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THE    GOUERNOUR 

VOL.  II. 


THE   BOKE 


NAMED  THE  GOUERNOUR 


DEUISED  BY  SIR  THOMAS  ELYOT,  KNIGHT 


EDITED    FROM    THE    FIRST   EDITION   OF    1531 
BY 

HENRY    HERBERT    STEPHEN    CROFT,    M.A. 

BARRISTER-AT-LAW 


IN     TWO     VOLUMES 

VOL.  II. 


LONDON 

KEGAN  PAUL,  TRENCH,  &  CO.,  i  PATERNOSTER  SQUARE 

1883 


{The  rights  of  translation  and  of  reproduction  are  reserved) 


Cable* 

THE  SECONDS  BOKE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PACK 

What  thing  he  that  is  elected  to  be  a  gouernour  of  a  publyke  weale 
ought  to  premeditate I 


CHAPTER    II. 
What  Maiestie  is 


CHAPTER    III. 
Of  apparaile  belongynge  to  a  gouernour  or  great  connsaylonr    .         .17 

CHAPTER    IV. 
What  very  nobilitie  is 26 

CHAPTER  V. 
Of  affabilitie  and  the  ntilitie  therof 38 

f 

CHAPTER    VI. 

How  noble  a  vertue  placabilite  is 55 


THE    TABLE. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

PAGE 

7 'hat  a  gouernoure  oughte  to  be  mercy  full  and  the  diner sitie  betivene 
mercy  and  vayne  pitie 73 


CHAPTER   VIII. 
The  ihre  princy pall  paries  of  Humanytie 88 

CHAPTER   IX. 

Of  what  excellence  benc.uolence  is          .        .         .         .        .  .     92 

CHAPTER   X. 

Of  beneficence  and  liberalise        ,         .        .         .        .        .         .        .in 

CHAPTER   XI. 
The  true  definition  of  amitie  and  betwene  what  persons  it  hapneth     .  119 

CHAPTER   XII. 

The  wonderfull  historye    of  Titus   and  Gisyppus,  wherin   is  the 
ymagt  of  perfecte  amitie         .         .         .     .*.         .     •-  ".         ..       .132 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
The  dyuision  of  Ingratitude  and  the  dispraise  therof .        .        .         .166 

CHAPTER   XIV. 
The  election  of  frendes  and  the  diuersitie  of flaterers         .        .         .175 


Cable* 

THE    THIRDE  BOKE. 
CHAPTER   I. 


PACK 


Of  the  most  excellent  vertue  named  iustyce 1 86 

CHAPTER   II. 
The  fyrste  parte  of  Justyce  dystrybutyfe 189 

CHAPTER    III. 

The  thre  notable  coimsailes  of  Reason,  Societie,  and  know lege     .         .201 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Of  Fraude  and  deceyte,  whiche  be  agayne  Justyce       .         .         .         .213 

CHAPTER  V. 

That  Justyce  oughte  to  be  betwene  ennemyes 223 

CHAPTER   VI. 
Of  fay  the  called  in  latyne  dftttes! 225 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Of  promise  and  coucnannt  and  of  what  importaunce  othes  were  in 

olde  tyme 246 


viii  THE  TABLE. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

PAGE 

Of  the    noble  vertue  Fortitude,  and  the  two    extremityes  thereof 
andacitie  and  tymerositic        .         .         .         ;         .         .         .         .  262 

CHAPTER  IX. 
In  what  act  is  fortitude  is    .        .  .        ,        .        .         .         .  268 

CHAPTER  X. 
Of  paynefulnesse  a  companion  of  Fortitude        .'       .        .        .         .  273 

CHAPTER   XI. 

Of  the  fair e  vertue  Pacience  and  the  true  definition  t her  of         .         .277 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Of  pa  eye  nee  in  sustaynynge  turonges  and  rebukes        .        .         .         .281 

CHAPTER   XIII. 
Of  repulse  or  hymieraunce  of  promotion     .        .        .        .        .         .  283 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Of  magnanimitte,  whiche  maye  be  named  valyaunt  courage       .         .  288 

CHAPTER   XV. 

Of  obstinacie,  a  familiar  e  vice  folowynge  magnanimitie     .        .         .  295 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
Of  a  perillous  vice  called  ambition 297 


THE   TABLE.  jx 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

PAGE 

The  true  signification  of  abstinence  and  continence      .         .         .         .304 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 
Examples  of  Continence  gyuen  by  noble  men        .        .        .         .         .312 

CHAPTER   XIX. 
Of  constaunce  called  also  stabilitie       .......  3  \  6 

CHAPTER   XX. 
The  trewe  sygnificacyon  of  Temperaunce     ......  325 

CHAPTER   XXI. 
Of  moderation  a  spice  of  Temperaunce       ......  327 

CHAPTER   XXII. 
Of  Moderation  in  diete  called  sobrietie        ......  335 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 
Of  sapience,  and  the  definition  therof         ......      O 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 
The  trewe  signification  of  understandyng  ......  j59 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

Of  experience  precedynge  our  tyrne,  with  a  defence  of  histories    .        .  383 


x  THE   TABLE. 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 
The  experience  necessary e  for  the  persone  of  euery  gouernour      .         .  402 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

Of  detraction  and    the  image    therof  made  by   Apt-lies   the   noble 
paintour *  ' 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

Of  Consultation  and  Counsayle,  and  in  what  forme  they  ought  to  be 
used .         .427 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

7' lie  principall  considerations  to  be  in  euery  consultation     .        .         .433 

CHAPTER   XXX. 

The  seconde  consideration  with  the  conclusion  of  this  warke     '  .        .443 

ttf  tafculr. 


THE    GOVERNOUR. 


CHAPTER  I. 

What  thyngcs  he  that  is  elected  or  appointed  to  be  a  gouernour  of  a 
publike  weale  ought  to  premeditate. 

N  the  boke  precedinge  I  haue  (as  I  truste)  suffi- 
ciently declared  as  wel  what  is  to  be  called  a 
very  and  righte  publike  weale,  as  also  that  there 
shulde  be  therof  one  prince  and  soueraigne 
aboue  all  other  gouernours.a  And  I  haue  also 
expressed  my  conceipte  and  opinion  touching  nat  only  the 
studies,  but  also  the  exercises  concernynge  the  necessary 
education  of  noble  men  and  other,  called  to  the  gouernance 
of  a  publike  weale,  in  suche  fourme  as,  by  the  noble  example 
of  their  Hues  and  the  frute  therof  coming,  the  publike  weale, 
that  shal  happen  to  be  under  their  gouernance,  shall  nat  faile 
to  be  accounted  happy,  and  the  autoritie  on  them  to  be  em- 
ploied  well  and  fortunately.  Nowe  will  I  traicte  of  the  pre- 
paration of  suche  personages,  whan  they  firste  receyue  any 
great  dignitie,  charge,  or  gouernance  of  the  weale  publike. 

a  Francesco  Patrizi,  on  whose  work,  as  we  have  seen,  '  The  Governour '  was 
modelled,  says  :  '  Hactenus  superioribus  argumentis  et  exemplis  satis  abunde  pro- 
batum  sit,  naturale  imperium  unius  esse  hominis,  et  unum  longe  melius  imperare 
quam  plures :  deinceps  autem  in  sequente  volumine  ostendemus  justum  imperium 
unius  esse  regnum,  et  Regem  bonum  juste  imperare.' — De  Regno  et  Reg,  Insfif, 
lib.  i.  tit.  13.  ed.  1582. 

II.  B 


2  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Firste,  suche  persones  beinge  nowe  adulte,  that  is  to  saye, 
passed  theyr  childehode  as  well  in  maners  as  in  yeres,  if  for 
their  vertues  and  lernynge  they  happe  to  be  called  to  receyue 
any  dignitie,  they  shulde  firste  amoue  all  company  from  them ; 
and  in  a  secrete  oratorie  or  priuie  chambre,  by  them  selfe  as- 
semble all  the  powers  of  their  wittes  to  remembre  these 
VII  articles,  whiche  I  haue  nat  of  myn  owne  heed  deuised, 
but  excerped  or  gathered  as  well  out  of  holy  scripture  as  out 
of  the  warkes  of  other  excellent  writars  of  famouse  memorie, 
as  they  shall  sone  perceiue  whiche  haue  radde  and  perused 
good  autours  in  greke  and  latine.a 

First,  and  aboue  all  thing,  let  them  consider  that  from  god 
only  procedeth  all  honour,b  and  that  neither  noble  progenie,  suc- 
cession, nor  election  be  of  suche  force,  that  by  them  any  astate 
or  dignitie  maye  be  so  stablished  that  god  beinge  stered  to 
vengeaunce  shall  nat  shortly  resume  it,  and  perchance  trans- 
late it  where  it  shall  like  hyrn.  And  for  as  moche  as  examples 
greatly  do  profite  in  the  stede  of  experience,  here  shall  it  be 
necessarye  to  remembre  the  historic  of  Saule,  whom  god  hym 
selfe  elected  to  be  the  firste  kynge  of  Israhel ; c  that  where 
Saul  and  god  commaunded  hym  by  the  mouth  of  Samuel  the 
Amaiech.  prOphet,  that  for  as  moche  as  the  people  called 
Amalech  had  resisted  the  children  of  Israhel,  whan  they  first 
departed  from  Egypt,  he  shuld  therfore  distroy  al  the  countray, 
and  slee  men,  women,  and  children,  all  beastis  and  catell,  and 
that  he  shulde  nothinge  saue  or  kepe  therof.d  But  Saul  after 
Disobe-  tnat  ne  na^  vainquisshed  Amalech,  and  taken  Agag, 
diencc.  kynge  therof,  prisoner,  he  hauing  on  hym  compas- 

•  The  following  '  articles '  are  all,  with  one  exception,  taken  from  the  Instihitio 
Prindpis  Christiani,  of  which  the  author  had  already  spoken  in  terms  of  the  highest 
approval. — See  Vol.  i.  p.  95  and  notes. 

b  This  was  the  starting  point  so  strongly  insisted  upon  by  Erasmus.  '  Quoties 
venit  in  mentem  te  principem  esse,  pariter  succurrat  tt  illud,  te  Christianum  esse 
principem.  .  .  Theologia  Christianorum  tria  prsecipua  qusedam  in  Deo  ponit, 
summam  potentiam,  summam  sapientiam,  summam  bonitatem.  Hunc  ternarium 
pro  viribus  absolvas  oportet.' — Instit.  Prindpis  Christian* ',  pp.  26,  32,  ed.  1519. 

c  See  I  Sam.  ix.  16,  17* 

d  See  I  Sam.  xv.  3. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  3 

sion  saued  his  life  only.     Also  he  preserued  the  best  oxen, 
catel,  and  vestures,  and  all  other  thing  that  was  fairest  and  of 
most  estimation,  and  wolde  nat  consume  it  accordyng  as  god 
had  commaunded  him,  saying  to  Samuel  that  the  people  kept 
it  to  the  intent  that  they  wolde  make  there  with  to  all  mightie 
god  a  solemne  sacrifice.     But   Samuel,  reprouing  him,  said, 
Better  is  obedience  than  sacrifice,  with  other  wordes  that  do 
folowe  in  the  historic/1  Finally,  for  that  offence  onely,  al  mightie 
god  abiected  Saul,  that  he  shulde  no  more  reigne  ouer  Israhel, 
and  caused  Samuel  furthe  with  to  enoynte  Dauid  kynge,  the 
yongest  sonne  of  a  poure  man  of  Bethleem,  named   Isai,b 
whiche  was  kepyng  his  father's  shepe.c     Sens  for  ones  neg- 
lecting the  commandement  of  god,  and  that  neither  natural 
pitie,  nor  the  intent  to  do  sacrifice  with  that  whiche  ,vas  saued, 
mought  excuse  the  transgression  of  goddes  commandement 
nor  mitigate  his  greuous  displesure.      Howe  vigilant  ought  a 
christen  man  beinge  in  autoritie — howe  vigilant  (I  say),  indus- 
trious, and  diligent  ought  he  to  be  in  the  administration  of  a 
publike  weale  ?   Dreding  alway  the  wordes  that  be  spoken  by 
eternall  sapience  to  them  that  be  gouernours  of  publik 
weales  d  ;  All  powar  and  vertue  is  gyuen  of  the  lorde 
that  of  al  other  is  highest,  who  shal  examine  your  dedes,  and 

»  See  i  Sam.  xv.  22. 

b  I.e,  Jesse.     Josephus  calls  him  'leo-traioy,  whence  Isai. 

c  See  I  Sam.  xvi.  n. 

d  '  For  the  power  is  gyuen  you  of  the  lorde,  and  the  strength  from  the  hyghest, 
which  shall  trye  your  workes  and  searche  out  your  ymagynacyons. 

'  Howe  that  ye,  beynge  offycers  of  hys  kyngdome,  haue  not  executed  trewe 
iugement,  haue  not  kept  the  law  of  rightuousnes,  nor  walked  after  his  wil. 

'  Horrybly  and  that  ryght  soone  shal  he  apere  unto  you ;  for  an  harde  Judgement 
shall  they  haue  that  beare  rule. 

'  Mercy  is  graunted  unto  the  symple,  but  they  that  be  in  auctorite  shall  be  sore 
punyshed. 

'  For  God,  which  is  Lorde  ouer  al,  shal  excepte  no  mans  person,  neyther  shal  he 
stande  in  awe  of  any  mans  greatnesse  j  for  he  hathe  made  the  smal  and  great,  and 
careth  for  all  alyke. 

'  But  the  myghtie  shall  haue  the  sorer  punyshment. 

'  Unto  you,  therfore  (O  ye  Kynges)  do  I  speake,  that  ye  maye  learne  wysdome 
and  not  go  amysse.' — The  Boke  of  Wysedome,  cap.  vi.  ed.  1542. 


4  THE   COVERNOUR. 

inserch  your  thoughtes.  For  whan  ye  were  the  ministres  of 
his  realme  ye  iuged  nat  uprightly,  ne  obserued  the  lawe  of 
iustice,  nor  ye  walked  nat  according  to  his  pleasure.  He  shall 
shortly  and  terribly  appiere  unto  you.  For  moste  harde  and 
greuous  iugement  shall  be  on  them  that  haue  rule  ouer  other. 
To  the  poure  man  mercy  is  graunted,  but  the  great  men 
shall  sufire  great  tourmentes.  He  that  is  lorde  of  all  ex- 
cepteth  no  persone,  ne  he  shall  feare  the  gretnes  of  any  man  ; 
for  he  made  as  wel  the  great  as  the  smal,  and  careth  for  euery 
of  them  equally.  The  stronger  or  of  more  mighte  is  the 
persone,  the  stronger  payne  is  to  hym  imminent.  Therfore  to 
you  gouernours  be  these  my  words,  that  ye  may  lerne  wise- 
dom  and  fal  nat. 

This  notable  sentence  is  nat  only  to  be  imprinted  in  the 
hartes  of  gouernours,  but  also  to  be  often  tymes  reuolued  and 
called  to  remembraunce. 

They  shall  nat  thynke  howe  moche  honour  they  receiue, 

but  howe  moche  care  and  burdene.     Ne  they  shall 

nat  moche  esteme  their  reuenues  and  treasure,  con- 

sideiynge  that  it  is  no  buten  or  praie,  but  a  laboriouse  office 

and  trauaile.8 

Let  them  thynke  the  greatter  dominion  they  haue,  that 
therby  they  sustayne  the  more  care  and  studie.  And  that 
therfore  they  muste  haue  the  lasse  solace  and  passetyme,  and 
to  sensuall  pleasures  lasse  opportunities 

Also  whan  they  beholde  their  garmentes  and  other  orna- 
mentes,  riche  and  preciouse,  they  shall  thynke  what  reproche 

•  '  Cum  Principatum  suscipis,  ne  cogita  quantum  accipias  honoris,  sed  quantum 
oneris  ac  sollicitudinis,  neque  censum  ac  vectigalium  modum  expende,  sed  curam, 
nee  arbitreris  tibi  prsedam  obtigisse,  sed  administrationem.' — Inst.  Prin.  Christ. 
p.  35,  ed.  1519.  It  is  evident  that  the  word  in  the  text  is  no  other  than  the  French 
butin,  and  we  have  already  seen  how  fond  the  author  was  of  introducing  French 
words,  ex.  gr.  esbatement,  semblable,  &c.  ;  though  it  is  indisputable  that  a  know- 
ledge of  French  was  at  this  time  by  no  means  uncommon,  it  was  quite  otherwise 
with  German. 

b  *  Quo  ditionem  suscipis  ampliorem,  cave  ne  hoc  tibi  videare  fortunatior  :  sed 
memineris  te  hoc  plus  curarum  ac  sollicitudinum  in  humeros  recipere,  ut  minus 
jam  indulgendum  sit  otio,  minus  dandum  voluptatibus.' — Ibid.  p.  35. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  5 

were  to  them  to  surmounte  in  that  which  be  other  mennes 
warkes,  and  nat  theirs,  and  to  be  vainquisshed  of  a  poure 
subiecte  in  sondry  vertues,  wherof  they  them  selfes  be  the 
artificers.21 

They  that  regarde  them  of  whom  they  haue  gouernaunce 
no  more  than  shall  appertaine  to  their  owne  priuate  commo- 
dities, they  no  better  esteme  them  than  other  men  doth  their 
horsis  and  mules,b  to  whom  they  empploye  no  lasse  labour  and 
diligence,  not  to  the  benefite  of  the  selyc  bestis,  but  to  their 
owne  necessities  and  singuler  aduantage. 

The  most  sure  fundation  of  noble  renome  is  a  man  to  be 
of  suche  vertues  and  qualities  as  he  desireth  to  be  openly 
publisshed.d  For  it  is  a  fainte  praise  that  is  goten  with  feare 
or  by  flaterars  gyuen.  And  the  fame  is  but  fume e  whiche  is 
supported  with  silence  prouoked  by  menacis. 

a  '  Cogita  quoeso  quam  sit  absurdum  gemmis,  auro,  purpura,  satellitio,  reliquisque 
corporis  ornamentis,  ceris  et  imaginibus,  planeque  bonis  non  tuis,  omnes  tanto 
intervallo  superare,  veris  animi  bonis  multis  e  media  fece  plebis  inferiorem  conspici.' 
— Inst.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  23. 

b  '  Qui  suos  eatenus  curant,  quatenus  expedit  propriis  commoditatibus,  ii  non 
alio  loco  cives  suos  habent,  quam  vulgus  hominum  equos  et  asinos.  Nam  hos 
quoque  curant  illi,  sed  omnem  curationem  suis,  non  illorum  usibus  metiuntur.' — 
Ibid.  p.  37. 

e  Richardson  says  that  sely  or  seely  =  silly,  and  that  it  means  simple,  guileless, 
innocent.  He  does  not,  however,  remark  that  it  is  an  epithet  most  frequently  applied 
to  animals.  Thus  Harrison  says,  '  Last  of  all  the  hare,  not  the  least  in  estimation, 
because  the  hunting  of  that  seelie  beast  is  mother  to  all  the  terms,  blasts,  and 
artificiall  deuises  that  hunters  do  use.' — Descript.  of  England,  p.  226.  And  again, 
'  It  is  said  that  the  sparhawke  preieth  not  upon  the  foule  in  the  morning  that  she 
taketh  ouer  euen,  but  as  loth  to  haue  double  benefit  by  one  seelie  foule,  doth  let  it 
go  to  make  some  shift  for  it  selfe.' — Ibid.  p.  227. 

d  '  Ut  bene  audias,  id  certissima  consequeris  via,  si  qualem  te  cupis  praedicari, 
talem  temet  ipsum  exhibeas.  Non  est  vera  laus  quse  extorquetur  metu,  aut 
tribuitur  ab  adulatoribus.  Et  male  agitur  cum  fama  Principis,  si  hujus  presidium 
in  silentio  minis  indicto  situm  est.' — Erasmus^  ubi  supra,  p.  72. 

e  Meaning  idle  conceit,  vain  imagination — Sir  Francis  Bacon  uses  the  word  in 
the  same  sense.  '  It  may  be,  Plato's  great  year,  if  the  world  should  last  so  long, 
would  have  some  effect,  not  in  renewing  the  state  of  like  individuals,  (for  that  is  the* 
fume  of  those  that  conceive  the  celestial  bodies  have  more  accurate  influences  upon 
these  things  below,  than  indeed  they  have)  but  in  gross.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  188, 
ed.  1825. 


6  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

They  shal  also  consider  that  by  their  pre-eminence  they 
sitte,  as  it  were  on  a  piller  on  the  toppe  of  a  mountaine, 
where  all  the  people  do  beholde  them,  nat  only  in  their  open 
affaires,*  but  also  in  their  secrete  passetimes,  priuie  daliaunce, 
or  other  improfitable  or  wanton  conditions :  whiche  soone  be  dis- 
couered  by  the  conuersation  of  their  most  familiare  seruauntes, 
whiche  do  alway  imbrace  that  studie  wherin  their  maister  delit- 
ethe :  accordynge  to  the  sayinge  of  Jesus  Sirach,  As  the  iuge  of 
the  people  is,  so  be  his  ministers ;  and  such  as  be  the  gouer- 
nours  of  the  citie,  suche  be  the  people.b  Whiche  sentence  is 
confirmed  by  sondry  histories :  for  Nero,c  Caligula,d  Domi- 

•  '  Tua  in  conspicuo  vita  est,  latere  non  potes  :  ant  magno  omnium  bono,  bonus 
sis  necesse  est,  aut  magna  omnium  pernicie  malus.  Vulgus  nihil  imitatur  luben- 
tius,  quam  quod  a  suo  Principe  fieri  conspexerit.  Sub  aleatore  passim  luditur  alea, 
sub  bellaci  bellaturiunt  omnes,  sub  comessatore  luxu  diffluunt,  sub  libidinoso 
lenocinantur,  sub  crudeli  deferunt  et  calumniantur.  Evolve  veterum  historias, 
reperies  semper  ejusmodi  fuisse  seculi  mores,  cujusmodi  fuerat  Principis  vita.' — 
Erasmus,  ubi  supra,  pp.  30,  31.  Ovid  has  a  very  similar  sentiment : 

'  Non  eadem  vulgusque  decent,  et  lumina  rerum. 

Est  quod  prsecipuum  debeat  ista  domus. 
Imposuit  te  alto  Fortuna,  locumque  tueri 
Jussit  honoratum,  Livia :  perfer  onus. 
Ad  te  oculos,  auresque  trahis  :  tua  facta  notamus. 
Nee  vox  missa  potest  principis  ore  tegi.' 

Ad  Liviam  Aug.  Consolatio,  347-352. 

b  '  As  the  iuge  of  the  people  is  him  selfe  euen  so  are  his  officers ;  and  loke  what 
maner  of  man  the  ruler  of  the  citie  is,  suche  are  they  that  dwel  therin  also. ' — Cap. 
x.  v.  2,  Bokes  of  Salomon,  ed.  1542.  So  Cicero  says,  'Erant  prseterea  hsec  anim- 
advertenda  in  civitate,  quse  sunt  apud  Platonem  nostrum  scripta  divinitus :  Quales 
in  republics,  principes  essent,  tales  reliquos  solere  esse  cives. ' — Epist.  ad  Div.  lib.  i. 
9.  And  Xenophon  :  '  'Qirotoi  TIMS  ykp  &v  of  TrpotrTcSrat  v<n,  roiovroi  Kal  of  vif 
avrovs  tirl  TO  TTO\V  yiyvovrai.' — Cyropczd.  lib.  viii.  cap.  8,  §  5- 

c  Merivale  says  that  Nero  was  '  surrounded  on  the  throne  not  by  generals  and 
statesmen,  but  by  troops  of  slaves  or  freedmen,  by  players  and  dancers,  lost  to  all 
sense  of  decency  themselves,  and  seeking  only  their  advancement  at  the  expense  of 
their  master  and  of  mankind  ;  surrendered  by  loose  women  to  still  more  despicable 
minions,  and  ruled  by  the  most  cruel  and  profligate  of  ministers.' — Hist,  of  Rom. 
Empire,  vol.  vi.  p.  317,  ed.  1858. 

d  In  his  expedition  against  the  Germans  Caius  '  was  attended  throughout  by  a 

rain  of  players  and  gladiators,  dancers  and  women,  the  vile  retinue  of  a  Parthian 

overeign.' — Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  447. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  7 

ciane,a  Lucius  Commodus,b  Varius  Heliogabalus,c  monstruous 
emperours,  norisshed  about  them  ribauldes  and  other  volup- 
tuouse  artificers.d  Maximianus,  Dioclesian,  Maxencius,  and 
other  persecutours  of  christen  men,  lacked  nat  inuentours  of 
cruel  and  terrible  tourmentes.6  Cuntrary  wise  reigninge  the 

»  « The  mimes  found  no  doubt  a  protector  in  the  prince  of  mimes,  who  had  also 
his  personal  favourites  among  this  profession,  and  allowed  them  easy  access  to  his 
person.' — Ibid.  vol.  vii,  pp.  132,  133. 

b  '  The  younger  Caesar,'  says  Merivale,  '  flung  himself  into  the  dissipations  of 
his  villa  on  the  Clodian  Way,  and  among  his  boon  companions  paraded  the  trophies 
of  his  campaigns,  his  troops  of  buffoons  and  players,. dancers  and  conjurors,  and 
all  the  vilest  spawn  of  the  Orontes.' — Ibid.  vol.  vii.  p.  577. 

c  He  was  originally  called  Varius  Avitus  Bassianus  after  his  father,  grandfather, 
and  great  grandfather  respectively.  '  By  this  emperor  a  dancer  was  made  praefect 
of  the  city,  a  charioteer  praefect  of  the  watch,  a  barber  praefect  of  the  provisions.' 
— Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Rom.  Emp.  vol.  i.  p.  283,  note. 

d  So  Erasmus  says,  'An  non  hujusmodi  quidam  orbis  malus  genius  fuit  Nero,  an 
non  Caligula,  an  non  Heliogabalus  ?  Quorum  non  solum  omnis  vita  pestis  qusedam 
mundi  fuit,  sed  ipsa  etiam  memoria  publicae  mortalium  exsecrationi  est  obnoxia.'— 
Instit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  32. 

e  Gibbon  says  that  the  '  rigorous  edicts  of  Diocletian  were  strictly  and  cheer- 
fully executed  by  his  associate  Maximian,  who  had  long  hated  the  Christians,  and 
who  delighted  in  acts  of  blood  and  violence.  In  the  autumn  of  the  first  year  of 
the  persecution  the  two  emperors  met  at  Rome  to  celebrate  their  triumph  ;  several 
oppressive  laws  appear  to  have  issued  from  their  secret  consultations,  and  the 
diligence  of  the  magistrates  was  animated  by  the  presence  of  their  sovereigns.' — • 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  ii.  p.  276.  With  regard  to  the  invention 
of  torments,  Lactantius  has  many  minute  details.  Schlegel  says:  'According 
with  the  disposition  of  the  several  governors  was  the  execution  of  their  imperial 
edict.  Some  only  sent  the  Christians  into  banishment,  when  the  attempt  to  make 
them  offer  sacrifices  failed.  Others  deprived  them  of  an  eye,  or  lamed  one  of  their 
feet  by  burning  it,  and  others  exposed  them  to  wild  beasts  or  lacerated  their  bodies 
with  iron  hooks,  or  with  the  scourge,  and  afterwards  sprinkled  vinegar  and  salt  on 
the  wounds,  or  dropped  melted  lead  into  them.' — Mosheim's  Eccles.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p. 
284,  note,  ed.  1845.  According  to  Gibbon,  however,  Maxentius,  who  'oppressed 
every  other  class  of  his  subjects,  showed  himself  just,  humane,  and  even  partial 
towards  the  afflicted  Christians  ; '  and  he  insinuates  that  it  suited  the  purpose  of  Lac- 
tantius to  place  his  death  among  the  persecutors,  because  he  was  vanquished  by 
Constantine. — Ubi  supra.  And  even  Mr.  Milner,  who  has  undertaken  to  correct  the 
'  perversions '  of  the  great  historian,  is  obliged  to  admit  that  '  Maxentius,  though  a 
tyrant  of  the  basest  character,  never  seems  to  have  been,  strictly  speaking,  a  per- 
secutor of  the  Christians.' — Church  History,  vol.  i.  p.  499,  ed.  1847.  The  passage, 
in  the  text  taken  in -connexion  with  another  in  the  preceding  volume  (p.  49),  proves 
conclusively  that  the  author  was  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  Lactantius. 


8  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

noble  Augustus,*1  Nerua,b  Traiane,c  Hadriane,d  the  two  Anto- 
nines,6  and  the  wonderfull  emperour  Alexander,  for  his  grauitie 
called  Seuerus/  the  imperiall  palaice  was  alway  replenisshed 
with  eloquent  oratours,  delectable  poetes,  wise  philosophers, 
mo£te  cunnynge  and  experte  lawyars,  prudent  and  valiaunt 
capitaines.  Mo  semblable  examples  shall  hereof  be  founden 
by  them  which  purposely  do  rede  histories,  whom  of  all  other 
I  moste  desire  to  be  princes  and  gouernours.g 

•  Merivale  says  :  '  The  companions  of  his  leisure  hours  were  jurists,  gramma- 
rians, and  physicians,  rather  than  philosophers.' — Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  iv.  p.  297, 
ed.  1856. 

b  *  The  name  of  Nerva  has  been  associated  in  after  ages  with  the  mildness  of 
age,  and  the  charm  of  paternal  government.' — Ibid.  vol.  vii.  p.  204. 

c  '  Trajan  was  fond  of  society,  and  of  educated  and  even  literary  society.  He 
was  proud  of  being  known  to  associate  with  the  learned,  and  felt  himself  compli- 
mented when  he  bestowed  on  the  rhetorician  Dion  the  compliment  of  carrying 
him  in  his  own  chariot.' — Ibid.  vol.  vii.  p.  269. 

d  '  Hadrian  was  distinguished,  even  beyond  his  predecessor,  by  the  geniality  of 
his  temperament.  Versed  in  all  the  knowledge  of  his  era,  he  placed  himself  on  an 
intimate  footing  with  the  ablest  teachers  and  practitioners,  and  divided  his  smiles 
equally  between  senators  like  Fronto,  and  freedmen  such  as  Favorinus  the  rhe- 
torician, and  the  architect  Apollodorus. ' — Ibid.  lib.  vii.  p.  425. 

e  '  The  two  Antonines  governed  the  Roman  world  forty-two  years  with  the 
same  invariable  spirit  of  wisdom  and  virtue.  In  private  life  Titus  Antoninus  Pius 
was  an  amiable  as  well  as  a  good  man.  The  native  simplicity  of  his  virtue  was  a 
stranger  to  vanity  or  affectation.  He  enjoyed  with  moderation  the  conveniences 
of  his  fortune  and  the  innocent  pleasures  of  society ;  and  the  benevolence  of  his 
soul  displayed  itself  in  a  cheerful  serenity  of  temper.  The  virtue  of  Marcus 
Aurelius  Antoninus  was  of  a  severer  and  more  laborious  kind.  It  was  the  well- 
earned  harvest  of  many  a  learned  conference,  of  many  a  patient  lecture,  and  many 
a  midnight  lucubration.  His  "  Meditations,"  composed  in  the  tumult  of  a  camp,  are 
still  extant ;  and  he  even  condescended  to  give  lessons  of  philosophy,  in  a  more 
public  manner  than  was  perhaps  consistent  with  the  modesty  of  a  sage  or  the 
dignity  of  an  emperor.' — Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Emp.  vol.  i.  pp.  214,  215,  216. 

'  '  Alexander's  table  was  served  with  the  most  frugal  simplicity,  and  whenever 
he  was  at  liberty  to  consult  his  own  inclination,  the  company  consisted  of  a  few 
select  friends — men  of  learning  and  virtue,  amongst  whom  Ulpian  was  constantly 
invited.  Their  conversation  was  familiar  and  instructive  ;  and  the  pauses  were 
occasionally  enlivened  by  the  recital  of  some  pleasing  composition,  which  supplied 
the  place  of  the  dancers,  comedians,  and  even  gladiators,  so  frequently  summoned 
to  the  tables  of  the  rich  and  luxurious  Romans.' — Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  288. 

«  Patrizi  says  :  '  Cognitio  historic  Regibus  Ducibus  Imperatoribus,  et  omnibus 
Principibus  perquam  necessaria  habenda  est.'— De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  ii.  tit. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  9 

These  articles  wel  and  substancially  grauen  in  a  noble 
mannes  memorie,  it  shall  also  be  necessary  to  cause  them  to 
be  delectably  writen  and  sette  in  a  table  within  his  bedde 
chamber,  addyng  to  the  versis  of  Claudiane,  the  noble  poet, 
whiche  he  wrate  to  Theodosius  and  Honorius,  emperours  of 
Rome.a  The  versis  I  haue  translated  out  of  latine  in  to 
englisshe,  nat  without  great  studie  and  difficultie,  nat  ob- 
seruynge  the  ordre  as  they  stande,  but  the  sentence  belong- 
ynge  to  my  purposed 

Though  that  thy  powar  stretcheth  bothe  ferre  and  large,         Claudi- 

Through  Inde  the  riche,  sette  at  the  worlde's  ende,  anus. 

And  Mede  with  Arabi  be  bothe  under  thy  charge, 

And  also  Seres  that  silke  to  us  dothe  sende, 

If  feare  the  trouble,  and  small  thinges  the  offende, 

10.  King  James  gave  the  same  advice  to  his  son  :  '  Next  the  lawes  I  would  haue 
you  to  be  well  versed  in  authenticke  histories,  and  in  the  Chronicles  of  all  nations  ; 
but  specialle  in  our  owne  histories  (ne  sis  peregrinus  domi),  the  example  whereof 
most  neerely  concernes  you  ...  By  reading  of  authenticke  histories  and  chroni- 
cles, yee  shall  learne  experience  by  theoricke,  applying  the  by-past  things  to  the 
present  estate,  quia  nihil  novum  sub  sole.  And  likewise,  by  the  knowledge  of 
histories,  yee  shall  knowe  howe  to  behaue  your  selfe  to  all  Embassadours  and 
strangers,  being  able  to  discourse  with  them  upon  the  estate  of  their  owne  countrie.' 
— BaeriAiKoj/  Awpoj/,  lib.  ii.  p.  92.  Erasmus  recommends  the  study  of  history,  but 
with  this  reservation  :  '  Jam  vero  non  negaverim,  ex  historicorum  lectione  praeci- 
puam  colligi  prudentiam,  verum  ex  iisdem  summam  perniciemhauries,  nisi  etprae- 
munitus  et  cum  delectu  legeris.' — Instit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  84.  ed.  1519. 

a  This  passage  from  Claudian  is  quoted  by  John  of  Salisbury  in  his  Polycraticus^ 
lib.  iv.  cap.  4,  and  lib.  v.  cap.  8,  and  it  is  very  probable  that  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  bor- 
rowed it  at  second  hand  from  this  source  which  had  supplied  him,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  with  other  illustrations.  The  last  three  lines  are  quoted  by  King 
James  in  the  second  book  of  his  BcKnAt/cbi/  Aupov,  where  he  impresses  upon  his 
son  the  necessity  of  setting  a  good  example  to  his  people  by  his  behaviour  in  his 
own  person  and  with  his  servants,  '-  for  people  are  naturally  inclined  to  counterfaite 
(like  apes)  their  princes'  maners.' — Lib.  ii.  p.  24,  ed.  1603. 

b  '  Tu  licet  extremes  late  dominere  per  Indos, 

Te  Medus,  te  mollis  Arabs,  te  Seres  adorent : 
Si  metuis,  si  prava  cupis,  si  duceris  ira, 
Servitii  patiere  jugum  :  tolerabis  iniquas 
Interius  leges.     Tune  omnia  jure  tenebis, 
Cum  poteris  rex  esse  tui.     Proclivior  usus 
In  pejora  datur  :  suadetque  licentia  luxum, 


I0  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Cormpte  desire  thyne  harte  hath  ones  embraced, 
Thou  arte  in  bondage,  thyne  honour  is  defaced. 

Thou  shalte  be  denied  than  worthy  for  to  raigne, 
Whan  of  thy-selfe  thou  wynnest  the  maistry. 
Euil  custome  bringeth  vertue  in  disdaine, 
Licence  superfluous  persuadeth  moche  foly  j     . 
In  to  moche  pleasure  set  nat  felicitie, 
If  luste  or  anger  do  thy  mynde  assaile, 
Subdue  occasion,  and  thou  shalte  sone  preuaile. 

What  thou  mayst  do  delite  nat  for  to  knowe, 
But  rather  what  thinge  wyll  become  the  best ; 
Embrace  thou  vertue  and  kepe  thy  courage  lowe, 
And  thinke  that  alway  measure  is  a  feste. 
Loue  well  thy  people,  care  also  for  the  leste, 
And  whan  thou  studiest  for  thy  commoditie 
Make  them  all  partners  of  thy  felicitie. 

Be  nat  moche  meued  with  singuler  appetite, 
Except  it  profite  unto  thy  subiectes  all ; 
At  thyne  example  the  people  wyll  delite, 
Be  it  vice  or  vertue,  with  the  they  rise  or  fall. 
No  lawes  auaile,  men  tourne  as  doth  a  ball ; 
For  where  the  ruler  in  liuynge  is  nat  stable, 
Bothe  lawe  and  counsaile  is  tourned  in  to  a  fable. 

These  versis  of  Claudiane,  full  of  excellent  wisedomes,  as 
I  haue  saide,  wolde  be  in  a  table,  in  suche  a  place  as  a  gouer- 

Illecebrisque  effrsena  favet.     Turn  vivere  caste 
Asperius,  cum  prompta  Venus  :  turn  durius  irae 
Consulitur,  cum  pcena  patet.     Sed  comprime  mot  us  : 
Nee  tibi  quid  liceat,  sed  quid  fecisse  decebit, 
Occurrat :  mentemque  domet  respectus  honesti. 
*  *  *  #  *  * 

Tu  civem,  patremque  geras.     Tu  consule  cunctis, 
Non  tibi :  nee  tua  te  moveant,  sed  publica  vota. 
In  commune  jubes  si  quid,  censesve  tenendum, 
Primus  jussa  subi :  tune  observantior  sequi 
Fit  populus,  nee  ferre  negat,  cum  viderit  ipsum 
Auctorem  parere  sibi.     Componitur  orbis 
Regis  ad  exemplum :  nee  sic  inflectere  sensus 
Humanos  edicta  valent,  ut  vita  regentis. 
Mobile  mutatur  semper  cum  principe  vulgus. 

De  IV.  Cons.  Hon.  257-302. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  II 

nour  ones  in  a  daye  maye  beholde  them,a  specially  as  they  be 
expressed  in  latine  by  the  said  poete,  unto  whose  eloquence 
no  translation  in  englisshe  may  be  equiualent.b  But  yet  were 
it  better  to  can  them  by  harte ;  ye,  and  if  they  were  made 
in  the  fourme  of  a  ditie  to  be  songen  to  an  instrument, 
O  what  a  sweete  songe  wolde  it  be  in  the  eres  of  wise 
men-?  For  a  meane  musician  mought  therof  make  a  righte 
pleasant  harmonic,  where  almoste  euery  note  shulde  expresse 
a  counsayle  vertuous  or  necessary. 

Ye  haue  nowe  harde  what  premeditations  be  expedient 
before  that  a  man  take  on  him  the  gouernaunce  of  a  publike 
weale.  These  notable  premeditations  and  remembrances  shulde 
be  in  his  mynde,  whiche  is  in  autoritie,  often  tymes  renewed. 
Than  shall  he  p'rocede  further  in  furnisshyng  his  persone 
with  honourable  maners  and  qualities,  wherof  very  nobilitie  is 
compacte  ;c  wherby  all  other  shall  be  induced  to  honour  hym, 

•  Gibbon,  speaking  of  this  poem,  says  that  the  lessons  conveyed,  in  it  '  might 
compose  a  fine  institution  for  the  future  prince  of  a  great  and  free  nation.' — Decline 
and  Fall  of  Rom.  Empire,  vol.  iv.  p.  22,  note. 

b  Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason  for  such  neglect,  certain  it  is  that 
no  entire  translation  into  English  of  the  works  of  Claudian  appeared  until  the 
present  century.  Cowley  translated,  or  rather  imitated,  a  few  of  the  minor  pieces, 
but  it  was  not  until  1817  that  the  whole  appeared  in  an  English  dress  ;  and  Mr. 
Hawkins,  the  translator,  in  his  preface,  says  :  '  It  is  believed  that  no  general 
version  has  ever  appeared  :  no  industry,  at  least  on  the  present  occasion,  could 
obtain  a  sight  of  any  portion  beyond  a  few  extracts.'  And  he  adds,  in  confirma- 
tion of  our  author's  experience,'  'In  attempting  to  fill  the  chasm  in  British  litera- 
ture, it  is  vain  to  speak  of  the  difficulties  which  presented  themselves  ;  these  can 
be  best  ascertained  by  such  as  are  the  most  able  to  judge  of  the  execution.' 
Gibbon,  weighing  the  merits  and  defects  of  Claudian  in  an  impartial  balance, 
says  :  '  It  would  not  be  easy  to  produce  a  passage  that  deserves  the  epithet  of 
sublime  or  pathetic  :  to  select  a  verse  that  melts  the  heart  or  enlarges  the  imagi- 
nation,'but  at  the  same  time  admits  that  'he  was  endowed  with  the  rare  and 
precious  talent  of  raising  the  meanest,  of  adorning  the  most  barren,  and  of  diversi- 
fying the  most  similar  topics.' — Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Empire,  vol.  iv.  p.  65, 
ed.  1854. 

c  This  is  perhaps  borrowed  from  the  following  definition  of  Erasmus  : 
'Vera  nobilitas  est  honesta  fama  virtute  parta.' — Opera,  torn.  v.  col.  939,  ed. 
1704.  Both  Erasmus  and  our  author  probably  had  in  their  minds  the  saying  of 
Juvenal :  'Nobilitas  sola  est  atque  unica  virtus.'—^/,  viii.  20. 


12  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

loue  hym,  and  feare  hym,  whiche  thinges  chiefely  do  cause 
perfecte  obedience.* 

Now  of  these  maners  will  I  write  in  suche  ordre  as 
in  my  conceipt  they  be  (as  it  were)  naturally  disposed  and 
sette  in  a  noble  man,  and  soonest  in  hym  noted  or  espied. 


CHAPTER   II. 

The  exposition  of  maiestie. 

IN  a  gouernour  or  man  hauynge  in  the  publyke  weale  some 
greatte  authoritie,  the  fountaine  of  all  excellent  maners  is 
Maiestie  ; b  which  is  the  nolle  proporcion  and  figure  of  noble 
astate,  and  is  proprelie  a  beautie  or  comelynesse  in  his  coun- 
tenance, langage  and  gesture  apt  to  his  dignite,  and  accom- 
modate to  time,  place,  and  company  ;  whiche,  like  as  the  sonne 
doth  his  beames,  so  doth  it  caste  on  the  beholders  and  herers 
a  pleasaunt  and  terrible  reuerence.  In  so  moche  as  the 
wordes  or  countenances  of  a  noble  man  shulde  be  in  the 
stede  of  a  firme  and  stable  lawe  to  his  inferiours.  Yet  is  nat 
Maiestie0  alwaye  in  haulte  or  fierce  countenaunce,  nor  in 

*  Tertullian  employs  the  same  combination  to  express  the  obedience  of  the 
early  Christians  to  the  temporal  power.  '  Christianus  nullius  est  hostis,  nedum 
Imperatoris  :  quern  sciens  a  Deo  suo  constitui,  necesse  est  ut  et  ipsum  diligat,  et 
revereatur,  et  honoret.' — Ad  Scapulam,  cap.  2.  Migne  ed.  torn.  i.  col.  700. 

b  '  Quicumque  regno  prseest,  ante  omnia  cogitare  debet  quibus  rebus  quibusque 
studiis  regnum  conservetur :  his  meditatis,  planeque  agnitis,  declinare  omnia  ea 
debet  quae  nocitura  sunt  quseve  Majestatem  non  augent.  Qui  enim  agit  quse 
fugienda  sunt,  aut  negligit  quse  sunt  agenda,  pariter  de  Regis  dignitate  decedit.' — 
Patrizi,  De  Regno  et  Regis  Instit.  lib.  iv.  tit.  3. 

c  Erasmus  warns  his  ideal  prince  against  alienating  the  affections  of  his  subjects, 
and  exhorts  him  to  embrace  every  opportunity  of  gaining  them.  '  Sive  versetur  in 
publico,  semper  aliquid  agat  quod  ad  rem  communem  faciat,  hoc  est  nusquam  non 
Principem  agat.  Quoties  autem  prodit,  advigilet  ut  ipse  vultus,  incessus,  et  praecipue 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  \\ 

\j 

speche  outragious  or  arrogant,  but  in  honourable  and  sobre 
demeanure,  deliberate  and  graue  pronunciation,  wordes  clene 
and  facile,  voide  of  rudenesse  and  dishonestie,  without  vayne  or 
inordinate  ianglinge,  with  suche  an  excellent  temperance,  that 
he,  amonge  an  infinite  nombre  of  other  persones,  by  his 
maiestie  may  be  espied  for  a  gouernour.a  Wherof 
we  haue  a  noble  example  in  Homere  of  Ulisses, 
that  whan  his  shippe  and  men  were  perisshed  in  the  see,  and 
he  uneth  escaped,  and  was  caste  on  lande  upon  a  coste  where 
the  inhabitantes  were  called  Pheacas,  he  beinge  all  naked, 
sauynge  a  mantell  sente  to  hym  by  the  kynges  doughter, 
without  other  apparaile  or  seruant,  represented  suche  a  won- 
derfull  maiestie  in  his  countenance  and  speche,  that  the  kynge 
of  the  countray,  nafned  Alcinous,  in  that  extreme  calamitie, 
wisshed  that  Ulisses  wold  take  his  doughter  Nausicaa  to  wyfe, 
with  a  greatte  parte  of  his  treasure.  And  declaryng  the 
honour  that  he  bare  towarde  him,  he  made  for  his  sake 
diuers  noble  esbatements  and  passetimes.  The  people  also 
wondringe  at  his  maiestie,  honoured  hym  with  sondrye  pre- 
sentes  ;  and  at  their  propre  charges  and  expenses  conuaied 
him  in  to  his  owne  realme  of  Ithaca  in  a  shippe  of  wonderfull 
beautie,  well  ordinanced  and  manned  for  his  defence  and 
saulfe  conducte.  The  wordes  of  Alcinous,  wherby  he  declareth 
the  maiestie  that  he  noted  to  be  in  Ulisses,  I  haue  put  in 
englisshe,  nat  so  wel  as  I  founde  them  in  greke,  but  as  well  as 
my  witte  and  tonge  can  expresse  it. 


sermo  talis  sit,  ut  populum  reddat  meliorem,  memor,  quidquid  fecerit  aut  dixerit, 
ab  omnibus  observari  cognoscique. ' — Instit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  131. 

a  '  Libertas  loquendi  Principem  commendat,  licentia  autem  vitanda  est.  Non 
enim  urbanitas  aut  comitas  habetur,  sed  procacitas  potius  aut  scurrilitas.  Denique 
Regis  cura  in  sermone  prsecipua  esse  debet,  ut  sensum  animi  dilucide  apteque  ex- 
primat :  quae  virtus  eo  major  esse  apparebit,  quo  minus  cupiditatis  ac  studii 
habere  videbitur.' — Patrizi,  De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  ii.  tit.  12.  Erasmus  says  : 
'  Ex  oratione  certius  quam  ex  amictu  Principis  animus  cognoscitur.  Spargitur  in 
vulgus  quicquid  ab  ore  Principis  fuerit  exceptum.  Proinde  summam  oportet  esse 
curam,  ut  ea  quae  loquitur  virtutem  sapiant,  et  mentem  bono  Principe  dignam 
prse  se  ferant.' — Instit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  94,  ed.  1519. 


!4  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Alcinous  to  Ulisses. 

Whan  I  the  consider,  Ulysses,  I  perceiue 
Thou  doest  nat  dissemble  to  me  in  thy  speche 
As  other  haue  done,  whiche  craftely  can  deceiue, 
Untruely  reportinge  where  they  lyste  to  preche 
Of  thinges  neuer  done  ;  suche  falshode  they  do  teche. 
But  in  thy  wordes  there  is  a  righte  good  grace, 
And  that  thy  mynde  is  good,  it  sheweth  in  thy  face." 

The  estimation  of  maiestie  in  countenaimce  shall  be  de- 
clared by  two  examples  nowe  ensuinge. 

To  Scipio,b  beinge  in  his  manour  place,  caled  Linterium, 
came  diuers  great  theues  and  pirates,  only  to  the  intent  to  se 
his  persone  of  whose  wonderfull  prowesse  and  sondry  victories 
they  harde  the  renome.  But  he  nat  knowynge  but  that  they 
had  come  to  endomage  hym,  armed  hym  selfe  and  suche  ser- 
uauntes  as  he  than  had  with  hym,  and  disposed  them  aboute 
the  imbatilmentes  of  his  house  to  make  defence  ;  whiche  the 
capitaynes  of  the  theues  perceiuyng,  they  despeched  the  mul- 
titude from  them,  and  lainge  a  parte  their  harneise  and  waipons, 
they  called  to  Scipio  with  a  loude  voice,  sainge  that  they  came 


'OSt»<reu,  TO  /J.GV  otfn 

rf/a  T'  ep.ev  Kai  eTTt/cAoTroj/,  old  re  TroAAovs 
yaia  jueAaii/a  TroAutTTrepeas  avdpAitovs, 
T'  aprvvovras,  '60€v  Ke  ns  oi»5e  JfSotro  • 
2oi  8',  evi  /xev  pop^T)  eTreW,  €Vi  5e  (|>pej/€J  eV0\at. 

Horn.  Od.  xi.  362-366. 

b  '  Ad  Africanum  eundem,  in  Liternina  villa  se  continentem,  complures  prae- 
donum  duces  videndum  eodem  tempore  forte  confluxerant.  Quos  cum  ad  vim 
faciendam  venire  existimasset,  presidium  domesticorum  in  tecto  collocavit  ;  erat- 
que  in  his  repellendis  et  animo  et  apparatu  occupatus.  Quod  ut  prsedones  animad- 
verterunt,  dimissis  militibus  abjectisque  armis,  januee  appropinquant,  et  clara  voce 
nuntiant  Scipioni,  '  '  Non  vitse  ejus  hostes,  sed  virtutis  admiratores  venisse  :  con- 
spectum  et  congressum  tanti  viri  quasi  caeleste  aliquod  beneficium  expetentes  :  pro- 
inde  securum  se  nobis  spectandum  prsebere  ne  gravetur."  Hsec  postquam 
domestici  Scipioni  retulerunt,  fores  reserari,  eosque  intromitti  jussit;  qui  postes 
januae,  tanquam  aliquam  religiosissimam  aram  sanctumque  templum,  venerati 
cupide  Scipionis  dexteram  apprehenderunt  ;  ac  diu  deosculati,  positis  ante  vesti- 
bulum  donis,  quoe  Deorum  immortalium  numini  consecrari  solent,  laati  quod  Scipi- 
onem  vidisse  contigisset,  ad  lares  reverterunt.  '  —  Val.  Max.  lib.  ii.  cap.  10,  §  2. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  15 

nat  as  enemies,  but  wondringe  at  his  vertue  and  prowesse 
desired  only  to  se  hym,  whiche  if  he  vouched  saufe,  they  wolde 
accounte  for  an  heuenly  benefite.  That  beinge  showed  to 
Scipio  by  his  seruauntes,  he  caused  the  gates  to  be  sette  wyde 
open,  and  the  theues  to  be  suffered  to  entre,  who  kyssynge 
the  gates  and  postes  with  moche  reuerence,  as  they  had  bene 
of  a  temple  or  other  place  dedicate,  they  humbly  approched 
to  Scipio,  who,  visaged  them  in  suche  fourme  that  they,  as 
subdued  with  a  reuerent  drede  in  beholding  his  maiestie,  at 
the  last  ioyfully  kyssyng  his  hande  often  tymes,  whiche  he 
benignely  offered  to  them,  made  humble  reuerence,  and  so 
departed,  layinge  in  the  porche  semblable  offrynges  as  they 
gaue  to  their  goddes,  and  furthe  with  retourned  to  their  owne 
habitations  reioysinge  incredibly  that  they  had  sene  and 
touched  a  prince  so  noble  and  valiaunt. 

It  is  no  litle  thynge  to  meruaile  at,  the  maiestie  showed 
in  extreme  fortune  and  misery. 

The  noble  Romane  Marius,a  whan  he  had  bene  vii  times 
Consul,  beinge  vainquisshed  by  Scilla,  after  that  he  had  longe 
hidde  him  selfe  in  manses  and  desarte  places,  he  was  finally 
constrayned  by  famine  to  repaire  to  a  towne  called  Minturne, 
where  he  trusted  to  haue  bene  soucoured.  But  the  inhabitantes, 
dredyng  the  crueltie  of  Scilla,  toke  Marius  and  put  him  in  to 
a  dungeon.  And  after  sente  to  slee  hym  their  commune 
hangeman,  whiche  was  borne  in  Cimbria,  a  countray  some 
time  destroyed  by  Marius.  The  hangeman  beholding  the 

tt  '  C.  etiam  Marius  in  profundum  ultimarum  miseriarum  abjectus,  ex  ipso  vitse 
discrimine,  beneficio  majestatis  emersit.  Missus  enim  ad  eum  occidendum  in 
privata  domo  Minturnis  clausum  servus  publicus,  natione  Cimber,  et  senem,  et 
inermem,  et  squalore  obsitum,  slrictum  gladium  tenens,  aggredi  non  sustinuit :  sed 
claritate  viri  occsecatus,  abjecto  ferro,  attonitus  inde  ac  tremens  fugit.  Cimbrica 
nimirum  calamitas  oculos  hominis  perstrinxit  :  devictaeque  suse  gentis  interitus 
animum  comminuit ;  etiam  Diis  immortalibus  indignum  ratis,  ab  uno  ejus  nationis 
interfici  Marium,  quam  totam  deleverat.  Minturnenses  autem  majestate  illius  capti, 
compressum  jam  et  constrictum  dira  fati  necessitate,  incolumem  pra?stiterunt :  nee 
fuit  his  timori  asperrima  Syllse  victoria,  ne  in  eos  conservationem  Marii  ulcisceretur  ; 
cum  prsesertim  ipse  Marius  eos  a  conservando  Mario  absterrete  posset.' — Val.  Max. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  10,  §  6. 


!6  THE   COVERNOUR. 

honourable  porte  and  maiestie  that  remayned  in  Marius,  nat 
withstandynge  that  he  was  out  of  honorable  apparaile,  and 
was  in  garmentes  torne  and  filthie,  he  thought  that  in  his 
visage  appiered  the  terrible  bataile  wherein  Marius  vain- 
quisshed  his  countray  men  ;  he  therfore  all  tremblyng,  as 
constrayned  by  feare,  dyd  lette  falle  out  of  his  hande  the 
swerde  wherewith  he  shulde  haue  slayne  Marius,  and  leuyng 
hym  untouched,  fledde  out  of  the  place.  The  cause  of  his 
feare  reported  to  the  people,  they  meued  with  reuerence,  after- 
warde  studied  and  deuised  howe  they  moughte  delyuer  Marius 
from  the  malice  of  Scilla. 

In  Augustus,  emperour  of  Rome,  was  a  natiue  maiestie. 
For,  as  Suetonius  writeth,  from  his  eien  preceded  rayes  or 
beanies,  whiche  perced  the  eien  of  the  beholders.*  The  same 
emperour  spake  seldome  openly,  but  out  of  a  comentarie,  that 
is  to  say,  that  he  had  before  prouided  and  writen,  to  the  intente 
that  he  wolde  speke  no  more  ne  lasse  than  he  had  purposed.b 

More  ouer  towarde  the  acquiring  of  maiestie,  thre  thinges 
be  required  to  be  in  the  oration  of  a  man  hauyng  autoritie  ; 
that  it  be  compendious,  sententious,  and  delectable,  hauyng 
also  respecte  to  the  tyme  whan,  the  place  where,  and  the 
persones  to  whom  it  is  spoken.0  For  the  wordes  perchance 
apte  for  a  bankette  or  tyme  of  solace,  be  nat  commendable  in 

*  '  Oculos  habuit  claros  ac  nitidos,  quibus  etiam  existimari  volebat  inesse  quid- 
dam  divini  vigoris  ;  gaudebatque,  si  quis  sibi  acrius  contuenti,  quasi  ad  fulgorem 
Solis,  vultum  summitteret.' — Suet.  Octavius,  79. 

b  '  Sermones  quoque  cum  singulis,  atque  etiam  cum  Livia  sua  graviores, 
nonnisi  scriptos,  et  e  libello  habebat,  ne  plus  minusve  loqueretur  ex  tempore. ' — 
Ibid.  84. 

0  Patrizi  says  :  '  Regia  oratio  brevis,  dilucida,  et  jucunda  esse  debet,  cum 
verborum  pond  ere  et  sententiarum  gravitate.' — De  Regno  et  Reg,  Instit.  lib.  ii.  tit. 
II.  And  Puttenham,  who  devotes  a  whole  chapter  to  this  subject,  says:  'By 
reason  of  the  sundry  circumstances  that  man's  affaires  are,  as  it  were,  wrapt  in,  this 
decencie,  comes  to  be  very  much  alterable  and  subject  to  varietie,  in  so  much  as 
our  speach  asketh  one  maner  of  decencie,  in  respect  of  the  person  who  speakes  ; 
another  of  his  to  whom  it  is  spoken  ;  another  of  whom  we  speak  e  ;  another  of 
what  we  speake,  and  in  what  place  and  time  and  to  what  purpose.' — Arte  of 
Engl.  Poesie,  lib.  iii.  p.  220,  ed.  1811. 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  17 

tyme  of  consultation  or  seruice  of  god.a  That  langage  that  in 
the  chambre  is  tollerable,  in  place  of  iugement  or  great 
assembly  is  nothing  commendable.5 


CHAPTER   III. 

Of  apparaile  belongynge  to  a  noble  man,  beinge  a  gouernour  or 
great  counsailour. 

APPARAILE  may  be  wel  a  parte  of  maiestie.     For  as  ther  hath 
bene  euer  a  discrepance  in  vesture  of  youthe  and  age,c  men 

»  '  Non  enim  omnis  fortuna,  non  omnis  honos,  non  omnis  auctoritas,  non  omnis 
dignitas,  nee  oetas,  nee  tempus,  nee  jocus,  nee  auditor  omnis,  eodem  aut  verborum 
genere  tractandus  est  aut  sententiarum,  sed  semper  cogitandum  est  quid  deceat.' — 
Patrizi,  De  Regno  et  Reg.  lib.  ii.  tit.  10.  Erasmus,  in  his  hints  on  preaching, 
says  :  '  Jam  ut  magni  refert,  quas  gemmas  quo  loco  inseras,  ita  plurimum  interest 
quod  sententioe  genus  ubi  intertexas.  Vitandum  et  illud  ne  prseter  decorum  adhi- 
beantur.  Absurdum  enim  fuerit,  si  quis  adolescentulo  aut  lenoni  graves  attribuat 
sententias,  aut  in  re  ludicra  levique  Stoicorum  adhibeat  paradoxa.' — Opera,  torn.  v. 
col.  1006,  ed.  1704. 

b  Wilson  has  some  amusing  illustrations  of  the  neglect  of  this  precaution.  '  In 
waightie  causes  graue  woordes  are  thought  moste  nedeful,  that  the  greatnesse  of  the 
matter  maie  the  rather  appere  in  the  vehemencie  of  their  talke.  So  likewise  of 
other  like  order  must  be  taken.  Albeit  some  not  onely  doe  not  obserue  this  kind 
of  aptnesse,  but  also  thei  doe  fall  into  muche  fondnes  by  usyng  wordes  out  of  place, 
and  applying  them  to  diuers  matters  without  all  discretion.  As  thus  :  an  ignorant 
fellowe  comming  to  a  gentleman's  place  ajid  seyng  a  great  flocke  of  shepe  in  his 
pasture,  said  to  the  owner  of  them,  "  Nowe  by  my  truth,  sir,  here  is  as  goodly  an 
audience  of  shepe  as  euer  I  sawe  in  my  life. "  Who  will  not  take  this  fellowe 
meeter  to  talke  with  shepe  then  speake  among  men  ?  An  other  likewise,  seyng 
an  house  faire  builded,  saied  to  his  fellow  thus  :  "Good  lord,  what  a  handsome 
phrase  of  buildyng  is  this  ?  "  There  are  good  wordes  euill  used  when  thei  are  not 
well  applied  and  spoken  to  good  purpose.  Therefore  I  wishe  that  suche  untowarde 
speakyng  maie  giue  us  a  good  lesson  to  use  our  tongue  warely,  that  our  wordes  and 
matter  maie  still  agree  together.' — Arte  of  Rhet.  p.  168,  ed.  1584. 

c  Puttenham  must  have  had  this  passage  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote  '  of  Orna- 
ment,' for  his  language  is  almost  identical.  '  In  the  use  of  apparell  there  is  no 
litle  decency  and  undecencie  to  be  perceiued,  as  well  for  the  fashion  as  the  stuffe, 
for  it  is  comely  that  euery  estate  and  vocation  should  be  knowen  by  the  differences 
of  their  habit  :  a  clarke  from  a  lay  man  :  a  gentleman  from  a  yeoman  :  a  souldier 
II.  C 


1 8  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

and  women,  and  our  lorde  god  ordayned  the  apparaile  of 
preestis  distincte  from  seculars,  as  it  appiereth  in  holy  scrip- 
ture, also  the  gentiles  had  of  auncient  time  sondry  apparaile 
to  sondry  astates,  as  to  the  senate,  and  dignities  called  magis- 
trates.* And  what  enormitie  shulde  it  nowe  be  thought,  and 
a  thinge  to  laughe  at,  to  se  a  iuge  or  sergeant  at  the  lawe 
in  a  shorte  cote,b  garded  and  pounced  after  the  galyarde 

rom  a  citizen,  and  the  chiefe  of  euery  degree  from  their  inferiours,  because  in  con- 
fusion and  disorder  there  is  no  manner  of  decencie. — Arte  of  Eng.  Poesie,  lib.  iii. 
p.  237,  ed.  1811. 

*  On  comparing  this  chapter  with  the  38th  chapter  of  Dugdale's  Origines,  the 
reader  will  not  fail  to  observe  the  great  similarity  of  language.  It  is  probable, 
indeed,  that  Dugdale  had  studied  The  Governour,  the  work  also  of  a  lawyer,  and  if 
the  following  passage  be  collated  with  that  in  the  text  the  probability  appears  to  be 
reduced  almost  to  a  certainty.  Dugdale  says  :  '  That  peculiar  and  decent  vestments 
have  from  great  antiquity  been  used  in  religious  services,  we  have  the  authority  of 
God's  sacred  precept  to  Moses  :  Thott  shalt  make  holy  rayments  for  Aaron  and  his 
sons  that  are  to  minister  unto  me,  that  they  may  be  for  glory  and  beauty.  And  reason 
tells  us  that  in  places  of  Civil  judicature  it  is  not  only  proper  that  the  Magistrate 
should  be  distinguished  from  others,  but  all  possible  care  used  that  a  venerable 
respect  be  had  to  his  person  and  office.  Hence  was  it  that  the  most  civilized 
people  of  the  world  did  accordingly  make  it  their  practice — the  Roman  Senators 
having  their  vesture  much  different  from  that  of  the  Gentry,  viz.  a  garment  bestud- 
ded  with  flourishings  of  purple  silk  in  manner  of  broad  Nayl ;  and  the  Consuls  a 
solemn  Robe  of  purple,  by  which  they  were  known  from  other  Magistrates  and 
private  men,  with  large  embroydered  works  thereon,  called  Trabea,  and  in  further 
honour  of  that  their  Consular  dignity,  xii  Lictors,  who  bare  their  bundles  of  Rods 
and  Axes  before  them,  as  also  an  Ivory  Chair  of  State  which  was  commonly  car- 
ryed  about  for  them  in  a  Chariot,  all  which  was  done  to  draw  a  more  awfull 
reverence  to  them  than  ordinary.' — Origines,  p.  98,  ed.  1671. 

b  So  Puttenham  says  :  '  There  is  a  decency  of  apparrel  in  respect  of  the  place 
where  it  is  to  be  used  :  as  in  the  Court  to  be  richely  apparrelled  :  in  the  countrey  to 
weare  more  plain  and  homely  garments.  For  who  would  not  thinke  it  a  ridiculous 
thing  to  see  a  Lady  in  her  milke-house  with  a  veluet  gowne,  and  at  a  bridall  in  her 
cassock  of  mockado  ;  a  Gentleman  of  the  Countrey  among  the  bushes  and  briars 
goe  in  a  pounced  dublet  and  a  paire  of  embrodered  hosen,  in  the  citie  to  weare  a 
frise  jerkin  and  a  paire  of  leather  breeches  ? ' — Arte  of  EngL  Poesie,  lib.  iii.  p. 
238,  ed.  1811.  This  was  an  age  of  sumptuary  laws,  and  the  Inns  of  Court  made 
the  most  stringent  regulations  for  the  government  of  their  members  in  the  matter 
of  dress.  A  few  years  later,  viz.  in  1554  the  Benchers  of  the  Middle  Temple  ordered 
*  that  none  of  this  Society  should  thenceforth  wear  any  great  Bryches  in  their  Hoses, 
made  after  the  Dutch,  Spanish,  or  Almon  (i.e.  German)  fashion,  or  Lawnde  upon 
their  Capps,  or  cut  doublets,  upon  pain  of  iiu.  iv</.  forfaiture  for  the  first  default, 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  19 

facion,a  or  an  apprentise  of  the  lawe  or  pleder  come  to  the 
barre  with  a  millaine  bonet  or  frenche  hatte b  on  his  heed,  sette 

and  the  second  time  to  be  expelled  the  House.'  And  in  1557,  general  orders  apply- 
ing to  all  the  Inns  of  Court  were  issued  :  '  That  none  of  the  Companions,  except 
Knights  or  Benchers,  from  the  last  day  of  September  next,  wear  in  their  Doublets 
or  Hoses  any  light  colours,  except  scarlet  and  crimsons  or  wear  any  upper  velvet 
Cap,  or  any  Scarf  or  wings  in  their  gowns,  white  Jerkyns,  Buskins,  or  Velvet  shoes, 
Double  Cuffs  on  their  shirts,  feathers  or  ribbens  on  their  Caps,  upon  pain  to  forfeit 
for  the  first  default  iiu.  iW.,  and  the  second  expulsion  without  redemption.' — 
Dugdale,  Origines,  pp.  191,  310. 

a  This  probably  refers  to  the  style  of  dress  adopted  by  those  who  danced  the 
'gaillarde,'  described  in  the  first  volume  of  this  work,  and  which  was  of  a  lively 
character,  for  we  are  told  :  '  Aprez  la  pauane  on  dance  coustumierement  la  gail- 
larde qui  est  legiere.' — Arbeau,  Orchesographie,  p.  33.  In  the  very  next  year 
(1532)  after  the  first  appearance  of  The  Governotir,  an  Act  of  Parliament  was 
passed  'for  Reformacyon  of  Excesse  in  Apparayle,'  which  enacted  that  none  but 
the  King  and  members  of  the  Royal  Family  should  wear  purple  silk  or  cloth  of 
gold  tissue,  and  that  no  one  who  could  not  'dispende'  ;£ioo  per  annum  might 
wear  any  '  satene  damaske  silke  chamlett  or  taffata  in  his  gowne  cote  with  sieves,  or 
other  uttermost  apparell  or  garment,  nor  any  maner  of  velvett  otherwise  than  in 
sleveles  jakettes,  doublettes,  coyfes,  partelettes  or  purses,  nor  any  furre  wherof  the 
like  kynde  groweth  not  within  this  realme  of  Englande,  excepte  foynes  genettes, 
called  Grey  genettes  and  Bogye.'  But  it  was  expressly  provided  that  the  Act 
should  '  not  extende  nor  be  hurtfull  or  prejudiciall  to  the  Justices  of  the  one  Benche 
or  the  other,  the  Barons  of  the  Kynges  Eschequier,  the  Maister  of  the  Rolles, 
Serjauntes  at  Lawe,  the  Masters  of  the  Chauncerie,  ne  to  any  of  the  Counseill  of 
the  Quene,  Prince,  or  Princesses,  Apprentises  of  the  Lawe,  Recorders,'  &c. ;  'ne 
to  any  utter  Barrester  of  any  of  the  Innes  of  Courte  for  wearing  in  any  of  his 
appareill  suche  silke  and  Furre '  as  was  before  limited  for  them  that  could  dis- 
pend  ^20  per  annum.  'Nor  to  any  other  student  of  the  Innes  of  Courte  or 
Chauncerye.'  Servants  and  yeomen  who  could  not  'dispende  of  freholde'  40 
shillings  per  annum  were  prohibited  from  wearing  their  hoses  '  garded  or  myxed 
with  any  other  thing  that  may  be  sene  on  or  thorough  the  utter  parte  of  their  hosen, 
but  with  the  self  same  clothe  onely ; '  nor  '  any  shirte  or  shirte  bande,  under  or 
upper  cappe,  coiffe,  bonnet  or  hatte  garnysshed,  myxte,  made  or  wroughte  with 
silke,  gold,  or  silver.'  The  Act  was  to  come  into  operation  '  from  the  feast  of 
the  Purification  of  our  Lady  (2  Feb.)  1533.' 

b  In  the  Privy  Purse  Expenses  of  Henry  VIII.  there  are  two  or  three  entries 
relating  to  the  purchase  of  '  Myllain  bonets, '  and  the  learned  editor  says  :  '  What 
a  Milan  bonnet  was  does  not  exactly  appear.  In  both  instances  they  were  bought 
for  the  king's  fool.'  The  price  charged  to  the  king  was  eight  shillings  apiece.  It 
is  a  curious  fact  that  the  tradesman  of  whom  they  were  purchased  is  called  in  one 
instance  Christopher  Mylloner  ;  and  Sir  Nicholas  Nicolas  says  :  '  A  milloner  of  the 
1 6th,  was  evidently  a  different  sort  of  tradesman  from  the  milliner  of  the  I9th  century, 

C   2 


20  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

full  of  plumes,  poudred  with  spangles.  So  is  there  apparaile 
comely  to  euery  astate  and  degree,  and  that  whiche  excedeth 
or  lackethe,  procureth  reproche,  in  a  noble  man  specially.  For 
apparaile  simple  or  scante,  reprouethe  hym  of  auarice.a  If  it 
be  alway  exceding  precious,  and  often  tymes  chaunged,  as 
well  in  to  charge  as  straunge  and  newe  factons,  it  causeth  him 
to  be  noted  dissolute  of  maners.b 


for  besides  caps,  bonnets,  and  gloves,  he  then  sold  knives,  sheaths,  girdles,  jewels, 
&c.' — Obi  supra,  p.  337.  Is  it  not  possible  that  the  name  of  Mylloner  was  derived 
from  the  Myllayne  bonnets  which  he  sold  ?  or  because  such  trade  was  exercised 
specially  by  the  Milanese  ?  The  Milan  bonnets  of  the  i6th  century  seems  to  have 
enjoyed  the  same  sort  of  reputation  as  an  article  of  commerce  that  those  of  Leg- 
horn possessed  in  more  modern  times. 

•  So  Patrizi  says  :  '  Concludamus  igitur  maximam  in  Regibus  Principibusque  vir- 
tutem  esse  magnificentiam,  a  qua  quicumque  abest,  vix  quippiam  dignum  laude  agere 
potest,  et  in  avaritiae  crimen  facile  incurrit,  detrectatoribusque  obnoxius  redditur.' 
— De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  vii.  tit.  1 1 .  Erasmus,  however,  considers  frugality  in 
a  prince  a  sign  of  self-restraint.  '  In  aliis  frugalitas  aut  mundicies  vel  inopiae  tribui 
potest  vel  parsimoniae,  si  quis  iniquius  interpretetur.  At  eadem  in  Principe  nihil 
aliud  esse  potest  quam  temperantiae  documentum,  cum  is  rebus  modice  utitur,  cui 
quantum  libet,  tantum  suppetit.' — Instit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  23. 

b  *  In  vestitu  mediocritatem  servet,  metiaturque  se  ad  mensuram  sui  census. 
Ut  enim  turpe  est  sordida  atque  indecora  veste  uti,  ita  invidiosum  nitidiore  atque 
elegantiore,  et  prsecipue  cum  res  familiaris  minus  suppetit,  vel  ubi  ses  alienum 
contractum  est  Est  etiam  considerandum  in  vestitu,  ut  cultus  concessus  sit,  et 
non  discedat  a  consuetudine  patrias.  Deceat  personam,  genus,  setatem,  mores. 
Ut  lauta  vestis,  quoad  decet,  dignitatem  authoritatemque  hominibus  addit,  sic 
muliebris  et  luxuriosa  non  corpus  ornat,  sed  animum  detegit.' — Patrizi,  De  Instit. 
Reifub.  lib.  v.  tit.  10.  Those  about  the  Court,  as  usual,  set  the  fashion  and  must 
be  held  responsible  for  their  example.  It  was  for  this  they  incurred  some  years 
later  Ascham's  displeasure.  '  If  three  or  four  great  ones  in  court  will  needs  out- 
rage in  apparel,  in  huge  hose,  in  monstrous  hats,  in  garish  colours  :  let  the  prince 
proclaim,  make  laws,  order,  punish,  command  every  gate  in  London  daily  to  be 
watched  ;  let  all  good  men  beside  do  every  where  what  they  can ;  surely  the  mis- 
order  of  apparel  in  mean  men  abroad  shall  never  be  amended,  except  the  greatest 
in  court  will  order  and  mend  themselves  first.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  145,  ed.  1864. 
Montaigne,  at  a  still  earlier  period,  invoked  the  assistance  of  Royalty  itself  to 
check  the  prevailing  extravagance.  '  Combien  soubdainement  viennent  en  honneur 
parmy  nos  armees  les  pourpoincts  crasseux  de  chamois  et  de  toile  ;  et  la  polisseure 
et  richesse  des  vestements  a  reproche  et  a  mespris  !  Que  les  roys  commencent  a 
quitter  ces  despenses,  ce  sera  faict  en  un  mois,  sans  edict  et  sans  ordonnance ;  nous 
irons  touts  aprez.' — £ssaist  torn.  i.  p.  433,  ed.  1854. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  21 

The  most  noble  emperours  of  Rome,  Augustus,*  Traiane,b 
Hadriane,c  Antonine,d  Seuerus,6  and  Alexander/  whiche  were 
of  all  other  incomparable  in  honorable  lyuynge,  used  a  discrete 
moderation  in  their  apparaile,  all  thoughe  they  were  greatte 
emperours  and  gentiles.  Howe  moche  more  ought  than 
christen  men,  whose  denomination  is  founded  on  humilitie, 
and  they  that  be  nat  of  the  astate  of  princes,*  to  shewe  a 

*  '  Veste  non  temere  alia  quam  domestica  usus  est,  ab  sorore  et  uxore  et  filia 
neptibusque  confecta  :   togis,  neque  restrictis,   neque  fusis  :    clavo  nee  lato  nee 
angusto  :   calciamentis  altiusculis,  ut  procerior,    quam  erat,  videretur.' — Sueton. 
Oct.  73- 

b  '  The  thick  and  straight-cut  hair,  smoothed  over  the  brow  without  a  curl  or  a 
parting,  marks  the  simplicity  of  the  man's  character,  in  a  voluptuous  age  which 
delighted  in  the  culture  of  flowing  or  frizzled  locks.' — Merivale,  Hist,  of  Rome, 
vol.  vii.  p.  270. 

c  '  Vestem  humillimam  frequentur  acciperet,  sine  auro  balteum  sumeret,  sine 
gemmis  fibulas  stringeret,  capulo  vix  eburneo  spatham  clauderet.' — Aug.  Hist. 
torn.  i.  pp.  88,  89,  ed.  1671. 

d  '  Visus  est  sane  ab  amicis,  et  cum  privatis  vestibus,  et  domestica  qusedam 
gerens.' — Aug.  Hist.  torn.  i.  p.  261. 

e  '  Hie  tarn  exiguis  vestibus  usus  est  ut  vix  tunica  ejus  aliquid  purpurae  haberet, 
et  cum  hirta  chlamyde  humeros  velaret.' — Aug.  Hist.  torn.  i.  p.  631. 

f  '  Vestes  sericas  ipse  raras  habuit :  holosericas  nunquam  induit.  Usus  est  ipse 
chlamyde  de  coccina  ssepe.  In  urbe  tamen  semper  togatus  fuit,  et  in  Italiae  urbi- 
bus.  Prsetextam  et  pictam  togam  nunquam  nisi  consul  accepit  .  .  .  Braccas  albas 
habuit,  non  coccineas,  ut  prius  solebant.  Gemmarum  quod  fuit,  vendidit,  et  aururn 
in  serarium  contulit,  dicens  gammas  viris  usui  non  esse.' — Ibid.  p.  969-978. 

*  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  the  language  in  which  the  divines,  at  the  end 
of  the  century,  inveighed  against  the  extravagant  fashions  of  the  day  :   '  As  for 
priuate  subiectes,  it  is  not  at  any  hande  lawfull  that  they  should  weare  silkes, 
Veluets,  Satens,  Damaskes,  golde,  siluer,  and  what  they  list  (though  they  be  neuer 
so  able  to  maintaine  it),  except  they  being  in  some  kinde  of  office  in  the  common 
wealth  doe  use  it  for  the  dignifying  and  innobling  of  the  same  ;  or  at  the  com- 
mandement  of  the  chiefe  Magistrate  for  some  speciall  consideration  or  purpose. 
But  now  there  is  suche  a  confuse  mingle  mangle  of  apparell  in  England,  and  suche 
horrible  excesse  thereof,  as  euery  one  is  permitted  to  flaunt  it  out  in  what  ap- 
parell he  listeth  himselfe  or  can  get  by  any  meanes.     So  that  it  is  very  hard  to 
knowe  who  is  worshipful!,  who  is  a  Gentleman,  who  is  not  ;   for  you  shall  haue 
those  which  are  neither  of  the  Nobilitie,  Gentilitie,  nor  Yeomanrie— no,  nor  yet 
any  Magistrate  or  officer  in  the  common  wealth  goe  daylie  in  silkes,  Veluettes, 
Satens,   Damaskes,   Taffaties,  and  such  like,  notwithstaridyng  that  they  be  bothe 
base  by  birth,  meane  by  estate,  and  seruile  by  calling.     And  this  I  accompt  a 
great  confusion  and  a  generall  disorder  in  a  Christian  common  wealth.' — Stubbes, 


22  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

moderation  and  Constance  in  vesture,  that  they  diminisshe  no 
parte  of  their  maiestie,  either  with  newe  fanglenesse  or  with 
ouer  sumptuous  expences  ?  And  yet  may  this  last  be  suffred 
wher  ther  is  a  great  assembly  of  straungers,  for  than  some  tyme 
it  is  expedient  that  a  nobleman  in  his  apparaile  do  aduaunte 
hym  selfe  to  be  both  riche  and  honourable.*  But  in  this  as  well 
as  in  other  partes  of  maiestie  tyme  is  to  be  highly  considered. 
Semblable  deckynge  oughte  to  be  in  the  house  of  a  noble 
man  or  man  of  honour.b  I  meane  concernynge  ornamentes  of 

Anat.  of  Abuses,  p.  n,  ed.  1595.  The  subject  of  extravagance  in  dress  is  dis- 
cussed at  great  length  in  a  treatise,  entitled  De  festat  honneste  des  Chrestiens  en  leur 
accoustrement,  printed  at  Geneva  in  1 5 80  by  Jean  de  Laon  (Laonius),  the  author  of 
which  was  apparently  unknown  to  M.  Brunet,  and  which  is  entirely  ignored  by 
M.Barbierin  his  Diet,  des  Ouvrages  Anonymes,\>\&  which  is  attributed  by  M.  Michel 
Nicolas  in  the  Nouvelle  Biographic  Generate,  to  Lambert  Daneau,  a  French  Protes- 
tant, who  was  professor  of  theology  at  Geneva  towards  the  end  of  the  i6th  cen- 
tury, and  author  of  various  works  bearing  on  the  Reformation.  Daneau  insisted 
on  the  importance  of  each  rank  of  society  adhering  to  its  appropriate  costume. 
'  Quant  a  la  qualite  il  y  a  aussi  distinction.  Car  les  uns  sont  Princes,  les  autres 
suiets,  les  uns  nobles,  les  autres  roturiers,  les  uns  riches,  les  autres  poures.  Et 
telle  diuersite  n'est  point  entre  les  hommes  que  par  la  prouidence  de  Dieu,  lequel 
par  une  telle  difference  gouuerne  et  maintient  la  societe  des  hommes  selon  sa 
sagesse :  ne  plus  ne  moins  qu'il  entretient  en  une  harmonic  et  accord  admirable  tout 
cest  uniuers  par  la  composition  d'elemens  et  qualites  si  contraires.  Et  pourtant 
comme  on  ne  peut  corrumpre  cest  ordre,  qu'on  ne  repugne  a  Dieu  et  qu'il  ne  s'en 
ensuiue  de  la  confusion  :  ce  seroit  faute  aussi  de  vouloir  oster  les  moiens  d'une 
telle  distinction  entre  lesquels  a  tousiours  este  compte  1'accoustrement.'  And 
after  citing  examples  from  Sacred  and  Roman  History,  he  continues  :  « Telle- 
ment  que  pour  toutes  ces  choses  nous  concluons  que  pour  garder  la  bienseance  aux 
accoustremens  un  chascun  doit  considerer  sa  qualite  et  que  la  police  que  nous 
auons  en  ce  royaume  est  bien  fondee  que  chascun  s'accommode  a  suiure  son  rang. 
Si  le  marchant  ou  le  laboureur  ou  aucun  des  suiets  veut  auoir  1'ornement  du  prince 
on  le  doit  reprimer  ;  mais  si  aussi  quelcun  debat  que  1'accoustrement  d'un  Prince  ne 
doit  point  estre  plus  magnifique  que  celuy  d'un  vacher  ou  simple  marchant,  c'est 
vouloir  mettre  trouble  et  confusion.' — Chap.  xvi.  p.  82,  ed.  1580, 

*  So  Peacham  says  :  '  But  if  to  do  your  Prince  honour  at  a  tilting,  employed 
in  embassage,  comming  in  of  some  great  stranger,  or  you  are  to  giue  entertainment 
to  Princes  or  Noble  personages  at  your  house,  as  did  Cosmo  de  Medici,  or  haply  ye 
command  in  the  warres,  spare  not  to  be  braue  with  the  brauest.' — Compleat 
Gentleman,  p.  191,  ed.  1622. 

b  Stubbes,  in  his  Anatomie  of  Abuses,  says  :  c  Cloath  of  gold,  Arase,  Tapestrie, 
and  suche  other  riche  ornamentes,  pendices,  and  hanginges  in  a  house  of  estate 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  23 

halle  and  chambres,  in  Arise,*  painted  tables,  and  images 

serue  not  onely  to  manual  uses  and  seruile  occupations,  but  also  to  decore,  to 
beautifie  and  adorne  the  house,  and  to  shewe  theriche  estate  and  glorie  of  the  owner. ' 
— P.  12,  ed.  1595.  And  Harrison,  describing  the  furniture  in  use  at  the  time, 
says,  '  Certes  in  noble  men's  houses  it  is  not  rare  to  see  abundance  of  Arras,  rich 
hangings  of  tapistrie,  siluer  vessell,  and  so  much  other  plate  as  may  furnish 
sundrie  cupbords,  to  the  summe  oftentimes  of  a  thousand  or  two  thousand  pounds 
at  the  least  :  whereby  the  value  of  this  and  the  rest  of  their  stuffe  doth  grow 
to  be  almost  inestimable.  Likewise,  in  the  houses  of  knights,  gentlemen,  mer- 
chantmen, and  some  other  wealthie  citizens,  it  is  not  geson  to  behold  generallie 
their  great  prouision  of  tapistrie,  Turkic  work,  pewter,  brasse,  fine  linen,  and  thereto 
costlie  cupbords  of  plate,  worth  fiue  or  six  hundred  or  a  thousand  pounds,  to  be 
deemed  by  estimation.'  And  he  goes  on  to  say  that  even  the  middle  classes  in  his 
time  used  such  furniture  as  their  forefathers  would  have  been  unable  to  purchase. 
'  As  herein,  all  these  sorts  do  far  exceed  their  elders  and  predecessors,  and  in 
neatnesse  and  curiositie,  the  merchant  all  other  ;  so  in  time  past,  the  costlie  furni- 
ture staied  there,  whereas  now  it  is  descended  yet  lower,  euen  unto  the  inferiour 
artificers  and  manie  farmers,  who  by  vertue  of  their  old,  and  not  of  their  new 
leases,  haue  for  the  most  part  learned  also  to  garnish  their  cupbords  with  plate,, 
their  ioined  beds  with  tapistrie  and  silke  hangings,  and  their  tables  with  carpets 
and  fine  naperie,  whereby  the  wealthe  of  our  countrie  (God  be  praised,  therefore, 
and  giue  us  grace  to  imploie  it  well)  doth  infinitelie  appeare.' — Descript.  of  England y 
p.  188,  ed.  1587.  The  word  geson  is  said  by  Halliwell  in  his  Diet,  of  Archaic,  &=c., 
Words,  to  mean  'rare,  scarce;'  but  oddly  enough,  although  he  gives  three  illus- 
trations of  its  use,  they  are  all  from  MSS.  and  he  does  not  quote  the  above  passage. 
The  word  is  not  mentioned  by  either  Skinner,  Somner,  or  Bosworth,  but  Cot- 
grave  translates  the  French  rare,  '  rare,  seld,  unusuall,  geason. ' 

*  Arise  =  Arras,  which  was  the  name  applied  to  the  cloth  or  tapestry  made  at 
Arras,  in  France,  in  the  department  of  the  Pas  de  Calais.  Arras,  then  called 
Nemetacum,  was  anciently  the  capital  of  the  Atrebates,  a  Belgic  nation,  whose 
name  is  still  preserved  in  that  of  the  modern  town.  These  people  were  celebrated 
for  their  manufacture  of  cloth  in  the  later  imperial  period.  For  we  are  told  that 
the  Emperor  Gallienus  (A.D.  248-268)  'received  with  a  careless  smile  the  repeated 
intelligence  of  invasions,  defeats,  and  rebellions  ;  and  singling  out  with  affected; 
contempt  some  particular  production  of  the  lost  province,  he  carelessly  asked 
whether  Rome  must  be  ruined  unless  it  was  supplied  with  linen  from  Egypt  and 
Arras  cloth  from  Gaul.'  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Empire,  vol.  i. 
p.  408,  ed.  1854.  '  Perdita  Gallia  arrisisse  ac  dixisse  perhibetur,  "  Non  sine 
Atrebaticis  sagis  tuta  Respublica  est?"  ' — Hist.  August,  torn.  i.  p.  200,  ed.  1671. 
Again,  Vopiscus,  in  his  life  of  the  Emperor  Carinus  (A.D.  284),  mentions  Atre- 
batici  birri  (ibid.  p.  861).  It  seems  to  have  been  occasionally  used  in  England  for 
the  hangings  of  beds,  which,  in  the  will  of  one  Ralph  de  Nevill  of  Westmor- 
land, dated  May  4,  A.D.  1440,  are  bequeathed  as  legacies.  'Item  do  et  lego 
Johannae  uxori  mese  terciam  partem  bonorum  et  rerum  meorum  mobilium,  cum 
optimo  cipho  meo  auri,  cum  vi  chargeours,  xxiv  discis  argenteis,  et  cum  uno  lecto 


24  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

containyng  histories,*  wherin  is  represented  some  monument 
of  vertue,  moste  cunnyngly  wroughte,  with  the  circumstance  of 
the  mater  briefely  declared  ;  wherby  other  men  in  beholdynge 
may  be  instructed,  or  at  the  lest  wayes,  to  vertue  persuaded.b 

de  Arras  operate  cum  auro,  cum  costeris  eidem  pertinentibus  et  concordantibus  .  . 
Item  do  et  lego  Ricardo  de  Nevill  filio  meo  ii  chargeours,  xii  discos,  et  i  pelvim 
cum  i  ewer  argenti,  et  unum  lectum  de  Arras  cum  costeris,  paled  de  colore  rubeo 
viridi  et  albo,  qui  solebant  pendere  in  magna  camera  infra  Castrum  de  Sherif- 
hoton.' — Madox,  Formul.  Anglicamim,  p.  432,  ed.  1702.  John  Mustyan,  of 
Enguien,  is  recorded  as  arras -maker  to  the  King.  Walpole's^;ztfr.  of  Paint.\Q\.  i. 
p.  108. 

•  Mr.  Wornum  says,  '  Tabula  picta  (a  panel  painted)  was  the  common  Latin 
expression  for  an  easel  picture  among  the  Romans  and  in  later  ages.' — Walpole's 
Anec.  Paint,  vol.  i.  p.  63,  note.  Warton  quotes  from  an  Inventory  of  the  Stores 
of  Henry  VIII.  :  '  Two  old  stayned  clothes  of  the  ix  worthies  for  the  greate 
chamber  at  New  Hall  in  Essex  ; '  and  adds,  '  these  were  pictures. ' — Hist.  Eng. 
Poet.  vol.  i.  p.  205,  note.  And  Walpole  tells  us  that  in  an  inventory  in  the 
Augmentation  Office,  containing  an  account  of  goods,  pictures,  and  furniture  in 
the  palace  of  Westminster,  under  the  care  of  Sir  Anthony  Denny,  keeper  of  the 
wardrobe,  '  it  appears  that  they  called  a  picture  a  table  with  a  picture ;  prints, 
cloths  stained  with  a  picture ;  and  models  and  bas-reliefs  they  termed  pictures 
of  earthS  From  the  same  authority  we  learn  that  '  In  a  small  room,  called  the 
confessionary,  near  the  chapel  at  Hampton  Court,  Vertue  found  several  Scripture 
stories  painted  on  wainscot,  particularly  the  Passion.' — Anecdotes  of  Painting, 
vol.  i.  pp.  62,  63,  ed.  1849.  We  are  also  told  of  pictures  representing  the 
Battle  of  the  Spurs,  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold,  and  the  Expedition  to  Bou- 
logne. By  'images,'  the  author  probably  intended  what  we  should  call  'stained 
glass'  or  'painted  windows,'  Iput  he  may  also  allude  to  sculpture,  whether  of  wood 
or  stone.  For  both  were  beginning  to  be  employed  for  ornamental  purposes  at 
this  period.  Aubrey,  in  his  account  of  Gorhambury,  which  was  built  by  Elizabeth's 
Lord  Keeper,  mentions  the  'stately  Gallerie,  whose  glasse  windows  are  all 
painted,  and  every  pane  with  severall  figures  of  beast,  bird,  or  flower. '  And  he 
adds,  'Perhaps  his  Lordship  might  use  them  as  topiques  for  locall  use.' — The 
Oxford  Cabinet,  p.  26,  ed.  1 797.  On  the  other  hand,  Hentzner,  who  travelled 
in  England  at  the  end  of  the  century,  describing  the  royal  residence  of  Nonesuch, 
says,  '  Secessus  Regius,  quern  magnificentissimus  Rex  Henricus  VIII.  in  loco  salu- 
berrimo,  prius  Cuddington  dicto,  deliciis  et  otio  suo  destinavit,  tantaque  magnifi- 
centia  et  elegantia  exstruxit,  ut  ad  ostentationis  arcem  aspiret  et  omnem  architec- 
tonices  peritiam  in  uno  hoc  opere  coacervatam  existimes.  Tot  sunt  ubique  spirantia 
signa,  tot  absolutae  Arcis  miracula  et  Romanse  antiquitatis  semula  opera  ex  gypso 
affabre  facta,  ut  optimo  jure  hoc  suum  nomen  habeat  et  tueatur,  quod  Latine  ut 
nonnullis  placet  Nutti  secunda  sonat.' — Itinerarium,  p.  153,  ed.  1617. 

b  Mr.  Wright,  who  quotes  the  above  passage,  but  erroneously  describes  our 
author  as  Sir  John  Elyot,  says  :  '  The  sixteenth  century  was  especially  the  age  of 


.  THE  GOVERNOUR.  25 

In  like  wise  his  plate  a  and  vessaile  wolde  be  ingraued  with 

tapestries,  and  no  gentleman  could  consider  his  rooms  furnished  if  they  wanted  these 
important  adjuncts.' — Homes  of  other  Days,  p.  478,  ed.  1871.  And  it  is  surprising 
that  Warton's  attention  was  not  drawn  to  this  chapter  of  The  Governour,  for  in  proof 
of  the  reverence  in  which  the  fables  of  chivalry  were  once  held,  and  of  the  familiarity 
with  which  they  must  have  been  regarded  by  our  ancestors,  he  says  :  '  These  fables 
were  not  only  perpetually  repeated  at  their  festivals,  but  were  the  constant  objects 
of  their  eyes.  The  stories  of  the  tapestry  in  the  royal  palaces  of  Henry  VIII.  are 
still  preserved.  In  the  tapestry  of  the  Tower  of  London,  the  original  and  most 
ancient  seat  of  our  monarchs,  there  are  recited  Godfrey  of  Bulloign,  the  three  kings 
of  Cologn,  the  emperor  Constantine,  Saint  George,  King  Erkenwald,  Esther  and 
Ahasuerus,  Jupiter  and  Juno,  the  ten  kings  of  France,  the  Birth  of  our  Lord, 
Duke  Joshua,  the  riche  history  of  King  David,  the  seven  deadly  sins,  the  riche 
history  of  the  Passion,  the  stem  of  Jesse,  &c.  &c.  At  Durham  Place  we  find  the 
Citie  of  Ladies,  the  tapestrie  of  Thebes  and  of  Troy,  the  City  of  Peace,  the  Prodigal 
Son,  Esther,  and  other  pieces  of  Scripture.  At  Windsor  Castle,  the  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem, Ahasuerus,  Charlemagne,  the  siege  of  Troy,  and  hawking  and  hunting. 
At  Nottingham  Castle,  Amys  and  Amelion.  At  Woodstock,  the  tapestrie  of 
Charlemagne.  At  Moor  Park  (formerly  Wolsey's  palace)  in  Hertfordshire,  King 
Arthur,  Hercules,  Astyages  and  Cyrus.  At  Richmond,  the  arras  of  Sir  Bevis,  and 
Virtue  and  Vice  fighting.  Many  of  these  subjects  are  repeated  at  Westminster, 
Greenwich,  Oatlands,  Bedington  in  Surrey,  and  other  royal  seats,  some  of  which 
are  now  unknown  as  such.' — Hist,  of  EngL  Poetry,  vol.  i.  pp.  203,  204,  ed. 
1840. 

*  Although  at  this  time  silver  plate  was  in  constant  use  in  the  houses  of  the 
nobility,  Harrison  tells  us  that  glass  was  coming  into  fashion,  not,  however,  for 
its  cheapness.  '  It  is  a  world  to  see,'  he  says,  'in  these  our  daies,  wherein  gold 
and  siluer  most  aboundeth,  how  that  our  gentilitie  as  lothing  those  mettals  (bicause 
of  the  plentie)  do  now  generallie  choose  rather  the  Venice  glasses,  both  for  our 
wine  and  beere,  than  anie  of  those  mettals  or  stone  wherein,  before  time,  we  haue 
beene  accustomed  to  drinke  .  .  .  the  poorest  also  will  haue  glasse  if  they  may, 
but  sith  the  Venecian  is  somewhat  too  deere  for  them,  they  content  themselues 
with  such  as  are  made  at  home  of  feme  and  burned  stone.' — Descript.  oj 
England,  p.  167,  ed.  1587.  And  Hentzner  tells  a  characteristic  story  of  the 
Inns  of  Court,  which  shows  that  students  in  the  i6th  were  better  off,  at  least  in 
one  respect,  than  in  the  iQth  century,  inasmuch  as  the  Benchers  seem  to  have 
made  no  charge  for  'breakages.'  'In  hisce  Collegiis  (i.e.,  the  Temple,  Gray's 
Inn,  and  Lincoln's  Inn)  laute  vivunt,  et  poculis  argenteis  utuntur,  quod  cum  ali- 
quando  illustris  quidam  vir  vidisset,  admirans  magnum  poculorum  argenteorum 
numerum,  in  hsec  verba  prorupisse  fertur  :  "  Convenire  potius  scholasticis  ex 
testaceis  et  vitreis  quam  argenteis  vasculis  bibere."  Responsum  ei  a  Collegia,  "  Se 
omnia  sua  pocula  ipsi  velle  tradere,  si  cdnditionem  accipiat  et  vicissim  sibi  de 
testaceis  et  vitreis  vasculis  sufficienter  prospiciat ;  frequentissimam  enim  horum 
confractionem  posse  fortassis  aliquando  longe  superare  £estimationem  argenteo- 
rum." ' — Itinerarium,  p.  133,  ed.  1617. 


26  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

histories,  fables,  or  quicke  and  wise  sentences,  comprehending 
good  doctrine  or  counsailes  ;  wherby  one  of  these  commodities 
may  happen,  either  that  they  which  do  eate  or  drinke,  hauyng 
those  wisedomes  euer  in  sighte,  shall  happen  with  the  meate 
to  receiue  some  of  them,  or  by  purposinge  them  at  the  table, 
may  sussitate  some  disputation  or  reasonynge  ;  wherby  some 
parte  of  tyme  shall  be  saued,  whiche  els  by  superfluouse  eatyng 
and  drinkyng  wolde  be  idely  consumed. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

What  very  nolilitie  is,  and  wherof  it  tokefirste  that  denomination. 

NOWE  it  is  to  be  feared  that  where  maiestie  approcheth  to 
excesse,  and  the  mynde  is  obsessed  with  inordinate  glorie, 
lest  pride,  of  al  vices  most  horrible,  shuld  sodainely  entre  and 
take  prisoner  the  harte  of  a  gentilman  called  to  autoritie. 
Wherfore  in  as  moche  as  that  pestilence  corruptethe  all  sences,a 
and  makethe  them  incurable  by  any  persuation  or  doctrine, 
therfore  suche  persones  from  their  adolescencie  (which  is  the 
age  nexte  to  the  state  of  man)  oughte  to  be  persuaded  and 
taughte  the  true  knowlege  of  very  nobilitie  in  fourme 
folowing  or  like.b 

*  So  Clicthoue,  a  celebrated  Flemish  theologian,  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
controversialists  of  the  i6th  century,  and  one  of  the  first  who  wrote  against  Luther, 
in  a  tract  entitled  De  verd  Nobilitate,  published  in  1520,  says  :  '  At  quoniam  generis 
nobilitas  plerosque  inflates  opinione  sui  reddit,  fastidiososque,  ac  aliorum  contemp- 
tores,  extirpandum  est  in  primis  animo  id  superbiae  virus,  et  facilis  in  omnes  sequa- 
bilitas  studiosius  ei,  qui  verae  nobilitatis  titulo  vult  insigniri,  comparanda.' — Cap. 
12.  If  the  reader  compares  this  tract  with  The  Governottr,  he  will  hardly  fail  to 
notice  a  certain  similarity  in  the  treatment  of  the  same  subject,  which  makes  it 
probable  that  the  author  of  the  latter  was  acquainted  with  Clicthoue's  opusculum. 

b  Erasmus  warns  his  Prince  that  there  are  three  kinds  of  nobility,  but  only  one 
of  supreme  importance :  *  Principem  summa  decet  nobilitas.  Esto  ;  verum  cum 
tria  sint  nobilitatis  genera,  unum  quod  ex  virtute  recteque  factis  nascitur,  proximum 
quod  ex  honestissimarum  disciplinarum  cognitione  proficiscitur,  tertium  quod 
natalium  picturis  et  majorum  stemmatis  aestimatur,  aut  opibus  :  cogita  quam  non 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  2 7 

Fyrst,  that  in  the  begvnnvtiff.  whan  priupte  possessions  and 
dignitie  were  gyuen  by  the  consent  of  the  people,  who  than  had 

all  thinge  in  commune,  and  cqualitie  in  degree  and  condition, 
undoubtedly  they  gaue  the  one  and  the  other  to  him  at  whose 
vertue  they  meruailed,  and  by  whose  labour  and  Industrie 
they  received  a  commune  benefite,  as  of  a  commune  father 
that  with  equall  affection  loued  them.a  And  that  promptitude 
or  redinesse  in  employinge  that  benefite  was  than  named  in 
englisshe  gentilnesse,  as  it  was  in  latine  benignitas?  and  in 
other  tonges  after  a  semblable  signification,  and  the  persones 
were  called  gentilmen,0  more  for  the  remembraunce  of  their 

conveniat  Principem  infimo  genere  nobilitatis  intumescere,  quod  sic  infimum  est 
ut  nullum  omnino  sit,  nisi  ef  ipsum  a  virtute  fuerit  profectum :  summum  illud 
negligere,  quod  ita  summum  est,  ut  solum  optimo  jure  possit  haberi. ' — Instit.  Prin. 
Christ,  p.  24. 

a  Patrizi  had  pointed  this  out :  '  Regna  quidem  priscis  seculis  non  posteris  eorum  I 
qui  regnabant  tradebantur,  sed  eis  tamen  qui  per  virtutem  plurimum  de  hominum  1 
vita  merebantur.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  viii.  tit.  6.  And  Erasmus  also  in 
very  similar  language,  as  follows,  'Primitus  reges  non  ob  aliud  constituti  sunt  ' 
populi  consensu,  quam  ob  eximiam  virtutem,  quam  heroicam  vocant,  velut  divinse  j 
proxir.uim  et  Luinaua  majorem. — lust.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  51. 

~°  This  is  one  of  the  five  qualities  the  possession  of  which  Erasmus  considers 
necessary  for  a  Prince,  in  order  to  secure  the  affections  of  his  people :  '  Benevolentia 
multitudinis  conciliatur  his  moribus,  ut  dicam  in  genere,  qui  plurimum  absint  a 
tyrannide :  dementia,  comitate,  aequitate,  civilitate,  benignitate.  Benignitas 
exstimulat  ad  officium,  prsesertim  si  conspexerint  iis  esse  preemium  apud  Principem, 
qui  de  Republica  bene  mereantur.' — Inslit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  93.  Selden  traces  the 
etymology  of  the  word  gentleman  to  the  Gothic  nations  of  the  fifth  century,  and 
sees  a  proof  of  it  in  the  exemptions  and  privileges  of  the  German  nobility  in  his 
own  day,  « as  if  that  continuing  freedome  were  also  a  perpetuall  character  of  the 
origination  of  the  name  Gentil  in  this  sense  fixed  on  them ;  which  also  together 
with  Gentilezza  or  the  like,  by  reason  of  the  dignitie  of  them  that  were  stiled  by  it, 
and  the  faire  manners  which  both  in  armes  and  peace  they  affected,  or  at  least 
pretended,  hath  denoted,  and  to  this  day  doth,  we  see  in  these  tongues  mansuetus, 
comis,  liberalis^  perhnmanus,  and  such  more  epithets  and  their  abstracts  as  may 
expresse  a  noble  spirit.' — 7'itles  of  Honor,  p,  864,  ed.  1631. 

0  Feme  defines  gentleness  or  gentility  from  a  herald's  point  of  view  as  follows  : 
*  First  you  shall  knowe  how  this  word  Gentill  doth  in  true  speech  comprehend 
all  estates  and  degrees  of  noblenesse,  by  the  opinion  of  Budaeus.  And  the  greatest 
nobleman  doth  commonly  use  (saith  he),  nay  rather  desire,  for  the  better  and  more 
solemne  contestation  of  the  matter,  to  protest  in  these  words,  that  as  he  is  a 
Gentleman  it  is  thus  or  thus,  then  to  stand  upon  the  tearme  of  noble.  But  by  entring 


28  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

vertue  and  benefite,  than  for  discrepance  of  astates.  Also  it 
fortuned  by  the  prouidence  of  god  that  of  those  good  men 
were  ingendred  good  children,  who  beinge  brought  up  in 
vertue,  and  perceiuinge  the  cause  of  the  aduauncement  of 
their  progenitours,  endeuoured  them  selfes  by  imitation  of 
vertue,  to  be  equall  to  them  in  honour  and  autoritie  ;  by  good 
emulation  they  retained  stille  the  fauour  and  reuerence  of 
people.*  And  for  the  goodnesse  that  preceded  of  suche  gene- 

into  consideration  what  the  word  Gentilitas  (which  is  called  Gentrie)  did  amongst 
the  auncients  signine,  we  shall  perceiue  what  a  great  perfection  both  in  bloud  and 
continuance  of  name,  in  fidelitie  to  his  countrey,  in  loyaltie  to  his  Soueraigne,  and 
in  freedome  of  estate  was  alwaies  to  be  scene  in  this  degree  of  Gentrie.  For  Tully 
saith  thus  :  "  Gentiles  sunt  qui  inter  se  eodem  nomine  sunt  qui  ab  ingenuis  oriundi 
sunt,  quorum  majorum  nemo  servierit,  qui  capite  non  sunt  diminuti "  ( Topica,  cap. 
vi.)  They  are  Gentlemen  (saith  he)  which  within  themselues  and  in  their  own 
family  haue  continued  the  name  of  their  house,  being  sprong  from  an  honest  and 
famous  stock,  whose  Auncestors  were  Frenchmen  [sic  in  orig.  sed  quccre\  and 
which  for  their  disloialty  haue  not  susteined  any  capitall  paine  .  .  .  For  the  pro- 
tection and  defence  of  this  Gentil  estate  (being  an  excellency  and  noblenesse  arising 
from  the  practise  of  vertues  and  conioined  in  one  kinred  or  bloud)  many  lawes 

were  by  our  aged  forefathers  carefully  prouided Budaeus  (upon  the  same  place 

also)  noteth,  "  Gentiles  fuerunt  hi  qui  imagines  sui  generis  proferre  poterant,  et  erant 
Insignia  Gentilitium  quae  hodie  Arma  dicuntur."  So  then  the  bearing  of  Armes  was 
always  proper  and  peculiar  to  the  estate  of  Gentry,  as  the  signe  and  outward  badge 
of  their  generous  and  gent  ill  kind,  differing  them  from  churles ;  whereby  it 
appeareth  that  no  man  can  be  properly  called  a  Gentleman  except  he  be  a 
Gentleman  of  bloud,  possessing  vertue  ;  and  such  a  one,  that  is  to  say,  a  gentleman 
of  bloud  and  coate-armor  perfect,  might  only  challenge  the  benefit  andpriuiledges 
of  that  law  called  Jus  Gentilitatis.'* — Blazon  of  Gentrie,  pp.  85,  86.  Selden  says  : 
'  Vulgar  use  now  hath  so  altered  the  genuine  sense  of  Generosus,  that  it  frequently 
denotes  any  kind  of  Gentleman,  either  by  birth  or  otherwise  truly  enjoying  that 
name  as  well  as  Nobilis.  But  it  was  long  before  the  constant  use  of  Generosus 
was  with  us  for  the  title  of  Gentleman  in  our  Writs,  Counts,  Pledings,  and  such 
like.  Till  about  Henry  VIII.  the  very  word  Gentilman  was  often  retained  for  the 
addition  in  the  Latin,  as  we  see  in  the  Rolls  of  the  precedent  times.  But  then 
Generosus  came  to  be  constantly  with  us  used  for  a  Gentleman  of  what  sort  soeuer, 
if  his  Title  were  no  greater.' — Titles  of  Honor,  p.  858,  ed.  1631. 

a  Patrizi  says :  '  Antiquiore  genere  qui  censentur,  si  virtute  ac  moribus  pree- 
stant,  longe  tutius  Reipublicse  curam  gerunt,  quam  qui  novi  in  Rempublicam 
acciti  sunt.  ^Equum  namque  esse  videtur,ut  qui  parent es,avos,maj ores  omnes  publicis 
functionibus  honestatos  habuerunt,  quasi  hsereditario  quodam  jure,  Reipublicae 
curam  accipiant,  et  in  earn  amplificandam  nervos  omnes  (ut  dicitur)  intendant.' — De 
Instil.  Reipub.  lib.  vi.  tit.  i,p.  264,  ed.  1594. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  29 

ration  the  state  of  them  was  called  in  greke  Eugenia,9"  whiche 
signifiethe  good  kinde  or  lignage,  but  in  a  more  briefe  maner 
it  was  after  called  nobilitie,b  and  the  persones  noble,  whiche 
signifieth  excellent,0  and  in  the  analogic  or  signification  it  is 
more  ample  than  gentill,  for  it  containeth  as  well  all  that 
whiche  is  in  gentilnesse,  as  also  the  honour  or  dignitie  therefore 
received,  whiche  be  so  annexed  the  one  to  the  other  that 
they  can  nat  be  seperate.d 

It  wold  be  more  ouer  declared  that  where  vertue  ioyned 
with  great  possessions  or  dignitie  hath  longe  continued  in  the 
bloode  or  house  of  a  gentilman,as  it  were  an  inheritaunce,  there 
nobilitie  is  mooste  shewed,  and  these  noble  men  be  most  to 
be  honored  ;  for  as  moche  as  continuaunce  in  all  thinge  that  is 
good  hath  euer  preeminence  in  praise  and  comparison.  But 
yet  shall  it  be  necessary  to  aduertise  those  persones,  that  do 
thinke  that  nobilitie  may  in  no  wyse  be  but  onely  where  men 
can  auaunte  them  of  auncient  lignage,  an  auncient  robe,  or 

»  Aristotle  says  that  virtue  and  riches  are  the  origin  of  nobility.  'H  yap 
ewyei/eia  ecr-ny  ap%cuos  TT\OVTOS  Kal  a.per'h. — Pol.  lib.  iv.  cap.  viii.  (vi.)  And  in 
another  place,  Evyevets  yap  eivai  SOKOVGLV  ols  virdpx.fi-  irpoy6vuv  apery  Kal  TT\OVTOS. — 
Ibid.  lib.  v.  cap.  i. 

b  Selden  speaks  of  a  threefold  use  of  this  word,  viz.,  *  that  which  is  Theologicall 
or  Christian,  Philosophicall  or  from  manners  and  vertue,  and  Politicall  or  Civill. ' — 
Ubi  supra,  p.  854.  To  the  last  of  which  only  he  pays  any  attention,  whilst 
it  will  be  observed  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  treats  of  the  word  in  the  secondary 
sense  above  mentioned.  Selden  had  evidently  derived  his  knowledge  on  this  subject 
from  the  Civilians,  and  particularly  the  famous  Bartolus,  who  in  his  commentary 
on  the  Codex,  lib.  xii.  tit.  I,  De  dignitatibus,  says,  '  Habemus  ponere  tres  nobilitates. 
Prima  est  nobilitas  Theologica  seu  supernaturalis,  Secunda  est  nobilitas  naturalis, 
Tertia  est  nobilitas  politica  et  civilis.' — Opera,  torn.  iv.  lib.  xii.  Codic.  tit.  i.  §  24, 
p.  1 1 8,  ed.  1588,  Basle. 

c  Clicthoue  says  :  '  Nobilitatem  diffiniunt  authores  esse  generis  vel  alterius  rei 
excellentiam  ac  dignitatem.' — Devera  Nobilitate,  cap.  i.  ed.  1520. 

d  Feme,  who  also  gives  the  etymology  of  the  word,  is  rather  less  precise  in  his 
definition,  but  he  deduces  the  origin  of  nobility  from  nature  herself,  or  the  '  common 
creation  of  things, '  and  thinks  that  '  some  one  abounding  in  many  outward  graces 
and  partes  aboue  the  rest,  and  the  fame  of  his  worthines  spread  abroad  caused  the 
multitude  to  yeeld  an  especiall  honor  unto  him,  so  that  on  such  a  one  were  the 
eyes  of  many  fixed,  and  he,  for  the  vertues  and  worthy  quallities  knowne  to  all  men 
to  be  in  him,  was  chiefely  honored,  and  thus  at  the  first  had  noblenes  her  beginning, 


30  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

great  possessions,  at  this  daye  very  noble  men  do  suppose  to 
be  moche  errour  and  folye.a  Wherof  there  is  a  familiare 
example,  whiche  we  beare  euer  with  us,  for  the  bloode  in  our 
bodies  beinge  in  youthe  warme,  pure,  and  lustie,  it  is  the 
occasion  of  beautie,  whiche  is  euery  where  commended  and 
loued  ;  but  if  in  age  it  be  putrified,  it  leseth  his  praise.  And 
the  goutes,  carbuncles,  kankers,  lepries,  and  other  lyke  sores 
and  sickenesses,  whiche  do  precede  of  bloode  corrupted,  be  to 
all  men  detestable. 

And  this  persuasion  to  any  gentilman,  in  whom  is  apte 
disposition  to  very  nobilitie,  wyll  be  sufficient  to  withdrawe 
hym  from  suche  vice,  wherby  he  maye  empayre  his  owne 
estimation,  and  the  good  renoume  of  his  auncetours.b 

which  that  it  is  thus,  the  Etymologic  of  the  word  Nobilitas  will  sufficiently  approue, 
which  being  a  word  of  the  Latines,  is  deriued  of  the  verbe  Nosco,  to  knowe,  so 
that  then  the  word  Nobilitas  signifying,  in  common  phrase  of  speech,  both  with  the 
Latines,  and  eeke  with  us  Englishmen,  a  generosity  of  blood  and  degree,  is  in  her 
owne  nature  but  significant,  euen  as  that  barbarous  word  Noscibilitas  doth,  that  is 
to  say,  a  knowledge  of  a  thing,  and  therefore  saith  one  Vir  nobilis  idem  est  quod 
notus  ac  per  omnium  ora  vulgatus.  A  Gentleman  or  a  Nobleman  is  he  (for  I  do 
wittingly  confound  these  voices)  which  is  knowne,  and  through  the  heroycall 
vertues  of  his  life,  talked  of  in  euery  man's  mouth,  and  that  this  word  Nobilis  is 
properly  the  same  that  Notus,  and  doth  without  violence,  yea,  of  her  owne  nature, 
tollerate  this  construction,  it  doth  appeare,  for  so  much  as  many  reuerend  authors 
(patrones  of  Latin  speech)  haue  often  in  their  works  used  the  same,  as  Virgil,  Liuie, 
Martiall,  Quid,  Cicero,  &c.' — Blazon  of  Gentrie,  p.  4,  ed.  1586. 

*•  This  passage  very  closely  resembles  the  remarks  of  Erasmus  upon  the  educa- 
tion of  a  Prince :  '  Audiat  nobilitatem,  imagines,  ceras,  stemmata,  et  totam  illam 
caduceatorum  pompam,  qua  procerum  vulgus  muliebriter  intumescit,  nomina  esse 
inania,  nisi  quidquid  est  hoc  nominis  ab  honesto  fuerit  profectum. ' — Instit.  Princ. 
Christ,  p.  21.  The  argument  in  the  text  resembles  Ovid's 

'  Si  modo  nee  census,  nee  clarum  nomen  avorum, 
Sed  probitas  magnos  ingeniumque  facit.' 

Epist.  ex  Ponto,  lib.  i.  9,  39. 

b  Patrizi  says  :  '  Primum  (ordinem)  antiqua  generis  dignitas  commendat,  si 
a  majorum  virtute  ac  moribus  non  aberrat.  Ab  ingenuis  enim  parentibus  orti, 
degeneres  deterioresque  facti,  non  modo  in  plebem  rejiciendi  sunt,  verum  titulis 
nominibusque  majorum  mulctandi.' — De  Instit.  Reipub.  lib.  vi.  tit.  I,  p.  260.  And 
it  is  impossible  to  avoid  thinking  that  the  author  must  have  had  in  his  mind  the 
scathing  lines  of  the  Roman  satirist :  « 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  31 

If  he  haue  an  auncient  robe  lefte  by  his  auncetor,  let  him 
consider  that  if  the  first  owner  were  of  more  vertue  than  he  is 
that  succedeth,  the  robe  beinge  worne,  it  minissheth  his  praise 
to  them  whiche  knewe  or  haue  herde  of  the  vertue  of  him  that 
firste  owed  it.a  If  he  that  weareth  it  be  viciouse,  it  more 
detecteth  howe  moche  he  is  unworthy  to  weare  it,  the  remem- 
braunce  of  his  noble  auncetour  makynge  men  to  abhorre  the 
reproche  gyuen  by  an  iuell  successour.b  If  the  firste  owner 

'  Quod  si  prsecipitem  rapit  ambitio,  atque  libido, 
Si  frangis  virgas  sociorum  in  sanguine,  si  te 
Delectant  hebetes  lasso  lictore  secures  : 
Incipit  ipsorum  contra  te  stare  parentum 
Nobilitas,  claramque  facem  prseferre  pudendis. 
Omne  animi  vitium  tanto  conspectius  in  se 
Crimen  habet,  quanto  major,  qui  peccat,  habetur.' 

Juv.  Sat.  viii.  135-141. 

*  So  Patrizi  says  :  '  Clariores  illi  qui  genere  censentur,  intelligere  debent 
magnum  onus  esse  majorum  famam  sustinere.  Nam  sicut  laudem  ingentem 
meretur  qui  ex  infima  plebe  virtute  et  rerum  gloria  sese  effert  nobilioribusque 
adsequandus  est :  sic  qui  a  majoribus  suis  degenerat  laudemque  eorum  vitse  tur- 
pitudine  obscuriorem  reddit,  non  modo  nullis  honoribus  honestandus  est,  verum 
ignominia  quoque  et  injuria  afficiendus.' — De  Instit.  Reipub.liib.  vi.  tit.  I.  And 
Feme,  who  was  certainly  acquainted  with  the  work  just  quoted,  and  had  probably 
studied  this  chapter  of  The  Governour,  says  :  '  But  as  noblenes  of  bloud  is  chieflye 
auaileable  to  that  mind  which  attendeth  vertue  and  hateth  filthines,  so  if  the  person 
discended  of  noble  stock  standeth  onely  upon  the  vaine  ostentation  of  his  aunces- 
tours  fame,  and  yet  he  himself  walloweth  in  filthines,  the  opinion  of  auncient 
bloud  in  such  a  one  is  a  prouocation  of  many  euils,  and  such  men,  that  vaunt  of 
so  friuolous  a  thing  bs  as  bladders  of  water,  than  which  nothing  more  vaine  or 
light ;  or  as  peacockes,  boasting  at  the  glory  of  their  paynted  tayles,  the  filthiest 
part  of  the  body.' — Blazon  of  Gentrie,  p.  27. 

b  Montaigne  uses  pretty  much  the  same  language :  '  La  noblesse  est  une  belle 
qualite  et  introduicte  avecques  raison ;  mais  d'autant  que  c'est  une  qualite 
despendant  d'aultruy,  et  qui  peult  tumber  en  un  homme  vicieux  et  de  neant,  elle 
est  en  estimation  bien  loing  au  dessoubs  de  la  vertu.  C'est  une  vertu  si,  ce  1'est, 
artificielle  et  visible  ;  despendant  du  temps  et  de  la  fortune  ;  diverse  en  forme, 
selon  les  contrees ;  vivante  et  mortelle  ;  sans  naissance  non  plus  que  la  riviere  du 
Nil ;  genealogique  et  commune  de  suite  et  de  similitude  ;  tiree  par  consequence  et 
consequence  bien  foible.  La  science,  la  force,  la  bonte,  la  beaute,  la  richesse, 
toutes  aultres  qualitez,  tumbent  en  communication  et  en  commerce ;  cette  cy  se 
consomme  en  soy  de  nulle  emploite  au  service  d'aultruy. ' — £ssais,  torn.  iii.  p. 


32  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

were  nat  vertuouse,  hit  condemneth  him  that  weareth  it  of 
moche  folisshenesse,  to  glorie  in  a  thinge  of  so  base  estimation, 
whiche,  lacking  beautie  or  glosse,  can  be  none  ornament  to 
hym  that  weareth  it,  nor  honorable  remembrance  to  hym  that 
first  owed  it.a 

But  nowe  to  confirme  by  true  histories,  that  accordynge 
as  I  late  affirmed,  nobilitie  is  nat  onely  in  dignitie,  auncient 
lignage,  nor  great  reuenues,  landes,  or  possessions^  Lete 

404.  The  reader  will  probably  trace  in  this  and  other  passages  of  this  chapter,  the 
close  connection  with  the  ideas  expressed  in  the  famous  satire  of  Juvenal : 
'  Stemmata  quid  faciunt  ?    Quid  prodest,  Pontice,  longo 

Sanguine  censeri,  pictosque  ostendere  vultus 

Majorum,  et  stantes  in  curribus  ^Emilianos?  ... 

Quis  fructus  generis  tabula  jactare  capaci 

Corvinum,  posthac  multa  contingere  virga 

Fumosos  Equitum  cum  Dictatore  magistros, 

Si  coram  Lepidis  male  vivitur  ?     Effigies  quo 

Tot  bellatorum,  si  luditur  alea  pernox 

Ante  Numantinos?  .   .   . 

.   .   .  Quis  enim  generosum  dixerit  hunc,  qui 

Indignus  genere,  et  preeclaro  nomine  tantum 

Insignis?'  Sat.  viii.  1-30. 

•  There  is  a  somewhat  similar  notion  in  the  Reply  to  Sallust,  which  has  been 
by  some  attributed  to  Cicero.      *  Noli  mihi  antiques  viros  objectare.     Satius  est 
enim  me  meis  rebus  gestis  florere,  quam  majorum  opinione  niti ;  et  ita  vivere,  ut 
ego  sim  posteris  meis  nobifitatis  initium,  et  virtutis  exemplum.' — Cicero,   Opera, 
vol.    vii.    p.  3016,    Delphin  ed.      And  the  following   passage  in  Sir    Thomas 
More's  Life  of  John  Picus,  Erie  of  Mirandula,  bears  a  very  striking  resemblance 
to  that  in  the  text.     'Either  they  (i.e.,   our  ancestors)  were    themself  verteouse 
or  not ;  if  not,   then  had  thei  none  honour   themself ;  had  thei  neuer  so  great 
possessions,   for  honour  is  the  reward  of  vertue.     And  howe  maie  they  clayme 
the  rewarde  that  properly  longeth  to  vertue  if  they  lacke  the  vertue  that  the 
rewarde  longeth  to  ?  Then  if  themselfe  had  none  honour,  how  might  they  leaue  to 
their  heires  that  thing  which  thei  had  not  themselues  ?   On  the  other  syde,  if  they 
be  vertuose,  and  so  consequently  honorable,  yet  maye  they  not  leaue  theyr  honour 
to  us  as  inh^ritantes  no  more  than  the  vertue  that  themselfe  wer  honorable  for. 
For  neuer  the  more  noble  be  we  for  theyr  nobleness,  if  our  selfe  lacke  those  things 
for  which  they  were  noble.     But  rather  the  more  worshipfull  that  our  auncesters 
wer,  the  more  vyle  and  shamefull  be  we,  if  we  declyne  from  the  steppes  of  theyr 
woorshipful  liuing      The  cleare  beautie  of  whose  vertue  maketh  the  darke  spot 
of  our   vyce  the  more  euidentlye  to  appeare,  and  to  be  the  more   marked. — 
Works,  vol.  i.  p.  I.  ed.  1557. 

*  To  the  same  effect  is  the  following  passage  in  Seneca  : — '  Qui  imagines  in 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  33 

yonge    gentilmen    haue  often  times  tolde  to  them,    and  (as 
it  is  vulgarely  spoken)  layde  in  their  lappes,a   how  Numa 
Pompilius  was    taken    from    husbandry,  whiche  he  Numa 
exercised,15   and  was  made    kynge  of  Romanes    by  kynge  of 
election  of  the  people.    What  caused  it  suppose  you  Romanes- 
but   his  wisedome   and  vertue  ?    whiche    in  hym    was   very 
nobilitie,  and  that  nobilitie  broughte  hym  to  dignitie.     And  if 
that  were    nat   nobilitie,    the    Romanes   were    meruailousely 
abused,  that  after  the  dethe  of  Romulus  their  kynge,  they 
hauynge  amonge  them  a  hundred  senatours,  whom  Romulus 
did  sette  in  autoritie,  and  also  the  blode  roiall,  and  olde  gentil- 
men of  the  Sabynes,  who,  by  the  procurement  of  the  wiues  of 
the  Romanes,  beinge  their  doughters,  inhabited  the  citie  of 
Rome,  they  wolde  nat  of  some  of  them  electe  a  kynge,  rather 
than  aduaunce  a  ploughman  and  stranger  to  that  autoritic.c 

atrio  exponunt,  et  nomina  familise  suse  longo  ordine,  ac  multis  stemmatum  illigata 
flexuris,  in  parte  prima  sedium  collocant,  noti  magis,  quam  nobiles  sunt.' — De 
Beneficiis,  lib.  iii.  cap.  28. 

a  The  word  gremium  is  constantly  used  by  Quintilian,  when  speaking  of  pupils 
of  tender  age,  but  by  him  it  is  applied  to  the  lap  of  the  teacher.  Thus  '  Ideoque 
et  retro  agere  expositionem,  et  a  media  in  utramque  partem  discurrere  sane  merito 
cogantur ;  sed  ad  gremium  prseceptoris,  et  dum  aliud  non  possunt.' — Instit.  Orat. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  4,  §  15.  And  again,  'Non  utique  hunc  laborem  docentium  postulo,  ut 
ad  gremium  revocatis,  cujus  quisque  eorum  velit  libri  lectione,  deserviant.' — Ibid. 
cap.  5,  §  5- 

b  Apparently  the  sole  authority  for  this  statement  is  the  speech  which  Plutarch 
puts  into  Numa's  own  mouth,  in  which  he  is  made  to  say,  'E/j.ol  Se  /cat  yews 
QvT}rAv  can  Kal  Tpo^  Kal  7rai5eu<m  for'  av6pd>ir<av  8>v  OVK  ayvofiTf  y€yei>r)/j.evri'  TO.  5' 
fTra.ivoviJi.fva  TOV  rp6irov  &a(n\fV€iv  ir6ppca  /j.e\\ovros  avSpbs,  r^u^ta  re  TroAA.^  Kal 
SiaTpifi))  Trfpl  &6yovs  aTTpdy/jiovas,  '6  re  fteivbs  ovros  Kal  afcrpcxpos  flp-fivijs  epws  Kal 
Trpay/j-drtav  atroXt[j.<tiV  Kal  avdp^Truv  tirl  ri/j.fj  Qecov  Kal  <pi\o(f>po(Tvvais  els  rb  avrb  ffvv- 
i6vrci)V,  TO,  Se  a\\a  /cafl'  eavrovs  yccapyovvruv  fy  Vf/j.6vTiav. — JVuffia,  5. 

e  But  Livy  expressly  says  that  the  people  complained  that  they  had  a  hundred 
masters  instead  of  one,  and  declared  that  they  would  not  endure  any  king  in  whose 
election  they  had  no  choice.  '  Fremere  deinde  plebs  ;  multiplicatam  servitutem, 
centum  pro  uno  dominos  factos :  nee  ultra  nisi  regem,  et  ab  ipsis  creatum,videbantur 
passuri.' — Lib.  i.  cap.  17.  Whilst  Cicero  extols  the  sagacity  of  the  Roman 
people  at  this  time  for  perceiving  what  Lycurgus  had  not  discovered,  that  an  elec- 
tive is  better  than  a  hereditary  royalty.  '  Nostri  illi,  etiam  turn  agrestes,  viderunt 
virtutem  et  sapientiam  regalem,  non  progeniem,  quasri  oportere.' — De  Repub.  lib. 
ii.  cap.  12. 

II.  D 


34  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Quintius  hauyng  but  xxx  acres  of  lande,a  and  beinge 
ploughman  therof,  the  Senate  and  people  of  Rome  sent  a 
Quintius  niessager  to  shewe  him  that  they  had  chosen  him  to 
Dictator,  be  dictator,  whiche  was  at  that  time  the  highest 
dignitie  amonge  the  Romanes,  and  for  thre  monethes  had 
autoritie  roiall.  Quintius  herynge  the  message,  lette  his 
ploughe  stande,  and  wente  in  to  the  citie  and  prepared  his  hoste 
againe  the  Samnites,  and  vainquisshed  them  valiauntly.  And 
that  done,  he  surrehdred  his  office,  and  beinge  discharged  of 
the  dignitie,  he  repaired  agayne  to  his  ploughe,  and  applied  it 
diligently. 

I  wolde  demaunde  nowe,  if  nobilitie  were  only  in  the 
dignitie,b  or  in  his  prowesse,  whiche  he  shewed  agayne  his 

*  Whence  did  the  author  obtain  this  statement  ?  Livy,  Pliny,  Eutropius,  and 
Valerius  Maximus  all  give  four  acres,  though  the  latter  adds  that  he  had  formerly 
possessed  seven,  but  had  been  obliged  to  mortgage  three  in  order  to  raise  the 
requisite  sum  to  enable  him  to  become  surety  for  his  son  Caeso.  Dionysius  of 
Halicarnassus,  on  the  other  hand,  speaks  only  of  &povpdv  TWO..  For  the  purpose 
of  comparison,  the  passages  above  referred  to  are  here  subjoined.  '  Spes  unica 
imperil  populi  Romani  L.  Quintius,  trans  Tiberim,  contra  eum  ipsum  locum,  ubi 
nunc  navalia  sunt,  quatuor  jugerum  colebat  agrum,  quaeprata  Quintia  vocantur.' — 
Liv.  lib.  iii.  cap.  26.  '  Aranti  quatuor  sua  jugera  in  Vaticano,  quse  Prata  Quinti 
appellantur,  Cincinnato  viator  attulit  dictaturam,  et  quidem,  ut  traditur,  nudo,  ple- 
noque  pulveris  etiamnum  ore.' — Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xviii.  cap.  4.  'L.  Quintius 
Cincinnatus  dictator  est  factus :  qui  agrum  quatuor  jugerum  possidens,  manibus  suis 
colebat.' — Eutrop.  lib.  i.  cap.  17.  '  ^Eque  magna  latifundia  L.  Quintii  Cincin- 
nati fuerunt ;  septem  enim  jugera  agri  possedit :  ex  hisque  tria,  quae  pro  amico  ad 
serarium  obsignaverat,  mulctse  nomine  amisit.  Poenam  quoque  pro  filio  Caesone, 
quod  ad  causam  dicendam  non  occurrisset,  hujus  agelli  reditu  solvit.  Et  tamen  e 
quatuor  jugera  aranti,  non  solum  dignitas  patris  familiae  constitit,  sed  etiam  dicta- 
tura  delata  est. ' —  Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  4,  §  7.  Sir  Geo.  Comewall  Lewis  says 
that  a  jugerum  was  equal  to  28,800  square  feet ;  and  therefore  the  estate  of  Cincin- 
natus really  contained  less  than  2^  English  acres.  See  Credibility  of  Early  Rom. 
Hist.  vol.  ii.  p.  176,  note. 

b  This  has  reference,  no  doubt,  to  the  disputes  of  the  casuists  who  debated 
whether  nobility  was  the  same  as  dignity.  This  subject  will  be  found  to  have  been 
disputed  with  great  subtiity  by  the  commentators  on  the  Civil  Law.  Thus,  Bar- 
tolus  says,  '  Quaero  et  revoco  in  dubium,  utrum  sit  verum,  quod  dignitas, .  prout 
accipitur,  ut  separata  ab  officio  vel  administ/atione  sit  idem  quod  nobilitas  ?  Re- 
spondeo  si  quidem  nobilitas  accipitur  proprie,  prout  facit  quem  difierre  a  plebeiis, 
ct  de  ista  loquitur  hie  ;  et  tune  dico  quod  est  idem  nobilitas  et  dignitas.  Probo  : 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  35 

enemies?  If  it  were  only  in  his  dignitie,  it  therwith  cessed,  and 
he  was  (as  I  mought  say)  eftsones  unnoble ; a  and  than  was  his 
prowesse  unrewarded,  whiche  was  the  chiefe  and  original  1 
cause  of  that  dignitie  :  whiche  were  incongruent  and  without 
reason.  If  it  were  in  his  prowesse,  prowesse  consistynge  of 
valiant  courage  and  martiall  policie,  if  they  styll  remaine  in 
the  persone,  he  may  neuer  be  without  nobilitie,b  whiche  is  the 
commendation,  and  as  it  were,  the  surname  of  vertue. 

The  two  Romanes  called  bothe  Decii,  were  of  the  base 


sola  dignitas  est  quse  facit  quern  differre  a  plebeiis  et  quern  non  esse  plebeium. 
....  Concluditur  ergo  quod  nobilitas,  quse  facit  quern  differre  a  plebeio,  est 
qusedam  dignitas.  .  .  .  Potest  £tiam  accipi  nobilitas  multis  aliis  modis,  et  tune 
non  est  idem  quod  dignitas.  .  .  .  Praeterea  nobilitas,  quae  habetur  ex  progenie 
non  durat  ultra  pronepotem,  et  sic  ille,  qui  nascitur  ex  pronepote,  nascitur  ex 
nobili,  non  tamen  est  nobilis  ;  et  ista  est  vera,  quia  proles  seu  origo  non  est 
dignitas,  nee  dat  dignitatem.' — Ad  lib.  xii.  Codic.  tit.  I,  de  Dignitatibus,  §§  13, 
22. — Opera,  torn.  iv.  pp.  116,  118. 

*  The  privileges  of  nobility  in  the  middle  ages  were  lost  by  perjury,  false  testi- 
mony, or  crime.  Thus,  Lucas  de  Penna  says  :  '  Ultimo  nota  quod  privilegium 
nobilitatis  perditur  ex  perjurio,  falso  testimonio,  veldelicto.' — Codic.  lib.  xii.  De 
Dignitatibus,  fo.  cclxv.  ed.  1509. 

b  This  theory  took  a  practical  shape  in  some  states  in  the  middle  ages  :  for 
example,  a  citizen  of  Perugia,  by  becoming  a  soldier,  took  rank  as  a  nobJe. 
'  Videmus  in  civitate  ista  Perusii,  quod  si  aliquis  plebeius  efficiatur  miles,  habetur 
pro  nobili.' — Bartolus,  ad  lib.  xii.  Codic.  de  Dignitatibus,  tit.  i.  §  30.  But  this 
usage  was  by  no  means  universal,  for  the  same  authority  tells  us  that  at  Florence 
a  man  of  plebeian  origin  '  Etiam  post  militiam  remanet  popularis.' — Ubi  supra. 
Segar,  who  was  Norroy  king  at  arms  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  says  :  '  Men  be  made 
noble  for  their  seruice  in  warre,  if  therein  they  haue  acquired  any  charge  honorable. 
For  no  ordinarie  souldier  without  place  of  commandement  is  reputed  a  Gentleman 
unlesse  he  were  so  borne.' — Honor,  p.  228,  ed.  1602.  Segar  cites  as  his  authority 
for  this  position  the  Italian  lawyer,  Lucas  de  Penna,  before  mentioned,  whom 
Jocher  and  Zedler  (Gelehrten  Lexicon,  theil  iii.  ed.  1 75 1,)  mention  as  a  Neapolitan,  on 
the  authority  of  Toppi's  BibJioteca  Napoletana  (where  his  commentary  on  the  three 
last  books  of  the  Code  is  stated  to  have  been  printed  at  Venice  in  1512,  but  no  notice 
is  taken  of  an  earlier  edition  printed  at  Paris  in  1509,  of  which  a  copy  is  in  the 
Brit.  Mus.  Library.  Maittaire  mentions  a  still  earlier  edition  printed  at  Paris  in 
1505,  Index  in  Ann.  Typ.  torn.  v.  pars  ii.  p.  36  ;)  in  the  work  itself,  however,  he  is 
styled  Doctor  Galliciis.  The  passage  referred  to  by  Segar  is  in  the  rubric  on  the 
Code,  lib.  xii.  tit.  I.  'Ex  quo  patet  aperte  quod  militia  non  est  dignitas.' — 
Penna,  fo.  cclix.  ed.  1509. 

D   2 


\ 


36  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

astate    of  the  people,  and  nat  of  the   great  blode    of  the 
Romanes*  yet  for  the  preseruation  of  their  countray 

Decii.  and  '  .  ...... 

theyr  they  auowed  to  die,  as  it  were  in  a  satisfaction  for 
auowe.  au  f-heir  countray.  And  so  with  valiant  hartes  they 
perced  the  hoste  of  their  enemies,  and  valiauntly  fightynge, 
they  died  there  honorably,  and  by  their  example  gaue  suche 
audacitie  and  courage  to  the  residue  of  the  Romanes,  that 
they  employed  so  their  strengthe  agayne  their  enemies,  that 
with  litle  more  losse  they  optained  victorie.b  Ought  nat  these 
two  Romanes,  whiche  by  their  deth  gaue  occasion  of  victorie, 
be  called  noble  ?  I  suppose  no  man  that  knoweth  what  reason 
is  will  denie  it. 

More  ouer,  we  haue  in  this  realme  coynes  which  be  called 
nobles  ;  as  longe  as  they  be  scene  to  be  golde,  they  be  so 
called.0  But  if  they  be  counterfaicted,  and  made  in  brasse, 
coper,  or  other  vile  metal,  who  for  the  print  only  calleth  them 
nobles  ? d  Wherby  it  appereth  that  the  estimation  is  in  the 

'  Plebeise  Deciorum  animse,  plebeia  fuerunt 
Nomina  :  pro  totis  legionibus  hi  tamen,  et  pro 
Omnibus  auxiliis,  atque  omni  pube  Latina 
Sufficiunt  dis  infernis,  Terraeque  parent!.' 

Juv.  Sat.  viii.  254-7. 

b  Patrizi  cites  them  as  an  example  :  '  Sic  etiam  Decii,  pater,  filius  et  nepos,  qui 
ignobiles  erant,  pro  patria  se  devoverunt,  et  perpetuae  nobilitatis  gloriam  assecuti 
sunt.  Quse  quidem  persuasio  reddit  posteros  promptiores  alacrioresque  ad  bene 
de  patria  merendum. ' — De  Instit.  Reipub.  lib.  i.  tit.  4. 

0  Gold  nobles  were  first  coined  in  the  reign  of  Edward  III.,  and  were  then 
called  maille  nobles  and  ferling- nobles.  Mr.  Ruding  says  :  '  At  this  period  the 
gold  coins  of  other  nations  were  denominated  either  from  the  place  of  mintage,  or 
from  the  devices  impressed  upon  them  ;  but  these  coins  seems  to  have  derived 
their  name  from  the  noble  nature  of  the  metal  of  which  they  were  composed.' — 
Annals  of  Coinage,  vol.  i.  p.  219,  ed.  1840.  Camden  says  that  these  coins  of 
Edward's  were  '  of  noble,  fair,  and  fine  gold,'  and  adds  'the  Rose  noble  was  then 
currant  for  six  shillings  eight  pence.'— fiemams,  p.  242,  ed.  1674.  Harrison, 
however,  tells  us  that  in  his  day  '  the  angels,  rials,  and  nobles  are  more  plen- 
tifullie  scene  in  France,  Italic,  and  Flanders  than  they  be  by  a  great  deale  within 
the  realme  of  England,  if  you  regard  the  paiments  which  they  dailie  make  in 
those  kinds  of  our  coine.' — Descript.  Eng.  vol.  i.  p.  218. 

d  It  was  a  very  common  practice  at  this  time  to  counterfeit  the  coin,  and  one 
for  which  the  King  himself  was  responsible  ;  for,  acording  to  Mr.  Ruding,  Henry 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  37 

metall,  and  nat  in  the  printe  or  figure.  And  in  a  horse  or 
good  grehounde  we  prayse  that  we  se  in  them,  and  nat  the 
beautie  or  goodnesse  of  their  progenie.a  Whiche  proueth  that 
in  estemyng  of  money  and  catell  we  be  ladde  by  wyse- 
dome,  and  in  approuynge  of  man,  to  whom  beastis  and  money 
do  serue,  we  be  only  induced  by  custome. 

Thus   I   conclude  that  nobilitie  is  nat  after  the  vulgare 

'  stands  recorded  with  infamy  as  the  first  of  our  English  sovereigns  who  debased 
the  sterling  fineness  of  the  coins. '  And  the  standard  of  gold,  instead  of  being  as 
formerly  23  carats,  was  reduced  to  20.  '  The  reason  for  this  alteration  of  the  stan- 
dard is  fully  stated  in  a  proclamation  of  the  22  August,  1521,  from  which  it 
appears,  that  the  price  of  gold  in  Flanders  and  France  was  rated  so  high,  that  all 
the  coins  of  the  realm  were  transported  thither  by  merchants,  both  denizens  and 
aliens,  on  account  of  the  great  profit  to  be  made  thereby.' — Ruding,  ubi  supra, 
p.  303.  The  rose  noble,  or  riall,  was  then  valued  at  II  shillings,  and  the  noble 
,(angel)  at  7-r,  4^.  But  in  November  1526,  an  additional  value  was  put  upon  the 
coin  then  current,  and  '  to  the  intent  that  there  might  be  a  sufficiency  of  coins  for 
receipts  and  payments,  it  was  ordained  that  besides  the  angel  noble  then  inhanced 
in  value,  there  should  be  made  another  noble,  to  be  called  the  George-noble,  of  as 
fine  gold  as  the  angel,  but  wanting  in  weight  tenpence  sterling,  to  be  current  at 
6s.  8d.,  the  old  value  of  the  angel.'  In  1544  the  value  of  the  rose  noble  was 
raised  to  12s.  and  that  of  the  angel  to  8s.  Harrison  says  that  Henry  VIII.  first 
brought  the  shilling  '  to  three  shillings  and  foure  pence,  and  afterward  our  siluer 
coine  unto  brasse  and  copper  monies,  by  reason  of  those  inestimable  charges  which 
diuerse  waies  oppressed  him.' — Descript.  Eng.  vol.  i.  p.  218.  And  Camden  asserts 
that  '  so  base  and  corrupted  with  copper  were  his  moneys,  as  also  of  King  Edward 
the  Sixth,  that  some  of  them,  which  was  then  called  Testons  (=  I2d.)  because  the 
Kings  head  was  thereon  figured,  contained  but  twopence  farthing  in  silver ;  and 
other  fourpence  halfpenny. ' — Remains,  p.  246,  ed.  1674. 

a  This  is  evidently  copied  from  Patrizi,  who  says  :  '  Venatores  et  equites  non 
canis  aut  equi  sobolem  quserunt,  sed  canem  atque  equum  celeritate  ac  ferocitate  exi- 
mium.  Norunt  enim  prolem  facile  mutari  et  plerumque  in  deterius  ruere.' — De 
Regno  et  Reg.  Inst. ,  lib.  viii.  tit.  6.  And  this  again  was,  no  doubt,  suggested 
by  Juvenal's  famous  lines  : 

'  Die  mini,  Teucrorum  proles,  animalia  muta 
Quis  generosa  putet,  nisi  fortia  ?  Nempe  volucrem 
Sic  laudamus  equum,  facili  cui  plurima  palma 
Fervet,  et  exultat  rauco  victoria  Circo. 
Nobilis  hie,  quocumque  venit  de  gramine,  cujus 
Clara  fuga  ante  alios,  et  primus  in  sequore  pulvis  : 
Sed  venale  pecus  Corythse,  posteritas  et 
Hirpini,  si  rara  jugo  Victoria  sedit.' — Sat.  viii.  56-63. 


3 8  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

opinion  of  men,a  but  is  only  the  prayse  and  surname  of 
vertue  ;b  whiche  the  lenger  it  continueth  in  a  name  or  lignage, 
the  more  is  nobilitie  extolled  and  meruailed  at.c 


CHAPTER  V. 

Of  affabilitie  and  the  utilitie  t her  of  in  euery  a  state. 

To  that  whiche  I  before  named  gentilnesse,  be  incident  thre 
speciall  qualities,  affabilitie, d  placabilitie,  and  mercy ;  of  whom 
•I  will  nowe  seperately  declare  the  propre  significations. 

a  Selden  says,  '  That  other  notion  of  Noble  which  we  use  in  England  when  we 
expresse  our  Lords  by  Noblemen  absolutely  is  peculiar  to  us  only,  and  belongs  not 
at  all  to  this  place.' — Titles  of  Honour,  p.  854.  And  Albericus  Gentilis  takes  notice 
of  this  insular  peculiarity  while  he  distinguishes,  after  the  manner  of  the  Civilians, 
dignity  from  nobility  :  '  Cavere  nos  decet  ne  dignitatem  pro  nobilitate  accipiamus. 
Dignitatem  enim  princeps  conferre  potest ;  quisque  potest  sibi  comparare  ;  nobili- 
tatem  non  item.  Nobilitas  a  parentibus  manat.  Ecce  in  Anglia  nobiles  censentur, 
qui  vel  hodie  de  plebe  sint  educti  ad  dignitates,  veluti  baronias  et  comitatus.' — De 
Nuptiis,  lib.  iv.  cap.  13,  p.  366,  ed.  1614. 

b  Lucas  de  Penna  gives  the  following  definition  :  '  Nobilitas  nihil  aliud  est  quam 
habitus  operatioque  virtutis  inhomine.' — Lib.  xii.  De  Dignitatibus,  fo.  cclxiv.  ed. 
1509.  Compare  the  remarks  of  Seneca.  '  Quis  est  generosus  ?  Ad  virtutem  bene  a 
natura  compositus.  Non  facit  nobilem  atrium  plenum  fumosis  imaginibus  .  .  . 
Animus  facit  nobilem  :  cui  ex  quacumque  conditione  supra  fortunam  licet  surgere. ' 
— Epistol.  xliv.  Osorius,  Bishop  of  Silves,  whom  Dupin  calls  the  Cicero  of  Por- 
tugal, uses  very  similar  language  to  that  of  our  author  in  his  treatise  De  Nobilitate 
Civili.  He  says,  '  Nihil  aliud  est  nobilitas  quam  virtutis  prasstantia  in  aliqua  gente 
constituta.' — Lib.  i.  p.  15,  ed.  1552. 

c  Osorius  says  :  'Jam,  quantum  fuit  in  nobis,  vim  et  originem  nobilitatis  expli- 
cavimus,  ejus  ortum  ab  ilia  natural!  indole  repetentes  maximis  animis  innata  quae 
quidem,  si  excitetur  et  temporis  etiam  vetustate  confirmetur,  perficit  ilium  universi 
generis  splendorem  et  claritatem.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  38.  Segar,  above  quoted,  says  : 
(  Some  gentlemen  doe  hold  that  dignitie  by  prescription,  not  hauing  other  proofe 
then  that  they  and  their  ancestors  were  called  Gentlemen  time  out  of  minde.  And 
for  this  reason  it  seemeth  that  Nobilitie,  the  more  ancient  it  is,  the  more  commend- 
able, chiefly  if  the  first  of  such  families  were  aduanced  for  vertue.  Which  nobilitie 
is  that  whereof  Aristotle  meaneth,  saying,  "Nobilitas  est  majorum  quaedam 
claritas  honorabilis  progenitorum."  Likewise,  Boetius  de  Cons.  (lib.  iii.  6)  saith, 
"  Nobilitas  est  quaedam  laus  proveniens  de  merito  parentum."  ' — Honor,  p.  227. 

d  This  word  seems  to  correspond  to  the  Latin  facilitas  or  comitas.     Patrizi 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  39 

AfTabilitie  is  of  a  wonderfull  efficacie  or  power  in  procu- 
rynge  loue.a     And  it  is  in  sondry  wise,  but  moste  proprely, 

says  :  '  Facilitas  virtus  est  in  Rege  omnium  gratissima  ad  ineundam  gratiam,  bene- 
volentiamque  servandum.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  viii.  tit.  19.  And  Eras- 
mus, analysing  the  character  of  a  Prince,  says  :  '  Civilitas  ubique  aut  amorem 
gignit,  aut  certe  lenit  odium,  verum  ea  in  magno  Principe  longe  gratissima  multi- 
tudini.' — Instit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  93,  ed.  1519. 

a  There  were  at  least  two  notable  examples  of  affability  in  persons  of  exalted 
station  at  this  time,  whom  the  author  may  have  had  in  his  mind — the  King,  and 
his  Chancellor,  Sir  Thomas  More.  There  are  many  independent  witnesses  to  this 
redeeming  feature  in  the  former's  character.  It  has  been  already  observed  that 
Tayler,  the  Clerk  of  the  Parliament,  tells  us,  in  his  Diary,  how  he  saw  the  King 
measuring  his  skill  with  that  of  his  own  body  guard.  And  in  the  Life  of  More 
we  read  that  '  the  King  took  su.ch  pleasure  in  his  companie,  that  he  would  often- 
tymes,  on  a  suddaine,  come  to  his  house  at  Chelsey,  to  talke  and  be  merrie  with 
him.  Whither  on  a  tyme  unlocked  for,  while  Sir  Thomas  was  chancellour  of  the 
duchie,  he  came  to  dynner  to  him  ;  and  after  dinner  in  a  faire  garden  walked  with 
him  by  the  spa<5fe.  of  an  howre,  holding  his  arme  about  his  neck.'' — Wordsworth, 
Eccles.  Biog.  vol.  ii.  p.  65,  ed.  1853.  The  Venetian  ambassador,  in  his  Report  in 
1519  to  the  Seignory,  ^describes  the  King  as  'affable  and  gracious  ;'  and  four  years 
earlier,  Sagudino,  the  Ambassador's  Secretary,  describing  his  reception  at  Rich- 
mond,  says  :  '  After  dinner  Jthe  King  sent  for  the  ambassadors,  and  addressed 
them  partly  in  French  and  partly  in  Latin,  and  also  in  Italian,  showing  himself 
very  affable.' — Cal.  of  State  Papers,  Venetian,  vol.  ii.  p.  247.  Speaking  of  the 
King's  fondness  for  Christmas  masquerades,  &c.,  Mr.  Brewer  says  :  'The  roughest 
of  the  populace  were  not  excluded  from  their  share  in  the  enjoyment.  Somer 
times,  in  a  boisterous  fit  of  delight,  he  would  allow  and  even  invite  the  lookers- 
on  to  scramble  for  the  rich  ornaments  of  his  own  dress  and  those  of  his  courtiers. 
Unlike  his  father,  he  showed  himself  every  where.  He  entered  with  ease  into  the 
sports  of  others,  and  allowed  them  with  equal  ease  to  share  in  his.' — Letters 
and  Papers,  preface,  vol.  i.  p.  xxv.  More's  affability,  and  condescension  were  no- 
torious ;  his  biographer  says  :  '  He  would,  before  he  was  chancellour,  goe  by 
obscure  places  and  lanes,  and  give  his  almes  very  liberallie,  not  by  the  pennie 
or  halfpennie,  but  sometimes  five,  ten,  twenty,  thirty,  forty  shillings,  according 
to  everie  ones  necessitie.  He  often  invited  his  poore  neighbours  to  his  table,  and 
would  be  merrie  and  pleasant  with  them.  But  those  that  were  riche  and  of 
wealthe  seldom  were  invited.  In  Chelsey  he  hired  a  house  for  lame,  poore,  and 
old  men,  and  kept  them  at  bed  and  at  borde,  at  his  owne  cost  and  charges. 
Sir  Thomas  was  of  a  mild,  gentle,  and  patient  nature.' — Wordsworth,  Eccles. 
Biog.  vol.  ii.  p.  69.  And  we  find  foreigners  describing  him  in  the  same  terms. 
Thus,  Gasparo  Contarini,  writing  to  the  Council  of  Ten,  in  his  capacity  of  ambas- 
sador at  the  court  of  Charles  V.,  says  :  '  I  have  been  acquainted  with  Thomas  More 
both  in  Flanders  and  in  England,  and  he  is  in  fact  learned  and  amiable  (<?  in  vero 
docto  et  gentile}.'1 — Cal.  St.  Papers,  Venetian ,  vol.  iii.  p.  394. 


40  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

where  a  man  is  facile  or  easie  to  be  spoken  unto.  It  is  also 
where  a  man  speakethe  courtaisely,  with  a  swete  speche  or 
countenance,  wherwith  the  herers  (as  it  were  with  a  delicate 
odour)  be  refresshed,  and  alured  to  loue  hym  in  whom  is  this 
most  delectable  qualitie.  As  contrary  wise,  men  vehemently 
„  ,.  hate  them  that  haue  a  proude  and  haulte  counte- 

Haulte  r 

counte-  nance,  be  they  neuer  so  highe  in  astate  or  degree.* 
natmce.  Howe  often  haue  I  herde  people  say,  whan  men  in 
great  autoritie  haue  passed  by  without  makynge  gentill 

a  There  can  be  very  little  doubt  that  the  author  in  this  passage  alludes  to  the 
behaviour  of  Wolsey,  whose  arrogance  and  haughtiness  filled  all  men  with  disgust. 
Hall  makes  constant  allusion  to  the  effect  produced  upon  the  people  by  his  demea- 
nour. Thus,  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  King's  reign,  he  says  :  '  When  he  was  once  a 
perfite  Cardinal,  he  loked  then  aboue  all  estates,  so  that  all  men  almost  hated  hym 
anddisdayned  hym.'  And  in  1524,  when  a  deputation  waited  upon  the  Cardinal 
to  explain  the  impossibility  of  meeting  his  demand  of  a  grant  of  20  per  cent. ,  for 
the  service  of  the  King,  the  Chronicler  says :  «  All  whiche  reasons  and  demonstra- 
cions  he  litle  regarded,  and  then  the  said  persones  moste  mekely  beseched  his 
grace  to  moue  the  Kynges  highnes  to  bee  content  with  a  more  easier  some, 
to  the  whiche  he  currishly  answered,  that  he  would  rather  haue  his  tongue 
plucked  out  of  his  hedde  with  a  paire  of  pinsors  then  to  moue  the  Kyng  to  take 
any  lesse  some.'  In  1526  the  king  permitted  him  to  reside  at  Richmond,  where 
he  presumed  to  keep  almost  regal  state.  '  When  the  common  people,'  we  are 
told,  '  and  in  especiall,  suche  as  had  been  Kyng  Henry  the  Seuenthes  seruauntes 
sawe  the  Cardinal  kepe  house  in  the  Manor  royall  of  Richmond,  whiche  Kyng 
Henry  VII.  so  highly  estemed,  it  was  a  maruell  to  here  how  thei  grudged  and  saied, 
"See  aBochers  dogge  lye  in  the  Manor  of  Richemond."  These  with  many  op- 
probrious wordes  were  spoken  against  the  Cardinal,  whose  pride  was  so  high  that 
he  nothyng  regarded,  and  yet  was  he  hated  of  moste  men.'—  Chron.  fol.  143  b. 
And  his  example  seems  to  have  been  followed  by  his  subordinates,  for  we  learn  from 
the  same  source  that  c  the  authoritie  of  this  Cardinal  set  the  clergie  in  such  a  pride 
that  they  disdained  all  men.'  Erasmus,  writing  in  1530,  after  Wolsey's  death, 
says  of  him,  '  Plane  regnabat  verius  quam  ipse  Rex,  metuebatur  ab  omnibus, 
amabatur  a  paucis,  ne  dicam  a  nemine. ' — Epistola,  -1151.  Yet  we  cannot  forget  that 
Erasmus  himself  had  used  very  different  language  only  a  few  years  before,  when 
Wolsey's  •  rara  qusedam  et  inaudita  comitas,'  and  '  mira  morum  facilitas  omnibus 
exposita,'  had  excited  his  admiration  ;  but  then  Erasmus  had  special  reasons 
for  complimenting  his  supposed  benefactor,  and  privately  he  expresses  the 
opinion  that  the  Cardinal  was  '  non  passim  comis  aut  facilis.'  In  contrast  to  the 
general  opinion  entertained  of  Wolsey's  haughtiness,  it  is  interesting  to  read  the 
following  account  of  his  '  urbanity  '  given  by  the  author  of  a  book  called  A  Remedy 
for  Sedition,  published  in  1536.  '  Who  was  lesse  beloued  in  the  northe  than  my 
lorde  Cardynall,  god  haue  his  sowle,  before  he  was  amonges  them  ?  Who  better 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  41 

countenance  to  those  whiche  haue  done  to  them  reuerence : 
This  man  weneth  with  a  loke  to  subdue  all  the  worlde ;  nay, 

beloued  after  he  had  ben  there  a  whyle  ?  We  hate  oft  times  whom  we  haue  good 
cause  to  loue.  It  is  a  wonder  to  see  howe  they  were  turned  ;  howe  of  utter 
ennemyes  they  becam  his  dere  frendes.  He  gaue  byshops  a  ryght  good  ensample 
howe  they  might  wyn  mens  hartis.  There  was  fewe  holy  dayes,  but  he  wolde 
ride  v  or  vi  myle  from  his  howse,  nowe  to  this  paryshe  churche,  nowe  to  that,  and 
ther  cause  one  or  other  of  his  doctours,  to  make  a  sermone  unto  the  people.  He 
sat  amonges  them,  and  sayd  masse  before  al  the  paryshe.  He  sawe  why  churches 
were  made.  He  began  to  restore  them  to  their  ryght  and  propre  use.  If  our 
byshops  had  done  so,  we  shuld  haue  sene  that  preachyng  of  the  gospell  is  not 
the  cause  of  sedition,  but  rather  lacke  of  preachyng  of  it.  He  broughte  his 
dinner  with  hyrn,  and  had  dyuers  of  the  parish  to  it.  He  enquired  whether  there 
was  any  debate  or  grudge  befwene  any  of  them  ;  yf  there  were,  after  dinner  he 
sente  for  the  parties  to  the  church,  and  made  them  at  one.  Men  say  wel  that 
do  wel.'  The  authorship  of  this  book  is  unknown.  Mr.  Holmes,  in  his  notes  to 
Cavendish's  Life  of  Wolsey,  calls  it  'a  State  Book,'  apparently  for  no  other  reason 
than  that  'it  came  out  from  the  office  of  the  King's  printer  in  the  year  1536  '  (Ubi 
supra,  p.  217,  note  12)  but  as  the  printer  alluded  to  was  Berthelet,  who  printed  all 
Sir  Thomas  Elyot's  works,  besides  those  of  a  great  many  other  private  individuals 
no  sufficient  argument  can  be  deduced  from  this  fact  alone,  for  dignifying  it  by  such 
a  title.  Lowndes  on  the  other  hand,  boldly  and  somewhat  rashly,  as  it  would 
appear,  attributes  it  to  Sir  John  Cheke,  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  compilers 
of  the  Grenville  Library  Catalogue  have  adopted  this  suggestion.  Mr.  Collier, 
whose  investigations  are  still  more  recent,  does  not  even  hazard  a  guess  in  his 
notice  of  the  work  in  the  Bibliographical  Catalogue,  and  leaves  us  as  much  in  the 
dark  as  ever.  Without  presuming  to  have  succeeded  in  discovering  the  author, 
the  Editor  is  yet  prepared  to  suggest  reasons  for  rejecting  the  authorship  put 
forward  by  Lowndes.  The  only  ground  apparently  .for  assigning  it  to  Sir  John 
Cheke  is,  that  the  latter  was  undoubtedly  the  author  of  a  book  with  a  somewhat 
similar  title,  called  The  Hurt  of  Sedicion :  how  grievous  it  is  to  a  Commonwealth, 
with  an  alternative  title,  The  True  subiect  to  the  Rebel,  published  in  1549  by  John 
Daye,  and  reprinted  in  1576  and  1641,  which  is  referred  to  by  Strype  in  his  Life 
of  Sir  John  Cheke,  as  well  as  by  Holinshed  in  his  Chronicle  of  the  reign  of  Edw. 
VI.  There  are,  however,  several  reasons  for  concluding  that  the  author  of  A 
Remedy  for  Sedition  was  not  the  author  of  The  Hurt  of  Sedicion.  In  the  first  place 
the  former  was  published  in  1536  when  Cheke  would  have  been  only  twenty-two 
years  of  age,  and  the  style  of  the  work  is  inconsistent  with  its  having  been  written 
by  so  young  a  man.  Secondly,  the  internal  evidence  shows,  1st,  that  the  author 
was  probably  an  Oxford  man.  '  In  Oxford  I  know  the  name  of  the  northern  and 
southern  proctour  hath  ben  the  cause  that  many  men  haue  ben  slayne,'  but  Cheke 
was  born  at  Cambridge,  and  resided  there  continuously  till  at  least  1534.  2nd, 
that  the  author  had  resided  long  in  Italy,  •  I  haue  ben  long  amonges  them  that  are 
in  Italy,'  and  even  admitting  that  Cheke  went  abroad  immediately  after  taking 


42  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

nay,  mennes  hartes  be  free,  and  wyll  loue  whom  they  lyste. 
And  therto  all  the  other  do  consente  in  a  murmure,  as  it  were 

his  degree  (in  1534)  this  statement  could  hardly  be  applicable  to  him  ;  3rd,  that 
the  author  was  particularly  well  acquainted  with  Venice.  '  Venys  is  as  bygge,  or 
very  lyttel  lesse  than  London  with  the  suburbes,  yet  is  there  more  fleshe  spent  in 
two  or  three  monethes  in  London,  than  is  there  in  a  yere,'  but  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  at  this  date  (1536)  Cheke  had  visited  Venice.  4th,  that  the  author 
had  travelled  a  great  deal  abroad,  '  I  knowe  dyuers  realm es  where  pouertie  reygneth 
moche  more  than  in  Englande,  yet  rebels  there  be  none. '  This  is  equally  inapplicable 
to  Cheke.  5th,  that  the  author  was  a  native,  or  at  least  a  citizen,  of  London. 
*  You  wil  thynke  I  knowe  London  well  that  make  this  offer  unto  you.  Blynde- 
felde  me,  carye  me  after  to  what  place  ye  woll,  I  wyl  lyttel  fayle  to  tel  where  ye 
set  me,  and  before  whose  doore.'  This  statement,  for  the  reason  given  above, 
is  almost  conclusive  to  disprove  the  assertion  that  Sir  John  Cheke  was  the 
author.  It  may  be  added  that  Strype,  who  gives  a  detailed  list  of  his  writings, 
does  not  include  the  Remedy  for  Sedition  amongst  them.  Having  shown  that  the 
conditions  prescribed  by  the  internal  evidence,  appear  to  the  Editor  to  exclude 
the  notion  of  Cheke  having  been  the  author — it  remains  to  be  considered  whether 
there  is  any  person  to  whom  the  authorship  could  be  assigned,  with  reference 
specially  to  those  conditions.  The  evidence  tends  to  show  that  the  author,  who- 
ever he  was,  was  an  Oxford  man,  a  good  classical  scholar,  intimately  acquainted 
with  Venice  and  Rome,  and  well  disposed  to  Wolsey.  It  seems  to  the  Editor 
that  there  is  one  name  which  would  have  satisfied  these  conditions,  but  for  one 
circumstance  ;  Thomas  Lupset  was  born  in  1498,  and,  therefore,  when  the  Remedy 
for  Sedition  was  printed,  would  have  been  thirty-eight  years  of  age ;  he  was  the  son 
of  a  goldsmith  and  citizen  of  London,  and  therefore  must  have  been  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  city;  in  1519  he  is  known  to  have  been  at  Oxford,  where 
he  succeeded  John  Clement  in  the  place  of  lecturer  in  rhetoric,  founded  by  Cardinal 
Wolsey  ;  in  1522  he  went  to  Italy  as  secretary  to  Pace,  and  he  remained  at  Venice 
from  1522  to  1525  ;  he  was  subsequently  sent  to  France  by  Wolsey,  as  tutor  to  his 
natural  son,  Thomas  Winter.  He  would,  therefore,  presumably  have  been  well 
disposed  to  the  Cardinal,  and  might  almost  unhesitatingly  have  been  credited  with 
the  authorship  of  the  work  in  question,  but  for  the  fact  that  he  died  four  years 
previous  to  its  publication,  viz.  in  1532.  Two  other  names  suggest  themselves, 
those  of  Elyot  and  Lily.  It  must  be  confessed,  that  the  style  of  the  Remedy  is 
not  very  unlike  that  of  the  author  of  The  Governotir,  and  there  are  other  reasons 
which  make  it  not  at  all  impossible  that  Elyot  may  have  written  it.  But  on  con- 
sidering all  the  circumstances,  it  seems  more  probable  that  George  Lily,  the  son 
of  the  first  master  of  St.  Paul's  School  was  the  author.  He  was  born  in  London, 
educated  at  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  and  afterward  travelled  to  Italy,  and  some 
time  after  his  return  was  made  Canon  of  St.  Paul's  Cathedral,  and  died  in  1559. 
His  works  were  published  at  Venice,  Basle,  and  Frankfort,  and  Berthelet  appears 
to  have  printed  a  book  edited  by  him  in  1 540.  The  reasons  for  considering  him 
the  writer  are  not  so  satisfactory  as  in  the  case  of  Lupset,  but  unless  we  assume 


THE    GOVERNOUR.  43 

bees.  Lorde  god,  how  they  be  sore  blinded  which  do  wene 
that  haulte  countenance  is  a  comelynesse  of  nobilitie ;  where 
undoubted  nothing  is  therto  a  more  greatter  blemisshe.  As 
they  haue  well  proued  whiche  by  fortunes  mutabilitie  haue 
chaunged  their  astate,  whan  they  perceiue  that  the  remem- 
brance of  their  pride  withdraweth  all  pitie,  all  men  reioysing 
at  the  chaunge  of  their  fortune. 

Dionise,  the  proude  kynge  of  Sicile,  after  that  for  his  in- 
tollerable  pride  he  was  driuen  by  his  people  out  of  his  realme, 
the  remembrance  of  his  haulte  and  stately  countenance  was 
to  al  men  so  odiouse,  that  he  coulde  be  in  no  countray  well 
entertained.  In  so  moche  as  if  he  had  nat  ben  releued  by 
lernyng,  teachyng  a  gramer  schole  in  Italy,  he,  for  lacke  of 
frendes,  had  bene  constrayned  to  begge  for  his  lyuynge.a 

Semblably,  Perses,b  kyng  of  Macedonia,  and  one  of  the 
rychest  kynges  that  euer  was  in  Grece,  for  his  execrable  pride,c 
was  at  the  last  abandoned  of  all  his  alies  and  confederates/ 


that  the  publication  was  posthumous,  the  pre-decease  of  the  latter  must  prevent 
our  including  him  in  the  category  of  possible  authors.  The  question  of  the  author- 
ship of  this  little  book  is  not  one  of  very  great  importance,  but  the  Editor  has  not 
thought  it  impertinent  to  draw  attention  to  the  claim  which  has  been  asserted 
apparently  without  sufficient  investigation. 

*  Justin  says :  *  Novissime  ludimagistrum  professus,  pueros  in  trivio  docebat, 
ut  aut  a  timentibus  semper  in  publico  videretur,  aut  a  non  timentibus  facilius  con- 
temneretur.' — Hist.  lib.  xxi.  cap.  5.  While  Cicero  merely  says  :  '  Dionysius  quidem 
tyrannus,  Syracusis  expulsus,  Corinthi  pueros  docebat :  usque  eo  imperio  carere 
non  poterat.' — Tusc.  Qutzst.  lib.  iii.  cap.  12.  Elian's  account  is  somewhat  differ- 
ent :  'O  8e  fv  KoplrOcp,  iroAAcus  /cat  Trot/c/Aats  xpv\a d/jievos  /3iou  ^ueTajSoAais  Stcfc  TT\V 
vir€ppd\Xov(ra.v  airopiav,  TeAevrcuoj/  5e  ^TpayvprMv  Kai  Kpovwv  rv/j.irava,  Kal  Karav- 
Aou/uepos  rbv  fiiov  KareffTpe^/ev. —  Var.  Hist.  lib.  ix.  cap.  8. ;  and  see  Vol.  I.  p.  34. 

b  I.e.,  Perseus,  who  was  the  last  king  of  Macedonia,  and,  after  being  defeated 
at  the  battle  of  Pydna,  B.C.  168,  surrendered  himself  a  prisoner,  with  his  children, 
into  the  hands  of  the  Roman  consul.  In  the  following  year  he  was  carried  to 
Italy  where  he  was  compelled  to  adorn  the  splendid  triumph  of  his  conqueror,  and 
afterwards  cast  into  prison. 

c  Plutarch,  however,  says  that  avarice  was  his  ruling  passion,  '  tv  $  iraQuv  re 
iravToScnrcav  Kal  vofftijj.a.T lav  evovrwv  eVpcorei/ej/  r)  <pi\apyvpia. — j£fltif,  Paulus^  8. 

d  TcDi/  5e  6  pev  ris  inr65r]fia  irpoo"7roiovjj.€vos  AeAu^cj/oi/  ffvvdirretv,  6  8e  'ITTTTOV 
Uptieiv,  6  8e  TOToO  XPI?CctJ/>  viro\€nr6fjifvoi  Kara  fjLiKpbv  aireSitipaffKov,  ov%  OUTCO  rovs 


44  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

by  reason  wherof  he  was  vainquysshed  and  taken  prysoner  by 
Paulus  Emilius,  one  of  the  consules  of  Rome  ;  and  nat  onely 
he  hym  selfe  bounden  and  ledde  as  a  captife,  in  the  triumphe 
of  the  sayde  Paulus,  but  also  the  remembrance  of  his  pride 
was  so  odiouse  to  people,  that  his  owne  sonne,  destitute  of 
frendes,  was  by  nede  constrayned  to  worke  in  a  smythes  forge, 
nat  fynding  any  man  that  of  his  harde  fortune  had  any  com- 
passion. a 

The  pride  b  of  Tarquine,  the  last  kyng  of  Romanes,  was 
more  occasion  of  his  exile  than  the  rauysshynge  of  Lucrecia 
by  his  sonne  Aruncius,c  for  the  malice  that  the  people  by  his 
pride  had  longe  gathered,  rinding  valiaunt  capitaynes,  Brutus, 
Colatinus,  Lucretius,  and  other  nobles  of  the  citie,  at  the  last 


us  rfyv  fKfivov  xa*€7r^Tr7Ta  8e5oiK<JT€S.  Kexapcry/uej/os  yap  virb  T£>V 
fls  iravras  e^irjTCt  rpeireiv  a(p'  aurov  TT]V  alriav  TTJS  T^TTTJS.  —  Ibid.  23. 

a  Plutarch,  however,  implies  that  his  employment  was  of  a  superior  kind,  and 
that  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  aptitude  for  acquiring  a  new  language. 
'ETeAevTTjfre  5e  Kal  T&V  iraiSiuv  ra  5uo.  Tbv  Se  rpirov,  'AAe'loi/Spov,  *v<pva  /j.ev  fv  ry 
ropfveiv  Kal  Keirrovpy  eiv  yfveffdai  tyafflv,  e/tytafoWa  5e  TO.  'Pw/iot/ca  ypap.fj.aTO.  ical  TTJV 
§id\€KTOV  viroypa/j./ji.a'rf^eiv  roils  apxovfftv  eiridf^iov  Kal  ^apiet/ra  Trepl  ravrrjv  T^]V 
wnfipecriav  e£€Ta£6(j.evov.  —  Ubi  suflra,  37. 

b  A  modern  historian,  however,  says  :  '  As  to  the  particular  acts  of  tyranny  told 
of  Tarquinius,  they  are  the  more  suspicious,  because,  when  a  man  has  fallen,  vulgar 
party-spirit  esteems  it  allowable,  and  sometimes  even  a  duty,  to  indulge  in  the 
utmost  exaggeration  of  his  guilt,  nay,  often  in  calumnious  inventions.'  —  Niebuhr's 
Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  514.  And  one  writer  even  contrives  to  throw  a  halo  of 
glory  over  '  Tarquin  the  Despot,'  who,  he  says,  '  was  really  a  great  and  powerful 
monarch,  a  man  of  ability  and  energy,  who  acknowledged  no  political  rights  except 
those  of  the  King,  and  who  fell  in  consequence  of  one  of  those  sudden  bursts  of 
passionate  indignation,  to  which  all  orders  of  a  nation  are  sometimes  roused  by 
contumelious  oppression.  '  —  Lid  dell'  s  Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  i.  p.  88,  ed.  1855. 

c  Sir  George  Corne\vall  Lewis,  than  whom  there  is  no  higher  authority  on  this 
period  of  Roman  history,  says  :  '  The  story  of  Lucretia,  though  it  has  a  romantic 
cast,  might  be  substantially  true  ;  nor  would  there  be  any  good  reason  for  question- 
ing its  reality,  if  it  came  to  us  authenticated  by  fair  contemporary  evidence.  Even 
if  the  rape  of  Lucretia  was  not  the  true  cause  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Tarquins,  it 
might,  as  in  the  corresponding  story  of  Harmodius  and  Aristogiton,  have  been  a 
real  event,  which  was  misplaced,  and  magnified  by  popular  rumour.  When, 
however,  we  come  to  examine  the  details  of  the  story,  we  find  little  in  its  internal 
contexture  to  supply  the  defect  of  external  attestation.'  —  Cred.  Rom.  Hist.  vol.  i. 
pp.  523,  524. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  45 

braste  out  and  takynge  occasion  of  the  rauisshement,a  all 
though  the  kynge  were  therto  not  partie,  they  utterly  expulsed 
hym  for  euer  out  of  the  citie.  These  be  the  frutes  of  pride, 
and  that  men  do  cal  stately  countenanced 

Whan  a  noble  man  passeth  by,  shewyng  to  men  a  gentil 
and  familiare  visage,  it  is  a  worlde  to  beholde  howe  people 
takethe  comforte,  howe  the  blode  in  their  visage  quickeneth, 
howe  their  flesshe  stireth,  and  harts  lepeth  for  gladnesse. 
Than  they  all  speke  as  it  were  in  an  harmonic,  the  one  saithe, 
Who  beholding  this  mans  moste  gentill  countenaunce,  wyll 
nat  with  all  his  harte  loue  hym  ?  Another  saith,  He  is  no 
man,  but  an  aungell  ;  se  howe  he  reioyseth  all  men  that 
beholde  him.  Finallye,'  all  do  graunt  that  he  is  worthye  all 
honour  that  may  be  giuen  or  wisshed  him. 

