got no further
than their project upon paper — " Wo
ask, is not Spain sufficiently revenged
for thirty years of disdain ? Would
not this Job of the nations have a
right, in its turn, to drop insult upon
the bloody dunghill whereon display
themselves these haughty civilisations
of yesterday's date ? " Having given
this brief specimen of style, we will
now confine ourselves to figures,
for most of which the writer in the
Revue appears to be indebted to Mr
Mon. The result of his very plau-
sible calculations is an immediate
annual benefit of thirty-four million,
francs to the consumers of foreign
manufactures, ninety- two millions to
the country at large, in the shape of
increased production, and a clear gain
of sixty- three millions to the public
treasury. We heartily desire, for the
sake both of Spam and of her credi-
tors, that this glorious prospect may
be realised. If this is to be the result
of what the Revue des Deux Mondes
admits to be but a timid step from the
prohibitive to the protective system,
what prosperity may not be prophe-
sied to Spain from further progress in
the same path? Nor are these a tithe
of the benefits foretold, and which
we refuse ourselves the pleasure
of citing, in order to make room for
a few remarks as to the probable
realisation of those already referred
to. And first, we repeat our previous
assertion, that in Spain the real bene-
fit of such a measure as the new tariff
can never be rightly estimated till
the law has been for some time in
force. There is so much tampering
and corruption in such cases, so many
interests and persons must be satisfied
and get their share of the gain,
that such reforms, when they come,
often prove very illusory. With re-
spect to the tariff, we will take no
heed of the statements of the Spanish
opposition, who denounce it as a most
defective and bungling measure, from
which little is to be expected. In
Spain, as much as in any country,
the men out of power will admit little
good to be done by those who are in.
Neither do we profess to have digested
and formed our own opinion upon the
probable working of a tariff which
comprises 1500 articles, (about twice
and a half as many as the British
tariff,) and whose complications and
conditions are anything but favourable
to its easy comprehension and appre-
ciation. We can argue, therefore,
only from analogy and precedent; the
latter, especially, no unsafe guide with
a people so wedded as the Spaniards
to old habits and institutions. The
pacific manner in which the great
army of Spanish smugglers have re-
ceived the tariff, is a strong argu-
ment against its practical value. The
Revue des Deux Mondes estimates the
number of smugglers in Spain at sixty
thousand. This is far itnder the
mark ; and it is the first time we have
known the Spanish smugglers to be
reckoned at less than one hundred and
twenty thousand men, whereas we
have seen them rated as high as four
hundred thousand, which, however,
could only be explained by including
all those persons in the countiy who
are directly or indirectly connected
with the contraband trade. But the
figure is not important. The principal
point, andthatAvhichnonewill dispute,
is that the Peninsular smugglers form
a powerful army, including the finest
men in the countiy, and capable, as
we fully believe, if assembled and with
the advantage of a little drill, of
soundly thrashing an equal number of
Spanish soldiers, detachments of whom
they not unfrequently do grievously
ill-treat. Now how is it, we ask, that
this formidable and generally turbulent
718
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec.
body have submitted without an indi-
cation of revolt to the passing of a
law which, if the Revue des Deux
Mondes is right, will entirely take
away their occupation? The self-
styled manufacturers of Catalonia,
most of whom are extensive
smugglers, are as acute judges of
their own interests as any men in
Spain. In Andalusia, on the Portu-
guese frontier, in nearly every frontier
province in short, men of wealth,
ability, and consideration are at the
head of the contraband traffic. It is
not to be supposed that ail these have
their eyes shut to the meditated de-
struction of their interests, or that
they thus tranquilly receive a blow
which they believe will be fatal. It
will be remembered by many that
when first the new tariff was seri-
ously brought forward, and appeared
likely to become the law of the land,
the Catalan newspapers and other
organs of the smuggling interest were
furious in their denunciation of it :
alarming rumours were set abroad,
insurrections were talked of, and there
seemed a very pretty chance of a
pronunciamiento in favour of prohibi-
tive duties and contraband trade.
But suddenly modifications were
talked of, the publication of the bill
was postponed, the storm was allayed
and has not again arisen. There was
something so remarkable in this sudden
stilling of the troubled waters, that
persons, who are either very malicious
or better versed than their neighbours
in the ways of Spain, did not scruple
to assert that there had been buying
and selling, that weighty arguments
had been advanced and had prevailed,
and that the result was to be the
emasculation of the tariff bill. No
trifling consideration would suffice to
clench such a bargain, and doubtless
the concession, if obtained, was well
paid for ; but what of that ? The
trade of a smuggler is the most pro-
fitable in Spain, excepting, perhaps,
that of a cabinet minister; and it was
•worth a sacrifice to retain a traffic
whose profits, the Revue des Deux
Mondes assures us, range from 60 to
90 per cent on the value of the cotton
tissues introduced, and a lower per-
centage on silks, woollens, and other
goods, of greater value in proportion
to then- bulk, weight, and difficulty of
transport. For this percentage, the
master-smuggler receives the goods
without the frontier, and delivers them
within, supporting all charges, and
running all risks : it is a premium of
insurance, as regularly fixed as that
of any marine risk at Lloyd's. But
does the Revue suppose that the pre-
sent very high charge for passage will
not be materially reduced, sooner than
altogether relinquished ? Spanish
smuggling requires capital and sta-
bility, on the part of those undertaking
it on a large scale, and is a sort of
monopoly in the hands of a certain
number of individuals and companies.
These pay the working smugglers (the
men who lift the bales, and drive the
mules, and fight the custom-house
officers) a few reals a-day, a few
dollars a ran, and pocket enormous
profits. Amongst themselves, they
are leagued to maintain the high rates
of insurance. But now that the cus-
tom-house steps into the field as a
competitor, removing prohibition and
lowering duties, we may be well as-
sured the smugglers have lowered
theirs ; and an inquiry at Perpignan,
Oleron, Mauleon, on the Five Can-
tons at Bayonne, or in any other
smuggling depot on the Pyreneau
frontier, would, we doubt not, satisfy
the Revue of the fact. The Spanish
custom-house must cut lower yet to
beat the smuggler. The Revue ad-
mits that, on certain articles of great
consumption, (silk,) the difference is
still in favour of the contrabandist,
even at the duty of thirty to forty-
five per cent ad valorem, fixed by
the tariff bill, and at the old high pre-
mium of smuggling insurance. But
whilst we insist and are confident
that the latter will be reduced, (and
therein find one reason of the tranquil
indifference with which the tariff has
been received by the smuggling popu-
lation of the Peninsula,) we are by no
means certain that the former has not
been considerably raised by the altera-
tions and modifications that took
place in the tariff, between the date of
its passing the chambers and that of
its publication by the government ;
alterations by which the ad valorem
duties imposed on several important
classes of merchandise have been con-
verted into fixed duties. This change,
which may very well prove a juggle
1849.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
719
brought about by the golden wand of
the smuggling fraternity, at once in-
validates the calculations of the Revue,
which are all based upon the ad
valorem percentage originally pre-
scribed by the tariff law, and upon
the assumption that the high contra-
band premiums are immutable and
unreducible.
Setting aside the mere financial
consideration of the tariff question;
losing sight, for a while, of the great
accession of revenue it is universally
admitted that Spain would derive from
an honest and effectual reduction of
her import-duties on manufactures,
which she herself can produce only of
inferior quality and at exorbitant
rates ; losing sight, also, of the moral
obligation there is upon her to adopt
all such measures, not injurious to
any great class of the community,*
as shall enable her to pay her way,
and acquit her debts to home and
foreign creditors, — temporarily avert-
ing our view, we say, from these
considerations, we fix it upon others
whose weight none will deny. What
are the chief causes to which the
major part of the crime, misery, and
degradation prevalent amongst the
lower classes in Spain, is attributed,
by all impartial observers of her social
condition ? They are three in num-
ber. The demoralisation produced by
smuggling ; the burdens upon agri-
culture, and impediments to its pro-
gress ; the high prices the peasant is
compelled to pay for the most neces-
sary manufactures. Upon the evil of
smuggling we need not dwell, nor
dilate upon the ease of the transi-
tion from defrauding the government
to robbing upon the highway, and
from shooting a douanier to murder-
ing the traveller who may be so rash
as to defend his purse. By the lower
classes in Spain the smuggler is ad-
mired and respected, and his calling
is deemed gallant and honourable ;
by the classes above him he is toler-
ated, and often employed. His ran-
dom, perilous, fly-by-night manner of
life, made up of alternate periods of
violent exertion and excitement, and
perfect idleness and relaxation, exact-
ly suits his taste and temperament :
it will be hard to wean him from his
illicit pursuits, though they should so
decline in profit as only to yield him
bread, garlic, and tobacco. You
must find him occupation profitable
and to his taste before you can
reclaim him ; for he will not dig,
and would rather rob than beg.
Whenever such import-duties are
adopted in Spain as will really stop
smuggling, there will undoubtedly be
a great increase of crimes against
property, innumerable bands of rob-
bers will spring up, and probably
there will also be risings under poli-
tical banners. The present moment
is by no means unpropitious for the
experiment. The government of
Spain has perhaps the power, but we
doubt that it has the will. We have
shown cause for believing that the
recent change will prove delusive, and
of small benefit. If we are mistaken
— and it is very difficult to decide
beforehand of the result of Spanish
measures — we shall sincerely rejoice.
We have already observed that,
whilst the brunt of taxation is borne
in Spain by agriculture, that interest
obtains in return scarcely any of the
facilities and encouragements to which
it is fairly entitled. Spain is the rash
child that would run before it can
walk, and consequently falls upon its
face. She dashes headlong at the.
* At the first hint of a project of reform in the tariff, the cry in Spain, and especi-
ally in Catalonia, has invariably been, — " Protection for our manufactures!" So loud
was the clamour, that it might have been imagined millions of mouths were depend-
ent for bread on the fabrication of Spanish calicoes. Now, the Retue des Deux
Monties estimates the total number of hands employed in these much-vaunted cotton
manufactures at thirty-one thousand; and even this number we are induced to believe
considerably over-estimated, from minute and interesting information on the subject
we have recently obtained from an intelligent Spaniard, long resident in Catalonia.
And amongst the manufacturers are a number of Frenchmen, and other foreigners ;
for, in fact, Spaniards Lave little taste for mechanical occupations, and have too fine
a climate not to love the open air. So the " protection," so violently insisted upon,
is for this handful of operatives, who make bad calicoes at exorbitant prices; or
rather, if the truth be told, it is for the master-manufacturers, most of whom arc
also master-smugglers.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCX. 3 B
720
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec.
greatest and most costly improve-
ments realised by other countries ;
forgetting that she has stood still
whilst they moved onwards, and that
a wise man gets a bed to lie upon
before troubling himself about a silken
coverlet. In all the ails of life Spain
is immeasurably inferior to most other
European nations. In agricultural
implements, in carts and other
vehicles of transport, in her methods
of elaborating her products, and her
means of carrying them, she is cen-
turies behind all the world. Vast
tracts of her territory are desolate for
want of that irrigation for which mo-
dern ingenuity and invention have
devised such great facilities : the
broad waters of her mighty rivers,
which in other countries would be
alive with traffic and bordered with
villages, are choked and desolate.
" The Guadalquivir, navigable in the
time of the Romans as far as Cordova,
is now scarcely practicable for sailing
vessels of a moderate size up to
Seville." * Few are the boats, scanty
the dwellings, upon the green waves
and flower-grown shores of Tagus and
Ebro. When these glorious natural
arteries are thus neglected, we need not
expect artificial ones. Canals are sadly
wanted, and have been often planned,
but they have got no farther than the
want and the project. As to roads,
the main lines are good, but they are
few, diverging from the capital to the
various frontiers ; and the cross-roads
(where there are any,) and the coun-
try tracks, are mostly execrable, and
often impassable for wheels. But all
this, we are informed by the Revue des
Deux Mondes, is on the eve of a
thorough change. " Labour, like
credit," says that periodical, in its
article on Spain, " has received a
beneficial impulse. The roads are
repaired, the means of water-convey-
ance are being improved or terminat-
ed, railroads are begun. The creation
of a vast system (ensemble) of ad-
jacent roads will soon connect all parts
of the territory with these vivifying
arteries." We scarcely know which
is most admirable ; the cleverness that
contrives to condense so many mis-
statements into so few words, or this
tone of candour, conviction, and phi-
lanthropical exultation. As regards
the impulse given to Spanish credit,
it is but a few days since we read,
with some astonishment at the barba-
rity and impudence of the plan (ema-
nating though it does from a Spanish
finance minister), the arrangement by
which Mr Bravo Murillo, in order to
diminish the acknowledged deficit in
the budget for the year 1850, mulcts
the army and state functionaries of a
month's pay, and pensioners and half-
pay men of two months' means of
subsistence, besides wiping mit, in a
still more unceremonious manner,
other pressing claims upon the trea-
sury. The budget itself is a truly cu-
rious document. The customs' reve-
nue is swollen by the supposed profits
of the new tariff; the expenses of the
war department are boldly set down at
a reduction which must accord rather
with Mr Mnrillo's wish than with his
expectations. On the debit side figure
also the claims of the public creditor,
for much less than is due, certainly, but
for far more than will be paid. The
result of the estimate is, as usual, most
satisfactory, or would be so, at least,
if there were the slightest chance of
its justification by the actual receipts
and expenditure of the year for which
it is made. To return, however, to
the improvements and public works
announced by the Rcime des Deux
Mondes. We certainly find in the
budget a sum of about three hundred
thousand pounds — something more
than half the involuntary contribution
wrung from the unhappy employes and
pensioners — set down to roads, rail-
ways, and canals. Is this magnificent
sum to complete the valuable water-
communications and the network of
roads promised to expectant Spain?
Hardly, even if applied as appro-
priated, which little enough of it
ever will be. As to railways, they
are certainly begun, but that is as
much as can be said. There is a
thirty mile railroad open between Bar-
celona and Mataro, upon which acci-
dents seem of pretty frequent occur-
rence ; and that said, we have said
all. A good many others have been
planned, involving the most magni-
ficent projects of tunnels through
chains of mountains, viaducts over
FORD, p. 26.
18-19.]
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
721
great rivers, cuttings through dense
forests, and the like ; and at some of
these there may be attempts at work,
enough to justify demands for funds ;
but their termination is altogether an-
other matter in a country where,
according to its national proverb,
things are begun late, and never
finished. Doubtless it is a satisfac-
tion to Spanish pride, when it sees
other European countries veined with
iron tracks, to be able to talk of
Spanish railroads as things that are
not only projected, but begun. A
great country like Spain must not lag
behind in the race of improvement,
and its natives would deem themselves
humiliated if they did not attempt to
have what England, France, and Ger-
many enjoy. Nothing can escape
these ambitious hidalgos. They have
heard of the electric telegraph, and it
is easy to discern, by newspaper pa-
ragraphs, that they are agog for the
novelty, although the country has just
been put to considerable expense by
the completion and improvement of
the aerial semaphores. These work
very well, the Diario Alercantil of
Valencia told us the other da}- ; but
fogs are a great nuisance, the elec-
tric plan is much better and surer, and
a German company has offered to lay
any length of wires at the rate of two
hundred pounds sterling per league ;
and the Diario trusts the government
will keep the matter in view, and
adopt the new system, if it can be
done without obstacles arising from
political disturbances, and from the
ignorance and malevolence of the
people. If the electric telegraph were to
await the completion of the "vivifying
arteries " of railroad promised by the
more sanguine friends of Spain, the
German company would do well to
offer its services elsewhere ; but evi-
dently there is some notion of carry-
ing the posts and wires across coun-
try, over sierras and despoblados,
with boards, no doubt, affixed here
and there, requesting the public to
" protect the telegraph." How long the
posts would stand — how long the wires
might escape injury from the super-
stitious peasantry, or from robbers and
smugglers, interested in retarding the
transmission of their misdeeds, is an-
other question. Really, to use a po-
pular comparison, the establishment
of electric telegraphs on Spanish soil
seems to us about as necessary and
sensible as to affix a gilt handle to
the door of a pig-stye. Not that we
would, in any way, assimilate to
the unclean beast our friends the
Spaniards, whom we greatly esteem,
and desire to see more prosperous :
but thus it is with them ever. They
would fain pass over the rudiments,
and attain at a bound that height of
civilisation which other nations have
reached only by a toilsome and pa-
tient progress.
The dearness of most manufactured
goods in Spain, and especially of the
commonest and, as Englishmen would
consider, most essential articles of
clothing, is, we are fully convinced, a
grave impediment to the moral and
physical progress of the lower classes
of Spaniards. If, quitting certain
frontier districts, where smuggling
gains diffuse a fallacious appearance
of prosperity, we penetrate into the
interior of the country, we behold a
rural population sunk in filth and
sloth, wrapped in squalid woollen
rags, basking listlessly in the sun,
dwelling oftentimes in community
with their domestic animals. Yet,
give him bat the means, and no
man more than this self-same Spanish
peasant loves clean linen and neat
attire. If he is dirty and shirtless,
and afflicted with vermin and impuri-
ties, it is because he has never had
the means of being otherwise. How-
can he, out of his scanty earnings,
supply himself with the calico shirt
and clean jacket of jean or flannel
which, in the countries of their manu-
facture, are within the reach of the
poorest labourer, but whose price is
trebled, before they reach him in
Spain, by exorbitant smuggling pre-
miums or import-duty, and by an
expensive and defective system of
transport. We cannot agree with
those who assert the Spaniard of the
lower class to be a born idler, who
will never willingly do more work
than procures him the day's frugal
meal. We have too great faith in his
natural good qualities to receive this
opinion otherwise than as a calumny.
At any rate, before deciding thus
harshly, give him a chance, which he
has never yet had ; show him the
possibility, which he has never yet
Spain under Narvaez and Christina.
[Dec.
seen, of attaining, by his own exer-
tions, to comfort and respectability ;
put the necessaries of life within his
reach, which they have never yet
been, and spur him, with his own
pride, to cleanliness and industry.
Teach him, in short, self-respect,
which he can hardly feel in his
present sunken condition, and, rely
upon it, he will make an effort and
take a start.
It is not our intention to dwell up-
on the recent temporary displacement
of the Karvaez ministry, at the very
moment when its stability and power
seemed most assured, when the ex-
ultation of its partisans was the loud-
est, and the subjection of the nation
most .complete. The singular manner
of the change, the ignoble agents by
whom it was immediately effected,
the obscurity and inaptitude of the
individuals who for a moment made
their apparition at the helm, to be at
the next thrown overboard ; the
strangely heedless and inconsistent
conduct of the young Queen, and the
ambiguous attitude of her mother,
have found abundant commentators,
and the whole episode has been wittily
and not unjustly compared to one of
• those old Spanish comedies based on
a palace intrigue. We cannot, how-
ever, admit that the entire glory of
the curious and abortive plot belongs
to the apostolical camarilla which is
alleged to exist in the palace, and to
consist, amongst others, of the feeble
and bigoted king-consort, of a fana-
tical confessor, a hysterical nun, a
Jesuitical secretary, and others of simi-
lar stamp. Time will probably dissi-
pate part of the mystery that now
envelops the affair ; but, even now,
those accustomed to watch the show
will have shrewd suspicions whose are
the hands that pulled the wires and
made the dull puppets dance. The
hands showed little skill, it will per-
haps be urged, in the selection and
manoeuvring of the dolls. This ob-
jection will hardly stand. When a
juggler misses his trick, it is still
something if he hides his arm from
his audience. And as to the incapa-
city of the agents, they were probably
not employed until others, abler but
less docile, had refused to act. Wo
entertain little doubt in what quarter
the attempt was fostered — perhaps
concerted. Notwithstanding the out-
ward cordiality of the French and
Spanish governments, it is notorious
that the old alliance between Queen
Christina and a lately deposed mon-
arch still exists, for the attainment of
objects dear to both their hearts. In
what manner these objects were to be
advanced by the recent shuffle of the
Spanish political cards, is not at first
sight apparent. But we entertain
scarcely the shadow of a doubt, that
the arch-plotter whose influence has
more than once wrought evil to Spain,
had a hand in the game. We would
be the last to press hardly upon the
fallen. Did we feel tempted so to do,
we should truly feel ourselves rebuked
by the noble example of that illustrious
Lady, who has forgotten the treachery
of the king in the sorrows of the exile,
and has extended that sympathy and
kindness to the dweller in the English
cottage, which she could not have
been expected again to show to the
inmate of the French palace. We arc
guarded, then, in the expression of our
regret, that one who, by the pursuit
of purely personal objects, has been
the cause of great calamities to his
native land, should still indulge his
dynastic ambition at the expense of
the tranquillity of another country,
previously indebted to him for much
discord and misery. And we deem it
a painful sight Avhen a man whose
years already exceed the average span
of human existence is still engrossed
by plans of unscrupulous aggrandise-
ment, still busied with Machiavelian
intrigues, still absorbed in the baser
things of earth, instead of addressing
himself to considerations of higher
import, earning by his virtues in ad-
versity that respect refused to his
conduct in prosperity, and passing the
last days of his life — the posthumous
ones of his royalty — resigned, revered,
and beloved, like one who preceded
him on his throne and in his banish-
ment, and whose name was on his
lips in the hour of his fall.
1849.]
The Green Hand— A « Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
723
THE GREEN HASUX
A "SHORT" YARN. — PART VI.
"WELL, ma'am," continued the
naval man, on again resuming his
narrative, " as I told you, the sudden
hail of ' Laud !' brought us all on deck
in a twinkling, in the midst of my
ticklish conversation with the Judge.
'• Hallo! you aloft!" shouted the chief
officer himself, u d'ye hear, sirrah ! use
your eyes before hailing the deck ! "
" Land, sir ! " came falling down again
out of the sunlight ; " land it is, sir,
— broad away on our larboard bow,
sir."
By this time it was about half-past
nine, or ten o'clock, of the morning.
Heading nearly due south-east, as we
now were, the Indiaman's bowsprit
ran up into the full white blaze of light,
in which her flying jib-boom seemed
to quiver and writhe far away from
her like an eel in water ; while the
spread of her sails against it loomed
twice as large as ordinary, from the
sort of hazy double- edged look they
had, with a twinkling thread of sun
drawing all round them like a frame,
as if one saw through a wrong-screwed
glass. You'd have thought by the
glance under the fore- course, over the
ship's head-gratings, she was travel-
ling off quietly into some no-man's-
land or other, where it would be so
bright we should all have to wear
green spectacles : the light breeze
being almost direct from nor'west, and
so fairly in her favour, with the help
of her studding-sails she was making
wonderful progress for such a mere
breath — about four knots to the hour,
as I reckoned. The air aloft appeared
in the mean time to be steadying and
sucking, though the water kept smooth,
and her bows scarce made a noise in
it : the wide soft swells of the sea just
floated up of a pale blue, and lifted her
on, till she went seething gently down
into it again ; only, if you put your
head over the starboard side, and
listened, you thought you heard a sort
of dull poppling ripple coming along
the bends from round her counter.
As for the line of horizon on one bow
or the other, 'twas hardly to be made
out at all, with a streaky white haze
overlying it, up in the sky as it were,
on both sides, behind the dazzle of
light. However, the passengers were
fancying all kinds of fine tropical
matters lay hidden thereaway; and
in fact, what with the notion of laud
after a long voyage, and what with
the faint specks of bright cloud that
seemed to be melting far off in the
glare— to any one last from Gravesend,
that had never seen anything stranger
than Richmond Hill of a Sunday, the
whole thing ahead of the ship would
have rather an enchanted sort of a look.
At length the third mate was seen to
shove his spy-glass together in the top-
gallant cross-trees, and came slowly
down the rigging. " Well, Mr Rick-
ett?" said the chief officer, meeting
him as he landed on deck. " Well,
sir," said Rickett, " it is land after all,
Mr Finch ! " The mate rapped out
an oath, and took another turn :
Macleod screwed his mouth as if he-
were going to whistle, then pulled his
red whiskers instead, and looked queer
at Rickett ; while Rickett stood peer-
ing into his spy-glass as he would hare-
done into his hat, had he still been a
foremast-man. The mate's eye met
his, then turned to the passengers lean-
ing over the poop-railing ; and they all
three walked to the capstan, where
they began to overhaul the charts, and
laid their heads together out of ear-
shot.
Now,, whether this said land just
made out on the north-east, trend-
ed away back to south-east, as the
clearer look of the horizon to star-
board made one think, it was hard to
say — though in that way of it, there
were seemingly two plans for widening
her distance. Either Finch might
think it better to keep hold of a fair
wind, and just edge her off enough to
drop the point on her weather quar-
ter— when, of course, if things stood
as they were, we sheuld soon set a
good stretch of water betwixt us and
the coast; or else they might brace
direct round on the other tack, and
head right south-west'ard, out to sea
again : though if we were still in it,
724
The Green Hand— A "S/wrt" Yam.— Part VI.
[Dec.
the current would set us every bit as
much in its own direction as ever. Ac-
cordingly I sidled nearer to the capstan,
and watched anxiously for what the
third mate had to propose, after hum-
ming and hawing a little, and scratch-
ing his head under his cap for half a mi-
nute. "At any rate, Mr Finch, sir,"
said lie, " more especially the captain
being off charge, I may say, why, I'd
advise ye, sir, to ." Here he
dropped his voice ; but Finch appar-
ently agreed to what he said.
" Ready about ship there ! " said the
second mate aloud to the boatswain
forward ; and in ten minutes afterwards
the Seringapatam was fairly round, as I
had expected, heading at a right angle
to her former course, with the breeze
before her starboard beam, and the
sun blazing on the other. I walked
forward to the bows, and actually
started to hear how loud and clear the
ripple had got under them of a sudden ;
meeting her with a plash, as if she
were making six or seven knots head-
way, while the canvass seemed to
draw so much stiffer aloft, you'd have
supposed the breeze had freshened as
soon as the helm was put down. The
mates looked over the side and aloft,
rubbing their hands and smiling to
each other, as much as to say how
fast she was hauling off the bad neigh-
bourhood she was in, though the heat
was as great as ever, and you didn't
feel a breath more air below, nor see
the water ruffle. To my notion, in
fact, it was just the set of the current
against her that seemingly freshened
her way, the ship being now direct in
its teeth ; so that, of course, it would
keep bearing her up all the time away
north-eastward, with her own leeway
to help it; and the less could any one
notice the difference betwixt the water
going past her side, and her passing
the water. This tack of hers, which
Eickett, no doubt, thought such a safe
plan, might be the very one to put her
in a really dangerous way yet ; for
when they did discover this under-tow,
how were they to take her out of it,
after all? Probably by trying to
stand fair across the stream of it to
southward, which, without three times
the wind we had, would at best take
us out many miles nearer the land it
set upon, or leave us perhaps becalmed
in the midst of it.
The truth was, that although I
hadn't seen what like the land was,
and couldn't have said, by the chart,
where we were, I began to have a faint
notion of whereabouts we possibly
soon might be, from what I remem-
bered hearing an old quartermaster in
the Iris say, a couple of 3*ears before,
regarding a particular spot on the
south-west coast, where the currentsat
some seasons, as he phrased it, made a
regular race-course meeting. The old
fellow gave me also, at the time, some
bearings of the nearest coast, with the
landmarks at the mouth of a river a
little farther north — which, he said, he
would know if you set him down there
of a dark night, though he had been
in his bed at Gosport the minute be-
fore, if there was just a right streak
of sky to the eastward — namely, a big
black rock like two steps, and a block
at the foot of them, somewhat the
shape of a chipped holy-stone, run-
ning down on one side out of a high
headland, like an admiral's cocked
hat, with six mop-headed trees up-
on the root of the rock, for all the
world like hairs on a wart. Here I
recollected how my worthy authority
pointed modestly for example to a
case of the kind on his own nose.
The opposite shore of its mouth was
flat, with a heavy white surf ; but it
shut in so far upon the other, he said,
that, steering from the south'ard, one
would never know there was a river
there at all. The Bambar he called
it ; but if he meant the Bembarooghe,
we could scarcely be near it, or that
much toward being abreast of St He-
lena. For all I saw, indeed, we might
have nothing to eastward of us save
a hard coast, or else the sandy coast
farther down, shoaling out of sight of
land ! At any rate I knew we must
have got into the tail of the great sea-
stream from round the Cape of Good
Hope, which would, no doubt, split out
at sea onViana's Bank, and turn partly
to north-eastward thereabouts ; so
that it wasn't a very bad guess to
suppose we were getting up some-
where near Cape Frio, the likeliest
place in the world to find old Bob
Martin's " maze," which we used to
joke about so in the Iris.
What was done, though, required
to be done quickly, and I looked about
for Tom West-wood, till I saw him on
1849.]
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yam.— Part VI.
725
the poop amongst the rest, talking
again to Miss Hyde, as they all crowd-
ed towards the lee-quarter to watch
the land-haze seemingly dropping
astern. My heart swelled as it were
into my throat, however, at such an
appearance of good understanding be-
twixt the two, — whereas there was
she, an hour ago that very morning,
would scarce favour me with a look
or a word ! — and, for the life of me, I
couldn't have spoken to Westwood at
the time, much less gone hand in
hand ; for that matter, he didn t seem
to be suspecting aught wrong to
trouble himself about. What to say
or do, either, I couldn't think ; since
the more he cut me out, and the less
friendly I felt to him, the less could I
risk the chance of showing us both up
for what we were, — which, of course,
would bring him in for the worst of
it ; as if /, by Jove, were going to
servo him some low trick for the sake
of shoving him out with the young
lady. Meantime I kept fidgeting
about, as if the deck were too hot for
me, snatching a glance now and then,
in spite of myself, at Violet Hyde's
fairy-like figure ; so different from
the rest of them, as she stretched
eagerly from below the awning over
the ship's quarter-gallery, trying to
make out where the land lay, — now
putting her little hand over her eyes
to see better, then covering them alto-
gether from the dazzle, as she drew
in her head again and shook her bright
brown hair in the shadow, answering
Westwood — confound him ! The In-
dian servant each time carefully pok-
ing out the red and yellow punkah-
fringe for a cover over her, while the
passengers were one and all ready to.
•cry at not seeing the land, and leav-
ing it behind. The Judge himself
was the only man that seemed to have
a dim notion of something queer in
the whole case ; for every few minutes
lie walked quietly to the break of the
poop, where I noticed him cast a
doubtful look down upon the " chief
officer ; " and when the surgeon came
up, he asked anxiously how Captain
Williamson was, and if he couldn't be
seen below. However, the surgeon
told him the captain had just fallen
for the first time into a good sleep,
and there was no admittance, but
Le was likely to be much better soon.
By this time there was no standing
out from under the awnings, and the
quarterdeck and poop had to be well
swabbed to keep them at all cool, the
steam of it rising inside with a pitchy
hempen sort of smell you never feel
save in the Tropics ; the Seringapatam
still feeling the breeze aloft, and lift-
ing on the water with a ripple forward,
although her big courses went lapping
fore and aft eveiy time she swung.
The long white haze on the horizon
began to melt as the sun heightened,
clearing from under the wake of the
light, till now you could fairly see the
sky to eastward. Near noon, in fact,
we had almost dropped the haze alto-
gether on the ship's quarter ; and at
first I was glad to see how much way
she had made in the two hours, when,
on second thoughts, and by noticing
some marks in the loom of it, I had
no doubt but though she might be
farther off, why it was only while she
set more up to north-eastward, —
so that we were actually, so to speak,
leaving it by getting nearer ! How-
ever, as the men were at dinner, and
most of the passengers gone off the
poop, down to " tiffin," I made up my
mind to tiy what I could do in a quiet
way, towards making the mate think
of it more seriously.
" Ah," said I, in a would-be brisk
and confidential kind of way, " glad
we're leaving that — a — you know, that
land, Mr Finch." " Indeed, sir," said
he indifferently. "Oh, you know,"
said I, "it's all very well for tl\epassen>-
gers there to talk fine about land — land
— but you and I, Mr Finch, don't need
to be told that it's always dangerous
at sea, you know." The mate lifted
his head and eyed me for a moment
or two, between the disgust a sailor
feels at seeing a fellow pretend to
aught like seamanship, and a parti-
cular sort of spite toward me which
I'd noticed growing in him for the
last few days, — though I daresay my
breakfasting that morning in Sir
Charles's cabin might have brought it
to a height.
" Land dangerous, sir ! " answered
he carelessly, as he went on wiping
his quadrant again ; " who put that
into your head?" "Oh, well," re-
turned I, just as carelessly, " if it's to
leeward of course, — or with a current
taking you towards it, — only then.
726
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
[Dec.
But I've no doubt, Mr Finch, if this
wind were, to — ah — you know, heave
more abaft, that's to say, get stronger,
the craft would at least stand still,
till you got her — " " What on
earth are you talking about, Mr
Ford — Collins, I mean ? " asked he
sharply. " Reallj, sir, I've got some-
thing more to attend to at present,
than such trash about a current, and
the devil knows what else ! " " How,
why, Mr Finch ! " said I, seemingly
surprised in my turn, " are we not in
a current just now, then ? " " Cur-
rent ! " replied Finch, almost laugh-
ing outright, " what does the man
mean?" "Why every one thinks
so, in the cuddy," said I, as if rather
taken aback, and venturing what
you fair ladies call a ' fib,' — " ever
since we picked up the bottle last
night." This, by the bye, had got
spread through some of the men to
the passengers, though, of course,
nobody knew what had been in it
yet. " There, I declare now," con-
tinued I, pointing to our lee-bow,
where I'd had my eyes fixed during
the five minutes we spoke, " we can
try it again ; do you see that bird
yonder on the water ? " The mate
turned his head impatiently, and
" Look, watch him, sir," said I. This
was a tired man-o'-war bird afloat
about twenty fathoms off, with its
sharp white wings stretched just
clear of the water, and its black eye
sparkling in the sunlight, as it came
dipping on the long smooth hot-blue
swell into the lee of the ship's lofty
hull, till you saw its very shadow in
the glitter below it. The Indiaman
seemed to pass him as if he rode
there at anchor ; only the curious
thing was, that the bird apparently
neared her up from leeward, crossing
her larboard quarter within a fathom
or two, when all of a sudden he got
becalmed, as it were, in the wake
right astern, and by the time either
of us could walk to the ship's taffrail,
she was close over him ; as if, when-
ever her hull was end-on, it took his
surface-drift away from him, and,
what was more, as if the ship kept
hold of it — her eighteen feet or so to
his little inch of a draught— for it
couldn't be owing to the wind. How-
ever, the man-o'-war bird took offer
of the next swell to get air in his
wings, and rose off the heave of it
with a sharp bit of a scream, away
after some black boobies diving for
fish, which no doubt he would catch,
as they dropped them at sight of
him.