But  nowe  to  resorte  to  that  whiche  moste  proprely  (as  I 
haue  said)  is  affabilitie,  which  is  facile  or  easy  to  Lybertye  of 
be  spoken  unto.  sPeche- 

Marcus  Antoninus,  emperour  of  Rome  (as  Lampridius 
wryteth)  enserched,  who  were  moost  homely  and  playne 
men  within  the  cite,  and  secretely  sent  for  them  in  to  his 


a  These  are  almost  the  very  words  of  Plutarch,  'Eirei  Se  Tapictviov 
otfre  Xa$6vra  T^V  apx^l^  /caAws,  aAA'  avoffiws  Kai  7rapaj/(^ucos,  of/re  xp<&/j.evov  awry 
,  aAA'  vfiptfrvra  Kal  rvpavvovvrd  ^.laSiv  6  5r?/uos  Kal  ^apvv6^.tvos,  apxyv 
eAajSe  T&  AovKpririas  irdQos,  aurfyveirl  T<$  ftiaaQrjvai  Step'yaffa/ie'j/Tjs,  Aet5/aos 
BpoOros  onrT^juevos  rSiv  TT  pay  /J.O.T  uv  Kal  rfjs  jWeTajPoArjs,  firl  Trpurov  ^\6e  rby  OwaAAeptoi/ 
Kat  xprn<T<*'!Jl-fVOS  «"T^  TrpoOvnoTdTO)  ffvve^f^a\e  TOVS  /3a<r<Ae?s.  —  Poplicola,  I. 

15  Livy,  speaking  of  the  change  which  took  place  in  the  form  of  government, 
says,  '  Quse  libertas  ut  Isetior  esset,  proximi  regis  superbia  fecerat.'  —  Hist.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  i.  And  Cicero,  in  his  speech  against  Marcus  Antonins,  exclaims,  «  Atque 
ille  Tarquinius.  quern  majores  nostri  non  tulerunt,  non  crudelis,  non  impius,  sed 
superbus  habitus  est  et  dictus  :  quod  nos  vitinm  in  privatis  seepe  tulimus,  id 
majores  nostri  ne  in  rege  quidem  ferre  potuerunt.'  —  Philippica,  iii.  cap.  4.  Nie- 
buhr  says,  '  It  was  not  the  bloodthirstiness,  nor  the  avarice  of  the  tyrants  of  anti- 
quity, that  was  the  most  dreadful  evil  to  their  subjects  ;  it  was,  that  whatsoever 
object  excited  their  fierce  passions,  whether  a  wife,  a  maiden,  or  a  boy,  death  was 
the  only  security  from  shame.  Outrages  like  that  suffered  by  Lucretia,  happened 
daily  ;  just  as  the  Christians  under  the  Turkish  empire  are  exposed  to  such  without 
any  protection  ;  and  always  were  so,  before  any  one  thought  on  the  possibility  of 
breaking  the  accursed  yoke.'  —  Hist,  of  Rome  ^  vol.  i.  p.  494. 


46  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

chaumbre,  where  he  diligently  enquered  of  them  what  the 
people  coniected  of  his  lyuing,  commaundyng  them  upon 
payne  of  his  hygh  indignation  to  tell  hym  trouth,  and  hyde 
nothynge  from  hym.  And  upon  their  reporte,  if  he  herde  any 
thing  worthy  neuer  so  litle  dispreise,  he  furthwith  amended 
hit.  And  also  by  suche  meanes  he  corrected  them  that  were 
about  his  persone,  fyndyng  them  negligent,  dissemblars,  and 
flateras.a  The  noble  Traiane,  whan  his  nobles  and  coun- 
sailours  noted  him  to  familiar  and  curtaise,  and  therfore  dyd 
blame  hym,  he  answered,  that  he  wolde  be  a  like  emperour  to 
other  men,  as  if  he  were  a  subiect  he  wolde  wysshe  to  haue 
ouer  hym  selfe.b 

O  what  domage  haue  ensued  to  princes  and  their  realmes 
where  liberte  of  speche  hath  ben  restrayned  ?  What  auayled 
fortune  incomparable  to  the  great  kynge  Alexander,  his  won- 

*  The  above  is  an  excellent  illustration  of  the  way  in  which  history  has  suffered, 
and  mistakes  arise  and  are  perpetuated,  through  the  carelessness  of  copyists.  It  is 
clear  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  has  here  given  us  an  abridged  translation  of  the  fol- 
lowing passage,  which  is  to  be  found  in  Patrizi's  work  so  often  quoted  from  :  '  M. 
Antoninus  cognomento  Pius,  qui  sapientise  studiis  et  vitae  innocentia  Csesarum 
omnium  optimus  habitus  est,  saepe  sapientes  atque  optimos  viros  clam  accersiri 
jubebat,  et  seorsum  remotis  arbitris,  ab  eis  sciscitabatur  quid  de  se  quisque  sentiret, 
loquereturve,  et  ea  emendabat  quae  jure  optimo  reprehensa  esse  viderentur,  et 
cautiores  melioresque  reddebat  eos  qui  ei  in  consilio  aderant ;  verebatur  enim  ne 
ille  extra  ab  aliis  quaereret  quid  facto  opus  esset,  et  ipsi  haberentur  aut  minus  pru- 
dentes  negligentesve,  aut  versuti  minus  atque  infidi  sive  assentatores  adulatoresve 
qui  se  putarent  obsequium  praestare,  si  consilia  ejus  probarent,  et  mores  ac  vitia 
imitarentur.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  viii.  tit.  19.  ed.  1594.  But  it  will  be 
seen  that  Patrizi  himself  was  mistaken  in  attributing  this  behaviour  to  Antoninu 
Pius,  for  the  following  passage  from  the  life  of  Alexander  Severus  by  Lampridius 
is  evidently  the  original  authority  for  the  statement  which  has  been  misapplied 
both  by  Patrizi  and  by  the  author.  '  Moderationis  tantae  fuit  ut  nemo  unquam 
ab  ejus  latere  submoveretur,  ut  omnibus  se  blandum  affabilemque  praeberet,  u 
amicos  non  solum  primi  ac  secundi  loci,  sed  etiam  inferiores  segrotantes  viseret, 
ut  sibi  ab  omnibus  libere  quae  sentiebant  dici  cuperet,  et  quum  dictum  esset,  audiret, 
et  quum  audisset,  ita  ut  res  poscebat  emendaret  atque  corrigeret ;  si  minus  bene 
factum  esset  aliquid,  etiam  ipse  convinceret,  idque  sine  fastu  et  sine  amaritudine 
animi.' — Hist.  August,  torn.  i.  p.  910,  ed.  1671. 

b  '  Inter  alia  dicta  hoc  ipsius  fertur  egregium.  Amicis  enim  culpantibus,  qu6d 
nimis  circa  omnes  communis  esset,  respondit ' '  Talem  se  imperatorem  esse  privatis, 
quales  esse  sibi  imperatores  privatus  optasset.'" — Eutropius,  lib.  viii.  cap.  5. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  47 

derfull  puissance  and  hardynes,  or  his  singular  doctrine  in 
philosophy,  taught  hym  by  Aristotle,  in  deliuerynge 
hym  from  the  deth  in  his  yonge  and  flourisshing  age  ? 
Where,  if  he  had  retained  the  same  affabilitie  that  was  sieyngt  his 
in  hym  in  the  begynnynge  of  his  conquest,  and  had  frendes> 
nat  put  to  silence  his  counsailors  whiche  before  used  to  speake 
to  hym  frankely,  he  mought  haue  escaped  all  violent  dethe, 
and  by  similitude,  have  enioyed  the  hole  monarchic  of  al  the 
worlde.  For  after  that  he  waxed  to  be  terrible  in  maners,  and 
prohibited  his  frendes  and  discrete  seruantes  to  use  their 
accustomed  libertie  in  speche,  he  felle  in  to  a  hatefull  grudge 
amonge  his  owne  people.8 

But  I  had  almost  forgoten  Julius  Cesar,  who,  beinge  nat 
able  to  sustaine  the  burden  of  fortune,  and  enuienge  his  owne 
felicitie,  abandoned  his  naturall  disposition,  and  as  it  juuus 
were,  beinge  dronke  with  ouer  moche  welth,b  sought  Cesar. 

»  Apparently  the  author  has  adopted  the  explanation  of  his  death  given  by 
Justin,  though  he  has  taken  his  notions  of  Alexander's  behaviour  to  his  friends 
chiefly  from  Plutarch.  The  latter  says,  'Airo6av6vros  Se  roO  QiXcarov,  Kal  Uapfj.e~ 
euflus  ets  M?)5iaj/  ayeTAev,  &v8pa  TroAAa  /*er  $i\iTrirq>  ovyKa.Tepyao'dfjifVOj', 
jj.d\iffra  rS>v  irpea^vrfpcav  <pi\wv  'AAe£cw5poi/  els  'A<r{av  ^opp-^ffayra 
Siv  Se  vl&v,  obs  fffX€J/)  *71^  r^s  o"TpaTtas  Svo  p.tv  eiri56i'Ta  irp6rfpov  O.TTO- 
dav6vTas,  T<£  5e  rpircf  trwai/aipefleWa.  TaCra  irpaxOevra  TroAAoTs  T<av  (piXuv  (poftepbv 
eVoiTjcre  rlv  'AAe|aj/Spoi/,  /j.d\iarra  5e  'AvrnrArpcp. — Alexander,  49.  Modern  histo- 
rians reject  the  notion  that  Alexander's  death  was  the  result  of  poison,  and  '  this 
report,'  says  Thirlwall,  'was  undoubtedly  invented  by  Cassander's  enemies.' — Hist, 
of  Greece,  vol.  vii.  p.  116.  But  in  the  fifteenth  century  if  appears  to  have  been 
generally  credited ;  thus  Patrizi,  from  whom  no  doubt  Elyot  borrowed,  as  the 
reader  can  see  for  himself,  says  in  the  work  already  quoted,  '  Alexander  quoque 
Macedo  missum  ad  se  oratorem  Phocionem  Atheniensem  rogavit,  quid  sibi  ut  ageret 
suaderet.  Turn  ille,  "  Censeo,"  inquit,  "ut  arma  atque  exercitum  dimittas,  et  se- 
curam  tranquillamque  vitam  agas."  Alexander  risit,  nee  ullaexparte  illi  ausculta- 
vit,  sed  gloria  exultans  inchoatam  militiam  exequi  destinavit,  verum  enimvero 
quum  jam  suis  etiam  f or midini  atque  odio  esse  ccepisset^  veneno  ad  Babyloncm  ab 
lola  enectus  creditur,  in  media  victoriarum  cursu,  quum  -viridi  tune  cetate  floreret, 
quartum  enim  et  trigesimum  agebat  annum,  et  robore  corporis  et  animi  virtute 
plurimumprsestabat.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  vii.  tit.  10,  ed.  1582. 

b  Mr.  George  Long  says,  '  It  is  impossible  to  discover  by  the  aid  of  compilers 
of  a  late  period  whether  success  and  flattery  turned  Caesar's  head,  or  whether  he 
still  retained  the  singular  good  sense  which  he  showed  all  through  his  previous 
life.  It  is  more  consistent  to  believe  that  he  well  understood  the  character  of  those 


48  THE  GOVERN  OUR. 

newe  wayes  howe  to  be  aduaunced  aboue  the  astate  of  mortall 
princes.a  Wherfore  litle  and  litle  he  withdrewe  from  men  his 
accustomed  gentilnesse,  becomyng  more  sturdy  in  langage, 
and  straunge  in  countenance,  than  euer  before  had  ben  his 
usage.  And  to  declare  more  plainely  his  entent,  he  made  an 
edict  or  decre,  that  no  man  shulde  prease b  to  come  to  hym 
uncalled,0  and  that  they  shuld  haue  good  awaite,  that  they 
spake  not  in  suche  familiar  facion  to  hym  as  they  before  had 

who  were  about  him,  and  knew  his  own  dangerous  position  ;  that  he  cared  little  or 
nothing  for  the  honours  that  he  received,  except  as  expressive  of  the  power  which 
he  had  acquired — a  power  which  he  resolved  to  keep,  and  to  transmit,  if  he  could,  to 
a  successor  who  should  bear  his  own  name.' — Decl.  of  Rom.  Rep.  vol.  v.  p.  418. 

a  Merivale  says:  '  The  recklessness  of  his  humour  betrayed  itself  in  a  demeanour 
more  and  more  haughty  and  contemptuous.  Sulla,  he  bluntly  said,  was  a  fool  for 
resigning  the  dictatorship.  But  nothing  offended  the  senators  more  bitterly  than 
his  not  rising  from  his  seat  to  receive  them,  when  they  came  to  communicate  to 
him  the  honours  they  had  lavished  upon  him  in  his  absence.  It  was  to  the  upstart 
foreigner  Balbus  that  they  were  willing  to  attribute  this  wanton  insult ;  the 
Spaniard,  it  was  said,  had  plucked  Caesar  by  the  sleeve  when  he  was  about  to  rise 
to  his  visitors,  and  bade  him  remember  that  he  was  their  master.  The  Romans, 
in  the  progress  of  refinement  among  them,  were  very  strict  observers  of  social  eti- 
quette. Courteousness  in  its  members  one  among  another  is  the  very  essence  of  an 
aristocracy.  Csesar  had  exacted  due  homage  to  himself  with  scrupulous  precision.' 
— Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  ii.  p.  454. 

b  The  old  form  of  the  word  '  press.'  So  Grafton,  in  his  description  of  the  battle 
of  Poictiers,  says,  '  There  was  a  great  prease  about  the  King,  for  euerye  man  cryed 
that  he  had  taken  the  King,  so  that  the  King  coulde  not  go  forwarde  wyth  hys 
young  sonne  Philip  wyth  him  for  thejtaMU?.1 — Chronicle,  p.  297,  ed.  1569. 

0  This  statement  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  accounts  of  Caesar's  life  given  by 
Plutarch  and  Suetonius,  but  Cicero  notices,  and  had  suffered  from  the  inconve- 
nience caused  by  the  difficulty  of  approaching  Csesar.  '  Magnis  occupationibus 
ejus,  a  quo  omnia  petuntur,  aditus  ad  eum  difficiliores  fuerunt. ' — Epist,  ad  Div. 
lib.  vi.  13.  Merivale  says,  'Nothing  struck  the  Romans  more  forcibly  with  its 
assumption  of  regal  state  than  the  difficulty  of  access  to  the  great  man.  Accus- 
tomed as  the  nobles  were  to  the  most  perfect  external  equality,  and  the  easiest 
intercourse  among  each  other,  their  indignation  rose  high  when  they  found  their 
approach  to  the  dictator  barred  by  a  crowd  of  attendants,  or  impeded  by  ceremo- 
nious formalities.  In  this,  however,  there  may  have  been  no  affectation  on  his 
part ;  he  felt  the  unpopularity  of  such  a  position,  and  lamented  the  soreness  which 
it  engendered  towards  him.  But  the  enormous  pressure  of  business,  however  rapid 
was  his  despatch  of  it,  and  in  this  respect  he  had  an  extraordinary  facility,  made  it 
necessary  to  restrict  the  times  and  means  of  claiming  his  attention.' — Hist,  of 
Rome,  vol.  ii.  p.  429. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  49 

ben  accustomed  ;  wherby  he  so  dyd  alienate  from  hym  the 
hartis  of  his  most  wise  and  assured  adherentis,  that,  from  that 
tyme  forwarde,  his  life  was  to  them  tedious,  and  abhorring  him 
as  a  monstre  or  commune  enemie,  they  beinge  knitte  in  a 
confederacy  slewe  hym  sitting  in  the  Senate  ;  of  whiche  con- 
spiraci  was  chiefe  capitaine,  Marcus  Brutus,  whome  of  all 
other  he  beste  loued,  for  his  great  wisedome  and  prowesse. 
And  it  is  of  some  writers  suspected  that  he  was  begoten  of 
Cesar,  for  as  moche  as  Cesar  in  his  youth  loued  Seruilia,  the 
mother  of  Brutus,  and,  as  men  supposed,  used  her  more 
familiarly  than  honestie  required.11  Thus  Cesar,  by  omittinge 
his  olde  affabilitie,  dyd  incende  his  next  frendes  and  com- 
panions to  sle  hym. 

But  nowe  take  hede  what  domage  insued  to  hym  by  his 
decre,  wherin  he  commanded  that  no  man  shuld  be  so  hardy 
to  approche  or  speke  to  hym.     One  whiche  knewe 
of  the  conspiracie  agayne  hym,  and  by  al  lykelyhode  mation  of 
did  participate  therin,  beinge  meued  either  with  loue  the  conspi- 

.  .  ,  ,  .  .  .  .        .    racie  made 

or   pitie,    or  other  wise  his   conscience   remordmg  b  unto  ce- 
agayne   the   destruction  of  so  noble  a  prince,  con-  sars  ffwne 
sideringe  that  by  Cesars  decre  he  was    prohibited 


a  Plutarch,  for  instance,   says,  A^yerat  8c  Ka\  Kaiffap  ou/c  d^ueAe?*/  rov 
a\\a  Kal  irpoenretv  TO?S  v<p'  cavrbv  rjye^ffiv  ej>  rfj  H&XV  /*^   Krelveiv  Epovrov,  aAAa 
(peiSeffOat  Kai  Trapacrxofra  /u.ej/  fKovtricas  aye  iv,  et  5e  &iro/i<£%OiTO  Trpbs  rfyv 
eav  Kal  (JL$I  pidfaOcu  •  Kal  ravra  Troitiv  rfj  /J.r]rpl  rov  Bpovrov  2ep/3i\tq 

p,  &s  eoi/ce,  veavlas  &v  ert  r^,v  ~2tpfii\iav  tirip.a.vsla'av  avrip'  Kal  Kaff  ots 
^VOVS  &  *PUS  tirtytey*  yev6fj.evov  riv  Bpovrov  firtir€urr6  TTUS  e|  eaurou 
i.  —  Brutus  >  5.  Suetonius  also  mentions  the  amour,  but  says  nothing  as 
to  the  result  of  it.  '  Sed  ante  alias  dilexit  M.  Bruti  matrem,  Serviliam  :  cui  et 
proximo  suo  consulatu  sexagies  sestertio  margaritam  mercatus  est,  et  bello  civili, 
super  alias  donationes,  amplissima  praedia  ex  auctionibus  hastse  nummo  addixit  : 
cum  quidem,  plerisque  vilitatem  mirantibus,  facetissime  Cicero,  "  Quo  melius," 
inquit,  "emtum  sciatis,  Tertia  deducta  est.'  Existimabatur  enim  Servilia  etiam 
filiam  suam  Tertiam  Csesari  conciliare.'  —  Julius,  50. 

b  From  the  Latin  remordere,  through  the  French  remordre,  lit.  to  bite  again, 
whence  is  derived  the  substantive  remorse.     Skelton,   who  was  Poet  Laureat  to 
Henry  VIII.,  uses  the  word  in  his  poem,  Against  the  Scots.     '  Unto  diuers  people 
that  remord  this  ryming  againste  the  Scot  Jemmy. 
II.  E 


50  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

to  haue  to  hym  any  familiar  accesse,  so  that  he  might  nat 
plainly  detect  the  conspiraci ;  he,  therto  vehemently  meued, 
wrate  in  a  byll  all  the  forme  therof,  with  the  meanes  howe  it 
myght  be  espied,  and  sens  he  mought  fynde  none  other 
oportunitie,  he  delyuered  the  byll  to  Cesar  the  same  day  that 
his  dethe  was  prepared,  as  he  wente  towarde  the  place  where 
the  Senate  was  holden.a  But  he  beinge  radicate  in  pride,  and 

I  am  now  constrayned 

With  wordes  nothynge  fayned 

This  inuectiue  to  make,  for  som  people  sake, 

That  lyst  for  to  iangell, 

And  waywardly  to  wrangell 

Againste  this  my  makynge, 

Their  males  thereat  shakynge 

At  it  reprehending,  and  venemously  stingyng, 

Rebukynge,  and  remordyng, 

And  nothynge  accordynge.' — Workes,  ed.  1568. 

And  another  poet  of  the  same  century,  Sir  William  Alexander,  better  known  as 
the  Earl  of  Stirling,  employs  the  same  phrase  in  his  poem  called  Doomesday. 
1  When  troubled  Conscience  reades  accusing  scroules, 

Which  witness'd  fire  euen  by  the  brest's  owne  brood, 
O  what  a  Terrour  wounds  remording  soules, 

Who  poyson  find  what  seem'd  a  pleasant  food  ! ' 

The  First  Hour e,  Stanza  15,  ed.  1614. 

Chaucer  uses  the  word  in  an  active  sense  in  his  translation  of  Boethius's  De  Con- 
solatione  Philosophies .  '  And  god  geueth  and  depart ith  to  other  folk  prosperites 
and  aduersites  ymedeled  to  hepe  aftirthe  qualite  of  hire  corages,  and  remordith  som 
folk  by  aduersites,  for  thei  ne  sholden  nat  wexenproude  by  longe  welefulnesse. ' — 
P.  140,  ed.  1868.  Early  Eng.  Text  Soc. 

a  '  Tandem  Decimo  Bruto  adhortante,  ne  frequentes  ac  jamdudum  op- 
peiientes  destitueret,  quinta  fere  hora  progressus  est  :  libellumque  insidiarum 
indicem,  ab  obvio  quodam  porrectum,  libellis  ceteris,  quos  sinistra  manu  tene- 
bat,  quasi  mox  lecturus,  commiscuit.'—  Sueton.  Julius •,  81.  Plutarch  also 
tells  the  story  with  a  greater  degree  of  circumstantiality :  'Apre/j-iSupos  Se 
Kvio'ios  rb  yevos,  'EXXyviKuv  Xoywv  GotyitrrTis  Kal  Sia  TOVTO  yfyov&s  eviois  a-uvf]6r]s 
T&V  Trepl  BpouTOj/,  SiffTf  Kal  yvcavai  Ta  irXfiffTa  T&V  TrparTOjuej/cov,  fj/ce  jj.\v  4v 
tofJLifav  aVep  e^ueAAe  fj.rjvveivt  dpcav  8e  T^V  Kaurapa  T&V  ftiftXiSiuv  fKaffTOV 
Kal  irapaSiSdi/ra  TO?S  irepl  avT^v  uTrrjpeTats  iyyvs  (T<p65pa 
TOUTO,'  e^)7j,  '  KaTcrap,  avayvuiQi  }j.6vos  KOI  Taxes'  yeypairTai  yap  uTrep 

Kal  ffoi  5iad)€poj/Tccv.       &€£atji€i/os   o\)v  o  HaTcrap  avayvcoi/ai  U.GV  VTTO 

$VTWV  eK(a\v6r),  /canrep  op^a'as  TroAAa/cty,  fv  8e  T??   xflf 
tyvX&TTfov  ILQVQV  e/ceTvo  7rap7/A0€j/  ets  Tr\v  ffvyKKi]TOV.     "Eviot  8e  (paffiv  &\Aov 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  51 

neglecting  to  loke  on  that  bil,  not  esteminge  the  persone  that 
deliuered  it,  whiche  perchance  was  but  of  a  mean  hauiour, 
continued  his  way  to  the  Senate,  where  he  incontinently  was 
slaine  by  the  said  Brutus,  and  many  mo  of  the  Senate  for  that 
purpose  appoynted, 

Who  beholdinge   the   cause  of  the  dethe  of  this  moste 
noble  Cesar,  unto  whom  in  eloquence,  doctrine,  martiall  prow- 
esse,  and  gentilnesse,  no  prince  may  be  comparid,  and  the 
acceleration  or  haste  to  his  confusion,  causid  by  his  owne  edict 
or  decre,  will  nat  commende  affabilite  and  extolle  libertie  of 
speche  ?    Wherby  onely  loue  is  in  the  hartis  of  people  perfectly 
kendled,  all  feare  excluded,  and  consequently  realmes,  domi- 
nions,   and    all   other   autorites  consolidate  and  perpetuelly 
stablisshed.    The.  sufferaunce  of  noble  men  to  be  spoken  unto 
is  not  onely  to  them  an  incomparable  suretie,  but  also  a  con- 
founder  of  repentance,  enemie  to  prudence,  wherof  is  ingen- 
dred  this  worde,  Had  I  wist,  whiche  hath  ben  euer  of  all  wise 
men  reproued.a 

On    a  tyme  king  Philip,  fader  to  the  great  Alexander, 
sittinge  in  iugement,  and  hauing  before  him  a  matter  ~  v 
agayne  one  of  his  souldiours,  being  ouercommen  with  suspended 
watche  fel  on  a  slombre,  and  sodaynly  being  awaked,  ff^^0f 
immediatly  wolde  haue  giuen  a  sentence  agayne  the  speche. 
poure  soldiour.     But  he,  with  a  great  voice  and  out-  Plutar- 
crie,  said.  King   Philip,  I    appele.     To  whom  wylt  chus' 


Touro,  rbv  Se  'Apre^uiSwpoj/  oi>5e 

^v  656v.  —  Ctesar,  65.  It  will  be  seen  that  neither  Plutarch  nor  Suetonius 
give  the  slightest  colour  for  attributing  Caesar's  neglect  to  avail  himself  of  the 
proffered  warning  to  the  cause  alleged  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot. 

*  Clement  Edmonds,  who  lived  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century,  has  a 
very  similar  passage  in  his  Observations  upon  Ccesar's  Commentaries.  '  This  rule  of 
making  tryal  of  the  worth  of  an  enemy,  hath  always  been  observed  by  prudent  and 
grave  commanders,  as  the  surest  principle  whereon  the  true  judgment  of  the  event 
may  be  grounded.  For  if  the  doctrine  of  the  old  Philosophers,  which  teacheth 
that  the  word  non  putabam,  I  -wist  it  not,  was  never  heard  out  of  a  wise  man's 
mouth,  hath  any  place  in  the  course  of  humane  actions,  it  ought  especially  to  be 
regarded  in  managing  these  main  points,  whereon,  the  state  of  kingdoms  and  em- 
pires dependeth.'  —  P.  30,  ed.  1695. 

E  2 


52  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

thou  appele  ?  said  the  kynge.  To  the  (said  the  souldiour) 
whan  thou  arte  throughly  awaked.  With  whiche  answere  the 
kynge  suspended  his  sentence,  and  more  diligently  examinyng 
the  mater,  founde  the  souldiour  had  wronge  ;  whiche  beinge 
sufficiently  discussed,  he  gaue  iugement  for  him,  whom  before 
he  wolde  haue  condemned.51 

Semblably  hapned  by  a  poure  woman,  agayne  whom  the 
same  kynge  had  gyuen  iugement  ;  but  she  as  desperate,  with 
a  loude  voice,  cried,  I  appele,  I  appele.  To  whom  appelist 
thou  ?  said  the  kyng.  I  appele,  saide  she,  from  the,  nowe 
beinge  dronke,  to  kynge  Philip  the  sobre.b  At  which  words, 


e  nvi  Kpivwv  Si/ojy  Kal  itTrovvffTdfav,  ov  trdvv  irpoffeixe  rois  St/cotois, 
a\\a  Kareitpu/f  •  e/cefrov  Se  ai/a^o^ffavros  eKKaXeiaBai  rrjv  Kplffii;  Siopyurdels,  'Eirl 
nva  ;  tiire  •  Kal  6  Moxa^aSj  'ETT(  <re,  )8a<riA.e£>,  avrbv,  &>/  ^ypi]y6pu>s  KOI 
aKovys.  Tore  juei/  olv  aviffrt)  '  <ycv6p.svos  Se  yuaAAoi/  eV  eavry,  Kal  yvovs  a 
rbj/  MoxatTOV,  T^)V  ftej/  Kpiffiv  OVK  eAutre,  rb  Se  Ttjurj/io  rrjs  S/KTJS  aurbs 
Plut.  Reg.  et  Imperat.  Apophth.  xxiv.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  author  was 
apparently  not  aware  that  Machaeta  was  a  proper  name.  It  is  curious  that  Doctor 
Leland,  in  his  History  of  Philip  (vol.  ii.  p.  200),  has  confused  this  anecdote  with 
the  following  one  taken  from  an  entirely  different  source,  as  will  be  seen  in  the 
next  note. 

b  This  story  affords  a  curious  illustration  of  the  way  in  which  the  monkish 
writers  of  the  middle  ages  perverted  their  original  authorities  to  suit  the  particular 
object  they  had  in  view.  The  anecdote,  as  related  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot,  has  been 
so  often  repeated  as  to  have  passed  into  a  proverb  ;  and  the  reader  will  probably 
be  surprised  to  learn  that,  as  originally  narrated,  it  imputed  no  want  of  sobriety  to 
Philip.  It  is  to  be  found  in  a  fragment  of  ^Elius  Serenus,  an  Athenian  gramma- 
rian, who  wrote  >A7ro/ij/7jJuoi'€U|uaTa,  from  which  Stobaeus  makes  numerous  extracts. 
and  is  as  follows  :  Hpffffivns  8iKa£o/j.€vri  eVl  ^i\iirirov)  &s  s&pa  fvffrd^ovra  eVetTCt 
fj.4X\ovra  a-jrotyatveffdai,  e'5e?TO  avyx^P^^01-1  a^TV  e^tZj/at.  'O  5e,  'Eirl  riva  ;  elirev. 
'Eirl  &i\nnrov,  aircKpivaTO,  eyprtyopdra.  —  Stobseus,  Florilegium,  vol.  i.  p.  325,  ed. 
1822.  This  was  the  story  intact,  in  its  original  shape.  After  the  lapse  of  many 
centuries  it  reappears  in  what  may  be  called  the  modern  form  at  the  hands  of 
Humbert,  a  writer  of  the  I3th  century,  who  was  born  at  Romans  in  Dauphine, 
four  leagues  from  Valence  sur  1'Isere,  about  A.D.  1209.  He  was  general  of  the 
Order  of  Saint  Dominic,  and  his  writings  are  voluminous.  In  a  chapter  in  which  he 
deduces  the  antiquity  of  'appeals,  'he  has  the  following  remarks  :  '  Notandumqu6d 
appellatio  est  res  tarn  universalis,  quod  habet  locum  non  solum  inter  fideles,  sed  etiam 
inter  infideles.  Item  est  tantse  antiquitatis,  quod  non  solum  praecessit  tempora  Christi- 
anitatis,  ut  patet  per  factum  prasdictum,  sed  et  longe  ante  prascessit.  Unde  legitur, 
quod  quasdam  vetula  cum  fuit  condemnata  a  Philippe,  patre  Alexandri,  post  prandium, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  53 

though  they  were  undiscrete  and  foolisshe,  yet  he,  nat  beinge 
moued  to  displesure,  but  gatherynge  to  hym  his  wittes,  ex- 
amyned  the  mater  more  seriously ;  wherby,  he  findynge  the 
poure  woman  to  sustaine  wronges,  he  reuersed  his  iugement, 
and  accordynge  to  truthe  and  iustice  gaue  to  her  that  she 
demaunded.  Wherin  he  is  of  noble  autours  commended,  and 
put  for  an  honorable  example  of  affabilitie. 

The  noble  emperour   Antonine,   called  the  philosopher, 
was  of  suche  affabilitie,  as  Herodiane  writeth,  that  Antonius 
to  euery  man  that  came  to  him  he  gentilly  deli-  p^llos°- 
uered  his  hande  ;    and  wold  nat  permitte  that  his    _."« 
garde  shuld  prohibite  any  man  to  approche  hym.a       anus. 


qui  multo  tempore  fuit  ante  Caesarem,  appellavit :  et  cum  queereret  Rex,  ad  quern  ?  quia 
non  erat  major  eo  aliquis,  respondit,  A  Philippe  ebrio  ad  Philippum  sobrium.  Rex 
autem  deferens  appellation!,  examinata  causa  in  mane  sequenti  diligentius,  absolvit 
earn.' — La  Bigne,  Bibl.  Patrum,  torn.  xxv.  p.  520.  Two  centuries  later  we  find 
Patrizi  telling  the  same  stoiy,  but  with  some  slight  alterations.  '  Philippum  osci- 
tantem  prse  nirnia  quadam  vini  cibique  crapula,  peregrina  qusedam  mulier  gravibus 
verbis  momordit.  Nam  quum  temere  indictaque  causa  earn  damnaret,  exclamavit. 
ilia,  et  se  provocareait ;  tune  dicentibus  quibusdam,  Ad  quern  provocas  ?  Ad  Philip- 
pum quidem,  inquit,  sed  quum  fuerit  sobrius.  Tune  Rex  ad  seipsum  rediens  causam 
diligentius  inspexit,  et  revocata  sententia,  illam  absolvit,  liberamque  dimisit.' — De 
Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  vi.  tit.  26,  ed.  1582.  As  if  these  emendations  were  not 
sufficient,  the  author  of  Polychronicon,  who  is  now  discovered  to  be  Higden, 
transfers  the  story  bodily  to  Alexander,  avowedly  on  the  authority  of  Trogus,  but 
the  character  of  the  Latin  is  sufficient  evidence  that  this  version  is  very  much  more 
recent,  and  probably  was  invented  by  some  French  writer.  '  Alexander  ebrietate 
laborabat,  et  tune  potissime  in  domesticos  sseviebat.  Unde  accidit  ut  aliquando  in 
quendam  majorem  palatii  capitalem  ferret  sententiam.  Ille  vero  statim  in  appel- 
lationis  vocem  erupit.  Verum  quia  a  minori  ad  majorem  solebat  appellari  in 
ampliorem  tyrannus  stimulante  vino  versus  insaniam,  ait,  "  Sed  a  quo  et  ad  quern 
appellas?"  Et  ille,  "Ab  Alexandro  ebrio  ad  Alexandnmi  sobrium."  Qua  re- 
sponsione  mitigatus  sententiam  distulit,  et  tandem  ilium  plene  absolvit.' — Poly- 
chronicon, vol.  iii.  p.  442.  (The  Rolls  ed.)  The  expression  'mayor  of  the  palace' 
gives  some  clue  to  the  origin  of  this  version,  and  we  shall  probably  not  be  wrong 
in  assuming  that  it  cannot  lay  claim  to  any  greater  antiquity  than  the  ninth  cen- 
tury of  the  Christian  era. 

*  '  riape?xe  8e  KOI  rots  apxo/teVois  eainbv  eTrtet/cf)   /cal   /jLerpiov  j3a<n\6a,  rovs   re 
irpoffiovras  Se^iov/jLevos,  K<aXv<av  re  TOVS  irepl  avrbv  8opv<j>6povs  a.iroffofifiv  rovs  svrvy- 
W.' — Herodian.  lib.  i.  cap.  2,  ed.  1826. 


54  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

The  excellent  emperour  Augustus  on  a  time,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  many  men,  plaied  on  cymbales,  or  a  nother 

Augustus.  J  . 

like  instrument.  A  poure  man,  standyng  with  other 
and  beholdynge  the  emperour,  saide  with  a  loude 
voice  to  his  felowe,  Seest  thou  nat  howe  this  voluptuouse 
lechour  tempereth  al  the  worlde  with  his  finger  ?  Whiche 
wordes  the  emperour  so  wisely  noted,  without  wrathe  or  dis- 
pleasure, that  euer  after,  durynge  his  lyfe,  he  refrayned  his 
handes  from  semblable  lightnesse.a 

The  good  Antonine,  emperour  of  Rome,  commyng  to 
Antoninus  suPPer  to  a  meane  gentilman,  behelde  in  the  house 
Pius.  certaine  pillers  of  a  delicate  stone,  called  porpheri, 
Capitoli-  asked  of  the  good  man,  where  he  had  boughte  those 
pillers.  Who  made  to  the  emperour  this  answere,  Sir, 
whari  ye  come  in  to  any  other  mannes  house  than  your  owne, 
euer  be  you  bothe  dome  and  defe.  Whiche  liberall  taunte  that 
moste  gentill  emperour  toke  in  so  good  parte  that  he  often 
tymes  reherced  that  sentence  to  other  for  a  wyse  and  discrete 
counsaile. 

By  these  examples  appereth  nowe  euidently  what  good 
comethe  of  affabilitie,  or  sufferaunce  of  speche,  what  mooste 
pernicious  daunger  alway  ensueth  to  them,  that  either  do 
refuse  counsaile,  or  prohibite  libertie  of  speche  ;  sens  that  in 
libertie  (as  it  hath  bene  proued)  is  moste  perfecte  suertie,  ac- 

*  If  the  reader  compares  the  author's  version  with  the  original  given  below,  he 
will  notice  a  considerable  discrepancy,  and  that  the  author  has  not  only  pointed 
his  moral,  but  adorned  the  tale.  '  Sed  et  populus  quondam  universus  ludorum  die 
et  accepit  in  contumeliam  ejus,  et  assensu  maximo  comprobavit  versum  in  scena 
pronuntiatam  de  Gallo  matris  Deum  tympanizante,  "Viden"  ut  cinsedus  orbem 
digito  temperat  ?  "  ' — Sueton.  Octavius,  68. 

b  The  side  note  in  the  original  has  the  word  '  Lampridius,'  but  as  this  is  mani- 
festly a  mistake,  it  has  been  deemed  expedient  to  substitute  the  name  of  the  writer 
from  whom  the  quotation  is  really  taken. 

c  '  Inter  alia  etiam  hoc  civilitatis  ejus  praecipuum  argumentum  est,  quod  quum 
domum  Omuli  visens,  miransque  columnas  porphyreticas,  requisisset  unde  eas 
haberet  :  atque  Omulus  ei  dixisset,  Quum  in  domum  alienam  veneris,  et  mutus  et 
surdus  esto,  patienter  tulit.  Cujus  Omuli  multa  joca  semper  patienter  accepit.' — 
Hist.  August,  torn.  i.  p.  277,  ed.  1671. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  55 

cording  as  it  is  remembred  by  Plutarche  of  Theopompus, 
kyng  of  Lacedemone,  who  beinge  demaunded,  howe  a  realme 
moughte  be  best  and  mooste  surely  kepte ;  If  (saide  he)  the 
prince  giue  to  his  frendes  libertie  to  speake  to  hym  thinges 
that  be  iuste,  and  neglecteth  nat  the  wronges  that  his  subiecte 
sustaineth.* 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Howe  noble  a  vertue  placabilitie  is. 

PLACABILITIE  is  no  litle  part  of  Benignitie,  and  it  is  proprely 
where  a  man  is  by  any  occasion  meued  to  be  angry,  and,  nat 
withstandynge,  either  by  his  owne  reason  ingenerate,  or  by 
counsaile  persuaded,  he  omitteth  to  be  reuenged,  and  often 
times  receiueth  the  transgressouf  ones  reconsiled  in  to  more 
fauour  ;  whiche  undoubtedly  is  a  vertue  wonderfull  excellent. 

For,  as  Tulli  saithe,  no  thinge  is  more  to  be  mer-  , 

...  .   a.  Off.  i. 

uailed  at,  or  that  more  becometh  a  man  noble  and 

honorable,  than  mercy  and  placabilitie.b     The  value  therof  is 
beste  knowen  by  the  contrarye,  whiche  is  ire,  called  ire  or 
vulgarely  wrathe,  a  vice  moste  ugly  and  ferrest  from  wratfo. 
humanitie.     For  who,    beholdynge   a  man  in  estimation  of 
nobilitie  and  wisedome  by  furie  chaunged  in  to  an  horrible 
figure,  his  face  infarced  with  rancour,0  his  mouthe  foule  and 


8  ®e6irofj.Tros  irpbs  rbv  fpur^ffavTa,  TTOOS  &v  TIS  a<r</>aAws  rr/poirj  rV  j8a<rtA.ei'aj/,  Et 
TO?S  /x€j/  (piXois,  €(£77,  jUeraSiSo/Tj  ira^p-^a'ias  Si/catay,  TOI/S  8e  ap^o/xcVovs  KOTO  8vva.fj.iv  (JLTJ 
irepiopcpr)  aSiKov/jLevovs.'  —  Apophth.  Lacon.  221,  E. 

b  '  Nihil  enim  laudabilius,  nihil  magno  et  praeclaro  vjro  dignius,  placabilitate 
atque  dementia.'  —  De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  25. 

e  Patrizi  devotes  a  chapter  to  the  definition  and  description  of  anger,  in  which 
occurs  the  following  passage  :  '  Imprimis  ira,  quse  quum  ferocius  excanduit,  hominem 
praecipitem  rapit,  adeo  ut  ab  insano  ac  furioso  paululum  quippiam  absit.  Oculi, 
color,  vultus,  gestus,  vox,  clamor,  verba  prope  furentis  atque  insanientis  hominis  esse 
videntur,  qui  nisi  quamprimum  ad  se  redeat,  ad  agnates  omnino  atque  affines 
(vecordium  furiosorumque  more)  rejiciendus  erit.'  —  De  RegnoetReg.,  lib.  iv.  tit.  10. 


56  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

imbosed,a  his  eien  wyde  starynge  and  sparklynge  like  fire, 
nat  speakyng,  but  as  a  wylde  bulle,  roryng  and  brayienge  out 
wordes  despitefull  and  venomous  ;  forgetynge  his  astate  or 
condition,  forgeting  lernyng,  ye  forgetynge  all  reason,  wyll 
nat  haue  suche  a  passion  in  extreme  detestation  ?  Shall  he  nat 
wisshe  to  be  in  suche  a  man  placabilitie?  Wherby  only  he 
shulde  be  eftsones  restored  to  the  fourme  of  a  man,  wherof  he 
is  by  wrathe  despoyled,  as  it  is  wondersly  well  described  by 
Guide  in  his  crafte  of  loue  : 

Ouidius  Man,  to  thy  visage  it  is  conuenient 

de  arte  Beastly  fury  shortely  to  asuage. 

amandi.  For  peace  is  beautifull  to  man  only  sent, 

Wrathe  to  the  beastis  cruell  and  sauage. 
For  in  man  the  face  swelleth  whan  wrathe  is  in  rage, 
The  blode  becometh  wanne,  the  eien  firye  bright, 
Like  Gorgon  the  monstre  appierynge  in  the  nyght.b 

This  Gorgon,  that  Guide  speaketh  of,  is  supposed  of  poetes 
to  be  a  fury  or  infernall  monstre,  whose  heris  were  all  in  the 
figure  of  adders,  signifieng  the  abundance  of  mischiefe  that  is 
contained  in  wrathe.c 

*  Cotgrave  translates  the  word  embosser,  'to  swell,  or  arise  in  bunches,  &c.,  to 
grow  knotty  ; '  and  emboutir,  '  to  retch,  extend,  stretch  out,  also  to  raise,  to  im- 
bosse?  Richardson  says,  'According  to  the  old  writers  on  hunting,  a  deer  is  said 
to  be  embossed,  when  it  throws  forth  bosses  or  round  masses,  of  foam  from  its  mouth, 
or  when  it  swells  at  the  knees  with  hard  hunting  ; '  he  does  not,  however,  quote 
the  passage  in  the  text  where  it  is  applied  not  to  animals,  but  to  men,  and  appa- 
rently in  the  technical  sense.  Latham  suggests  that  the  word  is  derived  from  the 
Spanish  embozar,  '  to  cast  out  of  the  mouth  ;'  but  there  is  no  necessity  to  seek  so 
far,  for  this  is  only  one  of  the  numerous  instances  in  which  the  author  has  bor- 
rowed a  French  word,  in  this  case  a  well-known  term  of  venery.  Spenser  also 
uses  it  in  the  Faerie  Queen. 

b  '  Pertinet  ad  faciem  rabidos  compescere  mores. 

Candida  pax  homines,  trux  decet  ira  feras. 
Ora  tument  ira  ;  nigrescunt  sanguine  venae  ; 
Lumina  Gorgoneo  saevius  igne  micant.' 

Art.  Amator.  lib.  iii.  501-504. 

•  Ovid,  in  another  place,  explains  why  the  hair  of  the  Gorgon  was  changed 
into  snakes,  but  assigns  a  different  reason  from  that  given  by  the  author. 

'  Clarissima  forma, 
Multorumque  fait  spes  invidiosa  procorum 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  57 

Wherwith  the  great  kynge  Alexander*  beinge  (as  I 
mought  say)  obsessed,  dyd  put  to  vengeable  deth  Alexander 
his  dere  frende  Clitus,  his  moste  prudent  counsailour  infurye. 
Calisthenes,  his  moste  valiant  capitayne  Phjlotas,  with  his 
father  Parmenio,  and  diuers  other.  Wherof  he  so  sore  after 
repented,  that  oppressed  with  heuines  he  had  slayne  hym 
selfe,  had  he  nat  bene  lette  by  his  seruauntes.b  Wherfore  his 
furye  and  inordinate  wrathe  is  a  foule  and  greuouse  blemysshe 
to  his  glorie,  whiche,  without  that  vice,  had  incomparably  ex- 
celled all  other  princis.c 

Who  abhorreth  or  hateth  nat  the  violence  or  rage  that  was 
in  Scilla  and  Marius,  noble  Romanes,  and  in  their  The  horri- 
tyme  in  highest  authoritie  within  the  citie,  hauyng  ^fsluaand 
the  gouernance  of  the  more  parte  of  the  worlde  ?  Marius, 

Ilia :  nee  in  tota  conspectior  ulla  capillis 
Pars  fuit.     Inveni,  qui  se  vidisse  referret, 
Hanc  pelagi  rector  templo  vitiasse  Minervae 
Dicitur.     Aversa  est,  et  castos  segide  vultus 
Nata  Jovis  texit.     Neve  hoc  impune  fuisset, 
Gorgoneum  turpes  crinem  mutavit  in  hydros. 
Nunc  quoque,  ut  attonitos  formidine  terreat  hoste,s, 
Pectore  in  adverse,  quos  fecit,  sustinet  angues.' 

Metamorph.  lib.  iv.  793-802, 

*  'Alexandrum  iracundia  sua  propemodum  caelo  deripuit.  Nam  quid  obstitit, 
quo  minus  illuc  assurgeret,  nisi  Lysimachus  leoni  objectus,  et  Clytus  hasta  trajec- 
tus,  et  Callisthenes  mori  jussus  ?  quia  tres  maximas  victorias  totidem  amicorum 
injustis  csedibus  victor  edidit.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  ix.  cap  3,  §  i,  ext. 

b  '  Ubi  sunt  ergo  isti,  qui  iracundiam  utilem  dicunt  ?  (potest  utilis  esse  insania  ?) 
aut  naturalem  ?  An  quicquam  esse  potest  secundum  naturam,  quod  sit  repugnante 
ratione  ?  Quo  modo  autem,  si  naturalis  esset  ira  ;  aut  alius  alio  magis  iracundus 
esset ;  aut  finem  haberet  prius,  quam  esset  ulta  ulciscendi  libido  ;  aut  quenquam 
poeniteret,  quod  fecisset  per  iram  ?  ut  Alexandrum  regem  videmus,  qui,  cum  inter - 
emisset  Clitum,  familiarem  suum,  vix  a  se  manus  abstinuit  :  tanta  vis  fuit  pceni- 
tendi.' — Cic.  Tusc.  Qucest.  lib.  iv.  cap.  37. 

0  A  great  modern  historian  says,  '  Among  the  many  tragical  deeds  recounted 
throughout  the  course  of  this  history,  there  is  none  more  revolting  than  the  fate  of 
these  two  generals  (i.  e.  Parmenio  and  Philotas).  Alexander,  violent  in  all  his 
impulses,  displayed,  on  this  occasion,  a  personal  rancour  worthy  of  his  ferocious 
mother  Olympias,  exasperated  rather  than  softened  by  the  magnitude  of  past 
services.' — Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece^  vol.  viii.  p.  415. 


58  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Scilla,  for  the  malignitie  that  he  hadde  toward e  Marius, 
caused  the  heedes  of  a  thousande  and  seuen  hundred  of  the 
chiefe  citezins  of  Rome  to  be  striken  of,  and  brought  to  him 
fresshe  bledyng  and  quicke,  and  theron  fedde  his  mooste 
cruell  eien,  which  to  eate  his  mouth  naturally  abhorred.a 
Marius  with  no  lasse  rancour  inflamed,  beside  a  terrible 
slaughter  that  he  made  of  noble  men  leanyng  to  Scilla,  he 
also  caused  Caius  Cesar  (who  had  bene  bothe  Consul  and 
Censor,  two  of  the  moste  honorable  dignities  in  the  citie  of 
Rome)  to  be  violently  drawen  to  the  sepulture  of  one  Varius,  a 
simple  and  seditious  persone,  and  there  to  be  dishonestly 
slayne.  With  like  beastial  fury  he  caused  the  hed  of  Marcus 
Antonius,  one  of  the  moste  eloquent  oratours  of  all  the 
Romanes,  to  be  broughte  unto  hym  as  he  sate  at  dyner,  and 
there  toke  the  heed  all  blody  betwene  his  handes,  and  with  a 
malicious  countenance  reproched  hym  of  his  eloquence,  wher- 
with  he  had  nat  only  defended  many  an  innocent,  but  also 
the  hole  publike  weale  had  ben  by  his  wyse  consultations 
singulerly  profited.1*  « 

O  what  calamitie  hapned  to   the   mooste  noble  citie  of 

a  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  had,  no  doubt,  consulted  the  following  passage,  but,  as 
the  reader  will  see,  the  number  is  not  given  accurately.  He  probably  intended  to 
write  '  four  thousand  and  seven  hundred. '  '  Quatuor  millia  et  septingentos  dine 
proscriptionis  edicto  jugulatos  in  tabulas  publicas  retulit  :  videlicet  ne  memoria 
tarn  prseclarse  rei  dilueretur.  Nee  contentus  in  eos  ssevire,  qui  armis  a  se  dissen- 
serant.  etiam  quieti  animi  cives,  propter  pecunise  magnitudinem,  per  nomenclatorem 
conquisitos,  proscriptorum  numero  adjecit.  Adversus  mulieres  quoque  gladios 
destrinxit  :  quasi  parum  caedibus  virorum  satiatus.  Id  quoque  inexplebilis  feritatis 
indicium  est.  Abscissa  miserorum  capita,  modo  non  vultum  ac  spiritum  retinentia, 
in  conspectum  suum  afferri  voluit,  ut  oculis  ilia,  quia  ore  nefas  erat,  manderet. ' — 
Veil.  Max.  lib.  ix.  cap.  2,  §  i. 

b  '  Cujus  tamen  crudelitatis  C.  Marius  invidiam  levat  :  nam  et  ille  nimia  cupi- 
ditate  persequendi  inimicos,  iram  suam  nefarie  destrinxit,  L.  Csesaris  consularis  et 
censorii  nobilissimum  corpus  ignobili  ssevitia  trucidando,  et  quidem  apud  seditios- 
issimi  et  abjectissimi  hominis  bustum.  Id  enim  malorum  miserrimse  tune  Reipub- 
licse  deerat,  ut  Vario  Csesar  piaculum  caderet.  Paene  tanti  victoria;  ejus  non 
fuerunt :  quarum  oblitus  plus  criminis  domi  quam  laudis  in  militia  meruit.  Idem 
caput  M.  Antonii  abscissum  laetis  manibus  inter  epulas  per  summam  animi  ac 
verborum  insolentiam  aliquamdiu  tenuit:  clarissimique  et  civis  et  oratoris  sanguine 
contaminari  mensa;  sacra  passus  est. ' —  Val.  Max.  lib.  ix.  cap.  2,  §  2. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  59 

Rome  by  the  implacabilitie  or  wrath  insaciable  of  these  two 
capitaines,  or  (as  I  moughte  rather  saye)  deuils  ?  The  nobles 
betwene  them  exhaust,  the  chiualry  almost  consumed,  the 
lawes  oppressed,  and  lacking  but  litle  that  the  publike  weale 
had  nat  ben  extincte,  and  the  citie  utterly  desolate. 

The  un discrete  hastinesse  of  the  emperour  Claudius  caused 
hym  to  be  noted  for  foolisshe.  For  meued  with  wrathe  he 
caused  diuers  to  be  slayne,  for  whom  after  he  demaunded,  and 
wolde  sende  for  to  souper.a  Nat  withstandyng  that  he  was 
right  well  lerned,  and  in  diuers  -great  affaires  appered  to 
be  wyse.b  This  discommodities  do  happen  by  implacable 
wrathe,  wherof  there  he-examples  innumerable 

Contrary  wise  the  valiant  kynge  Pirrhus,  herynge  that 
two  men  at  a  feste,  and  in  a  great  assembly  and 
audience,  had  openly  spoken  wordes  to  his  reproche, 
he,  meued  with  displeasure,  sente  for  the  persones,  and  whan 
they  were  come,  he  demaunded  where  they  spake  of  him  any 
suche  wordes,  Wherunto  one  of  them  answered,  If  (saide  he) 
the  wyne  had  nat  the  sooner  failed  us,  all  that  which  was  tolde 
to  your  highnesse,  in  comparison  of  that  whiche  shulde  haue 
bene  spoken,  had  ben  but  trifles.  The  wise  prince,  with  that 
playne  confession  was  mitigate,  and  his  wrathe  conuerted  to 
laughynge.c 

•  '  Kol  iroAActKis  76  efairivaius  tKirXayfls  nal  Kf\ev<ras  TWO,  e'/c  rov  ira.pa.xpri pa 
irepiSeovs  a,Tro\€<r6ai,  fireir'  aveveyKJav  Kal  ava<ppov{](ras  eVe^Tet  re  avr6v,  Kal  /jiadciiv 
rb  jfyovbs  eAuTreTr^  -re  Kal  in.rreylvwffKfv.'1 — Dion  Cassius,  torn.  ii.  p.  207,  ed.  1849. 
'  Multos  ex  iis,  quos  capite  damnaverat,  postero  statim  die  et  in  convivium,  et  ad 
alese  lusum  admoneri  jussit  :  et  quasi  morarentur,  ut  somniculosos  per  nuntium  in- 
crepuit.' — Sueton.  Claudius,  39. 

b  Suetonius  asserts  that  he  was  '  neque  infacundus,  neque  indoctus,  immo  etiam 
pertinaciter  liberalibus  studiis  deditus.' — Claudius,  40.  Merivale  says  that 
'  Claudius  secured  respect  for  letters,  in  an  age  of  show  and  sensuality,  by  his 
personal  devotion  to  them.' — Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  v.  p.  597. 

c  vEque  mitis  animus  Pyrrhi  regis.  Audierat  quosdam  Tarentinorum  in  con- 
vivio  parum  honoratum  de  se  sermonem  habuisse,  arcessitos,  qui  ei  interfuerant, 
percontabatur  "An  ea,  quse  ad  aures  ejus  pervenerant,  dixissent."  Turn  ex  his 
unus,  "Nisi,"  inquit,  "  vinum  nobisdefecisset,  ista,  quae  tibi  relata  sunt,  prse  iis, 
quoe  de  te  locuturi  eramus,  lusus  ac  jocus  fuissent."  Tarn  urbana  crapulae  excusatio, 


60  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Julius  Cesar,  after  his  victorie  agayne  the  great  Pompei, 
who  had  maried  his  doughter,  sittynge  in  open  iugement,  one 
Sergius  Galba,  one  of  the  nobles  of  Rome,  a  frende  unto 
Pompei,  saide  unto  hym,  I  was  bounden  for  thy  sonne  in  lawe, 
Pompei,  in  a  great  some,  whan  he  was  consul  the  thirde  time, 
wherfore  I  am  now  sued,  what  shall  I  do  ?  shall  I  my  selfe 
pay  it  ?  By  which  wordes  he  moughte  seme  to  reproche  Cesar 
of  the  sellyng  of  Pompeis  goodes,  in  defraudynge  his  credi- 
tours.  But  Cesar,  than  hauyng  a  gentill  harte  and  a  pacient, 
was  meued  with  no  displeasure  towarde  Galba,  but  caused 
Pompeis  detts  to  be  discharged.41 

We  lacke  nat  of  this  vertue  domisticall  examples,  I  meane 
of  our  owne  kynges  of  Englande ;  but  moste  specially  one, 
whiche,  in  myne  oppinion,  is  to  be  compared  with  any  that 
euer  was  written  of  in  any  region  or  countray.b 

tamque  simplex  veritatis  confessio,  iram  regis  convertit  in  risum. ' —  Val.  Max.  lib. 
v.  cap.  i,  §  3,  act. 

*  Jam  Ser.  Galbae  temeritatis  plena  postulatio,  qui  Divum  Julium  consummatis 
victoriis,  in  foro  jus  dicentem,  in  hunc  modum  interpellare  sustinuit ;  "C.  Juli 
Caesar,  pro  Cn.  Pompeio  Magno,  quondam  genero  tuo,  in  tertio  ejus  consulatu 
pecuniam  spopondi,  quo  nomine  nunc  appellor :  Quidagam?  dependam?"  Palam 
atque  aperte  ei  bonorum  Pompeii  venditionem  exprobrando,  ut  a  Tribunali  sum- 
moveretur,  meruerat :  sed  illud  ipsa  mansuetudine  mitius  pectus,  ses  alienum 
Pompeii  ex  suo  fisco  solvi  jussit.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  vi.  cap.  2,  §  II. 

b  Probably  few  Englishmen  are  aware  upon  how  slight  a  thread  hangs  the 
story  which  follows,  familiar  to  them  from  their  childhood,  and  generally  believed 
by  them  to  be  thoroughly  well  authenticated  as  an  historical  incident.  Sir  Thomas 
Elyot,  however,  has  long  been  admitted  to  be  the  original  authority  for  the  popular 
form  of  the  story  which  is  now  indissolubly  connected  with  Shakespeare's  Play  of 
King  Henry  IV.  Mr.  Luders,  who  wrote  an  elaborate  essay  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century  to  vindicate  the  character  of  Henry  V.  from  the  charge  of  giving 
way  to  dissolute  habits  in  his  youth,  and  who  investigated  minutely  the  grounds 
for  the  assertion,  says,  '  I  cannot  trace  the  story  higher  than  this  book,'  i.e.  The 
Governour,  which  he  says,  on  the  authority  of  Oldys,  was  first  printed  in  I534>  a 
mistake  which  has  been  repeated  by  Lord  Campbell  and  Mr.  Tyler  ;  none  of 
these  writers  being  apparently  aware  of  the  fact  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot's  work  was 
published  for  the  first  time  in  1531.  Mr.  Tyler  says  :  'In  examining  the  alleged 
fact  of  Henry's  violence  and  insults  exhibited  in  a  court  of  justice,  there  is  much 
greater  difficulty  than  may  generally  be  supposed,  in  consequence  of  the  entire 
silence  of  all  contemporary  annalists  and  chroniclers.  Not  one  word  occurs  as- 
serting it ;  no  allusion  to  the  circumstance  whatever  is  found  previously  to  the 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  6 1 

The  moste  renomed  prince,  kynge    Henry  the  fifte,  late 
kynge  of  Englande,  durynge  the  life  of  his  father  was  noted 

reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  nearly  a  century  and  a  half  after  Henry  V.'s  accession.' 
Mr.  Tyler's  computation  is  remarkable,  for,  taking  Henry  V.'s  accession  as  our 
terminus  a  quo,  the  period  which  elapsed  between  that  date  and  the  first  publica- 
tion of  The  Governour  will  be  found  to  be  only  118  years.  Now,  considering 
that  the  first  book  ever  printed  in  England  was  not  published  till  1477,  the  time 
during  which  this  so-called  historical  incident  could  be  given  to  the  world  in  a 
printed  form  may  be  compressed  into  a  period  of  little  more  than  half  a  century. 
Moreover,  even  this  intervening  space  might  be  still  further  abridged,  for  Hallam 
tells  us  that  '  the  reign  of  Edward  IV.  may  be  reckoned  one  of  the  lowest  points 
in  our  literary  annals  ; '  and  he  asserts  that  the  whole  number  of  books  printed  in 
England  down  to  the  year  A.D.  1500  was  only  141.  Now,  if  in  addition  to  this, 
we  consider  the  difficulties  of  locomotion  in  the  I5th  century  and  the  absence  of 
newsletters,  we  can  easily  see  that,  assuming  the  story  to  be  founded  upon  an 
actual  historical  fact,  the  chance  of  its  being  communicated  to  the  country  at  large 
must  have  been  exceedingly  small.  According  to  Mr.  Foss,  the  number  of 
counsel  practising  in  Westminster  Hall  in  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.  was  less  than 
fifty,  and  though  probably  many  more  students  frequented  the  Courts  in  those 
days  than  at  present,  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  general  public  attracted 
by  mere  curiosity  to  hear  the  proceedings,  which,  be  it  remembered,  were  in  an  un- 
known tongue,  was  inore  largely  represented,  speaking  relatively,  than  it  is  now.  It 
is  probable,  therefore,  that  the  acts  of  contempt  and  the  committal,  if  they  occurred, 
could  only  have  been  Witnessed  by  a  small  number  of  spectators.  Now  the  persons 
who  would  be  most  likely  to  report  such  an  unusual  proceeding  would  be  the  law- 
yers who  were  present  at  the  time,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  it  in  the  Year  Book 
of  this  reign,  which  unfortunately  has  come  down  to  us  in  an  incomplete  form,  as 
we  learn  from  Mr.  Foss  that  '  though  there  are  some  reports  of  every  year,  no  less 
than  twenty  out  of  the  forty  four  terms  of  which  it  consisted  are  entirely  omitted. 
The  only  other  reports  in  print  of  the  same  period  are  those  of  Jenkins,  and  even 
those  were  not  printed  till  long  afterwards.  Taking  all  these  circumstances  into 
consideration,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  much  force  in  Mr.  Tyler's  argument 
founded  on  the  silence  of  contemporary  writers  ;  and  believing  in  the  possibility  of 
some  entry  yet  existing  which  might  corroborate  the  story,  the  Editor  has  caused 
the  Controlment  Rolls  of  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.  still  existing  in  the  Public  Record 
Office  to  be  searched,  but  with  little  hope  of  any  such  investigation  proving  suc- 
cessful. It  is  certain,  however,  from  the  previous  condition  of  these  Rolls  that  no 
writer  in  the  present  century  has  hitherto  ventured  upon  such  a  method  of  verifica- 
tion. (The  result  of  the  inquiries  instituted  by  the  Editor  at  the  Public  Record 
Office,  will  be  communicated  in  a  note  at  the  end  of  the  present  volume.) 
Admitting  then  at  the  outset  that  the  silence  of  contemporary  writers  does 
not  present  such  a  formidable  obstacle  to  our  belief  in  the  truth  of  the  story  as 
Mr.  Tyler  supposes,  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether  there  are  not  other  reasons  for 
distrusting  the  story  which  had  not  presented  themselves  to  the  mind  of  that  gentle- 


62  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

to  be  fierce  and  of  wanton  courage.    It  hapned  that  one  of  his 
seruantes  whom  he  well  fauored,  for  felony  by  hym  committed, 

man.  And  here  it  may  be  remarked  that  Mr.  Tyler,  in  dealing  with  this  subject, 
displays  a  want  of  accuracy  which  ought  to  put  the  reader  on  his  guard  in  estimat- 
ing the  value  of  his  arguments.  He  quotes  the  passage  from  The  Governoiir 
apparently  at  second-hand,  and  on  the  authority  of  Sir  John  Hawkins,  whom, 
from  the  marginal  reference,  he  evidently  believes  to  have  been  the  author  of  the 
Pleas  of  the  Crffwn,  and  that  the  passage  in  question  is  cited  in  that  work.  (See 
Tyler's  Life  of  Henry  K,  vol.  i.  p.  363.)  The  fact  being  that  Sir  John  Hawkins, 
a  literary  man,  but  not  a  lawyer  at  all,  wrote  a  note  which  will  be  found  in 
Reed's  ed.  of  Shakespeare,  vol.  xii.  p.  224^  in  which  he  quotes  the  passage  from 
Elyot,  and  asserts  that  Gascoigne  was  the  judge  alluded  to.  This  note  Mr.  Tyler 
had  doubtless  read  and  supposed  that  it  represented  an  extract  from  the  celebrated 
wrork  on  criminal  law.  The  contemporary  historians  who  could  have  recorded  the 
fact  of  the  prince's  committal,  but  have  not  done  so,  are,  with  one  exception, 
monks.  They  are  Thomas  of  Walsingham,  Thomas  of  Elmham,  Thomas  Otter- 
bourne,  Titus  Livius,  John  Capgrave,  and  John  Hardyng,  the  last  only  being  a  lay- 
man, and  his  chronicle  was  the  only  one  which  was  printed  in  the  i6th  century. 
Now  amongst  these  writers  there  is  a  remarkable  consensus  of  opinion  that  Henry 
V.,  at  his  succession,  'put  on  the  new  man.'  But  this  agreement  is  so  complete 
that  the  probability  that  some  of  them,  at  least,  merely  copied  the  others  is 
reduced  to  a  certainty.  For  instance,  Walsingham,  speaking  of  Henry  at  his 
coronation  A.D.  1413,  says,  '  Qui  revera,  mox  ut  initiatus  est  regni  infulis,  repente 
mutatus  est  in  virum  alterum,  honestati,  modestias,  ac  gravitati  studens,  nullum  vir- 
tutum  genus  omittens,  quod  non  cuperet  exercere.  Cujus  mores  et  gestus  omni 
conditioni,  tarn  religiosorum  quam  laicorum,  in  exempla  fuere. ' — Hist.  Angl.  vol. 
ii.  p.  290.  (The  Rolls  ed. )  That  Otterbourne's  account  cannot  be  considered  an  inde- 
pendent one  is  manifest  from  the  fact  that  he,  also  speaking  of  the  same  event,  says, 
'  Qui  vero  mox  ut  initiatus  est  regni  infulis,  repente  mutatus  est  in  virum  alterum, 
honestati,  modestise,  et  gravitati  studens,  nullum  virtutis  genus  pertransiens,  quod 
non  cuperet  in  se  transferri.  Cujus  mores  et  gestus  omni  conditione  servire  vide- 
bantur  ad  apprehendendas  virtutes,  sicque  felices  reputabant,  quibus  imitari  da- 
bantur  vestigia  regis. ' — Vol.  i.  p.  273,  ed.  1732.  The  above  passages  it  will  be 
seen  are  as  nearly  as  possible  identical.  Now  let  us  turn  to  Hardyng's  Chronicle  ; 
there  we  read  that  Henry, 

'  The  houre  he  was  crowned  and  anoynt, 

He  chaunged  was  of  all  his  olde  condicyon  ; 

Full  vertuous  he  was  fro  poynt  to  poynt, 

Grounded  all  newe  in  good  opinyon  ; 

For  passyngly  without  comparyson, 

Then  set  upon  all  ryght  and  conscyence 

A  newe  man  made  by  all  good  regimence. ' — P.  372,  ed.  1812. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  this  smacks  highly  of  a  mere  metrical  version  of  the 
monastic  chronicle.     '  Elmham's  book,'  says  Mr.  Luders,  '  seems  to  have  been  the 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  63 

was  arrayned  at  the  kynges  benche  ;  wherof  he  being  aduer- 
tised,  and  incensed  by  light  persones  aboute  hym,  in  furious 

foundation   on   which  Walsingham  rested  as  well  as  T.  Livius.' — P.  32.     And 
again  there  is  a  marked  resemblance  between  Livius  and  Elmham  ;  the  latter  says 
that  on  the  death  of  Henry  IV.  '  lacrimosus  princeps,   noctis  opacitate  captata 
quendam  reclusum  perfectse  vitae  virum  apud  Westmonasterium  secreto  adiit,  eique 
totius  vitse  suse  occultata  denudaris,  verse  pcenitentise  ablutus  lavacro,  contra  virus 
prseassumptum  absolutionis  recepit  antidotum,  et  exutus  vitiorum  diploide,  virtutum 
clamide  redit  decenter  ornatus.' — Vita  Hen.  V.,  p.  15,  ed.  1727.     Livius,  who, 
according  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Williams,    (See  Pref.    to  Hen.   V.  Gesta.}   'although 
an  Italian,    wrote,  probably   with    the   aid  of  his   patron   Humphrey   Duke  of 
Gloucester,  a  far    better  life    of  Henry  than    that   by   the  Prior  of  Lenton,' 
must   yet  have   borrowed    from    him,    for    he  uses   almost    precisely  the    same 
language.      '  Qui  dum    morerejur    Henricus   princeps,    ut    qui  ad    regnum    de- 
venturus    erat,    ad    se    vocato    sacerdote    honestissimse   vitae    quodam  monacho, 
prseteritos  errores  confessus,  vitam  et  mores  penitus  emendavit,  ita  ut  post  patris 
obitum  nullus  lascivise  locus  in  eo  unquam  fuerit  inventus. ' —  Vita  Hen.  V. ,  p.  5, 
ed.  1716.     The  passages  above  quoted  evince  such  a  strong  family  likeness  that 
we  shall  hardly  be  wrong  in  describing  the  biographies  of  Henry  V.  as  all  emana- 
ting from  the  same  source,  the  Abbey  of  St.  Albans,  though  written  by  different 
hands.     Now  the  propinquity  of  St.  Albans  to  the  metropolis  renders  it  probable 
that  the  members  of  that  great  foundation  would  have  become  acquainted  with 
such  an  unusual  circumstance  as  the  committal  of  the  Prince,  because  we  find  them 
recording  such  occurrences  as  the  removal  of  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  from 
London  to  York,  and  sometimes,  as  in  Whethamstede's  Register,  we  find  even  the 
pleadings  in  an  action  at  law  carefully  transcribed.     But  there  is  no  reference  to 
any  such  scene  as  that  described  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  in  what  we  may  style,  for 
the  sake  of  brevity,  the  St.  Albans  biography  of  the  Prince.     Notwithstanding 
this  omission  by  the  writers,  whose  works  have  been  already  published,  there  are 
reasons  for  thinking  it  not  unlikely  that  the  story  may  have  its  real  origin  in  the 
partiality  and  inaccuracy  of  some  monkish  chronicler,  whose  name  is  unknown,  and 
whose  writings  yet  remain  to  be  deciphered.     The  only  chronicles  which  were 
actually  in  print  when  Elyot  wrote  were  Caxton's  and  Fabyan's,  which  were  pub- 
lished in  1516.     Now  Fabyan  says,  'This  man  (i.e.  Hen.  V.),  before  the  death 
of  his  father,  applyed  him  unto  all  vyce  and  insolency,  and  drewe  unto  him  all 
riottours  and  wildly  disposed  persons.     But  after  he  was  admitted  to  the  rule  of 
the  lande,  anon  and  sodainely  he  became  a  newe  man,  and  turned  all  that  rage  and 
wildenesse  into  sobernesse  and  wise  sadnesse,  and  the  vice  into  constant  vertue. 
And,  for  he  would  continewe  that  vertue,  and  not  to  be  reduced  therunto  by  the 
familiaritie  of  his  old  nise  company,  he  therfore,   after  rewardes  to  them  geuen, 
charged  them,  upon  paine  of  their  Hues,  that  none  of  them  were  so  hardy  to  come 
within  x  mile  of  suche  place  as  he  were  lodged  in,  after  a  day  by  him  assigned.' — 
Chron.  p.  389,  ed.  1559.     This  fact,  the  removal  of  his  former  boon  companions, 
is  not  related  by  any  of  the  writers  before  mentioned,  and  consequently  we  must 


64  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

rage  came  hastily  to  the  barre,  where  his  seruant  stode  as  a 
prisoner,  and  commaunded  hym  to  be  ungyued  and  sette  at 

suppose  it  to  have  been  a  story  which  had  been  handed  dovvn  to  Fabyan's  time  by 
oral  tradition,  or  that  Fabyan  himself  copied  from  some  chronicler  whose  writings 
have  not  come  down  to  us,  or  which  at  present  remain  in  the  obscurity  of  unpublished 
MS.     May  not  the  same  line  of  argument  be  applied  to  the  story  related  for  the 
first  time  (so  far,  that  is  to  say,  as  modern  historians  have  been  able  to  discover) 
by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  ?     The  reader  will  by  this  time  have  been  able  to  form  his 
own  opinion  as  to  the  character  of  the  latter  for  accuracy,  and  to  verify  for  himself 
the  authorities  quoted  ;  he  will  have  seen  that  it  is  the  exception,  rather  than  the 
rule,  with  the  author  to  give  the  exact  reference  to  the  passage  translated  ;  but  that 
fact  notwithstanding,  he  will  admit  that  in  no  single  instance  can  the  author  of 
The  Gowernour  be  charged  with  inventing  an  anecdote  or  forging  an  illustration,  in 
order  to  suit  the  object  he  may  have  in  view.     It  is  true  that  in  more  than  one 
instance  the  Editor  has  had  occasion  to  point  out  an  apparent  exaggeration,  or,  at 
least,  a  variation  from  the  original  text ;  but  these  errors  must  be  allowed  to  be 
comparatively  unimportant — not  amounting  to  gross  misstatements,  and  may  even 
be  explained  by  the  author's  misapprehension  of  the  original  documents,  or  be 
charged  to  the  original  documents  themselves,  which,  no  doubt,  in  many  instances 
were  unprinted.     Taking  this  view  of  the  character  of  Sir  Thomas  Elyot,  the 
reader  will  probably  agree  with  the  Editor  in  thinking  it  reasonable  to  suppose, 
that  the  story  narrated  in  the  text  was  transcribed  from  the  MS.  of  some  unknown 
chronicler.     We  know  from  Ascham  that  it  Was  the  author's  habit  to  consult 
'  very  old  chronicles. '  In  this  case  of  course  the  chronicle  would  not  be  very  old, 
but  the  style  of  the  narrative,  and  more  particularly  the  conclusion,  bears  on  the 
face  of  it  all  the  appearance  of  being  a  transcript  from  some  other  document,  and 
probably  a  translation  from  a  Latin  original.     That  Henry  V.,  as  a  sovereign,  was 
held  in  high  estimation  by  the  monks  of  St.  Albans,  whatever  opinion  they  may 
have  had  of  him  previous  to  his  accession,  is  evident  from  the  language  of  pane- 
gyric which  they  themselves  employed  when  speaking  of  him  after  his  death. 
And  the  secret  of  this  admiration  is  not  far  to  seek  ;  to  quote  Walsingham's  own 
words,  he   was    'in    eleemosynis   largus,   Deo   devotus,   et    Ecclesise  praelatos  et 
ministros  promovens  et  honorans.' — Hist.   Ang.  vol.  ii.  p.    344.     One  of  his  first 
acts  after  assuming  the  crown  had  already  endeared  him  in  their  eyes.      '  ^Edificari 
mandavit  seclem  binam  super  Thamisiam  flumen,    unam  Cartusiensibus  viris  reli- 
giosis  quam  Bethleem  nominavit,  alteram  sacris  mulieribus  beatse  Brigidae  quse 
Syon  nominata  est.     His  et    ambabus    a   summo   pontifice    Indulgentias   impe- 
travit,  et  haec  templa  proventibus  immunitatibusque  pluribus  ditavit.' — T.  Livius, 
Vita   Hen.     V.,   p.    5,    ed.    1716.      It  may  be  considered  equally   certain  that 
Gascoigne  was  also  high  in  favour  with  the  clergy  on  account  of  his  refusal  to 
execute  the  commands  of  Henry  IV.,  who  had  ordered  him  to  pass  sentence  of 
death  upon  Scrope,  the  Archbishop  of  York,   for  his  share  in  the  insurrection 
of  1405.     This  appears  from  the  language  of  the  writer  (Clement  Maydestone) 
to  whom   we  are   indebted  for  a  report  of  the  Chief  Justice's  manly  reply   to 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  65 

libertie,  where  at  all  men  were  abasshed,  reserued  the  chiefe 
Justice,  who  humbly  exhorted  the  prince  to  be  contented  that 

Henry.  In  the  history  of  the  '  martydom '  of  Scrope,  we  read  that  '  Henricus 
quartus  Rex  Angliae  in  camera  Manerii  dicti  Archiepiscopi,  quod  vocatur  Bishops- 
thorp  juxta  Eboracum,  mandavit  Willelmo  Gascoyne  Armigero,  ad  tune  Justiciario 
principal!  Angliae,  ut  sententiam  mortis  de  praefato  Archiepiscopo  proferret  tan- 
quam  de  proditore  Regis  ;  qui  hoc  recusavit,  et  sic  sibi  respondit.  ' '  Nee  vos,  Domine 
mi  Rex,  nee  aliquis  nomine  vestro  vester  ligeus,  potestis  licite  secundum  jura 
Regni,  aliquem  Episcopum  ad  mortem  judicare."  Unde  praefatum  Archiepi- 
scopum  judicare  omnino  renuit.  Quare  idem  Rex  ira  vehement!  exarsit  versus 
eundem  Judicem,  cujus  memoria  sit  in  benediction  em  in  scecula  sceculi? — Wharton, 
Anglia  Sacra,  pars  ii.  p.  369,  ed.  1691.  The  Editor  is  disposed  to  think  that  in 
this  pious  ejaculation,  coupled  with  a  circumstance  to  be  shortly  mentioned,  may 
possibly  be  found  an  explanation  of  the  tradition  which  .  connects  the  name  of 
Henry  V.  with  the  heroic  Chief  Justice.  When  Henry  IV.  assumed  the  crown, 
barely  a  century  had  elapsed  since  a  Prince  of  Wales  had  been  guilty  of  an  act  of 
contempt  to  one  of  the  King's  ministers,  for  which  he  had  been  expelled  his  father's 
court  for  the  space  of  half  a  year,  and  of  this  fact  there  is  undoubted  evidence  remain- 
ing on  record  at  the  present  day,  and  which  the  reader,  if  he  please,  may  see  with  his 
own  eyes  amongst  the  archives  of  the  Public  Record  Office.  In  1305  one  William 
de  Brewes  was  indicted  'coram  ipso  Domino  Rege  et  ejus  consilio'  (i.e.  in  the 
King's  Bench)  for  using  contumelious  and  reproachful  words  to  one  of  the  King's 
Justices,  Roger  de  Hegham,  because  he  had  given  judgment  against  him  ;  and  it 
is  stated  that  the  said  William  '  post  pronunciacionem  judicii  praedicti  contempta- 
biliter  barram  ascendit  et  ab  ipso  Rogero  peciit  verbis  grossis  et  contemptibilibus, 
si  judicium  illud  advocare  vellet.'  Whereupon  he  was  arraigned,  tried,  and  sen- 
tenced ;  and  on  the  face  of  the  same  record  in  which  these  proceedings  may  still 
be  read,  appears  the  following  memorandum  :  '  Quse  quidem,  viz.  contemptus  et 
inobediencia,  tarn  ministris  ipsius  Domini  Regis  quam  sibi  ipsi  aut  curise  suse 
facta,  ipsi  Regi  valde  sunt  odiosa,  et  hoc  expresse  nuper  apparuit  idem  Dominus 
Rex  filium  suum  primogenitum  et  carissimum  Edwardum  principem  Wallise  pro  eo 
quod  qusedam  verba  grossa  et  acerba  cuidam  ministro  suo  dixerat,  ab  hospicio 
suo  fere  per  dimidium  anni  amovit,  nee  ipsum  filium  suum  in  conspectu  suo 
venire  permisit  quousque  dicto  ministro  de  prsedicta  transgressione  satisfecerat. ' — 
33  &  34  Ed.  I.  Rot.  75.  Abbrev.  Placit.  p.  257.  This  record  is  quoted  by  Coke 
in  his  Third  Institute  at  p.  142.  Now,  considering  the  veneration  in  which  Gas 
coigne  must  have  been  held  by  the  clergy  for  his  conduct  in  the  matter  of  the 
Archbishop  of  York,  it  does  not  seem  at  all  improbable  that  they  should  have 
attributed  to  him  (as  we  know  the  monastic  chroniclers  were  accustomed  to  do) 
the  credit  of  an  act  which  was  not  really  his  due.  The  records  in  that  illiterate 
age  would  be  intelligible  only  to  those  who  were  either  lawyers  or  ecclesiastics, 
and  hence  some  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Gascoigne,  in  searching  the  records,  may 
have  come  upon  the  entry  of  the  insult  to  Roger  de  Hegham,  and,  presuming  upon 
the  ignorance  of  laymen,  may  have  concocted  from  the  record  itself  a  story  which 
II.  F 


66  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

his  seruaunt  mought  be  ordred  accordyng  to  the  auncient 
lawes  of  this  realme,  or  if  he  wolde  haue  hym  saued  from  the 


should  redound  in  after  ages  to  the  fame  of  one  who  had  shown  himself  so  staunch 
a  supporter  of  the  Church.  Mr.  Luders  has  already  thrown  considerable  doubt 
upon  Hall's  statement  that  Henry  was  '  of  his  father  put  out  of  the  preuy  counsaill 
and  banished  the  courte,'  a  statement  which  has  been  adopted  by  all  subsequent 
historians,  but  for  which  there  seemed  no  adequate  authority.  If,  however,  we 
suppose  the  record  mentioned  above  to  have  supplied  the  materials  for  a  story 
which  should  do  honour  to  the  Judge,  we  see  at  once  that  the  story  of  Henry's 
removal  from  the  Council  may  have  had  its  origin  in  the  account  of  the  second 
Edward's  expulsion  from  his  father's  Court,  which  the  admirer  of  Gascoigne  would 
find  conveniently  ready  to  be  appropriated.  It  may  be  observed  here  that  a  MS. 
has  lately  been  published,  under  the  direction  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  which  to 
some  extent  confirms  the  idea  now  suggested.  This  is  Robert  Redmayne's  Historia 
Henrid  F.,  which  forms  part  of  the  Gale  collection  of  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  Trin. 
Coll.,  Cambridge,  and  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  edit  or  (Mr.  C.  A.  Cole),  wascom- 
posed  between  1536  and  1544.  (See  Preface,  p.  x.)  If  this  view  be  correct  it  must 
have  been  written  by  a  contemporary  of  Sir  Thomas  Elyot.  Mr.  Cole  says  that 
the  author  '  does  not,  from  the  absence  by  him  of  any  allusion  to  the  circumstance, 
seem  to  have  been  aware  of  a  fact  so  honourable  to  his  name,  that  there  was  a  Red- 
man present  in  Henry's  expedition  against  France,  and  concerned  in  the  military  pre- 
parations for  that  enterprise.'  But,  considering  the  prominent  position  which  Sir 
Richard  Redman  occupied  under  Henry  IV.  and  Henry  V.,  it  is  only  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  the  writer  of  the  Gale  MS.  was  a  relative  and  that  he  derived  his 
information  from  family  sources.  Though,  inasmuch  as  Mr.  Cole  himself  admits 
that  'so  far  as  positive  certainty  is  concerned,  nothing  is  known  of  the  writer,'  it  is 
not  impossible  that  he  may  even  have  been  in  personal  communication  with  Sir 
Richard.  Now  it  is  a  fact  (not  mentioned  by  Mr.  Cole)  that  Richard  Redman 
was  joined  in  the  same  commission  with  Sir  William  Gascoigne  and  certain 
others  who  were  appointed  A.D.  1405  to  receive  the  fines  of  those  who  were 
concerned  in  the  Earl  of  Northumberland's  insurrection.  (Rymer's  Fcedera^  vol. 
iv.  pt.  I,  p.  80.  Hague  ed,)  And  we  find  the  insult  offered  to  the  Chief 
Justice,  which  Mr.  Cole  calls  the  author's  '  first  historical  fact,'  alluded  to  by 
Robert  Redman;  though,  as  'a  sore  point  in  Henry's  early  career,'  it  '  is  but 
lightly  touched  upon.'  The  passage  is  as  follows  :  '  Senatu  movebatur,  nee  in 
curiam  aditus  ei  patebat ;  et  illius  fama  hsesit  ad  metas,  quod  summum  judicem, 
litibus  dirimendis  et  causarum  cognitionibus  praepositum,  manu  percuteret,  cum 
is  unum  in  custodiam  tradidisset  ex  cujus  familiaritate  voluptatem  mirificam  Hen- 
ricus  perciperet.  Earn  dignitatem,  quam  is  amisit,  Thomas  illius  frater.  dux 
Clarensis,  est  consecutus.' — P.  II.  Upon  this  the  following  observations  may  be 
made :  assuming  the  writer  to  have  been  a  relative  of  Richard  Redman,  whom 
we  know  to  have  been  associated  on  one  occasion  with  the  Chief  Justice,  it  is, 
to  say  the  least,  curious  that  he  should  have  omitted  to  mention  the  name  of  the 
Judge,  and  that  he  should  have  dismissed  the  subject  so  cursorily.  On  the  other 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  67 

rigour  of  the  lawes,  that  he  shuld  optaine,  if  he  moughte,  of 
the  kynge,  his  father,  his  gracious  pardone  ;  wherby  no  lawe 

hand,  the  fact  that  the  writer  has  not  adopted  Elyot's  version  of  the  story,  but  that 
which  has  been  handed  down  by  Hall  and  Holinshed,  points  to  one  of  two  things  ; 
either  the  writer  composed  his  work  after  the  publication  of  the  former's  chronicle, 
i.e.  not  earlier  than  1548,  or  he  followed  some  still  earlier  authority  which  supplied 
Hall  with  those  details  which  were  not  mentioned  by  Elyot,  and  which  up  to  the 
present  time  remains  undiscovered.     There  is,  however,  still  another  alternative  ; 
Hall  may  himself  have  consulted  the  Gale  MS.,  but  this  view  would  of  course 
necessitate  an  earlier  date  for  Redman's  composition  than  that  assigned  to  it  by  Mr. 
Cole.    After  what  has  been  stated  it  will  perhaps  not  surprise  the  reader  to  learn 
that  there  are  only  two  law  books  in  which  reference  is  made  to  the  Prince's  com- 
mittal.    Sir  Edward  Coke,  in  his  Third  Institute,  at  p.  225,  in  commenting  upon 
the  Statute  II  Hen.  IV.,  concerning  attornies,  says,  'This  was  that  Prince  Henry 
who,  keeping  ill  company  and  led  by  ill  counsel!,  about  this  time  assaulted  (some 
say)  and  stroke  Gascoign,  Chief  Justice,  sitting  in  the  King's  Bench,  for  that  the 
Prince  endeavouring  with  strong  hand  to  rescue  a  prisoner,  one  of  his  unthrifty 
minions,"1  &c.  ;  and  for  this  statement  he  quotes  as  his  authority,  in  the  margin,  Sir 
Thomas  Elyot's  Governour  and   Holinshed's  Chronicle.     It  is  evident,  however, 
that  Coke  must  have  read  not  only  these,  but  Hall's  Chronicle,  for  it  is  the  latter, 
and  not  Holinshed,  who  uses  the  expression,  '  wanton  mates  and  unthriftie  plai- 
saiers,'  for  which,  as  the  reader  will  see,  there  is  no  warrant  in  the  original  version. 
That  Coke  and,  at  a  still  later  period,  Lord  Campbell  were  prepared  to  give  credit 
to  the  story  in  all  its  details  affords  no  ground  for  strengthening  our  belief  in  it, 
because  both  display  a  not  unnatural  desire  to  magnify  the  importance  of  the  ex- 
alted seat  which  both  occupied  at  different  periods,  and  which  was  the  same  that 
had  been  undoubtedly  filled  by  Gascoigne.    Lord  Campbell's  '  anxiety  to  establish 
the  fact  which  has  been  taken   for  true  by  so  many  chroniclers,  historians,  moral- 
ists, and  poets '  is  easily  explained,  but  when  he  tells  us  that  '  everything  conspires 
to  enhance  the  self-devotion  and  elevation  of  sentiment  which  dictated  this  illus- 
trious act  of  an  English  Judge,'  and  that  '  the  noble  independence  which  has  marked 
many  of  his  successors  may,  in  no  small  degree,  be  ascribed  to  it,'  though  we  may 
sympathise  with  the  writer's  feeling  of  enthusiasm,  we  must  not  allow  it  to  interfere 
with  a  critical  analysis  of  the  evidence,  upon  which  alone  we  can  form  any  opinion 
as  to  the  existence  of  a  state  of  facts  which  has  so  long  passed  for  an  historical  in- 
cident, and  has  commended  itself  as  such  to  the  discriminating  mind  of  one  who 
was   himself  'the    first  Criminal  Judge.'     It  may  be  as  well,  however,  to  see 
whether   Lord    Campbell   himself  has    contributed  to  elucidate,  or  obscure,   the 
mystery  which  attaches  to  the  career  of  his   illustrious   predecessor.     To   give 
weight  to  his  argument  in  favour  of  the  occurrence  he  calls  'as  witnesses  two 
lawyers,  very  dull,  but  very  cautious,  men,  Sir  Robert  Catlyne,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
King's  Bench,  and  Sir  John  Whiddin,  a  Puisne  Judge  of  that  Court,  who,  sticking 
to  the  Year  books,  probably  had  never  read  either  Elyot  or  Hall,  and  who  knew 
nothing  of  Gascoigne  except  by  the  sure  traditions  of  Westminster  Hall.    Cromp- 

F  2 


68  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

or  Justice  shulde  be  derogate.  With  whiche  answere  the 
prince  nothynge  appeased,  but  rather  more  inflamed,  en- 
ton,  an  accurate  judicial  writer,  who  then  published  a  book,  entitled  Authoritie  et 
Jurisdiction  des  Courts,  in  reporting  a  decision  of  the  Court  of  King's  Bench, 
says,  "  Whidden  cites  a  case  in  the  time  of  Gascoigne,  Chief  Justice  of  England, 
who  committed  the  Prince  to  prison  because  he  would  have  taken  a  prisoner  from 
the  bar  of  the  King's  Bench,  and  he,  very  submissively  obeying  him,  went  thither 
according  to  order  :  at  which  the  King  was  highly  rejoiced  in  that  he  had  a  Judge 
who  dared  to  minister  justice  upon  his  son,  the  Prince,  and  that  he  had  a  son  who 
obeyed  him. "  Catty ne,  C.  J. ,  is  then  represented  as  assenting  and  rejoicing 
in  the  praises  of  his  predecessor.'' — Lives  of  the  Chief  Justices,  vol.  i.  pp.  128,  129. 
Let  the  reader  mark  well  the  concluding  paragraph  of  the  above  quotation,  for  it 
affords  an  interesting  illustration  of  the  way  in  which  even  a  Lord  Chief  Justice 
can  manipulate  facts  and  invest  them  with  historical  dignity.  If  the  reader  will  turn 
to  the  book  quoted  by  Lord  Campbell  he  will  find  that  the  passage,  of  which  the 
above  words  in  italics  are  intended  as  an  abridgement,  runs  as  follows  :  *  Et  Cat] in 
dit  in  eel  case,  que  ils  ne  usont  de  monstre  in  le  breve  pur  que  ils  met  pur  home  mes 
ceo  nous  reseruomus  in  nostre  pectus,  car  poit  estre  pur  treason  ou  grand  conspiracie. ' 
P.  79,  ed.  1594.  It  should  be  premised  that  Crompton  in  discussing  the  authority  of 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench  mentions  at  some  length  a  case,  which  the  Editor  finds, 
on  reference  to  the  Rolls,  arose  in  the  6th  Eliz.,  i.e.  in  1564-5,  in  which  the  Court 
of  Queen's  Bench  ordered  a  writ  of  attachment  to  go  against  Thomas  Young, 
the  Archbishop  of  York  and  President  of  the  Council  of  the  North,  and  also 
against  the  Sheriff  of  the  county,  for  disobedience  in  not  executing  a  writ  of  habeas 
corpus.  The  Judges  before  whom  the  rule  was  argued  were  Catlin,  L  C.  J.,  and 
Justices  Whidden,  Corbet,  and  Southcote.  And  after  the  statement  of  Justice 
Whidden,  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Catlin,  according  to  the  report  in  Crompton's 
book,  took  occasion  to  explain  the  reason  why  in  the  case  sub  judice  the  grounds 
for  the  attachment  were  not  to  be  set  out  in  the  writ  which  was  then  ordered  to 
issue.  Not  a  word,  it  will  be  seen,  is  said  in  the  report  to  justify  Lord  Camp- 
bell's assertion  that  the  Chief  of  the  Court  '  assented  and  rejoiced  in  the  praises  of 
his  predecessor.'  What  then  becomes  of  the  two  witnesses  ?  And  what  opinion 
can  we  form  of  Lord  Campbell's  own  '  caution '  and  '  accuracy '  as  an  historical 
writer  ?  So  far  from  coinciding  with  the  suggestion  that  these  judges  in  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth  'had  probably  never  read  either  Elyot  or  Hall,'  the  Editor  ventures 
to  think,  with  all  due  deference  to  the  opinion  of  Lord  Campbell,  that  they  were 
much  more  likely  to  have  done  so  than  Coke,  who  we  know  by  his  own  showing 
had  read  The  Governoitr.  For  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  there  was  probably  no 
book  which  was  so  much  read  or  which  had  passed  through  more  editions  than 
this  popular  work.  Indeed  there  is  no  antecedent  improbability  in  supposing 
that  the  story  as  narrated  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  really  suggested  to  Shakspeare  the 
idea  of  exhibiting  two  of  the  principal  characters  in  his  play  of  Henry  IV.  under 
the  conditions  which  Sir  Thomas  Elyot's  work  had  already  prescribed  for  them. 
Mr.  Foss  has  taken  the  trouble  to  ascertain  the  exact  date  of  Gascoigne's  death, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  69 

deuored  hym  selfe  to  take  away  his  seruaunt.     The  iuge  con- 
sideringe    the    perilous     example    and    inconuenience    that 

which  he  shows  on  evidence  which  must  be  considered  unimpeachable,  to 
have  been  the  lyth  Dec.,  1419  ;  a  result  which  proves  the  error  of  previous  bio- 
graphers, including  Fuller,  who  had  fixed  his  death  to  have  taken  place  on  Dec. 
17,  1412."  We  cannot,  however,  agree  with  Mr.  Foss  that  it  is  necessary  to  con- 
vict Shakspeare  '  of  falsifying  history  in  his  desire  to  enhance  the  character  of  his 
hero,'  i.e.  by  representing  Hen.  V.  as  reappointing  Gascoigne,  because  a  certain 
poetical  licence  has  been  permitted  to  and  assumed  by  poets  in  all  ages,  and  more- 
over it  must  always  be  remembered  that  Shakspeare  nowhere  speaks  of  the  Chief 
Justice  by  name,  a  fact  not  unfrequently  forgotten,  but  which  may  be  considered 
an  additional  argument  for  supposing  that-  he  took  the  idea  from  the  pages  of 
The-  Governour.  The  biographer,  however,  stands  in  a  very  different  position 
from  the  poet,  and  Mr.  Foss  is  no  doubt  justified  in  saying  that  he  '  cannot  acquit 
Lord  Campbell  of  a  similar  charge,  when  he  asserts  that  he  can  prove  to  demon- 
stration that  Sir  William  Gascoigne  actually  filled  the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of  the 
King's  Bench  under  Henry  V. ;'  the  result  being  that  Mr.  Foss  is  able  to  produce 
evidence  which  shows  that  in  the  very  first  year  of  the  latter's  reign  '  Gascoigne 
is  called  'late  Chief  Justice  of  the  Bench  of  Lord  Henry,  father  of  the  present  King' 
— Judges  of  England,  vol.  iv.  p.  169.  In  the  view  that  the  Editor  takes  of  the 
story,  the  subsidiary  question  whether  it  was  not  Gascoigne  who  committed  the 
Prince  to  prison,  but  some  other  Judge,  Hankford,  Hody,  or  Markham,  becomes 
totally  unimportant.  Either  the  story  is  true,  and  then  undoubtedly  Gascoigne 
must  have  been  the  Judge,  or  it  is  untrue  altogether,  and  then  as  regards  names 
cadit  qucBstio.  It  may  be  as  well,  therefore,  briefly  to  recapitulate  the  reasons 
which  seem  to  point  to  the  latter  conclusion,  i.  It  is  admitted  that  Elyot's  ver- 
sion is  the  earliest  authority  for  the  story  with  which  we  are  acquainted.  2.  The 
internal  evidence  makes  it  probable  that  Elyot  derived  the  story  from  some 
written  source.  This  appears  from  the  following  circumstances  :  (a)  He  intro- 
duces it  as  an  example  of  what  he  calls  '  the  virtue  of  placability '  in  company  with 
other  illustrations,  each  of  which  he  derived  from  a  classical  authority  which  was 
capable  of  verification,  and  which  has  actually  been  verified.  (£)  The  style  of  the 
narrative  points  to  its  being  a  translation  from  some  (probably  Latin)  original ;  this 
is  shown  by  such  peculiarities  as  the  use  of  the  ablative  absolute,  '  reserved  the  Chief 
Justice'  (i.e.  reservato  =  excepto  summo  judice),  &c.,  and  the  report  of  the  King's 
speech  which  is  quite  in  character  with  the  monastic  compositions  of  the  I5th 
century,  (c)  Elyot  himself  in  introducing  the  story  says,  '  it  may  be  compared 
with  any  that  was  ever  written'  (d)  With  very  few  exceptions,  all  the  narratives 
in  The  Governour  employed  as  illustrations  of  virtues,  moral  qualities,  &c.,  are 
taken  from  classical  sources  which  have  been  identified,  (e)  Other  illustrations 
from  English  history,  &c.,  e.g.  of  Henry  I.  and  Robert  Curthose  have  been  veri- 
fied by  reference  to  earlier  documents,  and  it  has  been  shown  for  instance  that 
Elyot  must  have  derived  some  of  his  information  from  the  writings  of  Knyghton, 
who  was  a  canon  of  Leicester,  temp.  Hen.  IV.  3.  The  source  from  which  Elyot 


70  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

moughte  therby  ensue,  with  a  valiant  spirite  and  courage  com- 
maunded  the  prince  upon  his  alegeance  to  leue  the  prisoner 

derived  the  story  must  have  been  either  legal  or  clerical .  If  the  former,  the  pro- 
ceedings were  of  such  an  unusual  character  that  it  is  in  the  highest  degree  im- 
probable that  they  should  not  be  entered  on  the  Records,  as  was  actually  done  in 
a  very  similar  case  in  which  a  Prince  of  Wales  was  implicated,  at  a  still  earlier 
period  of  English  history,  and  the  record  of  which  remains  to  this  day.  It  may 
therefore  be  assumed  from  the  absence  of  any  such  entry,  or  any  allusion  to  the 
circumstance  in  the  Year  Book  of  the  reign  or  in  any  of  the  earliest  printed  legal  text 
books,  that  Elyot's  authority  for  the  story  was  not  a  legal  one.  4.  It  must  there- 
fore have  been  a  clerical,  and  probably  a  monastic,  story.  It  has  already  been 
shown  that  the  clergy  were  prepared  to  extol  the  merits  of  Gascoigne  on  account 
of  his  refusal  to  take  a  part  in  the  so-called  '  martydom '  of  Archbishop  Scrope  ; 
and  Caxton  tells  us  in  his  Polychronicon  that  '  God  showed  and  wrought  many 
miracles  for  this  worthy  clerk,'  i.e.  Scrope.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable,  therefore, 
that  similar  wonderful  stories  should  have  been  fabricated  by  the  clergy  with 
regard  to  Gascoigne,  whose  name  would  be  inevitably  connected  with  that  of  the 
'  martyr.'  5.  Although  Elyot  was  nominally  a  lawyer  he  was  essentially  a  man 
of  letters,  and  for  the  times  in  which  he  lived  was  a  voracious  reader;  he 
is  constantly  recommending  the  perusal  of 'old  chronicles.'  6.  When  as  in  the 
case  of  his  reference  to  the  legend  of  Bevis  and  his  horse,  he  introduces  topics 
of  at  least  doubtful  authenticity,  he  does  not  seem  to  have  taken  much  trouble 
to  verify  such  stories.  The  conclusion,  therefore,  to  which  the  foregoing  con- 
siderations lead  us  is,  that  Elyot's  story  of  the  Prince  and  the  Judge  is  a  translation 
of  some  earlier  composition  in  Latin,  probably  by  a  monastic  chronicler  of  the 
1 5th  century,  with  which  we  are  unacquainted.  It  is  only  fair,  however,  to  state 
the  facts  which  seem  at  first  sight  to  be  opposed  to  this  conclusion,  i.  The  story 
was  also  narrated,  and  apparently  in  good  faith,  by  Hall  and  Holinshed,  the  his- 
torians. 2.  It  was  dramatised  and  therefore  popularised  by  the  great  poet ;  and  3. 
It  was  referred  to  incidentally  by  a  Judge  on  the  Bench  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 
But  when  we  come  to  examine  carefully  into  the  circumstances  of  each  of  these 
cases  we  shall  find  that  not  one  of  them,  taken  separately,  is  inconsistent  with  the 
view  of  the  origin  of  the  story  suggested  above,  and  collectively  they  add  no  real 
weight  to  the  argument  against  it.  I.  Hall,  for  instance,  who  was  the  contempo- 
rary of  Elyot,  tells  substantially  the  same  story,  but  with  greater  brevity  and  with 
the  addition  of  various  details,  all  intended  to  disparage  the  Prince's  character, 
and  some  of  which  have  been  already  disproved.  Holinshed  merely  copied  from 
Hall,  and  his  testimony  is  therefore  entitled  to  no  greater  weight.  2.  Shakspeare 
was  professedly  a  poet  and  not  a  historian,  and  must  be  allowed  the  usual  poetic 
licence.  He  probably  borrowed  the  idea  from  Elyot's  book,  and  in  common  with 
Elyot,  Hall  and  Holinshed  abstains  from  identifying  the  Judge  by  name,  though 
no  reason  can  be  suggested  for  this  omission,  as  the  other  characters  in  the 
play  have  real  names  assigned  to  them.  On  the  supposition,  however,  that  he 
borrowed  the  story  from  the  pages  of  The  Governour,  the  suppression  of  the 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  71 

and  departe  his  waye.  With  whiche  commandment  the  prince, 
being  set  all  in  a  fury,  all  chafed,  and  in  a  terrible  maner, 
came  up  to  the  place  of  iugement — men  thinkyng  that  he 
wolde  haue  slayne  the  iuge,  or  haue  done  to  hym  some  damage ; 
but  the  iuge  sittyng  styll,  without  mouynge,  declarynge  the 
maiestie  of  the  kynges  place  of  iugement,  and  with  an  assured 
and  bolde  countenance,  hadde  to  the  prince  these  words 
folowyng  :  Sir,  remembre  your  selfe  ;  I  kepe  here  the  place  of 
the  king,  your  soueraigne  lorde  and  father,  to  whom  ye  owe 
double  obedience,  wherfore,  eftsones  in  his  name,  I  charge 
you  desiste  of  your  wilfulnes  and  unlaufull  entreprise,  and 
from  hensforth  gyue  good  example  to  those  whiche  hereafter 
shall  be  your  propre  subiectes.  And  nowe  for  your  contempt 
and  disobedience,  go  you  to  the  prisone  of  the  kynges  benche, 
where  unto  I  committe  you  ;  and  remayne  ye  there  prisoner 

name  explains  itself.  3,  Crompton  represents  Mr.  Justice  Whidden  to  have 
mentioned  from  the  Bench  the  fact  of  the  Prince's  committal  and  coupled  Gas- 
coigne's  name  with  the  proceeding.  The  occasion,  however,  on  which  Whidden 
is  alleged  to  have  done  this  was  at  the  hearing  of  a  case  decided  in  1565,  a  century 
and  a  half  after  Gascoigne's  death,  and  more  than  thirty  years  after  the  publication 
of  The  Governour,  a  book  with  which  every  man  having  the  least  pretensions  to  be 
considered  a  man  of  education  must  have  been  acquainted,  and  particularly  a  Judge, 
as  it  was  written  by  the  son  of  a  distinguished  Judge.  It  is  therefore  at  least  as  prob- 
able that  Whidden  was  quoting  from  his  recollection  of  the  stoiy  as  told  by  Elyot 
or  Hall,  as  from  some  independent  authority.  If  Coke  could  refer  to  The  Governour 
as  his  authority,  why  not  Whidden,  who  lived  still  nearer  to  the  time  when  The 
Governour  was  first  published  ?  The  inference,  therefore,  in  favour  of  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  story  drawn  from  the  united  testimony  of  two  chroniclers,  the  great 
dramatist,  and  a  single  Judge  of  the  i6th  century,  ceases  to  be  conclusive  when  that 
testimony  is  submitted  to  the  only  test  which  can  now  be  applied,  and  it  is  shown 
that  the  evidence  of  these  witnesses,  when  critically  examined,  proves  not  to  be 
intrinsically  and  independently  valuable.  At  the  risk,  therefore,  of  being  charged 
with  exhibiting  what  Lord  Campbell  has  styled  '  a  reckless  spirit  of  questioning 
what  has  long  been  taken  for  implicit  truth,'  the  Editor  feels  bound  to  express  the 
opinion  that  the  story,  which  during  several  centuries  has  been  allowed  to  pass, 
not  indeed  unchallenged,  but  with  the  advantage  of  appealing  directly  to  the 
national  sympathy  with  the  characters  personified,  and  with  the  prestige  derived 
from  the  support  of  great  names,  must  at  length  be  deposed  from  its  pedestal  as 
the  monument  of  a  strictly  historical  fact,  and  be  henceforth  regarded  only  as  a 
peculiarly  interesting  specimen  of  monastic  legend. 


72  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

untill  the  pleasure  of  the  kyng,  your  father,  be  further  knowen. 
With  whiche  wordes  beinge  abasshed,  and  also  wondrynge  at 
the  meruailous  grauitie  of  that  worshipful  Justice,  the  noble 
prince,  layinge  his  waipon  aparte,  doinge  reuerence,  departed 
and  wente  to  the  kynges  benche  as  he  was  commaunded. 
Wherat  his  seruants  disdainyng,  came  and  shewed  to  the 
kynge  all  the  hole  affaire.  Wherat  he  a  whiles  studienge,  after 
as  a  man  all  rauisshed  with  gladness,  holdyng  his  eien  and 
handes  up  towarde  heuen,  abrayded,  sayinge  with  a  loude 
voice,  O  mercifull  god,  howe  moche  am  I,  aboue  all  other 
men,  bounde  to  your  infinite  goodnes ;  specially  for  that  ye 
haue  gyuen  me  a  iuge,  who  feareth  nat  to  ministre  iustice,  and 
also  a  sonne  who  can  suffre  semblably  and  obey  iustice  ? 

Nowe  here  a  man  may  beholde  thre  persones  worthye  ex- 
cellent memorie.  Firste,  a  iuge,  who  beinge  a  subiecte,  feared 
nat  to  execute  iustice  on  the  eldest  sonne  of  his  soueraigne 
lorde,  and  by  the  ordre  of  nature  his  successour.  Also  a 
prince  and  sonne  and  heire  of  the  kynge,  in  the  middes  of  his 
furye,  more  considered  his  iuell  example,  and  the  iuges  con- 
stance  in  iustice,  than  his  owne  astate  or  wylfull  appetite. 
Thirdly,  a  noble  kynge  and  wyse  father,  who  contrary  to  the 
custome  of  parentes,  reioyced  to  se  his  sonne  and  the  heire  of 
his  crowne,  to  be  for  his  disobedience  by  his  subiecte  cor- 
rected. 

Wherfore  I  conclude  that  nothing  is  more  honorable,  or 
to  be  desired  in  a  prince  or  noble  man,  than  placabilitie.  As 
contrary  wyse,  nothing  is  so  detestable,  or  to  be  feared  in 
suche  one,  as  wrathe  and  cruell  malignitie. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  73 


CHAPTER   VII. 

That  a  gouernour  ought  to  be  mercifull  and  the  diuersitie  of  mercye  and 

vayne  pitie. 

MERCYE  is  and  hath  ben  euer  of  suche  estimation  with  man- 
kynde,  that  nat  onely  reason  persuadeth,  but  also  experience 
proueth,  that  in  whome  mercye  lacketh  and  is  nat  founden,  in 
hym  all  other  vertues  be  drowned  and  lose  their  iuste  com- 
mendation. 

The  vice   called  crueltie,  whiche  is  contrary  to  mercye, 
is  by  good  reason  most  odyous  of  all  other  vices,  in 
as  moche  as,  lyke  a  poyson  or  continual  pestilence,  it 
destroyeth  the  generation  of  man.     Also  the  vertues  beynge 
in  a  cruell  persone  be  nat  only  obfuscate  or  hyd,  but  also 
lyke  wyse  as  norysshynge  meates  and  drynkes  in  a  sycke 
body  do  lose  their  bountie  and  augmente  the  malady,  sem- 
blably   diuers   vertues  in   a  persone   malicious   do  minystre 
occasion  and  assistence  to  crueltie. 

But  nowe  to  speke  of  the  inestimable  price  and  value  of 
mercy.  Let  gouernours,  whiche  knowe  that  they  haue  res- 
ceyued  theyr  powar  from  aboue,  reuolue  in  their  myndes  in 
what  peryll  they  them  selfes  be  in  dayly  if  in  god  were  nat 
habundaunce  of  mercy,  but  that  as  sone  as  they  offende  him 
greuously,  he  shulde  imrriediatly  strike  them  with  his  moste 
terrible  darte  of  vengeaunce.  All  be  it  uneth  any  houre 
passeth  that  men  deserue  nat  some  punysshement. 

The  mooste  noble  emperours,  whiche  for  their  merites 
resceyued  of  the  gentyles  diuyne  honours,  vainquisshed  the 
greate  hartes  of  their  mortall  enemyes,  in  shewynge  mercy 
aboue  mennes  expectacion. 

Julius  Cesar,  whiche  in  policie,  eloquence,  celeritie,  and 
prowesse,  excelled  all  other  capitaynes,  in  mercye  onely a  he 

•  '  Moderationem  vero  clementiamque,  cum  in  administratione,  turn  in  victoria 
belli  civilis,  admirabilem  exhibuit.  Denuntiante  Pompeio,  pro  hostibus  se  habi- 
turum,  qui  Reipublicse  defuissent ;  ipse,  medios  et  neutrius  partis  suorum  sibi 


74  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

surmounted  hym  selfe ;  that  is  to  say,  contrary  to  his  owne 
affectes  and  determinate  purposes,  he  nat  onely  spared,  but 
also  resceyued  into  tendre  familyaritie  his  sworne  enemyes. 
Wherfore,  if  the  disdayne  of  his  owne  blode  and  alyaunce  had 
nat  traytourously  slayne  him,  he  had  raigned  longe  and  pros- 
perously. 

But  amonge  many  other  examples  of  rnercy,  wherof  the 
histories  of  Rome  do  abounde,  there  is  one  remembred  by 
Seneca  de  Seneca,  whiche  may  be  in  the  stedeof  a  great  nombre. 
ClementiA.  jt  was  repOrted  to  the  noble  emperour  Octauius 
Augustus,  that  Lucius  Cinna,  which  was  susters  sonne  to 
the  great  Pompei,  had  imagined  his  dethe.a  Also  that 
Mercye  Cinna  was  appointed  to  execute  his  feate  whyles  the 
shewed  bi  emperour  was  doinge  his  sacrifice.  This  reporte 

Augustus 

until!  his  was  made  by  one  of  the  conspiratours,  and  therwith 
enemye.  diuers  other  thinges  agreed  :  the  old  hostilite  betwene 
the  houses  of  Pompei  and  Cesar,  the  wilde  and  sedicious 

numero  futures,  pronuntiavit.  Quibus  autem  ex  commendatione  Pompeii  ordines 
dederat,  potestatem  transeundi  ad  eum  omnibus  fecit.  Motis  apud  Ilerdam 
deditionis  conditionibus,  cum,  assiduo  inter  utrasque  partes  usu  atque  commercio, 
Afranius  ac  Petreius  deprehensos  intra  castra  Julianos  subita  pcenitentia  interfe- 
cisserent,  admissam  in  se  perfidiam  non  sustinuit  imitari.  Acie  Pharsalica  pro- 
clamavit,  "ut  civibus  parceretur  :"  deincepsque  nemini  non  suorum,  quern  vellet, 
unum  partis  adversse  servare,  concessit  :  nee  ulli  perisse  nisi  in  prselio  reperiuntur, 
exceptis  duntaxat  Afranio  et  Fausto  et  L.  Csesare  juvene  ;  ac  ne  hos  quidem 
voluntate  ipsius  interemtos  putant  :  quorum  tamen  et .  priores  post  impetratam 
veniam  rebellaverant,  et  Caesar,  libertis  servisque  ejus  ferro  et  igni  crudelem  in 
modum  enectis,  bestias  quoque  ad  munus  populi  comparatas  contrucidaverat. 
Denique  tempore  extremo  etiam,  quibus  nondum  ignoverat,  cunctis  in  Italiam 
redire  permisit,  magistratusque  et  imperia  capere.  Sed  et  statuas  L.  Syllse  atque 
Pompeii,  &  plebe  disjectas,  reposuit.  Ac,  si  qua  posthac  aut  cogitarentur  gravius 
adversus  se,  aut  dicerentur,  inhibere  maluit  quam  vindicare.  Itaque  et  detectas 
conjurationes  conventusque  nocturnes  non  ultra  arguit,  quam  ut  edicto  ostenderet, 
esse  sibi  notas  :  et  acerbe  loquentibus  satis  habuit  pro  concione  denuntiare,  ne 
perseverarent ;  Aulique  C0ecinse  criminosissimo  libro  et  Pitholai  carminibus 
maledicentissimis  laceratam  existimationem  suam  civili  animo  tulit.' — Sueton. 
Julius,  cap.  75. 

a  Delatum  est  ad  eum  indicium,  L.  Cinnam,  stolidi  ingenii  virum,  insidias  ei 
struere.  Dictum  est  et  ubi,  et  quando,  et  quemadmodum  aggredi  vellet :  unus  ex 
consciis  deferebat.  Constituit  se  ab  eo  vindicare,  consilium  amicorum  advocari 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  75 

witte  of  Cinna,  with  the  place  and  tyme,  where  and  whan  the 
emperour  should  be  disfurnisshed  of  seruauntes.  No  wonder 
though  the  emperours  mynde  were  inquiete,  beinge  in  so  peri- 
lous a  conflicte,  consideryng  on  the  one  parte,  that  if  he  shulde 
put  to  dethe  Cinna,  whiche  came  of  one  of  the  moste  noble 
and  auncient  houses  of  Rome,  he  shulde  euer  lyue  in  daunger, 
onlas  he  shulde  destroye  all  that  noble  familie,  and  cause  the 
memorie  of  them  to  be  utterly  exterminate  ;  whiche  mought 
nat  be  brought  to  passe  without  effusion  of  the  bloode  of 
persones  innumerable,  and  also  perile  of  the  subuercion  of 
the  empire  late  pacified.  On  the  other  parte,  he  considered 
the  imminent  daunger  that  his  persone  was  in,  wherfore 
nature  stered  hym  to  prouide  for  his  suretie,  wherto  he 
thought  than  to  be  none  other  remedy  but  the  deth  of  his 
aduersarie.  To  hym  beinge  thus  perplexed  came  his  wife 
Liuia,  the  empresse,  who  said  unto  him,  Pleaseth  it  you, 
sir,  to  here  a  womans  aduise.  Do  you  as  phisitians  be 
wonte  to  do,  where  their  accustumed  remedies  preue  nat, 
they  do  assaye  the  contrarye.  By  seueritie  ye  haue  hitherto 
nothing  profited,  proue  therfore  nowe  what  mercy  may  aduaile 
you.  Forgiue  Cinna ;  he  is  taken  with  the  maynure,  and 
may  nat  nowe  indomage  you,  profite  he  may  moche  to  the 

jussit.  Nox  illi  inquieta  erat,  quum  cogitaret  adolescentem  nobilem,  hoc  detracto, 
integrum,  Cn.  Pompeii  nepotem  damnandum.  Jam  unum  hominem  occidere  non 
poterat  :  cum  M.  Antonio  proscriptionis  edictum  inter  coenam  dictarat.  Gemens 
subinde  voces  emittebat  varias,  et  inter  se  contrarias.  '  Quid  ergo  ?  ego  percus- 
sorem  mecum  securum  ambulare  patiar,  me  sollicito?  Ergo  non  dabit  pcenas,  qui 
tot  civilibus  bellis  frustra  petitum  caput,  tot  navalibus,  tot  pedestribus  praeliis 
incolume,  postquam  terra  marique  pax  parta  est,  non  occidere  constituit,  sed  im- 
molare  ? '  Nam  sacrificantem  placuerat  adoriri.  Rursus  silentio  interposito, 
majore  multo  voce  sibi,  quam  Cinnse  irascebatur.  *  Quid  vivis,  si  perire  te  tarn 
multorum  interest  ?  Quis  finis  erit  suppliciorum  ?  Quis  sanguinis  ?  Ego  sum 
nobilibus  adolescentulis  expositum  caput,  in  quod  mucrones  acuant.  Non  est  tanti 
vita,  si,  ut  ego  non  peream,  tarn  multa  perdenda  sunt.'  Interpellavit  tandem 
ilium  Livia  uxor,  et  'Admittis,'  inquit,  'muliebre  consilium  ?  Fac  quod  medici  solent: 
qui  ubi  usitata  remedia  non  procedunt,  tentant  contraria..  Severitate  nihil  adhuc 
profecisti  :  Salvidienum  Lepidus  secutus  est,  Lepidum  Murcena,  Muraenam  Csepio, 
Csepionem  Egnatius,  ut  alios  taceam,  quos  tantum  ausos  pudet :  nunc  tenta, 
quomodo  tibi  cedat  dementia.  Ignosce  L.  Cinnae.  Deprehensus  est :  jam  nocere 


76  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

increase  of  your  renome  and  perpetuell  glorie.  The  em- 
perour  reioysed  to  hym  selfe  that  Cinna  had  founde  suche  an 
aduocatrice,  and  gyuynge  her  thankes  he  caused  his  coun- 
sailours,  whiche  he  had  sente  for,  to  be  countermaunded,  and 
callyng  to  hym  Cinna  only,  he  commaunded  the  chambre  to 
be  auoyded,  and  an  other  chaire  to  be  sette  for  Cinna  ;  and 
that  done  he  saide  in  this  maner  to  hym  :  I  desire  of  the  this 
one  thynge,  that  whiles  I  speke,  thou  wylt  nat  let  or  disturbe 
me,  or  in  the  middes  of  my  wordes  make  any  exclamation. 
What  tyme,  Cinna,  I  founde  the  in  the  hoste  of  myne 
enemyes,  all  thoughe  thou  were  nat  by  any  occasion  made 
myne  enemie,  but  by  succession  from  thine  auncetours  borne 
myne  enemie,  I  nat  only  saued  the,  but  also  gaue  unto  the 
all  thyne  inheritaunce  ;  and  at  this  day  thou  arte  so  prospe- 
rous and  riche,  that  they,  whiche  had  with  me  victorie,  do 
enuie  the  that  were  vainquisshed.  Thou  askiddist  of  me  a 
spirituall  promocion,  and  furthwith  I  gaue  it  the  bifore  many 
other,  whose  parentes  had  serued  me  in  warres.  And  for  that 
I  haue  done  so  moche  for  the,  thou  nowe  hast  purposed  to  slee 
me.  At  that  worde  whan  Cinna  cryed  out,  sayenge  that 
suche  madnes  was  farre  from  his  mynde,  Cinna,  (said  the  em- 
perour,)  thou  kepist  nat  promise  ;  it  was  couenaunted  that 
thou  shuldest  nat  interrupt  me.  I  saye  thou  preparest  to 
kyll  me.  And  thereto  the  Emperour  named  his  companions, 
the  place,  tyme,  and  ordre  of  all  the  conspiracie,  and  also  to 

tibi  non  potest,  prodesse  famse  tuoe  potest.'  Gavisus,  sibi  quod  advocatum  inve- 
nerat,  uxori  quidem  gratias  egit  :  renuntiari  autem  extemplo  amicis,  quos  in  con- 
silium  rogaverat,  imperavit,  et  Cinnam  unum  ad  se  arcessit ;  dimissisque  omnibus 
e  cubiculo,  quum  alteram  Cinnse  poni  cathedram  jussisset;  'Hoc,'  inquit,  'primum 
a  te  peto,  ne  me  loquentem  interpelles,  ne  medio  sermone  meo  proclames :  dabitur 
tibi  loquendi  liberum  tempus.  Ego  te,  Cinna,  quum  in  hostium  castris  invenissem, 
non  factum  tantum  mihi  inimicum,  sed  natum,  servavi,  patrimonium  tibi  omne 
concessi.  Hodie  tarn  felix  es,  et  tarn  dives,  ut  victo  victores  invideant.  Sacerdo- 
tium  tibi  petenti,  prseteritis  compluribus,  quorum  parentes  mecum  militaverant, 
dedi.  Quum  sic  de  te  meruerim,  occidere  me  constituisti. '  Quum  ad  hanc  vocem 
exclamasset,  proculhancab  se  abesse  dementiam  :  'Non  prsestas,'  inquit,  'fidem, 
Cinna:  convenerat,  ne  interloquereris.  Occidere,  inquam,  me  paras.'  Adjecit 
locum,  socios,  diem,  ordinem  insidiarum,  cui  commissum  esset  ferrum.  Et  quum 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  77 

whom  the  sworde  was  committed.  And  whan  he  perceyued 
hym  astonied,  holdyng  than  his  peace,  nat  for  by  cause  that 
he  so  promised,  but  that  his  conscience  him  meued  ;  For 
what  intent  dyddest  thou  thus  ?  (said  Augustus)  Bicause  thou 
woldest  be  emperour  ?  In  good  faithe  the  publike  weale  is  in 
an  euyll  astate,  if  nothing  letteth  the  to  raygne,  but  I  onely  ; 
thou  canste  nat  maintayne  or  defende  thine  owne  house.  It  is 
nat  longe  sence  that  thou  in  a  priuate  iugement  were  ouer 
commen  of  a  poore  man  but  late  infraunchised  ;  therfore 
thou  mayste  nothinge  do  lightlyer  than  plede  agayne  the 
emperour.  Say  nowe,  do  I  alone  let  the  of  thy  purpose  ? 
Supposest  thou  that  Paule,  Fabius  Maximus,  the  Cosses,  and 
Seruiliis,  auncient  houses  of  Rome,  and  suche  a  sorte  of  noble 
men  (nat  they  which  haue  vayne  and  glorious  names,  but 
suche  as  for  their  merites  be  adorned  with  their  propre  images) 
will  suffre  the  ?  Finally,  said  the  emperour,  (after  that  he  had 
talked  with  hym  by  the  space  of  two  houres),  I  gyue  to  the 
thy  lyfe,  Cinna,  the  seconde  time— fyrst  beinge  myne  enemie, 
nowe  a  traytour  and  murdrer  of  thy  soueraygne  lorde,  whom 
thou  oughtest  to  loue  as  thy  father.  Nowe  from  this  day  let 
amytie  betwene  us  two  begynne  ;  and  let  us  bothe  contende 
whether  I  with  a  better  harte  haue  gyuen  to  the  thy  lyfe, 
or  that  thou  canste  more  gentilly  recompence  my  kyndnes. 
Sone  after  Augustus  gaue  to  Cinna  the  dignitie  of  Consull 
undesired,  blamyng  him  that  he  darste  nat  aske  it  ;  wherby  he 

defixum  videret,  nee  ex  conventione  jam,  sed  ex  conscientia  tacentem  :  'Quo,' 
inquit,  'hoc  animo  facis?  Ut  ipse  sis  princeps?  male  mehercule  cum  populo 
Romano  agitur,  si  tibi  ad  imperandum  nihil  prseter  me  obstat.  Domum  tueri 
tuam  non  potes  ;  nuper  libertini  hominis  gratia  in  private  judicio  superatus  es. 
Adeo  nihil  facilius  potes,  quam  contra  Csesarem  advocare?  Cedo,  si  spes  tuas 
solus  impedio,  Paullusne  te,  et  Fabius  Maximus,  et  Cossi,  et  Servilii  ferent,  tan- 
tumque  agmen  nobilium,  non  inania  nomina  prseferentium,  sed  eorum  qui  imagi- 
nibus  suis  decori  sunt  ? '  Ne  totam  ejus  orationem  repetendo,  magnam  partem 
voluminis  occnpem  (diutius  enim  quam  duabus  horis  locutum  esse  constat),  quum 
hanc  poenam,  qua  sola  erat  contentus  futurus,  extenderet:  'Vitam  tibi,'  inquit 
Cinna,  '  iteium  do,  prius  hosti,  nunc  insidiatori  ac  parricidse.  Ex  hodierno  die 
inter  nos  amicitia  incipiat ;  contendarnus,  utrum  ego  meliore  fide  vitam  tibi 
dederim,  an  tu  debeas.'  Post  hsec  detulit  ultro  consulatum,  questus  quod  non 


78  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

had  him  moste  assured  and  loyall.  And  Cinna  afterwarde 
dienge,  gaue  to  the  emperour  all  his  goodes  and  possessions. 
And  neuer  after  was  Augustus  in  daunger  of  any  treason. 
O  what  sufficient  prayse  may  be  gyuen  to  this  moste  noble 
and  prudent  emperour,  that  in  a  chambre  alone,  without  men, 
ordenaunce,  or  waipon,  and  perchaunce  without  harnes,  within 
the  space  of  ii  houres,  with  wordes  well  couched,  tempered 
with  maiestie,  nat  onely  vainquisshed  and  subdued  one  mor- 
tall  enemie,  whiche  by  a  malignitie,  engendred  of  a  domesticall 
hatred,  had  determined  to  slee  him,  but  by  the  same  feate 
excluded  out  of  the  hole  citye  of  Rome  all  displeasure  and 
rancour  towarde  hym,  so  that  there  was  nat  lefte  any  occasion 
wherof  mought  precede  any  lytell  suspicion  of  treason,  whiche 
other  wyse  coulde  nat  haue  hapned  without  slaughter  of 
people  innumerable. 

Also  the  empresse  Liuia  may  nat  of  righte  be  forgoten, 
whiche  ministred  to  her  lorde  that  noble  ccunsayle  in  suche  a 
perplexitie  ;  wherby  he  saued  bothe  him  selfe  and  his  people. 
Suppose  ye  that  all  the  Senatours  of  Rome  and  counsaylours 
of  the  emperour,  which  were  lytell  fewer  than  a  thousande, 
coulde  haue  better  aduised  hym  ?  This  historic  therfore  is 
no  lasse  to  be  remembred  of  women  than  of  princes,  takynge 
therby  comforte  to  persuade  swetely  their  husbandes  to  mercy 
and  pacience ; a  to  whiche  counsayle  onely  they  shulde  be 

auderet  petere  ;  amicissimum  fidelissimumque  habuit ;  hseres  solus  fuit  illi ;  nullis 
amplius  insidiis  ab  ullo  petitus  est.' — De  Clementid,  lib.  i.  cap.  9. 

a  'Men,'  says  Mr.  Lecky,  in  reviewing  the  difference  between  the  sexes, 
'lean  most  to  justice  and  women  to  mercy.' — Hist,  of  Europ.  Mor.  vol.  ii.  p.  381. 
Ludovicus  Vives,  in  his  Instruction  to  a  Christian  Woman,  says  :  '  Tenebit  prudens 
mulier  fabulas,  et  historias,  et  narratiunculas,  ut  jucundas  ita  etiam  puras  ac 
honestas,  quibus  fessum  maritum  aut  segrum  reficiat  ac  recreet,  turn  praecepto 
sapientiae  quibus  vel  adhortetur  ad  virtutem  vel  retrahat  a  vitiis.  Aliqua  etiam 
graviter  dicta  contra  impetus  assultusque  utriusque  fortunse,  quibus  virum  seu 
elatum  secundis  rebus  sensim  demittat  in  planum,  seu  abjectum  prostratumque 
adversis  erigat,  utrinque  aut  ad  mediocritatem  reducat,  si  qui  in  eo  affectus  tumul- 
tuantur  et  saeviunt,  muliebribus  castis  prudentibusque  lenimentis  tempestatem 
illam  mitiget  et  sedet.  Sic  Placidia  Theodosii  filia,  Athaulphum  Gothorum  regem 
maritum  suum,  Romanum  nomen  delere  molientem,  a  tarn  immani  cogitatione 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  79 

admitted  and  haue  free  libertie.a  But  I  shal  forbere  to  speke 
more  of  Liuia  nowe,  for  as  moche  as  I  purpose  to  make  a 
boke  onely  for  ladyes  ;  where  in  her  laude  shall  be  more  amplie 
expressed.b  But  to  resorte  nowe  to  mercy. 

Suerly  nothinge  more   entierly   and   fastly   ioyneth   the 
hartes  of  subiectes  to  their  prince  or  soueraygne  than  mercy  c 

dulcedine  orationis  ac  morum  suorum  leniorem  commodioremque  factum  ad  sani- 

tatem  humanitatemque  revocavit Multosque  testimonii  gratia  possem  ad- 

ferre,  ex  immitibus  uxorum  opera  mansuefactos. ' — Opera,  torn.  ii.  p.  717. 

a  The  view  that  women  should  not  intermeddle  in  political  matters  is  thus  ex- 
pressed by  another  writer  contemporary  with  Sir  T.  Elyot :  '  Therfore  you  women 
that  wyll  medle  with  comon  matters  of  realmes  and  cities,  and  wene  to  gouerne 
people  and  nations  with  the  biaydes  of  your  stomakes,  you  go  about  to  hurle 
downe  townes  afore  you,  and  you  lyght  upon  an  harde  rocke  ;  where  upon  thoughe 
you  brouse  and  shake  countreys  very  sore,  yet  they  scape  and  you  perysshe.  For 
you  knowe  neyther  measure  nor  order,  and  yet,  whiche  is  the  worst  poynt  of  al, 
you  wene  you  knowe  veray  well,  and  wyll  be  ruled  in  nothynge  after  them  that  be 
experte.  But  you  attempte  to  drawe  all  thynge  after  your  fantasy  without  discre- 
tion. Wene  you  it  was  for  nothynge  that  wyse  men  forbad  you  rule  and  gouern- 
ance  of  countreys  ?  and  that  Saynte  Paule  byddeth  you  shall  nat  speke  in 
congregation  and  gatherynge  of  people  ?  All  this  same  meaneth  that  you  shall 
nat  meddle  with  matters  of  realmes  or  cyties  ;  your  owne  house  is  a  citie  great 
inoughe  for  you  ;  as  for  forthe  abrode,  neyther  knowe  you,  nor  be  you  knowen.' — 
The  Instruction  of  a  Christen  Woman,  fo.  100  b.  It  should  be  mentioned  that 
though  this  book  purports  to  be  a  translation  of  the  work  of  Ludovicus  Vives, 
the  above  passage  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  original  edition  printed  at  Basle. 

b  The  author  fulfilled  the  purpose  here  expressed  by  publishing  in  1540  The 
Defence  of  Good  Women,  in  the  shape  of  a  dialogue  between  two  imaginary  inter- 
locutors, named  respectively  Caninius  and  Candidus,  by  whom  the  merits  of 
various  women  are  discussed  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  further  allusion  is 
made  to  Livia  in  the  later  work. 

c  Montesquieu  calls  the  royal  prerogative  of  pardon  '  le  plus  bel  attribut  de  la 
souverainete. ' — Esprit  des  Lois,  livre  vi.  chap.  5.  It  may  be  observed  that  it  was 
in  this  reign  an  act  was  passed,  stat.  27  Hen.  VIII ,  cap.  24,  by  which  it  is 
declared  that.no  other  person  hath  power  to  pardon  or  remit  any  treasons,  murders, 
or  felonies  whatsoever,  but  that  the  King  hath  the  whole  and  sole  power  therof 
united  and  knit  to  the  Imperial  Crown  of  this  Realme.  Lord  Chancellor  Hard- 
wicke  says,  'Though  Laws  are  not  to  be  framed  on  principles  of  Compassion  to 
Guilt,  yet  Justice,  by  the  constitution  of  England,  is  administered  in  Mercy.  It  is 
the  great  duty  required  from  the  King  by  his  Coronation  Oath  and  that  act  of  his 
government  which  is  most  intirely  his  own  and  personal.  According  to  the  expres- 
sion of  the  celebrated  Lord  Strafford,  "The  King  condemns  no  man— the  great 
operation  of  his  sceptre  is  Mercy."  And  in  an  old  Record  it  is  said  that  "his  Mercy 


8o  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

and  gentimes.  For  Seneca  saith,  a  temperate  drede  repres- 
seth  hygh  and  sturdy  myndes  ;  feare  frequent  and  sharpe,  set 
forth  with  extremitie,  stereth  men  to  presumption  and  hardi- 
nes,  and  constrayneth  them  to  experiment  all  thinges.a  He 
that  hastily  punissheth,  ofte  tymes  sone  repenteth.  And  who 
that  ouer  moche  correcteth,  obserueth  none  equitie.b  And  if 
ye  aske  me  what  mercye  is,  it  is  a  temperaunce  of  the  mynde 
of  hym  that  hath  powar  to  be  auenged,  and  it  is  called  in 
latine  Clementia,  and  is  alway  ioyned  with  reason.0  For 

is  appropriate  to  himself  above  all  the  other  States  of  his  Regality.'" — Some  Con- 
siderations on  the  Law  of  Forfeiture,  p.  99,  ed.  1748. 

a  '  Temperatus  enim  timor  cohibet  animos  ;  assiduus  vero  et  acer,  et  extrema 
admovens,  in  audaciam  jacentes  excitat,  et  omnia  experiri  suadet.' — De  dementia, 
lib.  i.  cap.  12. 

b  This  too  was  the  opinion  of  Montaigne,  who,  as  Bentham  says,  was  far  in 
advance  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  '  Tout  ce  qtii  est  au  dela  de  la  mort  simple 
me  semble  pure  cruaute.  Nostre  iustice  ne  peult  esperer  que  celuy  que  la  crainte  de 
mourir,  et  d'estre  descapite,  ou  pendu,  ne  gardera  de  faillir  en  soit  empesche  par 
1'imagination  d'un  feu  languissant,  ou  des  tenailles,  ou  de  la  roue.' — Essais,  torn, 
iii.  p.  156,  ed.  1854.  The  effect  of  the  excessive  severity  of  the  punishments 
awarded  by  English  law  is  thus  described  by  Blackstone  in  the  middle  of  the  i8th 
century  :  '  It  is  a  melancholy  truth,  that  among  the  variety  of  actions  which  men 
are  daily  liable  to  commit,  no  less  than  an  hundred  and  sixty  have  been  declared 
by  Act  of  Parliament  to  be  felonies  without  benefit  of  clergy,  or,  in  other  words, 
to  be  worthy  of  instant  death.  So  dreadful  a  list,  instead  of  diminishing,  increases 
the  number  of  offenders.  The  injured,  through  compassion,  will  often  forbear  to 
prosecute ;  juries,  through  compassion,  will  sometimes  forget  their  oaths,  and 
either  acquit  the  guilty  or  mitigate  the  nature  of  the  offence  ;  and  judges,  through 
compassion,  will  respite  one-half  of  the  convicts  and  recommend  them  to  the 
royal  mercy.' — Comment,  vol.  iv.  p.  18,  9th  ed. 

0  In  the  passage  which  follows  the  author  seems  really  to  have  anticipated  the 
views  of  which  Bentham  was  the  energetic  exponent  three  centuries  later. 
4  Rightly  understood,  all  mercy  supposes  tyranny.  Every  claim  to  the  praise  of 
mercy  is  a  confession  of  tyranny  ;  take  away  tyranny,  that  which  is  called  mercy 
is,  if  beneficially  exercised,  nothing  more  than  justice.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  619. 
'  In  one  word,  mercy  and  justice  are  incompatible.  In  a  government  where  there 
is  room  for  mercy,  it  is  because  justice  is  overruled  by  cruelty.  As  mercy  is  a 
subject  of  praise,  the  more  cruel  the  tyranny,  the  greater  is  the  room  made  for 
praise.  In  England  while  men  are  condemned  to  death  by  hundreds,  death  is 
inflicted  on  them  by  units.  In  England,  it  may  therefore  admit  of  debate,  whether 
the  legislature  has  done  most  evil  by  appointing  so  many  capital  punishments,  or 
the  sovereign,  by  exercising  his  power  of  remitting  them.'—  Ubi  supra,  vol.  i.  p. 
521,  and  vol.  ix.  p.  37,  ed.  1843. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  8 1 

he  that  for  euery  litle  occasion  is  meued  with  compasion, 
and   beholdynge  a   man  punisshed   condignely  for  Vayne 
his   offence  lamenteth  or  wailethe,  is  called  piteous,  Pitic- 
whiche  is  a  sickenesse  of  the  mynde,a  where  with  at  this  daye 
the  more  parte  of  men  be  disseased.b     And  yet  is  the  sike- 
nesse  moche  wars  by  addyng  to  one  worde,  callyng  it  vaine 
pitie.c 

Some  man  perchaunce  wyll  demaunde  of  me  what  is 
vaine  pitie  ?  To  that  I  wyll  answere  in  a  description  of  dailye 
experience.  Beholde  what  an  infinite  nombre  of  englisshe 
men  and  women  at  this  present  time  wander  in  all  places 
throughout  this  realme,  as  bestis  brute  and  sauage,  abandon- 
yng  all  occupation,  seruice,  and  honestie.d  Howe  many 

8  This  expression  seems  to  have  been  suggested  to  the  author  by  Cicero's  defi- 
nition :  '  Misericordia  est  agritudo  ex  miseria  alterius,  injuria  laborantis.' — Tusc. 
Qucest.  lib.  iv.  cap.  8. 

b  Occasioned,  no  doubt,  by  the  same  cause  which  Blackstone  has  exposed  in 
the  passage  quoted  in  the  note  on  the  preceding  page,  viz.  the  outrageous  severity 
of  the  criminal  law,  so  that  to  break  down  the  mound  of  a  fish-pond  or  to  cut  down 
a  cherry-tree  in  an  orchard  were  as  much  capital  offences  as  wilful  murder. 
'L'atrocite  des  lois,'  says  Montesquieu,  'enempeche  done  1'execution.  Lorsqtie 
la  peine  est  sans  mesure,  on  est  souvent  oblige  de  lui  preferer  1'impunite.' — Esprit 
des  Lois,  liv.  vi.  chap.  13. 

«  What  would  now  probably  be  called  'mistaken  kindness.' 

a  As  has  been  truly  said  by  Mr.  Froude,  'At  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  before  the  suppression  of  the  monasteries  had  suggested  itself  in  a  practi- 
cal form,  pauperism  was  a  State  question  of  great  difficulty  ? '  Thus  he  naturally  gives 
due  prominence  to  the  Act  22  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  12,  '  concernyng  punysshement 
of  Beggers  and  Vacabundes,'  which  has  been  already  alluded  to  in  the  preceding 
volume,  and  which  possesses  special  interest  in  connexion  with  the  present  chapter 
inasmuch  as  it  was  passed  contemporaneously  with  the  first  publication  of  The 
Governour.  We  may,  indeed,  easily  conceive  that  Elyot  was  particularly  well 
qualified  to  express  an  opinion  upon  a  subject,  which,  at  the  time  when  he 
wrote,  must  have  forced  itself  upon  the  minds  of  all  thinking  men  in  a  painfully 
obtrusive  manner,  and  which  we  know  from  the  Statute  Book  occupied  a  large 
share  of  the  attention  of  the  Legislature.  It  may  well  be  doubted,  however, 
whether  Mr.  Froude's  view  of  the  state  of  England  at  this  period  that  '  the  body 
of  the  people  were  prosperous,  well  fed,  loyal,  and  contented,'  that  'wages  were 
high  and  work  constant,'  and  that  the  cause  of  the  decay  of  towns  was  'because 
the  country  had  become  secure '  is  not  too  highly  coloured.  In  the  other  side  of 
the  balance  must  surely  be  placed  as  a  counterpoise  the  variety  of  penal  laws 
II.  G 


82  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

semely  personagis,  by  outrage  in  riotte,  gamynge,  and  excesse 
of  apparaile,  be  induced  to  thefte  and  robry,  and  some  tyme 

which,  according  to  another  writer,  '  shows  a  want  of  temper  in  the  legislature 
which  is  hardly  to  be  paralleled,'  and  a  parliament  'ordaining  for  law  the  strangest 
inventions  that  ever  were  thought  worthy  to  become  the  objects  of  penal  juris- 
prudence.' As  opposed  to  the  view  taken  by  Mr.  Froude,  we  may  properly  refer 
to  the  pages  of  the  Statute  Book  itself,  where  we  shall  find,  in  the  preambles  of 
sundry  Acts  of  Parliament,  allegations,  the  truth  of  which  cannot  now  be  contested, 
but  which  sufficiently  indicate  the  existence  of  many  causes  operating  to  diminish 
that  ' comparative  prosperity  of  labour '  which  Mr.  Froude  supposes  to  have  pre- 
vailed at  this  period.  It  will  also  appear  from  the  same  source  that  '  the  abomin- 
able sin  of  idleness,'  which  Mr.  Froude  regards  as  being  essentially  an  object  of 
national  hatred,  which  the  State  made  it  its  business  to  put  down  at  all  costs,  was 
to  a  great  extent  the  result  of  well- ascertained  causes.  But  as  it  is  almost  invariably 
mentioned  as  incidental  to  a  state  of  things  which  demanded,  for  a  variety  of  reasons, 
remedial  legislation,  it  has  been  perhaps  rather  hastily  assumed,  that  the  State  was 
actually  engaged  in  a  crusade  against  the  besetting  sin  of  idleness  itself,  which  was 
'  justly  looked  upon  as  a  high  offence  and  misdemeanour,'  and  that  this  crusade  was 
undertaken  in  pursuance  of  an  '  educative  theory.'  Any  such  generalisation  however 
must  be  accepted  with  some  reserve.  To  illustrate  this,  the  Editor  would  refer  the 
reader  to  a  variety  of  statutes,  e.g.  6  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  5,  the  object  of  which  is  the 
re-edification  of  towns,  and  the  restoration  of  pasture  lands  to  tillage.  In  the 
preamble  of  this  Act  '  the  increase  of  idleness '  is  alleged  as  one  of  the  evils  arising 
from  the  present  condition  of  things,  which  is  also  the  cause  of  a  diminution  of 
population,  of  cattle,  the  destruction  of  churches,  and  consequent  loss  of  divine 
service,  and  injury  done  to  patrons  and  curates  of  livings,  decay  of  husbandry,  and 
impairment  of  the  defensive  forces  of  the  realm.  Similar  allegations  occur  in  7 
Hen.  VIII.  cap  I.  Again,  the  object  of  14  Hen.  VIII.  cap  I,  is  to  prohibit  the 
sale  of  woollen  cloth  to  foreign  merchants,  and  the  preamble  asserts  that  one  of 
the  consequences  of  the  existing  state  of  things  is  'to  bring  the  King's  natural 
subjects  from  occupation  to  idleness,'  but  other  consequential  evils  are  the  non- 
payment of  the  cloth-makers,  the  impoverishing  of  the  kingdom,  and  enriching  of 
foreigners.  Again,  21  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  16  is  directed  against  alien  artificers,  and 
it  is  alleged  that  the  number  of  the  latter  is  excessive,  their  behaviour  unreason- 
able, and  that  they  also  give  cause  for  complaint  '  by  occasion  that  divers  of  our 
own  natural  subjects  for  lack  of  occupation  fall  into  idleness,'  but  'the  reformation 
of  sundry  deceits  and  falsehoods  practised  by  the  said  strangers  artificers '  is 
equally  desired.  Again,  22  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  I  has  for  its  object  the  prevention  of 
mal-practices  with  regard  to  regrating  of  wools,  and  the  preamble  states  that 
'  broggers  and  gatherours'  put  such  prices  on  the  wools,  tbat  clothmakers  'cannot 
drape  such  multitude  of  woollen  cloths  as  they  have  been  accustomed  to  do  in 
times  past,'  and  also  that  '  many  of  the  King's  subjects,  which  lived  by  drapery,  for 
lack  of  work  be  brought  to  idleness.'  Again,  the  25  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  9,  for  the 
protection  of  pewterers,  asserts  that  artificers  appi'enticed  in  England  have  gone 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  83 

to  murdrc,  to  the  inquictation  of  good  men,  and  finally  to 
their  owne  destruction  ? 

abroad  and  taught  the  art  to  strangers,  and  that  the  sale  of  tin  ware  is  diminished, 
and  consequently  the  King's  Customs  also,  and  further  that  '  a  great  multitude  of 
the  King's  natural  subjects  thereby  fall  into  idleness.'  Now  in  each  and  all  of 
these  cases  it  will  be  observed  that  the  '  idleness '  of  the  King's  lieges  is  one  of  the 
evils  sought  to  be  remedied  by  legislation,  but  it  is  not  the  only,  or  even  the  prin- 
cipal one.  Again  with  respect  to  the  decay  of  towns,  which  Mr.  Froude  regards 
as  a  sign  of  the  increasing  security  of  the  country,  the  protection  afforded  by  their 
walls  being  no  longer  required,  let  us  see  what  the  real  state  of  the  case  was  as  it 
appears  by  the  Statute  Book.  6  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  5  shows,  for  instance,  that  the 
desolation  was  not  confined  merely  to  walled  towns,  but  extended  to  '  villages, 
boroughs,  hamlets,  tything  houses,  and  other  inhabitations,  and  parishes,'  which 
are  accordingly  ' to  be  re-edified  and  made  again  meet  and  convenient  for  people 
to  dwell  and  inhabit  in  the  same.'  The  preamble  of  6  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  17  alleges 
that  the  city  of  Canterbury  'is  now  of  late  in  great  ruin  and  decay,'  which  cannot 
be  reformed  nor  amended  unless  the  river  be  deepened  and  enlarged  and  mills, 
dams,  and  other  nuisances  abated.  Here  then  is  a  case  of  desolation  arising  from 
purely  natural  causes.  21  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  12  recites  a  petition  of  the  burgesses 
of  Bridport  for  legislation  with  respect  to  the  manufacture  of  cables,  which  they  assert 
were  formerly  made  there  for  the  use  of  the  Royal  Navy,  '  by  reason  wherof  your 
said  town  was  well  maintained  and  inhabited,'  but  by  reason  of  the  trade  being 
now  carried  on  by  divers  evil-disposed  persons  for  their  private  lucre  and  advan- 
tage, and  the  cables  being  'slightly  and  deceivably  made,'  not  only  bu)ers  are 
deceived,  but  prices  greatly  enhanced,  and  '  your  said  Town  or  Borough  by  means 
therof  is  like  utterly  to  be  decayed,  ruined,  and  dissoluted.'  In  this  case  it  was 
the  loss  of  a  monopoly  which  threatened  ruin.  21  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  18  recites  that 
the  town  of  Newcastle,  which  *  as  well  in  time  of  war  as  in  peace  is  the  chief  key, 
relief,  and  defence  of  all  the  parts  of  the  realm  adjoining,'  was  formerly  'well 
replenisshed  and  maintained '  by  means  of  port  dues,  but  is  now  '  likely  to  come  to 
utter  decay  and  ruin  '  because  divers  great  personages  as  well  spiritual  as  tem- 
poral' load  and  unload  their  ships  and  merchandise  'not  paying  therefor  any 
customs  or  other  duties,'  by  reason  whereof  'the  inhabitants  refuse  and  relinquish 
the  said  town,  and  repair  and  resort  to  other  places.'  Here  then  is  an  instance  of  a 
walled  town  neglected,  not  because  its  fortifications  were  no  longer  needed,  but 
because  the  inhabitants  were  driven  away  by  loss  of  custom.  The  same  complaint 
is  made  with  regard  to  Southampton  in  22  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  20,  while  in  23  Hen. 
VIII.  cap.  8  we  are  informed  that  the  towns  of  Plymouth,  Dartmouth,  Falmouth, 
Fowey,  and  Teignmouth  are  all  in  manner  utterly  decayed  and  destroyed  by 
means  of  certain  tin  works,  called  Streme  works,  used  by  certain  persons  within  the 
said  counties,  '  which  persons,  more  regarding  their  own  private  lucre  than  the  com- 
mon wealth  and  surety  of  this  realm,  have  by  working  of  the  said  Streme  works, 
digging,  searching,  and  washing  of  the  same,  conveyed  a  marvellous  great  quantity 
of  sand,  gravel,  stone,  &c.  into  the  said  ports  and  havens,  and  have  so  filled  and  choked 

G  2 


84  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Nowe  consider  semblably  what  noble  statutes,  ordinances, 
and  actis  of  counsaile  from  time  to  time  haue  bene  excogitate, 
and  by  graue  studie  and  mature  consultation  enacted  and 
decreed,  as  wel  for  the  due  punisshement  of  the  saide  idle 


the  same  that  where  before  this  time  a  ship  of  800  tons  might  have  easily  entered  at 
low  water,  now  a  ship  of  100  tons  can  scantly  enter  at  the  half  flood,  to  the  decay 
and  utter  destruction  of  the  said  havens  and  ports,  and  also  to  the  ruin  and  utter 
undoing  of  all  the  good  towns  within  the  said  Counties  of  Devonshire  and  Cornwall,' 
Thus  from  one  end  of  the  kingdom  to  the  other  we  hear  complaints  raised  of  the 
decay  of  towns,  arising  from  various  causes,  but  not  '  because  one  of  their  purposes 
(i.e.  the  protection  afforded  by  their  fortifications)  was  no  longer  required  '  nor  yet 
'because  the  country  had  become  secure.'  The  true  reason  of  the  decay  must  be 
sought  for  in  those  natural  or  accidental  causes  mentioned  above  ;  but  in  addition 
there  was  another  potent  engine  in  operation  to  effect  the  same  purpose,  viz.  the 
gradual  absorption  of  the  land  by  wealthy  proprietors,  who  carved  out  large  estates 
for  themselves,  and,  turning  the  arable  land  into  pasture,  not  only  deprived  hus- 
bandmen of  their  occupation,  but  enhanced  the  prices  of  all  commodities.  The 
preamble  of  25  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  13,  alleges  that  'divers  and  sundry  of  the  King's 
subjects  to  whom  God  of  his  goodness  hath  disposed  great  plenty  and  abundance 
of  movable  substance,  now  of  late  within  few  years  have  daily  studied,  practised, 
and  invented  ways  and  means  how  they  might  accumulate  and  gather  together  into 
few  hands  as  well  great  multitude  of  farms  as  great  plenty  of  cattle,  and  in  espe- 
cial sheep,  putting  such  lands  as  they  can  get  to  pasture  and  not  to  tillage,  whereby 
they  have  not  only  pulled  down  churches  and  towns  and  enhanced  the  old  rates  of 
the  rents  of  the  possessions  of  this  Realm,  or  else  brought  it  to  such  excessive  fines 
that  no  poor  man  is  able  to  meddle  with  it,  but  also  have  raised  and  enhanced  the 
prices  of  all  manner  of  corn,  cattle,  wool,  pigs,  geese,  hens,  chickens,  eggs,  and 
such  other,  almost  double  above  the  prices  which  hath  been  accustomed  ;  by  reason 
wherof  a  marvellous  multitude  and  number  of  the  people  of  this  Realm  be  not  able 
to  provide  meat,  drink,  and  clothes  necessary  for  themselves,  their  wives,  and 
children,  but  be  so  discouraged  with  misery  and  poverty  that  they  fall  daily  to 
theft,  robbery,  and  other  inconvenience,  or  pitifully  die  for  hunger  and  cold.' 
Here  then  we  have  independent  evidence  of  the  best  kind  to  the  truth  of  that 
which  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  declares  to  be  a  'description  of  daily  experience,'  viz. 
that  an  infinite  number  of  men  and  women  were  at  this  time  wandering  in  all 
places  throughout  this  realm  '  as  beasts,  brute  and  savage,  abandoning  all  occu- 
pation, service,  and  honesty. '  But  in  the  face  of  these  facts  it  is  difficult  to  accept 
Mr.  Froude's  unqualified  assertion  that  'the  working  classes  in  this  country  re- 
mained in  a  condition  more  than  prosperous,'  and  that  'they  enjoyed  an  abundance 
far  beyond  what  in  general  falls  to  the  lot  of  that  order  in  long-settled  countries. ' 
Still  less  that  '  in  such  frank  style  the  people  lived,  hating  three  things  with  all 
their  hearts — idleness,  want,  and  cowardice — and  for  the  rest  carrying  their  hearts, 
high,  and  having  their  hands  full.' 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  85 

persones  and  vacabundes,  as  also  for  the  suppression  of  un- 
laufull  games  and  reducinge  apparaile  to  conuenient  modera- 
tion and  temperance.  Howe  many  proclamations  therof  haue 
ben  diuulgate  and  nat  obayed  ? a  Howe  many  commissions 
directed  and  nat  executed  ?  (Marke  well  here,  that  disobe- 
dient subiectes  and  negligent  gouernours  do  frustrate  good 
lawes.)  A  man  herynge  that  his  neighbour  is  slayne  or 
robbed,  furthe  with  hateth  the  offendour  and  abhorrethe  his 
enormitie,  thinkynge  hym  worthy  to  be  punisshed  accordyng  to 
the  lawes;  yet  whan  he  beholdeth  the  transgressour,  a  semely 
personage,  also  to  be  his  seruant,  acquaintance,  or  a  gentilman 
borne,  (I  omitte  nowe  to  speke  of  any  other  corruption),  he 
furthe  with  chaungeth  his  opinion,  and  preferreth  the  offendours 
condition  or  personage  before  the  example  of  Justice,  condemp- 
nyng  a  good  and  necessary  lawe,  for  to  excuse  an  offence  per- 
nicious and  damnable ;  ye  and  this  is  nat  only  done  by  the 
vulgare  or  commune  people,  but  moche  rather  by  them  whiche 
haue  autoritie  to  them  committed  concernyng  the  effectuell 
execution  of  lawes.b  They  beholde  at  their  eie  the  continuell 

•  This  disobedience  grew  to  such  a  pitch  that  in  1539  an  Act  was  passed  to 
enable  the  Royal  Proclamations  to  have  the  same  force  and  effect  as  Acts  of  Par- 
liament. The  preamble  of  the  statute  31  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  8,  recites  that  the  King 
'  for  divers  considerations  by  the  advise  of  his  Council  hath  heretofore  set  forth 
divers  and  sundry  his  Grace's  Proclamations  as  well  for  and  concerning  divers  and 
sundry  articles  of  Christ's  religion,  as  for  an  unity  and  concord  to  be  had  amongst 
his  loving  and  obedient  subjects,  and  also  concerning  the  advancement  of  the 
common  wealth  and  good  quiet  of  his  people,  which,  nevertheless,  divers  and  many 
f reward,  wilful,  and  obstinate  persons  have  wilfully  contemned  and  broken,  not 
considering  what  a  King  by  his  royal  power  may  do,  and  for  lack  of  a  direct  statute 
and  law,  to  compell  offenders  to  obey  the  said  Proclamations  which,  being  still 
suffred,  should  not  only  encourage  offenders  to  the  disobedience  of  the  precepts 
and  laws  of  Almighty  God,  but  also  sin  too  much,  to  the  great  dishonour  of  the 
King's  most  royal  Majesty,  who  may  full  ill  bear  it,  and  also  give  too  great  heart 
and  boldness  to  all  malefactors  and  offenders.'  It  was  therefore  enacted  that  the 
King,  with  the  advice  of  his  Council,  might  set  forth  Proclamations  with  pains  and 
penalties  which  were  to  be  obeyed  as  if  made  by  Act  of  Parliament. 

b  Mr.  Froude  describes  the  measures  taken  by  Rowland  Lee,  Bishop  of  Lich- 
field  and  Coventry,  who  held  the  office  of  Lord  Warden  of  the  Welsh  Marches,  to 
cope  with  the  lawlessness  of  the  district  committed  to  his  charge,  and  contrasts 
with  his  vigorous  policy  the  laxity  of  the  magistrates  in  the  south  west  parts  of 


86  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

encrease  of  vacabundes  in  to  infinite  nombres,  the  obstinate 
resistence  of  them  that  dailye  do  transgresse  the  lawes  made 
againe  games  and  apparaile,  which  be  the  streight  pathes  to 
robry  and  semblable  mischiefe  ;  yet  if  any  one  commissioner, 
meued  with  zele  to  his  countray,  accordyng  to  his  duetie  do 
execute  duely  and  frequently  the  lawe  or  good  ordinaunce, 
wherein  is  any  sharpe  punisshement,  some  of  his  companyons 
therat  reboyleth,a  infamynge  hym  to  be  a  man  without  cha- 

England.  '  Although  order  could  be  enforced  where  an  active  resolute  man  had 
been  chosen  to  supersede  the  inefficiency  of  the  local  authorities,  in  other  parts  of 
England,  in  Hampshire,  Wiltshire,  Somersetshire,  Devonshire,  and  Cornwall 
especially,  there  was  no  slight  necessity  still  remaining  for  discipline  of  a  similar 
kind  ;  the  magistrates  had  been  exhorted  again  and  again  in  royal  proclamations 
to  discharge  their  duty  more  efficiently.'  And  he  gives  at  length  from  an  unpub- 
lished MS.  in  the  Rolls  House  a  circular  addressed  by  royal  command  to  the 
justices  of  the  peace,  in  which  occurs  the  following  passage,  fully  bearing  out  Sir 
T.  Elyot's  observations  in  the  text,  and  in  the  composition  of  which  indeed  it  is 
not  impossible  that  he  may  have  assisted.  '  You  shall  have  special  regard  that  all 
sturdy  vagabonds  and  valiant  beggars  may  be  punished  according  to  the  statute 
made  for  that  purpose.  Your  defaiilt  in  the  execution  whereof,  proceeding  upon  an 
inconsiderate  pity  to  one  evil  person,  without  respect  to  the  great  multitude  that  live 
in  honest  and  lawful  sort,  hath  bred  no  small  inconvenience  in  otir  commonwealth. 
An  I  you  shall  also  have  special  regard  that  no  man  be  suffered  to  use  any  unlaw- 
ful games,  but  that  every  man  may  be  encouraged  to  use  the  long  bow,  as  the  law 
requireth.  Furthermore,  our  pleasure  and  most  dread  commandment  is,  that  all 
respects  set  apart,  you  shall  bend  yourselves  to  the  advancement  of  even  justice 
between  party  and  party,  both  that  our  good  subjects  may  have  the  benefit  of  our 
laws  sincerely  administered  unto  them,  and  that  evil-doers  may  be  punished  as  the 
same  doth  prescribe  and  limit.  To  which  points,  if  you  shall  upon  this  monition 
and  advertisement  give  such  diligent  regard  as  you  may  satisfy  your  duty  in  the 
same,  leaving  and  eschewing  from  henceforth  all  disguised  corruption,  we  shall  be 
content  the  more  easily  to  put  in  oblivion  all  your  former  remissness  and  negligence.' 
— Hist,  of  Eng.  vol.  iii.  pp.  419-422,  ed.  1858.  Special  commissions  were  issued 
into  various  counties,  and  in  one  county,  Hampshire,  Sir  Thomas  Wriothesley 
thus  explained  their  object  to  the  assembled  gentry.  '  The  king,  he  told  the  magis- 
trates, desired  most  of  all  things  that  indifferent  justice  should  be  ministered  to  the 
poor  and  rich,  which  he  regretted  to  say  was  imperfectly  done.' — Ibid.  p.  424. 

a  From  the  French  rebouiller,  which  again  is  itself  derived  from  the  Low  Latin 
rebullire.  Du  Cange  translates  the  latter  '  recandescere,  redintegrari,  per  metapho- 
ram.'  And  he  cites  a  passage  from  a  bull  of  Pope  Clement  V.  circa  1305,  which  very 
well  illustrates  the  metaphorical  sense  in  which  it  is  employed  by  Sir  Thos.  Elyot. 
'  Nos  attendentes,  quod  nisi  ante  praedictum  festum  .  .  .  futuris  de  prsedicta  turba- 
tione  periculis  occurratur,  dissentionum  hujusmodi  flamma  rebulliret."1  A  substan- 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  87 

ritie,  callyng  hym  secretely  a  pike  thanke,a  or  ambicious  of 
glorie,  and  by  suche  maner  of  obloquie  they  seeke  meanes  to 
bringe  hym  in  to  the  haterede  of  people.  And  this  may  well 
be  called  vayne  pitie ;  wherin  is  contayned  neither  Justice  nor 
yet  commendable  charitie,but  rather  therbyensueth  negligence, 
contempte,dissobedience,and  finally  all  mischiefe  and  incurable 
misery. 

If  this  sickenesse  had  reigned  amonge  the  old  Romanes, 
suppose  ye  that  the  astate  of  their  publike  weale  had  sixe 

tival  form  of  the  word  is  employed  by  Sir  Henry  Wotton,  who  says,  « We  are  sorry 
to  hear  that  the  Scotish  gentlemen,  who  have  been  lately  sent  to  that  King,  found 
(as  they  say)  but  a  brusk  welcome  ;  which  makes  all  fear  that  there  may  be  a 
rebullition  in  that  business.'—  Reliquice  Wotton.  p.  582,  ed.  1685.  This  passage  is 
erroneously  attributed  by  Richardson  in  his  Dictionary  to  the  author  of  Epistola 
Ho-Eliancs. 

a  Gascoigne  uses  the  very  same  phrase  in  one  of  his  sonnets  : 
'  Then  Craft  the  Cryer  calde  a  quest, 
Of  whom  was  falshoode  formost  feere  j 
A  packe  of  pickthankes  were  the  rest, 
Whiche  came  false  witnes  for  to  beare. 
The  Jury  such,  the  iudge  uniust, 
Sentence  was  sayd  I  should  be  trust.' 

Flowers,  p.  2,  ed.  1587. 

And  so  does  Daniel  in  his  poem  on  the  Wars  of  the  Roses. 
'  There  he  beheld  how  humbly  diligent 
New  adulation  was  to  be  at  hand, 
How  ready  Falsehood  stept,  how  nimbly  went 
Base pickthanke  Flattery  and  preuents  command.' 

The  2nd  Book,  stanza  57,  ed.  1595. 

An  instance  of  an  exactly  opposite  expression  occurs  in  Hyrde's  translation 
of  a  work  of  Ludovicus  Vives,  published  about  1541.  '  There  be  some,  whiche 
whan  they  thynke  them  selfe  they  haue  done  all  theyr  owne  busynes,  than  without 
shame  they  medle  with  other  folkes  busines,  and  gyue  counsayle,  as  though  they 
were  great  sages,  and  exhort  and  giue  preceptes,  rebuke  and  correcte,  pyke  f antes, 
and  be  wondrous  quycke  of  syghte  from  home,  and  at  home  blynde  inough.' 
The  instruction  of  a  Christen  Woman,  fo.  138  b.  ed.  1541.  An  analogous  phrase  is 
employed  by  Tyndall  in  his  Practise  of  Popishe  Prelates.  '  This  Pope  Clemens 
calleth  the  Duke  of  Guelder  the  eldest  sonne  of  that  holy  sea  of  Rome,  for  no 
other  vertue  nor  propertie  that  any  man  can  know,  saue  that  hee  hath  bene  all 
his  lyfe  z.pickequarell,  and  a  cruell  and  an  unrighteous  bloudshedder,  as  his  father 
that  sitteth  in  that  holy  sea  is.' — Works,  p.  349,  ed.  1573. 


88  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

hundred  yeres  encreased,  and  two  hundred  yeres  continued 
in  one  excellent  astate  and  wonderfull  maiestie  ? a  Or  thinke 
ye  that  the  same  Romanes  mought  so  haue  ordred  many  great 
countrayes,  with  fewer  ministers  of  iustice  than  be  nowe  in  one 
shire  of  Englande  ? b  But  of  that  mater,  and  also  of  rigour  and 
equalite  of  punishement,  I  wyll  traicte  more  amply  in  a  place 
more  propise  for  that  purpose. 

And  here  I  conclude  to  write  any  more  at  this  tyme  of 
mercy. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
The  thre  prindpall  fiartes  of  humgnitie. 

THE  nature  and  condition  of  man,  wherin  he  is  lasse  than  god 
almightie,  and  excellinge  nat  withstanding  all  other  creatures 
in  erthe,  is  called  humanitie  ;  whiche  is  a  generall  name  to  those 
vertues  in  whome  semeth  to  be  a  mutuall  Concorde  and  loue 
in  the  nature  of  maac  And  all  thoughe  there  be  many  of 

a  The  period  of  eight  hundred  years  thus  assigned  as  the  limit  of  Roman 
history  can  only  be  accounted  for  on  the  hypothesis  that  the  author  excluded  the 
duration  of  the  kingly  period,  and  reckoned  from  the  foundation  of  the  Republic, 
or  rather  from  the  regifugium,  B.C.  508,  to  the  death  of  Carinus,  A.D.  285,  and  as 
the  Augustan  History  concludes  at  the  latter  point,  it  seems  not  unlikely  that  these 
were  the  termini  really  selected  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot. 

b  The  principal  of  these  being  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  Sheriff  and  Deputy- 
Sheriff,  Coroner,  Justices  of  the  Peace,  constables,  overseers  of  the  poor,  surveyors 
of  highways,  churchwardens,  commissioners  of  sewers,  hundredors,  tything  men, 
bailiffs,  head-boroughs,  cunt  multis  aliis. 

c  Aulus  Gellius  mentions  the  primary  and  secondary  meanings  of  this  word, 
and  from  his  definition  it  is  easy  to  trace  the  significance  of  the  term  '  Humani- 
ties,' applied  at  a  much  later  period  to  a  special  course  of  study  at  the  Universities. 
'  Qui  verba  Latina  fecerunt,  quique  his  probe  usi  sunt,  <(humanitatem,"non  id  esse 
voluerunt  quod  vulgus  existimat,  quodque  a  Graecis  QiXavOpwirta  dicitur,  et  signifi- 
cat  dexteritatem  quandam  benevolentiamque  erga  omnes  homines  promiscuam,  sed 
"  humanitatem"  appellaverunt  id  propemodum  quod  Graeci  iraiSeiav  vocant ;  nos 
eruditionem  institutionemque  in  bonas  artes  dicimus  :  quas  qui  sinceriter  cupiunt 
appetuntque,  hi  sunt  vel  maxime  humanissime :  hujus  enim  scientize  cura  et  discip- 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  89 

the  said  vertues,  yet  be  there  thre  principall  by  whome  huma- 
nitie  is  chiefly  compact  ;  beneuolence,a  beneficence,  and  Hber- 
alitie,  which  maketh  up  the  said  principall  vertue  called 
benignitie  orgentilnes. 

Beneuolence,  if  it  do  extende  to  a  hole  contraye  or  citie,  it 
is  proprely  called  charitie,b  and  some  tyme  zele  ;  c  and  charitie 
if  it  concerne  one  persone,  than  is  it  called  beneuo-  £eneuo_ 
lence.d    And  if  it  be  very  feruent  and  to  one  singuler 


lina  ex  universis  animantibus  uni  homini  data  est  ;  idcircoque  humanitas  appellata 
est.'  —  Noct.  Att.  lib.  xiii.  cap.  16. 

*  After  the  lapse  of  three  centuries  modern  philosophy  can  scarcely  give  us  a 
better  definition  of  this  principle.  Thus  Dr.  Whewell  says,  'Benevolence  is  a 
Desire  or  Affection  which  has  for  its  object  the  good  of  all  mankind.  This  object 
may  be  expressed  by  the  term  Humanity.  Humanity,  which  is  thus  the  ideal 
object  of  Benevolence,  is  also  a  term  used  to  describe  the  disposition  itself,  as  it 
exists  in  man,  who  is  the  subject  of  this  affection.  We  have  thus  an  objective  and 
a  subjective  Humanity.  Subjective  Humanity  is  Benevolence  ;  objective  Humanity 
is  the  Good  of  all  Mankind,  the  Welfare  of  Man  and  the  like.'  —  Elem.  of  Mora- 
lity, pp.  75>  76,  4th  ed. 

b  We  should  rather  term  it  'philanthropy.'  Dr.  Whewell  says,  'The  Bene- 
volent Affections  are  also  modified  by  a  regard  to  the  circumstances  of  the  object. 
We  naturally  share  in  the  emotions  which  we  witness  in  man  :  we  have  a  Fellow- 
feeling,  a  Sympathy  with  them.  When  this  Disposition  leads  us  to  feel  pain  at  the 
sight  of  pain,  it  is  Compassion  ;  we  commiserate  the  object.  This  feeling  being 
strongly  confirmed  by  Piety,  came  to  be  called  Pity.  Such  a  Disposition,  as  it 
prompts  us  to  abstain  from  adding  to  the  pain  felt,  is  Mercy  or  Clemency  ;  as  it 
prompts  us  to  remove  the  pain  or  want  which  we  see,  it  is  Charity.  But  this  word 
has  also  a  wider  sense  in  which  it  describes  Benevolence,  as  it  makes  us  abstain 
from  judging  unfavourably  of  other  men.  All  these  are  virtuous  affections,  and 
lead  to  the  performance  of  Duties  of  Benevolence.  '—Elements  of  Moral.,  p.  79, 
4th  ed. 

0  This  hardly  corresponds  to  the  modern  acceptation  of  the  term,  but  in  his 
own  Dictionary  the  second  meaning  assigned  by  the  author  to  the  Latin  word 
zelus,  is  '  loue,  '  and  he  could  perhaps  plead  the  authority  of  Ausonius,  who  says 
'  Quin  etiam  cupio,  junctus  quia  zelus  amori  est.' 

Epig.  77,  ad  Crispam. 

A  modern  writer  says,  «  The  feelings  of  Love  of  Right,  and  Anger  at  Wrong,  in 
a  permanent  and  energetic  form,  are  virtuous  Zeal."1  —  Elem.  of  Mor.  p.  82. 

d  The  following  is  a  modern  definition  of  this  quality.  '  Benevolence  is  the 
Virtue  of  the  Affection  of  Love.*  This  Affection  is  variously  modified,  according  to 
the  persons  to  whom  it  is  directed,  and  the  accompanying  circumstances.  Thus 
there  is  Conjugal  Love,  the  Love  of  Husband  and  Wife  :  Parental  (Paternal  and 


90  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

persone,  than  may  it  be  named  loue  or  amitie.a  Of  that  ver- 
Loue  tuous  disposition  procedeth  an  acte,  wherby  some 

Amitie.  thinge  is  employed  whiche  is  profitable  and  good  to 
him  that  receyueth  it.  And  that  vertue,  if  it  be  in  operation, 
or  (as  I  mought  saye)  endeuour,  it  is  called  than  beneficence, 
and  the  dede  (vulgarly  named  a  good  tourne)  may  be  called 
a  benefite.  If  it  be  in  money  or  other  thing  that 
hath  substaunce  it  is  than  called  liberalitie,b  whiche 
is  nat  alway  a  vertue  as  beneficence  is ;  for  in  well  doinge  (whiche 
Seneca  is  the  right  interpretation  of  beneficence)  can  be  no 
de  benef.  vjce  included.c  But  liberalise,  thoughe  it  precede  of  a 
free  and  gentill  harte,  wyllinge  to  do  some  thinge  thankefull, 
yet  may  it  transgresse  the  bondes  of  vertue,  eyther  in  excessiue 
rewardes,  or  expences,  or  els  emploienge  treasour,  promotion,  or 
other  substaunce  on  persones  unworthy,  or  on  thynges  incon- 
uenient,  and  of  small  importaunce.d  All  be  it  some  thinke 

Maternal)  Love  ;  Filial  Love  ;  Fraternal  Love,  and  other  kinds  of  Family  Affec- 
tion ;  Friendship,  the  Love  by  which  Friends  are  especially  drawn  to  each  other  ; 
our  Love  of  our  Fellow-Citizens  ;  of  our  Fellow  Countrymen  ;  finally,  the  Love 
which  we  bear  to  the  whole  Human  Race,  and  to  every  member  of  it.  All  these 
are  included  in  the  general  term  Benevolent  Affections.' — Elem.  of  Moral.,  p.  78. 

a  'Affections  by  which  man  clings  to  man,  may •  be  expressed  by  the  term 
Benevolence,  understood  in  the  largest  sense.  Men  feel,  in  the  first  place,  the 
kinds  of  this  Affection  which  operate  within  certain  limited  spheres.  We  feel  and 
conceive  the  Affection  of  Love  at  first,  as  binding  together  the  members  of  the  same 
Family.' — Ibid.  p.  72. 

b  '  Wealth,  and  Property  of  all  kinds,  may  be  used  as  a  means  of  Benevolence, 
and  from  this  use  arise  Virtues  ;  as  Charity,  already  mentioned,  Liberality,  (a  wil- 
lingness to  give)  and  the  like. — Ibid.  p.  83. 

c  '  Multum  interest  inter  materiam  beneficii,  et  beneficium  ;  itaque  nee  aurum, 
nee  argentum,  nee  quidquam  eorum  quse  a  proximis  accipiuntur,  beneficium  est, 
sed  ipsa  tribuentis  voluntas  ....  Est  enim  recte  factum,  quod  irritum  nulla  vis 
efficit.' — Seneca,  de  Benef.  lib.  i.  cap.  5.  Montaigne  expresses  the  same  idea  as  our 
author.  '  Si  la  liberalite  d'un  prince  est  sans  discretion  et  sans  mesure  je  1'aime 
mieulx  avare.' — Essais,  torn.  iii.  p.  495,  ed.  1854. 

d  This  seems  exactly  to  anticipate  Dr.  Whewell's  definition  in  the  Elements  of 
Morality,  '  A  willingness  to  give  is  Liberality,  Generosity,  Bountifulness  ;  which 
are  reckoned  Virtues.  But  this  disposition  may  be  excessive  :  the  man  is  then 
lavish,  extravagant ','  p.  84  ;  and  so  Bentham  says,  '  Exercised  by  a  public  func- 
tionary, at  the  expense  of  the  public,  liberality,  is  but  another  name  for  waste. 


THE   GOVRRNOUR.  QI 

suchc  maner  of  erogation*  nat  to  be  worthy  the  name  of 
liberalise.    For  Aristotle  defineth  a  liberal  man  to  be 
he  whiche  doth  erogate  accordinge  to  the  rate  of  his 
substance  and  as  oportunitie  hapneth.b     He  saieth  also  in  the 
same  place,  that  liberalitie  is  nat  in  the  multitude  or  A  liberall 
quantite  of  that  whiche  is  gyuen,  but  in  the  habite  or  man- 
facion  of  the  gyuer,  for  he  gyueth  accordinge  to  his  habilitie.c 
Neyther  Tulli  approueth  it  to  be  liberalitie,  wherin  is  any  mix- 
ture of  auarice  or  rapyne  ;  for  it  is  nat  properly  liberalitie  to 
exacte  iniustly,  or  by  violence  or  craft  to  take  goodes  from 
particuler  persones,  and  distribute  them  in  a  multitude  ; d  or  to 

Combined  in  its  essence  are  breach  of  trust,  peculation,  depredation,  oppression, 
and  corruption.  Exercised  to  a  good  end,  and  at  a  man's  own  expense,  liberality 
is  a  virtue :  exercised  at  the  expense  of  others,  and  without  their  consent,  it  is  a  vice.' 
Works,  vol.  ix.  p.  267,  ed.  1843. 

a  This  word  and  the  verb,  to  erogate,  in  the  following  sentence  are  simply 
adaptations  of  the  strictly  classical  words  erogatio,  erogare  signifying  'to  spend, 
or  distribute  lavishly. '  Thus  Cicero  says,  '  UevreXonrou  movere  ista  videntur,  in 
primis  erogatio  pecunise.' — Ep.  ad  At(.  lib.  xv.  2.  And  again,  'Et  quoniam 
pecunias  aliorum  despicis,  de  tuis  divitiis  intolerantissime  gloriaris,  volo  uti  mihi 
respondeas,  fecerisne  foedera  tribunus  plebis  cum  civitatibus,  cum  regibus,  cum 
tetrarchis?  erogarisne  pecunias  ex  serario  tuis  legibus?'— Orat.  in  Vatin.  cap.  12. 
Another  writer  of  the  i6th  century  uses  the  word  in  the  same  sense  :  'But  yet 
wold  I  wish  that  what  so  is  superfluous  or  ouermuch,  either  in  the  one  or  in  the 
other,  shuld  be  distributed  and  erogate,  to  the  help  and  subuention  of  the  poore 
members  of  the  body  of  Christ  Jesus.' — Stubbe's  Anatomie  of  Abuses,  p.  u,  ed. 
1595.  Patrick,  Bishop  of  Ely,  who  wrote  in  1692  '  an  Answer  to  a  book  intituled 
The  Touchstone  of  the  Reformed  Gospel,*  in  replying  to  the  proposition  which 
affirmed '  that  no  man  can  do  works  of  supererogation,'  says,  '  How  should  he?  when 
no  man  can  supererogate  till  he  have  first  erogated.  In  plainer  terms,  no  man  can 
have  anything  to  spare  to  bestow  upon  others  (for  this  they  mean  by  supererogating) 
till  he  hath  done  all  that  he  is  bound  to  do  for  himself.' — P.  119. 

b  Kal  6  €\evOtpios  olv  Sc&ret  row  /caAou  eW/ca  /cal  op8us '  ols  yap  8eT  /cat  0<ra  Kai 
ore,  «al  raAAa  '6ffa  eVerctt  Ty  opOfj  86(rei. — Ethic.  Nicom.  lib.  iv.  cap.  I  (2). 

c  Kara  TT?J/  ovfflav  5'  TJ  IXevQepdr-ris  \eyercu  •  ou  yap  o>  T<£  7rA.TJ0ei  T<av  SiSo/ucVcoi/ 
T\)  6\fv64piov,  aAA3  ey  TT?  roO  di56vTOS  e'£ei,  OUTTJ  5e  Karct  T^J/  ovaiav  SiSufftv. — Ibid. 

§  19- 

d  '  Qui  aliis  nocent,  ut  in  alios  liberales  sint,  in  eadem  sunt  injustitia,  ut  si  in 
suam  rem  alienam  convertant.  Sunt  autem  multi,  et  quidem  cupidi  splendoris  et 
glorias,  qui  eripiunt  aliis,  quod  aliis  largiantur  :  hique  arbitrantur  se  beneficos  in 
suos  amicos  visum  iri,  si  locupletent  eos  quacumque  ratione.  Id  autem  tantum 
abest  officio,  ut  nihil  magis  officio  possit  esse  oontrarium.  Videndum  est  igitur, 


92  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

take  from  many  iniustly,  and  enriche  therwith  one  persone  or 
fewe.  For  as  the  same  autour  saieth,  the  last  precept  concern- 
ing benefites  or  rewardes  is,  to  take  good  hede  that  he  contende 
nat  agayne  equitie,  ne  that  he  upholde  none  iniurie.a 

Nowe  will  I  procede  seriously  and  in  a  due  forme  to  speke 
more  particulerly  of  these  thre  vertues.  Nat  withstandinge 
there  is  suche  affinite  bitwene  beneficence  and  liberalitie, 
beinge  always  a  vertue,  that  they  tende  to  one  conclusion  or 
purpose,  that  is  to  saye,  with  a  free  and  glad  wyll  to  gyue  to 
a  nother  that  thinge  which  he  before  lacked.5 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Of  what  excellence  beneuolence  is. 

?  WHAN  I  remembre  what  incomparable  goodnes  hath  euer 
preceded  of  this  vertue  beneuolence,  mercifull  god,  what  swete 
flauour  fele  I  persing  my  spirites,  wherof  bothe  my  soule  and 
body  to  my  thinkinge  do  conceyue  suche  recreacion,  that  it 
semeth  rne  to  be  in  a  paradise,  or  other  semblable  place  of  in- 
comparable delites  and  pleasures.  Firste  I  beholde  the  dig- 

ut  ea  liberalitate  utamur,  quas  prosit  amicis,  noceat  nemini.' — Cic.  de  Off.  lib.  i. 
cap.  14. 

*  'Extremum  autem  prseceptum,  in  beneficiis  operaque  danda,  est  ne  quid 
contra  sequitatem  contendas,  ne  quid  pro  injuria.' — De  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  20. 

b  '  But, '  as  Dr.  Brown  says,  '  pecuniary  aid  is  only  one  of  many  forms  of  being 
useful.  To  correct  some  error,  moral  or  intellectual — to  counsel  those  who  are  in 
doubt,  and  who  in  such  circumstances  require  instruction,  as  the  indigent  require 
alms — even  though  nothing  more  were  in  our  power  to  show  an  interest  in  the 
welfare  of  the  happy,  and  a  sincere  commiseration  of  those  who  are  in  sorrow  ;  in 
these,  and  in  innumerable  other  ways,  the  benevolent,  however  scanty  may  be  their 
means  of  conferring  what  alone  the  world  calls  benefactions,  are  not  benevolent 
only,  but  beneficent ;  as  truly  beneficent,  or  far  more  so,  as  those  who  squander  in 
loose  prodigalities  to  the  deserving  and  the  undeserving,  the  sufferers  from  their 
own  thoughtless  dissipation,  or  the  sufferers  from  the  injustice  or  dissipation  of 
others,  almost  as  much  as  they  loosely  squander  on  a  few  hours  of  their  own 
sensual  appetites.' — Lectures  on  Ethics,  p.  263,  ed.  1846. 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


93 


nitie  of  that  vertue,  consideringc  that  god  is  therby  chiefly 
knowen  and  honoured  both  of  aungell  and  man.a  As  con- 
trarie  wise  the  deuill  is  hated  and  reproued  bothe  of  god  and 
man  for  his  malice,b  whiche  vice  is  contrarious  and  repugnaunt 
to  beneuolence.  Wherefore  without  beneuolence  may  be  no 
god.  For  god  is  all  goodnes,  all  charite,  all  loue,  whiche  holy 
be  comprehended  in  the  saide  worde  beneuolence.0 

6  Dr.  Whewell  says,  '  We  conceive  not  only  Will  and  Purpose,  as  residing  in 
God,  but  also  Affections.  His  creation  abounds  in  Contrivances,  which  have  for 
their  objects,  the  health,  comfort,  and  enjoyment  of  his  creatures ;  and  nowhere 
exhibits  Contrivances  which  have,  for  their  object,  pain  or  disease.  Hence  we  con- 
ceive God  as  benevolent  towards  his  creatures.' — EL  of  Mo.  p.  255.  Modern 
philosophers  of  the  school  of  Kant  derive  the  notion  of  the  supreme  benevolence 
of  the  Deity  from  our  own  moral  faculty.  '  Even  if  we  could  discover  a  predomi- 
nance of  benevolence  in  the  creation,'  says  Mr.  Lecky,  '  we  should  still  regard  the 
mingled  attributes  of  nature  as  a  reflex  of  the  mingled  attributes  of  its  Contriver. 
Our  knowledge  of  the  Supreme  Excellence,  our  best  evidence  even  of  the  existence 
of  the  Creator,  is  derived  not  from  the  material  universe  but  from  our  own  moral 
nature.' — Hist,  of  Europ.  Morals,  vol.  i.  p.  57,  ed.  1869.  And  Bentham  says, 
*  It  is  not  from  the  attributes  of  the  Deity,  that  an  idea  is  to  be  had  of  any  quali- 
ties in  men  :  on  the  contrary,  it  is  from  what  we  see  of  the  qualities  of  men,  that 
we  obtain  the  feeble  idea  we  can  frame  to  ourselves,  of  the  attributes  of  the  Deity. ' 
Works,  vol.  i.  p.  273,  ed.  1843. 

b  The  Patristic  notion,  however,  was  that  this  malice  (malitia}  was  itself  the 
creation  of  the  supreme  Being.  'Nonnulli  eum  (sc.  diabolum)  non  in  hanc 
malitiam  libero  voluntatis  arbitrio  esse  deflexum,  sed  in  hac  omnino  creatum  putant, 
quamvis  a  Domino  Deo  summo,  et  vero  naturarum  omnium  creatore.' — S.  Augus- 
tin,  torn.  iii.  col.  439,  Migne  ed.  And  Lactantius  says,  '  Deinde  fecit  Deus  alterum 
(spiritum)  in  quo  indoles  divinse  stirpis  non  permansit.  Itaque  suapte  invidia 
tamquam  veneno  infectus  est,  et  ex  bono  ad  malum  transcendit.' — Lib.  ii.  cap.  9. 
Tertullian  ascribes  to  the  Devil,  'et  infirmitas  et  malitia.' — De  Oratione,  cap.  8. 

c  Bishop  Butler  says,  '  Some  men  seem  to  think  the  only  character  of  the 
Author  of  Nature  to  be  that  of  simple  absolute  benevolence.  This,  considered  as 
a  principle  of  action  and  infinite  in  degree,  is  a  disposition  to  produce  the  greatest 
possible  happiness,  without  regard  to  a  person's  behaviour,  otherwise  than  as  such 
regard  would  produce  higher  degrees  of  it.  And  supposing  this  to  be  the  only 
character  of  God,  veracity  and  justice  in  him  would  be  nothing  but  benevolence 
conducted  by  wisdom.'  But  he  goes  on  to  prove  that  '  though  there  may  possibly 
be  in  the  creation  beings,  to  whom  the  Author  of  Nature  manifests  himself  under 
this  most  amiable  of  all  characters,  this  of  infinite  absolute  benevolence,  for  it  is 
the  most  amiable,  supposing  it  not,  as  perhaps  it  is  not,  incompatible  with  justice  ; 
yet  he  manifests  himself  to  us  under  the  character  of  a  righteous  governor.' — 
Anal,  of  Rel.  p.  lio,  cd.  1852,  Bohn's  Stand.  Lib. 


94  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Nowe  let  us  see  where  any  other  vertue  may  be  equall  in  dig- 
nitie  with  this  vertue  beneuolence,  or  if  any  vertue  remayneth, 
where  this  is  excluded/*  For  what  commeth  of  prudence  where 
lacketh  beneuolence,  but  disceite,  rauine,  auarice  and  tyranny  ?b 
What  of  fortitude,  but  bestely  crueltie,  oppression,  and  effusion 
of  bloode?0  What  Justice  may  there  be  without  beneuo- 

•  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  anticipates  in  this  passage  the  opinion  held  in  the 
eighteenth  century  by  Hutcheson,  '  who  is  the  very  founder  in  modern  times  of  the 
doctrine  of  "a  moral  sense,"  and  who  resolved  all  virtue  into  benevolence  or  the 
pursuit  of  the  happiness  of  others.' — Lecky's  Hist.  Eur.  Mor.  vol.  i.  p.  4.  Dr. 
Brown  says,  « The  doctrine  of  virtue,  as  consisting  in  benevolence,  false  as  it  is  when 
maintained  as  universal  and  exclusive,  is  yet,  when  considered  as  having  the  sanc- 
tion of  so  many  enlightened  men,  a  proof  at  least  of  the  very  extensive  diffusion  of 
benevolence  in  the  modes  of  conduct  which  are  denominated  virtuous.'— Lectttres 
on  Ethics,  p.  253. 

b  This  is  exactly  in  accordance  with  the  view  taken  by  Bentham  three  centuries 
later.  '  As  to  Ethics  in  general,  a  man's  happiness  will  depend,  in  the  first  place, 
upon  such  parts  of  his  behaviour  as  none  but  himself  are  interested  in  ;  in  the  next 
place,  upon  such  parts  of  it  as  may  affect  the  happiness  of  those  about  him.  In 
as  far  as  his  happiness  depends  upon  the  first  mentioned  part  of  his  behaviour,  it 
is  said  to  depend  upon  his  duty  to  himself.  Ethics,  then,  in  as  far  as  it  is  the  art 
of  directing  a  man's  actions  in  this  respect,  may  be  termed  the  art  of  discharging 
one's  duty  to  oneself :  and  the  quality  which  a  man  manifests  by  the  discharge  of  this 
branch  of  duty  (if  duty  it  is  to  be  called),  is  that  of  prudence.  In  as  far  as  his 
happiness,  and  that  of  any  other  person  or  persons  whose  interests  are  considered, 
depends  upon  such  parts  of  his  behaviour  as  may  affect  the  interests  of  those  about 
him,  it  may  be  said  to  depend  upon  his  duty  to  others ;  or  to  use  a  phrase  now 
somewhat  antiquated,  his  duty  to  his  neighbour.  Ethics,  then,  in  as  far  as  it  is  the 
art  of  directing  a  man's  actions  in  this  respect,  may  be  termed  the  art  of  discharg- 
ing one's  duty  to  one's  neighbour.  Now  the  happiness  of  one's  neighbour  may  be 
consulted  in  two  ways  :  I.  In  a  negative  way,  by  forbearing  to  diminish  it.  2.  In 
a  positive  way  by  studying  to  increase  it.  A  man's  duty  to  his  neighbour  is 
accordingly  partly  negative  and  partly  positive  ;  to  discharge  the  negative  branch  of 
it  is  probity,  to  discharge  the  positive  branch,  beneficence. ,' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  143. 

c  A  modern  philosopher,  however,  attributes  still  greater  force  to  the  influence 
of  the  imagination.  Mr.  Lecky  says,  'There  are  certain  virtues  that  are  the 
natural  product  of  a  cultivated  society.  Independently  of  all  local  and  special 
circumstances,  the  transition  of  men  from  a  barbarous  or  semi-civilised  to  a  highly 
organised  state  necessarily  brings  with  it  the  destruction  or  abridgment  of  the 
legitimate  sphere  of  revenge  by  the  transfer  of  the  office  of  punishment  from  the 
wronged  person  to  a  passionless  tribunal  appointed  by  society  ;  a  growing  substi- 
tution of  pacific  for  warlike  occupations,  the  introduction  of  refined  and  intellectual 
tastes,  which  gradually  displace  amusements  that  derive  their  zest  from  their  bar- 


GOVERNOUR.  95 

lence  ?a  Sens  the  first  or  chiefe  porcion  of  iustice  (as  Tulli  saieth) 
is  to  indomage  no  man,  onelas  thou  be  wrongfully  vexed.b 
And  what  is  the  cause  hereof  but  equall  and  entier  loue  ;  whiche 
beinge  remoued,  or  cessing,  who  endeuoreth  nat  him  selfe  to 
take  from  a  nother  al  thyng  that  he  coueteth,  or  for  euery 
thinge  that  discontenteth  him  wolde  nat  forthwith  be  auenged  ? 
Wherby  he  confoundeth  the  vertue  called  temperance,  whiche 
is  the  moderatrice  as  well  of  all  motions  of  the  minde,  called 
affectes,  as  of  all  actis  procedyng  of  man.  Here  it  sufficiently 
appereth  (as  I  suppose)  of  what  estimation  beneuolence  is.c 

Nowe  wyll  I,  accordynge  to  mync  accustomed  maner,  en- 
deuore  me  to  recreate  the  spirites  of  the  diligent  reder  with 
some  delectable  histories,  wherin  is  any  noble  remembrance  of 
this  vertue  beneuolence,  that  the  worthinesse  therof  maye 

barity,  the  rapid  multiplication  of  ties  of  connection  between  all  classes  and 
nations,  and  above  all  the  strengthening  of  the  imagination  by  intellectual  culture. 
Hence  in  a  great  degree,  the  tact  with  which  a  refined  mind  learns  to  discriminate 
and  adapt  itself  to  the  most  delicate  shades  of  feeling,  and  hence,  too,  the  sensitive 
humanity  with  which,  in  proportion  to  their  civilisation,  men  realise  and  recoil  from 
cruelty.' — Hist,  of  Europ.  Morals,  vol.  i.  pp.  137-139. 

a  This  is  in  accordance  with  the  views  of  the  utilitarian  school  of  philosophy. 
Thus,  Bentham  says,  '  Justice,  in  the  only  sense  in  which  it  has  a  meaning,  is  an 
imaginary  personage,  feigned  for  the  convenience  of  discourse,  whose  dictates  are 
the  dictates  of  utility,  applied  to  certain  particular  cases.  Justice,  then,  is  nothing 
more  than  an  imaginary  instrument,  employed  to  forward,  on  certain  occasions 
and  by  certain  means,  the  purposes  of  benevolence.  The  dictates  of  justice  are 
nothing  more  than  a  part  of  the  dictates  of  benevolence,  which,  on  certain  occa- 
sions, are  applied  to  certain  subjects  ;  to  wit,  to  certain  actions.' — Works,  vol.  i. 
p.  58,  note,  ed.  1843. 

b  '  Justitise  primum  munus  est,  ut  ne  cui  quis  noceat,  nisi  lacessitus  injuria.' — 
De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  7. 

c  Dr.  Whewell  says,  'The  special  kinds  of  benevolent  Affection,  Gratitude, 
Compassion,  Reverence  for  Superiors,  Filial  Affection,  Parental  Affection,  Con- 
jugal Affection,  Fraternal  Affection,  are  all  Duties.  They  are  Affections  in  which 
all  men  sympathize.  They  are  Natural  Affections.  Those  who  have  them  not, 
are  universally  condemned  as  without  natural  affection.  Such  men  have  not  found 
admission  into  the  Moral  School  of  the  Heart.  They  have  not  made  the  first  steps 
towards  that  Universal  Benevolence,  which  is  a  Fundamental  Moral  Principle. 
Such  men  must  be  destitute  of  that  warmth  of  right  affections  which  the  Principle 
of  Earnestness  requires.  Such  men  cannot  .give  to  the  obligations  of  their  station 
that  moral  significance  which  Morality  requires.  — £7.  of  Morality,  p.  101. 


96  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

appiere  in  a  more  playne  declaration  ;  for  in  euery  discipline 
example  is  the  beste  instructour. 

But  firste  I  will  aduertise  the  reder,  that  I  will  nowe  write 
of  that  beneuolence  onely  whiche  is  moste  uniuersall,  wherin 
That  ius-  is  equalitie  without  singuler  affection  or  acceptaunce 
lack^ne-  of  personagis.a  And  here  it  is  to  be  noted,  that  if  a 
uolence.  gouernour  of  a  publike  weale,  iuge,  or  any  other  mi- 
nistre  of  Justice,  do  gyue  sentence  agayne  one  that  hath  trans- 
gressed the  lawes,  or  punissheth  hym  according  to  the  qualitie 
of  his  trespas,  Beneuolence  therby  is  nat  any  thing  perisshed  ; b 

a  This  definition  corresponds  as  nearly  as  possible  to  that  of  Justice.  Thus 
Dr.  Whewell  says,  '  In  the  Idea  of  Complete  Goodness  or  Virtue,  we  must  exclude 
all  Desires  that  merely  tend  to  their  center  in  the  individual,  without  regard  to 
the  common  sympathy  of  mankind :  and  we  must  have  a  habit  of  mind  which  sup- 
presses and  contradicts  all  such'  Desires.  The  Desire  of  Property  is,  in  its  original 
form,  of  this  selfish  kind.  Each  man  desires  Property  for  himself  alone.  But  the 
nature  of  Morality,  rejects  this  selfish  covetousness,  and  points  out  the  contrary 
dispositions,  for  instance,  Liberality  and  Fairness,  as  the  proper  guides  of  Action. 
Liberality  partakes  of  Benevolence,  but  Fairness  involves  the  notion  of  another 
Virtue,  which  may  be  described  as  the  Desire  that  each  person  should  have  his 
own.  This  Desire,  in  a  complete  and  comprehensive  form,  is  the  Virtue  of  Justice, 
and  this  Virtue,  Justice,  is  a  second  part  of  the  complete  Idea  of  Virtue  and  Good- 
ness. The  Idea  of  Justice  is  that  of  a  Desire  that,  of  external  things,  each  person 
should  have  his  own  without  any  preference  of  ourselves  to  others,  or  of  one  person 
to  another.  We  may  state  this  also  as  a  Moral  Principle,  that  Each  man  is  to  have 
his  own  ;  and  this  we  may  term  the  Principle  of  Justice.'' — El.  of  Mor.,  pp.  72,  73, 
95,  ed.  1864. 

b  This  view  of  the  proportion  to  be  observed  between  crimes  and  punishments 
is  quite  in  accordance  with  the  general  proposition  laid  down  by  Montesquieu,  and 
followed  to  its  legitimate  conclusion  by  Bentham.  The  former,  complaining  of 
the  penal  code  of  his  country,  says,  '  C'est  un  grand  mal  parmi  nous  de  faire 
subir  la  meme  peine  a  celui  qui  vole  sur  un  grand  chemin,  et  a  celui  qui  vole  et 
assassine.  II  est  visible  que,  pour  la  surete  publique,  il  faudrait  mettre  quelque 
difference  dans  la  peine.' — Esprit  des  Lois,  liv.  vi.  ch.  16.  Whilst  the  latter 
argues  that  in  awarding  punishment  the  legislator  must  pay  due  attention  to  cir- 
cumstances which  influence  sensibility.  '  In  estimating  the  evil  of  an  offence. 
In  effect  the  same  nominal  offence  is  not  the  same  real  offence,  when  the  sensibility 
of  the  individual  injured  is  not  the  same.  A  certain  action  for  example  would  be 
a  serious  insult  to  a  woman,  whilst  it  is  indifferent  to  a  man.  A  certain  corporal 
injury,  if  done  to  a  sick  person,  would  endanger  his  life,  but  would  be  of  no  conse- 
quence to  a  person  in  good  health.  An  imputation  which  would  ruin  the  fortune 
or  the  honour  of  a  certain  individual,  would  do  no  injury  to  another  individual.' — 
Works,  vol.  i.  p.  33. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  97 

for  the  condemnation  or  punisshement  is  cither  to  reduce  hym 
that  erreth  in  to  the  trayne  of  vertue,  or  to  prescrue  a  multi- 
tude from  domage,  by  puttynge  men  in  feare  that  be  prone  to 
offende,  dreding  the  sharpe  correction  that  they  beholde  a 
nother  to  suffre.a  And  that  maner  of  seueritie  is  touched  by 
the  prophet  Dauid,  in  the  fourthe  psalme,  sayinge  in  this  wise ; 
Be  you  angry  and  loke  that  you  sinne  nat.b  And  Rigour 
Tulli  saith  in  his  first  boke  of  Officis,  It  is  to  be  °f™tice. 
wisshed,  that  they,  whiche  in  the  publike  weale  haue  any  au- 
toritie,  maye  be  like  to  the  lawes,  whiche  in  correctynge  be 
ladde  only  by  equttie  and  nat  by  wrathe  or  displesure.c  And 

a  This  description  of  the  object  of  punishment  perfectly  accords  with  that  given 
by  modern  writers.  Thus  Paley  says,  '  The  end  of  punishment  is  twofold  — 
amendment  and  example."1 — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  381,  ed.  1825.  Blackstone  says, 
'  As  to  the  end,  or  final  cause  of  human  punishments.  This  is  not  by  way  of 
atonement  or  expiation  for  the  crime  committed  ;  for  that  must  be  left  to  the  just 
determination  of  the  Supreme  Being  ;  but  as  a  precaution  against  future  offences  of 
the  same  kind.  This  is  effected  three  ways  :  either  by  the  amendment  of  the  offen- 
der himself ;  for  which  purpose  all  corporal  punishments  fines,  and  temporary 
exile  or  imprisonment  are  inflicted  :  or  by  deterring  others  by  the  dread  of  his 
example  from  offending  in  the  like  way  ;  which  gives  rise  to  all  ignominious 
punishments,  and  to  such  executions  of  justice  as  are  open  and  public  :  or,  lastly, 
by  depriving  the  party  injuring  of  the  power  to  do  future  mischief ;  which  is 
effected  by  either  putting  him  to  death,  or  condemning  him  to  perpetual  confine- 
ment, slavery,  or  exile.' — Comment,  vol.  iv.  p.  n,  Qth  ed.  According  to  Ben- 
tham,  '  General  prevention  ought  to  be  the  chief  end  of  punishment,  as  it  is  its 
real  justification.  If  we  could  consider  an  offence  which  has  been  committed  as 
an  isolated  fact,  the  like  of  which  would  never  recur,  punishment  would  be  use- 
less. It  would  be  only  adding  one  evil  to  another.  But  when  we  consider  that 
an  unpunished  crime  leaves  the  path  of  crime  open,  not  only  to  the  same  delin- 
quent, but  also  to  all  those  who  may  have  the  same  motives  and  opportunities  for 
entering  upon  it,  we  perceive  that  the  punishment  inflicted  on  the  individual 
becomes  a  source  of  security  to  all.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  396.  Other  writers,  how- 
ever, hold  that  a  principal  object  of  punishment  is  its  educational  force.  Thus 
Dr.  Whewell  says,  'The  Object  of  Punishment,  even  when  it  threatens  most 
roughly,  is  not  merely  to  deter  men,  but  to  teach  them  ;  not  merely  to  tell  them 
that  transgression  of  the  Law  is  dangerous,  but  also  that  it  is  immoral.  Punish- 
ment is  a  means  of  the  Moral  Education  of  the  Citizens.' — EL  of  Mor.,  p.  503. 

b  This  is  rendered  in  the  A.  V.    «  Stand  in  awe,  and  sin  not.'— Psalm  iv.  4. 

c  '  Optandumque,  ut  ii,  qui  prsesunt  reipublicoe,  legum  similes  sint,  quce  ad 
puniendum,  non  iracundia,  sed  ocquitate,  ducuntur.' — De  Off.,  lib.  i.  cap.  25. 
II.  H 


98  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

in  that  maner,  whan  Chore,  Dathan,  and  Abiron  moued  a  sedi- 
tion agayne  Moyses,  he  praied  god  that  the  erth  mought  open 
and  swalowe  them,  consideryng  that  the  furye  of  the  people 
moughte  natbe  by  any  other  meanes  asswaged,  ne  they  kepte 
in  due  rule  or  obedience.* 

Heliasb  the  holy  prophete  of  god  dyd  his  owne  handes  put 
to  deth  the  prestes  of  the  Idol  Baal,  yet  cessed  he 
nat  with  fastynge,  praying,  longe  and  tedious  pilgri- 
mages to  pacific  the  displeasure  that  god  toke   againe  the 
people  of  Israhel.c     But  to  retourne  to  beneuolence. 

Moyses  beinge  highly  entretayned  with  Pharao  kynge  of 
Aegipte,  and  so  moche  in  his  fauour  by  the  meanes  of  the 
kynges  suster,  that,  (as  Josephus  saithe),  he  beinge  made  capi- 
taine  of  a  huge  armye,  was  sente  by  Pharao  agayne  the  Ethio- 
pians or  Moores,  where  he  made  suche  exploiture,  that  he  nat 
only  atchieued  his  entreprise,  but  also  had  giuen  unto  him, 
for  his  prowesse,  the  kyngs  daughter  of  Ethiopia  to  be  his 

•  See  Numbers  xvi.  30. 

b  I.e.  Elijah.  The  Septuagint  version  of  the  prophet's  name  is  'HAtot;.  One 
of  the  orders  given  to  the  translators  of  the  Bible  by  King  James  was  that  '  the 
names  of  the  prophets  and  the  holy  writers,  with  the  other  names  in  the  text, 
should  be  retained  as  near  as  might  be,  accordingly  as  they  were  vulgarly  used.' 
And  Dr.  Dixon  points  out  that  this  rule  exercised  an  important  influence  upon  the 
English  orthography  of  scripture  names  of  persons  and  places.  '  Whether  from  a 
wish  to  be  unlike  the  Church,  which  they  had  abandoned,  even  in  this  slight  matter, 
or  from  an  anxiety  to  exhibit  their  acquaintance  with  the  Hebrew  text,  the  first 
Reformers,  in  their  translations  of  the  Bible  rejected  the  established  orthography 
of  the  scripture  names,  substituting  for  it  another,  which  was  modelled  upon  the 
Masoretic  reading  of  the  Hebrew  text.  Hence  has  arisen  such  a  frequent  discre- 
pancy between  Catholic  and  Protestant  Bibles — and  of  course  between  Catholic 
and  Protestant  writers — in  the  spelling  of  these  names.  The  Catholics  will  say 
Elias,  Eliseus,  Sion,  while  the  Protestant,  following  his  Bible,  will  say,  Elijah, 
Elisha,  Zion,  and  so  of  a  vast  number  of  names  of  persons  and  places.  The 
Catholic  orthography  has  been  derived  from  the  Septuagint  version,  and  Jias  pre- 
vailed in  the  Church  from  the  very  beginning,  in  all  those  places  to  which  the 
influence  of  the  Septuagint  extended.  But  the  Reformers  undertook  to  reform 
many  things  both  great  and  small,  and  among  the  rest,  the  prevalent  orthography 
of  these  scripture  names.' — Introd.  to  the  Scriptures,  vol.  i.  pp,  204,  205, 
ed.  1852. 

c  See  I  Kings  xviii. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  99 

wife,  with  great  abundaunce  of  richest  And  also  for  his  en- 
deuour,  prowesse,  and  wisedome,  was  moche  estemed  by 
Pharao  and  the  nobles  of  Egipte ;  so  that  he  moughte  haue 
liued  there  continually  in  moche  honour  and  welth,  if  he  wolde 
haue  preferred  his  singuler  aduaileb  before  the  uniuersall 
weale  of  his  owne  kynred  or  familie.  But  he  inflamed  with 
feruent  beneuolence  or  zele  towarde  them,  to  redeme  them  out 
of  their  miserable  bondage,  chase  rather  to  be  in  the  daun- 
gerous  indignation  of  Pharao,  to  committe  his  persone  to  the 
chaungeable  myndes  of  a  multitude,  and  they  most  unstable, 
to  passe  great  and  long  iournaiesthroughe  desertes  replenisshed 
with  wylde  beastis  and  yenimous  serpentes,  to  suffre  exstreme 
hunger  and  thirste,  lackynge  often  tymes  nat  onely  vitailec  but 

a  It  will  be  seen  that  the  author  has  not  adhered  strictly  to  the  account  given 
by  Josephus,  who  represents  Tharbis  as  falling  in  love  with  Moses,  and  the  capture 
of  the  royal  city  of  Ethiopia  as  the  result  of  a  compact  of  marriage  between  them. 
Sir  Thomas  Elyot  is  also  in  error  in  saying  that  Moses  owed  his  favour  at  the 
court  of  Pharaoh  to  the  influence  of  the  King's  sister ^  for  Josephus  expressly  says 
that  it  was  his  daughter  who  adopted  Moses  for  her  son.  &fp/j.ov6ts  ^v  Ovydryp 
rov  /3acri\ea>s.  And  afterwards  he  informs  us  that  it  was  partly  at  her  instigation 
that  Moses  undertook  the  expedition  against  the  Ethiopians.  M«i)crfjs  5e  vn6  re 
rrjs  Qtp/j.ovQt5os  irapaK\T)6els  Kal  u?rb  rov  fiaaiXtws  T?8eo>s  Trpoo-Se'xerat  ro  epyov.  The 
result  of  which  is  thus  given  by  Josephus  :  Qepovn  roivuv  07780)$  r<?  Mca'ixrrj  rr\v 
rov  ffrpareviJ-aros  dp-yaw,  (ets  xeTpas  yap  ou<c  er6\/j.(t>v  airavrav  ol  ITO\€/J.IOI)  avvervxe 
nroiovrov  0apj8ts  Qvyarrip  ^v  TOV  PdQi6ir<av  /3a<n\e'cos'  avrr)  rbv  Ma>i)<TT/j/  irArjo'ioj/ 
rots  rcix60"4  itpoadyovra.  ryv  ffrpanav  Kal  p.a^6/JLfVOV  yevvaiws  airoffKoirovaa,  /cat  rrjs 
firivoias  rwv  ^^eip^trecoj/  davftd^ouffa,  Kal  rots  re  AiyvTrriois  atnov,  air€yv(aK6<ni'  ^8/j 
TT]V  f\fvdfpiav,  T^S  fvirpayias  vTroXap.$a.vovffa  Kal  rols  AiOiofytv,  avxovffiv  £nl  TO?S 
Kar'  avrtav  KaToopdu/jievois,  rov  irepl  rcav  ftXwv  KivSvvov,  fls  epwra  Seivbv  &Xi<rQev 
avrov.  Kal  irepiovros  rov  irdOovs  Tre'/iTrei  irpbs  avrbv  ruv  oiKer&v  rovs  irio~rordrovs 
Sia\fyofJ.€Vij  Trepl  yd/j.ov.  Hpoo~8e£a[j.€vov  8e  rbf  \6yov  tirl  r<f  irapaSovvat  rfy  ir6\iv, 
Kal  irotr]o~aiJ.€vov  TnVrets  3v6pKovs  %  (J.))v  a£eo~Qai  ywcuita,  Kal  KpaTr)o~avra  rrjs  7roAea,'5 
[My  TrapafiTjafffdai  ras  ffuvB-fiKas,  <p9dvei  T£>  epyov  rovs  \6yovs.  Kal  Kara  rriv  avaipeariv 
rOav  A.lOi6TT(t)V  euxapitfr^cras  r<j>  0ey  ffwereAej  r'ov  ydp.ov  6  Mwucrfjs,  Kal  rouy  Atyyrr- 
riovs  air'fiyayei'  els  r)jv  eaurwf  yr]v. — Antiq,  Jud.  lib.  ii.  cap.  IO. 

b  I.e.  advantage,  probably  from  the  French  valoir.  This  substantival  use  of  the 
word  is  uncommon.  Sir  Thomas  More  uses  it  in  his  Booke  of  Comfort  against 
Tribulation.  '  Nay,  nay,  Cosyn,  naye,  there  walke  you  somewhat  wide,  for  ther 
you  defende  your  owne  righte  for  your  temporal  auaylcS — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  1151, 
ed.  1557. 

c  See  Exodus  xvi.  3. 

H  2 


100  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

also  fresshe  water  to  drinke,a  than  to  be  in  the  palice  of  Pharao 
where  he  shulde  haue  bene  satisfied  with  honour,  richesse  and 
ease,  and  all  other  thinges  pleasaunt.  Who  that  redeth  the 
boke  of  Exodi  shall  fmde  the  charitie  of  this  man  wonderfull. 
For  whan  almightie  god,  being  greuously  meued  with  the 
children  of  Israhel  for  their  ingratitude,  for  as  moche  as  they 
often  tymes  murmured  agayne  hym,  and  uneth  moughte  be 
kepte  by  Moyses  from  idolatrie,  he  said  to  Moyses  that  he 
wold  destroye  them  utterly,  and  make  hym  ruler  of  a  moche 
greatter  and  better  people.  But  Moyses  brenning  in  a  mer- 
uailous  charite  towards  them  said  unto  god,  This  people, 
good  lorde,  haue  mooste  greuouslye  sinned,  yet  either  forgyue 
them  this  trespas,  or,  if  ye  do  nat,  strike  me  clene  out  of  the 
booke  that  ye  wrate.b  And  diuers  other  tymes  he  impor- 
tunately cried  to  god  for  the  saulfe  garde  of  them,  nat  with- 
standing that  many  tymes  they  concluded  to  haue  slayne  hym, 
if  he  had  nat  ben  by  his  wisedome,  and  specially  by  the  powar 
of  god,  preserued. 

But  perauenture  some,  which  seke  for  sterting  holes0  to 
mainteine  their  vices,  will  obiecte,  sayinge  that  Moyses  was  a 
holy  prophete  and  a  persone  electe  by  predestination d  to 

*  See  Exodus  xvii.  I.  b  See  Exodus  xxxii.  32. 

c  Wilson  in  The  Arte  of  Logique  has  the  very  same  phrase  :  '  And  wheras  the 
answerer  perhappes  shall  smell  where  aboutes  he  goeth,  and  therefore  will  seke 
startyng  holes  to  escape  and  flee  soche  daunger.' — Fol.  61,  ed  1553. 

d  This  word  has  of  course  been  borrowed  by  the  author  from  the  patristic 
writings.  The  Latin  word  prsedestinatio  is  very  frequently  used  by  S.  Augustine. 
It  took  its  origin  in  the  well-known  passage  of  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Romans, 
viii.  30,  which  was  rendered  into  Latin,  'quos  praedestinavit  ipsos  et  vocavit.' 
.But  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Blunt,  in  his  Diet,  of  Doctrinal  Theology,  says,  '  The  interpre- 
tation of  this  passage  mainly  depends  on  the  word  Trpoeyvu  (foreknew),  which  may 
have  different  meanings.  The  Greek  fathers,  generally,  thought  that  it  referred  to 
the  foreseen  character  of  the  predestinated,  that  is,  that  God  predestinated  those 
whom  He  foresaw  would  live  and  persevere  in  faith  and  obedience  (predestination 
to  glory).'  But  he  adds  that  in  another  place  (viz  Rom.  xi.  2,)  it  means  '  loved  ' 
and  '  according  to  the  more  probable  meaning  of  the  word,  the  passage  will  have 
reference  to  "predestination  to  grace,"  the  "foreknown,"  or  loved,  being  those 
chosen  from  the  rest  of  mankind  who  are  the  objects  of  God's  undeserved  favour 
and  grace.'  P.  234,  note,  ed.  i8"o.  The  following  is  S.  Augustine's  definition  of 
the  word  :  '  Hasc  est  praedestinatio  sanctorum,  nihil  aliucl :  pncscientia  scilicet, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  IOI 

deliuer  the  children  of  Israhell  out  of  captiuitic,  which  he  coulde 
nat  haue  done,  if  he  hadnat  bene  of  suche  pacience  and  charitie- 
Therfore  let  us  se  what  examples  of  semblable  beneuolence 
we  can  finde  amonge  the  gentiles,  in  whom  was  no  vertue  in- 
spired, but  that  only  which  natural  reason  induced. 

Whan  a  furious  and  wylfuil  yonge  man  in  a  sedicion  had 
striken  out  one  of  the  eies  of  kyng  Licurgus,  wherfore  the 
people  wolde  haue  slaine  the  transgressour,  he  wolde  nat  suffre 
them,  but  hauyng  him  home  to  his  house,  he  by  suche  wise 
meanes  corrected  the  yonge  man,  that  he  at  the  laste  broughte 
hym  to  good  maners  and  wisedome.a  Also  the  same  Licurge, 
to  the  entent  that  theffecte  of  his  beneuolence  towarde  the 
commune  weale  of  his  countray  mought  persist  and  continue, 
and  that  his  excellent  lawes  beinge  stablisshed  shulde  neuer 
be  alterate,  he  dyd  let  swere  al  his  people,  that  they  shulde 
chaunge  no  part  of  his  lawes,  untill  he  were  retourned,  fayn- 
ynge  to  them  that  he  wolde  go  to  Delphos,  where  Apollo 
was  chiefly  honoured,  to  consulte  with  that  god  what  semed 
to  hym  to  be  added  to  or  minisshed  of  those  lawes,  whiche 
also  he  fayned  to  haue  receiued  of  the  said  Apollo.b  But  finally 

et  praeparatio  beneficiorum  Dei,  quibus  certissime  liberantur,  quicumque  liberan- 
tur.' — Lib.  de  Dono  Persev.  cap.  xiv.  See  Migne's  ed.,  torn.  x.  col.  1014. 

a  Koi  rovs  /*ei/  &\\ovs  e<£ 0a<rez/  ets  lepbv  Kara(pvy<av '  els  5e  ris  veaviffKos,  a\\us 
fjitv  OVK  atyvtis,  o£us  8e  /cat  dv/j.oeiS})s,  "AA/caj/Spos,  eVt/cefyiej/os  Kal  SicaKwv,  eVto-rpacpeV- 
ros  avrov  TTJ  j8a/CTT?pia  7raTa£as  rbv  bq>6a\iJibv  e^e'/cot^ey.  'O  [Mtv  ovv  AvKovpyos 
evSovs  irpbs  rb  irdQos,  a\\a  crras  tvavrios  e5ei|e  Toils  iroK'nais  rb  Tfp6ff(i}irov  rj/j.a.yfj.fi 
Kal  SietyQap/J.evrii'  r)]t>  otyiv.  AiS&s  Se  TroAA^J  /col  /car^^eto  TOVS  l86vTas  ecr^eif, 
TrapoSoOj/at  T&J/  *A.\Kav8pov  aury,  /cat  irpoTre/i^/at  fJiexP1  T'?s  oiKias  ffvvayava.K'rovvras- 
O  8e  AvKOvpyos  e/ceii/oi/s  fjikv  eiraiveffas  d^)rj/C6,  rbv  5e  vAA/cav5pov  elffayayuv  oucaSe 
Kaitov  p.tv  ovSev  O&T'  erroiTjo'ei'  oi/r'  e?7rei/,  a7ra\Aa|as  8e  TOVS  ffvvr]Qfis  innjpfTas  Kal 
depairevrypas  e'/cetVov  e/feAeutrei/  UTrTjpereti'.  'O  Se  OVK  &v  ayevv^s  eVoiet  rb  TrpoffTcur- 
ff6/j.tvov  fftwirrj  /cat  irapa/Mevuv  a/wa  rep  AvKovpyy  Kal  avvSiairwfjifvos  eV  ry  Karavof?v 
T\}v  Trpa^TTjTO  Kal  rb  ouraOts  avrov  TTJS  ^"X^5  Ka'  T^  V€P^  T^v  Statraj/  av<rri)pbv  /cat  rb 
trpbs  TOVS  ir6vovs  aKafj-Trrov,  avr6s  re  Seivus  Stere'^rj  irepl  rbv  avSpa,  /cat  Trpbs  rovs 
crvvrideis  Kal  <j)i\ovs  f\€yev,  us  ov  o~K\T]pbs  oi»5'  au^aSTjs  o  AvKovpyos,  aAAa  i*.6vos 
e'/ce?ros  T/1/J.epos  Kal  irpa6s  eVrt  rots  &\\ois.  Ovrta  ^uev  ovv  ovros  e'/ce/cJAao-ro  Kal  rot- 
avri]v  virto'x'hKti  SI/CTJV,  e'/c  Trovr]pov  ofy  vtov  Kal  avddSovs  tfjifj.e\to~raros  avi]p  Kal  <rco- 
os  yti/6/.i.et>os.  —  Plut.  Lycurgus,  II. 

b  '  Hijec  quoniam  primo,  solutis  antea  moribus,  dura  videbat  esse,  "auctorem 


102  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

he  went  in  to  the  Isle  of  Crete,  where  he  continued  and  died, 
commaundyng  at  his  deth  that  his  bones  shulde  be  cast  in  to 
the  see,  lest  if  they  were  brought  to  Lacedemonia,  his  coun- 
tra'y,  the  people  shuld  thinke  them  selfe  of  their  othe  and 
promise  discharged. 

Semblable  loue  Codrus,  the  last  kynge  of  Athenes,  had  to 
Codrus  kis  countray.  For  where  the  people  called  Dores 
kynge  of  (whom  some  thinke  to  be  nowe  Sicilians)1  wolde 
Athenes.  acjuenge  their  olde  grudges  agayne  the  Atheniensis, 
they  demaunded  of  some  of  their  goddes,  what  successe  shulde 
happen  if  they  made  any  warres.  Unto  whom  answere  was 
made,  that  if  they  slewe  nat  the  kynge  of  Atheniensis  they 
shulde  than  haue  the  victorie.  Whan  they  came  to  the 
felde,  straite  commaundement  was  gyuen  amonge  them 
that,  aboue  all  thinge,  they  shulde  haue  good  awaite  of  the 
kynge  of  Athenes,  whiche  at  that  time  was  Codrus. 
But  he  before  knowyng  the  answere  made  to  the  Dores, 
and  what  commandement  was  giuen  to  the  army,  dyd  put  of 
his  princely  habite  or  robes,  and  in  apparaile  all  ragged  and 
rent,  carieng  on  his  necke  a  bundell  of  twigges,  entred  in  to 

eorum  Apollinem  Delphicum"  fingit,  "et  inde  se  ea  ex  prsecepto  numinis  detu- 
lisse,"  ut  consuescendi  taedium  metus  religionis  vincat.  Dein  ut  seternitatem 
legibus  suis  daret,  jurejurando  obligat  civitatem,  nihil  eos  de  ejus  legibus  muta- 
turos,  priusquam  reverteretur  ;  et  simulat  se  ad  oraculum  Delphicum  proficisci, 
consulturum,  quid  addendum  mutandumque  legibus  videretur.  Proficiscitur  autem 
Cretam,  ibique  perpetuum  exilium  egit,  abjicique  in  mare  ossa  sua  moriens  jussit ; 
ne,  relatis  Lacedaemona,  solutos  se  Spartani  religione  jurisjurandi  in  dissolvendis 
legibus  arbitrarentur.' — Justin.  Hist.  lib.  iii.  cap.  3. 

a  Grote  says,  '  That  which  is  commonly  termed  the  Doric  comedy  was,  in  great 
part,  at  least,  the  Sikel  comedy  taken  up  by  Dorian  composers— the  Doric  race 
and  dialect  being  decidedly  predominant  in  Sicily.' — Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  ii.  p.  532. 
Certain  it  is  that  all  the  Greek  temples  of  Sicily,  without  exception,  are  of  the 
Doric  order,  And  we  are  even  told  that  one  Sicilian  writer,  Serradifalco,  was 
induced  by  patriotism  '  to  claim  the  invention  of  the  Doric  order  for  his  native  land 
rather  than  for  Greece  or  Asia  Minor.' — Murray's  Handbook  for  Sicily,  p.  xxv.  We 
learn  from  Strabo  that  the  founder  of  Syracuse  was  joined  by  some  Dorians  from 
Megara.  '  Tbv  8"  'ApX'ai/  K.a.Ta.ff-^ovro.  Trpbs  TO  Zecpvpiov  T£)V  Awpifuv  eupcWa  Tivas 
Sfvpo  afyiyfiivovs  e/c  TTJS  2t«eA.tas  irapa  TUV  ra  Meyapa  KTiffavrwv  aj/aAa)3etV  aurovs, 
Kal  Koivfj  juer'  OLVTWV  Kriffai  TOVS  ^upaKOvffas.' — Lib.  vi.  cap.  2,  §  4. 


THE   GOVERNOVR.  103 

the  hoste  of  his  enemies,  and  was  slayne  in  the  prese  by  a 
souldiour,  whom  he  wounded  with  a  hooke  purposely.  But 
whan  it  was  perceiued  and  knowen  to  be  the  corps  of  kyng 
Codrus,  the  Dores  all  dismayed  departed  from  the  felde  with- 
out proferynge  bataile.  And  in  this  wise  the  Atheniensis,  by 
the  vertue  of  their  most  beneuolent  kynge,  who  for  the  saulf- 
garde  of  his  countray  willingly  died,  were  clerely  deliuered  from 
bataile.a  O  noble  Codrus,  howe  worthy  had  you  ben  (if  god 
had  bene  pleased)  to  haue  aboden  the  reparation  of  mankynde, 
that,  in  the  habite  and  religion  of  a  christen  prince,  ye  mought 
haue  showed  your  wonderfull  beneuolence  and  courage,  for  the 
saulfegarde  of  christen  men,  and  to  the  noble  example  of  other 
princes. 

Curtius,  a  noble  knighte  of  the  Romanes,  had  no  lasse  loue 
to  his  countray  than  Codrus.  For  sone  after  the 
begynnyng  of  the  citie  there  hapned  to  be  a  great 
erth  quaue,  and  after  there  remayned  a  great  dell  or  pitte  with- 
out botome,  whiche  to  beholde  was  horrible  and  lothsome,  and 
out  of  it  preceded  suche  a  dampe  or  ayre,  that  corrupted  all 
the  citie  with  pestilence.  Wherfore  whan  they  had  counsailed 
with  suche  idols  as  they  than  worshipped,  answere  was  made 
that  the  erth  shuld  nat  close  untill  there  were  throwen  in  to 
it  the  moste  precious  thinge  in  the  citie  ;  whiche  answere 
receiued,  there  was  throwen  in  riche  ieuels  of  golde  and  pre- 
cious stone  ;  but  all  auailed  nat.  At  the  laste,  Curtius,  beinge  a 
yonge  and  goodly  gentilman,  consideryng  that  no  riches 
throwen  in  profited,  he  finallye  coniected  that  the  life  of  man 
was  aboue  all  thinges  moste  precious  ;  to  thentent  the  residue 

a  '  Erant  inter  Athenienses  et  Dorienses  simultatium  veteres  offensae  :  quas  vin- 
dicaturi  bello  Dorienses  de  eventu  belli  oracula  consuluerunt.  Responsum  "supe- 
rioresfore,  ni  regem  Atheniensium  occidissent."  Cum  ventum  esset  in  helium, 
militibus  ante  omnia  custodia  regis  preecipitur.  Atheniensibus  eo  tempore  rex 
Codrus  erat  :  qui  et  response  Dei,  et  praeceptis  hostium  cognitis,  pennutato  regis 
habitu,  pannosus,  sarmenta  collo  gerens,  castra  hostium  ingreditur  ;  ibi  in  turba 
obsistentium,  a  milite  quern  falce  astu  convulneraverat,  interficitur.  Cognito  regis 
corpore,  Dorienses  sine  p  radio  disced unt.  Atque  ita  Athenienses  virtute  ducis, 
pro  salute  patrix  morti  se  offerentis,  bello  liberantur. ' — Justin.  Hist. ,  lib.  ii.  cap.  6. 


104  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

of  the  people  mought  be  saued  by  his  only  dethe,  he  armed 
hym  selfe  at  all  pointes,  and  sittyng  on  a  courser,  with  his 
swerde  in  his  hande  redy  drawen,  with  a  valiaunt  and  fierce 
courage  enforsed  his  horse  to  lepe  in  to  the  dell  or  pitte,  and 
furthwith  it  ioyned  to  gether  and  closed,  leuynge  onely  a  signe 
where  the  pitte  was ;  which  longe  after  was  called  Curtius  lake.a 
I  passe  ouer  the  two  Decius,  Marcus  Regulus,  and  many 
other  princes  and  noble  men  that  for  the  weale  of  their  con- 
traye  died  willingly.b  And  nowe  wyll  I  speke  of  suche  as  in 
any  other  fourme  haue  declared  their  beneuolence. 

Xenophon,  condisciple  of  Plato,  wrate  the  life  of  Cyrus  kyng 
Cyrus  of  Persia  most  elegantly,  wherin  he  expresseth  the 
figure  °f  an  excellent  gouernour  or  capitayne.c  He 
sheweth  there  that  Craesus,  the  riche  king  of  Lidia, 
whom  Cyrus  had  taken  prisoner,  subdued  his  coun- 
lence.  tray,  and  possessed  his  treasure,  saide  on  a  tyme  to 
Cyrus,  whan  he  behelde  his  liberalitie,  that  suche  largenesse 
as  he  used  shulde  bringe  hym  in  pouertie,  where,  if  he  lysted,  he 

*  '  Eodem  anno,  seu  motu  terrse,  seu  qua  vi  alia,  forum  medium  ferme  specu 
asto  collapsum  in  immensam  altitudinem  dicitur  ;  neque  earn  voraginem  conjectu 
errse,  cum  pro  se  quisque  gereret,  expleri  potuisse  prius,  quam  Deum  monitu 
quceri  cseptum,  quo  plurimum  populus  Ronianus  posset.  Id  enim  illi  loco  dican- 
dum,  vates  canebant,  si  rem  publicam  Romanam  perpetuam  esse  vellent.  Turn 
M.  Curtium,  juvenem  bello  egregium,  castigasse  ferunt  dubitantes,  an  ullum  magis 
Romanum  bonum,  quam  arma  virtusque,  esset.  Silentio  facto,  templa  Deorum 
immortalium,  quse  foro  imminent,  Capitoliumque  intuentem,  et  manus  nunc  in 
cselum,  nunc  in  patentes  terrse  hiatus  ad  Deos  Manes  porrigentem,  se  devovisse  : 
equo  deinde,  quam  poterat,  maxime  exornato  insidentem,  armatum  se  in  specum 
immisisse,  donaque  ac  fruges  super  eum  a  multitudine  virorum  ac  mulierum  con- 
gestas  ;  lacumque  Curtium,  non  ab  antique  T.  Tatii  milite  Curtio  Metto,  sed  ab 
hoc  appellatum.' — Liv.  lib.  vii.  cap.  6. 

b  '  It  was  examples  of  this  nature,'  says  Mr.  Lecky,  '  that  formed  the  culmi- 
nations or  ideals  of  ancient  systems  of  virtue,  and  they  naturally  led  men  to  draw 
a  very  clear  and  deep  distinction  between  the  notions  of  interest  and  of  duty.  It 
may  indeed  be  truly  said  that  while  the  conception  of  what  constituted  duty  was 
often  very  imperfect  in  antiquity,  the  conviction  that  duty,  as  distinguished  from 
every  modification  of  selfishness,  should  be  the  supreme  motive  of  life,  was  more 
clearly  enforced  among  the  Stoics  than  in  any  later  society.' — Hist.  Eur.  Mor., 
vol.  i.  p.  187,  ed.  1869. 

0  See  Vol.  I.  p.  84,  and  note. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  1  05 

mought  accumulate  up  treasure  incomparable.*1  Than  Cyrus  de- 
maunded  of  Croesus,  What  treasure  suppose  ye  shulde  I  nowe 
haue,  if  durynge  the  tyme  of  my  raigne  I  wolde  haue  gadred 
and  kept  money  as  ye  exhorte  me  to  do?  Than  Cresus  named 
a  great  some.  Well,  said  Cyrus,  sende  ye  some  man,  whom  ye 
best  truste,  with  Histaspa  my  seruaunt  ;  and  thou,  Histaspa, 
go  about  to  my  frendes  and  shewe  them  that  I  lacke  golde  to- 
warde  a  certayne  businesse,  wherfore  I  will  they  shal  sende  me 
as  moche  as  they  can,  and  that  they  put  it  in  writinge  and 
sende  it  sealed  by  the  seruant  of  Cresus.  In  the  same  wise 
Cirus  wrate  in  a  letter,  and  also  that  they  shulde  receiue  His- 
taspa as  his  counsailour  and  frende,  and  sent  it  by  hym. 
Histaspa,  after  that  he  had  done  the  message  of  Cyrus  and 
was  retourned  with  the  seruant  of  Cresus,  who  brought  letters 
from  Cyrus  frendes,  he  saide  to  Cyrus,  O  sir,  from  hensforthe 
loke  that  ye  take  me  for  a  man  of  great  substaunce.  For  I  am 
highly  rewarded  with  many  great  gyftes  for  bringing  your 


9  Ka\bv  8e  eiri5eiy[j.a  Kal  rovro  \eyerai  Kvpos  eVtSetlot  KpoiV<^,  8re 
avrbv  us  Sio  rb  TroAAa  8tS(Wt  TreVris  effoiro,  e£bv  avrf  drjffavpovs  xpvvov  TrAeiWous 
eW  76  avdpl  ev  r<f  ofrcy  KaraQcffdai'  Kal  rbv  Kv(>ov  \eyerai  epe'erflat,  Kal  ir6(ra  Uv  ^877 
ofet  fj.oi  xp^^iara  elvai,  et  ffvve\eyov  xpvaioi'  Sxrirep  o~v  /ceAeweis  ^|  orov  4v  rfj 
fl/j.1  ;  «al  rbv  Kpoivov  etVeTj/  TTO\VV  riva  apLd/j.6v.  Kal  rbv  Kvpov  irpbs  TOUTO,  "Aye, 
(pdvcu,  3>  Kpolffe,  ffv{jurep.$ov  aVSpa  ffvv  <rf(Trd(nrr)  rovrcf  '6rcf  (rvTriffreveis  nd\iffra.  2i> 
Se,  d>  'T(TTc£ff7ra,  e^rj,  irepieXQwv  Trpbs  rovs  <pi\ovs  Ae^e  aurots  Sri  Stofjial  xpvcriou  Trpbs 
Ttpa^iv  Tiva'  Kal  yap  T$  &VTI  TrpotrSeo/iar  Kal  KeAeue  avrbvs  &ir6ffa  Uv  eKavros  SUJ/TJTO: 
iropiffai  IJLOI  wh^aTa.  ypatyavras  5e  /cat  KaTao-rj^rjra/teVous  Sovvai  r^v  ^inffroX^v  rf 
Kpoiarov  BepdirovTi  (pepeiv.  TaCra  Se  ftffa  lAe^e  Kal  ypd\]/as  Kal  ffi}^.f]vdp.€vos  e'Si'Sou  rep 
'ICffrdairr)  (pspfiv  irpbs  TOVS  <pt\ovs,  tvtypatyf  Se  irpbs  trdvras  Kal  "fffTdffirrjv  us 
(pi\oi^  avrov  Sex^ffdai.  'Eirel  Se  irepirjhOe,  Kal  fjveyKev  6  Kpolcrov  Bepdiruv  ras 
,  6  /j.cv  S^J  'To-Tao-TTTjs  e?7rei',  Tn  Kvpe  /3a(TtAeD,  Kal  e/j.ol  ^877  xph  &s  Tr&ov<r((f> 
Tra^TroAAa  yap  ex^f  irapet^ut  Scopa  Sta  ra  era  ypdfj.fj.aTa.  Kal  6  Kvpos  elirev, 
Els  /xej/  Toivvv  Kal  OVTOS  ^817  Oi](ravpbs  r)fjuv,  3>  Kpolcre-  rovs  S'^AAovs  KaradeSj,  Kal 
Xoyicrai  ir6(ra  ^ffrlv  eroifj-a  xpfi^aTa,  %v  ri  Seco/xai  xp7j(T0ai.  Afyerat  877  \oyi£6/j.cvos 
6  Kpoiffos  TToAAaTrAatrta  evpe'iv  r)  %<pr)  Kvpco  kv  tivai  ev  roTs  dijffavpo'is  7^877,  et  ffweXeytv. 
'ETrel  8e  rovro  (pavepbv  eyevero,  eiTreiv  \eyerat  6  Kvpos,  'Opqs,  <pdvai,  S>  Kpotcre,  us  elal 
Kal  ffj.ol  Qt]<ravpol  ;  aAAo  <rv  u.ev  K€\€tjeis  /ue  Trap'  fad  avrovs  <rv\\eyovra  <pdovf'ia6ai 
re  8t'  avrovs  Kal  picrelffQai  Kal  (pvXaKas  avrols  €<piardi/ra  fj.i<r6o(p6povs  rovrois  triff- 
revew  eyci)  Se  rovs  <pi\ovs  ir\ov<riovs  iroi&v  rovrovs  fj.oi  vop.i£<a  drfffavpovs  Kal  $>v\aKas 
iipa  ffj.ov  re  nal  ruv  fi/j.€T€p<i)v  ayaOwv  irurrorfpovs  tlvai  ^  e/  (ppovpovs  fj.i(r6o((>6povs 
'.  —  Xen.  Cyropced.  lib.  viii.  cap.  2. 


106  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

letters.  Than  Cyrus,  at  the  houre  appointed,  ladde  with  hym 
kynge  Cresus  in  to  his  campe,  sayinge  to  hym,  Now  beholde 
here  is  our  treasure,  accounte,  if  ye  can,  how  moche  money  is 
.redy  for  me,  if  I  haue  nede  of  any  to  occupy.  Whan  Cresus 
behelde  and  rekened  the  innumerable  treasure,  whiche  in  sondry 
partes  were  laide  aboute  the  pauilion  of  Cirus,  he  founde  moche 
more  than  he  said  to  Cirus  that  he  shuld  haue  in  his  tresure,  if 
he  him  selfe  had  gadred  and  kept  it.  And  whan  all  appiered 
sufficiently,  Cirus  than  said,  Howe  thinke  you,  Cresus,  haue  I  nat 
tresure  ?  And  ye  counsailed  me  that  I  shulde  gadre  and  kepe 
money,  by  occasion  wherof  I  shuld  be  enuied  and  hated  of  my 
people,  and  more  ouer  put  my  trust  to  seruantes  hyred  to  haue 
rule  therof.  But  I  do  all  other  wise  ;  for,  in  making  my  frendes 
riche,  I  take  them  al  for  my  tresure,  and  haue  them  more  sure 
and  trusty  kepers  bothe  of  me  and  my  substance,  than  I  shuld 
do  those  whom  I  must  trust  only  for  their  wagis. 

Lorde  god,  what  a  notable  historic  is  this,  and  worthy  to  be 
grauen  in  tables  of  golde  ;  considerynge  the  vertue  and  power  of 
beneuolence  therin  expressed.  For  the  beneuolente  mynde 
of  a  gouernour  nat  onely  byndeth  the  hartes  of  the  people 
unto  hym  with  the  chayne  of  loue,  more  stronger  than  any 
materiall  bondes,  but  also  gardeth  more  saulfely  his  persone 
than  any  toure  or  garison. 

The  eloquent  Tulli,  saithe  in  his  officis,  A  liberall  harte  is 

cause  of  beneuolence,  al  though  perchance  that  powar 

some  tyme  lackethe.a   Contrary  wise  he  saith,  They 

that  desire  to  be  feared,  nedes  must  they  drede  them,  of  whom 

they  be  feared.b 

Also   Plini  the  yonger  saith,  He  that  is   nat    enuironed 
In  Pan-      with  charite,  in  vaine  is  he  garded  with  terrour  ;  sens 
armure  with  armure  is  stered.c  Whiche  is  ratified  by 


•  'Benefica  voluntate  benevolentia  movetur,  etiam  si  res  forte  non  suppetit.'  — 
De  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  9. 

b  '  Qui  se  metui  volent,  a  quibus  metuentur,  eosdem  metuant  ipsi,  necesse 
est.'  —  Ibid.  lib.  ii.  cap.  7. 

c  '  Frustra  se  terrore  succinxerit,  qui  septus  caritate  non  fuerit  :  armis  enim 
arma  irritantur.'  —  Plin.  jun.  Panegyr.  cap.  49. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  IO7 

the  mooste  graue  philosopher  Seneke,  in  his  boke  of  mercye 
that  he  wrate  to  Nero,  where  he  saith,  He  is  moche  DC  de- 
deceiued  that  thinketh  a  man  to  be  suer,  where  no-  mentia- 
thynge  from  hym  can  be  saulfe.    For  with  mutuall  assuraunce 
suertie  is  optained.a 

Antoninus  Pius,  emperour  of  Rome,  so  moche  tendred  the 
beneuolence  of  his  people,  that  whan  a  greatte  nombre  Antoninus 
had  conspired  treason  againe  him,  the  Senate  being  Pius- 
therwith  greuousely  meued,  endeuoured  them  to  punisshe  the 
said  conspiratours  ;  but  the  emperour  caused  the  examination 
to  cesse,  sayinge,  that  it  shulde  nat  nede  to  seeke  to  busily  for 
them  that  intended  suche  mischiefe,  leste,  if  they  founde  many, 
he  shulde  knowe  that  many  him  hated.b  Also  whan  the  people 
(for  as  moch  as  on  a  time  they  lacked  corne  in  their  grayn- 
ardes)  wolde  haue  slaine  him  with  stones,  rather  than  he  wolde 
haue  the  sedicious  persones  to  be  punisshed,  he  in  his  owne 
persone  declared  to  them  the  occasion  of  the  scarsitie,  wherwith 
they  beinge  pacified  euery  man  helde  him  contented.6 

I  had  almost  forgoten  a  notable  and  worthy  remembraunce 
of  kynge  Philip,  father  to  great  kynge  Alexander.     It  Kynge 
was  on  a  tyme  to  him  reported  that  one  of  his  capitaines  phlliP- 
had  menacing wordes  towards  him,  wherby  it  semed  he  intended 
some  domage  towarde  his  persone.    Wherfore  his  counsaile  ad- 
uised  hym  to  haue  good  awayte  of  the  saide  capitaine,  and  that 
he  were  put  under  warde ;  to  whom  the  kynge  answered,  If 
any  parte  of  my  body  were  sicke  or  els  sore,  whether  shuld 

*  « Errat  enim,  si  quis  existimat  tutum  esse  ibi  regem,  ubi  nihil  a  rege  tutum 
est.  Securitas  securitate  mutua  paciscenda  est.' — Sen.  de  Clem.  lib.  i.  cap.  19. 
It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot,  with  the  tact  of  a  true  courtier,  has 
suppressed  the  word  which  might  have  rendered  the  passage  unpalatable  to  his 
royal  patron. 

b  '  Adeo  mansuetus,  ut  instantibus  Patribus  ad  eos,  qui  contra  eum  conjurave- 
rant,  persequendos,  compresserit  quasstionem,  praefatus,  necesse  non  esse,  sceleris  in 
semetipsum  cupidos,  pertinacius  indagari  ;  ne,  si  plures  reperirentur,  quantis  odio 
esset,  intelligeretur.' — Aurel.  Victor.  Epit.  cap.  15. 

0  *  Usque  eo  autem  mitis  fuit,  ut,  cum  ob  inopiae  frumentarise  suspicionem 
lapidibus  a  plebe  Romana  perstringeretur,  maluerit  ratione  exposita  placare,  quam 
ulcisci  scditionem. ' — Aurel.  Victor,  nbi  supra. 


108  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

I  therfore  cutte  it  from  the  residue,  and  cast  it  from  me,  or  els 
endeuour  my  selfe  that  it  moughte  be  healed  ?  And  than  he 
called  for  the  saide  capitaine,  and  so  entretayned  hym  with 
familiaritie  and  bounteous  rewardes,  that  euer  after  he  had  hym 
more  assured  and  loyall  than  euer  he  was.a 

Agesilaus  kynge  of  Lacedemonia,  to  hym  that  demaunded 

howe  a  kyng  mought  most  suerly  gouerne  his  realme 

without  souldiours  or  a  garde  to  his  persone,  answered, 

If  he   reigned  ouer  his   people,    as   a  father  doth  ouer  his 

children.15 

.The  citie  of  Athenes  (fromwhens  issued  al  excellent  doctrine 
The  xxx  an<^  wisdom)  during  the  time  that  it  was  gouerned 
tyrantes  by  those  persons  unto  whom  the  people  mought  haue 
of  Athenes.  a  faminare  accesse,  and  boldly  expound  their  grefes 
and  damages,  prospered  merualously,  and  during  a  longe  season 
raigned  in  honour  and  weale.c  Afterwarde  the  Lacedemons,  by 

a  This  story  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  classical  author,  but  is  narrated  by  John 
of  Salisbury,  (with  whose  works  it  has  been  already  shown  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot 
was  acquainted),  as  follows  :  *  Philippus  cum  audisset  Phytiam  quemdam  bonum 
pugnatorem  alienatum  animo  sibi,  quod  tres  filias  inops  vix  aleret,  nee  a  rege  adju- 
varetur,  monentibus  amicis,  uteum  caveret, "  Quid,"  inquit  Philippus,  "  si  haberem 
partem  corporis  segram,  abscinderemne  potius,  quam  curarem  ?"  Deinde  familiariter 
secreto  elicitum  Phytiam,  accepta  difficultate  necessitatum  domesticarum,  pecunia 
sufficienter  instruxit,  ac  meliorem  fidelioremque  habuit,  quam  fuerat  antequam 
crederetur  offensus.' — Polycraticus,  lib.  iv.  cap.  8. 

b  This  is  a  mistake,  though  a  very  venial  one  ;  the  apopthegm  is  attributed  by 
Plutarch  to  Agasicles,  not  to  Agesilaus.  Ilpbs  Se  rbi/  slirAvra,  TTUS  &v  TIS  aSopv- 
(j)6pT)TOS  &v  &p")^eiv  afffyaX&s  SUJ/CUTO,  'Eav  OVTCDS,  e^rj,  avTU>v  &pXV)  Sifirfp  01  Trorepes 
TWV  vtu>v. — Plut.  Apoph.  Lacon. 

c  Mr.  Grote,  in  his  concluding  remarks  on  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  supremacy  of 
Athens,  says,  '  Under  the  circumstances  of  her  dominion — at  a  time  when  the  whole 
transit  and  commerce  of  the  y£gean  was  under  one  maritime  system  which  ex- 
cluded all  irregular  force, — when  Persian  ships  of  war  were  kept  out  of  the  waters 
and  Persian  tribute-officers  away  from  the  sea-board, — when  the  disputes  inevitable 
among  so  many  little  communities  could  be  peaceably  redressed  by  the  mutual 
right  of  application  to  the  tribunals  at  Athens,  and  when  these  tribunals  were  also 
such  as  to  present  to  sufferers  a  refuge  against  wrongs  done  even  by  individual 
citizens  of  Athens  herself  (to  use  the  expression  of  the  oligarchical  Phrynichus) — the 
condition  of  the  maritime  Greeks  was  materially  better  than  it  had  been  before;  or  than 
it  will  be  seen  to  become  afterwards.  Her  empire,  if  it  did  not  inspire  attachment, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  109 

the  mutabilite  of  fortune,  vanquisshed  them   in  bataile  and 
committed  the  citie  of  Athenes  to  the  kepyng  of  xxx  of  their 
owne  capitaines,  which  were  for  their  pride  and  auarice  called 
tyrantes.a     But  nowe  se  how  litle  suerte  is  in  great  nombre  or 
strength,  wher  lacketh  beneuolence.     These  xxx  ty-  Strength 
rantes  were  continuelly  enuironed  with  sondry  gari-  f^ff 
sons  of  armed  men,  which  was  a  terrible  visage  to  lence. 
peoplethat  before  liued  underthe  obedienceof  their  lawes  only.b 
Finally  the  Atheniensis,by  fere  being  put  from  their  accustomed 
accesse  to  their  gouernours  to  require  Justice,  and  there  with 
being  fatigate  as  men  oppressed  with  continual  iniurie,  toke  to 
them  a  desperate  corage,  and  in  conclusion  expelled  out  of  the 


certainly  provoked  no  antipathy,  among  the  bulk  of  the  citizens  of  the  subject  com- 
munities, as  is  shown  by  the  party  character  of  the  revolts  against  her.  If  in  her 
imperial  character  she  exacted  obedience,  she  also  fulfilled  duties  and  ensured 
protection — to  a  degree  incomparably  greater  than  was  ever  realised  by  Sparta. 
And  even  if  she  had  been  ever  so  much  disposed  to  cramp  the  free  play  of  mind 
and  purpose  among  her  subjects — a  disposition  which  is  no  way  proved — the  very 
circumstances  of  her  own  democracy,  with  its  open  antithesis  of  political  parties, 
universal  liberty  of  speech,  and  manifold  individual  energy,  would  do  much  to 
prevent  the  accomplishment  of  such  an  end,  and  would  act  as  a  stimulus  to  the 
dependent  communities  even  without  her  own  intention.' — Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  v. 
p.  606. 

a  Professor  Rawlinson  says,  '  The  triumph  of  Sparta  was  the  triumph  through- 
out Greece  of  oligarchical  principles.  At  Athens  the  democracy  was  abolished, 
and  the  entire  control  of  the  government  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  Board  of 
Thirty,  a  Board  which  has  acquired  in  history  the  ominous  name  of  "  the  Thirty 
Tyrants."  The  Greeks  found  that,  instead  of  gaining  by  the  change  of  masters,  they 
had  lost ;  they  had  exchanged  the  yoke  of  a  power,  which,  if  rapacious,  was  at 
any  rate  refined,  civilised,  and  polished,  for  that  of  one  which  added  to  rapacity 
a  coarse  arrogance  and  a  cruel  harshness,  which  were  infinitely  exasperating  and 
offensive.'— Manual  of  Ancient  History ,  p.  184,  ed.  1869. 

b  'They  had  a  Lacedaemonian  military  force  constantly  at  their  command, 
besides  an  organised  band  of  youthful  satellites  and  assassins,  ready  for  any  deeds  of 
violence.' — Grote,  Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  v  p.  565.  Justin's  account  is  as  follows: 
'  Mutato  statu  Athenarum,  etiam  civium  conditio  nmtatur.  Triginta  rectores 
reipublicae  constituuntur  ;  qui  fiunt  tyranni ;  quippe  a  principio  tria  millia  sibi  sat  ell  i- 
tum  statuunt,  quantum  ex  tot  cladibus  prope  nee  civium  superfuerat ;  et,  quasi 
parvus  hie  ad  continendam  civitatem  exercitus  esset,  septigentos  milites  a  victoribus 
accipiunt.'—  Hist.  lib.  v.  cap.  8. 


HO  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

citie  all  the  said  tyrantes,  and  reduced  it  unto  his  pristinate 
gouernance.a 

What   misery  was   in   the   life  of  Dionyse  the  tyrant  of 
~.  Cicile  ?    Who  knowing  that  his  people  desired  his  dis- 

kyngtof  truction,  for  his  rauine  and  crueltie,  wold  nat  be  of  any 
man  shauen,  but  first  caused  his  owne  doughters  to 
clippe  his  berde,  and  afterwarde  he  also  mistrusted  them,  and 
than  he  him  selfe  with  a  brenning  cole  seared  the  heres  of  his 
berde,  and  yet  finally  was  he  destroyed.b 

In  like  wretchednesse  was  one  Alexander,  prince  of  a  citie 
Alexander  called  Pherea,forhe,hauing  an  excellent  faire  wyfe,  nat 
Phereus.  on\y  excluded  all  men  from  her  company,  but  also,  as 
often  as  he  wold  lie  with  her,  certaine  persones  shulde  go  be- 
fore him  with  torchis,  and  he  folowing  with  his  swerde  redy 
drawen  wolde  therwith  enserche  the  bedde,  cofers,  and  all  other 
places  of  his  chambre,,  leste  any  man  shulde  be  there  hidde,  to 
thentent  to  sle  him.  And  that  nat  withstanding  by  the  pro- 
curement of  his  said  wife  (who  at  the  last,  fatigate  with  his  most 
folisshe  ialousy,  conuerted  her  loue  in  to  haterede)  he  was  slaine 
by  his  owne  subiects.c  Nowe  dothe  it  appere  that  this  reuerende 

a  'The  very  excess  of  tyranny,'  says  Mr.  Grote,  'committed  by  the  Thirty, 
gave  a  peculiar  zest  to  the  recovery  of  the  democracy  ...  To  all  men,  rich  and 
poor,  citizens  and  metics,  the  comparative  excellence  of  the  democracy,  in  respect 
of  all  the  essentials  of  good  government,  was  now  manifest.  With  the  exception 
of  those  who  had  identified  themselves  with  the  Thirty  as  partners,  partisans,  or 
instruments,  there  was  scarcely  any  one  who  did  not  feel  that  his  life  and  property 
had  been  far  more  secure  under  the  former  democracy,  and  would  become  so  again 
if  that  democracy  were  revived.' — Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  vi.  pp.  2,  3. 

b  '  Ita  propter  injustam  dominates  cupiditatem  in  carcerem  quodammodo  ipse 
se  incluserat.  Quinetiam,  ne  tonsori  collum  committeret,  tondere  filias  suas  docuit. 
Ita  sordido  ^ncillarique  artificio  regise  virgines,  ut  tonstriculas,  tondebant  barbam 
et  capillum  patris.  Et  tamen  ab  his  ipsis,  cum  jam  essent  adultse,  ferrum  removit, 
instituitque,  ut  candentibus  juglandium  putaminibus  barbam  sibi  et  capillum  adu- 
rerent.' — Cic.  Tusc.  Qu&st.  lib.  v.  cap.  20. 

e  'Alexandrum  Pherseum  quo  animo  vixisse  arbitramur  ?  qui  (ut  scriptum  legi- 
mus)  cum  uxorern  Theben  admodum  diligeret,  tamen  ad  earn  ex  epulis  in  cubicu- 
lum  veniens,  barbarum,  et  eum  quidem  (ut  scriptum  est)  compunctum  notis  Threiciis, 
destricto  gladio  jubebat  anteire  :  prsemittebatque  de  stipatoribus  suis,  qui  scruta- 
rentur  arculas  muliebres,  et,  ne  quod  in  vestimentis  occultaretur  telum,  exquirerent. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  Ill 

virtue  beneuolence  is  of  all  men,  most  specially  of  gouernors 
and  men  of  honour,  incomparably  before  other  to  be  embraced. 
Kyng  Philip,  whan  he  herd  that  his  sonne  Alexander  used 
a  meruailous  liberalite  amonge  the  people,  he  sent  to  him  a 
lettre,  wherin  he  wrate  in  this  wise:  Alexander,  what  peruerse 
opinion  hath  put  the  in  suche  hope,  that  thou  thinkest  to  make 
them  loyall  unto  the,  whom  thou  with  money  corruptest,  con- 
sideryng  that  the  receiuour  therof  is  therby  appaired,  beinge 
trained  by  thy  prodigalitie  to  loke  and  gape  alway  for  a  sem- 
blable  custome  ?a  And  therfore  the  treasure  of  a  gentle  counte- 
nance, swete  answeres,  ayde  in  aduersitie,  nat  with  money  onely 
but  also  with  studie  and  diligent  endeuour,  can  neuer  be  wasted, 
ne  the  loue  of  good  people,  therby  acquired,  can  be  from  their 
hartes  in  any  wise  seperate.  And  here  I  make  an  ende  to 
speke  any  more  at  this  tyme  of  beneuolence. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Of  beneficence  and  liber alitie. 

ALL  thoughe  philosophers  in  the  description  of  vertues  haue 
deuised  to  set  them  as  it  were  in  degrees,  hauing  respecte  to  the 
qualitie  and  condition  of  the  persone  whiche  is  with  them 
adourned ;  as  applyinge  Magnificence  to  the  substaunce  and 
astate  of  princes,  and  to  priuate  persones  Beneficence b  and 

O  misemm,  qui  fideliorem  et  barbarum  et  stigmatiam  putaret,  quam  conjugem  ! 
Neceum  fefellit  :  ab  ea  enim  est  ipse,  propter  pellicatus  suspicionem,  interfectus. ' — 
Cic.  de  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  7. 

a  '  Praeclare  epistola  quadam  Alexandrum  filium  Philippus  accusat,  quod  largi- 
tione  benevolentiam  Macedonum  consectetur.  "  Quae  te  (malum  !)  "  inquit,  "  ratio 
in  istam  spem  induxit,  ut  eos  tibi  fidelesputaresfore,  quos  pecunia  corrupisses  ?  An 
tu  id  agis,  ut  Macedones,  non  te  regem  suum,  sed  ministrum  et  praebitorem  sperent 
fore?"  Bene  ministrum  et  proebitorem,  quia  sordidum  regi :  melius  etiam,  quod 
largitionem  corruptelam  esse  dixit.  Fit  enim  deterior,  qui  accipit,  atque  ad  idem 
semper  expectandum  paratior.  Hoc  ille  filio  :  sed  prseceptum  putemus  omnibus.' — 
Cic.  de  Off.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  15.  The  letter  is  also  quoted  by  Valerius  Maximus,  lib. 
vii.  cap.  2,  ext.  10. 

b  'O  S'eV  fiiKpots  f)  eV  juerpiojs  /car'  d£ia»/  fiairavwv  ov  \4yerai  /xfyaAoTrpeiHjs,  olov 


112  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Liberalitie,  yet  be  nat  these  in  any  parte  defalcate  a  of  their 
Aristot.  condigne  praises.  For  if  vertue  be  an  election  annexed 
Ethic,  i.  unt0  our  nature,  and  consisteth  in  a  meane,  which  is 
determined  by  reason,b  and  that  meane  is  the  verye  myddes 
of  two  thynges  viciouse,  the  one  in  surplusage,  the  other  in 
lacke,c  than  nedes  must  beneficence  and  liberalise  be  capi- 
tall  vertues.  And  magnificence  procedeth  from  them,  appro- 
chinge  to  the  extreme  partes ; d  and  may  be  tourned  in  to 
Benefi-  vice  if  he  lacke  the  bridle  of  reason.6  But  beneficence 
cence.  can  by  no  menes  be  vicious  and  retaine  still  his 
name.f  Semblably  liberalise  (as  Aristotle  saith)  is  a 

Liberalise.  /  .  *  .' 

measure,  as  well  in  gyuing  as  in  takyng  of  money  and 

rb  '  TroAAaKi  §6ffKov  aA^TT?,'  'aAA'  6  eV  fji.eyd\ois  ovrcas.  'O  fJ.fV  yap  ^ueyaAoTrpeTr^s 
f\€v6eptos,  6  8'  e\fvQ4pios  ov9ev  fj.a\\ov  /j.eyaXoirpep'fis  ....  Atb  irevijs  /xej/  OVK  "av 
€trj  fifyaXoirpeir^s-  ov  yap  effnv  a<£>'  S>v  iroXXa  Sairavtiffei  irpttrdvTW  6  5'  €irix*ipu>i' 
rjXiOios'  Trapa  TJJJ/  a£iav  yap  Kal  rb  Seov,  war'  apcr^v  8e  rb  6pO£>s. — Arist.  Eth.  Nicom. 
lib.  iv.  cap.  2  (4),  §§  3,  13  ;  and  in  another  place  Aristotle  thus  distinguishes  between 
Magnificence  and  Liberality,  6  yap  neyaXoirpeTrris  Siatyepei  €\evdepiov  6  p.ev  yap  -jrcpl 
H€yd\a,  b  8e  irep\  p.iKpa. — Ibid.  lib.  ii.  cap.  7.  §  6. 

a  /.  e.  cut  off,  deprived  ;  whence  the  substantive  '  defalcation. '  This  form  was 
unknown  to  classical  writers,  but  Ovid  uses  the  word  falcatus  with  the  primary 
meaning  'shlped  like  a  falx  or  scythe,'  and  Livy  employs  it  in  the  sense  of  'fur- 
nished with  scythes.'  In  the  iyth  century  we  find  it  used  by  Hopkins,  Bishop  of 
Londonderry,  who  says,  '  How  infinitely  temerarious  is  it  for  vile  wretches  either 
to  invert,  or  defalcate,  and  as  it  were,  to  decimate  the  laws  of  the  great  God,  by 
the  which  they  and  all  their  actions  must  be  judged  at  the  last  day  ?  ' — Exposition 
on  the  tenth  commandment,  p.  92,  ed.  1692. 

b  "Effriv  apa  -TJ  aper))  e|is  TrpoaipertK^,  ev  /j.€a6TT]Ti  of/era  rfi  irpbs  i)/j.as,  wpiff^vi] 
\6ycf  Kal  ws  &v  6  <j)p6viij.os  dpiffeiev. — Arist.  Eth.  Nicom.  lib.  ii.  cap.  6,  §  15. 

c  Mfo-Jrrjs  8e  Suo  Kamwv,  rrjs  p.fv  Ka&  u-TrepjSoA^j/,  TTJS  Se  /car'  f\\(i$iv. — Arist. 
ubi  supra. 

d  Ao/ce?  yap  Kal  OUT);  ^eyaXoirpeTreia)  irepl  Xp"f]/j.aTa  TLS  aperJ;  flvai.  OL-%  Sxnrfp 
8'  r)  f\^0epi6Tr]s  Siarefvet  irepl  irdffas  Tas  ev  xp^V-aa-i  irpd&is,  a\Xa  irepl  ras  SaTraj/rjpay 
fi.6vov  fv  TOVTOIS  8'  uTrepe^et  T^S  f\evO€pi6Tr)TOS  fAsycdei.  Kaddirep  yap  Toviso/j.a 
aurb  viroffi)iJ.aivci,  ev  peyedti  irpeirovffa  Sairdvrj  effriv. — Arist.  Eth.  Nicom.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  2  (4),  §  I. 

e  TTJS  TOIOUTTJS  S'e'lews  ^  /J.fV  eAXet^ts  /j-iKpoirpeireia  Ka\e?ra(,  f]  8'  virep^oXij  fravav- 
<ria  Kal  aireipoKaXia  Kal  '6crai  TOiavrai,  ovx  vnepfidXXovffat  rep  jueycdet  irepl  a  Se?, 
a\\'  eV  ofs  ov  SeT  Kal  ws  ov  Set  Kap.irpvv6^vai  ....  Elffl  /JLCV  ovv  al  e|ets  avrai 
KaKiai.— Arist.  Eth.  Nicom.  lib.  iv.  cap.  2,  §§  4,  22. 

f  'O  8e  SiSous  ofs  )u)j  8e?,  ^  JU.TJ  TOU  KaAoG  eVe«a,  a\Aa  Sia  Tiv1  a\\rjv  alriav,  OVK 
e \fv9fpios  a\A'  a\\os  TIS  p-qQ^fftTai, — Ibid.  lib.  iv.  cap.  I  (2),  §  14. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  113 

goodes.  And  he  is  only  liberall,  whiche  distributeth  accordyng 
to  his  substance,  and  where  it  is  expedient.11  Therfore  he  ought 
to  consider  to  whom  he  shulde  gyue,  howe  moche,  and  whan. 
For  liberalitie  takethe  his  name  of  the  substance  of  the  persone 
from  whom  it  procedeth  ;  b  for  it  resteth  nat  in  the  quantite  or 
qualitie  of  thinges  that  be  gyuen,  but  in  the  naturall  disposition 
of  the  gyuer.c 

The  great  Alexander  on  a  tyme,  after  that  he  had  vain- 
quisshed  Darius  in  bataile,  one  of  his  souldiours 
broughte  unto  hym  the  hede  of  an  enemie  that  he  had 
slayne,  whiche  the  kynge  thankefully  and  with  sweete  coun- 
tenance receiued,  and  takyng  a  cuppe  of  golde  filled  with 
good  wine,  saide  unto  the  souldiour,  In  olde  tyme  a  cuppe  of 
golde  was  the  rewarde  of  suche  vertue  as  thou  hast  nowe 
shewed,  whiche  semblably  thou  shalte  receiue.  But  whan 
the  souldiour  for  shamefastnes  refused  the  cup,  Alexander 
added  unto  it  these  wordes  ;  The  custome  was  to  gyue  the 
cuppe  emptie,  but  Alexander  giueth  it  to  the  full  of  wyne 
with  good  handsell.d  Where  with  he  expressed  his  liberall 
harte,  and  as  moche  comforted  the  souldiour  as  if  he  had 
gyuen  to  hym  a  great  citie. 

More  ouer  he  that  is  liberall  neglecteth  nat  his  substance 
or  goodes,  ne  gyueth  it  to  all  men,  but  useth  it  so  as  he  may 
continuelly  helpe  therwith  other,  and  gyueth  whan,  and  where, 


,  6  f\fv- 

depios  Kal  Swcm  Kal  Sairayfiffei  els  a  5e?  Kal  '6<fa  Se?.  —  Arist.  Eth.  Nicom.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  I  (2),  §  24. 

b  AeywjweJ/  8'  C^TJS  irepl  f\ev6epi6TTf]TOS,  5o/ce?  S'eTi/ai  -f)  vrfpl  xp-fjfAara  /xea^rrjs  .  .  . 
Xprj/xaro  5e  \4yofJLfv  TTO.VTO.  ftawv  rj  d£ia  vo  (tiff  pan  /j-erpelrai.  —  Ubi  supra,  lib.  iv. 
cap.  I,  §  i-  2. 

c  Ou  yap  4v  Tij3  7rA.^0e(  ru>v  StSojuei/cof  rb  e\€u0fpiOj/,  aAA'  4v  rrj  rouStSJ^TOs  e|et.  — 
Ibid.,  lib.  iv.  cap.  I  (2),  §  19. 

d  The  story  as  told  by  Plutarch  is  as  follows  :  —  'Apla-rcav  6  TU>V  Tlai6v<av  rjyov- 
fj.evos  airoKTfii/as  Tro\f/j.iov  avSpaKal  T^V  KetyaXrjv  €Vi^ei^d(j.€vos  aury,  'ToDro,'  elirev, 
1  S>  fiaffiXev,  nap'  Tjfjuv  tKirufMaros  xpvorov  Tt/xarat  rb  Supoj>.'  'O  5e  'AA.e'£av5pos  yeAajras, 
•Kei/oO  76,'  e?Tre»/,  'tyb  8e  ffoi  fjLeffrbv  aKpdrov  TrpOTrio/xat.'  —  Alexander,  39.  The 
reader  will  notice  the  alteration  that  the  original  has  undergone  in  the  process  of 
translation. 

II.  I 


114  THE    GOVERNOUR. 

and  on  whom  it  ought  to  be  employed.  Therfore  it  maye  be 
saide  that  he  usethe  euery  thynge  best  that  exerciseth  the 
vertue  whiche  is  to  the  thinge  most  appropred.  For  riches  is  of 
the  nombre  of  thinges  that  may  be  either  good  or  iuell,  whiche 
is  in  the  arbitrement  of  the  gyuer.a  And  for  that  cause  libera- 
litie  and  beneficence  be  of  suche  affinitie,  that  the  one  may 
neuer  from  the  other  be  seperate.  For  the  employment  of  mo- 
ney is  nat  liberalitie  if  it  be  nat  for  a  good  ende  or  purpose.5 
The  noble  emperours  Antonine  and  Alexander  Seuerusc 

•  Adam  Smith  thus  distinguishes  between  the  good  and  bad  employment  of 
capital.  'The  expense,'  he  says,  '  that  is  laid  out  in  durable  commodities  gives 
maintenance,  commonly,  to  a  greater  number  of  people,  than  that  which  is  employed 
in  the  most  profuse  hospitality.  Of  two  or  three  hundredweight  of  provisions 
which  may  sometimes  be  served  Up  at  a  great  festival,  one  half,  perhaps,  is  thrown 
to  the  dunghill,  and  there  is  always  a  great  deal  wasted  and  abused.  But  if  the 
expense  of  this  entertainment  had  been  employed  in  setting  to  work  masons,  car- 
penters, upholsterers,  mechanics,  &c.,  a  quantity  of  provisions  of  equal  value 
would  have  been  distributed  among  a  still  greater  number  of  people,  who  would 
have  bought  them  in  pennyworths  and  pound  weights,  and  not  have  lost  nor  thrown 
away  a  single  ounce  of  them.  In  the  one  way,  besides,  this  expense  maintains 
productive,  in  the  other  (to  some  degree  ?)  unproductive  hands.  In  the  one  way 
therefore  it  increases,  in  the  other  it  does  not  increase,  the  exchangeable  value  of 
the  annual  produce  of  the  land  and  labour  of  the  country.' — Wealth  of  Nations, 
vol.  ii.  p.  32.  '  Those  princes  who  have  heaped,  with  the  greatest  profusion,  wealth, 
power,  and  honour  upon  their  favourites,  have  seldom  excited  that  degree  of  attach- 
ment to  their  persons  which  has  often  been  experienced  by  those  who  were  more 
frugal  of  their  favours.  The  well-natured  but  injudicious  prodigality  of  James  I.  of 
Great  Britain  seems  to  have  attached  nobody  to  his  person  ;  and  that  prince,  not- 
withstanding his  social  and  harmless  disposition,  appears  to  have  lived  and  died 
without  a  friend.' — Adam  Smith's  Theory  of  Mor.  Sent.,  p.  101,  ed.  1853. 

b  '  Liberality  in  princes,'  says  Hume,  '  is  regarded  as  a  mark  of  beneficence ;  but 
when  it  occurs  that  the  homely  bread  of  the  honest  and  industrious  is  often  thereby 
converted  into  delicious  cates  for  the  idle  and  the  prodigal,  we  soon  retract  our 
heedless  praises.  The  regrets  of  a  prince,  for  having  lost  a  day  were  noble  and 
generous  ;  but  had  he  intended  to  have  spent  it  in  acts  of  generosity  to  his  greedy 
courtiers  it  was  better  lost  than  misemployed  after  that  manner.' — Philosoph. 
Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  251,  ed.  1826. 

c  The  author  has  here,  as  on  a  former  occasion,  (See  Vol.  I.  p.  288),  confounded 
this  emperor  with  Septimius  Severus,  whom  he  undoubtedly  alludes  to  in  this  place. 
Gibbon  says  of  the  latter,  '  His  expensive  taste  for  building,  magnificent  shows, 
and,  above  all,  a  constant  and  liberal  distribution  of  corn  and  provisions,  were  the 
surest  means  of  captivating  the  affection  of  the  Roman  people. ' — Decline  and  Fall 


THE   GO  VERNO  UR.  I  r  5 

gaue  of  the  reuenues  of  the  empire  innumerable  substaunce, 
to    the  reedifieng    of  cities  and  commune   houses  Antoninc 
decayed  for  age,  or  by  erthe  quaues  subuerted,  wherin  and  Aiex- 
they  practised  liberalitie  and  also  beneficence. 


But  Tiberius,  Nero,  Caligula,   Heliogabalus  and 
other  semblable  monsters,  whiche  exhausted  and  consumed  in- 
finite treasures  in  bordell*  houses,  and  places  where  Prodiga- 
abominacions  were  used,  also  in  enriching  slaues,  con-  litjc- 

of  Rom.  Emp.)  vol.  i.  p.  258.  Spartianus  tells  us,  '  Sunt  per  plurimas  civitates 
opera  ejus  insignia.  Magnum  vero  illud  in  vita  ejus,  quod  Romce  omnes  sedes 
publicas,  quae  vitio  temporum  labebantur,  instauravit,  nusquam  prope  suo  nomine 
ascripto,  servatis  tamen  ubique  titulis  conditorum.  Moriens  septem  annorum 
canonem,  ita  ut  quotidiana  septuaginta  quinque  millia  modiorum  expendi  possent, 
reliquit  :  olei  vero  tantum  ut  per  quinquennium  non  solum  urbis  usibus,  sed  et 
totius  Italice  quoe  oleo  egeret,  sufficeret.'  —  Hist.  August.,  torn.  i.  p.  638.  With 
regard  to  Antoninus  Pius,  Merivale  says,  '  While  all  the  public  establishments 
were  maintained  on  the  most  frugal  scale,  he  was  munificent  in  his  gifts  and 
largesses.  He  acquitted  the  promises  of  Hadrian  at  his  adoption,  completed 
many  of  his  predecessor's  buildings,  and  remitted  the  coronary  gold  expected  on 
his  accession,  to  the  Italians  entirely,  to  the  extent  of  one  half  to  the  provincials. 
When  the  treasury,  which  he  received  full  from  Hadrian,  became  at  last  empty, 
he  replenished  it  by  the  sale  of  the  imperial  furniture.'  —  Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  vii.  p. 
501.  The  account  given  by  Capitolinus  is  as  follows:  —  '  Multas  etiam  civitates 
adjuvit  pecunia,  ut  opera  vel  nova  facerent,  vel  vetera  restituerent  .  .  .  Vini,  olei, 
et  tritici  penuriam,  per  oerarii  sui  damna  emendo  et  gratis  populo  dando,  sedavit. 
Adversa  ejus  temporibus  haec  provenerunt  :  fames  de  qua  diximus,  circi  ruina, 
terroemotus,  quo  Rhodiorum  et  Asiaq  oppida  conciderunt  :  quse  omnia  mirifice 
instauravit.'  —  Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  pp.  267,  268,  and  it  was  without  doubt  this 
account  with  which  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  was  familiar. 

*  Bordell  =  brothel.  Du  Fresne  in  his  notes  to  Joinville's  work,  derives  the 
French  equivalent  bordel  (mod.  bordeau)  from  the  English.  «  Le  mot  de  Bordei, 
pour  designer  un  lieu  infame,  lupanar,  vient  de  ce  qu'ordinairement  les  garces,  et 
autres  gens  de  cette  farine,  habitoient  les  petites  maisons,  qu'en  vieux  langage 
Fra^ois  on  nommoit  bordels,  du,  diminutif  de  horde,  qui  signifie  maison,  et  proba- 
blement  a  este  emprunte  du  bord  des  Saxons  Anglois,  ou  ce  mot  a  la  meme  signi- 
fication.' —  Observations  sur  Hist,  de  S.  Louys,  p.  63,  ed.  1668.  But  there  is  no 
need  to  assume  that  the  French  borrowed  the  word  from  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
because  the  word  bordellum  was  in  common  use  in  the  Middle  Ages  as  a  synonym 
for  redicula,  tuguriolum.  Thus  Guillaume  de  Jumieges,  better  known  as  Gulielmus 
Gemiticensis,  who  wrote  before  1087,  says,  'Ricardusnempe  qui  primogenitus  erat 
noctu  in  vili  cas<a  juxta  quoddam  stagnum  securus  dormiebat.  Protinus  quidam  miles 
potens,  nomine  Ricardusde  Sancta  Scholastica,cujus  terrain  devastaverat,  donumcu- 

I  2 


1  1 6  THE  GO  VERNO  UR. 

cubines  and  baudes,a  were  nat  therfore  named  liberall,  but 
suffreth  therfore  parpetuall  reproche  of  writars,  beinge  called 

lam  circumdedit  cum  sua  familia.  Sorengus  vero  expergefactus  de  Bordello  .exiit, 
et  fugiens  in  vivarium  exilire  voluit.' — De  Ducibus  Normannis,  lib.  vi.  cap.  14, 
Here  it  is  evident  that  vilis  casa,  domuncula,  and  bordellum,  are  equivalent  ex- 
pressions. Again,  in  the  Black  Book  of  the  Exchequer,  we  find  the  same  use  of 
the  word  in  a  proclamation  of  outlawry  of  one  William  de  Braose,  in  which  it  is 
alleged  by  the  King  that '  postquam  transfretavimus  in  Hyberniam,  ipse  nobis  malum 
fecit  quod  potuit,  et  unum  molendinum  et  tres  2?0n/<?//<?.rcombussit,'  vol.  i.  p.  382. 
ed.  1771.  Dugdale,  who  gives  this  document  at  length  in  his  Baronage,  vol.  i.  p. 
417,  translates  the  above  passage  thus  :  'After  the  king  was  gone  into  Ireland 
(W.  de  B.)  did  more  mischief  by  burning  of  houses.'  And  in  a  charter  belonging 
to  the  Priory  of  Briweton  or  Bruton,  in  Somersetshire,  we  find  enumerated  amongst 
their  possessions,  'ortum  ante  portamatrii  cum  bordello' — Mon.  AngL  vol.  vi.  pt. 
r>  P-  336,  ed.  1830.  In  a  letter  of  protection  granted  by  King  John  II.  of 
France  to  the  city  of  Florence,  A.D.  1351,  occurs  the  following  clause  :  'Mandantes 
Senescallis  Tholose  et  Agenni,  &c.,  quatenus  dictos  Consules  et  habitatores  dictse 
villae  eorum  officiales  et  servitores,  familiares  hominesque  suos  de  corpore,  cum 
eorum  bonis  et  rebus,  juribus,  domibus,  maneriis,  bordillis  et  possessionibus  universis 
et  singulis,  in  et  sub  dictis  protectione  et  salva  ac  special!  Gardia  Regia  manute- 
neant  et  conservent.' — Ordon.  des  Rois  de  France,  torn.  iv.  p.  96,  ed.  1734,  where 
the  word  bordillis  is  explained  in  a  side  note  to  be  '  especes  de  maison.'  The  word, 
however,  had  even  at  this  period  acquired  the  secondary  and  less  reputable  signi- 
fication which  it  has  retained  up  to  the  present  time,  for  we  find  it  so  used  in  an 
award  of  arbitrators  appointed  by  Gregory  X.  to  settle  certain  disputes  between 
the  Archbishop  of  Vienne  and  the  Chapter  of  St.  Romain,  made  in  1274.  Item 
quod  prout  decet,  diet.  Dom.  Arcruepiscopus,  Vicarius,  Judex,  seu  Correarius  non 
permittant  neque  sustineant  morari  mulierem  uxoratam  publice  in  prostibulo  seu 
bordello? — Hist,  de  Dauphine,  torn.  i.  p.  126,  ed.  1722.  Dugdale,  among  the 
charters  relating  to  the  foundation  of  Saint  Mary's  Abbey  at  York,  prints  one  in 
which  occurs  the  following  passage  :  '  Item  inquiratur  qualiter  dicti  canonici  capel- 
lam  sive  heremitorium  de  Bordelbi  primitus  obtinuerunt,  et  utrum  ante  Conquestum 
dictum  Bordelbi  pro  hipanari  habebatur.' — Mon.  Ang.  vol.  iii.  p.  547,  ed.  1821. 
To  turn  to  English  writers,  the  word  is  used  by  Chaucer  in  The  Persones  Tale,  in 
the  sense  applied  to  it  by  Sir  T.  Elyot,  'namely  these  harlottis,  that  haunten 
bordels  of  these  foule  wommen.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  346,  ed.  1866.  While 
Harrison  employs  a  form  of  the  word  which  appears  to  be  intermediate  between 
its  earliest  and  latest  forms.  Speaking  of  monks  he  says,  '  Being  bold  from  time 
to  time  to  visit  their  tenants,  they  wrought  oft  great  wickednesse,  and  made  those 
endwares  little  better  than  brodelhouses,  especiallie  where  nunries  were  farre  off.  '— 
Descript.  of  Engl.  p.  194. 

a  This  word  may  perhaps  come  from  the  name  of  the  place,  bordellum,  borda, 
or  from  the  French  word  baude,  signifying  bold,  insolent,  impudent.  It  is  im- 
possible in  the  face  of  the  facts  stated  in  the  last  note  to  accept  Richardson's 
suggestion  that  bordell  is  derived  from  bawd. 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  I  l  7 

tleuourcrs  and  wasters  of  treasure."  Wherfore  in  as  moche  as 
liberalite  holy  resteth  in  the  geuynge  of  money,  it  somtyme 
coloureth  a  vice.  But  beneficence  is  neuer  taken  but  in  the  better 
parte,  and  (as  Tulli  saieth)  is  taken  out  of  vertue,  where  libera- 
lite commeth  out  of  the  cofer.b  Also  where  a  man  distributeth 
his  substaunce  to  many  parsones,  the  lasse  liberalitie  shall 
he  use  toother;  so  with  bounteousnes  bountie  is  minisshed.c 
Onely  they  that  be  called  beneficiall,  and  do  use  the  vertue  of 
beneficence,  whiche  consisteth  in  counsaylinge  and  helpinge 
other  with  any  assistance  in  tyme  of  nede,  shall  alway  fynde 
coadiutours  and  supportours  of  their  gentyll  courage/1  And 
doughtlas  that  maner  of-gentilnesse  that  consisteth  in  labour, 
studie,  and  diligence,  is  more  commendable,  and  extendeth 
further,  and  also  may  more  profite  parsones,  than  that  whiche 
resteth  in  rewardes  and  expences.6  But  to  retourne  to 
liberalitie. 

a  Gibbon  declares  that  '  it  is  almost  superfluous  to  enumerate  the  unworthy 
successors  of  Augustus.  Their  unparalleled  vices,  and  the  splendid  theatre  on 
which  they  were  acted,  have  saved  them  from  oblivion.  The  dark  unrelenting 
Tiberius,  the  furious  Caligula,  the  feeble  Claudius,  the  profligate  and  cruel  Nero, 
the  beastly  Vitellius,  and  the  timid  inhuman  Domitian,  are  condemned  to  ever- 
lasting infamy. '  The  same  writer  says  of  Elagabalus,  that  he  '  abandoned  himsel 
to  the  grossest  pleasures  with  ungoverned  fury,  and  soon  found  disgust  and  satiety 
in  the  midst  of  his  enjoyments.  The  inflammatory  powers  of  art  were  summoned 
to  his  aid  ;  the  confused  multitude  of  women,  of  wines,  and  of  dishes,  and  the 
studied  variety  of  attitudes  and  sauces,  served  to  revive  his  languid  appetites.  New 
terms  and  new  inventions  in  these  sciences,  the  only  ones  cultivated  and  patronised 
by  the  monarch,  signalised  his  reign,  and  transmitted  his  infamy  to  succeeding 
times.  A  capricious  prodigality  supplied  the  want  of  taste  and  elegance  ;  and 
whilst  Elagabalus  lavished  away  the  treasures  of  his  people  in  the  wildest  extrava- 
gance, his  own  voice  and  that  of  his  flatterers  applauded  a  spirit  and  magnificence 
unknown  to  the  tameness  of  his  predecessors. ' — Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Einp. 
vol  i.  pp.  217,  282,  ed.  1854. 

b  '  Altera  ex  area,  altera  ex  virtute,  depromitur.' — De  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  15. 

c  *  Ita  benignitate  benignitas  tollitur  ;  qua  quo  in  plures  usus  sis,  eo  minus  in 
multos  uti  possis. ' — Cic.  ubi  supra. 

d  '  At  qui  opera,  id  est  virtute  et  industria,  benefici  et  liberales  erunt,  primum, 
quo  pluribus  profuerint,  eo  plures  ad  benigne  faciendum  adjutores  habebunl. '-^ 
Cic.  ubi  supra. 

"  '  Quamobrem  id  quidem  non  dubium  est,  quin  ilia  benignitas,  quoe  constet 


Il8  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

What  greater  foly  may  be,  than  that  thinge  that  a 
Prodi-  man  most  gladly  dothe,  to  endeuour  him  with  all 
gaiytie.  studie  that  it  may  no  lenger  be  done  ?  Wherfore 
Tulli  calleth  them  prodigall,  that  in  inordinate  feastes  and 
bankettes,  vayne  playes,  and  huntinges,  do  spende  al  their 
substaunce,  and  in  those  thinges  wherof  they  shall  leaue  but  a 
shorte  or  no  remembraunce.a  Wherfore  to  resorte  to  the 
counsaile  of  Aristotle  before  expressed.  Natwithstandinge  that 
liberalitie,  in  a  noble  man  specially,  is  commended,  all  though 
it  somwhat  doexcede  the  termesof  measure ;  yet  if  it  be  well  and 
duely  emploied,  it  acquireth  parpetuall  honour  to  the  giuer, 
and  moche  frute  and  singuler  commoditie  therby  encreaseth.b 
For  where  honeste  and  virtuous  parsonages  be  aduaunced,  and 
well  rewarded,  it  sterith  the  courages  of  men,  whiche  haue  any 
sparke  of  vertue,  to  encrease  therein,  with  all  their  force  and 
endeuour.0  Wherfore  nexte  to  the  helpinge  and  relieuinge  of 
a  communaltie,  the  great  part  of  liberalitie  is  to  be  emploied 
on  men  of  vertue  and  good  qualities.4  Wherein  is  required  to  be 

ex  opera  et  industria,  et  honestior  sit,  et  latius  pateat,  et  possit  prodesse  pluribus.' 
— Cic.  De  Ojfic.  lib.  ii.  cap  15. 

*  '  Prodigi,  qui  epulis  et  viscerationibus,  et  gladiatorum  muneribus,  lu  dorum 
venationumque  apparatu  pecunias  profundunt  in  eas  res,  quarum  memoriam  aut 
brevem,  aut  nullam  omnino,  sint  relicturi.' — De  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  16. 

b  TIpfTTft  Se  Kal  ofs  ra  roiavra  irpovirdpxft  8i'  avfS>v  f)  8ia  TWV  Trpoy6vcav  %  wv 
avrois  /ie'recm,  Kal  rots  fvyeveffi  KM.  rots  eVS(J|ots  Kal  '6ffa  roiavra '  iravra  yap  TOUTO 
/j.(yt6os  fX€l  Kct*  a£i(t}/j.a.  MaAtaTo  p.*v  ofiv  roiovros  &  fj.eya\oirp€TT'f]s,  Kal  eV  rots  TOIOV- 
TOIS  Sairavf)fj.a(riv  ?j  jLie-yaAoTrpeTrem,  &ffirep  etprjrai'  /j-eyiara  yap  Kal  eyTi/ioToro. — 
Arist.  Ethic.  Nicom.  lib.  iv.  cap.  2,  §  14. 

c  It  was  thus  that  Addison,  starting  as  a  poor  scholar,  with  a  pension  of 
^300  a  year,  procured  for  him  by  the  influence  of  Montague,  to  enable  him  to 
travel,  was  advanced  to  the  highest  office.  'Addison,'  says  Lord  Macaulay, 
'  without  high  birth,  and  with  little  property,  rose  to  a  post  which  Dukes,  the  heads 
of  the  great  houses  of  Talbot,  Russell,  and  Bentinck,  have  thought  it  an  honour 
to  fill.  Without  opening  his  lips  in  debate  he  rose  to  a  post  the  highest  that 
Chatham  or  Fox  ever  reached.'  But  he  explains  that  this  rapid  promotion  was 
due  to  the  fact  that  '  to  the  influence  which  Addison  derived  from  his  literary 
talents  was  added  all  the  influence  which  arises  from  character.' — Essays,  vol. 
»•  PP-  335,  336,  ed.  1854. 

d  Pitt  seems  to  have  totally  ignored  this  injunction.  '  The  love  of  literature, ' 
says  Lord  Macaulay,  'had  induced  Augustus  to  heap  benefits  on  Pompeians, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  119 

a  good  election  and  iugement,  that,  for  hope  of  revvarde  or 
fauour,  under  the  cloke  of  vertue  be  nat  hidde  the  moste  mortall 
poisone  of  flaterie.a 


is  nowe  so  infrequent  or 


CHAPTER  XI. 
The  true  description  of  amitie  orfrendship. 

I  HAUE  all  redy  treated  of  beneuolence  and  beneficence  gene- 
rally. But  for  als  rnoche  as  frendship,  called  in  latine^  micitia, 
comprehendejjijDothe 

hi 

Somers  to  be  the  protector  of  nonjurors,  Harley  to  make  the  fortunes  of  Whigs. 
But  it  could  not  move  Pitt  to  show  any  favour,  even  to  Pittites.  Though  the 
sound  rule  is  that  authors  should  be  left  to  be  remunerated  by  their  readers,  there 
will  in  every  generation  be  a  few  exceptions  to  this  rule.  To  distinguish  these 
special  cases  from  the  mass  is  an  employment  well  worthy  of  the  faculties  of  a 
great  and  accomplished  ruler  ;  and  Pitt  would  assuredly  have  had  little  difficulty 
in  finding  such  cases  .  .  .  What  a  contrast  between  the  way  in  which  Pitt  acted 
towards  Johnson  and  the  way  in  which  Lord  Grey  acted  towards  his  political 
enemy  Scott,  when  Scott,  worn  out  by  misfortune  and  disease,  was  advised  to  try 
the  effect  of  the  Italian  air  !  What  a  contrast  between  the  way  in  which  Pitt 
acted  towards  Cowper  and  the  way  in  which  Burke,  a  poor  man  and  out  of  place, 
acted  towards  Crabbe  !  Even  Dundas,  who  made  no  pretensions  to  literary  taste, 
and  was  content  to  be  considered  as  a  hard-headed  and  somewhat  coarse  man  of 
business,  was,  when  compared  with  his  eloquent  and  classically  educated  friend,  a 
Maecenas  or  a  Leo.  Dundas  made  Burns  an  exciseman  with  seventy  pounds  a 
year  ;  and  this  was  more  than  Pitt,  during  his  long  tenure  of  power,  did  for  the  en- 
couragement of  letters.  Even  those  who  may  think  that  it  is,  in  general,  no  part  of 
the  duty  of  a  government  to  reward  literary  merit,  will  hardly  deny  that  a  government 
which  has  much  lucrative  Church  preferment  in  its  gift,  is  bound,  in  distributing  that 
preferment,  not  to  overlook  divines  whose  writings  have  rendered  great  service  to 
the  cause  of  religion.  But  it  seems  never  to  have  occurred  to  Pitt  that  he  lay 
under  any  such  obligation.'  —  Biographies,  p.  184-187,  ed.  1860. 

*  Cicero  can  find  no  term  sufficiently  opprobrious  to  apply  to  this  vice. 
'  Habendum  est,  nullam  in  amicitiis  pestem  esse  majorem,  quam  adulationem, 
bland  itiam,  assentationem.  Quamvis  enim  multis  nominibus  est  hoc  vitium  no- 
tandum,  levium  hominum  atque  fallacium,  ad  voluntatem  loquentium  omnia,  nihil 
ad  veritatem.'  —  Cic.  de  Amlcit.  cap.  25.  • 


120  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

mortall  men,  by  the  tyrannic  of  coueti§e^and  ambition,  whiche 

hauc  longe  reigned,8  and  yet  do,  that  amitie  may  nowe  unethe 
be  knowen  or  founden  throughout  the  worlde,b  by  them  that 
seeke  for  her  as  diligently,  as  a  mayden  wolde  seeke  for  a 
small  siluer  pinne  in  a  great  chamber  strawed  with  white 
russhes,c  I  will  therfore  borowe  so  moche  of  the  gentle  redar 

a  So  Patrizi  says  :  '  Idcirco  raro  admodum  hsec  amicitia  esse  cernitur  .  .  .  Non 
parva  conditio  haberi  debet  ea,  quam  Euripides  tragicus  praescribit,Ta  ruv  tyiXwv 
Koiva,  hoc  est,  amicorum  omnia  communia,  et prcesertim  nostris  temporibtis,  in  quibus 
avaritia  adeb  plerosque  invasit,  ut  quotidiano  cibo  ac  victu  seipsos  defraudent, 
nemini  benigniores  sint,  nihil  amico  inopi,  etiam  ex  his  rebus  quse  eis  superfluunt, 
impertiantur,  vixque  ab  alienis  manus  abstineant.  Quinetiam  amicitise  jam  vulgo 
non  virtute,  sed  utilitate  aut  voluptate  probantur.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib. 
viii.  tit.  ii. 

b  '  Unfortunately,'  says  a  modem  writer,  'from  the  vast  complication  of  selfish 
considerations  in  which  most  men  in  a  society  like  ours  are  involved,  it  is  scarcely 
possible  for  any  to  experience  the  full  enjoyment  which  is  to  be  derived  from 
friendship.  We  see  this  happiness  at  its  height  only  in  the  young,  who  have  as 
yet  few  cares.  In  the  middle  of  life,  our  hearts  are  scarcely  better  fitted  for  the 
culture  of  this  delightful  sentiment  than  is  the  highway  for  the  rearing  of  flowers. 
Few,  therefore,  can  have  the  noted  advantage  of  going  on  with  certain  friends 
through  their  whole  career,  until,  in  their  elderly  days,  they  feel  towards  them  in 
so  intensely  sympathetic  a  manner  that  they  appear  as  parts  of  the  same  being. 
These  were  joys  appropriate,  I  fear,  only  to  Arcadian  times.' — Chambers'  Essays, 
vol.  iii.  p.  237,  ed.  1847. 

c  This  was  from  time  immemorial  the  substitute  for  carpets,  and  remained  so 
until  the  1 7th  century.  Mr.  Wright  tell  us  that  in  the  middle  ages  '  floor-carpets 
were  sometimes  used  in  the  chambers,  but  this  was  uncommon,  and  they  seem  to 
have  been  more  usually,  like  the  hall,  strewed  with  rushes.  It  appears  that  some- 
times, as  a  refinement  in  gaiety,  flowers  were  mixed  with  the  rushes.  In  an  old 
French  fabliau  (Meon,  Nouv.  Recueil  de  Fabliaux,  torn.  i.  p.  75),  a  lady  who 
expects  her  lover,  lights  a  fire  in  the  chamber,  and  spreads  rushes  'and  flowers  on 
the  floor. 

"  Vient  a  1'ostel,  lo  feu  esclaire,  + 

Jons  et  flors  espandre  par  1'aire." — Dom.  Man.  in  Eng.  p.  246. 

Paul  Hentzner,  who  visited  England  in  1598,  speaking  of  the  Royal  Palace  of 
Greenwich,  where  the  Queen  was  then  keeping  her  Court,  says  that  even  the  floor 
of  the  Royal  Presence  Chamber  was  so  covered.  His  words  are  ' pavimentum,  uti 
in  Anglia  moris  est,  fceno  erat  constratum.' — Itinerarium,  p.  135,  ed.  1617. 
Horace  Walpole,  who  translated  this  work,  renders  the  word  'hay,'  but  adds  in  a 
note,  '  he  probably  means  rushes.'  Even  in  the  palaces  of  royalty  the  floors  were 
generally  strewed  with  rushes  and  straw,  sometimes  mixed  with  sweet  herbs.  '  In 
the  Household  Roll  of  Edward  II.  we  find  an  entry  of  money  paid  to  John  de 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  121 

thoughe  he  be  nigh  wery  of  this  longe  mater,  barrayne  of 
eloquence  and  pleasaunt  sentence,  and  declare  some  what  by 
the  way  of  very  and  true  frendship.  Whiche  perchaunce  may 
be  an  allectife  to  good  men  to  seeke  for  their  semblable,  on 
whom  they  may  practise  amitie.  For  as  Tulli  saieth,  Nothinge 
is  more  to  be  loued  or  to  be  ioyned  to  gether,  than 
similitude  of  good  maners  or  vertues ;  where  in  be  the 
same  or  semblable  studies,  the  same  willes  or  desires,  in  them 
it  hapneth  that  one  in  an  other  as  moche  deliteth  as  in  him 
selfe.a 

But  nowe   let   us   enserche  what  frendship  or  amitie  is. 


Carleford  for  going  from  York  to  Newcastle  to  procure  straw  for  the  King's 
chamber.  Froissart,  relating  the  death  of  Gaston,  Count  de  Foix,  says  that  '  the 
Count  went  to  his  chamber,  which  he  found  ready  strewed  with  rushes  and  green 
leaves  ;  the  walls  were  hung  with  boughs,  newly  cut,  for  perfume  and  coolness,  as 
the  weather  was  marvellously  hot.' — Turner's  Dom.  Arch,  in  Eng.  vol.  ii.  p.  99, 
ed.  1853.  '  In  1464,  Sir  John  Howard,'  we  are  told,  'paid  sixteenpence  "to  the 
gromys  off  chambre  ffor  rushis  "  for  his  parlour.  In  the  household  of  Ed.  IV. 
the  serjeant  of  the  hall  was  to  see  that  sufficient  quantity  of  rashes  were  pro- 
vided for  the  royal  apartments.' — Ubi  supra,  vol.  iii.  p.  in,  ed.  1859.  Whilst, 
according  to  the  Household  Book  of  that  King,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  groom  of 
the  chamber  to  bring  '  rushes  and  litter  for  the  paylettes  all  the  yere.'  Mr.  Turner 
says,  '  Straw  and  rushes  were  used  for  covering  the  floors  as  late  as  the  time  of 
Henry  VIII.'  And  he  refers  to  vol.  iv.  of  the  Archceologia,  p.  312,  where  is  con- 
tained 'the  Ceremonial  of  making  the  King's  bed,'  but  nothing  is  said  about 
rushes  or  straw  for  the  floor  ;  and  the  only  mention  of  straw  is  a  direction  that  a 
yeoman,  with  a  dagger,  is  to  search  the  straw  of  the  King's  BedJ  which  manifestly 
implies  that  it  was  the  pallet  upon  which  the  bed  was  made,  and  not  a  substitute 
for  a  floor  cloth.  However,  although  Mr.  Turner  does  not  adduce  any  instances  to 
show  the  use  of  rushes  or  straw  instead  of  carpets  in  this  reign,  it  is  certain  that 
the  former  continued  to  be  employed  till  a  much  later  period.  In  Archaologia, 
vol.  xix.,  extracts  from  the  Household  Book  of  Lord  North,  beginning  Jan.  i, 
!575>  are  printed,  and  Mr.  Stevenson,  by  whom  they  were  communicated,  writing 
in  1819,  in  a  note  upon  an  item  'for  matting,'  says,  'Although  mats  and  carpets 
were  now  in  use,  they  had  not  superseded  the  ancient  custom  of  strewing  rushes 
over  the  floors  of  the  apartments.  A  custom  still  kept  tip,  at  least  a  few  years  ago,  in 
the  Trinity  House,  Hull,  and  here  (i.e.  in  Lord  North's  H.  Book)  we  have  frequent 
charges  for  them  "for  the  chambers.'" — P.  296. 

*  '  Nihil  autem  est  amabilius  nee  copulatius,  quam  morum  similitude  bonorum. 
In  quibus  enim  eadem  studia  sunt,  eaxlemque  voluptates,  in  his  fit,  ut  aeque  quisque 
altero  delectetur,  ac  seipso.'— De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  17. 


122  THE    GOVERNOUR. 

Aristotle  saieth  that  frendship  is  a  vertue,  or  ioyneth  with 
Ethic.  vL  vertue  ;a  whiche  is  affirmed  by  Tulli,  sayenge,  that 
Tulii  de  frendship  can  nat  be  without  vertue,b  ne  but  in  good 
Amidtia.  men  one\y.  who  be  good  men,  he  after  declareth  to  be 
those  parsones,  whiche  so  do  beare  them  selfes  and  in  such 
wyse  do  lyue,  that  their  faithe,  suertie,  equalitie  and  liberalitie 
be  sufficiently  proued.  Ne  that  there  is  in  them  any  couetise, 
wilfulnes,  or  foole  hardinesse,  and  that  in  them  is  great  stabi- 
litie  or  constaunce  ;  them  suppose  I  (as  they  be  taken)  to  be 
called  good  men,  whiche  do  folowe  (as  moche  as  men  may) 
nature,  the  chiefe  capitayne  or  guide  of  mannes  lyfe.c  More- 
ouer  the  same  Tulli  defineth  frendship  in  this  maner,  sayenge, 
That  it  is  none  other  thinge,  but  a  parfecte  consent  of  all 
thinges  appertayninge  as  well  to  god  as  to  man,  with  bene- 
uolence  and  charitie  ;  and  that  he  knoweth  nothinge  giuen 
of  god  (except  sapience)  to  man  more  commodius.d  Which 
definition  is  excellent  and  very  true.  For  in  god,  and  all 
thinge  that  commeth  of  god,  nothing  is  of  more  greatter 
estimation  than  loue,e  called  in  latine  Amor,  whereof  Amidtia 
commeth/  named  in  englisshe  frendshippe  or  amitie ;  the 
whiche  taken  a  way  from  the  lyfe  of  man,  no  house  shall 
abide  standinge,  no  felde  shall  be  in  culture.8  And  that  is 

a  Mcra  Se  ravra  irfpl  <£iA.tas  eirotr'  Uv  SteAfleTi'  *  eart  yap  apery  TIS  f)  /tier'  oper^y. 
— Eth.  lib.  viii.  cap.  I. 

b  '  Nee  sine  virtute  amicitia  esse  ullo  pacto  potest.'— De  Amicit.  cap.  6. 

c  '  Qui  ita  se  gerunt,  ita  vivunt,  ut  eorum  probetur  fides,  integritas,  asquitas, 
liberalitas,  nee  sit  in  illis  ulla  cupiditas,  vel  libido,  vel  audacia,  sintque  magna 
constantia,  ut  ii  fuerunt,  modo  quos  nominavi ;  hos  viros  bonos,  ut  habiti  sunt, 
sic  etiam  appellandos  putemus  ;  quia  sequantur,  quantum  homines  possunt,  natu- 
ram,  optimam  bene  vivendi  ducem. ' — De  Amicit.  cap.  5. 

d  '  Est  autem  amicitia  nihil  aliud,  nisi  omnium  divinarum  humanarumque 
rerum  cum  benevolentia  et  caritate,  summa  consensio  :  qua  quidem  haud  scio  an, 
excepta  sapientia,  nihil  quidquam  melius  homini  sit  a  diis  immortalibus  datum.' — 
De  Amicit.  cap.  6. 

e  '  God  is  love ;  and  he  that  dwelleth  in  love  dwelleth  in  God,  and  God  in 
him.' — I  John  iv.  6. 

f  '  Amor  enim,  ex  quo  amicitia  nominata,  princeps  est  ad  benevolentiam  con- 
jungendam.'— Cic,  de  Amicit.  cap.  8. 

*   '  Quod  si  exemeris  ex  natura  rerum  benevolentise  conjunctionem,  nee  domus 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  123 

lightly  parceiued,  if  a  man  do  remember  what  commeth  of  dis- 
sention  and  discorde.  Finally  he  semeth  to  take  the  sonne 
from  the  worlde,  that  taketh  frendshippe  from  mannes  life.a 

Sens  frendshippe  can  nat  be  but  in  good  men, b  ne  may 
nat  be  without  vertue,  we  may  be  assured  that  therof  none 
iuell  may  precede,  or  therewith  any  iuell  thinge  may  parti- 
cipate.0 Wherfore  in  as  moche  as  it  may  be  but  in  a  fewe  par- 
sones  (good  men  being  in  a  small  nomber),d  and  also  it  is  rare 
and  seldome  (as  all  vertues  be  communely),  I  will  declare  after 
the  opinion  of  Philosophers,  and  partly  by  commune  expe- 
rience, who  amonge  good  men  be  of  nature  moste  apte  to 
frendshippe. 

Betwene  all  men  that  be  good  can  nat  all  way  be  amitie, 
but  it  also  requireth  that  they  be  of  semblable  or  moche  like 


ulla,  nee  urbs  stare  poterit;  ne  agri  quidem  cultus  permanebit.' — Cic.  de  Amicit. 
cap.  7. 

a  '  Solem  enim  e  mundo  tollere  videntur,  qui  amicitiam  e  vita  tollunt.' — Cic.  de 
Amicit.  cap.  13.  '  Friendship,'  says  Professor  Brown,  '  is  indeed  the  sunshine  of 
those  who  otherwise  would  walk  in  darkness  ;  it  beams  with  unclouded  radiance 
on  our  moral  path,  and  is  itself  warmth  and  beauty  to  the  very  path  along  which 
it  invites  us  to  proceed.' — Philosophy  of  the  Mind,  vol.  iv.  p.  262,  ed.  1851. 

b  « Ita  fit  verum  illud,  quod  initio  dixi,  amicitiam,  nisi  inter  bonos,  esse  non 
posse.' — Cic.  de  Amicit.  cap.  18. 

0  '  Men  of  virtue  only,'  says  Adam  Smith,  « can  feel  that  entire  confidence  in 
the  conduct  and  behaviour  of  one  another,  which  can  at  all  times  assure  them  that 
they  can  never  either  offend  or  be  offended  by  one  another.  Vice  is  alway  capri- 
cious— virtue  only  is  regular  and  orderly.  The  attachment  which  is  founded  upon 
the  love  of  virtue,  as  it  is  certainly  of  all  attachments  the  most  virtuous,  so  it  is 
likewise  the  happiest,  as  well  as  the  most  permanent  and  secure.  Such  friendships 
need  not  be  confined  to  a  single  person,  but  may  safely  embrace  all  the  wise  and 
virtuous  with  whom  we  have  been  long  and  intimately  acquainted,  and  upon  whose 
wisdom  and  virtue  we  can  upon  that  account  entirely  depend.' — Theory  of  Moral 
Sentiments,  p.  330,  ed.  1853. 

d  The  author  had  evidently  Juvenal's  famous  saying  in  his  mind  :  '  Rari  quippe 
boni,'  which  is,  however,  only  a  little  less  epigrammatic  than  Cicero's  own 
remark,  in  the  dialogue  to  which  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  makes  frequent  reference  in  the 
course  of  this  chapter.  '  Digni  autem  sunt  amicitia,  quibus  in  ipsis  inest  causa,  cur 
diligantur.  Rarum  genus  (et  quidem  omnia  praeclara  rara),  nee  quidquam  difnci- 
lius,  quam  reperire,  quod  sit  omni  ex  parte  in  suo  genere  perfectum.'—  De  Amicitia, 
cap.  21. 


124  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

maners.a  For  grauitie  and  affabilitie  be  euery  of  them  laud- 
able qualities,  so  be  seueritie  and  placabilitie,  also  magnificence 
and  liberalitie  be  noble  vertues,  and  yet  frugalitie,  whiche  is  a 
sobrenesse  or  moderation  in  liuinge  is,  and  that  for  good  cause, 
of  al  wise  men  extolled.b  Yet  where  these  vertues  and  quali- 
ties be  seperately  in  sondry  parsones  assembled,  may  well  be 
parfecte  concorde,  but  frendshippe  is  there  seldome  or  neuer ; 
for  that,  whiche  the  one  for  a  vertue  embraceth,  the  other  con- 
temneth,  or  at  the  leste  neglecteth.c  Wherfore  it  semeth  that 

a  ' 'Tis  obvious,'  says  Hume,  'that  people  associate  together  according  to  their 
particular  tempers  and  dispositions,  and  that  men  of  gay  tempers  naturally  love 
the  gay,  as  the  serious  bear  an  affection  to  the  serious.  This  not  only  happens 
where  they  remark  this  resemblance  betwixt  themselves  and  others,  but  also  by 
the  natural  course  of  the  disposition,  and  by  a  certain  sympathy  which  always  arises 
betwixt  similar  characters.' — Philosoph.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  96,  ed.  1826.  A  modern 
writer  considers  '  a  general  resemblance  of  character '  an  '  indispensable  requisite ' 
to  the  maintenance  of  friendship.  '  Often  there  are  considerable  differences  of 
nature  in  those  who  pass  for  friends  ;  but  generally  it  will  be  found  that  even  those 
who  seem  most  diverse  have  some  peculiarities  in  common — some  opinions,  preju- 
dices, or  sympathies,  in  which  they  are  at  one  ;  otherwise  it  would  be  quite 
impossible  for  them  to  maintain  an  attachment.  It  is  best  when  the  two  natures 
have  a  general  conformity,  for  then  tastes,  opinions,  and  sympathies  will  all  be  in 
harmony,  and  each  will  find  in  the  other's  conversation  that  support  to  his  own 
views,  and  that  encouragement  to  his  own  tendencies,  which,  by  soothing  his  self- 
love,  will  irresistibly  dispose  him  to  look  agreeably  on  his  associate.' — Chambers's 
Essays,  vol.  iii.  p.  234. 

b  '  All  prospect  of  success  in  life,  or  even  of  tolerable  subsistence,  must  fail 
where  a  reasonable  Frugality  is  wanting.  The  heap,  instead  of  increasing,  dimi- 
nishes daily,  and  leaves  its  possessor  so  much  more  unhappy,  as  not  having  been 
able  to  confine  his  expenses  to  a  large  revenue,  he  will  still  less  be  able  to  live 
contentedly  on  a  small  one.' — Hume,  Phil.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  313.  And  another 
writer  of  equal  reputation  says,  ' In  the  steadiness  of  his  industry  and  frugality,  in 
his  steadily  sacrificing  the  ease  and  enjoyment  of  the  present  moment  for  the  pro- 
bable expectation  of  the  still  greater  ease  and  enjoyment  of  a  more  distant  but 
more  lasting  period  of  time,  the  prudent  man  is  always  both  supported  and 
rewarded  by  the  entire  approbation  of  the  impartial  spectator.' — Ad.  Smith, 
Theory  of  Moral  Sent.  p.  314.  'The  character  of  Pitt,'  says  Lord  Macaulay, 
'  would  have  stood  higher  if,  with  the  disinterestedness  of  Pericles  and  of  De  Witt, 
he  had  united  their  dignified  frugality.' — Biographies,  p.  233,  ed.  1860. 

c  Deficiency  of  imagination  may  probably  account  to  a  very  large  extent  for  the 
absence  of  complete  sympathy.  '  That  which  makes  it  so  difficult,'  says  Mr.  Lecky 
in  his  most  interesting  work,  'for  a  man  of  si rong  vicious  passions  to  unbosom 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  125 

wherein  the  one  deliteth,  it  is  to  the  other  rcpugnaunt  unto 
his  nature  ;  and  where  is  any  repugnaunce,  may  be  none  amitie, 
sens  frendshippe  is  an  entier  consent  of  willes  and  desires.* 
Therfore  it  is  seldom e  sene  that  frendship  is  betwene  these 
parsones,  a  man  sturdie,  of  oppinion  inflexible,  and  of  soure 
countenaunce  and  speche,  with  him  that  is  tractable,  and 
with  reason  persuaded,  and  of  swete  countenaunce  and  entre- 
taynementb  Also  betwene  him  which  is  eleuate  in  autoritie 
and  a  nother  of  a  very  base  astate  or  degree.6  Ye  and  if  they 

himself  to  a  naturally  virtuous  man,  is  not  so  much  the  virtue  as  the  ignorance  of 
the  latter.  It  is  the  conviction  that  he  cannot  possibly  understand  the  force  of  a 
passion  he  has  never  felt.' — Hist,  of  Europ.  Morals,  vol.  i.  p.  141,  ed.  1869. 

*  '  True  friendship  is  only  to  be  expected  amongst  average  and  superior  moral 
beings,  and  where  there  is  conformity  of  character,  equality  of  worldly  condition, 
and  a  perfect  independence.' — Chambers's  Essays,  vol.  iii.  p.  237. 

b  A  modern  writer  makes  precisely  the  same  remark  :  '  Where  there  is  a  diver- 
sity of  feeling  on  some  leading  matter,  such  as  politics,  friendship,  though  other 
circumstances  may  be  favourable,  can  scarcely  be  maintained.  There  must  also 
be  a  general  parity  in  the  moral  conditions.  If  one  of  the  parties  is  deficient  in  a 
virtue  which  the  other  has  in  large  endowment,  or  is  marked  by  a  glaring  vice 
which  is  absent  in  the  other  party,  friendship  can  scarcely  be  maintained,  for  in 
either  event  there  cannot  be  a  thorough  esteem,  and  therefore  no  union.  It  may 
be  liable  to  a  question,  how  far  friendship  can  be  kept  up  between  parties  of  infirm 
or  harsh  temper.  It  is  perhaps  possible  for  a  pair  of  such  a  description  to  worry 
on  with  each  other  for  a  long  course  of  years,  each  finding  the  other's  society 
necessary,  and  even  by  fits  and  starts  entertaining  a  sort  of  liking  for  each  other. 
But  certainly  there  can  be  no  consistent  friendship  between  a  pair,  of  which  one 
of  the  parties  is  of  a  harsh,  and  the  other  of  a  mild,  temper.  Elements  so  opposite 
can  never  be  reconciled,  even  by  the  powerful  sense  of  conjugal  duty. ' — Chambers's 
Essays,  vol.  iii.  p.  234,  ed.  1847. 

c  'Conformity  of  character  is  scarcely  more  necessary  than  is  equality  of 
worldly  conditions.  The  distinctions  of  wealth  and  social  position  may  be  ridi- 
culed as  much  as  any  one  likes  ;  but  they  operate  upon  all,  and  an  individual  is 
powerless  to  overcome  them.  When  two  persons  of  sympathising  character,  but 
different  in  these  respects,  are  thrown  together,  there  may  be  considerable  liking 
and  esteem  ;  but  the  association  will  hardly  ripen  into  a  friendship.  A  constant 
condescension  on  the  one  side,  and  a  constant  looking  up  on  the  other,  are  incom- 
patible with  the  genuine  feeling.  If  the  superior  party  has  the  good  nature  to  get 
over  all  his  difficulties,  it  will  scarcely  be  that  .the  inferior  party  has  the  humility 
to  put  up  with  his.  Though  they  may  occasionally  meet,  the  spheres  in  which 
they  spend  the  main  part  of  their  lives  are  different,  and  their  ordinary  feelings, 
maxims,  and  views,  will  be  different  also.  The  one  party  will  shrink  from  what 


126  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

be  bothe  in  an  equall  dignitie,  if  they  be  desirous  to  klyme, 
as  they  do  ascende,  so  frendship  for  the  more  parte  decayeth.a 
For  as  Tulli  saieth  in  his  firste  boke  of  offices,  what  thing 
so  euer  it  be,  in  the  whiche  many  can  nat  excell  or  haue  therein 
superioritie,  therein  often  tymes  is  suche  a  contencion,  that 
it  is  a  thinge  of  all  other  moste  difficile  to  kepe  amonge  them 
good  or  vertuous  company  ;b  that  is  as  moche  to  say  as  to 
retayne  amonge  them  frendship  and  amitie.  And  it  is  often 
tymes  sene  that  diuers,  which  before  they  came  in  autoritie, 
were  of  good  and  vertuous  condicions,  beinge  in  their  pro- 
speritie  were  utterly  chaunged,  and  dispisinge  their  olde  frendes 
set  all  their  studie  and  pleasure  on  their  newe  acquaintaunce.c 

he  hears  of  a  lower  grade  and  style  of  mind  from  the  other  ;  and  the  other,  again 
will  be  mortified  at  hearing  of  higher  things,  of  which  he  is  not  allowed  to  par- 
take. Hence  there  will  be  secret  disgusts,  and  rancours,  and  jealousies,  until  each 
has  the  uneasy  feeling  that  he  is  walking  over  a  mine  ever  ready  to  explode;  about 
which  period  of  course  all  real  friendship  will  be  at  an  end  between  them,  and  it 
will  not  even  be  necessary  that  they  should  quarrel  in  order  to  be  avowedly  done 
with  it.' — Chambers's  Essays,  vol  iii.  p.  235. 

a  Bacon  has  a  passage  very  like  this  :  '  Near  kinsfolks  and  fellows  in  office, 
and  those  that  are  bred  together,  are  more  apt  to  envy  their  equals  when  they  are 
raised  ;  for  it  doth  upbraid  unto  them  their  own  fortunes,  and  pointeth  at  them, 
and  cometh  oftener  into  their  remembrance,  and  incurreth  likewise  more  into  the 
note  of  others  ;  and  envy  ever  redoubleth  from  speech  and  fame.' — Essays,  p.  81, 
ed.  1857. 

b  '  Quicquid  ejusmodi  est,  in  quo  non  possint  plures  excellere,  in  eo  fit  ple- 
rumque  tanta  contentio,  ut  dimcillimum  sit  sanctam  servare  societatem.' — De  Off. 
lib.  i.  cap.  8. 

c  And  on  the  other  hand,  such  prosperity  often  tests  severely  the  sincerity  of 
the  friends  of  those  who  are  advanced  to  honour,  for  as  Adam  Smith  says,  '  The 
man  who,  by  some  sudden  revolution  of  fortune,  is  lifted  up  all  at  once  into  a  con- 
dition of  life  greatly  above  what  he  had  formerly  lived  in,  may  be  assured  that  the 
congratulations  of  his  best  friends  are  not  all  of  them  perfectly  sincere.  An  up- 
start, though  of  the  greatest  merit,  is  generally  disagreeable,  and  a  sentiment  of 
envy  commonly  prevents  us  from  heartily  sympathising  with  his  joy.  If  he  has 
any  judgment,  he  is  sensible  of  this,  and  instead  of  appearing  to  be  elated  with  his 
good  fortune,  he  endeavours,  as  much  as  he  can,  to  smother  his  joy,  and  keep  down 
that  elevation  of  mind  with  which  his  new  circumstances  naturally  inspire  him. 
He  redoubles  his  attention  to  his  old  friends,  and  endeavours  more  than  ever  to  be 
humble,  assiduous,  and  complaisant.  And  this  is  the  behaviour  which  in  his 
situation  we  most  approve  of;  because  we  expect,  it  seems,  that  he  should  have 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  127 

Wherein  men  shall  parceiue  to  be  a  vvonderfull  blindnes,  or  (as 
I  mought  say)  a  madnesse,  if  they  note  diligently  all  that  I 
shall  here  after  write  of  frendshippe.  But  nowe  to  resorte  to 
speke  of  them  in  whom  frendship  is  most  frequent,  and  they 
also  therto  be  moste  aptly  disposed.  Undoughtedly  it  be 
specially  they  whiche  be  wyse  and  of  nature  inclined  to  bene- 
ficence, liberalitie  and  constance.a  For  by  wysedome  is  marked 
and  substancially  decerned  the  wordes,  actes,  and  demeanure 
of  all  men  betwene  whom  hapneth  to  be  any  entrecourse  or 
famiiiaritie,  whereby  is  ingendred  a  fauour  or  disposition  of 
loue,b  Beneficence,  that  is  to  say,  mutually  puttinge  to  their 


more  sympathy  with  our  envy  and  aversion  to  his  happiness,  than  we  have  to  his 
happiness.  It  is  seldom  that  with  all  this  he  succeeds.  We  suspect  the  sincerity 
of  his  humility,  and  he  grows  weary  of  this  constraint.  In  a  little  time,  therefore, 
he  generally  leaves  all  his  old  friends  behind  him,  some  of  the  meanest  of  them 
excepted,  who  may  perhaps  condescend  to  become  his  dependants.  Nor  does  he 
always  acquire  any  new  ones ;  the  pride  of  his  new  connections  is  as  much 
affronted  at  finding  him  their  equal,  as  that  of  his  old  ones  had  been  by  his  becoming 
their  superior  ;  and  it  requires  the  most  obstinate  and  persevering  modesty  to  atone 
for  this  mortification  to  either.  He  generally  grows  weary  too  soon,  and  is  pro- 
voked by  the  sullen  and  suspicious  pride  of  the  one,  and  by  the  saucy  contempt  of 
the  other,  to  treat  the  first  with  neglect,  and  the  second  with  petulance,  till  at 
last  he  grows  habitually  insolent,  and  forfeits  the  esteem  of  all.' — Theory  of  Moral 
Sent.,  p.  55. 

*  '  All  those  associations,'  says  a  modern  writer,  '  which  are  grounded  on  a 
common  indulgence  of  the  lower  sentiments,  and  all  those  which  have  only  in  view 
a  little  temporary  amusement,  although  they  may  be  attended  with  the  immediate 
effects  in  enjoyment  which  are  contemplated  from  them,  involve  but  a  very  ele- 
mentary condition  of  the  passion  of  friendship.  This  feeling,  like  love,  is  seen  in 
many  forms,  graduating  between  the  lowest  and  the  most  exalted  ;  and  its  condition 
in  any  human  being  must  depend  greatly  on  the  general  moral  condition  of  that 
being.  Unquestionably,  it  will  only  be  found  in  its  state  of  utmost  purity  and 
nobleness  in  highly-refined  and  greatly-generous  natures.  There  only  shall  we 
find  such  associations  as  those  of  David  and  Jonathan,  Damon  and  Pythias,  and 
the  other  like  friendships  of  historical  celebrity.'— Chambers's  Essays,  vol.  iii.  p. 

234- 

b  Modern  philosophers  define  Wisdom  as  the  habit  by  which  we  select  right 
means  for  right  ends.  '  We  approve,'  says  one  of  them,  /  and  admire  Prudence 
relatively  to  its  end.  We  approve  and  admire  Wisdom  absolutely.  We  commend 
the  prudent  man  as  taking  the  best  course  for  his  purpose,  but  we  do  not  neces- 
sarily agree  with  him  in  his  estimate  of  his  object.  We  venerate  the  wise  man  as 


128  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

studie  and  helpe  in  necessary  affaires,  induceth  loue.a  They 
that  be  liberall  do  with  holde  or  hyde  nothinge  from  them 
whom  they  loue,  wherby  loue  encreaseth.  And  in  them  that 
be  constante  is  neuer  mistrust  or  suspition,  nor  any  surmise  or 
iuell  reporte  can  withdrawe  them  from  their  affection,  and 
hereby  frendship  is  made  perpetuall  and  stable.b  But  if  si- 
militude of  studie  or  lerninge  be  ioyned  unto  the  said 
vertues,  frendship  moche  rather  hapneth,  and  the  mutuall 

one  knowing  better  than  we  do  the  true  object  of  action,  as  well  as  the  means  of 
approaching  it.  Wisdom  is  a  Cardinal  Virtue,  like  Benevolence,  Justice,  Truth, 
Purity,  and  with  reference  to  the  first  as  well  as  the  other  four  human  Dispositions, 
are  good,  as  they  partake  of  the  Cardinal  Virtue.  Wisdom  is  the  complete  Idea 
of  Intellectual  Excellence,  as  Benevolence,  Justice,  Truth,  and  Purity  are  of 
Moral  Excellence.' — EL  of  Mor.  p.  88.  But  as  Adam  Smith  says,  'It  necessa- 
rily supposes  the  utmost  perfection  of  all  the  intellectual  and  of  all  the  moral 
virtues.  It  is  the  best  head  joined  to  the  best  heart.' — Theory  of  Mor.  Sentiments, 
p.  316. 

a  '  Of  all  the  persons,'  says  the  writer  last  quoted,  '  whom  nature  points  out  for 
our  peculiar  beneficence,  there  are  none  to  whom  it  seems  more  properly  directed 
than  to  those  whose  beneficence  we  have  ourselves  already  experienced.' — Theor.  of 
Moral  Sent.,  p.  331.  '  When  a  friend  thinks  of  his  friend,'  says  another  writer, 
*  what  a  long  period  of  reciprocal  good  offices  does  he  seem  to  measure  in  a  single 
moment  with  his  eye,  what  happiness  conferred,  what  misery  soothed  ! ' — Brown 
Phil,  of  the  Mind,  vol.  iii.  p.  291. 

b  A  modern  writer  uses  very  similar  language.  'Even  with  respect  to  the 
pleasure  of  friendship  itself,  if  it  be  a  pleasure  on  which  we  set  a  high  value,  it  is 
not  a  slight  consideration  whether  it  be  fixed  on  one  whose  regard  is  likely  to  be 
as  stable  as  ours,  or  on  one  who  may  in  a  few  months,  or  perhaps  even  in  a<  few 
weeks,  withhold  from  us  the  very  pleasure  of  that  intimacy  which  before  had  been 
profusely  lavished  on  us.  In  every  one  of  these  respects,  I  need  not  point  out  the 
manifest  superiority  of  virtue  over  vice.  Virtue  only  is  stable,  because  virtue  only 
is  consistent ;  and  the  caprice  which,  under  a  momentary  impulse,  begins  an  eager 
intimacy  with  one,  as  it  began  it  from  an  impulse  as  momentary  with  another,  will 
soon  find  a  third  with  whom  it  may  again  begin  it,  with  the  same  exclusion,  for  the 
moment,  of  every  previous  attachment. '--Brown,  Phil,  of  the  Mind,  vol.  iv.  p.  268. 
And  Adam  Smith  says,  '  The  prudent  man,  though  not  always  distinguished  by 
the  most  exquisite  sensibility,  is  always  very  capable  of  friendship.  But  his 
friendship  is  not  that  ardent  and  passionate,  but  too  often  transitory,  affection, 
which  appears  so  delicious  to  the  generosity  of  youth  and  in  experience.  It  is  a 
sedate,  but  steady  and  faithful,  attachment  to  a  few  well-tried  and  well-chosen 
companions  ;  in  the  choice  of  whom  he  is  not  guided  by  the  giddy  admiration  of 
shining  accomplishments  but  by  the  sober  esteem  of  modesty,  discretion,  and  good 
conduct.' — Theory  of  Moral  Sentiments,  p.  313. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  I  29 

enteruewe  and  conuersation  is  moche  more  pleasaunt,  specially 
if  the  studies  haue  in  them  any  delectable  affection  or  motion. 
For  where  they  be  to  serious  or  full  of  contention,  frendship  is 
oftentimes  assaulted,  whereby  it  is  often  in  parile.a  Where  the 
studie  is  elegant  and  the  mater  illecebrous,  that  is  to  say,  swete 
to  the  redar,  the  course  wherof  is  rather  gentill  persuasion  and 
quicke  reasoninges  than  ouer  subtill  argumentes  or  litigious 
controuersies,  there  also  it  hapneth  that  the  studentes  do 
delite  one  in  a  nother  and  be  without  enuie  or  malicious  con- 
tention.15 

Nowe  let  us  trie  out  what  is  that  frendshippe  that  we  sup- 
pose to  be  in  good  men.  Verely  it  is  a  blessed  and  stable 
connexion  of  sondrie  willes,  makinge  of  two  parsones  one  in 

*  But  Dugald  Stewart  observes  that  '  where  the  ground-work  of  two  charac- 
ters in  point  of  moral  worth  is  the  same,  there  is  sometimes  a  contrast  in  the 
secondary  qualities,  of  taste,  of  intellectual  accomplishments,  and  even  of  animal 
spirits,  which  instead  of  presenting  obstacles  to  friendship,  has  a  tendency  to  bind 
more  strongly  the  knot  of  mutual  attachment  between  the  parties.  And  he  adds 
that  '  two  very  interesting  and  memorable  examples  of  this  may  be  found  in  Cuvier's 
account  of  the  friendship  between  Buffon  and  Daubenton,  and  in  Playfair's 
account  of  the  friendship  between  Black  and  Hutton.' — Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  176, 
ed.  1855. 

b  Hume  says,  '  A  delicacy  of  taste  is  favourable  to  love  and  friendship,  by  con- 
fining our  choice  to  few  people  and  making  us  indifferent  to  the  company  and 
conversation  of  the  greater  part  of  men  .  .  .  One  that  has  well  digested  his  know- 
ledge both  of  books  and  men,  has  little  enjoyment  but  in  the  company  of  a  few 
select  companions.  He.  feels  too  sensibly  how  much  all  the  rest  of  mankind  fall 
short  of  the  notions  which  he  has  entertained.  And,  his  affections  being  thus  con- 
fined within  a  narrow  circle,  no  wonder  he  carries  them  further  than  if  they  were 
more  general  and  undistinguished.  The  gaiety  and  frolic  of  a  bottle  companion 
improves  with  him  into  a  solid  friendship  ;  and  the  ardours  of  a  youthful  appetite 
become  an  elegant  passion. ' — Phil.  Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  6,  7.  '  Mathematicians 
and  natural  philosophers,'  says  Adam  Smith,  '  from  their  independency  upon 
the  public  opinion,  have  little  temptation  to  form  themselves  into  factions  and 
cabals,  either  for  the  support  of  their  own  reputation,  or  for  the  depression 
of  that  of  their  rivals.  They  are  almost  always  men  of  the  most  amiable 
simplicity  of  manners,  who  live  in  good  harmony  with  one  another,  are  the 
friends  of  one  another's  reputation,  enter  into  no  intrigue  in  order  to  secure  the 
public  applause,  but  are  pleased^vhen  their  works  are  approved  of,  without  bein 
either  much  vexed  or  very  angry  when  they  are  neglected.' — Theory  of  Mora 
Sent.  p.  181. 

II.  K 


130  THE   GOVERN  OUR. 

hauinge  and  suffringe.  And  therfore  a  frende  is  proprely 
named  of  Philosophers  the  other  I.a  For  that  in  them  is  but 
one  mynde  and  one  possession;  and  that,  which  more  is,  a 
man  more  reioiseth  at  his  frendes  good  fortune  than  at  his 
owne. 

Horestes  and  Pilades,  beinge  wonderfull  like  in  all  features, 
were  taken  to  gider  and  presented  unto  a  tyrant b  who  deedly 
hated  Horestes,  but  whan  he  behelde  them  bothe,  and  wolde 
haue  slayne  Horestes  onely,  he  coulde  nat  decerne  the  one 
from  the  other.  And  also  Pilades,  to  deliuer  his  frende,  affirmed 
that  he  was  Orestes ;  on  the  other  parte  Orestes,  to  saue  Pilades, 
denied  and  said  that  he  was  Orestes  (as  the  trouthe  was).  Thus 
a  longe  tyme  they  to  gither  contendinge,  the  one  to  die  for  the 
other,  at  the  laste  so  relented  the  fierse  and  cruell  harte  of  the 

*  It  was  Zeno  who  originated  the  expression  which  afterwards  passed  into  a 
proverb.  According  to  Diogenes  Laertius,  epa>Ti?0eU  T(  eVn  <j)i\os,  '  &\\os  lyk '  I^TJ. 
— Lib.  vii.  cap.  I,  §23,  p.  164,  ed.  Didot.  1850.  The  Latin  equivalent  is  'alter 
ego,'  which  is  frequently  employed  by  Cicero  :  thus  in  the  Letters  to  Atticus  he 
says,  '  Me  enim  ipsum  nmlto  magis  accuso  ;  deinde  te,  quasi  me  alterum.' — Lib. 
iii.  15.  And  again,  '  Ille  legates  quindecim  quum  postularet,  me  principem 
nominavit ;  et  ad  omnia  me  alterum  se  fore  dixit.' — Lib.  iv.  I.  Another  form 
of  the  same  expression  is  also  found.  Thus,  speaking  of  a  'true  friend,'  he  says, 
*  Est  enim  is  quidem  tamquam  alter  idem.' — De  Amicit.  cap.  21.  Aristotle  says, 
"Effn  yap,  as  <pajueV,  6  (j>i\os  eVepos  e*yct>. — Magn.  Moral,  lib.  ii.  cap.  15.  Bacon 
says,  *  The  best  way  to  represent  to  life  the  manifold  use  of  friendship,  is  to  cast  and 
see  how  many  things  there  are  which  a  man  cannot  do  himself ;  and  then  it  will 
appear  that  it  was  a  sparing  speech  of  the  ancients,  to  say  that  "  a  friend  is  another 
himself,"  for  that  a  friend  is  far  more  than  himself.'— Essays,  p.  265,  ed.  1857. 

b  Thoas,  King  of  Tauris.  The  story  of  the  friendship  of  Orestes  and  Pylades 
forms  the  subject  of  two  tragedies  of  Euripides  viz.  Orestes,  and  Iphigenia  in  Tauris, 
and  has  been  embellished  in  various  ways  by  the  poets.  The  particular  form  of  it,  re- 
ferred to  by  the  author,  seems  to  have  been  popularised  through  a  play  of  Pacuvius, 
which  has  not  come  down  to  us,  but  which  is  mentioned  by  Cicero.  (  Qui  cla- 
mores  tota  cavea  nuper  in  hospitis  et  amici  mei  M.  Pacuvii  nova  fabula,  quum 
ignorante  rege,  uter  eorum  esset  Orestes,  Pylades  Oresten  se  esse  diceret,  ut  pro 
illo  necaretur ;  Orestes  autem,  ita  ut  erat,  Orestem  se  esse  perseveraret  ? ' — De  Ami- 
citia,  cap.  7.  And  it  may  be  presumed  that  it  was  from  Cicero  that  Sir 
Thomas  Elyot  derived  his  knowledge  of  the  story,  but,  according  to  his  usual 
practice,  he  has  himself  added  some  details  which  are  not  given  by  Cicero,  and, 
after  the  fashion  of  a  modern  novelist,  has  made  the  tale  end  happily,  and  in  a  way 
which  would  commend  it  to  the  sympathies  of  his  readers. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  131 

tyrant,  that  wondringe  at  their  meruailous  frendship  he  suffred 
them  frely  to  departe,  without  doinge  to  them  any  damage.* 

Pitheas  and  Damon,  two  Pythagoriens,  that  is  to  say, 
studentes  of  Pythagoras  lerninge,  beinge  ioyned  to  p^^eas 
gither  in  a  parfeite  frendship,  for  that  one  of  them  and 
was  accused  to  haue  conspired  agayne  Dionyse,  king  a 
of  Sicile,  they  were  bothe  taken  and  brought  to  the  kinge,  who 
immediately  gaue  sentence,  that  he  that  was  accused  shulde  be 
put  to  dethe.  But  he  desired  the  kinge  that,  er  he  died,  he 
mought  retourne  home  to  set  his  householde  in  ordre  and  to 
distribute  his  goodes  ;  whereat  the  kinge  laughinge  demaunded 
of  him  skornefully  what  pledge  he  wolde  leaue  hym  to  come 
agayne.  At  the  whiche  wordes  his  companyon  stepte  furthe 
and  saide,  that  he  wolde  remayne  there  as  a  pledge  for  his 
frende,  that  in  case  he  came  nat  againe  at  the  daye  to  hym  ap- 
pointed, that  he  wyllingly  wolde  lose  his  hede ;  whiche  con- 
dicion  the  tyraunt  receyued.  The  yonge  man  that  shuld  haue 
died,  was  suffred  to  departe  home  to  his  house,  where  he  set 
all  thinge  in  ordre  and  disposed  his  goodes  wisely.  The  day 
appointed  for  his  retourne  was  commen,  the  tyme  moche 
passed ;  wherfore  the  kynge  called  for  him  that  was  pledge,  who 
came  furthe  merely  without  semblaunte  of  drede,  offringe  to 
abide  the  sentence  of  the  tyraunt,  and  without  grudginge  to 
die  for  the  sauinge  the  life  of  his  frende.  But  as  the  officer 
of  iustyce  had  closed  his  eien  with  a  kerchiefe,  and  had  drawen 
his  swerde  to  haue  striken  of  his  hedde,  his  felowe  came  run- 
ninge  and  cryenge  that  the  daye  of  his  appointment  was  nat 
yet  past ;  wherfore  he  desired  the  minister  of  iustice  to  lose  his 
felowe,  and  to  prepare  to  do  execution  on  hym  that  had  giuen 
the  occasion.  Whereat  the  tyraunt  being  all  abasshed,  com- 
maunded  bothe  to  be  brought  in  his  presence,  and  whan  he 

•  '  Ire  jubet  Pylades  carum  periturus  Oresten. 

Hie  negat :  inque  vicem  pugnat  uterque  .mori. 
Extitit  hoc  unum,  quo  non  convenerit  illis  : 
Cetera  par  concors  et  sine  lite  fuit.' 

Ovid,  Epist.  ex  Pont.  lib.  iii.  2,  85-88. 
K  2 


132  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

had  ynough  wondred  at  their  noble  hartes  and  their  Constance 
in  very  frendship,  he  offring  to  them  great  rewardes  desired 
them  to  receyue  hym  into  their  company;  and  so,  doinge  them 
moche  honour,  dyd  set  them  at  liberte.a  Undoughtedly  that 
frendship  whiche  dothe  depende  either  on  profite  or  els  in 
pleasure,  if  the  habilitie  of  the  parsone,  whiche  mought  be  pro- 
fitable, do  fayle  or  diminisshe,  or  the  disposition  of  the  parsone, 
whiche  shulde  be  pleasaunt,  do  chaunge  or  appayre,  the  fer- 
uentnesse  of  loue  cesseth,  and  than  is  there  no  frendship. 


CHAPTER  XII.b 

The  wonderfull  history  of  Titus  and  Gisippus,  and  whereby  is  fully 
declared  the  figure  of  perfet  amitie? 

BUT  nowe  in  the  middes  of  my  labour,  as   it  were  to  pause 
and  take  brethe,  and  also  to  recreate  the  reders,  which,  fatigate 

a  '  Damon  et  Phintias,  Pythagoricae  prudentiae  sacris  initiati,  tarn  fidelem  inter 
e  amicitiam  junxerunt,  ut,  cum  alterum  ex  his  Dionysius  Syracusanus  interficere 
vellet,  atque  is  tempus  ab  eo,  quo,  prius  quam  periret,  domum  profectus  res  suas 
ordinaret,  impetravisset,  alter  vadem  se  pro  reditu  ejus  tyranno  dare  non  dubitarit. 
Solutus  erat  periculo  mortis,  qui  mode  cervices  gladio  subjectas  habuerat :  eidem 
caput  suum  subjecerat,  cui  secure  vivere  licebat.  Igitur  omnes,  et  in  primis 
Dionysius,  novse  atque  ancipitis  rei  exitum  speculabantur.  Appropinquante 
deinde  definita  die,  nee  illo  redeunte,  unusquisque  stultitise  tarn  temerarium  spon- 
sorem  damnabat.  At  is  "nihil  se  de  amici  constantia  metuere"  prsedlcabat. 
Eodem  autem  momento,  et  hora  a  Dionysio  constituta,  qui  earn  acceperat,  super- 
venit.  Admiratus  amborum  animum  tyrannus,  supplicium  fidei  remisit ;  insuper- 
que  eos  rogavit,  "  ut  se  in  societatem  amicitiae,  tertium  sodalitii  gradum  ultima 
culturum  benevolentia,  reciperent. "  ' — Veil.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  7,  ext.  I. 

b  The  greater  portion  of  this  chapter  is  entirely  omitted  in  Mr.  Eliot's  edition. 

c  The  tale  which  occupies  nearly  the  whole  of  the  present  chapter  is  a  transla- 
tion of  one  of  the  stories  in  the  Decameron  of  Boccaccio  (Gior.  X.  Novel,  viii.),  and 
is  probably  the  earliest  English  version  of  any  of  the  great  poet's  writings.  It  is 
doubtful,  however,  whether  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  translated  directly  from  the  original 
or  (as  appears  more  probable)  made  use  of  a  Latin  version,  by  the  celebrated 
Philip  Beroaldo,  whose  editions  of  the  classics  were  in  great  repute  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  As  copies  of  the  latter  version  are  now  extremely  rare,  it  has 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  133 

with  longe  preceptcs,  desire  varietie  of  mater,  or  some  newe 
pleasaunt  fable  or  historic,  I  will  reherce  a  right  goodly 
example  of  frendship.  Whiche  example,  studiousely  radde, 
shall  ministre  to  the  redars  singuler  pleasure  and  also  incredible 
comforte  to  practise  amitie. 