The mate upon this started and
looked round, then aloft. " Con-
found it ! " said he to himself, " if
this breeze would only freshen !
There is a sort of set on the surface
just now," continued he to me, coolly
enough, " though how you idlers
happened to have an idea of it, puz-
zles me, unless because you've no-
thing else to do but watch the water.
Currents are pretty frequent here-
abouts, however." " Dear me ! "
said I, " but if we should — "
"Stuff, sir!" said he quickly, "the
coast here must be steep-to enough,
I should think, since if it weren't for
the haze, we'd have sighted it thirty
miles off! What we want is wind
— wind, to let's cross it." " But
then a calm, Mr Finch," I said; " I'm
hanged afraid of those calms ! "
" Well, well, sir," said he, not liking
just to shake me off at once, after my
proving less of a ninny in sea mat-
ters than he had supposed, "these
long currents never set right ashore :
even if we lose the wind, as we may
soon, why, she'll take off into the
eddy seaward, sir, if you must know,
— the dead-water in-shore, and the
ebb-tide, always give it a safe turn ! "
All this, of course, was as much to
satisfy himself as me. " Well, that's
delightful ! " said I, as if quite con-
tented, and Mr Finch walked away
hastily down one of the poop-ladders,
no doubt glad to get rid of me in a
decent manner, though I saw him
next minute glancing in at the com-
pass-boxes. " Keep her up to her
course, sirrah ; luff, d'ye hear ! " said
he to Jacobs, who was, perhaps, the
best helmsman aboard. "She falls
off tremendous bad, sir," answered
Jacobs, with another whirl of the
spokes ; her want of actual headway
making the Indiaman sag dead away
to leeward, as she shoved into the
force of the sea-stream, running more
and more direct upon her starboard
bow. One minute the courses would
sink in with a long sighing fall to the
lower-masts, the next her topsails
would flutter almost aback, arid the-
1849.]
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
727
beat even in the shadow of her awn-
ings was extreme, yet she still seemed
to have a breeze through the white
glare aloft. I was determined to
bring things to a point somehow or
another, so I followed the mate down
the steps. " Oh, by the bye, Mr
Finch ! " said I eagerly, " suppose
one of those dreadful — what do you
call 'em — ah, tornadoes — were to come
on ! I understand this is just the way,
near Africa — baffling breeze — heat
suffocating — hazy atmosphere — long
swell — and current rising to the sur-
face ! " At this Finch stood up in a
perfect fury. " What the devil d'ye
mean, sir," said he, " by dodging me
about the decks in this fashion, with
these infernally foolish questions of
yonrs?" "Oh, my fine fellow,"
thought I, " you shall settle with me
for that." "Tornadoes never blow
hereabouts, except off-shore, if you
must know, sir ! " he rapped out,
sticking his hands in his jacket-pock-
ets as he said so, and taking a turn
on the quarterdeck. " That's quite
a mistake, I assure you, sir ! " said I,
carried away with the spirit of the
thing : " I've seen the contrary fifty
times over, and, from the look of the
sky aloft just now, I'd bet " here
I stopped, recollected myself, put the
top of my cane iii my mouth, and
peered under the awning at the sea
with my eyes half-shut, as sleepily
as usual with my messmates the
cadets. The chief officer, however,
stepped back in surprise, eyed me
sharply, and seemed struck with a
sudden thought. " Why, sir," said
he rather anxiously, " who may —
what can you know of the matter ? "
"Pooh!" replied I, seeing some of
the passengers were coming on deck,
" I'm only of an inquiring turn of
mind ! You seafaring persons, Mr
Finch, think we can't get any of that
kind of knowledge on land ; but if
you look into Johnson's Dictionary,
why, you'll find the whole thing
under the word Tornado : 'twas one
of the pieces I'd to get by heart be-
fore they'd admit me into our yacht-
club — along with Falconer's Ship-
wreck, you know ! " " Indeed ! "
said the mate, slowly, with a curl of
his lip, and overhauling me from
head to foot and up again ; " ah, in-
deed ! That was the way, was it,
sir ? " I saw 'twas no use. I dare
say he caught the twinkle in my
eye ; while Jacob's face, behind him,
was like the knocker on a door with
trying to screw it tight over his quid,
and stufling the knot of his necker-
chief in his mouth.
" Of course, sir," answered I, let-
ting my voice fall ; " and the long
and the short of it is, Mr Finch, the
sooner you get your ship out of this
current the better ! And what's more,
sir, I daresay I could tell you how I "
Whether he was waiting for what
I'd to say, or thinking of something
just occurred to him, but Finch still
gazed steadily at me, without saying
a word ; so I went on. " You must
know I had an old uncle who was
long in his Majesty's royal navy,
and if there was one point he was
crazy upon, 'twas just this very matter
of currents — though, for my part, Mr
Finch, I really never understood what
he meant till I made a voyage. He
used to tell my mother, poor woman,
— who always fancied they had some-
what to do with puddings, — that he'd
seen no less than half-a-dozen ships
go on shore, owing to currents. Now,
Jane, he'd say, when you're fairly in
a, current, never you try to cross out
of it, as folks often do, against the run
of it, for in that case, unless the
wind's strong enough, why, instead of
striking the eddy to take your craft
right off-shore, it'll just set you over
and over to the inside. You'll cross,
in the end, no doubt — but ten to one
it's exactly where the water begins to
shoal; whereas, the right plan's as
simple as daylight, and that's why so
few know it I Look ye, he'd say,
always you cross with the stream —
no matter though your head seems to
make landward ; why, the fact is, it'll
jast set you outside of itself, clear into
its own bight, when you can run off to
seaward Avith the eddy, if ye choose.
Thafs the way to cross a current, my
uncle used to say, provided you've
but a light wind for handling her with !
Now, Mr Finch," added I, coolly, and
still mouthing my stick as before — for
I couldn't help wishing to give the
conceited fellow a rub, while I lent
him a hint—" for my own part, I can't
know much of these things, but it does
seem to me as if my uncle's notions
pretty well suited the case in hand ! "
728
The Green Hand^-A " Short" Yam.— Part VI.
[Dec.
Finch was too much of a fair seaman
not to catch my drift at once, but in
too great a passion to own it at the
time. " D'ye think, sir," said he, with
a face like fire, " so much sense as
there is in this long rigmarole of yours,
that I'm such a — that's to say, that I
didn't know it before, sir ? But what
I've got to do with you, Mr Collinsou,
or whatever your name may be — you
may have been at sea twenty years,
for aught I care — but I'd like to know
roliy you come aboard here, and give
yourself out for as raw a greenhorn
as ever touched ropes with a kid
glove ?" " Well, Mr Finch," said I,
*' and what's that to you, if I choose to
be as green as the North Sea whaling-
ground?" "Why, sir," said Finch,
working himself up, " you're devilish
cunning, no doubt, but perhaps you're
not aware that a passenger under a
false rig, in an Indiaraan, may be
clapped in limbo, if the captain thinks
fit? Who and what arc you, I ask?
— some runaway master's mate, I
suppose, unless you've got something
deeper in hand ! Perhaps," ended he,
with a sneer, " a pickpocket in dis-
guise ? " " Sir," said I, getting up off
the buhvark I'd been leaning upon,
" at present I choose to be a cadet,
but, at any rate, you shall make an
apology for what you said just now,
sir!" "Apology!" said the mate,
turning on his heel, " I shan't do any-
thing of the sort ! You may be
thankful, in the mean time, if I don't
have you locked up below, that's all !
Perhaps, by the bye, sir, all }-ou want-
ed was to show off your seamanship
before the young lady in the round-
house there ?" Here the glance the
fellow gave me was enough to show
he knew pretty well, all the while,
•what we were matched against each
other for.
I could stand this no longer, of
course ; but, seeing that one or two of
the passengers were noticing us from
the poop, 1 looked as polite as possible
to do when you've lost your temper;
and, in fact, the whole disappointment
of this hair-brained cruise of mine —
not to speak of a few things one had
to stand — carried me away at the
moment. There was no scheme I
wouldn't rather have been suspected
of, by this time, than the real one —
namely, having gone in chase of Violet
Hyde. I took a card out of my pocket,
and handed it quietly to Mr Finch.
" You don't seem able to name me,
sir," said I : " however, I give you
my word, you may trust that bit of
pasteboard for it ; and as I take you
to be a gentleman by your place in
this ship, why, I shall expect the
satisfaction one gentleman should give
another, the first time we get ashore,
although it should be to-morrow morn-
ing!" And by Jove! thought I, I
hope I'm done with the cursedest
foolish trick ever a fellow played him-
self! The man that ventures to call
me green again, or look at me as if he
wanted to cool his eyes, hang me if he
shan't answer for it ! As for a woman,
thought I — but oh, those two blue
eyes yonder— confound it ! as I caught
sight of a white muslin skirt in the
shade of the poop-awning above.
I must say, for Finch, he took my last
move coolly enough, turning round to
give me another look, after glancing
at the card. " Indeed !" said he. as
if rather surprised ; " well, sir, I'm
your man for that, though it can't be
just so soon as to-morrow morning !
A Company's officer may meet a lieu-
tenant in the navy any time — ay, and
take his ship off the land too, I hope,
sir !" and with that he walked off
forward. Lieutenant ! said I to my-
self ; how did he give me my commis-
sion so pat, I wonder ? and I pulled
out another card, when I found, to
my great annoyance, that, in my hurry
that morning, I had happened to put
on a coat of Westwood's by mistake,
and, instead of plain " Mr Collins,"
they were all " Lieutenant West-
wood, B.N." Here's another con-
founded mesa ! thought I, and all will
be blown in the end ! However, on,
second thoughts, the notion struck me,
that, by sticking to the name, as I
must do now at any rate, why, I
should keep Westwood clear of all
scrapes, which, in his case, might be
disagreeable enough ; whereas, at pre-
sent, he was known only as the
Reverend Mr Thomas — and, as for his
either shamming the griffin, or giving
hints how to work the ship, he was one
of those men you'd scarce know for a
sailor, by aught in his manner, at
least ; and, indeed, Tom Westwood
always seemed to need a whole fri-
gate's ways about him, with perhaps
1840.]
TJic Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
729
somewhat of a stir, to show what he
really was.
Five minutes or so after this, it
didn't certainly surprise me much to
see the Indiaman laid on the opposite
tack, with her head actually north-
by-east, or within a few points of
where the light haze faded into the
sky ; the mate seeming by this time
to see the matter clearly, and quietly
making his own of it. The ship be-
gan to stand over towards the outer
set of the current, which could now
be seen rippling along here and there
to the surface, as the breeze fell
slowly : you heard nothing save the
faint plash of it astern under one
counter, the wafting and rustling of
her large main-course above the awn-
ings, for she was covered over like a
caravan, — the slight flap of her jibs
far ahead on the bowsprit startled
you now and then as distinctly as if
yon got a fillip on your own nose ;
the stunsail, high up beside the weather-
leech of her fore-topsail, hung slack
over the boom, and one felt each use-
less jolt of the wheel like a foot-slip
in loose sand when you want to run,
— all betwixt the lazy, listless voices
of the passengers, dropping and drop-
ping as separate as the last sands in
an hour-glass. Still every minute of
air aloft helped her nearer to where
you saw the water winding about the
horizon in long swathes, as it were,
bluer than the rest, and swelling
brim-fall, so to speak, out of a line of
light ; with the long dents and bits of
ripple here and there creeping towards
it, till the whole round of the surface,
as far as you could see, came out into
the smooth, like the wrinkles on a
nutmeg. Four bells of the afternoon
watch had struck — two o'clock that is
— when Rickett the third mate, and
one or two men, went out to the arm of
the spritsail-yard across the bowsprit,
where they lowered away a heavy
pitch-pot with a long strip of yellow
bunting made fast to it, and weighted
a little at the loose cud, to mark the
set of the current: and as the pot
sank away out on her larboard bow,
one could see the bright-coloured rag
deep down through the clear blue
water, streaming almost fairly north.
She appeared to be nearing the turn
of the eddy, and the chief officer's
spirits began to rise : Rickett screwed
one eye close, and looked out under
his homy palm with the other, doubt-
ful, as he said, that we should " sight
the land off-deck before that. As
for this trifle of an air aloft, sir," said
he, " I'm afraid we won't" — " Hoot,
Mr Reckett," put in Macleod, stepping
one of his long trowser-legs down
from over the quarterdeck awning,
like an ostrich that had been aloft,
" ye're aye afraid ; but it's not easy
to see, aloft, Mr Fench, sir." " How-
does the land lie now, Mr Macleod ? "
asked the first officer. " Well, I
wouldn't wonder but we soon dropped
it, sir — that's to eastward, I mean,"
replied he ; " though it's what we call
a bit mountainous, in Scotland — not
that unlike the Grampians, Mr Fench,
ye know ! " " Hang your Grampians,
man ! — what's aJiead of us, eh ? " said
the mate hastily. " Why, sir," said
the Scotchman, there is some more of
it on the nor'east, lower a good deal
— it's just flush with the water from
here, at present, Mr Fench — with a
peak or two, trending away too'ard
north ; but the light yonder on our
starboard bow makes them hard for
to see, I may say."
In fact, some of the men forward
were making it out already on the
starboard bow, where you soon could
see the faint ragged shape of a head-
land coming out, as it were, of the
dazzle beyond the water, which lay
flickering and heaving between, from
deep-blue far away into pale ; while
almost at the same time, on her star-
board quarter, where there was less
of the light, another outline was to be
seen looming like pretty high land,
though still fainter than the first. As
for the space betwixt them, for aught
one could distinguish as yet, there
might bo nothing there except air and
water over against the ship's side.
" Well," said the mate briskly, after
a little, " we're pretty sure, now, to
have the laud- breeze to give us sea-
room, before two or three hours are
over, — by which time, I hope, we'll
be in the eddy of this infernal current,
at any rate !" However, I was
scarce sure he didn't begin to doubt
the plan I'd given him ; whereas had
he known the whole case in time, and
done the thing then, it was certain
enough, — and the best thing he could
do, even as it was : but what troubled
730
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
[Dec,
me now, why, suppose anything hap-
pened to the ship, mightn't he turn
the tables on me after all, and say I
had some bad design in it ? I loitered
about with my arms folded, saying
never a word, but watching the whole
affair keener than 1 ever did one of
Shakspeare's plays in the theatre after
a dull cruise ; not a thing in sea, sky,
or Indiaman, from the ripples far off
on the water to ugly Harry hauling
taut the jib -sheet with his chums, but
somehow or other they seemed all to
sink into me at the time, as if they'd
all got to come out again strong.
You hardly knew when the ship lost
the last breath of air aloft, till, from
stealing through the smooth water,
she came apparently to a stand-still,
everything spread broad out, not even
a flap in the canvass, almost, it had
fallen a dead calm so gradually.
However my troubles weren't seem-
ingly over yet, for just then up came
the Judge's dark kitmagar to the
gangway where I was, and, from the
sly impudence of the fellow's manner,
I at once fancied there was something
particular in the wind, as if he'd been
seeking me about-decks. "S'laam,
mistrce !" said he, with but a slight
duck of his flat brown turban, " Judge
sahib i-send Culley Mistree his chup-
prass," — message, forsooth ! — " sah'b
inquire the flavour of gently man's Ees-
Inchee Coompanee, two-three mo-
ment !" " The flavour of my East-
India company, you rascal!" said 1
laughing, yet inclined to kick him aft
again for his impertinent look ; " speak
for yourself, if you please !" In fact the
whiff of cocoa-nut oil, and other dark
perfumes about him, came out in a
hot calm at sea, when everything
sickens one, so as to need no inquiry
about the matter : however, I walked
straight aft to the round-house, and
in at the open door, through which Sir
Charles was to be seen pacing from
one side of his cabin to the other, like
a Bengal tiger in a cage. " Harkye,
young man," said he sternly, turning
as soon as I came in, with my hat in
my hand, " since I had the honour of
your company here this morning, I
have recollected — indeed I find that
one of my servants had done the same
— that you are the person who molested
my family by various annoyances
beside my garden at Croydon, sir!"
" Indeed, Sir Charles !" said I coolly,
for the bitter feeling I had made me
cool : " they must have been uninten-
tional then, sir ! But I was certainly
at Croydon, seeing my mother's house
happens to be there." " You must
have had some design in entering this
vessel, sir !" continued the Judge, in a
passion ; " 'gad sir, the coincidence is
too curious ! Tell me what it is at
once, or by — " "My design was to
go to India, sir," answered I, as
quietly as before. " In what capacity ?
— who are you? — what — who — what
do you want there, eh ?" rapped out
the Judge. "I'm not aware, sir,"
said I, "what right yoii've got to
question me ; but I — in fact I'll tell
so much to any man — why, I'm an
officer in the navj7." Sir Charles
brought short up in his pacing and
stamping, and stared at me. " An
officer in the navy!" repeated he;
"but yes— why — now I think, I do
remember something in your dress,
sir, — though it wasthe/ace that struck
me! In short then, sir, this makes
the case worse : you are here on false
pretences — affecting the very reverse,
sir — setting yourself up for a model of
simplicity, — alaughing-stock indeed !"
" I had reasons for not wishing my
profession to be known, Sir Charles,"
said I ; " most special reasons. They're
now over, however, and I don't care
who knows it!" "May I ask what
these were?" said the Judge. " That
I'll never tell to any man breathing!"
I said, determinedly. The Judge
walked two or three times fore and
aft ; then a thought seemed to strike
him — he looked out as if at the decks
and through below the awnings, then
shut the door and came back to me
again. " By the way," said he seri-
ously, and changing his tone, " since
this extraordinary acknowledgment
of yours, sir, something occurs to me
which makes me almost think your
presence in the vessel, in one sense,
opportune. I have reason to entertain
a high opinion of naval officers as
technical men, professionally educated
in his Majesty's regular service, and
— you look rather a young man — but
have you had much experience, may I
ask?" "I have been nine or ten
years at sea, sir," replied I, a little
taken aback, " in various parts of the
world!" "I have some suspicion
1849.]
Tfte Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
lately," he went on, " that this vessel
is not navigated in a — in short, that
at present, probably, we may be in
some danger, — do you think so, sir ?"
"No, Sir Charles," I said, "I don't
think she is, as matters stand, — only
in a troublesome sort of quarter,
which the sooner she's out of, the
better." " The commander is, I find,
dangerously unwell," continued he,
" and of the young man who seems to
have the chief care of the vessel, I
have no very high — well — that, of
course I — Now sir," said he, looking
intently at me, " are you capable of— in
short of managing this Company's
vessel, should any emergency arise?
I have seen such, myself, — and in the
circumstances I feel considerable
alarm — uneasiness, at least! — Eh,
sir ?" " Depend upon it, Sir Charles,"
I said, stepping toward the door, " in
any matter of the kind I'll do my best
for this ship! But none knows so
well as a seaman, there are cases
enough where your very best can't do
much !" The Judge seemed rather
startled by my manner — for I did feel
a little misgiving, from something in
the weather on the whole ; at any
rate I fancied there was a cold-blood-
edness in every sharp corner of his
face, bilious though his temper was,
that would have let him see me go to
the bottom a thousand times over,
had I even had a chance with his
daughter herself, ere he'd have yielded
me the tip of her little finger : accord-
ingly 'twas a satisfaction to me, at the
moment, just to make him see he
wasn't altogether in his nabob's
chair in Bengal yet, on an elephant's
back !
" Ah, though !" said he, raising his
voice to call me back, " to return for
an instant — there is one tiling I must
positively require, sir — which you will
see,in the circumstances, to be unavoid-
able. As a mere simple cadet, observe
sir, there was nothing to be objected
to in a slight passing acquaintance —
but, especially in the — in short equi-
vocal— sir, I must request of you that
you will on no account attempt to hold
any communication with my daughter,
Miss Hyde — beyond a mere bow, of
course ! 'Twill be disagreeable, I as-
sure you. Indeed, I shall — " " Sir, "
said I, all the blood in my body going
to my face, " of all things in the world,
that is the very thing where your views
and mine happen to square ! " and I
bowed. The man's coolness disgusted
me, sticking such a thing in my teeth,
after just reckoning on my services
with the very same breath, — and all
when it wasn't required, too ! And
by heaven! thought I, had she
shoM'n me favour, all the old na-
bobs in Christendom, and the whole
world to boot, shouldn't hinder me
from speaking to her ! What I said
apparently puzzled him, but he gave
me a grand bow in his turn, and I had
my hand on the door, when he said,
" I suppose, sir, as a naval officer, you
have no objection to give me your
name and rank ? I forget what — "
Here I remembered my mistake with
the mate, and on the whole I saw I
must stick by it till I was clear of the
whole concern, — as for saying my
name was Westwood, that I couldn't
have done at the time for worlds, but
I quietly handed him another card ;
meaning, of course, to give Westwood
the cue as shortly as possible, for his
own safety. The Judge started on
seeing the card, gave me one of his
sharp glances, and made a sudden step
towards me. " Have you any relation
in India, Mr Westwood?" said he,
slowly ; to which I gave only a nod.
"What is he, if I may inquire?"
asked he again. " A councillor or
something, I believe," said I care-
lessly. " Thomas Westwood ?" said
Sir Charles. " Ah," said I, wearied
of the thing, and anxious to go. " An
uncle, probably, from the age? "he
still put in. "Exactly, that's it!"
I said. "Why — what! — why did
you not mention this at first?" he
broke out suddenly, coming close up ;
" why, Councillor Westwood is my
very oldest friend in India, my dear
sir ! This alters the matter. I should
have welcomed a nephew of his in my
house, to the utmost ! Why, how
strange, Mr Westwood, that the fact
should emerge in this curious manner ! "
— and with that he held out his
hand. "Of course, " said he, "no
such restriction as I mentioned could
for a moment apply to a nephew of
Councillor Westwood ! " I stared at
him for a moment, and then — " Sir,"
said I, coolly, " it seems the whole
matter goes by names ; but if my name
were the devil, or the apostle Paul, I
732
TJie Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn.— Part VI.
[Dec,
don't see how it can make a bit of
difference in me : what's more, sir, "
said I, setting ray teeth, " whatever
my name may be, depend upon it, I
shall never claim acquaintance either
•with you or — or — Miss Hyde ! " With
that I flung straight out of the cabin,
leaving the old gentleman bolt upright
on the floor, and as dumb as a stock-
fish, whether with rage or amazement
I never stopped to think.
I went right forward on the India-
man's forecastle, clear of all the awn-
ings, dropped over her head out of
sight of the men, and sat with my legs
amongst the open wood- work beneath
the bowsprit, looking at the calm, —
nobody in sight but the Hindoo figure,
who seemed to be doing the same.
Wesiirood ! thought I bitterly;
then in a short time, when the mis-
take's found out, and he got safe past
the Cape, perhaps, — it'll be nothing
but Westwood ! He'll have a clear
stage, and all favour ; but at any rate,
Jhoweuer it may be, /'U not be here,
by heaven ! to see it. That cursed
councillor of his, I suppose, is another
nabob, — and no doubt he'll marry her,
all smooth ! Uncles be — I little
thought, by Jove! when I knocked off
that yarn to the mate about my uncle
— but, after all, it's strange how often
a fellow's paid back in his own coin !
The heat at the time was unbearable,
— heat, indeed ! 'twasn't only heat, —
"but a heavy, close, stifling sort of a
feeling, like in a hot-house, as if you'd
got a weight on your head and every
other bit of you : the water one time
so dead-blue and glassy between the
windings of it, that the sky seemed
to vanish, and the ship looked float-
ing up into where it was, — then again
you scarce knew sea from air, except
by the wrinkles and eddies running
across each other between, toward a
sullen blue ring at the horizon, —
like seeing through a big twisted sieve,
or into a round looking-glass all over
cracks. I heard them clue up every-
thing aloft, except the topsails, — and
they fell slapping back and forward to
the masts, every now and then, with a
thud like a thousand spades clapped
down at once over a hollow bit of
ground — till all seemed as still be-
tween as if they'd buried something.
I wished to heaven it were what I
fdt at the time, and the thought of Vio-
let Hyde, that I might be as if I never
had seen her, — when on glancing up,
betwixt the figure-head and the ship's
stern, it struck me to notice how much
the land on her starboard bow and
beam seemed to have risen, even dur-
ing the last hour, and that without
wind ; partly on account of its clear-
ing in that quarter, perhaps ; but the
nearest points looked here and there
almost as if yon could see into them,
roughening barer out through the hue
of the distance, ,like purple blotches
spreading in it. Whereas, far away
astern of us, when I crossed over her
head works, there were two or three thin
white streaks of haze to be seen just
on the horizon, one upon another, above
which you made out somewhat like a
dim range of peaked laud, trending
one couldn't say how far back — all
showing how fairly the coast was shut-
ting her in upon the south-east, as
she set farther m-shore, even while
the run of the current bade fair to
take her well clear of it ahead ; which
was of course all we need care for at
present. Her want of steerage-way,
however, let the Indiaman sheer
hither and thither, till at times one
was apt to get confused, and suppose
her more in with the land-loom than
she really was. Accordingly the mate
proved his good judgment by having
a couple of boats lowered with a tow-
line, to keep her at least stern- on to
the current, — although the trouble of
getting out the launch would have
more served his purpose, and the
deeper loaded the better, since in fact
there were two favourable drifts instead
of one, between every stroke of the
oars. The men pulled away rather
sulkily, their straw hats over their
noses, the dip of the hawser scarce
tautening at each strain, as they
squinted up at the Seringapatam's idle
figure-head. For my part I had thought
it better to leave him by himself, and
go below.
When I went into the cuddy, more
for reliefs sake than to dine, the pas-
sengers were chattering and talking
away round the tables, hot and chok-
ing though it was, in high glee be-
cause the land was in sight from the
starboard port-window, and they fan-
cied the officers had changed their
mind as to " touching " there. Every
now and then a cadet or two would
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
735
start up, with their silver forks in
their hands, and put their heads out ;
some asked whether the anchor had
been seen getting ready or not ;
others disputed about the colour erf
tropical trees, if they were actually
green like English ones, or perhaps all
over blossoms and fruit together — the
•whole of them evidently expecting
bands of negroes to line the shore as
we came in. One young fellow had
taken a particular fancy to have an
earthworm, with earth enough to feed
it all the rest of the voyage, otherwise
he couldn't stand it ; and little Tom-
my's mother almost went into hys-
terics again, when she said, if she
could just eat a lettuce salad once
more, she'd die contented ; the mis-
sionary looking up through his spec-
tacles, in surprise that she wasn't
more interested about the slave-trade,
•whereof he'd been talking to her. As
for Westwood, he joined quietly in
the fun, with a glance now and then
across to me ; however, I pretended
to be too busy with the salt beef, and
was merely looking up again for a
moment, when my eye chanced to
catch on the swinging barometer that
hung in the raised skylight, right
over the midst of our noise. By
George ! ma'am, what was my horror
when I saw the quicksilver had sunk
so far below the mark, probably fixed
thers that morning, as to be almost
shrunk in the ball! Whatever the
merchant service might know about
the instrument in those days, the Afri-
can coast was the place to teach its
right use to us in the old Iris. I laid
down my knife and fork as carelessly
as I could, and went straight on
deck.
Here I sought out the mate, who
was forward, watching the land — and
at once took him aside to tell him the
fact. "Well, sir," said he coolly, " and
what of that ? A sign of wind, cer-
tainly, before very long ; but in the
meantime we're sure to have it off the
land." " That's one of the very rea-
sons," said I, " for thinking this will
be from seaward — since towards even-
ing the land'll have plenty of air with-
out it ! But more than that, sir," said
I, "I tell you, Mr Finch, I know the
west coast of Africa pretty well— and
so far south as this, the glass falling so
low as twenty-seven, is always the sign
of a norVesterly blow! If you're a
wise man, sir, you'll not only get your
upper spars down on deck, but you'll
see your anchors clear ! " Finch had
plainly got furious at my meddling
again, and said he, " Instead of that,
sir, I shall hold on everything aloft, to
stand out when I get the breeze ! "
" D'ye really think, then," said I,
pointing to the farthest-off streak of
land, trending away by this time
astern of us, faint as it was ; " do you
think you could ever weather that
point, with anything like a strong
nor'-wester, besides a current heading
you in, as you got fair hold of it
again ? " " Perhaps not," said he,
wincing a little as he glanced at it,
" but you happen always to suppose
what there's a thousand to one against,
-sir ! Why, sir, you might as well take
the command at once ! But, by G — !
sir, if it did come to that, I'd rather
— I'd rather see the ship lost — I'd ra-
ther go to the bottom with all in her,
after handling her as I know well
how, than I'd see the chance given to
you /" The young fellow fairly shout-
ed this last word into my very ear —
he was in a regular furions passion.
" You'd better let me alone, that's all
I've got to say to you, sir ! " growled
he as he turned away ; so I thought it
no use to gay more, and leant over
the bulwarks, resolved to see it out.
The fact was, the farther we got off
the land now, the worse — seeing that
if what I dreaded should prove true,
why, we were probably in thirty or
forty fathoms water, where no anchor
could hold for ten minutes' time — if it
ever caught ground. My way would
have been, to get every boat out at
once, and tow in till you could see the
colour of some shoal or other from
aloft, then take my chance there to
ride out whatever might come, to the
last cable aboard of us. Accordingly
I wasn't sony to see that by this timo
the whole bight of the coast was slowly
rising off our beam, betwixt the high
land far astern and the broad bluffs
upon her starboard bow ; which last
came out already of a sandy reddish
tint, and the lower part of a clear
blue, as the sun got westward on our
other side. What struck me was, that
the face of the water, which was all
over wrinkles and winding lines, with
•here and there a quick ripple, when I
734
The Green Hand— A " Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
[Dec.
went below, had got on a sudden quite
smootli as far as you could see, as if
they'd sunk down like so many eels ;
a long uneasy ground-swell was be-
ginning to heave in from seaward, on
which the ship rose ; once or twice I
fancied I could observe the colour
different away towards the land, like
the muddy chocolate spreading out
near a river mouth at ebb-tide, — then
again it was green, rather ; and as for
the look of the coast, I had no know-
ledge of it. I thought again, certainly,
of the old quartermaster's account in
the Iris, but there was neither any-
thing like it to be seen, nor any sign
of a break in the coast at all, though
high headlands enough.
The ship might have been about
twelve or fourteen miles from the
north-east point upon her starboard
bow, a high rocky range of bluffs, —
and ratherless from the nearest of what
lay away off her beam, — but after this
you could mark nothing more, except
it were that she edged farther from the
point, by the way its bearings shifted
or got blurred together: either she
stood still, or she'd caught some eddy
or under-drift, and the mate walked
about quite lively once more. The
matter was, how to breathe, or bear
your clothes — when all of a sudden I
heard the second mate sing out from
the forecastle — " Stand by the braces,
there ! Look out for the topes'l hawl-
yairds ! " He came shuffling aft next
moment as fast as his foundered old
shanks could carry him, and told Mr
Finch there was a squall coming off
the land. The mate sprang up on the
bulwarks, and so did I — catching
a glance from him as much as to
say — There's your gale from seaward,
you pretentious lubber ! The lowest
streak of coast bore at present before
our starboard quarter, betwixt east
and south-east'ard, with some pretty
high land running away up from it,
and a sort of dim blue haze hanging
beyond, as 'twere. Just as Macleod
spoke, I could see a dusky dark vapour
thickening and spreading in the haze,
till it rose black along the flat, out of
the sky behind it ; whitened and then
darkened again, like a heavy smoke
floating up into the air. All was con-
fusion on deck for a minute or two —
off went all the awnings — and every
hand was ready at his station, fisting
the ropes ; when I looked again at
the cloud, then at the mates, then at
it again. " By George!" said I,
noticing a pale wreath of it go curling
on the pale clear sky over it, as if to
a puff of air, — " it is smoke ! Some
niggers, as they so often do, burning
the bush ! " So it was ; and as soon as
Finch gave in, all hands quietly coiled
up the ropes. It was scarce five
minutes after, that Jacobs, who was
coiling up a rope beside me, gave me
a quiet touch with one finger — " Mr
Collins, sir," said he in a low voice,
looking almost right up, high over
toward the ship's larboard bow, which
he couldn't have done before, for the
awnings so lately above us, — " look,
sir — there's an ox-eye ! " I followed
his gaze, but it wasn't for a few
seconds that I found what it pointed
to, in the hot far-off- like blue dimness
of the sky overhead, compared with
the white glare of which to westward
our canvass aloft was but duly gray
and yellow.
'Twas what none but a seaman
would have observed, and many a
seaman wouldn't have done so, — but
a man-o'-war's-man is used to look
out at all hours, in all latitudes, — and
to a man that knew its meaning, this
would have been no joke, even out of
sight of land: as it was, the thing
gave me a perfect thrill of dread.
High aloft in the heavens northward,
where they were freest from the sun —
now standing over the open horizon
amidst a wide bright pool of light, —
you managed to discern a small silvery
speck, growing slowly as it were out
of the faint blue hollow, like a star in
the day-time, till you felt as if it
looked at you, from God-knows what
distance away. One eye after another
amongst the mates and crew joined
Jacobs's and mine, with the same sort
of dumb fellowship to be seen when a
man in London streets watches the
top of a steeple ; and however hard
to make out at first, ere long none of
them could miss seeing it, as it got
slowly larger, sinking by degrees till
the sky close about it seemed to
thicken like a dusky ring round the
white, and the sunlight upon our sea-
ward quarter blazed out doubly
strong — as if it came dazzling off a
brass bell, with the bright tongue
swinging in it far off to one side,
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn.— Part VI.
735
where the hush made you think of a
stroke back upon us, with some terri-
fic sound to boot. The glassy water
by this time was beginning to rise
under the ship with a struggling
kind of unequal heave, as if a giant
you couldn't see kept shoving it down
here and there with both hands, and
it came swelling up elsewhere. To
north-westward or thereabouts, be-
twixt the sun and this ill-boding token
aloft, the far line of open sea still lay
shining motionless and smooth ; next
time you looked, it had got even
brighter than before, seeming to leave
the horizon visibly ; then the streak
of air just above it had grown gray,
and a long edge of hazy vapour was
creeping as it were over from beyond,
— the white speck all the while tra-
velling down towards it slantwise
from nor'ard, and spreading its dark
ring slowly out into a circle of cloud,
till the keen eye of it at last sank in,
and below, as well as aloft, tlic whole
north-western quarter got blurred
together in one gloomy mass. If
there was a question at first whether
the wind mightn't come from so far
nor'ard as to give her a chance of
running out to sea before it, there
was none now, — our sole recourse lay
either in getting nearer the land
meanwhile, to let go our anchors ere
it came on, with her head to it, — or
we niight make a desperate trial to
weather the lee- point now far astern.