There  was  in  the  citie  of  Romea  a  noble  senatour  named 
Fuluius,  who  sent  his  sone  called  Titus,  beinge  a  childe,  to  the 
citie  of  Athenes  in  Greece  (whiche  was  the  fountaine  of  al 
maner  of  doctrine),  there  to  lerne  good  letters,  and  caused  him 

been  deemed  advisable  to  present  a  new  edition  of  it  to  the  reader,  who  can  of 
course  easily  make  for  himself  the  comparison  with  the  original  in  its  native 
tongue.  The  single  copy  in  the  Brit.  Mus.,  which  is  now  reprinted  for  the  first 
time,  bears  the  title  '  Mithica  4iistoria  Johannis  Boccatii,  poetae  laureati,  de  Tito 
Romano  Gisippoque  Atheniensi,  philosophise  tironibus  ac  commilitonibus,  ami- 
citise  vim  elucidans,  nuper  per  Philippum  Beroaldum  ex  italico  in  latinum  trans- 
versa ; '  and  is  without  date,  but  is  supposed  to  have  been  printed  at  Leipsic  in 
1495.  More  than  thirty  years  after  the  publication  of  The  Governour,  one  Edward 
Lewicke,  whose  name,  says  Warton,  is  '  not  known  in  the  catalogue  of  English 
poets,'  brought  out  a  rhythmical  version  of  the  story,  calling  it  'The  most  wonder 
ful  and  pleasaunt  History  of  Titus  and  Gisippus,  whereby  is  fully  declared  the 
figure  of  perfect  frenclshyp,  drawen  into  English  metre  by  Edwarde  Lewicke,  anno 
1562.'  Mr.  Collier  has  shown  conclusively  (Poet.  Decameron,  vol.  ii.  pp.  84,  85) 
that  Lewicke  was  indebted  not  only  for  the  form  of  the  narrative,  but  '  even  for 
some  of  his  very  words  and  phrases,'  to  this  chapter  of  The  Governour;  and  '  there  is 
not  only  a  strong  resemblance  throughout,  but  a  perfect  identity  in  some  passages,' 
•which  renders  it  extremely  probable  that  the  story  was  only  known  to  Lewicke  by 
a  perusal  of  Sir  T.  Elyot's  work.  Lewicke's  version,  therefore,  deservedly  sank 
into  obscurity,  and  is  now  very  rarely  met  with.  According  to  M.  Brunet,  a  copy 
was  sold  in  1854  for  ^27,  but  the  National  Library  does  not  contain  any  specimen 
of  this  poetaster.  Another  metrical  version  of  much  the  same  character  was  that 
printed  by  Wynkyn  de  Worde,  entitled  '  The  History  of  Tytus  and  Gesyppus, 
translated  out  of  Latyn  into  englyshe  by  Willyam  Walter  ;'  this  is  even  more  rare 
than  the  former,  and  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Brit.  Mus ,  but  a  copy  is  said  to 
have  realised  the  high  price  of  ^£36  at  the  Roxburgh  sale.  According  to  Brunet, 
the  Latin  text  which  Walter  translated  was  written  by  Matthew  Bandello,  and 
published  at  Milan  in  1509.  Warton  calls  this  'an  exceedingly  scarce  book.'— 
llist.  E.  P.  vol.  ii.  p.  493,  note.  The  reader  who  compares  Sir  T.  Elyot's  version 
either  with  the  Italian  of  Boccaccio,  or  with  the  Latin  of  Beroaldo,  will  not  fail  to 
remark  that  our  author  has  diverged  widely  from  both  sources. 

a  '  Quo  tempore  Octavius  Ccesar,  nondum  cognominatus  Augustus,  in  triumvira- 
tum  Romanum  tegebat  imperium,  fuit  Romae  P.  Qu.  Fulvius,  homo  patricius  ac 
nobilis,  qui  filium  nomine  Titum  Fulvium,  juvenem  singulari  ingenio  prseditum, 


134  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

to  be  hosted  with  a  worshipfull  man  of  that  citie  called 
Chremes.  This  Chremes  hapned  to  haue  also  a  sone  named 
Gisippus,  who  nat  onely  was  equall  to  the  said  yonge  Titus  in 
yeres,  but  also  in  stature,  proporcion  of  body,  fauour,  and  colour 
of  visage,  countenaunce  and  speche.  The  two  children  were 
so  like,  that  without  moche  difficultie  it  coulde  nat  be  discerned 
of  their  propre  parentes,whiche  was  Titus  from  Gysippus,  or  Gy- 
sippus  from  Titus.  These  two  yonge  gentilmen,  as  theysemedto 
be  one  in  fourme  and  personage,  so,  shortely  after  acquaintaunce, 
the  same  nature  wrought  in  their  hartessuche  a  mutuall  affection, 
that  their  willes  and  appetites  daily  more  and  more  so  confe- 
derated them  selfes,  that  it  semed  none  other,  whan  their  names 
were  declared,  but  that  they  hadde  onely  chaunged  their  places, 
issuinge  (as  I  mought  saye)  out  of  the  one  body,  and  entringe 
in  to  the  other.  They  to  gether  and  at  one  tyme  went  to 
their  lerninge  and  studie,  at  one  tyme  to  their  meales  and  re- 
fection ;  they  delited  bothe  in  one  doctrine,  and  profited  equally 
therein;  finally  they  to  gether  so  increased  in  doctrine,  that 
within  a  fewe  yeres,  fewe  within  Athenes  mought  be  compared 
unto  them.  At  the  laste  died  Chremes,  whiche  was  nat  only 
to  his  sone,  but  also  to  Titus,  cause  of  moche  sorowe  and  heui- 
nesse.  Gysippus,  by  the  goodes  of  his  father,  was  knowen  to 
be  a  man  of  great  substaunce,  wherfore  there  were  offred  to 
hym  great  and  riche  mariages.  And  he  than  beinge  of  ripe 
yeres  and  of  an  habile  and  goodly  parsonage,  his  frendes, 

Athenas  misit  ut  philosophise  studiis  erudiretur,  eumque  etiam  atque  etiam  com- 
mendavit  Chremeti,  viro  nobili,  amico  vetustissimo.  Qui  Titum  hospicio  suscipiens 
voluit  ut  in  contubernio  filii  Gisippi  familiariter  educaretur,  et  utrumque  Aristippo, 
id  temporis  philosopho  illustrissimo,  tradidit  erudiendum,  ut  eisdem  pariterdoctrinis 
imbuerentur.  Cum  itaque  ambo  juvenes  vitam  degerent  communem,  tanta  simili- 
tude morum  repente  apparuit,  ut  summa  germanitas,  summaque  benevolentia,  inter 
ipsos  coaluerit.  Adeo  ut  vix  morte  potuerit  dissociari.  Simul  ambo  philosophise 
studiis  incumbere,  simul  ambo  ad  fastigium  divini  dogmatis  ascendere,  ambo  excel  - 
lentissimi  ingenii  dotibus  pares  existere.  Qui  talem  vitam  duxere  circiter  triennium, 
maxima  cum  voluptate  Chremetis.  Is  utrumque  pio  amore  prosequens  nee  in  filium 
quam  in  Titum  propensior,  cum  jam  esset  senio  confectus,  e  vita  migravit.  Cujus 
obitum  tanquam  communis  parentis  Titus  atque  Gisippus  perseque  defleverunt,  et 
pari  lamentatione  prosequuti  sunt.  Adeo  ut  nee  ipsius  Chremetis  familiares  ac 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  135 

kynne,  and  alies  exhorted  hym  busely  to  take  a  wyfe,  to  the 
intent  he  mought  increase  his  lygnage  and  progenie.  But  the 
yonge  man,  hauinge  his  hart  all  redy  wedded  to  his  frende 
Titus,  and  his  mynde  fixed  to  the  studie  of  Philosophic,  fear- 
inge  that  mariage  shulde  be  the  occasion  to  seuer  hym  bothe 
from  thone  and  thother,  refused  of  longe  tyme  to  be  parswaded ; 
untill  at  the  last,  partly  by  the  importunate  callynge  on  of  his 
kynnesmen,  partly  by  the  consent  and  aduise  of  his  dere  frende 
Titus,  therto  by  other  desired,  he  assented  to  mary  suche  one 
as  shulde  lyke  hym.  What  shall  nede  many  wordes?  His  frendes 
founde  a  yonge  gentilwoman,  whiche  in  equalitie  of  yeres,  ver- 
tuous  condicions,  nobilitie  of  blode,  beautie,  and  sufficient 
richesse,  they  thought  was  for  suche  a  yonge  man  apte  and 
conuenient.  And  whan  they  and  her  frendes  upon  the  couen- 
auntes  of  mariage  were  throughly  accorded,  they  counsailed 
Gysippus  to  repayre  unto  the  mayden,  and  to  beholde  howe 
her  parsone  contented  hym.  And  he  so  doinge  founde  her  in 
euery  fourme  and  condicion  accordinge  to  his  expectation  and 
appetite  ;  wherat  he  moche  reioysed  and  became  of  her  amor- 
ouse,  in  so  moche  as  many  and  often  tymes  he  leauinge  Titus 
at  his  studie  secretely  repayred  unto  her.  Nat  withstandyng 
the  feruent  loue  that  he  had  to  his  frende  Titus,  at  the  last 
surmounted  shamefastnes.  Wherfore  he  disclosed  to  him  his 
secrete  iournayes,  and  what  delectacion  he  toke  in  beholdinge 
the  excellent  beautie  of  her  whom  he  purposed  to  mary,  and 
howe,  with  her  good  maners  and  swete  entretaynement,  she 


cognati  satis  dignoscere  possent,  uter  eorum  juvenum  magis  consolandus  foret. 
Post  aliquot  menses  amici  necessariique  Gisippi  hominem  conveniunt,  et  ad  uxorem 
ducendam  pariter  hortantur,  puellam  se  reperisse  dictitantes,  civem  Atticam,  incre- 
dibili  formositate  conspicuam,  et  generosissima  gente  procreatam,  cui  Sophroniae 
nomen  erat,  et  id  temporis  quintum  decimum  agebat  setatis  annum.  Horum  votis 
Gisippus,  utpote  juvenili  ardore  calescens,  libenter  annuit.  Jamque  appetebat 
tempus  nuptiarum,  cum  sponsus  una  cum  Tito  ad  sponsam  visendam  proficisci- 
tur.  Jam  ambo  intra  sedes  sponsce  peaetraverant,  jam  inter  Gisippum  Sophro- 
niamque  facetissimi  sermones  serebantur,  cum  Titus,  quasi  elegans  spectator  feminte 
formositate  adhibitus,  cepit  curiosis  oculis  cuncta  prospicere  et  singula  Sophronice 
membra  callenter  pensitare,  qua;  cum  mirandum  in  modum  tota  complacuisset,  ipse 


136  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

had  constrained  hym  to  be  her  louer.  And  on  a  tyme  he, 
hauynge  with  hym  his  frende  Titus,  went  to  his  lady,  of 
whom  he  was  resceyued  moste  ioyously.  But  Titus  forth- 
with, as  he  behelde  so  heuenly  a  personage  adourned  with 
beautie  inexplicable,  in  whose  visage  was  moste  amiable  coun- 
tenaunce,  mixte  with  maydenly  shamefastnesse,  and  the  rare 
and  sobre  wordes,  and  well  couched,  whiche  issued  out  of 
her  pratie  mouthe,  Titus  was  therat  abasshed,  and  had  the 
harte  through  perced  with  the  firy  darte  of  blinde  Cupide. 
Of  the  whiche  wounde  the  anguisshe  was  so  excedinge  and 
vehement,  that  neither  the  study  of  Philosophic,  neyther  the 
remembraunce  of  his  dere  frende  Gysippus,  who  so  moche 
loued  and  trusted  hym,  coulde  any  thinge  withdrawe  hym  from 
that  unkynde  appetite,  but  that  of  force  he  must  loue  inordi- 
nately that  lady,  whom  his  said  frende  had  determined  to 
mary.  All  be  it  with  incredible  paynes  he  kepte  his  thoughtes 
secrete,  untyll  that  he  and  Gysippus  were  retourned  unto  their 
lodgynges.  Than  the  miserable  Titus,  withdrawynge  hym  as 
it  were  to  his  studie,  all  turmented  and  oppressed  with  loue, 
threwe  hym  selfe  on  a  bedde,  and  there  rebukyrig  his  owne 
moste  despitefull  unkyndnesse,  whiche,  by  the  sodayne  sight 
of  a  mayden,  he  had  conspired  agayne  his  moste  dere  frende 

secum  illam  speciosissimae  puellse  venustatem,  illud  decus,  illatn  exuperatissimam 
pulchritudinem  uhinde  memoria  repetens,  tanto  .amoris  incendio  cepit  asstuare, 
quanto  nullus  priscis  temporibus  amator  conflagraverat.  Cum  itaque  domum 
repedassent,  Titus  intra  cubiculum  solus  super  Sophronia  cogitare,  Sophroniam 
intueri,  Sophroniae  nomen  idemtidem  nominate,  tanto  magis  ardescens  quanto 
magis  in  ea  cogitatione  versabatur.  Tandem  post  multiplices  curas  crebraque  sus- 
piria  ita  secum  lamentari  exorsus  est.  "  Heu  te  miserum  !  Heu  serumnosam 
vitam  tuam,  Tite'  !  Ubi  unanimus,  ubi  amor,  ubi  spes  tuae  collocantur  ?  Nonne  vides, 
nonne  sentis  hanc  tibi  virginem  in  ea  veneratione  esse  habendam  qua  sororem  ? 
Hoc  exigit  munificentia  et  benignitas  in  te  a  Chremete  collata.  Hoc  exposcit  fida 
vetusque  amicitia,  quse  tibi  cum  Gisippo  est  hujusce  adolescentulse  sponso.  Quid 
igitur  concupiscis  ?  Quo  te  a  fraudulento  cupidine  precipitem  trahi  sinis  ?  Quo  a 
spe  blandiente  ?  Reclude  aliquando  oculos  animi,  et  temetipsum,  infelix,  recog- 
nosce,  optempera  rationi,  et  cohibe  illicibilem  appetitum.  Moderare  cupiditates 
insanas,  et  aliorsum  cogitationes  tuas  convertito,  principiis  obsta,  et  vince  teipsum 
dum  tempus  adest,  dum  datur  occasio.  Istud  quod  tu  tantopere  affectas,  turpe, 
flagitiosum,  indecorum  est.  Istud  quod  assequi  moliris,  abs  te  inprimis  fugiendum, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  137 

Gysippus,  agayne  all  humanitie  and  reason,  he  cursed  his  fate  or 
constellation,  and  wisshed  that  he  had  neuer  comen  to  Athenes. 
And  there  with  he  sent  out  from  the  botome  of  his  harte  depe 
and  colde  sighes,  in  suche  plentie  that  it  lacked  but  litle  that 
his  harte  ne  was  riuen  in  peces.  In  dolour  and  anguisshe 
tossed  he  hym  selfe  by  a  certayne  space,  but  to  no  man  wolde 
he  discouer  it.  But  at  the  last  the  payne  became  so  intolerable, 
that,  wolde  he  or  no,  he  was  inforced  to  kepe  his  bedde,  beinge, 
for  lacke  of  slepe  and  other  naturall  sustenaunce,  brought  in 
suche  feblenesse,  that  his  legges  mought  nat  sustayne  his  body. 
Gysippus  missyng  his  dere  frende  Titus  was  moche  abasshed, 
and  heringe  that  he  laye  sicke  in  his  bedde  had  furthwith  his 
harte  perced  with  heuinesse,  and  with  all  spede  came  to  hym 
where  he  laye.  And  beholding  the  rosiall  colour,  which  was 
wont  to  be  in  his  visage,  tourned  in  to  salowe,  the  residue  pale, 
his  ruddy  lippes  wanne,  and  his  eyen  ledy  and  holowe,  Gysip- 
pus mought  uneth  kepe  hym  selfe  from  wepynge  ;  but,  to  then- 
tent  he  wolde  nat  discomfort  his  frende  Titus,  he  dissimuled 
his  heuynesse,  and  with  a  comfortable  countenaunce  demaunded 
of  Titus  what  was  the  cause  of  his  disease,  blamynge  him  of 
unkyndenesse  that  he  so  longe  had  sustaynedit  without  geuing 
him  knowlege,  that  he  mought  for  him  haue  prouided  some 

si  id,  quod  vera  amicitia  exposcit,  et  quod  teipsum  decet,  intueri  velis.  Quidnam 
igitur  tibi,  Tite,  factitandum  est  ?  Amoris  mediusfidius  illicitus  illaudabilisque 
relinquendus,  alioquin  inter  fidos  amicos  perfidiosissimus  judicabere."  Dein  cum 
Sophroniae  reminisceretur,  mutato  consilio,  cuncta  quae  dixerat  retexens,  sic  secum 
solus  sermocinabatur.  "Majores  sunt  profecto  vires  legis  cupidineae,  majorque 
potentia  quam  legum  reliquarum.  Leges  Cupidinis  frangunt  dissipantque  non 
solum  leges  Amicitiae,  verum  quod  majus  est  divinas.  Quotiens  impellente  Cupi- 
dine  pater  filiam  adamavit,  frater  sororem,  noverca  privignum,  quas  haud  dubie  sunt 
majora  portenta  quam  si  amicus  amici  uxorem  ardenter  amet,  id  quod  jam  sexcen- 
ties  factitatum.  Hue  adde  quod  ego  sum  juvenis,  et  juventa  imprimis  obnoxia  est 
legibus  cupidineis.  Quod  igitur  Amori  placet  mihi  quoque  placeat  necesse  est. 
Honesta  senioribus  conveniunt.  Ego  id  velle  cogor  quod  Amor  jubet ;  formositas 
hujus  virgunculae  tanta  est  ut  ab  omnibus  amari  mereatur.  Et  quis  me  merito 
poterit  objurgare  ?  Si  juvenili  setate  calescens  tarn  decoram,  tam  venustam  juven- 
culam,  tanquam  amabilem  adamavero,  quae  a  me  non  propterea  amatur  quod  Gisippo 
desponsata  sit,  immo  earn  amo  libentiiisque  amarem  si  alteri  denupsisset.  In  hoc 


138  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

remedie,  if  any  mought  haue  ben  goten,  though  it  were  with  the 
dispendinge  of  all  his  substaunce.  With  whiche  wordes  the 
mortall  sighes  renewed  in  Titus,  and  the  salte  teares  brast  out 
of  his  eien  in  suche  habundaunce,  as  it  had  ben  a  lande  flode 
runnynge  downe  of  a  mountayne  after  a  storme.  That  behold- 
inge  Gysippus,  and  beinge  also  resolued  in  to  teares,  moste 
hartely  desired  hym  and  (as  I  mought  saye)  coniured  him 
that  for  the  feruent  and  entier  loue  that  had  ben,  and  yet  was, 
betwene  them,  he  wolde  no  lenger  hyde  from  him  his  griefe, 
and  that  there  was  nothing  to  him  so  dere  or  precious  fall  though 
it  were  his  owne  life)  that  mought  restore  Titus  to  helthe,  but 
that  he  shulde  gladly  and  without  grutchinge  employe  it.  With 
whiche  wordes,  obtestations,  and  teares  of  Gysippus,  Titus  con- 
strayned,all  blusshinge  and  ashamed,  holdinge  downe  his  hedde, 
brought  furthe  with  great  difficultie  his  wordes  in  this  wyse. 
The  wordes  ^^  ^ere  anc*  moste  louynge  frende,  withdrawe  your 
of  Titus  to  frendely  offers,  cease  of  your  courtaisie,  refrayne  your 
Gysippus.  (-eares  ancj  regrettinges,  take  rather  your  knyfe  and 
slee  me  here  where  I  lye,  or  otherwise  take  vengeaunce  on  me, 
moste  miserable  and  false  traytour  unto  you,  and  of  all 
other  moste  worthy  to  suffre  moste  shamefull  dethe.  For 
where  as  god  of  nature,  lyke  as  he  hath  given  to  us  similitude 
in  all  the  partes  of  our  body,  so  had  he  conioyned  our  willes, 
studies,  and  appetites  to  gether  in  one,  so  that  betwene  two 

fortuna  objurgari  meretur,  quse  Sophroniam  amico  meo  Gisippo  potius  quam 
alter!  habendam  tradidit.  Quod  si  puella,  ob  incomparabilem  formositatem, 
meretur  amari,  sicut  hercules  meretur,  debet  aequiore  animo  ferre  Gisippus,  si 
resciverit  earn  mihi  esse  potissimum  cordi,  non  alteri."  Hsec  et  id  genus  multa 
secum  Titus  ipse  volutabat  animo,  qui  nutabundus  in  partes  varias  distrahebatur. 
Itaque  maximo  curarum  aestu  fluctuans,  non  solum  diem  ilium,  noctemque  quse 
subsequuta  est  suspirando  consumpsit,  sed  et  alias  complusculas,  adeo  ut  nee  cibum 
caperet,  nee  somno  indulgeret,  in  lectuloque  pro  nimia  virium  imbecillitate  decum- 
beret.  Gisippus  utpote  qui  Titum  jampridem  viderat  sollicitudinibus  anxium  et 
nunc  eundem  videbat  aegrotantem,  maximo  dolore  afficitur,  omnique  adhibito 
studio  ac  diligentia  nusquam  ab  ipsius  latere  discedens,  hominem  sepissime  conso- 
latur,  subinde  causam  exquirens  et  curarum  et  aegrotationis.  Ceteriim  Titus,  qui 
responsiones  fallaciosas  hactenus  commentus  fuerat,  ad  Gisippum  astu  decipien- 
dum,  tandem  suspirans  ac  lachrymabundus  "Gisippe,"  inquit,  "si  diis  placuisset, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  139 

men  was  neuer  lyke  concorde  and  loue,  as  I  suppose.  And 
nowe  nat  withstandinge,  onely  with  the  loke  of  a  woman,  those 
bondes  of  loue  be  dissolued,  reason  oppressed,  frendship  is  ex- 
cluded ;  there  auaileth  no  wisedome,  no  doctrine,  no  fidelitie  or 
truste ;  ye,  your  truste  is  the  cause  that  I  haue  conspired  agayne 
you  this  treason.  Alas,  Gysippus,  what  enuious  spirite  meued 
you  to  bringe  me  with  you  to  her  whom  ye  haue  chosen  to  be 
yourwyfe,where  I  receyued  this  poison?  I  saye,  Gysippus, where 
was  than  your  wisedom,  that  ye  remembred  nat  the  fragilitie  of 
our  commune  nature  ?  What  neded  you  to  call  me  for  a  wit- 
nesse  of  your  priuate  delites  ?  Why  wolde  ye  haue  me  see 
that,  whiche  you  youre  selfe  coulde  nat  beholde  without 
rauisshinge  of  mynde  and  carnall  appetite  ?  Alas,  why  forgate 
ye  that  our  myndes  and  appetites  were  euer  one  ?  And  that 
also  what  so  ye  lyked  was  euer  to  me  in  lyke  degree  pleasaunt  ? 
What  will  ye  more  ?  Gysippus,  I  saye  your  trust  is  the  cause 
that  I  am  intrapped;  the  rayes  or  beames  issuinge  from  the 
eyen  of  her  whom  ye  haue  chosen,  with  the  remembraunce  of 
her  incomparable  vertues,  hath  thrilled  throughout  the  middes 
of  my  hart,  and  in  suche  wise  brenneth  it,  that  aboue  all  thinges 
1  desire  to  be  out  of  this  wretched  and  moste  unkinde  lyfe, 
whiche  is  nat  worthy  the  company  of  so  noble  and  louynge  a 
frende  as  ye  be.  And  therewith  Titus  concluded  his  confession  • 
with  so  profounde  and  bitter  a  sigh,  receyued  with  teares,  that 
it  semed  that  al  his  body  shulde  be  dissolued  and  relented  in 
to  salt  dropes. 

mihi  erat  mors  jamdudum  vita  jucundior,  cogitanti  a  fortuna  me  eo  esse  deductum, 
ut  mihi  virtutis  mese  periculum  faciendum  fuerit,  quam  appetitionibus  dominanti- 
bus,  non  sine  maximo  meo  dedecore,  succubuisse  cognosce.  Itaque  prsestolor 
mortem,  quoe  mihi  sit  futura  suavior  turpi  vita  atque  famosa.  Jam  enim  tibi 
cuncta  denarrabo,  jam  ex  me  pudibundo  cuncta  cognosces.  Cum  apud  te  nihil 
occulere,  nihil  dissimulare  nee  possim,  nee  debeam,  nee  velim."  Et  ab  initio 
rerum  exorsus  detexit  scenam  curaram  suarum.  Et  quemadmodum  secum  acer- 
rime  contendissent  hinc  amor  illinc  h'onestas,  hinc  dedecus  illinc  decor,  et  ut 
tandem  animus  undique  vexatur  imperioso  amori  succubuisset.  Denique  edis- 
serit  quern  ad  modum  Sophroniam  efflictim  deperir'et,  asserens  se  -amoris  sordi- 
dissimi  flagitiosissimique  poenas  morte  lucre  constituisse,  ad  eamque  citissime  se 


140  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

But  Gysippus,  as  he  were  there  with  nothynge  astonyed  or 
Th  discontented,  with  an  assured  countenaunce  and  mery 

swere  of  regard e,  imbrasinge  Titus  and  kissynge  him,  answered 
Gysippus.  in  thjs  wyse  whyj  Titus,  is  this  your  onely  sicke- 
nesse  and  griefe  that  ye  so  uncurtesely  haue  so  longe  coun- 
ceiled,  and  with  moche  more  unkyndnesse  kept  it  from  me  than 
ye  haue  conceyued  it  ?  I  knowlege  my  foly,  wherwith  ye 
haue  with  good  right  imbrayded  me,  that,  in  showing  to  you 
her  whom  I  loued,  I  remembred  nat  the  commune  astate  of 
our  nature,  ne  the  agreablenesse,  or  (as  I  mought  saye)  the 
unitie  of  our  two  appetites,  suerly  that  defaulte  can  be  by  no 
reason  excused.  Wherfore  it  is  onely  I  that  haue  offended. 
For  who  may  by  right  proue  that  ye  haue  trespased,  that  by 
the  ineuitable  stroke  of  Cupides  darte  are  thus  bitterly  woun- 
ded ?  Thinke  ye  me  suche  a  fole  or  ignorant  persone  that  I 
knowe  nat  the  powar  of  Venus,  where  she  listeth  to  shewe  her 
importable  violence  ?  Haue  nat  ye  well  resisted  agayne  suche 
a  goddesse,  that  for  my  sake  ye  haue  striuen  with  her  all  moste 
to  the  dethe  ?  What  more  loyaltie  or  trouthe  can  I  require 
of  you  ?  Am  I  of  that  vertue  that  I  may  resiste  agayne 
celestiall  influence  preordinate  by  prouidence  diuine  ?  If  I  so 
thought,  what  were  my  wittes  ?  Where  were  my  studie  so 
longe  tyme  spent  in  noble  Philosophic  ?  I  confesse  to  you, 
Titus,  I  loue  that  mayden  as  moche  as  any  wise  man  mought 
possible,  and  toke  in  her  companye  more  delite  and  pleasure 
than  of  all  the  treasure  and  landes  that  my  father  lefte  to  me, 
whiche  ye  knowe  was  right  abundaunt.  But  nowe  I  perceyue 

proventurum.  Hoc  audito,  Gisippus  paulisper  hesitabundus,  utpote  Sophronise 
cupitor,  dein  secum  ipse  incunctanter  decrevit  vitam  amici  anteponendam  esse 
virgunculae,  et  lachrymis  Titi  oppido  commotus,  ipse  quoque  plorabundus,  sic  infit, 
"  Tite,  nisi  consolatione  indigeres,  ego  te  apud  teipsum  expostularem  tanquam 
amicitise  nostrse  praevaricatorem,  qui  tamdiu  tuos  acerbissimos  affectus  mihi 
ignotos  esse  voluisti.  Quod  si  tibi  istud  inhonestum  ac  indecorum  videbatur,  scito 
inhonesta  non  secus  quam  honesta  cum  amico  esse  communicanda.  Nam  qui 
verus  amicus  est,  quantum  ex  honestis  amici  rebus  capit  voluptatis,  tantum  a 
flagitiosis  ac  turpibus  amici  animum  abducere  conatur.  Sed  in  praesentiam,  his 
posthabitis,  propiora  discutiamus.  Si  tu  sponsam  meam  Sophroniam  ardenter 


THE   GOVERNOVR.  141 

that  the  affection  of  loue  towarde  her  surmounteth  in  you 
aboue  measure,  what,  shal  I  thinke  it  of  a  wanton  lust  or  so- 
dayne  appetite  in  you,  whome  I  haue  euer  knowen  of  graue 
and  sadde  disposition, inclyned  alway  to  honest  doctrine,  fleinge 
all  vayne  daliaunce  and  dishonest  passetyme  ?  Shall  I  ima- 
gine to  be  in  you  any  malice  or  fraude,  sens  from  the  tendre 
tyme  of  our  childhode  I  haue  alway  founden  in  you,  my  swete 
frende  Titus,  suche  a  conformitie  with  all  my  maners,  appetites, 
and  desires,  that  neuer  was  sene  betwene  us  any  maner  of  con- 
tention ?  Nay  god  forbede  that  in  the  frendshippe  of  Gysippus 
and  Titus  shulde  happen  any  suspition,  or  that  any  fantasie 
shulde  perce  my  hedde,  whereby  that  honorable  loue  betwene  us 
shulde  be  the  mountenaunce  of  a  cromme  perisshed.  Nay,  nay, 
Titus,  it  is  (as  I  haue  said)  the  onely  prouidence  of  god.  She 
was  by  hym  from  the  beginnynge  prepared  to  be  your  lady 
and  wife.  For  suche  feruent  loue  entreth  nat  in  to  the  harte 
of  a  wise  man  and  vertuous,  but  by  a  diuine  disposition ;  whereat 
if  I  shulde  be  discontented  or  grudge,  I  shulde  nat  onely  be  in- 
iuste  to  you,  withholdinge  that  from  you  whiche  is  undought- 
edly  youres,  but  also  obstinate  and  repugnaunt  agayne  the 
determination  of  god  ;  whiche  shall  neuer  be  founden  in  Gy- 
sippus. Therfore,  gentill  frende  Titus,  dismay  you  nat  at  the 
chaunce  of  loue,  but  receyue  it  ioyously  with  me,  that  am  with 
you  nothinge  discontented,  but  meruailous  gladde,  sens  it  is  my 
happe  to  finde  for  you  suche  a  lady,  with  whome  ye  shall  lyue 
in  felicitie,  and  receyue  frute  to  the  honour  and  comfort  of  all 
your  linage.  Here  I  renounce  to  you  clerely  all  my  title  and 

amas,  nihil  equidem  admiror,  valde  admiratums,  si  abs  te  secus  fieret  cognita 
puellse  formositate,  et  animi  tui  generositate  prospectata,  quae  tanto  est  ad  passiones 
amoris  subeundas  accomodatior  quanto  res  concupita  fuerit  excellentior ;  et  quanto 
sequius  Sophroniam  amas,  tanto  iniquius  de  fortuna  conquereris.  Dum  tibi  vide- 
tur  earn  abs  te  honestius  amari  potuisse,  si  alteri  potiiis  quam  mihi  denupsisset. 
Verum  si  tu  prudens  ac  circumspectus  es,  prout  esse  consuevisti,  profecto  cognos- 
cere  debes  te  plurimum  debere  fortunse,  quse  Sophroniam  mihi  quam  alteri  foven- 
dam  dare  maluerit.  Etenim  quivis  alius  maritus  suorum  potiiis  quam  tuorum  amorum 
rationem  habendam  esse  duxisset,  quod  minime  cad.it  in  meos  mores,  si  me  tam 
tibi  quam  quod  maxime  sit  amicum  esse  credis.  Cujus  rei  argumentum  vel  hoc  sit, 


142  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

interest  that  I  nowe  haue  or  mought  haue  in  that  faire  mayden. 
Call  to  you  your  pristinate  courage,  wasshe  clene  your  visage 
and  eyen  thus  biwept,  and  abandone  all  heuinesse.  The  day  ap- 
pointed for  our  manage  approcheth ;  let  us  consult  howe  with- 
out difficultie  ye  may  holy  attayne  your  desires.  Take  hede,  this 
is  myne  aduise ;  ye  knowe  well  that  we  two  be  so  like,  that,  beinge 
a  parte  and  in  one  apparayle,  fewe  men  do  knowe  us.  Also  ye 
do  remembre  that  the  custome  is,  that,  natwithstandinge  any 
ceremony  done  at  the  tyme  of  the  spousayles,  the  manage  nat- 
withstandinge is  nat  confirmed,  untyll  at  night  that  the  hus- 
bande  putteth  a  rynge  on  the  finger  of  his  wyfe,  and  unloseth 
her  girdell.  Therfore  I  my  selfe  will  be  present  with  my 
frendes  and  perfourme  all  the  partes  of  a  bride.  And  ye  shall 
abyde  in.  a  place  secrete,  where  I  shall  appoint  you,  untill  it  be 
nyght.  And  than  shall  ye  quickely  conuaye  your  selfe  in  to 
the  maidens  chambre,  and  for  the  similitude  of  our  parsonages 
and  of  our  apparaile,  ye  shall  nat  be  espied  of  the  women, 
whiche  haue  with  none  of  us  any  acquaintaunce,  and  shortely 
gette  you  to  bedde,  and  put  your  owne  rynge  on  the  maydens 
fynger,  and  undo  her  gyrdell  of  virginite,  and  do  all  other 
thinge  that  shall  be  to  your  pleasure.  Be  nowe  of  good  chere, 
Titus,  and  comfort  your  selfe  with  good  refections  and  solace, 
that  this  wan  and  pale  colour,  and  your  chekes  meigre  and 
leane,  be  nat  the  cause  of  your  discoueringe.  I  knowe  well  that, 
ye  hauinge  your  purpose,  I  shall  be  in  obloqui  and  derision  of 
all  men,  and  so  hated  of  all  my  kynrede,  that  they  shall  seke 

quod  ego  postea  quam  sumus  inter  nos  amicitia  copulati,  nihil  habuisse  me  memini, 
quod  non  tibi  quoque  commune  foret.  Quin  etiam  haec  res  nisi  in  eum  locum  ad- 
ducta  esset,  ut  revocari  non  posset,  id  in  praesentia  quoque  facerem  quod  reliquis  in 
rebus  a  me  semper  antehac  est  factitatum.  Sed  cum  Sophronia  in  ea  sit  adhuc 
apud  me  conditione  ut  tua  effici  possit  :  tua  mediusfidius  pro  me  efficietur.  Cum 
non  videam  in  quo  tu  benevolentiam  meam  debeas  magnifacere,  nisi  ego  quoque 
novero  tibi  morem  gerere  gratificari  in  eo  potissimum  quod  honeste  fieri  potest. 
Non  inficior  Sophroniam  mini  esse  desponsatam  et  a  me  vehementer  amari,  cujus 
nuptias  cupidissime  prsestolabar.  Sed  quum  tu  utpote  meipso  curiosior,  rem  tarn 
desiderabilem  incredibili  desiderio  desideras,  vivito  laetus,  et  esto  securus,  propttrea 
quod  Sophronia  non  mihi  sed  tibi  nubet,  et  in  meum  thalamum  tua  futura  conjux 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  143 

occasion  to  expulse  me  out  of  this  citie,  thinkyng  me  to  be  a 
notable  reproche  to  al  my  familie.  But  let  god  therin  warke. 
I  force  nat  what  payne  that  I  abyde,  so  that  ye,  my  frende 
Titus,  may  be  saulfe,  and  pleasauntly  enioy  your  desires,  to  the 
increasinge  of  your  felicitie. 

With  these  wordes  Titus  began  to  meue,  as  it  were, 
out  of  a  dreme,  and  doughtinge  whither  he  harde  Gysippus 
speke,  or  els  sawe  but  a  vision,  laye  styll  as  a  man  abasshed. 
But  whan  he  behelde  the  teares  trickelinge  downe  by  the 
face  of  Gysippus,  he  than  recomforted  hym,  and  thankinge 
him  for  his  incomparable  kyndnesse,  refused  the  benefite 
that  he  offred,  sayenge  that  it  were  better  that  a  hundred 
suche  unkynde  wretches,  as  he  was,  shulde  perisshe,  than 

deducetur.  Proin  exuito  curas,  desine  tristitudinem,  et  pristina  valetudine  recupe- 
rata,  gaudibundus  temetipsum  consolare,  et,  animo  defecate,  obtineto  fructus  amoris 
tui  suavissimos,  longe  amore  meo  praestantiores. "  Titus  quantum  voluptatis 
capiebat  ex  hoc  Gisippi  sermone  pleno  spei  blandientis,  tantum  verecundia  afficie- 
batur  ostentante  quo  major  erat  Gisippi  liberalitas,  eo  majorem  suam  ipsius  fore 
ad  earn  usurpandam  procacilatem.  Quamobrem  cum  lachrymas  cohibere  non 
posset,  ita  respondit,  ' '  Tua,  Gisippe,  liberalis  ingenuaque  amicitia  apertissime 
ostendit  quid  me  quoque  in  mea  facere  deceat.  Itaque  hinc  deus  avertat,  ut  ego 
11am  unquam  abs  te  recipiam  in  uxorem,  quam  tibi  tanquam  digniori  fortuna 
concessit,  quse  si  novisset  hanc  mini  convenire,  neque  tibi  neque  alteri  earn  tradi- 
disset.  Utere  igitur  laetus  sorte  tua.  Utere  fortunae  dono,  meque  sinito,  quaeso,  inter 
juges  lachrymas  tabescere,  quas  mihi,  utpote  homini  tanta  commoda  non  merenti, 
fortuna  paravit.  Quae  me  hercules  lachrymae  aut  a  me  superabuntur,  id  quod  erit 
tibi  perjucundum,  aut  me  superabunt,  et  ego  hoc  gliscente  indies  cruciatu  liberabor. " 
Ad  haec  Gisippus,  "  Tite,"  inquit,  "si  a  benevolentia  nostra  tantum  impetrare 
possum  ut  tu  mese  voluntati  obsequaris,  et  si  ab  eadem  tibi  persuaderi  potest  ut 
obsequar  non  nolis,  hoc  illud  est  in  quo  potissimum  decrevi  ipsius  amicitiae  beneficio 
uti.  Et  si  precibus  meis  non  reluctaberis,  efficiam  ut  tu  Sophronia  potiaris,  eamque 
vim  adhibebo  qua  in  amici  bonis  uti  debemus.  Novi  quanta?  sint  Cupidinis 
vires,  quse  non  semel  sed  sepissime,  amantes  perduxit  ad  obitus  miserabiles.  Et 
talibus  te  amoris  pedicis  illaqueatum  esse  sentio,  ut  neque  regredi  possis,  neque 
lachrymas  ulla  ratione  cohibitas  moderari.  Tibi  vero  impatibiles  Cupidinis 
uredines  perferre  nequeunti  atque  ob  idipsum  obeunti  superstes  plane  esse  nolim, 
teque  ocissime  subsequar.  Quocirca  et  si  nulla  alia  inter  nos  causa  esset  mutuae 
benevolentiae,  tantum  cupio  te  vivere  ut  ipse  quoque  vivam  ;  scitoque  vitam  tuam 
vel  ob  hoc  mihi  esse  jucundissimam.  Igitur  erit  tua  Sophronia,  cum  haud  facile 
aliam  reperire  queas,  quas  tibi  tantopere  placitura  sit,  et  ego  amorem  meum  non 
sane  difficuHer  in  alteram  transferens  et  tibi  et  mihi  satisfecero,  cui  negocio 


144  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

so  noble  a  man  as  was  Gysippus  shulde  sustayne  reproche  or 
damage.  But  Gysippus  eftsones  comforted  Titus,  and  there- 
with sware  and  protested,  that  with  free  and  glad  will  he  wolde 
that  this  thinge  shulde  be  in  fourme  aforesaide  accomplisshed, 
and  therwith  inbraced  and  swetely  kyssed  Titus.  Who  percey- 
uinge  the  mater  suer  and  nat  fayned,  as  a  man  nat  sicke  but 
onely  a  waked  out  of  his  slepe,  he  set  hym  selfe  up  in  his  bedde, 
the  quicke  bloode  somwhat  resorted  unto  his  visage,  and,  after 
a  little  good  meates  and  drinkes  taken,  he  was  shortly  and  in 
a  fewe  daies  restored  in  to  his  olde  facion  and  figure.  To 
make  the  tale  shorte.  The  day  of  maryage  was  commen. 
Gysippus  accompanied  with  his  alyes  and  frendes  came  to  the 
house  of  the  damosel,  where  they  were  honorably  and  ioyously 

obeundo,  fortassis  non  sic  propensus  forem  si  tarn  raro  tanquam  difficulter  uxores 
reperirentur,  quam  raro  quanquam  difficulter  amici  veri  reperiuntur.  Ideoque 
cum  ego  possim  facillime  uxorem  alteram  invenire,  amicum  vero  alterum  difficil- 
lime,  malo  uxorem  amittere  quam  amicum.  Immo  nee  uxoris  jacturam  patiar, 
si  earn  tibi  concessero,  sed  ex  bona  in  meliorem  fortunam  earn  transtulisse,  neque 
amicum  perdidisse  existimabor.  Proin  si  quid  apud  te  pollent  preces  mese,  te  rogo 
quaesoque  ut  hac  aegritudine  deposita,  te  meque  simul  consoleris,  et  optima  spe 
fretus  constituas  earn  capere  voluptatem  quam  tuus  ferventissimus  amor  exoptat. " 
Titus  partim  pudore  suffusus,  quod  indecorum  esse  existimaret  ut  ipsi  Sophronia 
desponsaretur,  partim  stimulante  cupidine  et  hortamentis  Gisippi  vigoratus,  sic 
loquitur.  "  Nutabundus  sum,  Gisippe,  et  incertus  utrum  magis  tuo  an  meo  desiderio 
obsequar,  utrum  id  facere  debeam  quod  tibi  tantopere  roganti  placiturum  esse  con- 
firmas.  Et  quum  tua  erga  me  benignitas  tanta  est,  ut  meam  exuperet  verecundiam, 
id  efficiam  quod  rogas,  tibique  sit  exploratissimum,  me  tibi  non  solum  optatissimam 
sponsam,  sed  ipsam  vitam  acceptam  referre.  Dii  faxint  ut  ego  olim  partim  in  for- 
tunis  tuis  amplificandis,  partim  in  honoribus  cumulandis,  possim  tibi  ostendere 
meam  erga  te  benevolentiam  et  fidem,  et  tu  cognoscere  queas  quam  mihi  gratum 
fuerit  hoc  tuum  in  me  singulare  beneficium,  in  quo  tu  meipso  erga  meipsum  miseri- 
cordior  extitisti."  Ad  hsec  Gisippus,  "  Tite,"  inquit  ' '  ut  hoc  negocium  ad  amussim 
peragatur  mihi  ita  agendum  videtur  optime  ;  nosti  quemadmodum  mihi  Sophronia 
post  diutinas  meorum  necessariorum  consul tationes  fuerit  desponsata.  Ideoque 
si  nunc  earn  uxorem  repudiavero,  perturbatio  me  hercules  maxima,  et  tumultus 
exorietur  inter  utriusque  consanguineos,  neque  ego  id  magnifacerem,  si  vel  sic  ipsa 
tibi  uxor  traderetur,  sed  vereor  ne  si  hoc  pacto  res  agatur,  cognati  earn  alteri  statim 
despondeant,  amboque  puella  cupita  simus  viduati,  quo  circa  mihi  videtur,  si  modo 
tibi  idem  videatur,  ut  ego  in  id  incumbam  quod  jampridem  inchoavi,  hoc  est,  ut 
Sophronia,  tanquam  uxorem  meam  domum  ducam,  et  nuptias  sponsali  ritu  confi- 
ciam.  Tu  dein  furtim,  sicuti  commodissime  inter  nos  concinabimus,  cum  ilia 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  145 

festecl.  And  betwene  him  and  the  mayden  was  a  swete  entre- 
taynement,  which  to  beholde  all  that  were  present  toke  moche 
pleasure  and  comfort,  praysinge  the beautie,goodlynesse,vertue, 
and  curtesie  whiche  in  those  couples  were  excellent  aboue  all 
other  that  they  hadde  euer  sene.  What  shall  I  saye  more  ?  The 
couenauntes  were  radde  and  sealed,  the  dowar  appointed,  and 
al  other  bargaynes  concluded,  and  the  frendes  of  either  parte 
toke  their  leaue  and  departed,  the  bride  with  a  fewe  women 
(as  was  the  custome)  brought  in  to  her  chambre.  Than  (as  it 
was  before  agreed)  Titus  conueyed  him  selfe  after  Gysippus 
retourned  to  his  house,  or  parchaunce  to  the  chambre  ap- 
poynted  for  Titus,  nothynge  sorowfull,  all  though  that  he  hartely 
loued  the  mayden,  but  with  a  glad  harte  and  countenaunce, 
that  he  had  so  recouered  his  frende  from  dethe,  and  so  well 
brought  hym  to  the  effecte  of  his  desire.  Nowe  is  Titus  in 
bedde  with  the  mayden,  nat  knowen  of  her,  nor  of  any  other, 
but  for  Gysippus.  And  first  he  swetely  demaunded  her,  if  that 
she  loued  hym,  and  dayned  to  take  hym  for  her  husbande, 
forsaking  all  other,  which  she  all  blusshing  with  an  eye  halfe 
laughinge  halfe  mourninge  (as  in  poynte  to  departe  from  her 
maydenhede,  but  supposinge  it  to  be  Gysippus  that  asked  her) 
affirmed.  And  than  he  eftsones  asketh  her,  if  she  in  ratifienge 
that  promise  wolde  receyue  his  rynge,  whiche  he  hadde  there 

perinde  ac  uxore  tua  furtim  concumbes.  Mox  ubi  visum  fuerit  tempestivum,  rem 
omnem  patefaciemus,  quod  si  a  cognatis  non  improbabitur  bonum  erit,  sin  minus 
tu  tamen  voluptate  tua  satisfeceris.  Et  cum  id  quod  factum  est  fieri  infectum  non 
possit,  necessum  erit  ut  illi,  velint  nolint,  remipsam  approbare  cogantur."  Placuit 
Tito  tale  commentum.  Quapropter  Gisippus  Sophroniam  perinde  ac  conjugem 
suamdomum  ducit,  jam  Tito  incolumi  et  ex  segrotatione  confirmato  ;  celebratisque 
nuptiis,  cum  jam  advesperavisset,  matronse  paranymphse  novam  nuptam  in  thoro 
geniali  collocantes  cubiculo  propere  facessunt.  Erat  thalamus  Titi  cum  Gisippi 
thalamo  conjunctus,  et  aditus  inter  utrumque  erat  pervius.  Itaque  Gisippus,  lumini- 
bus  dissimulanter  extinctis,  clanculum  Titum  adit,  eumque  admonet  ut  cum  uxore 
sua  cubitum  eat.  Quo  audito,  Titus  pudore  suffusus  voluit  ab  incepto  desistere. 
Sed  Gisippus,  qui  non  minus  re  quam  verbis  propensus  erat  ad  explenda  Titi  de- 
sideria,  post  diutinam  disceptationem  tandem  hominem  intra  cubiculum  ingredi 
cogit,  qui,  cum  primum  lectum  genialem  conscendisset,  novam  nuptam  familiariter 
interrogat  an  ipsius  uxor  esse  velit.  Puella  existimans  ilium  esse  Gisippum  se  velle 
respondet.  Tune  Titus  Sophronije  digito  annulum  pronubum  induit  faberrimc 
II.  L 


146  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

all  redy,  wherto  she  consentynge  putteth  the  rynge  on  her 
ynger  and  unloseth  her  gyrdell.  What  thinge  els  he  dyd,  they 
two  onely  knewe  it.  Of  one  thing  I  am  suer,  that  night  was  to 
Titus  more  comfortable  than  euer  was  the  lengest  daye  of  the 
yere,  ye,  and  I  suppose  a  hole  yere  of  dayes.  The  morowe 
is  comen.  And  Gysippus,  thinking  it  to  be  expedient  that 
the  trouthe  shulde  be  discouered,  assembled  all  the  nobilitie  of 
the  citie  at  his  owne  house,  where  also  by  appointment  was 
Titus,  who  amonge  them  had  these  wardes  that  do  folowe. 

My  frendes  Atheniensis,  there  is  at  this  tyme  shewed 
Theoration  amonge  you  an  example  all  moste  incredible  of  the 
of  Titus  to  diuine  powar  of  honorable  loue,  to  the  perpetuall  re- 
the  Athe-  noume  an(j  commendation  of  this  noble  citie  of 

mensis. 

Athenes,  wherof  ye  ought  to  take  excellent  comfort, 
and  therfore  gyue  due  thankes  to  god,  if  there  remayne  amonge 
you  any  token  of  the  auncient  wisedome  of  your  moste  noble  pro- 
genitours.  For  what  more  prayse  may  be  gyuen  to  people,  than 
beneuolence,  faithfulnesse,  and  constaunce?  Without  whome  all 
contrayes  and  cities  be  brought  unto  desolation  and  ruyne,  lyke 
as  by  them  they  become  prosperous  and  in  moste  hyghe  feli- 
citie.  What  shall  I  longe  tary  you  in  coniectynge  myne  intent 
and  meaninge  ?  Ye  all  knowe  from  whens  I  came  unto  this 
citie,  that  of  aduenture  I  founde  in  the  house  of  Chremes  his 
sone  Gysippus,  of  myne  owne  age,  and  in  euery  thinge  so  lyke 
to  me,  that  neyther  his  father  nor  any  other  man  coulde  dis- 
cerne  of  us  the  one  from  the  other,  but  by  our  owne  insigne- 

factum  ac  luculentum,  eamque  hie  verbis  affatur,  "  Et  ego  volo  tuus  esse  maritus." 
Inde  cum  veneri  conjugal!  ambo  operarenter,  incredibili  voluptate  afficiuntur, 
neque  unquam  Sophronia  satis  dispicere  potuit  non  Gisippum  esse  sed  Titum  qui 
secum  singulis  noctibus  concumberet.  Cum  hoc  pacto  procederet  Titi  Sophroniae- 
que  conjugium,  moritur  Romse  Publius,  Titi  pater.  Extemploque  ad  ilium  literse 
afferuntur,  quibus  admonetur  ut  sine  cunctatione  Romam  remigraret  ad  res  suas 
omnes  componendas.  Quo  accepto,  destinat  Titus  secum  ducere  Sophroniam, 
remque  cum  Gisippo  communicat.  Hoc  autem  non  facile  nee  satis  commode 
fieri  poterat,  nisi  Sophronise  prius  rem  omnem  detexisset.  Quapropter  illam  in 
cubiculum  introductam  de  rebus  omnibus,  prout  transactse  fuissent,  ambo  commone- 
faciunt,  validissimisque  argumentis  Titus  cuncta  confirmat.  Tune  Sophronia  cum 
torvo  obtutu  utrumque  conspiceret,  paulum  indignabunda  prorupit  in  lachrymas  et 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  147 

ment  or  showinge,  in  so  moche  as  there  were  put  about  our 
neckes  lacis  of  sondry  colours  to  declare  our  personages.  What 
mutuall  agrement  and  loue  haue  ben  alwaye  betwene  us, 
durynge  the  eight  yeres  that  we  haue  ben  to  gether,  ye  all  be 
witnesses,  that  haue  ben  beholders  and  wonderars  of  our  moste 
swete  conuersation  and  consent  of  appetites,  wherein  was  neuer 
any  discorde  or  variaunce.  And  as  for  my  parte,  after  the  de- 
cease of  my  father,  nat  withstandinge  that  there  was  discended 
and  hapned  unto  me  great  possessions,  fayre  houses,  with  abund- 
aunce  of  riches ;  also  I  beinge  called  home  by  the  desirous  and 
importunate  letters  of  myne  alyes  and  frendes,  whyche  be  of 
the  moste  noble  of  all  the  senatours,  offred  the  aduauncement 
to  the  highest  dignities  in  the  publike  weale;  I  will  nat  re- 
membre  the  lamentations  of  my  moste  naturall  mother, 
expressed  in  her  tender  letters,  all  be  sprent  and  blotted  with 
abundaunce  of  teares,  wherein  she  accuseth  me  of  unkynde- 
nesse  for  my  longe  taryenge,  and  specially  nowe  in  her  mooste 
discomforte ;  but  all  this  coulde  nat  remoue  me  the  breade  of 

ubertim  flens,  dolum  in  se  Gisippi  detestatur,  et  mox  nullo  super  hac  re  emisso 
verbo,  domum  paternam  repetens  parentibus  cuncta  denarrat,  et  quemadmodum 
ipsi  ambo  fraude  Gisippi  fuerint  circumventi,  seque  non  Gisippi,  ut  opinabantur,  sed 
Titi  conjugem  esse.  Hoc  pmtri  acerbum,  indignum,  contumeliosum  videri.  Ipse  cum 
suis  Gisippi  affinibus  super  hac  re  dolenter  conqueri.  Hinc  contentiones  rixaeque 
inter  utrosque  non  modicae  fieri.  Invisus  erat  jam  Gisippus  non  solum  Sophroniaj 
necessariis,  sed  etiam  suis.  Omnes  asserere  eum  non  solum  reprehensione  sed 
atroci  punitione  esse  dignissimum.  Gisippus  rem  se  honestissimam  fecisse 
contendere,  ob  quam  Sophroniae  consanguinei  sibi  gratas  gratias  meminisse  de- 
berent,  cum  ilia  meliorique  generosiorique  nupsisset.  Titus  haec  omnia  intel- 
ligens,  maxima  anxietate  afficiebatur.  Idem  cognoscebat  morem  peculiarem  esse 
Graecorum  ut  tantisper  vociferationibus  minisque  contendant,  donee  aliqui  reperi- 
antur  qui  fidenter  ac  viriliter  congrediantur.  Tune  non  solum  illos  meticulosos 
sed  vilissimos  inertissimosque  existere.  Itaque  existimans  illorum  contumelias 
atque  convitia  non  ulterius  esse  toleranda,  animo  Romano  praeditus  et  prudentia 
Attica  decoratus,  cognates  Gisippi  atque  Sophroniae  in  unum  omnes  convocat. 
Quo  in  coetu  ipse  solo  Gisippo  comitatus  ita  disseruit.  ' '  Opinantur  complures 
philosophi  omnes  omnium  mortalium  actiones  deorum  immortalium  providentia 
fieri  atque  gubernari.  Ideoque  affirmant  quicquid  a  nobis  fiat  omne  fato  et 
necessitate  fieri.  Alii  vero  autumant  hanc  necessitatem  fato  esse  attribuendam. 
Quae  philosophorum  opiniones  si  diligenter  pensitatae  fuerint,  satis  aperte  de- 
monstrabitur  eos  prudentiores  diis  immortalibus  videri  velle  qui  volunt  ilia  refel- 

L  2 


148  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

my  nayle  from  my  dere  frende  Gysippus.  And  but  by  force 
coulde  nat  I,  nor  yet  may  be  drawen  from  his  swete  company, 
but  if  he  therto  will  consent.  I  chosynge  rather  to  lyue  with 
hym  as  his  companyon  and  felowe,  ye,  and  as  his  seruaunt, 
rather  than  to  be  Consull  of  Rome.  Thus  my  kyndenesse 
hathe  he  well  acquyted,  or  (as  I  mought  saye)  redoubled,  deli- 
uerynge  me  from  the  dethe,  ye,  from  the  moste  cruell  and 
paynefull  dethe  of  all  other.  I  perceyue  ye  wonder  here  at, 
noble  Atheniensis,  and  no  meruayle ;  for  what  persone  shulde 
be  so  hardie  to  attempte  any  suche  thynge  agayne  me,  beinge 
a  Romayne,  and  of  the  noble  bloode  of  the  Romanes  ?  Or 
who  shulde  be  thought  so  malicious  to  slee  me,  who,  (as  all  ye 
be  my  Juges)  neuer  trespased  agayne  any  persone  within  this 
citie?  Nay,  nay,  my  frendes,  I  haue  none  of  you  all  therein 
suspected.  I  perceyue  ye  desyre  and  harken  to  knowe  what  he 
was  that  presumed  to  do  so  cruell  and  great  an  enterprise.  It 
was  loue,  noble  Atheniensis,  the  same  loue  whyche  (as  youre 
poetes  do  remembre)  dydde  wounde  the  more  parte  of  all  the 

lere  quse  neque  corrigi  possunt  neque  mutari.  Enimvero  credere  debemus  ab 
ipsis  diis  optima  ratione  errore  nullo  nos  nostraque  regi  ac  gubernari.  Est  enim 
mediusfidius  stulta  ac  belluina  temeritas  velle  reprehendere  deorum  operationes. 
Et  arctissimis  illi  catenis  vinciendi  plene  sunt  qui  imprudentissima  procacitate  ad 
fata  deorum  criminanda  prsecipitanter  ruunt,  inter  quos  sicut  ego  sentio  vos  estis 
annumerandi  si  vera  sunt  ilia  quse  audio  vos  jampridem  dixisse  et  quotidie  dicti- 
tare.  Culpatis  enim  vehementissime  quod  Sophronia  mihi  nupserit  quam  vos 
Gisippo  desponderatis.  Enimvero  considerandum  vobis  fuit  et  curiosissime 
pensitandum  quemadmodum  fata  a  principio  constituerant,  ut  Sophronia  non 
Gisippo,  sed  mihi,  in  matrimonium  collocaretur,  sicut  ipsa  res  in  prsesentia  aper- 
tissime  ostendit.  Ceterum  quum  multis  anceps  et  difficillimum  videtur  loqui  de 
divina  providentia  asserentibus  deos  nullam  agere  curam  rerum  humanarum,  mihi 
placet  descendere  ad  hominum  consultationes.  Unde  super  his  rebus  sermocina- 
turis  duo  emciam  necesse  est  moribus  meis  minime  congruentia.  Unum  est  ut 
me  ipse  laudem  et  ostentem.  Alterum  ut  alios  vituperatione  consecter.  Verum  id 
faciam  modestissime,  hoc  est  quatenus  causa  ipsa  exigere  videbitur,  neque  digitum 
ut  dicitur,  transversum  ab  ipsa  veritate  discedam.  Vestrae  contumeliae  furore 
magis  quam  ratione  stimulatae  atrocissimis  criminationibus  vituperant,  lacerant,  in- 
sectanturque  Gisippum.  Propterea  quod  earn  mihi  uxorem  suopte  consilio  tradidit 
quam  vos  illi  vestra  sententia  concesseratis.  In  qua  re  ego  existimo  Gisippum 
laudandum,  idque  pluribus  argumentis  connrmabimus.  Primo  fecit  Gisippus  id  quod 
amicum  pro  amicissimo  facere  decet.  Dein  ipsius  factum  prudentius  consultiusque 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  149 

goddes  that  ye  do  honoure,  that  constrayned  Juppiter  totrans- 
fourme  hym  selfe  in  a  swanne,  a  bulle,  and  diuers  other  lyke- 
nesses  ;  the  same  loue  that  caused  Hercules,  the  vainquissher 
and  distroyer  of  Monstres  and  Geauntes,  to  spynne  on  a  rocke, 
sittynge  amonge  maydens  in  a  womans  apparayle  ;  the  same 
loue  that  caused  to  assemble  all  the  noble  princes  of  Asia  and 
Greece  in  the  feldes  of  Troy ;  the  same  loue,  I  saye,  agayne 
whose  assaultes  may  be  founde  no  defence  or  resistence,  hath 
sodainely  and  unware  striken  me  unto  the  harte  with  suche 
vehemence  and  .myght,  that  I  had  in  shorte  space  died  with 
moste  feruent  tourmentes,  hadde  nat  the  incomparable  frend- 
ship  of  Gysippus  holpen  me.  I  se  you  wolde  fayne  knowe 
who  she  is  that  I  loued.  I  will  no  lenger  delaye  you,  noble 
Atheniensis.  It  is  Sophronia,  the  lady  whom  Gysippus  had 
chosen  to  haue  to  his  wife,  and  whome  he  moste  intierly  loued. 
But  whan  his  moste  gentill  harte  percyued  that  my  loue  was 
in  a  moche  higher  degree  than  his  towarde  that  lady,  and  that 
it  preceded  neither  of  wantonesse,  neither  of  longe  conuersation, 

quam  vestrum  judicamus.  Mitto  in  prsesenti  enarrare  quod  sanctissimae  leges 
amicitiee  prsecipiant,  quod  moneant  ab  amico  in  amici  causa  esse  factitandum. 
Hoc  solum  dixisse  contentus  sum,  quod  vinculum  amicitiae  arctius  validiusque 
humanos  animos  connectit  quam  jus  consanguinitatis  ;  quum  amicos  eos  habemus 
quos  ipsi  diligimus,  affines  vero  et  necessaries  fortuna  et  casus  assignat.  Proinde 
nemo  vestrum  debet  admirari  si  Gisippus,  qui  mihi  est  intima  familiaritate  copu- 
latus,  pluris  fecit  vitam  meam  quam  vestrarum  omnium  benivolentiam.  Sed  jam 
secundum  argumentum  explicemus,  quo  demonstrandum  est  Gisippum  vobis  fuisse 
prudentiorem,  cum  de  deorum  providentia  vos,  ut  mihi  videtur,  nihil  prorsus  intel- 
ligatis  et  multo  minus  calleatis  quod  efficere  possit  amicitia.  Dicimus  itaque  quod 
vestra  consideratio,  vestra  solertia,  vestrumque  consilium  desponderant  Soproniam 
Gisippo,  qui  et  juvenis  est  et  philosophus.  At  Gisippus  earn  tradidit  mihi  juveni 
pariter  et  philosopho.  Vos  earn  uxorem  dedistis  homini  Attico,  Gisippus  homini 
Romano.  Vos  sponso  generoso,  Gisippus  generosissimo.  Vos  diviti,  Gisippus 
ditissimo.  Vos  juveni  Sophroniam  despondistis  illam  non  solum  non  amanti  sed 
psene  fastidienti.  Gisippus  juveni  qui  earn  supra  suas  fortunas  omnes  amabat, 
quce  illi  erat  ipsa  vita  jucundior.  Quod  autem  verissima  sint  cuncta  quas  dicimus, 
quodque  Gisippi  factum  magis  sit  laudabile  quam  id  quod  vos  factitastis,  singula 
sigillatim  pensitentur.  Me  juvenem  esse  et  philosophum,  sicut  ipse  Gisippus  est, 
habitude  mea  et  studium  sine  longa  sermocinatione  ostendere  possunt.  Eadem 
est  mea  et  Gisippi  aetas.  In  studiis  literarum  ambo  pari  spe  gradu  parique  volun- 
th/.e  perfecimus  ;  hoc  vero  inficiari  nee  volo  nee  possum,  ilium  Atheniensem  meer.se 


150  THE   GOVERN  OUR. 

nor  of  any  other  corrupte  desire  or  fantasie,  but  in  an  instant, 
by  one  onely  loke,  and  with  suche  feruence  that  immediately 
I  was  so  cruciate,  that  I  desired,  and,  in  all  that  I  mought,  pro- 
uoked  deth  to  take  me,  he  by  his  wisedome  soone  perceyued 
(as  I  dought  nat  but  that  ye  do)  that  it  was  the  very  prouision 
of  god,  that  she  shuld  be  my  wife,  and  nat  his.  Wherto  he 
geuynge  place,  and  more  estemynge  true  frendship  than  the 
loue  of  a  woman,  where  unto  he  was  induced  by  his  frendes,  and 
nat  by  violence  of  Cupide  constrained,  as  I  am,  hath  willyngly 
graunted  to  me  the  interest  that  he  had  in  the  damosell ;  and 
it  is  I,  Titus,  that  have  verely  wedded  her,  I  haue  put  the 
rynge  on  her  fynger,  I  haue  undone  the  girdell  of  shamefastnes. 
What  wil  ye  more  ?  I  haue  lyen  with  her,  and  confirmed  the 
matrimonye,  and  made  her  a  wife. 

At  these  wordes  all  they  that  were  present  began  to  mur- 
mure,  and  to  cast  a  disdaynous  and  greuous  loke  upon  Gysip- 
pus.  Than  spake  agayne  Titus.  Leaue  youre  grudgynges 
and  menasinge  countenaunce  towarde  Gysippus  ;  he  hathe 

Romanum  ;  quod  si  de  patrise  nobilitate  et  gloria  disputandum  est,  dicam  liberse 
civitatis  me  esse  civem,  Gisippi  vero  patriam  esse  vectigalem  ac  stipendiariam  ; 
dicam  me  in  ea  natum  esse  urbe,  quse  toti  terrarum  orbi  dominatur,  ilium  in  ea 
quse  patrise  mese  obsequatur.  Dicam  illius  urbis  me  esse  alum  num.  quse  armis  im- 
perio  et  studiis  literarum  sit  florentissima,  cum  Gisippi  patria  solis  litteris  cen- 
seatur.  Prseterea  quamvis  vos  hie  me  scholasticum  esse  despectissimum  sordi- 
clissimumque  existimetis,  non  sum  propterea  generatus  ex  fsece  populari  imaque 
plebecula.  ^Edes  mese  in  urbe  Roma  iHustrissimse  refertissimseque  sunt  vetus- 
tissimis  majorum  meorum  imaginibus,  et  annales  maximi  scatent  titulis  trium- 
phorum,  quos  proavi  mei  egerunt  in  Capitolium,  neque  in  prsesentiarum  gloria  nostri 
nominis  extincta  languescit,  sed  in  diesmagis  magisque  juvenescit.  Omitto  pro 
pudore  enumerare  divitias  meas  luculentas.  Cum  animo  meo  infixum  sit  honestam 
paupertatem  vetus  esse  copiosumque  patrimonium  nobilium  civium  Romanorum, 
quod  si  paupertas  apud  vulgus  ignobile  probrosa  judicatur,  si  divitise  in  honore 
ac  pretio  habentur,  ego  possideo  opes  amplissimas  utpote  fortunse  alumnus. 
Non  me  prseterit  vobis  affinem  charum  fuisse  et  esse  debuisse  Gisippum.  Sed 
non  ego  minu  vobis  charus  esse  debeo,  si  cogitaveritis  Romse  me  vestrum 
futurum  hospitem  frugi  ac  diligentem,  et  in  rebus  tarn  publicis  quam  privatis 
optimum  strenuissimumque  patronum.  Quis  igitur  post  habito  appetitu  et 
adhibita  ratione  consilia  vestra  Gisippi  mei  consiliis  anteponet?  Profecto 
nullus.  Est  ergo  Sophronia  bene  nupta  Tito  Quintio  Fulvio,  nobilissimo  anti- 
quissimo  locupletissimo  civi  Romano,  Gisippique  amicissimo.  Quapropter 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  151 

done  to  you  all  honour  and  no  dede  of  reproche.  I  tell  you,  he 
hathe  accomplisshed  all  the  partes  of  a  frende  ;  that  loue  which 
was  moste  certayne  that  he  continued  ;  he  knewe  that  he 
mought  fynde  in  Greece  a  nother  mayden  as  fayre  and  as  ryche 
as  this  that  he  had  chosen,  and  one  perchaunce  that  he  mought 
loue  better.  But  suche  a  frende  as  I  was  (hauynge  respecte 
to  our  similitude, the  longe  approued  concord e,  also  myneastate 
and  condition)  he  was  suer  to  fynde  neuer  none.  Also  the 
damosell  suffreth  no  dispergement  in  her  bloode,  or  hynder- 
aunce  in  her  manage,  but  is  moche  rather  aduaunced  (no  dis- 
preyse  to  my  dere  frende  Gysippus).  Also  consider,  noble 
Atheniensis,  that  I  toke  her  nat  my  father  liuynge,  whan  ye 
mought  haue  suspected  that  as  well  her  ryches  as  her  beautie 
shulde  haue  thereto  alloured  me,  but  soone  after  my  fathers 
decease,  whanne  I  ferre  exceded  her  in  possessions  and  sub- 
staunce,  whan  the  moste  noble  men  of  Rome  and  of  Italy 
desired  myne  alyaunce.  Ye  haue  therfore  all  cause  to  reioyse 
and  thanke  Gysippus,  and  nat  to  be  angrye,  and  also  to  extolle 

quisquis  ob  id  dolet  atque  ingemiscit,  non  id  facit  quod  eum  facere  aequum 
est,  et  quod  faciat  nescit.  Erunt  fortasse  nonnulli  qui  dicent  Sophroniam  non 
tantum  ob  id  dignari  quod  Titi  sit  uxor  effecta,  quantum  dolere  ac  lamentari 
super  fraude  ac  dolo  quo  maritum  Titum  sortita  sit,  quod  clanculum  et  furtim, 
nullo  amicorura  conscio,  omnibus  consanguineis  ignorantibus,  Tito  denupserit. 
Atqui  hoc  neque  mirandum  est,  neque  novum  manditumque  contingit.  Prseter- 
mitto  illas  quae,  invitissimis  patribus  ac  reluctantibus,  maritos  sibi  ipsae  repererunt. 
Prsetereo  eas  quse  amatores  suos  sequutae  larem  familiarem  ac  ipsos  parentes 
deseruerunt  et  ante  coneubinae  fuere  quam  nuptae.  Proctermitto  illas  quoque  quae 
prius  pregnatione  et  fetu  quam  verbo  et  ore  matrimonia  sua  impudica  detexerunt. 
J-\  quibus  necessitate  id  evenit  quod  in  Sophronia  non  accidit.  Immo  ordine  et 
ritu  nuptiali  solerter  et  sancte  earn  Tito  Gisippus  uxoreni  in  legitimum  matrimo- 
nium  collocavit.  Scio  nonnullos  futures  qui  querantur  Gisippum  maritasse 
Sophroniam,  id  quod  ad  ipsum  minime  pertinebat.  Stultse  profecto  tales  sunt 
conquestiones  atque  foemineae  et  a  nulla  prudentia  provenientes.  Nonne  hoc  tempore 
fortuna  utitur  variis  novisque  consiliis  ?  Nonne  instrumentis  multiplicibus  res 
deducit  ad  exitus  constitutes  ?  Quid  ad  me  si  sutor  potius  quam  philosophus 
negocium  meum  optime  confecerit,  idque  vel  clam  palam  factitaverit,  dummodo 
finis  sit  ipse  probandus  ;  meum  est  opus  providere,  ne  deinceps  sutor,  maxime  si 
imprudens  est,  possit  meis  se  rebus  ingerere,  sed  pro  eo  quod  fecit  gratias  illi  agere 
debeo.  Similiter  si  Gisippus  Sophroniam  inihi  desponsavit  vobis  nescientilms, 
stultitia  supervacanea  est  ob  id  conqucri  ct  indignari  quod  conducibiliter  factun* 


152  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

his  wonderfull  kyndenesse  towarde  me,  whereby  he  hathe 
wonne  me  and  all  my  bloode  suche  frendes  to  you  and  your 
citie,  that  ye  may  be  assured  to  be  by  us  defended  agayne  all 
the  worlde.  Whiche  beinge  considered,  Gysippus  hathe  well  de- 
serued  a  statue  or  ymage  of  golde  to  be  set  on  a  piller  in  the 
myddes  of  youre  citie,  for  an  honorable  monument  in  the  re- 
membraunce  of  our  incomparable  frendship,  and  of  the  good 
that  thereby  may  come  to  your  citie.  But  if  this  persuasion 
can  nat  satifie  you,  but  that  ye  wyll  imagyne  any  thinge  to  the 
damage  of  my  dere  frende  Gysippus  after  my  departinge,  I 
make  myne  auowe  unto  god,  creatoure  of  all  thynge,  that  as 
I  shall  haue  knowelege  therof,  I  shall  furthwith  resort  hither 
with  the  inuincible  power  of  the  Romanes,  and  reuenge  hym 
in  suche  wise  agayne  his  enemyes,  that  all  Greece  shall  speke 
of  it  to  their  perpetuall  dishonour,  shame,  and  reproche.  And 
therwith  Titus  and  Gysippus  rose ;  but  the  other,  for  feare  of 
Titus,  dissembled  their  malice,  makynge  semblaunt  as  they  had 
ben  with  all  thinge  contented. 

Soone  after  Titus  beinge  sent  for  by  the  autorite  of  the 

est.  Si  diffiditis  Gisippi  prudentiae,  inposterum  providere  ne  ipse  eandem  amplius 
maritandi  habeat  facultatem.  Et  pro  eo  quod  fecit  homini  gratias  agite.  Ceterum 
hoc  in  primis  scire  debetis  me  neque  per  fraudes  neque  per  vaframenta  voluisse 
afficere  ignominia  ac  nota  notabilitatem  ac  generositatem  vestrae  familios.  Nam 
quamvis  Sophroniam  furtim  ac  dissimulanter  uxorem  acceperim,  attamen  rion  sicut 
raptor  earn  violavi,  neque  sicut  hostis  impudice  habui  et  contumeliose,  neque 
affinitatem  vestram  habui  despicatui.  Veriim  cum  ego  Sophroniae  exuperanti 
formositate  inflammatus  sestuarem,  videremque  me  nequaquam  illius  connubio 
posse  potiri,  si  earn  a  vobis  prout  fieri  solet  deposcissem,  propterea  quod  vos 
timuissetis  ne  a  me  Romano  Romam  deportaretur  ilia  quas  a  vobis  mirandum  in 
modum  diligebatur,  usus  sum,  fateor,  arte  clandestina  quae  nunc  vobis  facta  est 
manifestaria,  effecique  ut  Gisippus  meo  nomine  nuptias  conficeret  quas  suo  facere 
tenuabat.  Praeterea  quamvis  ego  efflictim  Sophroniam  deperirem,  non  tamen  ut 
amator  sed  ut  legitimus  conjunx  suos  optatissimos  amplexus  concupivi.  Etenim 
ipsa  locupletissimum  exhibere  potest  testimonium  non  prius  cum  ea  me  concu- 
buisse  quam  verbis  solitis  atque  conceptis  et  annuli  arabone  legitima  mini  uxor 
efficeretur.  Cum  earn  interrogaverim  an  mihi  nubere  vellet,  et  ipsa  se  non  nolle 
respondent.  Quod  si  deceptam  esse  se  existimat  non  sum  ego  coarguendus,  sed 
ipsa  objurganda  quae  quisnam  ego  forem  quaerere  supersederit ;  hoc  ergo,  ut  simul 
finiam,  illud  atrox  delictum  ;  hoc  est  illud  maximum  flagitium  ;  haec  est  ilia  capitalis 
fraus,  quam  ego  amore  tabescens  una  cum  Gisippo  commentus  sum ;  ut  scilicet 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  153 

senate  and  people  of  Rome,  prepared  to  departe  out  of 
Athenes,  and  wolde  fayne  haue  had  Gysippus  to  haue  gone 
with  him,  offringe  to  deuide  with  him  all  his  substaunce 
and  fortune.  But  Gysippus,  considerynge  howe  necessary 
his  counsayle  shulde  be  to  the  citie  of  Athenes,  wolde  nat 
departe  out  of  his  countraye,  nat  withstandinge  that  aboue 
all  erthly  thinges  he  moste  desired  the  company  of  Titus. 
Whiche  abode  also  for  the  sayd  consideration  Titus  approued. 
Titus  with  his  lady  .is  departed  towardes  the  citie  of  Rome, 
where  at  their  'commynge  they  were  of  the  mother  of  Titus, 
his  kynsemen,  and  of  all  the  senate  and  people  ioyously  re- 
ceyued.  And  there  lyued  Titus  with  his  lady  in  ioye  inex- 
plicable, and  had  by  her  many  fayre  children,  and  for  his 
wisedome  and  lernynge  was  so  highly  estemed  that  there  was 
no  dignitie  or  honorable  office  within  the  citie  that  he  had  nat 
with  moche  fauour  and  praise  achieued  and  occupied. 

But  nowe  let  us  resorte  to  Gysippus,  who  immediately 
upon  the  departinge  of  Titus  was  so  maligned  at,  as  well  by 

Sophronia  clanculum  atque  secreto  ignara  nuberet  Tito  Quintio ;  ob  hoc  Gisippum 
objurgationibus  incessitis,  Gisippo  insidias  paratis,  Gisippo  minitamini.  Quid 
amplius  quaeso  faceretis  si  earn  homini  rusticano,  si  servo,  si  nequissimo,  tradidisset  ? 
Quse  catenae,  qvtis  career,  quid  patibulum  sufficerent  ad  Gisippum  puniendum  ?  sed 
jam  base  missa  faciamus.  Venit  tempus  quod  a  me  nondum  expectabatur,  vide- 
licet ut  pater  meus  moreretur,  propter  cujus  obitum  mihi  necessum  est  Romam 
remigrare.  Quocirca  cum  mihi  in  animo  sit  Sophroniam  in  patriam  mecum 
ducere  velle,  vobiscum  ea  communicavi  quse  alioquin  adhuc  occuluissem.  Si 
prudentes  eritis,  et  hoc  animo  aequissimo  feretis.  Nam  si  vos  fallere  aut  contumelia 
afficere  voluissem,  poteram  Sophroniam  vobis  illusam  ludificatamque  relinquere. 
Sed  hoc  dii  prohibeant  ut  in  Romano  spiritu  tanta  labes,  tantaque  nequitia,  queat 
hospitari.  Erit  igitur  mea  Sophronia,  partim  propter  voluntatem  deorum  et 
auctoritatem  legum  humanarum,  partim  propter  laudabilem  Gisippi  mei  solertiam 
et  mei  ipsius  astutiam  amatoriam.  Ceterum  quod  nosmetipsos  diis  hominibusque 
sapientiores  esse  censetis,  hoc  omne  negocium  vituperationi  ac  probro  insipienter 
dare  videmini.  Idque  duabus  potissimum  de  causis,  quarum  una  haec  est,  quod 
Sophroniam  mihi  eripientes  nulla  probabili  ratione  polletis,  altera  quod  Gisippum 
proinde  ac  inimicum  habetis,  cui  haud  immerito  vos  omnes  estis  obnoxii,  qua  in 
re  quanta  sit  vestra  insipientia  quantaque  temeritas  nolo  in  praesentiarum  enarrare 
copiosius.  Verum  vos  tanquam  amicos  amicus  amice  moneo  et  hortor,  ut  omnes 
indignationum  turbellas  deponatis,  ut  omnis  iracundia  abjiciatur,  omnia  convicia 
aboleantur,  et  mihi  Sophronia  restituatur,  ut  ego  gaudibundus  vobisque  affinis 


154  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

his  owne  kynsemen  as  by  the  frendes  of  the  lady,  that  he  to 
their  semyng  shamefully  abandoned,  leauinge  her  to  Titus,  that 
they  spared  nat  daily  to  vexe  hym  with  all  kindes  of  reproche 
that  theycoulde  deuise  or  imagine.  And  firste  they,  excluded 
him  out  of  their  counsayle,  and  prohibited  from  him  all  honest 
company.  And  yet  nat  beinge  therewith  satisfyed,  finally 
they  adiuged  him  unworthy  to  enioye  any  possessions  or 
goodes  lefte  to  him  by  his  parentes,  whome  he  (as  they  sup- 
posed ),  by  his  undiscrete  frendship  had  so  distayned.  Wherfore 
they  dispoyled  hym  of  all  thinges,  and  almoste  naked  expelled 
him  out  of  the  citie.  Thus  is  Gysippus,  late  welthy  and  one  of 
the  moste  noble  men  of  Athenes,  for  his  kynde  harte  banisshed 
his  owne  countraye  for  euer,  and  as  a  man  dismayed  wandringe 
hither  and  thither,  fyndeth  nov  man  that  wolde  socour  him. 
At  the  laste,  remembring  in  what  pleasure  his  frende  Titus 
lyued  with  his  lady,  for  whome  he  suffred  these  damages,  con- 
cluded that  he  wolde  go  to  Rome  and  declare  his  infortune  to 
his  said  frende  Titus.  What  shall  nede  a  longe  tale  ?  In  con- 

non  invisus,  hinc  possim  in  patriam  repedare,  ubi  vivam  vobis  spe  deditus  et 
mancipatus.  Nam  quod  a  me  factum  est,  id  infectum  nullo  pacto  fieri  potest,  sive 
vobis  gratum  futurum  sit  sive  ingratissimum.  Quod  si  votis  meis  refragari  des- 
tinaveritis,  ego  vobis  eripiam  Gisippum,  et,  si  Romam  unquam  appulero,  illam 
mediusfidius  vobis  invitissimis  recuperabo  quae  uxor  mea  legitima  est,  et 
inimicitias  •  vobiscum  truculentissimas  exercens  vobis  planum  faciam  quam  sint 
vehementes  animoram  Romanorum  indignationes."  Postquam  longa  satis  et 
luculenta  oratione  Titus  peroravit,  ex  subsellio  surgens  vultu  tristissimo  et  fronte 
corrugata  Gisippi  manum  apprendit,  et  cunctos  illos  se  parvifacere  simulans 
quassanti  capite  minitabundus  inde  facessit.  Illi  vero  qui  intus  commorabantur, 
partim  argumentis  Titi  provocati  adaffinitatem  amicitiamque  ipsius  ineundam,  partim 
novissimis  illius  verbis  pavefacti  inter  se  constituerunt  utilius  fore  et  conducibilius 
Titum  recipere  amnem  cum  Gisippus  afnnitatem  recusaverit,  quam  Gisippum 
ami  cum  perdidisse  et  Titum  inimicum  comparasse ;  quamobrem  simul  omnes 
egredientes  Titum  conveniunt  seque  non  nolle  demonstrant  ut  Sophronia  ipsi  in 
matrimonium  collocetur  et  illius  afnnitatem  se  plurimi  facere  ostendunt,  Gisippum 
autem  ut  amicum  optimum  complectuntur  et  cum  festivitati  atque  laetitiae,  qualia 
affinesdecent,  genialiterindulsissent,  inde discesserunt,  SophroniamTitoremittentes, 
quse  ut  prudentissimam  matronam  decebat  con  versa  in  virtutem  ut  dici  solet 
necessitate  omnemque  extemplo  amorem  quo  Gisippum  prosequebatur  transfudit  in 
Titum,  et  cum  eo  Romam  profecta  est,  ubi  honorincentissime  a  Titi  necessariis 
familiaribusque  accipiuntur.  Interea  Gisippus  Athenis  relictus  fere  ab  omnibus 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  155 

elusion,  with  moche  payne,  colde,  hunger,  and  thurste,  he  is 
commen  to  the  citie  of  Rome,  and  diligently  enquirynge  for 
the  house  of  Titus,  at  the  laste  he  came  to  hit,  but  beholdinge 
it  so  beauteous,  large,  and  princely,  he  was  a  shamed  to  ap- 
proche  nigh  to  it,  beinge  in  so  simple  astate  and  unkladde ; 
but  standeth  by,  that  in  case  that  Titus  came  forthe  out  of 
his  house  he  mought  than  present  hym  selfe  to  hym.  He 
beinge  in  this  thought,  Titus  holdynge  his  lady  by  the  hande 
issued  out  from  his  doore,  and  takynge  their  horses  to  solace 
them  selfe,  behelde  Gysippus;  but  beholcTyng  his  vile  apparayle 
regarded  hym  nat,  but  passed  furthe  on  their  waye.  Wherwith 
Gysippus  was  so  wounded  to  the  harte,  thinkyng  that  Titus 
had  condemned  his  fortune,  that  oppressed  with  mortall 
heuynes  he  fell  in  a  sowne,  but  beinge  recouered  by  some  that 
stode  by,  thinkyng  him  to  be  sicke,  he  furthwith  departed, 
entendinge  nat  to  abide  any  lenger,  but  as  a  wilde  beste  to 
wandre  abrode  in  the  worlde.  But  for  werynesse  he  was  con- 
strayned  to  entre  into  an  olde  berne,  without  the  citie,  where 
he  castinge  him  self  on  the  bare  grounde,  with  wepinge  and 
dolorous  cryenge  bewayled  his  fortune.  But  moste  of  all  ac- 
cusinge  the  ingratitude  of  Titus,  for  whome  he  suffred  all  that 
misery,  the  remembraunce  wherof  was  so  intolerable  that  he 
determined  no  .lenger  to  lyue  in  that  anguisshe  and  dolour. 
And  therwith  drewe  his  knyfe,  purposinge  to  haue  slayne  him 
selfe.  But  euer  wisedome  (whiche  he  by  the  studie  of  Philo- 

flocci  pendebatur,  quod  intra  brevissimum  tempus  propter  civiles  aliquot  contro- 
versias  in  egestatem  atque  calamitatem  delapsus,  et  mox  Athenis  exterminatus  in 
exilium  sempiternum  relegatur.  Ubi  egestosus  vitam  aerumnosissimam  agens 
tandem  Romam  commigravit,  hoc  consilio,  ut  Titi  benignitatem  experiretur. 
Cognitoque  eum  esse  superstitem  et  apud  Romanos  omnes  gratiosum  ac  favora- 
bilem,  ad  redes  ejus  accedit,  quae  haud  dubiae  erant  magnincentissimae,  et  ante 
vestibulum  consistens  quoad  Titus  domum  rediret  praestolatur.  Jam  redierat  e 
foro  Titus,  jam  domum  ingreditur,  sed  cum  Gisippus  non  audet  affari,  memor  illius 
qua  vexabatur  calamitatis,  naviter  tamen  operam  dat  ut  a  Tito  visatur  et  recognitus 
introducatur.  Ceterum  Titus  introgressus  haudquaquam  Gisippum  recognovit, 
utpote  squalidum,  sentum,  atque  pannosum.  Quapropter  Gisippus  cum  existimaret 
se  a  Tito  fuisse  recognitum  et  propter  sordes  rejectum,  memor  pristini  beneficti 
quod  in  Titum  ipse  contulcrat,  indignabundus  rebusque  deploratis  inde  discedit. 


156  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

sophie  had  attained)  withdrewe  hym  from  that  desperate  acte. 
And  in  this  contention  betwene  wisedome  and  wille,  fatigate 
with  longe  iournayes  and  watche,  or  as  god  wolde  haue  it,  he 
fell  in  to  a  deade  sleepe.  His  knyfe  (wherewith  he  wolde 
haue  slayne  hym  selfe)  fallynge  downe  by  hym.  In  the 
meane  tyme  a  commune  and  notable  rufian  or  thefe,  whiche 
had  robbed  and  slayne  a  man,  was  entred  in  to  the  barne 
where  Gisippus  laye,  to  the  intent  to  soiourne  there  all  that 
nyght.  And  seinge  Gysippus  bewept,  and  his  visage  replen- 
isshed  with  sorowe,  and  also  the  naked  knyfe  by  hym,  per- 
ceyued  well  that  he  was  a  man  desperate,  and  supprised  with 
heuinesse  of  harte  was  wery  of  his  lyfe.  Whiche  the  said  rufian 
takinge  for  a  good  occasion  to  escape,  toke  the  knife  of  Gy- 
sippus, and  puttinge  it  in  the  wounde  of  him  that  was  slayne,  put 
it  all  blody  in  the  hande  of  Gysippus,  beinge  fast  a  slepe,  and  so 
departed.  Sonne  after  the  dedde  man  beinge  founde,  the  ofTy- 
cers  made  diligent  serche  for  the  murderar.  At  the  laste  they 
entring  in  to  the  barne,  and  fynding  Gysippus  on  slepe,  with  a 
blody  knife  in  his  hande,  they  a  waked  him ;  wherwith  he  entred 
agayne  in  to  his  olde  sorowes,  complayninge  his  euill  for- 
tune. But  whan  the  officers  layde  unto  hym  the  dethe  of  the 
man,  and  the  hauynge  of  the  blody  knife,  he  thereat  reioysed, 
thankinge  god  that  suche  occasion  was  hapned,  wherby  he 
shulde  suffre  deth  by  the  lawes  and  escape  the  violence  of  his 
owne  handes.  Wherfore  he  denied  nothing  that  was  laide  to 
his  charge,  desiringe  the  officers  to  make  haste  that  he  mought 
be  shortly  out  of  his  lyfe.  Whereat  they  meruayled.  Anone 
reporte  came  to  the  senate  that  a  man  was  slayne,  and  that 

Et  cum  jam  advesperasceret,  esuritione  confectus,  pecunia  defectus,  mortis  cupidus, 
ad  locum  urbis  Romse  incultum  desolatumque  pervenit,  ubi  tenebricosam  speluncam 
ingreditur  illic  earn  noctem  quieturus,  ubique  humi  Cubans,  jugibus  fletibus  debili- 
tatus,  tandem  somno  succumbit.  Forte  ad  hunc  specum  nocte  intempesta  adventant 
fures  duo  cum  praeda  quam  ea  nocte  compilaverant.  Exortaque  inter  eos  noc- 
turna  rixa,  alter  qui  valentior  erat  infirmiorem  alterum  trucidat ;  hoc  sentiens 
vidensque  Gisippus  existimavit  se  viam  ad  mortem  optatissimam  facillime  re- 
perisse,  neque  opus  esse  ut  sibimet  necem  gladio  manu  sua  conscisceret.  Illicque 
se  tantisper  continuit  donee  familia  praetoris  eo  re  cognita  pervenit,  a  qua  Gisippus 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  157 

a  straunger  and  a  Greeke  borne  was  founden  in  suche  fourme 
as  is  before  mencioned.  They  forthwith  commaunded  hym 
to  be  brought  unto  their  presence,  sittynge  there  at  that  tyme 
Titus,  beinge  than  Consull  or  in  other  lyke  dignitie.  The 
miserable  Gysippus  was  brought  to  the  barre  with  billes  and 
staues  lyke  a  felon,  of  whome  it  was  demaunded,  if  he  slewe 
the  man  that  was  founden  dedde.  He  nothynge  denyed,  but 
in  moste  sorowful  maner  cursed  his  fortune,  namynge  him 
selfe  of  all  other  most  miserable.  At  the  last  one  demaun- 
dynge  him  of  what  countray  he  was,  he  confessed  to  be 
an  Atheniense,  and  therwith  he  cast  his  sorowfull  eyen 
upon  Titus  with  moche  indignation,  and  braste  out  in  to 
sighes  and  teares  abundauntly.  That  beholdynge  Titus, 
and  espienge  by  a  litle  signe  in  his  visage,  whiche  he  knewe, 
that  it  was  his  dere  frende  Gysippus,  and  anone  consi- 
derynge  that  he  was  brought  into  dispayre  by  some  misad- 
uenture,  he  anone  rose  out  of  his  place  where  he  sate,  and 
fallinge  on  his  knees  before  the  iuges,  sayde  that  he  had  slayne 
the  man  for  olde  malice  that  he  bare  towarde  him,  and  that 
Gysippus  beinge  a  straunger  was  giltles,  and  that  all  men 
mought  perceyue  that  the  other  was  a  desperate  person ;  wher- 
fore  to  abbreuiate  his  sorowes  he  confessed  the  acte,  whereof 
he  was  innocent,  to  the  intent  that  he  wolde  finysshe  his  sorowes 
with  dethe.  Wherfore  Titus  desired  the  iuges  to  gyue  sentence 

tanquam  reus  homicidii  vincitur,  injectisque  catenis  furenter  abducit,  qui  cum  in 
qusestione  de  rebus  singulis  interrogaretur  hand  cunctanter  se  homicidam  esse 
confessus  est.  Quamobrem  praetor,  cui  Marco  Varroni  nomen  erat,  jussit  ut  ex 
more  Romano  in  crucem  tolleretur.  Forte  id  horae  venerat  Titus  ad  praetorium 
tribunal,  qui  curiosissime  contemplans  condemnati  faciem,  tanquam  noscitabundus, 
ad  hominem  propius  accedit,  admiransque  aerumnosam  hominis  amicissimi  fortunam, 
cum  vehementissime  cuperet  Gisippo  periclitanti  opitulari,  nee  ullam  rationem 
ipsius  saluti  accomodatam  videret,  tale  commentum  comminiscitur.  Accedit 
proxime  ad  sellam  praetoris  et  voce  contentissima  clamitans,  ait,  "  Marce  Varro,  jube 
infortunatum  hominem  revocari  quern  tu  morti  adjudicasti  ;  est  enim  insons  et 
hujus  homicidii  penitus  expers.  Ego  satis  superque  satis  deos  immortales  offendi 
ilium  jugulando  quern  ministri  tui  matutino  jugulatum  repererunt,  nee  aequum  sane 
est  ut  majori  nunc  injuria  deosafficiam,  permittens  hominem  innocentem  trucidari." 
Varro  vehementer  admirans,  maximo  dolore  affectus  est,  quod  Titi  verba  ab  omni- 


158  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

on  hym  accordinge  to  his  merites.  But  Gysippus  perceyuinge 
his  frende  Titus  (contrary  to  his  expectation)  to  offre  him  selfe 
to  the  dethe,  for  his  saulfe  garde,  more  importunately  cried  to 
the  senate  to  precede  in  their  iugement  on  him  that  was  the  very 
offendar.  Titus  denyed  it,  and  affirmed  with  reasons  and  argu- 
mentes  that  he  was  the  murderer  and  nat  Gysippus.  Thus  they 
of  longe  tyme  with  abundaunce  of  teares  contended  whiche  of 
them  shulde  die  for  the  other.  Wherat  all  the  senate  and  people 
were  wonderly  abasshed,  nat  knowinge  what  it  ment.  There 
hapned  to  be  in  the  prease  at  that  tyme  he  whiche  in  dede 
was  the  murdrer,  who  perceyuinge  the  meruaylous  contention 
of  these  two  persones,  whiche  were  bothe  innocent,  and  that  it 
proceded  of  an  incomparable  frendshippe,  was  vehemently 
prouoked  to  discouer  the  trouthe.  Wherfore  he  brake  through 
the  prease,  and  comminge  before  the  senate  he  spake  in  this 
wyse.  Noble  fathers,  I  am  suche  a  persone  whom  ye  knowe 
haue  ben  a  commune  baratour  and  thefe  by  a  longe  space  of 
yeres.  Ye  knowe  also  that  Titus  is  of  a  noble  blode,  and  is  a 

bus  palatinis  excepta  fuissent,  qui  cum  non  posset  habita  honoris  sui  ratione  dis- 
cedere  ab  eo  quod  leges  ac  jura  praecipiunt,  jubet  Gisippum  jam  in  orci  familia 
numeratum  revocari  et  coram  Tito,  "  Quid  tu,"  inquit,  "  tarn  stultus  eras  ut  sine 
ullis  tormentis  te  id  fecisse  fatereris  quod  nusquam  perpetraveras,  maxime  cum 
talis  causa  foret  capitalis,  dicebas  te  ilium  esse  qui  proxima  nocte  feceras  homi- 
cidium  ?  Ecce  Titus  adest  qui  ultro  fatetur  se  esse  paricidam,  asserens  illtfm  non 
abs  te  sed  a  seipsofuisse  peremptum."  Gisippus  curiose  prospectans  Titum  recog- 
noscit  et  facile  intelligit  istud  a  Tito  fieri  salutis  suae  causa,  utpote  homine  non 
immemore  pristini  beneficii,  quapropter  prae  nimia  pietate  lachrymabundus. 
"  Varro,"  inquit  "ego  hominem  occidi.  Et  jam  Titi  pietas  nimis  sera  est."  E 
contrario  Titus,  "  Praetor,"  aiebat,  "hie  quemadmodum  vides  peregrinus  est  et  sine 
telo  juxta  cadaver  occisi  repertus.  Ex  quo  conjectare  potes  hunc  hominem 
Derumnis  oppressum  mori  cupere,  proinde  eum  impunitum  dimittito  et  me  qui 
deliqui  morte  mulctato."  Admirabatur  non  parum  praetor  istorum  duorum 
maximam  constantiam,  et  jam  praesagebat  animus  neutrum  sontem  esse  debere,  et 
cum  secum  quo  pacto  uterque  absolveretur  animo  agitaret,  ecce  supervenit  quidam 
juvenis  nomine  Publius,  homo  vitas  profligatissimae  et  apud  cunctos  Romanos  ob 
furta  cognitissimus,  qui  illud  mehercule  homicidium  perpetraverat.  Hie  cum 
proculdubio  sciret  neutrum  illorum  esse  conscium  ejus  criminis,  .cujus  semetipsum 
participem  esse  uterque  arguebat,  tanti  commiseratione  affectus  est  propter  utri- 
usque  insontis  innocentiam,  ut  ipse  suapte  sponte  praetorem  adiverit,  eumque  his 
verbis  sit  allocutus.  "  Mea,  praetor,  facinora  me  impellunt  ad  difficillimam  horum 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  159 

proued  to  be  alway  a  man  of  excellent  vertue  and  wisedome, 
and  neuer  was  malicious.  This  other  straunger  semeth  to  be  a 
man  full  of  simplicitie,  and,  that  more  is,  desperate  for  some 
greuous  sorowe  that  he  hathe  taken,  as  it  is  to  you  euident  I 
say  to  you,  fathers,  they  bothe  be  innocent.  I  am  that  persone 
that  slewe  hym  that  is  founden  dedde  by  the  barne,  and  robbed 
him  of  his  money.  And  whan  I  founde  in  the  barne  this 
straunger  lyenge  on  slepe,  hauinge  by  hym  a  naked  knife,  I,  the 
better  to  hyde  myne  offence,  dyd  put  the  knife  in  to  the  wound e 
of  the  dedde  man,  and  so  all  blody  laide  it  agayne  by  this 
straunger.  This  was  my  mischeuous  deuise  to  escape  your 
iugement.  Where  unto  nowe  I  remitte  me  holy,  rather  than 
this  noble  man  Titus  and  this  innocent  straunger  shulde  un- 
worthely  die. 

Here  at  all  the  Senate  and  people  toke  comfort,  and  the 
noyse  of  reioysing  hartes  filled  all  the  court.  And  whan  it 
was  further  examined,  Gysippus  was  discouered.  The  frend- 
ship  betwene  him  and  Titus  was  through  out  the  citie 
publisshed,  extolled,  and  magnified.  Wherfore  the  Senate 
consulted  of  this  mater,  and  finally,  at  the  instaunce  of  Titus 
and  the  people  discharged  the  felon.  Titus  recognised  his 
negligence  in  forgettinge  Gysippus,  and  Titus  beinge  aduer- 
tised  of  the  exile  of  Gysippus,  and  the  dispitefull  crueltie 
of  his  kynrede,  he  was  therewith  wonderfull  wrathe,  and 

qucestionem  explicandam.  Nescio  quis  deus  praecordia  intus  exagitat  et  mentem 
extimulat  ut  ego  meipsum  deferam  et  crimen  meum  patefaciam.  Scito  igitur 
neutrum  istorum  esse  hujus  culpze  obnoxium.  Ego  mediusfidius  is  sum  qui  ilium 
hominem  de  cujus  csede  altercatio  istsec  exorta  est  occidi  matutina  hora  circiter 
diluculum,  et  istum  infortunatum,  qui  hie  adest,  vidi  ipse  dormientem  dum  furta 
cum  illo  partiebar  quern  paulopost  interimi.  Non  opus  est  ut  ego  Titum  excusem ; 
sua  ilium  fama  satis  excusat,  quse  ubique  gentium  splendidissima  est,  enim  non  tarn 
turpi  labe  esse  maculosum.  Itaque  utrumque  absolvito  et  me  sontem  ea  poena 
afficito  quam  leges  prsecipiunt. "  Jam  hsec  res  pervenerat  ad  aures  principis 
Octavii,  qui  cunctis  accitis  singula  curiose  cognovit,  et  cum  sigillatim  quisque 
denarrasset,  Princeps  duobus,  quia  insontes  erant,  libentissime  pepercit  et  tertium 
qui  sons  erat  causa  Gisippi  ac  Titi  incolumem  jussit  abire.  Titus  cum  Gisippi 
difficlentiam  timiditatemque  clementer  objurgasset,  mira  loetitia  hominem  complexus 
ad  cedes  suas  deducit,  ubi  Sophronia  pientissimis  lachrymis  Gisippum  proinde  ac 


l6o  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

hauinge  Gysippus  home  to  his  house  (where  he  was  with 
incredible  ioye  receiued  of  the  lady,  whome  sometyme 
he  shulde  haue  wedded)  he  was  honorably  apparailed,  and 
there  Titus  offred  to  hym  to  use  all  his  goodes  and  pos- 
sessions at  his  owne  pleasure  and  appetite.  But  Gysippus  de- 
si  rynge  to  be  agayne  in  his  propre  countray,  Titus  by  the  con- 
sent of  the  Senate  and  people  assembled  a  great  armye  and 
went  with  Gysippus  unto  Athenes.  Where  he  hauinge  deliuered 
to  him  all  those  whiche  were  causers  of  banisshinge  and  dis- 
poilinge  of  his  frende  Gysippus,  he  dyd  on  them  sharpe  execu- 

fratrem  hospitaliter  suscipit,  et  susceptum  honorificentissime  prosequitur  ac  fovet, 

cum  quo,  jam  refocillato,  jam  bene  vestito,  jam  in  habitum  suae  virtuti  congruent  em 

reformato,  Titus  omnes  suos  thesauros   praediaque   communicat,    eique   sororem 

nomine   Fulviam   adhuc   virgunculam   in  matrimom'um  collocat.     Post  hsec  cum 

Gisippo  ita  sermocinatur,  "  In  tua  jam  manu  atque  arbitrio  est,  Gisippe,  sive  velis 

hie  apud  nos  commorari,  sive  Athenas  remigrare  cum  rebus  his  omnibus  quas  tibi 

dono  dedimus."     Gisippus  cum  hinc  exilium  a  patria  procul  ejus  animum  velli- 

caret  inde  benivolentia  qua  Titum  prosequebatur  commoneret,  tandem  constituit 

Romae  vivere  velle  efficique  Romanus.     Ubi  ipse  cum  Fulvia,  Titus  cum  Sophronia, 

in   eadem    domo    jucundissime   diutissimeque   vixerunt,  indies   magis   ac   magis 

gliscente    inter    ipsos    mutua    benivolentia.       Est   mediusfidius   sanctissima   res 

amicitia,  et  non  solum  singular!  veneratione  digna,  sed  asterna  laudatione  decoranda, 

utpote   genetrix    optima   magnificentiae   et   honestatis,  germana   beneficentiae  ac 

charitatis,  inimica  odii  et  avariciae,  semper  prompta  semperque  propensa  ad  ea 

pro  altero  strenue  peragenda,  quae  pro   se  alterum  vellet  operari,  neque  preces 

expectans   neque  blanditias  expetens,    cujus   effectus   probatissimi   hodierno   die 

rarenter    inter   mortales   conspiciuntur,  cujus  rei   causa   est   hominum   cupiditas 

inexplebilis,  quae  proprie  tantummodo  utilitatis  rationem  habentes  amicitiam  ad 

penitissimas   orbis   terras   exterminarunt,   extorremque  fecerunt.      Quae  res  quae 

divitiae  quae  affinitas  efficere  potuissent  ut  lachrymae  aestus  suspiria  Titi  intra  prae- 

cordia  Gisippi  ita  pehetrassent  ut  ipse  sponsam  suani  formosissimam,  generosissi- 

mam,  optatissmam   alteri  condonaret  ?  nisi  amicitia.     Quae  leges,  quae  minae,  qui 

pavor   potuisset   cohibere   brachia   Gisippi   in  locis   tenebricosis   ab   amplexibus 

speciosissimae   puellae   ipsum   nonnunquam   fortassis    lacessentis?    nisi    amicitia. 

Quas   conditio,    quse  merita,   quid  emolumentum    Gisippo   persuasissent  ut  jac- 

turam  suorum  Sophroniaeque  propinquorum  floccifaceret,  ut  tumusculos  populares 

contemneret,  ut  convitia  illusiones  vellicationesque  maledicentissimorum  pro  nihilo 

penderet,  dummodo  amico  obsequeretur  ?   nisi  amicitia.     Et  contra  quid  Titum 

promptissimum    paratissimumque    facere    potuisset  ad   mortem   appetendam   ut 

Gisippum  liberaret  a  tormento  patibuli  cum  praesertim  posset  honeste  dissimulare 

se  non  novisse  Gisippum  ?  nisi  amicitia.     Quid  Titum  fecisset  adeo  munificum 

adeoque  liberalem  ut  sine  cunctatione  suum  patrimonium  cum  Gisippo  divideret 


7 'HE   GOVERNOUR.  l6l 

tion,  and  restorynge  to  Gysippus  his  landes  and  substaunce 
stablysshed  hym  in  perpetuall  quietenes,  and  so  retourned 
to  Rome. 

This  example  in  the  affectes  of  frendshippe  expresseth  (if 
I  be  nat  deceyued)  the  description  of  frendship  engendred  by 
the  similitude  of  age  and  personage,  augmented  by  the  confor- 
mitie  of  maners  and  studies,  and  confirmed  by  the  longe  con- 
tinuaunce  of  company.21 

[Seneca  saieth  that  very  frendeship  is  induced  neither  with 
hope  ne  with  rewarde.  But  it  is  to  be  desired  for  the  Seneca  de 
estimation  of  it  selfe,  which  estimation  is  honestie,  beneficiis> 
and  what  thinge  is  more  honest  than  to  be  kynde,  lyke  as 
nothinge  is  so  dishoneste  as  to  be  unkynde?b  Perchaunce  some 
wyll  saye  that  frendshyppe  is  nat  knowen  but  by  receyuinge  of 
benefites.  Here  what  Seneca  sayeth.  Lokeas  of  all  other  vertues, 
semblably  of  frendship,  the  estimation  is  referred  to  the  mynde 
of  a  man.  For  if  a  frende  persist  in  his  office  and  duetie,  what 
so  euer  lacketh  in  benefite,  the  blame  is  in  fortune.6  Like  as  a 
man  may  be  a  good  synginge  man,  thoughe  the  noyse  of  the 
standers  aboute  letteth  him  to  be  harde.  Also  he  may  be  elo- 
quent, though  he  be  let  to  speke,  and  a  stronge  man,  though 
his  handes  be  bounden.  Also  there  may  happen  to  fayle  no 

quern  fortuna  omnibus  opibus  spoliaverat  ?  nisi  amicitia.  Quid  Titum  inflammare 
potuisset  ut  sororem  Gisippo  sine  mora  desponsaret,  homini  egentissimo  et  in 
extrema  calamitate  collocato?  nisi  amicitia.  Optent  itaque  miseri  mortales 
multas  uxores,  fratres  copiosos,  sobolem  filiorum  numerosam,  et  pecuniis  augeant 
numerum  famulorum,  neque  respiciant  cogitentque  quemlibet  ex  his  magis  seipsum 
amare  quam  alterum  magis  proprium  vel  minimum  formidare  periculum,  quam 
curare  ut  maximum  infortunium  a  patre  aut  a  fratre  aut  a  domino  propulsent,  cum 
amico  erga  amicum  omnia.secus  fieri  videamus.' 

a  What  follows,  down  to  the  words  'all  maner  of  beneficence,'  is  omitted  in 
all  the  subsequent  editions. 

b  '  Nempe  hoc  facjs  nulla  spe,  nullo  pretio  inductus.  Est  ergo  aliquid  per  se 
expetendum,  cujus  te  ipsa  dignitas  ducit  :  id  est  honestum.  Quid  est  autem 
honestius,  quam  gratum  esse?' — Sen.  de  Ben.  lib.  iv.  cap.  19. 

c  '  Nam  ut  omnium  aliarum  virtutum,  ita  hujus,  ad  animum  tota  sestimatio 
redit.  Hie  si  in  officio  est,  quidquid  defuit,  fortuna  peccat.  '—De  Benefic.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  21. 

'  II.  M  ' 


1 62  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

parte  of  connynge,  though  there  be  a  lette  so  that  it  is  nat  ex- 
pressed. So  kyndenesse  may  be  in  wille,  all  though  there 
lacketh  powar  to  declare  it.a 

Perchaunce  some  will  demaunde  this  question,  If  frendship 
may  be  in  wille  without  exterior  signes,  wherby  shall  it  be  per- 
ceyued  or  knowen  ?  That  I  shall  nowe  declare. 

Howe  do  we  knowe  the  vertues  of  Socrates,  Plato,  Tulli, 
Agesilaus,  Titus,  Traiane,  the  two  Antonines,  and  other  like 
emperours  and  noble  capitaynes  and  counsaylours  ?  But  onely 
by  the  fame  of  their  nobilitie  ;  and  for  those  vertues  we  loue 
them,  all  though  they  were  straungers,  ne  we  hope  to  receyue 
any  benefite  by  them.b  Moche  more  if  we  be  naturally  in- 
clined to  fauour  one  of  our  owne  contraye,  of  whome  the 
assured  fame  is,  and  also  we  our  selfe  haue  conuenient  expe- 
rience that  in  him  is  suche  vertue  wherin  we  delite,  who  also, 
for  some  semblable  oppinion  that  he  hathe  in  us,  useth  us  with 
some  speciall  familiaritie,  on  suche  one  shall  we  employe  all 
maner  of  beneficence.0] 

It  wolde  be  remembred  that  frendshippe  is  betwene  good 


*  'Nee  minus  canendi  peritus,  cujus  vocem  exaudiri  fremitus  obstrepentium 
non  sinit.  Quo  modo  est  disertus  etiam  qui  tacet,  fortis  etiam  qui  compressis 
manibus,  vel  et  alligatis  :  quia  consummates  scientiae  nihil  deest,  etiam  si  quid 
obstat  quo  minus  se  utatur :  ita  gratus  est  etiam  qui  vult  tantum,  nee  habet  hujus 
voluntatis  suae  ullum  alium,  quam  se,  test  em.' — Seneca,  de  Ben.  lib.  iv.  cap.  21. 

b  '  Many,'  says  Archbishop  Whateley  in  his  Annotations  upon  Bacon's  Essays, 
1  have  lived  in  various  and  distant  ages  and  countries,  perfectly  adapted  (I  mean 
not  merely  in  their  being  generally  estimable,  but  in  the  agreement  of  their  tastes, 
and  suitableness  of  dispositions)  for  friendship  with  each  other,  but  who  of  course 
could  never  meet  in  this  world.  Many  a  one  selects,  when  he  is  reading  history, 
—  a  truly  pious  Christian,  most  especially  in  reading  sacred  history, — some  one 
or  two  favourite  characters,  with  whom  he  feels  that  a  personal  acquaintance  would 
have  been  peculiarly  delightful  to  him.' — P.  268,  ed.  1857. 

c  '  A  statesman  or  patriot,  who  serves  our  own  country,  in  our  own  time,  has 
always  a  more  passionate  regard  paid  to  him,  than  one  whose  beneficial  influence 
operated  on  distant  ages  or  remote  nations  ;  where  the  good  resulting  from  his 
generous  humanity,  being  less  connected  with  us,  seems  more  obscure,  and  affects 
us  with  a  less  lively  sympathy.' — Hume,  Philosoph.  Works ;  vol.  iv.  p.  302,  ed. 
1826. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  163 

men  onely,  and  is  ingendred  of  an  oppinion  of  vertue.a     Than 
may  we  reason  in  this  fourme  :    A  good  man  is  so  None  emi 
named,  because  that  al  that  he  willeth  or  dothe  is  onely  m 


good  ;  in  good  can  be  none  euill,  therfore  no  thynge  shippe. 
that  a  good  man  willeth  or  dothe  can  be  euill.   Lykewise  vertue 
is  the  affection  of  a  good  man,  whiche  neither  willeth  nor  dothe 
any  thinge  that  is  euill.    And  vice  is  contrary  unto  vertue,  for 
in  the  oppinion  of  vertue  is  neither  euill  nor  vice.    And  very 
amitie  is  vertue.    Wherfore  nothinge  euill  or  vicious  may  happen 
in  frendship.    Therfore  in  the  firste  election  of  frendes  resteth 
all  the  importaunce  ;  wherfore  it  wolde  nat  be  without  a  longe 
deliberation  and  profe,b  and,  as  Aristotle  sayeth,  in 
as  longe  tyme  as  by  them  bothe  beinge  to  gether  con- 
uersaunt  a  hole  busshell  of  salte  mought  be  eten.c 

d  For  often  tymes  with  fortune  (as  I  late  sayd)  is  chaunged, 
or  at  the  lest  minisshed,  the  feruentnesse  of  that  affection  ;  ac- 

•  '  Of  all  attachments  to  an  individual,  that  which  is  founded  altogether  upon 
esteem  and  approbation  of  his  good  conduct  and  behaviour,  confirmed  by  much 
experience  and  long  acquaintance,  is  by  far  the  most  respectable.  Such  friendships, 
arising  not  from  a  constrained  sympathy,  not  from  a  sympathy  which  has  been 
assumed  and  rendered  habitual  for  the  sake  of  convenience  and  accommodation,  but 
from  a  natural  sympathy,  from  an  involuntary  feeling  that  the  persons  to  whom  we 
attach  ourselves  are  the  natural  and  proper  objects  of  esteem  and  approbation,  can 
exist  only  among  men  of  virtue.'  —  Ad.  Smith,  Theory  of  Moral  Sentiments,  p.  330, 
ed.  1853. 

b  '  If  we  were  sufficiently  aware,'  says  Dr.  Brown,  'how  great  a  command  over 
our  whole  life  we  give  to  any  one  whom  we  admit  to  our  intimacy  ;  how  ready  we 
are  to  adopt  the  errors  of  those  whom  we  love  ;  and  to  regard  their  very  faults,  not 
merely  as  excusable,  but  as  objects  of  imitation,  or,  at  least,  to  imitate  them  with- 
out thinking  whether  they  ought  to  be  imitated,  and  without  knowing  even  that 
we  are  imitating  them  ;  we  should  be  a  little  more  careful  than  we  usually  are,  in 
making  a  choice,  which  is  to  decide  in  a  great  measure  whether  we  are  to  be 
virtuous  or  vicious,  happy  or  miserable  ;  or  which,  in  many  cases,  if  we  still  con- 
tinue happy,  upon  the  whole,  must  often  disturb  our  happiness,  and  if  we  still 
continue  virtuous,  make  virtue  a  greater  effort.'  —  Phil,  of  the  Mind,  vol.  iv.  p.  265. 

0  vErt  Se  TrpoaSf'iTai  \p6vov  Kal  <rwi}Qt(a.s  '  Kara  TT)V  ira.poiiJ.iav  yap  OVK  tffriv 
flSrlffai  a\\'fi\ovs  irplv  TOVS  XryojWcVovs  a\as  (rvvavaK$cra.i'  —  Ethic.  Nic.  lib.  viii. 
cap.  3  (4). 

d  All  the  preceding  part  of  this  Chapter  is  omitted  in  Mr.  Eliot's  edition. 

M  2 


164-  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

cording  as  the  swete  Poete  Guide  affirmeth,  sayenge  in  this 
sentence:* 

Oni,  Whiles  fortune  the  fauoureth  frendes  thou  hast  plentie, 

Tristia.          The  tyme  beinge  troublous  thou  arte  all  alone  ; 

Thou  seest  coluers  b  haunte  houses  made  white  and  deintie, 

To  the  ruynous  towre  all  moste  cometh  none. 

Of  emotes c  innumerable,  uneth  thou  fyndest  one 

In  empty  barnes,  and  where  fayleth  substaunce 

Hapneth  no  frende  in  whome  is  assuraunce. d 

But  if  any  hapneth  in  euery  fortune  to  be  constant  in  frend- 
ship  he  is  to  be  made  of  aboue  all  thinges  that  may  come 
unto  man  and  aboue  any  other  that  be  of  bloode  or  kynrede 
(as  Tulli  sayeth)  for  from  kynrede  may  be  taken  beneuolence, 
from  frendship  it  can  neuer  be  seuered.  Wherfore  beneuo- 
lence taken  from  kynrede  yet  the  name  of  kinseman  remayneth. 
Take  it  from  frendship  and  the  name  of  frendship  is  utterly 
perisshed.6 

a  The  reference  given  by  the  author  in  the  margin  is  to  the  Epistles  from 
Pontus,  but  as  the  quotation  is  really  taken  from  the  Tristia,  the  necessary  correc- 
tion has  been  made  in  the  present  edition.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  marginal 
note  was  intended  to  have  applied  to  the  story  of  Orestes  and  Pylades,  p.  131, 
ante,  and  was  misplaced  accidentally. 

b  Another  form  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  equivalent  for  'columba.'  The  word  is 
used  by  Chaucer  in  the  Legende  of  Goode  Women. 

'  Or  as  the  colve'r  that  of  thegle  ys  smyten. ' 

Works,  vol.  v.  p.  348,  ed.  1866. 

c  This  is  another  Anglo-Saxon  form  of  which  the  word  'ant'  is  probably  a 
contraction.  Burton,  in  his  Anatomy  of  Melancholy,  says,  'Our  villages  are  like 
mold  hils,  and  men  as  so  many  emots,  busie,  busie  still,  going  to  and  fro,  in  and 
out,  and  crossing  one  another's  proiects,  as  the  lines  of  seuerall  sea-cardes  cut  each 
other  in  a  globe  or  map.' — P.  95,  2nd  ed.  1624. 

d  '  Donee  eris  felix,  multos  numerabis  amicos  : 

Tempora  si  fuerint  nubila,  solus  eris. 
Aspicis,  ut  veniant  ad  Candida  tecta  columbae  ; 

Accipiat  nullas  sordida  turris  aves. 
Horrea  formicse  tendunt  ad  inania  nunquam  : 
Nullus  ad  amissas  ibit  amicus  opes.' 

Ov.  Trist.  lib.  i.  9,  5-io. 
e  '  Namque  hoc  pnestat  amicitia  propinquitati,  quod  ex  propinquitate  benevo- 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  165 

But  sens  this  liberte  of  speche  is  nowe  usurped  by  flaterars,a 
where  they  perceyue  that  assentation  and  praises  be  Howe  to 
abhorred,  I  am  therfore  nat  well  assured  howe  nowe  a  d^scer'ie  a 
dayes  a  man  shal  knowe  or  discerne  suche  admoni-  from  a 
cion  from  flatery,  but  by  one  only  meanes,  that  is  to  flaterer- 
say,  to  remembre  that  frendship  may  nat  be  but  betwene  good 
men.  Than  consider,  if  he  that  dothe  admonisshe  the  be 
hy m  selfe  voluptuous,  ambicious,  couetous,  arrogant,  or  dissolute, 
refuse  nat  his  admonicion,  but,  by  the  example  of  the  emperour 
Antonine,b  thankefully  take  it,  and  amende  suche  default  as 
thou  perceyuest  doth  gyue  occasion  of  obloqui,  in  suche  maner 
as  the  reporter  also  by  thyne  example  may  be  corrected.6 
But  for  that  admonicion  onely,  accompt  him  nat  immediatly 
to  be  thy  frende,  untill  thou  haue  of  hym  a  longe  and  suer 
experience/1  for  undoughtedly  it  is  wonderfull  difficile  to  fynde 
a  man  very  ambitious  or'coueytous  to  be  assured  in  frendship. 
For  where  fyndest  thou  hym  (saieth  Tulli)  that  will  nat  pre- 
ferre  honoures,  great  offices,  rule,  autorite,  and  richesse  before 
frendship?  Therfore  (sayeth  he)  it  is  very  harde  to  fynde 
frendship  in  them  that  be  occupied  in  acquirynge  honour  or 
about  the  affaires  of  the  publike  weale.6  Whiche  sayenge  is 


lentia  tolli  potest,  ex  amicitia  non  potest.  Sublata  enim  benevolentia,  amicitice 
nomen  tollitur,  propinquitatis  manet.' — De  Amicil.  cap.  5. 

a  Bacon  tells  us  that  '  thpre  is  as  much  difference  between  the  counsel  that  a 
friend  giveth,  and  that  a  man  giveth  himself,  as  there  is  between  the  counsel  of  a 
friend  and  a  flatterer  ;  for  there  is  no  such  flatterer  as  is  a  man's  self,  and  there  is 
no  such  remedy  against  flattery  of  a  man's  self  as  the  liberty  of  a  friend. ' — Essays, 
p.  264. 

b  I.e.  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus.     See  ante,  p.  45. 

c  Bacon,  however,  says,  '  Observing  our  faults  in  others  is  sometimes  improper 
for  our  case.' — Essays,  p.  264. 

d  This  was  Bacon's  advice  :  '  It  is  good  discretion  not  to  make  too  much  of 
any  man  at  the  first,  because  one  cannot  hold  out  that  proportion.' — Essays,  p. 
438.  And  a  distinguished  modern  writer  says,  '  Let  us  buy  our  entrance  to  this 
guild  by  a  long  probation.' — Emerson,  Essays,  vol.  i.  p.  89,  ed.  1866. 

e  '  Ubi  eos  inveniemus,  qui  honores,  magistratus,  imperia,  potestates,  opes 
amicitiae  non  anteponant?' — De  Amicit.  cap.  17.  '  Itaque  verse  amicitice  cliffi- 
cilime  reperiuntur  in  iis,  qui  in  honoribus,  reque  publica  versantur.' — Ibid. 


1 66  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

proued  true  by  dayly  experience.  For  disdayne  and  contempt 
be  companions  with  ambition,  lyke  as  enuye  and  haterede  be 
also  her  folowers.a 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  dinision  of  Ingratitude  and  the  dispraise  therqf. 

THE  moste  damnable  vice  and  moste  agayne  iustice,  in  myne 
oppinion,  is  ingratitude,b  commenly  called  unkyndnesse.  All 
be  it,  it  is  in  diuers  fourmes  and  of  sondry  importaunce,  as  it  is 
discribed  by  Seneca  in  this  fourme.  He  is  unkynde  whiche 
denieth  to  haue  receyued  any  benefite  that  in  dede  he  hathe 
receyued.  He  is  unkynde  that  dissimuleth,  he  is  unkynde 
that  recompenseth  nat.  But  he  is  moste  unkynde  that 
forgeteth.  For  the  other,  if  they  rendre  nat  agayne  kynd- 
nesse,  yet  they  owe  it,  and  there  remayneth  some  steppes 
or  tokens  of  desertes  inclosed  in  an  euill  conscience,  and 
at  the  last  by  some  occasion  may  happe  to  retourne  to 
yelde  agayne  thankes,  whan  either  shame  therto  prouoketh 

"  Is  not  this  a  covert  allusion  to  the  author's  own  experience  of  the  behaviour 
of  Wolsey  ? 

b  Hume  uses  precisely  similar  language.  *  Of  all  crimes  that  human  creatures 
are  capable  of  committing,  the  most  horrid  and  unnatural  is  ingratitude  .  .  .  This 
is  acknowledged  by  all  mankind,  philosophers  as  well  as  the  people.' — Philosopk. 
Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  232.  And  another  writer  on  Ethics  says,  '  So  ready  is  grati- 
tude to  arise  in  almost  every  mind,  that  ingratitude  to  a  benefactor,  in  every  age  of 
the  world,  has  been  regarded  almost  with  the  same  species  of  abhorrence  as  the 
violation  of  the  dearest  duties  of  consanguinity  itself.' — Brown,  Philosophy  of  the 
Mind,  vol.  iv.  p.  276.  '  Hardly  any  bad  thing,'  says  a  modern  writer,  '  is  so 
much  exclaimed  against  as  ingratitude.  It  seems  to  be  not  only  very  ill  taken  by 
those  who  are  its  direct  objects,  but  also  by  all  who  hear  of  any  instance  of  it,  as  if 
every  human  being  were  interested  in  the  exhibition  of  a  contrary  feeling,  and  felt 
injured  when  it  was  not  shown.  "  Ingratitude  !  "  nine  out  of  every  ten  persons 
will  cry,  when  the  subject  is  but  mentioned  ;  "it  is  the  basest  of  all  sins.  Do  not 
let  me  ever  hear  the  name  of  an  ungrateful  person. "  Certainly,  to  be  so  common 
a  sin,  it  is  one  which  meets  with  amanngly  little  excuse  or  allowance.'— Chambers, 
Essays,  vol.  iii.  p.  14. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  167 

them,  or  sodayne  desire  of  thinge  that  is  honest,  which 
is  wont  to  be  for  a  tyme  in  stomakes  though  they  be 
corrupted,  if  a  lyght  occasion  do  moue  them.  But  he  that  for- 
getteth  kyndenesse  may  neuer  be  kinde,  sens  all  the  benefite 
is  quite  fallen  from  hym.a  And  where  lacketh  remembraunce 
there  is  no  hope  of  any  recompence.  In  this  vice 
men  be  moche  wars  than  beestes.b  For  diuers  of  in 
them  will  remembre  a  benefite  longe  after  that  they  haue  re- 
ceyued  it.  The  courser,. fierce  and  couragious,  will  gladly  suffre 
his  keper,  that  dresseth  and  fedeth  him,  to  vaunt  hym  easely, 
and  stereth  nat,  but  whan  he  listeth  to  prouoke  him ;  where  if 
any  other  shulde  ryde  him,  though  he  were  a  kinge,  he  will 
stere  and  plonge  and  endeuour  hym  selfe  to  throwe  hym.c 

a  '  Ingratus  est,  qui  beneficium  accepisse  se  negat,  quod  accepit  :  Ingratus  est 
qui  dissimulat  :  ingratus,  qui  non.reddit  :  ingratissimus  omnium,  qui  oblitus  est. 
Illi  enim  si  non  solvunt,  tamen  debent:  et  exstat  apud  illos  vestigium  certe  meri- 
torum  intra  malam  conscientiam  conclusorum  ;  et  aliquando  ad  referendam  gratiam 
converti  ex  aliqua  causa  possunt,  si  illos  pudor  admonuerit ;  si  subita  honestae  rei 
cupiditas,  qualis  solet  ad  tempus  etiam  in  malis  pectoribus  exsurgere ;  si  invitaverit 
facilis  occasio :  hie  nunquam  fieri  gratus  potest,  cui  totum  beneficium  elapsum 
est.' — De  Benef.  lib.  iii.  cap.  I. 

b  A  modern  writer  says,  '  We  assuredly  place  animals  at  too  great  a  distance 
from  us.  We  estimate  their  intellectual  and  moral  character  far  too  low.  Their 
most  sagacious  and  ingenious  acts,  their  finest  affections,  even  when  we  are  our- 
selves the  objects  of  them,  we  cannot  allow  to  be  allied  to  similar  manifestations 
in  ourselves,  but  must  repudiate  by  a  silly  sophism,  scrupulously  declaring  that 
they  do  not  flow  from  mind,  but  from  instinct,  a  phrase  only  rightly  applied  to  a 
class  of  manifestations  quite  different  and  easily  distinguishable  ...  So  far  from 
being  brutish,  there  is  a  striking  moral  respectability  about  animals.  In  the  mass, 
they  are  far  more  moderate  in  all  things  than  men.' — Chambers,  Essays,  vol. 
iii.  pp.  214,  215,  ed.  1847. 

c  This  has  been  constantly  remarked  of  the  Arabian  horses.  M.  de 
Lamartine  says,  '  We,  Europeans,  have  no  idea  of  the  extent  of  intelligence 
and  attachment  to  which  the  habit  of  living  with  the  family,  of  being  caressed  by 
the  children,  fed  by  the  women,  and  encouraged  or  reprimanded  by  the  voice  of 
the  master,  can  raise  the  natural  instinct  of  the  Arabian  horse  ....  The  horse  I 
had  bought  of  the  Scheik  of  Jericho,  and  which  I  rode,  knew  me  as  his  master  in  a 
few  days  ;  he  would  no  longer  suffer  another  to  mount  him,  but  would  break  through 
the  whole  caravan  to  come  at  my  call,  though  my  voice  and  language  were  foreign 
to  him.  Gentle  and  kind  to  me,  and  soon  accustomed  to  the  attention  of  my 
Arabs,  he  marched  peacefully  and  quietly  in  his  place  in  the  caravan  so  long  as  he 


1 68  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Suche  kyndenesse  haue  ben  founden  in  dogges,  that  they 
Kyndnes  haue  nat  onely  dyed  in  defendinge  their  maisters,a 
in  dogges.  ^^  ajso  somej  after  that  their  maisters  haue  died  or 
ben  slayne,  haue  abstayned  from  meate,  and  for  famine  haue 
died  by  their  maisters.b 

Plini  remembreth  of  a  dogge,  whiche  in  Epiro  (a  contray  in 
Greece)  so  assaulted  the  murdrer  of  his  maister  in  a  great  as- 
sembly of  people,  that,  with  barkynge  and  bitynge  hym,  he 
compelled  him  at  the  laste  to  confesse  his  offence.0  The 
dogge  also  of  one  Jayson,  his  maister  beinge  slayne,  wolde 

saw  only  Turks,  or  Syrians,  or  Arabs  dressed  like  Turks  ;  but  when,  even  a  year 
after,  he  saw  a  Bedouin  mounted  on  a  horse  of  the  Desert,  he  became  in  an  instant 
another  animal.  His  eyes  flashed  fire,  his  neck  grew  inflated,  his  tail  lashed  like 
whips  upon  his  flanks,  he  reared  on  his  hind  legs,  and  marched  in  this  way  for 
some  minutes  under  the  weight  of  the  saddle  and  his  rider. ' — A  Pilgrimage  to  the 
Holy  Land,  vol.  ii.  p.  59,  ed.  1835.  Another  writer  says,  '  Who  does  not  know 
how  soon  the  horse  will  meet  every  advance  of  kindness  and  attention  you  make 
to  hint  ?  How  grateful  he  will  be,  how  studious  of  your  will ;  how  anxious  to 
understand  you  ;  how  happy  to  please  and  satisfy  you  ?  .  .  .  All  horses  look  to 
their  masters,  either  in  love  or  fear  ;  they  are  attached  to  him  or  afraid  of  him.' — 
Gent.  Mag.  New  Series,  vol.  iv.  p.  502. 

*  Mr.  Jesse  tells  the  following  story  :  '  A  poodle  dog  followed  his  master,  a 
French  officer,  to  the  wars.  The  latter  was  soon  afterwards  killed  at  the  battle 
of  Castella,  in  Valencia,  when  his  comrades  endeavoured  to  carry  the  dog  with 
them  in  their  retreat ;  but  the  faithful  animal  refused  to  leave  the  corpse,  and  they 
left  him.  A  military  marauder,  in  going  over  the  field  of  battle,  discovering  the 
cross  of  the  legion  of  honour  on  the  dead  officer's  breast,  attempted  to  capture  it, 
but  the  poodle  instantly  seized  him  by  the  throat,  and  would  have  ended  his  career 
had  not  a  comrade  run  the  honest  canine  guardian  through  the  body.' — Anecdotes 
of  Dogs,  p.  348,  ed.  1858. 

b  The  author  last  quoted  mentions  a  circumstance  which  corroborates  the  above 
statement.  '  The  Marquis  of  Worcester  (the  late  Duke  of  Beaufort),  who  served 
in  the  Peninsular  war,  had  a  poodle  which  was  taken  from  the  grave  of  his 
master,  a  French  officer,  who  fell  at  the  battle  of  Salamanca  and  was  buried  on 
the  spot.  The  dog  had  remained  on  the  grave  until  he  was  nearly  starved,  and 
even  then  was  removed  with  difficulty  ;  so  faithful  are  these  animals  in  protecting 
the  remains  of  those  they  loved.' — Ubi  siipra,  p.  347. 

c  '  Ab  alio  in  Epiro  agnitum  in  conventu  percussorem  domini,  laniatuque  et 
latratu  coactmn  fateri  scelus.' — Nat.  Hist.  lib.  viii.  cap.  61.  An  almost  exact 
parallel  to  this  incident  is  related  by  Mr.  Jesse  to  have  occurred  at  Dijon  in  France 
in  1764.  See  Anecdotes  of  Dogs,  p.  320,  ed.  1858. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  169 

neuer  eate  meate  but  died  for  hunger. a  Many  semblable 
tokens  of  kindnesse  Plini  rehcrceth,  but  principally  one  of  his 
owne  tyme  worthie  to  be  here  remembred. 

Whan  execution  shulde  be  done  on  one  Titus  Habiniusb 
and  his  seruauntes,  one  of  them  had  a  dogge,  whiche  mought 
neuer  be  driuen  from  the  prison,  nor  neuer  wolde  departe  from 
his  maisters  body,  and,  whan  it  was  taken  from  the  place  of 
execution,  the  dogge  houled  moste  lamentably,  beinge  com- 
pased  with  a  great  nombre  of  people ;  of  whome  whan  one  of 
them  had  caste  meate  to  the  dogge,  he  brought  and  laide  it  to 
the  mouthe  of  his  maister.  And  whan  the  corps  was  throwcn 
in  to  the  ryuer  of  Tiber  the  dogge  swamme  after  it,  and,  as 
longe  as  he  mought,  he  inforced  hym  selfe  to  bere  and  sus- 
tayne  it,  the  people  scatering  abrode  to  beholde  the  faithful- 
nesse  of  the  beste.c 

Also  the  Lyon,  which  of  all  other  bestis  is  accounted  moste 
fierce  and  cruell,  hath  ben  founden  to  haue  in  remembraunce 
benefite  shewed  unto  him.d  As  Gellius  remembreth  out  of  the 
historic  of  Appione  howe  a  lyon,  out  of  whose  fote  a  yonge  manf 

B  « Canis,  Jasone  Lycio  interfecto,  cibum  capere  noluit,  inediaque  consumptus 
est.'— Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  viii.  cap.  61. 

b  This  is  a  mistake  ;  the  real  name  was  Titius  Sabinus,  which  was  that  of  a 
distinguished  Roman  knight,  and  a  friend  of  Germanicus,  on  which  account  he 
incurred  the  hatred  of  Sejanus. 

c  '  Sed  super  omnia  in  nostro  sevo  actis  populi  Romani  testatum,  Appio  Junio 
et  P.  Silio  coss.,  cum  animadverteretur  ex  causa  Neronis  Germanici  filii,  in  Titium 
Sabinum,  et  servitia  ejus,  unius  ex  his  canem  nee  a  carcere  abigi  potuisse,  nee  a 
corpore  recessisse  abjecti  in  gradibus  Gemitoriis,  moestos  edentem  ululatus,  magna 
populi  Romani  corona  :  ex  qua  cum  quidam  ei  cibum  objecisset,  ad  os  defuncti 
tulisse.  Tnnatavit  idem  cadaver  in  Tiberim  abjecti  sustentare  conatus,  effusa 
multiludine  ad  spectandum  animalis  fidem.' — Plin.  ubi  supra. 

d  Mr.  Chambers,  in  his  Essays  (vol.  iv.  p.  261),  gives  a  curious  instance  of 
grateful  recognition  by  a  tiger  of  its  former  keeper  after  a  long  absence. 

e  Apion  Pleistoneices  was  a  Greek  grammarian,  who  taught  rhetoric  at  Rome 
in  the  reigns  of  Tiberius  and  Caligula.  He  was  the  author  of  a  considerable 
number  of  works,  all  of  which  are  now  lost  with  the  exception  of  some  fragments, 
of  which  the  present  story  forms  one  of  the  most 'considerable. 

f  Androclus. 


170  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

had  ones  taken  a  stubbe  and  clensed  the  wounde,  wherby  he 
waxed  hole,  after  knewe  the  same  man  a  beinge  cast  to  him  to 

*  '  In  circo  maximo,  inquit,  venationis  amplissimae  pugna  populo  dabatur. 
Ejus  rei,  Romae  cum  forte  essem,  spectator,  inquit,  fui.  Multse  ibi  saevientes  ferae, 
magnitudines  bestiarum  excellentes,  omniumque  invisitata  aut  forma  erat  aut 
ferocia.  Sed  praeter  alia  omnia  leonum,  inquit,  immanitas  admirationi  fuit ;  prae- 
terque  omnes  ceteros  unius.  Is  unus  leo  corporis  impetu  et  vastitudine,  terrificoque 
fremitu  et  sonoro,  toris  comisque  cervicum  fluctuantibus,  animos  oculosque  omnium 
in  se;-e  converterat.  Introductus  erat  inter  complures  ceteros  ad  pugnam  besti- 
arum datus  servus  viri  consularis.  Ei  servo  Androclus  nomen  fuit.  Hunc  ille  leo 
ubi  vidit  procul,  repente,  inquit,  quasi  admirans  stetit  :  ac  deinde  sensim  atque 
placide  tanquam  noscitabundus  ad  hominem  accedit  :  turn  caudam  more  atque 
ritu  adulantium  canum  clementer  et  blande  movet,  hominisque  sese  corpori  ad- 
jungit ;  cruraque  ejus  et  manus  prope  jam  exanimati  metu  lingua  leniter  demulcet. 
Homo  Androclus  inter  ilia  tarn  atrocis  ferae  blandimenta"  amissum  animum  rece- 
perat  :  paulatim  oculos  ad  contuendum  leonem  refert.  Turn,  quasi  mutua  recogni- 
tione  facta,  laetos,  inquit,  et  gratuLbundos  videres  hominem  et  leonem.  Ea  re 
prorsus  tarn  admirabili  maximos  populi  clamores  excitatos  dicit,  arcessitumque  a 
Caesare  Androclum,  quaesitumque  causam  cur  ille  atrocissimus  leonum  uni  peper- 
cisset  Ibi  Androclus  rem  mirificam  narrat  atque  admirandam.  Cum  provinciam, 
inquit,  Africam  proconsulari  imperio  meus  dominus  obtineret,  ego  ibi  iniquis  ejus 
et  quotidianis  verberibus  ad  fugam  sum  coactus  ;  et  ut  mini  a  domino  terrae  illius 
praeside  tutiores  latebrae  forent,  in  camporum  et  harenarum  solitudines  concessi :  ac, 
si  defuisset  cibus,  consilium  fuit  mortem  aliquo  pacto  quaerere.  Turn  sole,  inquit, 
medio  rapido  et  flagrante  specum  quandam  nactus  remotam  latebrosamque,  in  earn 
me  penetro  et  recondo.  Neque  multo  post  ad  eandem  specum  venit  hie  leo,  debili 
uno  et  cruento  pede,  gemitus  edens  et  murmura  dolorem  cruciatumque  vulneris 
commiserantia :  atque  illic  primo  quidem  conspectu  advenientis  leonis  territum  sibi 
et  pavefactum  animum  dixit.  Sed  postquam  introgressus,  inquit,  leo  uti  re  ipsa 
apparuit,  in  habitaculum  illud  suum,  vidit  me  procul  delitescentem,  mitis  et 
mansues  accessit  :  ac  sublatum  pedem  ostendere  ac  porrigere,  quasi  opis  petendae 
gratia,  visus  est.  Ibi,  inquit,  ego  stirpem  ingentem  vestigio  pedis  ejus  haerentem 
revelli  :  conceptamque  saniem  vulnere  intimo  expressi  :  accuratiusque,  sine  magna 
jam  formidine,  siccavi  penitus  atque  detersi  cruorem.  Ille  tune  mea  opera  et 
medela  levatus,  pede  in  manibus  meis  posito  recubuit  et  quievit.  Atque  ex  eo 
die  triennium  totum  ego  et  leo  in  eadem  specu  eodemque  victu  viximus.  Nam 
quas  venabatur  feras,  membra  opimiora  ad  specum  mihi  suggerebat ;  quoe  ego,  ignis 
copiam  non  habens,  sole  meridiano  torrens  edebam.  Sed  ubi  me,  inquit,  vitae 
illius  ferinae  jam  pertaesum  est,  leone  in  venatum  profecto,  reliqui  specum :  et  viam 
ferine  tridui  permensus,  a  militibus  visus  apprehensusque  sum,  et  ad  dominum  ex 
Africa  Romam  deductus.  Is  me  statim  rei  capitalis  damnandum,  dandumque  ad 
bestias  curavit.  Intelligo  autem,  inquit,  hunc  quoque  leonem,  me  tune  separate, 
captum  gratiam  mihi  nunc  etiam  beneficii  et  medicinae  referre,  Haec  Appion 
dixisse  Androclum  tradit,  eaque  omnia  scripta  circumlataque  tabella  populo  decla- 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  171 

be  deuoured,  and  wolde  nat  hurte  him,  but  lickynge  the  legges 
and  handes  of  the  man,  whiche  laye  dismayde  lokynge  for 
dethe,  toke  acquaintaunce  of  him,  and  euer  after  folowed  him, 
beinge  ladde  in  a  small  lyam;a  wherat  wondred  all  they  that 
behelde  it.  Whiche  historic  is  wonderfull  pleasaunt,  but  for 
the  lengthe  therof  I  am  constrayned  nowe  to  abrege  it. 

Howe  moche  be  they  repugnaunt,  and,  (as  I  mought  saye) 
enemies  bothe  to  nature  and  reason,  that  suche  one  whome  they 
haue  longe  knowen  to  be  to  them  beneuolent,  and  ioyned  to 
them  in  a  syncere  and  assured  frendship,  approued  by  infallible 

rat  :  atque  ideo,  cunctis  petentibus,  dimissum  Androclum  et  poena  solutum,  leonem- 
que  ei  suffragiis  populi  donatum.  Postea,  inquit,  videbamus  Androclum  et  leonem 
loro  tenui  revinctum  urbe  tota  circum  tabemas  ire:  donari  aere  Androclum  ;  floribus 
spargi  leonem :  omnes  fere  ubique  obvios  dicere  :  ' '  Hie  est  leo  hospes  hominis, 
hie  est  homo  medicus  leonis.'" — Noct.  Att.  lib.  v.  cap.  14. 

B  The  word  Lyam  ( —  lorum)  is  not  noticed  by  Richardson.  Mr.  Todd  suggests 
the  Saxon  ligan  =  ducere  as  a  derivation,  but  is  it  not  rather  connected  with  the 
French  lien  ?  Its  meaning  being  a  leash  or  thong.  In  a  curious  contemporary 
account  of  the  boyhood  of  Sir  Peter  Carew,  of  Mohun  Ottery,  in  Devonshire,  we 
read  that  in  consequence  of  his  continually  playing  the  truant  at  school,  his  father 
'  at  his  next  comynge  then  to  Excester,  callinge  his  sonne  before  hyme,  tyed  hyine 
in  a  lyem,  and  delyuered  hime  to  one  of  his  seruauntes,  to  be  caryed  aboute  the 
towne  as  one  of  his  houndes,  and  they  led  hyme  home  to  Mohones  Otrey,  lycke  a 
dogge ;  and  after  that,  he  beinge  come  to  Mohones  Otrey,  he  copied  hyme  to  one 
of  his  howndes,  and  so  contynewed  hyme  for  a  tyme.' — Archceol.  vol.  xxviii.  p.  97. 
The  word  is  also  used  more  than  once  by  Drayton  : — 

'  My  Doghooke  at  my  Belt,  to  which  my  Lyant's  tyde, 
My  sheafe  of  Arrowes  by,  my  Woodknife  at  my  syde, 
My  Crosse-bow  in  my  hand,  my  Gaffle  or  my  Rack, 
To  bend  it  when  I  please,  or  if  I  list  to  slack  ; 
My  Hound  then  in  my  Lyam,  I  by  the  Woodman's  Art 
Forecast  where  I  may  lodge  the  goodly  Hie-palm'd  Hart. 

The  Muse's  Elizium,  p.  52,  ed.  1630. 
And  again  in  The  Battaile  of  Agincourt  : 

'  A  youthful  Hunter  with  a  chaplet  crown'd 
In  a  pyde  Lyam  leading  foorth  his  Hound.' 

Poems,  vol.  ii.  p.  21,  ed.  1631. 

Randle  Holme  in  his  Academy  rf  Armory,  speaking  of  the  terms  used  with  refer- 
ence to  dogs,  says,  "The  string  wherewith  we  lead  them,  for  the  Hound,  is  called  a 
Lyam,  for  a  grey-hound,  a  Lease,  and  for  a  spaniel,  a  Line.' — P.  186,  ed.  1688. 


172  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

tokens,  ratified  also  with  sondry  kyndes  of  beneficence,  they  will 
contemne  or  neglecte,  beinge  aduaunced  by  any  good  fortune. 
I  require  nat  suche  excellent  frendship  as  was  betwene  Pitheas 
and  Damon,  betwene  Horestes  and  Pilades,  or  betwene  Gysip- 
pus  and  Titus,  of  whome  I  haue  before  written  (for  I  firmely 
beleue  they  shall  neuer  happen  in  payres  or  couples) .a  Nor  I 
seke  nat  for  suche  as  will  alway  preferre  the  honour  or  profite 
of  their  frende  before  their  owne,  ne  (whiche  is  the  leste  parte 
of  frendshippe)  for  suche  one  as  desirously*  will  participate 
with  his  frende  all  his  good  fortune  or  substaunce.  But 
where  at  this  day  may  be  founden  suche  frendship  betwene 
„  ,  two,  but  that  where  fortune  is  more  beneuolent 

Frende- 

shippe  to  the  one  than  to  the  other,  the  frendship  waxeth 
oftyme.  tedious,  and  he  that  is  aduaunced  desireth  to  be 
matched  with  one  hauinge  semblable  fortune.b  And  if  any 
damage  hapneth  to  his  olde  frende,  he  pitieth  him,  but  he  sor- 
oweth  nat,  and  though  he  seme  to  be  sorowfull,  yet  he  helpeth 
nat,  and  though  he  wolde  be  sene  to  helpe  him,  yet  trauaileth 
he  nat,  and  though  he  wolde  be  sene  to  trauaile,  yet  he  suffreth 
nat.c  For  (let  us  laye  a  parte  assistence  with  money,  whiche  is 

*  Emerson  however  says,  *  Friendship  may  be  said  to  require  natures  so  rare  and 
costly,  each  so  well  tempered,  and  so  happily  adapted,  and  withal  so  circumstanced 
(for  even  in  that  particular,  a  poet  says,  love  demands  that  the  parties  be  altogether 
paired)  that  its  satisfaction  can  very  seldom  be  assured.  It  cannot  subsist  in  its 
perfection,  say  some  of  those  who  are  learned  in  this  warm  lore  of  the  heart,  betwixt 
more  than  two.  I  am  not  quite  so  strict  in  my  terms,  perhaps  because  I  have 
never  known  so  high  a  fellowship  as  others.  I  please  my  imagination  more  with 
a  circle  of  godlike  men  and- women  variously  related  to  each  other,  and  between 
whom  subsists  a  lofty  intelligence.  But  I  find  this  law  of  one  to  one  peremptory 
for  conversation,  which  is  the  practice  and  consummation  of  friendship.' — Essays, 
vol.  i.  p.  87,  ed.  1866. 

b  Bacon  says,  ''  There  is  little  friendship  in  the  world,  and  least  of  all  between 
equals,  which  was  wont  to  be  magnified.  That  that  is,  is  between  superior  and 
inferior,  whose  fortunes  may  comprehend  the  one  the  other.' — Essays,  p.  439. 
On  the  other  hand,  Dr.  Johnson  says,  '  Friendship  is  seldom  lasting  but  between 
equals,  or  where  the  superiority  on  one  side  is  reduced  by  some  equivalent  advan- 
tage on  the  other.' — Rambler,  No.  64. 

c  Bacon  says,  '  Ne£r  kinsfolks  and  fellows  in  office,  and  those  that  are  bred 
together,  are  more  apt  to  envy  their  equals  when  they  are  raised  ;  for  it  doth  up- 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  173 

a  very  small  portion  of  frendshippe,a)  who  will  so  moche  esteme 
frendship,  that  therfore  wyll  entre  into  the  displeasure,  nat  of 
his  prince,  but  of  them  whome  he  supposeth  may  minysshe 
his  estimation  towardes  his  prince,  ye  and  that  moche  lasse  is, 
will  displease  his  newe  acquaintaunce,  equall  with  him  in  au- 
torite  or  fortune,  for  the  defence,  helpe,  or  aduauncement  of 
his  auncient  and  well  approued  frende  ?  O  the  moste  misera- 
ble astate  at  this  present  tyme  of  mankynde,  that,  for  the 
thinge  whiche  is  moste  propre  unto  them,  the  example  therof 
muste  be  founden  amonge  the  sauage  and  fierce  bestes.b 

[But  alas  suche  peruerse  constellation  nowe  reigneth  ouer 
men,c  that  where  some  be  aptely  and  naturally  disposed  to 
amitie,  and  fyndeth  one,  in  similitude  of  studie  and  maners, 
equall  to  his  expectation,  and  therfore  kendeleth  a  feruent 

braid  unto  them  their  own  fortunes,  and  pointeth  at  them,  and  cometh  oftener 
into  their  remembrance,  and  incurreth  likewise  more  into  the  note  of  others  ;  and 
envy  ever  redoubleth  from  speech  and  fame.' — Essays,  p.  8 1. 

a  And  indeed  is  very  often  destruction  of  it,  for  as  a  modern  essayist  says,  'To 
incur  important  obligations  to  a  friend,  is  almost  certain  to  destroy  the  friendship. 
The  two  are  from  that  moment  in  a  totally  different  relation  to  each  other.  Uneasy 
fears  possess  the  one — a  painful  sense  of  humiliation  occupies  the  other.  They 
are  no  longer  equals.  Under  such  circumstances,  a  perfect  confiding  attachment 
can  no  longer  exist.'—  Chambers,  Essays,  vol.  iii.  p.  236.  '  If  I  had  inclination  and 
ability  to  do  the  crudest  thing  upon  earth  to  the  man  I  hated,  I  would  lay  him 
under  the  necessity  of  borrowing  money  of  a  friend.'—  Chalmer's  Brit.  Essayists, 
The  World,  No.  3. 

b  What  follows,  to  the  end  of  this  chapter,  is  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent 
editions  ;  for  what  reason  it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  probably  for  fear  of  its  per- 
sonal application  to  some  ' friend  at  court '  of  the  author. 

c  This  was  the  age  of  credulity,  and  astrology  exercised  an  important  influence 
over  the  minds  of  the  unlearned,  whilst  even  the  learned  were  not  ashamed  to 
admit  the  operation  of  the  mysterious  science.  Thus  Erasmus  says,  '  Amrmant 
Astrologi  certis  annis  apparere  Stellas  crinitas,  quse  ingens  adferant  momentum  ad 
publicam  rerum  mundanarum  commutationem,  vi  quadam  fatali  adficientes.  homi- 
num  et  mentes  et  corpora,  turn  flumina,  maria,  terram,  aera,  et  quidquid  in  his 
mire  penetrantes.  At  nullus  Cometes  exori  queat  orbi  tarn  exitialis,  quam  princeps 
flagidosus,  contra  nullum  tarn  salutare  sidus,  quam  duxinculpatus.' — Opera,  torn.  iv. 
col.  531,  ed.  1703.  And  Bacon  says,  'The  Scripture  calleth  envy  an  evil  eye, 
and  the  astrologers  call  the  evil  influences  of  the  stars  evil  aspects,  so  that  still  there 
seemeth  to  be  acknowledged,  in  the  act  of  envy,  an  ejaculation  or  irradiation  of  the 
eye.' — Essays,  p.  80. 


174  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

loue  towarde  that  persone,  puttinge  all  his  ioye  and  delite 
in  the  praise  and  auauncement  of  him  that  he  loueth,  it  hapneth 
that  he  whiche  is  loued,  beinge  promoted  in  honour,  either  of 
purpose  neglecteth  his  frende,a  therby  suppressynge  libertie  of 
speche  or  familiar  resorte;  or  els  esteming  his  mynde  with  his 
fortune  onely,  and  nat  with  the  suertie  of  frendship,  hideth  from 
him  the  secretes  of  his  harte,  and  either  trusteth  no  man,  or  els 
him  whome  prosperous  fortune  hath  late  brought  in  acquain- 
taunce.b  Wherby  do  ensue  two  great  inconueniences;  one  is, 
that  he  which  so  entierly  loued,  perceyuinge  his  loue  to  be 
vaynely  employed,  withdraweth  by  litle  and  litle  the  fire  whiche 
serueth  to  no  use,  and  so  amitie,  the  greattest  treasoure  that 
may  be,  finally  perissheth.  The  other  inconuenience  is,  that  he 
whiche  neglecteth  suche  a  frende,  either  consumeth  him  selfe 
with  solicitude,  if  he  be  secrete,  or  in  sondry  affaires  for  lacke 
of  counsayle  is  after  with  repentaunce  attached,  or  disclosinge 
his  mynde  to  his  newe  acquaintaunce  is  soner  betrayed  than 
well  counsaled.c  Wise  men  knowe  this  to  be  true,  and  yet  will 
they  unethe  be  content  to  be  thus  warned.] 


•  '  And  what  is  friendship  but  a  name, 

A  charm  that  lulls  to  sleep  ; 
A  shade  that  follows  wealth  or  fame, 
But  leaves  the  wretch  to  weep?' 

Goldsmith,  Edwin  and  Angelina. 

b  Erasmus  ?ays,  '  li  quos  nostri  amantissimos  existimamus,  sicut  hirundines 
exacta  aestate  devolant,  ita  fortuna  reflante  deficiunt.  Nonmmquam  recentior 
amicus  veterem  ejicit.' — Opera,  torn.  i.  col.  420. 

c  Bacon  says  that  the  man  who  takes  counsel  'by  pieces,'  i.e.  who  confides  in 
many  friends,  '  runneth  two  dangers  ;  one,  that  he  shall  not  be  faithfully  coun- 
selled— for  it  is  a  rare  thing,  except  it  be  from  a  perfect  and  entire  friend,  to  have 
counsel  given,  but  such  as  shall  be  bowed  and  crooked  to  some  ends,  which  he  hath 
that  giveth  it ;  the  other,  that  he  shall  have  counsel  given,  hurtful  and  unsafe  (though 
with  good  meaning)  and  mixed  partly  of  mischief  and  partly  of  remedy — even  as  if 
you  would  call  a  physician,  that  is  thought  good  for  the  cure  of  the  disease  you 
complain  of,  but  is  unacquainted  with  your  body — and  therefore,  may  put  you  in  a 
way  for  present  cure,  but  overthroweth  your  health  in  some  other  kind,  and  so 
cure  the  disease  and  kill  the  patient.' — Essays,  p.  265. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  175 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

The  election  of  f  reticles  and  the  diuersite  offlaterers. 

A  NOBLE  man  aboue  al  thinges  aught  to  be  very  circumspecte 
in  the  election  of  suche  men  as  shulde  continually  attende 
upon  his  persone  at  tymes  vacant  from  busye  affayres,  whome 
he  may  use  as  his  familiars,  and  saufely  committe  to  them  his 
secretes.*  For  as  Plutarche  saieth,  what  so  euer  he  be 


that  loueth,  he  doteth  and  is  blynde  in  that  thinge  & 

.  i        i         •  1  cendo  amico 

whiche  he  dothe  loue,  except  by  lermnge  he  can  ac-  ab  adula- 
custome  him  selfe  to  ensue  and  sette  more  price  by  tore- 
those  thinges  that  be  honest  and  vertuous,  than  by  them  that 
he  seeth  in  experience  and  be  familiarly  used.b    And  suerly 
as  the  wormes  do  brede  moste  gladly  in  softe  wode  and  swete, 
so  the  moste  gentill  and  noble  wittes,  inclined  to  honoure,  re- 
plenisshed  with  moste  honest  and  curtaise  maners,  do  sonest 

*  King  James,  in  his  advice  to  his  son,  says,  'It  is  not  onely  lawfull,  but  neces- 
sarie,  that  yee  haue  companie  meete  for  euerything  yee  take  on  hand,  as  well  in 
your  games  and  exercises  as  in  your  graue  and  earnest  affaires.  But  learne  to  dis- 
tinguishe  time  according  to  the  occasion,  chesing  your  companye  accordinglie. 
Conferre  not  with  hunters  at  your  counsell,  nor  in  your  counsell  affaires  ;  nor  dis- 
patche  not  affaires  at  hunting  or  other  games.'  —  Bao-tAt/cbi/  AS>pov,  lib.  iii.  p.  126. 
Patrizi  enlarges  upon  the  necessity  of  discrimination  in  the  companions  of  royalty. 
'  Nam  reges  ac  principes,  homines  multo  humiliores  vix  conjuncta  consuetudine  com- 
plecti  dignarentur,  et  similes  invenire,  cum  quibus  versarentur,  nequirent.  Carebunt 
itaque  hac  perfectiore  amicitia  qui  imperant,  quando  inter  pares  aequalesque  agitur. 
Ejusmodi  tarn  en  amicitiae  similitudinem,  si  optarit  rex,  virum  aliquem  virtute 
praestantem  eligat,  cujus  consuetudine  fruatur,  quum  a  rebus  magnis  ac  seriis  ocium 
erit.'  —  De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  viii.  tit.  II.  Bacon  says,  'It  is  a  strange  thing 
to  observe  how  high  a  rate  great  kings  and  monarchs  do  set  upon  this  fruit  of 
friendship  whereof  we  speak  —  so  great,  as  they  purchase  it  many  times  at  the  hazard 
of  their  own  safety  and  greatness  :  for  princes,  in  regard  of  the  distance  of  their 
fortune  from  that  of  their  subjects  and  servants,  cannot  gather  this  fruit,  except,  to 
make  themselves  capable  thereof,  they  raise  some  persons  to  be  as  it  were  com- 
panions and  almost  equals  to  themselves,  which  many  times  sorteth  to  inconve- 
nience.' —  Essays,  p.  260. 

b  Tv<p\ovrai  yap  rb  <f}i\ovv  irepl  rb  ^iKov^fvov,  &v  p-fi  TIS  fj-aBuv  IQiaQfj  ra  Ka\a 
nnqv  KO.}  $t(i)Kfiv  juaAAoj/  ^  TO  (Tiryyejo)  Kal  oiKf'ia.  —  Plut.  de  Adul.  et  Am.  cap.  I. 


I  76  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

admitte  flaterars,  and  be  by  them  abused.a  And  it  is  no  mer- 
uayle.  For  lyke  as  the  wylde  corne,  beinge  in  shap  and  great- 
nesse  lyke  to  the  good,  if  they  be  mengled,  with  great  difficultie 
will  be  tried  out,  but  either  in  a  narowe  holed  seeue  they  will 
stille  abide  with  the  good  corne,  or  els,  where  the  holes  be  large, 
they  will  issue  out  with  the  other ;  so  flatery  from  frendship  is 
hardely  seuered,  for  as  moche  as  in  euery  motion  and  affecte 
of  the  minde  they  be  mutually  mengled  to  gether.b 

Of  this  peruerse  and  cursed  people  be  sondry  kyndes,  some 
whiche  apparauntly  do  flatter,  praysinge  and  extollinge  euery 
thinge  that  is  done  by  their  superior,  and  berynge  hym  on 
hande  that  in  hym  it  is  of  euery  man  commended,  whiche  of 
trouthe  is  of  all  men  abhorred  and  hated.c  To  the  affirmaunce 
therof  they  adde  to  othes,  adiurations,  and  horrible  curses, 
offringe  them  selfes  to  eternall  paynes  except  their  reporte  be 
true.  And  if  they  perceyue  any  parte  of  their  tale  misstrusted, 
than  they  sette  furthe  sodaynly  an  heuie  and  sorowfull  counte- 
naunce,  as  if  they  were  abiecte  and  brought  in  to  extreme  de- 
speration. Other  there  be,  whiche  in  a  more  honest  terme  may 
be  called  Assentatours  or  folowers,  whiche  do  awayte  diligently 
what  is  the  fourme  of  the  speche  and  gesture  of  their  maister, 

*  "flo'Trep  of  Qpltres  e/jupvovrai.  juaAttrra  TO?S  cbraAoTs  Kal  yXvKfffi  |uAots,  ovrca  ra 
<pi\6rifji.a  raiv  riQfov  Kal  xpriffTa  Kal  eTTiei/cTj  rl>v  K.6\a.Ka  Se^ercu  KO.\  rpf<pei  irpoa<$v6p.£vov. 
— Plut.  de  Adul.  et  Am.,  cap.  2. 

b  "flffirfp  yap,  oljucu,  rear  aypiwv  (nrepfji-druv  '6ffa  Kal  a^ri/j.a  Kal  /J.tye6os  TrapaTrA^- 
ffiov  exoj'TO  T<f  irvpy  (ry/i^e^iKTat,  ^aAeTTTji/  e%fi  r^]v  airottddapo'Li' '  fy  yhp  ov  Sie/cirtTTTei 
TWV  vrevwTfpGW  ir6p<0v,  f)  ffvvtKiriiTTti  Sta  T&JJ/  apaiatv  OVTCOS  ?i  /coAa/ceia  rrjs  (pi\ias 
els  irav  Trddos  Kal  irav  /aj/Tj^a  Kal  xpetav  Kal  ffvvrjOeiav  eauT^j/  KaTa/j.tyi'vouffa,  8v<r- 
Xu>piffr6s  (ffriv. — Plut.  ubi  supra,  cap.  4. 

c  Bacon  says,  '  There  be  so  many  false  points  of  praise,  that  a  man  may  justly 
hold  it  in  suspect.  Some  praises  proceed  merely  of  flattery  ;  and  if  it  be  an 
ordinary  flatterer,  he  will  have  certain  common  attributes,  which  may  serve  every 
.man;  if  he  be  a  cunning  flatterer,  he  will  follow  the  arch-flatterer,  which  is  a 
man's  self,  and  wherein  a  man  thinketh  best  of  himself,  therein  the  flatterer  will 
uphold  him  most :  but  if  he  be  an  impudent  flatterer,  look  wherein  a  man  is  con- 
scious to  himself  that  he  is  most  defective,  and  is  most  out  of  countenance  in  him- 
self, that  will  the  flatterer  entitle  him  to,  perforce,  spreta  conscientia  ...  Some 
men  are  praised  maliciously  to  their  hurt,  thereby  to  stir  envy  and  jealousy  towards 
them.' — Essays,  p.  483. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  177 

and  also  other  his  maners,  and  facion  of  garmentes,  and  to  the 
imitation  and  resemblaunce  therof  they  applie  their  studie,  that 
for  the  similitude  of  maners  they  may  the  rather  be  accepted 
in  to  the  more  familiar  acquaintaunce.a  Lyke  to  the  ser- 
uauntes  of  Dionyse,  kynge  of  Sicile,  whiche  all  though  they 
were  inclined  to  all  unhappynes  and  mischiefe,  after  the 
commynge  of  Plato  they  perceyuinge  that  for  his  doctrine 
and  wisedome  the  kynge  had  him  in  high  estimation,  they 
than  counterfaited  the  countenaunce  and  habite  of  the 
Philosopher,  thereby  encreasinge  the  kynges  fauour  towardes 
them,  who  than  was  hooly  giuen  to  studie  of  Philosophic- 
But  after  that  Dionyse  by  their  incitation  had  expelled  Plato 
out  of  Sicile,  they  abandoned  their  habite  and  seueritie,  and 
eftsones  retourned  to  their  mischeuous  and  voluptuous  liuynge.b 
The  great  Alexander  bare  his  hedde  some  parte  on  the 
one  side  more  than  the  other,  whiche  diuers  of  his  ser- 
uauntes  dyd  counterfaite.c  Semblably  dyd  the  scholers  of 

ft  Puttenham  recommends  courtiers  to  adapt  themselves  to  their  Prince's  habits 
in  the  matter  of  recreation,  such  as  hunting,  hawking,  &c.,  and  he  adds  'in  their 
other  appetites  wherein  the  Prince  would  seeme  an  example  of  vertue,  and  would 
not  mislike  to  be  egalled  by  others  :  in  such  cases  it  is  decent  their  seruitours  and 
subiects  studie  to  be  like  to  them  by  imitation,  as  in  wearing  their  haire  long  or 
short,  or  in  this  or  that  sort  of  apparrell,  such  excepted  as  be  only  fitte  for  Princes 
and  none  els,  which  were  undecent  for  a  meaner  person  to  imitate  or  counterfet  ; 
so  is  it  not  comely  to  counterfet  their  voice,  or  looke,  or  any  other  gestures  that  be 
not  ordinary  and  naturall  in  euery  common  person.'  —  Arte  of  English  Poesie, 
lib.  iii.  p.  248,  ed.  1811. 


(pi\oao(piasf  TO.  jSatrtAeja  Kovioprov 

firel  Se  irpofffKpovffe  U\dr(»v,  Kal  Aiovvffios  fKiitv&v  <pi\o<ro<f>ias,  ird\iv  els 
yvvaia,  Kal  rb  \f]pf?v  Kal  aKoXacrralvfiv  ^«e  <p(p6/j.evos,  adp6cas  airavrai, 
&cnrfp  ev  KlpKf]s,  jj.fTa/jLop(p<M>0(VTas,  a/j.ov(ria  Kal  ATJ#TJ  Kal  fvyOeia  Kareffx*.  —  Plut.  de 
Adnl.  et  Am.  cap.  7. 

c  Kat  yap  a  /xaAicrra  iro\\ol  TU>V  SmS^cuv  Sffrepov  Kal  roav  <pi\<av  airffjLi/j.ovvTo, 
rfyv  re  a.v6.K\iffiv  TOV  av^vos  fls  evc/avvfj-ov  yffvxy  KfK\i/j.ei>ov  Kal  r^v  iiyp6ri\ra  T<av 
ofJL^arwv  StaT6T^pTj«€i/  a/cpijScSs  6  rexvirys.  —  Plut.  Alex.  4.  Smollett,  who  visited 
the  famous  Sculpture  Galleries  at  Florence,  in  1765,  speaks  of  '  a  beautiful  head  of 
Alexander  the  Great  turned  on  one  side,  with  an  expression  of  languishment  and 
anxiety  in  his  countenance.'  —  Yravets,  vol.  ii.  p  87,  ed.  1778.  Puttenham  says, 
'  It  was  misliked  in  the  Emperor  Nero,  and  thought  uncomely  for  him  to  counter- 
II.  N 


178  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Plato,  the  moste  noble  Philosopher,  whiche  for  as  moche 
as  their  maister  had  a  brode  breste  and  highe  shulders, 
and  for  that  cause  was  named  Plato,a  whiche  signifieth 
brode  or  large,  they  stuffed  their  garmentes  and  made  on 
their  shulders  great  bolsters,  to  seme  to  be  of  like  fourme 
as  he  was ; b  wherby  he  shulde  conceyue  some  fauour  towardes 
them  for  the  demonstration  of  loue  that  they  pretented  in  the 
ostentation  of  his  persone.  Whiche  kynde  of  flaterye  I  suppose 
Plato  coulde  right  well  laughe  at.  But  these  maner  of  flateres 
may  be  well  founde  out  and  perceyued  by  a  good  witte,  whiche 
somtyme  by  him  selfe  diligently  considereth  his  owne  qualities 
and  naturall  appetite.6  For  the  company  or  communication 
of  a  persone  familiar,  whiche  is  alway  pleasaunt  and  without 
sharpnes,  inclinyng  to  inordinate  fauour  and  affection,  is  alway 

fet  Alexander  the  Great,  by  holding  his  head  a  little  awrie,  and  neerer  toward 
the  one  shoulder,  because  it  was  not  his  owne  naturall.' — Arteoj ' EngL  Poesie,  lib. 
iii.  p.  248. 

a  Diogenes  Laertius,  however,  attributes  the  nickname  to  the  breadth  of  his 
forehead,  and  says  nothing  about  his  breast  or  his  shoulders.  "Evioi  Se  Sia  i^v  ir\a- 
TUTTJTO  Tys  ep/iTj^eios  ouTtts  oj'oju,a0'0?}j/ai  •  ^  8rt  TT\O.TVS  fy  T£»  /j.£T<aTroi>,  &s  <pr)<ri 
Neaj/07]?. — Lib.  iii.  cap.  4. 

b  Here  again  the  author  seems  to  have  fallen  into  an  error,  for  Plutarch  ex- 
pressly says  that  it  was  Plato's  stoop,  or  crookedness,  which  his  followers  imitated ; 
and  he.  says  nothing  about  the  way  in  which  they  did  this,  "fts  irov  /col  UKdrwvos 
airo/jLifjLf'ia'dal  fyaffi  rovs  crvvfiBeis  rb  eiriKvprov. — De  Adul.  et  Am.  cap.  9.  And 
again,  "nairep  ol  T^JV  HXarcavos  airofju^-ov^voi  KvprSri^ra.' — De  Aud.  Poetis,  cap.  8. 

0  So  Patrizi  says,  '  Age,  quis  seipsum  adeo  ignorat,  vel  sui  ipsius  adeo  oblitus 
est,  quum  ignavissimus  sit,  illos  aequo  animo  audiat,  qui  se  fortissimum  praedicent, 
admirentur,  et  cunctis  aliis  praeferant  ?  Quo  enim  animo  perpeti  potest  quispiam 
se  Achillem  vocari,  quum  Thersites  manifeste  sit  ?  Nonne  se  irrideri  et  ludibrio 
haberi  cognoscit  ille,  qui  quum  pauper  et  inops  sit,  se  beatum  ac  locupletem 
vocari  audit  ?  Ille,  de  quo  paulo  ante  dixi,  Ithacensis  mendicus,  quern  Homerus 
inducit,  nihil  roboris  habentem  prseter  linguae  procacitatem,  gaudebit  se  potentia 
Agamemnoni,  fortitudine  autem  Ajaci  aequari?  Nonne  etiam  mulierilla  levissima 
ac  temeraria  habenda  est,  quae  quum  deformis  ac  turpissima  sit  et  aspectu  fceda,  ab 
amatoribus,  qui  illius  gratiam  blandiendo  ac  mentiendo  inire  cupiunt,  pulcherrima 
dici  gaudeat,  et  quasi  alt  era  Helena  vel  Hermione,  ejus  filia,  cunctis  aliis  mulieri- 
bus  forma  praeferri  ?  Viri  autem  graves  et  severi,  qui  ficta  ac  simulata  de  se  dici 
animadverterunt,  id  ferunt  iniquo  animo,  et  adulatores  illos  odio  habent,  ut  qui 
exprobrando  ea  laudent,  quae  illis  deesse  manifeste  cernant.' — De  Regno  et  Reg. 
Instit.  lib.  iv.  tit.  2. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  179 

to  be  suspected.  Also  there  is  in  that  frende  small  commoditie 
whiche  foloweth  a  man  lyke  his  shadowe,  meuinge  onely  whan 
he  meueth,  and  abidinge  where  he  list  to  tary.  These  piutarchus 
be  the  mortall  enemyes  of  noble  wittes  and  specially  de  libe.  edu- 
in  youthe,a  whan  communely  they  be  more  inclined 
to  glorie  than  grauitie.  Wherfore  that  liberalitie,  whiche  is  on 
suche  flaterers  imployed,  is  nat  onely  perisshed  but  also  spilled 
and  deuoured.c  Wherfore  in  myne  oppinion  it  were  a  right 
necessarye  lawe  that  shulde  be  made  to  put  suche  persones 
openly  to  tortures,  to  the  fearefull  example  of  other:  sens  in  all 
princes  lawes  (as  Plutarchesayethd)  nat  onely  he  that 
hathe  slayne  the  kynges  son  and  heire,  but  also  he 


that  counterfaiteth  his  seale,  or  adulterateth  his  coyne  to  genttt 

,  11      i     11    i        .  natures. 

with  more  base  metall,  shall  be  luged  to  die  as  a 

a  'ATravTcmv  ptv  yap,  Xirep  *<pT]v,  Ttav  Trovnp&v  avdpdiruv  aTrdyeiv  5e?  rovs  ircuSas, 
p.d\i(TTa  Se  T<av  KoXaKwv.  "Oirep  yap  7roAA.a/as  Kal  irpbs  iro\\ovs  riav  -narsptav  StartAeD 
\€yi»v,  Kal  vvv  kv  eftrotjtu'  yevos  ovSev  fffnv  e^ooXecrrepov,  oi»8e  /JLO,\\OV  Kal  darrov 
fKTpa-)fj]\i^ov  T^V  ve6rriTa,  ws  r<av  KoXaKdw.  —  Plut.  de  Educ.  Puer.  cap.  17. 

b  This  side-note  has  been  restored  to  the  position  which  it  was  evidently  in- 
tended by  the  author  to  occupy,  and  from  which  it  was  displaced  probably  per 
incuriam. 

c  A  modern  writer  says,  '  It  is  indeed  a  most  lamentable  truth  that  friends  are 
more  generally  seen  to  be  operative  for  evil  than  enemies,  as  if  it  were  a  law  that 
that  which  is  sweetest  and  best  in  this  world  should  always  carry  in  itself  the 
greatest  bitter.  Respecting  unfortunate  princes,  the  remark  has  become  almost  an 
axiom.  Laud  and  Strafford  evidently  did  more  to  bring  their  master,  Charles  I., 
to  the  block  than  Pym  and  Hampden.  James  II.  lost  his  throne,  not  through  the 
manly  English  opposition  of  his  enemies,  the  Whigs,  but  by  those  men  who  called 
themselves  peculiarly  his  friends  —  the  drivelling  bigots  who  flattered  him  with 
their  preachings  of  passive  obedience,  and  changed  their  religion  to  please  him.'  — 
Chambers,  Essays,  vol.  iii.  p.  332. 

d  The  Editor  has  been  unable  to  verify  this  quotation,  and  there  seems  to  be 
some  confusion  not  only  in  the  text  but  in  the  marginal  references  of  this  chapter, 
as  will  be  more  fully  explained  in  a  subsequent  note.  It  is  a  curious  circum- 
stance, however,  that  there  is  a  passage  in  another  work  of  the  author,  intitled 
The  Image  of  Governance,  which  bears  a  very  strong  resemblance  to  that  in  the 
text,  and  which  is  here  subjoined  for  the  purpose  of  comparison.  '  If  the  ancient 
lawes  of  this  cite  iudgeth  him  to  dye  that  spitefully  pulleth  down  or  defyleth  the 
emperor's  image,  or  counterfaiteth  his  coyne,  seale,  or  signe  manuel,  of  how  moch 
congruence  and  more  with  Justice  is  it,  that  he  shuld  suffer  deth,  which  with 

N  2 


l8o  THE  GOVERN  OUR. 

traytour.  In  reason  howe  moche  more  payne  (if  there  were  any 
greatter  payne  than  deth)  were  he  worthy  to  suffre,  that  with 
false  adulation  dothe  corrupt  and  adulterate  the  gentill  and 
vertuous  nature  of  a  noble  man,  whiche  is  nat  onely  his  image, 
but  the  very  man  hym  selfe.a  For  without  vertue  man  is  but 
in  the  numbre  of  bestis.  And  also  by  peruerse  instruction  and 
flatery  suche  one  sleeth  bothe  the  soule  and  good  renoume  of 
his  maister.b  By  whose  example  arid  negligence  perissheth 
also  an  infinite  numbre  of  persones,  whiche  domage  to  a  realme 
neither  with  treasure  ne  with  powar  can  be  redoubed.c 

selling  of  the  administration  of  iustice,  pluckith  down  and  defyleth  amonge  the 
people  the  good  renoume  of  the  emperour,  or  counterfayteth  and  changeth  the 
mynd  of  the  emperour,  which  is  his  very  image  immortal,  wherby  bothe  the 
prynce  and  the  people  suffrethe  incomparably  more  damage  than  by  forging  of 
money?' — P.  32,  ed.  1544.  Compare,  however,  what  is  said  by  Demosthenes  in 
his  oration  against  Timocrates  :  'BoitXop.ai  TO'IVUV  v/juv  /ca/fetVp  ?)i.r)yho~ao~dai,  '6  tyaai 
TTOT'  erTretV  2oA.a>i/a  Kar^yopovvra.  vopov  rtvbs  ova  67TiT?)5etov  Bevros '  Xeyerai  yap  TO?S 
StKaffrcus  avrbv  elveii',  eTretS);  r&\\a  na.Tr)y6pir)<Tev,  on  vopos  fffrlv  airaaais  us  tiros 
eiirtiv  TOIS  Tr6\€ffiv,  tav  TIS  rb  v6^i(rp.a.  Siatydeipr),  Qavarov  rrjv  fafiiav  e?j/cu.' — Vol. 
ii.  p.  572,  Whiston's  ed.  Cf.  Demosth.  contra  Leptinem,  ubi  supra,  p.  230. 

a  Patrizi  has  a  passage  strongly  resembling  this  ;  he  says,  *  Dion  Prusensis 
multo  pejus  adulatores  peccare  censet,  quam  falsos  testes ;  quandoquidem  illi  blan- 
ditiis,  quern  laudant,  corrumpunt,  hi  autem  judicem  tantummodo  decipiunt,  non 
autem  corrumpunt.  Nonne  majore  odio  adulatores  digni  sunt,  quod  homines 
ignavos  vanosque  faciunt,  et  ex  stultis  insanos  reddunt  ? ' — Zte  Regno  et  Rzg.  Inst. 
lib.  iv.  tit.  2. 

b  A  modern  writer  says,  '  How  often  is  a  really  promising  youth  ruined  because 
his  friends  have  thought  too  well  of  him,  and  done  too  much  for  him.  Compared 
with  this  evil,  the  utmost  efforts  of  declared  or  even  secret  enemies  would  be  as 
nothing;  for,  from  the  nature  of  things,  such  efforts  can  rarely  be  of  much  avail  in 
any  circumstances.  But  the  dangers  from  a  friend,  who  would  make  us  aspire  to 
that  for  which  we  are  unfit,  who  would  send  us  every  hour  of  our  lives  into  false 
positions  from  an  overweening  zeal  for  our  interest,  and  whose  flattering  counsels 
tend  to  sap  away  every  inclination  to  those  exertions  and  self-denyings  from  which 
alone  any  good  can  be  expected — these  are  indeed  dangers. ' — Chambers,  Essays, 
vol.  iii,  p.  335- 

c  From  the  French  radouber,  to  renew,  repair,  restore,  amend.  Thus  Wolsey, 
in  a  letter  to  the  King,  dated  21  June,  1527,  says,  'Iperceyue  that  the  same 
Frenche  King  is  so  occupied,  not  oonly  aboutes  matiers  of  justice  and  hisfynances, 
but  also  for  the  spedy  depeche  of  M.  de  Lotrect,  and  furniture  of  his  renforcementes 
in  Italy,  and  otherwise,  that  if  he  shulde,  before  the  same  were  put  in  good  ordre, 
leve  those  matiers  unperfited,  it  shulde  be  long  bifore  he  coude  redubbe  or  conduce 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  l8l 

But  harde  it  is  all  way  to  exchewe  these  flaterers,  whiche, 
lyke  to  crowes,  do  pyke  out  mennes  eyes  or  they  be  dedde. 
And  it  is  to  noble  men  moste  difficile,  whome  all  men 
couayte  to  please  and  to  displease  them  it  is  accounted  no 
wysedome,  perchaunce  leste  there  shulde  ensue  thereby  more 
parayle  than  profite.a 

Also  Carneades  the  Philosopher  was  wont  to  saye  that 
the  sonnes  of  noble  men  lerned  nothing  well  but  onely  Ex* 
to  ryde.     For  whiles  they  lerned  lettres  their  maisters 


flatered  them,  praysinge  euery  worde  that  they  spake  ;  amico  ab 

1-1  •  1         adtilatore. 

in  wrastlynge  their  teachers  and   companions   also  A  notable 
flatered   them,  submittyng  them  selfes  and   fallinge  example. 
downe  to  their  fete  ;  but  the  horse  or  courser  nat  understand- 
ynge  who  rydeth  him,  ne  whether  he  be  a   gentyll  man  or 
yoman,  a  ryche  man  or  a  poore,  if  he  sitte  nat  suerly  and  can 
skill  of  ridynge,  the  horse  casteth  him  quickely.     This  is  the 
sayenge  of  Carneades.0 

them  to  good  effect.'  —  State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  193.  And  in  another  letter,  dated 
9  August  of  the  same  year,  he  writes  :  '  Som  notable  provision  and  expedicion,  by 
commen  consent  of  all  Princes,  might  be  had  and  made  for  the  redubbing  of  the 
said  calamities,  repressing  of  heresies,  and  withstanding  the  malice  of  the  Turke.' 
—  Ubi  supra,  p.  242.  Grafton  recording  the  events  of  the  year  1557,  says,  'The 
losse  of  Calice,  Hammes,  and  Guysnes,  with  all  the  countrie  on  that  side  the  sea, 
(which  followed  sone  after)  was  suche  a  buffet  to  Englande  as  happened  not  in 
more  then  an  hundred  yere  before,  and  a  dishonor  wherwith  this  realme  shall  be 
blotted,  untyll  God  shall  geue  power  to  redubbe  it  with  some  like  requitall  to  the 
French.':  —  Chronicle,  p.  1353,  ed.  1569. 

*  Erasmus  speaks  of  the  '  familiarium  assentatio,  cui  pesti  potissimum  obnoxia 
est  magnatum  conditio.'  —Opera,  torn.  v.  col.  229,  td.  1704.  And  in  another 
place  he  says  that  sentiments  worthy  of  his  position  cannot  be  instilled  into  the 
mind  of  a  Christian  prince  *  nisi  modis  omnibus  arceantur  assentatores,  cui  pesti 
maxime  obnoxia  est  magnorum  Principum  felicitas.'  And  he  adds,  'Jam  ipsa 
setatis  simplicitas  huic  malo  prsecipue  patet,  partim  quod  naturae  propensione 
blandis  magis  gaudeat  quam  veris,  partim  ob  rerum  imperitiam,  quo  minus  suspi- 
catur  insidias,  hoc  minus  cavere  novit.'  —  Ins.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  74,  ed.  1519.  % 

b  The  marginal  note  in  the  original  is  '  Plutarchus  de  libe.  educandi,'  but  this  is 
obviously  a  mistake,  and  the  reference  has  been  transposed  from  the  preceding 
page,  to  which  it  is  now  restored. 

0  KapvfdS^s  Se  eAe-ye,  8-n  irXova'uav  Kal  /3a(TtAe'a>j/  iraiSes  ITTTTSVCIV  fji6vov,  &\\o  5£ 
e5  KCU  KO.\U>S  (AavQavovori'  K0\aft€vei  yap  avrovs  ev  rats  Siarpiftais  6  Si$dffKa\os 


1  82  THE   GOVERNOUR.  • 

There  be  other  of  this  sorte,  whiche  more  couertly  lay  their 
Subtytt  snares  to  take  the  hartes  of  princes  and  noble  men. 
foterert*  ^^  ag  jie  which  entendeth  to  take  the  fierse 
and  mighty  lyon  pytcheth  his  hayeb  or  nette  in  the  woode, 
amonge  great  trees  and  thornes,  where  as  is  the  moste 
haunte  of  the  lyon,  that  beinge  blynded  with  the  thick- 
enes  of  the  couerte,  or  he  be  ware,  he  may  sodainly  tumble 
into  the  nette  ;  where  the  hunter,  seelyngec  bothe  his  eyen  and 
bindynge  his  legges  strongly  to  gether,  finally  daunteth  his 


,  Kal  6  irpoo"jra\ai(0v,  vTroKa.TaKhiv6iJi.evos'  6  5e  'liriros  OVK  elotas  owSe  Qpovrifyv, 
ftffris  tSic^TTjs  ^  apx&v,  $  ir\ovo~ios  ?)  irei/Tjs,  e/fTpaX7j\££et  robs  /j.r]  8vva/j.evovs  o%e?<r0at. 
Plut.  de  Adtil.  et  Am.  cap.  16.  This  apophthegm  is  also  quoted  by  Erasmus  in 
the  2nd  chapter  of  his  Institutio  Prindpis  Christiani,  from  which  no  doubt  Sir 
Thos.  Elyot  borrowed  the  illustration. 

a  The  marginal  note  opposite  to  this  passage  in  the  original  is  '  Ex  Plutarcho 
de  cogn.  amico  ab  adulatore,'  but  as  this  evidently  has  reference  to  the  story  of 
Carneades,  which  is  to  be  found  in  that  treatise,  and  has  been  transposed  by 
mistake,  it  has  been  restored  to  its  proper  place  in  the  present  .  edition. 

b  From  the  French  word  haye.  John  Harmar,  who  was  Greek  Professor  at 
Oxford  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  uses  the  word  in  this  sense  in  his  translation  of 
the  sermons  of  M.  de  Beze.  '  Go  to  then,  saith  the  Bridegroome  in  this  place,  yee 
gardiens  and  keepers  of  my  vineyard,  be  you  continual  in  chase  of  these  hurtfull 
beastes,  and  leaue  not  untill  you  haue  rid  and  freed  my  vineyard  of  them.  And 
by  what  means  ?  Marie  setting  the  toiles  and  pitching  the  haies  of  the  word  of 
God,  to  catch  and  entrap  them  therein.'  —  Sermons  on  Canticles,  p.  293,  ed.  1587. 
So  too  Mortimer  tells  us,  that  '  Coneys  are  destroyed  or  taken  either  by  ferrets  or 
purse  nets  in  their  burrows,  or  by  hayes,  curs,  spaniels,  or  tumblers,  bred  up  for 
that  purpose,  or  by  gins,  pitfalls,  or  snares.'  —  Art  of  Husbandry,  p.  244,  ed.  1708. 

c  From  the  French  siller.  This  word  is  more  generally  applied  to  falconry, 
where  it  is  used  to  denote  the  act  of  hoodwinking  the  falcon.  Bacon  uses  the  word 
metaphorically.  '  No  man  will  take  that  part  except  he  be  like  a  seeled  dove,  that 
mounts  and  mounts,  because  he  cannot  see  about  him.'  —  Essays,  p.  360.  And 
Ford  must  have  had  this  last  passage  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote, 

'  Ambition,  like  a  seeled  dove,  mounts  upward, 
Higher  and  higher  still,  to  perch  on  clouds, 
But  tumbles  headlong  down  with  heavier  ruin.' 

Dramatic  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  '142,  ed.  1831. 

Randle  Holme  in  his  Academy  of  Armoury,  says  that  '  Seeled  or  Seeling  is  when  a 
hawk,  first  taken,  hath  her  eyes  drawn  so  up,  or  blinded,  with  a  thread  run  through 
her  eyelids,  that  she  sees  not  or  very  little,  the  better  to  make  her  indure  the  hood.  ' 
P.  240,  ed.  1688. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  183 

fiercenesse  and  maketh  him  obedient  to  his  ensignes  and 
to\ens.a  Semblably  there  be  some  that  by  dissimulation  can 
ostent  or  shewe  a  highe  grauitie,  mixte  with  a  sturdy  entre- 
taynement  and  facion,  exilinge  them  selfes  from  all  pleasure 
and  recreation,  frowninge  and  grutchinge  at  euery  thinge 
wherin  is  any  myrthe  or  solace,  all  though  it  be  honeste ;  taunt- 
inge  and  rebuking  immoderately  them  with  whome  they  be 
nat  contented  ;  naminge  them  selfes  therfore  playne  men,  all 
though  they  do  the  semblable  and  often  tymes  wars  in  their 
owne  houses.b  And  by  a  simplicitie  and  rudenes  of  spekynge, 
with  longe  deliberation  used  in  the  same,  they  pretende  the 
high  knowlege  of  counsayle  to  be  in  them  onely.  And  in  this 
wise  pytchinge  their  nette  of  adulation  they  intrappe  the  noble 
and  vertuous  harte,  which  onely  beholdeth  their  fayned  seueritie 
and  counterfayte  wisedome,  and  the  rather  by  cause  this  maner 

"  Whence  did  the  author  derive  his  notion  of  lion  hunting  ?  Certainly  not 
from  the  pages  of  Plutarch,  nor  yet  from  Pliny,  who  merely  says,  '  Capere  eos  ardui 
erat  quondam  operis,  foveisque  maxima/ — Nat.  Hist.  lib.  viii.  cap.  21.  But  the 
use  of  nets  is  mentioned  by  Xenophon  in  his  description  of  boar-hunting,  which 
Sir  Thos.  Elyot  had  probably  read,  or  the  latter  may  have  drawn  altogether  upon 
his  imagination.  It  is  curious  that  he  should  describe  the  capture  of  the  '  king  of 
beasts '  as  being  effected  by  such  an  ignoble  method,  for  Patrizi  altogether  repu- 
diates such  unsportsmanlike  artifices,  and  says,  '  Omitto  insidias,  retia,  casses,  plagas, 
et  alia  multa  id  genus,  quse  feris  tenduntur  per  varies  multiplicesque  dolos,  quibus 
quidem  prada  qu<z  capitur,  vilior  omnino,  atque  ignorabilior  esse  videtur  ;  sicut  enim 
in  re  bellica  prsestantior  victoria  est,  ubi  collatis  signis  et  aperto  Marte  decernitur, 
quam  ubi  hostes  dolis  atque  insidiis  capiuntur,  sic  etiam  in  venatione  gratior  praeda 
est  quse  canum  hominumque  virtute  cadit,  quam  quae  laqueo  aut  alia  fraude  stran- 
gulatur.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  iii.  tit.  6,  p.  123,  ed.  1582. 

b  This  seems  to  be  almost  the  exact  counterpart  of  the  description  given  by 
Lord  Macaulay  of  the  Puritans  in  the  following  century.  '  What  were  then  con- 
sidered as  the  signs  of  real  godliness,  the  sad  coloured  dress,  the  sour  look,  the 
straight  hair,  the  nasal  whine,  the  speech  interspersed  wich  quaint  texts,  the  ab- 
horrence of  comedies,  cards,  and  hawking,  were  easily  counterfeited  by  men  to 
whom  all  religions  were  the  same.  The  sincere  Puritans  soon  found  themselves 
lost  in  a  multitude,  not  merely  of  men  of  the  world,  but  of  the  very  worst  sort  of 
men  of  the  world.  For  the  most  notorious  libertine  who  had  fought  under  the 
royal  standard  might  justly  be  thought  virtuous  when  compared  with  some  of  those 
who,  while  they  talked  about  sweet  experiences  and  comfortable  scriptures,  lived 
in  the  constant  practice  of  fraud,  rapacity,  and  secret  debauchery.' — Hist,  of  Eng. 
vol.  i.  p.  165,  I2th  ed. 


184  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

of  flatery  is  mooste  unlyke  to  that  whiche  is  communely 
used.  Aristotell  in  his  politykesa  exorteth  gouernours  to  haue 
Many  their  frendes  for  a  great  numbre  of  eyen,  earis,  handes, 
frendes  ne-  an(j  Wges :  considering  that  no  one  man  may  see  or 

cessaryfor    ,  T     ,  . 

a  goiter-  here  all  thinge  that  many  men  may  see  and  here,  ne 
nour.  can  ke  jn  an  piaceSj  or  d0  as  many  thinges  well,  at 
one  tyme,  as  many  persons  may  do.  And  often  tymes  a  be- 
holder or  loker  on  espieth  a  defaulte  that  the  doer  forgetteth  or 
skippeth  ouer.b  Whiche  caused  the  emperour  Antoninec  to  en- 
quire of  many  what  other  men  spake  of  him;  correctinge  thereby 
his  defautes,  whiche  he  perceyued  to  be  iustly  reproued.d 

[Oe  what  an  incomparable  wisedome  was  in  this  noble 
prince  that  prouided  suche  punysshement,  which  was  equal  to 
the  importaunce  of  the  trespas,  and  terrible  to  all  other 
semblably  enclyned  to  flaterye  and  vayne  promises ;  where  els 
he  was  to  all  men  of  good,  and  specially  men  of  great  lernyrige, 
excellent  bounteous.] 

This  I  truste  shall  suffyce  for  the  expressinge  of  that  in- 
comparable treasure  called  amitie,  in  the  declaration  wherof  I 
haue  aboden  the  longer,  to  the  intent  to  persuade  the  reders  to 

a  Lib.  iii.  cap.  n  (16).     See  ante,  Vol.  I.  p.  26,  note  a. 

b  Bacon  may  have  had  this  passage  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote  his  essay  '  Of 
Followers  and  Friends,'  for  he  says,  '  To  take  advice  of  some  few  friends,  is  ever 
honorable  ;  for  lookers-on  many  times  see  more  than  gamesters.' — Essays,  p.  439, 
ed.  1857. 

*  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus. 

d  '  Erat  enim  famse  suae  curiosissimus,  et  requirens  ad  verum  quid  quisque  de  se 
diceret,  emendans  quse  bene  reprehensa  viderentur.' — Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  365, 
ed.  1671. 

e  The  passage  within  brackets  has  been  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent  editions, 
in  accordance  with  the  directions  of  the  author  himself,  contained  in  the  list  of 
errata  to  the  first  edition.  It  has,  however,  been  deemed  advisable  to  retain  it  in 
the  present  edition,  on  account  of  the  extreme  scarcity  of  the  earliest  impression. 
The  paragraph  had  evidently  been  misplaced,  and  on  referring  to  another  work  of 
the  author,  entitled  The  Image  of  Governance,  the  editor  is  disposed  to  think  that 
'  the  prince '  who  is  thus  apostrophised  was  the  Emperor  Alexander  Severus,  and 
that  the  '  punishment '  alluded  to  was  that  inflicted  on  Turinus.  The  passage  in 
question  would  seem  exactly  to  fit  in  with  the  concludin  paragraph  of  Chapter  XX. 
of  the  work  last  mentioned. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  185 

enserche  therfore  vigilauntly,  and  beinge  so  happy  to  finde  it,  ac- 
cordynge  to  the  said  description,  to  embrace  and  honour  it,  ab- 
horrynge  aboue  all  thynges  ingratitude,  whiche  pestylence 
hathe  longe  tyme  raygned  amonge  us,  augmented  by  detraction, 
a  corrupt  and  lothely  sickenesse,  wherof  I  wyll  trayte  in  the 
laste  parte  of  this  warke,  that  men  of  good  nature  espienge  it 
nede  nat  (if  they  liste)  be  therwith  deceyued. 


grrunftt. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Of  the  nolle  and  moste  excellent  Vertue  named  Justyce; 

HE  moste  excellent  and  incomparable  vertue  called 
Justice  is  so  necessary  and  expedient  for  the  go- 
uernour  of  a  publike  weale,  that  without  it  none 
other  vertue  may  be  commendable,  ne  witte  or 
any  maner  of  doctrine  profitable.    Tulli  saith,  that 
at  the  beginninge  whan  the  multitude  of  people  were 
oppressed  by  them  that  abounded  in  possessions  and 
substaunce,  they  espienge  some  one  whiche  excelled  in  vertue 
and  strength,  to  hym  they  repayred  ;  who  ministringe  equitie, 
prom         whan  he  had  defended  the  poore  men  from  iniurie, 
•whensthe    finally   he   retayned   to   gether   and   gouerned    the 

name  of  a  -111  •  • 

kyngfa-ste  greatter  persones  with  the  lasse,  in  an  equall  and  m- 
proceded.  different  ordre.a  Wherfore  they  called  that  man  a 
king,  whiche  is  as  moche  to  saye  as  a  ruler.  And  as  Aristotell 
sayeth,  Justice  is  nat  onely  a  portion  or  spice  of  vertue,  but 
it  is  intierly  the  same  vertue.b  And  therof  onely  (sayeth  Tulli) 

a  '  Mihi  quidem,  non  apud  Medos  solum,  ut  ait  Herodotus,  sed  etiam  apud 
majores  nostros,  justitise  fruendae  causa  videntur  olim  bene  morati  reges  constituti. 
Nam  cum  premeretur  inops  multitude  ab  iis  qui  majores  opes  habebant,  ad  unum 
aliquem  confugiebant,  virtute  prsestantem  ;  qui  cum  prohiberet  injuria  tenuiores, 
aequitate  constituenda  summos  cum  infimis  pari  jure  retinebat.' — De  Off.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  12. 

h  AUTTJ  juej/  olv  f)  SiKcuoffvvi]  ov  jUtpos  aperfjs  oAA'  oAr;  aper^  eVrtp. — Eth.  Nic. 
lib.  v>  cap.  i  (3). 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  187 

men  be  called  good  men,a  as  who  saieth  that  without  iustyce 
all  other  qualities  and  vertues  can  nat  make  a  man  good. 

The  auncient  Ciuilians  do  saye  iustyce  is  a  wille  per- 
petuall  and  constaunt,  whiche  gyueth  to  euery  man  his  right.b 
In  that  it  is  named  constaunt,  it  importeth  fortitude ;  in 
discernynge  what  is  ryght  or  wronge,  prudence  is  required ; 
and  to  proporcion  the  sentence  or  iugement  in  an  equalitie,  it 
belongeth  to  temperaunce.  All  these  to  gether  conglutinate 
and  effectually  executed  maketh  a  perfecte  definicion  of 
iustyce.0 

Justice  all  though  it  be  but  one  entier  vertue,  yet  is  it 
described  in  two  kyndes  or  spices.  The  one  is  named  iustyce 
distributiue,  which  is  in  distribution  of  honour,  money,  benefite, 
or  other  thinge  semblable;d  the  other  is  called  commutatiue  or 
by  exchaunge,  and  of  Ar;stotell  it  is  named  in  n.  .,  ,. 

*     '  °        .          11.  Dwrt/wtua. 

Greeke  Diorthotice,  whiche  is  in  englysshe  correctme.6 

a  'Justitia,  ex  qua  una  virtute  viri  boni  appellantur.' — De  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  n. 

b  '  Justitia  est  constans  et  perpetua  voluntas  jus  suum  cuique  tribuendi.' — Ins  fit. 
lib.  i.  tit.  i.  This  definition  was  apparently  borrowed  from  that  attributed  to 
Cicero,  which  is  as  follows,  '  Justitia  est  sequitas,  jus  unicuique  tribuens,  pro  dig- 
nitate  cujusque.' — Ad  Herenn.  lib.  iii.  cap.  2. 

0  The  author  has  evidently  borrowed  this  idea  from  Plato,  according  to  whose 
theory  the  perfect  state  was  composed  of  four  elements,  viz.,  Wisdom,  Courage, 
Temperance,  and  Justice,  of  which  the  three  former  being  discovered,  that  which 
remains  afterwards  will  be  Justice.  O?/ncu  ^*«/  rfyv  ir6\iv,  eftrep  opdoas  76  (fKiffrai, 
TeAews  ayaQfyv  elvai.  'A.vdyKi],  e<p?j.  ATjA.oj'  8^7  on  o"o<p^  T'  tcrrl  Kal  avSpsia  Kal 
<r<i)<pp<av  Kal  SiKaia.  Ari\ov.  OVKOVV  oVt  &»/  avrwv  evpu/j-ev  Iv  avrfj,  rb  vir6\oiirov 
etrrai  rb  o&x  euprj/ieVoi/ ;  Tf  fj.4)v ;  "Clffirep  roivvv  &\\wv  nvwv  rerrdptav,  et  «'  rt 
ffrrov/jifv  avruv  eV  dripovv,  6ir6re  iipSsrov  e/ceTj/o  fyt><afj.fv,  IKWUS  av  eix*v  ^f^v>  e*  ^^ 
TO  tpia.  Trp6repuv  4yv(apicraiJ.fv,  avrv  kv  TOVTCJ)  fyvdpiffro  rb  farovfjievov  '  8r)\ov  yap, 
'6ri  OVK  &\\o  ert  fy,  3)  rb  inroXcityQiv.  'OpQws,  e^Tj,  \67eis.  .  .  .  Elev,  ^v  8'  ty<t> '  Ta 
fj.fv  rpia  TJ/JUV  fv  rfj  ir6\ei  Karannai,  &s  76  ovrwffl  8o'£cu  •  rb  8e  8^  \onrbv  elSos,  Si' 
&  av  en  ctperTjs  )U.€Te%ot  ir6\is,  ri  TTOT'  or  €?rj ;  SyXov  yap,  8rt  TOUT'  eanv  j]  SiKaio- 
avvi\.  ATjAoy  ....  'Ei>d/j.i\Aov  apa,  cos  COJKC,  irpbs  aper^jv  ir6\ea)S  rfj  T€  ffo<pia  OUTTJS 
Kal  rfj  fftixppoffvvrj  Kal  rrj  ovSpeio  T]  TOV  eKcurrov  tv  OUTT?  TO  OUTOU  Trpdrrfiv  Svvafj.is. 
Kal  fjid\a,  €^>TJ.  OVKOVV  SiKaioffvi/yv  r6  ye  TOi'nois  eVoytttAAov  av  fls  ap€TT]v  ir6\fus 
deiys  ;  naj/TO7ro(ri  ju,e*»  ovv. — Plato,  De  Rep.  lib.  iv.  cap.  6— IO. 

d  Trjy  8e  KOTO  /ue'pos  8iKaioffvvf]S  Kal  TOV  KOT'  abr^jv  SiKaiov  tv  fj.fv  fffriv  eTSos  TO 
eV  rats  Siavofj.a'is  TIJU^S  ^  ^prj/xoTOJj/  ^  rwv  &\\oav  oo~a  /ne0iO"TO  TO?S  Koivwvovffi  TTJS 
7roAiT€i'as. — Arist.  -Ethic.  Nic.  lib.  v.  cap.  2  (5). 

e  "Ev  8e  TO   «V  TOIS  (Tuj/a\Aa7jHO(rt  tiiopBuriKov. — Ibid.  lib.  v.  cap.  2  (5)     'The 


1 88  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

And  that  parte  of  iustyce  is  contayned  in  intremedlynge,  and 
somtyme  is  voluntary,  somtyme  involuntary  intermedlynge.a 
Voluntary  is  bienge  and  sellynge,  loue,  suertie,  lettynge,  and 
takynge,  and  all  other  thynge  wherin  is  mutuall  consent  at 
the  beginnyng;  and  therfore  is  it  called  voluntary.15  Intermed- 
lynge  involuntary  somtyme  is  priuely  done,  as  stelynge,  auoutry, 
poisonyng,  falsehede,  disceyte,  secrete  murdre,  false  wytnes,  and 
periurye;  somtyme  it  is  violent,  as  batry,  open  murdre  and 
manslaughter,  robry,  open  reproche  and  other  lyke.c  Justice 

word  which  expresses  justice  in  the  Greek  language  has  several  different 
meanings  ;  and  as  the  correspondent  word  in  all  other  languages,  so  far  as  I 
know,  has  the  same,  there  must  be  some  natural  affinity  among  those  various 
significations.  In  one  sense  we  are  said  to  do  justice  to  our  neighbour  when  we 
abstain  from  doing  him  any  positive  harm,  and  do  not  directly  hurt  him,  either  in 
his  person,  or  in  his  estate,  or  in  his  reputation.  This  is  that  justice,  the  ob- 
servance of  which  may  be  extorted  by  force,  and  the  violation  of  which  exposes  to 
punishment.  In  another  sense  we  are  said  not  to  do  justice  to  our  neighbour 
unless  we  conceive  for  him  all  that  love,  respect,  and  esteem  which  his  character, 
his  situation,  and  his  connection  with  ourselves,  render  suitable  and  proper  for  us 
to  feel,  and  unless  we  act  accordingly.  It  is  in  this  sense  that  we  are  said  to  do 
injustice  to  a  man  of  merit  who  is  connected  with  us,  though  we  abstain  from 
hurting  him  in  every  respect,  if  we  do  not  exert  ourselves  to  serve  him,  and  to 
place  him  in  that  situation  in  which  the  impartial  spectator  would  be  pleased  to 
see  him.  The  first  sense  of  the  word  coincides  with  what  Aristotle  and  the 
schoolmen  call  commutative  justice,  and  with  what  Grotius  calls  the  justitia  ex- 
pletrix,  which  consists  in  abstaining  from  what  is  another's,  and  in  doing  volun- 
tarily whatever  we  can  with  propriety  be  forced  to  do.  The  second  sense  of  the 
word  coincides  with  what  some  have  called  distributive  justice,  and  with  \h.z  justitia 
attributrix  of  Grotius,  which  consists  in  proper  beneficence,  in  the  becoming  use 
of  what  is  our  own,  and  in  the  applying  it  to  those  purposes,  either  of  charity  or 
generosity,  to  which  it  is  most  suitable  in  our  situation  that  it  should  be  applied. 
In  this  sense  justice  comprehends  all  the  social  virtues.'  Dr.  Smith  adds:  'The 
distributive  justice  of  Aristotle  is  somewhat  different.  It  consists  in  the  proper 
distribution  of  rewards  from  the  public  stock  of  a  community.' — Theory  of  Moral 
Sentiments,  p.  397- 

a  Tovrov  Se  juepij  Svo'  rS>v  yhp  <rvya\\ayfJLdrci>v  rot  /j.ey  titovffid  eVrt  ra  8J 
aKova-ia. — Arist.  Eth.  Nic,  lib.  v.  cap.  2  (5). 

b  'EKOixria  p.lv  ra  rotaSe  oiov  irpains,  wyf),  Sareia^s,  6771^77,  xP^ffts>  "To-po-Kara- 
6-f]Kf],  i*.(ffQ<affis  '  eKOvffia  5e  \eyerai,  on  77  apx^]  TO>I>  ffwaAXay/j-aTcav  TOVTW  eicov- 
aios. — Arist.  ubi  supra.  The  reader  will  observe  that  the  author's  inclusion  of 
*  love '  amongst  the  obligations  enumerated  is  not  due  to  the  original  authority. 

e  Tuv  8'  a.Kovffl<av  TO.  ^uej/  \a6paia,   oiov  K\oiri],  /wotxet/a>  ^ap^OKefo,    Trpoaywyeia, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  189 

distributiue  hathe  regarde  to  the  persone;  iustyce  commutatiue 
hathe  no  regarde  to  the  persone,  but  onely  considerynge  the 
inequalitie  wherby  the  one  thynge  excedeth  the  other,  inde- 
uoureth  to  brynge  them  bothe  to  an  equalitie.  Nowe  wyll  I  re- 
tourne  agayne  to  speke  firste  of  Justice  distributiue,a  leauinge 
Justice  commutatiue  to  an  other  volume,  whiche  I  purpose 
shall  succede  this  warke,  god  giuynge  me  tyrne  and  quietnes 
of  mynde  to  perfourme  it.b 


CHAPTER   II. 

The  firste  parte  of  Justyce  distributiue. 

IT  is  nat  to  be  doughted  but  that  the  firste  and  princypall  parte 
of  Justyce  distributyue  is,  and  euer  was,  to  do  to  god  that  ho- 
nour whiche  is  due  to  his  diuine  maiestie  ;  whiche  honour  (as 
I  before  said  in  the  firste  boke,  where  I  wrate  of  the  motion 
called  honour  in  daunsinge)  consisteth  in  loue,  feare,  and  re- 
uerence.0  For  sens  all  men  graunte  that  iustyce  is  to  gyue  to 


SouAaTraria,    SoXocpoi'ia,   i^evSo/j-aprvpia  '    rck  8e   jSiam,    OLOV  oi/cia,    Sefffj.6s}    Qdvaros, 
ap-nayf),  irfipuffis,  KaK^yopta,  irpoirrj\aKiff/JL6s.  —  Arist.  ubi  siipra. 

8  Bacon,  in  his  Advancement  of  Learning,  says,  *  Is  there  not  a  true  coinci- 
dence between  commutative  and  distributive  justice,  and  arithmetical  and  geometri- 
cal proportion?'  —  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  348,  ed.  1857.  And  it  was  probably  the 
recollection  of  the  above  passage  which  caused  Dr.  South  to  say,  '  Although,' 
according  to  the  common  division  of  justice  into  commutative  and  distributive,  that 
which  is  called  commutative  be  employed  only  about  the  strict  value  of  things 
according  to  an  arithmetical  proportion  (as  the  schools  speak)  which  admits  of  no 
degrees,  and  the  other  species  of  justice,  called  distributive  (as  consisting  in  the 
distribution  of  rewards  and  pnnishments),  admits  of  some  latitude  and  degrees  in 
the  dispensation  of  it  ;  yet,  in  truth,  even  this  distribution  itself  must  so  far  follow 
the  rules  of  commutation,  that  the  good  to  be  dispensed  by  way  of  reward  ought 
in  justice  to  be  equivalent  to  the  work  or  action  which  it  is  designed  as  a  compen- 
sation of  ;  so  as  by  no  means  to  sink  below  it,  or  fall  short  of  the  full  value  of  it.  ' 
—  Sermons,  vol.  ii.  p.  233,  ed.  1823. 

b  The  author's  intention,  however,  appears  unfortunately  not  to  have  been 
carried  out. 

c  See  Vol.  I.  p.  242. 


1  90  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

euery  manne  his  owne,  moche  more  to  rendre  one  good  dede 
for  a  nother,  mooste  of  all  to  loue  god,  of  whome  we  haue  all 
thinge,  and  without  hym  we  were  nothing,  and  beinge  perysshed 
we  were  eftsones  recouered,  howe  ought  we  (to  whome  is 
gyuen  the  very  light  of  true  fayth)  to  embrace  this  parte  of 
iustyce  more,  or  at  the  leste  no  lesse,  than  the  gentilles  ;  whiche 
wandring  in  the  darkenes  of  ignoraunce  knewe  nat  god  as  he 
is,  but  deuidynge  his  maiestie  in  to  sondry  portions  imagined 
Idols  of  diuers  fourmes  and  names,  assigned  to  them  particuler 
autorites,  offices  and  dignities.  Nat  withstandynge,  in  the  ho- 
nourynge  of  those  goddes,  suche  as  they  were,  they  supposed 
all  way  to  be  the  chiefe  parte  of  iustice. 

The  ho-  Romulus  (the  firste  kynge  of  Romanes)  for  his  for- 

nour  that  tune  and  benefites,  whiche  he  ascribed  to  his  goddes, 
Ltf  to  e  made  to  the  honoure  of  them  great  and  noble  Temples, 
their  goddes  ordaynynge  to  them  images,  sacrifices,  and  other 
ceremonyes.a  And  more  ouer  (whiche  is  moche  to  be 
Plutarchus  meruayled  at)  he  also  prohibited  that  any  thing 
^/£*  '  shulde  be  radde  or  spoken  reprocheable  or  blasphe- 
mous to  god.  And  therfore  he  excluded  all  fables  made 
Dionisius  °^  ^e  a^uoutryes  and  other  enormityes  that  the 
Haiicam.  Greekes  had  fayned  their  goddes  to  haue  com- 
mytted  ;  inducinge  his  people  to  speke  and  also  to 
coniecte  nothinge  of  god  but  onely  that  whiche  was  in  nature 
moste  excellent,  whiche  after  was  also  commaunded  by  Plato 
in  the  firste  boke  of  his  publike  weale.b 


iroir)<rd[Ji.€vos  OTTO  rwv  irepl  ra  0e?a  Kal 
l  jSajjUous  Kal  tyavutv  iSpvffeis  p.opfyas  re 
avrwv  Kal  tru/x/SoAo  Kal  Svvdfjieis,  Kal  Swpeas,  als  rb  yevos  rj/JLuv  fvi]py4r-ri(Tav,  copras 
re  6-jrolas  TIVO.S  tKaffTcp  6ewv  $)  ^aip.6vtav  ayeffOai  Trporr^Kei  Kal  Qvffias,  als  xaipou<rt 
•y€paip6fji.evoi  ?rpbs  avdp&irwv,  e/cexetpiots  TC  au  Kal  iravriytipeis  Kal  irovtav  a.vairav\as  Kal 
iravra  Ta  roiavra  6fj.oicas  Kareo'r'fja'aTO  rots  KpariffTois  roav  Trap1  "EAATj<n  vofj.(p.<av. 
Tous  Se  TrapaSeSojitevovs  irepl  avrcov  pvOovs,  fv  ols  &\a<r<t>  f/^uf  at  nvfs  eveiwi  /car'  avrtov  ^ 
KaTriyopiai,  irov^povs  Kal  ai/co^eAeTs  Kal  aa'X'fllJ-ovas  vTroXafiow  eJvai,  Kal  ov%  '6n  Qe&v  oAA' 
ouS'  avOp&Trow  ayaQSiv  al-iovs,  airavras  e|eAaj8e  Kal  TrapeffKevafft  TOWS  avdp&irovs  Kpariffra 
irepl  6sG)v  Aeyeti'  re  Kal  typove'iv  /urjSeii  auroTs  irpoffairrovias  avd£iov  eirir-fiStv/j.a  rrjs 
/AUKapias  (pvffews.  —  Dion.  Hal.  Antiq.  Rom.  lib.  ii.  cap.  1  8. 

b  The  author  is  mistaken  ;  the  passage  referred  to  occurs  not  in  the  first  but  in 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  191 

Numa  Pompilius,  whichewas  the  nexte  kinge  after  Romulus, 
and  therto  electe  by  the  Senate,  all  though  he  were  a  straunger 
borne,  and  dwellynge  with  his  father  in  a  litle  towne  of  the 
Sabynes,  yet  he  considerynge  from  what  astate  he  came  to 
that  dignitie,  he  beinge  a  man  of  excellent  wisedome  and  lern- 
ing  thought  that  he  coulde  neuer  sufficiently  honour  his  goddes 
for  that  benefite  by  whose  prouidence  he  supposed  that  he  had 
attayned  the  gouernaunce  of  so  noble  a  people  and  citie.  He 
therfore  nat  onely  increased  within  the  citie  Temples,  alters, 
ceremony es,  preestes,  and  sondry  religions,*  but  also  with  a 
wonderfull  wisedome  and  policie  (whiche  is  to  longe  Deuocion 
to  be  nowe  rehersed)  he  brought  all  the  people  of  c£££^ 
Rome  to  suche  a  deuocion,  or  (as  I  mought  saye)  a  guUitie. 
supersticion,  that  where  all  way  before,  duryng  the  tyme  that 
Romulus  reigned,  whiche  was ;  xxxvii  yeres,b  they  euer  were 
continually  occupied  in  warres  and  rauine,  they  by  the  space 
of  xliii  yeres  (so  longe  reigned  Numa)c  gaue  them  selfe  all  as 
it  were  to  an  obseruaunce  of  religyon,  abandonynge  warres,  and 
applyenge  in  suche  wise  their  studie  to  the  honouring  of  their 
goddes  and  increasinge  their  publike  weale,  that  other  people 
adioyninge  wondringe  at  them,  and  for  their  deuocion  hauynge 


the  second  book  of  the  Republic.  Kafcwi/  8e  atrtov  <pdvai  6e6v  nvi  yiyvtcrQat 
ovra,  Sta^axTJTe'oj/  iravrl  rp6ir<p  p.-i]r€  TWO.  \eyeiv  ravra  eV  ry  avrov  Tr6\fi,  ef 
ewi/o^treo-flat,  /UTJre  riva  aKoveiv,  ^re  vecarepov  /ATJT*  irpffffivrepov,  /^jre  eV  perpy 
jUT^re  &vev  fj.fr pov  p.v&oXo"yovvra,  us  oHiO?  '6ffia  &j/  \ey6/j.€va,  et  \eyotro,  oijTf  £v[j.<popa 
T^JUV  oijre  (rvfji(f>(i}va  aura  avro'ts. — De  Rep.  lib.  ii.  cap.  19. 

a  No^  8e  Kal  r^v  T£>V  apxitpecav,  otis  Tlovr(q>iKa.s  KaXovffi,  Siaro|tj/  /cal  KardffTa- 
oriv  a7roSj8^a(rt  /cat  (paa-iv  avrbv  eVa  TOVTW  rbv  TrpS)70v  yeyovevcu  .  .  .  No^iia  yap  Sr) 
Kal  r)]v  rtav  'EffndSuv  irapBevwv  /cafltepoxrti/  Kal  '6\dos  rrjv  ir€pl  rb  irvp  rb  aOdvarov,  ft 
<pv\dTTovaii>  avrai,  Oepairelav  re  Kal  Tt/xrjf  a7roSi8^ao-»/  .  .  .  Uo\\as  8e  Kal  &\\as 
Kara^ei^avros  ieptoffvvas  ert  SuetV  ^.v^ffB^ffo^ai,  TTJS  re  ~2,a,\ld)v  /cat  TTJS  TUV 
,  at  jua\i<TTa  T^V  euo'e/Sctai'  rov  avSpbs  efjupaivovo'iv.  —  Plut.  A^uma,  Q,  12. 

b  According  to  Plutarch  he  reigned  thirty-eight  yeats.  Aeyerai  tie  'P<a/j.v\os 
Tfff&apa  fj,ev  CTTJ  Kal  TtfVT^jKovra  yeyovus,  oyfioov  Se  fiaffihfvwv  e'/ceo/o  Kal  rpiaKOffrbt/ 
e|  avQp(airu>v  afyaviaQrivai. — Romulus,  29. 

c  Plutarch  speaking  of  the  temple  of  Janus,  says,  'AAA'  eV/  ye  TTJS  No/*a  Paffi- 
Aetas  ovSe/j-iav  rj^epai/  aveqyfAevos  &<$>6i],  rpia  8e  Kal  rcrrapaKovra  err;  (Tui/ex^s  e/xetj/e 
OVTUS  e|T/prjTO  iraj/reAws  ra  rov  iro\tp.ov  Kal  iravra^6dfv. — Numa,  2O. 


192  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

the  citie  in  reuerence,  as  it  were  a  palace  of  god,  all  that  season 
neuer  attempted  any  warres  agayne  them  or  with  any  hosti- 
litie  inuaded  their  countray.a  Many  mo  princes  and  noble  men 
of  the  Romanes  coulde  I  reherce  who  for  the  victories  had 
againe  their  enemyes  raysed  Temples  and  made  solempne 
and  sumptuouse  playes  in  honour  of  their  goddes,  rendringe 
(as  it  were)  unto  them  their  duetie,  and  all  wayes  accountynge 
it  the  firste  parte  of  Justyce.  And  this  parte  of  iustyce  towarde 
god  in  honouringe  him  with  conuenient  ceremonyes  is  nat  to  be 
contemned  ;  example  we  haue  amonge  us  that  be  mortall.  For 
if  a  man  beinge  made  riche,  and  aduaunced  by  his  lorde  or 
maister,  will  prouide  to  receyue  him  a  faire  and  pleasaunt  lodg- 
inge,b  hanged  with  riche  Aresse  or  tapestrie,  and  with  goodly 
plate  and  other  thinges  necessary  most  fresshely  adourned, 
but,  after  that  his  maister  is  ones  entred,  he  wyll  neuer  enter- 


a  Ov  yap  /J.6vov  &  'Pw/iofwy  ^/uepwro  nal  KdTaKe/c^ATjTO  TT;  SiKaioffvvr)  Kal  T 
TOU  j8a<nAe'c0s  87)^05,  aAAa  Kal  ras  /cu/cA<p  TT^AeiS,  fixrirep  atipas  TIV^S  tKslQev 
P.O.TOS   vyieivov  Qcpovros,  apxb  /uerajSoATjs  eAajSe   Kal  ir6Qos  eiffep'pv'r)  irdvras 
Kal  elp^vijs  Kal  yrjv  Qvreveiv  Kal  re'/a/a  rpetyeiv  eV  rjffvx^  Kal  (rej8e<r0at  Oeovs.  —  Plut. 
Numa,  2o. 

b  This  term  was  very  frequently  applied  to  denote  the  royal  apartments.  Thus 
Harrison,  enumerating  the  various  Palaces  in  England,  says,  '  White  Hall,  at  the 
west  end  of  London  (which  is  taken  for  the  most  large  and  principall  of  all  the 
rest),  was  first  a  lodging  of  the  Archbishops  of  Yorke,  then  pulled  downe,  begun 
by  Cardinall  Woolseie,  and  finallie  inlarged  and  finished  by  King  Henri  e  the 
Eight.  By  east  of  this  standeth  Durham  place,  sometime  belonging  to  the  bishops 
of  Durham,  but  conuerted  also  by  King  Henrie  the  Eight  into  a  palace  roiall  and 
lodging  fat  the  prince.'  —  Descript.  of  Engl.  p.  195.  Hall,  speaking  of  the  recep- 
tion of  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  in  London  A.D.  1522,  says,  'They  came  to  the 
Blacke  Friers,  where  the  Emperor  was  lodged,  in  great  royaltie.  All  his  nobles 
were  lodged  in  his  newe  palace  of  Brydewell,  out  of  the  whiche  was  made  a  gallery 
to  the  Emperor's  lodgyng,  whiche  gallery  was  very  long  ;  and  that  gallery  and  all 
other  galleries  there  wer  hanged  with  Arras.'  —  Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  fo.  xcviii.  b.  ed. 
1548.  Again  we  are  told  'the  kyng  lay  at  Hitchyn  in  Hartford  shyre  to  see  his 
Haukes  flye,  and  by  chaunce  there  the  kynge's  lodgyngvtzs,  on  fyer,  and  he  in  great 
feare,  but  in  no  ieopardie.'  —  Ibid.  fo.  cv.  And  Bacon,  in  his  History  of  Hen.  VII.  y 
says,  'About  this  time  a  great  fire  in  the  night  time  suddenly  began  at  the  King's 
palace  of  Sheen,  near  unto  the  King's  own  lodgings,  whereby  a  great  part  of  the 
building  was  consumed,  with  much  costly  household-stuff.'  —  Works,  vol.  iii.  p. 
355,  ed.  1825. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  193 

tayne  or  countenaunce  him  but  as  a  straunger,  suppose  ye  that 
the  beautie  and  garnisshinge  of  the  house  shall  onely  content 
him,  but  that  he  will  thinke  that  his  seruaunt  brought  hym  thi- 
ther onely  for  vayne  glorie,  and  as  a  beholder  and  wonderer  at 
the  riches  that  he  hym  selfe  gaue  hym,  whiche  the  other  un- 
thankefully  dothe  attribute  to  his  owne  fortune  or  policie  ?  * 
Moche  rather  is  that  seruaunt  to  be  commended,  whiche  haue- 
inge  a  litle  rewarde  of  his  maister,  will  in  a  small  cotage  make 
him  hartie  chere  with  moche  humble  reuerence.b  Yet  wolde  I 

•  It  would  seem  likely  that  the  author  had  Wolsey  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote 
this,  for  we  know  that  the  latter  constantly  entertained  the  King  with  more  than 
regal  pomp.  And  not  only  the  King,  but,  according  to  Hall,  '  lordes,  ladies,  and 
all  other  that  would  come  with  plaies  and  disguisyng  in  most  royall  maner.'  Yet, 
as  Mr.  Turner  remarks,  all  this  superb  state  *  created  none  of  that  genuine  admi- 
ration which,  on  the  omission  of  this,,  his  other  qualities  might  have  attracted, 
and  for  this  reason,  that  'his  mind  became  as  haughty  and  as  offensive  as  his 
dramatic  costume.  It  was  a  personal  punishment  to  address  him.  While  his 
royal  master  was  distinguished  for  his  free-hearted  affability,  he  was  himself 
avoided,  and  hated  for  his  repulsive  arrogance.  He  had  not  heart  enough  in  him- 
self to  interest  it  in  others  ;  and  he  strove  to  daunt  what  he  was  unable  to  win,  and 
would  not  stoop  to  sooth.' — Hist,  of  Eng.  vol.  ix.  pp.  193,  194.  Puttenham  has 
some  remarks  very  nearly  akin  to  those  in  the  text,  for,  in  speaking  of  the  way  in 
which  a  Prince  should  be  treated  by  his  subjects,  he  says,  the  latter  ought  '  not  to 
feast  him  with  excessiue  charge,  for  that  is  both  vaine  and  enuious,  and  therfore 
the  wise  Prince,  King  Henry  the  Seuenth,  her  Maiesties  grandfather,  if  his  chaunce 
had  bene  to  lye  at  any  of  his  subiects  houses,  or  to  passe  moe  meales  then  one, 
he  that  would  take  upon  him  to  defray  the  charge  of  his  dyet,  or  of  his  officers 
and  houshold,  he  would  be  maruelously  offended  with  it,  saying,  what  priuate 
subiect  dare  undertake  a  Princes  charge,  or  looke  into  the  secret  of  his  expence  ? ' 
Arte  of  Engl.  Poesie,  lib.  iii.  p.  247,  ed.  1811.  This  is  confirmed  by  independent 
testimony,  for  Bacon,  in  his  Life  of  the  last  mentioned  King,  tells  a  story  of  his 
entertainment  by  the  Earl  of  Oxford  at  his  castle  of  Henningham,  when  the  King 
thanked  the  latter  'for  his  good  cheer,'  but  rebuked  him  for  breaking  the  law  by 
displaying  an  excessive  number  of  personal  retainers.  '  And  it  is  part  of  the 
report, '  says  Bacon,  '  that  the  Earl  compounded  for  no  less  than  fifteen  thousand 
marks.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  383,  ed.  1825. 

b  It  is  easy  to  imagine  that  the  author  intended  in  this  passage  to  contrast  the 
sumptuous  entertainments  of  Wolsey  with  the  homely  simplicity  of  More.  Of  the 
former  we  are  told  by  a  contemporary,  '  When  it  pleased  the  King's  Majesty,  for 
his  recreation,  to  repaire  unto  the  Cardinalls  house,  as  he  did  diverse  times  in  the 
yeare,  there  wanted  no  preparation  or  goodly  furniture,  with  viandes  of  the  finest 
sorte  that  could  be  gotten  for  money  or  friendshippe. '  —Life  of  Wolsey -,  by  Caven- 

n:  o 


194  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

nat  be  noted  that  I  wolde  seme  so  moche  to  extolle  reuerence 
by  it  selfe,  that  churches  and  other  ornamentes  dedicate  to 
god  shulde  be  therfore  contemned.  For  undoughtedly  suche 
thinges  be  nat  onely  commendable,  but  also  expedient  for  the 
augmentacion  and  continuinge  of  reuerence.  For  be  it  either 
after  the  opinion  of  Plato,  that  all  this  worlde  is  the  temple  of 
god,a  or  that  man  is  the  same  temple,  these  materiall  churches 
where  unto  repaireth  the  congregation  of  christen  people,  in 
the  whiche  is  the  corporall  presence  of  the  sonne  of  god  and 
very  god,  aught  to  be  lyke  to  the  sayde  temple,  pure,  clene,  and 
well  adourned ; b  that  is  to  saye,  that  as  the  heuyn  visible  is 
mooste  pleasauntly  garnisshed  with  pianettes  and  sterres  re- 
splendisshinge  in  the  moste  pure  firmament  of  asure  colour, 
the  erthe  furnisshed  with  trees,  herbes,  and  floures  of  diuers 
colours,  facions,  and  sauours,  bestis,  foules,  and  fisshes  of  sondry 

dish,  in  Wordswoith's  Ecdes.  Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  494  ;  whilst  the  latter,  we  are  told, 
found  attendance  at  Court  so  irksome,  because  it  involved  separation  from  his  wife 
and  children,  that  he  dissembled  his  nature,  and  '  began  by  little  and  little  to  disuse 
himselfe  from  his  accustomed  myrth,  so  that  he  was  not  from  thenceforth  so 
ordinarilie  sent  for.  Yet  the  King  took  such  pleasure  in  his  companie,  that  he 
would  oftentymes  on  a  suddaine  come  to  his  house  at  Chelsey,  to  talke  and  be 
merrie  with  him. ' — Wordsworth,  ubi  supra,  vol.  ii.  p.  64. 

•  Apparently  the  author  refers  to  the  following  passage  :  Tr)  jitei/  olv  fffria  re 
oiK-fivcus  lepa  iraffi  irdvrcav  Q(S>v. — De  Legg.  lib.  xii.  cap.  7,  which  Cicero  has  trans- 
lated, '  Est  enim  mundus  quasi  communis  Deorum  atque  hominum  domus,  aut  urbs 
utrorumque. ' — De  Nat.  Dear.  lib.  ii.  cap.  62  ;  and  Plutarch  has  a  very  similar  ex- 
pression, 'lepbv  fjitv  yap  ayid>Tarov  6  K6<rp,os  (<TT},  KOI  Bfoirpeirco'TaTOi'. — De  Tranquill. 
Animi,  cap.  20. 

b  This  was  evidently  the  opinion  of  Sir  Thomas  More,  for  we  are  told  that  '  in 
his  parish  church  at  Chelsey  he  builded  a  faire  chapel,  and  endowed  it  with  many 
rich  ornaments ;  and  to  the  church  where  he  dwelt  he  gave  copes,  chalices,  images, 
&c.  And  he  would  often  say,  "  Let  good  folkes  give  apace,  for  there  will  be  found 
too  many  that  will  take  away  as  fast."  So  much  he  loved  the  beautie  and  glorie 
of  the  house  of  God,  that  if  he  had  scene  a  faire  and  comelie  man  of  personage,  he 
would  say,  "It  is  pittie  yonder  man  is  not  a  priest,  he  would  become  an  aultar 
well."  The  like  he  would  say  of  jewels  and  precious  stones  ;  and  in  his  Aunswere 
to  the  Supplication  of  Beggars  he  exhortes  gentlemen  and  ladies  to  give  to  the 
Church  their  rings,  bracelets,  borders,  and  the  like,  "  for  by  keeping  them,"  quoth 
he,  "  they  but  minister  matter  for  vanitie,  and  so  for  punishment  ;  in  giving  them, 
procure  merit  and  spiritual  benediction. " — Wordsworth's  Ecdes.  Biog.  vol.  ii.  p.  68. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  195 

kyndes,  semblably  the  soule  of  man  of  his  owne  kinde  beinge 
incorruptibill,  nete,  and  clere,  the  sences  and  powars  wonderfull 
and  pleasaunt,  the  vertues  in  it  contayned  noble  and  riche,  the 
fourme  excellent  and  royall,  as  that  which  was  made  to  the 
similitude  of  god.  Moreouer  the  body  of  man  is  of  all  other 
mortall  creatures  in  proporcion  and  figure  moste  perfecte  and 
elegant.  What  peruerse  or  frowarde  opinion  were  it  to  thinke 
that  god,  still  beinge  the  same  god  that  he  euer  was,  wolde 
haue  his  maiestie  nowe  contempned,  or  be  in  lasse  estimation  ? 
but  rather  more  honoured  for  the  benefites  of  his  glorious  pas- 
sion, whiche  may  be  well  perceyued,  who  so  peruseth  the  holy 
historic  of  the  Euangelistes,  where  he  shall  finde  in  ordre  that 
he  desired  clennesse  and  honour.  Firste  in  preparation  of  his 
commynge,  whiche  was  by  the  wasshinge  and  clensinge  of  the 
body  of  man  by  baptisme  in  water,  the  soule  also  made  clene 
by  penaunce,  the  election  of  the  moste  pure  and  clene  virgine 
to  be  his  mother,  and  she  also  of  the  lyne  of  princes  moste 
noble  and  vertuous.  It  pleased  him  moche  that  Mary  humbly 
kneled  at  his  fete  and  wasshed  them  with  precious  balme  and 
wyped  them  with  her  heare.a  In  his  glorious  transfiguration 
his  visage  shone  lyke  the  sonne,  and  his  garmentes  weie 
wonderfull  white,  and  more  pure  (as  the  Euangeliste  saieth) 
than  any  warkeman  coulde  make  them.b  Also  at  his  com- 
mynge to  Jerusalem  towarde  his  passion,  he  wolde  than  be 
receyued  with  great  routes*5  of  people,  who  layinge  their  gar- 

•  See  Luke  vii.  38. 

b  See  Mark  ix.  3. 

0  From  the  French  word  route,  a  company,  or  multitude  of  persons.  Thus  Lord 
Berners,  in  his  translation  of  Froissarfs  Chronicle,  says,  '  The  men  of  warr  thus 
assembled  with  the  lorde  of  Bourbon,  beyng  at  Lyons,  understode  that  the  route  of 
the  companyons  aproched  faste  towardes  them,  and  had  wonne  the  towne  and  castell 
of  Brunay,  and  dyuerse  other  holdes,  and  howe  they  sore  wasted  and  exiled  the 
countrey.' — Cap.  ccxv.  ed.  1525.  Bacon,  in  his  History  of  King  Hen.  VII. ,  tells 
us  that  '  Another  law  was  made  for  the  better  peace  of  the  country;  by  which  law 
the  king's  officers  and  farmers  were  to  forfeit  their  places  and  holds  in  case  of 
unlawful  retainer,  or  partaking  in  routs  and  unlawful  assemblies.' — Works,  vol.  iii. 
p.  227,  ed.  1825  ;  and  he  also  uses  a  verb  formed  from  the  same  substantive. 

o  2 


196  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

mentes  on  the  way  as  he  rode,  other  castynge  bowes  abrode 
went  before  him  in  fourme  of  a  triumphe.a  All  this  honour 
wolde  he  haue  before  his  resurrection,  whan  he  was  in  the 
fourme  of  humilitie.  Than  howe  moche  honour  is  due  to  him 
nowe  that  all  power  is  gyuen  to  hym,  as  well  in  heuin  as  in 
erthe,  and  beinge  glorified  of  his  father,  sitteth  on  his  right 
hande,  iugynge  all  the  worlde  ?b 

In  redynge  the  bible  men  shall  fynde  that  the  infinite  num- 
bre  of  the  sturdye  halted  Jues  coulde  neuer  haue  ben  gouerned 
by  any  wisedome,  if  they  had  nat  ben  brideled  with  ceremonyes.c 

1  Whereupon  the  meaner  sort  routed  together,  and  suddenly  assailing  the  earl  in  his 
house,  slew  him  and  divers  of  his  servants.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  229.  The  word  is 
used  by  Spenser,  in  The  Faerie  Queene. 

'  A  while  they  fled,  but  soone  retournd  againe 
With  greater  fury  then  before  was  fownd 
And  euermore  their  cruell  capitaine 
Sought  with  his  raskall  routs  t'enclose  them  rownd.' 

Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  171,  ed,  1866. 

Hall,  speaking  of  the  entertainment  provided  for  Henry  VIII.  by  Francis  I.  in 
1520,  says,  '  Duryng  this  triumph  so  muche  people  of  Picardie  and  West  Flaunders 
drew  to  Guysnes  to  see  the  kyng  of  England  and  his  honor,  to  whom  vitailes  of  the 
Court  were  in  plentie,  the  conduicte  of  the  gate  ranne  wyne  alwaies  ;  there  were 
vacaboundes,  plowmen,  laborers,  and  of  the  bragery,  wagoners  and  beggers,  that 
for  drunkennes  lay  m  routes  and  heapes  ;  so  great  resorte  thether  came,  that  bothe 
knightes  and  ladies  that  wer  come  to  see  the  noblenes,  were  faine  to  lye  in  haye 
and  strawe.' — Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  fo.  84,  ed.  1548. 

•  See  Matt.  xxi.  8. 

b  See  Matt,  xxviii.  18. 

•  This  is  quite  in  accordance  with  the  views  of  modern  writers ;  thus,  Dean 
Milman  speaking  of  the  law  requiring  all  the  tribes  to  assemble  three  times  a  year 
wherever  the  tabernacle  of  God  was  fixed,  says,   '  This  regulation  was  a  master- 
stroke of  policy,  to  preserve  the  bond  of  union  indissoluble  among  the  twelve 
federal  republics,  which  formed  the  early  state.'     Again,  he  regards  the  law  which 
provided  that  at  the  jubilee  all  estates  were  to  revert  to  their  original  owners  as 
*  one  which  effectually  prevented  the  accumulation  of  large  masses  of  property  in 
one  family,  to  the  danger  of  the  national  independence,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
great  landed  oligarchy.'  And  he  shows  that  'over  all  classes  alike,  the  supreme  and 
impartial  law  exercised  its  vigilant  superintendence.     It  took  under  its  charge  the 
morals,  the  health,  as  well  as  the  persons  and  the  property  of  the  whole  people  .  .  . 
The  chastity  of  females  was  guarded  by  statutes  which,  however  severe  and  cruel 
according  to  modern  notions,  were  wise  and  merciful  in  that  state  of  society.   .   .   . 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  197 

The  superstition  of  the  gentilles  preserued  often  tymes  as 
well  the  Greekes  as  the  Romanes  from  fmall  obstruction.* 
But  we  wyll  laye  all  those  histories  a  parte  and  come  to  our 
owne  experience. 

For  what  purpose  was  it  ordayned  that  christen  kynges 
(all  though  they  by  inheritaunce  succeded  their  progenitours 
kynges)  shulde  in  an  open  and  stately  place  before  all  their 
subiectes  receyue  their  crowne  and  other  Regalities,b  but 

The  health  of  the  people  was  a  chief,  if  not  the  only  object  of  the  distinction 
between  clean  and  unclean  beasts,  and  the  prohibition  against  eating  the  blood  of 
any  animal  .  .  .  Cleanliness,  equally  important  to  health  with  wholesome  diet, 
was  maintained  by  the  injunction  of  frequent  ablutions  ...  by  regulations  con- 
cerning female  disorders,  and  the  intercourse  between  the  sexes  ;  provisions  which 
seem  minute  and  indelicate  to  modern  ideas,  but  were  doubtless  intended  to  correct 
unseemly  or  unhealthful  practices,  either  of  the  Hebrew  people  or  of  neighbouring 
tribes.' — Milman's  Hist,  of  the  Jews,  Vol.  i.  p.  117-133,  ed.  1830. 

a  Gibbon,  in  the  famous  passage  in  which  he  describes  the  advantage  to  the 
State  arising  from  the  universal  spirit  of  toleration,  confirms  the  view  taken  by 
Sir  Thomas  Elyot.  '  The  policy  of  the  emperors  and  the  senate,  as  far  as  it 
concerned  religion,  was  happily  seconded  by  the  reflections  of  the  enlightened,  and 
by  the  habits  of  the  superstitious,  part  of  their  subjects.  The  various  modes  of 
worship  which  prevailed  in  the  Roman  world  were  all  considered  by  the  people 
as  equally  true ;  by  the  philosopher  as  equally  false ;  and  by  the  magistrate  as  equally 
useful.  And  thus  toleration  produced  not  only  mutual  indulgence,  but  even  religious 
concord.' — Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Empire ',  vol.  i.  p.  165. 

b  More  commonly  called  Regalia,  i.e.  the  ensigns  of  royalty.  Fabyan  has 
yet  another  form  of  the  same  word.  'Then  the  kyng  (Ed.  I.)  sped  him  to 
Edenborow,  and  in  processe  of  time  wanne  the  towne  with  the  Castell.  In 
whiche  were  founde  the  regalies  of  Scotland,  that  is  to  meane  the  crowne,  with 
the  septer  and  cloth  of  estate,  the  whiche  after  were  offered  by  Kyng  Edward  at  the 
shrine  of  S.  Edwarde,  upon  the  morow  after  the  feast  of  saynt  Botholfe,  or  the 
xviii.  daye  of  June  in  the  yere  following.' — Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  p.  140,  ed.  1559. 
From  time  immemorial,  down  to  the  reign  of  Hen.  VIII.,  who  in  1540  dissolved 
the  monastery  and  erected  the  abbey  into  a  cathedral,  the  regalia  were  deposited 
at  Westminster.  The  right  to  their  custody  had  been  first  conceded  by  Edward 
the  Confessor  in  A.  D  1065,  whose  charter  declares  the  Abbey  to  be  '  in  perpetuum 
regioe  constitutionis  et  consecrationis  locus,  atque  repositorium  regalium  insignium' 
(see  Dugdale's  Monast.  vol.  i.  p.  296) ;  and  this  was  recognised  by  a  Bull  of 
Pope  Innocent  II.  about  A.D.  114010  the  Abbot  Gervase  de  Blois:  'Regalia 
quoque  gloriosi  Regis  Edwardi,  quae  apud  vos  habentur  Insignia,  ita  in  eodem 
Monasterio  intacta  et  integra  decernimus  observari'  (Dart's  Antiq.  of  West.  vol.  ii. 
Append,  p.  xii.  ed.  1723).  From  an  unpublished  chronicle  succeeding  that  of 


198  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

that  by  reason  of  the  honorable  circumstaunces  than  used 
shulde  be  impressed  in  the  hartes  of  the  beholders  perpe- 
tuall  reuerence,a  whiche  (as  I  before  sayde)  is  fountayne  of 
obedience  ;  or  els  mought  the  kynges  be  enoyntedb  and  re- 
ceyue  their  charge  in  a  place  secrete,  with  lasse  payne  to  them 
and  also  their  ministers  ?  Lette  it  be  also  considered  that  we 
be  men  and  nat  aimgels,  wherfore  we  knowe  nothinge  but  by 
outwarde  significations.  Honour,  wherto  reuerence  pertayneth, 
is  (as  I  haue  said)  the  rewarde  of  vertue,  whiche  honour  is  but 
the  estimation  of  people,*5  which  estimacion  is  nat  euery  where 

Rishanger  in  the  Cottonian  collection  (MS.  Faustina,  B.  IX.  fo,  238),  containing 
a  more  detailed  account  of  the  coronation  of  Rich.  II.  than  that  given  by  Walsing- 
ham  in  his  History,  we  are  told  that  the  Abbot  of  Westminster  took  precedence  of 
all  others,  and  carried  the  royal  sceptres,  '  non  quod  primus  est  inter  abbates,  sed 
quod  regalium  insignium  est  repositorium  locus  suus.' 

8  The  public  ceremonies  prescribed  for  the  royal  coronation  are  doubtless  a 
survival  from  the  earliest  ages.  The  elected  king  of  an  ancient  Gothic  tribe  was 
placed  on  a  shield  or  target  and  carried  about  on  men's  shoulders,  while  the 
multitude  saluted  him  with  shouts  and  applause.  The  Scandinavian  nations,  on 
the  other  hand,  formed  a  circle  of  large  stones  surrounding  one  still  larger,  and 
on  this,  as  on  a  seat  of  superior  dignity,  was  placed  the  elected  king.  In  such  a 
manner  Eric,  King  of  Sweden,  was  enthroned  as  late  as  A.D.  1396.  A  similarly 
rude  ceremonial  is  known  to  have  prevailed  among  the  Celtic  tribes  ;  and  to  turn 
to  our  own  country,  Athelstane,  as  Stow  tells  us,  '  was  crowned  at  Kingstone  by 
Athelmus,  Archbyshop  of  Canterbury.  His  coronation  was  celebrated  in  the 
market-place,  upon  a  stage  erected  on  hie,  that  the  King  might  be  scene  the 
better  of  the  multitude.' — Annales,  p.  81,  ed.  1615.  Thus  we  have,  as  Mr. 
Arthur  Taylor  says,  '  a  curious  instance  of  the  wide  diffusion  of  a  most  ancient 
practice,  which  may  be  said  still  to  form  part  of  the  inauguration  of  our  English 
kings.' — Glory  of  Regality,  p.  32,  ed.  1820. 

b  Selden  traces  the  custom  of  anointing  kings  at  their  coronation  from  the 
instances  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament.  Thence  descending  to  later  times,  he 
says  that,  '  In  the  Empire  (as  it  is  conceiued  by  some)  it  began  first  at  Constantinople, 
and  that  about  Justinian's  or  his  successor  Justin's  time  .  .  .  They  that  suppose  it 
so  ancient  there,  draw  the  use  of  it  from  thence  into  the  Western  Empire,  where 
it  began  in  Charles  the  Great,  although  before  his  being  Emperor  it  were  used  to 
some  kings  of  the  western  parts.' — Titles  of  Honor,  p.  146,  ed.  1631. 

c  The  author  has  adopted  Cicero's  definition,  '  Cum  honos  sit  prgemium  virtutis, 
judicio  studioque  civium  delatum  ad  aliquem,  qui  eum  sententiis,  qui  suffragiis 
adeptus  est,  is  mihi  et  honestus  et  honoratus  videtur.' — De  Claris  Oratoribus,  cap. 
81.  A  modern  writer  says  '  One  who  is  treated  with  marks  of  general  esteem 
among  men,  is  brought  to  Honour,  But  Honour  likewise  indicates  subjectively 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  199 

perceyued,  but  by  some  exterior  signe,  and  that  is  either  by 
laudable  reporte,  or  excellencie  in  vesture,  or  other  thinge 
semblable.  But  reporte  is  nat  so  commune  a  token  as  appar- 
ayle.  For  in  olde  tyme  kynges  ware  crownes  of  golde,a  and 
knightes  onely  ware  chaynes.b  Also  the  moste  noble  of  the 

the  sensibility  of  the  man  to  those  indications  of  general  Esteem.  In  Civil  Society 
are  established  marks  of  Public  Honour,  as  Rank,  Titles,  Decorations,  and  the 
like.' — Whewell,  Elem.  of  Morality,  p.  90,  4th  ed. 

"  Selden,  who  has  written  a  learned  discourse  on  this  subject,  says,  'Th 
diadem  strictly  was  a  very  different  thing  from  what  a  crown  now  is  or  was.  And 
it  was  no  other  than  only  a  fillet  of  silk,  linnen,  or  some  such  thing.  Nor  appears 
it  that  any  other  kind  of  crown  was  used  for  a  Royal  Ensigne,  except  only  in  some 
kingdoms  of  Asia,  but  this  kind  of  fillet,  untill  the  beginning  of  Christianitie  in 
the  Roman  Plmpire.'  After  referring  to  the  crown  of  gold  which  David  is  said 
(2  Sam.  xii.  30)  to  have  taken  from  the  spoils  of  the  Ammonites,  and  to  those 
worn  by  the  Persian  kings,  he  says  th,at  in  the  Roman  Empire  the  laurel  or  fillet 
was  the  usual  mark  of  dignity,  and  that  Aurelian  was  the  first  to  adopt  the 
diadem.  '  But  not  long  after  Aurelian  the  diadem  became  in  Constantine  the 
Great  a  continuall  wearing.  Habitum  regium  gemmis,  et  caput  exornans  perpetuo 
diademate,  saies  Victor  (Epit.  cap.  xli.  14).  After  Constantine  this  kind  of 
diadem  was  in  common  use,  but  so  that  his  neerer  successors  did  not  so  scrupu- 
lously alwaies  reject  the  Laurel  as  he  had  done  ;  at  least,  in  their  coins  it  is  not 
alwaies  omitted.  But  the  fashion  of  their  Diadems  (as  farre  as  I  haue  obserued) 
continued  most  usually  the  same  with  that  of  Constantine.  And  thence  it  is  that 
S.  Hierom  speaks  of  ardentes  Diadematum  gemmas  regum  in  his  time.  But 
afterward  the  Imperiall  diadem  became  to  be  ordinarily  increast  with  additions  of 
other  parts  that  went  from  eare  to  eare  ouer  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  at  length 
over  a  gold  Helme  on  a  cap,  which  made^  it  somewhat  like  the  close  crowns  of 
later  time  worn  upon  caps.  And  of  the  Helme  together  with  this  Diadem  was 
the  close  crown  of  the  Eastern  Empire  (as  I  think)  since  composed  .  .  .  The  use 
of  crowns  and  coronations  thus  deduced  from  Constantine  the  Great  was  an 
example  which  the  rest  of  the  Kings  of  Europe  followed.  The  Kings  of  France 
had  crowns  in  their  inaugurations  before  the  beginning  of  the  Western  Empire  .  .  . 
Among  the  English  kings  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  saies  that  King  Athelstan  first 
used  it.' — Titles  of  Honor ;  cap.  viii.  pp.  156-169. 

b  Segar,  Norroy  king-at-arms  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  deduces  the  custom 
of  Knights  being  invested  with  chains  or  collars  from  the  Romans,  and  says,  '  It 
hath  bene  also  a  custome  ancient,  that  Princes  did  giue  collars  as  a  singular 
demonstration  of  fauour  and  honour.  Plinie  reporteth  that  the  Romanes  did  giue 
unto  their  confederates  a  collar  of  gold,  and  to  their  owne  citizens  a  collar  of 
siluer.  (Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xxxiii.  cap.  10. )  When  Manlius  in  single  combat  had 
slaine  a  French  man  (sic),  he  tooke  from  him  a  collar  of  golde,  all  bloodie,  and  put 
the  same  about  his  owne  necke  in  token  of  victorie.  After  which  time  he  was 


200  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Romanes  ware  sondry  garlandes,  whereby  was  perceyued  their 
merited  O  creatures  moste  unkynde  and  barrayne  of  Justyce 
that  will  denie  that  thinge  to  their  god  and  creatour,  whiche 
of  very  duetie  and  right  is  gyuen  to  hym  by  good  reason  afore 
all  princes,  whiche  in  a  degree  incomparable  be  his  subiectes 
and  vassals.  By  whiche  oppinion  they  seme  to  despoyle  hym 
of  reuerence,  which  shal  cause  all  obedience  to  cease,  wherof 


surnamed  Torquatus,  because  Torques  in  the  Latine  signifieth  a  collar  or  chaine  .  .  . 
It  is  also  scene  that  Princes  soueraigne  doe  atthis  day  bestow  chaines  or  small  collars 
upon  men  of  vertue  or  fauour,  and  in  token  thereof  (for  the  most  part)  a  picture  or 
model  of  the  giuer  is  thereat  pendant,  which  collar  the  Knight  or  Gentleman  that 
receiueth  it  ought  carefully  to  keepe  during  his  life.' — Honor,  p.  61,  ed.  1602. 
Ashmole,  who  was  Windsor  Herald  in  Charles  the  Second's  reign,  denies  that  the 
collar  or  chain  was  an  emblem  of  the  Equestrian  Order  among  the  Romans,  but 
quotes  authorities  to  prove  that  it  was  an  ensign  of  knightly  dignity  among  the  Ger- 
mans, and  says,  '  It  may  be  safely  presumed  that  collars  were  badges  of  knighthood 
among  the  ancient  Gauls,  since  they  were  bestowed  upon  valiant  men,  and  such  as 
had  rendered  themselves  conspicuous  by  acts  of  prowess  and  chivalry,  as  a  worthy 
recompense  of  their  virtue.  And  from  Pliny  it  appears  that  the  ancient  Gauls 
were  wont  to  wear  them  in  fight,  for  as  Scheffer  notes  upon  his  words,  no  other 
thing  can  be  understood  by  the  word  "auro",than  torques.  The  like  may  be  said 
of  the  ancient  Britons,  Danes,  and  Goths,  among  whom  it  was  customary  to  wear 
them,  as  denoting  such  as  were  remarkable  for  their  valour.  But  in  later  times  it 
was  the  peculiar  fashion  of  Knights  among  us  to  wear  golden  collars,  composed  of 
SS  or  other  various  works,  so  that  those  monuments  are  known  to  belong  to 
Knights,  on  whose  portraitures  such  ornaments  are  now  found.'—  Order  of  the 
Garter,  p.  30,  ed.  1672. 

*  Aulus  Gellius  devotes  a  chapter  of  the  Nodes  Attica,  lib.  v.  cap.  6,  to  the 
description  of  the  various  wreaths,  and  the  causes  for  which  they  were  bestowed, 
whilst  Tertullian  examines  at  some  length  in  his  book  De  Corond  Militis,  the  origin 
and  object  of  this  form  of  decoration,  and  condemns  it  as  savouring  of  idolatry. 
At  a  still  earlier  date  the  Greeks  were  in  the  habit  of  bestowing  olive  garlands  as 
rewards  for  distinguished  merit.  '  Athenienses  hoc  invento  gloriantur,  ut  qui  primi 
oleagina  corona  de  Republica  bene  meritos  cives,  et  fortes  Imperatores  ac  duces 
decoraverint,  quam  quidem  ex  olea  ad  honorem  Palladis,  virtutis  ac  sapientiae  Dese, 
fieri  voluerunt.  Et  coronatus  dicitur  Thrasybulus,  qui  patriam  a  tyrannis  liberavit, 
quern  fide,  constantia,  et  animi  magnitudine,  nemo  Atheniensium  unquam  vicit, 
duxitque  satis  pro  meritis  suis  in  patriam  oleaginam  coronam  esse,  cum  magna 
munera  et  patriae  prope  imperium  ei  deberetur.' — Patrizi,  De  Instit.  Reipub.  l.b. 
ix.  tit.  6.  In  Sparta  such  garlands  were  held  in  particular  esteem,  as  being  the 
emblems  of  emancipation  ;  thus,  in  the  account  of  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
2,000  Helots  who  were  afterwards  assassinated  in  the  eighth  year  of  the  Pelopon- 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  2OI 

will  ensue  utter  confusion,  if  good  christen  princes  meued  with 
zeale  do  nat  shortely  prouide  to  extincte  utterly  all  suche 
opinions. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  thre  noble  counsayles  of  reason,  societie,  and  knowlege. 

VERELY  the  knowlege  of  Justyce  is  nat  so  difficile  or  harde  to 
be  attayned  unto  by  man  as  it  is  communely  supposed,  if  he 
wolde  nat  willingly  abandone  the  excellencie  of  his  propre 
nature,  and  folisshely  applicate  him  selfe  to  the  nature  of  crea- 
tures unreasonable,  in  thet  stede  of  reason  embrasinge  sen- 
sualitie,  and  for  societie  and  beneuolence  folowinge  wilfulnesse 
and  malice,  and  for  knowlege,  blynde  ignoraunce  and  forget- 
fulnesse.a  Undoughtedly  reason,  societie  called  company,  and 
knowlege  remayninge,  Justice  is  at  hande,b  and  as  she  were 
called  for,  ioyneth  her  selfe  to  that  company,  which  by  her 
feloship  is  made  inseperable  ;  wherby  hapneth  (as  I  mought 


nesian  war,  we  read  that  01  fj-fv  ^ffre<pavwffafr6  TC  /col  TO  Itpa  irepiri\0ov  us 
petfjiieVot.  —  Thucyd.  lib.  iv.  cap.  80. 

•  The  view  held  by  Hume  was  '  that  this  virtue  (Justice)  derives  its  existence 
entirely  from  its  necessary  use  to  the  intercourse  and  social  state  of  mankind,'  but 
this  notion  is  now  generally  rejected.  '  That  justice  is  highly  useful  and  necessary 
in  society,  and,  on  that  account,  ought  to  be  loved  and  esteemed  by  all  that  love 
mankind,  will  readily  be  granted.  And  as  justice  is  a  social  virtue,  it  is  true  also, 
that  there  could  be  no  exercise  of  it,  and  perhaps  we  should  have  no  conception  of 
it,  without  society.  But  this  is  equally  true  of  the  natural  affections  of  benevo- 
lence, gratitude,  friendship,  and  compassion,  which  Mr.  Hume  makes  to  be  the 
natural  virtues.'  —  Reid's  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  652,  ed.  1863. 

b  Mr.  Hume,  in  arguing  that  public  utility  is  the  sole  origin  of  justice,  supposes 
a  state  of  human  nature  in  which  all  society  and  intercourse  between  man  and  man 
is  cut  off,  and  thence  infers  '  that  so  solitary  a  being  would  be  as  much  incapable 
of  justice  as  of  social  discourse  and  conversation,'  but  the  answer  to  this  is  that  a 
being  so  situated  would  be  equally  incapable  of  all  such  virtues  of  the  affections  as 
friendship,  generosity,  compassion.  'If  this  argument,'  says  Dr.  Reid,  'prove 
justice  to  be  an  artificial  virtue,  it  will,  with  equal  force,  prove  every  social  virtue 
to  be  artificial.'  —  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  660,  ed.  1863. 


202  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

saye)  a  vertuous  and  moste  blessed  conspiracies  And  in  thre 
very  shorte  preceptes  or  aduertisementes  man  is  persuaded  to 
receyue  and  honoure  iustyce.  Reason  bedynge  him  do  the 
same  thinge  to  an  other  that  thou  woldest  haue  done  to  the.b 
Societie  (without  which  mannes  lyfe  is  unpleasaunt  and  full 
of  anguisshec)  sayeth,  Loue  thou  thy  neighbour  as  thou  doest 

•  This  is  in  accordance  with  the  theory  of  Plato,  who  by  analogy  to  the  con- 
stitution of  the  perfect  state  before  alluded  to,  considered  the  soul  as  tripartite,  and 
composed  of  three  faculties  or  elements  :  (i)  Reason,  the  governing  principle  ; 
(2)  Energy  or  the  irascible  passions  ;  (3)  Appetite,  or  the  concupiscible  passions. 
When  each  of  these  three  faculties  of  the  mind  confined  itself  to  its  proper  office, 
without  attempting  to  encroach  upon  that  of  any  other ;  when  Reason  governed, 
and  the  Passions  obeyed,  then  the  result  was  that  complete  virtue  which  Plato 
denominated  Justice.      Kal  avftpeiov  8)7,  olp.ai,  rovry  r$  p-epei  Ka\ov/j.€v  eva  €Kaffrov, 
ftrav  avrov  rb  0u/ioei8es  Siaffufy  Sid  re  Xviratv  Kal  fjSovoovrb  virb  rov  \6yov  Trapayy€\6ev 
Seiv6v  re  KOI  /JL^.     'Opdcas  y*,  f<p"n.     ~S,o<pbv  5e  76  eKclvcf)  r$  afJUKpcp  /iepet 

fr  avrf  Kal  ravra  irapiiyyeXXev,  c^ov  o3  KaKelvo  eTrto-T^jurjj/  ev  avry  r^v  rov 
povros  fKdffry  re  Kal  o\tp  r$  KOIV$  atyuv  avrwv  rpiiav  ovrtav.  Haw  p.ev  olv.  Tt  Se  ; 
ff(t><f)pova  ov  rfj  (pi\ia  Kal  j-vfjupuviq  rfj  avruv  rotrcav,  '6rav  r6  re  ap^ov  Kal  rcb 
jueVw  rb  \oyiffriKbv  djuo8o|oDa'<  SeTj/  &p-%*iv  Kal  pfy  crraffidfacriv  avrcf  ; 
yovv,  %  5'  8s,  OVK  &\\o  ri  tcrrif,  f)  rovro,wo\€<i>s  re  Kal  t'Stcorou.  'AAAa  /j.ev  8})  5iKai6s 
ye,  $  iro\\aKLS  XeyofjLev,  rovry  Kal  ourcos  e<rrai.  rioAA^  avdyKr).  Tt  ovv  ;  eltrov  eyd' 
fifl  irrj  fjfjuv  airap.ftXtive'rai  a\Xo  ri  SiKaioffvvr)  fioKe'iv  eivai,  ^  fiirep  ev  rrj  ir6\ei  epcw/rj  ; 
OVK  e/j.oiye,  f(pr),  SOKCI. — De  Rep.  lib.  iv.  cap.  16. 

b  The  idea  contained  in  this  sentence  was  expanded  by  Hobbes  in  the  following 
manner.  '  There  is  an  easy  rule  to  know  upon  a  sudden,  whether  the  action  I  be 
to  do,  be  against  the  law  of  nature  or  not.  And  it  is  but  this,  That  a  man  imagine 
himself  in  the  place  of  the  party  "with  whom  he  hath  to  do,  and  reciprocally  him  in 
his.  Which  is  no  more  but  changing  (as  it  were)  of  the  scales.  For  every  man's 
passion  weigheth  heavy  in  his  own  scale,  but  not  in  the  scale  of  his  neighbour. 
And  this  rule  is  very  well  known  and  expressed  in  this  old  dictate  :  '  Quod  tibi 
fieri  non  vis,  alteri  ne  feceris. ' — Works,  p.  46,  ed.  1750.  According  to  Gibbon 
this  maxim  of  justice  was  promulgated,  four  hundred  years  before  the  publication 
of  the  Gospel,  in  a  moral  treatise  of  Isocrates  :  a  irdffxovres  &£>'  erepcav  bpyi&o-Qe, 
ravra  rots  &\\ois  p/h  Troietre. — See  Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Emp.  vol.  vii.  p.  61, 
note,  ed.  1855. 

*  ' Man,'  says  the  writer  so  often  quoted,   'is  a  gregarious,  or  more  properly  a 
social  animal.     He  is  nowhere  found,  nor  can  he  exist,  in  any  other  state  than  in 
Society  of  some  form  or  other  .  .   .   Men  desire  to  act,  and  are  fitted  to  act,  in 
common  ;   declaring  and  enforcing  rules  by  which  the  conduct  of  all  shall  be 
governed :    they   thus   act   as  governors,   legislators,   judges,    subjects,    citizens. 
Without  such  community  of  action,  and  such  common  rules  really  enforced,  there 
can  be  no  tolerable  comfort,  peace,  or  order.     Without  civil  society,  man  cannot 
act  as  man.'— Whewell,  El.  of  Mor.  pp.  36,  37. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  203 

thy  selfe.  And  that  sentence  or  precept  came  from  heuyn,  whan 
societie  was  firste  ordayned  of  god,  and  is  of  suche  autoritie 
that  the  onely  sonne  of  god  beinge  demaunded  of  a  doctor  of 
lawe  whiche  is  the  great  commaimdement  in  the  lawe  of  god, 
aunswered,  Thou  shalte  loue  thy  lorde  god  with  all 
thy  harte,  and  in  all  thy  soule,  and  in  all  thy  mynde, 
that  is  the  firste  and  great  commaundement.  The  seconde 
is  lyke  to  the  same  Thou  shalte  loue  thy  neyghbour  as  thy  selfe. 
In  these  two  commaundementes  do  depende  all  the  lawe  and 
prophetes.a  Beholde  howe  our  sauiour  Christe  ioyneth  bene- 
uolence  with  the  loue  of  god,  and  nat  onely  maketh  it  the 
seconde  precept,  but  also  resembleth  it  unto  the  firste  ? 

Knowlege  also,  as  a  perfeyte  instructrice  and  mastresse,  in  a 
more  briefe  sentence  than  yet  hath  ben  spoken,  declareth  by 
what  meane  the  sayd  preceptes  of  reason  and  societie  may  be 
well  understande,  and  therby  iustice  finally  executed.b  T,      , . 
The  words  be  these  in  latine,  Nosce  te  ipsum,  whiche  is  sentence 
in  englysshe,  know  thy  selfe.    This  sentence  is  of  olde  ^nknvwe 
writars  supposed  for  to  be  firste  spoken  by  Chilo  or  thy  selfe 
some  other  of  the  seuen  auncient  Greekes  called  in  la-  ^foverye 
tin  Sapientes,  in  englysshe  sages  or  wise  men.c    Other  kncwlege 
do  accomodate  it  to  Apollo,  whome  the  paynimes  ho-  &""&**• 


*  See  Matt.  xxii.  35-40. 

b  By  the  expression  'knowledge,'  or  'self-knowledge,'  the  author  probably 
intended  to  designate  Conscience  or  a  Moral  Sense  or  Moral  Faculty.  So  inter- 
preted, the  explanation  of  Justice  given  in  the  text  would  seem  to  anticipate  the 
definition  of  that  virtue  proposed  by  modern  intuitive  moralists.  Thus  Dr.  Reid 
says,  '  It  may  be  granted  to  Mr.  Hume,  that  men  have  no  conception  of  the  virtue 
of  justice  till  they  have  lived  some  time  in  society.  It  is  purely  a  moral  conception, 
and  our  moral  conceptions  and  moral  judgments  are  not  born  with  us.  They 
grow  up  by  degrees,  as  our  reason  does.  Nor  do  I  pretend  to  know  how  early,  or 
in  what  order,  we  acquire  the  conception  of  the  several  virtues.  The  conception  of 
justice  supposes  some  exercise  of  the  moral  faculty -,  which,  being  the  noblest  part  of 
the  human  constitution,  and  that  to  which  all  its  other  parts  are  subservient,  appears 
latest.' — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  653,  ed.  1863. 

c  '  Rursus  mortales  oraculorum  societatem  dedere  Chiloni  "Lacedsemonio,  tria 
praecepta  ejus  Delphis  consecrando,  aureis  literis,  quae  sunt  haec  :  Nosse  se  quemque  ; 
et  nihil  nimium  cupere  ;  comitemque  seris  alieni  atque  litis  esse  miseriam.' — Plin. 


204  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

noured  for  god  of  wisedome.a  But  to  saye  the  trouthe,  were  it 
Apollo  that  spake  it,  or  Chilo,  or  any  other,  suerly  it  proceded  of 
god,  as  an  excellent  and  wonderfull  sentenced  By  this  coun- 
saile  man  is  induced  to  understande  the  other  two  preceptes,and 
also  wherby  is  accomplisshed  nat  onely  the  seconde  parte,  but 
also  all  the  residue  of  Justyce,  whiche  I  before  haue  rehersed. 
Fora  man  knowinge  him  selfe  shall  knowe  that  which  is  hisowne 
and  pertayneth  to  him  selfe.  But  what  is  more  his  owne  than 
his  soule  ? c  or  what  thynge  more  appertayneth  to  hym  thanne 
his  body  ?  His  soule  is  undoughtedly  and  frely  his  owne.  And 
none  other  persone  may  by  any  meane  possede  it  or  clayme 
it.d  His  body  so  pertayneth  unto  him,  that  none  other  without 
his  consent  may  vendicate  therein  any  propretie.6  Of  what 

Nat.  Hist.  lib.  vii.  cap.  32.  But  Diogenes  Laertius  attributes  the  saying  to 
Thales  :  TOVTOV  fcrrl  T&  Tv&Qi  aa.vr6v)  #7rep  'AvTicrBevris  ei/  rots  AtaSo^cus  4>77/*o»/<Jr?s 
flvai  Qirjmv,  e|t5to7rot^cracr0ai  5e  durb  XefAcopa.  —  Thales,  13. 

*  '  Est  illud  quidem  vel  maximum,  animo  ipso  animum  videre  :  et  nimirum  hanc 
habet  vim  prseceptum  Apollinis,  quo  monet,  ut  se  quisque  noscat.' — Cic.  Tusc, 
Quasi,  lib.  I.  cap.  22. 

b  This  was  the  opinion  of  Juvenal : 

'  E  ccelo  descendit  Tv&Qi  creavrbv, 
Figendum,  et  memori  tractandum  pectore,  sive 
Conjugium  quaeras,  vel  sacri  in  parte  Senatus 
Esse  velis.'  Sat.  XL  27-30. 

'  '  The  Soul  is  the  central  and  fundamental  unity  in  which  all  the  internal 
elements  of  human  action  inhere,  reside,  act  upon  each  other,  and  are  moulded  and 
modified  by  all  which  happens  to  the  man.' — Whewell,  Elem.  of  Mor.  p.  45. 

d  It  is  curious  to  note  this  expression  in  favour  of  liberty  of  conscience,  and  as 
a  straw  serves  to  show  the  direction  of  the  current,  we  may  view  it  as  a  not  unim- 
portant symptom  of  the  temper  of  the  times.  We  may  compare  it  with  the  utter- 
ances of  a  great  modern  writer.  '  The  only  part  of  the  conduct  of  any  one,  for 
which  he  is  amenable  to  society,  is  that  which  concerns  others.  In  the  part  which 
merely  concerns  himself,  his  independence  is,  of  right,  absolute.  Over  himself, 
over  his  own  body  and  mind,  the  individual  is  sovereign.' — Mill,  On  Liberty, 
Introduct.  p.  22,  ed.  1864. 

e  Yet  this  statement,  though  theoretically  true,  was  not  practically  re- 
cognised even  in  this  country  in  the  author's  lifetime.  '  The  ancient  con- 
dition of  villenage  expired  about  the  commencement  of  the  seventeenth 
century  ;  and  no  other  form  of  slavery  was  recognised  by  our  laws.  In  Scot- 
land, however,  negro  slaves  continued  to  be  sold  as  chattels,  until  late  in  the 
last  century  ;  and,  startling  as  it  may  sound,  the  slavery  of  native  Scotchmen 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  205 

valour  or  price  his  soule  is,  the  similitude  where  unto  it  was 
made,  the  immortalitie  and  lyfe  euerlastynge,  and  the  powars 
and  qualities  therof,abundauntly  do  declare.  And  of  The 
that  same  mater  and  substaunce  that  his  soule  is  of,  ite in 

soules  and 

be  all  other  soules  that  nowe  are,  and  haue  ben,  and  corporall 
euer  shall  be,  without  singularitie  or  preeminence  of  substaunce. 
nature.*  In  semblable  astate  is  his  body,  and  of  no  better  claye 
(as  I  mought  frankely  saye)  is  a  gentilman  made  than  a  carter,b 
and  of  libertie  of  wille  as  moche  is  gyuen  of  god  to  the  poore 
herdeman,  as  to  the  great  and  mighty  emperour.c  Than  in 
knowinge  the  condicion  of  his  soule  and  body,  he  knoweth 

continued  to  be  recognised,  in  that  country,  to  the  very  end  of  last  century. 
The  colliers  and  salters  were  unquestionably  slaves.  They  were  bound  to 
continue  their  service  during  their  lives,  were  fixed  to  their  places  of  em- 
ployment, and  sold  with  the  works  to  which  they  belonged.  So  completely  did 
the  law  of  Scotland  regard  them  as  a  distinct  class,  not  entitled  to  the  same 
liberties  as  their  fellow  subjects,  that  they  were  excepted  from  the  Scotch 
Habeas  Corpus  Act  of  1701.  But  at  length,  in  1799,  their  freedom  was  abso- 
lutely established  by  law.  The  last  vestige  of  slavery  was  now  effaced  from  the 
soil  of  Britain  ;  but  not  until  the  land  had  been  resounding  for  years  with  outcries 
against  the  African  slave  trade.  Seven  years  later  that  odious  traffic  was  con- 
demned ;  and  at  length  colonial  slavery  itself,  so  long  encouraged  and  protected 
by  the  legislature,  gave  way  before  the  enlightened  philanthropy  of  another 
generation.' — May's  Constit.  Hist,  of  Eng.,  vol.  ii.  pp.  284-287,  ed.  1865. 

*  '  The  notions  of  the  ancients  were  very  various  with  regard  to  the  seat  of 
the  soul.  Since  it  has  been  discovered,  by  the  improvements  in  anatomy,  that  the 
nerves  are  the  instruments  of  perception,  and  of  the  sensations  accompanying  it, 
and  that  the  nerves  ultimately  terminate  in  the  brain,  it  has  been  the  general 
opinion  of  philosophers  that  the  brain  is  the  seat  of  the  soul ;  and  that  she  per- 
ceives the  images  that  are  brought  there,  and  external  things,  only  by  means  of 
them.'— Reid's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  255. 

b  So  Bishop  Pilkington,  who  was  one  of  the  most  zealous  promoters  of  the 
Reformation,  said  :  '  All  the  difference  that  is  betwixt  us  is  this  :  that  one  is  higher 
in  authority,  better  clad  or  fed,  hath  a  prouder  coat  or  a  softer  bed,  or  more  store 
of  money,  lands,  or  servants  than  another  hath  ;  which  thing  helps  not  to  salvation. 
...  If  the  poor  and  rich  man's  blood  were  both  in  one  basin,  how  should  the 
one  be  known  to  be  better  than  the  other,  seeing  we  crack  so  much  of  it  ?' — 
Works,  pp.  124-126,  ed.  1842.  Parker  Soc. 

0  « Though  in  fact  qjen  are  not  born  equal,  they  are  all  born  with  a  capacity 
for  being  moral  agents  :  and  this  Idea  is  the  basis  of  all  Morality.  And  we  may 
lay  it  down  as  a 'universal  principle,  from  which  we  may  hereafter  reason,  that  All 
men  are  moral  beings.' — Whewell,  Elem.  of  Afor.,  p.  224. 


206    .  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

him  selfe,  and  consequently  in  the  same  thinge  he  knoweth 
euery  other  man. 

If  thou  be  a  gouernour,  or  haste  ouer  other  soueraygntie, 
knowe  thy  selfe,  that  is  to  saye,  knowe  that  thou  arte  verely  a 
man  compacte  of  soule  and  body,  and  in  that  all  other  men  be 
equall  unto  the.a  Also  that  euery  man  taketh  with  the  equall 
benefite  of  the  spirite  of  life,  nor  thou  haste  any  more  of  the  dewe 
of  heuyn,  or  the  brightnes  of  the  sonne,  than  any  other  persone.b 
Thy  dignitie  or  autorite,  wherin  thou  onely  differest  from 
other,  is  (as  it  were)  but  a  weighty  or  heuy  cloke,  fresshely  glit- 
eringe  in  the  eyen  of  them  that  be  poreblynde,c  where  unto 

*  This  was  the  principle  which  Erasmus  was  at  so  much  pains  to  enforce  on 
princes  :  '  Cum  natura  genuerit  omnes  homines  liberos,  et  praeter  naturam  inducta 
sit  servitus,  quod  Ethnicorum  etiam  leges  fatentur,  cogita  quam  non  conveniat 
Christianum  in  Christianos  usurpare  dominium,  quos  nee  leges  servos  esse  voluerunt, 
et  Christus  ab  omni  servitute  redemit.  Siquidem  Paulus  Onesimum  servum 
natum  a  Baptismo  fratrem  priori  s  heri  Philemonis  appellat.  Quam  absurdum  est 
eos  pro  servis  habere,  quos  Christus  eodem  redemptos  sanguine  in  communem 
asseruit  libertatem,  quos  iisdem  secum  alit  Sacramentis,  quos  ad  eamdem  immortali- 
tatis  vocavit  haereditatem,  et  iis  servitutis  jugum  inducere,  qui  communem  tecum 
habent  Dominum  ac  Principem  Jesum  Christum  T—Inst.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  56, 
ed.  1519. 

b  The  sentiment  here  expressed  seems  to  anticipate  the  famous  proposition 
contained  in  the  American  Declaration  of  Independence  which  declared  <  that 
all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are  endued  by  the  Creator  with  certain  un- 
alienable  rights,  that  amongst  those  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness. ' 

c  Purblind  is  a  more  modern  form  of  this  word,  which  is  no  doubt  derived 
from  the  Greek  trwpbs  =  Tv</>\bs,  cascus.  Chaucer  frequently  uses  the  verb  '  to 
pore,'  with  which  the  compound  adjective  seems  to  be  closely  connected.  Thus, 
speaking  of  the  friar  in  The  Sompnoures  Tale  he  says,  '  In  every  hous  he  gan  to 
pore  and  prye.' — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  260.  And  again  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose, 
'  But  I  may  say  in  sory  houre  stode  I  to  loken  on  to  poured —Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p. 
50.  In  Robert  of  Gloucester's  Chronicle  we  find  the  adjective  used,  «  Me  ssolde 
pulte  oute  bothe  hys  eye  and  make  "hym.  pur  blynd.' — Vol.  ii.  p.  376,  ed.  1724. 
And  so  Nicholas  Udall  in  his  translation  of  Erasmus's  paraphrase  upon  the  8th 
chapter  of  S.  Mark  says,  '  Thys  manne  was  not  purblynde  or  a  lyttle  appayred 
and  decayed  in  syght,  but  as  bysome  as  was  possible  to  be.' — Vol.  i.  fo.  clxii.  b. 
ed.  1551,  where  the  original  has,  *  Non  erat  iste  lusciosu&9x&  leviter  caecutiens,  sed 
profundissima  csecitate  obrutus,'  ed  1524.  Bacon,  in  his  Natural  History,  says, 
'  Pore-blind  men  see  best  in  the  dimmer  lights  :  and  likewise  have  their  sight 
stronger  near  hand,  than  those  that  are  not  pore-blind ;  and  can  read  and  write 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  2O? 

the  it  is  paynefull,  if  thou  weare  hym  in  his  right  facion,  and 
as  it  shal  best  become  the.  And  from  the  it  may  be  shortely 
taken  of  him  that  dyd  put  it  on  the,  if  thou  use  it  negligently, 
or  that  thou  weare  it  nat  commely,  and  as  it  appertaineth. 
Therfore  whiles  thou  wearest  it,  knowe  thy  selfe,  knowe  that 
the  name  of  a  soueraigne  or  ruler  without  actuall  gouernaunce 
is  but  a  shadowe,  that  gouernaunce  standeth  nat  by  wordes 
onely,  but  principally  by  acte  and  example ;  that  by  example 
of  gouernours  men  do  rise  or  falle  in  vertue  or  vice.  And,  as 
it  is  said  of  Aristotell,  rulers  more  greuously  do  sinne  by  ex- 
ample than  by  their  acte.a  And  the  more  they  haue  under 
their  gouernaunce,  the  greatter  accounte  haue  they  to  rendre, 
that  in  their  owne  preceptes  and  ordenaunces  they  be  nat 
founde  negligent.  Wherfore  there  is  a  noble  aduer-  Lampri- 
tisement  of  the  emperour  Alexander,  for  his  grauitie  dms- 
called  Seuerus.  On  a  tyme  one  of  his  noble  men  exhorted 
hym  to  do  a  thinge  contrary  to  a  lawe  or  edicte,  whiche  he 
hym  selfe  had  inacted ;  but  he  firmely  denyed  it.  The  other 

smaller  letters.  The  cause  is,  for  that  the  spirits  visual  in  those  that  are  pore-blind, 
are  thinner  and  rarer  than  in  others  ;  and  therefore  the  greater  light  disperseth 
them.  For  the  same  cause  they  need  contracting  ;  but  being  contracted,  are  more 
strong  than  the  visual  spirits  of  ordinary  eyes  are  ;  as,  when  we  see  through  a 
level,  the  sight  is  the  stronger  ;  and  so  is  it  when  you  gather  the  eye-lids  somewhat 
close  ;  and  it  is  commonly  seen  in  those  that  are  pore-blind,  that  they  do  much 
gather  the  eye-lids  together.  But  old  men,  when  they  would  see  to  read,  put  the 
paper  somewhat  afar  off ;  the  cause  is,  for  that  old  men's  spirits  visual,  contrary  to 
those  of  pore-blind  men,  unite  not  but  when  the  object  is  at  some  good  distance 
from  their  eyes.' — Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  470,  ed.  1826.  This  last  passage  shows 
conclusively  that  by  '  pore  blind '  was  meant  what  we  should  now  call  a  person  of 
short  sight. 

*  The  author  is  mistaken  in  attributing  this  saying  to  Aristotle,  for  it  occurs 
in  Cicero's  treatise  On  the  Laws.  The  whole  passage  is  as  follows  :  '  Quo  perni- 
ciosius  de  republica  merentur  vitiosi  principes,  quod  non  solum  vitia  concipiunt 
ipsi,  sed  ea  infundunt  in  civitatem :  neque  solum  obsunt,  quod  ipsi  corrumpuntur, 
sed  etiam  qu6d  corrumpunt,  plusque  exemplo,  quam  peccato  nocent. ' — De  Legg. 
lib.  iii.  cap  14.  It  is  curious  that  Patrizi  has  fallen  into  a  similar  error  and  has 
quoted  the  same  passage  on  the  double  authority  of  Plato  and  Socrates.  He  says  : 
'  Principum  enim  exempla  facile  omnes  sequuntur.  Unde  verum  esse  cernimus, 
quod  a  Platone,  Socrateque  dicitur  :  Principes  longe  magis  exemplo  quam  culpa 
pcccare? — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  i.  tit.  7. 


208  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

still  persistynge  sayde,  that  the  emperour  was  nat  bounden  to 
obserue  his  owne  lawes.  Where  unto  the  sayde  emperour  dis- 
pleasauntly  answering,  said  in  this  maner,  God  forbede  that 
euer  I  shulde  deuise  any  lawes  wherby  my  people  shulde  be 
compelled  to  do  any  thynge  whiche  I  my  selfe  can  nat  tolle- 
rate.a  Wherfore  ye  that  haue  any  gouernaunce,  by  this  moste 
noble  princis  example  knowe  the  boundes  of  your  autorite, 
knowe  also  your  office  and  duetie,  beinge  your  selfes  men 
mortall  amonge  men,  and  instructours  and  leaders  of  men. 
And  that  as  obedience  is  due  unto  you,  so  is  your  studie,  your 
labour,  your  Industrie  with  vertuous  example  due  to  them  that 
be  subiecte  to  your  autoritie.  Ye  shall  knowe  all  way  your 
selfe,  if  for  affection  or  motion  ye  do  speke  or  do  nothing  un- 
worthy the  immortalitie  and  moste  precious  nature  of  your 
soule,  and  remembringe  that  your  body  is  subiecte  to  cor- 
ruption, as  all  other  be,  and  life  tyme  uncertayne.b  If  ye  for- 
gette  nat  this  commune  astate,  and  do  also  remembre  that  in 
nothinge  but  onely  in  vertue  ye  are  better  than  an  other  inferior 
persone,  accordynge  to  the  sayeng  of  Agesilaus  kyng 
of  Lacedemones,  who  hering  the  great  king  of  Persia 
praised,  asked  howe  moche  that  great  king  was  more  than  he  in 
iustice.c  And  Socrates  beinge  demaunded  if  the  kynge 
of  Persia  semed  to  him  happy,  I  can  nat  tell  (said  he) 
of  what  estimation  he  is  in  vertue  and  lerning.d  Consider 

•  The  Editor  has  been  unable  to  verify  this  anecdote,  and  the  only  passage  in 
the  life  of  the  Emperor  by  Lampridius  that  gives  any  countenance  to  it  is  the 
following :  '  Leges  in  annos  firmavit,  casque  etiam  ipse  diligentissime  servavit.' — 
Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  995.  The  probability  is  that  the  story  has  been  uninten- 
tionally attributed  to  the  wrong  person. 

b  Bacon,  in  his  essay  upon  '  Empire,'  says  much  the  same  thing.  * All  precepts 
concerning  kings  are  in  effect  comprehended  in  those  two  remembrances : 
"  Memento  quod  es  homo,"  and  "  Memento  quod  es  Deus,"  or  "vice  Dei" — the 
one  bridleth  their  power,  and  the  other  their  will.' — Essays,  p.  188,  ed.  1857. 

c  Ilpbs  5e  roi/s  \4yovras,  efrt  ravra  So/ceT  rep  [j.fya\cf  £o<nA.e7,  '  Ti  8al  CKCIJ/OS  ^uou, 
five,  ncifav,  €i  IJL^  SiKai6repos ;' — Plut.  Agesilaus,  23.  The  reader  will  observe 
that  the  sense  of  the  original  is  hardly  preserved  in  the  translation. 

d  Kai  yap  oSros,  tytaT-f) ffarros  avrbv,  pol  SOKC?,  Topylov,  V  ex«  wepl  rov 
&affi\4us  vir6\tf\iii>,  Ka\  fl  voplfa  rovrov  fv8a.tiJ.ova  eTi/at,  OVK  o?5a,  €0rj<re,  irws 
ical  iratfalas  ^«j._Plut.  De  Edueat.  Puer.  cap.  8. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  209 

also  that  auctorite,  beinge  well  and  diligently  used,  is  but  a 
token  of  superioritie,  but  in  very  dede  it  is  a  burden  and  losse 
of  libertie. 

And  what  gouernour  in  this  wise  knoweth  him  selfe  he 
shall  also  by  the  same  rule  knowe  all  other  men,b  and  shall 
nedes  loue  them  for  whome  he  taketh  labours  and  forsaketh 
libertie. 

In  semblable  maner  the  inferior  persone  or  subiecte  aught 
to  consider,  that  all  be  it  (as  I  haue  spoken)  he  in  the  Obedience 
substaunce  of  soule  and  body  be  equall  with  his  su-  due  to  gou- 
perior,  yet  for  als  moche  as  the  powars  and  qualities  ernours- 
of  the  soule  and  body,  with  the  disposition  of  reason,  be  nat  in 
euery  man  equall,  therfore  god  ordayned  a  diuersitie  or  pre- 
eminence in  degrees  to  be  amonge  menc  for  the  necessary  de- 
rection  and  preseruation  of  them  in  conformitie  of  lyuinge.d 
Whereof  nature  ministreth  to  us  examples  abundauntly,  as  in 

a  It  was  doubtless  his  own  experience  of  office  which  caused  Bacon  to  complain 
that  *  Men  in  great  place  are  thrice  servants:  servants  of  the  sovereign  or  State, 
servants  of  fame,  and  servants  of  business  ;  so  as  they  have  no  freedom,  neither  in 
their  persons,  nor  in  their  actions,  nor  in  their  times.'  And  he  adds,  '  It  is  a 
strange  desire  to  seek  power  and  to  lose  liberty,  or  to  seek  power  over  others,  and 
to  lose  power  over  a  man's  self.' — Essays,  p.  92,  ed.  1857. 

b  This,  too,  was  the  advice  of  Martial : 

'Principis  est  virtus  maxima,  nosse  suos.' — Epig.  lib.  viii.  15,  8. 

c  The  early  Christians  were  expressly  enjoined  to  submit  themselves  to  the 
magistrates.  And  these  'powers'  are  declared  to  be  'of  God,'  to  be  'ordained 
of  God,'  to  be  'the  ministers  of  God;'  to  resist  them  is  to  resist  the  ordinance  of 
God,  and  to  incur  danger  of  damnation.  The  powers  to  which  this  applied,  as 
appears  by  the  condition  of  the  early  Christians,  and  by  the  facts,  are  the  powers 
of  the  established  government;  they  are  called  by  St.  Paul  'the  powers  that  be,' 
and  by  St.  Peter,  'every  ordinance  of  man.' — Whewell's  El.  of  Mor.  p.  286. 

d  Dr.  Hooker  uses  very  similar  language  :  '  Without  order  there  is  no  living 
in  publick  society,  because  the  want  thereof  is  the  mother  of  confusion,  whereupon 
division  of  necessity  followeth,  and  out  of  division  destruction.  The  apostle  there- 
fore giving  instruction  to  publick  societies,  requireth  that  all  things  be  orderly 
done.  Order  can  have  no  place  in  things,  except  it  be  settled,  amongst  the  persons 
that  shall  by  office  be  conversant  about  them.  And  if  things  and  persons  be 
ordered,  this  doth  imply  that  they  are  distinguished  by  degrees.  For  order  is  a 
gradual  disposition.' — Eccles.  Polity,  p.  411,  ed.  1723. 

TI.  P 


210  THE   GOVERN  OUR. 

bees,a  (wherof  I  haue  before  spoken  in  the  firste  boke)  cranes, 
redde  dere,  wolfes,  and  diuers  other  foules  and  bestis,  whiche 
herdeth  or  flocketh,  (to  longe  here  to  be  rehersed),  amonge 
whom  is  a  gouernour  or  leader,  towarde  whome  all  the 
other  haue  a  vigilant  eye,  awaytinge  his  signes  or  tokens,  and 
according  therto  preparinge  them  selfe  moste  diligently.b 
If  we  thinke  that  this  naturall  instinction  of  creatures  un- 
reasonable is  necessary  and  also  commendable,  howe  farre 
out  of  reason  shall  we  iudge  them  to  be  that  wolde  ex- 
terminate all  superiorities  extincte  all  gouernaunce  and 

8  From  the  days  of  Plato  and  Aristotle,  of  Virgil  and  Cicero,  the  natural 
order  preserved  among  the  members  of  the  animal  kingdom  has  supplied  political 
theorists  with  an  obvious,  if  incomplete,  analogy.  John  of  Salisbury  quotes  Virgil's 
description  of  the  bee  community  with  approval,  and  thinks  that  states  should  be 
organised  in  conformity  with  the  example  thus  afforded.  And  Patrizi,  following 
the  same  line  of  argument,  says,  '  Ut  ad  minora  descendam,  nonne  bruta  animalia 
nonnulla  sunt  quae  imperio  unius  obtemperant  ?  Munera  imperata  non  detrectant, 
et  tanquam  sub  Imperatore  pugnant  ?  Regem  suum  apes  habere  quis  ambigit,  qui 
populum  nutu  et  arbitrio  regat,  et  sedulas  apes  ad  munera  obeunda  favosque  com- 
ponendos  reddat  ?  Haec  cogitatio  principio  fortasse  vagis  ac  dispersis  hominibus 
ferarum  more  persuasit,  ut  ab  agresti  vita  discederent,  et  in  unum  locum  congre- 
garentur,  Principemque  sibi  praeficerent  fortitudine,  prudentia  atque  eloquentia 
praecellentem,  cujus  arbitria  pro  legibus  observarent ' — De  Instit.  Reipub.  lib.  i. 
tit.  I.  p.  12,  ed.  1594.  Erasmus  advises  that  the  attention  of  the  youthful  prince 
should  be  directed  to  the  habits  of  bees  and  ants,  and  that  moral  lessons  should 
be  drawn  from  them  :  '  Quis  non  ^libenter  auscultet  apum  et  formicamm  poli- 
tiam?' — Instit.  Prin.  Christ,  p.  19,  ed.  1519. 

b  Dr.  Reid,  speaking  of  the  particular  benevolent  affection  which  is  deno- 
minated esteem  for  the  wise  and  good,  says,  '  There  is  indeed  a  subordination  in 
a  herd  of  cattle,  and  in  a  flock  of  sheep,  which,  I  believe,  is  determined  by  strength 
and  courage ;  as  it  is  among  savage  tribes  of  men.  I  have  been  informed  that 
in  a  pack  of  hounds,  a  stanch  hound  acquires  a  degree  of  esteem  in  the  pack ;  so 
that,  when  the  dogs  are  wandering  in  quest  of  the  scent,  if  he  opens,  the  pack 
immediately  closes  in  with  him,  when  they  would  not  regard  the  opening  of  a- dog 
of  no  reputation.  This  is  something  like  a  respect  to  wisdom.' — Works,  vol.  ii. 

P-  563. 

c  We  may  refer  to  Locke's  definition  of  a  'state  of  nature,'  as  one  not  only 
of  perfect  freedom,  but  'also  of  equality,  wherein  all  the  power  and  juris- 
diction is  reciprocal,  no  one  having  more  than  another ;  there  being  nothing 
more  evident  than  that  creatures  of  the  same  species  and  rank,  promiscuously  born 
to  all  the  same  advantages  of  nature,  and  the  use  of  the  same  faculties,  should 
also  be  equal  one  against  another,  without  subordination  or  subjection,  unless  the 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  211 

lawes,a  and  under  the  coloure  of  holy  scri-pture,  whiche  they 
do  violently  wraste  to  their  purpose,  do  endeuour  them  selfes 
to  bryng  the  life  of  man  in  to  a  confusion  ineuitable,  and  to 
be  in  moche  wars  astate  than  the  afore  named  beestes  ? b  Sens 
without  gouernaunce  and  lawes  the  persones  moste  stronge  in 
body  shulde  by  violence  constraigne  them  that  be  of  lasse 
strength  and  weaker  to  labour  as  bondemen  or  slaues  for 
their  sustinaunce  and  other  necessaries,  the  stronge  men  beinge 
without  labour  or  care.c  Than  were  all  our  equalitie  dasshed, 

• 

lord  and  master  of  them  all  should,  by  any  manifest  declaration  of  his  will,  set  one 
above  another,  and  confer  on  him,  by  an  evident  and  clear  appointment, an  undoubted 
right  to  dominion  and  sovereignty.  This  equality  of  men  by  nature  the  judicious 
Hooker  looks  upon  as  so  evident  in  itself,  and  beyond  all  question,  that  he  makes 
it  the  foundation  of  that  obligation  to  mutual  love  amongst  men,  on  which  he 
builds  the  duties  they  owe  one  another,  and  from  whence  he  derives  the  great 
maxims  of  justice  and  charity.  The  state  of  natiire  has  a  law  of  nature  to  govern 
it,  which  obliges  every  one  ;  and  reason,  which  is  that  law,  teaches  all  mankind, 
who  will  but  consult  it,  that  being  all  equal  and  independent,  no  one  ought  to 
harm  another  in  his  life,  health,  liberty,  or  possessions.' — On  Government,  pp.  189, 
191,  ed.  1821. 

*  Bentham  says :  '  We  know  what  it  is  for  men  to  live  without  government, 
and  living  without  government,  to  live  without  rights ;  we  know  what  it  is  for  men 
to  live  without  government,  for  we  see  instances  of  such  a  way  of  life.  We  see  it 
in  many  savage  nations,  or  rather  races  of  mankind  ;  for  instance,  among  the 
savages  of  New  South  Wales,  whose  way  of  living  is  so  well  known  to  us.  No 
habit  of  obedience,  and  thence  no  government  ;  no  government,  and  thence  no 
laws ;  no  laws,  and  thence  no  such  things  as  rights  ;  no  security,  no  property  ; 
liberty,  as  against  regular  controul,  the  controul  of  laws  and  government,  perfect  ; 
but  as  against  all  irregular  controul,  the  mandates  of  stronger  individuals,  none.' — 
Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  500,  ed.  1843. 

b  '  Men  always  knew,'  says  Hooker,  'that,  when  force  and  injury  was  offered, 
they  might  be  defenders  of  themselves ;  they  knew  that  howsoever  men  may  seek 
their  own  commodity,  yet  if  this  were  done  with  injury  unto  others  it  was  not  to 
be  suffered,  but  by  all  men  and  by  all  good  means  to  be  withstood  ;  finally,  they 
knew  that  no  man  might  in  reason  take  upon  him  to  determine  his  own  right,  and 
according  to  his  own  determination  proceed  in  maintenance  thereof,  inasmuch  as 
every  man  is  towards  himself,  and  them  whom  he  greatly  affecteth,  partial ;  and 
therefore  that  strifes  and  troubles  would  be  endless,  except  they  gave  their  common 
consent  all  to  be  ordered  by  some  whom  they  should  agree  upon. ' — Eccles.  Polity, 
p.  18,  ed.  1723. 

c  '  Unless,'  says  Blackstone,  '  some  superior  be  constituted,  whose  com- 
mands and  decisions  all  the  members  are  bound  to  obey,  they  would  still  remain 

P  2 


212  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

and  finally  as  bestes  sauage  the  one  shall  desire  to  slee  a 
The  necess-  nother.  I  omitte  continuall  manslaughters,  rauisshe- 
itethatis  mentes  aduoutries  and  enormities  horrible  to  re- 

tn  goiier- 

naunce.  herce,  whiche  (gouernaunce  lackynge)  muste  nedes 
of  necessitie  ensue,a  except  these  euangelicallb  persones 
coulde  perswade  god  or  compelle  him  to  chaunge  men  in  to 
aungels,  makingethem  all  of  one  disposition  and  confirminge 
them  all  in  one  fourme  of  charitie.  And  as  concerninge  all 
men  in  a  generaltie,  this  sentence,  knowe  thy  selfe,  whiche 
of  all  other  is  moste  compendious,6  beinge  made  but  of  thre 
wordes,  euery  worde  beinge  but  one  sillable,  induceth  men 
sufficiently  to  the  knowlege  of  iustyce. 

as  in  a  state  of  nature,  without  any  judge  upon  earth  to  define  their  several 
rights  and  redress  their  several  wrongs.' — Comment,  vol.  i.  p.  48,  Qth  ed.  We 
have  here  a  picture  of  the  '  state  of  nature, '  which  was  afterwards  a  distinguishing 
feature  the  theories  of  Hobbes,  Locke,  and  other  philosophers.  According 
to  thes  writers,  '  On  the  first  origin  of  mankind,  their  ignorance  and  savage 
nature  were  so  prevalent  that  they  could  give  no  mutual  trust,  but  must 
eac  depend  upon  himself  and  his  own  force  or  cunning  for  protection  and 
security.  No  law  was  heard  of ;  no  rule  of  justice  known ;  no  distinction  of 
property  regarded.  Power  was  the  only  measure  of  right  ;  and  a  perpetual  war 
of  all  against  all  was  the  result  of  men's  untamed  selfishness  and  barbarity.' — 
Hume's  Philosoph.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  260. 

a  But  according  to  Godwin,  anarchy,  though  *  it  is  undoubtedly  a  horrible 
calamity,  is  less  horrible  than  despotism.  Where  anarchy  has  slain  its  hundreds, 
despotism  has  sacrificed  millions  upon  millions,  with  this  only  effect,  to  per- 
petuate the  ignorance,  the  vices,  and  the  misery  of  mankind.  Anarchy  is  a 
short-lived  mischief,  while  despotism  is  all  but  immortal.  It  is  unquestionably 
a  dreadful  remedy,  for  the  people  to  yield  to  all  their  furious  passions,  till  the 
spectacle  of  their  effects  gives  strength  to  recovering  reason  ;  but,  though  it  be  a 
dreadful  remedy,  it  is  a  sure  one.  No  idea  can  be  supposed  more  pregnant 
with  absurdity,  than  that  of  a  whole  people  taking  arms  against  each  other  till 
they  are  all  exterminated.' — Political  Jtistice,  vol.  ii.  p.  175,  ed.  1796. 

b  The  word  '  gospeller'  was  very  commonly  used  in  the  same  kind  of  ironical 
sense  as  the  words  in  the  text.  Thus  Archbishop  Whitgift  alludes  to  '  the  weak 
gospellers'  in  the  preface  to  his  answer  to  Cartwright,  and  Dr.  John  Harding 
speaks  somewhat  contemptuously  of  Bishop  Jewel  'and  the  rest  of  our  gospellers.' 
— Works  of  Jewel,  vol.  i.  p.  148,  ed.  1845.  Parker  Society. 

6  Dr.  South  says :  « Has  it  not  been  noted  by  the  best  observers  and  the 
ablest  judges  both  of  things  and  persons,  that  the  wisdom  of  any  people  or  nation 
has  been  most  seen  in  the  proverbs  and  short  sayings  commonly  received  amongst 
them?  And  what  is  a  proverb,  but  the  experience  and  observation  of  several  ages 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  213 

CHAPTER  IV. 
Offraude  and  disceyte,  whiche  be  agayne  Justyce. 

TULLI  saieth  that  the  fundation  of  perpetuall  praise  and 
renoume  is  iustyce,  without  the  whiche  no  thynge  Ci 
may  be  commendable.3-  Whiche  sentence  is  veri- 
fied by  experience.  For  be  a  man  neuer  so  valiaunt,  so  wise, 
so  liberall  or  plentuous,  so  familiare  or  curtaise,  if  he  be  sene 
to  exercise  iniustyce  or  wronge  it  is  often  remembred.b  But 
the  other  vertues  be  seldome  rekened  without  an  exception, 
whiche  is  in  this  maner.  As  in  praysinge  a  manne  for  some 
good  qualitie,  where  he  lacketh  iustyce,  men  will  communely 
saye,  he  is  an  honorable  man,  a  bounteous  man,  a  wise  man, 
a  valiaunt  man,  sauynge  that  he  is  an  oppressour,  an  extor- 
cioner,  or  is  deceytefull  or  of  his  promyse  unsure.0  But  if  he 
be  iuste  with  the  other  vertues,  than  is  it  sayde  he  is  good 
and  worshipfull,  or  he  is  a  good  man  and  an  honorable,*1 

gathered  and  summed  up  into  one  expression?  The  Scripture  vouches  Solomon 
for  the  wisest  of  men  :  and  they  are  his  Proverbs  that  prove  him  so.  The  seven 
wise  men  of  Greece,  so  famous  for  their  wisdom  all  the  world  over,  acquired  all 
that  fame  each  of  them  by  a  single  sentence,  consisting  of  two  or  three  words  :  and 
yvS>9i  a-eavrbv  still  lives  and  flourishes  in  the  mouths  of  all,  while  many  vast 
volumes  are  extinct,  and  sunk  into  dust  and  utter  oblivion.' — Sermons,  vol.  i.  p. 
437,  ed.  1823. 

*  '  Fundamentum  enim  perpetuse  commendationis  et  famse  est  justitia,  sine  qua 
nihil  potest  esse  laudabile. ' — De  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  20.  The  reference  in  the  original 
side-note  is  to  \ho.  first  book  of  the  Offices,  but  as  this  is  manifestly  incorrect,  the 
proper  number  has  been  inserted  in  the  present  edition. 

b  '  Beneficence, '  says  Adam  Smith,  '  is  less  essential  to  the  existence  of 
society  than  justice.  •  Society  may  subsist,  though  not  in  the  most  comfortable 
state,  without  beneficence;  but  the  prevalence  of  injustice  must  utterly  destroy  it.' 
—  Theory  of  Moral  Sent.  p.  125. 

c  '  The  command  of  fear,  the  command  of  anger,  are  always  great  and  noble 
powers.  When  they  are  directed  by  justice  and  benevolence,  they  are  not  only 
great  virtues,  but  increase  the  splendour  of  those  other  virtues.  They  may,  how- 
ever, sometimes  be  directed  by  very  different  motives,  and  in  this  case,  though 
still  great  and  respectable,  they  may  be  excessively  dangerous.  The  most  intrepid 
valour  may  be  employed  in  the  cause  of  the  greatest  injustice.' — Adam  Smith's 
Theory  of  Moral  Sent.  p.  354. 

d  But  the  writer  last  quoted  says  :  '  Though  the  breach  of  justice  exposes  to 


2 1 4  THE   GO VERNOUR. 

good  and  gentill,  or  good  and  hardy,  so  that  Justyce  onely 
bereth  the  name  of  good,a  and  lyke  a  capitayne  or  leader 
precedeth  all  vertues  in  euery  commendation.1*  But  where 
Iniury  as  the  said  Tulli  saieth,  that  iniurie,  which  is 
'bmmnes  contrary  to  Justice,  is  done  by  two  meanes,  that 
done.  is  to  say,  either  by  violence  or  by  fraude,  fraude 
semeth  to  be  proprely  of  the  foxe,  violence  or  force  of 
the  lyon,  the  one  and  the  other  be  farre  from  the  nature  of 
Fraude  man>  but  fraude  is  worthy  moste  to  be  hated.c  That 
and  de-  maner  of  iniurie,  whiche  is  done  with  fraude  and  dis- 
ceyte,  is  at  this  present  tyme  d  so  communely  prac- 

punishment,  the  observance  of  the  rules  of  that  virtue  seems  scarce  to  deserve  any 
reward.  There  is,  no  doubt,  a  propriety  in  the  practice  of  justice,  and  it  merits 
upon  that  account,  all  the  approbation  which  is  due  to  propriety.  But  as  it  does 
no  real  positive  good,  it  is  entitled  to  very  little  gratitude.  Mere  justice  is,  upon 
most  occasions,  but  a  negative  virtue,  and  only  hinders  us  from  hurting  our 
neighbour.  The  man  who  barely  abstains  from  violating  either  the  person,  or 
the  estate,  '  or  the  reputation  of  his  neighbours,  has  surely  very  little  positive 
merit.  He  fulfils,  however,  all  the  rules  of  what  is  peculiarly  called  justice,  and 
does  everything  which  his  equals  can  with  propriety  force  him  to  do,  or  which 
they  can  punish  him  for  not  doing.  We  may  often  fulfil  all  the  rules  of  justice  by 
sitting  still  and  doing  nothing.' — Theory  of  Mor.  Sen.  p.  117. 

*  '  There  is  no  virtue  so  truly  great  and  godlike  as  justice.  Most  of  the  other 
virtues  are  the  virtues  of  created  beings,  or  accommodated  to  our  nature  as  we  are 
men.  Justice  is  that  which  is  practised  by  God  himself,  and  to  be  practised  in  its 
perfection  by  none  but  him.  Omniscience  and  omnipotence  are  requisite  for  the 
full  exertion  of  it.  The  one  to  discover  every  degree  of  uprightness  or  iniquity  in 
thoughts,  words,  and  actions.  The  other  to  measure  out  and  impart  suitable 
rewards  and  punishments.  As  to  be  perfectly  just  is  an  attribute  of  the  Divine 
Nature,  to  be  so  to  the  utmost  of  our  abilities  is  the  glory  of  a  man.' — 
Guardian,  No.  99,  and  by  Montaigne  it  is  called  '  la  vertu  royale.' 

b  The  author  has  borrowed  this  idea  from  Cicero,  who  says :  '  Hsec  enim  una 
virtus  omnium  est  domina  et  regina  virtutum.' — De  Off.  lib.  iii.  cap.  6. 

0  '  Cum  autem  duobus  modis,  id  est,  aut  vi  aut  fraude  fiat  injuria  ;  fraus  quasi 
vulpeculse,  vis,  leonis  videtur :  utrumque  homine  alienissimum  :  sed  fraus  odio 
digna  majore.' — Cic.  De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  13. 

d  Montaigne  makes  the  same  complaint :  '  Quant  a  cette  nouvelle  vertu  de 
fcinctise  et  dissimulation,  qui  est  a  cetle  heure  si  fort  en  credit,  je  la  hais  capitalement ; 
et  de  touts  les  vices  je  n'en  treuve  aulcun  qui  tesmoigne  tant  de  laschete  et 
bassesse  de  cceur.  C'est  une  humeur  couarde  et  servile  de  s'aller  desguiser  et  cacher 
soubs  un  masque,  et  de  n'oser  se  faire  veoir  tel  qu'on  est.' — Essais,  torn.  iii. 
p.  71,  ed.  1854. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  215 

tised,  that  if  it  be  but  a  litle,  it  is  called  policie,*  and  if  it  be 
moche  and  with  a  visage  of  grauitie,  it  is  than  named  and  ac- 
counted for  wisedome.  And  of  those  wise  men  speketh  Tulli, 
saieng  of  al  injustice  none  is  more  capitall  than  of  those  per- 
sones  that,  whan  they  disceyue  a  man  moste,  they  do  it  as  they 
wolde  seme  to  be  good  men.b  And  Plato  sayeth  that  piato  de 
it  is  extreme  injustice  he  to  seme  rightwise  which  in  re£ub-  u- 
dede  is  uniuste.c  Of  those  two  maner  of  fraudes  wil  I  seuerally 
speke.  But  firste  will  I  declare  the  mooste  mischeuous  impor- 
taunce  of  this  kynde  of  iniurie  in  a  generalte.  Like  as  the 
phisicions  calle  those  diseases  moste  perilous  againe  whome  is 
founden  no  preseruatiue  and  ones  entred  be  seldome  or  neuer 
recouered.  Semblably  those  iniuries  be  moste  to  be  feared 
agayne  the  whiche  can  be  made  no  resistence,  and  beinge  taken, 
with  great  difficultie  or  neuer  they  can  be  redressed.  Iniurie 
apparaunt  and  with  powar  inforced  eyther  may  be  with  lyke 
powar  resisted,  or  with  wisedome  eschued,  or  with  entreatie  re- 
frained.d  But  where  it  is  by  craftie  engynne  imagined,  sub- 

a  So  that  the  common  maxim  '  honesty  is  the  best  policy'  involves  really  a 
paradox  if  this  interpretation  be  put  upon  the  word  '  policy. '  Bacon  says  :  '  Dis- 
simulation is  but  a  faint  kind  of  policy  or  wisdom,  for  it  asketh  a  strong  wit  and  a 
strong  heart  to  know  when  to  tell  truth,  and  to  do  it ;  therefore  it  is  the  weaker  sort 
of  politicians  that  are  the  greatest  dissemblers.  Tacitus  saith,  "  Livia  sorted  well 
with  the  arts  of  her  husband  and  dissimulation  of  her  son,"  attributing  arts  of  policy 
to  Augustus,  and  dissimulation  to  Tiberius.' — Essays,  p.  63,  ed.  1857.  And  Dr. 
Robert  South  says,  '  The  wisdom  of  this  world  is  sometimes  taken  in  Scripture  for 
such  a  wisdom  as  lies  in  practice,  and  goes  commonly  by  the  name  of  policy,  and 
consists  in  a  certain  dexterity,  or  art  of  managing  business  for  a  man's  secular  ad- 
vantage.'— Sermons,  vol.  i.  p.  230,  ed.  1823. 

b  '  Totius  autem  injustitise  nulla  capitalior  est,  quam  eorum,  qui,  cum  maxime 
fallunt,  id  agunt  ut  viri  boni  esse  videantur.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  13. 

c  'EirxaTi?  yap  a8t/«'a  SoKetV  Sf/caiov  eTrat  /u^  ocra. — De  Rep.  lib  ii.  cap.  4. 

d  This  proposition  is  quite  in  accordance  with  the  views  of  modern  jurists. 
Thus  Bentham  says :  '  The  greatest  crimes  are  those  for  which  the  slightest  degree 
of  knowledge  is  sufficient ;  the  most  ignorant  individual  always  knows  how  to 
commit  them.  Inundation  is  a  greater  crime  than  incendiarism,  incendiarism 
greater  than  murder,  murder  than  robbery,  robbery  than  cheating.  .  .  .  The 
most  atrocious  of  all  only  requires  a  degree  of  information  which  is  found  among 
the  most  barbarous  and  savage  of  men.  Rape  is  worse  than  seduction  or  adultery; 
but  rape  is  more  frequent  in  limes  of  ignorance ,  seduction  and  adultery  in  times  of 


2i6  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

tilly  prepared,  couertly  dissembled,  and  disceytefully  practysed, 
suerly  no  man  may  by  strength  withstande  it,  or  by  wisedome 
eskape  it,  or  by  any  other  maner  or  meane  resiste  or  avoyde  it. 
Wherfore  of  all  iniuries  that  which  is  done  by  fraudea  is  moste 
horrible  and  detestable,  nat  in  the  opinion  of  man  onely,  but 
also  in  the  sight  and  iugement  of  god.  For  unto  hym  nothing 
may  be  acceptable  wherin  lacketh  verite,  called  communely 
trouth,  he  him  selfe  being  all  verite,b  and  all  thinge  con- 
civilization.  .  .  .  That  the  crimes  of  refinement  have  been  considered  more  hateful 
than  the  crimes  of  ignorance  is  not  surprising.  .  .  .  The  greater  the  knowledge 
and  refinement  indicated  by  a  crime,  the  greater  the  reflection  exhibited  on  the 
part  of  its  author,  the  greater  the  depravation  of  moral  dispositions  indicated 
also.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  536.  In  another  place  the  same  writer  says:  'The 
mind  at  once  is  led  to  compare  the  means  of  attack  and  defence  ;  and  accordingly 
as  the  crime  is  considered  more  or  less  easy  of  commission,  the  alarm  is  more  or 
less  lively.  This  is  one  of  the  reasons  which  raise  the  mischief  of  an  act  of 
robbery  so  far  above  the  mischief  of  a  simple  theft.  Force  can  accomplish  many 
things  which  would  be  beyond  the  reach  of  cunning.' — Ubi  supra,  vol.  i.  p.  76. 

a  '  Falsehood,'  says  Bentham,  'stamps  a  character  with  a  deep  and  degrading 
stain,  which  even  the  most  brilliant  qualities  cannot  efface.  Public  opinion  is  right 
in  this  respect.  Truth  is  one  of  the  first  wants  of  man  j  it  is  one  of  the  elements 
of  our  existence ;  necessary  as  the  light  of  the  day  to  us.  At  every  moment  of  our 
lives,  we  are  obliged  to  build  our  judgments,  and  to  direct  our  conduct,  upon  the 
knowledge  of  facts,  of  which  there  are  only  a  few  that  can  pass  under  our  own 
observation.  Hence  there  follows  the  most  absolute  necessity  for  our  trusting  to 
the  reports  of  others.  If  falsehood  is  mingled  with  these  reports,  our  judgments 
become  erroneous,  our  progress  faulty,  our  hopes  deceived ;  we  live  in  a  state  of 
unquiet  distrust,  and  know  not  where  to  seek  for  security.  In  a  word,  falsehood 
includes  the  principle  of  every  evil,  since  it  would  bring  in  its  train  the  dissolution 
of  human  society.  The  importance  of  truth  is  so  great,  that  the  least  violation  of 
its  laws,  even  in  trifling  matters,  always  draws  after  it  a  certain  danger.  The 
slightest  wandering  is  an  attack  upon  the  respect  due  to  it  ;  the  first  transgression 
facilitates  the  second,  by  familiarizing  the  odious  idea' of  a  lie.  If  the  evil  of  false- 
hood is  so  great  in  things  which  are  unimportant  in  themselves,  what  will  it  be  in 
those  greater  occasions  when  it  serves  as  an  instrument  of  crime  ?  Falsehood  is 
sometimes  an  essential  circumstance  in  a  crime  ;  sometimes  simply  an  accessory. 
It  is  necessarily  comprised  in  perjury,  in  fraudulent  acquisition,  and  all  its  modi- 
fications. '—  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  78,  ed.  1843. 

b  See  Deut.  xxxii.  4  :  '  He  is  the  Rock,  his  work  is  perfect :  for  all  his  ways 
are  judgment :  a  God  of  truth  and  without  iniquity,  just  and  right  is  he.'  And 
John  i.  17:  '  For  the  law  was  given  by  Moses,  but  grace  and  truth  came  by  Jesus 
Christ.'  Id.  xviii.  37  :  'To  this  end  was  I  born,  and  for  this  cause  came  I  into  the 
world,  that  I  should  bear  witness  unto  the  truth.' 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  21  7 

tayninge  untruthe  is  to  him  contrarious  and  aduerse.  And 
the  deuill  is  called  a  lyer,a  and  the  father  of  leasinges.  Wherfore 
all  thinge,  which  in  visage  or  apparaunce  pretendeth  to  be 
any  other  than  verely  it  is,  may  be  named  a  leasinge  ;b  the  exe- 
cution wherof  is  fraude,  whiche  is  in  effecte  but  untrouthe, 
enemie  to  trouthe,  and  consequently  enemye  to  god.  For 
fraude  is  (as  experience  teacheth  us)  an  euill  disceyte, 
craftely  imagined  and  deuised,  whiche,  under  a  colour  of 
trouthe  and  simplicitie,  indomageth  him  that  nothing  mis- 
trusteth.0  And  because  it  is  euill  it  can  by  no  meanes  be  lefull ; 
wherfore  it  is  repugnaunt  unto  iustice.d 

a  See  John  viii.  44.  '  Ye  are  of  your  father  the  devil,  and  the  lusts  of  your 
father  ye  will  do  ...  When  he  speaketh  a  lie,  he  speaketh  of  his  own  :  for  he  is  a 
liar,  and  the  father  of  it.' 

b  This  is  the  word  actually  used  in  Wiclif  s  translation  of  the  verse  quoted  in  the 
last  note  :  '  Whanne  he  spekith  Icsynge,  he  spekith  of  his  owne,  for  he  is  a  liare, 
and  fadir  of  it.'     The  word  is  frequently  used  by  Chaucer,  e.g.  '  Hasard  is  verray 
moder  of  lesynges.' — Poet.    Works  >  vol.  iii.  p.  94,  ed.  1866.     Again, — 
'  Many  men  sayen  that  in  swevenynges 
Ther  nys  but  fables  and  lesynges, ,' — Ubi  supra,  vol.  vi.  p.  I. 

In  Huloet's  Diet.  '  A  Iyer,  or  leasing  maker,'  is  rendered  into  the  Latin 
equivalents  Falsidicus,  Falsiloquus,  Mendax,  Vanidicus,  Vaniloquus,  Vanus, 
Sycophanta. — Is  there  not  in  this  word  a  close  connexion  with  the  French  losen- 
gicr,  which  Cotgrave  translates  '  a  flatterer,  cogger,  foister,  pickthanke,  prater, 
cousener,  guller,  beguiler,  deceiver'?  Holinshed,  in  his  Historie of  Scotland,  has 
the  following  expression,  which  seems  to  connect  these  two  words  :  '  There  to 
end  their  liues  with  shame  as  a  number  of  such  other  losengers  had  often  done 
before  them.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  63,  ed.  1587. 

0  '  Pothier  says  that  the  termfrattd  is  applied  to  every  artifice  made  use  of  by 
one  person  for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  another.  ' '  On  appelle  Dol  toute  espece 
d'artifice,  dont  quelqu'un  se  sert  pour  en  tromper  un  autre."  Servius,  in  the 
Roman  law,  defined  it  thus  :  ' '  Dolum  malum  machinationem  quandam  alterius 
decipiendi  causa  cum  aliud  simulatur,  et  aliud  agitur."  To  this  definition  Labeo 
justly  took  exception,  because  a  party  might  be  circumvented  by  a  thing  done 
without  simulation  ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  without  fraud  one  thing  might  be 
clone,  and  another  thing  be  pretended.  And  therefore  he  defined  fraud  to  be  any 
cunning,  deception,  or  artifice,  used  to  circumvent,  cheat,  or  deceive  another. 
"  Dolum  malum  esse  omnem  calliditatem,  fallaciam,  machinationem  ad  circum- 
veniendum,  fallendum,  decipiendum  alterum,  adhibitam."  And  this  is  pronounced 
in  the  Digest  to  be  the  true  definition  ;  "Labeonis  Definitio  vera  est."  ' — Story's 
Eq.  Jnnspriid.  vol.  i.  p.  189,  ed,  1870. 

d  '  Lies  and  Deceit  are  often  used  as  means  of  Fraud ;  which  is  an  offence 


2l8  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

The  Neapolitanes  and  Nolanes  (people  in  Italye)  contended 
Thefraude  to  getner  for  the  limities  and  boundes  of  their  landes 
of  an  arbi-  and  feldes.  And  for  the  discussinge  of  that  contro- 
^faending  uersie  either  of  them  sent  their  ambassadours  to  the 
a  contro-  senate  and  people  of  Rome  (in  whome  at  that  tyme 
was  thought  to  be  the  moste  excellent  knowlege 
and  execution  of  iustice),  desiringe  of  them  an  indifferent  Ar- 
bitour  and  suche  as  was  substanciallye  lerned  in  the  lawes 
Ciuile,  to  determine  the  variaunce  that  was  betwene  the  two 
cities,  compromittingea  them  selfes  in  the  name  of  all  their  con- 
tray  to  abyde  and  perfourme  all  suche  sentence  and  awarde  as 
shulde  be  by  hym  giuen.  The  senate  appointed  for  that  pur- 
pose one  named  Quintus  Fabius  Labeo,  whome  they  accounted 
to  be  a  man  of  great  wisedome  and  lerninge.  Fabius  after 
that  he  was  come  to  the  place  whiche  was  in  controuersie,  he 
separatinge  the  one  people  from  the  other,  communed  with 
them  bothe  a  parte,  exhortinge  the  one  and  the  other  that  they 
wolde  nat  do  or  desire  any  thinge  with  a  couetise  mynde,  but 
in  tredinge  out  of  their  boundes  rather  go  shorte  thereof  than 
ouer.  They  doynge  accordinge  to  his  exhortacion  there  was 
lefte  betwene  bothe  companyes  a  great  quantitie  of  grounde, 
whiche  at  this  day  we  calle  batable.b  That  perceyuinge  Fabius, 

against  Property,  and  therefore  contrary  to  Justice  as  well  as  Truth.  A  person 
who  defrauds,  circumvents,  cheats  anyone,  must  be  destitute  both  of  Justice  and  of 
Truth.  Property  and  Language  may  both  be  considered  as  Universal  Contracts, 
to  which  the  whole  human  race  are  parties.  Fraud  by  means  of  Falsehood 
violates  both  these  contracts.' — Whewell's  EL  of  Mor,  p.  85. 

"  The  Latin  word  '  compromittere '  is  rarely  used  by  Cicero.  It  occurs,  how- 
ever, in  the  following  passage  :  '  Tribunitii  candidati  compromiserunt,  H.  -S.  quin- 
genis  in  singulos  apud  M.  Catonem  depositis,  petere  ejus  arbitratu,  ut,  quid  contra 
fecisset  ab  eo  condemnaretur.' — Epistolce  ad  Q.  Fratrem,  lib.  ii.  15.  Another 
instance  of  its  use  similar  to  that  in  the  text  is  to  be  found  in  the  articles  preferred 
against  Cardinal  Wolsey  in  Parliament  in  1529.  *  Art.  24.  Also  the  same  Lord 
Cardinal  at  many  times,  when  any  houses  of  religion  have  been  void,  he  hath  sent 
his  officers  thither,  and  with  crafty  persuasions  hath  induced  them  to  compromit 
their  election  in  him.' — State  Trials,  vol.  i.  col.  376,  ed.  1809. 

b  The  French  batable  =  debatable,  the  subject  of  dispute  and  contention.  Thus 
Fuller  says,  '  But  now  the  question  will  be,  what  is  to  be  thought  of  those  Prelates, 
Writers,  and  Benefactors  which  lived  in  the  aforesaid  interval  betwixt  the  beginning 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 

he  assigned  to  euery  of  them  the  boundes  that  they  them  selfes 
had  appointed.  And  all  that  laride,  whiche  was  lefte  in  the 
middes,  he  adiuged  it  to  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome.  That 
maner  of  dealinge  (saieth  Tulli)  is  to  disceiue  and  nat  to  gyue 
iugement.a  And  verely  euery  good  man  will  thinke  that  this 
lacke  of  iustice  in  Fabius,  beinge  a  noble  man  and  well  lerned, 
was  a  great  reproche  to  his  honour. 

It  was  a  notable  rebuke  unto  the  Israhelites  that  whan 
they  besieged  the  Gabaonites  (a  people  of  Chanani)  j?rattdein 
they  in  conclusion  receyued  them  in  to  a  perpetuall  fonfede- 
leage.b     But  after  that  the  Gabaonites  had  yelded 
them,  the  Jewes  perceyuinge  that  they  were  restrayned  by  their 
othe  to  slee  them  or  cruelly  entreate  them,  they  made  of  the 
Gabaonites,   beinge  their  confederates,   their   skullions    and 
drudges ; c  wherwith  all    mighty  god    was    no  thinge   con- 

and  perfecting  of  this  Reformation  ?  For  these  appear  unto  us  like  unto  the 
Eatable,  ground  lying  betwixt  England  and  Scotland  (whilest  as  yet  two  distinct 
kingdomes)  in  so  dubious  a  posture,  it  is  hard  to  say  to  which  side  they  do  belong.' 
—  Worthies  of  England,  p.  40,  ed.  1662. 

a  *  Ne  noster  quidem  probandus,  si  verum  est;  Q.  Fabium  Labeonem,  seu  quern 
alium,  (nihil  enim  praeter  auditum  habeo)  arbitrum  Nolanis  et  Neapolitanis  de 
finibus  a  senatu  datum,  cum  ad  locum  venisset,  cum  utrisque  separatim  locutum, 
ut  ne  cupide  quid  agerent,  ne  appetenter,  atque  ut  regredi  quam  progredi  mallent. 
Id  cum  utrique  fecissent,  aliquantum  agri  in  medio  relictum  est.  Itaque  illorum 
fines,  sicut  ipsi  dixerant,  terminavit  :  in  medio  relictum  quod  erat,  populo 
Romano  adjudicavit.  Decipere  hoc  quidem  est,  non  judicare.' — Cic.  de  Off.  lib. 
i.  cap.  10. 

b  See  Joshua  ix.  15. 

c  See  Joshua  ix.  27.  The  first  of  these  words  seems  to  be  merely  an  Anglicised 
form  of  the  French  word  souillon.  M.  Lacombe  in  his  Dictionnaire  du  vieux 
langage  Francois  mentions  the  word  sctilier,  which  he  explains  as  '  oflicier  qui  a 
soin  de  la  vaisselle  et  des  plats.'  The  word  is  used  by  Shakspeare  in  Hamlet— 

'  And  fall  a  cursing,  like  a  very  drab  ! 
A  scullion  !  fye  upon  't. ' — Act  ii.  sc.  2. 

In  Huloet's  Dictionary,  published  in  1572,  we  find,  'Drudge,  or  drugge,  or  vile 
seruaunt  in  a  house,  whiche  doth  all  the  vyle  seruice,'  and  souillon  given  as  the 
French  equivalent.  Brende,  in  his  translation  of  Quintus  Curtius,  lib.  x.  cap.  I, 
says,  '  They  added  besydes  that  suche  mariners  as  caried  the  merchauntes,  and  the 
drudges  of  tharmye,  through  couetousnes  of  the  gold  which  had  bene  reported 
unto  them,  landed  in  the  Hand  and  were  neuer  seene  after.' — Fo.  207,  ed.  1561. 


220  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

tented.a  For  the  leage  or  truce  wherein  frendship  and  libertie 
was  intended  (whiche  caused  the  Gabaonites  to  be  yoldenb) 
was  nat  duely  obserued,  whiche  was  clerely  agayne  Justice. 

Trewely  in  euery  couenaunt,  bargayne,  or  promise 
incoue-  **  aught  to  be  a  simplicitie,  that  is  to  saye,  one  playne  un- 
nantor  derstandinge  or  meaning  betwene  the  parties.6  And 

promise.          ,  .        ,..,..  .  .  .       ,      , 

that  simplicitie  is  properly  mstice.  And  where  any 
man  of  a  couaytous  or  malicious  minde  will  digressed  pur- 
Chaucer  has  the  phrase  '  To  drugge  and  drawe,'  which  seems  to  be  closely  allied 
with  the  substantive. 

*  There  seems  to  be  some  confusion  of  thought  here,  and  probably  the  author 
had  in  his  mind  the  account  of  the  famine  given  in  2  Sam.  xxi.,  which  is  there 
stated  to  have  been  sent  as  a  judgment  on  the  land  for  Saul's  cruelty  to  the 
Gibeonites,  but,  as  Mr.  Scott  says,  in  his  notes  on  the  chapter  referred  to,  the 
history  of  Saul  gives  no  account  of  the  transaction  which  was  declared  to  be  the 
cause  of  this  calamity. 

b  This  participial  form  of  the  verb  to  yield  is  not  uncommon  with  early  English 
writers.  Thus  Chaucer  in  The  KnightJs  Tale  says — 

'  And  glader  ought  his  freend  ben  of  his  deth, 
Whan  with  honour  is  yolden  up  the  breth, 
Thanne  whan  his  name  appalled  is  for  age  ; 
For  al  forgeten  is  his  vasselage.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  94,  ed.  1866. 
And  again  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose — 

'  Curtesie  certeyn  dide  he  me, 
So  mych  that  may  not  yolden  be.' 

Ubi  supra,  vol.  vi.  p.  139. 

And  Fabyan  in  his  account  of  Britain  says,  '  In  this  while  the  hunger  encreased, 
and  the  people  were  so  ouersette  with  their  enemies,  that  manye  of  them  were  as 
yolden,  and  tooke  partie  againe  their  owne  neighboures.' — Chronicle,  vol.  i.  p.  62, 
ed.  1559. 

c  '  It  is  a  rule  in  Equity  that  all  the  material  facts  must  be  known  to  both 
parties  to  render  the  agreement  fair  and  just  in  all  its  parts.  And  it  is  against  all 
the.  principles  of  Equity  that  one  party  knowing  a  material  ingredient  in  an  agree- 
ment should  be  permitted  to  suppress  it  and  still  call  for  a  specific  performance. ' — 
Kent's  Comment,  p.  490,  4th  ed.  Dr.  Whewell  says,  '  The  Mutual  Understand- 
ing of  the  two  parties,  at  the  time  of  making  the  promise,  is  the  sense  in  which  it  is 
the  Promiser's  Duty  to  fulfil  it.  This  is  the  right  Interpretation  of  the  promise, 
because  the  promise  expressed  and  established  this  Mutual  Understanding.  If 
the  Promiser,  intending  deceit  to  the  Promisee,  or  to  other  persons,  has  used 
expressions  with  a  view  to  their  being  misunderstood,  he  has  already  violated  the 
Duty  of  Truth.'— EL  of  Mor.  p.  155. 

d  '  Where  the  party  intentionally  or  by  design  misrepresents  a  material  fact, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  221 

posely  from  that  simplicitie,  takinge  aduauntage  of  a  sentence 
or  worde,  whiche  mought  be  ambiguous  or  doubtefull,  or  in 
some  thinge  either  superfluous  or  lackinge  in  the  bargaine  or 
promise,  where  he  certainly  knoweth  the  trouthe  to  be  other- 
wise,41 this  in  myne  opinion  is  damnable  fraude,beinge  as  playne 
agayne  Justice b  as  if  it  were  enforced  by  violence.  Finally 
all  disceyte  and  dissimulation,  in  the  opinion  of  them  whiche 
exactely  honoure  iustyce,  is  nerre  to  dispraise6  than  commen- 
dation, all  though  that  therof  mought  ensue  some  thinge  that 
were  good.  For  in  vertue  may  be  nothing  fucated  or  counter- 

or  produces  a  false  impression,  in  order  to  mislead  another,  or  to  entrap  or  cheat 
him,  or  to  obtain  an  undue  advantage  of  him  ;  in  every  such  case  there  is  a  positive 
fraud  in  the  truest  sense  of  the  terms.  There  is  an  evil  act  with  an  evil  intent  : 
dolum  malum  ad  circumveniendtim.  And  the  misrepresentation  may  be  as  well 
by  deeds  or  acts,  as  by  words ;  by  artifices  to  mislead,  as  well  as  by  positive 
assertions.  The  civil  law  has  well  expressed  this,  when  it  says,  "  Dolo  malo  pactum 
fit,  quotiens  circumscribendi  alterius  causa,  aliud  agitur,  et  aliud  agi  simulatur." 
And  again,  "  Dolum  malum  a  se  abesse  praestare  venditor  debet,  qui  non  tantum  in 
eo  est,  qui  fallendi  causa  obscure  loquitur,  sed  etiam  qui  insidiose  obscure  dis- 
simulat."  ' — Story's  Eq.  Jurisp.  vol.  i.  p.  194,  ed.  1870. 

*  '  Whether  the  party,  thus  misrepresenting  a  material  fact,  knew  it  to  be  false, 
or  made  the  assertion  without  knowing  whether  it  were  true  or  false,  is  wholly 
immaterial ;  for  the  affirmation  of  what  one  does  not  know  or  believe  to  be  true  is 
equally,  in  morals  and  law,  as  unjustifiable  as  the  affirmation  of  what  is  known  to 
be  positively  false.'—  Ibid.  p.  195. 

b  '  The  general  theory  of  the  law,  in  regard  to  acts  done  and  contracts  made  by 
parties,  affecting  their  rights  and  interests  is,  that  in  all  such  cases  there  must  be  a 
free  and  full  consent  to  bind  the  parties.  Consent  is  an  act  of  reason,  accompanied 
with  deliberation,  the  mind  weighing,  as  in  a  balance,  the  good  and  evil  on  each 
side  .  .  .  And  hence  it  is,  that,  if  consent  is  obtained  by  meditated  imposition, 
circumvention,  surprise,  or  undue  influence,  it  is  to  be  treated  as  a  delusion,  and 
not  as  a  deliberate  and  free  act  of  the  mind.' — Ibid.  p.  223. 

0  Paley  says,  '  Pious  frauds,  as  they  are  improperly  enough  called,  pretended 
inspirations,  forged  books,  counterfeit  miracles,  are  impositions  of  a  more  serious 
nature.  It  is  possible  that  they  may  sometimes,  though  seldom,  have  been  set  up 
and  encouraged,  with  a  design  to  do  good  ;  but  the  good  they  aim  at,  requires  that 
the  belief  of  them  should  be  perpetual,  which  is  hardly  possible  ;  and  the  deter- 
tion  of  the  fraud  is  sure  to  disparage  the  credit  of  all  pretensions  of  the  same 
nature.  Christianity  has  suffered  more  injury  from  this  cause,  than  from  all  other 
causes  put  together.' — Mor.  Phil.  p.  119,  ed.  1825. 

d  The  dictionaries  give  no  other  examples  of  the  use  of  this  word  by  English 
writers,  but  it  is  constantly  found  in  the  best  classical  authors,  and  is  quite  Cice- 


222  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

fayte.  But  therein  is  onely  the  image  of  veritie,  called  simpli- 
citie.a  Wherefore  Tulli  beinge  of  the  opinion  of  Antipater  the 
Philosopher  saieth,  To  councell  any  thynge  whiche  thou 
knowest,  to  the  intent  that  for  thyne  owne  profite  thou 
woldest  that  another  who  shall  take  any  damage  or  benefite 
therby  shulde  hat  knowe  it,  is  nat  the  acte  of  a  persone  playne 
or  simple,  or  of  a  man  honest,  iuste,  or  good  ;  but  rather  of  a 
persone  crafty,  ungentill,  subtille,  deceytefull,  malicious,  and 
wilie.b  And  after  he  saieth,  That  reason  requireth  that  no- 
thing be  done  by  treason,  nothing  by  dissimulation,  nothing  by 
disceite.c  Which  he  excellently  (as  he  dothe  all  thinge)  after- 
warde  in  a  briefe  conclusion  proueth,  sayenge,  Nature  is  the 
fountayne  wherof  the  lawe  springeth,  and  it  is  accordinge  to 
nature  no  man  to  do  that  wherby  he  shulde  take  (as  it  were)  a 
praye  of  a  nother  mannes  ignoraunce.d  Of  this  matter  Tulli 
writeth  many  propre  examples  and  quicke  solutions.6 

But  nowe  here  I  make  an  ende  to  wrytte  any  more  at  this 
tyme  of  fraude,  whiche  by  no  meanes  may  be  ioyned  to  the 
vertue  named  iustyce. 

ronian.  The  following  is  a  good  instance  of  the  way  in  which  it  was  employed  by 
the  latter  :  '  Secerni  autem  blandus  amicus  a  vero,  et  internosci  tarn  potest,  adhi- 
bita  diligentia,  quam  omuia,  fucata  et  simulata  a  sinceris  atque  veris.' — De  Amicit. 
cap.  25. 

*  Bacon  says,  '  Truth,  which  only  doth  judge  itself,  teacheth  that  the  inquiry  of 
truth,  which  is  the  love-making,  or  wooing  of  it — the  knowledge  of  truth,  which  is 
the  presence  of  it — and  the  belief  of  truth,  which  is  the  enjoying  of  it— is  the  sove- 
reign good  of  human  nature.' — Essays,  p.  2,  ed.  1857. 

b  '  Neque  enim  id  est  celare,  quicquid  reticeas  :  sed  cum,  quod  tu  scias,  id 
ignorare  emolument!  tui  causa  velis  eos,  quorum  intersit  id  scire.  Hoc  autem 
celandi  genus  quale  sit,  et  cujus  hominis,  quis  non  videt  ?  Certe  non  aperti,  non 
simplicis,  non  ingenui,  non  justi,  non  viri  boni ;  versuti  potiiis,  obscuri,  astuti, 
fallacis,  malitiosi,  callidi,  veteratoris,  vafri.' — Cic.  de  Off.  lib.  iii.  cap.  13. 

c  '  Ratio  igitur  postulat,  ne  quid  insidiose,  ne  quid  simulate,  ne  quid  fallaciter. ' 
— De  Off.  lib.  iii.  cap.  1 7. 

d  '  Ex  quo  intelligitur,  quoniam  juris  natura  fons  sit,  hoc  secundum  naturam 
esse,  neminem  id  agere,  ut  ex  alterius  praedetur  inscientia.' — De  Off.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  17. 

8  Paley  adopts  Cicero's  doctrine  in  its  full  extent,  as  a  duty  of  moral  and  reli- 
gious obligation.  He  says,  '  The  rule  of  justice,  which  wants  with  most  anxiety  to 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  22$ 

CHAPTER  V. 

That  iustyce  aught  to  be  betwene  ehemyes. 

SUCRE  is  the  excellencie  of  this  vertue  iustice,  that  the  prac- 
tise therof  hathe  nat  onely  optayned  digne  commendation  of 
such  persones  as  betwene  whome  hathe  ben  mortall  hostilitie, 
but  also  it  hath  extincte  often  tymes  the  same  hostilitie. 
And  fierce  hartes  of  mutuall  enemyes  hathe  ben  therby  rather 
subdued  than  by  armure  or  strength  of  people.  As  it  shall 
appere  by  examples  ensuynge. 

Whan  the  valyaunt  kynge  Pyrrus  warred  moste  asprely 
againe  the  Romanes,  one  Timochares,  whose  sonne  was 
yoman  for  the  mouthe  with  the  kynge,  promysed  to  Fa- 
bricius,  thanne  beinge  consull,  to  sle  kynge  Pyrrus,  whiche 
thinge  beinge  to  the  senate  reported,  they  by  their  am- 
bassade  warned  the  kynge  to  be  ware  of  suche  maner  of 
trayson,  sayenge  that  the  Romanes  maintayned  their  warres 
with  armes  and  nat  with  poyson.a  And  yet  nat  withstandynge 
they  discouered  nat  the  name  of  Timochares,  so  that  they  em- 
braced equitie  as  well  in  that  that  they  slewe  nat  their  enemye 
by  treason,  as  also  that  they  betraied  nat  him  whiche  pur- 
be  inculcated  in  the  making  of  bargains,  is,  that  the  seller  is  bound  in  conscience  to 
disclose  the  faults  of  what  he  offers  to  sale.  Amongst  other  methods  of  proving 
this,  one  may  be  the  following :  I  suppose  it  will  be  allowed  that  to  advance  a 
direct  falsehood  in  recommendation  of  our  wares,  by  ascribing  to  them  some  quality 
which  we  know  that  they  have  not,  is  dishonest.  Now  compare  with  this  the 
designed  concealment  of  some  fault,  which  we  know  that  they  have.  The  motives 
and  the  effects  of  actions  are  the  only  points  of  comparison,  in  which  their  moral 
quality  can  differ  ;  but  the  motive  in  these  two  cases  is  the  same,  viz.,  to  procure  a 
higher  price  than  we  expect  otherwise  to  obtain  r  the  effect,  that  is,  the  prejudice 
to  the  buyer,  is  also  the  same  ;  for  he  finds  himself  equally  out  of  pocket  by  his 
bargain,  whether  the  commodity,  when  he  gets  home  with  it,  turn  out  worse  than 
he  had  supposed,  by  the  want  of  some  quality  which  he  expected,  or  the  discovery 
of  some  fault  which  he  did  not  expect.  If  therefore  actions  be  the  same,  as  to  all 
moral  purposes,  which  proceed  from  the  same  motives,  and  produce  the  same 
effects  ;  it  is  making  a  distinction  without  a  difference,  to  esteem  it  a  cheat'  to 
magnify  beyond  the  truth  the  virtues  of  what  we  have  to  sell,  but  none  to  conceal 
its  faults.' — Moral  Philos.  p.  95. 

a  'Timochares  Ambraciensis   Fabricio  consuli  pollicitus  tst,    "se  Pyrrhum 


224  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

posed  them  kyndnes.  In  so  moche  was  iustice  of  olde  tyme 
estemed,  that  without  it  none  acte  was  alowed  were  it  neuer  so 
noble  or  profitable. 

What  tyme  that  Xerxes,  kynge  of  Persia,  with  his  army, 
was  expulsed  out  of  Greece,  all  the  nauye  of  Lacedemonia 
laye  at  rode  in  an  hauen  called  Gytheum,  within  the  dominion 
of  the  Atheniensis.  Themistocles,  one  of  the  princes  of 
Athenes,  a  moche  noble  capitayne,  said  unto  the  people  that 
he  had  aduised  him  selfe  of  an  excellent  counsayle,  where 
unto  if  fortune  inclyned,  nothinge  mought  more  augment  the 
powar  of  the  Atheniensis,  but  that  it  aught  nat  to  be  diuulgate 
or  publisshed :  he  therfore  desired  to  haue  one  appointed  unto 
him,  unto  whome  he  mought  secretely  discouer  the  enterprise. 
Where  upon  there  was  assigned  unto  him  one  Aristides,  who 
for  his  vertue  was  surnamed  rightwise.  Themistocles  declared 
to  him  that  his  purpose  was  to  put  fire  in  the  nauie  of  the 
Lacedemones,  whiche  laye  at  Gytheum,  to  the  intent  that  it 
beinge  brenned,  the  dominion  and  hole  powar  ouer  the  see 
shulde  be  onely  in  the  Atheniensis.  This  deuise  herde  and 
perceyued,  Aristides  commynge  before  the  people  sayde  that 
the  counsayle  of  Themistocles  was  very  profitable,  but  the  en- 
terprise was  dishonest  and  agayne  histice.a  The  people 

venenoper  filium  suum,  qui  potionibus  ejus  praeerat,  necaturum."  Ea  res  cum  ad 
senatum  esset  delata,  missis  legatis  Pyrrhum  monuit,  "ut  adversus  hujus  generis 
insidias  cautius  se  gereret  : "  memor  Urbem  a  filio  Martis  conditam  armis  bella 
non  venenis  gerere  debere.  Timocharis  autem  nomen  suppressit,  utroque  modo 
sequitatem  amplexus :  quia  nee  hostem  malo  exemplo  tollere,  neque  eum,  qui  bene 
mereri  paratus  fuerat,  prodere  voluit.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  vi.  cap.  5,  §  i.  The  story 
is  told  also  by  Aulus  Gellius,  lib.  iii.  cap.  8,  and  Plutarch,  who  however  merely 
calls  him  rov  Tlvfyov  tarpbs. 

*  Themistocles,  post  victoriam  ejus  belli  quod  cum  Persis  fuit,  dixit  in  concione, 
se  habere  consilium  reipublicse  salutare,  sed  id  sciri  opus  non  esse.  Postulavit, 
ut  aliquem  populus  daret,  quicum  communicaret :  datus  est  Aristides.  Huic  ille, 
classem  Lacedaemoniorum,  quae  subducta  esset  ad  Gytheum,  clam  incendi  posse  ; 
quo  facto  frangi  Lacedaemoniorum  opes  necesse  esset.  Quod  Aristides  cum 
audisset,  in  concionem  magna  expectatione  venit ;  dixitque,  perutile  esse  consi- 
lium, quod  Themistocles  afferret,  sed  minime  honestum.  Itaque  Athenienses, 
quod  honestum  non  esset,  id  ne  utile  quidem  putaverunt  :  totamque  earn  rem, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  22$ 

heringe  that  the  acte  was  nat  honest  or  iuste,  all  cryed  with 
one  voyce,  nor  yet  expedient.  And  forthwith  they  com- 
maunded  Themistocles  to  cesse  his  enterprise.  Wherby 
this  noble  people,  declared  that  in  euery  acte  speciall  regarde 
and,  aboue  all  thinge,  consideration  aught  to  be  had  of  iustyce 
and  honestie. 


CHAPTER    VI. 


Of  fay  the  or  fidelitie,  called  in  latyne  dfffitft  whiche  is  the  fundation 

of  iustyce. 

THAT  whiche  in  latyne  is  called  Fides,  is  a  parte  of  iustice  and 
may  diuersely  be  interpreted,  and  yet  finally  it  tendeth  to 
one  purpose  in  effecte.  Some  tyme  it  may  be  called  faythe, 
some  tyme  credence,  other  whyles  truste.  Also  in  a  frenche 
terme  it  is  named  loyaltie.  And  to  the  imitation  of  latyne  it 

quam  ne  audierant  quidem,  auctore  Aristide,  repudiaverunt.'  —  Cic.  de  Off.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  II.  Hume,  who  quotes  this  story  as  illustrating  the  influence  of  the  ima- 
gination, says,  '  A  late  celebrated  historian  (M.  Rollin)  admires  this  passage  of 
ancient  history  as  one  of  the  most  singular  that  is  anywhere  to  be  met  with. 
"  Here,"  says  he,  "  they  are  not  philosophers,  to  whom  'tis  easy  in  their  schools 
to  establish  the  finest  maxims  and  most  sublime  rules  of  morality,  who  decide  that 
interest  ought  never  to  prevail  above  justice.  'Tis  a  whole  people  interested  in 
the  proposal  which  is  made  to  them,  who  consider  it  as  of  importance  to  the  public 
good,  and  who,  notwithstanding,  reject  it  unanimously,  and  without  hesitation, 
merely  because  it  is  contrary  to  justice."  For  my  part  I  see  nothing  so  extraordi- 
nary in  this  proceeding  of  the  Athenians.  The  same  reasons  which  render  it  so 
easy  for  philosophers  to  establish  these  sublime  maxims,  tend,  in  part,  to  diminish 
the  merit  of  such  a  conduct  in  that  people.  Philosophers  never  balance  betwixt 
profit  and  honesty,  because  their  decisions  are  general,  and  neither  their  passions 
nor  imaginations  are  interested  in  the  objects.  And  though,  in  the  present  case, 
the  advantage  was  immediate  to  the  Athenians,  yet  as  it  was  known  only  under  the 
general  notion  of  advantage,  without  being  conceived  by  any  particular  idea, 
must  have  had  a  less  considerable  influence  on  their  imaginations,  and  have  been  a 
less  violent  temptation,  than  if  they  had  been  acquainted  with  all  its  circumstances  ; 
otherwise  'tis  difficult  to  conceive,  that  a  whole  people,  unjust  and  violent  as  men 
commonly  are,  should  so  unanimously  have  adhered  to  justice,  and  rejected  any 
considerable  advantage.'  —  Philosoph.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  181,  ed.  1826. 
II.  Q 


226  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

is  often  called  fidelitie.  All  whiche  wordes,  if  they  be  intierly 
and  (as  I  mought  saye)  exactely  understanden,  shall  appere 
to  a  studious  reder  to  signifie  one  vertue  or  qualitie,  all  thoughe 
they  seme  to  have  some  diuersitie.  As  beleuynge  the  pre- 
ceptes  and  promyse  of  god  it  is  called  faythe.a  In  contractes 
betwene  man  and  man  it  is  communely  called  credence.1" 
Betwene  persones  of  equall  astate  or  condition  it  is  named 
truste.c  Fro  the  subiecte  or  seruaunt  to  his  souerayne  or 

a  Locke  defines  belief  as  '  the  assenting  to  any  proposition  as  probable.  '— 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  330,  ed.  1823.  And  Dr.  Whewell  says,  'Religious  Belief  or 
Faith  includes  an  act  of  the  Intellect  by  which  Truths  regarding  man's  relation  to 
God  are  assented  to  and  accepted.' — El.  of  Mor.  p.  303,  4th  ed.  Dr.  South, 
however,  says  that,  '  the  Scripture  makes  mention  of  three  several  sorts  of  faith  : 
I.  The  first  is  a  faith  of  simple  credence,  or  bare  assent ;  acknowledging  and 
assenting  to  the  historical  truth  of  everything  delivered  in  God's  word.  2.  The 
second  sort  is  a  temporary  faith,  and  (as  I  may  so  call  it)  a  faith  of  conviction. 
3.  The  third  and  last  sort  is  a  saving,  effectual  faith,  wrought  in  the  soul  by  a  sound 
and  real  work  of  conversion.  It  takes  in  both  the  former  kinds,  and  superadds 
its  own  peculiar  perfection  besides.  ...  It  is  not  a  bare  persuasion  or  conviction 
resting  upon  the  heart  ...  it  is  a  living,  active  principle,  wonderfully  produced 
and  created  in  the  heart  by  the  almighty  working  of  God's  Spirit,  and  which  does 
as  really  move  and  act  a  man  in  the  course  of  his  spiritual  life,  as  his  very  soul 
does  in  the  course  of  his  natural. '—  Sermons,  vol.  v.  pp.  300,  301,  ed.  1823. 

b  Or,  according  to  Paley,  'confidence,'  for  in  speaking  of  the  obligation  to 
perform  promises,  he  says,  '  Men  act  from  expectation.  Expectation  is  in  most 
cases  determined  by  the  assurances  and  engagements  which  we  receive  from  others. 
If  no  dependence  could  be  placed  upon  these  assurances,  it  would  be  impossible 
to  know  what  judgment  to  form  of  many  future  events,  or  how  to  regulate  our 
conduct  with  respect  to  them.  Confidence  therefore  in  promises,  is  essential  to  the 
intercourse  of  human  life ;  because,  without  it  the  greatest  part  of  our  conduct 
would  proceed  upon  chance.  But  there  could  be  no  confidence  in  promises,  if  men 
were  not  obliged  to  perform  them  ;  the  obligation  therefore  to  perform  promises,  is 
essential  to  the  same  ends  and  in  the  same  degree.' — Mor.  Phil.,  vol.  ii.  p.  84, 
ed.  1825. 

0  It  may  be  remarked  that  the  author  does  not  allude  to  the  legal  sense  of  this 
word,  though  it  was  about  this  time  that  it  first  came  to  be  introduced  into  the 
technical  language  of  the  law.  For  the  word  appears  as  synonymous  with  '  use  ' 
and  '  confidence '  in  the  statute  27  Henry  VIII.  cap.  10.  Lord  Coke  says,  '  An 
use  is  a  trust  or  confidence  reposed  in  some  other.' — Co.  Lit.  272.  b.  But  in  the 
passage  in  the  text  the  author  employs  it  in  the  same  sense  as  that  which  Dr.  South 
speaks  of  it  when  he  says,  '  The  great  instrument  and  engine  for  the  carrying  on 
of  the  commerce  and  mutual  intercourse  of  the  world  is  trust. — Sermons,  vol.  iv. 
p.  487,  ed.  1823. 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  227 

maister  it  is  proprely  named  fidelitie,  and  in  a  frenche  terme 
loyaltie.a 

Wherefore  to  hym  that  shall  eyther  speke  or  wryte, 
the  place  is  diligently  to  be  obserued  where  the  propre  signi- 
fication of  the  worde  may  be  beste  expressed. 

Consyderynge  (as  Plato  sayethe)  that  the  name  of  euery 
thynge  is  none  other  but  the  vertue  or  effecte  of  the  piato  in 
same   thinge   conceyued    firste  in   the  mynde,  and  Cratyl°- 
than  by  the  voyce  expressed  and  finally  in  letters  signified.13 

But  nowe  to  speke  in  what  estimacion  this  vertue  was  of 
olde   tyme  amonge  gentiles,  whiche  nowe  (alas,  to  pauhe 
the  lamentable  reproche  and  perpetuall  infamie  of  neglected. 
this  present  tyme),  is  so  neglected  throughout  christendome  c 

*•  I.e.  loyaulte,  which  is  itself  derived  from  the  Latin  word  legalitas,  according 
to  Spelman,  who  says  that  the  latter  « occurrit  aliquando  pro  pura  ilia  erga  Regem 
fide,  Gallis  et  Anglis  loyaulte. '  A  French  writer  on  Ethics  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
with  whose  work  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  was  probably  acquainted,  after  discussing  at 
great  length  the  virtue  of  Truth,  says,  '  Nous  auons  longuement  parle  de  verite, 
mais  encores  reste  ung  article  qui  en  despend,  duquel  nous  n' auons  touche  si  non  en 
glissant  en  aucuns  lieux  cy  dessus  et  pour  tant  est  conuenable  en  parler  plus  am 
plement  au  plaisir  de  dieu.  C'est  1'article  de  foy  ou  fidelite  que  vulgairement  nous 
appellons  loyattte,  laquel  le  chascun  homme  veritable  doit  a  autre  s'il  veult  viure 
es  termes  de  verite  ;  ie  ne  parlerai  que  de  la  foy  ou  fidelite  que  l'homme  doit  a 
1'autre,  que  nous  appellons  loyaulte  en  tant  qu'elle  tient  l'homme  en  verite  enuers 
autre  comme  homme  veritable  doit  faire.  I'entens  icy  ceste  vertu  de  foy  procedant  de 
verite  une  vertu  par  laquelle  les  hommes  tiennent  et  accomplissent  ce  quilz  promet- 
tent  a  autruy,  et  comme  verite  conserue  ung  homme  quil  ne  decoyue  autre  par  pa- 
rolles.  Ainsi  foy  et  loyaulte  le  conseruent  quil  ne  decoy ve  autruy  de  fait.' — La  Toison 
cTOr,  torn  ii.  fo.  229,  ed.  1516.  The  following  is  a  modern  definition  of  this  duty. 
'  The  conformity  of  our  actions  to  our  engagements,  whether  express  or  implied, 
is  Fidelity,  Good  Faith.  Thus  a  subject  is  faithful  to  the  engagement  which 
binds  him  to  the  Sovereign  of  the  State.  If,  in  such  a  case,  Love  is  added  to 
Fidelity  it  becomes  Loyalty:— Whewell,  El.  of  Mor.  p.  85. 

b  The  author  probably  refers  to  the  following  definitions  :  "Ovo/j-a  apa  Si5c^ 
<TKa\iK.6v  rl  ea-nv  opyavov  KOL  SiaKpirmbv  TTJS  ova-Las,  Plato,  Cratyl.  cap.  8,  and  "Ovofjia 
&p  fvrlv,  us  €OtK€,  /j.ifjLf]/jLa  (fxavfj  e/ceiVov,  &  /ju/j.e'iTai  Kal  opo/ia^et  6  /a/xou/xci'os  rfj  (pcavij 
b"Tav  jUi/iuJTeu. — Ubi  supra,  cap.  34,  ed.  Didot. 

0  Montaigne,  speaking  of  the  military  operations  of  the  sixteenth  century,  says 
that  practices  which  would  formerly  have  been  regarded  as  treacherous  were  con- 
sidered excusable,  according  to  the  notions  of  his  own  time.  '  Toutesfois  ie  veis 
dernierement  en  mon  voisinage  de  Mussidan,  que  ceulx  qui  en  feurent  deslogez  a 

Q2 


228  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

that  neither  regarde  of  religion  or  honour,  solemne  othes,  or 
terrible  cursis  can  cause  hit  to  be  obserued.a  And  that  I 
am  moche  ashamed  to  write,  but  that  I  muste  nedes  nowe 
remembre  it.  Neyther  scales  of  armes,b  signe  manuels,c  sub- 
force  par  nostre  armee,  et  aultres  de  leur  party,  crioyent,comme  de  trahison,  de  ce 
que  pendant  les  entremises  d'accord,  et  le  traicte  se  continuant  encores,  on  les  avoit 
surprins  et  mis  en  pieces  :  chose  qui  eust  eii  a  V adventure  apparence  en  aultre  siecle. 
Mais,  comme  ie  viens  de  dire,  nosfafons  sont  entierement  esloignees  de  ces  regies  ;  et  ne 
se  doibt  attendre  fiance  des  uns  aux  aultres,  que  le  dernier  sceau  d 'obligation  n'y  soit 
passe,  encores  y  a  il  lors  assez  a  faired — Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  35,  ed.  1854. 

a  Latimer  attributed  the  prevalence  of  perjury  in  England  at  this  time  to  the 
course  pursued  by  Wolsey.  '  In  the  Cardinal's  time  men  were  put  to  their  oaths, 
to  swear  what  they  were  worth.  It  was  a  sore  thing,  and  a  thing  I  would  wish 
not  to  be  followed.  O  Lord,  what  perjury  was  in  England  by  that  swearing  !  I 
think  this  realm  fareth  the  worse  yet  for  that  perjury  ;  for  doubtless,  many  a  one 
willingly  and  wittingly  forsware  themselves  at  that  time.' — Sermons,  vol.  i.  p.  301, 
ed.  1844.  Whilst  in  the  preamble  to  the  Statute  of  Uses,  made  in  1535,  it  is 
stated  that  many  hereditaments  have  been  conveyed  from  one  to  another  '  by 
fraudulent  feoffementes,  fynes,  recoveryes,  and  other  assurances  craftely  made  to 
secrete  uses,  intentes,  and  trustes  ;  and  also  by  wylles  and  testamentes  for  the 
moste  parte  made  by  such  persones  as  be  visited  with  sykenes  in  theyr  extreme 
agonyes  and  peynes,  by  reason  wherof  scantlye  any  persone  can  be  certaynly 
assured  of  any  landes  by  them  purchasid,  and  manyfest  perjuryes  by  triall  of  such 
secrete  willes  and  uses  have  been  commyttid.' — 27  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  10. 

b  Nicolson,  the  learned  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  was  doubtful  '  whether  the  Norman 
nobility  brought  their  use  of  large  seals  into  this  kingdom  or  found  it  here,'  but  Lord 
Coke  maintains  that  it  was  much  more  ancient.  *  The  most  usual  impresses, ' 
according  to  Nicolson,  '  were  an  armed  knight  on  horseback,  with  a  drawn  sword 
and  the  bearer's  name,  but  sometimes  instead  of  the  horseman  we  have  a  Lion, 
Leopard,  Greyhound,  Bird,  or  other  device,  part  of  the  arms  of  the  family  ;  but 
always  the  person  of  honour's  own  proper  name  encircling  his  paternal  coat,  or 
whatever  other  impression  he  was  pleased  to  fancy.  If  the  grantor's  quality  was 
mean,  and  his  family  too  inconsiderable  to  bear  arms,  the  conveyances  were 
usually  ratify'd  under  the  authentick  seal  of  some  publick  officer  or  corporation, 
the  reason  being  alleg'd  in  these  or  the  like  words,  '  quia  sigillum  meum  penitus  est 
ignotum,  sigillum  officialis  de  N.  apponi  procuravi.' — English  Historical  Library, 
p.  241,  ed.  1714.  The  object  of  the  grantor  sealing  with  his  own  seal  is  made 
very  clear  by  the  following  passage  from  Glanville,  quoted  by  Nicolson,  *  Ubi 
sigillum  suum  esse  publice  recognoverit  in  Curia,  cartam  illam  praecise  tenetur 
warrantizare  et  conventionem  in  ipsa  carta  expressam,  sicut  in  ea  continetur, 
omnino  servare  sine  contradictione.  Et  suae  malae  custodiae  imputet,  si  damnum 
incurrat  per  sigillum  suum  male  custoditum. ' — Tractatus  de  Legibus  Anglice,  lib. 
x.  cap.  12. 

•  Madox  says  :  '  In  the  Saxon  times,  before  the  reign  of  King  Edward  the 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  229 

scription,a  nor  other  specialties,  ye,  uneth  a  multitude  of  wyt- 
nesses,b  be  nowe  sufficient  to  the  obseruynge  of  promises.  O 
what  publike  weale  shulde  we  hope  to  haue  there,  where 
lacketh  fidelitie,  whiche  as  Tulli  saieth  is  the  fundation  of 
iustyce  ? c  What  meruayle  is  it  though  there  be  in  all  places 
contention  infinite,  and  that  good  lawes  be  tourned  in  to 


Confessour,  the  usage  in  this  kingdom  was  (for  ought  I  know)  to  ratify  their 
charters  by  subsigning  their  names  with  holy  crosses.  This  was  done  both  by 
the  parties  and  the  witnesses.'  And  he  adds,  that  '  for  a  good  while  after  the 
Conquest  the  usage  of  subsignation  with  crosses  was  sometimes  retained.' — Formu- 
lare  Anglicanwn,  pp.  xxvi,  xxvii,  ed.  1702.  He  throws  some  doubt  however 
upon  the  genuineness  of  these  Anglo-Norman  charters.  The  words  signum  and 
sigilhim  inserted  in  deeds  did  not  necessarily  imply  that  they  were  sealed, 
for  these  words  were  used,  at  least  in  Anglo-Saxon  charters,  to  signify  the  mark 
of  the  cross.  It  is  stated  in  the  Introduction  to  Rotuli  Chartarum  that  '  the 
simple  cross  was  not  the  only  sign  by  which  the  Anglo-Saxons  ratified  their 
charters  ;  they  also  employed  various  monograms  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  An- 
glo-Normans also  signed  the  cross  with  oblique  lines  in  the  shape  of  the 
letter  X  ;  they  also  drew  them  within  circles  and  quadrangular  figures,  and 
in  various  whimsical  shapes,  very  different  from  the  simple  forms  of  the  Saxon 
crosses,  p.  xxxvi. 