The fact was, we were going to have
a regular tornado, and that of the
worst kind, which wouldn't soon blow
itself out ; though near an hour's
notice would probably pass ere it was
on.
The three mates laid their heads
gravely together over the capstan for
a minute or two, after which Finch
seemed to perceive that the first of
the two ways was the safest ; though
of course the nearer we should get to
the land, the less chance there was of
clearing it afterwards, should her
cables part, or the anchors drag. The
two boats still alongside, and two
others dropped from the davits, were
manned at once and set to towing the
Indiaman ahead, in-shore; while the
bower and sheet anchors were got
out to the cat-heads ready for letting
go, cables overhauled, ranged, and
clinched as quickly as possible, and
VOL. LXVI. — xo. ccccx.
the deep-sea lead passed along to take
soundings every few minutes.
On we crept, slow as death, and
almost as still, except the jerk of the
oars from the heaving water at her
bows, and the loud flap of the big
topsails now and then, everything
aloft save them and the brailed fore-
sail being already close furled ; the
clouds all the while rising away along
our larboard beam nor'west and
north, over the gray bank on the
horizon, till once more you could
scarce say which point the wind
would come from, unless by the huge
purple heap of vapour in the midst.
The sun had got low, and he shivered
his dazzling spokes of light behind
one edge of it, as if 'twere a moun-
tain you saw over some coast or other :
indeed, you'd have thought the ship
almost shut in by land on both sides
of her, which was what seemed to
terrify the passengers most, as they
gathered about the poop-stairs and
watched it, — which was the true land
and which the clouds, 'twas hard to
say, — and the sea gloomed writhing
between them like a huge lake in the
mountains. I saw Sir Charles Hyde
walk out of the round-house and in
again, glancing uneasily about : his
daughter was standing with another
young lady, gazing at the land ; and
at sight of her sweet, curious face, I'd
have given worlds to be able to do
something that might save it from the
chance, possibly, of being that very
night dashed amongst the breakers on
a lee-shore in the dark — or at best,
suppose the Almighty favoured any
of us so far, perhaps landed in the
wilds of Africa. Had there been
aught man could do more, why, though
I never should get a smile for it, I'd
have compassed it, mate or no mate ;
but all was done that could be done,
and I had nothing to say. Westwood
came near her, too, apparently seeing
our bad case at last to some extent,
and both trying to break it to her and
to assure her mind ; so I folded my
arms again, and kept my eyes hard
fixed upon the bank of cloud, as some
new weather-mark stole out in it, and
the sea stretched breathless away be-
low, like new-melted lead. The air
was like to choke you — or rather there
was none — as if water, sky, and every-
thing else wanted life, and one would
3c
73G
77ic Green Hand— A " Short" Yam.— Part VI.
fain have caught the first rush of the
tornado into his mouth — the men
emptying the dipper on deck from the
cask, from sheer loathing. As for the
land, it seemed to draw nearer of it-
self, till every point and wrinkle in
the headland off our bow came out in
a red coppery gleam — one saw the
white line of surf round it, and some
blue country beyond like indigo ; then
back it darkened again, and all aloft
was getting livid-like over the bare
royal mast-heads.
Suddenly a faint air was felt to
flutter from landward ; it half lifted
the top-sails, and a heavy earthy
swell came into your nostrils — the first
of the land-breeze, at last ; but by
this time it was no more than a sort
of mockery, while a minute after you
might catch a low, sullen, moaning
sound far off through the emptiness,
from the strong surf the Atlantic sends
in upon the West Coast before a squall.
If ever landsmen found out what land
on the wrong side is, the passengers
of the Seringapatam did, that moment ;
the shudder of the top -sails aloft
seemed to pass into every one's
shoulders, and a few quietly walked
below, as if they were safe in their
cabins. I saw Violet Hyde look
round and round with a startled ex-
pression, and from one face to another,
till her eye lighted on me, and I
fancied for a moment it was like put-
ting some question to me. I couldn't
bear it ! — 'twas the first time I'd felt
powerless to offer anything ; though
the thought ran through me again till
I almost felt myself buffeting among
the breakers with her in my arms.
I looked to the land, where the smoke
we had seen three-quarters of an
hour ago rose again with the puff of
air, a slight flicker of flame in it, as it
wreathed off the low ground toward
the higher point, — when all at once I
gave a start, for something in the
shape of the whole struck me as if I'd
seen it before. Next moment I was
thinking of old Bob Martin's particular
landmarks at the river mouth he spoke
of, and the notion of its possibly being
hereabouts glanced on me like a god-
send. In the unsure dusky sight I
had of it, certainly, it wore somewhat
of that look, and it lay fair to leeward
of the weather; while, as for the dead
phut-in appearance of it, old Bob had
[Dec,
specially said you'd never think it was
a river : but then again it was more
like a desperate fancy owing to our
hard case, and to run the ship straight
for it would be the trick of a bed-
lamite. At any rate a quick cry from,
aft turned me round, and I saw a blue
flare of lightning streak out betwixt
the bank of gray haze and the cloud
that hung over it — then another, and
the clouds were beginning to rise
slowly in the midst, leaving a white
glare" between, as if you could see
through it towards what was coming.
The men could pull no longer, but
ahead of the ship there was now only
about eight or ten fathoms water,
with a soft bottom. The boats were
hoisted in, and the men had begun to
clue up and hand the topsails, which
were lowered on the caps, when, just
in the midst of the hubbub and con-
fusion, as I stood listening to every
order the mate gave, the steward came
up hastily from below to tell him that
the captain had woke up, and, being
much better, wanted to see him im-
mediately. Mr Finch looked sur-
prised, but he turned at once, and
hurried down the hatchway.
The sight which all of us who
weren't busy gazed upon, over the
larboard bulwarks, was terrible to see :
'twas half dark, though the sun, drop-
ping behind the haze-bank, made it
glimmer and redden. The dark heap
of clouds had first lengthened out
blacker and blacker, and was rising
slowly in the sky like a mighty arch,
till you saw their white edges below,
and a ghastly white space behind, out
of which the mist and scud began to
fly. Next minute a long sigh came
into her jib and foresail, then the
black bow of cloud partly sank again,
and a blaze of lightning came out all
round her, showing you every face on
deck, the inside of the round-house
aft, with the Indian Judge standing in
it, his hand to his eyes, — and the land
far away, to the very swell rolling in
to it. Then the thunder broke over-
head in the gloom, in one fearful sud-
den crack, that you seemed to hear
through every corner of cabins and
forecastle below, — and the wet back-
fins of twenty sharks or so, that
had risen out of the inky surface,
vanished as suddenly. The Indiainan
had sheered almost broadside on to
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Stort" Yarn.— Purl VI.
7:17
the clouds, her jib was still up, and I
knew the next time the clouds rose we
should fairly have it. Flash after Hash
came, and clap after clap of thunder,
such as you hear before a tornado —
yet the chief officer wasn't to be seen,
and the others seemed uncertain what
to do first ; while every one began to
wonder and pass along questions
where he could be. In fact, he had
disappeared. For my part, I thought
it very strange he staid so long ; but
there wasn't a moment to lose. I
jumped down off the poop-stairs,
walked forward on the quarterdeck,
and said coolly to the men nearest
me, " Run and haul down that jib
yonder — set the spanker here, aft.
You'll have her taken slap on her
beam : quick, my lads !" The men
did so at once. Macleod was calling
out anxiously for Mr Finch. " Stand
by the anchors there !" I sang out,
" to let go the starboard one, the
moment she swings head to wind !"
The Scotch mate turned his head ; but
Rickett's face, by the next flash, show-
ed he saw the good of it, and there
was no leisure for arguing, especially
as I spoke in a way to be heard. I
walked to the wheel, and got hold of
Jacobs to take the weather-helm. We
were all standing ready, at the pitch
of expecting it. Westwood, too, hav-
ing appeared again by this time beside
me, I whispered to him to run for-
ward and look after the anchors —
when some one came hastily up the
after-hatchway, with a glazed hat and
pilot-coat on, stepped straight to the
binnacle, looked in behind me, then
at the black bank of clond, then aloft.
Of course I supposed it was the mate
again, but didn't trouble myself to
glance at him further — when "Hold
on with the anchors !" he sang out in
a loud voice — "hold on there for your
lives !" Heavens ! it was the captain
himself !
At this, of course, I stood aside nt
once; and he shouted again, "Hoist
the jib and fore-topmast-staysail —
stand by to set fore-course !" By
Jove! this was the way to pay the
ship head off, instead of stern off,
from the blast when it came — and to
let her drive before it at no trifle of a
rate, wherever that might take her !
*' Down with that spanker, Mr Mac-
leod, d'ye hear!" roared Captain
Williamson again ; and certainly I did
wonder what he meant to do with the
ship. But his manner was so decided,
and 'twas so natural for the captain to
strain a point to come on deck in the
circumstances, that I saw he must
have some trick of seamanship above
7«f, or some special knowledge of the
coast,— and I waited in a state of the
greatest excitement for the first stroke
of the tornado. He waved the second
and third mates forward to their posts
— the Indiaman sheering and backing,
like a frightened horse, to the long
slight swell and the faint flaw of the
land air. The black arch to windward
began to rise again, showing a terrible
white stare reaching deep in, and a
blue dart of lightning actually ran.
zig-zag down before our glaring fore-
to'gallant-mast. Suddenly the cap-
tain had looked at me, and we faced
each other by the gleam ; and quiet,
easy-going man as he was commonly,
it just flashed across me there was
something extraordinarily wild and
raised in his pale visage, strange as
the air about us made every one
appear. He gave a stride towards me,
shouting "Who are — "when the thun-
der-clap took the words out of his
tongue, and next moment the tornado
burst upon us, fierce as the wind from
a cannon's mouth. For one minute
the Seringapatarn heeled over to her
starboard streak, almost broadside on,
and her spars toward the land, — all
on her beam was a long ragged white
gush of light and mist pouring out
under the black brow of the clouds,
with a trampling eddying roar up into
the sky. The swell plunged over her
weather-side like the first break of a
dam, and as we scrambled up to the
bulwarks, to hold on for bare life, yon
saw a roller, fit to swamp us, coming
on out of the sheet of foam — when
crash went rnizen-topmast and main-
to'gallant-mast : the ship payed swiftly
off" by help of her head- sail?, and, with
a leap like a harpooned whale, off she
drove fair before the tremendous
sweep of the blast.
The least yaw in her course, and
she'd have never risen, unless every
stick went out of her. I laid my
shoulder to the wheel with Jacob?,
and Captain Williamson screamed
through his trumpet into the men's
ears, aud waved his hands to rido
738
The Green Hand— A "
down the fore-sheets as far as they'd
go ; which kept her right before it,
though the sail could be but half-set,
and she rather flew than ran — the
sea one breadth of white foam back to
the gushes of mist, not having power
to rise higher yet. Had the foresail
been stretched, 'twould have blown
off like a cloud. I looked at the cap-
tain : he was standing in the lee of the
round-house, straight upright, though
now and then peering eagerly for-
ward, his lips firm, one hand on a
belaying-pin, the other in his breast —
nothing but determination in his
manner ; yet once or twice he started,
and glanced fiercely to the after-
hatchway near, as if something
from below might chance to thwart
him. I can't express my contrary
feelings, betwixt a sort of hope and
sheer horror. We were driving right
towards the land, at thirteen or four-
teen knots to the hour, — yet could
there actually be some harbourage
hereaway, or that said river the
quarter-master of the Iris men-
tioned, and Captain Williamson know
of it ? Something struck me as won-
derfully strange in the whole matter,
and puzzling to desperation, — still I
trusted to the captain's experience.
The coast was scarce to be seen
ahead of us, lying black against an
uneven streak of glimmer, as she
rushed like fury before the deafening
howl of wind ; and right away before
our lee-beam I could see the light
blowing, as it were, across beyond
the headland I had noticed, where
the smoke in the bush seemed to be
still curling, half-smothered, along the
flat in the lee of the hills, as if in
green wood, or sheltered as yet from
seaward, though once or twice a
quick flicker burst up in it. All
at once the gust of the tornado was
seen to pour on it, like a long blast
from some huge bellows, and up it
flashed — the yellow flame blazed into
the smoke, spread away behind the
point, and the ruddy brown smoke
blew whitening off over it : — when,
Almighty power ! what did I see as it
lengthened in, but part after part of
old Bob's landmarks creep out ink-
black before the flare and the streak
of sky together — first the low line of
ground, then the notch in the block,
the two rocks like steps, and the
Short " Yarn.— Part VI. [Dec.
sugar-loaf shape of the headland, to
the very mop-headed knot of trees on
its rise ! No doubt Captain William-
son was steering for it ; but it was
far too much on our starboard bow —
and in half an hour at this rate we
should drive right into the surf you
saw running along to the coast ahead
— so I signed to Jacobs for god-sake
to edge her off as nicely as was pos-
sible. Captain Williamson caught
my motion. "Port! port, sirrah !"
he sang out sternly ; '•'•back with the
helm, d'ye hear ! " and, pulling out a
pistol, he levelled it at me with one
hand, while he held a second in the
other. " Land !— land, by G— d ! "
shouted he, and from the lee of the
round-house it came more like a shriek
than a shout — " I'll be there though
a thousand mutineers — " His eye
was like a wild beast's. That moment
the truth glanced across me — this was
the green leaf, no doubt, the Scotch
mate talked so mysteriously of. The
man was mad! The land-fever was
upon him, as I'd seen it before in men
long off the African coast; and he
stood eyeing me with one foot hard
stamped before him. 'Twas no use
trying to be heard, and the despera-
tion of the moment gave me a thought
of the sole thing to do. I took off my
hat in the light of the binnacle, bowed,
and looked him straight in the face
with a smile — when his eye wavered,
he slowly lowered his pistol, then
laughed, waving his hand towards the
land to leeward, as if, but for the gale,
you'd have heard him cheer. At the
instant I sprang behind him with the
slack of a rope, and grappled his arms
fast, though he'd got the furious
power of a madman, and, during half
a minute, 'twas wrestle for life with
me. But the line was round him, arm
and leg, and I made it fast, throwing
him heavily on the deck, just as one
of the mates, with some of the crew,
were struggling aft, by help of the be-
laying-pins, against the hurricane,
having caught a glimpse of the thing
by the binnacle-light. They looked
from me to the captain. The ugly top-
man made a sign, as much as to say,
knock the fellow down ; but the whole
lot hung back before the couple of
pistol-barrels I handled. The Scotch
mate seemed awfully puzzled ; and
others of the men, who knew from
1849.]
The Green Hand— A " Short " Yarn Part VI.
739
Jacobs what I was, came shoving
along, evidently aware what a case
we were in. A word to Jacobs served
to keep him steering her anxiously,
so as to head two or three points more
south-east in the end, furiously as the
wheel jolted. So there we stood, the
tornado sweeping sharp as a knife
from astern over the poop-deck, with
a force that threw any one back if he
left go his hold to get near me, and
going up like thunder aloft in the
sky. Now and then a weaker flare
of lightning glittered across the scud ;
and, black as it was overhead, the ho-
rizon to windward was but one jagged
white glare, gushing fall of broad
shifting streaks through the drift of
foam and the spray that strove to rise.
Our fore-course still held; and I took
the helm from Jacobs, that he might
go and manage to get a pull taken on
the starboard brace, which would not
only slant the sail more to the blasts,
but give her the better chance to make
the sole point of salvation, by helping
her steerage when most needed. Ja-
cobs and Westwood together got this
done ; and all the time I was keeping
my eyes fixed anxiously as man can
fancy, on the last gleams of the fire
ashore, as her head made a fairer line
with it; but, by little and little, it
went quite out, and all was black —
though I had taken its bearings
by the compass — and I kept her to
that for bare life, trembling at every
shiver in the foresail's edge, lest either
it or the mast should go.
Suddenly we began to get into a
fearful swell — the Indiaman plunged
and shook in every spar left her. I
could see nothing ahead, from the
wheel, and in the dark : we were getting
close in with the land, and the time
•was coming ; but still I held south-
east-by-east to the mark of her head
in the compass box, as nearly as might
and main could do it, for the heaves
that made me think once or twice
she was to strike next moment. If
she went ashore in my hands ! why, it
was like to drive one mad with fear ;
and I waited for Jacobs to come back,
with a brain ready to turn, almost as
if I'd have left the wheel to the other
helmsman, and run forward into the
bows to look out. The captain lay
raving and shouting behind me, though
Jio one else could either have heard or
seen him ; and where the chief officer
was all this time, surprised me, unless
the madman had made away with him,
or locked him in his own cabin, in re-
turn for being shut up himself, — which
in fact proved to be the case, cunning
as it was to send for him so quietly. At
length Jacobs struggled aft to me again ,
and charging him, for heaven's sake,
to steer exactly the course I gave, I
drove before the full strength of the
squall along-decks to the bowsprit,
where I held on and peered out.
Dead ahead of us was the high line of
coast in the dark — not a mile of swell
between the ship and it. By this time
the low boom of the surf came under
the wind, and you saw the breakers
lifting all along, — not a single opening
in them ! I had lost sight of my land-
marks, and my heart gulped into my
mouth — what I felt 'twould be vain to
say, — till I thought I did make out
one short patch of sheer black in the
range of foam, scarce so far on our
bow as I'd reckoned the fire to have
been : indeed, instead of that, it was
rather on her weather than her lee
bow ; and the more I watched it, and
the nearer we drove in that five mi-
nutes, the broader it was. " By all
that's good!" I thought, "if a river
there is, that must be the mouth of
it ! " But, by heavens ! on our present
course, the ship would run just right
upon the point, — and, to strike the
clear water, her fore-yard would re-
quire to be braced up, able or not,
though the force of the tornado would
come fearfully on her quarter, then.
There was the chance of taking all the
masts out of her ; but let them stand
ten minutes, and the thing was done,
when we opened into the lee of the
points— otherwise all was over !
I sprang to the fore-braces and be-
sought the men near me, for God's sake,
to drag upon the lee one — and that a.s
if their life hung upon it — when West-
wood caught me by the arm. I merely
shouted through my hands into his
ear to go aft to Jacobs and tell him to
keep her head a single point up, what-
ever might happen, to the last,— then
I pulled with the men at the brace till
it was fast, and scrambled up again to
the bowsprit heel. Jove! how she
surged to it : the little canvass we had
strained like to burst; the masts
trembled, and the spars aloft bent like
740
The Green Hand— A "Short" Yarn.— Part VI.
[Dec.
whip-shafts, everything below groan-
ing again ; while the swell and the
blast together made you dizzy, as you
watched the white eddies rising and
boiling out of the dark — her cutwater
shearing through it and the foam, as if
you were going under it. The sound
of the hurricane and the surf seemed
to be growing together into one awful
roar, — my very brain began to turn
with the pitch I was wrought up to —
and it appeared next moment we
should heave far up into the savage
hubbub of breakers. I was wearying
for the crash and the wild confusion
that would follow — when all of a sud-
den, still catching the fierce rush of
the gale athwart her quarter into the
fore-course, which steadied her though
she shuddered to it — all on a sudden
the dark mass of the land seemed as
it were parting ahead of her, and a
gleam of pale sky opened below the
dusk into my very face. I no more
knew what I was doing, by this time,
nor where we were, than the spar
before me, — till again, the light broad-
ened, glimmering low betwixt the high
land and a lump of rising level on the
other bow. I hurried aft past the
confused knots of men holding on to
the lee of the bulwarks, and seized a
spoke of the wheel. " Tom," shouted
I to Westwood, " run and let free the
spanker on the poop ! Down with the
helm — down with it, Jacobs, my lad!"
I sang out ; " never mind spars or
canvass !" Down went the helm— the
spanker helped to luff her to the
strength of the gust — and away she
went up to port, the heavy swells
rolling her in, while the rush into her
staysail and forccourse came in one
terrible flash of roaring wind, — tearing
first one and then the other clear out
of the bolt-ropes, though the loose
spanker abaft was in less danger,
and the way she had from both was
enough to take her careening round
the point into its lee. By heavens !
there were the streaks of soft haze
low over the rising moon, under the
broken clouds, beyond a far line of
dim friugy woods, she herself just
tipping the hollow behind, big and red
— when right down from over the
eloud above us came a spout of rain,
then a sheet of it lifting to the blast
as it howled across the point. " Stand,
by to let go the larboard anchor ! " I
sang out through the trumpet ; and
Jacobs put the helm fully down at the
moment, till she was coming head to
wind, when I made forward to the
mates and men. u Let — go ! " I
shouted : not a look turned against
me, and away thundered the cab!&
through the hawse-hole ; she shook
to it, sheered astern, and brought up
with her anchor fast. By that time
the rain was plashing down in a per-
fect deluge — you couldn't see a yard
from you — all was one white pour of
it ; although it soon began to drive
again over the headland, as the tor-
nado gathered new food out of it.
Another anchor was let go, cable payed
out, and the ship soon began to swing-
the other way to the tide, pitching all
the while on the short swell.
The gale still whistled through her
spars for two or three hours, during
which it began by degrees to lull.
About eleven o'clock it was clear
moonlight to leeward, the air fresh and
cool : a delicious watch it was, too.
I was walking the poop by myself,
two or three men lounging sleepily
about the forecastle, and Rickett be-
low on the quarterdeck, when I saw
the chief officer himself rush up from,
below, staring wildly round him, as
if he thought we were in some dream
or other. I fancied at first the mate
would have struck Rickett, from the
way he went on, but I kept aft where
I was. The eddies ran past the
Indiam an's side, and you heard the
fast ebb of the tide rushing and rip-
pling sweetly on her taut cables ahead,
plashing about the bows and bends.
We were in old Bob Martin's river,
whatever that might be.
18-19.]
The Visi&n of Sudden Death.
741
T1IE VISION OF SUDDEN DEATH.
[The reader is to understand this present paper, in its two sections of The
Vision, £c., and The Dream-Fugue, as connected with a previous paper on
The English Mail- Coach, published in the Magazine for October. The ulti-
mate object was the Dream-Fugue, as an attempt to wrestle with the utmost
efforts of music in dealing with a colossal form of impassioned horror. The
Vision of Sudden Death contains the mail-coach incident, which did really
occur, and did really suggest the variations of the Dream, here taken up by
the Fugue, as well as other variations not now recorded. Confluent with
these impressions, from the terrific experience on the Manchester and Glasgow
mail, were other and more general impressions, derived from long familiarity
with the English mail, as developed in the former paper; impressions, for
instance, of animal beauty and power, of rapid motion, at that time unprece-
dented, of connexion with the government and public business of a great
nation, but, above all, of connexion with the national victories at an unex-
ampled crisis, — the mail being the privileged organ for publishing and dispers-
ing all news of that kind. From this function of the mail, arises naturally the
introduction of Waterloo into the fourth variation of the Fugue ; for the mail
itself having been carried into the dreams by the incident in the Vision, natu-
rally all the accessory circumstances of pomp and grandeur investing this
national carriage followed in the train of the principal image.]
WHAT is to be thought of sudden
death V It is remarkable that, in dif-
ferent conditions of society, it has
been variously regarded, as the con-
summation of an earthly career most
fervently to be desired, and, on the
other hand, as that consummation
which is most of all to be deprecated.
Caesar the Dictator, at his last dinner
party, (ceena,) and the very evening
before his assassination, being ques-
tioned as to the mode of death which,
in his opinion, might seem the most
eligible, replied — " That which should
be most sudden." On the other
hand, the divine Litany of our Eng.-
lish Church, when breathing forth
supplications, as if in some represen-
tative character for the whole human
race prostrate before God, places such
a death in the very van of horrors.
" From lightning and tempest ; from
plague, pestilence, and famine ; from
battle and murder, and from sudden
death, — Good Lord, deliver us."
Sudden death is here made to crown
the climax in a grand ascent of
calamities ; it is the last of curses ;
and yet, by the noblest of Romans, it
was treated as the first of blessings.
In that difference, most readers will
see little more than the difference be-
tween Christianity and Paganism.
But there I hesitate. The Christian
church may be right in its estimate of
sudden death ; and it is a natural
feeling, though after all it may also
be an infirm one, to wish for a quiet
dismissal from life — as that which
seems most reconcilable with medita-
tion, with penitential retrospects, and
with the humilities of farewell prayer.
There does not, however, occur to me
any direct scriptural warrant for this
earnest petition of the English Litany.
It seems rather a petition indulged to-
human infirmity, than exacted from
human piety. And, however that may
be, two remarks suggest themselves
as prudent restraints upon a doctrine,
winch else may wander, and has wan-
dered, into an uncharitable supersti-
tion. The first is this : that many
people are likely to exaggerate the
horror of a sudden death, (1 mean tho
objective horror to him who contem-
plates such a death, not the subjec-
tive horror to him who suffers it)
from 'the false disposition to lay a
stress upon words or acts, simply
because by an accident they have
become words or acts. If a man
dies, for instance, by some sudden
death when he happens to be in-
toxicated, such a death is falsely
regarded with peculiar horror ; as
though the intoxication were sud-
denly exalted into a blasphemy.
But that is unphilosophic. The man
was, or he was not, habitually a
drunkard. If not, if his intoxication
were a solitary accident, there can be
no reason at all for allowing special
emphasis to this act, simply because
through misfortune it became his final
act. Nor, on the other hand, if it
742
were no accident, but one of his
habitual transgressions, will it be the
more habitual or the more a traps-
gression, because some sudden cala-
mity, surprising him, has caused this
habitual transgression to be also a
final one? Could the man have had
any reason even dimly to foresee his
own sudden death, there would have
been a new feature in his act of in-
temperance— a feature of presumption
and irreverence, as in one that by pos-
sibility felt himself drawing near to
the presence of God. But this is no
part of the case supposed. And the
only new element in the man's act is
not any element of extra immorality,
but simply of extra misfortune.
The other remark has reference to
the meaning of the word sudden. And
it is a strong illustration of the duty
which for ever calls us to the stern
valuation of words — that very pos-
sibly Caesar and the Christian church
do not differ in the way supposed ;
that is, do not differ by any diffe-
rence of doctrine as between Pagan
and Christian views of the moral
temper appropriate to death, but
that they are contemplating different
eases. Both contemplate a violent
death ; a Biadavaros — death that is
BMUOJ : but the difference is — that the
Roman by the word " sudden " means
an unllngering death : whereas the
Christian litany by " sudden " means
a death without warning, consequently
without any available summons to
religious preparation. The poor mu-
tineer, who kneels down to gather
into his heart the bullets from twelve
firelocks of his pitj'ing comrades, dies
by a most sudden death in Ca?sar's
sense : one shock, one mighty spasm,
one (possibly not one) groan, and all
is over. Bftt, in the sense of the
Litany, his death is far from sudden ;
his offence originally, his imprison-
ment, his trial, the interval between
his sentence and its execution, having
all furnished him with separate
warnings of his fate — having all
summoned him to meet it with solemn
preparation.
Meantime, whatever may be thought
of a sudden death as a mere variety
in the modes of dying, where death in
some shape is inevitable — a question
which, equally in the Roman and the
Christian sense, will be variously an-
swered according to each man's variety
The Vision of Sudden Death.
[Dec.
of temperament — certainly, upon one
aspect of sudden death there can be
no opening for doubt, that of all
agonies incident to man it is the most
frightful, that of all martyrdoms it is
the most freezing to human sensibili-
ties— namely,where it surprises a man
under circumstances which offer (or
which seem to offer) some hurried and
inappreciable chance of evading it.
Any effort, by which such an evasion
can be accomplished, must be as
sudden as the danger which it affronts.
Even that, even the sickening neces-
sity for hurrying in extremity where
all hurry seems destined to be vain,
self-batHed, and where the dreadful
knell of too late is already sounding in
the ears by anticipation— even that
anguish is liable to a hideous exaspe-
ration in one particular case, namely,
where the agonising appeal is made
not exclusively to the instinct of self-
preservation, but to the conscience, on
behalf of another life besides your own,
accidentally cast upon your protection.
To fail, to collapse in a service merely
your own, might seem comparatively
venial ; though, in fact, it is far from
venial. But to fail in a case where
Providence has suddenly thrown into
your hands the final interests of an-
other— of a fellow- ere at ure shuddering
between the gates of life and death ;
this, to a man of apprehensive con-
science, would mingle the misery of an
atrocious criminality with the misery
of a bloody calamity. The man is
called upon, too probably, to die ; but
to die at the very moment when, by
any momentary collapse, he is self-
denounced as a murderer. He had
but the twinkling of an eye for his
effort, and that effort might, at the
best, have been unavailing ; but from
this shadow of a chance, small or
great, how if he has recoiled by a
treasonable Idchete ? The effort might
have been without hope; but to
have risen to the level of that
effort — would have rescued him,
though not from dying, yet from
dying as a traitor to his duties.
The situation here contemplated
exposes a dreadful ulcer, lurking far
down in the depths of human nature.
It is not that men generally are sum-
moned to face such awful trials. But
potentially, and in shadowy outline,
such a trial is moving subterraneonsly
in perhaps all men's natures — mutter-
1849.]
The Vision of Sudden Death.
743
ing under ground in one world, to be
realised perhaps in some other. Upon
the secret mirror of our dreams such
a trial is darkly projected at intervals,
perhaps, to every one of us. That
dream, so familiar to childhood, of
meeting a lion, and, from languishing
prostration in hope and vital energy,
that constant sequel of lying down
before him, publishes the secret frailty
of human nature — reveals its deep-
seated Pariah falsehood to itself —
records its abysmal treachery. Per-
haps not one of us escapes that dream ;
perhaps, as by some sorrowful doom
of man, that dream repeats for every
one of us, through every generation,
the original temptation in Eden.
Every one of us, in this dream, has a
bait offered to the infirm places of his
own individual will ; once again a
snare is made ready for leading him
into captivity to a luxury of ruin ;
again, as in aboriginal Paradise, the
man falls from innocence; once again,
by infinite iteration, the ancient Earth
groans to God, through her secret
caves, over the weakness of her child ;
"Nature from her seat, sighing through
all her works," again " gives signs of
woe that all is lost ;" and again the
counter sigh is repeated to the sorrow-
ing heavens of the endless rebellion
against God. Many people think that
one man, the patriarch of our race,
could not in his single person execute
this rebellion for all his race. Perhaps
they are wrong. But, even if not,
perhaps in the world of dreams every
one of us ratifies for himself the ori-
ginal act. Our English rite of " Con-
firmation," by which, in years of
awakened reason, we take upon us
the engagements contracted for us in
our slumbering infancy, — how sublime
a rite is that! The little postern
gate, through which the baby in its
cradle had been silently placed for a
time within the glory of God's coun-
tenance, suddenly rises to the clouds
as a triumphal arch, through which,
with banners displayed and martial
pomps, we make our second entry as
crusading soldiers militant for God,
by personal choice and by sacramen-
tal oath. Each man says in effect —
*'Lo! I rebaptise myself; and that
which once was sworn on my behalf,
now I swear for myself." Even so in
dreams, perhaps, under some secret
conflict of the midnight sleeper, lighted
up to the consciousness at the time,
but darkened to the memory as soon as
all is finished, each several child of our
mysterious race completes for himself
the aboriginal fall.
As I drew near to the Manchester
post-office, I found that it was con-
siderably past midnight ; but to my
great relief, as it was important for
me to be in Westmorland by the
morning, I saw by the huge saucer
eyes of the mail, blazing through the
gloom of overhanging houses, that my
chance was not yet lost. Past the
time it was ; but by some luck, very
unusual in my experience, the mail
was not even yet ready to start. I
ascended to my seat on the box, where
my cloak was still lying as it had lain
at the Bridgewater Arms. I had left
it there in imitation of a nautical dis-
coverer, Avho leaves a bit of bunting
on the shore of his discovery, by way
of warning off the ground the whole
human race, and signalising to the
Christian and the heathen worlds,
with his best compliments, that he
has planted his throne for ever upon
that virgin soil; henceforward claim-
ing the jus dominii to the top of the
atmosphere above it, and also the
right of driving shafts to the centre of
the earth below it ; so that all people
found after this warning, either aloft
in the atmosphere, or in the shafts, or
squatting on the soil, will be treated
as trespassers — that is, decapitated by
their very faithful and obedient ser-
vant, the owner of the said bunting.
Possibly my cloak might not have
been respected, and the Jus gentium
might have been cruelly violated in
my person — for, in the dark, people
commit deeds of darkness, gas being
a great ally of morality — but it so
happened that, on this night, there was
no other outside passenger; and the
crime, which else was but too pro-
bable, missed fire for want of a crimi-
nal. By the way, I may as well
mention at this point, since a circum-
stantial accuracy is essential to the
effect of my narrative, that there was
no other person of any description
whatever about the mail — the guard,
the coachman, and myself being
allowed for— except only one — ahorrid
creature of the class known to the
world as insiders, but whom young
742
were no accident, but one of his
habitual transgressions, will it be the
more habitual or the more a trans-
gression, because some sudden cala-
mity, surprising him, has caused this
habitual transgression to be also a
final one? Could the man have had
any reason even dimly to foresee his
own sudden death, there would have
been a new feature in his act of in-
temperance— a feature of presumption
and irreverence, as in one that by pos-
sibility felt himself drawing near to
the presence of God. But this is no
part of the case supposed. And the
only new element in the man's act is
not any element of extra immorality,
but simply of extra misfortune.
The other remark has reference to
the meaning of the word sudden. And
it is a strong illustration of the duty
which for ever calls us to the stern
valuation of words — that very pos-
sibly Caesar and the Christian church
do not differ in the way supposed ;
that is, do not differ by any diffe-
rence of doctrine as between Pagan
and Christian views of the moral
temper appropriate to death, but
that they are contemplating different
eases. Both contemplate a violent
death ; a Biadavaros — death that is
Eiaios : but the difference is — that the
Roman by the word " sudden " means
an unlingering death : whereas the
Christian litany by " sudden " means
a death without warning, consequently
without any available summons to
religious preparation. The poor mu-
tineer, who kneels down to gather
into his heart the bullets from twelve
firelocks of his pitying comrades, dies
by a most sudden death in Caesar's
sense : one shock, one mighty spasm,
one (possibly not one) groan, and all
is over. Bftt, in the sense of the
Litany, his death is far from sudden ;
his offence originally, his imprison-
ment, his trial, the interval between
his sentence and its execution, having
all furnished him with separate
warnings of his fate — having all
summoned him to meet it with solemn
preparation.
Meantime, whatever may be thought
of a sudden death as a mere variety
in the modes of dying, where death in
some shape is inevitable — a question
which, equally in the Roman and the
Christian sense, will be variously an-
swered according to each man's variety
The Vision of Sudden Death.
[Dec.
of temperament — certainly, upon one
aspect of sudden death there can be
no opening for doubt, that of all
agonies incident to man it is the most
frightful, that of all martyrdoms it is
the most freezing to human sensibili-
ties— namely,where it surprises a man
under circumstances which offer (or
which seem to offer) some hurried and
inappreciable chance of evading it.
Any effort, by which such an evasion
can be accomplished, must be as
sudden as the danger which it affronts.
Even that, even the sickening neces-
sity for hurrying in extremity where
all hurry seems destined to be vain,
self-baffled, and where the dreadful
knell of too late is already sounding in
the ears by anticipation — even that
anguish is liable to a hideous exaspe-
ration in one particular case, namely,
where the agonising appeal is made
not exclusively to the instinct of self-
preservation, but to the conscience, on
behalf of another life besides your own,
accidentally cast upon your protection.
To fail, to collapse in a service merely
your own, might seem comparatively
venial ; though, in fact, it is far from
venial. But to fail in a case where
Providence has suddenly thrown into
your hands the final interests of an-
other— of a fellow-creature shuddering
between the gates of life and death :
this, to a man of apprehensive con-
science, would mingle the misery of an
atrocious criminality with the misery
of a bloody calamity. The man is
called upon, too probably, to die ; but
to die at the very moment when, by
any momentary collapse, he is self-
denounced as a murderer. He had
but the twinkling of an eye for his
effort, and that effort might, at the
best, have been unavailing ; but from
this shadow of a chance, small or
great, how if he has recoiled by a
treasonable lachete ? The effort might
have been without hope ; but to
have risen to the level of that
effort — would have rescued him,
though not from dying, yet from
dying as a traitor to his duties.
The situation here contemplated
exposes a dreadful ulcer, lurking far
down in the depths of human nature.
It is not that men generally are sum-
moned to face such awful trials. But
potentially, and in shadowy outline,
such a trial is moving subterraneously
in perhaps all men's natures — mutter-
1849.]
The Vision of Sudden Death.
ing under ground in one world, to be
realised perhaps in some other. Upon
the secret mirror of our dreams such
a trial is darkly projected at intervals,
perhaps, to every one of us. That
dream, so familiar to childhood, of
meeting a lion, and, from languishing
prostration in hope and vital energy,
that constant sequel of lying down
before him, publishes the secret frailty
of human nature — reveals its deep-
seated Pariah falsehood to itself —
records its abysmal treachery. Per-
haps not one of us escapes that dream ;
perhaps, as by some sorrowful doom
of man, that dream repeats for every
cue of us, through every generation,
the original temptation in Eden.
Every one of us, in this dream, has a
bait offered to the infirm places of his
own individual will ; once again a
snare is made ready for leading him
into captivity to a luxury of ruin;
again, as in aboriginal Paradise, the
man falls from innocence; once again,
by infinite iteration, the ancient Earth
groans to God, through her secret
caves, over the weakness of her child ;
"Nature from her seat, sighing through
all her works," again "gives signs of
woe that all is lost ;" and again the
counter sigh is repeated to the sorrow-
ing heavens of the endless rebellion
against God. Many people think that
one man, the patriarch of our race,
could not in his single person execute
this rebellion for all his race. Perhaps
they are wrong. But, even if not,
perhaps in the world of dreams every
one of us ratifies for himself the ori-
ginal act. Our English rite of " Con-
firmation," by which, in years of
awakened reason, we take upon us
the engagements contracted for us in
our slumbering infancy, — how sublime
a rite is that! The little postern
gate, through which the baby in its
cradle had been silently placed for a
time within the glory of God's coun-
tenance, suddenly rises to the clouds
as a triumphal arch, through which,
with banners displayed and martial
pomps, we make our second entry as
crusading soldiers militant for God,
by personal choice and by sacramen-
tal oath. Each man says in effect —
*'Lo! I rebaptise myself; and that
which once was sworn on my behalf,
now I swear for myself." Even so in
dreams, perhaps, under some secret
conflict of the midnight sleeper, lighted
up to the consciousness at the time,
but darkened to the memory as soon as
all is finished, each several child of our
mysterious race completes for himself
the aboriginal fall.
As I drew near to the Manchester
post-office, I found that it was con-
siderably past midnight ; but to my
great relief, as it was important for
me to be in Westmorland by the
morning, I saw by the huge saucer
eyes of the mail, blazing through the
gloom of overhanging houses, that my
chance was not yet lost. Past the
time it was ; but by some luck, very
unusual in my experience, the mail
was not even yet ready to start. I
ascended to my seat on the box, where
my cloak was still lying as it had lain
at the Bridgewater Arms. I had left
it there in imitation of a nautical dis-
coverer, who leaves a bit of bunting
on the shore of his discovery, by way
of warning off the ground the whole
human race, and signalising to the
Christian and the heathen worlds,
with his best compliments, that he
has planted his throne for ever upon
that virgin soil; henceforward claim-
ing the jus dominii to the top of the
atmosphere above it, and also the
right of driving shafts to the centre of
the earth below it ; so that all people
found after this warning, either aloft
in the atmosphere, or in the shafts, or
squatting on the soil, will be treated
as trespassers — that is, decapitated by
their very faithful and obedient ser-
vant, the owner of the said bunting.
Possibly my cloak might not have
been respected, and iliejus gentium
might have been cruelly violated in
my person — for, in the dark, people
commit deeds of darkness, gas being
a great ally of morality — but it so
happened that, on this night, there was
no other outside passenger ; and the
crime, which else was but too pro-
bable, missed fire for want of a crimi-
nal. By the way, I may as well
mention at this point, since a circum-
stantial accuracy is essential to the
effect of my narrative, that there was
no other person of any description
whatever about the mail — the guard,
the coachman, and myself being
allowed for — except only one — a horrid
creature of the class known to the
world as insiders, but whom young
744
The Vision of Sudden Death.
[Dec,
Oxford called sometimes " Trojans,"
in opposition to our Grecian selves,
and sometimes " vermin." A Turkish
Effendi, who piques himself on good-
breeding, will never mention by name
a pig. Yet it is but too often that
he has reason to mention this animal ;
since constantly, in the streets of
Stamboul, he has his trousers deranged
or polluted by this vile creature run-
ning between his legs. But under
any excess of hurry he is always care-
ful, out of respect to the company he
is dining with, to suppress the odious
name, and to call the wretch " that
other creature," as though all animal
life beside formed one group, and this
odious beast (to whom, as Chrysippus
observed, salt serves as an apology
for a soul) formed another and alien
group on the outside of creation.
Now I, who am an English Effendi,
that think myself to understand good-
breeding as well as any son of Othman,
beg my reader's pardon for having
mentioned an insider by his gross
natural name. I shall do so no more :
and, if I should have occasion to
glance at so painful a subject, I shall
always call him "that other creature."
Let us hope, however, that no such
distressing occasion will arise. But,
by the way, an occasion arises at this
moment ; for the reader will be sure
to ask, when we come to the story,
"Was this other creature present?"
He was not ; or more correctly, per-
haps, it was not. We dropped the
creature — or the creature, by natural
imbecility, dropped itself — within the
first ten miles from Manchester. In
the latter case, I wish to make a
philosophic remark of a moral ten-
dency. When I die, or when the
reader dies, and by repute suppose of
fever, it will never be known whether
we died in reality of the fever or of
the doctor. But this other creature,
in the case of dropping out of the
coach, will enjoy a coroner's inquest ;
consequently he will enjoy an epitaph.
For I insist upon it, that the verdict
of a coroner's jury makes the best of
epitaphs. It is brief, so that the
public all find time to read it ; it is
pithy, so that the surviving friends
(if any can survive such a loss) re-
member it without fatigue ; it is upon
oath, so that rascals and Dr Johnsons
cannot pick holes in it. " Died through
the visitation of intense stupidity, by
impinging on a moonlight night against
the off hind wheel of the Glasgow mail!
Deodand upon the said wheel — two-
pence.'1 What a simple lapidary
inscription ! Nobody much in the
wrong but an off- wheel ; and with few
acquaintances ; and if it were but
rendered into choice Latin, though
there would be a little bother in find-
ing a Ciceronian word for "off-wheel,"
Morcellus himself, that great master
of sepulchral eloquence, could not
show a better. Why I call this little
remark moral, is, from the compen-
sation it points out. Here, by the
supposition, is that other creature on,
the one side, the beast of the world ;
and he (or it) gets an epitaph. You
and I, on the contrary, the pride of
our friends, get none.
But why linger on the subject of
vermin ? Having mounted the box, I
took a small quantity of laudanum,
having already travelled two hundred
and fifty miles — viz., from a point
seventy miles beyond London, upon a
simple breakfast. In the taking of
laudanum there was nothing extraor-
dinary. But by accident it drew upon
me the special attention of my asses-
sor on the box, the coachman. And
in that there was nothing extraordi-
nary. But by accident, and with
great delight, it drew my attention to
the fact that this coachman was a
monster in point of size, and that he
had but one eye. In fact he had been
foretold by Virgil as —
" Monstrum horrendum, infonne, ingens,
cui Inmen ademptum."
He answered in every point — a mon-
ster he was — dreadful, shapeless, huge,
who had lost an eye. But why should
that delight me ? Had he been one of
the Calendars in the Arabian Xights,
and had paid down .his eye as the
price of his criminal curiosity, what
right had /to exult in his misfortune?
I did not exult: I delighted in no-
man's punishment, though it were
even merited. But these personal
distinctions identified in an instant an
old friend of mine, whom I had known
in the south for some years as the most
masterly of mail-coachmen. He was
the man in all Europe that could best
have undertaken to drive six-in-hand
full gallop over Al Sir at— that famous
1849.]
The Vision of Sudden Death.
745
bridge of Mahomet across the bottom-
less gulf, backing himself against the
Prophet and twenty such fellows. I
used to call him Cyclops mastigophorus,
Cyclops the whip-bearer, until I ob-
served that his skill made whips use-
less, except to fetch off an impertinent
fly from a leader's head ; upon which
I changed his Grecian name to Cy-
clops diphrelates (Cyclops the chario-
ter.) I, and others known to me, studied
tinder him the diphrelatic art. Ex-
cuse, reader, a word too elegant to be
pedantic. And also take this remark
from me, as a gage dCamitie — that
no word ever was or can be pedantic
which, by supportingadistinction, sup-
ports the accuracy of logic; or which
fills up a chasm for the understanding.
As a pupil, though I paid extra fees,
I cannot say that I stood high in his
esteem. It showed his dogged ho-
nesty, (though, observe, not his dis-
cernment,) that he could not see my
merits. Perhaps we ought to excuse
his absurdity in this particular by re-
membering his want of an eye. That
made him blind to ny merits. Irri-
tating as this blindness was, (surely
it could not be envy ?) he always
courted my conversation, in which art
I certainly had the whip-hand of him.
On this occasion, great joy was at our
meeting. But what was Cyclops do-
ing here ? Had the medical men re-
commended northern air, or how ? I
collected, from such explanations as
he volunteered, that he had an interest
at stake in a suit-at-law pending at
Lancaster ; so that probably he had
got himself transferred to this station,
for the purpose of connecting with his
professional pursuits an instant readi-
ness for the calls of his law-suit.
Meantime, what are we stopping
for ? Surely we've been waiting long
enough. Oh, this procrastinating
mail, and oh this procrastinating post-
office ! Can't they take a lesson upon
that subject from me? Some people
have called me procrastinating. Now
you are witness, reader, that I was
in time for them. But can they lay
their hands on their hearts, and say
that they were in time for me ? I,
during my life, have often had to wait
for the post-office : the post-office
never waited a minute for me. What
are they about ? The guard tells me
that there is a large extra accumula-
tion of foreign mails this night, owing
to irregularities caused by war and by
the packet-service, when as yet no-
thing is done by steam. For an extra.
hour, it seems, the post-office has
been engaged in threshing out the
pure wheaten correspondence of Glas-
gow, and winnowing it from the chaff
of all baser intermediate towns. Wo
can hear the flails going at this
moment. But at last all is finished.
Sound your horn, guard. Manches-
ter, good bye; we've lost an hour by
your criminal conduct at the post-
office : which, however, though I do-
not mean to part with a serviceable
ground of complaint, and one which
really is such for the horses, to me
secretly is an advantage, since it com-
pels us to recover this last hour
amongst the next eight or nine. Off
we are at last, and at eleven miles
an hour : and at first I detect no
changes in the energy or in the skill
of Cyclops.
From Manchester to Kendal, which
virtually (though not in law) is the
capital of Westmoreland, were at this
time seven stages of eleven miles each.
The first five of these, dated from
Manchester, terminated in Lancaster,
which was therefore fifty- five miles
north of Manchester, and the same
distance exactly from Liverpool. The
first three terminated in Preston
(called, by way of distinction from
other towns of that name, proud Pres-
ton,) at which place it was that the
separate roads from Liverpool and
from Manchester to the north became
confluent. Within these first three
stages lay the foundation, the progress,
and termination of our night's adven-
tnre. During the first stage, I found
out that Cyclops was mortal : he was
liable to the shocking affection of
sleep — a thing which I had never pre-
viously suspected. If a man is addicted
to the vicious habit of sleeping, all
the skill in aurigation of Apollo him-
self, with the horses of Aurora to exe-
cute the motions of his will, avail him
nothing. " Oh, Cyclops ! " I exclaim-
ed more than once, " Cyclops, my
friend ; thou art mortal. Thou snor-
est." Through this first eleven miles,
however, he betrayed his infirmity —
which I grieve to say he shared with
the whole Pagan Pantheon — only by
short stretches. On waking up, ho
746
The Vision of Sudden Death.
[Dec.
made an apology for himself, which,
iustead of mending the matter, laid an
ominous foundation for coming dis-
asters. The summer assizes were
now proceeding at Lancaster : in con-
sequence of which, for three nights
and three days, he had not lain down
in a bed. During the day, he was
waiting for his uncertain summons as
a witness on the trial in which he
was interested ; or he was drinking
with the other witnesses, under the
vigilant surveillance of the attorneys.
During the night, or that part of it
when the least temptations existed to
conviviality, he was driving. Through-
out the second stage he grew more
and more drowsy. In the second
mile of the third stage, he surrendered
himself finally and without a struggle
to his perilous temptation. All his
past resistance had but deepened the
weight of this final oppression. Seven
atmospheres of sleep seemed resting
upon him ; and, to consummate the
case, our worthy guard, after singing
" Love amongst the Hoses," for the
fiftieth or sixtieth time, without any
invitation from Cyclops or myself,
and without applause for his poor
labours, had moodily resigned himself
to slumber — not so deep doubtless as
the coachman's, but deep enough for
mischief; and having, probably, no
similar excuse. And thus at last,
about ten milas from Preston, I found
myself left in charge of his Majesty's
London and Glasgow mail then run-
ning about eleven miles an hour.
What made this negligence less
criminal than else it must have been
thought, was the condition of the roads
at night during the assizes. At that
time all the law business of populous
Liverpool, and of populous Manchester,
with its vast cincture of populous
rural districts, was called up by an-
cient usage to the tribunal of Lillipu-
tian Lancaster. To break up this old
traditional usage required a conflict
with powerful established interests, a
large system of new arrangements, and
a new parliamentary statute. As
things were at present, twice in the
year so vast a body of business rolled
northwards, from the southern quarter
of the county, that a fortnight at
least occupied the severe exertions of
two judges for its despatch. The
consequence of this was — that every
horse availablefor such a service, along
the whole line of road, was exhausted
in canying down the multitudes of
people who were parties to the diffe-
rent suits. By sunset, therefore, it
usually happened that, through utter
exhaustion amongst men and horses,
the roads were all silent. Except
exhaustion in the vast adjacent county
of York from a contested election,
nothing like it was ordinarily wit-
nessed in England.
On this occasion, the usual silence
and solitude prevailed along the road.
Not a hoof nor a wheel was to be
heard. And to strengthen this false
luxurious confidence in the noiseless
roads, it happened also that the night
was one of peculiar solemnity and
peace. I myself, though slightly
alive to the possibilities of peril, had
so far yielded to the influence of the
mighty calm as to sink into a pro-
found reverie. The month was Au-
gust, in which lay my own birth-day ;
a festival to every thoughtful man
suggesting solemn and often sigh-
born thoughts.* The county was my
own native county — upon which, in its
southern section, more than upon any
equal area known to man past or
present, had descended the original
curse of labour in its heaviest form,
not mastering the bodies of men only
as of slaves, or criminals in mines,
but working through the fiery will.
Upon no equal space of earth, was, or
ever had been, the same energy of
human power put forth daily. At
this particular season also of the
assizes, that dreadful hurricane of
flight and pursuit, as it might have
seemed to a stranger, that swept to
and from Lancaster all day long,
hunting the county up and down, and
regularly subsiding about sunset,
united with the permanent distinction
of Lancashire as the very metropolis
and citadel of labour, to point the
thoughts pathetically upon that
counter vision of rest, of saintly re-
pose from strife and sorrow, towards
which, as to their secret haven, the
profounder aspirations of man's heart
* "Sigh-bom:" I owe the suggestion of this word to an obscure remembrance of
& beautiful phrase in Giraldus Cambrensis, viz., tuspiriosce cogitationes.
1849.]
The Vision of Sudden Death.
747
arc continually travelling. Obliquely
we were nearing the sea upon our
left, which also must, under the pre-
sent circumstances, be repeating the
general state of halcyon repose. The
sea, the atmosphere, the light, bore
an orchestral part in this universal
lull. Moonlight, and the first timid
tremblings of the dawn, were now
blending; and the blendings were
brought into a still more exquisite
state of unity, by a slight silvery
mist, motionless and dreamy, that
covered the woods and fields, but
with a veil of equable transparency.
Except the feet of our own horses,
which, running on a sandy margin of
the road, made little disturbance,
there was no sound abroad. In the
clouds, and on the earth, prevailed
the same majestic peace ; and in spite
of all that the villain of a schoolmaster
has done for the ruin of our sublimer
thoughts, which are the thoughts of
our infancy, we still believe in no
such nonsense as a limited atmo-
sphere. Whatever we may swear
with our false feigning lips, in our
faithful hearts we still believe, and
must for ever believe, in fields of air
traversing the total gulf between
earth and the central heavens. Still,
in the confidence of children that
tread without fear every chamber in
their father's house, and to whom no
door is closed, we, in that Sabbatic
vision which sometimes is revealed
for an hour upon nights like this,
ascend with easy steps from the sor-
row-stricken fields of earth, upwards
to the sandals of God.
Suddenly from thoughts like these,
I was awakened to a sullen sound, as
of some motion on the distant road.
It stole upon the air for a moment ;
I listened in awe ; but then it died
away. Once roused, however, I
could not but observe with alarm the
quickened motion of our horses. Ten
years' experience had made my eye
learned in the valuing of motion ; and
I saw that we were now running
thirteen miles an hour. I pretend to
no presence of mind. On the con-
trary, my fear is, that I am miserably
and shamefully deficient in that qua-
lity as regards action. The palsy of
doubt and distraction hangs like some
guilty weight of dark unfathomed re-
membrances upon my energies, when
the signal is flying for action. But,
on the other hand, this accursed gift
I have, as regards thought, that in the
first step towards the possibility of a
misfortune, I see its total evolution :
in the radix, I see too certainly and
too instantly its entire expansion ; in
the first syllable of the dreadful
sentence, I read already the last. It
was not that I feared for ourselves.
What could injure us ? Our bulk and
impetus charmed us against peril in
any collision. And I had rode
through too many hundreds of perils
that were frightful to approach, that
were matter of laughter as we looked
back upon them, for any anxiety to
rest upon our interests. The mail
was not built, I felt assured, nor be-
spoke, that could betray me who
trusted to its protection. But any
carriage that we could meet would be
frail and light in comparison of our-
selves. And I remarked this ominous
accident of our situation. We were
on the wrong side of the road. But
then the other party, if other there
wasr might also be on the wrong
side ; and two wrongs might make a
right. TJiat was not likely. The-
same motive which had drawn us to
the right-hand side of the road, viz.,
the soft beaten sand, as contrasted
with the paved centre, would prove
attractive to others. Our lamps, still
lighted, would give the impression of
vigilance on our part. And every
creature that met us, would rely upon
us for quartering.* All this, and if
the separate links of the anticipation
had been a thousand times more, I
saw — not discursively or by effort —
but as by one flash of horrid intui-
tion.
Under this steady though rapid
anticipation of the evil which might
be gathering ahead, ah, reader ! what
a sullen mystery of fear, what a sigh
of woe, seemed to steal upon the air,
as again the far-off sound of a wheel
was heard ! A whisper it was — a
whisper from, perhaps, four miles off
— secretly announcing a ruin that,
being foreseen, was not the less inevit-
* " Quartering" — this is the technical word ; and, I presume^ derived from the
French cartayer, to evade a rut or any obstacle.
7-18
The Vision of Sudden Death.
[Dec.
able. What could be done — who was
it that could do it — to check the
storm-flight of these maniacal horses ?
What ! could I not seize the reins
from the grasp of the slumbering coach-
man ? You, reader, think that it
would have been in your power to do
so. And I quarrel not with your
estimate of yourself. But, from the
way in which the coachman's hand
was viced between his upper and lower
thigh, this was impossible. The guard
subsequently found it impossible, after
this danger had passed. Not the
grasp only, but also the position of this
Polyphemus, made the attempt im-
possible. You still think otherwise.
See, then, that bronze equestrian
statue. The cruel rider has kept the
bit in his horse's mouth for two cen-
turies. Unbridle him, for a minute,
if you please, and wash his mouth
with water. Or stay, reader, unhorse
me that marble emperor : knock me
those marble feet from those marble
stirrups of Charlemagne.
The sounds ahead strengthened,
and were now too clearly the sounds of
wheels. Who and what could it be ?
Was it industry in a taxed cart ? — was
it youthful gaiety in a gig ? Whoever
it was, something must be attempted
to warn them. Upon the other party
rests the active responsibility, but
upon us — and, woe is me ! that us
was iny single self — rests the respon-
sibility of warning. Yet, how should
this be accomplished ? Might I not
seize the guard's horn ? Already, on
the first thought, I was making my
way over the roof to the guard's seat.
But this, from the foreign mails being
piled upon the roof, was a difficult,
and even dangerous attempt, to one
cramped by nearly three hundred
miles of outside travelling. And,
fortunately, before I had lost much
time in the attempt, our frantic horses
swept round an angle of the road,
which opened upon us the stage where
the collision must be accomplished,
the parties that seemed summoned to
the trial, and the impossibility of sav-
ing them by any communication with
the guard.
Before us lay an avenue, straight
as an arrow, six hundred yards, per-
haps, in length ; and the umbrageous
trees, which rose in a regular line
from either side, meeting high over-
head, gave to it the character of a
cathedral aisle. These trees lent a
deeper solemnity to the early light ;
but there was still light enough to
perceive, at the further end of this
gothic aisle, a light, reedy gig, in.
which .were seated a young man, and,
by his side, a young lady. Ah, young
sir ! what are you about ? If it is
necessary that you should whisper
your communications to this J7ou»g
lady — though really I see nobody at
this hour, and on this solitary road,
likely to overhear your conversation
— is it, therefore, necessary that you
should carry your lips forward to hers?
The little carriage is creeping on at
one mile an hour ; and the parties
within it, being thus tenderly engaged,
are naturally bending down their
beads. Between them and eternity,
to all human calculation, there is but
a minute and a half. What is it that
I shall do ? Strange it is, and to a
mere auditor of the tale, might seem
laughable, that I should need a sug-
gestion from the Iliad to prompt the
sole recourse that remained. But
so it was. Suddenly I remembered
the shout of Achilles, and its effect.
But could I pretend to shout like the
son of Peleus, aided by Pallas ? No,
certainly : but then I needed not the
shout that should alarm all Asia mi-
litant ; a shout would suffice, such as
should carry terror into the hearts of
two thoughtless young people, and one
gig horse. I shouted — and the young
man heard me not. A second time i
shouted — and now he heard me, for
now he raised his head.
Here, then, all had been done that,
by me, could be done : more on my
part was not possible. Mine had been
the first step : the second was for the
young man : the third was for God.
If, said I, the stranger is a brave
man, and if, indeed, he loves the
young girl at his side — or, loving her
not, if he feels the obligation pressing
upon every man worthy to be called
a man, of doing his utmost for a wo-
man confided to his protection — he
will at least make some effort to save
her. If that fails, he will not perish
the more, or by a death more cruel, for
having made it ; and he will die, as
a brave man should, with his face to
the danger, and with his arm about tho
woman that he sought in vain to save.
1840.]
Tht Vision of Sudden Death.
741)
Bat if he makes no effort, shrinking,
without a struggle, from his duty, he
himself will not the less certainly
perish for this baseness of poltroonery.
He will die no less : and why not ?
Wherefore should we grieve that there
is one craven less in the world ? No ;
let him perish, without a pitying
thought of ours wasted upon him ;
and, in that case, all our grief will be
reserved for the fate of the helpless
girl, who, now, upon the least shadow
of failure in him, must, by the fiercest
of translations — must, without time
for a prayer — must, within seventy
seconds, stand before the judgment-
seat of God.
But craven he was not: sudden
had been the call upon him, and
sudden was his answer to the call.
He saw, he heard, he comprehended,
the ruin, that was coming down : al-
ready its gloomy shadow darkened
above him ; and already he was mea-
suring his strength to deal with it.
Ah ! what a vulgar thing does courage
seem, when we see nations buying it
and selling it for a shilling a-day : ah !
what a sublime thing does courage
seem, when some fearful crisis on the
great deeps of life carries a man, as
if running before a hurricane, up to the
giddy crest of some mountainous wave,
from which, accordingly as he chooses
his course, he descries two courses,
and a voice says to him audibly —
" This way lies hope ; take the other
way and mourn for ever ! " Yet, even
then, amidst the raving of the seas
and the frenzy of the danger, the man
is able to confront his situation — is
able to retire for a moment into soli-
tude with God, and to seek all his
counsel from Irim! For seven seconds,
it might be, of his seventy, the stranger
settled his countenance steadfastly
upon us, as if to search and value
every clement in the conflict before
him. For five seconds more he sate
immovably, like one that mused on
some great purpose. For five he sate
with eyes upraised, like one that pray-
ed in sorrow, under some extremity of
doubt, for wisdom to guide him to-
wards the better choice. Then sud-
denly he rose; stood%upright ; and,
by a sudden strain upon the reins,
raising his horse's forefeet from the
ground, he slewed him round on the
pivot of his hind legs, so as to plant
the little equipage iu a position nearly
at right-angles to ours. Thus far his
condition was not improved ; except
as a first step had been taken towards
the possibility of a second. If no
more were done, nothing was done ;
for the little carnage still occupied
the very centre of our path, though
in an altered direction. Yet even
now it may not be too late : fifteen
of the twenty seconds may still be
unexhausted ; and one almighty bound
forward may avail to clear the ground.
Hurry then, hurry! for the flying mo-
ments— they hurry ! Oh hurry, hurry,
my brave young man ! for the cruel
hoofs of our horses — they also hurry I
Fast are the flying moments, faster
are the hoofs of our horses. Fear not
for him, if human energy can suffice :
faithful was he that drove, to his
terrific duty ; faithful was the horse
to his command. One blow, one
impulse given with voice and hand
by the stranger, one rush from the
horse, one bound as if in the act of
rising to a fence, landed the docilo
creature's fore-feet upon the crown or
arching centre of the road. The
larger half of the little equipage had
then cleared our over- towering shadow:
that was evident even to my own
agitated sight. But it mattered little
that one wreck should float off in.
safety, if upon the wreck that per-
ished were embarked the human
freightage. The rear part of the
carriage — was that certainly beyond
the line of absolute ruin? What power
could answer the question ? Glance
of eye, thought of man, wing of angel,
which of these had speed enough to
sweep between the question and the
answer, and divide the one from the
other? Light does not tread upon
the steps of light more indivisibly,
than did our all- conquering arrival
upon the escaping efforts of the gig.
That must the young man have felt
too plainly. His back was now turned
to us; not by sight could he any
longer communicate with the peril ;
but by the dreadful rattle of our har-
ness, too truly had his ear been in-
structed— that all was finished as
regarded any further effort of his.
Already in resignation he had rested
from his struggle ; and perhaps, in his
heart he was whispering — "Father,
which, art above, do thou finish
750
The Vision of Sudden Death.
[Dec.
iu heaven what I on earth have
•attempted." We ran past them
faster than ever mill-race in our
inexorable flight. Oh, raving of
hurricanes that must have sounded in
their young ears at the moment of
our transit ! Either with the swingle-
bar, or with the haunch of our near
leader, we had struck the off- wheel of
the little gig, which stood rather
obliquely and not quite so far advanced
as to be accurately parallel with the
near wheel. The blow, from the
fury of our passage, resounded terri-
fically. I rose in horror, to look upon
the ruins we might have caused.
From my elevated station I looked
down, and looked back upon the scene,
which in a moment told its tale, and
wrote all its records on my heart for
ever.
The horse was planted immovably,
with his fore-feet upon the paved
crest of the central road. He of the
whole party was alone untouched by
the passion of death. The little
cany carriage — partly perhaps from
the dreadful torsion of the wheels in
its recent movement, partly from the
thundering blow we had given to it —
as if it sympathised with human
horror, was all alive with tremblings
and shiverings. The young man sat
like a rock. He stirred not at all.
But his was the steadiness of agitation
frozen into rest by horror. As yet
he dared not to look roiind ; for be
knew that, if anything remained to
do, by him it could no longer be done.
And as yet he knew not for certain if
their safety were accomplished. But
the lady
But the lady ! Oh heavens ! will
that spectacle ever depart from my
dreams, as she rose and sank upon her
seat, sank and rose, threw up her arms
wildly to heaven, clutched at some
visionary object in the air, fainting,
praying, raving, despairing! Figure to
yourself, reader, the elements of the
case ; suffer me to recal before your
mind the circumstances of the unpar-
alleled situation. From the silence
and deep peace of this saintly sum-
mer night, — from the pathetic blending
of this sweet moonlight, dawnlight,
dreanilight, — from the manly tender-
ness of this flattering, whispering,
murmuring love, — suddenly as from
the woods and fields, — suddenly as
from the chambers of the air opening
in revelation, — suddenly as from the
ground yawning at her feet, leaped
upon her, with the flashing of cata-
racts, Death the crowned phantom,
with all the equipage of his terrors,
and the tiger roar of his voice.
The moments were numbered. In
the twinkling of an eye our flying
horses had carried us to the termina-
tion of the umbrageous aisle ; at right-
angles we wheeled into our former
direction ; the turn of the road carried
the scene out of my eyes in an instant,
and swept it into my dreams for
ever.
DREAM-FCGUE.
ON THE ABOVE THEME OF SUDDEN DEATH.
" Whence the sound
Of instruments, that made melodious chime,
Was heard, of harp and organ; and who mov'd
Their stops and chords, was seen; his volant touch
Instinct through all proportions, low and high,
Fled and pursued transverse the resonant fugue."
Par. Lost, B. xi.
Tumultuosissimamente.
Passion of Sudden Death! that once Rapture of panic taking the shape,
in youth I read and interpreted by which amongst tombs in churches I
the shadows of thy averted* signs; — have seen, of woman bursting her
t "Diverted signs."' — I read the course and changes of the lady's agony in the suc-
cession of her involuntary gestures ; but let it be remembered that I read all this
from the rear, never once catching the lady's full face, and even her profile imper-
fectly.
1849.]
The Vision of Sudden Death.
751
sepulchral bonds — of woman's Ionic
form bending forward from the ruins
of her grave, with arching foot, with
eyes upraised, with clasped adoring
hands — waiting, watching, trembling,
praying, for the trumpet's call to rise
from dust for ever ; — Ah, vision too
fearful of shuddering humanity on the
brink of abysses! vision that didst
start back — that didst reel away — like
a shrivelling scroll from before the
wrath of fire racing on the wings of
the wind ! Epilepsy so brief of horror
— wherefore is it that thou canst not
die ? Passing so suddenly into dark-
ness, wherefore is it that still thou
sheddest thy sad funeral blights upon
the gorgeous mosaics of dreams '?
Fragment of music too stern, heard
once and heard no more, what aileth
thee that thy deep rolling chords come
up at intervals through all the worlds
of sleep, and after thirty years have
lost no element of horror ?
1.
Lo, it is summer, almighty summer !
The everlasting gates of life and sum-
mer are thrown open wide; and on
the ocean, tranquil and verdant as a
savannah, the unknown lady from the
dreadful vision and I myself are float-
ing : she upon a fairy pinnace, and I
upon an English three-decker. But
both of us are wooing gales of festal
happiness within the domain of our
common country — within that ancient
watery park — within that pathless
chase where England takes her plea-
sure as a huntress through winter and
summer, and which stretches from the
rising to the setting sun. Ah ! what
a wilderness of floral beauty was hid-
den, or was suddenly revealed, upon
the tropic islands through which the
pinnace moved. And upon her deck
what a bevy of human flowers — young
women how lovely, young men how
noble, that were dancing together, and
slowly drifting towards MS amidst
music and incense, amidst blossoms
from forests and gorgeous corymbi
from vintages, amidst natural caroling
and the echoes of sweet girlish laugh-
ter. Slowly the pinnace nears us,
gaily she hails us, and slowly she dis-
appears beneath the shadow of our
mighty bows. But then, as at some
signal from heaven, the music and the
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCX.
carols, and the sweet echoing of girl-
ish laughter — all are hushed. What '
evil has smitten the pinnace, meeting
or overtaking her ? Did ruin to our
friends couch within our own dreadful
shadow ? Was our shadow the sha-
dow of death? I looked over the
bow for an answer ; and, behold ! the
pinnace was dismantled ; the revel and
the revellers were found no more ; the
glory of the vintage was dust ; and the
forest was left without a witness to its
beauty upon the seas. " But where,"
and I turned to our own crew — ' ' where
are the lovely women that danced:
beneath the awning of flowers and
clustering corymbi? Whither have
fled the noble young men that danced
with them ? " Answer there was none.
But suddenly the man at the mast-
head, whose countenance darkened
with alarm, cried aloud — " Sail on the
weather-beam ! Down she comes
upon us ; in seventy seconds she will
founder!"
2.