•  Mr.  Kemble,  speaking  of  the  early  Saxon  charters  says  :  '  It  is  evidei  I 
enough,  from  the  handwriting  of  such  original  charters  as  survive,  that  no  one  ever 
dreamed  of  subscribing  with  his  own  hand  ;  few  could  have  done  so.  The  signi- 
tures  accordingly  were  written  by  the  same  person  as  wrote  the  body  of  the  charter.' 
— Codex  Diplom.  ALviSax.  torn.  i.p.  xciii.  ed.  1839.  The  deed  generally  concluded 
with  *  Hiis  testibus,'  a  form  which  Lord  Coke  tells  us  '  continued  until  and  in  the 
reign  of  Hen.  VIII.  ;'  after  which  time  it  was  '  wholly  omitted,  and  the  fashion  was 
brought  in  of  subscribing  the  names  of  the  witnesses  under  the  deed  or  endorsing 
them  thereupon.' — See  2  Inst.  p.  78,  ed.  1681. 

b  Mr.  Kemble  says :  '  The  witnesses  to  Saxon  charters  vary  with  the  circum- 
stances of  the  time  and  country.  The  earliest  instruments  are  distinguished  by 
the  small  number  of  signatures,  the  presence  of  one  bishop,  or  at  most  two,  and  the 
simple  manner  of  the  subscription. '—  Codex  Diplom.  torn.  i.  p.  xcii.  But  after  the 
Norman  Conquest  the  number  of  witnesses  was  increased.  Thus  the  witnesses  to 
Magna  Charta  were  63,  'of  which  there  were  of  the  Clergy  31,  whereof  there 
were  12  Bishops  and  19  Abbots,  and  Hugh  de  Burgo,  Chief  Justice,  and  31  Earls 
and  Barons.' — 2  Inst.  p.  78.  In  Rotuli  Chartarum  it  is  stated  that  '  to  Charters 
there  were  usually  many  witnesses,  but  to  Letters  Patent  and  Letters  Close  there 
was  seldom  more  than  one  witness.' — P.  xxix.  Introd. 

•  '  Fundamentum  est  autem  justitice  fides.' — De  Off",  lib  i.  cap.  7. 


230  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Sophemes  a  and  insolubles,b  sens  euery  where  fidelitie  is  con- 
strayned  to  come  in  triall,  and  credence  (as  I  mought  save)  is 
becomen  a  vagabunde? 

To  Josue,  whiche  succeded  Moyses  in  the  gouernaunce 
and  leadinge  of  the  Jewes,  almighty  god  gaue  in  com- 
maundement  to  sle  as  many  as  he  shulde  happen  to  take  of 
Of  what  ^e  Pe°P^e  called  Cananees.  There  hapned  to  be 
autorite  nyghe  to  Jerusalem  a  contraye  called  Gabaon,c  and 
fidelities.  jn  decie  the  people  therof  were  Cananees,  who, 

*  Richardson  does  not  mention  this  form  in  his  Dictionary.  It  occurs,  however, 
in  Chaucer.  Thus  in  The  Clerk  of  Oxen/orders  Prologe  : 

'  This  day  ne  herd  I  of  your  mouth  a  word. 
I  trowe  ye  study  aboute  som  sophime ; 
But  Salomon  saith,  every  thing  hath  tyme.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  278,  ed.  1866. 
And  again  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose : 

'  For  men  may  fynde  alwaye  sopheme 
The  consequence  to  enveneme, 
Who  so  that  hath  had  the  subtelte 
The  double  sentence  for  to  see.' — Ubi  supra,  vol.  vi.  p.  227. 

b  The  same  phrase  occurs  also  in  the  writings  of  Sir  Thos.  More  :  '  Then  after 
that  I  haue  so  clerely  confuted  Tyndal  concerning  that  point,  and  shall  haue 
playnely  proued  you  the  sure  and  stedfast  authoritie  of  Christes  catholique  knowen 
churche,  agaynste  all  Tyndalles  tryflinge  sophisticacions,  whyche  he  woulde  shoulde 
seeme  so  solempne  subtile  insohtbles,  whiche  ye  shall  se  proued  very  frantique 
folyes — after  this  done  I  say,  before  I  go  ferther  with  Tindall,  I  purpose  to  aunswere 
good  yong  father  Fryth.' — Workes,  vol.  i.  p.  355,  ed.  1557.  The  word  was  a 
technical  one  in  the  mouths  of  the  schoolmen,  and  was  specially  employed  by 
Pierre  d'Ailly,  otherwise  known  as  Petrus  de  Alyaco,  one  of  the  most  famous 
theologians  of  the  I4th  century,  who  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  cardinal  by 
Pope  John  XXIII.,  and  who  died  about  1420.  He  wrote  a  treatise  entitled 
Conceptus  et  Insolubilia,  published  at  Paris  in  1498.  Ailly  was  followed  by  John 
Major  or  Mair,  the  learned  Scotch  divine  and  historian,  who  died  about  1550, 
and  was  therefore  a  contemporary  of  Sir  Thomas  Elyot.  He  was  a  free  thinker 
in  politics,  but  we  are  told  that  '  in  all  other  respects  he  was  completely  sub- 
servient to  the  opinions  of  his  age  ;  and  with  a  mind  deeply  tinctured  with  super- 
stition, defended  some  of  the  absurdest  tenets  of  popery  by  the  most  ridiculous  and 
puerile  arguments.'  Major,  like  his  predecessors,  wrote  a  treatise,  Insolubilium 
et  Obligationuni)  which  was  printed  at  Paris  in  1516. 

c  /  e.  Gibeon,  which  appears  in  the  Septuagint  as  TajSacoi/,  and  is  called  by 
Josephus 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  231 

herynge  of  the  precept  gyuen  to  Josue,  as  men  (as  it  semed) 
of  great  wisedome,  they  sent  an  ambassade  to  Josue  Cananees 
which  approched  their  contray,  sayenge  that  they  preserued 
were  ferre  distaunt  from  the  Cananees,  and  desired  by  Iosue' 
to  be  in  perpetuall  leage  with  him  and  his  people :  and  to 
dissemble  the  length  of  their  iournay,  as  their  contray  had 
been  ferre  thens,  they  had  on  them  olde  worne  garmentes  and 
torne  shone.a  Josue  supposinge  all  to  be  true  that  they  spake, 
concluded  peace  with  them  and  confirmed  the  leage.  And 
with  a  solemne  othe  ratified  bothe  the  one  and  the  other. 
Afterwarde  it  was  discouered  that  they  were  Cananees,  whiche 
if  Josue  had  knowen  before  the  leage  made,  he  had  nat 
spared  any  of  them.  But  whan  he  reuolued  in  his  mynde  the 
solemne  othe  that  he  had  made,  and  the  honour  which  con- 
sisted in  his  promyse,  he  presumed  that  faythe  beinge  obserued 
unperisshed  shulde  please  all  mighty  god  aboue  all  thinges. 
Which  was  than  proued.  For  it  appereth  nat  that  god  euer 
dyd  so  moche  as  in  any  wise  imbraiedb  him  for  brekynge  of 

»  See  Joshua  ix.  1-27. 

b  The  modern  equivalent  for  this  word  is  upbraid.  Richardson  does  not 
notice  this  passage,  but  quotes  the  following  from  Hall :  '  Of  thys  the  erle  of 
Warwycke  was  nothyng  ignorant,  which  although  he  loked  for  better  thankes 
and  more  ample  benefites  at  Kyng  Edwardes  handes,  yet  he  thought  it  best  to 
dissimule  the  matter,  tyll  such  a  time  were  come,  as  he  might  fynd  the  kyng 
without  strength,  and  then  to  imbrayd  him  with  the  pleasure  that  he  had  done  for 
him.' — Chronicle,  vol.  i.  fo.  cxcv.  b.  ed.  1548.  Huloet's  Dictionary,  printed  in 
1572,  gives  not  only  the  forms  imbrayde,  imbrayder,  imbrayding,  but  the  still  more 
uncommon  forms  of  braide,  brayder,  braiding  =  exprobratio.  And  probably 
this  is  the  sense  in  which  it  is  used,  by  Chaucer  in  the  following  passage  in  Troylus 
and  Crysede : 

'  Lith  Toilus,  byraft  of  eche  welfare, 
Ybounden  in  the  blake  barke  of  care, 
Disposed  wode  out  of  his  wit  to  brayde, 
So  soore  hym  sat  the  chaungynge  of  Cryseyde. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  309,  ed.  1866. 

It  occurs  also  in  the  Mirour  for  Magistrates,  which  was  first  published  in  1559  : 

'  In  case  of  slander,  lawes  require  no  more, 
Saue  to  amend  that  seemed  not  well  said: 


232  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

his  commaundement.  By  this  example  it  appereth  in  what 
estimation  and  reuerence  leages  and  trues8  made  by  princes 
aught  to  be  had  ;  to  the  breache  where  of  none  excuse  is  suffi- 
cient. But  lette  us  leaue  princes  affayres  to  their  counsailours. 
And  I  will  nowe  wryte  of  the  partes  of  fidelitie  whiche  be 
more  frequent  and  accustomed  to  be  spoken  of.  And  first  of 
loyaltie  and  truste  :  and  laste  of  credence,  whiche  principally 

Or  to  unsay  the  slanders  said  afore, 

And  aske  forgiuenesse  for  the  hastie  braid? 

P.  461,  ed.  1610. 

Becon,  who  was  chaplain  to  Archbishop  Cranmer,  in  one  of  his  treatises  uses  the 
very  same  phrase  as  our  author :  '  Sara,  the  daughter  of  Raguel,  desiring  to  be 
delivered  from  the  impropery  and  imbraiding,  as  it  would  appear,  of  a  certain 
default  wherewith  one  of  her  father's  handmaidens  did  imbraid  and  cast  her  in  the 
teeth,  forsook  all  company,  and  went  straight  into  an  upper  chamber  of  her  house.' 
—  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  131,  ed.  1843,  Parker  Society. 

*  Richardson,  in  quoting  this  passage,  erroneously  prints  truces,  but  in  the 
original  the  older  form  of  the  word  appears,  which  is  evidently  merely  the  French 
treve  Anglicised,  which  again  is  derived  from  the  Low  Latin  treuga,  treva.  The 
same  form  of  the  word  is  used  by  Chaucer.  Thus  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde : 

'  In  tyme  Qitrewes  on  haukynge  wold  he  ryde.' 
And  again  in  the  same  poem : 

'  Of  Priamus  was  yeve,  at  Grek  requeste, 

A  tyme  of  trtwesS 
And  also: 

'  This  town  is  ful  of  lordes  al  aboute, 
And  trewes  lasten  al  this  mene-qwyle.' 

Poet.   Works,  vol.  iv.  pp.  297,  302 ;  vol.  v.  p.  1 7. 

Fabyan  gives  the  ancient  and  also  more  modern  form  in  the  same  passage  : 
1  He  (Charles  the  Simple)  therefore  sente  him  (the  Bishop  of  Rouen)  in  Ambassade 
to  the  said  Rollo,  to  require  a  true  or  truse  for  iii  monthes,  the  whiche  was 
graunted.' — Chronicle,  vol.  i.  p.  227,  ed.  1559.  And  shortly  after  the  same  writer 
says:  '  When  Rollo  had  receyued  this  tydynges  frome  the  kynge  by  the  mouthe  of 
his  friende  Franke,  hesomwhat  attempred  his  fury  and  cruelty,  and  condescended 
to  a  true\yy  the  counsayle  of  his  Lordes  for  the  terme  of  iii  monethes,' — Ibid.  p. 
228.  Lord  Berners,  in  his  translation  of  Froissart's  account  of  the  capture  of 
Bergerac  by  the  English  in  1344,  says  :  '  The  Englysshmen  dyd  so  moche,  that 
they  brake  downe  a  great  pane  of  the  pales  ;  than  they  within  reculed  backe,  and 
desyred  a  treaty  and  a  trewse,  the  which  was  granted,  to  endur  all  that  day  and 
the  next  nyght,  so  that  they  shulde  nat  fortify  in  the  meane  season.' — Froissart's 
Chron,vo\.  i.  p.  124,  ed.  1812. 


THE    GOVERN  OUR.  233 

resteth  in  promise.     In  the  moste  renoumed  warres  betwene 
the    Romaynes    and  Anniball  (duke  of  Charthagi-    The  ioialt 
nensis),   a   noble  citie  in   spayne  called  Saguntum,  oftheSa- 
whiche  was  in  amitie  and  leage  with  the  Romaynes,  sun 
was  by  the  said  Anniball  strongely  besieged ;  in  so  moche 
as  they  were  restrayned  from  vitayle  and  all  other  Titus 
sustenaunce.  Of  the  whiche  necessitie  by  their  priuie 
messages     they    assertayned    the    Romanes.      But 
they  beinge  busyed  about  the  preparations  for  the  defence 
of  Italye  and  also  of  the  citie  agayne  the  intolerable  powar 
of  Anniball,  hauinge  also  late  two  of  their  moste  valiaunt 
capitaynes,  Publius  Scipio  and   Lucius   Scipio,  with  a  great 
hooste  of  Romaynes  slayne  by  Anniball  in  Spayne,a  deferred  to 
sende  any  spedy  socours  to  the  Saguntynes.     But  natwith- 
standyng  that  Anniball  desired  to  haue  with  them  amitie, 
offringe  them  peace  with  their  citie,  and  goodes  at  lybertie, 
consideringe  that  they  were  brought  in  to  extreme  necessitie, 
lackynge  vitayle,  and  dispayringe  to  haue  socours  from  the 
Romaynes,    all    the     inhabitauntes     confortynge    and     ex- 
hortynge  eche  other  to  die,  rather  than  to  violate  the  leage 
and  amitie  that  they  of  longe  tyme  had  contynued  with  the 
Romaynes,  by  one  hole  assent,  after  that  they  hadde  made 
sondry  great  pyles  of  wode  and  of  other  mater  to  brenne, 
they  layde  in  it  all  their  goodes  and  substaunce,  and  laste  of 
all,  conuayenge  them  selfes  in  to  the  saide  pyles  or  bonefires  * 
with  their  wyfes  and  children,  sette  all  on  fire,  and  there  were 
brenned  or  Annyballe  coulde  entree  the  citie.b 

a  There  is  a  good  deal  of  confusion  in  this  statement,  for  it  was  Cneius  and  not 
Lucius  Scipio  who  co-operated  with  his  brother  Publius,  and  both  survived  the 
capture  of  Saguntum,  which  took  place  B.C.  218,  whilst  the  two  Scipiosfell  within 
a  few  days  of  each  other  six  years  after  that  event ;  but  it  will  be  seen  from  the 
next  note  that  the  author  was  not  altogether  responsible  for  the  mistake. 

b  '  Nam  post  duorum  in  Hispania  Scipionum,  totidemque  Romani  sanguinis 
exercituum  miserabilem  stragem,  Saguntini  victricibus  Hannibalis  armis  intra 
moenia  urbis  suse  compulsi,  cum  vim  Punicam  ulterius  nequirent  arcere,  collatis  in 
forum,  quae  unicuique  erant  carissima,  atque  undique  circumdatis  accensisque  ignis 
nutritnentis,  ne  a  societate  nostra  desciscerent,  publico  et  communi  rogo  semetipsi 
super] ecerunt.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  vi.  cap.  6.  ext.  i. 


234 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Semblable  loyaltie  was  in  the  inhabitauntes  of  Petilia  the 
same  tyme ;  who,  being  lyke  wyse  besieged  by  Anniball,  sent  for 
socoures  to  Rome.  But  for  the  great  losse  that  a  little  erste 
the  Romaynes  had  sustayned  at  the  batayle  of  Cannas  they 
coulde  in  no  wise  delyuer  them  ;  wherfore  they  discharged 
them  of  their  promise,  and  licensed  them  to  do  that  thinge 
which  mought  be  moste  for  their  saufegarde.  By  whiche 
answere  they  semed  to  be  discharged,  and  lefully  mought 
haue  entred  in  to  the  fauour  of  Anniball.  Yet  natwithstandynge, 
this  noble  people,  preseruing  loyalte  before  life,  puttynge  out 
of  their  citie  their  women  and  all  that  were  of  yeres  unhabill 
for  the  warres,  that  they  mought  more  frankely  sustayne 
famyne,  they  obstinately  defended  their  walles,  that  in  the 
defence  they  all  perysshed.  So  that  whan  Anniball  was 
entred,  he  founde  that  he  toke  nat  the  citie,  but  rather  the 
sepulchre  of  the  loyall  citie  Petilia.a 

O  noble  fidelitie,  whiche  is  so  moche  the  more  to  be 
wondred  at,  that  it  was  nat  onely  in  one  or  a  fewe  persones, 
but  in  thousandes  of  men,  and  they  nat  beinge  of  the  blode  or 
aliaunce  of  the  Romanes,  but  straungers,  dwellynge  in  ferre 
contrayes  from  them,  beinge  onely  of  gentill  nature  and  ver- 
tuous  courage,  inclined  to  loue  honour,  and  to  be  constant  in 
their  assuraunce.b 

*  *  Idem  praestando  Petellini  eundem  laudis  honorem  meruerunt.  Ab  Hanni- 
bale,  quia  deficere  a  nostra  amicitia  noluerant,  obsessi,  legates  ad  senatum  auxilium 
implorantes  miserunt.  Quibus  propter  recentem  cladem  Cannensem  succurri  non 
potuit ;  ceterum  permissum  est,  uti  facerent  quod  utilissimum  incolumitati  ipsorum 
videretur.  Liberum  ergo  erat  Carthaginiensium  gratiam  amplecti.  Illi  tamen 
foeminis,  omnique  setate  imbelli  urbe  egesta,  quo  diutius  armati  famem  traherent, 
pertinacissime  in  muris  perstiterunt  ;  expiravitque  prius  eorum  tota  civitas,  quam 
ulla  ex  parte  Romanse  societatis  respectum  deposuit.  Itaque  Hannibali  non 
Petelliam,  sed  fidei  Petellinse  sepulcrum  capere  contigit.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  vi. 
cap.  6  ext.  2. 

b  Bullinger,  whose  writings  were  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  English  Reformers, 
in  insisting  upon  the  necessity  of  religiously  keeping  oaths,  cites  these  citizens  as 
an  example  to  be  imitated.  '  Unless  we  do  this,'  (i.e.  keep  our  oaths)  then  terrible 
threatenings  and  sharpe  revengement  of  God's  just  judgment  are  thundered  from 
heaven  against  us  transgressors.  The  very  heathens  shall  rise  up  and  condemn  us 
in  the  day  of  judgment.  For  the  Saguntines,  the  Numantines,  and  they  of  Petilia, 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  235 

Nowe  will  I  wryte  from  hensforthe  of  particuler  persones 
whiche  haue  showed  examples  of  loyaltie,  which  I  praye  god 
may  so  cleue  to  the  myndes  of  the  reders,  that  they  may  be 
all  way  redy  to  put  the  semblable  in  experience. 

Howe  moche  aught  all  they,  in  whome  is  any  por-  The  com_ 
tion  of  gentill  courage,  endeuoure  them  selfes  to  be  mentation 
all  wayes  trustye  and  loyall  to  their  souerayne,  who  °fl°yalte' 
putteth  them  in  truste,  or  hathe  ben  to  them  beneficiall,   as 
well    reason  exhorteth,   as   also  sondrye  examples  of  noble 
personages,  whiche,  as  compendiously  as  I  can,  I  will  nowe 
bringe  to  the  reders  remembraunce. 

What  tyme  that  Saull  for  his  greuous  offences  was  aban- 
doned of  all  mighty  god,  who  of  a  very  poore  mannes  sonne  did 
auaunce  him  to  the  kyngedome  of  Israeli,  and  that  Dauid,  beinge 
his  seruaunt  and  as  poore  a  mannes  son  as  he,  was  elected  by 
god  to  reigne  in  Israeli,  and  was  enointed  kynge  by  the  prophet 
Samuell,  Saulle  beinge  therfore  in  a  rage,  hauinge  indignacion 
at  Dauid,  pursued  hym  with  a  great  hooste  to  haue  slayne 
hym,  who  (as  longe  as  he  mought)  fledde  and  forbarea  Saule, 
as  his  soueraygne  lorde.  On  a  tyme  Dauid  was  so  inclosed 
by  the  armie  of  Saule,  that  he  mought  by  no  wayes  escape, 
but  was  fayne  to  hyde  hym  and  his  men  in  a  great  caue 
whiche  was  wyde  and  depe  in  the  erthe.  Durynge  the  tyme 
that  he  was  in  the  caue,  Saull  nat  knowinge  therof  entred 

chose  rather  to  die  \vith  fire  and  famine,  than  to  break  or  violate  their  promise  once 
bound  with  an  oath.' — The  Second  Decade,  p.  252,  ed.  1849.  Parker  Soc.  It 
would  almost  seem,  from  the  order  in  which  these  examples  are  mentioned,  as  if 
Bullinger  had  made  himself  acquainted  with  Sir  Thos.  Elyot's  work.  Even  if  we 
reject  such  an  hypothesis  as  too  improbable,  yet  the  passage  affords  an  interesting 
illustration  of  the  way  in  which  the  first  Reformers  turned  their  newly-acquired 
knowledge  of  the  classics  to  account  in  the  interest  of  religion. 

a  I.e.  avoided,  shunned.  The  word  is  used  in  this  sense  by  Shakspeare  in  the 
following  passage.  '  Forbear  his  presence,  till  some  little  time  hath  qualified  the 
heart  of  his  displeasure.' — King  Lear,  Act  i.  Sc.  2,  Reed's  ed.  1803  ;  and  also  by 
Waller  the  poet  : 

'  So  angry  bulls  the  combat  do  forbear, 
When  from  the  wood  a  lion  does  appear.' 

Poetical  Works,  p.  107,  ed.  1857. 


236  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

into  the  caue,  to  the  intent  to  do  his  haturall  easement ;  whiche 
the  people  of  Dauid  perceyuinge,  exhorted  him  to  sle  Saulle, 
hauynge  suche  oportunitie  ;  sayenge  that  god  hadde  brought 
his  enemye  in  to  his  handes,  and  that  Saull  beinge  slayne, 
the  warre  were  al  at  an  ende,  considerynge  that  the  people 
loued  better  Dauid  than  Saulle.  But  Dauid  refusinge  their 
counsayle,  saide  that  he  wolde  nat  laye  violent  handes  on  his 
soueraygne  lorde,  beinge  a  kynge  enoynted  of  god  :  but 
softely  he  approched  to  Saulle,  and  dyd  cut  of  a  peace  of  the 
nether  parte  of  his  mantell.  And  after  that  Saull  was  de- 
parted out  of  the  caue  towarde  his  campe  Dauid  called  after 
hym  sayenge,  Whome  pursuest  thou,  noble  prince  ?  (with  other 
wordes  rehersed  in  the  bible  in  the  firste  boke  of  kingesa), 
and  than  shewed  to  hym  the  parte  of  his  mantell.  Wherat 
Saull  beinge  abasshed,  recognised  his  unkyndnesse,  callyng 
Dauid  his  dere  sonne  and  trusty  frende,  recommendynge  to 
hym  his  children  and  progenie,  sens  by  the  wyll  of  god  he 
was  elected  to  succede  hym  in  the  kyngdome  of  Israeli.  And 
so  departed  Saulle  from  Dauid.  Yet  nat  withstandinge,  after- 
warde  he  pursued  hym  in  Gaddy.b  And  in  a  night,  whan 
Saull  and  his  armye  were  at  reste,  and  that  Dauid  by  an 
espiall  knewe  that  they  were  all  faste  on  slepe,  he  toke  with 
him  a  certayne  of  the  moste  assured  and  valiaunt  personages 
of  his  hoste,  and  in  most  secrete  wise  came  to  the  pauilion  c  of 

*  This  is  a  mistake  on  the  part  of  the  author.  The  facts  alluded  to  here  are 
narrated  in  the  first  book  of  Samuel,  chapters  xxiv.  and  xxvi. 

b  I.e.  En-gedi,  called  in  the  Septuagint  'Eyyaffti  and  '£7708501:.  Its  original 
name  was  Hazazon-Tamar,  meaning  '  the  pruning  of  the  palm,'  doubtless  as 
Josephus  says,  on  account  of  the  palm -groves  which  surrounded  it.  There  is  a 
curious  reference  to  it  in  Mandeville,  who  says  that  the  district  between  Jericho 
and  the  Dead  Sea  is  *  the  land  of  Dengadda '  (Fr.  d'Engadda)  and  that  the  palm 
trees  were  '  still  called  vines  of  Gady.' 

0  From  the  French  pavilion.  Thus  Hall,  speaking  of  the  meeting  of  Henry 
VIII.  with  Francis  I.  in  1520,  says,  'Fraunces,  the  Frenche  kyng,  was  with  all 
his  nobles  of  the  realme  of  Fraunce  come  to  the  toune  of  Arde,  which  was  prepared 
for  his*commyng.  Many  tentes,  hales,  and  pauilions  were  set  and  pight  in  the 
felde.' — Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  fo.  74.  And  again,  '  Thursdaie  the  seuenth  day  of  June,  in 
the  vale  of  Andren,  within  the  lordeship  royall  of  Guysnes,  before  dale,  was  set 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  237 

king  Saul,  where  he  founde  hym  suerly  slepynge,  hauinge  by 
him  his  speare  and  a  cuppe  with  water.  Wherfore  one  of  the 
company  of  Dauid  sayde  that  he  with  the  speare  of  Saulle, 
wolde  stryke  hym  through  and  slee  hym.  Nay,  sayd  Dauid, 
our  lorde  forbede  that  I  suffre  my  soueraigne  lord  to  be 
slayne,  for  he  is  enointed  of  god.  And  therwith  he  toke 
the  speare  with  the  cuppe  of  water,  and  whan  he  was  a  good 
distaunce  from  the  hoste  of  Saulle,  he  cried  with  a  loude  voyce 
to  Abner,  which  was  than  marshall  of  the  armye  of  Saul.  Who 
answered  and  sayde,  What  arte  thou  that  thus  disseasest  b  the 

and  pight  a  royall  rich  tent,  all  of  clothe  of  gold  and  riche  embroudery  of  the  kyng 
of  Englandes,  and  diuerse  other  hales  and  pauilions. ' — Ibid.  fo.  75.  LordBerners 
in  his  translation  of  Froissart's  account  of  the  relief  of  Auberoche  by  the  Earl  of 
Derby  in  1444,  says :  '  Thenglysshmen  cryed  a  Derby,  a  Derby,  and  ouerthrewe 
tentes  and  pauylions,  and  slewe  and  hurte  many.' — Froissart's  Chron.  vol.  i.  p. 
128,  ed.  1812. 

"  I.e.  Troublest,  from  the  French  word  desaise,  one  of  the  meanings  of  which 
according  to  Cotgrave,  is  the  'being  ill  at  ease.'  He  also  gives  a  participial  form, 
desaise,  from  which  one  may  infer  the  existence  of  a  verb,  although  none  such 
appears  in  his  Dictionary.  In  Edward  VI. 's  Bible,  printed  in  1552,  verse  35  of  the 
gospel  of  S.  Mark,  chap,  v.,  is  translated,  '  Whyle  he  yet  spake  there  came  from 
the  ruler  of  the  synagoges  house  certayne  which  sayd,  thy  doughter  is  dead,  why 
diseasest  thou  the  master  any  further.'  But  in  Coverdale's  Bible  of  1535  the  word 
is  translated  as  now,  'troublest.'  Chaucer  uses  the  same  expression  in  Troylus 
and  Cryseyde : 

'  Nyl  I  nought  swere,  although  he  lay  softe 
That  in  his  thought  he  nas  somwhat  disesed? 
and  again  : 

'  The  sothe  is,  the  twynnynge  of  us  tweyne 
Wol  us  disese,  and  crueliche  anoye.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  pp.  243,  353. 

Chillingworth,  in  the  Religion  of  Protestants,  says  :  '  That  I  should  disease  myself 
or  my  reader  with  a  punctuall  examination  of  it  (i.e.  the  question  in  dispute)  may 
seeme  superfluous.' — P.  200,  ed.  1638  ;  and  Locke  in  his  Essay  on  Human  Under- 
standing, employs  the  word  in  the  same  sense  as  our  author,  viz.  as  an  equivalent 
for  '  to  disturb.'  Thus  he  says  :  '  Pain  is  often  produced  by  the  same  objects  and 
ideas  that  produce  pleasure,  in  us.  ...  Thus  heat,  that  is  very  agreeable  to  us  in 
one  degree,  by  a  little  greater  increase  of  it  proves  no  ordinary  torment,  and  the 
most  pleasant  of  all  sensible  objects,  light  itself,  if  there  be  too  much  of  it,  if 
increased  beyond  a  due  proportion  to  our  eyes,  causes  a  very  painful  sensation. 
Which  is  wisely  and  favourably  so  ordered  by  nature  that  when  any  object  does  by 
the  vehemency  of  its  operation  disorder  the  instruments  of  sensation,  whose  struc- 


238  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

kyng,  which  is  nowe  at  his  reste  ?  To  whome  Dauid  said, 
Abner,  thou  and  thy  company  are  worthy  dethe,  that  haue  so 
negligently  watched  youre  prince ;  where  is  his  speare  and  the 
cuppe  of  water  that  stode  at  his  beddes  hede  ?  suerly  ye  be 
but  dede  men  whan  he  shall  knowe  it.  And  there  with  he 
shewed  the  speare  and  cuppe  with  water.  Whiche  Saulle  per- 
ceyuinge  and  hearynge  the  voyce  of  Dauid,  cried  unto  him 
saienge,  Is  nat  this  the  voice  of  my  dere  sonne  Dauid  ?  I 
uncurtaisely  do  pursue  him,  and  he  nat  withstandinge  doth  to 
me  good  for  euill.  With  other  wordes,whicheto  abbreuiate  the 
mater  I  do  passe  ouer.  This  noble  historic  and  other  sem- 
blable,  eyther  wrought  in  Aresse,  or  connyngly  painted,  will 
moche  better  be  seme  the  houses  of  noble  men  than  the  Con- 
cubines and  voluptuous  pleasures  of  the  'same  Dauid  and 
Salamon  a  his  sonne,  whiche  be  more  frequently  expressed  in 
the  hangynges  of  houses  and  counterpointes,b  than  the  vertue 

tures  cannot  but  be  very  nice  and  delicate,  we  might  by  the  pain  be  warned  to 
withdraw  before  the  organ  be  quite  put  out  of  order,  and  so  be  unfitted  for  its 
proper  function  for  the  future.  The  consideration  of  those  objects  that  produce  it 
may  well  persuade  us,  that  this  is  the  end  or  use  of  pain.  For  though  great  light 
be  insufferable  to  our  eyes,  yet  the  highest  degree  of  darkness  does  not  at  all 
disease  them;  because  that  causing  no  disorderly  motion  in  it  leaves  that  curious 
organ  unharmed  in  its  natural  state.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  114,  ed.  1823. 

8  See  note  ante  p.  25.  Though  such  subjectswere'specially  in  request,  yet  there 
were  not  wanting  others  of  a  higher  order,  for  Peacham  in  a  short  notice  of  Raphael 
and  his  works,  refers  to  '  those  stately  hangings  of  Arras,  containing  the  historic  of 
S.  Paul  out  of  the  Acts  (then  which  eye  neuer  beheld  more  absolute  Art,  and 
which  long  since  you  might  haue  scene  in  the  banqueting  house  at  Whitehall) ' 
which  '  were  wholly  of  his  inuention,  bought  (if  I  be  not  deceiued)  by  King  Henrie 
the  eight  of  the  State  of  Venice,  where  Raphaell  Urbine  dyed.' — Compleat  Gentle- 
man,  p.  137,  ed.  1622. 

b  This  is  simply  the  French  word  contrepoinct  Anglicised,  and  is  represented 
by  the  modern  '  counterpane. '  Cotgrave  translates  it  '  a  quilt,  or  quilted  covering. ' 
Strype,  in  an  inventory  of  furniture  belonging  to  the  Lady  Mary,  daughter  of  Sir 
Thomas  Seymour  and  the  ex-queen  Catherine  Parr,  taken  A.D.  1548,  mentions 
'  A  testor  of  scarlet  embroidered  with  a  counterpoint  of  silksay  belonging  to  the 
same,  and  curtains  of  crimson  taffeta,  two  counterpoints  of  imagery  for  the  nurse's 
bed,  six  pair  of  sheets,  six  fair  pieces  of  hangings  within  the  inner  chamber,  four 
carpets  for  windows,  ten  pieces  of  hangings  of  the  twelve  months  within  the  utter 
chamber,  two  cushions  of  cloth  of  gold,  one  chair  of  cloth  of  gold,  two  wrought 
stools,  a  bedstead  gilt,  with  a  testor  and  counterpoint,  with  curtains  belonging  to 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  239 

and  holynesse  of  the  one,  or  the  wise  experimentes  of  the 
other.  But  nowe  will  I  passe  ouer  to  histories  whiche  be 
more  straunge,  and  therfore  I  suppose  more  pleasaunt  to  the 
reder. 

Xerxes  a  beinge  kynge  of  Persia,  the  great  citie  of  Babilon 
rebelled  againe  him,  which  was  of  suche  strength  that  the 
kynge  was  nat  of  powar  to  subdue  it ;  that  perceyuinge  a 
gentilman,  one  of  the  counsayle  of  kynge  Xerxes,  named 
Zopirus,  a  man  of  notable  wisedome,  unwittynge  to  any 
persone,  dyd  cut  of  his  owne  eares  and  nose,  and  preuely 
departed  towarde  Babilon,  and  beynge  knowen  by  them  of  the 
citie,  was  demaunded  who  hadde  so  disfygured  hym.  Unto 
whome  he  answered  with  apparaunt  tokens  of  heuinesse,  that 
for  as  moche  as  he  hadde  giuen  to  Xerxes  counsayle,  and 
aduise  to  be  reconsiled  unto  their  citie,  he  beinge  meued  with 

the  same.' — Eccles.  Mem.  vol.  ii.  pt.  i.  p.  201,  ed.  1822.  Shakspeare,  in  the 
Taming  of  the  Shrew,  speaks  of 

'  My  hangings  all  of  Tyrian  tapestry; 

In  ivory  coffers  I  have  stuff 'd  my  crowns, 

In  cypress  chests  my  arras,  counterpoints, 

Costly  apparel,  tents,  and  canopies.' 

Sir  Thomas  North,  in  his  translation  of  Plutarch's  Lives,  says  :  '  For  no  man  is  so 
maddely  disposed  or  simple  witted  as  to  bring  into  so  poore  and  meane  houses 
bedsteades  with  siluer  feete,  imbrodered  couerlettes,  or  counterpoyntes  of  purple 
silke,  bicause  the  beddes  must  be  aunswerable  to  the  meanenes  of  the  house,  the 
furnitures  of  the  beddes  must  be  sutelike  to  the  same.' — P.  52,  ed.  1579.  In  a 
very  popular  comedy  published  in  I594>  called  A  knacke  to  know  a  knave,  occurs 
the  following  passage  : 

'  And  I  will  be  attyred  in  cloth  of  Bis, 

Beset  with  Orient  pearle,  fetcht  from  rich  Indian, 

And  all  my  chamber  shall  be  richly  (wrought  ?) 

With  Aras  hanging,  fetcht  from  Alexandria. 

Then  will  I  haue  rich  counterpoints  and  muske. ' 

Finally,  we  meet  with  the  word  in  Shelton's  translation  of  Don  Quixote, 
which  was  published  in  the  middle  of  the  following  century.  '  Shee  entred  into 
Don  Quixote's  chamber,  who  so  soon  as  hee  saw  her,  was  so  amazed  and  con- 
founded at  her  presence,  as  hee  shrunk  down  into  his  bed,  all  covered  with  the 
clothes,  and  hid  with  the  sheets  and  counterpoint' — P.  265,  ed.  1652. 

•  This  is  a  mistake,  for  it  was  Darius  Hystaspes,  and  not  Xerxes,  who  was  on 
the  throne  of  Persia  at  this  time. 


240  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

ire  and  displeasure  towarde  hym,  in  moste  cruell  wise  caused 
him  to  be  so  shamefully  mutulate.  Addynge  there  unto 
reprochefull  wordes  agayne  Xerxes.  The  Babilonians  be- 
holdynge  his  miserable  astate,  and  the  tokens  whiche  (as  it 
semed  to  them)  approued  his  wordes  to  be  true,  moche  petied 
hym.  And  as  well  for  the  great  wisedome  that  they  knewe  to 
be  in  hym,  as  for  the  occasion  whiche  they  supposed  shulde 
incense  hym  to  be  shortely  auenged,  they  made  hym  their 
chiefe  capitayne,  and  committed  hooly  to  hym  the  gouer- 
naunce  and  defence  of  their  citie.  Which  hapned  in  euery 
thinge  accordinge  to  his  expectacion.  Where  upon  he  shortely 
gaue  notyce  to  the  kynge  of  all  his  affaires  and  exploitures.a 
And  finally  so  endeuoured  hym  selfe  by  his  wisedome,  that  he 
accorded  b  the  kynge  and  the  citie,  without  any  losse  or  damage 

*  « Interjecto  deinde  tempore,  cum  Assyrii  descivissent,  et  Babyloniam  occu- 
passent,  difficilisque  urbis  expugnatio  esset ;  aestuante  rege,  unus  de  interfectoribus 
Magorum  Zopyrus  domi  se  verberibus  lacerari  toto  corpore  jubet  ;  nasum,  aures, 
et  labia  sibi  praecidi  :  atque  ita  regi  inopinanti  se  offert.  Attonitum  et  quaerentem 
Darium  causas  auctoremque  tarn  faedae  lacerationis,  tacitus,  quo  proposito  fecerit, 
edocet ;  formatoque  in  futura  consilio,  transfugae  titulo  Babyloniam  proficiscitur. 
Ibi  ostendit  populo  laniatum  corpus  :  queritur  "  crudelitatem  regis,  a  quo  in  regni 
petitione,  non  virtute,  sed  auspicio  ;  non  judicio  hcminum,  sed  hinnitu  equi,  super- 
atus  sit."  Jubet  "  illos  ex  amicis  exemplum  capere,  quid  hostibus  cavendum  sit." 
Hortatur  "ne  moenibus  magis  quam  armis  confidant,  patianturque  se  commune 
bellum  recentiore  ira  gerere."  Nota  nobilitas  viri  pariter  et  virtus  omnibus  erat  : 
nee  de  fide  timebant,  cujus  veluti  pignora  vulnera  corporis  et  injuriae  notas  habe- 
bant.  Constituitur  ergo  dux  omnium  suffragio  :  et  accepta  parva  manu,  semel 
atque  iterum  cedentibus  consulto  Persis,  secunda  proelia  facit.  Ad  postremum 
universum  sibi  creditum  exercitum  Dario  prodit,  urbemque  ipsam  in  potestatem 
ejus  redigit.' — Justin,  lib.  i.  cap.  10.  The  story  is  also  told  at  greater  length  by 
Herodotus  in  his  third  book. 

b  From  the  French  accorder,  meaning  'to  bring  to  agreement,  to  compose 
differences,  to  reconcile.'  North,  in  his  translation  of  Plutarch? s  Lives,  which  was 
published  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  makes, use  of  this  expression  :  '  Although  in  all 
pointes  it  agreeth  not  with  certaine  tables  (which  they  call  Chronicles)  where  they 
have  busily  noted  the  order  and  course  of  times,  which,  euen  to  this  daye,  many 
haue  curiously  sought  to  correct,  and  could  yet  neuer  discusse  it,  nor  accords  all 
contrarieties  and  manifest  repugnances  in  the  same.'— P.  102,  ed.  1579.  And  so 
does  Sir  Matthew  Hale,  who  wrote  in  the  succeeding  century,  '  When  men  were 
sure,  that  in  case  they  rested  upon  a  bare  contract  without  specialty,  the  other 
party  might  wage  his  law,  they  would  not  rest  upon  such  contracts  without  reducing 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  241 

to  eyther  of  them.  Wherforc  on  a  tyme  the  sayde  kynge 
Xerxes  cutting  an  odly  great  pomegranate,  and  beholdynge  it 
faire  and  full  of  kernels,  sayd  in  the  presence  of  all  his  coun- 
sayle,  that  he  had  leuer  haue  suche  one  frende  as  Zopirus  was, 
than  as  many  Babilons  as  there  were  kernels  in  the  pome- 
granate.* And  also  that  he  rather  wolde  that  Zopirus  were 
restored  agayne  to  his  nose  and  his  eares,  than  to  haue  a 
hundred  suche  cities  as  Babilon  was;b  whiche  by  the  reporte 
of  writers  was  incomparably  the  grettest  and  fayrest  citie  of 
all  the  worlde. 

The  Parthiens,  in  a  ciuile  discorde  amonge  them  selfes, 
draue  Arthabanus  their  kyng  out  of  his  realme,  and  elected 
amonge  them  one  Cinnamus  to  be  their  kynge.     la- 
zate,  king  of  Adiabenes,  unto  whome  Arthabanus 
was  fledde,  sent  an  ambassade  unto  the  Parthiens,  exhortynge 
them  to  receyue  agayne  Arthabanus ;  but  they  made  aunswere 
that  sens  the  departynge  of  Arthabanus,  they  had  by  a  hoole 
assent  chosen  Cinnamus,  unto  whome  they  hadde  done  their 
fealtie,    and   were   sworne   his   subiectes,   whiche   othe   they 
mought  nat  laufully  breake.c     Thereof  hearynge  Cinnamus, 

the  debt  into  a  specialty,  if  it  were  of  any  value,  which  created  much  certainty,  and 
accorded  many  suits.' — Hist.  Com.  Law,  p.  176,  ed.  1716.  We  meet  with  it  also 
late  in  the  seventeenth  century,  in  the  sermons  of  Dr.  South.  '  If  any  one  knows 
some  other  way  of  clearing  this  great  article  of  our  faith,  which  may  better  accord 
all  difficulties,  and  lie  open  to  fewer  and  lesser  exceptions,  he  will  do  a  worthy 
service  to  the  Christian  religion  to  produce  it.' — Sermons,  vol.  ii.  p.  428,  ed.  1823. 

*  '  Pom*'  5e  p,eyd\T)v  avoi^as,  iru0o/ieVou  rivbs,  ri  &i/  e^etj/  fiov\oiro  roaovrov,  ftffov 
Iffrl  rS>v  K^KKtav  rb  ir\r\6os,  e?7re,  Zwirvpovs '  ^v  8e  av^p  ayaObs  Kal  ^)tAos  6  Zuirvpos. — 
Plut.  Reg.  et  Imp.  Apophth. 

b  'ETrel  Se  avrbs  eavrbv  ai/a<rc£/i€j/os  6  Zdvvpos,  Kal  TT\V  p7va  Kal  TCI  2>ra  ircpi/cttyas, 
e£7}7raT>7<re  "Baf$v\cavlovs,  nal  irKTTtvBels  VTT'  avratv  Trape'S&Hce  Aape'iy  r^v  ir6\iv,  iro\\d- 
KIS  6  Aapetbs  el-rev,  ov/c  civ  e0eA^(rot  \aftiiv  eKarbv  ~Ba.pv\avas  eirlr^  ^  Z&irvpov  exflv 
6\6ic\r)pov. — Plut.  ubi  supra. 

c  This  circumstance  is  narrated  by  Josephus,  but  it  will  be  seen  that  Sir  Thos. 
Elyot  has  not  adhered  strictly  to  the  original  version.  Tpdtyei  re  irpbs  robs  UdpBovs, 
iretOwv  avrovs  rbv  'ApTdfiavov  u7ro5e|aT0ot,  iriffnv  irporclvwv  ri]S  rwv  Tretrpayfj.ev(i)v 
afJLvnarias  8e£iai'  Kal  'dpitovs  Kal  peffireiav  r^v  avrov.  Tuv  5e  UdpOoav  tifj-curBat  p.ev 
avrbv  de\eiv  OVK  apvovfj-evuv,  /J.T]  SvvcxrOai  Se  \fy6vraov  Sia  rb  rr\v  apx^jv  erepqi  ireiria'- 
revnevcu  (KiVfa/u,os  5e  ^v  OVO^JLO.  rcf  irapft\r}(f)6ri)  nal  SeSoiKfvai  /HT)  ffrdcris  avrovs  eic 

II.  R 


242  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

who  at  that  tyme  was  kinge  ouer  them,  he  wrate  unto  Artha- 
banus  and  lasate,  that  they  shulde  come,  and  that  he  wolde 
render  the  realme  of  Parthia  unto  Arthabanus.  And  whan 
they  were  come,  Cinnamus  a  mette  with  them,  adourned  in 
the  robes  of  a  kynge,  and  as  he  approched  Arthabanus,  a 
lightinge  downe  of  his  horse,  he  sayde  in  this  wyse,  Sir, 
whanne  the  people  had  expelled  you  out  of  your  realme,  and 
wolde  haue  translated  it  unto  a  nother,  at  their  instaunce  and 
desyre  I  toke  it  ;  but  whan  I  perceyued  their  rancour 
aswaged,  and  that  with  good  wille  they  wolde  haue  you 
agayne,  which  are  their  naturall  soueraigne  lorde,  and  that 
nothynge  letted,  but  onely  that  they  wolde  nothynge  do  con- 
trary to  my  pleasure,  with  good  wille,  and  for  no  drede,  or 
other  occasion,  as  ye  may  perceyue,  do  here  rendre  youre 
realme  eftsones  unto  you.  And  therewith  takinge  the  diademe 
of  from  his  owne  hedde,  dyd  sette  it  immediately  upon  the 
hedde  of  Arthabanus. 

The  fidelitie  of  Ferdinando  b  (kyng  of  Aragone)  is  nat  to 
be  forgoten,  whome  his  brother  Henry,  kyng  of  Castill,  de- 
cessyng,  made  gouernour  of  his  sone,  being  an  infant.0  This 
Fernando,  with  suche  Justice  ruled  and  ordred  the  realme, 
that  in  a  parlement  holden  at  Castille,  it  was  trayted  by  the 
hole  consent  of  the  nobles  and  people,  that  the  name  or  title 
of  the  kyngdome  of  Spayne  shulde  be  giuen  unto  him.  Which 
honour  he  fayninge  to  receyue  thankefully,  dyd  put  upon  hym 
a  large  and  wyde  robe,  wherin  he  secretely  bare  the  yonge 


Toi5roi/  KaraXdfiri,  naQfov  r^v  Trpoatpeffiv  avrtav  6  KivvafJLOs  ravr^v,  avrbs  ypd<j>ei  T$ 
Aprapdvy,  (reOpairro  yap  far'  avrov,  Kal  <J>u<rei  5e  ?iv  Ka\bs  Kal  ayad6s),  TiapaKa\u>v 
avrbv  iruTTfixravTa,  TrapayevefrQai  -r^v  apx^f  o.ifo\f]^/6^.€vov  TT)V  avrov.  Kal  6  'Aprd- 
fiavos  irt(TTe^(ro$  trapr\v.  'firavra  Se  avrbv  6  Kiwa/xos,  Kal  Trpo<rKvvf)(Tas  jSacnAe'a  T6 
irpoffayopfixras  irepniOijo'iv  avrov  TTJ  /ce^aAp  rb  5i.d8r)/j.a  a(pe\(!w  TTJS  eauroC.  —  Antiq. 
Jud,  lib.  xx.  cap.  3. 

•  The  original  has  Cumainus,  but  this  is  evidently  a  mere  misprint,  which  the 
Editor  has  taken  the  liberty  of  correcting. 

b  This  was  Ferdinand  I.,  who  on  the  death  of  Don  Martin  was  elected  King  of 
Aragon  in  1412,  and  died  four  years  afterwards. 

c  Henry  III.  died  Jan.  i,  1407,  leaving  a  son,  afterwards  John  II.,  by  his 
queen,  Catherine,  under  two  years  of  age. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  243 

prince  his  neuewe,  and  so  came  in  to  the  place,  where  for  the 
sayde  purpose  the  nobles  and  people  were  assembled,  demauii'- 
dynge  of  euery  man  his  sentence,  who  with  one  voyce  gaue 
unto  hym  the  kyngdome  of  Spayne.  With  that  he  toke  out 
of  his  robe  the  little  baby  his  ntuewe,  and  setting  him  on  his 
shulder,  sayde  all  a  loude  unto  them,  Lo  ye  Castilians,  beholde 
here  is  your  kynge.  And  than  he,  confirmyng  the  hartes  of 
the  people  towarde  his  neuewe,  finally  delyuered  to  hym 
his  realme  in  peace,  and  in  all  thinges  abundaunt.a  This 
is  the  fidelite  that  appertayneth  to  a  noble  and  gentill  harte. 

•  The  author  was  no  doubt  indebted  for  this  story  to  Pontanus  who  quotes  it  as 
an  instance  of  magnanimity.      Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  260,  ed.  1518.     But  it  is  also  men- 
tioned in  the  history  of  this  kingwrittenby  Laurentius  Valla,  and  which  was  published 
at  Paris  some  years  before  the  appearance  of  the  Governour.  Valla's  account  of  the 
transaction  referred  to  is  as  follows  :   '  Ei  defuncto,  (sc.  Henrico)  ubi  Ferdinandus 
cum  omni  ccetu  procerum  regio  more  justa  persolvit,  reliquum  erat  ut  is  qui  futunis 
esset  rex,  voce  praefecti  militiae  nuncuparetur.   Quern  autem  is  nuncupaverit,  insti- 
tute patriae  pro  rege  habetur,  et  ejus  vocem  caeteri  cum   laeto  clamore  excipiunt. 
Sed  hie  tune  quid  ageret  haesitabat,  et  si  regnum  puero  datum  volebat.     Moneba- 
tur  autem  cum  suo  ipsius  judicio,  turn  procerum  populorumque  fremitu.    Non  enim 
esse  ex  usu  regni  expectare  donee  anniculus  adoleverit,  si  modo  adolescere  daretur 
cum  Ferdinandus  jam  adultus  praesto  sit,  expectare  qualis  puer  ille  sit  evasurus,  cum 
assit  is,  qualis  voto  expetendus  esse,  committere  regni  gubernacula  regiis  satellitibus, 
et  eum  qui  sit  rege,  patre,  fratre,  regali  animo  clarus,  excludi  a  paterno  regno  ac 
subjici  cum  tanta  sobole  regii  generis  libidini  tutorum,  ut,  per  speciem  administra- 
tionis,  in  exilium  agant,  in  carcerem  conjiciant,  in  necem  cum  omni  stirpe  praecipi- 
tent,  quo  ipsi  impuniustyrannidem  occupent,  vel  fato  vel  fraude  extincto  pupillo,  ut 
florentissimae  domus  familia,  brevi  tempore  omnis  in  nihilum  recidat.     Praestare 
igitur  ut  Ferdinandus  succedat  in  regnum,  illudque  postea  Mariae  primigenise  fratris, 
Alfonsoque  primigenio  suo,  quos  prius  juraverant  populi  in  se  regnaturos  per  manus 
tradat,  aut  Joanni,  si  dignior  qui  regnet  videbitur.     Haec  atque  hujuscemodi  verba 
exaudiens  praefectus,  ut  tenebat  manu  vexillum,  stabatque  ante  Ferdinandum,  atque 
omnem  ccetum,  uti  se  omni  invidia  exolveret,  Quern,  inquit,  me  jubes  fili  regis 
Fcrdinande  nuncupare  regem  ?  te  ne  an  Alfonsum,  an  Joannem  ?    Fecit  hac  inter- 
rogatione  quod  ipse  erat  in  aliena  ilium  in  sua  ipsius  causa  arbitrum.     Hie  respon- 
sum  illud  omnium  seculorum  memoria  dignum,  et  vox  aeternis  literis  dedicanda,  ac 
nescio  an  nisi  in  fabulis  simile  factum  aut  par  inveniri  queat,  sacro  quodam  rebus 
humanis  exemplo,  ut  discerent  homines  plus  pietatem  officiumque  in  suos  esse  quam 
regnum.     Cujus  tamen  rei  fama  per  omnes  ferine  terras  non  minus  quam  pro 
merito  est  pervagata,  tot  causis,  tanta  occasione,  tanto  hominum  consensu,  ad  tantum 
spem  vocatus,  non  integritatem  animi  flexit,  non  consilium  distulit,  non  vocem  pro- 
ferre  dubitavit.     Sed  protinus,  Ecquem,  inquit,  alium  nuncupabis  quam  Joannern? 


244  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

In  what  hatered  and  perpetuall  reproche  aught  they  to 
be  that,  corrupted  with  pestilenciall  auarice  or  ambicion,  be- 
traieth  their  maisters,  or  any  other  that  trusteth  them  ?  O 
what  monstrus  persones  haue  we  radde  and  herde  of,  whiche 
for  the  inordinate  and  deuelisshe  appetite  to  raigne,  haue 
mooste  tyrannously  slayne  the  children,  nat  onely  of  their 
soueraigne  lordes,  but  also  of  their  owne  naturall  bretherne, 
committed  unto  their  gouernaunce  ? a  Of  whome  purposely  I 
leaue  at  this  tyme  to  wryte,  to  the  intent  that  the  moste  cursed 
remembraunce  of  them  shall  nat  consume  the  tyme  that  the 
well  disposed  reder  mought  occupie  in  examples  of  vertue. 

This  one  thinge  I  wolde  were  remembred,  that  by  the  iuste 
prouidence  of  god,  disloyalte  or  treason  seldome  escapeth 
great  vengeaunce,  all  be  it  that  it  be  pretended  for  a  necessary 
purposed  Example  we  haue  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  two  noble 

Quod  si  non  audes  me  imitare  ipsum,  assumpto  in  humero  infantulo,  sicut  erat 
statura  sublimi,  ex  loco  superiore,  exclamavit,  "  Joannes  estRex  !  dicite  omnes  Rex 
Joannes  ! "  Quam  vocem  admirati  universi  et  ipsi  subsecuti  sunt,  clamantes  identi- 
dem  Rex  Joannes  !  Ita  Ferdinandus  hac  consilii  celeritate,  non  dato  hominibus 
spatio  deliberandi,  rapuit  eorum  excussitque  judicium.  At  tacite  defuncto  regi 
exprobravit  inconsultam  suspitionem,  qui  talem  fratrem,  se  quoque  meliorem,  non 
belle  tractasset  :  ac  nequid  de  animo  ejus  in  dubium  revocari  queat,  omne  reliquum 
vitse  tempus  declarat  Ferdinandum  non  aliter  perseverasse  quam  incoeperat.' — Hist. 
Ferdin.  I.  Regis  Aragoniac,  fo.  lib,  ed.  1521.  Lucius  Marineus,  the  Sicilian  histo- 
rian, tells  the  story  more  briefly  in  his  History  of  the  Kings  of  Aragon,  lib.  v.  fo. 
39,  ed.  1509.  Neither  of  these  writers  mentions  the  circumstance  of  the  king 
putting  on  his  robe,  which  is  a  mistake  of  Sir  Thomas  Elyot,  clearly  due  to  his 
misapprehension  of  the  language  of  Pontanus,  who  states  that  the  child  when  in- 
troduced by  Ferdinand  was  already  dressed  in  royal  attire,  '  prodiit  in  medium 
infantulum  regio  ornatum  cultu.' 

a  Allusion  is  probably  here  made  to  the  death  of  Prince  Arthur  in  1202,  inas- 
much as  '  report,'  says  Lingard,  '  ascribed  his  fate  to  the  dagger  of  his  uncle.' — 
Hist,  of  Eng.  vol.  ii.  p.  303.  And  undoubtedly  to  the  murder  of  his  two  nephews 
by  Richard  III.  in  1483,  to  whose  advice,  if  not  to  whose  dagger,  was  also  attri- 
buted the  murder  of  Henry  VI.  in  1471. 

b  The  warning  here  given  seems  almost  superfluous,  for  at  this  time  '  the  laws 
of  treason  were  multiplied  beyond  all  former  precedent  ...  By  one  statute,  for 
instance,  it  was  declared  treason  to  assert  the  validity  of  the  king's  marriage,  either 
with  Catherine  of  Arragon  or  Anne  Boleyn.  By  another  it  was  treason  to  say 
anything  to  the  disparagement  or  slander  of  the  Princesses  Mary  and  Elizabeth, 
and  to  call  them  spurious  would  have  been  construed  to  their  slander.  Nor  would 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  245 

Romaynes,  and  men  of  excellent  vertues,a  whiche,  pretendinge 
an  honorable  zeale  to  the  libertie  and  commune  weale  of  their 
citie,  slewe  Julius  Cesar  (who  trusted  them  moste  of  all  other) 
for  that  he  usurped  to  haue  the  perpetuall  dominion  of  the 
empire,  supposinge  thereby  to  haue  brought  the  senate  and 
people  to  their  pristinate  libertie.  But  it  dyd  nat  so  succede 
to  their  purpose.  But  by  the  dethe  of  so  noble  a  prince 
hapned  confusion  and  ciuile  batayles.b  And  bothe  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  after  longe  warres  vainquisshed  by  Octauian,  neuewe 
and  hiere  unto  Cesar,  at  the  last  falling  in  to  extreme  despe- 
ration, slewe  them  selfes.  A  worthy  and  conuenient  ven- 
geaunce  for  the  murder  of  so  noble  and  valyaunt  a  prince.0 

even  silence,  with  regard  to  these  points,  have  saved  a  person  from  such  penalties  ; 
for,  by  the  former  statute,  whoever  refused  to  answer  upon  oath  to  any  point  con- 
tained in  that  act,  became  liable  to  the  pains  of  treason.  The  king  needed  only 
propose  to  any  one  a  question,  with  regard  to  the  legality  of  either  of  his  first 
marriages  ;  if  the  person  were  silent,  he  was  a  traitor  by  law  ;  if  he  answered  either 
in  the  negative  or  in  the  affirmative,  he  was  no  less  a  traitor.' — De  Lolme,  The 
Eng.  Const,  vol.  i.  pp.  164,  165,  ed.  1838. 

•  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  of  course  accepted  Plutarch's  account,  'who  has  written,' 
says  Mr.  George  Long,  '  a  very  partial  life  of  the  liberator,'  and  this  opinion  seems 
to  be  shared  by  other  modern  writers.  Thus  Dr.  Liddell  holds  that  *  Brutus  was 
not  a  patriot,  unless  devotion  to  the  party  of  the  Senate  be  patriotism.  Towards 
the  Provincials  he  was  a  true  Roman,  harsh  and  oppressive  .  .  .  Cicero  was 
shocked  at  the  usurious  interest  he  demanded  for  his  money  from  the  wretched 
Asiatics,  and  at  the  cruel  way  in  which  he  extorted  payment  from  his  debtors.  .  .  . 
In  comparison  with  Cassius,  he  was  humane  and  generous  ;  but  in  almost  every 
respect  his  character  is  contrasted  for  the  worse  with  that  of  the  great  man,  from 
whom  he  accepted  favours,  and  then  became  his  murderer.' — Hist,  of  Rome,  vol. 
ii.  p.  501,  ed.  1855. 

b  '  Caesar's  death,'  says  Mr.  George  Long,  'as  he  himself  predicted,  was  the 
beginning  of  fresh  troubles  for  Rome,  and  civil  war  soon  broke  out  again.  All  the 
conspirators  came  to  a  violent  death  ;  and  in  the  next  year  Cicero  perished  by  the 
hands  of  base  assassins  as  Caesar  had  died,  over  whose  death  Cicero  ignobly 
exulted.' — Decline  of  Rom.  Republic,  vol.  v.  p.  465,  ed.  1874. 

c  So  says  Bishop  Hooper  in  a  sermon  on  Rom.  xiii.  printed  at  Worcester  in 
1551  :  '  The  sedition  and  treason  redounded  always  to  the  destruction  of  the  people 
at  length  ;  as  it  is  to  be  seen  in  Absalom,  Ahitophel,  Catiline,  Brutus,  Cassius, 
and  other,  that  destroyed  not  only  themselves,  but  also  the  people,  by  such  treason 
and  disobedience  against  the  ordinance  and  appointment  of  God.' — Later  Writings^ 
p.  105,  ed.  1852.  Parker  Soc. 


246  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Many  other  lyke  examples  do  remayne  as  well  in  writynge 
as  in  late  remembraunce,  whiche  I  passe  ouer  for  this  tyme. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

Of  promise  and  couenant. 

CONCERNYNGE  that  parte  of  fidelitie  which  concerneth  the 
kepynge  of  promise  or  couenauntes  experience  declareth  howe 
litle  it  is  nowe  had  in  regarde ;  to  the  notable  rebuke  of  all  us 
whiche  do  professe  Christes  religion.  Considerynge  that  the 
Turkesa  and  Sarazens  haue  us  therfore  in  contempt  and  deri- 

a  Even  in  the  author's  own  time,  however,  other  writers  gave  a  very 
different  account.  Thus  Sir  Anthony  Sherley,  who  travelled  in  Turkey  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  speaking  from  personal  experience  of  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the  Turks,  says  :  '  For  their  breach  of  promise,  they  hold  it  an  high  and  commend- 
able vertue  ;  for  they  say,  if  a  man  speake  what  hee  thinketh,  his  purposes  will  be 
preuented.' — Travels,  ed.  1607.  And  a  celebrated  French  traveller,  Nicolas  de 
Nicolay,  who  visited  Turkey  in  the  middle  of  the  same  century,  says  of  the  Emirs, 
or  those  who  were  reputed  to  be  of  the  race  of  Mahomet  :  '  They  are  so  mis- 
chieuous  and  unhappy,  that  for  money  they  wil  make  no  conscience  to  beare  such 
false  witnes,  such  as  ye  wil  haue  them  :  and  specially  if  he  be  a  Jewe  or  a  Christian, 
unto  whom  they  are  mortal  enimies  .  .  .  And  for  that  they  are  of  most  peruerse 
and  abhominable  nature,  diuers  amongest  these  barbarous  and  rusticall  people  are 
constrayned,  more  for  the  feare  which  they  haue  of  their  false  witnessing  then  for 
the  holinesse  which  they  know  in  them,  to  beare  unto  them  greate  honour  and 
reuerence.' — Navigations  into  Turkie,  p.  108,  ed.  1585.  A  writer  in  the  early 
part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  describing  the  state  of  Turkey  at  that  time,  says, 
'  Justice  in  its  common  course  is  laid  aside,  and  it's  very  rare  when  any  Lawsuit 
is  depending,  but  bargains  are  made  for  the  sentence,  and  he  hath  most  right  who 
hath  most  money  to  make  him  rectus  in  curid  and  advance  his  cause.  And  it  is 
the  common  course  for  both  parties  at  variance,  before  they  appear  together  in  the 
judge's  presence,  to  apply  themselves  singly  to  him,  and  try  whose  pi'esent  has  the 
most  temptation  in  it ;  and  'tis  no  wonder  if  corrupt  men  exercise  this  kind  of 
trafficking  with  justice,  for  having  before  bought  the  office,  they  must  of  con- 
sequence, tell  the  truth.  Add  hereunto  the  facility  of  the  Turks,  for  the  least  kind 
of  hire,  to  bear  false  witness  any  case  ;  especially,  and  that  with  a  word,  when  the 
least  controversy  happens  between  a  Christian  and  a  Turk,  and  then  the  pre- 
tence is  for  the  Mussulmanleck,  as  they  call  it.  The  cause  is  religious,  and  hallows 
all  falseness  and  forgery  in  the  testimony.' — Hist,  of  the  Turks,  vol.  iii.  part  2,  p.  30, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  24? 

sion,  they  hauinge  fidelite  of  promise  aboue  all  thinge  in 
reuerence.  [Ina  so  moche  as  in  their  contractes  they  seldome 
use  any  bonde  or  othe.  But,  as  I  haue  herde  reported  of 
men  borne  in  those  partes,  after  the  mutuall  consent  of  the 
parties,  the  bargaynour,  or  he  that  dothe  promise,  toucheth 
the  grounde  with  his  hande,  and  after  layeth  it  on  his  hedde, 
as  it  were  that  he  vouched  all  the  worlde  to  bere  wytnesse.b 
But  by  this  litle  ceremonye  he  is  so  bounden,  that  if  he  be 
founden  to  breke  touche  willyngly,  he  is  without  any  re- 
demption condempned  unto  the  pale,c  that  is,  to  haue  a 

ed.  1719.  How  little  change  has  taken  place  in  this  respect  will  be  seen  by  the 
following  extract  from  the  Blue  Books  of  1876  :  '  If  it  be  proved  that  a  Turk  slew 
a  Christian  at  a  certain  place  on  a  certain  day,  he  will  find  witnesses  who  will 
prove  that  on  the  said  day  he  was  at  another  place  at  any  distance  from  that 
where  the  crime  was  committed,  and  they  will  confirm  their  evidence  by  an  oath 
on  the  Kitab  (Koran).  Then  the  scene  suddenly  changes,  and  severe  penalties 
are  incurred  by  the  Giaour  calumniators  who  have  dared  to  profane  the  sanctuary 
of  the  courts  with  base  lies  and  aspersions  to  the  injury  of  an  innocent  Mussul- 
man. Then  the  remarks  and  the  just  anger  of  the  Cadi  and  Medjlis  echo  through- 
out the  city,  and  those  poor  fellows  are  at  once  thrown  manacled  into  prison, 
fined,  and  rendered  infamous  for  ever.' — Mac  Coll,  The  Eastern  Question,  p.  29, 
ed.  1877. 

•  The  passage  within  brackets  is  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent  editions. 

b  There  seems  a  striking  resemblance  in  this  ceremony  to  the  ancient  form  of 
taking  an  oath  observed  by  the  Romans,  and  which  is  called  by  Polybius  '  Per 
Jovem  Lapidem.' — See/w/,  p.  252. 

0  Though  nearly  three  centuries  and  a  half  have  elapsed  since  the  passage  in 
the  text  was  written,  this  horrible  method  of  torture  has  maintained  its  place  as  one 
of  the  recognised  institutions  of  Turkey  down  to  the  present  moment.  In  Mr. 
Kinglake's  Eothen,  describing  his  travels  in  that  country  in  1 844,  a  picture  is  given 
of  two  robbers  so  impaled,  and  the  author  says,  '  The  poor  fellows  had  been  im- 
paled upon  high  poles,  and  so  propped  up  by  the  transverse  spokes  beneath  them, 
that  their  skeletons,  clothed  with  some  white  wax-like  remains  of  flesh,  still  sat 
up  lolling  in  the  sunshine,  and  listlessly  stared  without  eyes.' — P.  32,  ed.  1844. 
The  sensation  created  in  England  by  Mr.  Mac  Coil's  letter  in  the  Times  of  Sept. 
28,  1876,  describing  an  instance  of  impalement  of  which  he  and  Canon  Liddon 
had  been  eye-witnesses  is  too  recent  to  be  forgotten.  Shortly  after  the  publica- 
tion of  this  letter  an  affidavit  sent  to  Dr.  Liddon  by  Dr.  Sandwith  from  Belgrade 
was  published  in  the  London  papers,  in  which  the  deponent,  Milan  Paulovitch,  a 
native  of  Novo  Varosh,  in  Stara  Serbia,  stated  that  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes 
one  of  his  fellow  countrymen  fastened  to  a  stake  :  '  It  was  last  year  (1875),  m  tne 
second  half  of  the  month  of  August,  some  days  after  the  Feast  of  the  Nativity  of 


248  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

longe  stake  thrast  in  at  the  secrete  partes  of  his  body,  whereon 
he  shall  abide  dyenge  by  a  longe  space.  For  feare  of 
the  which  moste  terrible  execution,  seldome  any  man  under 
the  Turkes  dominion  breketh  his  promise.  But  what  hope 
is  there  to  haue  fidelitie  well  kept  amonge  us  in  promises 
and  bargaynes,  whan  for  the  breache  therof  is  prouided  no 
punisshement,a  nor  yet  notorious  rebuke ;  sauinge  if  it  be  tried 
by  accion,  suche  praty  damages  as  the  iury  shall  assese,  whiche 
perchaunce  dayly  practiseth  semblable  lightnes  of  purpose.1* 

the  Mother  of  God,  that  I  have  seen  on  the  hill  called  Tikva,  quite  near  to  Novo 
Varosh,  the  well-known  Servian  Slovitch,  of  the  village  of  Kratova,  in  Stara  Serbia, 
fastened  to  a  stake.  The  Turks  had  taken  him  some  days  before  on  this  same 
hill,  and  immediately  afterwards  they  put  him  on  a  stake.  I  saw  him  there  two 
days  afterwards,  and  then  he  was  dead  ;  but  how  long  on  the  stake  I  cannot  tell. 
The  stake  entered  his  body  at  the  bottom  and  came  out  at  behind  his  neck,  near 
the  occiput.  A  crowd  of  people  saw  with  me  this  sad  sight.' — The  Eastern 
Question,  p.  371.  Mr.  Mac  Coll  adds  that  the  stakes  (which  are  represented  in 
Eothen)  '  are  exactly  similar,  length  and  all,  to  those  which  I  saw  on  the  banks  of 
the  Save,  except  that  only  one  of  the  latter  had  a  transverse  spoke.' — P.  363. 

a  So  it  is  said  in  Doctor  and  Student,  which  was  written  about  this  time,  « If 
two  men  have  a  wood  ioyntly,  and  the  one  of  them  sellyth  the  wood  and  kepyth 
al  the  money  hollye  to  hymselfe,  in  this  case  his  felowe  shall  haue  no  remedye 
agaynst  hym  by  the  lawe  ;  for  as  they,  when  they  toke  the  wood  ioyntly,  put 
eche  other  in  truste,  and  were  contentyd  to  occupy  togyther,  so  the  lawe  sufferyth 
them  to  order  the  profyttes  therof  accordynge  to  the  truste  that  eche  of  them  put 
other  in.  And  yet  yf  one  toke  all  the  profyttes  he  is  bounde  in  conscyence  to 
restore  the  halfe  to  his  felowe  ;  for  as  the  lawe  gyueth  hym  ryght  onlye  to  the 
halfe  lande,  so  it  gyueth  hym  ryght  onlye  in  consequence  to  the  half  profyttes. 
And  yet  neuertheles  it  can  not  be  sayd  in  that  case  that  the  lawe  is  agaynst  con- 
scyence, for  the  lawe  neyther  wylleth  ne  commaundyth  that  one  shuld  take  all  the 
profyttes,  but  leuythe  it  to  theyr  conscyence,  so  that  no  defaute  can  be  founde  in 
the  lawe,  but  in  hym  that  takyth  all  the  profyttes  to  hymselfe  maye  be  assygned 
defaute,  whiche  he  is  bounde  in  conscyence  to  reforme  yf  he  will  saue  his  soule, 
though  he  can  not  be  compellyd  therto  by  the  lawe.' — Fo.  xliv.  ed.  1531.  But 
the  grievance  was  even  still  worse,  for  the  same  authority  tells  us  that  '  yf  a  man 
wage  his  lawe  untrulye  in  an  accyon  of  dette  upon  a  contracte  in  the  kynges  court, 
yet  he  shall  not  be  suyd  for  that  periurye  in  the  spyrituall  courte,  and  yet  no  remedye 
lyeth  for  that  periurye  in  the  kynges  court.' — The.  2nd  Dyal.  cap.  xxiv.  ed.  1531. 

b  That  great  corruption  was  employed  in  selecting  the  jury  panel  at  this  time 
is  evident  from  the  fact  that  in  1543  an  act  was  passed,  entitled,  '  An  Acte  con- 
cerninge  thapparaunce  of  Jurors  in  the  Nisi  Prius,'  the  preamble  of  which  com- 
plains of  the  delay  arising  in  the  trial  of  actions  '  by  reason  of  mayntenance, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  249 

I  omitte  to  speke  nowe  of  attaintes a  in  the  lawe,  reseruinge 
that  mater  to  a  place  more  conuenient] 

imbracerie,  synister  labour,  and  corrupt  demeynors '  in  the  persons  returned  to 
try  such  actions.  This  also  appears  from  other  sources  ;  thus  in  a  letter  to  Sir 
Robert  Plumpton,  dated  I2th  Feb.  1498,  the  writer  says,  '  By  your  letter  I  under- 
stand William  Babthorp  will  have  a  nisi  prius  at  this  next  assizes.  Sir,  it  is 
necessary  for  you  to  get  a  copy  of  the  panel,  and  then  to  enquire  if  any  of  them 
or  of  their  wyfes  be  sybb  or  allied  to  Wil.  Babthorp,  and  yf  any  cause  in  them  bee 
wherby  they  may  be  chalenged.  And  also  to  make  labor  to  them  that  they  ap- 
peare  not,  or  els  to  be  favorable  to  jou  according  to  right,  and  enform  them  of  the 
matter  as  wel  as  ye  can  for  their  consciences.'— Plumpton  Correspond,  p.  134,  ed. 
1839,  Camden  Soc.  Harrison,  too,  says,  'Certes,  it  is  a  common  practise  (if  the 
under  shiriffe  be  not  the  better  man)  for  the  craftier  or  stronger  side  to  procure 
and  packe  such  a  quest  as  he  himselfe  shall  like  of,  whereby  he  is  sure  of  the  issue 
before  the  charge  be  giuen.' — Descript.  of  Engl.  p.  155. 

•  The  process  by  writ  of  attaint  was,  as  Mr.  Forsyth  says,  '  at  first  in  the  nature 
of  a  new  trial,'  and  was  established  in  1495  by  the  statute  2  Hen.  VII.  cap.  24.  In 
the  year  in  which  The  Govcrnour  was  first  published  (IS31)  an  amending  act  was 
passed,  the  preamble  of  which,  after  stating  that  '  The  King  our  Soveraygne 
Lorde,  of  his  moste  goodly  and  gracious  disposicion,  calling  to  his  remembrance 
howe  that  perjurie  in  this  londe  is  in  manyfolde  causes  by  unreasonable  meanes 
detestably  used  to  the  disheritaunce  and  greate  damage  of  many  and  greate 
numbre  of  his  subjectes  well  disposed,  and  to  the  mooste  high  displeasour  of 
Almyghtie  God,  the  good  statutes  ayenst  all  officers  havyng  retorne  of  writtes, 
and  their  deputies  making  panells  parcially  for  rewardes  to  them  geven  agaynst 
unlawfull  mayntenours,  embrasours,  and  jurours,  and  ayenst  jurours  untruely 
gevyng  their  verdicte,  notwithstanding,'  proceeds  to  enact  that  upon  every  untrue 
verdict  where  the  sum  in  dispute  amounts  to  4O/.,  and  'concerneth  not  the  jeopardie 
of  manys  liffe, '  the  party  aggrieved  by  the  verdict  shall  have  a  writ  of  attaint 
against  every  person  '  hereafter  so  gevyng  an  untrue  verdicte,  and  every  of  them 
and  agaynst  the  partie  which  shall  have  judgment  upon  the  same  verdicte.'  A  jury 
of  twenty-four  was  to  be  empanelled  '  to  enquier  whether  the  firste  jurie  gave  true 
verdicte  or  no.'  If  it  was  found  that  the  first  jury  gave  an  untrue  verdict,  they 
were  to  forfeit  2O/.,  '  and  after  that,  that  those  of  the  said  petite  jurie  so  atteynted 
shall  never  after  be  in  any  credence,  nor  thir  Othe  accepted  in  any  Courte.' 
(23  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  3. )  This  process,  however,  seems  to  have  been  much  abused, 
for  Harrison,  a  few  years  later,  says,  '  If  the  matter  do  justlie  proceed  against  him 
(the  plaintiff)  it  is  a  world  to  see  now  and  then  how  the  honest  yeomen  that  have 
bond  fide  discharged  their  consciences  shall  be  sued  of  an  atteinct,  and  bound  to 
appeare  at  the  Starre  Chamber ;  with  what  rigor  they  shall  be  caried  from  place  to 
place,  countie  to  countie,  yea,  and  sometimes  in  carts  ;  which  hath  and  doth  cause 
a  great  number  of  them  to  absteine  from  the  assizes,  and  yeeld  to  paie  their  issues 
rather  than  they  would  for  their  good  meaning  be  thus  disturbed  and  dealt  withall.' 
And  he  goes  on  to  say,  '  Neither  was  this  kind  of  seruice  at  anie  time  halfe  so  paiae- 


250  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

But  no  meruayle  that  a  bare  promise  holdeth  nat,  where 
an  othe  upon  the  Euangelistes,  solempnely  and  openly  taken, 
is  but  litle  estemed.a  Lorde  god,  howe  frequent  and  familiar 
a  thinge  with  euery  astate  and  degre  throughout  Christen- 
full  as  at  this  present,  for  untill  of  late  yeares,  a  man  should  not  haue  heard  at  one 
assise  of  more  than  two  or  three  nisi  prius,  but  verie  seldome  of  an  atteinct,  wheras 
now  an  hundred  and  more  of  the  first,  and  one  or  two  of  the  later,  are  verie  often 
perceiued,  and  some  of  them  for  a  cause  arising  of  six  pence  or  twelue  pence.' — 
Descript.  of  Engl.  p.  155.  So  that  Sir  Thos.  Smyth,  writing  at  the  end  of  the 
century,  says,  '  Attaints  be  verie  seldome  put  in  ure,  partly  because  the  gentlemen 
will  not  meete  to  slaunder  and  deface  the  honest  yeomen,  their  neighbours ;  so  that 
of  a  long  time  they  had  rather  pay  a  meane  fine  than  to  appeare  and  make  the 
enquest.  And  in  the  meane  time  they  will  intreate,  so  much  as  in  them  lyeth,  the 
parties  to  come  to  some  composition  and  agreement  among  them  selues,  as  lightly 
they  doe,  except  either  the  corruption  of  the  enquest  be  too  euident,  or  the  one 
partie  is  too  obstinate  and  headstrong.  And  if  the  gentlemen  do  appeare,  gladlyer 
they  will  confirme  the  first  sentence,  for  the  causes  which  I  haue  saide,  than  go 
against  it.  But  if  the  corruption  be  too  much  evident,  they  will  not  sticke  to 
attaint  the  first  enquest,  yet  after  the  gentlemen  haue  attainted  the  yeomen,  if 
before  the  sentence  be  given  by  the  Judge  (which  ordinarily  for  a  time  is  differred) 
the  parties  be  agreed,  or  one  of  them  be  dead,  the  attaint  ceaseth.' — De  Rep.  An- 
glorum,  p.  90,  ed.  1584. 

a  This  was  generally  termed  a  '  corporal  oath,'  which  is  defined  to  be  'when 
by  some  outward  gesture  in  taking  the  oath,  or  when  by  some  outward  act  we  testify 
that  we  accept  of  it  as  it  is  ministred,  as  by  laying  hand  on  a  booke,  on  our  brest, 
or  under  his  thigh  that  ministreth  it,  as  Abraham's  seruant  did.' — An  Apologie  of 
certeine  Proceedings  in  Courts  Ecclesiastical ,  p.  1 14,  ed.  I591-  Paley  asserts  that  '  the 
term  is  borrowed  from  the  ancient  usage  of  touching,  on  these  occasions,  the  corporale 
or  cloth  which  covered  the  consecrated  elements,'  but  Mr.  J.  E.  Tyler  altogether 
repudiates  such  a  derivation,  and  shows  that  it  was  so  called  as  '  opposed  to  a  mere 
declaration  by  word  of  mouth,  and  also  to  a  mere  written  testimony.'  '  Page  after 
page  in  the  Roman  laws  might  be  brought,'  he  says,  'to  confirm  this  view, 
'and  the  use  which  the  jurists  made  of  the  word  is,'  he  conceives,  'decisive.' 
The  first  action  '  in  all  corporall  oathes,'  says  a  writer  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
'  taken  either  in  Temporall  or  Ecclesiasticall  Courts,  is  the  laying  of  our  hande  upon 
a  booke  when  we  take  the  oath.  The  generall  and  chiefe  ende  of  this  or  of  any 
the  like  ceremonie  used  in  this  action,  is  to  signifie  thereby,  that  we  doe  then 
aduisedly  attend  and  giue  heede  to  the  oath  when  we  are  charged,  and  that  we  doe 
accept  of  it  and  binde  ourselues  as  it  is  giuen.  The  use  of  this  in  particular  is  to 
strike  a  more  aduised  feare  and  reuerence  into  us,  when  we  consider  the  reuerence 
due  to  an  oath,  as  it  is  described  in  that  booke,  and  the  curses  there  threatned 
against  those  that  forsweare  themselues  or  take  the  Lorde's  name  vainely.' — An 
Apologie,  p.  1 1 8.  Paley  however  believed  that  '  in  no  country  in  the  world  '  was 
the  form  '  worse  contrived,  either  to  convey  the  meaning,  or  impress  the  obligation 
of  an  oath,  than  in  our  own.' — Moral  and  Pol.  Philos.  p.  121,  ed.  1825. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  251 

dome  is  this  reuerent  othe  on  the  Gospelles  of  Christe.a 
Howe  it  hathe  ben  hitherto  kepte,  it  is  so  well  knowen  and 
had  in  dayly  experience,  that  I  shall  nat  nede  to  make  of  the 
neglectinge  therof  any  more  declaration.  Onely  I  will  shewe 
howe  the  Gentiles,  lackynge  true  religion,  had  solempne 
othes  in  great  honour,  and  howe  terrible  a  thinge  it  was 
amonge  them  to  breke  their  othes  or  avowes.  In  so  moche 
as  they  supposed  that  there  was  no  powar,  victorie,  or  profite 
which  mought  be  equall  to  the  vertue  of  an  othe, 

Amonge  the  Egyptions,  they  which    were   periured  had 
their  heddes  stryken  of,  as  well  for  that  they  violated   Penttrye 
the  honour  due  unto  god,  as  also  that  thereby  faythe  punished. 
and  truste  amonge  people  mought  be  decayed.5 

The  Scithes  sware  onely  by  the  chayre  or  throne  of  their 
kynge,  whiche  othe  if  they  brake,  they  therfore  suffred  dethe.c 

a  The  writer  already  quoted  says,  'The  practise  of  this  very  ceremonie  of 
swearing,  with  laying  hand  upon  the  holy  Gospels,  was  both  had  and  allowed  by 
the  fathers  in  the  Primitive  Church,  as  appeareth  by  St.  Augustine  in  his  Epistle  ad 
Publicolarn.  In  the  times  of  the  ancient  Christian  Emperours  it  was  receiued  and  used 
in  Ciuill  Courts.  An  oath  (saith  Justinian)  is  then  saide  to  be  corporally  taken  ivhen 
a  man  in  swearing  doth  touch  with  his  hand  the  holie  Gospels.  And  againe,  whether 
the  oath  be  to  be  taken  in  publike  iudgement,  or  in  houses,  or  in  holie  Oratories,  or 
with  touching  the  holie  Scriptures.  And  it  is  prouided  not  onely  that  they  shall  be 
taken  tactis  sacrosanctis  Euangeliis,  but  that  the  Scriptures  shall  continually  lie 
before  the  Judges  sitting  in  iudgement,  that  both  they  and  the  suiters  may  be  put  in 
minde  that  the  iudgement  is  God's,  and  done  in  his  presence.  And  by  the  most 
generall  custome  of  all  Christendome,  the  same  ceremonie  in  taking  a  corporall 
oath  is  untill  this  day  continued.  But  it  is  reported  that  in  Italy  they  use  to  lay 
their  hande  upon  any  booke,  Bible  or  other.  And  it  seemeth  by  a  French  writer 
(Duarenus)  that  they  which  wveare  there,  doe  use  to  holde  up  their  hand  tozuards 
heauen,  thereby  signifying  that  they  call  God  to  witnesse.  In  some  other  places 
they  take  a  corporall  oath,  laying  their  hand  on  their  breast.' — An  Apologie, 
p.  119,  ed.  1591. 

b  'Eirel  5e  TTJS  vo/J.ode(rias  ^vf)ff9r)/j.€v,  ou/c  avoineiov  eTj/cu  TTJS  uTTOKeJjUeVrjs  iffropias 
e/c0e'<r0ai  TU>V  v6^.a>v  SVoi  irapo  roTs  Alyvirriots  TraAcudVTjTi  Si^veyKav  $) 
ra^iv  Zffxov,  f)  T&  avvoXov  axpe'Aetai/  roTs  (piXavay^warovffi  Svvavrai 
Tlpa>TOV  juei/  ofiv  /caret  ruv  firi6pK(i>i'  Qdvaros  3\v  Trap'  auToIs  rb  irpocrri- 
/nor,  ws  5uo  TCI  ^ue-yto'Ta  iroiovvrwv  afo/i^/nara,  Qeovs  re  affffioyvTW  na\  T^J/  Aie7t'(rr>J1' 
T(av  trap  avOfxairois  iriffTiv  ava.Tp€Tr6v7uv. — Diod.  Sic.  lib.  i.  cap.  77- 

c  Tas  8e  j8a<nA.7]i'as  l<rrias  v6/j.os  ~%KvQrifft.  TO,  jUCtA-KTra  fffri  bp.vvva.i  rd 
p.fyiffToi>  opKoif  tQe\wffi  ofAvvi/ai. — Herod,  lib.  iv.  cap.  68. 


252  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

The  auncient  Romaynes  (as  Tulli  writeth)  a  sware  in  this 
maner.  He  that  shulde  swere  helde  in  his  hande  a  stone,  and 
The  forme  sayde  in  this  wyse,  The  citie  with  the  goodes 
of  an  othe  therof  beinge  saulfe,  so  Jupiter  cast  me  out  of  it,  if  I 
"awuyent  deceyue  wittingly,  as  I  caste  from  me  this  stone.b 
romanes.  ^nd  this  othe  was  so  straytely  obserued,  that  it  is 
nat  remembred  that  euer  any  man  brake  it. 

Plutarche  writeth  that  at  the  firste  Temple  that  Numa  Pom- 
Thegret-  pilius,  the  seconde  kynge  of  Romaynes  made  in  the 
test  othe.  citie  of  Rome,  was  the  temple  of  faythe.  And  also  he 
declared  that  the  greattest  othe  that  mought  be  was  faythe.c 
Whiche  nowe  a  dayes  is  uneth  taken  for  any  othe,  but  moste  com- 
munely  is  used  in  mockage,d  or  in  suche  thinges  as  men  forse 
nat,  though  they  be  nat  beleued.6  In  dayly  communication 
the  mater  sauoureth  nat,  except  it  be  as  it  were  seasoned  with 
horrible  othes.  As  by  the  holy  blode  of  Christe,  his  woundes  *' 

•  *  Quomodo  autem  tibi  placebit,  Jovem  Lapidem  jurare,  cum  scias,  Jovem 
iratum  esse  nemini  posse  ?'— Cic.  Epist,  ad  Div.  vii.  12.  Aulus  Gellius  says  that 
this  formula  <  sanctissimum  jusjurandum  est  habitum.' — Noct.  Aft.  lib.  i.  cap.  21. 

b  « Lapidem  silicem  tenebant  juraturi  per  Jovem,  hasc  verba  dicentes  :  Si 
sciens  fallo,  turn  me  Diespiter  salva  urbe  arceque  bonis  ejiciat,  uti  ego  hunc  lapi- 
dem.' — Festus,  de.  Verb  Sign.  lib.  x. 

c  UP&TOV  5e  (paffi  Kal  Ultrrews  Kal  Tep/J-ot/os  ifpbv  I8pvffa<r0ai.  Kal  r^v  p.ev  Tliffriv 
8pKov  a7ro5e?|at  'P<o/jiaiois  fteyiffTOi/,  cjj  xp4pwm  /xe%pi  v^v  Siarf  \ovfftv. — Plut.  Numa,  16. 

d  This  word,  which  is  now  quite  obsolete  =  mockery.  It  occurs  in  a  note  on 
2  Chron.  xviii.  14  in  the  Bible  of  1551  :  'This  speaketh  the  prophete  by  an 
ironye,  that  is  in  derision  or  mockage.' — Fo.  cxiii.  b.  And  Burton,  in  his  Anatomy 
of  Melancholy,  says,  '  I  am  of  Lemnius'  mind,  'tis  but  damnosa  adjuratio  aut  potitis 
ludificatio,  a  meere  mockage,  a  counterfeit  charme,  to  no  purpose.' — P.  556,  ed. 
1 624.  In  the  play  of  Bonduca  the  following  note  is  inserted  as  a  stage  direction  : 
'  Song  by  Junius,  and  Petillius  after  him  in  mockage."1 — Act  ii.  sc.  2.  Beaum.  and 
Flet.  vol.  ii.  p.  53,  ed.  1839. 

e  '  By  my  faith '  is  certainly  one  of  the  most  ancient  forms  of  oaths,  for,  as  Mr. 
Endell  Tyler  says,  '  Per  fidem  is  an  adjuration  which  Virgil  connects  with  a  direct 
appeal  to  the  Gods  above  as  witnesses  of  the  truth.' — Oaths,  p.  127,  ed.  1835. 
The  allusion  is  to  the  following  passage  : 

'  Quod  te,  per  Superos,  et  conscia  numina  veri, 
Per,  si  qua  est,  quse  restet  adhuc  mortalibus  usquam, 
Intemeratayfaky,  oro.' — Virg.  ^,11.  ii.  141-143. 

The  divines  both  preached  and  wrote  against  this  repulsive  practice      Thus 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  253 

whiche  for  our  redemption  he  paynefully  suffred,  his  glorious 
harte,  as  it  were  numbles*  chopped  in  peaces.  Children  (whiche 
abhorreth  me  to  remembre)  do  playe  with  the  armes  and  bones 
of  Christe,  as  they  were  chery  stones.b  The  soule  of  god, 

Roger  Hutchinson,  who  was  a  fellow  of  St.  John's,  Cambridge,  and  afterwards  of 
Eton  College,  in  his  Image  of  God,  published  in  1550,  says,  'You  swearers  and 
blasphemers,  which  use  to  swear  by  God's  heart,  arms,  nails,  bowels,  legs,  and  hands, 
learn  what  these  things  signify,  and  leave  your  abominable  oaths.' — Works,  p.  20, 
ed.  1842.  And  Becon,who  was  chaplain  to  Cranmer,  and  afterwards  a  Prebendary  of 
Canterbury,  published  in  1543  an  Invective  against  Swearing,  in  which  he  says, 
'  How  many  swear  continually,  not  only  by  God  and  all  that  ever  he  made — again, 
not  only  by  His  dearly  beloved  Son,  our  Lord  and  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  but  also 
(with  honour  and  reverence  I  speak  it)  by  all  the  holy  members  of  his  most 
glorious  body  !  How  common  an  oath  now-a-days  is  God's  flesh,  God's  blood, 
God's  heart,  God's  body,  God's  wounds,  God's  nails,  God's  sides,  and  all  that 
ever  may  be  rehearsed  of  God  !  O  wickedness  !  O  abomination  !  What  part  of 
Christ's  most  blessed  body  do  these  wicked  and  abominable  swearers  leave  unrent 
and  untorn?  They  are  much  worse  than  the  Jews,  which  cried,  Tolle,  tolle, 
crucifige  etim,  Away,  away  to  the  gallows  with  Him,  crucify  Him,  torment 
Him,  leave  not  one  part  whole  of  Him  !  For  they  only  cried  upon  Pilate  to  have 
Him  crucified,  but  these  swearers  themselves  crucify  Him,  rent,  and  tear  Him. 
The  Jews  crucified  Him  but  once,  and  then  their  fury  ceased  ;  but  these  wicked 
caitiffs  crucify  him  daily  with  their  unlawfull  oaths,  neither  doth  their  malice  and 
cruelness  cease  at  any  time.' — Works,  p.  359,  ed.  1843.  And  Alexander  Barclay, 
in  his  translation  of  The  Ship  of  Fools,  brought  another  weapon  to  bear  upon  this 
one  of  the  besetting  sins  of  that  age. 

'  The  one  blasphemys  by  Christis  hede  and  brayne, 
Grutchynge  and  grennynge  for  symple  thynge  or  nought, 
Another  Caytyfe  or  myscheuous  vylayne 
By  all  his  holy  membres  to  swere  hath  lytyll  thought ; 
Another  by  the  blode  wherwith  he  hath  us  bought, 
His  face,  his  herte,  or  by  his  crowne  of  thorne, 
Wherwith  (for  them)  his  skyn  was  rent  and  tome.' 

Vol.  ii.  p.  130,  ed.  1874. 

*  This  =  nombles,  a  French  term  of  venery  signifying  in  stags  a  part  cut  from 
the  thighs,  or  in  swine  from  the  belly.  It  is  derived  from  the  mediaeval  word 
numbile,  numblus  =  lumbus.  Du  Cange  cites  from  the  Custumier  of  the  province 
of  le  Berry  in  France  the  following  extract  from  a  charter  of  the  I3th  century  : 
'Videlicet  in  quolibet  porco  a  carnifice  occiso  die  Sabbati  ad  vendendum  les 
numbles,  et  de  quolibet  bove  vel  vacca  quoquo  die  ad  vendendum  occidatur,  pectus 
.  .  .  solvere  tenebuntur.'—  Gloss,  torn.  iv.  p.  655,  ed.  1845.. 

b  This  is  confirmed  by  Becon,  who  says,  « Furthermore,  this  damnable  use  of 
swearing  hath  so  greatly  prevailed  among  them  that  profess  Christ  that  it  is  also 


254  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

whiche  is  incomprehensible,  and  nat  to  be  named  of  any 
creature  without  a  wonderfull  reuerence  and  drede,  is  nat 
onely  the  othe  of  great  gentilmen,  but  also  so  undiscretely 
abused,  that  they  make  it  (as  I  mought  saye)  their  gonnes,* 
wherwith  they  thunder  out  thretenynges  and  terrible  menacis, 
whan  they  be  in  their  fury,  though  it  be  at  the  damnable 
playe  of  dyse.b  The  masse,  in  whiche  honorable  ceremony  is 
lefte  unto  us  the  memoriall  of  Christes  glorious  passion,  with 
his  corporall  presence  in  fourme  of  breade,  the  inuocation  of 
the  thre  diuine  persones  in  one  deitie,  with  all  the  hole  com- 
pany of  blessed  spirites  and  soules  elect,  is  made  by  custome 
so  simple  an  othe  that  it  is  nowe  all  moste  neglected,  and  litle 

crept  into  the  breasts  of  young  children.  It  is  not  a  rare  thing  now-a-days  to  hear 
boys  and  mothers  tear  the  most  blessed  body  of  Christ  with  their  blasphemous 
oaths,  even  from  the  top  to  the  toe.  What  marvel  is  it  then  though  they  be 
abominable  swearers  when  they  come  to  age  ?  But  whence  learn  they  this  ? 
Verily  of  their  parents  and  such  as  bring  them  up.'  —  Wor^s,  p.  362,  ed.  1843. 

*  The  derivation  of  this  word  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  at  least  as  old  as  the  I4th 
century,  for  Camden  says,  '  The  very  time  of  their  first  invention  is  uncertaine, 
but  certaine  it  is  that  King  Edward  the  third  used  them  at  the  siege  of  Calice, 
1347,  for  Gunnarii  had  their  pay  there,  as  appeareth  by  record. ' — Remains,  p.  203, 
ed.  1637.  While  Seldenin  his  Table  Talk  declares  that  'the  word  gun  was  in  use 
in  England,  for  an  engine  to  cast  a  thing  from  a  man,  long  before  there  was  any 
gun-powder  found  out.' — Opera,  vol.  iii.  col.  2040,  ed.  1725.  The  word  'gunna' 
is  frequently  used  by  Thomas  of  Walsingham.  Thus,  in  his  account  of  the  siege  of 
Ypres  in  1383,  he  says,  *  Villani  (i.e.  the  besieged)  occurrunt  totis  animis,  et  cumla- 
pidibus,  lanceis,  et  sagittis,  igne  Graeco,  et  missilibus,  quse  "gunna"  vocantur, 
nostros  (i.e.  the  English)  ubique  repellunt.' — Hist.  Angl.  vol.  ii.  p.  99,  The  Rolls  ed. 

b  « The  tables,  tenys,  cardis,  or  the  dyce 

Ar  chefe  begynnynge  of  this  unhappynes, 

For  whan  the  game  wyll  nat  well  aryse, 

And  all  the  players  troubled  by  dronkenes, 

Than  suche  Caytyfs  as  ioy  in  this  exces 

At  eche  worde  labour  our  sauyour  to  tere 

With  othes  abhomynable  whiche  they  ungoodly  swere.' 

Ship  of  Fools,  vol.  ii.  p.  131,  ed.  1874. 

Becon  says,  '  Moreover,  how  is  God  rent  and  torn  by  blasphemous  oaths,  not  only 
among  men  in  bargaining,  buying  and  selling,  chopping  and  changing,  but  also  in 
playing  and  idle  matters  !  How  will  the  dicer  swear  rather  than  he  will  lose  one 
cast !  How  will  the  carder  tear  God  on  pieces  rather  than  he  will  lose  the  profit 
of  one  card  !'—  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  360,  ed.  1843. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  255 

regarded  of  the  nobilitie,  and  is  onely  used  amonge  husbande 
men  and  artificers,11  onelas  some  taylour  or  harbour,  as  well  in 
his  othes  as  in  the  excesse  of  his  apparayle,  will  counterfaite 
and  be  lyke  a  gentilman.b  In  iudiciall  causes,  be  they  of 

a  Hutchinson,  in  the  work  before  quoted,  says, '  When  an  oath  is  necessary,  we 
are  bound  to  swear  by  God  only,  unto  whom  all  honour  is  due  :  for  we  honour 
that  thing  whereby  we  swear.  It  is  naught  to  swear  by  the  mass,  a  profanation 
of  Christ's  supper  and  a  patched  creature  of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  which  was  longer 
in  patching  than  Salomon's  great  temple  in  building.' — Works,  p.  21,  ed.  1842. 

'  It  was  onys  ordeyned  by  constytucion, 
As  I  haue  harde,  that  both  symple  men  and  hye 
Sholcle  onely  swere  by  that  occupacion 
The  whiche  theyr  Faders  dyd  use  and  occupy  ; 
But  nowe  eche  sweryth  the  Mass  comonly, 
Whiche  is  the  prestis  seruyce  and  besynes, 
So  mennys  othes  theyr  Fathers  doth  expres. 

Alas  !  no  honour,  laude,  nor  reuerence 
Is  had  nowe  unto  that  blessyd  sacrament, 
But  boyes  and  men  without  all  difference 
Tere  that  holy  body  of  god  omnypotent, 
As  it  were  iowes  to  his  passion  they  assent, 
In  euery  bargayne,  in  ale  house,  and  at  borde, 
The  holy  Mass  is  euer  the  seconde  worde.' 

Ship  of  Fools,  vol.  ii.  p.  132. 

b  Camden  has  an  amusing  illustration  of  this  latter  propensity,  which  has 
descended  to  our  own  time.  'I  will  tell  you  here  how  Sir  Philip  Calthrop 
purged  John  Drakes,  the  shoemaker  of  Norwich,  in  the  time  of  King  Henry  VIII., 
of  the  proud  humour  which  our  people  have  to  be  of  the  Gentlemen's  cut.  This 
knight  bought  on  a  time  as  much  fine  French  tawney  Cloath  as  should  make  him 
a  gowne,  and  sent  it  to  the  Taylours  to  be  made.  John  Drakes,  a  shoemaker  of 
that  towne,  coming  to  the  said  Taylours,  and  seeing  the  knight's  gowne  cloath 
lying  there,  liking  it  well,  caused  the  Taylour  to  buy  him  as  much  of  the  same 
cloath  and  price,  to  the  same  intent,  and  further  bad  him  to  make  it  of  the  same 
fashion  that  the  knight  would  have  his  made  of.  Not  long  after  the  Knight, 
comming  to  the  Taylours  to  take  measure  of  his  gowne,  perceiveth  the  like  gowne 
cloath  lying  there,  asked  of  the  Taylour  whose  it  was.  Quoth  the  Taylour,  It  is 
John  Drakes,  who  will  have  it  made  of  the  selfe  same  fashion  that  yours  is  made  of. 
Well,  said  the  Knight,  in  good  time  be  it.  I  will  (said  he)  have  mine  made  as 
full  of  cuts  as  thy  sheeres  can  make  it.  It  shall  be  done,  said  the  Taylour. 
Whereupon,  because  the  time  drew  neere,  he  made  haste  of  both  their  garments. 
John  Drake,  when  he  had  no  time  to  goe  to  the  Taylours  till  Christmas  day,  for 
serving  of  customers,  when  hee  had  hoped  to  have  worne  his  gowne,  perceiving 


256  THE  GOVERN  OUR. 

neuer  so  light  importaunce,  they  that  be  no  parties  but  straun- 
gers,  I  meane  witnesses  and  iurates,a  which  shall  procede  in  the 
triall,  do  make  no  lasse  othe,  but  openly  do  renounce  the 
helpe  of  god  and  his  sayntes  and  the  benefite  of  his  passion, 
if  they  say  nat  true  as  ferre  furthe  as  they  knowe.b  Howe 
euill  that  is  obserued  where  the  one  partie  in  degree  ferre 
excedeth  the  other,0  or  where  hope  of  rewarde  or  affection 
taketh  place,  no  man  is  ignoraunt,  sens  it  is  euery  yere  more 
commune  than  haruist.d  Alas !  what  hope  shall  we  haue  of 

the  same  to  be  full  of  cuts,  began  to  sweare  with  the  Taylour,  for  the  making  of  his 
gowne  after  that  sort.  I  have  done  nothing  (quoth  the  Taylour)  but  that  you  bad 
me,  for  as  Sir  Philip  Calthrops  is,  even  so  have  I  made  yours.  By  my  latchet, 
quoth  John  Drake,  I  will  never  weare  Gentleman's  fashion  againe.' — Remains,  p. 
198,  ed.  1637. 

a  The  word  'Jurats, 'for  Jurors,  is  uncommon,  although  in  a  special  and  limited 
sense  it  is  still  in  use,  e.g.  the  Jurats  of  Romney  Marsh,  who  are  in  the  nature  of 
Aldermen.  Again,  Jersey  has  a  Bailiff  and  twelve  Jurats,  or  sworn  assistants,  to 
govern  the  island.  Cowel,  indeed,  in  his  Interpreter,  cites  13  Ed.  I.  cap.  26,  as  an 
instance  of  the  word  being  employed  as  equivalent  to  Juries,  but  on  referring  to  the 
Statute  itself  it  is  obvious  that  in  the  original  the  contraction  stands  for  Jurata. 
Now  Jurata  was  undoubtedly  the  mediaeval  equivalent  for  Jury;  for  Littelton,  who 
wrote  in  the  reigns  of  Hen.  VI.  and  Ed.  IV. ,  says,  '  And  memorandum  that  the 
name  assise  is  nomen  equivocum,  for  sometimes  it  is  taken  for  a  jurie  ;  for  the  be- 
ginning of  the  record  of  an  assise  of  novel  disseisin  beginneth  thus,  Assisa  venit 
recognitura,  &c.,  which  is  the  same  as  Jurata  venit  recognitura,  &c.' — Co.  Lit, 
154  b.  Fortescue,  in  the  De  Laudibus  Legum  Angli<z,  which  was  written  between 
1460  and  1470,  speaks  of  Jurati  and  Juratores  (cap.  xxvi.)  indifferently.  These 
words  were  represented  in  the  Norman  French  byjuree  (see  7  Ric.  II.  cap.  7)  and 
jurours  (34  Ed.  III.  cap.  7).  Mr.  Forsyth,  in  his  History  of  Trial  by  Jury,  has 
examined  at  some  length  the  technical  distinction  between  Assisa  and  Jurata,  a 
question  which  need  not  be  discussed  here  ;  suffice  it  to  say  that,  according  to  Giles 
Duncomb,  the  best  authority  on  the  subject,  '  As  in  an  Assise  the  Jurors  are  called 
Recognitors  from  these  words  in  the  Writ  of  Assise,  facere  recognitionem  ;  so 
upon  a  nisi  pritis,  they  are  called  Juratores  from  these  words  in  the  Venire  facias, 
ad  faciendam  quandam  Juratam.' — Trials  per  Pais,  vol.  i.  p.  240,  ed.  1766. 

b  Hutchinson  alludes  to  this  common  practice.  'Neither  is  it  lawful,'  he 
says,  '  to  swear  by  any  saints,  as  judges  and  stewards  make  the  simple  people  do 
at  sessions  and  courts  ;  for  if  they  be  to  be  sworn  by,  they  are  to  be  prayed  unto, 
and  to  be  honoured.' — Works,  p.  21,  ed.  1842. 

e  The  original  has  '  othe,'  which  is  obviously  a  misprint. 

d  There  is  abundant  evidence  of  this  in  contemporary  writers.  Latimer,  for 
instance,  said,  in  1549,  '  I  can  tell  where  one  man  slew  another  in  a  township,  and 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  257 

any  publike  weale  where  such  a  pestilence  reigneth  ?  Dothe 
nat  Salamon  saye,  A  man  moche  svveringe  shall  be  filled  with 
iniquitie,  and  the  plage  shall  nat  departe  from  his  house  ?  a 
O  mercifull  god,  howe  many  men  be  in  this  realme  which  be 
horrible  swerers  and  commune  iurates  periured  ?  Than  howe 
moche  iniquitie  is  there,  and  howe  many  plages  are  to  be 
feared,  where  as  be  so  many  houses  of  swerers  ?  Suerly  I  am 

was  attached  upon  the  same  ;  twelve  men  were  impanelled:  the  man  had  friends  :  the 
sheriff  laboured  the  bench  :  the  twelve  men  stuck  at  it,  and  said,  ' '  Except  he 
would  disburse  twelve  crowns  they  would  find  him  guilty."  Means  were  found 
that  the  twelve  crowns  were  paid.  The  quest  comes  in,  and  says,  "  Not  guilty." 
Here  was  "not  guilty"  for  twelve  crowns.  This  is  a  bearing,  and  if  some  of  the 
bench  were  hanged,  they  were  well  served.  This  makes  men  bold  to  do  murder 
and  slaughter.' — Sermons,  vol.  i.  p.  190,  ed.  1814.  To  such  an  extent  was  the 
corruption  of  juries  carried  that  the  persons  who  served  upon  them  were  called 
'  Questmongers. '  The  sheriffs,  no  doubt,  were  primarily  to  blame  by  allowing  the 
panel  to  be  tampered  with.  Thus  the  preamble  of  3  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  12,  recites  that 
'  grete  extorcions  and  oppressions  be  and  have  been  within  the  more  partie  of  all 
the  Counties  and  Shires  within  this  realme  of  England  by  the  subtiltie  and  untrue 
demanor  of  Sherevis  and  their  Ministers  committyd  and  doon  unto  many  persons 
in  grete  nombre  of  the  Kyngs  subjects,  by  meane  and  makyrig  and  retornyng  at 
every  Sessions  holden  within  the  said  Counties  and  Shires  for  the  body  of  the 
Shire  in  takyng  and  puttyng  in  and  retornyng  of  names  of  suche  persons  as  for  the 
singuler  advantage,  benefit,  and  gayn  of  the  seid  Shrevys  and  their  mynysters  will 
be  wilfully  forsworn  and  perjurid  by  the  sinistre  labour  of  the  seid  Shrevys  &c., 
by  reason  wherof  many  and  dyverse  substantiall  persons,  the  Kyngs  true  subjects, 
contrary  to  good  equite  and  Rightwisnes,  hath  dyvers  times  and  many  wrongfully 
ben  indyted  of  dyvers  moorders,  felonys,  and  other  mysbehavours,  by  their  covyn 
and  falshed,  to  the  utter  undoyng  of  their  lyves,  losse  of  their  goods  and  their  lands, 
by  reason  wherof  they  and  every  of  them,  in  advoydyng  the  untrue  treble  and 
vexacion  which  to  them  myght  cume  and  ensue  by  reason  and  occasion  of  the 
same  false  Inditments,  be  and  have  bene  compelled  to  make  Fynes  and  gyve 
rewardys  to  the  seid  Shrevys  &c.,'  an  evil  which  it  was  proposed  to  remedy  by 
causing  the  panels  to  be  reformed  by  the  Justices  of  Gaol  Delivery  and  mulcting 
the  delinquent  Sheriffs  in  the  sum  of  ^40.  Fortescue,  comparing  the  relative 
merits  of  trial  by  Jury  and  trial  per  testes  alone,  which  was  allowed  in  actions  upon 
deeds,  and  in  cases  coming  within  the  lex  mercatoria,  and  in  some  others,  ex- 
presses a  very  strong  opinion  upon  the  miscarriages  caused  by  the  latter  method  of 
procedure,  and  says,  '  O  quam  horrendum  et  detestabile  discrimen  saepe  accidit  ex 
forma  per  depositionem  testium  procedendi.' — De  Laudibus,  cap.  32. 

•  In  the  edition  of  the  Bible  published  by  John  Day  in  1551,  the  verse  referred 
to  stands  thus  :  '  A  man  that  useth  muche  swerynge  shall  be  fylled  wyth  wycked- 
nes,  and  the  plage  shall  neuer  go  from  his  house.' — Ecclesiasticus  xxiii.  n. 

II.  S 


258  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

in  more  drede  of  the  terrible  vengeaunce  of  god,  than  in  hope 
of  amendement  of  the  publike  weale.  And  so  in  myne 
opinion  aught  al  other  to  be,  whiche  beleue  that  god  knoweth 
all  thynge  that  is  done  here  in  erth,  and  as  he  him  selfe  is  all 
goodness,  so  loueth  he  al  thing  that  is  good,  which  is  vertue ; 
and  hateth  the  contrarie,  which  is  vice.  Also  all  thing  that 
pleaseth  him,  he  preserueth  ;  and  that  thing  that  he  hateth,  he 
at  the  last  destroieth.  But  what  vertue  may  be  without  verite 
called  trouthe,  the  declaration  whereof  is  faithe  or  fidelitie  ? 
For  as  Tulli  saieth,  faith  is  a  constaunce  and  trouth  of  things 
spoken  or  couenaunted.a  And  in  another  place  he  saieth, 
nothing  kepeth  so  to  gether  a  publike  weale  as  doth  faith.b 
Than  foloweth  it  well,  that  without  faith  a  publike  weale  may 
nat  continue,  and  Aristotle  saieth,  that  by  the  same  craft  or 
meanes  that  a  publike  weale  is  first  constituted,  by  the  same 
craft  or  meanes  is  it  preserued.c  Than  sens  faithe  is  the  fun- 
dation  of  Justyce,  whiche  is  the  chiefe  constitutour  and  maker 
of  a  publike  weale,  and  by  the  afore  mencioned  autoritie, 
faithe  is  conseruatour  of  the  same,  I  may  therfore  conclude 
that  faithe  is  bothe  the  originall  and  (as  it  were)  principall 
constitutour  and  conseruatour  of  the  publike  weale.d 

a  '  Fides,  id  est,  dictorum  conventorumque  constantia  et  veritas.' — De  Off.  lib. 
i.  cap.  7. 

b  '  Nee  enim  ulla  res  vehementius  rempublicam  continet,  quam  fides.' — De  Off. 
lib.  ii.  cap.  24. 

c  Tlpurov  (J.€V  olv  SfjAov  8rt,  eftrep  %x°t*€V  ^  &v  QOeipovrat  al  iro\iTe7ai  exo^uer  /cat 
81'  3>v  ff^ovrai. — Arist.  Polit.  lib.  v.  cap.  7.  (8.) 

d  This  has  been  very  well  explained  by  a  modern  writer.  '  By  the  imposition 
of  oaths,'  says  Dr.  Whewell,  'the  citizen's  obligations  are  identified  with  his 
religious  duties  and  the  State  relies  upon  this  identity,  as  necessary  to  give  it  a  real 
hold  upon  men,  and  to  make  them  do  its  business  in  a  sincere,  serious,  and  solemn 
spirit.  If  the  State  cannot  obtain  this  result,  it  will  necessarily  tend  to  dissolution. 
But  religious  duties  can  have  no  force  for  men  who  have  no  religion.  The  State 
therefore,  in  order  to  provide  for  its  own  preservation,  must  maintain  the  religion 
of  the  citizens  in  such  modes  as  it  can  ;  for  instance,  by  the  religious  education  of 
the  young,  and  by  arrangements  for  keeping  up  the  religious  convictions  and  reli- 
gious sympathies  of  all.  If  the  State  do  not  by  such  means,  or  by  some  means, 
keep  alive  the  religious  convictions  to  which  it  appeals  in  the  Oaths  which  it 
imposes,  the  Oaths,  will  be  rejected,  or  regarded  as  unmeaning.  In  such  a  case 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  259 

[Nowe,a  lyke  as  it  is  more  facile  to  repayre  than  to  newe 
edifie,  and  also  to  amende  than  to  make  all  agayne  ;  so  more 
soner  is  a  publike  weale  reformed,  than  of  newe  constitute, 
and  by  the  same  thynge  that  it  is  constitute  and  conserued, 
by  the  same  thynge  shall  it  be  refourmed  and  preserued. 
Where  I  saye  conserued  I  meane  kepte  and  mayntayned  ; 
where  I  saye  preserued,  I  intende  corroborate  and  defended 
againe  anoiaunces.  The  thinge  that  I  spake  of  is  faithe,  which 
I  by  the  autoritie  of  Tulli,  do  name  the  fundation  of  iustyce.b 
For  thereat  nat  onely  dependeth  all  contractes,  conuencions, 
commutations,  entercoursis,  mutuall  intelligence,  amitie,  and 
beneuolence,  whiche  be  contayned  in  the  worde  wThiche  of 
Tulli  is  called  the  societie  or  felowship  of  mankinde ; c  but 
also  by  due  obseruinge  of  faithe  malefactours  be  espied, 
iniuries  be  tried  out  and  discussed,  the  propretie  of  thinges  is 
adiuged.  Wherfore  to  a  gouernour  of  a  publike  weale, 
nothynge  more  appertayneth,  than  he  hym  selfe  to  haue  faythe 
in  reuerence,  and  mooste  scrupulousely  to  obserue  it.  And 
where  he  fyndeth  it  to  be  contemned  or  neglected,  and 
specially  with  addynge  to  periurye,  moste  sharpely,  ye  moste 
rigorousely  and  aboue  all  other  offences  punisshe  it,  without 
acceptaunce  or  fauour  of  any  persone  ;  remembringe  this  sen- 
tence, Of  faythe  commeth  loyaltie,  and  where  that  lacketh 
there  is  no  suertie.d] 

men,  thinking  lightly  of  Oaths,  will  think  lightly  also  of  Duties  and  Obligations  ; 
and  the  State  will  be  dissolved  by  the  destruction  of  all  the  ties  which  bind  it 
members  to  it.' — El.  of  Mor.  p.  478,  4th  ed. 

•  The  passage  within  brackets  is  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent  editions. 

b  '  Fundamentum  est  autem  justitiae  fides.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  7. 

c  'Societas  hominum  inter  ipsos,  et  vitse  quasi  communitas.' — De  Off.  lib. 
cap.  7. 

fl  The  Editor  has  in  vain  endeavoured  to  trace  any  authority  for  this  '  sentence. ' 
At  first  sight,  indeed,  it  would  seem  to  be  a  translation  of  a  Latin  or  French 
distich,  but  the  copious  collection  of  M.  Le  Roux  de  Lincy  does  not  contain  any 
couplet  which  exactly  corresponds.  Several  of  the  works  mentioned  in  the 
Bibliographic  Paremiologique  of  M.  Duplessis  have  also  been  consulted,  but  a 
pretty  careful  search  has  not  yielded  anything  precisely  analogous.  And  on  a  due 
consideration  of  the  whole  passage,  the  conclusion  seems  almost  inevitable  that  Sir 

S  2 


26o  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

It  is  also  no  litle  reproche  unto  a  man  whiche  estemeth 
honestie,  to  be  lyte  in  makynge  promise  ;  or  whan  he  hath 
promised,  to  breke  or  neglecte  it.  Wherfore  no  thynge  aught 
to  be  promised  whiche  shulde  be  in  any  wise  contrary  to 
Plutarchus  Justyce.  On  a  tyme  one  remembred  kyng  Agesi- 
in  Apo-  laus  of  his  promise.  By  god,sayde  he,  that  is  trouthe 

phthegma.      .f  ^  ^^  ^^   iustyce  .    jf  natj  j    than    spak^   but 

I  promised  nat.a 

But  nowe  at  this  present  tyme  we  may  make  the  exclama- 
tion that  Seneca  dothe,  sayenge,  O  the  foule  and  dishonest 
Seneca  de  confession  of  the  fraude  and  mischiefe  of  mankynde  ; 
benefi.  Hi.  nowe  a  dayes  scales  be  more  set  by  than  soules.b 
Alas  !  what  reproche  is  it  to  christen  men,  and  reioysinge  to 
Turkes  and  Sarazens,  that  nothing  is  so  exactely  obserued 
amonge  them  as  faithe,  consistynge  in  laufull  promise  and 

Thomas  Elyot  himself  composed  this  epigrammatic  '  sentence'  with  a  view  to  creating 
a  more  durable  impression  upon  his  readers.  Occleve,  however,  who  wrote  in 
the  reign  of  Henry  V. ,  has  a  stanza  which  is  worth  quoting  in  this  place  on  account 
of  its  very  close  resemblance. 

*  Castels  by  feithe  dreden  none  assailyng, 
By  feithe  the  citees  stonden  unwerreide 
And  kynges  of  her  sugettes  ben  obeiede.' 

De  Reg.  Prin.  p.  80,  ed.  1 860. 

Occleve' s  poem  was  merely  a  metrical  translation  of  a  Latin  work  entitled  de 
Regimine  Principum,  written  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  by  Egidio 
Colonna,  an  Italian  ecclesiastic,  who  was  patronised  by  Philip  III.  of  France,  and 
appointed  by  him  tutor  to  his  son,  who  afterwards  succeeded  to  the  throne  and  was 
known  as  Philip  le  Bel.  Colonna's  book  was  also  translated  into  French  by  Henri 
Goethals,  otherwise  called  Henri  de  Gand,  from  the  place  of  his  birth.  In  this 
latter  version,  which  was  printed  for  the  first  time  in  1517,  the  corresponding  pas- 
sage to  that  quoted  from  Occleve  is  as  follows. 

'  Par  foy  gardee  sont  les  chasteaux  gardez 
Et  tenuz,  et  les  roys  seignourissent.' 

Le  Mirouer  Exemplaire,  fol.  cxxv.  b. 

*  ^afj.fvov  Se  Tiv6s  irore  irpbs  avrbv,  tD./j.o\6yrjKas '  Kal  TroAAa/cis  rb  avrb  \tyovros, 
Nal  STJTO,  e5f  •/  tWi  St/ccuov,  e^rj,  et  5e  //.$},  eA.e£a  /ney,  &fj.o\6yrj<ra  Se  otf. — Plut. 
Apophth.  Lacon. 

b  *  O  turpem  humano  generi  fraudis  ac  nequitise  publicse  confessionem  !  annul 
nostris  plus  quam  animis  creditur.' — De  Benef.  lib.  iii.  cap.  15. 


.THE  GOVERNOUR.  261 

couenaunt.a  And  amonge  christen  men  it  is  so  neglected, 
that  hit  is  more  often  tymes  broken  than  kept.  And  nat  onely 
sealynge  (whiche  Seneca  disdayned  that  it  shulde  be  more 
sette  by  thanne  soules)  is  uneth  sufficient,  but  also  it  is  nowe 
come  into  suche  a  generall  contempt  that  all  the  lerned  men 
in  the  lawes  of  this  realme,  whiche  be  also  men  of  great  wise- 
dome,  can  nat  with  all  their  study  deuise  so  sufficient  an 
instrument,  to  bynde  a  man  to  his  promyse  or  couenaunt, 
but  that  there  shall  be  some  thinge  therein  espied  to  brynge 
it  in  argument  if  it  be  denyed.b  And  in  case  that  bothe  the 

a  This  characteristic  of  the  Turks  in  their  dealings  with  one  another  (for  it  was 
certainly  not  displayed  in  their  intercourse  with  Christians)  is  confirmed  by  another 
writer  at  the  end  of  the  i6th  century,  who  says,  '  The  third  precept  of  the  Turkes 
Lawe  is  deriued  out  of  the  Lawe  of  Nature,  and  consenteth  also  with  the  rules  of 
Christianitie.  Both  which  do  will  That  no  man  do  that  unto  another  which  they 
would  not  have  done  unto  themselues.  Uppon  this  commaundement  they  do  imply 
thus  much,  that  euerie  man  is  bound  to  carrie  himselfe  towards  his  neighbour  with 
all  kinde  of  pietie,  faithfulnes,  and  amitie  ....  that  they  use  loyaltie,  plainnes, 

and  good  dealing  one  to  another  without  fraud  or  dissimulation Besides,  if  anie 

man  do  chaunce  to  be  tempted  to  hurt  or  defraud  another,  and  that  he  do  finde  his 
thoughts  and  cogitations  enclining  and  yeelding  thereunto,  he  is  commaunded  by 
this  Law  presently  to  bethinke  himselfe,  and  to  enter  into  this  consideration,  that 
if  another  should  intend  the  like  iniurie  and  purpose  the  like  matter  against  him, 
whether  he  could  or  would  be  contented  (without  any  impatiencie  and  with  a  quiet 

minde)  to  suffer  and  endure  it Upon  the  equitie  of  this  commaundement  (as 

it  seemeth)  is  the  ciuill  Justice  of  the  Turkes  for  the  most  part  and  in  most  cases 
grounded  ....  So  precise  and  upright  is  the  law  and  religion  of  the  Turkes  in 
this  behalfe,  teaching  them  to  haue  a  speciall  regard  of  iustice  and  equitie  in  all 
their  actions  and  dealings  between  man  and  man.'  The  writer,  however,  is  care- 
ful to  add  that  towards  Christians  '  in  most  of  their  actions  they  do  make  shew 
that  they  haue  little  regard  of  that  iustice,  equitie,  or  humanitie,  which  is  so  com- 
mended unto  them  in  this  commaundement.' — Policy  of  the  Turkish  Empire, 
pp.  26,  27,  ed.  1597. 

b  This,  no  doubt,  refers  to  the  practices  which  a  very  few  years  afterwards  led 
to  the  passing  of  the  famous  Statute  of  Uses,  27  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  10.  It  had,  for 
instance,  become  a  common  practice  for  persons  by  means  of  conveyances  to  uses 
and  declarations  of  last  will  to  do  that  which  the  law  did  not  permit,  viz.  to  effect 
the  disposition  and  devise  of  land  by  will.  Mr.  Reeves  says,  '  Covenants  to  raise 
uses  were  still  in  practise,  notwithstanding  they  had  been  reprobated  by  judicial 
opinions  of  the  courts  of  law  in  the  last  reign.  Uses  were  originally  a  matter  of 
invention,  and  they  had  not  been  so  long  canvassed  in  our  courts  as  to  preclude 
every  private  person  from  persisting  in  such  opinions  as  his  fancy  or  judgment 


262  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

parties  be  equall  in  estimation  or  credence,  or  els  he  that 
denyeth  superiour  to  the  other,  and  no  witnesses  deposeth  on 
knowlege  of  the  thinge  in  demaunde,  the  promise  or  coue- 
naunt  is  utterly  frustrate.8  Which  is  one  of  the  princypall 
decayes  of  the  publike  weale,  as  I  shall  traite  therof  more 
largely  here  after.  And  here  at  this  tyme  I  leaue  to  speke 
any  more  of  the  partes  of  that  moste  royall  and  necessary 
vertue  called  Justyce. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Of  the  noble  vertue  fortitude*  and  of  the  two  extreme  vices,  Audacitie 
and  Timerositie. 

IT  is  to  be  noted  that  to  hym  that  is  a  gouernoure  of  a  publike 
weale  belongeth  a  double  gouernaunce,  that  is  to  saye,  an 

might  have  dictated  even  in  opposition  to  one  or  two  declarations  from  the  judges. 
With  these  sentiments  many  still  advised  them  as  sure  conveyances,  and  as  such 
they  were  practised  all  through  this  reign  till  at  length  they  obtained  a  degree  of 
\egal  recognition  .  .  .  Before  the  question  of  a  covenant  was  settled,  and  while 
men  were  indulging  themselves  in  every  contrivance  to  maintain  these  secret 
methods  of  conveying  their  estates,  the  conveyance  by  lease  and  release  was  devised 
by  Serjeant  Moore.  This  is  said  to  have  been  framed  by  that  ingenious  lawyer 
for  the  satisfaction  of  the  Lord  Norris,  who  wanted  to  conceal  from  his  family  the 
settlement  of  his  estate.' — Hist.  Eng.  Law,  vol.  iii.  pp.  385-7. 

8  But,  as  Lord  Coke  says,  '  Many  times  juries,  together  with  other  matter,  are 
much  induced  by  presumptions  ;  whereof  there  be  three  sorts,  viz.  violent,  prob- 
able, and  light  or  temerary.  Violenta  pr&sumptio  is  manie  times  plena  probatio. 
So  it  is  in  the  case  of  a  charter  of  feoffment,  if  all  the  witnesses  to  the  deed  be 
dead  (^s  no  man  can  keep  his  witnesses  alive,  and  time  weareth  out  all  men)  then 
violent  presumption,  which  stands  for  a  proofe,  is  continual!  and  quiet  possession  ; 
for  ex  diuturnitate  temporis  omnia  praesumuntur  solenniter  esse  acta.  Also  the 
deed  may  receive  credit  per  collationem  sigillorum  scripturse,  &c.,  et  super  fidem 
cartarum,  mortuis  testibus,  erit  ad  patriam  de  necessitate  recurrendum.' — Co.  Lit. 
6b. 

b  In  this  and  the  following  chapter  the  author  has  evidently  availed  himself 
largely  of  the  essay  de  Fortitudine  of  Pontanus,  an  Italian  scholar,  to  whose 
works,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter  (post,  p.  287),  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  makes  a  more 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  263 

interior  or  inwarde  gouernaunce,  and  an  exterior  or  outwarde 
gouernaunce.  The  firste  is  of  his  affectes  and  passions,  which 
do  inhabite  within  his  soule,  and  be  subiectes  to  reason.  The 
seconde  is  of  his  children,  his  seruauntes,  and  other  subiectes 
to  his  autoritie.  To  the  one  and  the  other  is  required  the  vertue 
morall  called  fortitude,  whiche  as  moche  as  it  is  a  vertue  is  a 
Mediocritie  or  meane  betwene  two  extremities,  the  one  in 
surplusage,  the  other  in  lacke.  The  surplusage  is  called 
Audacitie,  the  lacke  Timorositie  or  feare.a  I  name 

Audacitie. 

that  Audacitie  whiche  is  an  excessife  and  inordinate 

truste  to  escape  all  daungers,  and  causeth  a  man  to  do  suche 

actes   as    are  nat  to  be  ieoparded.b     Timorositie  is  as  well 


direct  allusion.  According  to  Hallam,  the  essay  in  question  with  some  others  was 
published  in  1490.  Erasmus,  in  his  Ciceronianus,  declares  that  Pontanus  so  handled 
his  subjects  that  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  he  was  a  Christian  or  not.  'Tractat 
materias  profanas,  quasique  locos  communes,  de  Fortitudine,  de  Obedientia,  de 
Splendore,  quse  tractata  facillime  nitescunt,  atque  ex  se  facile  suppeditant  sententi- 
arum  copiam,  casque  sic  tractat,  ut  segre  possis  agnoscere  Christianus  fuerit  nee 
ne.  Similiter  temperat  stylum  in  libe.llo  de  Principe.' — Opera,  torn.  i.  col.  1019. 
ed.  1703.  For  the  purpose  of  comparison,  the  Editor  has  printed  in  the  notes 
those  passages  of  the  de  Fortitudine  from  which  it  is  obvious  that  Sir  Thomas 
Elyot  had  borrowed  his  ideas.  The  edition  of  the  works  of  Pontanus  which  ha 
been  consulted  for  this  purpose  is  that  in  three  octavo  volumes  published  by  Aldus 
at  Venice  in  1518. 

*  This  is  evidently  borrowed  from  Aristotle's  definition  :  Tlepl  /ttej/  olv  <p60ovs 
Kal  Gappy  di/Spefa  fjL€ff6rrjs '  TWV  8s  vwepl3a\\6vTQW  6  p.tv  "rrj  ct<po/3ia  avc/oi/viJLos  (TroAAck 
8'  eVrij/  avoii/UjLia),  6  8'  eV  rf  Qappsiv  UTrep/SaAAwi/  dpaffvs,  6  Se  T£p  JJL\V  (pofte'ia'Oai  forep- 
£aAA«i/  rep  Se  Oappeiv  lx\e'ur<air  8eiA($s. — Eth.  Nicom.  lib.  ii.  cap.  7,  which  was 
also  adopted  bytPontanus  who  says,  *  Est  igitur  virtutis  hujus  proprium  affectus 
hos  moderari,  ac  sub  ratione  continere,  quo  medium  retinere  possit,  a  quo  medio- 
critas  dicta  est.  Etenim  fortitudo  cum  sit  virtus,  mediocritas  sit  quaedam  oportet. 
Medii  autem  ea  vis  ac  natura  est,  ut  in  neutram  extremorum  partem  propendat. 
Ab  utroque  enim  recedit,  quando  utrumque  insequabile  est.  Quippe  cum  alter! 
exsuperantia,  alteri  defectus  insit.' — Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  51  b,  ed.  1518. 

b  'O  Se  Ty  bappelv  y7rep/3aAAo>*'  irepi  rb  <po/3ep&  Qpaffvs.  Ao/cet  8e  Kal  a\a&v 
flvai  5  6paa-vs  Kal  irpo<nron)TiKbs  atSptlas. — Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7  (10).  Pon- 
tanus says,  c  Timiditati  contraria  est  audacia,  quando  ilia  nimium  metuit,  contra 
hsec  nimium  confidit,  atque  etiam  audet.  Est  autem  audacis  proprium,  et  antequam 
periculum  adeat,  et  postquam  adiit,  supra  quam  satis  est  confidere.' — Pontanus, 
ubi  supra,)  fo.  62. 


264  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

whan  a  man  feareth  suche  thinges  as  be  nat  to  be  feared, 
Timorosi-  as  also  whan  he  feareth  thinges  to  be  feared  more 
***•  than  nedeth.a  For  some  thynges  there  be  whiche 

be  necessary  and  good  to  be  feared,  and  nat  to  feare 
theim  it  is  but  rebuke.b  Infamie  and  reproche  be  of  all 
honest  men  to  be  dradde.  And  nat  to  feare  thynges  that 
be  terrible,  agayne  whiche  no  powar  or  witte  of  man  can 
resiste,  is  foole  hardynesse,c  and  worthy  no  praise,  as  erthe 
quakes,  rages  of  great  and  sodayne  flodes,  whiche  do  bere 
downe  before  them  mountaynes  and  great  townes,  also 
the  horrible  fury  of  sodayne  fire,  deuourynge  all  thing 
that  it  apprehendeth.  Yet  a  man  that  is  valiaunt,  called 
A  valiant  in  latyne  Fortis,  shall  nat  in  suche  terrible  aduen- 
man.  tures  be  resolued  into  waylinges  or  desperation.d 


•  'O  8£  T<p  fyopfiffQai  Lirep/JaAAewv  SeiAds*  KOI  *yap  &  /j.^  oe?  Kal  &s  ov  8e?,  KO! 
irdVra  TO  ToiaDro  aKoAoufle?  aury'  'EAAefirct  Se  Kal  ry  Qappflv  aAA*  tv  TOIS  XVTTCUS 
vir(p&d\\<i>v  /naAAof  Kara<pavf)s  4anv.  AvffeXiris  5^  ris  6  $(t\6s'  irdVra  ykp  ^ajSeTTat. 
— Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7  (10).  '  Qui  vero  nimis  extimescit,  eum  timidum  ac 
meticulosum  dicimxis,  qui  nee  in  eosolum  peccat,  quod  etiam  non  metuenda  pavitat, 
sed  quod  ea,  quce  timcnda  sunt,  nequaquani,  ut  oportet,  tinieat' — Pontanus,  ubi 
JW/VYJ,  fo.  59  b. 

b  "Evict  ykp  (KOK«£)  Kal  5e?  <J>oj6eT(T0ai  Kal  KaX6t>,  rb  S^  ^  alffxpbv,  olov  aSo^av. — 
Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  6  (9).  '  Differunt  enim  inter  se,  quod  alia  honestum  est 
metuere,  qua;  ni  metuantur,  turpe  ac  llagitiosum  ducimus.  Quid  enim  improbius 
quam  infamiam  non  vereri  ? ' — Pontanus,  nbi  sufray  fo.  52  b. 

0  Or,  according  to  Aristotle,  madness.  Efrj  5'  &»  ns  naivtfjLfvos  1)  aydXyjrros, 
d  /j.r)6fv  <f>oj8oiYo,  (j.-f)Tf  <rfi<rnby  ju^re  ra  KU/UOTO,  rcdOairfp  <paal  rovs  KeArous. — Eth. 
Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7  (10).  .  Pontanus,  expanding  this  idea,  says,  'Omnem  profecto 
mctum  exuisse,  hominis  est  aut  parum  sante  mentis,  aut  prorsus  stupidi  atque  ob- 
torpescentis.  Quis  enim,  nisi  demens,  atque  in  furorem  actus,  aut  non  rationis  modo, 
sed  pxue  sensuum  ipsorum  expers  factus,  diluviones  non  horreat,  motusque  terrarum, 
atque  incendia?  Hrec  igitur  taliaque  non  metuere,  videtur  magis  non  sentientis 
cujusuiam,  aut  insani  hominis,  quam  sensu  rationeque  beue  utentis  esse.' — Ubi 
snj>ra,  fo.  59  b. 

d  *  Et  viri  tamen  fortes  in  mari  deprehensi  a  tempestatibus,  non  ita  erunt  con- 
sternati,  ut  humiles  dimissique  appareant.  Tolerabunt  itaque  procellas,  non  eo 
tamen  quo  nautie  animo,  qui  cum  ferendis  tempestatibus  sint  assucti,  et  bene 
sperant  se  invicem  connrmantes,  et  suum  interim  niunus  exsequuntur.  Cum  illi 
ut  parum  assueti  atque  inexperti,  de  salute  subinde  desperent,  ac  tale  mortis  genus 
quam  molest  issime  fenlnt,  cum  etiam  intelligant  nullam  in  iis  se  dignam  navare 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  265 

But  where  force  constrayneth  him  to  abide,  and  neither  powar 
or  wisedome  assayed  may  suffice  to  escape,  but,  will  he  or  no, 
he  must  nedes  perysshe,  there  dothe  he  paciently  sustayne 
dethe,  whiche  is  the  ende  of  all  euilles.*  And  lyke  as  an 
excellent  Phisitioun  cureth  moste  daungerous  diseases  and 
dedely  woundes,  so  dothe  a  man  that  is  valiaunt  auaunce 
himselfe  as  inuincible  in  thinges  that  do  seme  moste  terrible,b 
nat  unaduisedly,  and  as  it  were  in  a  bestely  rage,  but  of  a 
gentill  courage,  and  with  premeditation,  either  by  victorie  or 
by  dethe,  wynnynge  honour  and  perpetuall  memory,  the  iuste 
rewarde  of  their  vertue.0  Of  this  maner  of  valiaunce  was 
Horatius  Codes,  an  auncient  Romayne,  of  whose  example  I 
haue  all  redy  written  in  the  firste  boke,  where  I  commended 
the  feate  of  s\vymming.d 

Pirrhus,   whome    Anniball  estemed   to   be    the   seconde 
of  the  moste  valiaunt  capitaines,  assaulting  a  stronge  K.     p. 
fortresse  in    Sicile,  called  Erice,6  he  firste    of    all  rhusthe 
other  scaled    the  walles,   where   he   behaued    him  <*an#r- 

operam  posse.  At  quo  animo  fuit  Ajax  in  tanta  ilia  tempestate  nautarumque  con- 
stematione  ne  minimum  quidem  &  se  ipso  recessit.' — Pont,  ubi  supra>  fo.  55. 

•  H*pl  foTa  ovv  TWV  <po&ep<av  6  avSpt'ios  ;  ^  irepl  rck  p.4yiara  ;  ovQfls  ycip  inronf- 
yerucewrepos  rwv  SfivcSv.     QopeptbraTov  8'   6  Odvaros'  xtpas  ydpt  »cal  ouSeV  £ri  ry 
TfQvewTi  5oK««  ofrr'  d-yaflbv  oCre  KCUC^V  eli/eu. — Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  6  (9). 

b  '  An  fortasse,  ut  excellentis  est  medici  gravissimos  morbos  Icetalesque  plagas 
sanare,  sic  etiam  fortis  est  viri  in  iis  versari,  seque  invictum  prsestare,  quce  maxime 
omnium  formidibilia  videantur  ?  Si  quidem  fortitudinis  materia  et  quidam  quasi 
campus  sunt  dimcillima  quceque  pericula  atque  ilia  maxime  quae  mortem  videantur 
allatura,  qua  nihil  sit  omnino  terribilius.' — Pontanus,  ubi  sttfra,  fo.  53. 

•  'Quocirca  fortis  vir,  quique  plane  dicendus  est  vir,  ex  morte  quce  quidem 
futura  sit  multo  pulcherrima,  decus  illud  adipisci  contendet,  cujusest  quam  maxime 
studiosus,  quo  ut  potiatur,  difficillima  quccque  pericula  ^ponte  adibit,  in  quibus 
pci  viucendis,  aut  si  hoc  minus  contigerit,  in  oppetenda  morte,  laudemque  et  decus 
collocatum  intelligit.' — Pontanus,  ubi  jw/rw,  fo.  53  b. 

•  See  Vol.  I.  p.  178. 

•  Tow  5'  "Epuicos  oxvpuTdrov  r&v  x^P^  &rros  ical  iro\Ao6s  a/uuvo^evous  ?XOKTOS 
Zyvot  fiid£t<rdai  irpi)i  ri  Tflxn-     Kal  rijs  ffrparias  yfvofjiftnqs  trof/iTjj,  4ytSvffaro  Tjjv 
TravoirAjov  Kal  irpocr€/\<?a)V  i)&£aro  T<j5  'Hpa/c\cT  iroifafiv  ayaiva  icai  Qwiav  aptaTtiov,  &v 
TOU  y4vovs  KOU  rwv  wjrapx^KTft"'  &£">"  erywvKPrV  avrbt>  airoSfi^r)  TOIS  2tKc\tac  oiKoOcriy 
"EAArjai  *  T.7  5^  ffd\niYyi  atipAiva^  ical  rols  jSeAeat  rovs  fiap&dpovs  ava<TK(8d(ra,s  ical 

ras  KAt/ua«as  Trpoffayaywv  xpwros  eire'jSi;  TOV  ret'xouj.    'Avriffrdtrrwy  8^  ToAAwr  ofutvo- 


266  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

so  valiauntly,  that  suche  as  resisted,  some  he  slewe,  and 
other  by  his  maiestie  and  fierce  countenaunce  he  dyd  put 
to  discomforte.  And  finally,  before  any  of  his  armye,  entred 
the  walles,  and  there  alone  sustayned  the  hole  bronte  of 
his  enemyes,  untill  his  people  whiche  were  without,  at  the 
laste  myssinge  him,  stered  partely  with  shame  that  they  had 
so  loste  hym,  partely  with  his  couragious  example,  toke  good 
harte,  and  inforced  them  selfes  in  suche  wise  that  they  clymed 
the  walles  and  came  to  the  socour  of  Pirrhus,  and  by  his 
prowesse  so  wanne  the  garyson.  What  valiaunt  harte  was 
in  the  romayne,  Mutius  Sceuola,  that  whan  Porcena,  kynge 
of  Ethruscanes  had  by  great  powar  constrayned  the  ro- 
maynes  to  kepe  them  within  their  citie,  Sceuola  takinge 
on  him  the  habite  of  a  begger,  with  a  sworde  hydde  preuely 
under  his  garment,  went  to  the  enemyes  campe,  where 
he  beinge  taken  for  a  beggar,  was  nothinge  mistrusted. 
And  whan  he  had  espied  the  kinges  pauillyon  he  drewe 
hym  thyther,  where  he  founde  dyuers  noble  men  sit- 
tynge.  But  for  as  moche  as  he  certaynly  knewe  nat  whiche 
of  them  was  the  kynge,  he  at  the  laste  perceyuinge  one  to  be 
in  more  ryche  apparayle  thanne  any  of  the  other,  and  suppo- 
singe  hym  to  be  Porcena,  he,  or  any  man  espyed  hym,  stepte 
to  the  sayde  lorde,  and  with  his  sworde  gaue  hym  suche  a 
stroke  that  he  immediatly  dyed.  But  Sceuola  beynge  taken, 
for  as  moche  as  he  mought  nat  escape  suche  a  multitude,  he 
boldly  confessed  that  his  hande  erred,  and  that  his  intent  was 
to  haue  slayne  kynge  Porcena.  Wherewith  the  kynge  (as  rea- 
son was)  all  chaufed,  commaunded  a  great  fire  furthwith  to  be 
made,  wherein  Sceuola  shulde  haue  ben  brenned,  but  he 
nothing  abasshed,  said  to  the  kynge,  Thynke  nat,  Porcena,  that 

/u,6j/os  Toi>s  fjifv  e|ew(T€  TOV  rtixovs  eV  a/J-tporepa  /cal  /care'ySaAe,  irXeiffrovs  Se  irepl 
aurbi/  T<£  |i<J>«  XP^6J/OS  ecrwpet/ffe  veKpovs.  "E7ra0e  Se  curbs  ot»5e*/,  aAAa  /cal  irpoffiSf'iv 
Set^bs  efpdvri  rdis  iro\e/J.iois  /cal  jbf  "O/J.ripov  e5ei£ej/  opdus  KO,}  (Aera  ejUTref/Ji'as  airo^ai- 
vovra  rS)V  aperoD;/  p.6vriv  r}]v  avSpeiav  (papas  7roAAa/as  (vOovaLwSets  Kal  p.avuta'i  (pepo- 
ftfvrjv.  'A\ovffTfjs  §€  TT)S  Tr6\e<as  Hdvae  re  rtp  0e<£  iLeyaKoirptirus  Kal  fleas  ay&vwi' 
*. — Plut.  Pyrrhus,  22. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  267 

by  my  dethe  onely  thou  maiste  escape  the  handes  of  the 
Romaynes,  for  there  be  in  the  citie  CCC  yonge  men,  suche  as 
I  am,  that  be  prepared  to  slec  the  by  one  meanes  or  other, 
and  to  thaccomplysshement  therof  be  also  determined  to 
suffre  all  tourmentes,  wherof  thou  shalt  haue  of  me  an  expe- 
rience in  thy  syght.  And  incontinently  he  went  to  the  fire, 
whiche  was  made  for  to  brenne  him,  and  with  a  glad  counte- 
naunce  dyd  put  his  hande  in  to  the  flame,  and  there  helde  it 
of  a  longe  tyme  without  chaungynge  of  any  countenaunce, 
untill  his  said  hande  was  brenned  unto  asshes.  In  lyke  wise 
he  wolde  haue  put  his  other  hande  in  to  the  fire,  if  he  had  nat 
ben  withdrawen  by  Porcena,  who,  wondryng  at  the  valiaunt 
courage  of  Sceuola,  licenced  hym  to  retourne  unto  the  citie. 
But  whan  he  considered  that  by  the  wordes  of  Sceuola  so 
great  a  nombre  of  yonge  men  of  semblable  prowesse  were 
confederate  to  his  distruction,  so  that,  or  all  they  coulde  be 
apprehended,  his  lyfe  shulde  be  all  waye  in  ieopardye,  he, 
dispairynge  of  winnynge  the  citie  of  Rome,  raised  his  siege 
and  departed/1 

*  ^Hv  av^p  els  Tracrav  aperfyv  ayaQbs,  ev  8e  ro'ts  iro\e/j.iKo7s  apio'Tos '  eiriBov\ev(av 
5e  rbv  Tlopaivav  dveA.e«/  irapeKrr\\Qev  els  rb  ffrpar6TTfdov  Tv^pf]vi5a  <pop£>v  eVflrjra  Kal 
(puvfj  xpw/uevos  ofjioia.  Hepie\6wv  be  rb  /3f///a  rov  fiaffiXews  Kade^opevov  Kal  crcupcas 
p.ev  aiirbi/  OVK  etScby,  e'pe'crflat  Se  Trepl  avrov  SeStcbs,  t>v  (pi)6t]  judA-tcrra  T&V  ffvyKa6e^op.e- 
v<av  ettetvov  elvai,  cnraa'dfj.evos  rb  £i(pos  aireKreivev.  '"Enl  roury  Se  ffv\\r)<p6els  aveicpi- 
VSTO  '  Kai  TWOS  eVxapiSos  Trvp  exovfff]s,  jue'AA.oj/Ti  Tcp  TLopffiva  Qveiv  Ke/co/utajU.eV7;s, 
vneprj-^uv  -rrfv  8e|iai/  %e^Pa  Kaio/j.4vr]s  Tr\s  crapicbs  elcrr^Kei  irpbs  rbi/  Hopffivav  ct7ro)3Ae- 
TTCOV  tra/x^J  Kal  arp€TTT(f  rep  irpocraJTraj,  ^ie^pts  ou  davfjidffas  a^Tj/cef  avrbv,  Kal  rb  £i<pos 
a7ro8(Sous  &pe£ev  aTrb  rov  /S^aTos  •  6  Se  rfy  evtiavv/uLOV  irpureivas  e'Se'laro.  Kal  Sia 
TOUTO  (pafflv  aurf  yeveaQai  rbv  2/ca(oAaj/  eiriKK^ffiv,  'direp  eVrt  Aaiojs.  vE(ptj  5e  rbv 
(p6fiov  rov  Uopo-iva  vej/t/crj'ccbs,  -rjrraffdai  TTJJ  dperrjs,  Kal  x«P*Tt  ^rjvuea-,  a  Trpbs  ai>dyKT)V 
OVK  Uv  e^y6pev(re.  '  TpiaKOffioi  yap  'Pai/xaiwj/,'  e<pri,  '  rty  avrfy  epol  yvu^v  e^ovres 
ev  r<p  ffrparoTreficp  o~ov  Tr\avcvvrai  Kaipbv  eirir-ripovvres '  tyw  5e  K\i]p<p  Xa%iav  Kal 
Trpoeirixeip'fio'as  OVK  ax&0fj.ai  rrj  rvxy  Siap.apruv  avSpbs  ayaQov  Kal  </)iAou  juaAAoi'  ^ 
iro\*u.iov  'Pcap.aiois  elvat  Trpeirovros'  TavQ'  o  Hopffivas  a.Kovo'as  eitlffrevae  Kal  Trpbs 
ras  SiaXvffeis  T/jSiov  ir^tr,  ov  roo"ovr6,  yuot  SoKeT,  <p6fi((>  ruv  rpiaKOffiwv,  '6o~ot>  ayaaGels 
Kal  Qavpao-as  rb  a>p6yf]fjia  Kal  TT\V  aper^v  rwi>  'Pufiaiwv.  — Plut.  Poplifola^  17. 


268  THE  GOVERNOUR. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

In  what  actes  Fortitude  is,  and  of  the  consy  derations  therto 
belongynge. 

BUT  all  though  I  haue  nowe  rehersed  sondry  examples  to  the 
commendation  of  Fortitude  concernynge  actes  marciall,  yet 
by  the  waye  I  wolde  haue  it  remembred  that  the  praise  is 
proprely  to  be  referred  unto  the  vertue,a  that  is  to  saye,  to 
enterprise  thynges  dredefull,  either  for  the  publike  weale  or 
for  wynning  of  perpetuall  honour,  or  els  for  exchuynge 
reproche  or  dishonoure.  Where  unto  be  annexed  these  con- 
siderations, what  importaunce  the  enterprise  is,  and  wherfore 
it  is  done,  with  the  tyme  and  oportunitie  whan  it  aught  to  be 
done.b  For  (as  Tulli  saieth)  to  entre  in  batayle  and  to  fight 
unaduisedly,  it  is  a  thing  wylde  and  a  maner  of  beestes,  but 
thou  shalt  fight  valiauntly  whan  tyme  requireth,  and  also 
necessitie.  And  all  way  dethe  is  to  be  preferred  before  serui- 
tude  or  any  dishonestie.c  And  therfore  the  actes  of  Anniball 


*  The  author  seems  to  allude  to  the  following  passage  in  Aristotle  :  ' 
S'  avry  /j.d\i(TTa  rr}  Trp6Tfpov  elpfj/j.tvri,  '6ri  Si  aperriv  yivtrai  '  5t'  atSta  yap  /col  5ia 
Ka\ov  ope£iv  (ri^ys  yap)  Kal  tyvyfy  oveidovs,  alff^pov  OVTOS.  Tipurov  ij.lv  TJ  TTO\I,TLK^  • 
jj.a.\i<rra  yap  eoi/ce  •  SoKOvfft,  yap  viro/ieVetv  roits  KivSvvovs  ol  TroAtrai  8ta  ra  e/c  TOJV 
v6fj.wv  €iriTi/j.ia  Kal  ra  ovei'Sr?  Kal  5ta  ras  ri^ds.  —  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  8  (ll). 
*  Quique  item,  ut  par  est,  et  metuit  et  confidit  agitque  pro  dignitate,  atque  ut  ratio 
recta  prsecipit,  is  est  quern  quserimus  fortem,  cujus  tolerantia  atque  perpessio,  actio 
item  atque  agressio  suscepta  est  honesti  et  pulchri  gratia  quando  ut  magistro  placet 
Aristoteli  actionis  cuj  usque  finis  est  ad  habitum  referendus.  Et  viro  forti  fortitudo 
ipsa  honestum  ac  pulchrum  est,  aut  quia  secus  quidem  atque  aliter  se  habere  atque 
agere  turpe  esset  ac  decorosum.'  —  Pontanus,  Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  58  b. 

b  '  Idem  quoque  asperis  atque  periculosis  rebus  tolerandis  adhibitus  est  delec- 
tus. Siquidem  et  temporis  et  loci  ratio  habenda  est,  retinendus  etiam  modus, 
nee  toleranda  sunt  quae  forti  viro  aut  parum  convenerint,  aut  certe  omnino  dede- 
cuerint.'  —  'Quid  autem  vel  inconsideratius  vel  improbius  quam  ea  velle  aggredi 
quse  nulla  sint  ratione  aggredienda  ?  Quid  magis  incompositum,  quam  nee  tempo- 
ris nee  loci  rationem  habere  ?  Aut  quid  immoderatius,  quam  a  mensura  ordineque 
recedere  ?  Cum  primis  autem  videndum  est,  quam  id,  quod  aggredi  paramus, 
justum  sit.'  —  Pontanus,  ubi  supra,  fo.  57  b.  58. 

c  '  Temere  autem  in  acie  versari,  et  manu  cum  hoste  confligere,  immane  quid- 
dam  et  belluarum  simile  est.  Sed  cum  tempus  necessitasque  postulat,  decertan- 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  269 

agayne  the  Saguntynes,  vvhiche  neuer  dyd  him  displeasure,  is 
nat  accounted  for  any  prowesse.a     Neyther  Catalyne,  which, 
for  his  singuler  commoditie  and    a   fewe   other,   attempted 
detestable  warres  agayne  his  owne  contraye,  entendyng  to 
haue  brenned  the  noble  citie  of  Rome,  and  to  haue  distroyed 
all  the  good  men,  is  nat  numbred  amonge  valyaunt  men,  all 
though  he  faught  manly  ancl  with  great  courage  untill  he  was 
slayne.b  What  auayled  the  boldenesse  of  Varro  and  Flaminius, 
noble  capitaynes  of  Romaynes,  whiche  despisynge  the  prow- 
esse    and   crafte   of    Anniball,    and    contemnyng   the   sobre 
counsayle  of  Fabius,  hauing  onely  truste  in  their  owne  hardi- 
nesse,  loste  two   noble  armyes,   wherby  the   powar   of  the 
Romaynes  was  nighe  utterly  perysshed  ? c     Wherfore  eftsones 
I  saye  that  a  valiaunt  man  is  he  that  dothe  tollerate 
or  suffre  that  whiche  is  nedefull,  and  in  suche  wise  be  called  a 
as  is  nedefull,  and  for  that  whiche  is  nedefull,  and  valiaunt 
also  whan  it  is  nedefull.d   And  he  that  lacketh  any  of 
this  may  be  called  hardy,  b^t  nat  valiaunt.     More  ouer,  all 
thoughe  they  whiche  be  hardy  or  persones  desperate  haue  a 

dum  manu  est,  et  mors  servituti  turpitudinique  anteponenda.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap. 

23- 

a  This  is  borrowed  from  Pontanus,  who  says,  '  Immanis  Annibal,  qui  nulla 
lacessitus  injuria  bellum  Saguntinis  intulit,  quod  ut  injuste  suscepit,  sic  crudeliter 
administravit. ' — Ubi  s^tpra,  fo.  58. 

b  The  author  has  borrowed  this  and  the  following  illustration  also  from  the 
same  source  as  the  last.  '  Immanis  Catilina,  qui  dum  pro  suis  aut  paucorum 
tantum  commodis,  non  pro  communi  salute  laborat,  nefarium  patriae  bellum  intulit, 
dumque  ad  id,  quod  sibi  proposuerat,  pervenire  posset,  Urbis  incendium  ac  bono- 
rum  civium  interitum  parat. '— Pontanus,  ubi  supra,  fo.  58. 

8  'Varro  Flaminiusque,  alter  ad  Transimenum,  alter  ad  Cannas,  dum  Han- 
nibalis  artes  despiciunt,  dum  quales  haberent  exercitus,  denique  dum  seipsos 
parum  noscunt,  rem  Romanam  pene  funditus  subvertere. ' — Pontanus,  ubi  supra, 
fo.  58. 

d  'O  p.€V  ovv  a  Se?  Kal  ov  cVc/ca  inrofj.€V<av  Kal  (pofiovfjifvos,  KCU  ws  Se?  Kal  Sre,  d/xot'coy 
5e  Kal  Qappwv,  dvSpfios'  KCIT'  a£iav  yap,  Kal  CDS  &j>  6  \6yos,  irdffxtt  Kal  irpdmi  6  av- 
SpeTos.— Arist.  Eth.  NIC.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7  (10). — 'Atque  ut  fortem  ipsum  tanquam 
suis  liniamentis  inumbremus.  Qui  quae  oportet,  et  quam  oportet,  et  cujus  etiam  rei 
gratia,  et  quando  etiam  oportet,  tolerat  atque  perpetitur. ' — Pontanus,  ubi  supra, 
fo.  58  b. 


270  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

similitude,  and  seme  to  be  valiaunt,a  yet  be  they  nat  valiaunt, 
no  more  than  kinges  in  May  games  b  and  enterludes  be 
kinges.  For  they  that  be  hardy,  or  they  come  to  the  perylle, 
they  seme  to  be  fierce  and  aigre,  and  in  beginnynge  their 
enterprise  wonderfull  hasty ;  but  whan  they  feele  the  thing 


*  'Hs  o3»/  e/mj/os  (sc.  o  avSpeios)  irepl  T£  tyofiepct.  €%«,  ovrcas  ovros  (sc.  d  6pacrvs) 
Qaiveffdai'  fv  ols  ovv  Swarcu,  /*t^€?Tat. — Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7 
(10).  'Ac  tametsi  initio  videtur  audax  habere  quiddam  forti  simile,  acillius  ani- 
mum  prse  se  ferre  .  .  .  veram  tamen  fortitudinis  laudem  non  est  adeptus,  ut  qui 
in  spectaculis  Histriones  cum  sint,  regum  tamen  personas  gerunt. ' — Pontanus,  ubi 
supra,  fo.  62  a.  b. 

b  May  games  and  Interludes  were  the  only  spectacula  with  which  the  author 
was  acquainted,  but  Pontanus  himself  had,  no  doubt,  more  elaborate  performances 
in  his  mind ;  for  Hallam  tells  us  that  Latin  plays  upon  a  classical  model  were 
sometimes  represented  in  Italy  in  the  I4th  and  I5th  centuries,  and  he  mentions  a 
tragedy,  the  Rosmunda  of  Rucellai,  which  was  represented  before  Leo  at  Florence 
in  1515,  and  '  two  comedies  by  Ariosto  seem  to  have  been  acted  about  1512.' — Hist. 
Eng.  Lit.  vol.  i.  p.  266,  ed.  1854.    With  regard  to  the  signification  oi  histrio,  Warton 
says  that  '  in  the  Latin  writers  of  the  barbarous  ages,  the  word  generally  compre- 
hends the  numerous  tribe  of  mimics,  jugglers,  dancers,  tumblers,  musicians,  min- 
strels, and  the  like  public  practitioners  of  the  recreative  arts,  with  which  those  ages 
abounded.' — Hist,   of  Eng.   Poet.  vol.   ii.  p.   393.     The  'Kings'  in  May  games 
were  also  called  Lords  of  Misrule,  and  Stubbes,  in  his  description  of  these  games, 
says,  '  First  all  the  wilde  heads  of  the  Parish  nocking  togither  chuse  them  a  graund 
Captaine  (of  Mischiefe),  whome  they  innoble  with  the  title  of  My  Lord  of  Misrule, 
and  him  they  crowne  with  great  solemnitie  and  adopt  for  their  king.' — Anat.  of 
Abuses,  p.  107,  ed.  1595.     And  Strype  tells  us  that  in  1557  there  'was  a  goodly 
May-game  in  Fanchurch  street ;  there  was  also  the  morris  dance,  and  the  lord  and 
lady  of  this  May  appeared,  to  make  up  the  show. ' — Eccles.  Mem.  vol.  iii.  pt.  ii.  p. 
6.     With  regard  to  those  who  occupied  an  analogous  position  in  Interludes,  Warton 
tells  us  that  '  in  an  original  draft  of  the  statutes  of  Trin.  Coll.,  Cam.,  founded  in 
1 546,  one  of  the  chapters  is  entitled  De  Prefecto  Ludorum  qui  Imperator  dicitur, 
under  whose  direction  and  authority  Latin  comedies  and  tragedies  are  to  be  exhi- 
bited in  the  hall  at  Christmas.' — Ubi  supra,  vol.  ii.  p.  523.   At  Christmas,  1527-8, 
a  play  was  performed  at  Gray's  Inn,  in  which,  according  to  Hall,  two  of  the  principal 
characters  were  Lord  Governaunce  and  Lady  Publike-wele.     It  was  about  this 
period  that  John  Heywood,  'the  singer'  and  'player  on  the  Virginals,'  began  to 
write  his  interludes.      '  These  productions, '  says  Mr.  Collier,  '  form  an  epoch  in 
the  history  of  our  drama,  as  they  are  neither  Miracle-plays  nor  Morals,  but  en- 
tirely different  from  both  ;  several  of  them  come  properly  within  the  definition  of 
"interludes,"  (pieces  played  in  the  intervals  of  entertainments),  and  have  frequently 
both  broad  humour  and  strong  character  to  recommend  them.' — Ann.  of  Stage, 
vol.  i.  p.  116,  ed.  1831. 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  2jl 

more  harde  and  greuous  than  they  estemed,  their  courage 
decayeth  more  and  more,  and  as  men  abasshed  and  unpre- 
pared, their  hartes  utterly  do  fayle,  and  in  conclusion  they 
appere  more  faynte  than  they  that  be  cowardes.a  Also  in 
desperation  can  nat  be  fortitude,  for  that  beinge  a  morall 
vertue,  is  euer  voluntary.1*  Desperation  is  a  thinge  as  it  were 
constrayned,  ne  hathe  any  maner  of  consideration  ;  where 
fortitude  expendeth  euery  thinge  and  acte  diligently,  and 
dothe  also  moderate  it  with  reason.  Here  nowe  appereth  (as 
I  suppose)  that  neyther  they  whiche  employe  their  force 
without  iuste  cause  or  necessitie,  ne  they  whiche  without 
forecast,  or  (as  I  mought  saye)  circumspection,  will  take  in 
hande  an  harde  enterprise,  ne  they  whiche  hedlonge  will  fall 
in  to  daungers,  from  whens  there  is  no  hope  to  escape,  nor  yet 
men  desperate,  whiche  do  dye  willingly  without  any  motion 
of  honour  or  zeale  towarde  the  publike  weale,  be  in  the  nombre 
of  valyaunt  persones  ; c  but  of  a  refuse  company,  and  rather  to 

•  '  Etenim  audaces,  ante  pericula  adita  laboresque  susceptos,  nimis  quam  acres 
videntur,  suntque  ad  incipiendum  prsecipites,  post  vero  magis  magisque  deficiunt, 
viderique  incipiunt  similiores  haesitantibus,  donee  concidunt  animis,  apparentque 
ipsis  etiam  timidis  imbecilliores. ' — Pontanus,  ubi  su^ra,  fo.  62. 

b  '  Nee  ignoramus  (ut  etiam  Statius  ait)  esse  ubi  det  vires  nimius  timor,  nam  et 
timidissimse  qusedam  belluse,  ubi  nullum  habere  se  profugium  clausse  sentiunt, 
ferociores  factae,  et  ob  desperationem  etiam  acerrime  pugnant.  Quse  res  efficit  ut 
nee  desperatio  verum  assequi  fortitudinis  nomen  queat,  neque  enim  per  despera- 
tionem perveniri  ad  fortitudinem  ac  decus  potest,  quando  ne  in  Physicis  quidem 
dari  illud  solet,  ut  eadem  ipsa  sint  ex  quibus  idem  aliquid  effici  soleat.  Siquidem 
frigus,  quod  caloris  proprium  est,  non  nunquam  urit.  Ad  haec  cum  virtus  omnis 
moralis  sit  voluntaria,  desperatio  coactum  quid  ac  violentum  potius  videtur  esse, 
cujus  principia  et  causae  forinsecus  magis  proficiscantur,  qure  voluntatem  ipsam 
trahant  vexentque.  Quid  quod  desperantes  nihil  omnino  pensi  habent,  cum  fortes 
seque  suasque  res  atque  actiones  bene  pensent,  acrationemoderentur?' — Pontanus, 
ubi  supra,  fo.  62  b. 

c  '  Igitur  nee  hi  (sc.  desperantes),  nee  qui  e  nimio  metu  strenue  aliquid  videntur 
agere,  in  fortium  sunt  numero  collocandi.' — Pontanus,  ubi  supra,  fo.  63.  It  will 
be  seen  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  enumerates  four  classes  of  persons  who  can  lay  no 
claim  to  the  appellation  of  'valiant.'  Aristotle,  however,  mentions  five  spurious 
kinds  of  courage,  viz.: — I.  Involuntary  (81  avdyK-nv).  2.  Empirical  (<&T7?y  ^uTret- 
pias).  3.  Irascible  (e/c  Ovfj-ov).  4.  Exuberant  (of  eue'ATnScs).  5.  Irrational  (0107- 

J/OOl)j/T6s). 


272  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

be  rekned  with  bestes  sauage,  than  amonge  men  whiche  do 
Q.  Cur-  participate  with  reason.  For  as  Curtius  sayeth,  it 
tins.  appertayneth  to  men  that  be  valyaunt,  rather  to 
despise  dethe  thanne  to  hate  lyfe.a 

A  man  is  called  in  latyne  Vir,  whereof,  sayeth  Tulli,  vertue 
is  named.  And  the  moste  propre  vertue  longynge  to  a  man 
is  fortitude,  whereof  be  two  excellent  propreties,  that  is  to  saye, 
the  contempt  of  dethe  and  of  griefe.b  But  what  very  fortitude 
is  he  more  plainly  doth  declare  afterwarde  in  a  more  larger 
circumscription,  sayenge,  Thinges  humane  aught  to  be  litle 
estemed,  dethe  nat  regarded,  laboures  and  griefes  to  be  thought 
tollerable.  Whan  this  is  ratifyed  by  iugement  and  a  constant 
oppinion,  than  that  is  a  valiaunt  and  stable  fortitude.0  But 
there  unto  I  wolde  shulde  be  added,  whiche  oppinion  and 
iugement  procedeth  of  a  reason,  and  nat  repugnaunt  to  Justyce. 
And  than  it  shal  accorde  with  this  sayenge  of  Aristotelle, 
A  valiaunt  man  sustaineth  and  dothe  that  whiche 

Anstotd.  . 

belongeth  to  fortitude  for  cause  of  honestie.d  And  a 
litle  before  he  saieth,  A  man  that  is  valiaunt  as  well  suffereth 
as  dothe  that  whiche  agreeth  with  his  worship,  and  as  reason 
commaundeth.6  So  no  violence  or  sturdye  mynde  lackynge 
reason  and  honestie  is  any  parte  of  fortitude/  Unto  this 


a  '  Fortium  virorum  est,  magis  mortem  contemnere,  quam  odisse  vitam.' — Q. 
C&rt.  Ruf.  lib.  v.  cap.  9. 

b  '  Appellata  est  enim  ex  viro  virtus  :  viri  autem  propria  maxime  est  fortitude : 
cujus  munera  duo  sunt  maxima,  mortis,  dolorisque  contemtio.' — Tusc.  Disp.Xfo. 
ii.  cap.  1 8. 

c  *  Contemnendae  res  sunt  humanse  :  negligenda  mors  est  :  patibiles  ~et  dolores 
et  labores  putandi.  Haec  cum  constituta  sunt  judicio  atque  sententia,  turn  est 
robusta  ilia  et  stabilis  fortitude. ' —  Tusc.  Disp.  lib.  iv.  cap.  23. 

d  Ko\ou  5rj  eVe/ca  6  dvopetos  viropevei  Kal  irpaTret,  ra  Kara  TT\V  dvSpeiav. — Eth. 
NIC.  lib.  iii.  cap.  7  (10). 

e  KOT'  dl-iav  yap,  Kal  a>s  &»/  6  \6yos,  ir&ffxei  Kal  irparrei  6  oj/8pe?os. — Ibid.  lib.  iii. 
cap.  7  (10). 

'Sed  nee  feroces  in  fortium  haberi  numero  volumus,  siquidem  majore 
ferantur  impetu,  nee  quadebeant  ratione  pericula  metiantur.' — Pont.  Opera,  torn.  i. 
fo.  70  b.  ed.  1518. 


TH-E   GOVERNOUR,  273 

noble  vertue  be  attendaunt,  or  as  it  were  continuall  adhe- 
rentes,  dyuers  vertues,  whiche  do  ensue,  and  be  of  ryght  great 
estimation. 


CHAPTER   X. 

Of  paynefulnesse  the  firste  companion  of  Fortitude. 

IN  theim  which  be  either  gouernours  or  capitaynes  or  in  other 
offyce  where  unto  appertained!  great  cure,  or  despechynge  of 
sondry  great  affayres,  Paynfulnesse,  named  in  latyne  Toller- 
antia,  is  wonderfull  commendable.*  For  thereby  thynges  be 
in  suche  wise  exployted  that  utilitie  procedeth  therof,  and 
seldome  repentaunce.  For  as  moche  as  thereof  commeth  an 
excellent  frute  called  oportunitie,  which  is  euer  ripe,  and  neuer 
in  other  astate.  For  lacke  of  this  vertue  moche  wisedome 
and  many  a  valyaunt  enterprise  haue  perysshed  and  tourned 
to  none  effecte,  for  thynges  sharpely  inuented,  prudently 
discussed,  and  valyauntly  enterprised,  if  they  be  nat  diligently 
folowed,  and  without  cessynge  applied  and  pursued,  as  it  were 
in  a  moment  all  thinge  is  subuerted.  And  the  paynes  before 
taken,  with  the  tyme  therin  spent,  is  utterly  frustrate.  The 
paynefulnesse  of  Quintus  Fabius,b  beinge  dictator  or  principall 
capitayne  of  the  Romaynes,  in  leadynge  his  armye  by  moun- 
taynes  and  other  herde  passages,  so  disapointed  Anniball  of 
the  hope  of  victorye,  wherin  he  so  moche  gloried,  that  at  the 
last  he  trayned  and  drewe  Anniball  and  his  hoste  in  to  a  felde 
inclosed  about  with  mountaines  and  deep  ryuers,  where  Fabius 
had  so  enuyroned  him  by  the  fortifyenge  of  two  mountaynes 
with  his  people,  that  they  were  in  ieoperdye  eyther  to  be 

•  '  Assidet  itaque  et  tanquam  ministrat  Fortitudini  Tolerantia,  quoe  est  aequa 
laborum  ac  molestiarum  perpessio.' — Pontanus,  Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  66. 

b  Pontanus  cites  him  as  an  example.  '  Fortem  namque  ut  minime  insidiosum 
sic  vel  cum  primis  cautum,  aequumque  rerum  suarum  aestimatorem  volumus.  Quo 
in  genere  laudis  majores  nostri  Q.  Maximum  primum  esse  voluerunt.' — Ubi  supra, 
fo.  58. 

II.  T 


274  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

famysshed  (their  vitayle  soone  after  faylinge  theim)  or  els  in 
fleinge  to  be  slayne  by  the  Romaynes,  had  nat  the  craftye  and 
polityke  witte  of  Anniball  delyuered  them  ;  whiche,  for  the 
notable  inuention,  I  wyll  borowe  so  moche  tyme  of  the  reder 
to  renewe  the  remembraunce  therof  in  our  Englysshe  tunge. 
Anniball,  perceyuinge  the  daunger  that  he  and  his  armye 
Thepolicie  were  m>  ne  commaunded  in  the  depe  of  the  nyght, 
of  Anny-  whan  nothynge  was  sterynge,  to  be  brought  before 
cape  from  him  about  two  thousande  great  oxen  and  bulles, 
the  Ro-  whiche  a  litle  before  his  men  had  taken  in  foraginge, 
and  causinge-  fagottes  made  of  drye  styckes  to  be 
fastened  unto  their  homes,  and  set  on  fyre,  the  bestes 
troubled  with  the  flame  of  fire,  ranne  as  they  were  woode  up 
towarde  the  mountaynes,  where  as  laye  the  hoste  of  the 
Romaynes,  Anniball,  with  his  hoole  armye  folowynge  in 
araye.  The  romaynes  which  kept  the  mountaynes,  beinge 
sore  a  ferde  of  this  newe  and  terrible  sight,  forsoke  their 
places,  and  Fabius,  dredynge  the  deceytefull  witte  of  Anniball, 
kept  the  armye  within  nis  trenche,  and  so  Anniball  with  his 
hoste  escaped  without  domage.a  But  Fabius,  beinge  painefull 


a  BoSs  '6<rov  5to"X'Aios  e/c  T&V  alxfJ-aXdtrwv  eweAevtre  (TvXXafi6vras  draSijaat  5aE5a 
•Trpbs  fKaffrov  Kepas  ?)  Xvywv  i)  (ppvydvwv  avcav  (pdKeXov  •  flravvKrbs,  oravapQfj  a"r^u,e?oj>, 
avdtyavras  f\avveiv  eVt  ras  u7repj8oA.ds  Trapd  TO.  crreva  Kal  ras  (pv\aitas  ru>v  7roA.e/ufa>i>. 
"A/io  Se  ravra  irapeffKeva&v  oTs  irpoffreraKro  Kal  rb»/  &\\ov  avrbs  avaffr-fiffas 

OVTOS  ^76  ffxoXaiws.     At  5e  f$6es  &XP1  l^v  T^  1r^P  o\iyov  l\v  /cat  irepte'/ 


curb  T£>V  &Kpcov  nal  &ovK6\ois  •fiffav  at  fy\6yts  &Kpois  firi\d/j.irovcrai  rots  Ktpa- 
criv,  us  ffTpaTOTrtSov  /ca0'  cVa  K6<r/ji.ov  inrb  Aa/i?ra5a)j'  iroXXwv  jSaSf^o^Tos.  'ETTC!  8e  irvpov- 
fj.fvov  rb  Kepas  &XP1  ^C7?5  SteSw/ce  TTJ  trap/ct  T^JV  aXffQ-r)<riv  Kal  irpbs  rbv  ir6vov  dia(pfpovarai 
Kal  TLvdffffova'ai  ras  K€(pa\as  aveTrifj.ir\avro  TroAATjs  air*  dA.\^Awf  (p\oybs  OVK  eVe/xetvai/ 
rfj  Ta|et  rr)S  Tropetas,  aAA.'  eK<pofioi  Kal  TrepiaXye'is  oixrai  5/><fyi<£>  /card  TU>V  opwv  fQepovro 
A-ajtiTRfyicvat  pfvovpas  aKpas  Kal  juerwra,  TTO\\T]V  S^  TTJS  uArjs,  St'  ^s  ecpevyov,  a.va.-mov<ra.i. 
Aeti/bj/  olv  -t\v  Qfafjia  rots  TrapaQvXd'rTova'i  ras  inrepfioXas  'Pw^uatots.  Kat  yap  at  (p\6yes 
((fKeffav  UTT'  avOpdirwv  de6vr(av  Sta^epou/ieVats  \ap.irdffi.  Kal  06pv/3o$  i\v  ev  avrois  iro\bs 
Kal  (p6f$os,  a\\ax66ev  &\\ovs  fTrupepfffOai  roav  TroXe/uLiocv  ff<pt(ri  Kal  KVKXovaQai  -navra- 
vp-evwv.  Atb  /iei/etf  OVK  €r6\/J.<av,  aX\a  irpbs  rb  p.e'i^ov  avex^povv  ffTparoirfSov 
rd  ffrefd.  Kal  Kara  TOUTO  Se  Kaipov  Trpoff^i^avres  of  (piXol  TOU  'Kwifiov  ras 
Karecrxov,  f)  8'  &XXr]  Svvafjus  ^8?j  Trpoffefiaivev  a5ews  TroXhrjv  Kal  jSapeTav 
]  Xfiav.—  Plut.  Fabius,  6, 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  275 

in  pursuinge  Anniball  from  place  to  place,  a  waytinge  to  haue 
hym  at  aduauntage,  at  the  laste  dyd  so  fatigate  him  and  his 
hoste,  that  therby  in  conclusion  his  powar  minisshed,  and  also 
the  strength  of  the  Carthaginensis,  of  whome  he  was  generall 
capitayne.  In  so  moche  as  they  were  at  the  laste  constrained 
to  countermaimde  him  by  sondrie  messangers,  willyng  him  to 
abandone  the  warres  in  Italye,  arid  to  retourne  to  the  defence 
of  his  owne  citie.  Whiche  by  the  opinion  of  moste  excellent 
writars,  shulde  neuer  haue  hapned  if  Fabius  wolde  haue  lefte 
any  parte  of  his  purpose,  eyther  for  the  tediousenesse  of  the 
payne  and  trauayle,  or  for  the  intollerable  rebukes  giuen  unto 
hym  by  Minutius,  who  imbrayded  hym  with  cowardyse. 
Amonge  the  vertues  whiche  abounded  in  Julius  Cesar,  none 
was  accounted  more  excellent  than  that  in  his  counsayles, 
affaires,  and  exploytures,  he  omitted  no  tyme  ne  forsoke  any 
payne ;  wherfore  moste  sonest  of  any  man  he  achieued  and 
brought  to  good  passe  all  thynge  that  he  entreprised.a  Sup- 
pose ye  that  the  same  Anniball,  of  whome  we  late  spake, 
coulde  haue  wonne  from  the  Romaynes  all  Spayne,  and  haue 
perced  the  mountaynes  called  Alpes,  makynge  a  way  for  his 
armye  where  before  was  neuer  any  maner  of  passage,  and  also 
haue  goten  all  Italye  unto  Rome  gates,  if  he  had  not  ben  a 
man  paynefull  and  of  labour  incomparable  ? 