I looked to the weather-side, and
the summer had departed. The sea
was rocking, and shaken with gather-
ing wrath. Upon its surface sate
mighty mists, which grouped them-
selves into arches and long cathedral
aisles. Down one of these, with the
fiery pace of a quarrel from a cross-
bow, ran a frigate right athwart our
course. " Are they mad?" some
voice exclaimed from our deck. " Are
they blind? Do they woo their ruin?"
But in a moment, as she was close upon
us, some impulse of a heady current
or sudden vortex gave a wheeling bias
to her course, and off she forged with-
out a shock. As she ran past us,
high aloft amongst the shrouds stood
the lady of the pinnace. The deeps
opened ahead in malice to receive
her, towering surges of foam ran after
her, the billows were fierce to catch
her. But far away she was borne
into desert spaces of the sea : whilst
still by sight I followed her, as she ran
before the howling gale, chased by
angry sea-birds and by maddening
billows ; still I saw her, as at the mo-
ment when she ran past us, amongst
the shrouds, with her white draperies
streaming before the wind. There she
stood with hair dishevelled, one hand
clutched amongst the tackling — rising,
3D
752
TJie Vision of Sudden Death.
sinking, flattering, trembling, pray-
ing—there for leagues I saw her as
she stood, raising at intervals one
hand to heaven, amidst the fiery crests
of the pursuing waves and the raving
-of the storm ; until at last, upon a
sound from afar of malicious laughter
and mockery, all was hidden for ever
in driving showers ; and afterwards,
but when I know not, and how I know
not,
3.
Sweet funeral bells from some in-
calculable distance, wailing over the
dead that die before the dawn,
awakened me as I slept in a boat
moored to some familiar shore. The
morning twilight even then was
breaking ; and, by the dusky revela-
tions which it spread, I saw a girl
adorned with a garland of white
roses about her head for some great
festival, running along the solitary
strand with extremity of haste. Her
running was the running of panic ;
and often she looked back as to some
dreadful enemy in the rear. But when
I leaped ashore, and followed on her
steps to warn her of a peril in front,
alas ! from me she fled as from another
peril ; and vainly I shouted to her of
quicksands that lay ahead. Faster
and faster she ran ; round a promon-
tory of rock she wheeled out of sight ;
in an instant I also wheeled round it,
but only to see the treacherous sands
gathering above her head. Already
her person was buried ; only the fair
young head and the diadem of white
roses around it were still visible to
the pitying heavens ; and, last of all,
was visible one marble arm. I saw
by the early twilight this fair young
head, as it was sinking down to dark-
ness— saw this marble arm, as it rose
above her head and her treacherous
grave, tossing, faultering, rising,
clutching as at some false deceiving
hand stretched out from the clouds —
saw this marble arm uttering her dying
hope, and then her dying despair. The
head, the diadem, the arm, — these
all had sunk ; at last over these also
the cruel quicksand had closed ; and
no memorial of the fair young girl
remained on earth, except my own
solitary tears, and the funeral bells
from the desert seas, that, rising
again more softly, sang a requiem
[Dec.
over the grave of the buried child,
and over her blighted dawn.
I sate, and wept in secret the tears
that men have ever given to the me-
mory of those that died before the
dawn, and by the treachery of earth,
our mother. But the tears and funeral
bells were hushed suddenly by a shout
as of many nations, and by a roar
as from some great king's artillery ad-
vancing rapidly along the valleys, and
heard afar by its echoes among the
mountains. " Hush ! " I said, as I
bent my ear earthwards to listen —
"hush! — this either is the very
anarchy of strife, or else" — and then
I listened more profoundly, and said as
I raised my head — " or else, oh hea-
vens ! it is victory that swallows up
all strife."
4.
Immediately, in trance, I was car-
ried over land and sea to some distant
kingdom, and placed upon a triumphal
car, amongst companions crowned
with laurel. The darkness of gather-
ing midnight, brooding over all the
land, hid from us the mighty crowds
that were weaving restlessly about our
carriage as a centre — we heard them,
but we saw them not. Tidings had
arrived, within an hour, of a grandeur
that measured itself against centuries ;
too full of pathos they were, too full
of joy that acknowledged no fountain
but God, to utter themselves by other
language than by tears, by restless
anthems, by reverberations rising
from every choir, of the Gloria in
excelsis. These tidings we that sate
upon the laurelled car had it for
our privilege to publish amongst all
nations. And already, by signs
audible through the darkness, by
snortings and tramplings, our an-
gry horses, that knew no fear of
fleshly weariness, upbraided us with
delay. Wherefore rras it that we
delayed? We waited for a secret
word, that should bear witness to the
hope of nations, as now accomplished
for ever. At midnight the secret
word arrived ; which word was —
Waterloo and Eecovered Christen-
dom! The dreadful word shone by
its own light; before us it went;
high above our leaders' heads it rode,
and spread a golden light over the
paths which we traversed. Every
1849.]
The Vision of Sudden Death.
city, at the presence of the secret
word, threw open its gates to receive
us. The rivers were silent as we
crossed. All the infinite forests, as
we ran along their margins, shivered
in homage to the secret word. And
the darkness comprehended it.
Two hours after midnight we reach-
ed a mighty minster. Its gates, which
rose to the clouds, were closed. Bat
when the dreadful word, that rode
before us, reached them with its
golden light, silently they moved
back upon their hinges ; and at a
flying gallop our equipage entered the
grand aisle of the cathedral. Head-
long was our pace ; and at every al-
tar, in the little chapels and oratories
to the right hand and left of our
course, the lamps, dying or sickening,
kindled anew in sympathy with the
secret word that was flying past.
Foity leagues we might have run in
the cathedral, and as yet no strength
of morning light had reached us, when
we saw before us the aerial galleries
of the organ and the choir. Every
pinnacle of the fret-work, every sta-
tion of advantage amongst the tra-
ceries, was crested by white-robed
choristers, that sang deliverance ; that
wept no more tears, as once their
fathers had wept ; but at intervals
that sang together to the generations,
saying—
" Chaunt the deliverer's praise in every
tongue,"
and receiving answers from afar,
" such as once in heaven and earth were
sung."
And of their chaunting was no end ; of
our headlong pace was neither pause
nor remission.
Thus, as we ran like torrents — thus,
as we swept with bridal rapture over
the Campo Santo* of the cathedral
753
graves— suddenly we became awaro
of a vast necropolis rising upon the
far-off horizon — a city of sepulchres,
built within the saintly cathedral for
the warrior dead that rested from
their feuds on earth. Of purple gra-
nite was the necropolis ; yet, in the
first minute, it lay like a purple stain
upon the horizon — so mighty was the
distance. In the second minute it
trembled through many changes,
growing into ten-aces and towers of
wondrous altitude, so mighty was the
pace. In the third minute already,
with our dreadful gallop, we were
entering its suburbs. Vast sarco-
phagi rose on every side, having
towers and turrets that, upon the
limits of the central aisle, strode for-
ward with haughty intrusion, that ran
back with mighty shadows into an-
swering recesses. Every sarcophagus
showed many bas-reliefs — bas-reliefs
of battles — bas-reliefs of battle-fields ;
of battles from forgotten ages — of
battles from yesterday — of battle-
fields that, long since, nature had
healed and reconciled to herself with
the sweet oblivion of flowers— of bat-
tle-fields that were yet angry and
crimson with carnage. Where the ter-
races ran, there did we run ; where the
towers curved, there did u-e curve.
With the flight of swallows our horses
swept round every angle. Like rivers
in flood, wheeling round headlands ;
like hurricanes that ride into the se-
crets of forests ; faster than ever light
unwove the mazes of darkness, our
flying equipage carried earthly pas-
sions— kindled warrior instincts —
amongst the dust that lay around us ;
dust oftentimes of our noble fathers
that had slept in God from Creci to
Trafalgar. And now had we reached
the last sarcophagus, now were we
abreast of the last bas-relief, already
had we recovered the arrow-like flight
* Campo Santo. — It is probable that most of iny readers will be acquainted with
the history of the Campo Santo at Pisa — composed of earth brought from Jerusalem
for a bed of sanctity, as the highest prize which the noble piety of crusaders could ask
or imagine. There is another Campo Santo at Naples, formed, however, (I presume,)
on the example given by Pisa. Possibly the idea may have been more extensively
copied. To readers who are unacquainted with England, or who (being English) are
yet unacquainted with; the cathedral cities of England, it may be right to mention
that the graves within-side the cathedrals often form a flat pavement over which car-
riages and horses might roll ; and perhaps a boyish remembrance of one particular
cathedral, across which I had seen passengers walk and burdens carried, may have
assisted my dream.
754
The Vision of Sudden Death.
[Dec.
of the illimitable central aisle, when
coming tip this aisle to meet us we be-
held a female infant that rode in a car-
riage as frail as flowers. The mists,
which went before her, hid the fawns
that drew her, but could not hide the
shells and tropic flowers with which
she played — but could not hide the
lovely smiles by which she uttered
her trust in the mighty cathedral, and
in the cherubim that looked down
upon her from the topmost shafts of
its pillars. Face to face she was meet-
ing us ; face to face she rode, as if
danger there were none. " Oh baby !"
I exclaimed, " shalt thou be the ran-
som for Waterloo? Must we, that
carry tidings of great joy to every
people, be messengers of ruin to thee ?"
In horror I rose at the thought ; but
then also, in horror at the thought,
rose one that was sculptured on the
bas-relief— a Dying Trumpeter. So-
lemnly from the field of battle he rose
to his feet ; and, unslinging his stony
trumpet, carried it, in his dying an-
guish, to his stony lips — sounding
once, and yet once again ; proclama-
tion that, in thy ears, oh baby ! must
have spoken from the battlements of
death. Immediately deep shadows
fell between us, and aboriginal silence.
The choir had ceased to sing. The
hoofs of our horses, the rattling of our
harness, alarmed the graves no more.
By horror the bas-relief had been un-
locked into life. By horror we, that
were so full of life, we men and our
horses, with their fiery fore-legs rising
in mid air to their everlasting gallop,
were frozen to a bas-relief. Then a
third time the trumpet sounded ; the
seals were taken off all pulses ; life, and
the frenzy of life, tore into their chan-
nels again ; again the choir burst forth
in sunny grandeur, as from the muf-
fling of storms and darkness ; again
the thunderings of our horses carried
temptation into the graves. One cry
burst from our lips as the clouds,
drawing off from the aisle, showed it
empty before us — " Whither has the
infant fled ? — is the young child caught
up to God ? " Lo ! afar off, in a vast
recess, rose three mighty windows to
the clouds ; and on a level with their
summits, at height insuperable to
man, rose an altar of purest alabaster.
On its eastern face was trembling a
crimson glory. Whence came that?
Was it from the reddening dawn that
now streamed through the windows ?
Was it from the crimson robes of the
martyrs that were painted on the win-
dows ? Was it from the bloody bas-
reliefs of earth? Whencesoever it
were — there, within that crimson ra-
diance, suddenly appeared a female
head, and then a female figure. It
was the child — now grown up to wo-
man's height. Clinging to the horns
of the altar, there she stood — sinking,
rising, trembling, fainting — raving,
despairing ; and behind the volume of
incense that, night and day, streamed
upwards from the altar, was seen the
fiery font, and dimly was descried
the outline of the dreadful being that
should baptise her with the baptism of
death. But by her side was kneeling
her better angel, that hid his face
with wings ; that wept and pleaded
for her ; that prayed when she could
not ; that fought with heaven by tears
for her deliverance ; which also, as he
raised his immortal countenance from
his wings, I saw, by the glory in his
eye, that he had won at last.
5.
Then rose the agitation, spreading
through the infinite cathedral, to its
agony ; then was completed the pas-
sion of the mighty fugue. The golden
tubes of the organ, which as yet had
but sobbed and muttered at intervals
— gleaming amongst clouds and surges
of incense — threw up, as from foun-
tains unfathomable, columns of heart-
shattering music. Choir and anti-
choir were filling fast with unknown
voices. Thou also, Dying Trumpeter !
— with thy love that was victorious,
and thy anguish that was finishing,
didst enter the tumult : trumpet and
echo — farewell love, and farewell
anguish — rang through the dreadful
sanctus. We, that spread flight be-
fore us, heard the tumult, as of
flight, mustering behind us. In fear
we looked round for the unknown
steps that, in flight or in pursuit, were
gathering upon our own. Who were
these that followed ? The faces, which
no man could count — whence were
they? " Oh, darkness of the grave !"
I exclaimed, " that from the crimson
altar and from the fiery font wert vi-
sited with secret light — that wert
searched by the effulgence in the an-
1849.]
The Vision of Sudden Death.
755
gel's eye — were these indeed thy
children ? Pomps of life, that, from
the burials of centuries, rose again to
the voice of perfect joy, could it be ye
that had wrapped me in the reflux of
panic ?" What ailed me, that I should
fear when the triumphs of earth were
advancing ? Ah ! Pariah heart within
me, that couldst never hear the sound
of joy without sullen whispers of
treachery in ambush ; that, from six
years old, didst never hear the pro-
mise of perfect love, without seeing
aloft amongst the stars fingers as of
a man's hand writing the secret le-
gend— u ashes to ashes, dust to dust!"
— wherefore shouldst thou not fear,
though all men should rejoice? Lo !
as I looked back for seventy leagues
through the mighty cathedral, and
saw the quick and the dead that sang
together to God, together that sang
to the generations of man — ah! raving,
as of torrents that opened on every
side : trepidation, as of female and
infant steps that fled — ah ! rushing, as
of wings that chased ! But I heard a
voice from heaven, which said — " Let
there be no reflux of panic — let there
be no more fear, and no more sudden
death ! Cover them with joy as the
tides cover the shore ! " That heard
the children of the choir, that heard
the children of the grave. All the
hosts of jubilation made ready to
move. Like armies that ride in pur-
suit, they moved with one step. Us,
that, with laurelled heads, were pass-
ing, from the cathedral through its
-eastern gates, they overtook, and, as
with a garment, they wrapped us
round with thunders that overpowered
our own. As brothers we moved to-
gether ; to the skies we rose — to the
dawn that advanced — to the stars that
fled : rendering thanks to God in the
highest — that, having hid his face
through one generation behind thick
clouds of War, once again was ascend-
ing— was ascendingfrom Waterloo — in
the visions of Peace : — rendering
thanks for thee, young girl! whom
having overshadowed with his inef-
fable passion of Death — suddenly did
God relent ; suffered thy angel to
turn aside his arm ; and even in thee,
sister unknown ! shown to me for a
moment only to be hidden for ever,
found an occasion to glorify his
goodness. A thousand times, amongst
the phantoms of sleep, has he shown
thee to me, standing before the golden
dawn, and ready to enter its gates —
with the dreadful Word going before
thee — with the armies of the grave
behind thee ; shown thee to me, sink-
ing, rising, fluttering, fainting, but
then suddenly reconciled, adoring: a
thousand times has he followed thee
in the worlds of sleep — through
storms ; through desert seas ; through
the darkness of quicksands ; through
fugues and the persecution of fugues ;
through dreams, and the dreadful re-
surrections that are in dreams — only
that at the last, with one motion of
his victorious arm, he might record
and emblazon the endless resurrec-
tions of his love !
756
Free Trade at its Zenith.
[Dec.
FREE TRADE AT ITS ZENITH.
IT was observed by Sir Kobert
Peel, in his speech on the subject of
Free Trade in the House of Commons,
in the last session of parliament, that
those who reproached the new system
with all the suffering the country had
undergone during the last three years,
forgot or concealed the fact, that that
system was partially introduced by
the tariff of 1842, which so materially
diminished the import- duties on rude
produce in that year; and that the three
following years (those of 1843, 1844,
and 1845) were the most prosperous
that Great Britain has ever experi-
enced. Is it then just, he added, when
quasi free trade in 1842 produced such
beneficial results, to charge complete
free trade in 1846 with the subsequent
distress which has occurred ; the more
especially as adventitious causes — in
particular, the Irish famine of 1846,
and the European revolutions of 1848
— -amply account for the change, with-
out supposing that the same princi-
ples, when carried into practice in
1846, produced such widely different
results from those which had attended
their adoption, to a certain extent,
four years before.
The observation is a fair one, and
apparently of material weight in the
great question now at issue in the
nation. When properly considered,
it gives no countenance to the free-
trade measures which the right hon.
baronet has introduced, but only
shows that it is to the combination of
those measures, with another element
of still more general and potent
agency, that the disaster has been
owing. In the interval, be it recol-
lected, between 1842 and 1846, the
new currency restriction bills were
passed. The Bank Charter Bill of
England received the royal assent
in 1844, that of Scotland and Ireland
in 1845. Free trade in grain was
introduced in July 1846 ; in sugar, in
May 1847 ; in shipping, in May 1849.
The harvests of the years from 1846
to 1849 have been, as usual in this
climate, checkered : that of 1846 was
fair in grain, but sadly deficient in
potatoes; that of 1847 was above an
average in both ; that of 1848, defi-
cient in the south of England in corn ;
that of 1849, generally very good.
The years from 1842 to 1846, there-
fore, were not a trial of free trade and
a restricted currency, acting simulta-
neously— they were a trial only of
semi-free trade, without the new mo-
netary laws, coexisting with a rail-
way mania in the palmy days of its
progress, and other favourable cir-
cumstances, which concealed, as will
be immediately shown, its actual ten-
dency. Real free trade has begun to
act, along with a restricted currency,
for the first time, in 1846. The har-
vests since have been, on the whole,
average ones — neither better nor
worse than generally may, in this
variable climate, be expected in future
years. It is since 1846, therefore,
that we are to look, in this climate,
for the real proof of the effects of the
combined free-trade and currency mea-
sures which Sir Robert Peel has in-
troduced ; and unless they are taken
together, the practical tendency of
both will be entirely misunderstood.
The right hon. baronet has done a
great service to the cause of truth, by
pointing out the difference in the state
of the country before and after 1846;
and we shall endeavour to follow up
the subject by tracing the difference
to its real source, and endeavouring;
to detach from the question the simul-
taneous circumstances which have
been so often referred to as explaining
the phenomena. The inquiry is the
more important, that the Protection
party as a body have, with a few
striking and illustrious exceptions,
never seen the currency question in
its true light, as accompanied with that
of free trade, and, by not doing so,
have both voluntarily relinquished
the most powerful lever wherewith to
shake the strength of their opponents,
and failed in instructing the public
mind either in the real causes of their
sufferings, or the means by which they
are likely to be alleviated.
Various circumstances have been
studiously kept out of view by the
free-trade party, in reference to the
years from 1842 to 1846, which really
were mainly instrumental in produc-
1849.] Free Trade
ing the prosperity of that period. And
many others have been emphatically
dwelt upon, in reference to the years
since 1846, which really had very
little hand in producing these disas-
ters.
The first circumstance which had a
powerful influence in producing the
prosperity from 1842 to 1846, was the
return of fine seasons after five bad
harvests in succession, which closed
in 1841. The summer, and still more
the autumn, of 1842, was a long and
unbroken period of sunshine, which
gladdened the hearts of men after the
long series of dreary and cheerless
years which had preceded it. The
subsequent years, from 1842 to 1846,
•were very fine seasons, the harvests
of which were all above an average.
This is decisively proved by a compa-
rison of the average prices of grain
for the years from 1839 to 1841, and
from 1842 to 1845.* The tariff of
1842 without doubt contributed to
bring about, in some degree, this re-
duction of prices ; but still, as the
slidiug-scale was then in operation,
and the import duties were iu general
8s. and 9s. the quarter, the effect
must have been mainly owing to the
succession of fine seasons. No one
can have lived through that period,
without recollecting that this was the
case. But the cheap prices which
result from abundant harvests and
improved cultivation at home, are the
greatest of all public blessings, as
much as the cheap prices arising from
an extended foreign importation and
declining agriculture at home, are the
greatest of all curses. The first en-
riches the manufacturer, by the pre-
vious comfort of the farmer, and the
plenty diffused through the land by
his exertions; the last gives a tem-
porary stimulus to the manufacturer,
by the cheapness which is fatal to the
domestic cultivator, and, by abridging
the home market, speedily makes the
manufacturer share in his ruin.
The second circumstance which
tended to produce the prosperity from
at its Zenifli.
757
1842 to 1845, was the glorious suc-
cesses which, in the first of these
years, succeeded to the Affghanistaun
disasters. We all recollect the throb
of exultation which beat in the breast
of the nation when the astonishing
news arrived, in November 1842,
that a single Delhi Gazette had an-
nounced the second capture of Cabul,
in the centre of Asia, and the dictating
a glorious peace to the Celestial Em-
pire, under the walls of Nankin. Not
only was our Indian empire secured
for a long period, by those astonishing
triumphs, but its strength was demon-
strated in a way of all others the best
calculated to insure confidence in its
future prosperity. The effect of this
upon our manufacturing and commer-
cial prosperity was great and imme-
diate. Confidence revived from so
marvellous a proof of the resources
and spirit of the nation, which had so
speedily risen superior to so terrible a
disaster. Speculation was renewed
on a great scale, from the sanguine
ideas entertained of the boundless
markets opened for our manufactures
in the centre of Asia, and in the
Chinese dominions. Sir Robert Peel
is entitled to great credit for the
glorious turn thus given to our East-
ern affairs, and the gleam of sun-
shine which they threw upon the
affairs of the nation ; for his fortitude,
when the previous disastrous news
arrived, was mainly instrumental in
producing it. But free-trade prin-
ciples, and the tariff of 1842, had no
more to do with it than they had with
the affairs of the moon.
The third circumstance which tended
to bring about the prosperity from
1842 to 1845, was the revival in the
home market, which, on the first
gleam of returning prosperity, arose
with redoubled energy from the
very magnitude of previous dete-
rioration and suffering. During the
long train of disasters which fol-
lowed the great importation of grain,
and consequent exportation of the pre-
cious metals, in!839 — which compelled
* Average price of wheat in London in —
s.
d.
j.
d.
1838,
- - - 57
11
1842,
49
0
1839,
68
7
1843,
47
4
1840,
65
8
1844,
46
8
1841,
54
6
1845,
50
10
758
Free Trade at its Zenith.
[Dec.
the Bank of England, for the first time
recorded in history, to have recourse
to the Bank of France for assistance —
all classes of the people had under-
gone very severe privations. The
depression had been general in extent,
and unprecedented in duration, till it
was entirely thrown into the shade by
the effects of the terrible monetary
crisis of October 1847. Stocks of
goods were reduced to the lowest
amount consistent with the keeping up
even a show of business ; comforts of
various sorts had been long abandoned
by a large portion of the middle and
working classes. At the same time,
capital, in great part unemployed, ac-
cumulated in the hands of moneyed
men, and the competition for safe
investment loAvered the rate of in-
terest. It was soon down to 3
and 2£ per cent. In these circum-
stances, the revival of trade, owing to
the Eastern victories and fine harvest
of 1842, acted immediately, and with
the most vivifying effect, on the home
market. A rush took place to replace
worn out garments, to revive long
abandoned but unforgotten enjoy-
ments. This result always ensues,
and is attended with very important
effects, after a long period of depres-
sion and suffering. It is beginning,
though in a slight degree, and from
the same causes, amongst us at this
time. But no opinion can be formed,
of the extent or probable duration of
such revived activity, from its intensity
on its first appearance.
The last, and, without doubt, the
most important circumstance which
produced the great prosperity from
1842 to 1845, was the monetary
change produced by the Bank Charter
Act of 1844.
Sir Robert Peel admitted, in the
debate on the currency at the opening
of last session of parliament, that the
act of 1844 had failed in one of its
principal objects — viz., the dis-
couraging of perilous and irrational
speculation. He might have gone a
step farther, and admitted that it had
been the greatest possible encourager,
for a short season, of the most absurd
and dangerous undertakings. The
proof of this is decisive. The Bank
Charter Act was passed in May 1844,
and from that time till the first check
experienced in October 1845, was,
beyond all comparison, the wildest
and most absurd season of specula-
tion ever known in English history.
Among others, railways, to the amount
of £363,000,000 sterling, received the
sanction of the legislature, within two
years after the new Bank Charter
Act had passed. And so far was
government from giving any check to
these undertakings — the results of
which, monstrous when co-existing
with a fettered currency, are apparent
in the present wreck of railway pro-
perty— that they gave them the utmost
encouragement, both by lowering the
sum required for deposits from ten to
five per cent, and by bestowing, at once
in public and private, the most lavish
encomiums on the immense present
and prospective blessings they would
confer upon the country. It is not
surprising that a government, looking
only to temporary objects, did so ;
for the railway mania, while it lasted,
and before the ruinous effects in which
it necessarily terminated, when fet-
tered by the currency laws, had de-
veloped themselves, gave a passing
stimulus to the demand for labour,
and increase to industry, which ren-
dered men blind to the whole conse-
quences of the course on which they
were launched. Sir Robert Peel ably
and emphatically enforced the favour-
able condition of the nation, and dwelt
with peculiar emphasis on the dimi-
nution in criminal commitments
through the country, in his opening
speech of the session of 1846 — although
he ascribed it to the free-trade mea-
sures, not the first effect of the gene-
ral insanity on the subject of railways.
It is now perfectly apparent, and is
generally understood, that the fatal
Bank Charter Act was the main cause
of the ruinous railway mania which
has since spread distress and ruin so
widely through the countiy. The
reason is evident. It at once eman-
cipated the Bank directors from every
consideration, except that of making
the most, as ordinary bankers, of their
capital ; and subjected them to such
heavy expenses, from the vast quan-
tity of specie they were obliged to
keep in their vaults, as rendered a
very extensive pushing of their busi-
ness in every direction a matter of
necessity. The effect of these con-
curring circumstances was soon appa-
1849.]
Free Trade at its Zenith.
759
rent. Interest was lowered, immedi-
ately after the passing of the Bank
Charter Act, to two per cent for first-
class bills, or still lower, as appears
from the subjoined table furnished by
Messrs Gurney and Overend, "the
greatest bill-brokers in the world." *
The facility of getting discounts in-
creased beyond all precedent the issues
of the banks. Those of the Bank of
England rose to £21,000,000 ; and of
all country bankers in a similar pro-
portion. The total notes in circula-
tion, in England alone, reached
£28,000,900 ; in Great Britain and Ire-
land they exceeded £39,000,000. It
was this copious issue of notes which
gave, for the time at least, nearly
sufficient accommodation for the im-
mense undertakings which were set
on foot ; which, beyond all doubt, both
gave birth to, and nurtured the in-
fancy of that vast network of railways
which so soon overspread the country,
and, while it was in course of forma-
tion, diffused such general prosperity
over the land.
Had the impulse thus given to in-
dustry, and the enormous domestic
undertakings thus set on foot by the
sanction and with the approbation of
government, been cautiously sustained,
as a similar impulsehadbeenduringthe
war, by a corresponding increase of
the circulation, based on a footing
which was not liable to be contracted
by a failure of the harvest, or an
enhanced demand for gold in foreign
states, it might have been the com-
mencement of an era of prosperity,
and a general spread of happiness,
unprecedented in British annals. It
had one immense advantage, which
distinguished it both from the previous
lavish expenditure during the war,
and the extravagant South American
speculations which ended in the mone-
tary catastrophe of December 1825.
The money was all expended at
home, and on undertakings useful
to the nation. No man will dis-
pute, that, whether or not all the
railways undertaken during that pe-
riod were in themselves reasonable,
or likely to yield a dividend to
the shareholders, they were beyond
all doubt, one and all of them, advan-
tageous to the public. They afforded
facilities for the transit of goods and
the conveyance of passengers, which
were not only an immense advantage
to individuals, but a great relief and
benefit to the commerce and manu-
factures of the country. So far from
being blamed, government deserve the
very highest credit for having given
this direction to the industry and
expenditure of the nation. Their
fault consisted in the simultaneous
and fatal measures they adopted re-
garding the currency.
Having taken this great step in
the right direction, it became the first
and most important duty of govern-
ment to have provided, simultaneously
with the commencement of the under-
taking, a currency independent of
foreign drains, commensurate to the
vast addition made to the industry
and engagements of the nation. Its
capital was far more than adequate to
the undertakings, how vast soever.
This is now decisively proved by tho
event. Two-thirds of the railways are
finished; the remaining third is in
course of construction ; and interest is
in London from three to two-and-a-half
per cent. But capital alone is not suf-
ficient for carrying on undertakings.
Currency also is requisite ; and if that
be deficient, the most boundless over-
flow of capital will not avert a
monetary crash, or save the nation
from the most dreadful calamities.
Here, too, the. event has thrown a
broad and decisive light on this vital
question, and the cause of our calami-
ties. Interest was fixed by govern-
ment, after the crash, for advances by
the Bank of England, in October 1847,
at eight per cent ; it rose, in private
transactions, to twelve and fifteen per
cent. Why was that ? Not because
capital was awanting, but because the
bankers, from the drain of specie to
buy foreign grain, and the operation
of the Bank Charter Acts of 1844 and
1845, could not venture to issue notes
* Rate of discount of first-class bills at the undermentioned periods: —
Jan.
Feb.
March.
April.
May.
June.
July.
Aug.
Sept.
Oct.
NOT.
Dec.
1844
2*
2
2
2
If
2
2
If
2
If
If
If
760
Free Trade at its Zenith.
to their customers. The nation resem-
bled a great army, in which vast stores
of provisions existed in the magazines
at its disposal, but a series of absurd
regulations aifecting the commissariat
prevented the grain they contained
being issued to the soldiers. Accord-
ingly, when the absurd restrictions
were removed, things soon began to
amend. When the Bank Charter
Act was pro tempore repealed, by Lord
John Russell's famous letter of Octo-
ber 1847, the effect was instantaneous
in allaying the panic, and interest
gradually fell, until now money has
become overflowing, and it is to be
had at two per cent, although the
years since that time have been the
most disastrous to capital ever known
in the British annals, so that no sub-
sequent increase has been possible.
What government should have done,
when they engaged the nation in the
vast system of inland railways, was
what Pitt actually did, with such
happy effect, when its currency was
exposed to a similar strain from
foreign expenditure, and immense en-
gagements, in 1797. They should
have provided a currency under pro-
per control as to amount, but capable
of being increased, according to the
•wants and engagements of society,
and, above all, not liable to be with-
drawn by the mutations of com-
merce, or the demand for gold in
foreign states. The example of Great
Britain during the war, when a gigan-
tic expenditure, varying from eighty
to one hundred and twenty millions
yearly, was carried on for twenty
years with the aid of such an expan-
sive domestic currency — not only with-
out any lasting distress, save from the
stoppage of foreign markets, but with
the utmost prosperity and happiness to
all classes, although guineas had al-
together disappeared from the circu-
lation— was not only an example of
what was required, but the best indi-
cation of how it was to be done. No
period more loudly called for such a
precautionary measure than one in
which, under the sanction of govern-
ment, no less than £363,000,000 was
to be expended on railways in the
short space of four years — a sum
equal, if the change in the value of
money is taken into consideration, to
£500,000,000 during the war— at a
time when all other branches of in-
dustry, foreign and domestic, were in
an unusual state of activity, from the
sudden return of prosperity after a
long period of suffering. To expect
that the nation, without some addi-
tion to its currency, could cany out
so great an increase in its under-
takings, was as hopeless as to imagine
that an army, with a half added to its
mouths, is to go on successfully with
no addition made to its distribution of
rations. And it is evident that this
addition to the currency could be
effectually made only by extending
the paper circulation on a scale pro-
portioned to the increase of work
undertaken. By no possible means
could gold, in adequate quantities,
be brought to the scene of activity,
the place where it was required ; and
even if brought there, no reliance
could be placed on its continuing there
for any length of time. On the con-
trary, nothing is more certain than
that it would speedily be re-exported
to other countries where it was less
plentiful, and, therefore, more valua-
ble ; and thus its support would have
been lost at the very time when it was
most required.
The rise of prices during the war,
when such a domestic currency was
provided by government in adequate
quantities, was really owing, not so
much to the circulation having be-
come redundant, as to its having per-
mitted an adequate remuneration to
be given to industry. This is a most
important consideration, which Mr
Taylor has most ably illustrated?
The proof that the circulation had notr
like the assignats of France, become
redundant, is to be found in two
things which are decisive of the point :
1. At no period of the war was there
any difference between the price of an
article when paid in bank notes and
when paid in silver. No man ever
saw the price of anything five pounds
in bank notes, and four pounds ten
shillings in silver. Gold bore an en-
hanced price, because it was required
urgently for the operations of the Con-
tinental armies. 2. The increase in
the paper circulation, considerable as
it was, was yet not so great as the
parallel and simultaneous increase in
our national industry, as measured
by our exports, imports, and public
1849.]
expenditure.* Prices rose, therefore,
and reached, for a time, more than
doable their level anterior to the con-
test, not because too much paper had
been put in circulation, but because
enough had been issued to let the de-
mand for labour keep pace with the
enlarged undertakings of the nation.
Instead of imitating this great and
decisive example of wise and states-
manlike policy, what did Sir Robert
Peel and the Free-traders do, on the
commencement of a similar period of
vastly augmented national industry ?
Why, they did just the reverse. Not
only did they make no provision for
enlarging the currency of the nation
•at the time, when they themselves
had occasioned or sanctioned so im-
mense an increase to its undertakings,
but they took the most effectual mea-
sures possible to contract the circula-
tion, both in gold and paper, directly
iii proportion to the necessity for its
expansion. They first passed a law
•which limited the circulation of the
Bank of England, irrespective of the
notes issued on the basis of gold in their
coffers, to £14,000,000; and that of the
whole banks in Great Britain and Ire-
land to about £32,000,000; and then
they introduced a system of free trade
which permitted the unlimited entrance
of foreign agricultural produce at a no-
minal duty, and thereby sent nearly
half the gold headlong out of the
country. Under the influence of this
Free Trade at its Zenith.
761
monstrous system, the gold in the
vaults of the Bank of England was pro-
gressively diminished, until, in the end
of October 1847, it was reduced to
£564,000 sterling in the banking de-
partment ; at the very time that, by the
same judicious law, above £8,000,000
of sovereigns were lying useless, and
locked up in the issue department of the
same establishment. The governor of
the bank very candidly admitted, in
his examination before the House of
Lords, that the bank, under the exist-
ing system, might have broke while
there were still £8,000,000 of sove-
reigns lost to them and the nation in
the cellars of the issue department.f
Of course the whole banks of the
country were compelled instantly to
contract their credits, and force pay-
ment of their debts, and thence the
universal distress and ruin which
ensued. And all this took place at the
very time that the bank had eight
millions of sovereigns chained tip by
act of parliament in its cellars, at
the issue end of the building; and
when the government, which so
chained it up, had landed the nation,
by act of parliament, in engagements
requiring an expenditure on railway
shares of £363,000,000 in the next
four years. You may search the
annals of the world in vain for a simi-
lar instance of infatuation in the
rulers of a nation, and self-immolation,
in a people.
* Years.
Bank Notes in Cir-
culation — Total.
Exports.
Official Value.
Imports.
Declared Value.
Revenue.
1797
1798
1799
£10,542,365
13,695,830
12,959,800
£28,917,010
27,317,087
29,556,637
£21,013,956
25,122,203
24,066,700
£19,852,646
30,492,995
35,311,018
1813
23,120,930
Records destroyed
by fire.
68,302,861
1814
1815
24,801,000
27,261,651
51,358,398
57,420,437
32,622,771
31,822,053
70,240,313
72,203,142
—ALISON'S Europe, c. 41, § 69.
•f- In reference to this state of things, the following important evidence was given
by the governor and deputy-governor of the Bank of England : —
" You had only £1,600,000 in the banking department for the payment of your
liabilities ? — Yes.
" If anybody had called upon you for anything beyond that million and a half, you
must have stopped payment? — Yes, we must.
" At the same time, if there had been no separation between the two departments,,
and the Bank of England had been conducted on its old principle, instead of being
within one million and a half of stopping, there would have been very nearly
£8,500,000 of treasure in your vaults? — We should have had £8,500,000 in our
vaults." — Lords' Report, 1848.
762
Free Trade at its Zenith.
[Dec.
It will be said that the vast impor-
tation of grain, in the course of 1847,
was a matter of necessity, from the
failure of the potato crops in Ireland
in the preceding autumn ; and that,
be the consequences what they may,
they cannot be ascribed to Sir Robert
Peel or the Free-traders. In one sense
this is undoubtedly true. It is certain
that the most staunch Protectionists
would never have objected to the
largest importation of grain, and ex-
portation of sovereigns, in a period
such as that of severe and unlooked-
for scarcity. It was the precise object
of the sliding-scale to admit grain, in
periods of scarcity, free of all duty.
But what the Free-traders and Sir Ro-
bert Peel are chargeable with, is hav-
ing established a system of currency so
fettered and restricted by absurd regu-
lations, that the exportation of sove-
reigns led necessarily and inevitably to
a contraction of paper accommodation,
and a shock to credit over the whole
country; and aggravated the danger by
a monstrous regulation, which exposed
the bank to the risk of stopping pay-
ment when they had still eight mil-
lions in gold — enough to have enabled
them, perhaps, to go on — at one end of
their establishment. They are respon-
sible for the dreadftfberror of having
not only done nothirigtoX3xtend and se-
cure the currency from being exported
or contracted, when they had added so
enormously to the internal engage-
ments of the kingdom, but done every-
thing, by the establishment of a perma-
nent system of free trade, and a per-
manently fettered currency, to secure
its reappearance on occasion of every
future recurrence of an indifferent
liarvest, or any continuance of a great
importation.
It is the consciousness of this ter-
rible calamity, impending over the na-
tion, which terrifies all the directors of
banks, and paralyses industry in so
grievous a manner over the whole
country. If you ask any moneyed
man, what is the cause of the insecu-
rity so universally complained of in
money transactions over the country,
and the reluctance of bankers to .ad-
vance largely, even when their coffers
are overflowing, to persons of the best
credit ? they will invariably answer,
that they are afraid of a commercial
crisis ; that they do not know when it
may come on ; and that they must be,
at all times, prepared for a storm. It is
this indefinite dread, the natural re-
sult of the catastrophe of 1847, which
renders them so cautious, and keeps
the nation starved of accommodation,
at the very time that Lombard Street
is overflowing with money seeking for
investment. It is no wonder they are
afraid. The sword of Damocles is sus-
pended over their heads, and thence
their terror. Theyknowthat the heavy
rains, and consequent importation of
grain, in 1839 into the British islands,
forced the Bank of England to apply
for aid to the Bank of France, caused
the United States Bank of America to
stop payment, and rendered three-
fourths of the traders in the United
States bankrupt. The recollection of
the dreadful crisis of 1847, brought on
by the great importation of grain and
exportation of sovereigns in that year,
is fresh in their minds. They see the
importations of food going on without
intermission, in the face of exceed-
ingly low prices, at the rate of fifteen
millions of quarters a-year, being
nearly quadruple that of 1839, whicii
was four million quarters.* They
know that the grain countries will take
our gold to any amount, but not our
manufactures, because they do not
want them, or are too poor to buy
them ; and they ask, How is all this
grain to be paid ? In what is all this
to end ? How are the bills, drawn to
pay for these exports, to be met? So
general is this feeling of dread, from
the effects of a drain on our metallic
All kinds of
Flour.
* Imported, month
Grain.
Cwt.
Total.
Authoritj.
ending —
Qrs.
April 5, 1849, . .
1,110,306
320,764
1,213,888
London Gazette, April 20, 1849.
Aug. 5, 1849, . .
990,270
295,667
1,088,776
Ditto, Aug. 20, 1849.
Sept. 5, 1849, . .
Oct. 10, 1849, . .
928,258
1,123,434
332,434
290,713
1,039,269
1,213,640
Ditto, Sept. 20, 1849.
Ditto, Oct. 30,1849.
1849.]
Free Trade at its Zenith.
763
resources to pay for the vast importa-
tions of grain going forward, that when
the author, in the beginning of last
autumn, said to the chief officer of one
of the first banking establishments in
Britain, that " three weeks' rain in
August would render half the mer-
chants in England bankrupt," he re-
plied— " Sir, three weeks' rain in
August will make half the merchants
in Europe bankrupt."
That it is this fatal dependence
of the currency, and consequent credit
of the country, on the retention of its
gold circulation, under circumstances
when, from the vast importation of
grain going forward, it is impossible to
retain it, which is the real cause of the
calamitous state of the country for the
last three years, and not either the
potato rot or the European revolutions,
to which the Free-traders ascribe it, is
evident from the slightest considera-
tion. The potato rot of 1846, which
has been the sheet-anchor of the Free-
traders ever since — the scapegoat
which they hoped would answer for
all their sins — was never, by the most
determined of their party, set down
as having occasioned a loss of
above £15,000,000 sterling. Call it
£20,000,000 to avoid cavil. The
strength of the case will admit of any
concession. Now, the value of the
agricultural produce of the United
Kingdom, prior to the free trade in
grain, was generally estimated at
£300,000,000.* A deficiency of
£20,000,000, or a fifteenth part,
might occasion, doubtless, the most
acute local distress in the districts in
which it was most severely felt ; but it
could never, irrespective of its action on
the currency, occasion a general mone-
tary and commercial crisis. England
and Scotland exported little or nothing
to the boys of Munster andConnaught,
where the failure occurred. There is no
more reason, had it not been for the cur-
rency laws, why a failure of the potato
crop in Ireland should have produced
a monetary crisis in Great Britain,
than a failure in the potato crop of
Norway.
Again, the revolutions in Europe in
1848, of which so much has been said
to account for the distress, are equally
inadequate to explain the phenome-
non. They could, of course, affect
the European market for our export
goods only ; and they, taken altogether,
only amount, to the countries affected
by the revolutions, to £13,000,000—
little more than a fourth part of our ex-
ports, which vary from £51,000,000
to £60,000,000. Supposing a half of
this export, or £7,000,000, had been
lost, during the year 1848, by the
French, German, and Italian revolu-
tions ; what is that amidst the mass,
thirty-fold greater, of our total manu-
factures, which some years ago were
estimated at £133,000,000 for the
home market, and £50,000,000 for
the foreign. They are now unques-
tionably above £200,000,000 annually.
But let it be supposed that the whole
defalcation of our exports, from
£60,000,000 in 1845, to £53,000,000
in 1848, was owing to the European
revolutions, and none at all to the
paralysis of domestic industry by the
effects of free trade and a fettered
currency — seven millions deficit, out
of £200,000,000 annual produce of
manufactures, is only a twenty-ninth
part. Is it possible that so trifling a
deficit can have been the cause of the
terrible calamity which overtook the
country in 1848 and 1849, the more
especially as the harvest of 1847 was
so good, that, by orders of govern-
ment, a public thanksgiving was re-
turned for it? That calamity was
unparalleled in point of extent, and
has, in two years, swept away at least
one half of the whole commercial and
manufacturing wealth of the kingdom.
The thing is perfectly ridiculous. The
failure of an eighth part of our annual
export, and a twenty-ninth part of
our annual creation of manufactures,
might occasion considerable distress
in the particular places or branches of
* Viz.— 19,135,000 arable acres, at £7 each,
27,000,000 acres of grass, at £6 each,
15,000,000 do. wastes,
— PORTER'S Progress of the Nation, 158; 2d edition.
£133,94o,000
102,000,000
5,000,000
£300,945,000
764
Free Trade at its Zenith.
[Dec.
manufacture principally affected, but
it could never explain the universal
paralysis, affecting the home trade
even more than the foreign, which
followed the monetary crisis of Octo-
ber 1847.
Again, as to the European revolu-
tions of 1848, although, undoubtedly,
they largely contributed to interrupt
the commerce of this country with
central Europe, and may fairly be
considered as the principal cause of
the decline in the exports of that year,
yet it may be doubted whether the
influx of wealth, from the distracted
monarchies of Europe, which they oc-
casioned, did not more than counter-
balance that disadvantage. England,
during the convulsions of France,
Germany, and Italy, became the bank
of Europe. Wealth flowed in from all
quarters, for investment in the only
capital left which held out the pros-
pect of security. The solid specie
which then was brought to London
for purchase into the British funds, in
the course of 1848, has been esti-
mated, by competent authorities, at
£9,000,000 sterling. Beyond all
doubt, this great influx of the precious
metals from continental Europe — at a
time when it was so much required, in
consequence of the enormous exporta-
tion of specie which free trade was
inducing, and the monstrous monetary
laws which contracted the paper cir-
culation in proportion as it was with-
drawn— had a powerful effect in coun-
teracting the evils we had brought
upon ourselves, and sustaining the
currency and national credit, which
the Free-traders had done so much to
destroy. And as this was an allevia-
tion of the evil at its fountain-head,
it is next to certain that the European
revolutions of 1848, so far from hav-
ing occasioned the distress in Great
Britain in that year, had a material
effect in abating it.
It is vain, therefore, for the Free-
traders to push forward extraneous
and separate events, as the cause of
the dreadful calamities which have
overtaken the country since October
1847; calamities which all the wit-
nesses examined in both Houses of
Parliament, in the committees on
commercial distress, described as alto-
gether unparalleled. They arose, evi-
dently, not from the failure of crops in
a particular place, or the temporary
stoppage in the foreign vent for a par-
ticular branch of manufacture — causes
which only touched the extremities —
but from some great cause affecting
the heart of the empire, and which
through it paralysed all its members.
And when it is recollected that, after
having landed the nation in extra do-
mestic engagements, for the next four
years, to the amount of £360,000,000,
the government adopted the most
decisive and effective measures to
contract the currency, and, after mak-
ing it mainly dependant on the reten-
tion of gold in the country, they took
steps which sent that gold headlong
abroad — in exchange for enormously
increased importations, the fruit of
free trade — it is not difficult to dis-
cover what that cause was.
But all these evils, it is said, are
over. We have passed through the
desert, and arrived at the promised
land. Free trade, disjoined from the
extraneous circumstances which have
hitherto concealed its real effect, is at
length beginning to appear in its true
colours. The Continent is pacified;
the trade to France and Germany has
revived; the revenue is improving;
the exports in September were
£2,000,000 more than in the corres-
ponding month of last year : wait a
little and we shall soon be in Elysium,
and free trade and a fettered currency
will realise all their promised advan-
tages. We are not unaware of the Io
Paeans which are already sung from
the Liberal camp on this subject, and
it is precisely for that reason that,
When FREE TRADE IS AT ITS ZE-
NITH, we have taken the oppor-
tunity to examine its effects. We
have seen that the prosperity from
1842 to 1845 arose from extraneous
causes, with which the tariff of the
first of these years had nothing to do :
and that the disasters from 1847 to
1849 were not in any sensible degree
owing to external or separate cala-
mities, but were the direct and ine-
vitable effect of the establishment of
a system of free trade, at the very
time when the industry of the nation
was manacled by the restriction of
absurd and destructive monetary
laws. Let us now examine our pre-
sent condition, and see whether or
not we are in an enviable position at
1849.]
Free Trade at its Zenith*
765
home or abroad ; whether the industry
of the country can possibly survive,
or its revenue be maintained, under
the present system ; and whether the
seeds of another catastrophe, as ter-
rible as that of 1847, are not already
spread in the land.
In one particular the Free-traders
are unquestionably right. Beyond
all doubt, the external circumstances
of the nation, at present, are in the
highest degree favourable to its manu-
facturing and trading interests. We
are at peace with all the world, and,
thank God, there is no immediate
appearance of its being broken. The
markets of continental Europe have,
' for six months past, been entirely laid
open to our merchants, by the settle-
ment of France under the quasi
empire of Louis Napoleon, and the
extinction of the war in Italy and
Germany. Home is taken ; Hungary
is subdued ; Baden is pacified ; the
war in Schleswig is at an end ; the
Danish blockade is raised ; California
has given an extraordinary impulse
to activity and enterprise in the
West ; the victory of Goojerat has
extinguished, it is to be hoped for a
long period, all appearance of distur-
bance in the East. The harvest,
just reaped, has been uncommonly
fine in grain, both in Great Britain
and Ireland: that of the potatoes
above an average in the latter island.
The Chartists of England and Scot-
land, astounded at the failure of all
their predictions and the defeat of all
their hopes, are silent ; the revolu-
tionists of Ireland, in utter despair,
are leaving the Emerald Isle. Amidst
the general pacification and cessation
of alarms, old wants and necessities
begin to be felt, Men have disco-
vered that revolting will not mend
their clothes or fill their bellies. New
garments are required, from the old
being worn out ; the women are cla-
morous for bonnets and gowns ; the
men are sighing for coats and waist-
coats. Provisions are cheap to a de-
gree unexampled for fourteen years ;
wheat is at 41s. the quarter, meat
at 5d. a pound. Capital in London
can be borrowed at 2£ per cent, in
the provinces at 3£. That great Liberal
panacea for all evils, a huge importa-
tion of foreign produce, is in full ope-
ration. This year it will probably
reach in value at least £100,000,000
sterling. Let us then, in these emi-
nently favourable circumstances, ex-
amine the effects of the free-trade
system.
First, with regard to the revenue,
that never-failing index of the national
fortunes. The revenue for the yearend-
ing Oct. 10, 1849, being the last quar-
ter that has been made up, was only
£236,000 more than that for the year
ending Oct. 10, 1848. That is to say,
during a year when free trade was act-
ing under the most favourable possible
circumstances, and when the pacifica-
tion of the world was reopening mar-
kets long closed to our manufactures,
the revenue only rose a mere trifle
above what it had been in the year
wasted by the triple curse of a mone-
tary crisis, European revolutions,
Chartist disturbances and Irish rebel-
lion. Why is this? Evidently be-
cause the effect of free trade and a
restricted currency acting together,
and the dread of a fresh monetary
crisis hanging over our heads from the
unprecedented magnitude of our im-
portations in every branch of com-
merce, have depressed industry at
home to such a degree, that even the
reopening of all the closed markets of
the world, and the rush to fill up the
void, created during fifteen months of
stoppage of intercourse, has been able
to produce no sensible addition to the
public revenue.
Next, as to the exports. The re-
opening of the Continental markets,
the pacification of India by the vic-
tory of Goojerat, and the impulse
given to American speculation by the
gold of California, has occasioned a
considerable increase in our exports,
on which the Free-traders are pluming
themselves in an extraordinary de-
gree. We should be glad to know
in what way free trade pacified India,
extinguished revolution in Europe,
and vivified America by the Califor-
nian diggings. And yet, had these
distant and adventitious occurrences
not taken place, would we have had
to congratulate the manufacturers on
a rise of two millions in September,
and a rise of seven or eight millions on
the whole year ? And what, after all,
is a rise of our exports from
£53,000,000 to £60,000,000 or even
£63,000,000 in a year, to the total
manufacturing industry of the country,
which produces at least £200,000,000
766
Free Trade at its Zenith.
[Dec.
annually ? It is scarcely the addition
of a thirtieth part to the annual manu-
factured production. The Free-traders
are hard pushed, indeed, when they
are constrained to exult in an addi-
tion to the national industry so trifling,
and wholly brought about by fortu-
nate external events entirely foreign
to their policy.
In the immense and increasing
amount of our IMPORTS, however, the
Free-traders may indeed see, as in a
mirror, the real and inevitable result
of their measures. Their amount for
this year is of course not yet known ;
although, from the returns already
procured, it is certain that they
will greatly exceed the level of
last year, which reached £94,000,000.
In all probability they will con-
siderably exceed £100,000,000. In-
deed, in the single article of grain,
the excess of 1849 over 1848, since
the one shilling duty began in Feb-
ruary, has been so great as much to
exceed in value the augmentation
which has taken place in our exports.*
The importation of grain in the first
eight months of 1849 has been more
than double what it was in the cor-
responding period of 1848, and that
in the face of a fine harvest, and
prices throughout the whole period
varying from forty-five to forty-one
shillings a quarter of wheat. The
importation at these low prices has
settled down to a regular average
of about 1,200,000 quarters of all
sorts of grain a-month, 'or between
fourteen and fifteen millions of all
sorts of grain in a year. This is
jnst & fourth of the annual subsistence,
estimated in all sorts of grain at
60,000,000 of quarters. This im-
mense proportion free trade has
already caused to be derived from
foreign supplies, though it has only
been three years in operation, and the
nominal duties only came into opera-
tion in February last.
So vast an increase of importation
is perhaps unprecedented in so short
a period; for, before the change
was made, the importation was so
trifling that, on an average of five
years ending in 1835, it had sunk
to 398,000 quarters. Indeed, the
importation before the five bad har-
vests, from 1846 to 1840, had been so
trifling, that it had become nominal
merely, and the nation had gained the
inestimable advantage of being self-
supporting.f With truth did that
decided free-trader, Mr Porter, say,
* In the eight months up to the 5th of September 1849, the quantities of foreign
food taken out for kome consumption hare been —
Foreign wheat, . 3,387,596 qrs. Maize, . . . 1,735,778 qrs.
Foreign flour, . 2,956,878 cwt. Foreign bacon, . 349,727 cwt.
Foreign barley, . 1,018,858 qrs. Salted beef, . . 319,867 „
Foreign oats, . 869,077 „ Salted pork, . . 306,400 „
Foreign rye, . 219,810 „ Eggs, (number) . 73,605,759
All these amounts arc largely, and the most important of them very largely, in
advance of the imports of the first eight months of 1848.
Abstract of grain imported in quarters in seven months of free trade —
Wheat, . . 3,387,596 qrs. Rye, . . . 219,810 qrs.
Flour, (2,956,878 cwt.,) 985,293 „ Maize, . . . 1,735,778 „
Barley, . . 1,018,858 „
Oats, . . . 869,077,, In eight months,
seven of free trade,
o91641oai.q
W1**'
t Quarters of wheat and wheat-flour imported into Britain from 1807 to 1836,.
both inclusive : —
Quarters.
1807,- 379,833
1808, „ —
1809 424,709
1810^,,_U,491,341*
1811, 238,366
1812, 244,385
1813, 425,559
1814, 681,333
1815 —
181 6, 227,263
1817,— ,.1,020,949*
1818, 1,593,518*
Quarters.
1,122,133
34,274
1821,
2
1822,
—
1823,
~. 12,137
1824.«^
~ 15,777
1825,'
.„ 525,231
1826,
^ 315,892
1827,
-. 772,133
1828,
~, 842,050
1829,,,,,,
~JL,364,220'
1830,
«.1,701,889<
1 001
1 O «J 1 '+fff
1832,™
1833,
1834,
1835,
1836,
1837,
1838,
1839,
1840,.
Quarters.
1,491,631
325,425
82,346
64,653
28,483
24,826
244,087
,1,834,452*
,2,590,734*
,2,389,732*
* Bad seasons.
1849.]
in the last edition of his valuable
work, entitled the Progress of the
Nation — " The foregoing calculations
show in how small a degree this
country has hitherto been dependent
upon foreigners, in ordinary seasons,
for a due supply of our staple article of
food. These calculations are brought
forward to show how exceedingly
great the increase of agricultural pro-
duction must have been, to have thus
effectively kept in a state of indepen-
dence a population which has advanced
with so great a degree of rapidity.
To show the fact, the one article of
wheat has been selected, because it is
that which is the most generally con-
sumed in England ; but the position
advanced would be found to hold good,
were we to go through the whole list
of the consumable products of the
earth. The supply of meat, during
the whole years comprised in this
inquiry, has certainly kept pace with
the growth of the population ; and, as
regards this portion of human food,
our home agriculturists have, during
almost the whole period, enjoyed a
strict monopoly." *
Things, however, are now changed.
Protection to domestic industry, at
least in agriculture, is at an end ;
prices are down to forty shillings the
quarter for wheat, and half that sum
for oats and barley; the prices of
sheep and cattle have fallen enor-
mously to the home-grower, though
that of meat is far from having de-
clined in the same proportion ; and,
Free Trade at its Zenith.
7G7
as all this has taken place during a
season of prices low beyond example,
it is evident that it may be expected
to be still greater when we again
experience the usual vicissitudes of
bad harvests in our variable climate.
The returns prove that ever since the
duties on foreign grain became no-
minal, in the beginning of February
last, the importation of corn and
flour into Great Britain and Ire-
land has gone on steadily at the
rate of 1,200,000 quarters a-month ;
and that now seven-eighths of the
supply of the metropolis, and of
all our other great towns, comes
from foreign parts, f How British
agriculture is to go on staggering
under such a frightful load of foreign
importation into its best markets,
it is not difficult to foresee. Every
scholar knows how Italian agricul-
ture decayed, under a similar impor-
tation of grain from the distant pro-
vinces of the Roman empire ; and
how directly the fall of the empire
was owing to that fatal change.
Putting aside all minor considera-
tions, which crowd upon the mind in
considering the probable effects of
this prodigious change, there are three
of paramount importance which force
themselves on the attention, any one
of which holds the fate of the empire
suspended in a doubtful balance.
The first is, How is the revenue of
£55,000,000, and the interest of mort-
gages at least half as much more,t
to be provided for under so great a
AVERAGE QUARTERS.
1801 to 1810, 600,946 183i;to 1835,~~~ 398,509
1811 — 1820, 458,578 . 1836 — 1840, 1,992,548*
1821 — 1830, „„„ 534,292 * Five bad years in succewion.
— PORTER'S Progress of the Nation, 137, 138, second edition.
* PORTER'S Progress of the Nation, second edition, p. 139.
t Take as an example the importation into London, from 24th to 29th September
1849 : prices being — wheat, 41s. 9d.; barley, 27s.; oats, 17s. lOd.
FORKIGV. BRITISH.
Qrs. Qrs.
Wheat, . . . 18,028 All kinds of
Barley, . . . 8,319
Oats, . . . 23,408 7)129
Beans,
2,620
52,375
— Week from Oct. 29 to Not. 3.
J The mortgages of England alone are estimated, by the best authorities, at
£400,000,000. Those of Ireland and Scotland are certainly at least half as much
more, or £200,000,000. Indeed, out of the rental of £14,000,000 a-year, now in
part become nominal in the former country, it is usually reckoned that £10,000,000
go to the holders of mortgages.
VOL. LXVI. — NO. CCCCX. 3 E
768
Free Trade, at its Zenith.
[Dec.
reduction in the value of the staple
articles of British agricultural pro-
duce? It has been seen that the total
value of the agricultural produce of
the empire was, anterior to the late
changes, about £300,000,000. If
prices fall on an average a fourth, in
consequence of foreign importations,
which is a most moderate supposition,
probably much within the truth, this
£300,000,000 will be reduced at once
to £225,000,000. But the disastrous
effect of such a reduction is not to be
measured by its absolute amount, con-
siderable as that amount undoubtedly
is. Its dreadful effect lies here, that
the £75,000,000 thus cut off', absorb
nearly the whole profits of cultivation,
out of which both the rent is paid to
the landlord, and the farmer obtains
the means of livelihood. The re-
mainder is the cost of production, and
it is not lowered in any sensible
degree. Thus the whole loss falls on
the cultivators. This is just what has
happened under a similar course of
policy in the West Indies, where the
indolent habits of the emancipated
slaves, and free trade in sugar, acting
together, have destroyed the profits
of agriculture ; and of course the
islands are rapidly returning to the
jungle and the forest.
Now, if a deficiency at all approach-
ing to this occurs in the revenue de-
rived from land — the sources of three-
fifths of the income of the United
Kingdom — how, in the name of com-
mon sense, is the revenue to be paid ?
How are the jointures of the widows,
the interest of mortgages, and the
other charges on the land, to be made
good, when the change of prices has
absorbed nearly the whole profit of
cultivation? If they are recovered,
what is to remain to the landlord?
How are the home manufacturers, and
the numerous class of shopkeepers in
towns, and, above all, in the metropo-
lis, who are supported by their expen-
diture, to be maintained? It is very
easy to say the fall of rents is a land-
lord's question, and the mass of the
people have no interest in it. Who
support the manufacturers and shop-
keepers over the country ? The land-
lords and holders of securities over the
land furnish at the very least a half
of that support. Of the £5,400,000
a-year, which the Income Tax pro-
duces, £3,200,000, or more than a
half, comes from the land. How
wide-spread, then, will be the distress
produced over the community, and,
above all, to the shopkeepers in towns,
from a change which threatens to dry
up the principal sources from which
their sales are paid.
In the next place, How is the na-
tional independence to be maintained
when we come to import so large a
proportion as from a fourth to a third
of our subsistence from foreign states?
If the chances of war, or a Continental
blockade, interrupt our usual sources of
supply, what is to come of the people?
Who is to guarantee us against fa-
mine prices on any deficiency of our
usual supply from abroad, and our
people from becoming, as the Ro-
mans were in former days, the sport
of the winds and the waves? Observe,
nearly all our foreign supply comes
from two countries only, Russia, or
Prussia, whom it influences, and Ame-
rica. If we lose our maritime supe-
riority— and who will secure its conti-
nuance, now that the Navigation Laws
are repealed? — we may be at once
blockaded in our harbours, and re-
duced in three months to the alterna-
tive of starvation or submission. But
supposing we are not at once reduced to
so humiliating an alternative, is it not
clear that, when we have come prac-
tically to depend for the food of a third
of our people on two foreign states, we
are entirely at the mercy of those two
countries, and can never venture to
assert, even in form, our independence
against them? Without fitting out a
ship of the line, or equipping a
battalion, they can, by the mere
threat of closing their harbours, at
any time starve us into submission.
And what are the nations beneath
whose feet proud Albion is thus con-
tent to place her neck? Russia and
America, the two most rising coun-
tries in existence, and both of which
are actuated by the strongest and the
most undying jealousy of the ancient
glory and maritime preponderance
of this country.
Mr Gurney, "the greatest bill-
broker in the world," has emphati-
cally declared in public, on more than
one occasion, that the country cannot
go on with its present expenditure ;
that £ 15,000,000 a-year, on the charges
1849.]
Free Trade at its Zenith.
769
of the army and navy, is more than
can possibly be afforded ; and that, if
a great reduction is not made, we shall
become bankrupt. His remedy for
this is to disband our troops, sell our
ships of the line, and establish the
reign of peace and bill-broking through-
out the world. On the other hand,
" the greatest captainin theworld,"the
Duke of Wellington,has made the fol-
lowing remonstrance to several suc-
cessive administrations, on the total
inadequacy of our present establish-
ments, by sea and land, to secure the
national independence in the political
changes which may be anticipated in
the lapse of time : —
" I have in vain endeavoured to awaken
the attention of different administrations
to this state of things, as well known to
our neighbours (rivals in power, at least
former adversaries and enemies) as it is
to ourselves.
" We ought to be with garrisons as fol-
lows at the moment war is declared : —
Men.
Channel Islands (besides the mili-
tia of each, well organised,
trained, and disciplined) 10,000
Plymouth 10,000
Milford Haven 5,000
Cork 10,000
Portsmouth 10,000
Dover 10,000
Sheerness, Chatham, and the
Thames 10,000
" I suppose that one-half of the whole
regular force of the country would be
stationed in Ireland, which half would
give the garrison for Cork. The remain-
der must be supplied from the half of the
whole force at home, stationed in Great
Britain.
"The whole force employed at home
in Great Britain and Ireland would not
afford a sufficient number of men for the
mere defence and occupation, on the
breaking out of a war, of the works con-
Btructed for the defence of the dockyards
and naval arsenals, without leaving a
tingle man disposable.
" The measure upon which I have
earnestly entreated different administra-
tions to decide, which is constitutional, and
has been invariably adopted in time of
peace for the last years, is to raise,
embody, organise, and discipline the mi-
litia of the same number for each of
the three kingdoms united, as during
the late war. This would give an organ-
ised force amounting to about a hun-
dred and fifty thousand men, which we
might immediately set to work to disci-
pline. This amount would enable us to esta-
blish the strength of our army. This, with
an augmentation of the force of the regu-
lar army, which would cost £400,000,
would putthe country onitslegs in respect
to personal force, and I would engage
for its defence, old as I am.
" But as we stand now, and if it be
true that the exertions of the fleet alone
are not sufficient to provide for our de-
fence, we are not safe for a week after the
declaration of war."
" I shall be deemed foolhardy in engag-
ing for the defence of the empire with an
army composed of such a force as militia.
I may be so. I confess it, I should in-
finitely prefer, and should feel more con-
fidence in, an army of regular troops.
But I Tcnow that I shall not have these.
I can have the others; and if an addition
is made to the existing regular army al-
lotted for home defence of a force which
would cost £400,000 a-year, there would
be a sufficient disciplined force in the field
to enable him who should command it to
defend the country.
" This is my view of our danger and
of our resources. I am aware that our
magazines and arsenals were very inade-
quately supplied with ordnance and car-
riages, as well as stores of all denomina-
tions, and ammunition.
" The deficiency has been occasioned in
part by the sale of arms, and of various
descriptions of ordnance stores, since the
termination of the late war, in order to
diminish the demand of supply to carry
on the peace service of the ordnance, in
part by the conflagration of the arsenal
which occurred in the Tower some years
ago, and by the difficulty under which all
governments in this country labour in
prevailing upon parliament, in time of
peace, to take into consideration measure*
necessary for- the safety of the country in
time of war."
" I am bordering upon 77 years of age
passed in honour. I hope that the Al-
mighty may protect me from being again
witness of the tragedy which I cannot
persuade my contemporaries to take
measures to avert."
These are strong words, as all those
of the Duke of Wellington, and all
other men of powerful and clear intel-
lect, are, when they are roused and
thoroughly in earnest. But when
charged with such a subject, the
means of defence and independence to
his country, would a man of his pa-
triotic feeling use expressions less
strong, when he saw both endangered
by the weakness of successive admin-
770 Free Trade at its Zenith,
istrations, acting in obedience to the
dictates of a blind and infatuated
people ? But if our independence has
been thus menaced by the inadequacy
of our defensive armaments by sea and
land in time past, what is it likely to
be in days to come, when the public
revenue, and the resources of the king-
dom, are prostrated by the combined
action of a currency fettered by the
acts of 1844 and 1845, and national
industry overwhelmed with foreign
competition under the free-trade sys-
tem of 1846?
In truth, the peace congresses which
now amuse the world, and give an
opportunity for clever but chimerical
and ignorant men to declaim upon
the speedy advent of a political mil-
lennium, are nothing more than an
effort, on the part of the free-trade
party, to escape from the consequences
of their own measures. Mr Cobden
and the Free-traders of England now
see as clearly as any body, that
cheap prices and a large revenue,
either to individuals or nations, can-
not by possibility co- exist ; that the
£100,000,000, promised us from the
abolition of the corn laws, have van-
ished into thin air, and that the reduc-
tion of the income of the whole classes
of society under its operation will be
so considerable, that it is quite im-
possible the national expenditure can
be maintained. As the touching of
the dividends is not for a moment to
be thought of — as that would be bring-
ing the tempest back with a venge-
ance on the moneyed class who evoked
it — his only resource, to make our
expenditure square with our reduced
income, is in disbanding the soldiers,
instituting a national guard, and sell-
ing our stores and ships of war. He
is quite serious in that ; and, like all
other fanatics, he is not in the slight-
est degree influenced by the decisive
refutation of his principles, which the
universal breaking out of hostilities,
and arming of the world, in conse-
quence of the French Revolution of
1848, and the momentary triumph of
liberal principles, has afforded. He
is perfectly aware, that if industry
was protected, and we had a currency
equal to the wants and necessities of
the nation, we might, with our ex-
tended population, raise £100,000,000
a-year, with more ease than we now
[Dec.
do fifty millions, and thus secure the
independence of the country, and bid
defiance to all our enemies. But that
would lower the value of money in
the hands of the great capitalists, and
would amount to an admission that
he had been wrong ; and, rather than
risk that, he is content to prostrate
the national defences, and hand us
over, unarmed, to the tender mercies of
the Chartists and Repealers at home,
and the Red Republicans or Cossacks
abroad.
The more intelligent of the Liberal
party are now intent on a different
object, but one equally descriptive of
their secret sense of the failure of their
grand panacea of free trade. They
are full of the incalculable effects of
the application of science to agricul-
ture ; expatiate largely on the analysis
of soils and liquid manures, and
indulge in learned disquisitions on
the application of the refuse of towns
and common-sewers to the improve-
ment and fertilisation of the soil.
From the Edinburgh Review, which
treats its readers to a learned expose
of Liebig's principles, to Sir R. Peel's
protege, the Dean of Westminster,
who boasts of having tripled the pro-
duce of his land by liquid manure,
this is the grand remedy for the evils
which they now see they have intro-
duced. It is singular, if there is any
truth in these discoveries, that though
man has been labouring at the soil for
four thousand years, and during that
time had an ample supply of these
fertilising streams, they have never
been brought to light till free trade
made them a question of life and
death to a powerful party in the state.
Having had ample experience of the
application of these liquid manures on
the largest and most favourable scale,
we are able to give a decided opinion
on this subject. Liquid manures are
of great service in enriching meadow
lands, or forcing up coarse but luxuri-
ant crops of vegetables, such as cabbage
or cauliflower, of which the leaves or
stems, not the seeds or roots, form an
article of food. But they do not per-
manently enrich the soil : their effect
is over in a few weeks. A fresh inun-
dation of the fertilising stream is then
requisite, the effects of which are
speedily evaporated. On this account
they are wholly inapplicable to grain
1849.]