Julius  Cesar,  after  that  he  had  the  intier  gouernaunce  and 
dominion  of  the  empyre  of  Rome,  he  therfore  neuer  painefui. 
omitted  labour  and  diligence,  as  well  in  commune 
causes   as    private,    concernynge   the   defence    and 
assistence  of  innocentes.b     Also  he  laborousely  and 

*  Cicero  considered  him  a  universal  genius.  '  Fuit  in  illo  ingenium,  ratio, 
memoria,  literatura,  cogitatio,  diligentia  :  res  bello  gesserat,  quamvis  reipublicae 
calamitosas,  attamen  magnas :  multos  annos  regnare  meditatus,  magno  labore,  magnis 
periculis,  quod  cogitarat,  effecerat.' — Philipp.  ii.  cap.  45.  Niebuhr  says, '  He  had 
been  accustomed  from  his  youth,  and  more  especially  during  the  last  fifteen  years, 
to  an  enormous  activity,  and  idleness  was  intolerable  to  him.' — Lecture  cxi.  ed. 
1870.  But  he  adds  that  his  talents  were  so  diversified  that  '  most  of  the  things  he 
did  bear  no  impress  of  labour  or  study.' — Lecture  cvi. 

b  '  Studium  et  fides  erga  clientes  ne  juveni  quidem  defuenmt.' — Sueton.  Julius^ 


276  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

studiousely  discussed  controuersies,  whiche  all  most  dayly  he 
herde  in  his  owne  persone.a 

Traiane  and  bothe  Antonines,  emperours  of  Rome,  and  for 
their  vertue  worthy  to  be  emperours  of  all  the  worlde,  as  well 
in  exterior  affaires  as  in  the  affaires  of  the  citie,  were  euer  so 
continually  occupied  that  uneth  they  founde  any  litle  tyme  to 
haue  any  recreation  or  solace.b 

Alexander  also,  emperour,  for  his  incomparable  grauitie 
called  Seuerus,  beinge  but  of  the  age  of  xviii  yeres  whan 
he  firste  was  made  emperour,  was  inclyned  to  so  incredible 
labours,  that  where  he  founde  the  noble  citie  of  Rome, 
than  mastresse  of  the  worlde,  throughly  corrupted  with 
moste  abhominable  vices,  by  the  moste  shameful  example 
and  liuing  of  that  detestable  monstre,  Varius  Heliogaba- 
lus,  next  emperour  before  him,c  a  great  parte  of  the  Senate 
and  nobilitie  beinge  resolued  in  to  semblable  vices,  the 


71.  'E»>  Se  'P(*>{J.r)  7ToAA$7  /j.fv  tirl  T$  \6y(f>  irepl  T£S  ffvvyyopias  avrov  x&P 
iro\\})  Se  TTJS  Trepi  ras  $e£ut>fffis  /cat  (fytiAfas  fyiXotppovvvqs  evvota  Trapci  Ttav 
airfivTa,  OepaireurtKov  Trap'  rjXiitiav  &VTOS.  —  Plut.  CcBsar,  4.  But  these  passages  refer 
solely  to  Caesar's  early  career,  and  not  to  the  period  of  his  elevation  to  the  supreme 
power. 

*  'Jus  laboriosissime  ac  severissime  dixit.'  —  Sueton.  Julius,  43. 

b  Merivale  says,  '  The  legislator  qualified  himself  for  the  task  of  propounding 
or  applying  legal  principles,  by  assiduous  labour  in  the  administration  of  existing 
law.  Trajan  exchanged  the  toils  of  war  for  the  labours  of  the  forum.'  —  Hist,  of 
Rome,\Q\.  vii.  p.  266,  ed.  1862.  Whilst  speaking  of  the  first  of  the  Antonines, 
the  same  writer  tells  us  that  '  from  his  early  years  Antoninus  had  been  engaged  in 
the  active  discharge  of  official  duties.'  —  Ibid.  p.  498.  And  of  Aurelius,  that  'to 
the  cares  of  public  administration  he  devoted  his  patient  attention  ;  but  his  heart 
was  in  the  libraries  of  ancient  wisdom,  or  with  its  best  living  expositors  ;  for 
these  he  reserved  the  hours  borrowed  from  sleep  or  recreation  ;  and  throughout  his 
father's  reign,  he  never,  it  is  said,  was  tempted  to  quit  his  closet  at  Rome  but 
for  two  nights.'  —  Ibid.  p.  514. 

c  '  Ubi  ergo  Augustus  agere  csepit  imperium,  primum  removit  judices  omnes  a 
Republica  et  a  ministeriis  atque  muneribus,  quos  impurus  ille  Heliogabalus  ex 
.  genere  hominum  turpissimo  provexerat  :  deinde  senatum  et  equestrem  ordinem 
purgavit.  Ipsas  deinde  tribus,  et  eos  qui  militaribu?  nituntur  praerogativis,  purgavit, 
et  palatium  suum  comitatumque  omnem,  abjectis  ex  aulico  ministerio  cunctis 
obsccenis  et  infamibus,  nee  quemquam  passus  est  esse  in  palatinis  nisi  necessarium 
hominem.'  —  Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  901,  ed.  1671. 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  277 

chiualrye  dispersed,  martiall  prowesse  abandoned,  and  well 
nyghe  the  maiestie  emperiall  dissolued  and  brought  in  con- 
tempt, this  noble  yonge  prince  Alexander,  inflamed  with 
the  zeale  of  the  pristinate  honour  of  the  Romaynes,  layenge 
a  parte  utterly  all  pleasures  and  quietnesse,  holy  gaue  his 
witte  and  body  to  studye  and  trauayles  intolerable,  and 
chesinge  out  of  all  partes  of  the  worlde  men  of  grettest  wise- 
dome  and  experience,  consultinge  with  theim,a  neuer  ceased 
untill  he  had  reduced  as  well  the  Romaynes  as  all  other  cities 
and  prouinces  unto  them  subiecte,  to  their  pristinate  modera- 
tion and  temperaunce.  Many  other  examples  coulde  I  reherce 
to  the  commendation  of  paynefulnesse.  But  these  shall  suffice 
at  this  present  tyme  to  proue  that  a  gouernour  must  nedes 
be  painefull  in  his  owne  persone,  if  he  desire  to  haue  those 
thinges  prosper  that  be  commytted  to  his  gouernaunce. 


CHAPTER   XL 

Of  the  noble  and  fay  re  vertue  named  Patience. 

PACIENCE  is  a  noble  vertue,  appertayninge  as  well  to  inwarde 
gouernaunce  as  to  exterior  gouernaunce,  and  is  the  vain- 
quisshour  of  iniuries,  the  suer  defence  agayne  all  affectes  and 
passions  of  the  soule,  retayninge  all  wayes  glad  semblaunt b  in 
aduersitie  and  doloure. 

•  '  Fuit  prseterea  illi  consuetude,  ut  si  de  jure  aut  de  negotiis  tractaret,  soios 
doctos  et  disertos  adhiberet  :  si  vero  de  re  militari,  milites  veteres  et  senes  ac  bene- 
meritos,  et  locorum  peritos  ac  bellorum  et  castrorum,  et  omnes  literates,  et  maxime 
eos  qui  historiam  norant  :  requirens  quid  in  talibus  causis  quales  in  disceptatione 
versabantur,  veteres  imperatores  vel  Romani  vel  exterarum  gentium  fecissent. ' — 
Hist,  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  905. 

b  I.e.  countenance.     So  Chaucer  in  the  Romaunt  of  the  Rose, 

'  Hir  forheed  frounceles  al  pleyne,  . 

Bent  were  hir  browis  two, 
Hir  yen  greye,  and  glad  also, 

That  laugheden  ay  in  hir  semblaunt.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  27,  ed.  1866. 


278  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Saynt  Ambrose  saieth  in  his  boke  of  offices,  Better  is  he 
Ambrosius  that  contemneth  iniurie,  than  he  that  soroweth.  For 
°ffi- l-  he  that  contemneth  it  as  he  nothynge  felte,  he 
passeth  nat  on  it :  but  he  that  is  sorowfull,  he  is  therewith 
tourmented  as  though  he  felt  it.a 

Whiche  was  well-proued  by  Zeno  Eleates,  a  noble  Philo- 
sopher, who  beinge  a  man  of  excellent  wisedome  and  elo- 
quence, came  to  a  citie  called  Agrigentum,  where  raygned 
Phalaris,  the  mooste  cruell  Tyraunt  of  all  the  worlde,  who 
kept  and  used  his  owne  people  in  mooste  miserable  seruitude. 
Zeno  firste  thought  by  his  wisdome  and  eloquence  to  haue  so 
persuaded  the  Tyraunt  to  temperaunce  that  he  shulde  have 
abandoned  his  cruell  and  auaricious  appetite.  But  custome 
of  vice  more  preuayled  in  him  than  profitable  counsayle. 
Wherfore  Zeno,  hauynge  pitie  at  the  wretched  astate  of  the 
people,  excited  dyuers  noble  men  to  deliuer  the  citie  of  that 
seruile  condition.  This  counsayle  was  nat  so  secretely  gyuen 
but  that  notice  therof  came  to  the  Tyraunt,  who,  causinge  all 
the  people  to  be  assembled  in  the  market  place,  caused  Zeno 
there  to  be  cruciate  with  sondrye  turmentes,  all  wayes  de- 
maundynge  of  hym  who  dyd  participate  with  hym  of  his  said 
counsayle.  But  for  no  paynes  wolde  he  confesse  any  persone, 
but  induced  the  Tyraunt  to  haue  in  mistrust  his  nexte  frendes 
and  family ar  seruauntes,  and  reprouynge  the  people  for  their 
cowardise  b  and  drede,  he  at  the  laste  so  inflamed  them  unto 

"  '  Melior  est  itaque  qui  contemnit  injuriam,  quam  qui  dolet.  Qui  enim  con- 
temnit,  quasi  non  sentiat,  ita  despicit :  qui  autem  dolet,  quasi  senserit,  torquetur.' — 
Ambros.  de  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  6,  fo.  Qb.  ed.  1609. 

b  '  Incipiam  autem  a  Zenone  Eleate  :  qui  cum  esset  in  despicienda  rerum 
natura  maximae  prudentise,  inque  excitandis  ad  vigorem  juvenum  animis  promtissi- 
mus,  prseceptorum  fidem  exemplo  virtutis  suse  publicavit.  Patriam  enim  egressus, 
in  qua  frui  secura  libertate  poterat,  Agrigentum  miserabili  servitute  obrutum  petiit, 
tanla  fiducia  ingenii  ac  morum  suorum  fretus,  ut  speraverit,  et  tyranno  et  Phalari 
vesanse  mentis  feritatem  a  se  diripi  posse.  Postquam  deinde  apud  ilium  plus  con- 
suetudinem  dominationis,  quam  consilii  salubritatem,  valere  animadvertit,  nobilissi- 
mos  ejus  civitatis  adolescentes  cupiditate  liberandas  patriae  inflammavit.  Cujus  rei 
cum  indicium  ad  tyrannum  manasset,  convocato  in  forum  populo,  torquere  eum 
rio  cruciatus  genere  ccepit :  subinde  quasrens,  quosnam  consilii  participes  haberet. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  279 

libertie,  that  sodaynely,  with  a  great  violence,  they  fell  on  the 
Tyraunt  and  pressed  him  with  stones.  The  olde  Zeno  in  all 
his  exquisite  tourmentes  neuer  made  any  lamentable  crye  or 
desire  to  be  relieued.  But  for  this  fourme  of  Pacience,  this 
onely  example  suffiseth  at  this  tyme,  sens  there  be  so  frequent 
examples  of  martyrs,  whiche  for  true  religion  sustayned 
pacyently  nat  onely  equall  tourmentes  with  Zeno,  but  also 
ferre  excedynge.a  But  nowe  wyll  I  wrytte  of  that  Pacience 
that  pertaineth  unto  interior  gouernaunce,  wherby  the  naturall 
passions  of  man  be  subdued,  and  the  malyce  of  fortune  sus- 
tayned. For  they  whiche  be  in  autoritie  and  be  occupied  about 
great  affaires,  their  lyues  be  nat  onely  replenisshed  with 
labours  and  greuous  displeasures,  but  also  they  be  subiectes 
to  sondrye  chaunces.b 

The    meane   to   optayne   pacyence     is   by   two    thinges 
principally.      A   directe    and    upryght    conscience, 
and  true  and  constant    opinion  c  in  the  estimation  cyence 


of  goodnes.     Whiche   seldome   commeth  onely   of 

optained. 

nature,  excepte  it  be  wonderfull  excellent  ;  but  by 

the  diligent  studye  of  very  philosophic  (nat  that  whiche  is 

sophisticate,  and  consisteth  in  sophismesd)  nature  is  therto 

At  ille  nee  eorum  quempiam  nominavit,  sed  proximum  quemque  ac  fidissimum 
tyranno  suspectum  reddidit  :  increpitansque  Agrigentinis  ignaviam  ac  timiditatem, 
effecit,  ut,  subito  mentis  impulsu  concitati,  Phalarim  lapidibus  prosternerent.  Senis 
ergo  unius  eculeo  impositi  non  supplex  vox,  nee  miserabilis  ejulatus,  sed  fortis  cohor- 
tatio  totius  urbis  animum,  fortunamque  mutavit.'  —  Val.  Max.,  lib.  iii.  cap.  3,  ext.  2. 

•  Pontanus  had  already  said,  '  Plena  est  exemplorum  nostra,  id  est  Christiana 
historia,  nee  duos  licet,  aut  tres  ex  ea  proferre,  sed  plurimos,  nee  sigillatim  sed 
gregatim,  nee  viros  tantum  sed  mulieres,  casque  non  modo  natu  grandiores,  verum 
etiam  puellas,  quarum  animi  esse  solent  maxime  imbecilli.  Quibus  exemplis  con- 
firmati,  non  mortem  modo  patienter  ferendam  sed  genera  mortis  contemnenda  esse 
doceamur.'  —  Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  79. 

b  Bacon  fully  realised  the  truth  of  this  when  he  wrote,  '  Certainly  great  persons 
had  need  to  borrow  other  men's  opinions  to  think  themselves  happy,  for,  if  they 
judge  by  their  own  feeling,  they  cannot  find  it  .....  The  rising  unto  place  is 
laborious,  and  by  pains  men  come  to  greater  pains.'  —  Essays,  p.  92,  ed.  1857. 

0  I.e.  belief  in,  as  Cicero  uses  the  parent  word  in  the  following  passage  :  — 
'Quum  conciliatrix  amicitiae  virtutis  opinio  merit.'  —  De  Aniicit.  cap.  II. 

d  Bacon  divides  false  philosophy  into  sophistical,  empirical,  and  superstitious. 


280  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

prepared  and  holpen.  This  Opinion  is  of  suche  powar  that 
ones  cleuynge  faste  to  the  mynde,  it  draweth  a  man  as  it  were 
by  violence  to  good  or  euill.  Therfore,  Tulli  saieth,  Lyke  as 
Tuscul.  whan  the  bloode  is  corrupted,  and  eyther  fleame  or 
•q-  M*.  Colere,  blacke  or  redde,  is  superhabundaunt,  than  in 
the  body  be  ingendred  sores  and  diseases,  so  the  vexation  of 
euill  opinions  and  their  repugnauncie  despoileth  the  mynde 
of  all  helthe,  and  troubleth  it  with  griefes.a  Contrarye  wyse 
afterwarde  Tulli  describeth  good  Opinion,  and  calleth  it  the 
beaultie  of  the  soule,  sayenge  in  this  wyse,  As  of  bodelye 
membres  there  is  an  apte  figure,  with  a  maner  pleasauntnesse 
of  colour,  and  that  is  called  beaultie  ;  so  in  the  soule  the 
equalise  and  constaunce  of  opinions  and  iugementes  ensuynge 
vertue,  with  a  stable  and  stedfaste  purpose,  or  contaynynge 
the  selfe  same  effecte  that  is  in  vertue,  is  named  beaultie.b 
Whiche  sentences  depely  inuestigate  and  well  perceyued  by 
them  that  be  about  princes  and  gouernours,  they  may  consider 
howe  ware  and  circumspecte  they  aught  to  be  in  the  indusinge 
them  to  opinions.0  [Whereof  they  be  sufficiently  admonished 
by  the  moste  excellent  diuine  Erasmus  Roterodamus,  in  his 
boke  of  the  Institution  of  a  Christen  prince,d  whiche  in  myne 

Sophistical,  when  it  consists  of  dialectic  subtleties  built  upon  no  better  foundation 
than  common  notions  and  every-day  observation  ;  empirical,  when  it  is  educed 
out  of  a  few  experiments  however  accurately  examined  ;  and  superstitious  when 
theological  traditions  are  made  its  basis. 

a  '  Quemadmodum  cum  sanguis  corruptus  est,  aut  pituita  redundat,  aut  bilis, 
in  corpore  morbi  segrotationesque  nascuntur  ;  sic  pravarum  opinionum  conturbatio, 
et  ipsarum  inter  se  repugnantia,  sanitate  spoliat  animum,  morbisque  perturbat.' — 
Tusc.  Dispnt.  lib.  iv.  cap.  10. 

b  '  Et,  ut  corporis  est  qusedam  apta  figura  membrorum,  cum  coloris  quadam 
suavitate  ;  ea  quae  dicitur  pulchritude  ;  sic,  in  animo,  opinionum  judiciorumque 
sequabilitas  et  constantia,  cum  firmitate  quadam  et  stabilitate  virtutem  subsequens, 
aut  virtutis  vim  ipsam  continens,  pulchritude  vocatur.' — Tusc.  Disput.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  13. 

«  The  remainder  of  this  chapter  is  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent  editions. 

d  '  Discat  amare  virtutem,  horrere  turpitudinem,  et  ab  inhonestis  pudore,  non 
metu  coerceatur.  Et  quamquam  nonnulla  boni  Principis  spes  in  emendatis  mori- 
bus  ac  moderatis  affectibus  est  sita,  pradpuatamt*  est  in  rectis  opinionibus.  Nam 
mores  malos  aliquoties  et  pudor  corrigit,  depravatos  affectus  vel  setas  emendat,  vel 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  281 

opinion  can  nat  be  so  moche  praysed  as  it  is  worthy.  Ther- 
fore  I  will  leaue  nowe  to  write  any  more  of  Opinion,  sauynge 
that  I  wolde  that  it  shulde  be  all  waye  remembred,  that 
opinion  in  iuginge  thinges  as  they  verely  be  armeth  a  man 
unto  pacience.] 


CHAPTER   XII. 

Of  Pacience  in  sustayninge  wronges  and  rebukes.1" 

UNTO  hym  that  is  valyaunt  of  courage,  it  is  a  great  payne 
and  difficultie  to  sustayne  Iniurie,  and  nat  to  be  furthwith 
reuenged.  And  yet  often  tymes  is  accounted  more  valyaunt- 
nesse  in  the  sufferaunce  than  in  hasty  reuengynge.  As  it 
was  in  Antoninus  the  emperoure,  called  the  philosopher,  agayne 
whome  rebelled  one  Cassius,  and  usurped  the  emperiall 
maiestie  in  Syria  and  the  Este  partes.  Yet  at  the  laste,  beinge 
slaine  by  the  capitaynes  of  Antonine  next  adioyninge,  he 
therof  un  wetynge  was  therwith  sore  greued.b  And  therfore 
takyng  to  hym  the  chyldren  of  Cassius,  entreated  them 
honorably,  wherby  he  acquired  euer  after  the  incomparable 
and  moste  assured  loue  of  his  subiectes.  As  moche  dishonour 

admonitio.  Cseterum  ubi  persuasum  est  id  cum  virtute  conjunctum  esse,  quod 
procul  abest  ab  honesto,  et  id  egregium  esse  Principis  munus^  quod  plus  quam 
tyrannicum  est,  hoc  est  ubi  fontes  sunt  infecti,  a  quibus  omnes  vitae  proficiscuntur 
actiones,  turn  difficillimum  fuerit  mederi.  Proinde  in  hoc  primam  ac  prsecipuam 
esse  curam  oportet  instituentis,  sicuti  dictum  est,  ut  pravas  vulgi  opiniones  penitus 
ex  animo  revellat,  si  qui  forte  insederint,  et  salutares  Christianoque  Principe 
dignas  inserat.' — Inst.  Prin.  Christ,  pp.  73-74,  ed.  1519. 

a  This  seems  to  have  been  suggested  by  a  chapter  of  Pontanus,  of  which  the 
title  is  De  tolerandis  injuriis  et  contumeUis.  See  Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  84  b. 

b  '  Ipsum  Cassium  pro  dementia  occidi  passus  est,  non  occidi  jussit.  Deportatus 
est  Heliodorus  films  Cassii,  et  alii  liberum  exilium  acceperunt  cum  bonorum  parte. 
Filii  autem  Cassii  et  amplius  media  parte  acceperunt  paterni  patrimonii,  et  auro 
atque  argento  adjuti,  mulieres  autem  etiam  ornamentis,  ita  ut  Alexandria  filia 
Cassii  et  Druncianus  gener,  liberam  vagandi  potestatem  haberent,  commendati 
amitse  marito.  Doluit  denique  Cassium  extinctum,  dicens  voluisse  se  sine  sena- 
torio  sanguine  imperium  transigere. '—  Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  390,  ed.  1671. 


282  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

and  hatered  his  sonne  Commodus  wanne  by  his  impacience, 
wherein  he  so  exceded,  that  for  as  moche  as  he  founde  nat  his 
bayne  a  hette  to  his  pleasure,  he  caused  the  keper  therof  to  be 
throwen  in  to  the  hote  brennynge  furnaise.b  What  thynge 
mought  be  more  odible c  than  that  moste  deuelysshe  impa- 
cience ?  Julius  Cesar,  whan  Catullus  the  Poete  wrate  agayne 
hym  contumelyouse  or  reprocheable  versis,  he  nat  onely  for- 
gaue  him,  but  to  make  hym  his  frende,  caused  hym  often 
tymes  to  soupe  with  hym.d  The  noble  emperour  Augustus, 
whanne  it  was  shewed  hym  that  many  men  in  the  citie  had 
of  hym  unfittinge  wordes,  he  thought  it  a  sufficient  answere 
that  in  a  free  citie  men  muste  haue  their  tunges  nedes  at 
libertie.6  Nor  neuer  was  with  any  persone  that  spake  euill  of 

a  This  is  another  instance  of  the  employment  by  the  author  of  a  French  word 
instead  of  an  English.  Hall,  in  his  account  of  the  reception  of  Charles  V.  in 
1522,  says:  'On  Saterday  the  Kyng  and  the  Emperor  playd  at  tennice  at  the 
Bayne '.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  fo.  98,  b.  ed.  1548.  This  no  doubt  formed  part  of  the 
Palace  of  Bridewell,  which,  as  Stowe  says,  Henry  VIII.  '  purposely  builded  for 
the  entertainment  of  the  Emperor.' — Survey,  vol.  i.  p.  63.  And  possibly  from 
having  been  occupied  by  foreigners  may  have  received  a  foreign  name.  Lord 
Berners,  in  his  translation  of  Froissart's  account  of  the  attack  upon  the  Count  of 
Flanders' house  by  the  men  of  Ghent  in  1381,  says:  'They  lefte  no  gentylmans 
house  unbrent  or  cast  downe  to  the  erthe ;  and  thanne  they  came  agayne  to  Marlle, 
the  erles  howse,  and  beate  downe  all  that  they  had  left  standyng  before,  and  ther 
they  founde  the  cradell  wherein  the  erle  was  kept  in  his  youthe,  and  brake  it  al 
to  peces,  and  a  fayre  bayne  wherin  he  was  wont  to  be  baynedS — Chron.  vol.  i. 
p.  702,  ed.  1812. 

b  '  Auspicium  crudelitatis  apud  Centumcellas  dedit  anno  setatis  xii.  Nam 
quum  tepidius  forte  lotus  esset,  balneatorem  in  fornacem  conjici  jussit  :  quando  a 
psedagogo  cui  hoc  jussum  fuerat,  vervecina  pellis  in  fornace  consumpta  est,  ut 
fidem  poenae  de  fcetore  nidoris  impleret.' — Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  474. 

c  From  the  Latin  odibilis,  which,  however,  is  not  used  by  the  best  authors. 
Lampridius  says  of  Heliogabalus  :  '  Vita,  moribus,  improbitate  ita  odibilis,  ut  ejus 
nomen  senatus  eraserit.' — Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  827.  The  paragraph  in  the  text 
is  obviously  merely  a  translation  of  the  following  sentence  of  Pontanus  :  '  Quid 
hac  impatientia,  immo  impotentia  tetrius ? ' — Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  84  b. 

d  '  Valerium  Catullum,  a  quo  sibi  versiculis  de  Mamurra  perpetua  stigmata 
imposita  non  dissimulaverat,  satisfacientem,  eadem  die  adhibuit  ccenae,  hospitioque 
patris  ejus,  sicut  consuerat,  uti  perseveravit. ' — Sueton.  Julius,  73. 

e  This  does  not  exactly  represent  the  sense  of  the  original,  as  the  reader  will 
see,  for  it  is  obvious  that  the  allusion  is  to  the  following  passage  :  '  Interdum  ob 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  283 

hym  in  worde  or  countenaunce  warse  discontented.11  Some 
men  will  nat  praise  this  maner  of  Pacience,  but  account  hit  for 
folysshenes,  but  if  they  beholde  on  the  other  side  what  incom- 
moditie  commeth  of  impacience,  howe  a  man  is  therewith 
abstracte  from  reason  and  tourned  in  to  a  monstruous  figure, 
and  do  conferre  all  that  with  the  stable  countenaunce  and 
pleasaunt  regarde  of  him  that  is  pacient,  and  with  the  com- 
moditie  that  dothe  ensue  thereof  they  shall  affirme  that  that 
simplicitie  is  an  excellent  wisedome.  More  ouer  the  best 
waye  to  be  aduenged  is  so  to  contemne  Iniurie  and  rebuke, 
and  lyue  with  suche  honestie,  that  the  doer  shall  at  the  laste 
be  therof  a  shamed,  or  at  the  leste,  lese  the  frute  of  his  malyce, 
that  is  to  say,  shall  nat  reioyce  and  haue  glorie  of  thy  hyn- 
draunce  or  domage. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

Of  Pacience  deserued  in  repulse?*  or  hynderaunce  of  promotion. 

To  a  man  hauynge  a  gentyll  courage,  lyke  wise  as  nothinge 
is  so  pleasaunt  or  equally  reioyceth  him  as  rewarde  or  prefer- 
ment sodaynely  giuen  or  aboue  his  merite,  so  nothinge  may 
be  to  him  more  displeasaunt  or  paynefull  than  to  be  neglected 
in  his  payne  takynge,  and  the  rewarde  and  honour  that  he 
loketh  to  haue,  and  for  his  merites  is  worthy  to  haue,  to  be 
gyuen  to  one  of  lasse  vertue,  and  perchaunce  of  no  vertue  or 
laudable  qualitie.  Plato  in  his  Epistell  to  Dion,  kynge  of 

immodicas  altercationes  disceptantium  e  Curia  per  iram  se  proripienti  quidam 
ingesserunt,  "  Licere  oportere  senatoribus  de  Republica  loqui."  ' — Sueton.  Octa- 
z'i/ts,  54.  But  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  has  merely  copied  Pontanus,  who  says : 
*  Augustus  cum  multorum  maledictis  vexaretur,  satis  habuit  respondere,  quod  in 
civitate  libera  et  linguas  esse  liberas  oporteret.' — Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  85,  ed.  1518. 

a  '  Etiam  sparsos  de  se  in  Curia  famosos  libellos  nee  expavit,  nee  magna 
cura  redarguit.' — Sueton.  Octavius,  55. 

b  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  has  evidently  borrowed  the  title  of  this  chapter  from  one 
of  Pontanus  entitled  De  tolerandd  repulsd,  but  the  subject  is  treated  from  a 
different  point  of  view  by  the  Italian  author. 


284  -  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Scicile,  It  is  (sayeth  he)  good  right  that  they  which  be  good 
men,  and  do  the  semblable,  optayne  honour  whiche  they  be 
worthy  to  haue.a 

Undowghtedly  in  a  prince  or  noble  man  may  be  nothinge 
more  excellent,  ye  nothing  more  necessarye,  than  to 


Commodi-  aduaunce  men  after  the  estimation  of  their  goodnes  ;b 
happen  by  and  that  for  two  speciall  commodities  that  do  come 
the  ad-  thereof.  Fyrste,  that  therby  they  prouoke  many 

uancement  .  .  . 

of  good  men  to  apprehende  vertue.  Also  to  them  whiche  be 
men.  good  and  all  redy  aduaunced  do  gyue  suche  courage, 
that  they  endeuour  them  selfes  with  all  their  powar  to  encrease 
that  opinion  of  goodnes,  wherby  they  were  brought  to  that 
aduauncement  whiche  nedes  muste  be  to  the  honoure  and 
benefite  of  those  by  whome  they  were  so  promoted.  Con- 
trary wise,  where  men  from  their  infancie  haue  ensued  vertue, 
worne  the  florisshynge  tyme  of  youthe  with  paynefull  studie, 
abandonynge  all  lustes  and  all  other  thinge  whiche  in  that 
tyme  is  pleasaunt,  trustynge  therby  to  profite  their  publike 
weale,  and  to  optayne  therby  honour,  whan  either  their  vertue 
and  trauayle  is  litle  regarded,  or  the  preferment  whiche  they 
loke  for,  is  giuen  to  an  other  nat  equall  in  merite,  it  nat  onely 
perceth  his  harte  with  moche  anguisshe,  and  oppresseth  hym 
with  discomfort,  but  also  mortifieth  the  courages  of  many 
other  whiche  be  aptly  disposed  to  studie  and  vertue,  and 
hoped  therby  to  haue  the  propre  rewarde  therof,  whiche  is 
commendation  and  honour,  which  beinge  giuen  to  men  lackyng 
vertue  and  wisedome,  shall  be  occasion  for  them  to  do  euill 
(as  Democritus  sayeth  c),  for  who  doughteth  but  that  autoritie 

*  Uofiifa  yap  SIKCUO*'  clvat  rovs  tivras  rrj  a\T)Qeiq  eirtet/cets  Kal  vpdrrovras 
roiavra  rvyxdvciv  Sdi-ys  rrfs  irpoff7}Koi>ffirjs.  —  Epistolographi  Grseci,  p.  500,  ed. 
Hercher,  1873. 

b  So  Bacon  says  :  '  The  most  honourable  kind  of  following  is  to  be  followed  as 
one  that  apprehendeth  to  advance  virtue  and  desert  in  all  sorts  of  persons.'  — 
Essays,  p.  438,  ed.  1857. 

c  Apparently  the  allusion  is  to  the  following  passage  :  Of  KO.KO\  I6vrfs  ^s  ray 
Tt/ios,  6it6(r(p  av  /xaAAoj/  dva|ioi  eovrts  luffi,  Toffovrcf)  na\\ov  aya/CTjSe'es  yivovrai  Kal 
it^poffvi/ris  Kal  epdcreos  irifjLir\ayrai.  —  Democriti  Opera,  p.  199,  ed.  Mullach. 
1843. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  285 

in  a  good  man  dothe  publisshe  his  vertue,  whiche  before  laye 
hydde  ?  In  an  euill  man  it  ministreth  boldnesse  and  lycence 
to  do  euill,  whiche  by  drede  was  before  couered.a  Surely  this 
Repulse  or  (as  they  vulgarly  speke)  puttynge  backe  from 
promotion,  is  no  litle  payne  or  discomforte,  but  it  may  be 
withstande,  or  at  the  lest  remedied,  with  pacience,  whiche  may 
be  in  this  wise  induced. 

Fyrste,  considerynge  that  the  worlde  was  neuer  so  con- 
stant that  at  all  tymes  before  good  men  were  iustely 

t  .      Where  by 

rewarded,    and    none    but    they    onely    promoted.  pacyence 


Cato,  called  Uticensis,  at  whose  wisedome  all  the 
worlde  woundred,  and  whose  grauitie,  as  well  the 
Senate  and  people  of  Rome,  as  other  kynges  and  princis, 
reuerensed,  lokynge  to  be  one  of  the  Consules,  was  openly 
reiecte.  Wherwith  his  frendes  and  kynnesmen  toke  no  litle 
discomfort.  But  Cato  hym  selfe  so  litle  regarded  that 
repulse,  that  where  all  wayes  he  went  very  homely,  he  the 
nexte  day  folowinge,  decked  and  trymmed  hym  selfe  more 
fresshely  than  he  was  wont,  and  whanne  he  had  shewed  hym 
selfe  so  to  the  people,  at  after  none  he  walked  with  one  of  his 
frendes  in  the  markette  place,  bare  legged  and  in  sengle 
apparayle,  as  he  was  accustomed.b 

•  Bacon  has  a  passage  strongly  resembling  this.  '  It  is  most  true  what  was 
anciently  spoken,  "  A  place  showeth  the  man  ;  and  it  showeth  some  to  the  better 
and  some  to  the  worse."  Omnium  consensu,  capax  imperil,  nisi  imperasset,  saith 
Tacitus  of  Galba  ;  but  of  Vespasian  he  saith,  solus  imperantium  Vespasianus 
mutattts  in  melius,  though  the  one  was  meant  of  sufficiency,  the  other  of  manners 
and  affection.'—  Essays,  p.  95. 

b  "flp/i7)«rej'  6  Kdrwv  inrareiav  irapayye\\eiv  us  a<t>aipr)<r6fj.fvos,  evOvs  ra  oir\a  rov 
Kalzapos  ^  T  V  67Ti/3oi'A.7ji/  e£f\ey}-(t)v.  .  .  .  IletVos  of  T$)J/  ftov\i]v  $Tr)(plo~aaOat  robs 
/j.€ri6vras  ryv  opxV  o-vrovs  8e£iou<r0cu  rbv  8rj/j.ov,  5t'  erepov  Se  yu.^  SeTcrflccj  /iT?5^ 
tvrvyxd-Vflv  facp  avriav  irfpii6vTOS,  €Ti  yuaAAoj/  el-riypiav€  rovs  avOpwiruvs,  6«  /n?  fj.6vov 
rb  AajSeti/  ^iffQdv,  aAAoi  «al  ri>  SiSJyat  X&Plv  O-UTOVS  d^prjjueVos  &-rropov  i<a\  &TI/J.OV  6/j.ov 
T^V  ^ri/j-ov  ireTrotTj/ce.  Ilpbs  Se  TOVTCf  fjL^re  avrits  £vrvx*?v  virep  avrov  iridai'bs  &v,  a\\y 


TTOIOV^VOS  ra?  Se|two-ei5,  n^re  robs  <pi\ovs  e'curas  ols  ox^os  a\i<TK(rat  /col 
iroit'iv,  aTre'ru^e  TTJS  dpX'J5-      $fpovros  8^  rov  irpdy/J-aros  OVK  avrols  i*.6vois  rots  O.TTO- 
,  aAAa  KOI   <^>iAoty  avrtav  /cot  olneiois  ffvv  alffx^vr}  rivl   nar-fiQttav  /col  irevQos 


286  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Scipio,  called  Nasica,  who  by  the  hole  senate  was  iuged 
the  best  man  in  the  citie,  and  of  an  auncyent  house,  was  lyke 
wise  putte  backe  for  beinge  Consull.a  Lelius  lyke  wise,  whiche 
was  openly  called  the  wise  man,  was  semblably  refused.b 
And  diuers  other,  of  whome  histories  do  make  mencion,  were 
abiecte,c  whan  they  had  well  deserued  honours,  and  their 
inferiors  in  merites  promoted.  Also  a  mannes  conscience 
shall  well  comfort  him  whan  he  hathe  so  lyued  that,  where  he 
is  knowen,  men  do  iuge  him  worthye  preferment^  And  than 
may  he  saye  to  them  whiche  meruayle  why  he  is  nat  ad- 
uaunced,  as  Cato  sayde  to  a  persone  that  tolde  to  hym  that 
men  wondred  why  amonge  so  many  noble  mennes  images  as 
were  sette  up  in  the  citie,  Cato's  image  was  nat  espied.  By 
god,  sayde  Cato,  I  had  leuer  that  men  wondred  why  I  haue 
none  image  sette  up,  than  why  men  shulde  set  up  myne 
image.6  So  if  men  meruayle  why  a  man  is  nat  aduaunced, 


6(J>'  tippets  TroAActs,  ovrus  tfveyite  pa.Qvfji.cDS  rb  ffvfj.fiepiriKbs,  Sxrre  a\€ityd/ji.evos 

T<£  TreSty  ff(paip(ffai,  /uer'  &pt(nov  Se  ir6.\iv,  Sxnrep  eWiffro,  /carajSas   els  ayopav  avvTco- 

Srjros  /col  axiruv  7repi7raT7j<rat  juera  rcav  ffvvfiduv.  —  Plut.  Cato  Minor,  49. 

a  '  Vir  optimus  semel  a  condito  sevo  judicatus  est  Scipio  Nasica,  a  jurato  senatu. 
Idem  in  toga  Candida  bis  repulsa  notatus  a  populo.'  —  Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  vii. 
cap.  34. 

b  '  Similemne  putas  C.  Lselii  unum  consulatum  fuisse,  et  eum  quidem  cum 
repulsa,  cum  L.  Cinnse  quatuor  ?  (si  cum  sapiens  et  bonus  vir,  qualis  ille  fuit, 
suffragiis  prseteritur,  non  populus  a  bono  consule  potius  quam  ille  a  malo  populo 
repulsam  fert)  :  sed  tamen  utrum  malles,  te,  si  potestas  esset,  semel,  ut  Laelium 
consul  em,  an,  ut  Cinnam,  quater?'  —  Cic.  Tusc.  Disp.  lib.  v.  cap.  19.  Elsewhere 
Cicero  calls  Lselius  '  omnium  sapientissimus.' 

0  See  a  similar  use  of  this  word  Vol.  I.  p.  295  ;  Hall,  in  his  account  of 
Perkin  Warbeck's  conspiracy  in  1492,  says:  'The  duches  (i.e.  Margaret  of 
Burgundy),  thinkynge  euery  houre  from  his  departure  a  whole  yere,  untill  suche 
tyme  she  heard  from  hym,  and  effecteously  desiring  to  knowe  whiche  waye  lady 
Fortune  turned  her  whele,  herynge  hym  (i.e.  P.  W.)  to  be  repudiate  and  abiected 
oute  of  the  Frenche  courte,  was  in  a  greate  agony,  and  muche  amased,  and  more 
appalled.'  —  Chron.  vol.  ii.  fo.  31,  ed.  1548. 

d  Compare  with  this  the  following  passage  from  Pontanus  :  '  Sed  consolabitur 
nos,  turn  conscientia  nostra,  quod  ita  quidem  vixerimus,  ut  digni  eo  munere  vide- 
remur.'  —  Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  75,  b. 

e  TIpbs  Sc  TOUS  6avfj.<i£ovTas,  '6n  iroKX&v  a.86£wv  dvSpidvras  ^-^VTWV  eKe'ij/os  OVK 
«X«,  '  MaAAoj/  yap,'  e<t>rj,  f  &ov\o/j.ai  {rfrfiffdai,  8to  rl  p.ov  dvSpiks  ov  xeirai  y  Sta  ri 
KcTrat.'—  Plut.  Cato  Major,  19. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  287 

knowinge  hym  a  good  man,  thanne  iuge  they  hym  to  be 
worthy  promotion,  whiche  iugement  procedeth  of  fauour,  and 
than  though  he  lacke  promocion,  yet  hathe  he  perfecte  glorie, 
whiche  euery  noble  hart  desireth.a 

For  Tulli  sayeth,  The  perfecte  and  moste  principall  glorie 
consisteth  in  those  thre  thynges.  If  the  multitude  loue  us ;  if 
they  putte  confydence  in  us  ;  if  also  as  it  were  meruaylinge  at 
us,  they  think  us  worthy  to  haue  honour  gyuen  unto  us.b 
With  this  glorie  and  clennesse  of  conscience,  shall  a  wise  man 
content  hym,c  and  be  induced  to  Pacience,  and  nat  be 
greued  with  his  fortune,  but  to  folowe  Democritus  in  lawgh- 
inge  d  at  the  blinde  iugementes  of  men  in  bestowinge  promo- 
tions. I  omitte  at  this  tyme  to  write  any  more  of  this  vertue 
Pacience,  sens  to  the  institution  of  a  gouernour  this  semeth  to 
be  sufficient,  to  the  residue  he  shall  be  better  persuaded  by 
the  warkes  of  Plutarche.  Seneca,  and  Pontane,6  where  they 
write  of  Pacience,  whiche  warkes  he  may  here  after  rede  at  his 
leasour. 

a  And  on  the  other  hand,  according  to  Bacon,  c  Persons  of  eminent  virtue, 
when  they  are  advanced,  are  less  envied,  for  their  fortune  seemeth  but  due  unto 
them.  And  no  man  envieth  the  payment  of  a  debt,  but  rewards  and  liberality 
rather.' — Essays,  p.  82,  ed.  1857. 

b  '  Summa  igitur  et  perfecta  gloria  constat  ex  tribus  his  ;  si  diligit  multitude  ; 
si  ndem  habet ;  si,  cum  admiratione  quadam,  honore  dignos  putat. ' — DeOff.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  9. 

c  '  Merit  and  good  works,'  says  Bacon,  '  is  the  end  of  man's  motion,  and 
conscience  of  the  same  is  the  accomplishment  of  man's  rest.' — Essays,  p.  93. 

d  '  In  hoc  itaque  flectendi  sumus,  ut  omnia  vulgi  vitia  non  invisa  nobis,  sed 
ridicula  videantur ;  et  Democritum  potius  imitemur,  quam  Heraclitum.  Hie 
enimquoties  in  publicum  processerat,  flebat ;  illeridebat.' — Seneca,  De  TranquilL 
cap.  15. 

e  Giovanni  Gioviano  Pontano,  better  known  by  the  Latinised  form  of  his  name 
Joannes  Jovianus  Pontanus,  one  of  the  most  elegant  and  voluminous  writers  of  the 
1 5th  century,  was  born  in  1426  near  the  town  of  Cerreto,  in  Umbria.  In  his 
youth  he  espoused  the  cause  of  Alphonso,  King  of  Naples,  by  whom  he  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  Academy  established  at  Naples  by  Antony  Panormita, 
and  which  afterwards  received  the  name  of  the  Academy  of  Pontanus.  Ferdinand  I, , 
the  successor  of  Alphonso,  recognising  the  eminent  services  of  Pontanus,  appointed 
him  tutor  to  his  son,  the  Duke  of  Calabria  ;  but  the  pen  was  soon  laid  aside  for 
the  sword,  and  Pontanus  took  an  active  part  in  the  campaign  against  the  Duke  of 


288  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

CHAPTER   XIV. 

Of  Magnanimitie,  whiche  may  be  named  valyaunt  courage. 

MAGNANIMITIE  is  a  vertue  moche  commendable,  and  also 
expedient  to  be  in  a  gouernour,a  and  is,  as  I  haue  sayd,  a 
companyon  of  fortitude.  And  may  be  in  this  wise  defined, 
that  it  is  an  excellencie  of  mynde  concernynge  thynges  of 
great  importaunce  or  estimation,  doynge  all  thynge  that  is 
vertuous  for  the  achieuynge  of  honour.b  But  nowe  I  remembre 
me,  this  worde  Magnanimitie  beinge  yet  straunge,  as  late 
borowed  out  of  the  latyne,  shall  nat  content  all  men,  and 

Anjou,  of  which  he  has  left  on  record  an  interesting  account,  comprised  in  six 
short  books.  The  later  years  of  Pontanus  do  not  reflect  equal  credit  upon  his 
reputation  ;  for  he  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Ferdinand  II.  by  betraying  the 
town  of  Naples  to  Charles  VIII.  in  1494.  The  remainder  of  his  life  was  devoted 
entirely  to  literature,  and  he  died  in  1503. 

*  The  commendation  of  this  virtue  forms  the  subject  of  a  large  folio  volume, 
the  second  edition  of  which  was  published  in  the  preceding  year  (1530),  and 
which  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  had  consulted.  It  is  entitled, 
'  Le  premier  volume  de  la  Toison  d'Or  auquel  soubs  les  vertus  de  magnanimite 
et  Justice  appartenans  a  1'estat  de  noblesse  sont  contenus  les  haulx  vertueux  et 
magnanimes  faicts  tant  des  tres-chrestiennes  maisons  de  France,  Bourgongne,  et 
Flandres  que  d'autres  Roys  et  Princes  de  1'ancien  et  nouveau  testament.'  It  was 
written  by  the  Bishop  of  Tournay,  Guillaume  Filastre,  who,  when  the  Order  of 
the  Golden  Fleece  was  instituted  in  1430,  was  appointed  Chancellor  by  Philippe 
le  Bon,  whose  funeral  oration  he  subsequently  pronounced.  Filastre  died  at  Ghent 
in  1473,  and  was  buried  in  the  Abbey  of  the  Benedictines  at  Saint-Omer.  Patrizi 
and  Pontanus  had  also  treated  of  this  subject  at  considerable  length. 

b  As  defined  by  Patrizi:  '  Magnanimitas  est  qusedam  animi  excellentia,  quae 
honorem  sibi  prseferens,  quasi  magnum  civile  bonum,  ad  quod  actiones  omnes 
dirigat,  et  virtutem,  quasi  honoris  effectricem,  omnia  excellent!  animo  gerit  quae 
secundum  earn  sunt.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  vii.  tit.  8.  Patrizi,  like  Sir 
Thomas  Elyot,  only  devotes  a  single  chapter  to  the  subject,  but  the  essay,  or 
rather  'theme,'  as  an  Etonian  may  be  excused  for  calling  it,  de  Magnanimitate, 
written  by  Pontanus,  is  more  elaborate,  and  occupies  seventy  pages  of  an  octavo 
volume.  A  few  lines  however  must  suffice  to  show  the  nature  of  his  definition : 
'  Magni  est  omnino  animi  per  virtutem  ad  honorem  contendere,  in  magnisque 
versari,  ac  maxime  claris  actionibus,  perinde  tamen  ut  oportet,  ac  decet,  rectaque 
ut  jubet  ratio,  quo  ilium  adipiscantur.  Id  quod  nomen  ipsum  magnanimi 
prae  se  fert,  ipsiusque  magnanimitatis  appellatio.' — Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  229, 
ed.  1518. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  289 

specially  them  whome  nothing  contenteth  out  of  their  accus- 
tomed Mumpsimus,a  I  will  aduenture  to  put  for  Magnanimitie 
a  worde  more  familiar,  callynge  it  good  courage,  whiche, 
hauynge  respecte  to  the  sayd  definition,  shall  nat  seme  moche 
inconuenient. 

But  nowe  concernyng  a  more  large  description  of  the  sayd 
vertue.  Aristotle  saieth,  That  man  semeth  to  be  of 

Anstotel. 

noble  courage  that  is  worthy,  and  also  mgeth  hym 
selfe  worthy  to  haue  thinges  that  be  great.b     He  saieth  also 
afterwarde,  Noble  courage  is  an  ornament  of  vertues,  for  it 
maketh  them  the  more  ample,  and  without  them  she  her  selfe 
may  nat  be.c     But  I  will  for  a  litle  tyme  leaue  this  noble 

*  This  was  a  cant  expression,  very  common  at  this  time,  to  denote  an  obstinate 
persistence  in  error.  It  originated  in  the  following  story,  told  by  Richard  Pace 
in  a  work  dedicated  to  Colet,  entitled,  De  fructtt  qui  ex  doctrinA  percipitur,  which 
has  been  already  referred  to.  It  should  be  premised,  in  order  to  understand  the 
allusion,  that  Pace  represents  Rhetoric  speaking  (in  the  first  person)  of  the  A£/CTJ 
QwfievTwv  of  Lucian  as  being  the  only  instance  in  which  any  want  of  harmony 
had  been  observed  among  the  letters,  but  that  the  letter  S  was  of  all  the  alphabet 
the  most  unfortunate,  for  it  had  been  ignored  for  thirty  years  by  a  certain  unlearned 
priest,  who  all  that  time  had  been  in  the  habit  of  reading  mumpsimus  for  sump- 
simus  (i.e.  in  his  missal  in  the  prayer  beginning  Quod  ore  sumpsimus},  and  who  on 
being  remonstrated  with,  refused  to  adopt  the  correction.  '  Sane  proba  hiec  mea 
ancilla  S  omnium  literarum  fuit  infortunatissima.  Nam  et  quidam  indoctus  sacri- 
ficus  Anglicus  earn  possessione  sua  annis  triginta  expulit,  .nee  puduit  ilium  tarn 
longo  tempore  "  mumpsimus"  legere  loco  "  sumpsimus."  Et  quum  moneretur  a 
docto  ut  errorem  emendaret,  respondit  se  nolle  mutare  suum  antiquum  "mumpsi- 
mus" ipsius  novo  "sumpsimus."' — P.  80,  ed.  1517.  The  phrase  passed  into  a 
common  proverb  to  indicate  one  who  was  obstinate,  especially  in  religious  matters. 
It  is  used  both  by  Latimer  and  Tyndale  in  their  sermons,  and  even  by  the  king 
himself  in  the  memorable  speech  which  he  made  from 'the  throne  on  Dec.  24, 
1545,  when  alluding  to  the  state  of  religious  parties  in  the  kingdom,  he  said- :  '  I 
se  and  here  daily  that  you  of  the  Clergie  preache  one  against  another,  teache  one 
contrary  to  another,  inueigh  one  against  another,  without  charitie  or  discrecion. 
Some  be  too  stiffe  in  their  old  mumpsimus,  other  be  too  busy  and  curious  in  their 
newe  sumpsimus  ;  thus  all  men  almoste  be  in  varietie  and  discord.' — Hall,  Chron. 
vol.  ii.  fo.  261.  b.  ed.  1548. 

b  AoKcT  Se  H€ya\6tyvxos  cli'ot  fji.eyd\iav  avrbv  a£i<av  &£tos  &v. — Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  3  (7). 

0  "EotKe  fjikv  olv  T)  /j.f\a\oi}/vxta  olov  nd(rfj.oS  ris  flvai  r<av  dper&v  •  fj-d^ovs  yap 
ainas  iroitl,  KOI  ov  yiverai  &vcv  ^Kffviav. — Ibid. 

II.  U 


2QO  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Philosopher  Aristotelle,  and  reuerently  interprete  a  place  in 
the  offices  of  Tulli,  where  he  moste  eloquently  and  playnely 
setteth  out  this  vertue,  sayenge,  All  way  a  valiaunt  and  noble 
courage  is  discerned  by  two  thinges  specially,  wherof  one  is  in 
despisinge  thynges  outwarde,  whan  a  man  is  persuaded  neyther 
to  meruayle  at  any  thynge,  neyther  to  wysshe  or  desire  any 
thinge  but  that  which  is  honest.  More  ouer,  that  a  man  shulde 
nat  bowe  for  any  fortune  or  trouble  of  mynde.  Another 
thinge  is  that  whan  thou  arte  of  that  mynde  or  courage,  as  I 
before  sayde,  than  that  thou  practise  those  thynges  nat  onely 
which  be  great  and  moste  profitable,  but  also  them  that  be 
very  difficile,  and  full  of  labour  and  perylle,  as  well  con- 
cernynge  mannes  lyfe  as  many  other  thynges  there  unto 
pertaynynge.a  And  afterwarde  the  same  TulK  sayeth,  To 
esteme  litle  those  thinges  whiche  unto  the  more  parte  of  men 
semeth  excellent,  and  also  with  reason  firme  and  stable  to 
contemne  them,  it  is  signe  of  a  noble  and  valyaunt  courage. 
Also  to  tollerate  those  thinges  whiche  do  seme  bytter  or 
greuous  (wherof  there  be  many  in  the  lyfe  of  man  and  in 
fortune)  in  suche  wise  as  thou  departe  nat  from  the  astate  of 
nature,  neyther  from  the  worship  pertayninge  unto  a  wise 
man,  betokeneth  a  good  courage,  and  also  moche  constaunce.b 
By  this  it  semeth  that  Magnanimitie  or  good  courage  is,  as  it 
were,  the  garment  of  Vertue,  wherwith  she  is  set  out  (as  I 
mought  saye)  to  the  uttermoste.  I  meane  nat  that  therby 

a  '  Omnino  fortis  animus  et  magnus,  duabus  rebus  maxime  cernitur  ;  quarum 
una  in  rerum  externarum  despicientia  ponitur,  cum  persuasum  sit,  nihil  hominem, 
nisi  quod  honestum  decorumque  sit,  aut  admirari,  aut  optare,  aut  expetere 
oportere ;  nullique  neque  homini,  neque  perturbationi  animi,  nee  fortunse,  suc- 
cumbere.  Altera  est  res,  ut,  cum  ita  sis  affectus  animo,  ut  supra  dixi,  res  geras, 
magnas  illas  quidem,  et  maxime  utiles,  sed  et  vehementer  arduas,  plenasque 
laborum  et  periculorum,  turn  vitse,  turn  multarum  aliarum  rerum,  quae  ad  vitam 
pertinent.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  20. 

b  '  Nam  et  ea,  quse  eximia  plerisque  et  praeclara  videntur,  parva  ducere,  eaque 
ratione  stabili  firmaque  contemnere,  fortis  animi  magnique  ducendum  est :  et  ea, 
quse  videntur  acerba,  (quse  multa  et  varia  in  hominum  vita  fortunaque  versantur) 
ita  ferre,  ut  nihil  a  statu  naturae  discedas,  nihil  a  dignitate  sapientis,  robusti  animi 
est,  magnseque  constantiae.' — Cicero,  ubi  supra. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  291 

vertue  is  amended  or  made  more  beauteous,  whiche  of  her 
selfe  is  perfecte,  but  lyke  wise  as  a  lady  of  excellent  beaultie, 
thoughe  that  she  be  all  wayes  fayre,  yet  a  ryche  and  fresshe 
garment  declareth  her  astate,  and  causeth  her  the  more  to  be 
loked  on,  and  thereby  her  naturall  beaultie  to  be  the  better 
perceyued.  Semblably  dothe  Magnanimitie,  ioyned  with  any 
vertue,  sette  it  wonderfully  furthe  to  be  beholden,  and  (as  I 
mought  saye)  meruayled  at,  as  it  shall  appere  abundauntely 
in  the  examples  ensuinge. 

Agesilaus,  king  of  Lacedemonia,  in  the  begynninge  of  his 
youth e,a  perceyuinge  that  all  Greece  was  in  great  feare  for  the 
fame  that  was  sprad  of  the  commynge  of  the  Persians  with  an 
infinite  armye,  he  with  a  noble  courage  profred  nat  onely  to 
defende  his  owne  contray,  but  also  with  a  small  hoste  to  passe 
the  sees  in  to  Asia,  and  frome  thens  either  to  brynge  victorie 
of  the  Persianes,  or  els  a  sure  and  honorable  peace.  With  whose 
courage  the  Lacedemones,  highly  recomforted,  delyuered  unco 
hym  x  thousande  souldiours.b  With  the  whiche  hoste  he  went 
in  to  Asia,  and  there  vainquisshed  the  Persianes,  and  retourned 
Joyfully  in  to  his  contray  with  his  people  all  saulfe,c  to  his 
perpetuall  renoume,  and  also  the  honour  and  suertie  of  all 
Greece. 

*  This  is  a  mistake,  for  he  was,  as  Thirlwall  says,  '  in  the  prime  of  life,'  but 
the  author  may  have  been  misled  by  the  language  of  Corn.  Nepos,  who  says, 
'  Simul  atque  imperil  potitus  est,  persuasit  Lacedsemoniis,  ut  exercitum  emitterent 
in  Asiam,  bellumque  regi  facerent.' — Ages.  cap.  2.  According  to  Justin,  he  was 
about  the  same  age  as  Conon  :  '  Non  facile  dixerim,  quod  aliud  par  ducum  tarn 
bene  comparatum  fuerit :  quippe  (Etas,  virtus,  consilium,  sapientia,  utrique  prope 
una.' — Hist.  lib.  vi.  cap.  2. 

b  This  was  not  the  exact  number,  which  both  Plutarch  and  Xenophon  are 
igreed  was  only  8,000,  exclusive  of  the  thirty  Spartan  Commissioners.   ' 
aviSe^aro    rbv   ir6\e(j.ov,    et    SoTev  aury  tpiaKovra    fj.ev    riyt^ 
STropriOTOS,  veoSafjLwSeis  5c  \oyd$as  SKTX^OVS,  T^V  8e  (rvjUjuax 
Svvafj.iv.       2t^7raTTOi/TOS    Se    iravTa.    rou    Avcr&vS^ov    irpoOvfj.us 
Agesilaus,  6. 

c  This  is  scarcely  correct,  considering  the  cause  of  his  return,  and  that  he  had 
to  fight  the  greater  part  of  his  way  home,  and  at  the  Battle  of  Coronea  was  him- 
self severely  wounded. 

U  2 


292 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Antigonus,  kynge  of  Macedonia,  beinge  on  the  see,  one  of 
his  capitaines  aduised  him  to  departe,  sayenge  that  the  nauye 
of  his  enemye  was  moche  gretter  in  numbre  than  his,  where 
unto  with  a  noble  courage  he  answered,  And  for  howe  many 
shippes  accounte  you  oure  persone  ?  a  Wherewith  his  people 
toke  suche  comforte  that  they  boldelye  dyd  set  furth  and 
vainquisshed  their  enemyes. 

Suche  noble  courage  was  in  great  kynge  Alexander,  that 
in  hys  warres  agayne  Darius,  he  was  sene  of  all  hys  people 
fightynge  in  the  prease  of  his  enemyes  bare  heded.b 

I  wyll  nat  be  so  uncurtaise  to  leaue  unremembred  in  this 


*  BeAno?  Se  'Avrlyovos  6  yepow  8r€  i/oujuaxelV  irepl  "AvSpov  e/j.e\\€V  flir6vros 
Ttybs,  &s  TroAu  TrAetoys  of  ra>v  iroXefjituv  vyes  elev,  '  'Eyue  Se  avrbv,'  e<p7j,  '  irpbs  ir6<ras 
avriffT-fiffeis  ;  '  —  Plut.  Pelopidas,  2. 

b  There  seems  to  be  some  confusion  with  regard  to  this  statement.  The  Editor 
has  been  unable  to  discover  anything,  either  in  Plutarch  or  Curtius,  which  would 
tend  to  confirm  it.  On  the  other  hand,  the  author  can  hardly  be  supposed  to 
allude  to  the  following  passage,  in  which  Plutarch  relates  that  Pompey  performed 
the  very  same  feat  in  the  war  against  Domitius,  inasmuch  as  he  ascribes  it  to  a 
motive  the  very  reverse  of  courageous.  riojUTnjios  &vev  Kpdvovs  Tiyoevifao  5  e  8  o  i  K  &  s 
riirp&Tfpov  irdOos.  —  Pompdus,  12.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if  Sir  Thomas  Elyot 
had  transferred  to  Alexander  the  credit  which  is  given  to  Hadrian  by  Dion  Cassius 
in  the  following  passage  :  OuSe  r^v  KefyaXty  OVK  h  6<L\iret,  OVK  eV  piyei  eKaAu<f>0r7, 
aAAa  Kal  eV  rats  x1^1  T0"s  KeArtKaTs  Kal  ev  TO?S  KotJ/iotri  rots  AiyvTrnaKo'ts  yvp.vri 
airrrj  irepiTfet.  —  Rerum  Rom.  torn.  ii.  p.  326,  ed.  1849.  Nor,  cateris  paribus,  would 
this  hypothesis  be  untenable,  because,  though  the  work  of  Dion  Cassius  was  not 
published  in  the  original  Greek  until  1548,  many  years  after  The  Gavernour  was 
written,  a  Latin  translation  had  already  appeared  in  1526.  But,  taking  all  the 
circumstances  into  consideration,  the  Editor  is  reluctantly  compelled  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  statement  in  the  text  is  due  to  nothing  else  than  an  entire  misappre- 
hension on  the  part  of  the  author  of  the  folio  wing  passages  in  the  two  works  which 
furnished  him  with  such  copious  materials,  and  which  are  therein  cited  as  illustra- 
tions of  the  virtue  which  forms  the  subject  of  the  present  chapter,  viz.,  Magnani- 
mity. In  order  that  the  reader  may  form  his  own  opinion  of  the  probability  of  the 
author  having  been  misled  by  the  expression  'aperto  marte,'  the  passages  in 
question  are  subjoined.  Alexandri  Magni  .  .  .  suadentibus  amicis  noctu  cum 
Dario  pugnandum  esse,  ne,  si  aperto  pugnaretur  Marte,  tanta  hominum  inspecta 
multitudine,  miles  consternaretur,  maximo  cum  supercilio  inclamavit  victoriam  se 
nullo  modo  furaturum.'  —  '  De  Magnanimitate,'  Pontanus,  Opera,  torn.  i.  fo.  255. 
'Alexander  animi  magnitudine  excellentior  patre  extitit,  proinde  aliavincendiratione 
utebatur.  Bella  enim  semper  aperto  Marte  gerebat.'—  -Patnzi,  De  Regno  et  Reg. 
Ins.  lib.  vii.  tit.  8. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  293 

place  the    notable    Magnanimitie  of  a  kynge  of  Englande, 
whiche  I  hapned  to  rede  late  in  an  olde  cronycle.a 

Edgare,  who  in  the  tyme  that  the  Saxons  had  this  realme 
in  subiection,  hadde  subdued  all  the  other  kynges  Saxons,  and 
made  them  his  tributaries.  b  On  a  tyme  he  hadde  theim  all 
with  hym  at  dyner,  and  after  it  was  shewed  hym  that  Rynande, 
kynge  of  Scottes,  hadde  sayde  that  he  wound-red  howe  it 
shulde  happen  that  he  and  other  kynges,  that  were  tall  and 
great  personages,  wolde  suffre  them  selfes  to  be  subdued  by 
so  litle  a  body  as  Edgare  was.  Edgare  dissembled  and 
answered  nothinge,  but  faynynge  to  go  on  huntynge,  he  toke 
with  him  the  Scottisshe  kynge  in  his  company,  and  purposely 
withdrewe  hym  from  them  that  were  with  hym  ;  and  causynge 
by  a  secrete  seruaunt  two  swerdes  to  be  conuayed  in  to  a 
place  in  the  forest  by  hym  appointed,  as  soone  as  he  came 
thither  he  toke  the  one  sworde,  and  delyuered  the  other  to 

•  Probably  in  MS.,  for  this  expression  would  hardly  be  applicable  to  Fabyan 's 
Chronicle,  in  which  the  story  is  told,  but  which  had  quite  recently  been  printed, 
viz.  in  1516.  Whilst  the  fact  that  in  the  latter  the  king  of  Scotland's  name  appears 
as  '  Kynadus,'  whilst  our  author  spells  it  differently,  raises  the  presumption  that  Sir 
Thomas  Elyot  had  consulted  an  unprinted  document,  in  which  the  reading  varied 
from  that  of  the  authority  made  use  of  by  Fabyan  ;  or,  if  it  was  the  same,  that  our 
author  deciphered  it  in  a  different  manner. 

b  For  the  purpose  of  comparison,  the  version  of  the  story  as  given  by  Fabyan 
is  subjoined. 

'  It  is  wytnessed  of  dyuers  authours  that  Kynadus,  kynge  of  Scotlande,  dispysed 
Edgar  for  that  he  was  lytell  of  stature.  Wherof  Edgar  beynge  warned,  desyred 
the  sayd  Kynadus  to  dyner,  and  made  to  him  good  countenaunce.  After  whych 
dyner  ended,  he  toke  the  sayd  Kynadus  by  the  arme,  and  so  wyth  hym  helde 
company  tyll  they  came  into  the  feldes.  Where,  beynge  dysseuered  from  bothe  theyr 
seruauntes,  Edgar  drew  from  under  his  garment  two  swordes,  and  desyred  Kynadus 
to  take  the  chose  of  theym,  and  sayd  to  hym,  Nowe  thou  hast  good  laysure  to  a  saye 
thy  strength  wyth  myne,  that  before  tyme  thou  haste  so  myche  dyspysed.  And 
lette  us  nowe  proue  whyche  is  more  worthy  to  be  subiecte  to  other.  It  is  not 
fyttynge  for  a  knyghte  to  make  great  boste  at  the  borde,  and  to  do  lytell  in  felde. 
When  the  Scottyshe  kynge  hard  the  kyng  thus  challenge  hym,  he  knew  well  his 
wordes  before  spoken  were  disclosyd  to  the  kynge,  wherof  he  was  not  a  litle 
abashed.  But  for  to  apeace  the  kynge  he  behaued  hym  so  lowely,  and  gaue  to 
hym  suche  plesaunte  wordes,  that  the  kynge  forgauc  the  trespace.'—  Chronicle, 
vol.  i.  fo.  cxvii.  ed.  1533. 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Rinande,  byddinge  hym  to  proue  his  strength,  and  to  assaye 
whither  his  dedes  wolde  ratifie  his  wordes.  Wherat  the  Scot- 
tisshe  kynge  beinge  abasshed,  beholdynge  the  noble  courage 
of  Edgare,  with  an  horrible  feare  confessed  his  errour,  desi- 
rynge  pardon,  whiche  he  with  moste  humble  submission  at 
the  laste  optayned.  That  noble  kynge  Eidgare  declarynge 
by  his  Magnanimitie  that  by  his  vertue,  and  nat  by  chaunce, 
he  was  elected  to  reigne  ouer  so  noble  a  region. 

Plato,  for  his  diuine  wisedome  and  eloquence  named  the 
god  of  Philosophers,*  was  sent  for  by  Dionise,  kynge  of  Sicile, 
to  the  intent,  as  it  semed,  that  he  wolde  be  of  him  instructed 
concernynge  the  polityke  gouernaunce  of  his  realme.  But 
whan  he  had  ben  with  him  a  certaine  space,  and  wolde  nat 
flatter  with  the  kynge  and  upholde  his  tyrannye,  the  kinge 
became  wery  of  him,  in  so  moche  that  if  it  had  nat  ben  at  the 
requeste  of  Architas,  prince  of  Tarent,  he  wolde  haue  put  hym 
to  dethe.  Wherfore,  partely  at  the  desire  of  that  prince,  partely 
for  feare  of  the  Atheniensis,  he  licenced  Plato  to  depaite 
without  damage,  but  at  his  departynge  he  sayde  unto  him,  as 
it  were  in  despite,  O  howe  euill  wilt  thou  speke  of  me,  Plato, 
whan  thou  ccmmest  amonge  thy  companyons  and  scolers. 
Than  Plato  with  a  noble  courage,  answered,  God  defende 
there  shulde  be  in  my  scole  so  moche  vacaunt  tyme  from  the 
studie  of  wisedome,  that  there  mought  be  any  place  lefte  ones 
to  remembre  the.b 

Nowe  will  I  make  an  ende  of  this  vertue,  and  procede 
further  to  write  of  some  vices  whiche  communely  do  folowe 
Magnanimitie,  and  with  great  difficultie  may  be  exchued. 

a  He  is  so  styled  by  Cicero  :  '  Audiamus  enim  Platonem,  quasi  quendam  Deum 
philosophorutn.' — De  Nat.  Deor.  lib.  ii.  cap.  12. 

b  '£»/  roiovTca  8e  KivSvvcp  y€vou.€vov  rov  HXdrtavos,  of  irept  'Ap^uTcw  TrvQ6u.*voi 
ra%v  irt/j.'rrovcri.  irpfa^eiav  Kal  rpiaK6vropov  airaiTOvvTes  rbv  oVSpa  irapa  AtWtttiov,  Kal 
Xeyovres  cos  avTovs  Xafiwv  avdSS^ovs  TTJS  afrfyaXeias  TrXevffeiev  (Is  ^vpaKovtras. 
'A7roA.070v/xeVou  5e  TOV  Aiovvffiov  TTJV  e;£0paj/  ecmdaeffi  Kal  (piXotypoffvvais  rrepl  TT]V 
irpoirou.ir^v,  ei/  8e  n  irpoa.\Q(VTOS  irpbs  avr'bv  TOIOVTOV  etTretV  '^Hirou,  HXartav,  iroXXa. 
«al  8eiva  KaTTjyop^creis  fyuwj/  irpbs  TOVS  ffvp.tyiXocTofyovv'ra.';?  vTrop.eib'idffas  GKSIVOS 
o  '  M?j  roffavTTf)  Xoyuv  eV  'A/ca5ri/iia  yevoiro  <nrdvis,  lixnc  (rov  Tiva  /uj/rjjuo- 
.'— Plut.  Dio. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  295 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Of  Obstinacie^  a  familiar  vice  folowinge  Magnanimitie. 

THE  prince  of  Oratours,  Marcus  Tullius,  in  his  firste  boke  of 
Offices,  sayeth  that  in  height  and  greatnesse  of  courage  is 
moste  soneste  ingendred  obstinacie,  and  inordinate  desire  of 
soueraignetie.a 

Obstinacie b  is  an  affection  immoueable,  fixed  to  wille,c 
abandonynge  reason,  whiche  is  ingendred  of  Pryde,d  that  is  to 
saye,  whan  a  man  estemeth  so  moche  hym  selfe  aboue  any 

a  '  In  hac  elatione  et  magnitudine  animi,  facillime  pertinacia  et  nimia  cupiditas 
principatus  innascitur  / — Cic.  de  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  19. 

b  It  will  be  seen  from  the  author's  translation  of  the  passage  quoted  in  the  last 
note,  that  he  considered  *  obstinacy'  the  proper  equivalent  for  'pertinacia.'  The 
Romans  themselves  made  a  distinction  between  this  and  the  kindred  word  '  pervi- 
cacia.'  For  the  old  grammarian,  Nonius  Marcellus,  to  whose  work  no  date  has 
yet  been  assigned,  says,  '  Pervicacia  et  Pertinacia  hoc  distant :  pervicacia  est  inter- 
dum  bonarum  rerum  perseverantia,  pertinacia  semper  malarum. '  The  question 
however  arises,  how  was  the  word,  in  the  form  in  which  we  still  have  it,  introduced 
into  the  English  language  ?  The  Latin  word  « obstinatio,'  which  is  extremely  un- 
common, and  besides,  is  certainly  not  used  in  a  bad  sense  by  Cicero,  in  the  only 
place  in  which,  so  far  as  the  Editor  is  aware,  it  occurs,  viz.  in  the  speech  de  Pro. 
•vinciis  Consularibus,  cap.  17,  retained  its  original  termination  in  all  the  three 
languages,  Italian,  Spanish,  and  French.  In  English  alone  it  acquired  a  termina- 
tion from  which  it  might  be  inferred  that  it  was  derived  from  a  word  having  a 
termination  similar  to  the  synonymous  words  '  pervicacia'  and  'pertinacia.'  Yet 
so  far  as  is  known,  no  such  word  as  'obstinacia'  was  ever  in  use.  The  question  is 
one  to  which  etymologists  seem  scarcely  to  have  paid  sufficient  attention. 

c  Dr.  Whewell  connects  this  vice  with  energy  or  zeal  as  a  "product  of  the  affec- 
tions, and  says,  'A  man  who  adheres  to  his  purpose  in  spite  of  strong  motives  to 
draw  him  away,  isyfrw,  but  if  the  motives  which  he  resists  are  reasonable,  he  is 
obstinate.  Firmness  implies  a  good  cause  ;  obstinacy  a  bad  one.' — Elem.  of 
Mor.  p.  83,  4th  ed. 

d  The  author's  definition  evidently  includes  a  description  of  the  reflex  senti- 
ments of  self-esteem  and  presumption  which  modern  philosophy  also  derives  from 
Pride.  Thus  Dr.  Whewell  says,  *  When  Pride. is  manifested  so  as  to  imply  con- 
tempt of  others,  it  is  Haughtiness,  Disdain  ;  if  unkindness  be  added,  it  is  Inso- 
lence. The  insolent  man  is  overbearing,  domineering,  arrogant.  Self-esteem,  so 
far  as  it  regards  the  operation  of  the  Intellect,  is  Self-opinion.  When  this  excludes 
all  mistrust  of  one's  self,  it  is  Self-sufficiency  •  and  as  taking  much  for  granted,  it  is 
Presumption? — Elem.  of  Mor.  p.  91. 


296  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

other,  that  he  reputeth  his  owne  witte  onely  to  be  in  perfec- 
tion, and  contemneth  all  other  coimsayle.a  Undoughtedly 
this  is  an  horrible  and  perylouse  vice,b  and  very  familiar  with 
them  whiche  be  of  moste  noble  courages.  By  it  many  a 
valyaunt  capitayne  and  noble  prince  haue  nat  onely  fallen 
them  selfes,  but  also  brought  all  their  contrayes  in  daungeour 
and  often  tymes  to  subuercion  and  ruyne. 

The  wise  kinge  Salomon  sayeth,  Amonge  proude  men  be 
all  way  contentions,  and  they  that  do  all  thinges  with  coun- 
sayle,  be  gouerned  by  wisedome.c 

I  nede  nat  to  reherce  examples  out  of  olde  writars  what 

damage  haue  ensued  of  obstinacie,  consideryng  that  euery 

historye  is  full  therof,  and  we  styll  haue  it  in  dayly  experience. 

But  of  one  thinge  am  I  suer,  where  obstinacie  ruleth,  and 

reason  lacketh  place,  there  counsaile  auayleth  nat,  and  where 

counsayle  hathe  nat  auctoritie  and  fraunches,d  there  may  no 

Proue.  xi.  tmnge  be  perfecte.      Salomon  sayenge  that  where 

as   be    many   counsayles,    there    is    the    people    in 

a  As  showing  the  similarity  of  treatment  of  the  same  subject  by  philosophers 
far  removed  from  each  other  in  point  of  time,  it  is  interesting  to  observe  that  Hume 
has  a  chapter  headed  «  Of  Greatness  of  Mind,'  (answering  to  Elyot's  '  Of  Magna- 
nimity' and  to  the  '  De  Magnanimitate '  of  Pontanus),  in  which  he  examines  the 
passions  of  pride  and  humility,  and  considers  *  the  vice  or  virtue  that  lies  in  their 
excesses  or  just  proportion.' — See  Philos.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  381,  ed.  1826.  , 

b  Montaigne  expresses  the  same  opinion  :  '  L'obstination  et  ardeur  <T opinion 
est  la  plus  seure  preuve  de  bestise.' — Essais,  torn.  iv.  p.  39,  ed.  1854,  and  again, 
'  L' affirmation  et  1'opiniastrete  sont  signes  exprez  de  bestise.' — Ibid,  p*  266. 

e  See  Prov.  xiii.  10. 

d  I.e.  Freedom.  Really  the  French  word  franchise  Anglicised.  'Je  me  fie 
ayseement  a  la  foy  d'aultruy  ;  mais  malayseement  le  feroy  ie,  lorsque  ie  donnerois 
a  iuger  1'avoir  plustost  faict  par  desespoir  et  faulte  de  cceur,  que  par  franchise  et 
fiance  de  sa  loyaute.' — Montaigne,  Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  34,  ed.  1854.  Chaucer  uses 
the  very  same  form  as  our  author  in  The  Frankeleynes  Tale. 

'  And  in  his  hert  he  caught  of  this  gret  routhe, 
Consideryng  the  best  on  euery  syde, 
That  fro  his  lust  yet  were  him  lever  abyde, 
Than  doon  so  high  a  cheerlissch  wrecchednesse 
is  of  alle  gentilesce.' 

Poetical  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  25,  ed.  1866. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  297 

suertie.*  Nowe  will  I  declare  the  residue  of  Tullies  sentence 
concernynge  inordinate  desire  of  soueraignetie,  whiche  is  pro- 
prely  called  Ambition. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 
Of  an  other  vice  folowing  Magnammitie,  called  Ambition. 

IT  was  nat  without  a  hygh  and  prudent  consideration 
that  certayne  lawes  were  made  by  the  Romaynes,  whiche 
were  named  the  lawes  of  Ambition,  wherby  men  were 
restrayned  in  the  citie  to  optayne  offices  and  dignities  in 
the  publike  weale,  either  by  gyuinge  rewardes,  or  by 
other  sinistre  labour  or  meanest  And  they,  which  by 

Lord  Berners  in  his  translation  of  Froissart's  account  of  the  speech  in  which 
the  ambassador,  Laurence  Fougasse,  describes  to  -the  Duke  of  Lancaster  the 
offer  of  the  crown  of  Portugal  to  the  Grand  Master  of  Avis,  by  the  people  of 
Lisbon  in  1384,  uses  precisely  the  same  form  of  the  word,  though  the  mean- 
ing is  that  of  '  privileges. '  '  Then  they  sayd,  Mayster  Denyce  (so  he  was  called 
as  then)  we  wyll  make  you  kynge  of  this  royalme  .  .  .  We  had  rather  ye 
sholde  take  all  that  we  haue,  to  ayde  and  to  maynteyne  us  and  ourfrauncfas,  then 
the  Castellyans  sholde  be  maysters  ouer  us.' — Froissart's  Chronicle,  vol.  ii.  p.  140. 
And  again,  in  describing  the  flight  of  the  Duke  of  Ireland  in  1388,  the  same 
writer  says,  '  So  that  to  saue  hymselfe  he  was  fledde  into  Hollande,  and  taryed  there 
but  a  small  season  in  the  towne  of  Dordreght  ;  yet  he  was  fayne  to  departe  and  to 
go  to  Trecte,  a  fraunches  towne  for  all  maner  of  people,  payeng  for  that  they 
take.' — Ibid.  p.  439.  Where  the  original  has  'car  la  cite  d'Utrec  est  franche  a 
recevoir  toutes  gens.' — Froissart,  torn.  iii.  p.  14  ;  Pantheon  Litteraire  ed. 

•  See  Prov.  xi.  14. 

b  Mr.  George  Long  says,  '  The  Romans  attempted  by  legislation  to  make  men 
politically  honest,  and  they  succeeded  as  well  as  we  have  done,  and  no  better. 
Some  early  "  leges  "  or  enactments  on  the  offence  of  Ambitus  are  mentioned.  The 
Lex  Cornelia  Bsebia,  B.C.  181,  incapacitated  candidates,  who  were  convicted  of 
bribery,  from  being  candidates  again  for  ten  years.  This  law  only  punished  the 
briber,  so  far  as  we  know,  and  wisely  did  not  touch  him  who  took  the  bribe. 
Polybius,  in  his  sixth  book,  seems  to  speak  of  bribery  at  elections  when  he  says, 
that  among  the  Carthaginians  men  obtain  magisterial  offices  by  open  bribery,  or 
by  openly  giving,  but  among  the  Romans,  death  is  the  penalty  for  this  offence. 
Polybius  wrote  after  the  enactment  of  the  Lex  Cornelia  Baebia,  but  we  cannot 


298  THE   GOVERN  OUR. 

that  lawe  were  condemned,  were  put  to  dethe  without  any 
fauour.a 

Verely  it  was  a  noble  lawe,  and  for  all  places  necessary, 
considerynge  what  inconuenience  hapneth  by  this  vayne  and 
superfluous  appetite.  Witnesses  amonge  the  Romaynes  Sylla, 
Marius,  Carbo,  Cinna,  Pompei,  and  Cesar,  by  whose  ambicion 
mo  Romaynes  were  slayne  than  in  acquiringe  the  empyre  of 
all  the  worlde  ;b  as  it  may  appere  by  the  onely  ambicion  of 
Sylla,  who  condemned  and  caused  to  be  slayne  foure  score 
thousande  Romaynes,0  beside  many  mo  that  were  slaine 

admit,  even  if  we  assume  that  we  know  nothing  about  the  penalties  contained 
in  this  Lex,  that  death  was  ever  the  penalty  at  Rome  for  bribery,  or  any  kind 
of  corruption  effected  by  money.' — Decline  of  Rom.  Rep.  vol.  i.  p.  334,  ed.  1864. 

a  From  what  has  been  said  in  the  last  note,  it  might  be  supposed  that  Sir 
Thomas  Elyot  had  obtained  his  information  on  this  subject  from  Polybius,  some 
portion  of  which  had  already  been  published  when  The  Governour  was  written  ;  but 
Dr.  Leonhard  Schmitz  tells  us  that  '  the  first  part  which  was  printed  in  Greek  was 
the  treatise  on  the  Roman  army,  which  was  published  by  Ant.  de  Sabio  at  Venice, 
in  1529,  with  a  Latin  translation  by  Lascaris,  and  in  the  following  year,  1530,  the 
Greek  text  of  the  first  five  books,  with  the  translation  of  Perotti,  appeared  at 
Hagenau,  but  without  the  treatise  on  the  Roman  army,  which  had  probably  not 
yet  found  its  way  across  the  Alps.'  It  was  not  until  'a  few  years  afterwards  a 
discovery  was  made  of  some  extracts  from  the  other  books  of  Polybius,'  and  these 
extracts  contain  the  greater  part  of  the  sixth  book,  and  portions  of  the  following 
eleven.  '  The  manuscript  containing  them  was  brought  from  Corfu,  and  they  were 
published  together  with  the  first  five  books,  which  had  already  appeared  at  Basle, 
in  1549.'  Hence  it  is  impossible  that  at  this  time  Sir  T.  Elyot  could  have  been 
acquainted  with  the  contents  of  the  sixth  book,  and  it  remains  an  open  question 
from  what  source  he  could  have  derived  his  authority  for  the  statement  in  the  text. 

b  This  passage  is  borrowed  from  Patrizi,  who  says,  '  Testes  sint  apud  Romanes 
Sylla,  Cinna,  Carbo,  Marius,  Pompeius,  Cassar  et  alii  complures,  quorum  ambi- 
tione  multo  plures  Romanorum  civium  ceciderunt,  quam  in  propagatione  imperii 
totius  orbis  terrarum.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  iv.  tit.  20. 

c  In  this  statement  the  author  has  servilely  followed  and  been  misled  by  the 
writer  mentioned  in  the  last  note,  who  says,  '  Quum  L.  Sylla  per  ambitionem 
venustus,  faustus,  fselix,  in  marmoribus  scribi  studet,  nefandam  tabulam  illam  sus- 
pendit,  per  quam  circiter  octoginta  millia  hominurn  proscribuntur,  damnantur,  tru- 
cidanturque.'— Patrizi,  ubi  supra.  He  has  therefore  exaggerated  the  number  given 
by  Valerius  Maximus  in  the  following  passage :  '  Quatuor  millia  et  septingentos 
dirse  proscriptionis  edicto  jugulatos  in  tabulas  publicas  retulit.' — Lib.  ix.  cap.  2, 
§  i.  Mr.  George  Long  says :  '  Valerius  Maximus  is  the  only  authority  that  has 
recorded  the  whole  number  of  the  proscribed  and  murdered,  whose  names  were 
entered  on  the  public  records.  He  says  that  it  was  four  thousand  seven  hundred  ; 


THE    GOVERNOUR.  299 

in  the  bataylcs  betwene  him  and  the  bothe  Marius.  Also 
Pompei  and  Julius  Cesar,  the  one  suffrynge  no  peere,  the 
other  no  superior,  by  their  ambicion  caused  to  be  slaine 
betwene  theim  people  innumerable,*  and  subuerted  the  best 
and  moste  noble  publike  weale  of  the  worlde.  And  finally, 
hauynge  litle  tyme  of  reioysinge  their  unlefull  desire,  Pompei, 
shamefully  fleinge,  had  his  hede  striken  of  by  the  commaunde- 
ment  of  Ptolomee,  kynge  of  Egipt,b  unto  whome,  as  unto  his 
frende,  he  fledde  for  socour ;  Cesar,  the  vainquisshour,  was 
murdred  in  the  Senate  with  daggers  by  them  whome  he  moste 
specially  fauoured. 

I  coulde  occupie  a  great  volume  with  histories  of  them 
whiche,  couaytinge  to  mounte  into  excellent  dignities,  dyd 
therby  brynge  in  to  extreme  perylles  bothe  them  selfes  and 
their  contrayes.  For  as  Tacitus  sayeth,  wonderfuil  elegantly, 
with  theim  whiche  desire  soueraignetie,  there  is  no  meane 
place  betwene  the  toppe  and  the  stepe  downe.c  To  the 

but  the  number  was  much  increased  by  those  who  were  secretly  assassinated  from 
motives  of  revenge  or  lucre.' — Decline  of  Rom.  Rep.  vol.  ii.  p.  359. 

a  Yet  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  the  most  important  of  all  the  engagements 
between  these  rivals,  '  was  honourably  distinguished  in  the  annals  of  civil  warfare  ; 
from  the  close  of  the  day  no  more  blood  was  shed  ;  the  fugitives  were  spared,  and 
the  supplicants  received  mercy.  Nor,  indeed,  was  the  carnage  of  the  combat  pro- 
portioned to  its  results.' — Merivale,  Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  ii.  p.  299.  'Appian 
observes  that  the  loss  among  the  auxiliary  troops  was  not  counted,  for  they  were 
not  thought  worth  the  reckoning ;  but  there  fell  of  the  Italians  on  Caesar's  side  30 
officers  and  200  legionary  soldiers,  or,  as  others  state,  1,200.  On  the  side  of 
Pompeius  there  fell  10  senators,  of  the  cavalry  about  40  men  of  rank,  and  of  the 
rest  of  the  army  the  number  of  25,000,  which  Appian  considers  to  be  an  exagge- 
ration. Asinius  Pollio,  who  commanded  under  Czesar  in  the  battle,  says  that  there 
were  found  6,000  Pompeians  on  the  field.' — Decl.  of  Rom.  Rep.  vol.  v.  p.  211. 

b  Or  rather  of  his  advisers,  for  the  king  was  only  a  minor,  ('O  \&v  olv  Tlro\f- 
/j.a!os  fy  Konfirj  veos,  says  Plutarch, )  and  under  the  guardianship  of  the  eunuch 
Pothinus,  next  to  whom  in  power  and  influence  was  Achillas,  a  man  of  singular 
audacity,  and  the  commander  of  the  royal  forces.  'These  men,'  says  Merivale, 
'  had  acquired  a  complete  ascendency  over  their  tender  charge,  and  they  used 
their  influence  unscrupulously  for  the  furtherance  of  their  private  schemes.' — 
Hist,  of  Rome ',  vol.  ii.  p.  307,  ed.  1850. 

e  '  Imperium  cupientibus  nihil  medium  inter  summa  et  praecipitia.' — Hist.  lib. 
ii.  cap.  74. 


3OO  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

whiche  wordes    Tulli    agreinge,  sayeth  that    hygh  autorities 
shulde  nat  moche  be  desired,   or  rather  nat  to  be 
taken    at  some   tyme,   and    often  tymes   to  be  left 
and  forsaken.* 

So  dyd  Sylla,  whome  I  late  spake  of,  and  Diocletian, 
Sextus  Emperour  of  Rome,  who  after  that  he  had  gouerned 
Aurelius*  the  empyre  xxv  yeres c  honorably  (if  he  had  nat  ben 
polluted  with  the  bloode  of  innumerable  Christen  men  d)  he 
willingly  abandoned  the  crowne  and  dignitie  emperiall,6  and 
lyued  nyne  yeres  on  his  priuate  possessions/  And  on  a  tyme 
he  beinge  desired  of  Herculius  and  Galerius,  unto  whome  he 
had  resigned  the  empyre,  to  take  eftsones  on  him  the  gouer- 
naunce,  abhorrynge  it  as  a  pestilence,  aunswered  in  this  wise, 
I  wolde  ye  dyd  see  the  herbes  that  I  haue  with  myne  owne 
handes  sowen  and  sette  at  Salona,  suerly  ye  wolde  nat  than  in 
this  wise  aduise  me.g  Also  Octauius  Augustus,  whiche  in 

•  '  Nee  vero  imperia  expetenda,  ac,  potius,   aut  non  accipienda  interdum,  aut 
deponenda  nonnunquam. ' — De  Off,  lib.  i.  cap.  20. 

b  The  reference  in  the  margin  is  to  the  work  of  Sextus  Aurelius  \Tictor, 
generally  known  by  the  title  of  Epitome,  which  consists  of  forty-eight  chapters, 
commencing  with  Augustus  and  concluding  with  Theodosius.  It  was  first  printed 
at  Strasburgin  1505,  and  again  by  Aldus  at  Venice  in  1516,  at  the  end  of  his 
edition  of  Suetonius. 

c  *  Imperavit  annis  viginti  quinque. ' — Victor.  Epit.  cap.  39. 

d  Professor  Ramsay  says :  '  By  far  the  worst  feature  of  this  reign  was  the 
terrible  persecution  of  the  Christians.  The  conduct  of  the  prince  upon  this 
occasion  is  the  more  remarkable,  because  we  are  at  first  sight  unable  to  detect  any 
motive  which  could  have  induced  him  to  permit  such  atrocities.  ...  It  is  not 
improbable  that  his  intellect  was  seriously  affected,  and  that  his  malady  may  have 
amounted  to  absolute  insanity.' 

e  'The  severe  illness  which  afflicted  Diocletian  in  A.D.  304  was  probably  the 
chief  cause  determining  him  on  the  most  celebrated  act  of  his  life— his  abdication. 
His  health  made  rest  necessary  for  him;  and  he  may  naturally  have  desired  to 
preside  over  the  steps  which  required  to  be  taken  in  order  to  secure  the  con- 
tinuance of  his  system  after  he  himself  should  have  quitted  life.' — Rawlinson, 
Manual  of  Ancient  Hist.  p.  523,  ed.  1869. 

'  '  Vixit  annos  sexaginta  octo,  ex  quis  communi  habitu  prope  novem  egit.'  — 
Victor,  Epit.  39.  Milner  says,  '  He  lived  seven  years  a  private  life, '  whilst  Professor 
Ramsay  says,  '  He  passed  the  remaining  eight  years  of  his  life  in  philosophic 
retirement.' 

*  '  Diocletianus  vero  apud  Nicomediam  sponte  imperiales  fasces  relinquens,  in 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  301 

felicitie  passed  all  emperours,  deuised  often  tymes  with  his 
frendes  to  haue  resigned  his  autoritie.  And  if  at  that  tymethe 
Senate  had  ben  as  well  fournisshed  with  noble  and  wise  per- 
sonages as  it  was  before  the  Ciuile  warres  betwene  Cesar  and 
Pompei,  it  is  to  be  thought  that  he  wolde  surely  haue  restored 
the  publike  weale  to  his  pristinate  glorie.a 

But  nowe  let  us  see  what  is  the  cause  why  that  Ambition 
is  so  pernicious  to  a  publike  weale,  and  in  myne  oppinion  it  is 
for  two  causes  principally.11 

Fyrste,  for  as  moche  as  they  whiche  be  of  that  courage  and 
appetite,  whan  they  be  in  autoritie,  they  suppose  all  thynge  to 
be  lefull  that  lyketh  them,  and  also  by  reason  of  their  pre- 
eminence they  wolde  so  be  seperate  from  other  that  no  man 
shulde  countrolle  them  or  warne  them  of  their  enormyties, 
and  finally,  they  wolde  do  what  they  list  without  contradic- 
tion. Wherof  do  ensue  diuers  iniuries  and  subuertion  of 
iustyce.c 

propriis  agris  consenuit.  Qui  dum  ab  Herculio  atque  Galerio  ad  recipiendum 
imperium  rogaretur,  tanquam  pestem  aliquam  detestans,  in  hunc  modum  respondit : 
Utinam  Salonse  possetis  visere  olera  nostris  manibus  instituta,  profecto  nunquam 
istud  tentandum  judicaretis.' — Victor,  Epit.  39. 

"  '  De  reddenda  Republica  bis  cogitavit  :  prime  post  oppressum  statim 
Antonium,memor,  objectum  ab  eo  sibi  saepius,  quasi  per  ipsum  staret,  ne  redderetur: 
ac  rursus  tsedio  diuturnae  valetudinis  ;  cum  etiam,  magistratibus  ac  Senatu  domum 
accitis,  Rationarium  imperii  tradidit.  Sed  reputans,  et  se  privatum  non  sine 
periculo  fore,  et  illam  plurium  arbitrio  temere  committi,  in  retinenda  perseveravit ; 
dubium,  eventu  meliore,  an  voluntate.' — Suet  on.  Octav.  28. 

b  Patrizi  is  also  of  opinion  that  it  is  pernicious  to  the  State,and  for  two  reasons, 
which  however  are  different  from  those  assigned  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot,  who  in  this 
instance  is  no  doxibt  speaking  from  his  own  experience.  'Pernitiosi  sunt  apud 
Principes  et  in  omni  libera  civitate,  qui  inter  se  ambitiosi  sunt,  ac  de  honorum 
cursu  certant.  Imprimis  enim  civitates  partibus  inficiunt,  et  ea  plerumque  suadent, 
ut  contra  obtrectatores  loquantur,  quibus  vel  Respublica  ipsa  graviter  offendatur.' 
— De  Regno  et  Reg.  Instit.  lib.  iv.  tit.  20. 

c  Bacon,  who  wrote  an  essay  on  this  subject,  says :  '  Ambitious  men,  if  they 
find  the  way  open  for  their  rising,  and  still  get  forward,  they  are  rather  busy  than 
dangerous  ;  but  if  they  be  checked  in  their  desires,  they  become  secretly  dis- 
content, and  look  upon  men  and  matters  with  an  evil  eye,  and  are  best  pleased 
when  things  go  backward  ;  which  is  the  worst  property  in  a  servant  of  a  prince  or 
State.'—  Essays,  p.  360,  ed.  1857. 


302  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

And  that  this  whiche  I  haue  nowe  sayd  is  true,  Tulli 
affirmeth,  sayenge,  Verely  it  is  a  great  difficultie, 
where  thou  woldest  be  aboue  all  men,  to  obserue 
equitie,  whiche  is  the  thinge  moste  appropred  to  iustice.a 
And  shortely  after  he  sayeth,  The  more  higher  of  courage 
that  a  man  is,  and  desirous  of  glorie,  the  soner  is  he  meued  to 
do  thinges  agayne  ryght.b  Seynge  that  it  was  so  in  the  tyme 
of  Tulli,  whan  all  moste  euery  man  that  was  in  auctoritie  had 
excellent  lernynge,  (the  Romanes  bringynge  up  their  children 
in  study  of  morall  philosophic),  what  shall  we  than  suppose  in 
our  tyme,  whan  fewe  men  in  autorite  do  care  for  lernynge  ? c 
Why  shulde  we  thynke  to  be  more  iustice  nowe  used  in  auto- 
ritie  than  was  in  the  tyme  of  Tulli  ?  Is  there  nat  nowe  priuate 
affection,  particuler  fauour,  displeasure,  and  haterede,  as  was 
at  that  tyme  ?  I  wolde  that  the  redars  hereof  be  iuges 
examinynge  these  my  wordes  with  dayly  experience. 

a  '  Difficile  autem  est,  cum  prsestare  omnibus  concupieris,  servare  sequitatem, 
quse  est  justitiae  maxime  propria.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  19. 

b  '  Facillime  autem  ad  res  injustas  impellitur,  ut  quisque  est  altissimo  animo,  et 
glorias  cupido.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  19. 

c  Mr.  Froude  says  :  '  The  more  old-fashioned  of  the  higher  ranks  were  slow  in 
moving  ;  for  as  late  as  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  there  were  peers  of  Parliament  un- 
able to  read.' — Hist,  of  Engl.  vol.  i.  p.  37,  ed.  1856.  Several  passages  have  been 
already  quoted  in  the  first  volume  of  this  work  which  corroborate  this  statement  ; 
and  the  following  from  Puttenham's  Arte  of  English  Poesie,  though  referring  to  a 
rather  later  period,  will  serve  as  a  commentary  to  the  text :  "  It  is  hard  to  find  in 
these  dayes  of  noblemen  or  gentlemen  any  good  Mathematician,  or  excellent 
Musitian,  or  notable  Philosopher,  or  els  a  cunning  Poet,  because  we  find  few 
great  Princes  much  delighted  in  the  same  studies.  So  as  I  know  very  many 
notable  gentlemen  in  the  Court  that  haue  written  commendably  and  suppressed 
it  agayne,  or  els  sufFred  it  to  be  publisht  without  their  owne  names  to  it,  as  if  it 
were  a  discredit  for  a  gentleman,  to  seeme  learned,  and  to  show  him  selfe  amorous 
of  any  good  Art.  In  other  ages  it  was  not  so,  for  we  read  that  Kinges  and 
Princes  haue  written  great  volumes  and  publisht  them  under  their  owne  regall 
titles.'— P.  1 6,  ed.  1811.  Mr.  Brewer,  in  speaking  of  Wolsey,  says:  'Grand 
and  munificent  as  were  his  notions  of  education,  it  is  hard  to  find  any  statesmen 
of  his  eminence  who  manifested  less  interest  in  the  revival  of  letters,  and  cared 
less  for  Ciceronianisms  and  Latin  elegancies.' — Letters  and  Papers,  vol.  i.  p. 
Ixxxvii. 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  303 

The  seconde  cause  that  condemneth  ambicion  is  couatyse 
of  treasure,  therwith  to  maintaine  their  ostentacion 
and  vayne  glorie,  which  ambicious  persones  do  calle 
their  honour.*  Wherby  they  be  procured  to  finde  iniust 
meanes  by  their  autoritie  to  prouide  for  suche  substaunce, 
wherwith  they  may  be  nat  onely  satisfied  (they  beinge  insa- 
ciable)  but  according  to  their  owne  appetite  fully  suffised.b 
Wherfore  the  Philosophers  called  Stoici  used  this  sentence. 
Great  indigence  or  lacke  cometh  nat  of  pouertie,  but  of  great 
plentie,  for  he  that  hathe  moche  shal  nede  moche.c  But  certes, 
suche  persones  ambicious  may  well  consider  that  the  men, 
magnificence  and  pompe  which  they  couaite  is  nat  so  moche 
wondred  at,  as  auarice  and  collection  of  money  is  uniuersally 
hated.  Wherfore  Darius,  king  of  Persia,  and  father  to  Xerxes, 
whan  he  had  commaunded  a  subsidie  to  be  leuyed  of  Plutarch. 
his  subiectes,  he  demaunded  the  chiefe  men  of  the  m  AP°Pht- 

a  Bacon  apparently  refers  to  this  meaning  of  the  word  when  he  says  :  '  Honour 
hath  three  things  in  it ;  the  vantage  ground  to  do  good,  the  approach  to  kings  and 
principal  persons,  and  the  raising  of  a  man's  own  fortunes.' — Essays,  p.  362. 

h  This  is  evidently  a  covert  allusion  to  the  notorious  greed  of  Wolsey.  Mr. 
Turner  gives  a  long  and  detailed  list  of  payments  extorted  by  the  Cardinal  from 
various  foreign  princes,  and  adds  :  '  That  Wolsey  had  other  pensions  from  other 
powers  and  persons,  who  had  purposes  to  obtain  from  his  favour,  we  can  as  little 
doubt  as  that  the  effect  of  these  would  be  to  make  all  applications  unpalatable  to 
him  that  came  unattended  with  donations,  which  his  enormous  expenditure  made 
every  day  more  necessary.' — Hist  of  Eng.  vol.  ix.  p.  240. 

c  This  is  translated  verbatim  from  Patrizi,  who  says ;  '  Scite  admodum  Stoici 
dicere  solebant,  Magnam  indigentiam  nasci  non  ex  inopia  magna,  sed  ex  magna 
copia,  multis  enim  egetquimultapossidet.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  iv.  tit.  9. 
And  Patrizi  himself  had  on  the  other  hand  merely  converted  to  his  own  use  the 
property  of  a  much  earlier  writer,  Aulus  Gellius,  as  the  reader  will  at  once  see  on 
comparing  the  above  passage  with  the  following  :  « Verum  est  profecto,  quod 
observato  rerum  usu  sapientes  viri  dixere,  multis  egere,  qui  multa  habeat ;  mag- 
namque  indigentiam  nasci  non  ex  inopia  magna,  sed  ex  magna  copia.' — Noct.  Att. 
lib.  ix.  cap.  8.  La  Bruyere  has  expressed  the  same  idea  in  the  following  epigram: 
'  L' occasion  prochaine  de  la  pauvrete,  c'est  de  grandes  richesses.' — Les  Caracteres 
de  Theophraste,  p.  517,  ed.  Pantheon  Litt.  On  the  other  hand  we  have  an  exact 
parallel  to  this  in  the  saying  of  Montaigne  :  '  Ce  n'est  pas  la  disette,  c'est  plustost 
1'abondance,  qui  produict  1'avarice.' — Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  403,  ed.  1854. 


304  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

contrayes,  whether  they  founde  them  selfe  greued,  they 
aunswerynge  that  they  were  in  a  metely  good  case,  he 
commaunded  the  one  halfe  to  be  eftsones  restored,  lest  he 
of  any  auarice  shulde  be  suspected.  a  By  the  which  act 
he  stablisshed  his  dignite  and  made  it  more  perfecte.  More 
ouer  Tulli  saieth,  To  take  any  thing  from  an  other  man, 

.   and  one  man  to  encrease  his  commoditie  with  an 
Ct.  Off.  in. 

other   mannes    detryment,    is    more   repugnaunt  to 

nature,  than  dethe,  than  pouertie,  payne,  or  other  thynge  that 
mought  happen  either  to  the  body  or  other  goodes  worldly .b 
And  this  for  nowe  suffiseth  to  speke  of  ambition. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

The  true  definition  of  Abstinence  and  Continence. 

ABSTINENCIE  and  continencie  be  also  companions  of  fortitude, 
and  be  noble  and  excellent  vertues,0  and  I  can  nat  tell  whither 
there  be  any  to  be  preferred  before  them,  specially  in  men 
hauynge  autoritie,  they  beinge  the  brydles  of  two  capitall 
vices,  that  is  to  saye,  Auarice  and  Lecherie  ;  whiche  vices, 
beinge  refrayned  by  a  noble  that  liueth  at  libertie  and  without 
controlement,  procureth  unto  hym,  beside  the  fauour  of  god, 
immortall  glorie.  And  that  citie  or  realme  wherof  the 


a  Tous  Se  <p6povs  rots  inrr]K6ois  rd^as,  fj.er€TTffj.^/aTO  rovs  irpcarovs  TUV 
Kai  irfpl  T&V  <(>6pcav  TjpccJrrjffe,  JUTJ  jSapels  eiffi  '  <f>i)(rdvT<i)v  Se  juerpuws  %Xfll'> 
re\eiv  TOI»S  •np.tfffis  eKacrrov.  —  Plut.  Reg.  et  Imp.  Apophth. 

b  '  Detrahere  igitur  aliquid  alteri,  et  hominem  hominis  incommode  suum 
augere  commodum,  magis  est  contra  naturam,  quam  mors,  quam  paupertas,  quam 
dolor,  quam  cetera  quae  possunt  aut  corpori  accidere  aut  rebus  externis.'  —  De  Off. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  5. 

c  Patrizi  speaks  of  them  as  convertible  terms.  '  Abstinentia  et  Continentia  his 
duabus  superioribus  virtutibus  conjunctse  sunt.  Hae  animi  ratione  ductae,  contra 
cupiditatem  ac  voluptatem  obluctantur,  quae  quanquam  idem  significare  videntur, 
et  altera  pro  altera  saepe  ponitur,  intellectu  tamen  quodam  discernuntur,  quum 
abstinentia  proprie  sit  quae  immodicas  voluptatum  illecebras  rationis  jugo  subjicit.' 
De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  vi.  tit.  21. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  305 

gouernours  with  these  vices  be  litle  or  nothynge  acquainted, 
do  abide  longe  in  prosperitie.  For,  as  Valerius  Maximus 
sayeth,.  where  so  euer  this  feruent  pestylence  of  mankynde 
hathe  entry,  Iniury  reigneth,  reproche  or  infamie  is  spradde,a 
and  deuoureth  the  name  of  nobilitie. 

The  propreties  of  these  two  vertues  be  in  this  maner. 
Abstinence  is  wherby  a  man  refrayneth  from  any  thinge, 
whiche  he  may  lefully  take,  for  a  better  purposed  Continence 
is  a  vertue  whiche  kepeth  the  pleasaunt  appetite  of  man  under 
the  yoke  of  reason.0  Aristotelle  in  his  Ethikes, 
making  them  bothe  but  one,  describeth  them  under 
the  name  of  continence,  sayenge,  He  that  is  continent,  for  as 
moche  as  he  knoweth  that  couaitous  desires  be  euill,  he  dothe 
abandone  them,  reason  persuadynge  hym.d  For  this  tyme  I 
take  Abstinence  for  the  wilfull  abandoninge  of  money,  pos- 
sessions, or  other  thinge  semblable ;  Continence  the  onely 
forberynge  the  unlefull  company  of  women. 

Martius  Coreolanus,  a  noble  yonge  man,  which  lineally 
descended  from  Ancus,  somtyme  king  of  Romaynes, 
whan  he  had  done  many  valiaunt  actes  and  achieued 
sondry  enterprises,  he  was  according  to  his  merites  commended 
in  the  armye  by  Posthumius,  than  being  consulle.  And  by 
their  uniuersall  assent  he  was  rewarded  with  all  suche  honours 
as  than  appertained  to  a  good  warriour.  Also  with  one 
hundrede  acres  of  arable  lande,  the  election  of  ten  prisoners, 
ten  horsis  apparailed  for  the  warres,  one  hundred  of  oxen,  and 
as  moche  siluer  as  he  mought  beare.  But  of  al  this  w^lde  he 
take  no  thing,  but  one  onely  prisoner  which  was  of  his 

•  '  Nam  quo  istse  generis  humani  certissimse  pestes  penetraverint,  ibi  injuria 
dominatur,  infamia  flagrat.' — Lib.  iv.  cap  3,  in  proem. 

b  This  definition  corresponds  as  nearly  as  possible  to  that  which  is  given  by 
modern  writers  on  ethics  of  the  virtue  of  temperance. 

c  Dr.  Whewell  defines  continence  as  '  the  control  within  moral  limits  of  tha 
bodily  Desire  which  is  called  Lust.' — El.  of  Mor.  p.  86. 

d  'O  8'  tyKparrts  tiS&s  cirt   (pav\ai  at    eVidtsjufcu   OVK  a,KO\ov6f?  Sta  rJ»i/  \6yov. — 
Arist.  Eth.  lib.  vii.  cap  I  (2). 

II.  X 


306  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

acquaintaunce,  and  one  courser,  whiche  all  wayes  after  he  used 
in  batayle.a 

Marcus  Curius,  the  very  rule  and  paterne  of  Fortitude 
and  moderate  lyuing,  whan  the  people  called  Sam- 
nites,  whiche  had  warres  with  the  Romanes,  founde 
him  sittynge  in  his  house  by  the  fire  upon  a  homely  fourme, 
eatynge  his  meate  in  a  disshe  of  tree,  they  brynginge  to  hym 
a  great  some  of  golde  by  the  consent  of  the  people,  and 
wondryng  at  his  pouertie,  with  courtaise  langage  desyred  him 
to  take  that  they  had  brought  him,  he  thereat  smilinge,  said 
thus  unto  them  :  Ye  ministers  of  .a  vaine  and  superfluous  mes- 
sage, shewe  you  to  the  Samnites  that  Curius  had  leuer  haue 
dominion  ouer  them  that  be  riche  than  he  him  selfe  to  haue 
richesse.  And  as  for  this  golde  whiche  ye  accounte  precious, 
take  it  agayne  with  you,  and  remembre  that  ye  can  neither 
vainquisshe  me  in  bataile  nor  corrupt  me  with  money .b 

Quintus  Tubero,  surnamed  Catelius,  what  tyme  he  was 

consulle,  the  people  in  Greece  called  ALtoli  sent  to 

him   by  their  ambassadours    a   great   quantitie    of 

siluer  vessell  curiousely  wrought  and  grauen.     But  whan  they 

came  to  him  they  founde  on  his  table  vessell  onely  of  erthe. 


*  '  Cn.  Marcius,  patriciae  gentis  adolescens,  Anci  regis  clara  progenies,cui  Corioli 
Volscorum  oppidum  captum  cognomen  adjecit,  cum  editis  conspicuse  fortitudinis 
operibus  a  Posthumo  Cominio  consule,  accurata  oratione  apud  milites  laudatus, 
omnibus  donis  militaribus,  et  agri  c.  jugeribus,  et  decem  captivorum  electione,  et 
totidem  ornatis  equis,  centenario  bourn  grege,  argentoque,  quantum  sustinere 
valuisset,  donaretur  ;  nihil  ex  his,  praeter  unius  hospitis  captivi  salutem,  equumque 
quo  in  acie  uteretur,  accipere  voluit. ' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  3,  §  4. 

b  '  M.  autem  Curius,  exactissima  norma  Romanse  frugalitatis,  idemque  fortitu- 
dinis perspectissimum  specimen,  Samnitum  legatis  agresti  se  in  scamno  assidentem 
foco,  atque  ligneo  catillo  coenantem  (quales  epulas,  apparatus  indicio  est)  spectan- 
dum  prsebuit.  Ille  enim  Samnitum  divitias  contemsit,  Samnites  ejus  paupertatem 
mirati  sunt.  Nam  cum  ad  eum  magnum  auri  pondus  publice  missum  attulissent, 
benignis  verbis  invitatus,  ut  eo  uti  vellet,  et  vultum  risu  solvit,  et  protinus,  ' '  Super- 
vacuse,"  inquit,  "ne  dicam  ineptse  legationis  ministri,  narrate  Samnitibus  M. 
Curium  malle  locupletibus  imperare,  quam  ipsum  fieri  locupletem  ;  atque  istud 
ut  pretiosum,  ita  malo  hominum  excogitatum  munus  refertote,  et  mementote,  me 
nee  acie  vinci,  nee  pecunia  corrumpi  posse."  ' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  3,  §  5. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  307 

And  whan  he  sawe  them  he  exhorted  them  that  they  shulde 
nat  suppose  that  his  continence,  as  if  it  were  pouertie,  shulde 
be  with  their  presentes  relieued.  And  with  that  sayenge, 
commaunded  them  to  departe.a 

To  Epaminondas,  the  Thebane,  being  in  his  tyme  as  well 
in  vertue  as  prowesse,  the  moste  noble  man  of  all  £pam{. 
Greece,  Arthaxerses,  king  of  Persia,  to  make  him  nondas. 
his  frende,  sent  one  of  his  seruauntes  to  Thebes  with  a  great 
quantitie  of  treasoure  to  gyue  to  Epaminondas.  Whiche  ser- 
uaunt,  knowynge  his  maners,  darst  nat  offre  it  unto  him  whan 
he  came,  but  speking  to  a  yonge  man  which  was  familiar  with 
Epaminondas,  gaue  unto  him  a  great  rewarde  to  meue  Epa- 
minondas to  receiue  the  kings  present.  Who  uneth  hering  the 
firste  wordes  of  the  yonge  man,  commaunded  the  kinges 
seruaunt  to  be  brought  unto  him,  unto  whome  he  had  these 
wordes.  Frende,  shewe  to  the  kynge  that  he  nedeth  nat  to 
offre  me  money,  for  if  he  haue  any  thinge  to  do  with  the 
Thebanes  for  a  good  purpose,  he  may  haue  their  assistence 
without  any  rewarde ;  if  the  purpose  be  nought,  he  can  nat 
with  all  the  treasoure  of  the  worlde  hope  to  optayne  it.  Whiche 
wordes  were  spoken  with  such  a  grauitie  that  the  sayd 
seruaunt,  beynge  a  ferde,  desired  Epaminondas  that  he 
mought  be  saulfly  conuaied  out  of  the  citie.  Whiche  he 
graunted  with  good  will,  lest  if  the  money  were  taken  away  he 
mought  of  the  receyuinge  therof  haue  ben  suspected.  More 
ouer,  he  caused  the  Thebane,  which  was  his  frende  and  com- 
panion, to  restore  to  the  messager  the  money  that  he  had 
receyued.b 

•  'Curii  et  Fabricii  Q.  ^Elium  Tuberonem  cognomine  Catum  discipulum 
fuisse  merito  quis  existimaverit.  Cui  consulatum  gerenti,  cum  ^tolorum  gens 
omnis  usus  vasa  argentea,  magno  pondere,  et  exquisita  arte  fabricata,  per  legates 
misisset,  qui  superiori  tempore  gratulandi  causa  ad  eum  profecti  retulerant,  "fictilia 
se  in  ejus  mensa  vasa  vidisse  ; "  monitos, "  ne  continentiae  quasi  paupertati  sucurren- 
dum  putarent,  cum  suis  sarcinis  abire  "  jussit.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  3,  §  7. 

b  *  Tentata  autem  ejus  est  abstinentia  a  Diomedonte  Cyziceno.  Namque  is 
rogatu  Artaxerxis  Epaminondam  pecunia  corrumpendum  susceperat.  Hie  magno 

X  2 


308  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Semblable  Abstinence  was  there  in  Phocion,  a  noble  coun- 
saylour  of  Athenes,  unto  whome  the  ambassadours  of 
the  great  kynge  Alexander  brought  from  their  maister 
a  hundred  Talentes  of  golde,  whiche  were  of  englysshe  money 
xii  thousande  pounde.  But  before  that  he  herde  them  speke 
any  thynge,  he  demaunded  of  them  why  to  him  onely  the 
kynge  sent  so  bounteous  a  rewarde.  And  they  aunswered  for  as 
moche  as  king  Alexander  iuged  him  onely  to  be  a  good  man 
and  a  iuste.  Than  suffre  ye  me,  sayd  Phocion,  to  be  and  to 
seme  the  same  man  that  your  kynge  do  iuge  me,  and  cary 
your  golde  agayne  to  him.a  The  same  Phocion,  the  ambas- 
sadour  of  Antipater  (who  succeded  the  great  king  Alexander 
in  Macedonia)  offred  to  gyue  a  great  some  of  money,  whiche 
Phocion  despisinge,  sayde  in  this  wise,  Sens  Antipater  is  nat 
gretter  than  Alexander  nor  his  cause  better,  I  do  nothinge 
perceyue  why  I  shulde  take  any  thinge  of  him.  And  whan 
the  Oratour  wolde  haue  hadde  Phocions  sonne  to  haue  taken 
the  money,  Phocion  answered,  If  his  sonne  wolde  be  lyke 

cum  pondere  auri  Thebas  venit  :  et  Micythum  adolescentulum  quinque  talentis  ad 
suam  perduxit  voluntatem  :  quern  turn  Epaminondas  plurimum  diligebat.  Micy- 
thus  Epaminondam  convenit,  et  causam  adventus  Diomedontis  ostendit.  At  ille 
Diomedonte  coram,  "Nihil,  "  inquit,  "  opus  pecunia  est.  Nam  si  earexvult,  quae 
Thebanis  sint  utilia,  gratis  facere  sum  paratus  :  sin  autem  contraria,  non  habet  auri 
atque  argenti  satis.  Namque  orbis  terrarum  divitias  accipere  nolo  pro  patrioe 
caritate.  Te,  qui  me  incognitum  tentasti,  tuique  similem  existimasti,  non  miror : 
tibique  ignosco  :  sed  egredere  propere,  ne  alios  corrumpas,  cum  me  non  potueris. 
Tu,  Micythe,  argentum  huic  redde  :  nisi  id  confestim  facis,  ego  te  tradam  magis- 
tratui."  Hunc  Diomedon  cum  rogaret,  ut  tuto  exire,  suaque,  quae  attulisset, 
liceret  efferre:  "  Istud,"  inquit,  "faciam,  nequetua  causa,  sed  mea  :  ne,  si  tibi  sit 
pecunia  ade'mta,  aliquis  dicat,  id  ad  me  ereptum  pervenisse,  quod  delatum  accipere 
noluissem."  A  quo  cum  quaesisset,  quo  se  deduci  vellet ;  et  ille,  Athenas,  dixisset, 
praesidium  dedit,  ut  eo  tuto  perveniret.  Neque  vero  id  satis  habuit,  sed  etiam  ut 
inviolatus  in  navem  ascenderet,  per  Chabriam  Atheniensem,  de  quo  supra  men- 
tionem  fecimus,  effecit.  Abstinentiae  erit  hoc  satis  testimonium. ' — Corn.  Nepos. 
Epam.  4. 

a  Tb  fJLfvrot  irepl  TU>V  XP?7A^T&>I/  &l*o\oyov(J.ei'6v  effnv,  on  Scopeai/  avrdf  Kareire^ev 
tKa.r'bv  taKavra.  TOVTWV  KOfj.tffOfVTwi'  ets  'AO-hvas  ypc&T'rjffei'  6  Quuioov  rovs  (pfpovras, 
ri  Si)  7TOT6  iro\\uv  ovr<av  '  A.dir)i>ai(av  avrcp  }i6vcf  roffavra  SiSoxrtv  'AAc'loj/Spos.  Elir6v- 
TUV  5e  eKeii'cav,  '  "Ori  ffe  Kpivei  p.6vov  &vSpa  Ka\bi>  Kal  ayaQ6v.'  '  Ou/coCi/,'  eJircv  & 
4>uKici)v,  (  faffdrw  /*e  /col  So/ceTv  ocl  KOI  flvat  TOIOVTOV.' — Plut.  Phocion.  1 8. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  309 

unto  hym  he  shulde  haue  no  nede  neither  of  that  money  nor 
of  none  other.  If  he  wolde  be  unlike  unto  him  and  of  disso- 
lute maners,  neyther  Antipaters  giftes  nor  none  others,  were 
they  neuer  so  great,  shulde  be  sufficient.* 

By  these  examples  it  dothe  appere  howe  good  men  dyd 
all  way  flee  from  rewardes,  all  though  they  mought  haue  ben 
lefully  taken,  which  in  them  was  neyther  folisshenes  nor  yet 
rusticitie,b  but  of  a  prudent  consideracion.  For  as  moche  as 
bothe  by  wisedome  and  experience  they  knewe  that  he,  whiche 
taketh  a  rewarde  before  any  thinge  dene,  is  no  lenger  at 
libertie,  but  of  a  free  man  is  made  bonde,  in  as  moche  as  he 
hath  taken  ernest  for  his  true  endeuour.c  Also  by  the 


•  Tou  Sc  Mfvv\\ov  Scapfav  OUT<£  KOI  XP^/J-ara  StSdi/ros,  ci.irfKpiva.To 
AAej-dvSpov  fte\rlova  €?vai  JU^TC  Kpfirrova  rfv  alriav  ^<J>'  y  A^^erot  vvv  6  r6re  p.^ 
Sf£d/j.€vos.  'AA\a  4>a>/cy  ye  T(f  iraiSl  AajSeiV  Seo/J-evov  rov  Mevv\\ov,  f  <bd>Kw  Se,'  elirei/, 
'  ^av  /j.fv  o-QHppovr}  fjL€ra^a\6[M€vos,  op/ceVet  ret  rov  irarp6s  •  us  S'l^ei  vvv,  ovSfv  IK.O.VOV 
tffriv.'  —  Plut.  Phocion.  30. 

b  I.e.  churlishness,  the  French  rusticit^  which  Cotgrave  translates,  'Rusticity, 
rudenesse,    clownishnesse,     incivility,     churlishnesse,    homelinesse,    plainnesse, 
ignorance,  or  ignorant  bashfulnesse.  '     It  would  almost  seem  as  if  La  Bruyere 
must  have  had  this  passage  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote  in  the  next  century,  '  II 
semble  que  la  rusticitt  n'est  autre  chose  qu'une  ignorance  grossiere  des  bienseances.  ' 
—  Les  Caract.  de  Theophr.  p.  17,  ed.  1688.   Spenser  uses  the  word  in  its  primitive, 
which  is  also  its  more  modern,  sense,  in  The  Faerie  Queene,  book  iii.  cant.  6  : 
*  Seemeth  that  such  wilde  woodes  should  far  expell 
All  civile  usage  and  gentility, 
And  gentle  sprite  deforme  with  rude  rusticity.' 

Poetical  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  i,  ed.  1866. 

By  Pontanus  'rusticitas'  is  opposed  to  'urbanitas,'  and  is  defined  to  be  the  defect 
from  a  mean  state  denominated  affability.  'Quern  habitum  rerum  scriptores 
moralium  Rusticitatem  libenter  appellavere,  neque  improprie  sane,  neque  incon- 
siderate, cum  teneritas  ipsa  jocandi  civilis  admodum  res  sit,  contra  rusticorum 
hominum  sive  rigiditas  sive  jocandi  fuga  atque  horror,  inhumanus  ille  quidem,  ab 
omnique  jucunditate  aversus.'  —  Opera,  torn.  ii.  fo.  213,  b.  ed.  1519. 

c  Mr.  Turner  has  some  remarks  on  the  subject  of  Wolsey's  bribery,  which 
might  almost  have  been  suggested  by  the  passage  in  the  text.  'It  must  be 
deemed  one  of  the  most  dishonourable  parts  of  Wolsey's  foreign  policy,  that  he 
adopted  a  system  of  receiving  gratuitous  gifts  and  annuities  from  foreign  powers. 
It  is  vain  to  allege  that  they  may  be  taken  without  corrupt  motives  or  con- 
sequences If  they  were  not  desired,  they  would  not  be  accepted  ;  if  they  were  not 
meant  to  influence,  they  would  not  be  given.  The  benefit  derived  from  them,  and 


3io 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


takynge  he  is  become  an  euill  man,  though  before  he  were 
good,  for  if  he  receyued  it  for  an  euill  purpose,  he  is  thanne  a 
wretche,  and  detestable.  If  the  matter  were  good,  than  is  he 
nat  rightwise  in  sellynge  a  good  deede,  whiche  he  aught  to  do 
thankefully  and  without  rewarde.  And  I  dought  nat  who  so 
euer  is  contented  with  his  present  astate,  and  supposeth  feli- 
citie  to  be  in  a  meane,  and  all  excesse  to  be  perillous,  will 
alowe  these  sentences  and  thinke  them  worthy  to  be  had  in 
remembraunce,  specially  of  them  that  be  gouernours.  For 
that  realme  or  citie  where  men  in  autorite  haue  their  handes 
open  for  money,  and  their  houses  for  presentes,  is  euer  in  the 
waye  to  be  subuerted.a  Wherfore  Caius  Pontius,  prince  of 
Samnites,  was  wont  to  saye,  I  wolde  god  (sayd  he)  that  fortune 
had  reserued  me  unto  the  tyme,  and  that  I  had  ben  than 


for  which  alone  they  are  taken,  is  the  inevitably  corrupting  circumstance.  The 
mind  ceases  to  be  upright  and  independent,  whatever  it  may  fancy  it  intends,  from 
the  moment  they  commence.  The  bias  may  be  insensible,  may  be  resolved 
against,  may  be  unforeseen  ;  but  it  is  certain  and  unavoidable  ;  and  when  the 
habits  of  life  are  formed  upon  the  amount  of  the  gifts,  their  abstraction  would 
produce  a  degradation,  the  fear  of  which  is  always  overawing  ;  as  their  assistance 
to  avert  a  change  is  a  continual  seduction.  The  minister  who  receives  pay  from  a 
foreign  power,  is  the  servant  of  that  power  ;  and  if  Henry  could  feel  it  unsafe,  and 
was  therefore  jealous  that  one  of  his  household  became  the  follower  of  another,  it 
cannot  but  be  perilous  to  a  country  that  any  member  of  its  Cabinet  should  receive 
regular  gratuities  from  a  different  government.  If  they  do  not  influence,  it  is  a 
fraud  on  the  giver  to  take  them,  because  they  are  granted  only  for  that  effect;  and 
as  far  as  they  bias,  they  produce  treasonable  connivance.  In  either  case  knavery  is 
inseparable  from  their  contact ;  and  the  great  interest,  which  nations  have  in  the 
simplicity  of  the  domestic  establishments  of  their  statesmen,  is,  that  all  expensive 
habits  cannot  subsist  without  adequate  expenditure;  and  that  this,  when  it  exceeds 
the  private  fortune  of  the  minister,  can  never  be  supplied  without  the  violation  of 
integrity  and  honour,  meant  or  not  meant,  perceived  or  not  anticipated,  by 
the  corrupted  or  self-deluding  individual.' — Hist,  of  Engl.  vol.  ix.  pp.  236,  237. 

a  Burke,  in  his  speech  on  the  Impeachment  of  Warren  Hastings,  said  :  '  There 
are  crimes,  undoubtedly,  of  great  magnitude,  naturally  fitted  to  create  horror,  and 
that  loudly  call  for  punishment,  that  have  yet  no  idea  of  turpitude  annexed  to 
them  ;  but  unclean  hands,  bribery,  venality,  and  peculation  are  offences  of  turpi- 
tude, such  as  in  a  governor  at  once  debase  the  person  and  degrade  the  government 
itself,  making  it  not  only  horrible,  but  vile  and  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  all 
mankind.' — Works,  vol.  vii.  p.  158,  ed.  1857. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  311 

borne  whan  the  Romaynes  shulde  begynne  to  take  gyftes ;  I 
shulde  than  nat  suffre  them  any  lenger  to  rule.a 

Paulus    Emilius,  whanne  he   hadde  vainquisshed  kynge 
Perses,and  subdued  all  Macedonia,  he  brought  into  the  paulus 
commune  treasory  of  Rome  an  infinite  treasure,  that  &**&**• 
the  substaunce  of  that  one  prince  discharged  all  the  Romaynes 
to  paye  euer  after  any  tax  or  subsidie.b     And  yet  of  all  that 
goodes  Emilius  brought  no  thinge  in  to  his  owne  house,  but 
onely  perpetuall  renoume.c 

Scipio,  whan  he  hadde  goten   and   destroyed  the  great 
citie  of  Chaithage,  he  was  nat  therfore  the  rycher  one  stipio  Af- 
halfepeny.d      By  this  it  appereth  that  honour  resteth  f^an. 
nat  in  richesse,  all  though  some  perchaunce  wyll  saye  that 
their  reuenues  be  small,6  and   that  they  muste  take  suche 


*  '  "  Utinam,"  inquit  C.  Pontius  Samnis,  "ad  ilia  tempora  me  fortuna  re- 
servasset  et  turn  essem  natus,  si  quando  Romani  dona  accipere  coepissent !  non 
essem  passus  diutius  eos  imperare."  ' — Cic.  de  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  21. 

b  Tats  5e  Mo«eSoi/t»cats  irpd^ffi  rov  Al/j.i\iov  ST^OTIKCOT drijf  irpoffypdQovat  x*Piv 
farfp  TUV  iro\\6)V,  &s  roffovruv  (Is  rb  SrjjiiJcrtoy  rJre  xprjfjidTwv  far'  avrov  rfOevruv, 
SHTTC  /j.f]K(Ti  5eTJ(rai  T&J/  STJ/J.OV  elffevryKeTv  &xpl  r<*>1'  'Iprfou  Kal  Havaa  xp6v<av,  o'L 
iff  pi  T\>V  TTpwrov  'A-vruviov  Kal  Kaiffapos  ir6\efji.ov  faraTeixrcw. — Plut.  sEmilius,  38. 

0  'E/cetvo  )neWot  rov  Alfj.i\iov  Qa.vp.cunbv,  '6n  rrj\iKavTTji/  /SatnAefcw  Karaarpe^d- 
pcvos  ouSe  Spox^p  pei^ova  rV  oixrlav  eTroirjaej/. — Ibid.  Tim.  cum  sEmil.  Comp. 

d  '  Imitatus  patrem  Africanus,  nihilo  locupletior  Carthagine  eversa.' — Cic. 
de  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  22. 

•  Bentham,  in  laying  down  the  rule  that  the  emoluments  of  a  public  functionary 
ought  to  be  sufficient  to  preserve  him  from  corruption,  tells  the  following  story  as 
illustrating  the  non-observance  of  the  rule :    '  M.   de  Launay  (Farmer- General 
under  Frederick  II.)  represented  to  the  King  that  the  salaries  of  the  Custom- 
house officers  were  too  small  for  their  subsistence,  and  that  it  would  be  but  justice 
to  augment  them  ;  he  added  that  he  could  insure  to  his  Majesty  that  every  one 
would  then  discharge  his  duty  better,  and  that  the  aggregate  receipts  in  all  the 
offices  would  be  larger  at  the  end  of  the  year.     "  You  do  not  know  my  subjects," 
said  Frederick  ;  "  they  are  all  rogues  where  my  interests  are  in  question.     I  have 
thoroughly  studied  them,  and  I  am  sure  they  would  rob  me  at  the  altar.     By 
paying  them  better,  you  would  diminish  my  revenues,  and  they  would  not  rob  me 
less."     "Sire,"  replied  M.  de  Launay,  "how  can  they  do  otherwise  than  steal? 
Their  salaries  are  not  enough  to  buy  them  shoes  and  stockings  !     A  pair  of  boots 
costs  them  a  month's  pay  !     At  the  same  time  many  of  them  are  married.    And 
where  can  they  obtain  food  for  their  wives  and  families,  if  it  is  not  by  conniving  at 


312  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

rewardes  as  be  lefull,  onely  to  maintayne  their  honour,  but 

lette  them   take   hede   to  the  sayenge  of  Tulli,   Nothynge 

.   is  more  to  be  abhorred  thanne  Auarice,  specially 

in  princis   and    theim  whiche   do   gouerne  publike 

weales.a 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  examples  of  Continence  gyuen  by  noble  men. 

NOWE  wyll  I  speke  of  Continence,  whiche  is  specially  in  re- 
frayninge  or  forbering  the  acte  of  carnall  pleasure,  where 
unto  a  man  is  feruently  meued,  or  is  at  libertie  to  haue  it.b 
Whiche  undoughtedly  is  a  thinge  nat  onely  difficile,  but  also 
wonderfull  in  a  man  noble  or  of  great  auctoritie,0  but  in 
suche  one  as  it  hapneth  to  be,  nedes  muste  be  reputed  moche 
vertue,  and  wisedome,  and  to  be  supposed  that  his  mynde  is 


the  smugglers  ?  There  is,  Sire,  a  most  important  maxim,  which  in  matters  of 
government  is  too  frequently  neglected.  It  is,  that  men  in  general  desire  to  be 
honest ;  but  it  is  always  necessary  to  leave  them  the  ability  of  being  so.  If  your 
Majesty  will  consent  to  make  the  trial  I  propose,  I  will  engage  that  your  revenues 
will  be  augmented  more  than  a  fourth."  The  maxim  in  morals,  thus  brought 
forward  by  M.  de  Launay,  appeared  to  the  King — beautiful  and  just  as  it  really  is 
in  itself —so  much  the  more  excellent  from  being  in  the  mouth  of  a  financier  ;  since 
men  of  this  class  are  not  in  general  reputed  to  know  many  such.  He  authorized 
the  experiment  ;  he  increased  the  salaries  of  the  officers  by  a  half,  and  his  revenues 
were  increased  a  third  without  any  new  taxes.' — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  244,  ed.  1843. 

•  '  Nullum  igitur  vitium  tetrius,  quam  avaritia,  prsesertim  in  principibus  rem- 
publicam  gubernantibus.' — De  Off,  lib.  ii.  cap.  22. 

b  Dr.  Grew,  the  celebrated  botanist  and  physiologist,  defines  continence  as 
'  Contentment,  without  the  pleasure  of  lawful  venery.' — Cosmologia  Sacra,  p.  74, 
ed.  1701.  The  reader  may  compare  this  with  a  still  more  modern  definition  by 
Dr.  Whewell,  see  note,  p.  305  ante. 

•  Patrizi  is  compelled  to  make  the  following  admission  :  '  Ab  hac  quidem 
amoris  perturbatione  pauci  ex  magnis  etiam  viris  immunes  innoxiique  omni  ex 
parte  evaserunt ;  facilius  namque  est  castitatis  ac  continentise  prsecepta  aliis  pras- 
scribere,  quam  sibi  ipsi.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  iv.  tit.  Ii. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  313 

inuincible,  considerynge  that  nothynge  so  sharpely  assaileth 
a  mannes  mynde  as  dothe  carnall  affection,  called  (by  the 
folowars  therof)  loue.a  Wherfore  Plato  sayeth,  that  the  soule 
of  man,  which  by  loue  is  possessed,  dieth  in  his  owne  body, 
and  lyueth  in  an  other. b 

The  great  kynge  Alexander,  after  his  firste  victorye  agayne 
kynge  Darius,  hauinge  all  wayes  in  his  hoste  the  wife 
of  the  same  Darius,  whiche  incomparably  excelled  all 
other  wemen  in  beaultie ;  after  that  he  had  ones  sene  her,  he 
neuer  after  wolde  haue  her  come  in  his  presence.  All  be  it  that 
he  caused  her  astate  still  to  be  maintayned,  and  with  as  moche 
honour  as  euer  it  was,  sayenge  to  them  whiche,  wondrynge 
at  the  ladyes  beautie,  meruailed  why  Alexander  dyd  nat 
desire  to  haue  with  her  company,  he  answered  that  it  shulde 
be  to  hym  a  reproche  to  be  any  wise  subdued  by  the  wife  of 
him  whom  he  had  vainquisshed.c 

*  The  writer  mentioned  in  the  last  note  acknowledges  the  force  of  passion  and 
the  difficulty  of  resisting  it  :  '  Pnecipue  quum  prima  ilia  pubertatis  aetas,  quae 
magis  a  Venere  incessitur,  infirma  sit,  et  vix  ullis  rationis  habenis  coerceri  possit.' 
— Ubi supra.  Mr.  Lecky  says:  'It  was  a  favourite  doctrine  of  the  Christian 
Fathers  that  concupiscence,  or  the  sensual  passion,  was  ' '  the  original  sin "  of 
human  nature  ;  and  it  must  be  owned  that  the  progress  of  knowledge,  which  is 
usually  extremely  opposed  to  the  ascetic  theory  of  life,  concurs  with  the  theological 
view,  in  showing  the  natural  force  of  this  appetite  to  be  far  greater  than  the  well- 
being  of  man  requires.' — Hist.  Eur.  Mor.  vol.  ii.  p.  298,  ed.  1869. 

b  The  author  has  borrowed  this  from  Patrizi,  who  says :  *  Plato  dicebat 
animum  ejus,  qui  amore  tenetur,  in  suo  corpore  mori,  in  alieno  autem  vivere  ; '  but 
Patrizi  was  himself  doubtful  of  his  authority,  for  he  adds  :  '  Sunt  qui  hanc  sen- 
tentiam  Catonis  esse  putent,  quoniam  ipse  eandem  crebris  sermonibus  usurpabat.' 
—  De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  iv.  tit.  II.  Plutarch,  however,  unhesitatingly  ascribes 
the  dictum  to  the  elder  Cato  :  ToD  8'  fpwTos  eA.c7e  r^v  i|>i>xV  &  aXXorpltf 
^r}". —  Cato  Major,  9. 

0  Kairoi  XeyeTai  76  rfyv  Aapeiov  yvvaiKa  iro\v  Traffcav  TUV  &a(Ti\i8(ai/ 
T/JJ/  yevtaQai,  icaBdirep  KOI  avrbs  Aopt'ios  avSpwv  Kd\\i<rros  /col  p^yurrOf,  ras  8e 
TratSas  e'oi/ceVai  rots  yovfvfftv.  'AAA.'  'AAe'£aj/5pos,  us  €0i«e,  TOU  VIKO.V  rovs  iro\efj.iovs 
rb  Kpm€?v  eouTou  ftaffiXiKcoTepov  yyovfjifvos,  oijre  TOVTUV  ediyev  ofoe  &\\riv  fyi^ca 
yvvaiKa  irpb  yd/J-ov  TT\^V  BapfflvT)S  .  .  .  Kal  irepl  eouroG  Kara  \e£iv  ev  Tavrrj  rr, 
firi(TTo\rj  yeypatper  '  '£70?  yap  ovx  2ri  (wpaK&s  tiv  eype^eirjj/  T^JV  Aapetov  yvvaiKa.  % 

eTv,  oAA.'  oi»8€  rwv  Xeytivrwv  irepl   TTJS    fv/jiOp<pias  avr^s 
riv  \oyov! — Plut.  Alex.  21,  22. 


314  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Antiochus,  the  noble  king  of  Asia,  beinge  in  the  citie  of 

Ephesum,  behelde  a  virgine  beinge  a  Mynchen  in  the 

temple  of  Diana  to  be  of  excellent  beautie,  where  he 

perceiuing  him  selfe  to  be  rauisshed  in  the  loue  of  the  mayden, 

he  hastely   and    immediatly  departed   out  of  the  citie,  lest 

loue  shulde  constrayne  him  to  violate  a  virgine  ;a  wisely  con- 

siderynge  that  it  was  best  to  abstayne  from  doinge  batayle 

with  that  enemye  whiche  unethe  mought  be  vainquisshed  but 

with  flight  onely. 

The  valyaunt  Pompei,  whanne  he  had  vainquisshed  the 
kynge  Mithridates,  and  had  taken  diuers  of  his  concu- 
ompeii  .  jn  beautie  excelled,  he  wolde  haue  no 


carnall  knowlege  with  any  of  them  ;  but  whan  he  knewe  that 
they  were  of  noble  lignage,  he  sent  them  undefiled  to  their 
parentes  and  kynnesfolke.  b 

Semblably  dyd  Scipio  whan  he  wanne  Carthage.0     For 

amonge  diuers  women  whiche  were  there  taken,  one 

moste  fairest  of  other  was  brought  unto  hym  to  do 

with  her  his  pleasure.    But  after  that  she  had  discouered  to  him 

that  she  was  affiaunced  to  a  gentill  man,  called  Indibilis,  he 

caused  him  to  be  sent  for,  and  whan  he  behelde  the  lamentation 

and  signes  of  loue  betwene  them,  he  nat  onely  delyuered  her 

to  Indibilis,  with  her  raunsome,  whiche  her  frendes  hadde 


*     r/p    e  rrs 

'E(/>e<rou,  <f>o/3ov/j.Gvos)  /J.))  irapa.  yvd>fj,i)v  eKfiia&dfj  irpa£ai  n  TU>V  ov%  dffiwv.  —  Plut.  Reg. 
et  Imp.  Apophth. 

b  "Offai  8e  r&v  Midpifidrov  7raA\a/fi8wi/  d^x07j<roj/,  ouSeju.tcu'  ey;>&>,  irdffas  8e  rots 
yovevffi  Kal  oineiois  aveirefjiirev.  ^Hffav  yb.p  at  iro\\al  dvyarepes  /cal  yvvounes  CTTpaTt]- 
ywv  Kal  ivvaffruv.  —  Plut.  Pompeius,  36. 

c  *  Quartum  et  vicesimum  annum  agens  Scipio,  cum  in  Hispania  Carthagine 
oppressa,  majoris  Carthaginis  capiendse  sumsisset  auspicia,  multosque  obsides,  quos 
in  ea  urbe  Poeni  clauses  habuerant,  in  suam  potestatem  redegisset,  eximise  inter 
eos  formse  virginem,  aetatis  adultae,  et  juvenis,  et  ccelebs,  et  victor,  postquam  com- 
perit  illustri  loco  inter  Celtiberosnatam,  nobilissimoque  gentis  ejus  Indibili  despon- 
satam,  arcessitis  parentibus,  et  sponso  inviolatam  tradidit.  Aurum  quoque,  quod 
pro  redemtione  puellse  allatum  erat,  summae  dotis  adjecit.  Qua  continentia  ac 
munificentia  Indibilis  obligatus,  Celtiberorum  animos  Romanis  applicando,  meritis 
ejus  debitam  gratiam  retulit.'—  Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  3,  §  I. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  315 

payde  for  her  redemption,  but  also  added  therto  an  honorable 
porcion  of  his  owne  treasour.  By  the  whiche  continence  and 
liberalitie  he  wanne  the  hertes  of  Indibilis  and  all  his  blode, 
wherby  he  the  soner  optained  and  wanne  all  the  contraye. 
Of  this  vertue  be  examples  innumerable,  as  well  of  gentiles  as 
of  christen  men.  But  these  for  this  tyme  shall  suffise,  sauynge 
that  for  the  straungenesse  of  it,  I  will  reherce  a  notable  historic 
whiche  is  remembred  by  the  moste  excellent  doctour,  saynt 
Hierome. 

Valerian,  beinge  emperour  of  Rome,  and  persecutynge 
the  churche,  in  Egipt  a  christen  man  was  presented  A  won- 
unto  him,  whome  he  beholdynge  to  be  yonge  and  derfufl 
lusty,  thinkynge  therfore  to  remoue  him  from  the  in  Christen 
faythe,  rather  by  veneriall  motions,  thanne  by  sharpe-  martyr- 
nesse  of  tourmentes,  caused  hym  to  be  layde  in  a  bedde  within 
a  fayre  gardayne,  hauynge  about  him  all  flowres  of  swete 
odour  and  moste  delectable  sauours  and  perfumes.  And  than 
caused  a  fayre  tender  yonge  woman  to  be  layde  by  him  all 
naked,  who  ceased  nat  swetely  and  louingly  to  embrace  and 
kysse  him,  showinge  to  him  all  pleasaunt  deuises,  to  the  intent 
to  prouoke  him  to  do  fornication.  Ther  lacked  litle  that  the 
yonge  man  was  nat  vainquisshed  ;  and  that  the  flesshe  yelded 
nat  to  the  seruice  of  Venus,  that  perceyuinge  the  yonge  man, 
whiche  was  armed  with  grace,  and  seinge  none  other  refuge,  he 
with  his  teethe  dyd  gnawe  of  his  owne  tunge,  wherin  he  suffred 
such  incredible  payne,  that  therwith  the  furious  brennyng  of 
voluptuous  appetite  was  utterly  extinct*  In  this  notable 


•  'Alium  juvenili  setate  florentem,  in  amoenissimos  hortulos  praecepit  abduci. 
Ibique  inter  lilia  candentia  et  rubentes  rosas,  cum  leni  juxta  murmure  aquarum 
serperet  rivus,  et  molli  sibilo  arborum  folia  ventus  praestringeret,  super  exstructum 
plumis  lectum  resupinari,  et  ne  se  inde  posset  excutere,  blandis  sertorum  nexibus 
irretitum  relinqui.  Quo  cum,  recedentibus  cunctis,  meretrix  speciosa  venisset,  coepit 
delicatis  stringere  colla  complexibus  :  et  quod  dictu  quoque  scelus  est,  manibus 
attrectare  virilia  :  ut  corpore  in  libidinem  concitato,  se  victrix  impudica  superjaceret. 
Quid  ageret  miles  Christi,  et  quo  se  verteret,  nesciebat.  Tandem  coelitus  inspiratus, 
praecisam  mordicus  linguam  in  osculantis  se  faciem  exspuit ;  ac  sic  libidinis  sensum 


316  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

acte,  I  wote  nat  which  is  to  be  moste  commended,  either  his 
inuincible  courage  in  resisting  so  moche  agayne  nature,  or  his 
wisedome  in  subduynge  the  lasse  payne  with  the  more,  and 
bytinge  of  that  wherby  he  mought  be  constrayned  to  blas- 
pheme god  or  renounce  his  religion.  Suer  I  am  that  he 
therfore  receyued  immortall  lyfe  and  perpetuall  glorie.a  And 
this  I  suppose  suffiseth  to  persuade  men  of  good  nature  to 
embrace  Continence.  I  meane  nat  to  lyue  euer  chaste,  but 
to  honour  matrimony ,b  and  to  have  good  awayte,  that  they 
lette  nat  the  sparkes  of  concupiscence  growe  in  great  flames, 
wherewith  the  wyttes  shall  be  dryed  up,  and  all  noble  vertues 
shall  be  deuoured. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
Of  Constance  or  Stabilitie. 

IN  buyldinge  of  a  fortresse  or  other  honorable  mantion,  it 
aught  to  be  well  considered  that  the  cement,  wherewith  the 
stones  be  layde,  be  firme,  and  well  bindynge.  For  if  it  be 
brokle,c  and  will  mouldre  a  way  with  euery  showre  of  raine, 

succedens  ddloris  magnitude  superavit.' — Hieron.  in  vita  S.  Pauli  Eremites. 
Migne  ed.  torn.  ii.  col.  19. 

a  Mr.  Lecky,  who  calls  this  'an  incredible  story,'  quotes  it  as  one  of  '  a  crowd 
of  very  curious  popular  legends,  which  though  they  are  for  the  most  part  without 
much  intrinsic  excellence,  have  their  importance  in  history,  as  showing  the  force 
with  which  the  imaginations  of  men  were  turned  in  this  direction  (i.e.  to  regard 
purity  as  essentially  good),  and  the  manner  in  which  Christianity  was  regarded  as 
the  great  enemy  of  the  passions  of  the  flesh.' — Hist.  Europ.  Mor.  vol.  ii.  p.  337, 
ed.  1869. 

b  The  writer  last  quoted  says  :  '  It  is  an  undoubted  truth  that,  however  much 
moralists  may  enforce  the  obligation  of  extra-matrimonial  chastity,  this  obligation 
has  never  been  even  approximately  regarded  ;  and  in  all  nations,  ages,  and  reli- 
gions a  vast  mass  of  irregular  indulgence  has  appeared,  which  has  probably  con- 
tributed more  than  any  other  single  cause  to  the  misery  and  the  degradation  of 
man.' — Hist.  Eiirop.  Mor.  vol.  ii.  p.  298. 

c  In  the  author's  own  Dictionary,  the  Latin  word  Fragilis  is  translated  '  brokell, 
soone  broken,'  and  Fragititas  'brokylnes,  inconstancy.'  In  the  Promptorium 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  317 

the  buyldynge  may  nat  contynewe,  but  the  stones  beinge  nat 
surely  couched  and  mortred,  falleth  a  way  one  after  an  other, 

Parvulorum,  which  is  the  earliest  known  Fnglish-Latin  dictionary,  we  find 
'  Freyl  (i.e.  frail)  and  brokulle,  or  brytylle  (febyl,  febyll  or  brekyll)  FragilisJ  and 
in  another  part  of  the  same  work,  '  Brokdol  or  frees  (brokyl  or  fres,  brokill  or 
feers),  Fragilis,?  p.  53,  ed.  1843.  The  Editor,  however,  ventures  to  suggest  that 
'  brokkol '  should  be  read  instead  of  '  brokdol '  in  the  second  passage,  as  these 
words  are  obviously  the  same.  In  John  Baret's  Alvearie,  published  in  1573,  we 
find  '  Frayle,  brickie,  soone  broken,'  as  equivalents  of  fragilis,  and  Ovid's  'Fama 
caduca,'  translated  '  Brickie  fame  and  unconstant.'  The  Editor  would  suggest  also 
that  'brokil'  should  be  read  instead  of  'brutil,'  and  '  brokelnesse '  for  « brutelnesse, ' 
as  now  printed  in  the  Aldine  edition  of  Chaucer,  when  the  following  passages  in 
The  Marchauntes  Tale  would  run  thus  : — 

'  On  brokil  ground  thay  bulde,  and  brokelnesse, 
Thay  fynde,  whan  they  wene  sikernesse.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  319. 

'  "  My  wyf,"  quod  he  "  ther  may  no  wight  say  nay; 
Thexperiens  so  preveth  every  day  ; 
The  tresoun  which  that  womman  doth  to  man 
Ten  hundrid  thousand  stories  tellen  I  can, 
Notable  of  your  untrouth  and  brokelnesse."  ' 

Ibid.  p.  348. 

Sir  Thomas  More,  in  his  Treatise  upon  the  Passion,  written  in  1534,  when  he  was 
a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  says  :  '  And  all  his  enemies  shal  he  cast  down  to  be  as  a 
footestoole  under  his  feete.  Suche  as  didde  their  endeuour  to  breake  his  bondes, 
and  to  shake  his  yoke  from  them,  those  he  shall  spyte  of  their  teeth,  rule  with 
an  yron  rod,  and  as  a  brickell  earthen  pot  in  pieces  al  to  frush  them.' —  Works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  1398,  ed.  1557.  Fabyan,  in  his  Chronicle,  printed  in  1516,  in  his 
History  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  says  :  '  It  is  founde  that  whan  this  blessyd 
Kynge  Edwarde  had  receyued  deuyne  monyssion  that  he  shuld  chaunge  this 
transetory  and  bryckell  lyfe  for  the  lyfe  euerlastynge,  he  sykened  in  the  Cristen- 
mas  weke.' — P.  231,  ed.  1811.  Spenser,  in  the  Ruines  of  Time,  written  at  the 
end  of  the  i6th  century,  says  : — 

'  I  saw  an  Image,  all  of  massie  gold, 
Placed  on  high  upon  an  altare  faire, 

#  #  * 

But  th'  altare,  on  the  which  this  Image  staid 
Was  (O  great  pitie  ! )  built  of  brickie  clay, 
That  shortly  the  foundation  decaid, 
With  showres  of  heaven  and  tempests  worne  away, 
Then  downe  it  fell,  and  low  in  ashes  lay.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  305,  Aid.  ed.  1866. 
It  only  remains  to  be  said  that  Richardson  does  not  notice  the  form  of  the  word 


318  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

and  finally  the  hole  house  is  defaced,  and  falleth  in  ruyne. 
Semblably,  that  man  which  in  childehode  is  brought  up  in 
sondry  vertues,  if  eyther  by  nature,  or  els  by  custome,  he  be 
nat  induced  to  be  all  way  constant  and  stable,  so  that  he  meue 
nat  for  any  affection,  griefe,  or  displeasure,  all  his  vertues  will 
shortely  decaye,  and,  in  the  estimation  of  men,  be  but  as  a 
shadowe,  and  be  soone  forgoten. 

a  [Also  if  a  paynter  hadde  wrought  in  a  table  some  peace  of 
portrayture  wonderfull  elegant  and  pleasaunt  to  beholde,  as 
well  for  the  good  proportion  and  figure,  as  for  the  fresshe  and 
delectable  colours,  but  for  as  moche  as  in  temperynge  his 
colours,  he  lacked  good  size,b  wherwith  they  shulde  have  ben 
bounden,  and  made  to  endure  ;  after  that  the  image  hathe  ben 
a  litle  while  pleasaunt  to  the  beholders,  the  colours  beynge  nat 
suerly  wrought,  either  by  moystnesse  of  wether  relenteth  c  or 

used  by  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  in  the  text,  though  he  derives  brickie  from  the  Dutch 
(Teutonic?)  brokel. 

*  The  passage  within  brackets  has  been  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent 
editions. 

b  'All  writers,' says  Sir  Charles  Eastlake,  'agree  that  oil  painting  was  first 
introduced  about  the  year  1410.'  And  we  are  told  that  '  resistance  to  humidity 
was  the  original  recommendation  of  oil  painting  in  its  rudest  form  and  dictated  its 
applications.  For  a  long  period  after  the  new  process  was  known,  the  higher  aims 
of  art  found  their  expression  chiefly  in  tempera  — a  method  which  however  defective 
in  some  respects,  was  at  least  not  open  to  objection,  south  of  the  Alps,  on  account  of 
its  liability  to  decay.  In  Flanders,  on  the  contrary,  tempera  was  soon  acted  on 
by  damp  ;  and  hence  oil  painting,  for  fine  works  of  art  as  well  as  for  common 
purposes,  was  there  the  result  of  necessity.  These  different  conditions  of  climate 
explain  both  the  earlier  demand  for  oil  painting  in  the  North,  and  the  long 
indifference  of  the  Italians  even  to  the  improved  method  of  Van  Eyck,  when  it 
was  proposed  to  apply  it  to  purposes  for  which  it  was  not  absolutely  necessary.' — 
Hist,  of  Oil  Painting,  vol.  ii.  p.  61,  ed.  1869. 

c  I.e.  grow  soft,  dissolve.  In  the  author's  Dictionary  the  Latin  word  'liquesco' 
is  rendered  '  to  relente  ; '  and  in  the  Promptorium,  which  was  compiled  about 
1440,  we  find  '  relentyn,  Resolvo,  liquo,'  p.  429  ;  and  in  the  Vulgaria  of  William 
Herman,  Head  Master  of  Eton  College,  printed  by  Wynkyn  de  Worde  in  1530, 
we  find  under  the  head  of  De  Philosophicis  the  Latin  phrase  '  aqua  egelida  est ' 
rendered  thus  :  'This  water  is  relent  fro  frost.'  In  the  Abecedarium,  or  Eng.- 
Lat.  Diet,  of  Huloet,  published  in  1552,  we  find,  l  Relent,  contabesco,  egelidor, 
liquesco.  Relented,  egelidus,  fluidus,  flexus.  Relented,  to  be,  fluesco.'  And  in  the 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  319 

fadeth,  or  by  some  stroke  or  falle  scaleth  of,  or  mouldreth  a 
waye,  by  reason  wherof  the  image  is  utterly  deformed,  and 

later  edition  of  the  last-mentioned  work,  published  in  1572,  we  find  '  Relente,  or 
to  melte  as  waxe  and  suche  lyke  dothe,  Liqui,  Liquere,  Liquescere,  Colliquescere, 
Eliquescere,  se  fondre.'  And  '  Relented,  Fluidus.'  Again  in  Baret's  Alveat  ie, 
published  a  year  later,  we  find,  '  to  Relent,  or  dissolue  as  yce  that  thaweth  doth, 
egelidor,'  and  the  following  example  given  :  'The  sorow  leaueth  me  often  for  a 
time,  and  beginneth  to  relent  or  asswage  ;  dat  intervalla  et  relaxat  dolor. '  Bacon 
in  his  Nat.  Hist,  says  :  *  We  see  that  there  be  some  houses,  wherein  sweet-meats 
will  relent,  and  baked  meats  will  mould,  more  than  in  others  ;  and  wainscots  will 
also  sweat  more  ;  so  that  they  will  almost  run  with  water  ;  all  which,  no  doubt,  are 
caused  chiefly  by  the  moistness  of  the  air  in  those  seats.'  And  again:  'Land- 
birds,  as  crows,  swallows,  &c.,  when  they  fly  from  the  land  to  the  waters,  and 
beat  the  waters  with  their  wings,  do  foreshew  rain  and  wind.  The  cause  is, 
pleasure  that  both  kinds  take  in  the  moistness  and  density  of  the  air.  For  the 
same  reason  also  crows  seem  to  call  upon  rain,  all  which  is  but  the  comfort  they 
seem  to  receive  in  the  relenting  of  the  air.' — Works,  vol.  iv.  pp.  430,  434,  ed. 
1826.  The  Hon.  Robert  Boyle,  the  celebrated  experimental  philosopher  of  the 
1 7th  century,  in  his  History  of  Fluidity,  says  :  '  If  you  take  salt  of  tartar,  first 
brought  to  fusion,  and  place  it  in  a  cellar,  or  even  in  an  ordinary  room,  it  will  in 
a  short  time  (now  and  then  in  a  few  minutes)  begin  to  relent,  and  have  its  surface 
softened  by  the  imbibed  moisture  of  the  air,  wherein  if  it  be  left  long  enough  it 
will  totally  be  dissolved  into  clear  liquor.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  393,  ed.  1772.  In 
a  poem  called  Wittes  Pilgrimage,  by  John  Davies  of  Hereford,  but  which  is 
erroneously  attributed  by  Dr.  Latham  to  his  much  more  celebrated  namesake  the 
poetical  Attorney -General  for  Ireland,  the  word  is  used  in  an  active -sense  : 

'  Thou  art  a  Pearle  which  nothing  can  relent 
But  Viniger  made  of  Deuotions  teares.' 

Stanza  17,  ed.  1603. 
And  Spenser  in  his  Hymns  uses  the  word  in  this  sense  : 

'  Ayre  hated  earth,  and  water  hated  fyre, 
Till  Love  relented  their  rebellious  yre.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  221. 
And  several  times  in  the  Faerie  Queene  : 

'  Beldame,  your  words  doe  worke  me  little  ease; 
For  though  my  love  be  not  so  lewdly  bent 
As  those  ye  blame,  yet  may  it  nought  appease 
My  raging  smart,  ne  ought  my  flame  relent. ,' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  267. 
Again : 

(Tyme)   '  Beates  doune  both  leaves  and  buds  without  regard, 
Ne  ever  pitty  may  relent  his  malice  hard.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  u. 


320  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

the  Industrie  of  the  warke  man  beinge  neuer  so  excellent  is 
perisshed,  and  accounted  but  for  a  vanitie.] 

So  he  that  hath  all  the  giftes  of  nature  and  fortune,  and 
also  in  his  childehode  is  adourned  with  doctrine  and  vertue, 
whiche  he  hathe  acquired  with  moche  trauayle,  watche,  and 
studye,  if  he  adde  nat  to  Constance,  whan  he  cometh  to  the 
tyme  of  experience,  whiche  experience  is  as  it  were  the  warke 
of  the  craftes  man,  but  meued  with  any  private  affection,  or 
feare  of  aduersitie  or  exterior  damage,  will  omitte  any  parte 
of  his  lernynge  or  vertue,  the  estimation  of  his  persone  irnme- 
diatly  ceaseth  amonge  perfecte  warkemen,  that  is  to  saye,  wise 
men,  and  finally  nothynge  beinge  in  him  certayne  or  stable, 
what  thinge  in  hym  may  be  commended?  And  in  one  thynge 
me  semeth  that  Constance  hathe  equall  prayse  with  iustyce, 
that  is  to  saye,  that  he  that  is  him  selfe  iniuste,  loueth  that 
persone  that  dealeth  iustely  with  him,  and  contrary  wise 
hateth  that  persone  that  dealeth  iniustely,  or  dothe  him 
wronge.  In  like  wise,  he  whiche  is  inconstant,  extolleth  him 
whome  he  fyndeth  constant,  and  desireth  to  haue  him  his 
frende  ;  on  the  other  parte,  whome  he  proueth  inconstant  and 
wauerynge,  he  is  angry  with  him,  and  accounteth  him  a 
beeste,  and  unworthy  the  company  of  men,  and  awayteth 
diligently  to  trust  hym  with  nothinge.  We  note  in  children 
inconstance,  and  likewise  in  women  ;  the  one  for  sklender- 
nesse  of  witte,  the  other  as  a  naturall  sickeriesse.a  Therfore 
men  use,  in  rebukynge  a  man  of  inconstance,  to  calle  hym 
a  childisshe  or  womanly  persone.b  All  be  it  some  women 
nowe  a  dayes  be  founden  more  constant  than  men,  and 


*  '  Women,'  says  Mr.  Lecky,  'are  intellectually  more  desultory  and  volatile  than 
men.  Men  are  most  addicted  to  intemperance  and  brutality,  women  to  frivolity 
and  jealousy.'—  Hist.  Eur.  Mor.  vol.  ii.  pp.  379,  381,  ed.  1869. 

b  '  We  esteem  the  man  who  supports  pain  and  even  torture  with  manhood  and 
firmness  ;  and  we  can  have  little  regard  for  him  who  sinks  under  them,  and 
abandons  himself  to  useless  outcries  and  womanish  lamentations.' — Adam  Smith, 
Theory  of  Mor.  Sent.  p.  358,  ed.  1853. 


THE    GOVERNOUR,  321 

specially  in  loue  towarde  their   husbandes ;  or   els   mought 
there  happen  to  be  some  wronge  inheritours.* 

Constance  is  as  propre  unto  a  man  as  is  reason,  and  is  of 
suche  estimation,  that  according  as  it  was  spoken  of  a  wise 
man,  it  were  better  to  haue  a  constant  enemye  thanne  an  in- 
constant frende.b  Wherof  I  my  selfe  haue  had  sufficient  ex- 

*  Montaigne's  opinion  on  this  point  was  just  the  reverse  of  this  :  '  II  n'en  est 
pas  a  douzaines,  comme  chascun  S9ait,  et  notamment  aux  debvoirs  de  mariage  ;  car 
c'est  un  marche  plein  de  tant  d'espineuses  circonstances,  qu'il  est  malayse  que  la 
volonte  d'une  femme  s'y  maintienne  entiere  long  temps  :  les  hommes,  quoyqu'ils 
y  soyent  avecques  un  peu  meilleure  condition,  y  ont  trop  affaire.  La  touche  d'un 
bon  mariage,  et  sa  vraye  preuve,  regarde  le  temps  que  la  societe  dure  ;  si  elle  a  este 
constamment  doulce,  loyale,  et  commode.  En  nostre  siecle,  elles  reservent  plus  com- 
munement  a  estaler  leurs  bons  offices,  et  la  vehemence  de  leur  affection,  envers 
leurs  maris  perdus  ;  cherchent  au  moins  lors  a  donner  tesmoignage  de  leur  bonne 
volonte.' — Essais,  torn.  iii.  p.  227,  ed.  1854. 

b  Apparently  the  reference  is  to  the  following  passage  in  a  work  sometimes 
attributed  to  S.  Chrysostom,  but  which  is  not  generally  admitted  as  genuine,  and 
is  not  printed  in  Migne's  collection  of  the  works  of  that  father  :  '  Nam  inimicus 
manifestus  melior  est,  quam  amicus  fictus.' — Opus  Imperfectum.  HorniL  xlii.  in 
Matt.  cap.  xxii.  ed.  Caillau,  torn.  viii.  p.  458.  Considerable  doubt  was  cast  upon 
the  authorship  of  this  work  by  men  who  were  contemporaries  with  Sir  Thomas 
Elyot.  Thus  Bishop  Ridley,  in  A  brief  declaration  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  after 
quoting  a  passage  from  it  alludes  thus  to  its  supposed  spuriousness  :  '  "The  author," 
saith  one,  ' '  is  suspected. "  I  answer,  but  in  this  place  never  fault  was  found  with  him 
unto  these  our  days.  And  whether  the  author  were  John  Chrysostom  himself, 
the  Archbishop  of  Constantinople,  or  no,  that  is  not  the  matter :  for  of  all  it  is 
granted,  that  he  was  a  writer  of  that  age,  and  a  man  of  learning.' — Works,  p.  33, 
ed.  1841,  Parker  Soc.  And  Bradford,  relating  a  conversation  between  the  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  the  Bishop  of  Chichester,  and  himself,  mentions  that  he  quoted  a 
phrase  of  Chrysostom,  upon  which  the  Archbishop  exclaimed,  '  Indeed  that  is  of 
Chrysostom  in  Opere  Imperfecto,  which  may  be  doubted  of.' — Writings,  p.  529,  ed. 
1848,  Parker  Soc.  Dr.  Whitaker,  at  the  end  of  the  century,  says:  'Some  do, 
indeed,  suppose  that  these  homilies  were  written  by  one  Maximus,  who  was  an 
Arian.' — Disputation,  p.  684,  ed.  1849,  Parker  Soc.  The  'Opus  Imperfectum' 
was  interdicted  by  the  Index  Romanus  of  Pope  Paul  IV.  in  1559,  but  the  prohi- 
bitory sentence  was  withdrawn  by  Pius  IV.  in  1564,  and  by  Clement  VIII.  in 
1596.  Bellarmin  thinks  it  credible  that  the  author  was  a  Catholic,  but  that  his 
work  was  depraved  by  the  Arians  ;  and  it  has  been  supposed  by  Montfaucon  that 
he  could  not  have  lived  before  the  sixth  or  seventh  century.  See  Calfhill,  p.  95, 
note,  ed.  1846,  Parker  Soc.  The  Benedictine  editors,  in  their  prolegomena  to 
this  work  say  :  '  Illud  opus  (Imperfectum)  nee  esse,  nee  esse  posse,  Chrysostomi 
certum  est.' — See  Sandys'  Sermons,  p.  148,  note,  ed.  1841,  Parker  Soc. 
II.  Y 


322  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

perience.  But  nowe  to  declare  some  experience  of  Constance, 
wherby  the  reders  may  be  the  more  therto  prouoked,  I  will 
reherce  some  examples  therof  out  of  olde  histories,  as  I  shall 
happen  to  remembre  them. 

After  that  Sylla  hadde  vainquisshed  Marius,  and  destroyed 
the  parte  of  his  aduersaries,  he  with  a  great  numbre 
of  persones  all  armed,  enuironed  the  senate,  intendynge 
to  compell  them  by  violence  to  condemne  Marius  for  a  tray- 
tour  ;  whiche  request  none  darste  agayne  saye,  Sceuola  onely 
excepte,  who  beinge  therof  demaunded,  wolde  gyue  no  sentence. 
But  whan  Sylla  dyd  cast  therfore  on  him  a  cruell  countenaunce, 
he  with  a  constant  visage  and  noble  courage,  said  to  him, 
Sylla,  all  though  thou  facist  and  threttist  me  with  thy  multi- 
tude of  souldiours,  with  whome  thou  hast  thus  besieged  this 
court,  ye  and  all  though  thou  doest  menace  me  with  dethe 
neuer  so  moche,  yet  shalt  thou  neuer  brynge  it  to  passe  that 
for  shedynge  a  little  olde  blode,  I  shall  iuge  Marius  a  traytour, 
by  whome  this  citie  and  all  Italy  haue  ben  preserued.a 

The  Constance  that  great  kynge  Alexander  had  in  trust- 
Alexanders  ynge  his  frende  agayne  false  reporte,  saued  his  lyfe, 
confidence,  whereof  all  men  despaired.  For  after  that  noble 
batayle  wherin  he  had  vainquisshed  Darius,  and  taken  his 
treasure,  as  he  passed  through  Cilicia,  beynge  sore  chaufed 
with  feruent  heate  and  the  lengthe  of  his  iournay,  as  he  came 
by  the  ryuer  called  Cydnus,  beholding  it  clere  and  pleasaunt, 
and  thinkynge  to  a  swage  therin  the  heates  that  he  suffred,  he 
went  there  into  naked  and  dranke  therof.  But  immediately, 
by  the  excedinge  colde  which  was  in  that  water,  his  sinewes 


*  '  Dispulsis,  prostratisque  inimicorum  partibus,  Sylla  occupata  urbe  senatum 
armatus  coegerat,  ac  summa  cupiditate  ferebatur,  ut  C.  Marius  quam  celerrime 
hostis  judicaretur.  Cujus  voluntati  nullo  obviam  ire  audente,  solus  Scsevola 
interrogatus  de  hac  re  sententiam  dicere  noluit.  Quin  etiam  truculentius  sibi 
minitanti  Syllse,  "Licet,"  inquit,  "  mihi agmina militum,  quibus  Curiam  circumse- 
disti,  ostentes  ;  licet  mortem  identidem  mineteris  ;  nunquam  tamen  efficies,  ut 
propter  exiguum  senilemque  sanguinem  meum,  Marium,  a  quo  Urbs  et  Italia  con- 
servataest  hostem  judicem."  ' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iii.  cap.  8,  §  5. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  -\i\ 

\j    j 

shranke,  and  his  iointes  became  unweldy,  and  as  they  were 
dede,  and  all  his  hoste  being  discomforted,  he  was  conuayed 
to  a  citie  thereby,  called  Tarsum.  Where  upon  the  Phisicions 
assembled  and  deuisinge  for  the  best  remedy,  they  all  were 
determined  to  gyue  hym  one  medicine,  and  that  it  shulde  be 
ministred  by  one  Philippe,  chiefe  phisicion  with  Alexander. 
In  the  meane  tyme,  Parmenio,  one  of  the  grettest  capitaynes 
about  Alexander,  aduertised  hym  by  his  letters  that  he  shulde 
beware  of  the  trayson  of  the  sayde  Philyppe,  sayenge  that  he 
was  corrupted  with  a  great  some  of  money  by  Darius.  Wher- 
with  he  beinge  nothing  esbaieda  helde  in  his  handes  the  letter, 
and  receyuinge  the  medicyne  that  Philyppe  gaue  hym,  he  at 
one  tyme  deliured  the  letter  open  to  Philyppe,  and  dranke 
also  the  medicine,  declaringe  therby  the  Constance  that  was 
in  his  frendship.  Whiche  truste  nat  onely  caused  nature  the 
better  to  warke  with  the  medicine,  but  also  bounde  so  the 
harte  of  the  Phisicion  towarde  him,  that  he  euer  after  studyed 
more  diligently  for  the  helpe  and  preseruation  of  the  noble 
prince  that  dyd  so  moche  trust  hym.b 

a  I.e.  dismayed.  This  is  simply  the  French  word  esbahi,  the  participle  of 
s'esbahir  Anglicised.  Cotgrave  translates  the  former,  'abashed,  astonished, 
amazed,  appalled.'  The  form  in  the  text  appears  to  be  ana^  \ey6fj.evov,  and  is  not 
noticed  by  any  of  the  dictionaries  except  Richardson,  who  can  give  no  other 
instances  of  it.  Froissart,  in  his  account  of  the  siege  of  Bergerac  in  1371,  says, 
'  a  1'endemain  la  truie  fut  levee  au  plus  pres  qu'ils  purent  de  Bergerac,  qui 
grandement  esbahit  ceux  de  la  ville,' which  Lord  Berners  translates  '  the  whiche 
greatlye  abasshed  them  of  the  towne.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  495,  ed.  1812.  And 
Philippe  de  Commines,  speaking  of  the  events  of  the  year  1475,  says,  '  Les 
Anglois  qui  sont  supicionneux,  et  qui  estoient  tous  neufs  par  dega  et  esbahis,  ne  se 
pouvoient  contenter  de  son  allee,  ni  croire  qu'il  cut  nulles  gens  aux  champs  ;  et  si 
ne  s£avoit  le  due  de  Bourgougne  adouber  avec  eux  le  faict  du  connestable,  non- 
obstant  qu'il  cut  dit  que,  tout  ce  qu'il  en  avoit  fait,  estoit  pour  toutes  bonnes  fins  ; 
et  si  les  esbahissoit  1'hyver  qui  s'approchoit,  et  sembloit  bien,  a  les  ouir  parler,  que 
le  cceur  leur  tirast  plus  a  la  paix  qu'a  la  guerre.' — Liv.  iv.  chap.  6.  Pan.  Litt.  ed. 
Chaucer  uses  the  word  abaiste  in  the  same  sense  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde. 

b  '  Alexander  Macedonum  rex  inclyta  jam  pugna,  excellentissimis  opibus 
Darii  contusis,  zestu  et  itineris  fervore  in  Cilicia  percalefactus,  Cydno,  qui  aquae 
liquore  conspicuus  Tarsum  interfluit,  corpus  suum  immersit.  Subito  deinde  ex 
nimio  haustu  rigoris  obstupefactis  nervis,  ac  torpore  hebetatis  artubus,  maxima  cum  . 