Free Trade at its Zenith.
771
crops, and of very doubtful service to
potatoes or turnips. In the emphatic
language of farmers, they put no
heart into the ground. The vegeta-
tion they force on is entirely in leaves
and steins, not iu seeds or roots.
If they come into general use, they
may increase the determination of the
agricultural industry of the country to
grass cultivation, and render England
in modern, as Italy was in ancient
times, one great sheet of pasturage ;
but they will never overcome the
difficulties with which free trade has
environed our fanners in the raising
of grain crops, or enable them to com-
pete with the harvests of the Ukraine,
or the basin of the Mississippi.
In the third place — and this is per-
haps a more vital consideration than
any — How is the constant recurrence of
monetary crises, similar to that which
has left such woful desolation behind
it, to be avoided upon every recur-
rence of a deficient harvest at home,
or a- straitened importation from
abroad? The people of England arc
sensitively alive on this subject. They
watch the rain iu autumn with the
most intense anxiety ; and, if it falls
a few days more than usual, the ut-
most alarm pervades all classes. They
know well what rain in autumn por-
tends. They sec rising up, in dismal
perspective before them, a great im-
portation of grain, a vast export of
sovereigns, the screw put on by the
Bank of England, a contraction of
credits by every bank, every man
finding his creditors on his back, and
one-half of his debtors bankrupt. All
this they see, and see clearly ; but the
minds of a large portion of them are sa
benighted by the free-trade dogmas,
that it never occurs to them that all this
is the creation of their own policy, and
is in no degree imputable to the laws
of Providence. They think the thing
is inevitable. They believe that there
is a natural connexion between three
weeks' rain in August and a monetary
crisis, just as there is between a simi-
lar deluge and flooded meadows, or
destroyed bridges. The evil, how-
ever, is entirely of human creation,
and may, with absolute certainty, be
avoided by human means. There is
no more reason why three weeks' rain
in August should produce a monetary
crisis, than three weeks' rain in Novem-
ber. It is our ruinous monetary laws
which render them cause and effect.
But assuming that the monetary
laws are to continue, and free trade to
be persisted in, it will become the
people of this country, and especially
the trading classes, to consider well
the inevitable effect of such a state of
things on the monetary concerns of the
country, and, through them, on the
solvency of every one of themselves.
We have seen that the heavy rains
and large importations of grain in
1839 produced the severe and long-
protracted period of distress from 1839
to 1842 ; and that the potato failure
in 1846, acting on the Bank Charter
Act of 1844, occasioned the terrible
catastrophe of October 1847. But
what was the importation of grain, in
either of these periods of distress or
famine, to that which is now taking
place, and has become habitual iu
the face of exceedingly low prices?
In 1839, the whole grain of all kinds
imported was 4,000,000 quarters, an
amount in those days unprecedented.
In 1846 and 1847, 12,000,000 quar-
ters, under the stimulus of famine
prices, was imported in fifteen months.
But now, after a fine harvest, and
with wheat at 41s. a quarter, we are
importing annually, as our average
amount, fifteen millions of quarters of
foreign grain ! How are the most
terrible commercial disasters to be
averted, if this immense amount re-
ceives any augmentation from bad
seasons? Nay, how are they to be
averted even in ordinary seasons, with
so immense a drain on the metallic
resources of the country? This is
a question in which the mercantile
classes are far more interested than the
agricultural — for with them a mone-
tary crisis is an affair of life and death.
With landholders, cheap prices, unless
very long continued, are merely au
affair of temporary loss of income,
because the laud itself remains, and
it is the value of the annual fruits
only that is affected.
To compensate so many perils, past,
present, and to come, have free trade
and a fettered currency, since they
were simultaneously brought into
action iu this couutrj7, afforded such
a spectacle of internal prosperity and
concord as to render them on the whole
worth persisting in, at such hazard
772
Free Trade at its Zenith.
to our national independence, and
even existence? Alas! the view is
now, if possible, more alarming than
the prospect of dangers to come, so
much have the realised and experi-
enced evils of the new system exceeded
what the most sombre imagination,
fraught with the most gloomy images,
could have anticipated. Amidst the
infinite variety of topics bearing on
this subject, we select the five fol-
lowing, as bearing decisively on the
subject : — The increase of the poor-
rate, both in Great Britain and Ire-
land ; the increase in emigration ; the
increase of crime ; the decline in rail-
way travelling, and the ruin of agri-
culture in Ireland.
With regard to the increase of the
poor-rate, since free trade and the
new monetary system were intro-
duced, we have the best possible
authority in the following statement
in the last number of a leading
journal. "It appears," says the Edin-
burgh Review, l ' from Mr Commissioner
Symmon's report on pauperism, that
the poor-rate in England has now be-
come heavier them it was before 1835
when the New Poor Law was intro-
duced. It was, in 1834, £7,373,807 ;
it was in 1848, £7,817,459. Every
ninth person now in England is now
a pauper : and the increase of paupers
during the last two years has been
double in proportion to the rela-
tive numbers of criminals."* In Ire-
land, above 2,000,000 persons are
paupers ; and the poor-rate since
1846 has risen from £260,000 a-year
to £1,900,000, though it was in the
first of these years only (1846) that
there was any general failure of the
potato crop. In Scotland the poor-
rate has nearly tripled in the last
three years ; it has risen from £185,000
a-year to £560,000. In Glasgow, the
poor-rates, which anterior to 1846
were under £30,000 yearly for the
city and suburbs, rose in the year
1848-9 to £200,000, and in the
present year (1849-50) amount to
£138,500. Nor is it wonderful that
assessments have increased so pro-
digiously, when the augmentation of
paupers has been so alarming. The
following is the increase in the city
of Glasgow parish, being about a
[Dec.
half of the city and suburbs, during
the last three years : —
Year. Total number of Paupers.
1845-6, . 7,454
1846-7, . 15,911
1847-8, . 51,852
The total number of paupers relieved
in the city of Glasgow and suburbs
in the year 1848-9 was 122,000;
being exactly a third of the popula-
tion receiving parochial relief.
The enormous and unprecedented
increase of emigration in the last three
years is still more alarming and de-
scriptive of the fatal disease under
which the body politic is labouring.
Previous to 1 846 the annual emigra-
tion had stood thus : —
1838, 33,222
1839, 62,207
1840, 90,743
1841, 118,592
1842, 128,344
1343, 57,212
1844, 70,686
1845, 93,501
1846, 129,851
But free trade and a fettered currency
soon doubled these numbers. The
emigration stands thus in round num-
bers : —
1847,
1848,
258,461
248,582
For 1849 the numbers have not yet
been made up ; but that they have
much exceeded 300,000 is Avell known,
and may be judged of by the follow-
ing facts. From the ofiicial return
niade up at New York, and published
in the New York Herald of October
10, it appears that, up to that date,
there had landed, in that harbour alone,
238,487 emigrants, of whom no less
than 189,800 were Irish. If to these
is added the emigrants who went to
Boston — where 13,000 landed in tho
same period, and those who have gone
to Canada, where above 60,000 landed
last year — it is evident that the total
emigrants from the United Kingdom
this year must have considerably ex-
ceeded 300,000; being probably the
greatest emigration, from any country
in a single year, in the whole annals
of the world. It considerably exceeds
the annual increment of the popula-
tion of the United Kingdom, which is
Edinburgh Reticle, October 1848, p. 524.
1849.]
about 230,000: so that, under the
combined action of free trade and a
fettered currency, THE POPULATION OF
GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, WHICH
FOR THREE CENTURIES HAD CONTI-
NUALLY BEEN ADVANCING, HAS FOR
THE FIRST TIME DECLINED. The Free-
traders may boast of an exploit which
all the enemies of England have never
been able to effect. This has become
so notorious, that it has passed into au
ordinary newspaper paragraph; which,
without attracting the least attention
—though it is the most striking thing
that has occurred in English history
for five centuries — is now making the
round of the public prints.
It is in vain to put this dismal fact
down to the account of the Irish fa-
mine. That occurred in the winter of
1846-7, three years ago, since which
period we have had good harvests ;
notwithstanding which the emigra-
tion has, since that, been constantly
about 250,000 ; and this year, in the
midst of a fine harvest, has turned
300,000.
The increase of orime during the
last three years has been equally
alarming, and illustrative of the griev-
ous distress which, for that period, has
affected the industrial interests of the
empire. Having, in the last Number
of this magazine, fully discussed this
subject, we shall only observe that,
duriag the last three years, the in-
crease of crime in the two islands has
been nearly 50 per cent. Sir R. Peel,
in spring 1846, when the railway
mania was at its height, and full em-
ployment was given to railway labour-
ers and mechanics in every part of the
country, dwelt with peculiar emphasis
and complacency on the diminution
of commitments which appeared in the
preceding year, as the most decisive
proof of the beneficial effect of his
measures in 1842. We hope he will
dwell with equal emphasis on the in-
crease of crime since that time, and
draw from it the appropriate conclu-
sion as to the wisdom of his subse-
quent measures.
The Avoful state of the railway
interests throughout the country, and
the steady and alarming decrease of
the mileage profits, on an average of
all the lines, is another internal symp-
tom of the dreadful effects of the new
system which, within the last three
Free Trade at its Zenith.
773
years, has been introduced. Railway
property, within the last three years,
has almost everywhere declined to a
half, in many great lines to a third of
its former value. In one of the greatest
lines in the kingdom, the £50 shares,
all paid up, are now selling at £14,
and were even lately down as low as
£10. The following is taken from the
Times of October 21 : —
" The subjoined table exhibits the num-
ber of miles opened at Michaelmas in
seven consecutive years, and the average
traffic per mile during the first nine
months in each year : —
Years. Miles opened. Traffic per mile.
1843 .. 1,586 £2,330
1844 .. 1,770 2,500
1845 .. 2,033 2,640
1846 .. 2,498 2,560
1847 .. 3,375 2,200
1848 .. 4,178 1,965
1849 .. 4,980 1,780
The decline in the last column, from 1845
to the present year, is sufficiently alarm-
ing, and looks like a sinking to zero."
To what is this lamentable sinking
of property, in so important a branch
of public investment, to be ascribed?
We are aware that much of it is owing
to unproductive branch lines; but
what is the main cause of these branch
lines having, contrary to general ex-
pectation, proved so unproductive?
It is in vain to ascribe it to the
cholera: that only temporarily af-
fected parts of the kingdom ; and, at
any rate, it is now over, and govern-
ment have very properly appointed a
public thanksgiving for its termina-
tion. It is equally in vain to ascribe
it to the monetary crisis of 1847 ; that
is long since past : capital is overflow-
ing, and interest in London is again
down to 3 and 2£ per cent. It is evi-
dently owing to one cause, worse than
plague, pestilence, and famine put
together — viz. the wasting away of
the internal resources of the country,
under the combined operation of free
trade and a restricted currency : free
trade deluging us with foreign goods
in every department of industry, and
a restricted currency paralysing every
attempt at competition in our own.
We are very complacent : we not
only present our shoulders bare to the
blows of the enemy, but we tie up our
own hands, lest, under the smart of the
injury, we should be tempted to re-
turn them.
774
Free Trade at its Zenith.
[Dec.
But by far the most deplorable
eft'ect of free trade and a fettered cur-
rency is to be seen in Ireland, where,
for the last three years, misery unex-
ampled and unutterable has existed.
We shall mention only three facts of a
general nature, descriptive of the state
of that unhappy country since the
simoom of the new principles blew over
it, and leave our readers to judge of
the state of things to which they point.
In the first place it appears, from a
parliamentary return, that the holders
of farms who, in 1845, were 310,000
over the Emerald Isle, had sunk in
1848 to 108,000. Two hundred and
two thousand cultivators of land have
disappeared in three years, and with
them at least half of the capital by
means of which the land was made to
produce anything.
In the second place, as we noticed
in our last Number, the bank re-
turns corroborate, in the most fearful
manner, this alarming decrease in the
agricultural capital and industry of the
country. Ireland, it is well known, is
almost entirely an agricultural country.
Now, from the returns of the bank-
notes in circulation in Ireland, as made
to government in terms of the act of
1845, it appears that, while in August
1846, there were £7,500,000, they had
sunk, in August 1849, to £3,833,000.'
Othello's occupation is gone ! The
bank-notes can find no employment :
the bankers no customers. Free trade
and the bank restrictions have in three
years reduced the circulation which
the country could take off to half of its
former amount.
In the third place, if we cast our
eyes across the Atlantic, we shall see
where the cultivators and agricultural
capital of Ireland have gone. During
the years 1847 and 1848, out of the
250,000 emigrants who annually left
the British Isles, about 180,000 were
from Ireland. But this year 1849,
when the duties on grain became
nominal in February, outdid all its
predecessors in the magnitude of the
stream of human beings which it
caused the Emerald Isle to send across
the Atlantic. It has been already
mentioned that, up to October 10,
1849, 189,800 Irish emigrants had
landed at New York, besides 10,000
at Boston. If to these we add the
probable number to Canada, perhaps
30,000, we shall have at least 230,000
Irish who have emigrated in one year
to America — and that a year of
general peace, a fine harvest, reopen-
ed Continental markets, and revived
manufacturing industry in the empire.
And the Irish county members formed
a large part of Sir R. Peel's majority
which carried free trade in 1846.
Truly they have smote their consti-
tuents hip and thigh.
After these facts, and the woful one,
that about 2,000,000 paupers are kept
alive in Ireland by a poor-rate of
£1,900,000 a-year, which is crushing
the little that remains of industry and
cultivation in the country, it is super-
fluous to go into details. But the fol-
lowing extracts from that powerful
free-trade journal, The Times, are so
graphic and characteristic of the effect
of its own favourite measures, that we
cannot forego the satisfaction of pre-
senting them : —
" The landed gentry and farmholders in
this county, [Limerick,] impelled by 3
national calamity, now at a crisis with-
out example in Ireland, have in contem-
plation a meeting to represent to his Ex-
cellency the Lord-Lieutenant the utterly
- prostrate condition of all agricul-
tural property, and the universal fail-
ure of every expedient in the best
rural economy to sustain the Irish
farmer — destitute of capital, bereft of
legitimate protection, and overwhelmed
by poor-rates and taxes — against the
free-trade imports of the whole world.
The ministerial policy of Great Britain,
under sanction of a law which thousands
of her loyal subjects deprecated, invites
the foreign trader from all ports known to
the eompasi to import at a nominal duty,
and then suffers him to export in ipecie
only, for his own country/ What other
ballast have the fleets of foreign vessels
conveyed from our shore for the last three
years but metallic and bank currency •
With such immeasurably unequal com-
petition at his very door, the native
grower finds no market for the produce of
his honest industry, unless at a price wholly
incompatible with the position of a solvent
man. He sells, alas ! only to lose, and
the selfish foreigner is sure of profit on
every cheap venture ; while his specula-
tion renders no equivalent whatever to
the revenue or taxation of that state
which encourages his importations at the
expense of our own independence ; for the
permanent independence of those king-
doms implies the prosperity of Irish pro-
duce, and its preference iu the English
1849.]
Free Trade at its Zenith.
773
market. Ireland, unfortunately, has no
trade or manufacture to employ her peo-
ple, and wherefore is best known to Eng-
land ; but her only staple, agriculture,
which all nations, ancient and modern,
loved to cultivate, will soon be little more
than a name. The causes and effects of
this disastrous revolution the philosopher
and historian will hereafter do justice to.
A preparatory meeting, relative to the
above, is now being held, with closed
doors, in the county court, Lord Mon-
teagle in the chair. Poor-rale was the
monster grievance of discussion. The
meeting broke up at 3 o'clock, it having
been decided to collect facts from every
district of the country in connexion with
taxation and valuation of property." —
Limerick Chronicle, of Saturday, Oct. 2G.
" THE LAND QUESTION. — A letter from
Kilrush, dated the 27th inst., and pub-
lished in the Clare Journal, says : — ' So
eager are the country farmers to make
sale of their grain, that every day is a
market. Two causes seem to influence
them ; first, their present and urgent
necessities press upon them, and, secondly,
an opinion prevails, which appears not to
be confined to the west, that it is more
eecure to have the money in their pockets
than to leave the crop to become a prey
to agent or poor-rate collector ; and also
that, in the event of no reduction being
made in the annual rent, they may have
110 difficulty in walking off. Such are the
feelings operating on the minds of the
majority of the farmers in this locality.
It is now too plain and obvious, that
should a reduction in the rents take place
here, it will come two years too late, as
the greater number of the farmers (for-
merly comfortable) have not as much as
would support their families for half the
coming year. This is a sad but true
state of things, in a district where, some
few years since, the rents were paid, per-
haps, more regularly than in any other
part of the south of Ireland. A few have
left their holdings, after selling every
article, leaving the naked walls of a house
to the landlord, and gone to a neighbour-
ing townland, where the quality and
cheapness of the land presented a greater
encouragement ; but such cases of flying
tenants have become so common of late,
that every paper teems with similar state-
ments. If we are to have the land culti-
vated here, the rents must not only be re-
duced to half the former price, but the
tenant must be assisted to set the crop,
and encouraged to introduce a proper
method of cultivation, otherwise the land
will be left idle, and the majority of the
present occupiers will become inmates of
the workhouse.' "—Times, Oct. 31, 1849.
" There must also be taken into account
the dire domestic privations endured for
the last three years of famine, the general
flight of tenants with the landlords' rent,
the desertion of the land, impoverished to
the last degree by the runaways, yet for
whose dishonesty and abuse of solemn
contract the unfortunate proprietor is held
responsible — the abandoned farms being
still subject to accumulation of poor-rate
and taxes. Then come the distraint, the
impounding, the sale and sacrifice of pro-
perty ; while the home market, twamped
by free trade with foreigners, has left land-
lord and farmer no help or resource what-
ever to bear up against the intolerable op-
pression of financial burdens, sanctioned by
law, under the free constitution of Great
Britain ! One case of grievous suffering
by a respectable family in this county was
communicated to the preparatory meeting
on Saturday last, by one of the gentlemen
present. The possessor of a rent-roll of
£1500 a-year landed estate, which netted
£1200 annually four years ayo, was abso-
lutely compelled to subsist with his wife and
seven children for three months of the past
twelre, without the ordinary comfort of a
meat dinner ; a cup of weak tea or coffee,
and the vegetables of the kitchen-garden,
commonly furnishing the table of this
most wretched household ! Incredible
and appalling as this may appear, we
have been assured it is not a solitary in-
stance of the excessive want and privation
known to exist." — Times, Nov. 4, 1849.
So much for the working of free
trade and a restricted currency in tho
Emerald Isle. One would suppose,
in reading these melancholy accounts,
we were not dealing with any people
in modern times, but transported back
to those dismal periods, after the fall
of the Roman empire, when the con-
temporary annalists contemplated the
extinction of the human race, from tho
desolation of some of its provinces.
This dreadful state of things iu Ire-
land is but a repetition of what, under
the operation of these causes, aided by
the fatal step of unqualified emancipa-
tion, has for some years been going on
in the West Indies. We have not
room to enlarge on this prolific subject,
teeming as it does with facts illustra-
tive of the effects of the free-trade
system. They are generally known.
Suffice it to say, the West Indies are
totally ruined. British colonies, on
which £120,000,000 sterling has been
expended, and which fifteen years
ago produced £22,000,000 worth of
agricultural produce annually, have
been irrecoverably destroyed. Tho
776
Free Trade at its Zenith.
[Dec.
fee-simple of all the estates they con-
tain would not sell for £5,000,000
sterling. We kuow an estate in the
West Indies, which formerly used to
net £1500 a-year, and to which £7000
worth of the best new machinery
was sent within the last five years,
which the proprietor would be too hap-
py to sell, machinery andall, for £5000.
CANADA has lately shared largely
in the moral earthquake which has so
violently shaken all parts of the Brit-
ish empire. We subjoin an extract
from the temperate and dignified
statement of their grievances, lately
published by 350 of the leading men
at Montreal, to show how largely
free trade enters into them.
" Belonging to all parties, origins, and
creeds, but yet agreed upon the advantage
of co-operation for the performance of a
common duty to ourselves and our country,
growing out of a common necessity, we
have consented, in view of a brighter and
happier future, to merge in oblivion all
past differences, of whatever character, or
attributable to whatever source. In ap-
pealing to our fellow-colonists to unite
with us in this our most needful duty,
we solemnly conjure them, as they desire
a successful issue, and the welfare of their
country, to enter upon the task, at this mo-
mentous crisis, in the same fraternal spirit.
" The reversal of the ancient policy of
Great Britain, whereby she withdrew from
the colonies their wonted protection in her
markets, has produced the most disastrous
effects upon Canada. In surveying the
actual condition of the country, what but
ruin or rapid decay meets the eye? Our
provincial government and civic corpor-
ations embarrassed ; our banking and
other securities greatly depreciated ; our
mercantile and agricultural interests alike
unprosperous ; real estate scarcely sale-
able upon any terms ; our unrivalled
rivers, lakes, and canals almost unused;
while commerce abandons our shores, the
circu lating capital amassed under a more
favourable system is dissipated, with none
from any quarter to replace it ! Thus,
without available capital, unable to effect
a loan with foreign states, or with the
mother country, although offering security
greatly superior to that which readily
obtains money both from the United States
and Great Britain, when other than col-
onists are the applicants :— crippled,
therefore, and checked in the full career
of private and public enterprise, this
possession of the British crown — our
country — stands before the world in
humiliating contrast with its immediate
neighbours, exhibiting every symptom of
a nation fast sinking to decay.
" With superabundant water-power
and cheap labour, especially in Lower
Canada, we have yet no domestic manu-
factures ; nor can the most sanguine, un-
less under altered circumstances, antici-
pate the home growth, or advent from
foreign parts, of either capital or enter-
prise to embark in this great source of
national wealth. Our institutions, unhap-
pily, have not that impress of permanence
which can alone impart security and inspire
confidence, and the Canadian market is too
limited to tempt the foreign capitalist.
" While the adjoining states are cov-
ered with a network of thriving railways,
Canada possesses but three lines, which,
together, scarcely exceed fifty miles ia
length, and the stock in two of which is
held at a depreciation of from 50 to 80
per cent — a fatal symptom of the torpor
overspreading the land." — Times, Oct. 31.
In what graphic terms are the in-
evitable results of free trade and a re-
stricted currency here portrayed by
the sufferers under their effects!
Colonial protection withdrawn ; home
industry swamped by foreign ; canals
unused ; banks alarmed ; capital dis-
sipated ; rivers and harbours unten-
anted ; property unsaleable ! One
would have thought they were tran-
scribing from this magazine some of
the numerous passages in which we
have predicted its effects. And let
England recollect, Canada now em-
ploys 1,100,000 of the tonnage of
Great Britain. Let it be struck off,
and added to the other side, and the
British tonnage, employed in carrying
on our trade, will, in a few years, be
made less than the foreign.*
British tonnage. Foreign.
British tonnage to British North American colonies, 1846, 1,076,162
To United States of America, .... 205,123 435,399
Total tonnage in British trade to all countries, . 4,294,733 1,806,282
Deduct Canadian tonnage, .... 1,076,162
British tonnage after losing Canada, . . . 3,228,571
Foreign tonnage after gaining Canada,
— PORTEJVS Parliamentary Tables, 1846, p. 52.
1,076,162
The repeal of the Navigation Laws in 1847 gave such an impulse to foreign ship-
Free Trade at its Zenith.
1849.]
One would have thought, from the
present state of Canada, that onr co-
lonial secretary had followed the ad-
vice of Franklin in his " Kules for
making a great Entire a small one."
"If you are told of discontents in your
colonies, never believe that they are gene-
ral, or that you have given occasion for
them ; therefore, do not think of applying
any remedy or of changing any offensive
measure. Redress no grievance, lest they
should be encouraged to demand the re-
dress of some other grievance. Yield no
redress that is just and reasonable, lest
they should make another demand that is
unreasonable. Take all your informations
of the state of your colonies from your
governors and officers in enmity with
them.
" If you see riral nations rejoicing at
the prospect of your disunion with your
provinces, and endeavouring to promote
it — if they translate, publish, and applaud
all the complaints of your discontented
colonists, at the same time privately
stimulating you to severer measures —
let not that alarm or offend you. Why
should it ? You all mean the same thing."
—(Rules 16 and 17.)
If our rulers had followed the ad-
vice of the sages of former times, in-
stead of the theories of modern bul-
lionists and interested parties, they
would have avoided this unparalleled
accumulation of disasters. Hear the
greatest and wisest of men, Lord
Bacon, on the subject : —
" ' For the home trade I first commend
to your consideration the encouragement of
tillage, which will enable the kingdom to
provide corn for the natives, and to spare
for importation ; and I myself have known
more than once, when in times of dearth,
in Queen Elizabeth's days, it drained much
coin of the kingdom to furnish us with
corn from foreign parts.'
" He added also —
" ' Let the foundation of a profitable
trade be so laid that the exportation of
home commodities be more in value than
the importation of foreign, so we shall be
sure that the stocks of the kingdom shall
yearly increase, for then the balance of
trade must be returned in money.'
" And Lord Bacon went on to give this
•wholesome piece of advice : —
* ' Instead of crying up all things which
are either brought from beyond sea or
777
wrought by the hands of strangers, let us
advance the native commodities of onr
own kingdom, and employ our own
countrymen before strangers.' " — Bacon'*
Essays.
" Trade," says Locke, " is necessary to
the production of riches, and money to the
carrying on of trade. This is principally
to be looked after, and taken care of; for
if this be neglected, we shall in vain, by
contrivances among ourselves, and shuf-
fling the little money we have from one
hand to another, endeavour to prevent
our wants : decay of trade will quickly
waste all the remainder ; and then the
landed man, who thinks, perhaps, by the
fall of interest, to raise the value of his
land, will find himself cruelly mistaken,
when, the money being gone, (as it will be
if our trade be not kept up,) he can get
neither farmer to rent, nor purchaser to
buy, his land." ....
" If one-third of the money employed
in trade were locked up or gone out of
England, must not the landlords receive
one-third less for their goods, and, conse-
quently, rents fall — a less quantity of
money by one-third being to be distri-
buted amongst an equal number of re-
ceivers ? Indeed, people, not perceiving
the money to be gone, are apt to be jea-
lous, one of another ; and each suspecting
another's inequality of gain to rob him of
his share, every one will be employing his
skill and power, the best he can, to re-
trieve it again, and to bring money into
his pocket in the same plenty as formerly.
But this is but scrambling amongst our-
selves, and helps no more against our
wants than the pulling of a short coverlid
will, amongst children that lie together,
preserve them all from the cold — some
will starve, unless the father of the family
provide better, and enlarge the scanty
covering. This pulling and contest is
usually between the candid man and the
merchant." — LOCKE'S Works, v. 14, 70,
71. Considerations on Kate of Interest
and liaising the Value of Honey.
We add only the opinion of a great
authority with the Free-traders, Mr
Malthus, -which seems almost pro-
phetic of what is now passing in this
country. We are indebted for it to
the Morning Post, which has consis-
tently argued the doctrines of protec-
tion and an adequate currency since
they were first assailed.
" If the price of corn were to fall to 50s.
ping, that, in the first year after the loss of Canada, the foreign shipping employed in
our trade would exceed the British, even supposing we only lost two-thirds of Cana-
dian trade by its independence.
Free Trade at its Zenitli.
a quarter, and labour and other commodi-
ties nearly in proportion, there can be no
doubt that the stockholder would be bene-
fited unfairly at the expense of the in- •
dustrious classes of society. During the
twenty years, beginning with 1794, and
ending with 1813, the average price of
wheat was about 83s. ; during ten years,
ending with 1813, 92s. ; and during the
last five years of this same twenty, the
price was 108s. In the course of these
twenty years, government borrowed near
£500,000,000 of real capital, exclusive of
the sinking fund, at the rate of about five
per cent interest. But if corn shall fall
to 50s. a quarter, and other commodities
in proportion, instead of an interest of
five per cent., the government will really
pay an interest of seven, eight, and nine,
and for the last £200,000,000, of ten per
cent. This must be paid by the industrious
classes of society, and by the landlords ;
that is, by all those whose nominal incomes
vary with the variations in the measure of
value ; and if we completely succeed in
the reduction of the price of corn and
labour, this increased interest must be
paid in future from a revenue of about
half the nominal value of the national
income in 1813. If we consider with
what an increased weight the taxes on
tea, sugar, malt, soap, candles, &c., would
iu this case bear on the labouring classes
of society, and what proportion of their
income all the active, industrious middle
orders of the state, as well as the higher
orders, must pay, in assessed taxes and
the various articles of custom and excise,
the pressure will appear to be absolutely
intolerable. Indeed, if the measure of
value were really to fall as we have sup-
posed, there is great reason to fear that
the country would be absolutely unable to
continue the payment ofthepresent interest
of the national debt." — Malthus's Etsays.
This was Mr Malthus's anticipation
of the effect of wheat falling to 50s.
What would he have said of it at 40s.,
its present average price? We recom-
mend the concluding paragraph to the
notice of the fund-holders, by whose
influence the late changes have main-
ly been introduced.
But let the Free-traders be of good
cheer — they have done marvellous
things. They have accomplished what
[Dec.
no British statesmen, since the days
of Alfred, have been able to effect.
They have stopped the growth of our
population, and, for the first time for
four centuries, rendered it retrograde.
They have sent from two hundred
and fifty to three hundred thousand
people yearly out of the country, for
three years, in search of food. They
have lowered the Irish circulation
of notes a half. They have, with
one blow, swamped the Poor-law
Amendment Act in England, and ren-
dered rates higher, even with prices
extremely low, than they ever were
in English history. They have ex-
tirpated 200,000 cultivators in Ireland.
They have cut £80,000,000 a-year off
from the remuneration of cultivation
and the encouragement of the home
market to our manufactures in Great
Britain. They have lowered railway
property more than a half. They
have destroyed, at least, a half of the
whole commercial and trading wealth
of the manufacturing towns. They
have made the nation dependant, in
two years, for a fourth of its subsis-
tence on foreign states. They have
rendered the maintenance of the na-
tional independence, if the present
system is persisted in, impossible.
They have destroyed £100,000,000
worth of property in the West Indies.
They have sown the seeds of revolt in
Canada, and rendered its separation,
at no distant period, from Great Bri-
tain a matter of certainty. They
have repealed the Navigation Laws,
and thereby cut off the right arm of
our naval strength. They are fast
laying the seeds of dismemberment in
our colonial empire. They will soon
reduce, if unchecked in their career,
the immense empire of England to
two islands, oppressed with taxes,
eaten up by paupers, importing a third
of their annual subsistence from for-
eign states, brought in in foreign bot-
toms. Thesa are the effects of FREE
TRADE AT ITS ZENITH. What Will
they be at its Nadir?
INDEX TO VOL. LXVL
Abercromby, Mr, in Sardinia, 587.
ACROSS THE ATLANTIC, 567.
^Eneas, Payne Knight's criticisms on, 375.
Africa, Jonathan in, 172 — its deserts, 464.
Agricultural interest, overthrow of, by tho
free-traders, 1 1 5 — population of Wales,
character, &c. of the, 330.
Agriculture, alleged injury from the game
laws to, 73— distressed state of, in Ire-
land, 774— and Spain, 719.
ALBUM, OUR, for the last page of, 205.
Alfieri, the autobiography of, 294.
Alison on taste, remarks on, 13 — on Vir-
gil, 246— on Homer, 255.
America, increase of its shipping under the
reciprocity system, 117, 118 — cost of
raising grain in, 120 — forests of, 464.
Andalusia, Mr Dundas Murray's work on,
705.
Anne, Queen, national debt under, 666.
Anti-game law association, the, 63.
Antro de Nettuno in Sardinia, the, 40.
Ardara, early paintings in, 46.
Army, Cobden's crusade against the, 584.
Art, specimens of early, in Sardinia, 46 —
influence of religion on, 261.
Artist, the, not a mere imitator, 412.
Asia,itsmountains, 462 — table-lands,463.
Assignment system for convicts, advan-
tages of the, 532.
Atala et Rene", Chateaubriand's, 301.
Atheism, Christopher, &c. on, 31.
Attitu in Sardinia, the, 43.
Audiganne, M., on the state of France, 233.
Australia, commerce of, in relation to the
convict system, 527 — exports per head
to, ib. — obstacles to free emigration to}
533.
Austria, the contest between, and Hun-
gary, 589— Cobden on, 591.
Austrian loan, Cobden on the, 602.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY — CHATEAUBRIAND'S ME-
MOIRS, 292.
Bacon, Lord, on the principles of trade,
777.
Bad temper, Christopher on, 5.
BADEN INSURRECTION", the, 206 — as one
result of the revolutionary movement,
429 — its causes, &c., ib.
Baden-Baden, state of, 431.
Baltic shipping, increase of, under the
reciprocity system, 1 1 7, 1 1 8.
Banditti, Sardinian, 41.
Bank, danger of the, in 1823, 675— char-
ter act of 1844, the, 758.
Barton, Bernard, letters of Lamb to, 149.
Bawr, Madame, tale by, 609.
Beattie, Dr, on Gray's elegy, 242.
Beauty, Christopher on the faculty of,
29 — relations of virtue to, 259.
Blair, Dr, on Virgil's description of thun-
der, 12.
Blanc, Louis, his " Protest," 234.
Blind, one of the Baden insurgents, 208.
Bolingbroke on the national debt, 665.
Boroughs, predominance given by the
Reform Bill to, 113.
Boswell's Life of Johnson, on, 296.
Botany Bay, effects of the transportation
system on, 528.
Braybrooke Lord, his edition of Pepys'
Diary, 501.
, Bread stuffs, importation of, 766.
Brentano, one of the Baden insurgents,
206,207,208,211,215.
Brigands, Spanish, 706.
Bright, Mr, motives of, in his anti-game-
law agitation, 63 — on poaching, 70.
Brougham, Lord, on the marriage law of
Scotland, 269 — on transportation, Ac.,
525.
Brown, Dr Thomas, on Gray's elegy, 241.
Bugeaud, Marshal, 227.
Buonaparte and the Bourbons, Chateau-
briand's pamphlet called, 304.
Burritt, Elihu, 583.
Bute, Lord, bribery under, 666.
Butler's Analogy, the argument for im-
mortality from, 311.
Byron, on a passage from, 367 — his de-
scription ofVelino, 372 — his autobio-
graphy, 295.
Cabrera, the last insurrection of, 707.
Cadet de Colobrieres, the, 607.
Caesar's Commentaries, on, 292.
Campbell, Lord, attack on Lord Lynd-
hurst by, 131 — on the Scottish marriage
bill, 265, 273.
Canaanites, presumed relics of the, in
Sardinia, 36.
Canada bill, debates on the, 131 — com-
merce of, in relation to the convict
system, 527 — exports per head to, ib. —
effects of free trade on, 776.
CANADAS, CIVIL REVOLUTION IN — A RE-
MEDY, 471.
Cape, commerce of, in relation to the con-
vict system, 527 — resistance in, to its
being made a penal settlement, 535.
Cardiganshire, rarity of the English lan-
guage in, 328.
Carlist movement, the late, in Spain, 707.
780
Index.
[Dec.
Carlsruhe, the revolt at, 206 — capture of,
by the Prussians, 215.
Carta de Logu of Sardinia, the, 40.
Carthaginians in Sardinia, the, 34 — their
disappearance, 36.
Castlemaine, Lady, 516.
Cavaignac, General, during the June con-
flict, 231, 232.
CAXTONS, the, Part XIV. chap. Ixxx., 48
— chap. Ixxxi., 55 — chap. Ixxxii., 59 —
chap. Ixxxiii., 60 — Part XV. chap.
Ixxxiv., 151 — chap. Ixxxv., 152 — chap.
Ixxxvi., Vivian — at the entrance of life
sits the mother, ib.— chap. Ixxxvii.,
The preceptor, 155 — chap. Ixxxviii.,
The hearth without trust, and the world
without a guide, 157 — chap. Ixxxix.,
The attempt to build a temple to for-
tune out of the ruins of home, 159 —
chap, xc., The results — perverted am-
bition, &c., 160 — chap, xci., 164 — chap,
xcii., 165 — chap, xciii., 167 — chap,
xciv., 171 — Part XVI. chap, xcv., 277
— chap, xcvi., 283 — chap, xcvii., 285 — •
chap, xcviii., 286 — chap, xcix., 289 —
chap, c., 290 — Part the Last, chap, ci.,
391— chap, cii., 393 — chap, ciii., 394—
chap, civ., 396 — chap, cv., 397 — chap,
cvi., 400 — chap, cvii., 403— -chap, cviii.,
405.
Celtic race, character of the Welsh, 335.
Chapman's Homer, on, 257.
Charles II., sketches of the time of, 501,
et seq.
CHARLES LIMB, 133.
Chartism, prevalence of, in Wales, 337.
CHATEAUBRIAND'S MEMOISS, 292.
Chauteaubriand, vanity of, 300 — his suc-
cessive works, 301.
Chatham, Lord, his system of colonial
policy, 471.
Christ's Hospital, Charles Lamb at, 135.
Christianity, Christopher on, 30.
Christian morality, on, 30.
Christina, Spain under, 704.
CHRISTOPHER UNDER CANVASS, tee DIES
BOREALES.
Christopher in the Sulks — a sketch, 3.
Church of England, state of the, in Wales,
333 — of Scotland, opposition of, to the
marriage and registration bills, 266.
CIVIL REVOLUTION IN THE CANADAS — A
REMEDY, 471.
Clamor Publico, the, 710.
Classes at Yverdun, the, 104.
Classical, on the significance of, 25.
Claudius in Hamlet, on, 639, 646.
Close boroughs, advantages of the, 111.
Coal, export of, from Wales, 329, 330.
Cobden, review of the career of, 581,
ct seq. — speech of, at the Hungarian
meeting, 591.
Cockburn of Ormiston, character of, 351.
Coleridge, intimacy of Lamb with, 136 —
Talfourd's account of, 142.
Colonial policy, British system of, 471.
Colonies, effects of the protective system
on, 110 — virtually disfranchised by the
Reform Bill, 113 — influence of the
transportation system on their com-
merce, 527.
Comic, present rage for the, 145.
Commerce, effects of the protection sys-
tem on, 110 — effects of the new cur-
rency system on, 123 — colonial, influ-
ence of the transportation system on,
527.
Commons, house of, all classes represented
in, prior to the Reform Bill, 111.
Confiscations, the revolutionary, in
France, 225.
Conjuror, the, 692.
Constitution, the German, and its rejec-
tion, 425.
Consumer and producer, different in-
terests of, 112.
Convict system, general review of the,
519, et seq.
Convicts, instruction of, in a trade, 520.
Copper, smelting,- £c. of, in Wales, 329,
330.
Cordova, General, in Italy, 709.
Corn Laws, the abolition of the, 115.
Corunna, the embarkation at, G96.
Cotton manufactures, profits &c. on, in
America, 473.
Cowan, Mr, on the game laws, 68.
Crichton, Mr, on game-law prosecutions,
70.
Crime, increase of, 126, 773 — statistics of,
for Wales, 332 — statistics of recent,
519.
Criminals, reformation of, in New South
Wales, 526.
CROWNING OF THE COLUMN, the, and th
Crushing of the Pedestal, 108.
Cruachan, thunder-storm on, 8.
Cuba, state of, prospects of its separation
from Spaiu, &c., Tll.et seq.
Cunninghame, Mr, on the reformation of
convicts, 526.
Currency system, the new, and its effect?,
122, 756, 759, et seq.
Davenant, Dr Charles, on the national
debt, 663.
Dead, mourning for the, in Sardinia, 43. '
Death, Butler's argument regarding, 382.
Delta, Disenchantment by, 563.
Democracy, error of principle of, 222.
Democratic tendencies in Wales, influ-
ence of dissent on, 337.
De Ruyter, Admiral, 511.
DIARY OF SAMUEL PEPYS, 501.
Dickens, the works of, 380.
Dies Boreales, No. I., sonnet on reading, 18.
DIES BOREALES, No. II. Christopher
under canvass, 1 — Christopher in the
sulks, a sketch, 3 — on temper, 5 — a
thunder-storm, 6, et seq. — Virgil's de-
scription of thunder, 11 — Lucretius',
15— Thomson's, 16— arrival of Talboy.?,
17 — on the signification of classical, 25
1849.] Index.
— on scholarship, 27 — on beauty and
morals, 29 — Christianity and its
morality, 30 — Scepticism and its re-
sults, 31 — No. III., on impersonation,
238— Shakspeare, 239 — Inishail and
its churchyard, 240 — Gray's elegy, ib. —
on Alison and Virgil, 246 — on a pas-
sage in Hamlet, 252 — and one in
Homer, 255 — the self-snstaimnent of
the Homeric heroes, 258 — Alison's
Essay on Taste, 259— -on virtue and
vice, 2GO — influence of religion on art,
26 1— on materialism, 262— No. IV. 363
— a rain storm, 364 — on angling, 366
— on Byron's description of the Cli-
tumnus, 367 — and of Velino, 372 — on
immortality, and Butler's argument for
it, 380— No. V. on Macbeth, 620. j
DISENCHANTMENT, by A, 563.
Disraeli's Essay on the literary character,
297.
Dissent, statistics of, in Wales, 333— fos-
tering of chartism by, there, 338.
DOMINIQUE, a sketch from life : the two
students, 77 — Mother and Son, 79 —
The double duel, 83 — Five years later,
85 — The Horse-riders, 87 — Foes and
Friends, 91.
Dormitory at Yverdun, the, 99.
DOUBLEDAY'S FINANCIAL HISTORY OP ENG-
LAND, review of, 655.
Dream- Fugue on sudden death, a, 75Q.
Dreams, the, in Shakspeare, 642.
Drysdale versus Jamieson, game-law de-
cision in, 75.
Dudevant, Madame, La Petite Fadette
by, 607.
Dumas, Alexandra, recent novels of, 610
—works announced by, 619.
Dutch, naval contests of the, with Eng-
land, 509.
Dyer, George, 141.
Earth, peninsular tendency in the, 461 —
its interior, 462.
Eas-a-Bhrogich, cave at, 9.
Ecclesiastical property, abuses connected
with, in Wales, 354.
Economists, rise of the, 113.
Education, sketches of the Pestalozzian
system of, 93, et seq. — relations of crime
in Great Britain to, 520.
Ehrenberg, discoveries of, regarding the
Infusoria, 466.
Eichbald, Lieutenant, in Baden, 208, 210.
Eleanora, Guidicessa of Sardinia, 39.
Electric Telegraph, proposed introduction
of, into Spain, 721.
Embarkation, the, 696.
Emigrants, annual number of, 5 37.
Emigration, increase of, under the free-
trade system, 126, 77'2 — its expense to
different localities, 533.
Emulation, rejection of, by Pestalozzi, 95.
Enfant Trouve* of Paris, the, 226.
Enghien, the Due d', conduct of Chateau-
briand on the murder of, 304.
781
England, growth of, under the navigation
laws and restrictive system, 108 — feel-
ing of alienation in Wales from, 327 —
crime in, compared with Wales, 332 —
the naval contest of, with the Dutch,
509 — statistics of crime in, 519.
ENGLISH MAIL-COACH, or the glory of
motion, 485 — going down with victory,
496 — continuation : the Vision of Sud-
den Death, 741.
English autobiographies, rarity of, 299 —
language, partial diffusion of the, in
Wales, 328.
Enzio, King of Sardinia, sketch of, 38.
Erbe, one of the Bad«n insurgents, 203.
Essai Historique, Lamartine's, 301.
Evelyn, the diary of, 502 — account of
Lady Frances Stuart by, 515.
Expatriation, effects of, in reforming cri-
minals, 525, et seq.
Exports, decrease of, 123 — colonial, influ-
ence of the transportation system on,
527 — influence of free trade on, 765.
Famille Recour, the, 609.
Farmers, alleged injury from game to the,
73 — and farming in Wales, state of,
330 — of Canada, effects of the restric-
tive system on, 476.
Female characters of Shakspeare, the,239-
Fergusson on Gray's elegy, 242.
Feudal system, alleged origin of the
game laws with the, 66.
Fickler, one of the Baden insurgents, 206,
208, 211.
Finance, importance of the subject of, and
general ignorance regarding it, 655.
Finances, the French, effects of the late
revolution on, 232 — the Russian, Cob-
den on, 595 — the Spanish, statistics re-
garding, 711,e« seq.
Fire of London, the, 508.
Fleet, the English, state of, under Charles
II. 510.
Foreign interference, Whig, 586.
Foreign shipping, increase of, under the
reciprocity system, 117.
Foudras, the Marquis de, novels of, 609.
Foundlings, numbers of, in Paris, 226.
Fountainhall's diary, on, 502.
FRANCE, THE REVOLUTION OF 1848 IN,
Lamartine's account of, 219.
Franchise, practical extent of the, before
the Reform Bill, 111.
FRANCIS' CHRONICLES OF THE STOCK EX-
CHANGE, review of, 655.
Frankfort parliament, the, and itsfall,425.
Frankfort, occupation of, by the Prussians,
427 — atrocities of the Red republicans
in, 598.
FREE TRADE AT ITS ZENITH, 756.
Free trade, review of the effects of, 108.
FRENCH NOVELS OF 1849, the, 607— auto-
biographies, multitude and character
of, 298 — materialism, on, 261.
Frbbel, one of the Baden insurgents, 208.
Funding system, general ignorance re-
HAS
and
garding the, 655 — evils accruing from
it, 666.
Fuorisciti in Sardinia, the, 41.'
Gagern, Herr von, 435.
Game, increased consumption of, 71.
GAME LAWS IN SCOTLAND, the, 63 — exa-
mination of the arguments against, 68
— alleged cost of prosecutions under, 69.
Gang system for convicts, evils of the, 532.
Gayford, Mr, on the injury done by game,
69.
Genie du Christianisme, Chateaubriand's,
301.
Gentilhommes Chasseurs, the, 610.
Gentry, the Welsh, character of, 335, 338.
Geography, physical and general, distinc-
tion between, 460, 461.
George II., debt contracted under, 666.
German unity, failure of the realisation
of, 424.
GERMANY, REVOLUTIONARY, WHAT
SHE ATTAINED ? 424 — northern
southern, disunion between, 428.
Gibbon's autobiography, on, 292.
Girardin, M. during the revolution of
1848,227.
Girondists, Lamartine's History of the,
220, 221.
Giudici in Sardinia, the, 37.
Glasgow, increase of pauperism in, 127,
772 — the Queen's visit to, 361.
Godwin, William, Talfourd's sketch of,
141.
Goegg, one of the Baden insurgents, 206,
208, 211.
Goethe, on the autobiography of, 295 —
the centenary of, 435.
Good temper, Christopher on, 5.
Gore district in Canada, state of, 473.
Government, indifference of the, to Scot-
tish affairs, 264.
Grain, importation of, under the free-trade
system, 118, 119, 766.
Grammont's memoirs, on, 501.
GRANGE, LADY, new light on the story of,
347.
Gravitation, Sir J. Herschel on, 459.
Gray's Elegy, on, 240.
Great Britain, progress of, under the
navigation laws, 108 — her colonial
policy, 471 — her position in relation to
the continental powers, 587 — origin of
the national debt of, 657, 662— state of,
under James II., 657 — progress of the
national debt, 666.
Greeks and their poetry, Christopher on,
25 — emblems employed by the, for im-
mortality, 380.
GREEX HAND, the, Part III., 183— Part
IV., 305— Part V., 436— Part VI., 723.
Grey, Earl, on the Reform Bill, 146.
Groben, General Von, in Baden, 214.
Grove, Mr, on the co-relation of the phy-
sical sciences, 460.
Gurney, Mr, on the cost of the army. &c.,
763.
Index. [Dec.
Guy, Thomas, founder of the hospital, 669.
Gwynne, Nell, Pepys' account of, 516.
Hamlet, on a passage in, 252.
Hazlitt, Talfourd's account of, 143.
Hecate of Shakspeare, the, 625.
Hecker-Lied, the, 435.
Heidelberg, the insurrection in, 206 — •
entrance of the Prussians into, 214.
Helene, remarks on, 607.
Herschel, Sir J., on gravitation, 459.
Heskir, imprisonment of Lady Grange at,
347.
Hesse-Darmstadt, revolutionary attempt
at, 208.
Heyne on the Homeric heroes, 257.
Highlanders, improvement in the charac-
ter of the, 336.
Himalayas, heights, &c.,of the, 462.
Hirschfeld, General, in Baden, 212.
History, association of, with locality, 655.
H'Lassa, city of, 463.
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, acquisition of,
by Prussia, 434.
Homer, the dreams in, 642.
Hope of Rankeillour, connexion of, with
the case of Lady Grange, 348, 350.
Hospitality, Sardinian, anecdotes of, 42.
Hugo, Victor, and the Peace Congress,
583— his Notre Dame, 655.
Humboldt's Cosmos, remarkson,456,ef*ey.
Hume's Autobiography, on, 293.
Hungary, the movement in, its objects,
&c., 588 — meeting to sympathise with
it, 590 — the executions in, 599.
Hay, Lord, 353, 355.
Imitation not the perfection of art, 412. "
Immortality, Christopher on, 32 — Butler's
argument for, 380, et seq.
Impersonation, on, 238, 645, 646.
Imports, increase of, 123, 766.
Imprisonment, experienced inefficiency of,
519 — its expense, 521 — causes of its
failure, 522.
India, completion of the British empire
in, 108.
Industry, effects of the late revolution on,
in France, 233.
Inishail, churchyard in, 240.
Insects, formation of rocks by, 465,466 —
those of America, 467.
INSURRECTION IN BADEN, the, 206.
Intellect, predominance of, in France, 299.
Ireland, the round towers of, 36 — the
Queen's visit to, 361 — recent statistics
of crime in, 522 — depressed state of
agriculture in, 774.
Irish, resemblance of the Sardes to the, 40
— transported convicts, superiority of,
and its causes, 531.
Iron, produce, &c., of, in Wales, 329, 330.
Irreligion, influence of, in France, 224.
Italy, proceedings of Lord Minto in, 587
— the Spanish army in, 709.
James II., revenue, &c., of Great Britain,
under, 657.
Jean le Trouveur. romance of, 612.
1849.]
Index.
783
Jeffrey's exposition of Alison on Taste, on,
13.
Jews, revolutionary tendency of the, in
Germany, 435 — early connexion of the,
with stock -jobbing, 663.
Johnson, BoswelPs life of, 296.
JOHNSTON'S PIIYSICAL ATLAS, review of,
456.
Joint-stock companies, rise of, 669 — those
of 1823, &c., 673.
JONATHAN IN AFRICA, 172.
Journalists, the, the leaders of revolution
in France, 219 — their political predo-
minance there, 299.
KALOOLAH, review of, 172.
Kames, Lord, on Virgil's description of
thunder, 12.
Khoouawur, pass of, 463.
Knight, Payne, on Virgil's ^Eneas, 375 —
on Macbeth, 621.
Kossuth, views of, in Hungary, 589.
Krauss, Major, 690.
Labouchere, Mr, on Canada, 478.
Ladenburg, skirmish at, 212.
LAMARIINE'S REVOLUTION OF 1848, 219 —
on his history of the Girondists, 220,
221 — his Confidences,a,ud Raphael, 298,
301— his vanity, 300.
LAMB, CHARLES, 133 — Miss Mary, 137.
Lamoriciere, General, during the June
conflict, 231.
Land, the protective system in its rela-
tions to, 111.
Landed interest, predominance given by
the Reform Bill over the, 113.
Landscape painter, qualifications neces-
sary for the, 412.
Language, effects in Wales of the differ-
ences of, 327.
La Patrie on the industrial state of
France, 233.
Laudenbach, revolutionary attempt at,
208.
Lawrence, (U.S.,) rise of, 472.
Le Grice, Mr, account of Charles Lamb
by, 135.
Leiningen, Prince, manifesto of, 434.
Lloyd, Charles, 139.
Locke on the principles of trade, 777.
London, consumption of game in, 72 —
importation of grain into, 120 — the
great plague of, 506— the fire of, 508—
importation of grain into, 767.
London Tavern, Hungarian meeting at,
590.
Long Parliament, revenue raised by the,
657.
Lopez, Mannasseh, stock exchange fraud
by, 668.
Lord Advocate, the, his Marriage and
Registration bills, 263.
Lotteries, evils, &c., of the, 671.
Louis Philippe, conduct of, during the
revolution of 1848, 227, 228- intrigues
of, in Spain, 722.
VOL. LXVI. — KO. CCCCX.
Lovat, Lord, connexion of, with the case
of Lady Grange, 347.
Lowell, rapid progress of, 472.
Lucretius, description of thunder by, 15.
Lyell, Mr, on gradual subsidence and up-
heaval, 465.
Lyndhurst, Lord, Lord Campbell's attack
wn, 131.
LYNMOUTH REVISITED, 412.
Macaulay, Mr, examination of his picture
of England under the Stuarts, 658.
Macbeth, criticisms on tragedy of, 621,
et seg. — Lady, on the character of, 622.
Mackay, J. R., revelations of parliamen-
tary bribery by, 666.
M'Neill, Mr, on the proposed Marriage
and Registration bills, 266, 270.
Madden, Mr, on the state of Cuba, 711,
et seq.
MAIL-COACH, the, or the glory of motion,
485 — going down with victory, 496 —
continued, 741.
Malta, proposed to be made a penal colony,
535.
Malte Brun on the transportation system,
528.
Malthus, Mr, on the corn-law question,
777.
Man that wasn't drowned, the, 691.
Manasa, lake of, 463.
Manchester, (U.S.,) rise of, 472.
Manning, letters of Lamb to, 147.
Manufactures, protective system toward,
110 — French, effects of the late revolu-
tion on, 233 — progress of, in the United
States, 471 — profits on them there, 473
— of Spain, the, 719.
Manufacturing population of Wales, cha-
racter, &c., of the, 329.
Mar, the Earl of, 352 — Lady, 354, et seq.
Mardi, remarks on, IT 2.
Marriage bill, the proposed Scottish, 263.
Massachusetts, advantages from manu-
factures to, 472.
Materialism, on, 261.
MAYO'S KALOOLAH, review of, 172.
.Medina the Jew, CO 3.
Meiroslawski, the leader of the Baden in-
surgents, 210, 212.
MELVILLE'S REDBURN, review of, 567 —
Mardi, remarks on, 172.
Mery, M., le Transporte by, 619.
Metternich, a Baden leader, 208.
Meyer, Dr, 329.
Military, revolt of the, in Baden, 430.
Milnes, R. M., the Hungarian question
brought forward by, 590.
Miners of Wales, character of the, 329, 33 1 .
Miuto, Lord, proceedings of, in Italy, 587.
Mitford, Rev. Mr, on Gray's elegy, 242.
Monetary crises, danger of, 762, 771.
Moneyed interest, rise of the, 112 — its
origin with the Revolution, 663.
Monitorial system, the, as used by Pesta-
lozzi, 95.
3F
784
Index.
[Dec.
Monkey and the cat, the, 698.
Monmouth, the Duke of, Pepys' account
of, 51fi.
Montemolin, the Count, character, &c. of,
707.
Montpensier, the Due de, weakness of,
during the Revolution, 228.
Moore's life of Byron, on, 295.
MORAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION OF WALES,
the, 326.
Morality, state of, in Wales, 333.
Morals, impossibility of a definite stan-
dard of, 29.
Moroseness, Christopher on, 5.
Mosquito, the, 467.
Motion, the glory of, 485.
Mountains, Mrs Somerville, &c. on, 462.
Murder tragedies, on, 646.
Murillo, financial schemes, &c. of, 720.
Murray,Mr Dundas, his "Andalusia," 705.
My Dream, 702.
MY PENINSULAR MEDAL, Part I., chap, i.,
539 — chap, ii., 544 — chap, iii., 556 —
Part II. chap, iv., 678 — chap, v., 683—
chap, vi., 690.
Napoleon, Chateaubriand's account of, 303.
NARVAEZ, SPAIN UNDER, 704 — ministry,
the recent displacement of, 722.
National character, the Welsh, 335.
National debt, introduction of the, by
William III., 662— its progress, 666—
the Spanish, 714.
NATIONAL DEBT AND STOCK EXCHANGE,
the, 655.
National guard of Paris, desertion of the
Assembly by the, 229.
National independence, danger to the, 768.
Natural children, numbers, &e. of, in
Paris, 226.
Naturalist,' the, 696.
Nature as a revelation, on, 31.
Navigation laws, growth of England un-
der, and effects of their repeal, 108.
Nelson on the importance of Sardinia, 33.
Nemours, the Due de, 229.
New South Wales and the convict system,
on, 526, et seq. — resolutions of council
of, in favour of transportation, 529.
Nicholl's diary, on, 502.
Niti pass, the, 463.
Nobility, present powerlessness of, in
France, 219.
Noraghe of Sardinia, the, 34, 35.
North American colonies, present state of
the, 471.
Oakville, village of, its history, &c., 473.
Obscurity as an element of the sublime,
on, 33.
Ofienburgjthe democratic meeting at,206.
Orleans, the Duchesse d',her heroism, 229.
Osborne, Mr B., on the Hungarian ques-
tion, 590 — on Russia, 595.
Paci in Sardinia, the, 41.
Palmerston, Lord, the interference sys-
tem of, 587 — on the Hungarian ques-
tion, 590.
Paris, number of foundlings, £c. in, 226
— Lamartine's account of the June con-
flict in, 231 — finances of, after the Re-
volution, 232 — the peace congress at,
583, 585.
Parliament, all classes represented in,
before the Reform Bill, 111 — justice of
colonial representation in, 477 — bribing
of, under William III., 664.
Pauperism, increase of, 127.
Payne Knight, see KNIGHT.
PEACE AND WAR AGITATORS, 581.
Peace congress at Paris, the, 583, 585.
Pearson, Mr, on the state of crime, 520.
Peasantry, depressed condition of the, in
Spain, 719
Peel, Sir R., review of his free-trade mea-
sures, 114, 756, et seq.
Peninsulas, Mrs Somerville on, 461.
PEPYS, DIARY OF, 501.
PESTALOZZIANA, 93 — the dormitory, 99 —
the refectory, 101 — classes, 104.
Peter, one of the Baden insurgents, 206,
208,211.
Petite Fadette, the, 607.
Peucker, General, in Baden, 214.
PHILLIPS' WALES, &c., review of, 32G.
Phoenicians, probable settlement of the,
in Sardinia, 34.
PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY, 456.
Pinna Marina, the, 40.
Pitt's currency system, contrast between,
and Peel's, 760.
Plague of London, the, 506.
Planets, irregularities among the, 459.
Plutarch's Lives, on, 292.
Poaching, proportion of prosecutions for,
70.
Poetry, modern, affectations of, 340.
Poetry, For the last page of our album,
205 — Disenchantment, 563.
Poland, Cobden on, 593.
Poles, revolutionary efforts of the, 601.
Political economy, rise of, with Adam
Smith, 113.
Pomptilla, monument to, 47.
Poor-rates, present amount of the, 126, 772
— progress of the, from James II., 660.
Pope, the, Spanish intervention on behalf
of, 709.
Population, diminution of the, 773.
Potato rot, alleged influence of the, 763.
Poussin, Gaspar, the landscape of, 413.
Press, the Spanish, state of, 705.
Prisoners, advantages of industrial in-
struction to, 530.
Producer and consumer,different interests
of, 112.
Proprietors, number of, iu France, and its
influence, 225.
Protective system, growth of England
under the, 108.
Prussia, overthrow of the Baden insur-
gents by, 212 — new constitution of,
428 — occupation of Baden, &c. by, 433.
Prussia, the Prince of, in Baden, 212.
1849.]
Index.
785
Radicalism, prevalence of, in Wales, 337.
Radnorshire, predominance of English in,
328.
Ragionatori in Sardinia, 41.
Railroads in Massachusetts, origin, &c. of
the, 472.
Railway mania, causes of the, 753.
Railways, depreciation in, 773.
Rain, picture of a storm of, 364.
Rainbow, a, 10.
Rastadt, revolt of, 430— its surrender,
431.
Raveau, one of the Baden insurgents, 208.
Reciprocity system, effects of, on British
and foreign shipping, 117.
Red republicans, resistance of Lamar-
tine to the, 230.
REDBURN, review of, 567.
Refectory at Yverdun, the, 101.
Reform Bill, change as regards represen-
tation by the, 111, 113.
Registration bill, the proposed Scottish,
263.
Religion, influence of, on art, 26'1 — state
of, in Wales, 333.
Representation, practical universality of,
before the Reform Bill, 111 — justice of
colonial, 477.
Revenue, influence of free trade on, 765.
Revolution, class by which headed, in
France, 219 -comparison between it
and war, 585.
Revolution of 1688, origin of the national
debt with it, 657.
Revolutions of 1848, alleged influence of
the, 763.
Revue des deux Mondes, the, on Spain,
717.
Reybaud, Madame Charles, Helene, &c.
by, 607.
Reynolds, G. W. M. at the Hungarian
meeting, 597.
Richard III., on, 646, 647.
Robbery, prevalence of, in Spain, 707.
Roman law, the, in regard to game, 66.
Rome, effects of free trade in grain on,
109 — the insurgent party in, 587 — in-
tervention of Spain in affairs of, 709.
Romish superstitions, on, 44.
Rosa, Salvator, the landscape of, 4 1 2.
Rothschild, Nathan, sketch of, 676.
ROYAL PROGRESS, the, 359.
Rousseau's autobiography, on, 293.
" Russia, by a Manchester manufacturer,"
extract from, 594.
Russia, growth of, under the protective
system, 109 — her intervention in Hun-
gary, 589 — Cobden on it, 591 — and on
her finances, 594.
Rutherford, Mr, his Marriage and Regis-
tration bills, 263.
Sailors' tickets, jobbing in, 669.
St Kilda, Lady Grange imprisoned at, 347.
Salem, (U.S.,) rapid progress of, 472.
Salomons, Mr, at the Hungarian meeting,
590, 596.
Sand, George, La Petite Fadette, by, 607.
Sandwich, the Earl of, 504.
Sardes, probable origin of the, 34 — their
resemblances to the Irish, 40 — cus-
toms, character, &c. of, 42.
SARDINIA, the island of, 33.
Sardinia, proceedings of Mr Abercromby
in, 587.
Saxons, crossing, &c., of the, in Britain,
337.
Scholar, Christopher, on the, 27, et seq.
Science, rapid revolutions in, 458.
Scotch, races from which derived, 337 —
transported convicts, inferiority of, and
its causes, 531 — law, principle of the,
relative to game, 66.
SCOTLAND, THE GAME LAWS IN, 63 — propor-
tion of game-law prosecutions in, 70 —
necessity of a secretary of state for, 264
— the Queen's visit to, 1849,359 — recent
statistics of crime in, 519 — expense of,
the imprisonment system in, 521.
Scott, Sir Walter, autobiography of, 293
— on his Heart of Mid-Lothian, 655.
SCOTTISH MARRIAGE AND REGISTRATION
BILLS, the, 263.
Secondary punishments, best system of,
519.
Sepolture de is Gigantes in Sardinia, the,
34, 36.
Shakspeare, on the female characters of,
239 — criticisms on his Macbeth, 62),
etseq. — the dreams in, 642 — his Richard
III., 646, 647.
Sheerness, capture of, by the Dutch, 511.
Shepherd, Mr,his essay on the game laws,
64, 69, 72.
Shipping interest, effects of the Reform
Billon, 114— of the reciprocity system,
117.
Sigel, lieutenant, one of the Baden insur-
gents, 208, 209, 210.
Sketcher,the,Lynmouth revisited by, 412.
Sketching, preparation necessary for, 413.
Slaver, sketches on board of a, 177.
Sleep-walking scene in Macbeth, the, 643.
Sluicy Sam, 691.
Smith, Adam, influence of his Wealth of
Nations, 113— free-trade movement due
to, 219 — on the price of wheat, 658.
Smith, Bobus, 15.
Smith of Chichester, painting by, 414.
Smugglers, the Spanish, 717.
Solar system", irregularities in the, 459.
SOMERVILLE'S PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY, re-
view of, 456.
Sonnet, " A friend returned," 18.
South sea company, origin and history of
the, 669.
SPAIN UNDER NARVAEZ AND CHRISTINA,
704.
Spanish bondholders, proceedings of the,
713.
Speculation, mania for, and examples of
it, 672, et seq.
Stag, the stock exchange, 673.
786
Index.
[Dec. 1849.
Stalactite cave in Sardinia, a, 40.
Stanley, Lord, reply to Lord Campbell
by, 131.
Stevenson, C., on the injury done by
game, 69.
Stock exchange, sketches of the,' 655 —
frauds on it, 668.
Stock-jobbing, rise of, 668.
Storm, gathering of a, 6.
STRAYED REVELLER, the, review of, 340.
Struve, the Baden insurgent, 208, 211.
Stuart, Lord Dudley, 605.
Stuart, the Lady Frances, 515.
Stutgardt, meeting of the German parlia-
ment at, 425, 426.
SUDDEN DEATII, VISION OF, 741 — Dream -
fugue on it, 750.
Sulkiness, Christopher on, 3.
Superstitions, Sardinian, 45.
Sweden, upheaval and subsidence in, 465.
Sznayda, General, in Baden, 212.
TALFOURD'S FINAL MEMORIALS OF LAMB,
review of, 133.
Tariff, the new Spanish, 717.
Taste, impossibility of a standard of, 29.
Temper, Christopher on, 3, et seq.
Tenant, alleged injury from the game
laws to, 73.
Thames, entrance of the Dutch fleet into
the, 511.
Thiers, views of, on the first Revolution,
224— his conduct in that of 1848, 227.
Thirlwall, Dr, 329.
Thomson's description of thunder, on, 16.
Thunder, Virgil's, &c., descriptions of, 1 1,
Thunder-storm, a Highland, 6, et seq.
Tibet, fertility, &c., of, 463.
Times, influence of the, in England, 219
— account of the state of France by,
232 — on railway depreciation, 773 — on
Ireland, 774.
Tin, exportation, &c., of, from Wales,
330.
Tories, the, -early opposition of, to the
national debt, 665.
Trade, state of, 123, et seq.
TRANSPORTATION QUESTION, the, 519.
Travellers, intolerance of, toward Romish
superstitions, 44.
Trial, the, 695.
Trout, best size of, 22.
Trutschler, one of the Baden insurgents,
208.
Tunny fishing in Sardinia, 40.
Turkey, position of, regarding the Hun-
garian fugitives, 600.
TVNDALE'S SARDINIA, review of, 33.
United States, system of, regarding
manufactures, 471 — exports per head
to, 527.
Upper Canada, contrast between, and the
States, 473.
Van Diemen's Land, excess of convicts
sent to, 534.
Vanity, displays of, in French autobio-
graphies, 298.
Vegetable life, distribution, &c., of, 468.
Velino, on Byron's description of, 372.
Vendetta in Sardinia, the, 41.
Vice, relations of, to beauty, 259.
Vicomte de Bragelonne, the, 610.
Vienna, atrocities of the Red republicans
in, 599.
Vincent, the Chartist lecturer, 338.
Virgil, Alison on, criticised, 246 -Payne
Knight on, 375.
Virtue, relations of, to beauty, 259.
VISION OF SUDDEN DEATH, THE, 741.
Volcano, changes wrought by the, 465.
Wages, relations of prices of wheat to,
124.
WALES, THE MORAL AND SOCIAL CONDITION
OF, 326 — the report of the commission-
ers on, ib.
Walpole, Sir Robert, 352, 353— parlia-
mentary bribery under, 666.
War, the agitation against, 581 — com-
pared with revolution, 585.
Webster, Mr, on American manufactures,
473.
Welford on the game laws, 65.
Wellington, measures of national defence
urged by, 769.
Welsh language, predominance of the, in
Wales, 328.
Wemyss, Captain, game-law case of, 75.
West Indies, effects of negro emancipa-
tion on the, 114 — free-trade policy to-
ward, and its effects, 115, 775 — depre-
ciation in, 116, note — exports per head
to, 527.
Westminster school, taking leave of, 94.
WHAT HAS REVOLUTIONISING GERMANY
ATTAINED ? 424.
Wheat, prices of, at various times, 658 —
average price of, in London, 757, note.
Whigs, foreign interference system of the,
586.
White, Jem, a friend of Lamb's, 136.
William III., introduction of the national
debt and the bribery system under, 662.
Wilson, R., on the game laws, 65.
Witches in Macbeth, on the, 623, 625.
Words, Christopher on the knowledge of,
27.
Wordsworth, letter from Lamb to, 149.
Working classes, condition of the, under
the Stuarts, 659.
Wortley Montague, Lady Mary, 354, et
seq.
Wurtemberg, the new constitution in, 42.0.
Young, Mr, on the effects of the recipro-
city system, &c., 117.
Yverdun, Pestalozzi's establishment at, 93.
Zund-nadel musket, the, 214.
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