Y  2 


324  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

The  Constance  of  Cato  Uticensis  was  all  waye  immoueable, 
in  so  moche  as  at  sondry  tymes,  whanne  he  in  the  Se- 
nate egrely  defended  the  publike  weale  with  vehement 
and  longe  orations,  agayne  the  attemptates  of  ambicious  per- 
sones,  he  was  by  them  rebuked  and  committed  to  prisone.  But 
he  therfore  nat  cessynge,  but  goinge  towarde  prisone,  detected 
to  the  people,  as  he  went,  the  unlefull  purposes  and  enterprises 
of  them  by  whome  he  was  punisshed  with  the  peryle  that  was 
imminent  to  the  publike  weale.  Whiche  he  dyd  with  suche 
courage  and  eloquence  that  as  well  the  Senate  as  the  people 
drewe  so  about  him,  that  his  aduersaries  were  fayne  for  feare 
to  discharge  him.  Who  can  sufficiently  commende  this  noble 
man  Cato,  whan  he  redeth  in  the  warkes  of  Plutarche  of  his 
excellent  courage  and  vertue  ? a  Howe  moche  worthyar  had  he 
bene  to  haue  hadde  Homere,  the  trumpe  of  his  fame  immor- 
tall,  than  Achilles,  who  for  a  lytle  wenche  contended  with 
Agamemnon  onely,  where  Cato,  for  the  conseruation  of  the 
weale  publike  contended,  and  also  resisted  agayne  Julius 
Ceasar  and  the  greatte  Pompey,  and  nat  onely  agayne  theyr 

exanimatione  totius  exercitus,  in  oppidum  castris  propinquum  defertur.  Jacebat 
seger  Tarsi,  inque  valetudine  ejus  adversa  instantis  victorise  spes  fluctuabat. 
Itaque  convocati  medici  attentissimo  consilio  salutis  remedia  circumspiciebant. 
Qui  cum  ad  unam  potionem  sententiam  direxissent,  atque  earn  Philippus  medicus 
suis  manibus  temperatam  Alexandro  (erat  autem  ipsius  amicus  et  comes)  por- 
rexisset,  a  Parmenione  missse  literse  superveniunt,  admonentes,  ut  rex  insidias 
Philippi,  perinde  ac  pecunia  corrupti  a  Dario,  caveret.  Quas  cum  legisset,  sine 
ulla  cunctatione  medicamentum  bausit,  ac  tune  legendas  Philippe  tradidit.  Pro 
quo  tarn  constant!  erga  amicum  judicio,  dignissimam  &.  Diis  immortalibus  mercedem 
recepit :  qui  incolumitatis  ejus  prsesidium  falso  interpellari  indicio  noluerunt.' — 
Val.  Max.  lib.  iii.  cap.  8,  ext.  6. 

*  'EirapQcls  ovv  6  Kaiffap  &\\ov  eiffe<p€p(  v6^ov  r\\v  Ka/jLiravlav  ffxefibv  8\»jv  irpoa- 
KaravefjLovra  rots  airdpois  Kal  ir4vt]<nv.  'Avreteye  5c  ouSels  irh^v  rov  Kdruvos.  Kal 
rovrov  air))  rov  j8^/xaTos  o  Kaiffap  el\K€V  els  deff/J-wr-fipiov  ovfifv  ri  fj.a\\ov  ixpif/jLevof 
Tys  ira^p-qcrias,  a\\'  tv  r$  fia$l£eiv  a/*a  irspl  rov  vop.ov  Sia\ey6fAevov  Ka\  irapaivovvra 
iravffao-Qai  roiavra  iro\trevo(Ji€vovs.  'Eir-riKoXovQei  8f  TJ  )8ouX^  pera  KarijQeias  Kal  rov 

fte\riffrov  ayavanrovv  aiwirri  Kal  ax^^^fov,    ftffre   rbv  Kaivapa  ft))  \av- 
$epovTOS,  a\\a  (pt\ov€iKuv  Kal  veptfjievtav  fab  rov  Kdrcoi>os 

Kal  SCTJO-H/  irporiyev.     'Eircl   S^  ^KCIVOS  $v  Sfaos  ovSe  pf\\-fio-wv  rt 

uirb  aiffxvvys  Kal  ct5o|i'os  6  Katffap  avr6s  riva  rStv  Sijftdpxw  v<p?)Kf 

rbv  Kdruva. — Plut.  Cato  Minor,  33. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  325 

menaces,  but  also  agayne  theyr  desyres  and  offres  of  aliaunce? 
Where  of  I  wolde  gladly  haue  made  a  remembrance  in  this 
warke  if  the  volume  there  by  shulde  nat  to  moche  haue  in- 
creased, and  becomen  unhandsome. 

Undoughtedly,  constaunce  is  an  honourable  vertue,  as  in- 
constance  is  reprochefull  and  odious.  Wherfore,  that  man  whiche 
is  mutable  for  euerye  occasyon,  muste  nedes  often  repente 
hym,  and  in  moche  repentance  is  nat  only  moche  foly,  but 
also  great  detriment,  whiche  euery  wyse  man  wyll  eschue  if 
he  can.a  Wherfore  to  gouernours  nothing  is  more  propre  than 
to  be  in  theyr  lyuyng  stable  and  constant. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

» 

The  true  signification  of  Temperaunce  a  morall  vertue. 

THIS  blessed  companye  of  vertues  in  this  wyse  assembled, 
foloweth  Temperaunce,  as  a  sad  and  discrete  matrone  and 
reuerent  gouernesse,  awaitinge  diligently  that  in  any  wyse 
voluptie  or  concupiscence  haue  no  preeminence  in  the  soule  of 
man.b  Aristotle  defineth  this  vertue  to  be  a  mediocrite  in  the 
pleasures  of  the  body,  specially,  in  taste  and  touching.0 
Therfore  he  that  is  temperate  fleeth  pleasures  vo- 

*  'Do  nothing  without  advice,  and  when  thou  hast  once  done  repent  not.' — 
Ecclesiasticus  xxxii.  19.  Montaigne  was  of  the  same  opinion  as  Sir  T.  Elyot,  for 
he  says  :  '  Au  demourant,  ie  hais  cet  accidental  repentir  que  1'aage  apporte  .  .  . 
Si  i'avois  a  revivre,  ie  revivrois  comme  i'ay  vescu  :  ny  ie  ne  plainds  le  passe,  ny  ie 
ne  crainds  1'advenir  ;  et,  si  ie  ne  me  deceois,  il  est  alle  du  dedans  environ  comme  du 
dehors.' — £ssais,  torn.  iii.  pp.  344,  347. 

b  Adam  Smith  says  :  '  In  the  command  of  the  appetites  of  the  body  consists 
that  virtue  which  is  properly  called  Temperance.  To  restrain  them  within  those 
bounds,  which  regard  to  health  and  fortune  prescribes,  is  the  part  of  Prudence. 
But  to  confine  them  within  those  limits,  which  grace,  which  propriety,  which 
delicacy,  and  modesty,  require,  is  the  office  of  Temperance.' — Theory  of  Mor.  Sent. 
p.  34,  ed.  1853. 

e  Ilepl  JjSovhs  8e  «al  \viras  ov  irdffas,  ^rrov  8e  «al  irepl  ras  \vrras ,  fjLCffdrrjs  fikv 
j,  V7rep;3o\$)  8e  aKoXaena.  Htpl  ras  rotavras  8$}  tjSovas  ^  ffoaQpoffvtnr)  KU\  vj 


326  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

luptuous,  and  with  the  absence  of  them  is  nat  discontented, 
and  from  the  presence  of  them  he  wyllyngly  abstayneth.a 
But  in  myne  oppinion,  Plotinus,  the  wonderfull  philosopher, 
maketh  an  excellent  definition  of  temperaunce,  sayenge,that  the 
propretie  or  office  therof  is  to  couaite  nothynge  whiche  maye 
be  repented,  also  nat  to  excede  the  boundes  of  medyocritye, 
and  to  kepe  desyre  under  the  yocke  of  reason.b  He  that 
practiseth  this  vertue  is  called  a  temperate  man,  and  he  that 
doeth  contrarye  there  to  is  named  intemperate.  Betwene 
whome  and  a  persone  incontynent  Aristotelle  maketh  this 
diuersytye  ;  that  he  is  intemperate,  whyche  by  his  owne  election 
is  ladde,  supposynge  that  the  pleasure  that  is  presente,  or  (as 
I  mought  saye)  in  ure  shulde  all  waye  be  folowed.c  But  the 
persone  incontinent  supposeth  nat  so,  and  yet  he  nat  with- 
standinge  dothe  folowe  it.  The  same  autour  also  maketh  a 
diuersitie  betwene  hym  that  is  temperate  and  him  that  is 
continent  ;  sayeng,  that  the  continent  man  is  suche  one  that 
no  thinge  will  do  for  bodely  pleasure  whiche  shall  stande 


aKO\affia    effrlv  u>v   Kal   ra  \onra    £<pa    Kuivwve'i,    '6dev  avd  pair  oft  cade  is  Kal 
tyalvovrai  •  OUTCU  8'  elfflv  a<p-i]  Kal  yevffis.  —  Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  ii.  cap.  7  ;  lib.  iii. 
cap.  10.  (13). 

*  'O  Se  (r<i!>(pp<i)V  (\4yfrai)  T<£  fj.r]  XvTreTflai  ry  aTrovffia  Kal  T$  onre'^eo'flat  TOU  T^Se'os. 
Arist.  Eth,  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  II.  (13). 

*»  This  is  not  the  author's  own  opinion,  but  is  merely  copied  from  Patrizi,  who 
says  :  '  Academic!  palsestram  doloris  fortitudini  relinquentes,  dicunt  temperantiarn 
cerni  in  praetermittendis  voluptatibus.  Qua  opinione  ductus,  Plotinus  Platonicus 
temperantiae  munus  esse  dixit,  nihil  appetere  pcenitendum,  nulla  in  re  metam 
moderationis  excedere,  et  sub  jugum  rationis  cupiditatem  domare.  '  —  De  Regno  n 
Reg.  Instit.  lib.  vi.  tit.  18.  And  Patrizi  himself  has  taken  the  definition  at  second 
hand  from  Macrobius'  Commentary  on  the  Somnium  Scipionis,  as  is  evident  on 
comparing  the  following  passage  in  the  latter  :  '  Sed  Plotinus  inter  philosophise 
professores  cum  Platone  princeps,  libro  de  virtutibus,  gradus  earum  vera  et  natural! 
divisionis  ratione  composites  per  ordinem  digerit  .  .  .  Temperantias  (est)  nihil 
appetere  pcenitendum,  in  nullo  legem  moderationis  excedere,  sub  jugum  rationis 
cupiditatem  domare.'  —  Lib.  i.  cap.  8,  §§  5,  7.  The  so-called  definition,  it  may 
be  observed,  is  not  to  be  found  in  Plotinus,  but  is  simply  part  of  an  abridgment 
by  Macrobius  of  the  works  of  that  philosopher. 

c  'O  fjiev  ovv  aKoXaffros  firidv/jLe't  ru>v  r)Sed)v  iravTuv  fy  TWV  p-aXurra,   Kal   ayerai 
U7rb  TTJS  fTTi8vfj.ias  Sxrre  avrl  TU>V  &\\cav  rauff  alpc'ia'Oai  '   Sib  Kal  A-UTreTrat  Kal 
Kal  ^iQv^wv.-  Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  n.  (14). 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  327 

agayne  reason.  The  same  is  he  which  is  temperate,  sauynge 
that  the  other  hathe  corrupte  desyres,  whiche  this  man  lacketh. 
Also  the  temperate  man  deliteth  in  nothynge  contrarye  to 
reason.  But  he  that  is  continent  deliteth,  yet  will  he  nat  be 
ladde  agayne  reason.a  Finally,  to  declare  it  in  fewe  wordes, 
we  may  well  calle  hym  a  temperate  man  that  desireth  the 
thynge  whiche  he  aught  to  desire,  and  as  he  aught  to  desyre, 
and  whanne  he  aught  to  desyre.b  Nat  withstandynge  there 
be  diuers  other  vertues  whiche  do  seme  to  be  as  it  were 
companyons  with  temperaunce.c  Of  whome  (for  the  ex- 
chuynge  of  tediousenes)  I  wyll  speke  nowe  onely  of  two, 
moderation  and  sobrenesse,  whiche  no  man  (I  suppose) 
doughteth  to  be  of  suche  efficacie,  that  without  them  no  man 
may  attayne  unto  wisedome,  and  by  them  wisedome  is  sonest 
espied. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Of  Moderation  a  spice  of  temperance. 

MODERATION  is  the  limites  and  boundes  whiche  honestie  hath 
appoynted  in  spekynge  and  doynge  ;  lyke  as  in  rennynge 
passynge  the  gole  is  accounted  but  rasshenesse,  so  rennynge 
halfe  waye  is  reproued  for  slownesse.d  In  like  wise  wordes  and 


a  "O  Tf  yap  ^yKpar^s  olbs  /iTjSei/  irapa  rbt/  \6yov  Stct  rcis  (rco/i.aTi/ccfcs  f)$ovas 
teal  6  ar<*><f>p(av,  oAA.'  6  }j.*v  ex(av  &  ^'  °^K  *X.U>V  <(>a-v\as  £Tridv/j.ias,  na.1  6  p.£v  TOtoDros 
olos  ^  7}8e<r0ai  Trapa  rbi>  \6yov,  6  8'  olos  ^Sea-flat  aAAa  /J.TI  &yeaOai.  —  Arist.  Eth.  Nic. 
lib.  vii.  cap.  9.  (ll). 

b  Aib  Set  TOW  ffdxppovos  TO  eTrtdv^urjTi/cbi/  ffv^(av^lf  T<£  \6ycp  •  aKoirbs  yap  a^olv 
rb  Ka\6v,  KCU  fTTiQv/j.f'i  &  (Tdatypajv  uv  5el  na.1  &s  Set  Kal  clre  •  oJmo  8^  Tcirret  «al  6 
\6yos.  —  Arist.  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  iii.  cap.  12.  (15). 

0  These  are  enumerated  by  Patrizi  as  follows  :  'Temperantiam  comitantur 
modestia,  verecundia,  pudor,  abstinentia,  castitas,  honestas,  moderatio,  parcitas, 
sobrietas,  pudicitia.'  —  De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  vi.  tit.  18; 

d  This  metaphor,  as  usual,  is  borrowed  from  Patrizi,  who  says  :  '  Moderatio 
actionem  metitur,  ne  fines,  quos  honestas  pra-scripsit,  aut  non  attingat,  aut  longius 
progrediatur.  Ut  enim  in  currendi  certaminibus,  ultra  metas  currere  temeritatis 


328  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

actes  be  the  paces,  wherin  the  witte  of  man  maketh  his  course, 
and  moderation  is  in  stede  of  the  gole,  whiche  if  he  passe  ouer, 
he  is  noted  either  of  presumption  or  of  foole  hardinesse ;  if  he 
come  short  of  the  purpose,  he  is  contemned  as  dulle,  and 
unapte  to  affaires  of  great  importaunce.a  This  vertue  shall 
best  be  perceiued  by  rehersinge  of  examples  shewed  by  noble 
men,  whiche  is  in  effecte  but  dayly  experience. 

•  Fabius  Maximus,  beinge  fyue  tymes  Consul,  perceyuinge 
his  father,  his  graundefather,  and  great  graundefather,  and 
diuers  other  his  auncetours  to  haue  had  often  tymes  that  most 
honorable  dignitie,  whan  his  sonne,  by  the  uniuersall  consent  of 
the  people,  shulde  be  also  made  consul,  he  ernestly  intreated 
the  people  to  spare  his  sonne,  and  to  gyue  to  the  house 
of  Fabius  as  hit  were  a  vacation  tyme  from  that  honoure,  nat 
for  that  he  hadde  anye  mystrust  in  his  sonnes  vertue  and 
honesty,  but  that  his  moderation  was  suche  that  he  wolde  nat 
that  excellent  dignitie  shulde  alway  continue  in  one  familie.b 
Scipio  Affricanus  the  elder,  whan  the  senate  and  people  had 
purposed  that  accordinge  to  his  merites  he  shuld  haue  certaine 
statues  or  images  set  in  al  courtes  and  places  of  assembly, 
also  they  wold  haue  set  his  image  in  triumphant  apparaile 
within  the  capitole,  and  haue  granted  to  him  to  haue  ben 
consul  and  Dictator  during  his  lyfe ;  he,  nat  withstandyng, 
wolde  nat  suffre  that  anye  of  them  shulde  be  decreed,  either 
by  the  acte  of  the  senate,  or  by  the  peoples  suffrage.  Where  in 


esse  videtur,  sic  vix  e  carceribus  progredi,  ignavise.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib. 
vi.  tit.  24. 

•  So  Montaigne  says  :  '  L'archer  qui  oultrepasse  le  blanc  fault,  comme  celuy 
qui  n'y  arrive  pas  ;  et  les  yeulx  me  troublent  a  monter  a  coup  vers  une  grand  e 
lumiere,  esgalement  comme  a  devaler  a  1'ombre.' — £ssazs,  torn.  i.  p.  295. 

b  '  Fabius  vero  Maximus  cum  a  se  quinquies,  et  a  patre,  avo,  proavo,  majori- 
busque  suis  saepenumero  consulatum  gestum  animadverteret,  comitiis,  .quibus 
filius  ejus  summo  consensu  consul  creabatur,  quam  potuit  constanter  cum  populo 
egit,  ' '  ut  vacationem  aliquando  hujus  honoris  Fabiae  genti  darent : "  non  quod  filii 
virtutibus  diflideret  (erat  enim  illustris),  sed  ne  maximum  imperium  in  una  familia 
continuaretur.  Quid  hac  moderatione  valentius,  aut  efficacius  ;  quae  etiam  patrios 
affectus  qui  potentissimi  habentur,  superavit?' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  j,  §  5. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  329 

he  shewed  hym  selfe  to  be  as  valiant  in  refusing  of  honoures, 
as  he  was  in  the  actes  where  in  he  had  them  well    Toleration 
deserued.a     There  is  also  moderation  in  tolleration 
of  fortune  of  euerye  sorte,  whiche  of  Tulli  is  called   badde. 
equabilite,  whiche  is,  whan  there  semeth  to  be  alwaye  one 
visage  and  countenance  neuer  changed  nor  for  prosperitie  nor 
for  aduersite.b 

Metellus,  called  Numidicus,  in  a  common  sedicion  beyng 
banisshed  from  Rome,  and  abyding  in  Asia,  as  he  hapned 
to  sit  with  noble  men  of  that  countray  in  beholding  a  great 
play,  ther  were  letters  deliuered  him,  wherby  he  was  assertained 
that  by  the  hole  consent  of  the  senate  and  people  his  retourne 
into  his  countray  was  graunted  ;  he  (nat  withstanding  that 
he  was  of  that  tidinges  exceding  ioifull)  remeued  nat  untyll 
the  playes  were  ended,  nor  any  man  sitting  by  hym  mought 
perceiue  in  his  countenance  any  token  of  gladnes.c 

The  great  kynge  Antiochus,  whiche  longe  tyme  hadde  in 
his  dominion  all  Asia,  whiche  is  accounted  to  be  the  thirde 
part  of  the  worlde,d  whan  at  the  laste  beinge  vainquisshed  by 

•  '  Non  defuit  majoribus  grata  mens  ad  prsemia  superior!  Africano  exsolvenda  : 
siquidem  maxima  ejus  merita  paribus  ornamentis  decorare  conati  sunt.  Voluerunt 
illi  statuas  in  comitio,  in  rostris,  in  curia,  in  ipsa  denique  Jovis  Optimi  Maximi 
cella  ponere  :  voluerunt  imaginem  ejus  triumphali  ornatu  indutam  Capitolinis 
pulvinaribus  applicare  :  voluerunt  ei  continuum  per  omnes  vitae  annos  consulatum, 
perpetuamque  dictaturam  tribuere.  Quorum  nihil  sibi,  neque  plebiscite  dari, 
neque  senatusconsulto  decerni  patiendo,  pane  tantum  in  recusandis  honoribus  se 
gessit,  quantum  gesserat  in  emerendis.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  i,  §  6. 

b  *  Prasclaraque  est  sequabilitas  in  omni  vita,  et  idem  semper  vultus,  eademque 
frons.'  —  De  Off.  lib  i.  cap.  26. 

c  '  Numidicus  autem  Metellus  popular!  factione  patriapulsus  in  Asiam  secessit. 
In  qua  cum  ei  forte  ludos  Trallibus  spectanti  literae  redditse  essent,  quibus  scriptum 
erat,  maximo  senatus  et  populi  consensu  reditum  illi  in  Urbem  datum,  non  e 
theatre  prius  abiit,  quam  spectaculum  ederetur  ;  non  Isetitiam  suam  proxime  seden- 
tibus  ulla  ex  parte  patefecit  ;  sed  summum  gaudium  intra  se  continuit.  Eundem 
constat  pari  vultu,  et  exulem  fuisse,  et  restitutum  :  adeo  moderationis  beneficio 
medius  semper  inter  secundas  et  adversas  res  animi  firmitate  versatus  est. ' — Val. 
Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  I,  §  13. 

d  From  this  passage  it  would  seem  that  the  author  was  unaware  of  the  discovery 
of  America.  Yet  this  is  almost  incredible,  even  on  the  assumption  that  he  had  no 


330  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Lucius  Scipio,  he  had  lost  the  more  parte  of  his  empire,  and 
was  assigned  but  to  a  smal  porcion,  he  used  his  fortune  so 
moderately  that  he  gaue  great  thankes  to  the  Romanes,  that 
beinge  delyuered  of  so  greatte  burden  and  charge,  he  more 
easely  mought  gouerne  a  litle  dominion.81  Alexander,  empe- 
rour  of  Rome,  so  in  this  vertue  excelled,  that  beinge  electe 
and  made  emperour  at  xvi  yeres  of  his  age,  whan  the  senate 
and  people  for  his  vertue,  wherin  he  passed  al  other,  wolde  haue 
hym  called  the  great  Alexander  and  father  of  the  countray, 
whiche  of  all  names  was  hygheste,  he  with  a  wonderfull 
grauite  refused  it,  sayeng,  that  it  behoued  that  those  names 
were  optayned  by  merites  and  ripenesse  of  yeres.b  The  same 

knowledge  of  the  feat  accomplished  by  the  great  Genoese  navigator  in  1492, 
because  the  Cabots,  father  and  son,  had  at  least  not  later  than  1502,  placed 
England  in  possession  of  the  fact  ;  and  the  citizens  of  London  had  had  ocular 
proof  of  the  results  of  their  voyages,  for  Stow  tells  us  that  in  '  this  yeere  were 
brought  unto  the  king  three  men,  taken  in  the  new  found  ilands  by  Sebastian 
Gabato,  before  named,  in  anno  1498.  These  men  were  clothed  in  beasts  skins, 
and  eate  raw  flesh,  but  spake  such  a  language  as  no  man  could  understand  them, 
of  the  which  three  men,  two  of  them  were  scene  in  the  king's  court  at  Westmin- 
ster two  yeeres  after,  clothed  like  English  men,  and  could  not  be  discerned  from 
English  men.'—  Annales,  p.  485,  ed.  1615.  The  probability  however  is,  that  the 
author  did  not  regard  the  newly  discovered  territories  as  a  continent.  In  a  letter 
by  Robert  Thorne,  a  merchant  of  London,  to  the  king,  circa  1527,  he  says,  'Of 
the  foure  partes  of  the  worlde,  it  seemeth  three  parts  are  discouered  by  other 
Princes.  For  out  of  Spaine  they  haue  discouered  all  the  Indies  and  seas  Occiden 
tall,  and  out  of  Portingall  all  the  Indies  and  seas  Orientall ;  so  that  by  this  part  of 
the  Orient  and  Occident  they  haue  compassed  the  world.  For  the  one  of  them 
departing  toward  the  Orient,  and  the  other  toward  the  Occident,  met  againe  in 
the  course  or  way  of  the  middest  of  the  day,  and  so  then  was  discouered  a  great 
part  of  the  same  seas  and  coastes  by  the  Spaniards.  So  that  now  rest  to  be  disco- 
uered the  sayd  North  parts,  the  which,  it  seemeth  to  mee,  is  onely  your  charge 
and  duety.' — Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  213,  ed.  1599. 

a  Antiochus  autem  a  L.  Scipione  ultra  Taurum  montem  imperii  finibus  sum- 
motus,  cum  Asiam  provinciam,  vicinasque  ei  gentes  amisisset,  gratias  agere  populo 
Romano  non  dissimulanter  tulit,  "quod  nimis  magna  procuratione  liberatus, 
modicis  regni  terminis  uteretur."  Et  sane  nihilest  tarn  praeclarum,  aut  tarn  mag- 
nificum,  quod  non  moderatione  temperari  desideret.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  I. 
ext.  9. 

'  Recusavit  et  Magni  nomen,  quod  ei  quasi  Alexandro  est  oblatum  senatus 
judicio  .   .   .   Post  hoec  acclamatum  est,   "  Magne  Alexander,   dii  te  servant.     Si 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  331 

prince  also  wolde  nat  suffre  his  empresse  to  use  in  her  appa- 
rayle  any  richer  stones  than  other  ladyes  ;  and  if  any  were 
gyuen  her,  he  either  caused  them  to  be  solde  or  els  gaue 
them  unto  Temples,  affirmyng  that  the  example  of  pompe 
and  inordinate  expensis  shulde  nat  precede  of  the  Empe- 
rours  wyfe.a  And  whan,  for  the  honoure  that  he  dyd  to 
the  Senate  and  lawes,  his  wife  and  his  mother  rebuked  him, 
sayenge  that  he  shulde  bring  the  emperyall  matestie  into  to 
lowe  an  astate,  he  aunswered  that  it  shulde  be  the  surer  and 
continue  the  longer,b 

There  is  also  a  Moderation  to  be  used  agayne  wrathe  or 
appetite  of  vengeaunce.  Hadriane,the  emperour,  while  Moderation 
he  was  but  a  priuate  person,  bare  towarde  a  capitayne  Of'wrathe- 
greuous  displeasure,  who  afterwarde  herynge  that  he  was  made 
emperour,  was  in  great  feare  lest  Hadriane  wolde  be  aduenged. 
But  whan  he  came  to  themperours  presence,  he  nothing  dyd 
or  said  to  hym,  but  only  these  wordes,  Thou  haste  well 
escaped.0  By  the  whiche  wordes  he  well  declared  his  mode- 

Antonini  nomen  repudiasti,  Magni  prsenomen  suscipe.  Magne  Alexander,  dii  te 
servent."  Et  quum  soepius  dicerent,  Alexander  Augustus,  ait,  "  Facilius  fuit,  Patres 
Conscript},  ut  Antoninorum  nomen  acciperem  :  aliquid  enim  vel  affinitati  deferrem, 
vel  consortio  nominis  imperialis.  Magni  vero  nomen  cur  accipitur  ?  quid  enim 
jam  magnum  feci  ?  quum  id  Alexander  post  magna  gesta,  Pompt  ius  vero  post 
magnos  triumphos  acceperit.  Quiescite  igitur,  venerandi  patres,  et  vos  ipsi  magni- 
fici  unum  me  de  vobis  esse  censete  potius  quam  Magni  nomen  ingerite."  ' — Hist. 
Aitg.  torn.  i.  pp.  890,  896.  Sir  Thos.  Elyot,  however,  is  wrong  in  saying  that 
this  emperor  was  offered  and  refused  the  title  of  Pater  Patrias,  an  honour  which 
had  been  offered  in  vain  to  Hadrian  and  M.  Aurelius  Antoninus. 

*  (  Gemmarum  quod  fuit,  vendidit,  et  aurum  in  serarium  contulit,  dicens  gemmas 
viris  usui  non  esse  :  matronas  autem  regias  contentas  esse  debere  uno  reticulo 
atque  inauribus,  et  baccato  monili,  et  corona  cum  qua  sacrificium  facerent,  et  unico 
pallio  auro  sparse,  et  cyclade  quse  sex  unciis  auri  plus  non  haberet.  Prorsus  cen- 
suram  suis  temporibus  de  propriis  moribus  gessit.  Imitati  sunt  eum  magni  viri,  et 
uxorem  ejus  matronoe  pernobiles.' — Ibid.  p.  978. 

b  '  Denique  quum  ei  objiceret  nimiam  civilitatem  et  Mammsea  mater,  et  uxor 
Meirmia  Sulpitii  consularis  viri  filia,  Catuli  neptis,  et  saepe  dicerent,  "Molliorem 
tibi  potestatem  et  contemptibiliorem  imperil  fecisti:"  ille  respondit,  "  Sed  securio- 
rem  atque  diuturniorem."  ' — Ibid.  p.  911. 

c  '  Quos  in  privata  vita  inimicos  habuit,  imperator  tantum  neglexit  :  ita  ut  uni 
quern  capitalem  habuerat,  factus  imperator  diceret,  EvasistiS — Ibid.  p.  160. 


332  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

ration,  and  also  that  who  so  euer  puttethe  on  the  habite  of  a 
common  persone  or  gouernour,  it  shall  nat  beseme  him  to 
reuenge  priuate  displesures. 

Architas,  whan  he  had  bene  a  longe  space  out  of  his 
countrey  and  at  his  retourne  founde  his  possessions  and 
goodes  distroyed  and  wasted,  he  sayd  to  his  baylife,  I  wold 
surely  punisshe  the  if  I  shuld  nat  be  angry.a 

Moche  lyke  dyd  Plato,  for  whan  his  seruaunt  had  offended 
hym  greuously,  he  desired  Speusippus,  his  frende,  to  punisshe 
him,  leeste  (sayde  he)  if  I  beate  hym,  I  shulde  happe  to  be 
angry .b  Wherin  Plato  deserued  more  praise  than  Architas,  in  as 
moche  as  he  obserued  his  pacience,  and  yet  dyd  nat  suffre 
the  offence  of  his  seruaunt  to  be  unpunisshed.  For  most 
often  tymes  the  omittynge  of  correction  redoubleth  a  trespace. 

Semblable  moderation  and  wisedome,  Aulus  Gellius  re- 
membrethe  to  be  in  Plutarche,  the  philosopher, 
whiche  was  mayster  to  Traiane  the  emperour,0  . 

It  hapned  that  the  bondeman  of  Plutarch  had  committed 
some  greuous  offeace,  wherfore  his  mayster  wylled  that  he 
shulde  be  sharply  punisshed.  Wherfore  commaunding  hym  to 
be  striped  naked,  caused  an  other  of  his  seruauntes  in  his 
presence  to  beate  hym.  But  the  slaue  who,  as  it  semed,  was 
lerned,  wrhile  he  was  in  beatynge,  cried  out  on  Plutarche,  and 
in  maner  of  reproche  sayd  unto  hym,  Howe  agreeth  this  with 
thy  doctrine  that  preachest  so  moche  of  pacience,  and  in  all 


•  '  Tarentinus  Archytas,  dum  se  Pythagorse  prseceptis  Metaponti  penitus  im- 
mergit,  magno  labore,  longoque  tempore  solidum  opus  doctrinae  complexus  ;  post- 
quam  in  patriam  revertitur,  ac  rura  sua  revisere  coepit,  animadvertit  negligentia 
villici  corrupta  et  perdita  :  intuensque  male  meritum  :  "  Sumsissem,"  inquit  "k 
te  supplicium,  nisi  tibi  iratus  essem."  Maluit  enim  impunitum  dimittere,  quam 
propter  iram  gravius  justo  punire.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  I,  ext.  I. 

b  *  Nimis  liberalis  Archytse  moderatio  :  Platonis  temperatior  :  nam  cum  adver- 
sus  delictum  servi  vehementius  exarsisset,  veritus  ne  ipse  modum  vindictse  dispi- 
cere  non  posset,  Speusippo  amico  castigationis  arbitrium  mandavit ;  deforme  sibi 
futurum  existimans,  si  commisisset,  ut  parem  reprehensionem  culpa  servi,  et 
animadversio  Platonis  mereretur.' — Val.  Max.  lib.  iv.  cap.  i,  ext.  2. 

0  See  Vol.  I.  p.  53,  note. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  333 

thy  lessons  reprouest  wrathe,  and  nowe  contrary  to  thyn  owne 
teachyng,  thou  arte  all  inflamed  with  wrathe,  and  clene  from 
the  pacience  which  thou  so  moche  praysest  ?  Unto  whom 
Plutarche,  without  any  chaunge  of  countenaunce  aunswered 
in  this  fourme,  Thou  embraydest  me  causeles  with  wrath  and 
impacience,  but  I  praye  the  what  perceyuest  thou  in  me  that 
I  am  angry  or  out  of  pacience  ?  I  suppose  (except  I  be 
moche  deceiued)  thou  seest  me  nat  stare  with  myn  eyen,  or 
my  mouthe  imbosed,a  or  the  colour  of  my  face  chaunged,  or 
any  other  deformitie  in  my  persone  or  gesture,  or  that  my 
wordes  be  swyfte,  or  my  voyce  louder  than  modestie  requy- 
reth,  or  that  I  am  unstable  in  my  gesture  or  motion,  whiche 
be  the  sygnes  and  euident  tokens  of  wrathe  and  impacience. 
Wherfore,  said  he  to  the  correctour,  sens  he  can  nat  proue  that 
I  am  yet  angry,  in  the  meane  tyme  whyle  he  and  I  do  dispute 
of  this  matter,  and  untyll  he  utterly  do  cese  of  his  presump- 
tion and  obstinacie,  loke  that  thou  styl  beate  him.b  Verily,  in 
myn  oppinion  Plutarch  herein  declared  his  excellent  wyse- 
dome  and  grauitie,  as  well  in  his  example  of  pacience  as  also 
in  subduynge  the  stubbourne  courage  of  an  obstinate  seruaunt. 
Whiche  historic  shall  be  expedient  for  gouernours  to  haue  in 

•  See  ante,  p.  56,  note. 

b  '  Plutarchus,  inquit,  servo  suo,  nequam  homini  et  contumacl,  sed  libris  dispu- 
tationibusque  philosophise  aures  imbutas  habenti,  tunicam  detrahi  ob  nescio  quod 
delictum,  csedique  eum  loro  jussit.  Coeperat  verberari  ;  et  obloquebatur  non 
meruisse  ut  vapulet,  nih.il  mali,  nihil  sceleris  admisisse.  Postremo  vociferari  inter 
vapulandum  incipit  :  neque  jam  querimonias  aut  gemitus  ejulatusque  facere,  sed 
verba  seria  et  objurgatoria  :  Non  ita  esse  Plutarchum  ut  deceret,  philosophum 
irasci  turpe  esse  :  ssepe  eum  de  malo  iracundiae  edissertavisse :  librum  quoque 
irepl  aopyrjffias  pulcherrimum  conscripsisse  ;  iis  omnibus,  quse  in  eo  libro  scripta 
sunt,  nequaquam  convenire,  quod  provolutus  effususque  in  iram  plurimis  se  plagis 
mulcaret.  Turn  Plutarchus  lente  et  leniter,  Quid  autem,  inquit,  verbero,  nunc  ego 
tibi  irasci  videor  ?  ex  vultune  meo,  an  ex  voce,  an  ex  colore,  an  etiam  ex  verbis 
correptum  esse  me  ira  intelligis  ?  Mihi  quidem  neque  oculi  opinor  truces  sunt, 
neque  os  turbidum  ;  neque  immaniter  clamo  ;  neque  in  spumam  ruboremve  effer- 
vesce :  neque  pudenda  dico  aut  pcenitenda  :  neque  omnino  trepido  ira  et  gestio. 
Hsec  enim  omnia,  si  ignoras,  signa  esse  irarum  solent.  Et  simul  ad  eum,  qui 
csedebat,  conversus,  Interim,  inquit,  dum  ego  atque  hie  disputamus,  hoc  tuage.' — 
Noct.  Attic,  lib.  i.  cap.  26. 


334  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

remembrance,  that  whan  according  to  the  lawes  they  do 
punysshe  offendours,  they  them  selfes  be  nat  chaufeda  or 
meued  with  wrath,  but  (as  Tulli  sayeth)  be  lyke  to  the 
.  lawes,  whiche  be  prouokedde  to  punysshe  nat  by 
wrathe  or  displeasure,  but  onely  by  equitie.b  And 
immediately  the  same  autour  gyueth  an  other  noble  precept 
concerning  moderation  in  punysshement,  sayenge,  that  in 
correcting,  wrath  is  principally  to  be  forboden,  for  he  that 
punissheth  whyle  he  is  angry,  shall  neuer  kepe  that  meane 
whiche  is  betwene  to  moche  and  to  lyttell.c 

*  For  other  instances  of  the  use  of  this  word  see  ante,  pp.  71,  266,  322. 
This  is  simply  an  adaptation  of  the  French  word  chauffer,  which  Cotgrave  trans- 
lates '  to  heat,  warme,  chafe  ; '  there  was  also  the  old  form  eschauffer ;  thus 
Montaigne,  who  mentions  the  story  referred  to  in  the  text,  says,  '  Platon  de  mesme, 
s'estant  eschauffe  contre  1'un  de  ses  esclaves,  donna  a  Speusippus  charge  de  le 
chastier,  s'excusant  d'y  mettre  la  main  luy  mesme,  sur  ce  qu'il  estoit  courrouce.' — 
Essais,  torn.  iii.  p.  182,  ed.  1854.  Chaucer  borrowed  this  last  form  in  the  fol- 
lowing passages.  '  Ire,  after  the  philosofer,  is  the  fervent  blood  of  man  i-quiked 
in  his  hert,  thurgh  which  he  wolde  harm  to  him  that  him  hatith  ;  for  certes  the 
hert  of  man  by  eschawfyng  and  moevyng  of  his  blood  waxith  so  trouble,  that  he  is 
out  of  alle  iuggements  of  resoun.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  308,  ed.  1866;  and  again, 
'  This  ire  is  a  ful  greet  plesaunce  to  the  devel,  for  it  is  the  develes  fornays  that  is 
eschaufid  with  the  fuyr  of  helle. ' — Ibid.  p.  309.  Spenser  uses  a  substantive  chauff 
in  the  Faerie  Qiieene. 

'  But,  when  as  her  he  by  no  meanes  could  find, 
After  long  search  and  chauff "he  turned  backe 
Unto  the  place  where  me  he  left  behind.' 

Poetical  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  123,  Aldine  ed. 

The  word,  which  is  represented  by  the  modern  chafe,  is  derived  from  calfare,  a 
corruption  of  calefacere. 

b  '  Optandumque,  ut  ii,  qui  prsesunt  reipublicse,  legum  similes  sint,  quee  ad 
puniendum,  non  iracundia,  sed  aequitate,  ducuntur.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  25. 

c  '  Prohibenda  autem  maxime  est  ira  in  puniendo  :  nunquam  enim,  iratus  qui 
accedet  ad  pcenam,  mediocritatem  illam  tenebit,  quse  est  inter  nimium  et  parum.' 
—  Ubi  supra. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  335 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
Of  Sobrietie  in  Diete. 

VERELY  I  nothynge  doute  but  that  the  more  parte  of  the 
redars  of  this  warke  wyll  take  in  good  parte  al  that  is  before 
written,  consideringe  the  benefite,  and  also  the  ornament  that 
those  vertues  of  whom  I  haue  spoken,  of  good  reason  and 
congruence,  must  be  to  them  in  whom  they  shall  be  planted 
and  do  contynue.  But  I  knowe  well  that  this  chapitre 
whiche  nowe  ensueth  shall  uneth  be  thankefully  receyued  of 
a  fewe  redars,  ne  shall  be  accounted  worthy  to  be  radde  of 
any  honourable  person,  considering  that  the  matter  therin 
contayned  is  so  repugnaunt  and  aduerse  to  that  perniciouse 
custome,  wherin  of  longe  tyme  men  hath  estemed  to  be  the 
more  part  of  honour  ;a  in  so  moche  as  1  very  well  knowe  that 
some  shall  accounte  great  presumption  in  this  myne  attemp- 
tate  in  writynge  agayne  that  whiche  haue  bene  so  longe  used.b 
But  for  as  moche  as  I  haue  taken  upon  me  to  write  of  a 

a  A  few  years  later  an  improvement  seems  to  have  taken  place  in  this  respect, 
to  which  the  writings  of  the  author,  and  the  personal  influence  exerted  by  him 
and  other  men  of  high  station,  no  doubt  contributed  in  no  slight  measure.  '  Here- 
tofore,' says  Harrison,  'there  hath  beene  much  more  time  spent  in  eating  and 
drinking  than  commonlie  is  in  these  daies,  for  whereas  of  old  we  had  breakefasts 
in  the  forenoone,  beuerages  or  nuntions  after  dinner,  and  thereto  reare  suppers 
generallie  when  it  was  time  to  go  to  rest,  now  these  odd  repasts,  thanked  be  God, 
are  verie  well  left,  and  ech  one  in  maner  (except  here  and  there  some  yong  hungrie 
stomack  that  cannot  fast  till  dinner  time)  contenteth  himselfe  with  dinner  and 
supper  onelie.' — Descript.  Engl.  p.  170. 

b  The  writer  quoted  in  the  last  note  attributes  the  excessive  indulgence  in  the 
pleasures  of  the  table  to  the  Normans,  who  degenerated  from  their  primitive 
simplicity  of  habits,  for  '  misliking  the  gormandise  of  Canutus,  they  ordeined  after 
their  arriuall  that  no  table  should  be  couered  aboue  once  in  the  daie,  which 
Huntingdon  imputeth  to  their  auarice  ;  but  in  the  end,  either  waxing  wearie  of 
their  own  frugalitie,  or  suffering  the  cockle  of  old  custome  to  ouergrow  the  good 
corne  of  their  new  constitution,  they  fell  to  such  libertie  that  in  often  feeding  they 
surmounted  Canutus,  surnamed  the  hardie.  For  whereas  he  couered  his  table  but 
three  or  foure  times  in  the  daie,  these  spred  their  clothes  fiue  or  six  times,  and  in 
such  wise  as  I  before  rehearsed.' — Desoipt.  of  Engl.  p.  170. 


336  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

publike  weale,  which  taketh  his  begynnynge  at  the  example 
of  them  that  be  gouernours,  I  wyll  nat  lette  for  the  disprayse 
gyuen  by  them  whiche  be  abused.     But  with  all  study  and 
diligence  I  wyl  descriue  the  auncient  temperaunce  and  mode- 
ration in  diete,  called  sobrietie,  or,  in  a  more  general  terme, 
frugalite,a  the  acte  wherof  is  at  this  day  as  infrequent b 
or  out  of  use  amonge  all  sortes  of  men,  as  the  termes 
be  straunge  unto  them  whiche  haue  nat  bene  well  instructed 
in  latin. 

The  noble  emperour  Augustus,  who  in  all  the  residue  of 
his  lyfe  was  for  his  moderation  and  temperance  excellently 
commended,  suffred  no  litle  reproche,  for  as  moche  as  he  in  a 
secrete  souper  or  banket,  hauynge  with  hym  sixe  noble  men, 
his  frendes,  and  sixe  noble  women,  and  naming  hym  selfe  at 
that  tyme  Apollo,  and  the  other  men  and  women  the  names 
of  other  goddes  and  goddesses,  fared  sumptuousely  and  deli- 
cately, the  citie  of  Rome  at  that  tyme  beinge  vexed  with 
skarcitie  of  grayne.  He  therfore  was  rente  with  curses  and 
rebukes  of  the  people,  in  so  moche  as  he  was  openly  called 
Apollo  the  turmentour,  sayenge  also  that  he  with  his  goddes 
had  deuoured  their  corne.c  With  whiche  libertie  of  speche, 


•  This  word  originally  had  a  much  wider  application  than  that  which  is  now 
usually  implied,  for  according  to  Cicero,  it  was  used  to  designate  moderation  in 
every  respect.  '  Omnem  enim  abstinentiam,  omnem  innocentiam,  reliquas  etiam 
virtutes,  fruga-litas  continet  .  .  .  Ejus  enim  videtur  esse  proprium,  motus  animi 
appetentis  regere  et  sedare,  semperque  adversantem  libidini,  moderatam  in  omni 
re  servare  constantiam  .  .  .  Qui  sit  frugi  igitur,  vel,  si  mavis,  moderatus  et  tempe- 
rans,  eum  necesse  est  esse  constantem.' — Tusc.  Quasi,  lib.  iii.  cap.  8. 

b  Montaigne,  however,  writing  in  the  same  century,  was  able  to  say,  '  II  semble 
que  touts  les  iours  nous  raccourcissons  1'usage  de  cettuy  cy  ;  et  qu'en  nos  maisons, 
comme  i'ay  veu  en  mon  enfance  les  desieusners,  les  ressiners  (Anglict  nips)  et  les 
collations  feussent  plus  frequentes  et  ordinaires  qu'a  present.'  This,  however,  did 
not  indicate  an  improvement  in  manners  so  much  as  the  greater  attraction  of 
other  vices,  for  he  goes  on  to  say,  '  Ce  peult  estre  que  nous  nous  sommes 
beaucoup  plus  iettez  &  la  paillardise  que  nos  peres.' — Essais,  torn.  ii.  p.  103, 
ed.  1854. 

'  '  Ccena  quoque  ejus  secretior  in  fabulis  fuit,  quse  vulgo  5o>5e/c<£0€os  vocabatur  : 
in  qua  Deorum  Dearumque  habitu  discubuisse  convivas,  et  ipsum  pro  Apolline 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  337 

beinge  more  persuaded  than  discontented,  fro  than  forthe  he 
used  such  a  frugalitie  or  moderation  of  diete,  that  he  was 
contented  to  be  serued  at  one  meale  with  thre  dysshes,  or 
sixe  at  the  mooste,  whiche  also  were  of  a  moderate  price,  and 
yet  therin  he  used  suche  sobrenes  that  either  he  hym  selfe 
wolde  nat  sitte  untyl  they  which  dyned  with  him  had  eaten  a 
good  space,  or  elles  if  he  sate  whan  they  dyd,  he  wolde  aryse 
a  great  space  or  any  of  them  had  lefte  eatynge.a  And  for 
what  purpose  suppose  ye  dyd  this  emperour  in  this  wyse,  in 
whom  was  neuer  spotte  of  auarice  or  vyle  courage.  Certes 
for  two  causes,  fyrst  knowing  the  inconueniences  that  alway 
do  happen  by  ingurgitations  b  and  excessife  fedinges.  Also 

ornatum,  non  Antonii  modo  epistolae,  singulorum  nomina  amarissime  enumerantis, 
exprobrant,  sed  et  sine  auctore  notissimi  versus  : 

Cum  primum  istorum  conduxit  mensa  choragum, 

Sexque  Decs  vidit  Mallia,  sexque  Deas  ; 
Impia  dum  Phoebi  Caesar  mendacia  ludit, 
Dum  nova  Divorum  coenat  adulteria  ; 
Omnia  se  a  terris  tune  numina  declinarunt, 
Fugit  et  auratos  Jupiter  ipse  toros. 

Auxit  coense  rumorem  summa  tune  in  civitate  penuria  ac  fames,  acclamatumque  est 
postridie,  ' '  Omne  frumentum  Deos  comedisse  ; "  et  "Csesarem  esse  plane  Apol- 
linem,  sed  Tortorem : "  quo  cognomine  is  Deus  quadam  in  parte  Urbis  colebatur.' — 
Sueton.  Octavius,  70. 

a  '  Convivia  nonnunquam  et  serius  inibat,  et  maturius  relinquebat;  cum  convive 
et  ccenare  inciperent,  priusquam  ille  discumberet,  et  permanerent,  digresso  eo 
Ccenam  ternis  ferculis,  aut,  cum  abundantissime,  senis  pnebebat,  ut  non  nimio 
sumtu,  ita  summa  comitate.' — Sueton.  Octavius,  74. 

b  We  have  already  seen  an  instance  of  the  use  of  this  word  by  the  author  in 
Vol.  I.  p.  97.  The  Latin  verb  ingnrgitare  is  strictly  assical,  although  there 
does  not  appear  to  be  any  instance  of  the  use  of  the  substantive  ingurgitatio  by 
the  best  writers.  Cicero  says,  '  Nolim  enim  mihi  fingere  asotos,  ut  soletis,  qui  in 
mensam  vomant,  et  qui  de  conviviis  auferantur,  crudique  postridie  se  rursus  ingur- 
gitent.' — De  Fin.  lib.  ii.  cap.  8  ;  and  Aulus  Gellius,  '  Tanquam  Plato  in  libris, 
quos  de  legibus  composuit,  laudes  ebrietatis  copiosissime  scripsisset,  utilemque  esse 
earn  bonis  ac  fortibus  viris  censuisset;  ac  simul  inter  ejusmodi  orationem  crebris  et 
ingentibus  poculis  omne  ingenium  ingurgitabat. ' — Noct.  Alt*  lib.  xv.  cap.  2. 
Bacon  uses  the  word  in  his  Advancement  of  Learning :  '  It  is  written  of  Epicurus 
that  after  his  disease  was  judged  desperate,  he  drowned  his  stomach  and  senses 

with  a  large  draught  and  ingurgitation  of  wine.' — Works,  vol    ii.  p.  165,  eel. 

1825. 

II.  Z 


338  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

that  lyke  as  to.hym  was  commytted  the  soueraigne  gouer- 
nance  of  al  the  worlde,  so  wolde  he  be  to  all  men  the  generall 
example  of  lyuinge.  Nowe  what  damages  do  happen  amonge 
menne  by  immoderate  eatinge  and  drynkynge  we  be  euery 
day  taught  by  experience  ;a  but  to  brynge  them  (as  it  were)  to 
mennes  eyen,  I  wyll  set  them  out  euidently. 

Firste,   of    sacietie   or    fulnesse    be    ingendred   paynfull 
diseases b  and  sickenesses,  as  squynces/5  Distillations  called 

a  In  another  work  the  author  mates  the  same  remark.  '  What  abuse,'  he  says, 
'  is  here  in  this  realme  in  the  continual  gourmandise  and  dayly  feedyng  on  sondry 
meates  at  one  meale,  the  spiryte  of  gluttony  tryumphyng  among  us  in  his  gloryous 
chariot,  called  welfare,  dryuyng  us  afore  hym  as  his  prysoners  into  his  dungeon  of 
surfet,  where  we  are  tormented  wyth  catarres,  feuers,  goutes,  pleuresies,  and 
many  other  sicknesses.' — Castel  of  Health,  fo.  45,  ed.  1561.  Cotgrave  quotes  the 
old  French  proverb,  the  force  of  which  was  no  doubt  fully  realised  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  '  Gourmandise  tue  plus  de  gens  qu'  espee  en  guerre  trenchant. '  Stubbes, 
whose  language,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  anything  but  refined,  paints  in  the 
most  repulsive  colours  the  vietims  of  this  national  failing.  '  Doe  we  not  see  by 
experience  that  they  that  giue  themselues  to  dainty  fare  and  sweet  meates  are 
neuer  in  health  ?  Doth  not  their  sight  waxe  dimme,  their  eares  hard  of  hearing, 
their  teeth  rotte  and  fall  out  ?  Doeth  not  their  breath  stinke,  their  stomackes 
belch  foorth  filthy  humours,  and  their  memory  decay  ?  Do  not  their  spirites  and 
sences  become  heauie  and  dull  by  reason  of  the  filthy  vapours  and  stinking  fumes 
which  rise  from  their  gingered  breasts  and  spiced  stomakes,  and  fuming  up  to  the 
head,  morufie  the  vitall  spirites  and  intellectiue  powers,  in  so  much  that  the  whole 
body  becommeth  pursie  and  corpulent,  yea,  sometimes  decrepite  withall,  and  full 
of  all  filthy  corruption  ?' — Anat.  of  Abuses,  p.  72,  ed.  1595. 

b  '  Itaque  etiam  vere  tales  naturae  maxime  iis  morbis  patent  qui  ex  plenitudine 
oriuntur,  quales  sunt  synanchse,  cynanchse,  destillationes,  quos  catarrhos  vocant, 
hsemorrhoides,  sanguinis  profluvia,  articulares  morbi,  opthalmise,  peripneumonise, 
laterum  compunctiones,  reliqui  denique  omnes  quorum  genus  est  phlegmone.' — 
Galen,  De  San.  Tuend.  lib.  v.  fo.  79,  ed.  1538. 

c  This  word,  sometimes  spelt  squinzy  (mod.  quinsy),  is  an  abbreviated  form  of 
squinancy,  from  the  French  squinance.  In  the  author's  own  Dictionary  we  find 
the  word  synanche  (the  Latinised  form  of  ffvvayxn]  translated,  '  a  syckenesse  in 
the  throte  called  thesquynce.'  But  \i\\\\sCastel  of  Health  (see  fo.  74,  ed.  1561), 
he  himself  spells  it  'quinces,'  whence  the  transition  to  the  modern  form  is  of 
course  easily  made.  Jeremy  Taylor  in  the  next  century  says,  '  Without  revela- 
tion we  cannot  tell  whether  we  shal  eat  tomorrow,  or  whether  a  squinzy  shall 
choak  us.' — Holy  Dying,  p.  15,  ed.  1651.  And  in  his  Sermons  he  says,  'Some 
men  will  never  be  cured  without  a  canker  or  a  squinsieS — P.  209,  ed.  1653. 
Bacon,  speaking  of  the  herb  called  Jew's  ear  (Peziza  auricula),  says,  '  It  is  used 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  339 

rewmes  or   poses,a  hemorroydes,  great   bledynges,   crampes, 
duskenesse  of  sight,  the  tisike,b  and  the  stiche,c  with  Galenus  de 
many  other  that  come  nat  nowe  to  my  remembraunce.  sa.  tuend. 
Of  to  moche  drynkinge  procedeth  dropsies,  wherwith  llb'  v° 
the  body,  and  often  tymes  the  visage  is  swollen  and  defaced, 
bestly  fury,  wherwith  the  myndes  be  perisshed,  and  of  all 

for  squinancies  and  inflammations  in  the  throat,  whereby  it  seemeth  to  have  a 
mollifying  and  lenifying  virtue.' — Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  258,  ed.  1826.  In  a  sermon 
preached  by  John  King,  Bp.  of  London,  n  April,  1619,  on  the  recovery  of 
James  I.,  he  says,  'Euery  apoplexie  in  the  head,  canker  in  the  mouth,  squinanci 
in  the  throate,  may  be  a  meanes  to  death.' — P.  21. 

*  In  his  Castel  of  Health  the  author  says,  '  By  these  distillacions  or  reumes 
hapneth  manye  other  greuous  dyseases,  besydes  those  wherof  I  haue  spoken,  as  in 
the  head,  whirlynges,  called  in  latine  f  vertigines,'  sodeyne  soundynges,  fallyng 
sickenesse,  poses.''— Fo.  74,  ed.  1561.  Cotgrave  translates  the  French  word 
rheume  :  '  A  rheume,  catarrhe,  pose,  murre  ; '  and  the  author  in  his  Dictionary, 
translates  distillatio,  'a  distillyng  specyally  from  the  heed,  callid  a  reume  or 
catarr,  the/<w.'  The  word  is  used  by  Chaucer  in  the  Reeve's  Tale, 

1  He  yoxeth,  and  he  speketh  thurgh  the  nose, 
As  he  were  on  the  quakke  or  on  the/<w<?.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  129. 
and  also  in  the  Prologe  of  the  Maunciple  : 

He  spekith  in  his  nose, 
And  snesith  fast,  and  eek  he  hath  \hz  pose. 

Ibid,  vol.  iii.  p.  251,  ed.  1866. 

b  This  is  the  author's  equivalent  for  the  word  which  Linacre  translated  peri- 
pneumonia.  Cotgrave  gives  for  the  French  phtise,  '  The  Tysicke,  an  incurable 
ulceration  of  the  lungs,  accompanied  with  a  consumption  of  the  whole  bodie.'  It 
is  derived  from  the  Greek  QQiois.  In  the  author's  own  Dictionary^  phthisis  is 
rendered,  '  A  consumption  of  the  body  by  a  distillation  from  the  heed  into  the 
lunges,  whereby  the  lunges  are  exulcerate.'  And  in  his  Castel  of  Health  he 
enumerates  various  'sicknesses  of  age,' amongst  which  he  includes  ' tysicknes  or 
shortnes  of  breath,' fo.  81,  ed.  1561.  The  Spanish  equivalent  is  tisica;  Italian, 
tisico, 

c  Thus  the  author  renders  Linacre's  phrase  *  laterum  compunctiones.'  Cotgrave 
gives  as  one  of  the  meanings  of  the  French  word  poinct,  'a  stich  in  the  side.' 
Dr.  Holland,  whose  translation  of  Pliny  was  published  at  the  commencement  of 
the  next  century,  renders  lib.  xxi.  cap.  77,  '  Laterum  punctiones  tollit  et  vesicae 
calculos;'  'It  taketh  away  the  stitches  in  the  side,  cureth  the  pleurisie,  and 
skoureth  the  stone.' — Vol.  ii.  p.  104,  ed.  1635.  Among  the  'sycknesses  of  wynter 
mentioned  in  the  author's  Castel  of  Health,  we  find  '  stitches  and  griefes  in  the 
sides.'— Fo.  80,  b,  ed.  1561. 

z  2 


340  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

other  moste  odious,  swyne  dron-kynnesse,  wherewith  bothe 
the  body  and  soule  is  deformed,  and  the  figure  of  man  is  as  it 
were  by  inchauntement  transfourmed  in  to  an  ugly  and  lothe- 
some  ymage.  Wherfore  the  Lacedemones  somtyme  purposely 
caused  their  rusticall  seruauntes  to  be  made  very  dronke, 
and  so  to  be  brought  in  at  their  commune  dyners,  to  the 
intent  that  yonge  men  beholdynge  the  deformitie  and  hastye 
fury  of  them  that  were  dronkardes,  shulde  lyue  the  more 
sobrely,  and  shulde  eschue  dronkynnesse  as  a  thynge  foule 
and  abhominable.*  Also  Pittacus,  (one  of  the  seuen  sages  of 
Greece)  dyd  constitute  for  a  lawe  that  they  whiche  beynge 
dronke  dyd  offende,  shulde  sustaine  double  punisshement, 
that  men  shuld  the  more  dilygently  forbere  to  be  dronke.b 

It  is  right  euident  to  euery  wise  man,  who  at  any  tyme 
What  pro- '  hathe  haunted  affayres  wherunto  was  required  con- 
fyte  is  in  templation  or  seriouse  study,  that  to  a  man  hauing 
SaJdwhat  due  concoction  c  and  digestion  as  is  expedient,  shall 
discommo-  in  the  mornynge,  fastynge,  or  with  a  litle  refection, 
nttk  by  the  nat  onely  haue  his  inuencion  quicker,  his  iugemeni 
contrary,  perfecter,  his  tonge  rediar,  but  also  his  reason  fressher, 

a  In  this  and  the  following  passage  the  author  has  merely  given  us  a  transla- 
tion of  Patrizi,  who  says,  '  Proinde  ut  ebrietatis  turpitudinem  fugiendam  esse 
ostenderent,  Lacedsemonii  rusticos  servos  multo  mero  ingurgitates  in  juvenum 
convivia  inducebant,  ut  cernentes  adolescentes  temulentorum  insaniam,  deformita- 
tem,  prsecipitemquefurorem,sobrie  honesteque  viverent,  et  ebrietatem  tanquam  rem 
turpem  atque  abhorrendam  fugerent. ' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  vi.  tit.  26. 

b  '  Pittacus  Mittylenseus,  qui  unus  e  septem  Graeciae  sapientibus  fuit,  ebrios 
quum  peccarent,  duplici  poena  afficiendos  esse  per  legem  statuit,  ut  diligentius 
homines  temulentiam  vitarent.' — Patrizi,  ubi  supra.  And  the  Italian  writer  had 
no  doubt  the  following  passage  from  Plutarch  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote  the 
above.  Tby  olv  Mj/TjtrfyiA.oj'  wpoffayopevffas  6  TlirraK^s  ypdmriffe,  Ti  oit  irivti  6 
aAAa  Karap.apTvp€t  T<av  TroiTjjUCiTWJ',  ej/  ols  ysypcupe  • 

"Epya  8e  Kvirpoyevovs  vvv  juot  <^>lAo  KOL  Aiovvffov,' 
Kal  Mouaewj/,  &  riOyor'  avSpdviv  evtypoffvvas. 

'fTTO<pQdffas  Se  'AvdxaPfft*,   ^  7«P^    ^  IltTTa/ce,   /col  rbv  obv  eKttvov  rbv 
fj.ov,  Iv  $  yeypa<f>as,  'Eav  TIS  dnovv  juefliW  ap.dprri,  8nr\a<rlav  ?)  T$ 
Jv<u. — Plut.  Sept.  Sap.  Conviv.  13. 
0  These  words  are  used  by  the  author  in  juxtaposition  in  his  Castel  of  Health, 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  341 

his  eare  more  attentife,  his  remembraunce  more  sure,  and 
generally  all  his  powars  and  wittes  more  effectuall  and  in 
better  astate,  than  after  that  he  hath  eaten  abundauntly.a 
Which  I  suppose  is  the  cause  why  the  auncient  courtes  of 
recorde  in  this  realme  haue  euer  benne  used  to  be  kept  onely 
before  none.b  And  surely  the  consideration  is  wonderfull 

where  he  says,  '  The  meates  and  drynks  receiued  into  the  body,  yf  the  stomacke 
and  lyuer  doe  theyr  naturall  office,  be  altered  by  concoction  and  digestion.'1 — Lib. 
iii.  cap.  2,  fo.  54,  b.  ed.  1561.  The  Latin  word,  of  which  that  in  the  text  is  a 
mere  adaptation,  is  constantly  used  by  Pliny,  but  not  by  the  best  classical  writers. 
The  following  passage  may  be  taken  as  an  example  of  its  use  by  the  former. 
'  Arbutus  sive  unedo  fructum  fert  difficilem  concoctioni,  et  stomacho  inutilem.' — 
Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xxiii.  cap.  79.  Lin  acre,  in  his  translation  of  Galen's  work,  De 
Sanitate  tuendd,  employs  this  word  in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  here  used.  In 
Cotgrave's  Dictionary  the  French  word  concoction  is  translated  '  concoction  ;  good 
digestion  ;  a  boyling  or  seething  (of  meat  in  the  stomack) .'  Bacon,  in  his  Natural 
History,  explains  the  meaning  of  the  term  as  used  in  the  text.  '  The  word  concoc- 
tion, or  digestion,  is  chiefly  taken  into  use  from  living  creatures  and  their  organs  ; 
and  from  thence  extended  to  liquors  and  fruits,  &c.  Therefore  they  speak  of  meat 
concocted  ;  urine  and  excrements  concocted ;  and  the  four  digestions,  in  the 
stomach,  in  the  liver,  in  the  arteries  and  nerves,  and  in  the  several  parts  of  the 
body,  are  likewise  called  concoctions  :  and  they  are  all  made  to  be  the  works  of 
heat.' — Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  447,  ed.  1826. 

a  Sir  Matthew  Hale  indeed  seems  to  have  recognised  the  wisdom  of  this 
advice,  for  one  of  the  rules  which  he  laid  down  for  his  own  guidance  declares  that 
it  is  necessary  '  to  be  shorl  and  sparing  at  meals,  that  I  may  be  the  fitter  for 
business.' — Campbell's  Lives  of  the  Chief  Justices,  vol.  i.  p.  548,  but  in  the 
eighteenth  century  different  habits  prevailed,  and  '  until  Robert  Henley  held  the 
seals,  Chancellors  continued  to  hold  after-dinner  sittings  in  the  Court  of  Chancery  on 
certain  days  of  the  week  throughout  the  term.' — Jeaffreson's  Book  about  Lawyers, 
vol.  ii.  p.  232,  ed.  1867. 

b  With  regard  to  the  sittings  of  the  Court  of  Star  Chamber,  we  possess  inde- 
pendent evidence  to  confirm  the  author,  for  Sir  Thomas  Smyth  tells  us :  'In  the 
Terme  time,  euery  weeke,  once  at  the  least  (which  is  commonly  on  Fridaies  and 
Wednesdaies,  and  the  next  day  after  that  the  Terme  doth  ende)  the  Lorde  Chaun- 
cellor  and  the  Lordes  and  other  of  the  priuie  Counsell,  so  many  as  will,  and  other 
Lordes  and  Barons  which  be  not  of  the  priuie  Counsell,  and  be  in  the  towne,  and 
the  Judges  of  England,  specially  the  two  chiefe  Judges  from  ix  of  the  clocke  till  it 
lexi,  doe  sit  in  a  place  which  is  called  the  Starre  Chamber.' — De  Rep.  Angl. 
p.  94,  ed.  1584.  And  the  Lord  Chancellor's  Court  was  equally  early,  for  Caven- 
dish tells  us  that  Wolsey's  habit  was  to  come  out  of  his  privy  chamber  '  about 
eight  of  the  clocke,  apparelled  all  in  red  .  .  .  and  thus  passed  he  forthe  untill  he 
came  to  Westminster  Hall  doore.  And  there  he  alighted,  and  went  after  this 


342  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

excellent,  and  to  be  (as  I  mought  saye)  supersticiously  ob- 
serued  ;  the  reasons  why  be  so  apparaunt  that  they  nede  nat 
here  to  be  rehersed. 

Pythagoras  was  neuer  sene  to  eate  any  fysshe  or  flesshe, 
but  only  herbes  and  frutes.a  Semblably  dyd  many  other  who 
exactely  folowed  his  doctrine.b  Wherfore  it  was  supposed  that 
they  the  rather  excelled  all  other  in  findynge  out  the  secretes 
and  hydde  knowleges  of  nature,  whiche  to  other  were  impene- 
trable.6 

manner  up  into  the  chauncery,  or  into  the  star  chamber ;  howbeit  most  commonly 
he  would  goe  into  the  chauncery,  and  staye  a  while  at  a  barre  made  for  him 
beneathe  the  chauncery,  on  the  right  hand,  and  there  commune  sometimes  with  the 
judges,  and  sometimes  with  other  persons.  And  that  done  he  would  repair  into 
the  chauncery,  sitting  there  till  an  eleven  of  the  clocke,  hearing  of  suites  and  deter- 
mining of  other  matters.' — Wordsworth's  Eccles.  Biog.  vol.  i.  pp.  490,  492.  It 
was  probably  for  the  reasons  mentioned  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  that  the  House  of 
Commons  held  only  morning  sittings  in  the  sixteenth  century,  for  we  read  that, 
'  Ordinarily,  except  it  be  for  urgent  causes  and  hasting  of  time,  at  the  afternoone, 
they  keepe  no  parliament.' — De  Rep.  Angl.  p.  40. 

a  '  Pythagoras,  cunctis  animalibus  abstinuit  qui 

Tanquam  homine,  et  ventri  indulsit  non  omne  legumen.' 

Juv.  Sat.  xv.  173. 

Bishop  Thirlwall  says,  '  Some  authors  represent  him  as  forbidding  all  animal  food, 
others  all  kind  of  fish,  others  beans  ;  whereas  Aristoxenus,  a  writer  of  great  credit, 
asserted  that  he  preferred  beans  to  all  other  vegetables.  It  seems  probable  that 
he  only  interdicted  certain  parts  of  animals,  and  certain  kinds  of  fish,  and  perhaps 
of  pulse.' — Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  ii.  p.  168,  note.  The  fact  that  he  believed  in  the 
metempsychosis  sufficiently  explains,  without  seeking  further,  his  invincible  re- 
pugnance to  animal  food.  He  did  not,  however,  as  Empedocles  did,  extend  the 
same  intercommunion  to  plants. 

b  Mr.  Grote  has  shown  us  that  '  the  abstinence  from  animal  food  was  an 
Orphic  precept  as  well  as  a  Pythagorean.' — Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  iii.  p.  340,  note. 

0  The  author  in  this  passage  evidently  implies  that  the  learning  which  was 
developed  by  the  Pythagorean  order  was  the  result  of  their  peculiar  diet,  but 
Mr.  Grote  has  pointed  out  that  '  the  members  of  the  order  cannot  have  been  all 
subjected  to  the  same  diet,  or  training,  or  studies ;  for  Milo  the  Krotoniate  was 
among  them,  the  strongest  man  and  the  unparalleled  wrestler  of  his  age,  who 
cannot  possibly  have  dispensed  with  animal  food  and  ample  diet  (even  setting 
aside  the  tales  about  his  voracious  appetite),  and  is  not  likely  to  have  bent  his 
attention  on  speculative  study.  Probably  Pythagoras  did  not  enforce  the  same 
bodily  or  mental  discipline  on  all,  or  at  least  knew  when  to  grant  dispensations. 
The  order,  as  it  first  stood  under  him,  consisted  of  men  different  both  in  tempera- 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  343 

Plato  (or  rather  Socrates,  Plato  indictynge,)  in  his  seconde 
boke  of  the  publyke  weale,  wylleth  that  the  people  of  his 
citye,  whiche  he  wolde  constitute,  shulde  be  norysshed  with 
barly  brede  and  cakes  of  vhete,  and  that  the  residue  of  their 
diete  shulde  be  salte,  olyues,  chese,  and  likes,  and  more  ouer 
wortes  that  the  feldes  do  brynge  furthe,  for  their  potage.  But 
he  addeth  to,  as  it  were  to  make  the  dyner  more  delicate, 
figges,  benes,  myrtill  beryes,  and  beeche  mast,  whiche  they 
shulde  roste  on  the  coles,  and  drynke  to  it  water  moderately. 
So  (sayeth  he)  they  lyuinge  restfully  and  in  helthe  unto 
extreme  age,  shall  leaue  the  same  maner  of  lyuinge  unto  their 
successours.  I  knowe  well  some  redars,  for  this  diete  ap- 
pointed by  Socrates,  will  skorne  him-,  accountynge  hym  for  a 
foole,  who  nat  onely  by  the  answere  of  Apollo,  but  also  by 
the  consent  of  all  excellent  writars  that  folowed  hym,  and  the 
uniuersall  renoume  of  all  people,  was  approued  to  be  the 
wisest  man  of  all  Grecia.  Certes  I  haue  knowen  men  of 
worshippe  in  this  realme,  whiche  durynge  their  yongth  haue 
dronken  for  the  more  parte  water.  [Of  whome  some  yet  lyueth  b 

ment  and  aptitude,  but  bound  together  by  common  religious  observances  and 
hopes,  common  reverence  for  the  master,  and  mutual  attachment  as  well  as  pride 
in  each  other's  success.  It  must  thus  be  distinguished  from  the  Pythagoreans  of 
the  fourth  century,  B.C.,  who  had  no  communion  with  wrestlers,  and  comprised 
only  ascetic,  studious  men,  generally  recluse,  though  in  some  cases  rising  to 
political  distinction.' — Hist,  of  Greece,  vol.  iii.  p.  340.  In  another  place  Sir 
T.  Elyot  attributes  their  intellectual  excellence  to  the  fact  that  they  drank  only 
water.  '  The  true  folowers  of  Pythagoras  doctryne  dranke  onely  water,  and  yet 
lyued  longe,  as  Appolonius  and  other,  and  in  the  serchynge  out  of  secrete  and 
mysticall  thinges  theyr  wyttes  excelled.' — Castel  of  Health,  fo.  33,  b.  ed.  1561. 

a  Kal  d  TXavKcav  uTroA.ajS&y,  *A.V€V  otyov,  e<pr?,  us  eot/cas,  7rote?s  rovs  avSpas 
fjievovs.  'AA.TJ0T7,  ^v  S'fyw,  Ae^eis  •  ^TreA.afltfytT?*',  '6-ri  Kal  fyov  e£ov(Tiv,  a\as  re 
2-n  Kal  e\aas  «ai  rvpbv,  Kal  &o\ftovs  Kal  Aa%aj/a,  ofa  8))  tv  aypots  efy-fipar 
Kal  TpayJifj-ard  irov  TrapaO-f}ffOfji.ev  auroTs  TWV  re  avKcav  Kal  iptftMw  Kal  Kvapuv,  Kal 
p.vpTa  Kal  Qriyovs  (Tiro5toC<n  irpbs  rb  irvp,  (jLfrplws  vwoirivovrcs'  Kal  O#TO>  Sidyovres  T^V 
fttov  €v  flpyvri  /xera  vyieias,  us  et/cbs,  yrjpaiol  rfXevruvres  &\\ov  roiovrov  fiiov  rois 
fKy6t>ois  TrapaScaffovffip. — Plato  de  Rep.  lib.  ii.  cap.  13. 

b  The  allusion  here  intended  is  undoubtedly  to  Sir  Thomas  More,  who  at  this 
time  was  in  his  fifty-first  year,  and  of  whom  we  are  told  by  another  contemporary 
writer  that,  '  When  he  was  "a  young  man  he  used  and  delighted  in  drinking  of 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 

in  great  auctorytie,  whose  excellencie  as  well  in  sharpnesse  of 
wytte  as  in  exquisite  lernynge,  is  all  redy  knowen  throughe 
all  Christendome.a  ] 

But  here  men  shall  nat  note  me  that  I  wryte  this  as  who 
sayeth  that  noble  men  in  this  realme  shulde  lyue  after  Socrates 
diete,  wherin  hauinge  respecte  to  this  tyme  and  region,  they 
mought  perchaunce  fynde  occasion  to  reproue  me.  Surely  lyke 
as  the  excesse  of  fare  is  to  be  iustly  reproued,  so  in  a  noble 
man  moche  pinchynge  and  nygardshyppe  of  meate  and 
drinke  is  to  be  discommended.b 

I  can  nat  commende  Aelius  Pertinax,  who  beinge  empe- 
rour  of  Rome,  wolde  haue  his  gestes  serued  with  a  plante  of 
lettuse  deuyded  in  two  partes,  and  except  some  thynge  were 
sent  hym,  he  wolde  appoynte  nyne  pounde  weyght  of  flesshe 
unto  thre  messes,  and  if  any  dysshe  hapned  to  be  brought  to 
hym,  he  caused  it  to  be  sette  up  untyll  the  next  daye.c  I  am 
a  shamed  to  remembre  that  he  wolde  sende  to  his  frendes  two 
morselles  of  meate,  a  pece  of  a  podynge,  or  the  carkaisse  of  a 


water  ;  his  common  drinke  was  verie  small  ale,  and  as  for  wine,  he  did  but  sipp  of 
it,  and  that  onlie  for  companies  sake  or  for  pledging  his  friends.'  In  his  other 
work,  entitled  the  Castel  of  Health,  the  author  repeats  the  observation  in  the  text. 
He  says,  '  We  have  sene  men  and  women  of  great  age,  and  stronge  of  body, 
whyche  neuer,  or  very  seldome,  dranke  other  drynke  than  pure  water.'  — Fo.  33,  b. 
ed.  1561. 

•  The  passage  within  brackets  has  been  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent  editions, 
and  was  probably  suppressed  in  consequence  of  the  disgrace  and  execution  of  Sir 
Thomas  More. 

b  Stubbes  declares  that  whilst  (  Some  be  ouer  largeous  and  profluous  herein, 
(i.e.  in  hospitality)  so  other  some  are  spare  ynough  ;  for  when  any  meate  is  stirring, 
then  locke  they  up  their  gates  that  no  man  may  come  in.  Another  sort  haue  so 
many  houses  that  they  visite  them  not  once  in  seuen  yeares  ;  many  chimneyes,  but 
litle  smoke,  faire  houses,  but  small  hospitality. '-  -Anat.  of  Abuses,  p.  71,  ed.  1595. 

8  *  Et  quum  verbis  esset  affabilis,  re  erat  illiberalis  ac  prope  sordidus,  ut  dimi- 
diatas  lactucas  et  carduos  in  privata  vita  convivis  apponeret  :  et  nisi  quod  missum 
esset  eduliam,  quotquot  essent  amici,  novem  libras  carnis  per  tres  missus  ponebat. 
Si  autem  plus  aliquid  missum  esset  etiam  in  alium  diem  differebat,  quum  semper 
ad  convivium  multos  vocaret.  Amicis  si  quando  de  prandio  suo  mittere  voluit 
misit  offulas  binas,  aut  omasi  partem,  aliquando  lumbos  gallinaceos.' — Hist.  Aug. 
torn,  i  p.  564. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  345 

capon.  This  was  but  miserye  and  wretched  nygardeshippe 
in  a  man  of  suche  honour. 

In  lyke  maner  who  will  nat  haue  in  extreme  detestation 
the  insatiable  gloteny  of  Vitellius,a  Fabius  Gurges,b  Apicius,c 
and  dyuers  other,  to  whiche  carmorantes,d  neither  lande, 
water,  ne  ayre,  mought  be  sufficient. 

Neither  the  curiositie  and  wanton  appetite  of  Heliogabalus, 
emperour  of  Rome,  is  of  any  wise  man  alowed.  Who  beinge  at 
Rome,  or  ferre  from  the  see,  wolde  eate  onely  see  fysshe,  and 
whan  he  soiourned  nighe  to  the  see,  he  wolde  touche  no 


a  Aulus  Vitellius,  'the  beastly  Vitellius,'  according  to  Gibbon,  'consumed  in 
mere  eating  at  least  six  millions  of  our  money  in  about  seven  months,'  and  the 
historian  adds,  '  it  is  not  easy  to  express  his  vices  with  dignity  or  even  decency.' — 
Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Emp.  vol.  i.  p.  217,  note. 

b  Q.  Fabius  Maximus,  who  was  consul  in  B.C.  292,  acquired  the  agnomen  of 
Gurges,  or  the  glutton,  from  his  youthful  extravagance  ;  '  a  devorato  patrimonio 
cognominatus,'  says  Macrobius,  Sat.  lib.  iii.  cap.  13.  Juvenal  is  said  to  allude  to 
him  in  the  following  passage  : 

*  JEre  paterno, 

Ac  rebus  mersis  in  ventrem,  fceneris  atque 
Argenti  gravis,  et  pecorum,  agrorumque  capacem  ? ' 

Sat.  xi.  39-41. 

0  M.  Gabius  Apicius,  whom  Pliny  calls  'nepotum  omnium  altissimus  gurges,' 
Nat.  Hist.  lib.  x.  cap.  68,  lived  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  and  may  be  considered 
the  very  prince  of  epicures,  for  his  inventive  powers  in  culinary  matters  were  such 
that  he  may  fairly  be  said  to  have  erected  gastronomy  into  a  science,  '  la  science  de 
gueule,'  as  it  is  called  by  a  celebrated  writer  of  that  nation  which  has  always 
furnished  its  most  famous  professors. 

d  This  word  appears  to  be  simply  the  French  word  Anglicised.  Cotgrave 
gives  another  form,  Gorman.  There  is  no  doubt  that  it  is  a  contraction  of  the  two 
words  corbeau  and  marin,  the  French  equivalents  for  the  Latin  coivus  tnarinus. 
Sherwood,  in  his  Eng.  French  Diet,  has  the  word  in  the  same  metaphorical  sense 
as  our  author,  '  A  cormorant,  or  devouring  glutton, '  which  he  translates  by  the 
French  galaffre,  glouton.  And  also  Stubbes  in  his  Anatomic  of  Abuses,  'Now 
adayes,  if  the  table  be  not  pestered,  from  the  one  end  to  the  other,  as  thicke  as  one 
dish  can  stand  by  another,  with  delicate  meat  of  sondry  sortes,  onecleane  different 
from  another,  and  to  euery  dish  a  seuerall  sawce  appropriate  in  his  kind,  it  is  thought 
there  unworthy  the  name  of  a  dinner :  yea,  so  many  dishes  shal  you  haue  there  on 
the  table  at  once,  as  the  unsatiablest  Helluo,  the  devouringst  glutton,  or  the 
greediest  Cormorant  that  euer  was,  can  scarce  eate  of  euery  one  a  little.'  P.  69, 
ed.  1595. 


346  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

fysshe  but  whiche  was  taken  out  of  the  ryuer  of  Tybre  or 
other  places  of  equall  or  of  more  distaunce.a  Also  he  wolde 
haue  disshes  of  meate  made  of  Camelles  heeles,  the  combes  of 
cockes  newly  cutte,  the  tunges  of  pecockes  and  nyghtyngales, 
partriches  egges,b  and  other  thinges  harde  for  to  come  by, 
wherto  be  no  englysshe  names  founden  (as  I  suppose)  apte 
to  the  true  signification.6 

More  ouer  all  thoughe  I  dispraysed  nygarshippe  and 
vicious  scarcitie,  in  these  nombre  of  disshes  whiche  I  haue 
commended,  yet  I  desyre  nat  to  haue  therin  meates  for 
any  occasion  to  moche  sumptuous.  For  in  one  or  two 
disshes  may  be  employed  as  moche  money  as  in  twentie, 
perchaunce  as  good  or  better  in  eatynge.d  Wherof  there  re- 

d  '  Ad  mare  piscem  nunquam  comedit  :  in  longissimis  a  mari  locis  omnia 
marina  semper  exhibuit :  mursenarum  lactibus  et  luporum  in  locis  mediterraneis 
rusticos  pavit.  Pisces  semper  quasi  in  marina  aqua  cum  colore  suo  coctos  condi- 
tura  veneta  comedit.' — Hist.  Aug.  torn  i.  p.  855,  ed.  1671. 

b  '  Comedit  saepius  ad  imitationem  Apicii  calcanea  camelorum,  et  cristas  vivis 
gallinaceis  demptas,  linguas  pavonum  et  lusciniarum:  quod  qui  ederet,  ab  epilepsia 
tutus  diceretur.  Exhibuit  et  Palatinis  ingentes  dapes  extis  mullorum  refertas,  et 
cerebellis  phoenicopterum  et  perdicum  ovis,  et  cerebellis  turdorum,  et  capitibus 
psittacorum  et  fasianorum  et  pavonum.' — Hist.  Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  835. 

c  The  author,  however,  must  have  been  accustomed  to  see  delicacies  quite  as 
rtchercht  as  those  mentioned  in  the  text,  served  up  in  England.  For  Harrison, 
speaking  of  the  gentry,  says,  '  It  is  a  world  to  see  what  great  prouision  is  made  of 
all  maner  of  delicat  meats  from  euerie  quarter  of  the  countrie,  wherein  beside  that 
they  are  often  comparable  herein  to  the  nobilitie  of  the  land  ;  they  will  seldome 
regard  anie  thing  that  the  butcher  usuallie  killeth,  but  reiect  the  same  as  not 
worthie  to  come  in  place.  In  such  cases  also  gelisses  of  all  colours,  mixed  with  a 
varietie  in  the  representation  of  sundrie  floures,  herbs,  trees,  formes  of  beasts, 
fish,  foules,  and  fruits,  and  thereunto  marchpaine,  wrought  with  no  small  curiosi- 
tie,  tarts  of  diuerse  hewes  and  sundrie  denominations,  conserues  of  old  fruits, 
forren  and  home-bred,  suckets,  codinacs,  marmilats,  marchpaine,  sugerbread, 
gingerbread,  Florentines,  wild  foule,  venison  of  all  sorts,  and  sundrie  outlandish 
confections,  altogither  seasoned  with  suger  (which  Plinie  calleth  mel  ex  arundini- 
bus,  a  deuise  not  common  nor  greatlie  used  in  old  time  at  the  table,  but  onelie  in 
medicine,  although  it  grew  in  Arabia,  India,  and  Sicilia)  do  generallie  beare  the 
swaie,  besides  infinit  deuises  of  our  owne  not  possible  for  me  to  remember.' — 
Descript.  Engl.  p.  167. 

d  Stubbes,  at  a  later  period  of  the  same  century,  says,  '  You  shall  haue  twenty, 
fourty,  sixtie,  yea,  a  hundred  pound  spent  in  some  one  house  in  banquetting  and 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  347 

mayneth  a  noble  example  of  Cleopatra,  doughter  of  Ptolomee, 
late  kinge  of  Egypt  (whome  Cesar  in  his  lyfe  helde  for  his 
Concubine)  the  same  lady  Antoni  (with  whome  Octauiane 
deuided  the  empire)  loued  also  peramours,a  abandonynge  his 
wyfe,  which  was  suster  to  Octauian.  And  the  warres  betwene 
him  and  Octauian  ceasinge  by  a  litle  space,  he  (durynge  that 
tyme)  lyued  in  moste  prodigall  riotte,  and  thinkyng  all 
thinge  in  the  see,  the  lande,  and  the  ayre  to  be  made  for 
satisfienge  his  gloteny,  he  deuoured  all  flesshe  and  fysshe  that 
mought  be  anywhere  founden.  Cleopatra  disdayninge  to  be 
vainquisshed  in  any  excesse  by  a  Romane,  layde  a  wager 
with  Antony  that  she  her  selfe  wolde  receyue  in  to  her  body 
at  one  souper  the  value  of  fyftie  thousande  poundes,  whiche 
to  Antony  was  thought  in  a  maner  to  be  impossible.  The 
wager  was  put  in  to  the  handes  of  Numatius  Plancus,  a  noble 

feasting  .  .  .  Yea,  it  is  counted  but  a  small  matter  for  a  man  that  can  scarsly 
dispende  fourty  poundes  by  the  yeare,  to  bestowe  against  one  time,  tenne  or  twenty 
poundes  thereof  in  spices.' — Anat.  of  Abuses,  p.  71,  ed.  1595. 

*  This  is,  as  Tyrwhitt  says,  '  A  genuine  old  expression.'  He  does  not,  how- 
ever, notice  this  passage.  We  can  easily  trace  its  origin  from  the  French  pleonasm, 
aimer  par  amour.  Thus  Froissart,  in  his  Chronicle,  says,  '  II  (Eustace  d'Aubecthi- 
court)  aima  adonc  par  amours,  et  depuis  espousa,  madame  Ysabel  de  Juliers,  fille 
jadis  au  comte  de  Juliers,'  torn  i.  p.  203,  ed.  1574,  which  Lord  Berners  translates, 
*  He  was  as  than  a  lusty  louer  paramours,  and  after  he  maryed  the  lady  Isabell  of 
Jullyers,  somtyme  doughter  to  therle  of  Jullyers.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  233,  ed.  1812. 
The  meaning  implied  was  not  necessarily  dishonourable,  and  in  an  analogous 
passage,  *  Comment  le  Roy  d'Angleterre  fut  enamoure  de  la  Comtesse  de  Salebery,' 
(Ibid.  p.  85)  we  find  Lord  Berners  in  his  translation  employing  a  similarly 
hybrid  expression  :  '  Howe  the  kyng  of  England  was  in  amours  with  the  Countesse 
of  Salisbury.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  98.  Chaucer  adopts  the  phrase  in  The  Knight's 
Tale-. 

'For par  amour  I  loved  her  first,  then  thou,' 
and  again, 

'  I  knowe  wel,  that  every  lusty  knight 
That  loveth  paramours,  and  hath  his  might, 
Were  it  in  Engelond,  or  elleswhere, 
They  wold,  here  thankes,  wilne  to  be  there.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  36,  65. 

In  Palsgrave  we  find,  '  Paramour,  a  man — acoincte  ;  paramour,  a  woman — daine 
peramour.' — D Esclaircissement,  p.  251,  ed.  1852. 


348  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

Romane.  The  next  day  Cleopatra  prepared  for  Antony  a 
ryght  sumptuous  souper,  but  wherat  Antony  nothing  mer- 
uailed,  knowinge  the  value  therof  by  his  accustomed  fare,  than 
the  quene  smylyng  called  for  a  goblet,  wher  into  she  dyd 
poure  a  quantitie  of  very  tarte  vinegre,  and  takynge  a  perle 
which  hynge  at  one  of  her  eares,  she  quickely  dyd  let  it  fall 
in  to  ,,the  vinegre,  wherein  beynge  shortely  dissolued  (as  it  is 
the  nature  of  the  perle)  she  immediately  dranke  it,  and  all 
thoughe  she  had  vainquisshed  Antony  accordynge  to  her 
wager,  the  perle  without  any  dought  beinge  of  the  value  of 
L.  M.  1L,  yet  hadde  she  lykewyse  dronken  an  other  perle  of 
lyke  value,  whiche  was  hangynge  at  her  other  eare,  had  nat 
Numatius  Plancus,  as  an  indifferent  iudge,  furthewith  gyuen 

iugement  that  Antony  was  all  redy  vainquisshed.* 
Satu.  U.  I  haue  rehersed  this  historic  wrytten  by  Macrobius 

PKniii.ix.  an(j  aiso  plini,  to  the  intent  that  the  vanitie  in  sump- 
tuous festinge  shulde  be  the  better  expressed. 
Androcides  (a  man  of  excellent   wisedome)  wrate    unto 
the  great  kynge  Alexander  an  epistell,  desyrynge 
xiv.  natii-    hym  to  refrayne  his  intemperance,  wherin  he  sayd, 
ral  hist.       Noble    prince,    whan    thou    wylte    drynke     wyne, 
remember  thanne  that  thou  drynkest  the  bloode  of 

a  '  Nam  cum  Antonius  quicquid  mari  aut  terra  aut  etiam  cselo  gigneretur  ad 
satiandam  ingluviem  suam  natum  existimans  faucibus  ac  dentibus  suis  subderet, 
eaque  re  captus  de  Romano  imperio  facere  vellet  ^Egyptium  regnum,  Cleopatra 
uxor,  quse  vinci  a  Romanis  nee  luxuria  dignaretur,  sponsione  provocavit  insumere 
se  posse  in  unam  coenam  sestertium  centies.  Id  mirum  Antonio  visum,  nee  mora- 
tus  sponsione  contendit,  dignus  sculna  Munatio  Planco  qui  tarn  honesti  certaminis 
arbiter  electus  est.  Altera  die  Cleopatra  pertemptans  Antonium  pollucibilem 
sane  coenam  paravit,  sed  quam  non  miraretur  Antonius,  quippe  qui  omnia  quse 
adponebantur  ex  quotidianis  opibus  agnosceret.  Tune  regina  adridens  fialam 
poposcit,  cui  aceti  nonnihil  acris  infudit,  atque  illuc  unionem  demptum  ex  aure 
altera  festinabunda  demisit,  eumque  mature  dissolutum,  uti  natura  est  ejus  lapidis, 
absorbuit .  et  quamvis  eo  facto  sponsione  vicisset,  quippe  cum  ipsa  margarita 
centies  sestertium  sine  contentione  evaluisset,  manum  tamen  et  ad  alterius 
unionem  auris  similiter  admovit,  nisi  Munatius  Plancus,  judex  severissimus,  super- 
atum  Antonium  mature  pronuntiasset.' — Macrob.  Sat.  lib.  iii.  cap.  17.  This 
story  is  also,  as  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  reminds  us,  narrated  by  Pliny  in  the  ninth  book  of 
his  Natural  History. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  349 

the  erthe.  Sygnifyenge  therby  (as  I  suppose)  the  myght  and 
powar  of  wyne,  and  also  warnynge  Alexander  of  the  thirste 
or  appetyte  of  bloode  whyche  wolde  ensue  by  his  intemperate 
drynkynge.  For  Plini  (that  writeth  this  historic)  sayth 
immediately,  that  if  Alexander  hadde  obeyed  the  preceptes  of 
Androcides,  he  hadde  neuer  slayne  his  frendes  in  his  dron- 
kennes.a  For  undoughtedly  it  maye  be  sayde  with  good  right 
that  there  is  nothing  to  the  strength  of  mans  body  more 
profitable  than  wyne,  ne  to  voluptuouse  appetites  more  per- 
nicious, if  measure  lacketh.  Also  it  is  very  truely  and  properly 
written  of  Propertius  the  poete,  in  this  sentence  folowyng  or 
like: 

By  wyne  beaultie  fadeth,  and  age  is  defaced, 
Wyne  maketh  forgoten  that  late  was  embraced.11 

Moreouer  Salomon,  in  his  boke  named  Ecclesiastes,  calleth 
that  countraye  happy  whereof  the  gouernours  do  eate  in 
theyr  tyme.c  And  what  shall  we  suppose  is  there  tyme  but 
onely  that  which  nature  and  the  uniuersall  consente  of  all 
people  hathe  ordayned  ?  And  of  what  space  is  that  tyme  ? 
But  only  that  which  suffiseth  to  the  abundaunt  sustentation 
and  nat  oppression  of  nature,  ne  letteth  any  parte  of  their 
necessary  affaires  about  the  publike  weale. 

[Thisd  me  semeth  may  be  one  exposition  of  Salomons 
sentence.  And  here  will  I  nowe  make  an  ende  to  wryte  any 
more  at  this  tyme  of  moderate  diete,  which  I  haue  nat  done 

a  '  Nee  alienum  fuerit  commemorare  hoc  in  loco,  quod  Androcydes  sapientia 
clarusad  Alexandrum  Magnum  scripsit,  intemperantiam  ejus  cohibens  :  "Vinum 
poturus  rex,  memento  te  bibere  sanguinem  terrse  :  cicuta  hominum  venenum  est, 
cicutse  vinum."  Quibus  praeceptis  si  ille  obtemperavisset,  profecto  amicos  in 
temulentia  non  interemisset.  Prorsus  ut  jure  dici  possit,  neque  viribus  corporis 
utilius  aliud,  neque  aliud  voluptatibus  perniciosius,  si  modus  absit.' — Nat.  Hist. 
lib.  xiv.  cap.  7. 

b  '  Vino  forma  perit ;  vino  corrumpitur  setas  ; 

Vino  saepe  suum  nescit  arnica  virum.' 

Prop.  lib.  ii.  el.  33. 

c  See  P^ccles.  x.  17. 

d  The  passage  within  brackets  has  been  omitted  in  all  the  subsequent  editions. 


350  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

of  any  presumption,  but  all  onely  to  exhorte  gentyll  men  to 
preserue  and  augment  their  wittes  by  this  exhortation  to 
temperaunce,*  or  suche  lyke  by  them  selfes  or  some  other 
better  deuysed] 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 
Of  Sapience,  and  the  definition  therof. 

ALL  be  it  that  some  men  whiche  haue  hiderto  radde  this 
boke  will  suppose  that  those  vertues  whereof  I  haue  treated 
be  sufficient  to  make  a  gouernour  vertuous  and  excellent, 
nethelas  for* as  moche  as  the  effecte  of  myne  enterprise  in 
this  warke  is  to  expresse,  as  farre  furthe  as  god  shall  instructe 
my  poore  witte,  what  thinges  do  belonge  to  the  makinge  of  a 
perfeyte  publike  weale,  whiche  well  nigh  may  no  more  be 
without  an  excellent  gouernour  thanne  the  uniuersall  course 
of  nature  may  stande  or  be  permanent  without  one  chiefe 
disposer  and  meuer,  which  is  ouer  all  supereminent  in  powar, 
understanding,  and  goodnes,b  Wherfore  because  in  gouernaunce 
be  included  disposition  and  ordre,  whiche  can  nat  be  without 
soueraigne  knowlege,  procedynge  of  wisedome,  in  a  more 
elegant  worde  called  Sapience,0  therfore  I  will  nowe  declare 
as  moch  as  my  litle  witte  doth  comprehende  of  that  parte  of 
Sapience  that  of  necessitie  must  be  in  euery  gouernour  of  a 
iuste  or  perfeyte  publike  weale. 

*  That  such  '  exhortation '  was  not  altogether  unnecessary,  the  author  shows 
us  pretty  conclusively  in  another  place  ;  for  in  speaking  of  the  sumptuary  laws, 
which  were  mainly  designed  to  check  '  the  vayne  and  sumptuous  expenses  of  the 
meane  people,'  he  proceeds  with  a  touch  of  dry  humour  to  inform  us  that  'the 
nobylitee  was  exempted,  and  had  libertee  to  abyde  styl  in  the  dungeon,  if  they 
would,  and  to  lyue  lesse  whyle  than  other  men.' — Castel  of  Health,  fo.  45, 
ed.  1561. 

b  Compare  with  this  the  author's  remarks  in  Vol.  I.  p.  12. 

«  So  Patrizi  says  :  '  Civilis  ergo  scientia,  quam  sapientiam  possumus  appellare. 
— De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  vi.  tit.  6. 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  351 

The  noble  philosopher  and  moste  excellent  oratour,  Tullius 
Cicero,  in  the  iv  boke  of  his  Tusculane  questions  ci.  tusc.  q. 
saieth  in  this  wise,  Sapience  is  the  science  of  things  &•  *&• 
diuine  and  humaine,  which  considereth  the  cause  of  euery 
thing,  by  reason  wherof  that  which  is  diuine  she  foloweth, 
that  whiche  is  humane  she  estemith  ferre  under  the  goodnes 
of  vertue.a  This  definition  agreeth  wel  with  the  gifte  of 
sapience  that  god  gaue  to  Salomon,  king  of  Israeli,  who  asked 
onely  wisedome  to  gouerne  therwith  his  realme.b  But  god, 
which  is  the  fountayne  of  sapience,  graciously  ponderinge  the 
yonge  princes  petition  which  preceded  of  an  apt  inclination  to 
vertue,  with  his  owne  moste  bounteous  liberalise,  whiche  he 
purposed  to  employe  on  him  for  the  entiere  loue  that  he  had 
to  his  father  ;  he  therfore  infuded  c  in  him  plentie  of  all  wise- 
dome  and  connynge  in  thinges  as  well  naturall  as  supernatu- 
rall,  as  it  appereth  by  the  warkes  of  the  same  kynge  Salomon, 
wherin  be  well  nyghe  as  many  wysedomes  as  there  be  sen- 
tences. And  in  myne  oppinion  one  thynge  is  specially  to  be 
noted.  Kynge  Dauid,  father  to  Salomon,  was  a  man  of  a 


a  '  Sapientiam  esse  rerum  divinarum  et  humanarum,  scientiam,  cognitionemque, 
quae  cujusque  rei  causa  sit  :  ex  quo  efficitur,  ut  divina  imitetur,  humana  omnia 
inferiora  virtute  ducat.' — Tusc.  Qucest.  lib.  iv.  cap.  26. 

b  See  2  Chron.  i.  10. 

c  I.e.  infused,  from  the  perfect  tense  of  in/undo.  The  author  has  simply 
adopted  the  Latin  form.  This  word  appears  to  be  &ira£  \ey6nevov,  for  though 
Mr.  Halliwell,  in  his  Diet,  of  Archaic,  etc.,  Words,  quotes  Palsgrave  as  an  autho- 
rity for  this  word,  he  gives  no  exact  reference,  and  the  Editor  has  been  unable  to 
verify  the  assertion.  The  word,  however,  certainly  does  not  appear  in  its  proper 
place  in  the  alphabetical  list  of  verbs  given  in  L? Esclaircissement  de  la  Langue 
Francaise.  Another  form  of  the  same  word  is  used  by  Sir  Thomas  More  in  the 
following  passage,  '  But  I  say  that  albeit  God  is  hable  in  such  wyse  to  inspire  and 
infounde  the  fay  the,  if  that  him  lyste.' — Works,  vol.  i,  p.  582,  ed.  1557  ;  and  also  by 
Thomas  Becon  in  his  Castle  of  Comfort,  which  was  dedicated  to  the  Lady  Mary 
Howard.  'Doth  not  St.  Paul,  James,  Peter,  and  Jude,  call  themselves  the 
servants  of  Jesu  Christ  in  all  their  epistles,  declaring  thereby  that  they  are  not 
the  self  master,  by  whom  remission  and  absolution  of  sins  cometh ;  but  only  the 
ministers  of  him,  which  infundeth  and  poureth  into  all  men  grace,  favour,  re- 
mission of  sins,  and  everlasting  life  ?' — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  562,  ed.  1844.  Parker 
Soc. 


352  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

rare  and  meruaylous  strength,  in  so  moche  as  he  hym  selfe 
reporteth  in  the  booke  of  kinges  that  he,  beinge  a  chylde 
and  caryeng  to  his  bretherne  their  dyner,  where  they  kept 
their  cattell,  slewe  firste  a  great  beare,  and  after  a  lyon, 
whiche  fierce  and  hungrye,  assaulted  him,a  all  though  he  were 
unarmed  and  whether  he  had  any  weapon  or  no,  it  is  uncer- 
taine,  sens  he  maketh  therof  no  mencion.  Also  of  what 
prowes  he  was  in  armes  and  howe  valiaunt  and  good  a  capi- 
tayne  in  batayle  hit  maye  sufficiently  appere  to  them  that 
wyll  rede  his  noble  actes  and  achieuaunces b  in  the  bokes 
before  remembred.  Wherein  no  good  catholyke  man  wyll  any 
thynge  doute,  though  they  be  meruaylous,  yet  nat  withstan- 
dynge,  all  his  strength  and  puyssaunce  was  nat  of  suche 
effecte  that  in  the  longe  tyme  of  his  raygne,  whiche  was  by 
the  space  of  xl  yeres,c  he  coulde  haue  any  tyme  vacant  from 
warres.  But  alway  had  either  continuall  bataile  with  the 
Philisties,  or  els  was  molested  d  with  his  owne  children  and 
suche  as  aught  to  haue  ben  his  frendes.  Contrary  wise,  his 
son  Salomon,  of  whome  there  is  no  notable  mention  made 

a  See  I  Sam.  xvii.  34-37.     It  is  curious  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  has  reversed 
the  order  in  which,  according  to  the  A.V.,  these  feats  were  performed. 

b  I.e.  achievements,  deeds,  or  feats.     This  word  appears  to  be  a?ra£  \^6^vov. 
c  See  2  Sam.  v.  4. 

d  This  is  evidently  only  the  Anglicised  form  of  the  French  word    molester, 
which  again  is  derived  from  the  Latin  molestare,  a  verb  unknown  to  writers  of  the 
Augustan  age.     Amyot,  who  translated  the  works  of  Plutarch  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  uses  the  word  in  his  version  of  the  latter's  treatise  :  '  De  vitioso  Pudore, ' 
cap.  13  ad  fin.     'Mais  de  repoulser  ceux  qui  nous  molestent  impudemment  et 
effronteement,  en  ne  nous  laissant  point  vaincre  a  la  honte,  et  ne  conceder  point 
choses  desraisonnables  et  deshonestes  a  tels  effrontez,  pour  estre  honteux  de  leur 
refuser,  ce  sont  hommes  sages  et  bien  aduisez  qui  le  font  ainsi.' — QLuvres  de  Plut. 
torn.  i.  p.  80,  ed.  1572.     It  is  used  by  Chaucer  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde : 
*  But  how  this  cas  doth  Troylus  moleste 
That  may  non  erthly  mannes  tonge  seye  ; 
For  verray  wo  his  wit  is  alle  aweye.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  336. 
And  also  by  Spenser  in  The  Faerie  Queens  : 

'And  lost  an  old  foe  that  did  you  molest.'1 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  133,  ed.  1866. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  353 

that  he  shewed  any  commendable  feate  concerning  martiall 
prowesse,  sauynge  the  furniture  of  his  garrysones  a  with  innu- 
merable men  of  warre,  horses  and  chariotes ;  whiche  proueth 
nat  hym  to  be  valiaunt  and  stronge,  but  onely  prudent ;  he 
after  a  lyttell  bikerynge  b  with  the  Philisties  in  the  begynnyng 

*  This,  like  the  word  referred  to  in  the  last  note,  is  simply  the  Anglicised  form 
of  the  French  word.  Palsgrave  gives,  'garyson  of  men  of  armes,  garnisonS — 
L"1  Esclaircissement,  p.  224,  ed.  1852.  It  is  derived  from  the  verb  garnir,  which 
again  is  connected  with  the  German  wahren,  from  the  root  ivar.  The  verb  in  the 
sense  of  to  fortify  is  frequently  used  by  old  French  writers.  Thus,  Guillaume  de 
Nangis,  who  died  in  1302,  says,  '  Li  chastiaus  de  Saint  Germain  estoit  de  tousles 
autres  dou  pays  li  plus  fors  et  li  mieus  garnis,  et  y  avoit  tant  de  gens  darmes  et  si 
grant  plente  de  vitaille,  que  on  ne  creut  pas  quil  peust  estre  pris.' — Bouquet,  Hist, 
de  la  France,  torn.  xx.  p.  421,  ed  1840.  Chaucer  uses  the  original  word  in  The 
Tale  of  Melibetis  :  '  For  Tullius  sa"ith,  that  long  apparaylyng  byfore  the  bataille 
maketh  schort  victorie.  And  Cassidorus  saith,  the  garnisoun  is  strenger  whan  it  is 
long  tyme  avysed.' — Poetical  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  167,  ed.  1866. 

b  This  is  a  very  old  English  word,  and  originally  signified  fighting  in  a  literal 
sense.  In  the  Promptorium  Parvulorum,  which  was  compiled  about  A.D.  1440, 
we  find,  '  Bikyr  of  fytynge  (bykere  or  feightinge)  Pugna.  And  Bekeryn  or 
fyghtyn  (bikkeringe]  Pugno,  dimico.'  Skinner  thinks  that  it  is  of  Anglo-Saxon 
origin,  though  he  also  suggests  the  Welsh  word  bicre  =  conflictus,  as  a  possible  root. 
Palsgrave  has  *  Bicker,  fightyng,  escarmouche,  bescousse, '  and  also  '  I  bicker,  I 
skyrmysshe,  je  escarmouche.  They  byckered  togyther  halfe  an  houre  and  more, 
ilz  cscarmoucherent  ensemble,  or,  ilz  escarmouchoyent  une  heure  et  dauantage? 
Lord  Herbert,  in  his  Life  of  Hen.  VIII.,  speaking  of  the  events  of  the  year 
1533-4,  says,  'After  many  bickerings  betwixt  the  English  and  Scotch,  a  truce 
first,  and  afterwards  a  peace,  was  concluded  betwixt  our  king  and  King  James. ' — 
Rennet's  Hist,  of  Eng.  vol.  ii.  p.  1 76.  Fabyan,  in  his  account  of  the  French  in 
Flanders  in  the  fourteenth  century,  says,  '  Thus  the  Frenchmen  liynge  before  the 
towne,  manye  frayes  and  bickerynges  were  made  betwene  the  Flemminges  and  theym, 
to  theyr  bothe  paynes.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  155,  ed.  1559.  Holinshed,  in  his 
account  of  the  capture  of  St.  Cloud  by  the  English  in  1412,  says,  '  At  another 
bickering  also  it  chanced  that  the  Englishmen,  under  the  leading  of  the  Earle  of 
Angus  or  Kime,  had  the  upper  hand,  and  tooke  manie  prisoners.' — Chron.  vol. 
iii.  p.  537  ;  and  again,  under  date  1420,  he  says,  *  The  carles  Marshall  and 
Huntington,  Sir  John  Greene  Cornewall,  Sir  Philip  Leech,  and  diuerse  other 
were  sent  into  the  countrie  of  Maine,  where,  not  farre  from  the  city  of  Mens, 
they  were  incountered  by  a  power  of  Frenchmen,  which  the  Dolphin  had  sent 
against  them.  There  was  at  the  first  a  sharpe  bickering  betwixt  them,  but  in 
the  end  the  victorie  remained  with  the  Englishmen.' — Ibid.  p.  572.  Shakspeare 
uses  the  word  in  its  modern  sense  :  '  If  I  longer  stay,  we  shall  begin  our  ancient 
bickerings:— King  Hen.  VI.,  Pt.  II.,  Act  I.  sc.  i. 
II.  A  A 


354  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

of  his  raygne,  afterwarde  durynge  the  tyme  that  he  raygned, 
contynued  in  peace  without  any  notable  bataile  or  molesta- 
tion of  any  persone.  Wherfore  he  is  named  in  scripture  Rex 
pacificus?  whiche  is  in  englysshe  the  peasible  kinge.  And 
onely  by  sapience  so  gouerned  his  realme,  that  though  it  were 
but  a  lytle  realme  in  quantite,  it  excelled  incomparably  all 
other  in  honour  and  ryches  ;  in  so  moche  as  syluer  was  at 
that  tyme  in  the  citie  of  Hierusalem  as  stones  in  the  strete.b 
Wherfore  it  is  to  be  noted  that  sapyence  in  the  gouernaunce  of 
a  publike  weale  is  of  more  efficacie  than  strength  and  puis- 
saunce.  The  auctoritie  of  sapience  is  well  declared  by 
Salomon  in  his  prouerbes.  By  me  (sayth  sapience)  kynges 
do  raigne,  and  makers  of  lawes  discerne  thinges  that  be  iuste. 
By  me  prynces  do  gouerne,  and  men  hauynge  powar  and 
auctorytie  do  determyne  Justyce.  I  loue  all  them  that  loue 
me,  and  who  that  watcheth  to  haue  me  shall  fynde  me. 
With  me  is  bothe  ryches  and  honour,  stately  possessyons, 
and  Justyce.  Better  is  the  frute  that  commeth  of  me  than 
golde  and  stones  that  be  precyouse.0  The  same  kynge  sayth 
in  his  boke  called  Ecclesiastice  :  A  kynge  without  sapyence 
shall  lose  his  people,  and  cities  shall  be  inhabited  by  the  wytte 
of  them  that  be  prudent.d  Whiche  sentence  was  verefied  by 
the  sonne  and  successour  of  the  same  kynge  Salomon,  called 
Roboaz,6  to  whome  the  sayde  boke  was  written/  Who  neglect- 

a  See  I  Chron.  xx.  9.  The  Hebrew  word  Shelomah,  which  is  translated 
SaAw/u^  in  the  Septuagint,  signifies  'the  peaceful.'  Was  it  on  account  of  his 
prudence  and  '  sapience,'  that  Wolsey  in  his  triumphal  procession  through  France, 
on  his  arrival  at  Montreuil  '  was  called  in  the  French  tongue  there,  and  in  all 
other  places  through  the  realme,  where  he  rode  or  came,  Le  Cardinall  Pacifick, 
and  in  Latine  Cardinalis  Pacificus  ? ' — See  Wordsworth's  Eccles,  Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  527. 

b  See  i  Kings,  x.  27. 

c  See  Prov.  viii.  15-19. 

d   See  Ecclesiasticus,  x.  3. 

e  I.e.  Rehoboam,  which  in  the  Septuagint  is  represented  by  'PojSoctyt. 

f  This  is  a  mistake,  probably  arising  from  the  fact,  that  inasmuch  as  the  original 
Hebrew  title  was  Proverbs,  this,  like  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  '  has  sometimes  been 
considered  as  the  production  of  Solomon.  Whence  the  Council  of  Carthage  (A.  D. 
397)  deemed  it  canonical,  under  the  title  of  the  fifth  book  of  Solomon ;  and  their 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  355 

inge  the  wise  and  vertuous  doctrine  of  his  father,  contempned 
the  sage  counsayle  of  auncient  men  and  imbraced  the  lyte 
persuasions  of  yonge  men  and  flaterers  ;  *  wherby  he  loste  his 
honour  and  brought  his  realme  in  perpetuall  deuision. 

The  empire  of  Rome  (whose  begynnyng,  prosperitie,  and 
desolation  semeth  to  be  a  mirrour  and  example  to  all  other 
realmes  and  countryes)  declareth  to  them  that  exactely 
beholdeth  it,  of  what  force  and  value  sapience  is  to  be  estemed, 
beynge  begonne  with  shepeherdes  fleynge  the  wrathe  and 
displeasure  of  their  maysters.b 

decision  was  adopted  by  the  Council  of  Trent.' — Home,  Introd.  to  Old  Test.  p. 
894,  ed.  1860. 

a  See  i  Kings,  xii.  8. 

b  The  reader  who  compares  the  following  passage,  in  which  the  author  laments 
the  decline  and  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  with  Spenser's  Ruines  of  Rome,  can 
hardly  fail  to  notice  the  great  similarity  of  language  ;  and  although  the  latter  pro- 
fesses to  be  merely  a  translation  of  some  sonnets  of  Bellay,  '  The  French  Ovid,' 
it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  the  poet  was  indebted  also  to  some  extent  to  the 
author  of  The  Governour.  One  or  two  stanzas  in  particular  may  be  referred  to  as 
suggesting  this  idea  in  a  remarkable  manner  : 

*  Who  lists  to  see  what  ever  nature,  arte, 

And  heaven  could  doo,  O  Rome  !  thee  let  him  see, 

In  case  thy  greatnes  he  can  gesse  in  harte, 

By  that  which  but  the  picture  is  of  thee. 

Rome  is  no  more  :  but  if  the  shade  of  Rome 

May  of  the  bodie  yeeld  a  seeming  sight, 

It's  like  a  corse  drawne  forth  out  of  the  tombe 

By  Magicke  skill  out  of  eternall  night. 

These  heapes  of  stones,  these  old  wals,  which  ye  see, 
Were  first  enclosures  but  of  salvage  soyle  ; 
And  these  brave  Pallaces,  which  maystred  bee 
Of  time,  were  shepheards'  cottages  somewhile. 
Then  tooke  the  shepheards  Kingly  ornament, 
And  the  stout  hynde  arm'd  his  right  hand  with  steele. 

This  Citie,  which  was  first  but  shepheards  shade, 

Uprising  by  degrees,  grewe  to  such  height, 

That  Queene  of  land  and  sea  her  selfe  she  made. 

At  last,  not  able  to  beare  so  great  weight, 

Her  power,  disperst  through  all  the  world,  did  vade  ; 

To  shew  that  all  in  th'  end  to  nought  shall  fade.'    . 

Spenser,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  41-48,  ed.  1866. 
A  A  2 


356  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Romulus  duryng  the  tyme  of  his  raygne,  (whiche  was 
Diodoms  xxxvii  yeresa),  he  nothyng  dyd  enterprise  with- 
liber  L  out  the  authorytie  and  consent  of  the  fathers,  whome 
he  him  selfe  chase  to  be  Senatours.b  And  finally,  as  longe 
as  the  senate  contynued  or  increased  in  the  citie  of  Rome,  and 
retayned  their  auctoritie,  whiche  they  receyued  of  Romulus, 
and  was  increased  by  Tullus  Hostilius,  the  thyrde  kyng,  they 
wonderfully  prospered,  and  also  augmented  theyr  empyre 
ouer  the  more  parte  of  the  worlde.  But  soone  after  the 
emperour  Constantine  had  abandoned  the  citie  and  translated 
the  Senate  from  thens  to  Constantinople,0  and  that,  finally, 
the  name  and  auctoritie  of  the  Senate  was  by  litle  and  litle 
exhauste  by  the  negligence  and  foly  of  ignoraunt  emperours,d 
nat  onely  that  moste  noble  citie,  hedde  and  princesse  of  the 
worlde,  and  fountayne  of  all  vertue  and  honour,  felle  in  to 

•  The  marginal  reference  is  probably  a  mistake  for  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus, 
who  is  the  authority  for  the  duration  of  the  reign  of  Romulus,  given  in  the  text. 
The  passage  alluded  to  is  as  follows  :  'Pco.uuAos  /J.GV  yap  6  KTiffas  T^\V  it6\iv  eTrret 
Kal  TpiaKovra  errj  Aeyerat  /caTa<r%e?»/  TTJJ/  Svvaartiav. — ^Antiq.  Rom.  lib.  i.  cap.  75« 

b  This  is  hardly  a  correct  representation  of  the  account  given  by  Dionysius, 
who  tells  us  that  Romulus  personally  selected  only  the  Prsefectus  Urbis  :  CO  Se 
'PcafJLvXos  eVeiS^  Tavra  8ifK<$0>i7](r€  jSouAevras  evBvs  eyvca  KaTa<n"f)o~ao~6ai,  jue0'  aij/ 
irpdTreiv'rci  KOiva  f/j.e\\ev,  e'/c  rcav  iraTpiitiwy  avSpas  e/carbi'  €Tri\f£d/J.evos.  eTroielTO  Se 
avTtav  TOtai/Se  rfyv  Stafpetni/  •  avrbs  p*v  e|  a.irav'Twv  era  rbv  &pi<rroi>  a7re5et|€j/;  ^  T^S 
Kara  TT]V  ir6\iv  i$,ero  Self  eTrtrpeTreti/  oiKovo/jitas,  Sre  aurbs  Qd-yoi  arpaTiav  vTrep6piov 
ruv  Se  fyvX&v  eKdcrrri  TTpofffra^e  rpeTs  avdpas  $\4ffQtU  TOVS  ev  rrj  <ppovip.(ardrr)  re 
6vras  T]\iKia  Kal  81'  evyevtiav  firKpave'is.  ywera  8e  TOVS  evvea  rovrovs  e/caa"T7?  (ppdrpa 
ira\iv  e/ceAeuae  rpe?s  e«  TUV  Trarpikluv  67rtA€|ot  TOVS  eViTrjSetoTC^TOus  •  fjreiTa  TO?S 
TrpcSrots  evvea  TO?S  virb  TWV  <pv\uv  a7ro8et^0eT(ri  TOUS  €V€vf]Kovra  irpoffBels,  ovs  al 
<ppaTpai  irpo*xflpto~av'ro,  Ka^  TOVTWV,  t>v  ourbs  TrpoeKpivcv,  T]yffj(.6va  iroi^aas  T}>V  T&V 
tuaTov  €|eirA^pw(Te  fiovXevTwv  apiQ^ov. — Anliq.  Rom.  lib.  ii.  cap.  12. 

c  At  the  foundation  of  Constantinople  in  A.D.  324,  the  emperor  'dignified  the 
public  council  with  the  appellation  of  senate.' 

d  It  was  not  until  A.D.  363  that  the  emperor  Julian  'conferred  on  the  senate 
of  Constantinople  the  same  honours,  privileges,  and  authority  which  were  still 
enjoyed  by  the  senate  of  ancient  Rome.'  On  the  capture  of  Rome  by  Narses,  'the 
institution  of  Romulus  expired,  and  if  the  nobles  of  Rome  still  assumed  the  title 
of  senators,  few  subsequent  traces  can  be  discovered  of  a  public  council  or  consti- 
tutional order.  Ascend  six  hundred  years,  and  contemplate  the  kings  of  the  earth 
soliciting  an  audience  as  the  slaves  or  freedmen  of  the  Roman  senate  ! ' — Gibbon, 
Decline  and  Fall  of  Rom.  Emp.  vols.  iii.  p.  130,  v.  p.  235. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  357 

moste  lamentable  ruyne  ;  a  but  also  the  maiestie  of  the  empyre 
decayed  utterly,  so  that  uneth  a  litle  shadowe  therof  nowe 
remayneth ;  whiche  who  so  beholdeth  and  conferreth  it  with 
Rome  whan  it  flourished,11  accordinge  as  it  is  lefte  in  re- 
membraunce  by  noble  writars,  he  shall  uneth  kepe  teares  out 
of  his  eyen,  beholdynge  it  nowe  as  a  rotten  shepecote,  in  com- 
parison of  that  citie  noble  and  triumphant.0  O  poure  and 

•  '  O  Rome  !  thy  mine  I  lament  and  rue, 

And  in  thy  fall  my  fatall  overthrowe, 
That  whilom  was,  whilst  heavens  with  equall  vewe 
Deignd  to  behold  me,  and  their  gifts  bestowe, 
The  picture  of  thy  pride  in  pompous  shew  : 
And  of  the  whole  world  as  thou  wast  the  empresse, 
So  I  of  this  small  northerne  world  was  princesse.' 

Spenser,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  293. 

b  '  All  that  which  Aegypt  whilome  did  devise, 

All  that  which  Greece  their  temples  to  embrave 

After  th'  lonicke,  Atticke,  Doricke  guise  ; 

Or  Corinth  skil'd  in  curious  workes  to  grave ; 

All  that  Lysippus  practike  arte  could  forme, 

Apelles  wit,  or  Phidias  his  skill, 

Was  wont  this  auncient  Citie  to  adorne, 

And  the  heaven  it  selfe  with  her  wide  wonders  fill ; 

All  that  which  Athens  ever  brought  forth  wise  ; 

All  that  which  Afrike  ever  brought  forth  strange ; 

All  that  which  Asie  ever  had  of  prise, 

Was  here  to  see.     O  mervelous  great  change  ! 

Rome,  living,  was  the  worlds  sole  ornament, 

And,  dea*d,  is  now  the  worlds  sole  moniment.' 

Spenser,  Poet.   Works,  vol.  v.  p.  51. 

.  c  When  The  Governour  was  written,  only  eighty  years  had  elapsed  since  the 
Italian  scholar,  Poggio  Bracciolini,  moralising  on  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune  as  he 
sat  amongst  the  ruins  of  Rome,  had  drawn  from  the  life  a  melancholy  picture  of  the 
fallen  city  as  it  then  appeared.  '  Id  vero  gravissimum  et  haud  parva  cum  admiratione 
recensendum,  hunc  Capitolii  collem,  caput  quondam  Romani  Imperii,  atque  orbis 
terrarum  arcein,  quern  omnes  Reges  ac  Principes  tremebant,  in  quern  triumphantes 
tot  Imperatores  ascenderunt,  donis  ac  spoliis  tot  tantarumque  gentium  ornatum, 
florentemque,  ac  universe  orbi  spectandum  adeo  desolatum  atque  eversum,  et  a 
priori  illo  statu  immutatum,  ut  vinese  in  Senatorum  subsellia  successerint,  stercorum 
ac  purgamentorum  receptaculurn  factum.  Respice  ad  Palatinum  montem,  et  ibi 
fortunam  incusa,  quae  domum  a  Nerone  post  incensam  Urbem  totius  orbis  spoliis 


358  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

miserable  citie !  what  sondry  tourmentes,  excisions,  subuer- 
tions,  depopulations,  and  other  euill  aduentures  hathe  hapned 
unto  the,  sens  thou  were  birefte  of  that  noble  courte  of 
Sapience.  Whose  autoritie,  if  it  had  alwaye  contynued,  beynge 
also  confirmed  in  the  fayeth  and  true  religion  of  Christe,  god 
beynge  with  the  pleased,  thou  couldest  neuer  haue  bene  thus 
desolate  unto  the  fynall  consummation  and  ende  of  the 
worlde.a  [Nowe  haue  I  briefely  and  generally  declared  the 
utilitie  of  Sapience,  and  the  mischiefe  that  hapneth  by  the 
defaulte  or  lacke  thereof.  The  particuler  effectes  we  wyll  de- 
clare hereafter  more  specially.15] 

I  dought  nat  but  it  is  well  knowen  to  euery  Catholyke 
man  that  hath  the  liberall  use  of  reason,  that  all  maner  of 
understandyng  and  knowlege,  whereof  procedeth  perfecte  ope- 
ration, do  take  their  origynall  of  that  hyghe  sapience  whiche  is 
the  operatricec  of  all  thynges.  And  therfore  Salomon,  or 

confectam,  atque  absumptis  Imperil  viribus  ornatam,  quam  silvae,  lacus,  obelisci, 
porticus,  colossi,  theatra  varii  coloris  marmorea  admirandam  videntibus  reddebant, 
ita  prostravit,  ut  nulla  rei  cujusquam  effigies  superextet,  quam  aliquid  certum, 
prseter  vasta  rudera  queas  dicere.  Cseteros  urbis  colles  perlustra,  omnia  vacua 
sedificiis,  ruinis,  vineis  oppleta  conspicies.  Forum  jure  dicundo,  ferendis  legibus, 
plebe  ad  concionem  advocanda  celeberrimum  urbis  locum,  et  juxta  Comitium 
creandis  magistratibus  insigne,  deserta  squallent  malignit ate  fortunes,  alterum  porco- 
rum,  bubalorumqtie  diversorium,  alterum  serendis  oleribus  cultumS — Hist,  de  Var. 
Fortunes,  lib.  I,  p.  21,  ed.  1723. 

"  '  Was  this  (ye  Romanes)  your  hard  destinie, 

Or  some  old  sinne,  whose  unappeased  guilt 
Pour'd  vengeance  forth  on  you  eternallie  ? 
Or  brothers  blood,  the  which  at  first  was  spilt 
Upon  your  walls,  that  God  might  not  endure 
Upon  the  same  to  set  foundation  sure  ? ' 

Spenser's  Poet.   Works,  vol.  v.  p.  49. 

b  The  passage  within  brackets  is  omitted  in  later  editions. 

c  I.e.  worker  or  performer,  from  the  Latin  word  operatrix,  which  is  however 
not  used  by  classical  writers.  Tertullian  in  his  Liber  de  Animd,  says,  '  Cecidit 
enim  ecstasis  super  ilium,  Sancti  Spiritusvis,  operatrix  prophetise.' — Cap.  n.  And 
again,  '  Ipsa  ilia  ratio  operatrix  mortis,  simplex  licet,  vis  est.' — Cap.  52.  We 
meet  again  with  the  word  in  the  Middle  Ages,  for  Du  Cange  quotes  from  the 
Statutes  of  the  City  of  Savona  in  Italy,  the  following  passage  :  '  Item  alios  quos- 
cunque,  qui  eorum  criminum  conscii  forent,  vel  participes,  ac  eos,  qui  in  hujusmodi 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  359 

Philo,a  or  who  so  made  the  boke  called  Sapientia,  made  his 
prayer  to  god  in  this  wise  :  Gyue  to  me,  good  lorde,  sapience 
that  sytteth  by  thy  throne.b  And  in  the  later  ende  of  the 
prayer  he  sayeth :  Sende  her  from  the  sete  of  thy  holynesse 
that  she  may  be  with  me,  and  labour  with  me,  and  that  I 
may  knowe  what  may  be  accepted  with  the.0 

Orpheus  (one  of  the  eldeste  poetes  of  Greced)  affirmeth 
in  his  hymmese  that  the  Musis  were  goten  betwene  Jupiter  and 


artibus  vel  maleficiis  ministrandis  vel  docendis  magistrse  seu  operatrices  diceren- 
tur,  contra  quos  omnes  habeat  magistrates  plenum  et  liberum  arbitrium  agendi, 
et  in  eos  animadvertendi,  quemadmodum  sibi  videbitur.' — Slat,  Crim.  Civ. 
Science,  p.  10,  ed.  1610.  Genuae.  As  signifying  a  female  charlatan,  or  quack 
doctor,  the  French  form  of  the  word  is  used  by  Paul  Scarron,  the  burlesque 
writer  of  the  I  yth  century,  in  Le  Romant  Comique.  '  Cette  operatrice  auoit  nom 
Dona  Inezilla  del  Prado,  natifue  de  Malaga,  et  son  mary,  ou  soy  disant  tel,  le 
seigneur  Ferdinando  Ferdinandi,  gentilhomme  Venitien,  natif  de  Caen  en  Nor- 
mandie.' — P.  416,  ed.  1651. 

a  Philo  Judaeus,  a  native  of  Alexandria,  was  born  about  B.  c.  20,  and  was  an 
earnest  student  of  Greek,  especially  the  Platonic,  philosophy.  It  was  formerly 
supposed  that  he  was  the  author  of  the  Book  of  Wisdom,  in  the  Apocrypha ;  but 
this  opinion  has  not  stood  its  ground  before  modern  critical  examination. 

b  See  Wisdom  ix.  4. 

c  See  Wisdom  ix.  10. 

d  '  It  is  remarkable,  considering  the  lustre  which  has  since  attended  this  name, 
that  no  mention  of  it  should  occur  in  Homer,  Hesiod,  or  other  most  ancient  poetical 
authorities.  Whilst  Amphion  represents  the  popular  genius  of  primeval  poetry, 
Orpheus  may  be  considered  as  the  type  of  its  religious  or  sacerdotal  element. 
Accordingly,  the  mystical  school  of  composition,  which  sprang  up  towards  the 
commencement  of  the  Attic  period  of  literature,  simultaneously  with  a  new  and 
abstruse  philosophy,  connected  itself  inseparably  with  his  name  as  its  mythical 
founder.  The  works  which  passed  vulgarly  current  in  Plato's  time  as  Hymns  of 
the  "Thracian"  bard  were  probably  some  of  the  more  esteemed  productions  of 
Onomacritus,  Cercops,  and  other  scholars  of  the  time  of  the  Pisistratidae,  celebrated 
for  the  concoction  of  such  spurious  compositions. ' — Mure,  Lan.  and  Lit.  of  Greece, 
vol.  i.  p.  156,  ed.  1850. 

e  The  writer  of  the  article  on  Orpheus  in  Smith's  Biog.  Diet,  says,  'It  is  now 
fully  established  that  the  bulk  of  these  poems  are  the  forgeries  of  Christian  gram- 
marians and  philosophers  of  the  Alexandrian  school ;  but  that  among  the  fragments, 
which  form  a  part  of  the  collection,  are  some  genuine  remains  of  that  Orphic 
poetry  which  was  known  to  Plato.'  An  edition  of  the  Orphic  poems  was  pub- 
lished at  Florence,  A.D.  1500,  by  Philip  Junte,  or  Giunti,  the  celebrated  printer 
of  that  city. 


360  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

memorie.a  Whiche  sayenge  beinge  well  understande  and 
exactly  tried,  it  shall  appere  manifestly  with  the  sayenge  of 
the  wyse  man,  contayned  in  the  sayd  prayer  late  rehersed. 

Eustathiusb  (the  expositour  of  Homere)  sayeth  ihatMusa 
is  the  knowlege  of  the  soule,  and  is  a  thyng  diuine  as  the  soule 
is.c  But,  fynally,  as  by  olde  autours  a  man  may  aggregated  a  de- 
finition, that  whiche  is  called  in  greke  and  latyne  Musa,  is  that 
parte  of  the  soule  that  induceth  and  moueth  a  man  to  serche 
for  knowlege,  in  the  whiche  motion  is  a  secrete  and  inexplic- 
ble  delectation.6  All  be  it  bicause  knowlege  is  in  sondry  wise 


ZTJI/&S  o-uAAe/crpoj/,  avaffffav, 
5?  Movffas  re/ci/cocr'  if  pas,  6ffias,  \tyv(f>(*)vovs. 

Hymn.  76,  torn.  i.  p.  345,  ed.  Hermann.  1805. 

'  For  they  be  daughters  of  Dame  Memorie 
And  Jove,  the  father  of  eternitie.' 

Spenser,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  301. 

b  Eustathius,  by  far  the  most  eminent  of  the  Byzantine  commentators,  was  a  native 
of  Constantinople,  and,  after  being  bishop  elect  of  Myra,  was  raised  to  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Thessalonica,  which  he  held  till  his  death  in  A.D.  1198.  Gibbon 
mentions,  '  for  the  honour  of  learning,  '  that  when  the  city  of  Thessalonica  was 
sacked  by  the  .Normans  in  A.D.  1185,  Eustathius  '  refused  to  desert  his  flock.'  As 
the  first  edition  of  his  Commentary  was  not  published  till  1542,  the  passage  in  the 
text  shows  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  must  have  perused  a  MS.  copy  of  this  great 
work. 

c  OwTO)  5e  irias  irpOKaXovvrai  Kal  oi  e/c  Albs  fiTr6vTfS  ap^aQai,  e5f  ye  Zeus  jj.\v  6 
vovs,  Movffai  Se  f)  Kara  vovv  yvwffis  .....  Qtiov  fj.lv  yap  ri  T\  yv&ffis,  &s  Trep  ical  f) 
i//vx^-  —  Comment,  ad  Horn.  torn.  i.  p.  9,  ed.  1827. 

d  I.e.  collect,  gather.  The  Latin  word  aggregare  is  quite  classical.  Thus 
Cicero  says,  in  his  first  Oration  against  Catiline  :  '  Quod  si  se  ejecerit,  secumque 
suos  eduxerit,  et  eodem  ceteros  undique  collectos  naufragos  aggregaverit.'  —  Cap. 
12.  And  again,  in  his  Oration  for  L.  Murena,  'Quare  ego  te  semper  in  nostrum 
numerum  aggregare  soleo.'  —  Cap.  7.  The  French  have  also  the  word  aggreger, 
which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  to  assemble,  aggregate,  congregate,  gather  together, 
also  to  adde  or  joyne  unto  a  societie,  also  to  aggravate.'  Richardson  does  not 
give  any  other  instances  of  the  use  of  this  word  in  an  active  sense. 

e  Suidas  defines  Mou<ro  as  TJ  yvwffis,  and  derives  it  d?rb  TOV  jueS,  rb  CTJT&T  eVetS^ 
aTracTTjs  iratSeias  aurTj  TVyXjfaw  alria.  For  this,  although  he  does  not  acknowledge  the 
obligation,  he  was  indebted  to  Plato,  who  had  said  long  before,  Tas  5e  MotWs  re 
KOI  (JXcus  T^V  fj.ovffiKTiv  OTTO  TOW  (*.w(rOai,  CDS  foiKe,  /cat  rris  £7?T^<T€cfo  re  nal 
rb  ovopa  TOVTO  hrtndfumr,  —  Cratyl.  cap.  22. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  361 

distribute,*  and  the  nombre  of  nyne  amonge  olde  autours  was 
alwaye  rehersed  where  they  spake  of  a  multitude,b  as  it  shall 
appere  to  them  that  rede  Homere  and  Virgile,c  therfore  there 
were  diuised  to  be  nyne  Muses,d  whiche  also  for  the  resemb- 


a  'Aird'cras  8e,  ws  eyk  vo/j.i£<a,  TOS  Sta  \6yov  irepaivo^vas  eVtcrr^/xas  ical  re^vas  ol 
TraAatol  Kara^uaflcWes  eV  rptcrl  yivtffiv  otfcras,  r$  <pL\0(ro<pqj,  Kal  T<£  pijropiKcf,  Kal  rep 
,  rpi&v  eVotoDj/TO  ScSpa  Kal«%apiTas  0e«j/,  Kal  rpe?s  ras  Movcras  frrfpafor. 
8e  /cal  KO.&1  'HcnoSoi/  ^7877  fj.a\\ov  (KKaXvirro/Mfvcav  rS>v  SwapeM,  Siaipovvres 
ets  ftepTj  /cal  e^Sr;,  rpe?s  ird\iv  eKaffryv  exovaav  eV  avrfl  Stcupopas  ec6pa>»/'  eV  /xej/  rip 
y  rb  irepl  p.ovffLKi]v  Iffri,  Kal  rb  irepl  apiBp-tiriK^v  KCU  rb  TTfpl  y^a^Tplav  4i/ 
p({)  rb  XoyiKbv,  Kal  rb  T)9iKbv,  /cat  rb  <pv(rit<6i/ "  ev  8e  T^J  priropiKqj  rb 
irputrov  ytyovevai  \eyov(Ti,  Seurepo*'  8e  rb  avfj.ftov\€vriKby}  tayjosrov  5^ 
rb  SiKaviKdi/. — Plut.  Qucest.  Conv.  lib.  ix.  quaest.  14,  cap.  3. 

b  It  was  also  considered  the  most  perfect  number,  as  being  the  square  of  an 
odd  number  and  capable  of  division  into  three  equal  parts,  each  containing  an  odd 
number.  Ila<rt  70^  8ta  aT6/u.ar6s  eV-ri  Kal  Tracrats  V/JLI/OV/J.€I/OS  TT)S  ft/vedSos  apiOfjibs, 
us  TT//WTOS  airb  irpurov  irepiaffov  Terpdycavos  &v,  Kal  irepi(T(rdKis  irepi(T(rbs,  are  8rj  TTJJ/ 
Suuw/t^v  els  rpe'is  Icrovs  \a[j,pdvcov  Trfpiffffoits. — Plut.  Qu&st.  Conviv.  lib.  ix.  quasst.  14, 
cap.  2.  Eustathius,  in  his  commentary  upon  II.  ii.  96,  assigns  several  reasons  for  the 
employment  of  this  number  by  Homer.  "Ort  e»Wa  icfipvKfs  fiocavres  rovs  "E\\f]vas 
naTecriya^ov.  av£r)ffis  8e  ecTTt  Kal  TOVTO  rov  dupvfiov  TT?S  ayopas,  el  roffovrot  K^puKes 
/j.6\is  eTTfidov  avrovs  qxtaQai  fj.fv  rrjs  j3o7js,  aKovarai  Se  rcDv  jBao'tAe'wi'.  aTjfj.ftcaa'at.  8e 
Kal  vvv  cm,  cos  Kal  eV  rots  e£r}s  TroXXaxov  (pavfifferai,  irpo<nra6<as  f\fi  6  TTOITJTTJS  ry 
fvvea  a.pi6(ji.$  Sta  re  &\\as  alrias,  as  Xiyovffiv  ol  TraAatol,  oilov  Kal  <m  rerpdycavSs  e<m 
Kal  reAeios,  CK  reAetou  TOW  rpta  yiv6^.f.vos  Tro\vir\affiaff6fvros  fis  tavrbv,  aAAa  Kal  Sta 
ras  Mover  as,  a?  ry  apid/j.$  TOVTtp  irepiypaQovTai.  ol  8'  aurol  iraAatol  Kal  els  irepiffffaKis 
ireptaabv  rbv  evvea  (re/j.vijvova'iv  apid/j.bi',  ets  rpels  Siaipovp-tvov  rp/aSas,  coi/  eKaVrrj  TraAtv 
rpias  ets  jUOJ/aSas  rpe?s.  TroAAa^oO  rotvvv  6  TTOITJT^S  ev£iri([>op6s  eVrtc  ets  rbi'  eV^ea 
apiO/j.bv,  us  Setx^^erat. — Comm.  ad  Horn.  torn.  i.  p.  147,  ed.  1827. 

c  Homer  uses  this  number  very  frequently,  and,  curiously,  much  more  often 
than  eight,  but  not  than  seven  or  ten.  Mr.  Gladstone  says  that  '  All  Homer's 
numerical  expressions  are  in  the  most  elementary  forms — such  forms  as  are  without 
composition,  and  refuse  all  further  analysis.  His  use  of  number  appears  to  have 
been  confined  to  simple  addition :  and  it  is  probable  that  all  the  higher  numbers 
which  we  find  in  the  poems,  were  figurative  and  most  vaguely  conceived.' — -Stud, 
on  Horn.  vol.  iii.  p.  431.  There  are  probably  not  more  than  half  a  dozen  in- 
stances of  the  use  of  the  number  nine  by  Virgil.  It  is  asserted  by  Gibbon  that 
the  Tartars  exhibit  profound  respect  for  this 'mysterious  number.  -  See  Decline  and 
Fall  of  Rom.  Emp.  vol.  viii.  p.  44,  note. 

d  IloAAas  e'-yeVj/Tjcre  Mou<ras  o  Zeus.  "Ort  8'  eWea,  Kal  OVK  eAdVrovs,  ouSe  irAefous, 
apa  TJ/JUV  (ppdffeias  ;  o?/uat  Se'  ere  irecppovTiKevai  tyiX6p.ov<rov  OVTW  Kal  TroAifytoucroj/  ovra. 

"ftffirep  ofiv  TO   eWea  SialpeffLV  ets  rpets  Aa/u/SdVei  rptdSas,  wv  exacrTTj  TraAtv 

<ts  /j.ovd$as  StatpeTrat  Tocrauras '  ovrws  tv  ntv  eVrt  Kal  Kowbv,  rj  rov  \6yov  irepl  rb 


362  THE   GOVERNOUR, 

launce  of  their  disposition  were  fayned  by  the  poetes  to  be  nyne 
virgines,  that  firste  inuented  all  lyberall  sciences,  but  the  other 
oppinion  approcheth  more  nere  unto  the  trouthe,  and  agreeth 
better  unto  my  purposed  More  ouer,  Jupiter  was  alwaye 
taken  of  the  poetes  and  Philosophers  for  the  supreme  god, 
whiche  was  the  gyuer  of  lyfe  and  creatour  of  all  thinges,  as  it 
appereth  in  all  their  warkes.  Wherfore  somtyme  they  calle 
him  omnipotent,  somtyme  the  father  of  goddes  and  of  men,  so 
that  under  that  name  they  knowleged  to  be  a  very  god,  though 
they  honored  nat  him  as  one  only  god,  as  they  aught  to  haue 
done.b 

But   nowe  Orpheus   sayenge  that    the    Muses   preceded 
of  Jupiter  and  Memorie,  may  be  in  this  wyse  interpreted  : 


Kvpiov  op0($T7js,  v£vefj.i]i/Tai.  8e  ffvvTpe'is  els  TCOV  rpiuv  yevuv  ittUPro?'  elra  ird\iv  o5 
juoj/aSt/cws  4/catfTTj  (Jiiav  irepteVei  Xa.-^ovaa,  /cal  /coojue?  §vvap.iv.  —  Plut.  Qutzst.  Conviv. 
lib.  ix.  qusest.  14,  cap.  2-3. 

a  The  rest  of  this  chapter  is  omitted  in  Mr.  Eliot's  edition. 

b  A  distinguished  modern  writer  has,  however,  detected  in  the  Homeric  poems 
'  the  vestiges  of  a  real  traditional  knowledge  derived  from  the  epoch  when  the  cove- 
nant of  God  with  man,  and  the  promise  of  a  Messiah,  had  not  yet  fallen  within  the 
contracted  forms  of  Judaism  for  shelter,  but  entered  more  or  less  into  the  common 
consciousness,  and  formed  a  part  of  the  patrimony  of  the  human  race.  '  And  thence 
he  argues  that  '  the  theological  and  Messianic  traditions  which  we  find  recorded  in 
Scripture,  when  compared  with  the  Homeric  theogony,  will  be  found  to  correspond 
with  a  large  and  important  part  of  it.  '  He  finds  '  the  unity  and  supremacy  of  the 
Godhead  represented  in  Jupiter  as  the  administrator  of  sovereign  power.'  But  inas- 
much as  the  original  conception  of  an  all-good  and  all-wise  Being  had  undergone  a 
miserable  transmutation,  '  the  figure  of  Jupiter,  as  it  is  the  principal  so  it  is  also 
the  most  anomalous  in  the  whole  Homeric  Assemblage.  With  some  of  the  sub- 
stantial, he  has  all  the  titular  appendages  of  a  high  supremacy.  He  is  habitually 
denominated  the  Father  of  gods  and  men.  He  is  much  more  frequently  identified 
with  the  general  government  of  the  world,  than  is  any  other  deity.  He  governs 
the  issue  of  all  human  toil,  and  gives  or  withholds  success  ...  If,  however,  he  is 
more  identified  with  the  general  idea  of  Providence  than  are  Apollo  and  Minerva, 
it  is  plain,  on  the  other  hand,  that  his  agency  is  more  external,  abstract,  and 
remote  :  theirs  more  inward  and  personal.  '  This  was  probably  the  result  of  '  two 
processes,  each  of  which  had  been  actively  advancing  :  the  breaking  up  of  God- 
head into  fragments,  which  diminished  the  relative  distance  between  Jupiter  and 
the  other  Immortals  :  and  the  reflection  of  human  ideas  of  polity  upon  Olympus, 
which  gave  a  growing  prominence  to  the  element  of  aristocracy.'  —  Gladstone, 
Studies  on  Homer  ;  vol.  ii.  pp.  3-177. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  363 

that  god  almyghtie  infuded*  Sapience  into  the  Memorye  of 
man,  (for  to  the  acquirynge  of  science  belongethunderstandynge 
and  memorie),  whiche,  as  a  Treasory,  hathe  powar  to  retayne, 
and  also  to  erogate b  and  distribute,  whan  oportunitie 
hapneth.  And  for  the  excellencie  of  this  thynge  some  noted 
to  be  in  mannes  soule  a  diuine  substaimce.  As  Pythagoras, 
or  some  of  his  scholers  writynge  his  sentence,  sayeth  in  this 
wyse  spekynge  to  man  : 

Nowe  in  thy  selfe  haue  them  good  confidence, 
Sens  mortall  men  be  of  the  kynde  diuine, 
In  whose  nature  a  reuerent  excellence 
Appereth  clere,  whiche  all  thinge  dothe  define.0 

Whiche  sentence  of  Pythagoras  is  nat  reiecte  eyther  of  Plato,d 
whyche  approched  nexte  unto  the  catholike  writars,  or  of 
diuines  whiche  interprete  holy  scripture  ;  takynge  the  soule  for 
the  ymage  and  similytjude  of  god.e 

More  ouer  Plato,  (in  his  boke  called  Timeus),  affirmeth 
that  there  is  sette  in  the  soule  of  man  commyng  Plcito in 

Tim. 

a  See  ante,  p.  351,  note. 
b  See  ante,  p.  91,  note. 

0  'AAAa  ffv  ddpffei'   eir«i  dfiov  yevos  effrl  ftpOTolffiv, 

Of?  tfpa  irpocpepovffa  <f>vffts  SeiKvvffiv  e/ccwTTa. 

Stobaeus,  Eclog.  torn.  ii.  p.  8,  ed.  Gaisford,  1850. 

d  '  Much  of  the  exposition  assigned  to  Timoeus, '  says  Mr.  Grote,  in  his 
Analysis  of  Plato's  treatise  bearing  that  name,  '  is  founded  on  Pythagorean  prin- 
ciples, though  blended  by  Plato  with  other  doctrines,  either  his  own  or  borrowed 
elsewhere.' — Plato,  vol.  iii.  p.  244,  ed.  1867. 

e  '  The  idea  of  a  pre-kosmic  Demiurgus  formed  the  suitable  point  of  conjunc- 
tion, between  Hellenic  and  Judaic  speculation.  The  marked  distinction  drawn 
by  Plato  between  the  Demiurgus,  and  the  constructed  or  generated  Kosmos,  with  its 
in-dwelling  Gods,  provided  a  suitable  place  for  the  Supreme  God  of  the  Jews, 
degrading  the  Pagan  Gods  in  comparison.  The  Tinuzus  was  compared  with  the 
Book  of  Genesis,  from  which  it  was  even  affirmed  that  Plato  had  copied.  He 
received  the  denomination  of  the  Atticising  Moses  :  Moses  writing  in  Attic  Greek. 
It  was  thus  that  the  Platonic  Timaeus  became  the  medium  of  transition,  from  the 
Polytheistic  theology  which  served  as  philosophy  among  the  early  ages  of  Greece, 
to  the  omnipotent  Monotheism  to  which  philosophy  became  subordinated  after 
the  Christian  era.' — Grote's  Plato,  vol.  iii.  p.  285. 


364  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

into  the  worlde  certayne  spices,  or  as  it  were  sedes  of 
Plato  in  thynges  and  rules  of  Artes  or  sciences.*1  Wherfore 
Theatet.  Socrates  (in  the  boke  of  Scienceb)  resembleth  hym 
selfe  to  a  mydwyfe,  sayenge  that  in  teachinge  yonge  men,  he 
dyd  put  in  to  theim  no  science,  but  rather  brought  furthe  that 
which  all  redy  was  in  them,  like  as  the  mydwife  brought  nat 
in  the  childe,  but,  beinge  conceyued,  dyd  helpe  to  bringe  it 
furthe. c  And  like  as  in  houndes  is  a  powar  or  disposition  to 
hunte,  in  horses  and  grehoundes  an  aptitude  to  renne  swiftely, 
so  in  the  soules  of  men  is  ingenerate  a  lemed  of  science,  whiche 

B  It  is  probable  that  the  author  refers  to  the  following  passage,  in  which  the 
Demiurgus  bids  the  Gods  take  upon  themselves  the  formation  of  the  human  race, 
imitating  the  power  which  he  had  displayed  in  the  generation  of  themselves. 
"iva  <&v  Qvf\TO.  T6  77  r6  re  trav  r65e  ovrws  airav  77,  rpeirfffde  Kara  <pv<riv  v/j.e'is  eTrl  TTJV 
T&V  £cpo0v  SrjfJLiovpyiav,  yiu/xoi^uei/ot  T?V  e/i^/>  Suva/xiv  irepl  r?V  v^rfpav  •yevzffiv.  Kal 
Koff  oaov  p.tv  avrSjv  adavdrois  6fj.wfvfjt.ov  elvat  Trpocr^/cei,  Qtlov  \€y6/j.€vov  f)ye/j.ovovt'  T* 
fV  avrots  T&V  del  Si'/cp  Kal  vfuv  e0eA<Wa<»/  eVeo-flat  ffireipas  Kal  inrap£d/j.evos  eyk  irapa- 
Stibffw. — Timtzus,  41  C.  'The  Platonic  Timseus  starts  in  the  same  manner  as 
Hesiod,  from  an  original  Chaos.  But  then  he  assumes  also,  as  coseval  with  it,  but 
apart  from  it,  his  eternal  Forms  or  Ideas.' — Grote,  ubi  supra,  p.  250. 

b  The  passage  alluded  to  occurs  in  the  dialogue  called  Thesetetus,  in  which, 
says  Mr.  Grote,  '  the  main  question  is,  What  is  knowledge — cognition — science  ? ' 
And,  therefore,  the  original  side-note  opposite  to  this  passage  which  refers  to  the 
Theages  is  evidently  a  misprint,  and  is  now  corrected.  The  reader  will  observe 
that  the  author  has  confounded  the  very  same  treatises  in  a  subsequent  passage. 
See  p.  366,  infra. 

c  'Eirel  rJSe  76  Kal  e/j.ol  intap^i,  '6irep  TOIS  fnaiais'  &yov6s  efyu  ffotylas,  Kal  oirep 
vo\\ol  7^877  pot  wveiSiaav,  us  rovs  fj-fv  a\\ovs  epurw,  aurbs  Se  ouSev  airoKpii/o/Jiai  Trepl 
Sta  rb  ^rjSej/  fXflv  ffotyfo,  a\r]0fs  bv*i8i£ovffi.  rb  Se  alriov  roitrov  r65e '  p.ai~ 
/j,e  6  Oebs  dj/oy/ca^et,  yevvav  Se  aTreK(0\vff€v. — Plato,  Thecetetus,  cap.  7. 

d  This  word  (which  has  been  already  used  by  the  author,  see  Vol.  I.  p.  3)  is 
now  obsolete,  and  is  represented  by  the  modern  form  '  gleam. '  Chaucer  uses  it 
in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose. 

'  She  is  enlumyned  ageyn  as  faste, 
Thurgh  the  brightnesse  of  the  sonne  bemes, 
That  yeveth  to  hir  ageyne  hir  lentes.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  163,  ed.  1866. 

Fabyan,  in  his  account  of  the  year  A.D.  1093-4,  says,  '  Many  grysely  and  uncuth 
syghtes  wer  this  yere  sene  in  England,  as  hostes  of  men  fyghting  in  the  skye,  and 
fyre  leames  and  other.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  314,  ed.  1559.  In  Prompt.  Parv.  the 
word  'leem'  is  translated  'flamma'  and  'glemyn,  or  lemyn,  asfyyr  or  as  lyghte,'  by 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  365 

with  the  mixture  of  a  terrestryall  substaunce  is  obfuscate  or 
made  darke  ;  but  where  there  is  a  perfeyte  mayster  prepared 
in  tyme,  than  the  brightnes  of  the  science  appereth  polite 
and  clere.  Like  as  the  powar  and  aptitude  of  the  bestes  before 
rehersed  appereth  nat  to  the  uttermoste,  excepte  it  be  by 
exercise  prouoked,  and  that  slouthe  and  dulnesse  beynge 
plucked  from  them  by  Industrie,  they  be  induced  unto  the 
continuall  acte.a  Whiche,  as  Plato  affirmeth,  is  proued  also  in 

flamnto  and  radio  respectively.  Also  '  glemynge,  or  lemynge,  of  lyghte '  by  con- 
flagracio,  flammatio,  pp.  198,  295.  Jasper,  the  son  of  John  Heywood,  the 
dramatist,  h\his  Troas  of  Seneca,  published  in  1559,  says, 

'  May  thys  be  true,  or  doth  the  fable  fayne, 
When  corps  is  dead  the  sprite  to  Hue  as  yet  ? 
When  death  our  eyes  with  heauy  hand  doth  straine, 
And  fatall  day  our  leam.es  of  light  hath  shet, 
And  in  the  tombe  our  ashes  once  be  set, 
Hath  not  the  soule  likewise  his  funerall 
But  still,  alas,  do  wretches  Hue  in  thrall  ? ' 

In  the  Flowers  of  Epigrams  of  Timothy  Kendall,  an  Eton  and  Oxford  man,  but  a 
wretched  poetaster,  published  in  1577,  we  find — 

'  When  fine  flakes  and  lightnyng  leames 
Gan  flashe  from  out  the  skies.' — Fo.  99. 

Thomas  Sackville,  in  his  Induction,  which  forms  part  of  the  Mirour  for  Magis- 
trates, uses  the  word. 

'  Then  looking  upward  to  the  heauens  leames, 
With  nightes  starres  thicke  powdred  euerywhere, 
Wrhich  erst  so  glistned  with  the  golden  streames, 
That  chearful  Phoebus  spred  downe  from  his  sphere.' 

Fo.  206  b.  ed.  1587. 
And  in  the  same  collection  we  find  an  instance  of  the  use  of  the  verb. 

'  And  when  shee  spake  her  eyes  did  lea  me  as  fire. ' 

Ibid.  fo.  1 8  b. 

In  a  MS.  belonging  to  Caius  Coll.,  intituled  Abbreviata  Chronica,  under  date 
A.D.  1402,  appears  the  following  entry  :  '  Hoc  anno  apparuit  Stella  comata  (Anglice 
vocata  "lemyng  sterr")  pronosticans  bellum  futurum,  scil.  bellum  Salopise.'— 
Camb.  Ant.  Soc.  vol.  i.  p.  3,  1840-46. 

•  Does  not  this  passage  reveal  an  acquaintance  by  the  author  with  the  principle 
of   'natural   selection'?     'Selection,'   says   Mr.    Darwin,    'is   either  checked  or 


366  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

the  mayster  and  the  disciple.a  Semblably  the  foresayde 
Socrates  in  Platens  boke  of  Sapience  sayeth  to  one  Theages  : 
Neuer  man  lerned  of  me  any  thinge,  all  thoughe  by  my  com- 
pany he  became  the  wiser.  I  onely  exhortynge  and  the  good 
spirite  inspyringe.b  Whiche  wonderfull  sentence,  as  me 
semeth,  may  well  accorde  with  our  catholyke  fayeth,  and  be 
receyued  in  to  the  commentaries  of  the  mooste  perfecte 
diuines.  For  as  well  that  sentence,  as  all  other  before  rehersed, 
do  comprobate c  with  holy  scripture  that  god  is  the  fountayne 

favoured  by  the  effects  of  use  or  habit.  Our  wonderfully-improved  pigs  could 
never  have  been  formed  if  they  had  been  forced  to  search  for  their  own  food  ;  the 
English  racehorse  and  greyhound  could  not  have  been  improved  up  to  their  present 
high  standard  of  excellence  without  constant  training.' — Variation  of  Animals 
and  Plants,  vol.  ii.  p.  234,  ed.  1868. 

*  Oi  8'  e/xol  ^tryyiyv6fJi€VOL  rb  (J.GV  irpwrov  (paivovrai   evioi  /uei/  Kal  iravv 
irdvres  Se  Trpo'iovfffjs  TTJS   £vvov<rias,  dla"rrep  ov  6  Qebs  Trape'iKy,  Qav^.a.ar'bv  fiaov 
86vres,  &s  a:nois  re  Kal  rois  aXXois  SoKovffi. —  Theatetus,  cap.  7. 

b  Apparently  the  allusion  is  to  the  following  passage,  although  the  author  has 
here,  as  on  another  occasion  (see  p.  364  ante),  confounded  the  treatise  called 
Theages  with  the  Thecetetus,  and  referred  us  by  mistake  to  the  former.  Kal  TOUT' 
fvapyes  STI  Trap'  e/iou  ouSei/  ir&irore  /j.a96vTes,  aAA.'  avrol  Trap'  avr&v  iro\\a  Kal  «oA.a 
fvpdi/res  re  Kal  KOTe^oyres.  TT)S  yueVrot  paisias  6  Qe6s  re  Kayk  cCinos. — Thecetetiis,  ubi 
supra. 

c  I.e.  agree  with,  confirm,  verify,  from  the  Latin  word  comprobare,  which  is 
quite  classical.  Thus  Cicero,  in  the  Verrine  Orations,  says,  '  Meministis  Q.  Varii 
testimonium,  remque  hanc  totam  C.  Sacerdotis,  hominis  ornatissimi,  testimonio 
comprobari. ' — Act  ii.  lib.  ii.  cap.  48.  Again,  '  Neque  vero  hoc  oratione  solum, 
sed  multo  magis  vita,  et  factis,  et  moribus  comprobavit. ' — .Z7<?  Fin.  lib.  i.  cap.  20. 
And  in  his  oration  for  Csecina,  '  Judica  hoc  factum  esse,  aut  nunquam  esse  factum 
vel  cogitatum  ;  crede  huic  testi ;  has  comproba  tabulas.' — Cap.  25.  The  English 
form  seems  to  be  uncommon.  It  is  used,  however,  by  Sir  Thomas  More  in  the 
following  passage  :  '  Nor,  besides  this,  haue  I  nothing  spoken  of  the  generall 
counsails,  condempning  your  parte  by  good  and  substancial  aucthorite,  comprobate 
and  corroborate  by  the  whole  body  of  Christendom.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  187,  ed. 
1557.  And  the  substantive  formed  from  the  verb  is  used  by  the  King  himself,  in  a 
letter  to  the  University  of  Oxford,  written  March  17,  A.D.  1529-30.  'As  we 
trust  you  that  be  heads  and  rulers,  for  the  comprobation  and  declaration  of  particular 
good  minds,  ye  will  not  fail  to  do  accordingly,  and  so  by  your  diligence  to  be 
shewed  hereafter,  to  redeem  your  errors  and  delays  past.' — Burnet,  Hist,  of  Ref. 
vol.  vi.  p.  40,  ed.  1865.  And  also  by  Foxe  in  his  account  of  the  King's  marriage 
with  Ann  Bullen.  '  By  these  matters  thus  passed  and  discoursed  to-and-fro,  be- 
tween the  king  and  these  foreign  princes  above  rehearsed,  many  things  are  to  be 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  367 

of  Sapience,  lyke  as  he  is  the  soueraygne  begynnynge  of  all 
generation. 

Also  it  was  wonderfully  well  expressed  of  whom  Sapience 
was  engendred  by  a  poete,  named  Affranius,  whose  verses  were 
sette  ouer  the  porche  of  the  Temple  where  the  Senate  of 
Rome  mooste  commonly  assembled.3-  Whiche  verses  were  in 
this  maner : — 

Usus  me  genuit,  mater  peperit  memoria. 
Sophiam  me  Graii  vocant,  vos  Sapientiam. 

Whiche  in  englysshe  maye  be  in  this  wyse  translated  : — 

Memorye  hyght  my  mother,  my  father  experience. 
Grekes  calle  me  Sophi,  but  ye  name  me  Sapience. 

By  use  or  experience  in  these  versis  expressed  the  poete 
intended  as  well  those  actes  whiche  we  our  selfe  dayly  do 
practyse,  as  also  them  whiche  beynge  done  by  other  in  tyme 
passed,  for  the  frute  or  utilitie  whiche  therof  succeded,  were 
alowed,  and  also  proued  to  be  necessary.  And  the  cause  why 
that  the  poete  conioyneth  experience  and  memorie  together, 
as  it  were  in  a  lefull  matrimony,  experience  bigettynge,  and 
memorye  alwaye  producynge  that  incomparable  frute  called 
Sapience,  is  for  that  memorie  in  her  operation  proprely  suc- 
cedeth  experyence.  For  that  which  is  presently  done  we 
perceyue,  that  which  is  to  come  we  coniecte  or  diuine,  but  that 
whiche  is  passed  onely  we  haue  in  our  memorie.  For  as  Aris- 

understood  of  the  reader,  whoso  is  disposed  to  behold  and  consider  the  state  and 
proceeding  of  public  affairs,  as  well  to  the  Church  appertaining,  as  to  the  Com- 
monwealth. First,  how  the  King  cleareth  himself,  both  justly  and  reasonably,  for 
his  divorce  made  with  the  Lady  Katharine,  the  Emperor's  aunt.  Secondly,  how 
he  proveth  and  defendeth  his  marriage  with  Queen  Anr.e  to  be  just  and  lawful, 
both  by  the  authority  of  God's  word,  and  the  comprobation  of  the  best  and  most 
famous  learned  men  and  universities,  and  also  by  the  assent  of  the  whole  realm.' 
— Acts  and  Mon.  vol.  v.  p.  113,  ed.  1846. 

a  '  Versus  Afranii  sunt  in  togata,  cui  Sellse  nomen  est : 

"  Usus  me  genuit,  mater  peperit  Memoria. 
Sophiam  vocant  me  Graii,  vos  Sapientiam."  ' 

Aul.  Gell.  Noct.  Att.  lib.  xiii.  cap.  8. 


368  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

totell  declareth  wonderfully  in  an  example,  in  the  princi- 
Aristotdes  pall  sense  of  manne  there  is  conceyued  an  ymage 
*  ™£*£  or  %ure  of  a  thynge>  whiche  by  the  same  sense  is 
centi&jLU.  perceyued  as  longe  as  it  is  retayned  intiere  or 
hole,  and,  (as  I  mought  saye),  consolidate,  pure,  manifeste, 
or  playne  and  without  blemmisshe,  in  suche  wise  that  in 
euery  parte  of  it  the  mynde  is  stered  or  occupyed,  and  by 
the  same  mynde  it  may  be  throughly  perceyued  and  knowen, 
nat  as  an  ymage  in  it  selfe,  but  as  representynge  an  other 
thinge  ;  this  is  proprely  memorie.a  But  if  the  hole  ymage  or 
figure  be  nat  retayned  in  the  mynde,  but  parte  therof  onely 
remayneth,  parte  is  put  out  eyther  by  the  lengthe  of  tyme, 
or  by  some  other  mishappe  or  iniurie,  so  that  it  neither  can 
bring  the  mynde  eftsones  unto  it,  nor  it  can  be  called  agayne 
of  the  mynde,  as  often  as  by  that  portion  whiche  styll  re- 
mayneth and  hathe  aboden  alwaye  intiere  and  clene,  the 
residue  that  was  therto  knytte  and  adioyned  and  late  semed 
for  the  tyme  ded  or  bireft  from  the  mynde,  is  reuiued  and  (as 
it  were)  retourned  home  agayne,  it  is  than  had  for  redemed  or 
restored,  and  is  proprely  called  remembraunce.b 


*  vE(TTi  /zej/  ovv  7)  fJ.vrifJi.Ti  O#T'  a!iffBt](ns,  otid*  virShrjfyis,  a\\a  TOUTWV  Tivbs  e|<s,  T) 
irddos,  OTav  yeVrjTOi  -^povos  .....  'Eire!  5e  Trepl  <pavTao~ias  efyTjrat  irp6rtpov  sv  rots 
Trepl  I^UXTJS,  Kal  vo€iv  OVK  HO~TIV  avev  fyavTao-paTOS  '.....  Kal  rb  <f>dvTao~/ji.a  TTJS 
Koivrjs  alo~di]o~eoi)S  TrdOos  effTlv,  Saffre  fpavepbv  '6ri  r<p  Trp^rcf  alffOrjTiKtf  TOVTWV  f)  yvtaais 
,  Kal  -f)  rwv  vot]ru>v,  OVK.  &i/ev  (pavTdfffjiar6s  effriv,  Sxrre  TOV  vovvpevov 
Uv  etTj,  /ca0'  avrb  5e  rov  irpwrov  alaQi\TiKov  .....  'Airop-f)(reie  S'  &v 
rts,  irias  7TOT6  TOV  /J.ev  irddovs  irap6vTOS,  TOV  5e  irpdy/j.aTOS  curtWos,  yuj/rj/ioveuerat  Tb 
/j.))  Trap6v  SrjA.oj'  yap  OTI  8e?  vor\ffai  TOIOVTOV  rb  yiv6fj.evov  Sio  Trjs  cuV07j<rea>s  ev  Ty 
TOV  ffca/jLttTOS  T<p  €%o*/Tt  avr^v,  olov  faypdq>T)ii.d  TI  Tb  ird6o$,  o5 
elvai  .....  'AA.\'  et  S^  TOIOVTOV  eart  rb  ffv/j.fta'ii'uv  irepl  TT]V 
fi.vriu.riV)  Tr6T€pov  TOVTO  yu.rJjyU.oyetJet  rb  ird9os,  %  e/cetVo  a^)'  ov  eyeveTO  ;  .....  oiov 
yap  Tb  tv  T<$  irlvaKi  yeypap./ji.ei'ov  %£ov  Kal  £(?6v  effTi  Kal  eiK<t>v,  Kal  Tb  avrb  Kal  eV 
TOUT'  effrlv  a/J,<j)(>},  Tb  fj.fi/TOi  flvai  ov  TavTbv  a.u.tyotv,  Kal  eo~Ti  Oetopew  Kal  &s  £lov  Kal 
&s  tiic6va,  ovTta  Kal  Tb  eV  r\[Civ  <f>dvTafffjLa  Set  y7roAaj8e?j/  Kal  a\n6  TI  Ka9'  avTb  elt/ai 
Qewpilpa  Kal  &\\ov  <pdvTa<r(ji.a.  TH  u.lv  ovv  Kad'  avrb,  decapy/jia,  T)  <f>dvTao-fj.d  tffTiv,  y 
o"  #AAou,  olov  eiKkv  Kal  u.vt}u.6v€viJ.a  .....  Ai  51  /ueAeroi  TTJV  /jLvfi/m^v  fffa^ovai  Tip 
eira.vau.iu.vT]ffK£iv'  TOVTO  8'  effTlv  ovotv  fTepov  T)  Tb  Qtwptiv  iro\\dKis  us  fiK6va,  Kal  fj.rf 
us  /ca0'  avT6.  —  Arist.  De  Memorid,  cap.  I. 

b  Ilcpl  5e  TOV  avau.iu.vi]ffKfffQo.i  \ourbv  e'lTTfiv.     UpwTov  /*ej/  ovv  ova   eV  TO?S  &n 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  369 

This  is  the  exposition  of  the  noble  Philosopher,  whiche  I 
haue  writen  principally  to  thentent  to  ornate  our  langage 
with  usinge  wordes  in  their  propre  signification.  Wherof 
what  commoditie  may  ensue  all  wise  men  wyll,  I  dought  nat, 
consider. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

What  is  the  true  signification  of  under  standynge. 

FOR  as  moche  as  in  the  begynnynge  of  the  fyrste  boke  of 
this  warkea  I  endeuoured  my  selfe  to  proue,  that  by  the 
ordre  of  mannes  creation,  preeminence  in  degree  shulde  be 
amonge  men  according  as  they  do  excell  in  the  pure  influence 
of  understandynge,  whiche  can  nat  be  denyed  to  be  the  prin- 
cipall  parted  of  the  soule,  some  reder  perchaunce  meued  with 
disdayne  will  for  that  one  assertion  immediately  reiecte  this 
warke,  saieng  that  I  am  of  a  corrupt  or  folisshe  oppinion  ;  sup- 
posing that  I  do  intende  by  the  said  wordes  that  no  man 


'is  \6yois  fffr\v  a\r)0r),  Set  rlOfff6ai  ODS  vTrdpxovra  '  of/re  yap  nvf)ni\s 
av6.p.vt]ffis,  of/re  ATJIJ/JS  •  '6rav  yap  TO  irp&Tov  f)  pdOr),  ^  irddy,  otfr' 
fj.vf)iJ.T]v  ovSe/j-iav  (ov5e/i£a  yap  irpoyeyovev)  O&T'  e'£  apx^s  Aa;u.j8dVet  •  8rav  8"  4y- 
yevyrai  T\  €|ts  /cot  rb  ird9os,  r6re  f)  fJ.vfnJ.ri  fffrlv,  Sxrre  ^tera  rov  irddovs  tyyivo/j.fvou 
OVK  eyyiverai.  "Eri  5'  8re  rb  irp&rov  tyyeyove  r$  a.T6p.cp  Kal  ^(rxdrcf),  rb  /JLCV  ir&6os 
€j/v7ropxet  ^^77  ry  iraQ6vri  Kal  r)  tiriffT'fiiJ.Ti,  et  Set  /eaAetj/  ^irta-T^/irjj/  rriv  e^ti/,  r)  rb  irdQos 
(ovdev  Se  K(i)\vei  Kara  <Ti//xj8€/3rjKi)s  Kal  /JLvrnj-offveiy  evia  &v  ^TrurTdfjieda)  '  rb  Se  jji.i/ri/j.0- 
veveii/  Ka(f  avrb  oi>x  v*dpx*i  TpLv  XP0*1**^0-1'  WWOvevei  yap  vvv  8  elSt*/,  r)  firaQf 
irp6Tfpov,  ovx  ^  vvv  tirade,  vvv  iJ.vr}fj.ovev€i.  ^Ert  Se  tyavepbv  (Jrt  i>.vr)u.ovfveiv  etrrt  (j^j  vvv 
avctjitj/TjcrfleVra,  d\A'  ^|  apx^f  alffd6(ji.€vov,  f)  ira66vTa,  a\A'  '6raf  dj/aAa/i/S  01/77  fyv  Trp6re- 
pov  eTx«"  eVio-T^jUTjj/,  ^  atoQriffiv,  f)  ov  irore  rr/v  Qiv  f\€yo/j.€v  nvfi/j.riv,  TOUT'  effrl  Kal 
TOTC  rb  ava/j.Lfj.v'fjo'Keffdai  r£>v  flprifji.fV(i}V  TI  •  TO  8e  fjt,vr)/j.ovfveii/  (rv/Afialvei,  Kal  /AJ/TJ/UTJ 
oKoAou0eT.  —  Arist.  Z>^  Memorid,  cap.  2. 

8  See  Vol.  I.  pp.  6,  7. 

b  The  author  of  Le  Trlsor  says,  'A.  la  verite  dire,  Pentendemenz  est  la  plus 
haute  partie  de  Tame.'  —  P.  22.  Locke  calls  it  'the  most  elevated  faculty  of  the 
soul,'  and  defines  it  as  the  power  of  perception  ;  (i)  of  ideas  in  our  minds,  (2)  of 
the  signification  of  signs,  (3)  of  the  connexion  or  repugnancy,  agreement  or  dis- 
agreement, that  there  is  between  any  of  our  ideas.-  Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  116,  364. 
II.  B  B 


370  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

shulde  gouerne  or  be  in  authoritie,  but  onely  he  whiche  sur- 
mounteth  all  other  in  doctrine,  whiche,  in  his  hasty  malice, 
he  demeth  that  I  onely  do  meane  where  I  speke  of  under- 
standynge. 

I  suppose  all  men  do  knowe  that  man  is  made  of  body 
and  soule,  and  that  the  soule  in  preeminence  excelleth  the 
body  as  moche  as  the  maister  or  owner  excelleth  the  house, 
or  the  artificer  excelleth  his  instrumentes,  or  the  king  his 
subiectes.a  And  therfore  Saluste  in  the  conspiracie  of 
Cathaline  sayeth,  We  use  specially  the  rule  of  the  soule  and 
seruice  of  the  body  ;  the  one  we  participate  with  goddes,  the 
other  with  bestes.b  And  Tulli  saieth  in  Tusculane  questions  : 
Ci.  Tusc.  Mannes  soule,  beinge  decerpt  or  taken  of  the  portion 
q.  H.  i.  Of  diuinitie  called  Mens,  may  be  compared  with  none 
other  thinge,  (if  a  man  mought  lefully  speke  it),  but  with  god 
Chrisosto  ^ym  selfe.c  Also  the  noble  diuine  Chrisostomus 
de  repara-  sayeth  that  the  body  was  made  for  the  soule,  and 
tione  lapsi.  nat  the  SQule  for  the  body  d  Nowe  it  is  to  be  further 

a  '  Mais  toutes  ces  choses  (les  sens)  sormonte  1'ame,  qui  est  assise  en  la  maistre 
forteresce,  dou  chief,  et  esgarde  par  son  entendement  neis  ce  que  son  cors  ne 
touche  et  qui  ne  vient  jusque  as  autres  sens  dou  cors.' — Le  Tresor,  p.  22,  ed.  1863. 
Sir  John  Davies  may  have  borrowed  this  metaphor  for  the  following  passage  of 
his  Nosce  teipsum  : 

'  The  workman  on  his  stuffe  his  skill  doth  show, 
And  yet  the  stuffe  giues  not  the  man  his  skill  : 

Kings  their  affaires  do  by  their  seruants  know, 
But  order  them  by  their  owne  royall  will. 

So,  though  this  cunning  mistresse  and  this  queene, 

Doth,  as  her  instrument,  the  Senses  use, 
To  know  all  things  that  are  felt,  heard,  or  scene, 

Yet  she  herselfe  doth  onely  iudge  and  chuse.' 

Poetical  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  32,  ed.  1876. 

b  '  Animi  imperio,  corporis  servitio  magis  utimur.  Alterum  nobis  cum  Dis, 
alterum  cum  belluis  commune  est.' — Sallust.  Catalina^  cap.  i. 

c  '  Humanus  autem  animus,  decerptus  ex  mente  divina,  cum  alio  nullo, 
nisi  cum  ipso  Deo,  (si  hoc  fas  est  dictu)  comparari  potest.' — Tusc.  Qucest.  lib.  v. 
cap.  13. 

d  '  Non  enim  anima  pro  corpore  sed  corpus  pro  anima  factum  est. '     These 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  371 

knowen  that  the  soule  is  of  thre  partes :  the  one,  wherin  is 
the  powar  or  efficacie  of  growinge,  which  is  also  in  herbes 
and  trees  as  well  as  in  man,  and  that  parte  is  called  vegeta- 
tife.a  An  other  parte,  wherin  man  doth  participate  with  all 
other  thynges  lyuynge,  whiche  is  called  sensitife,  by  reason  that 
therof  the  sensis  do  procede,  whiche  be  distributed  in  to 
dyuers  instrumentall  partes  of  the  body ;  as  sight  in  to  the 
eyen,  herynge  to  the  eares,  smellyng  to  the  nose,  tastynge  to 
the  mouthe,  felynge  to  euery  parte  of  the  body  wherin  is 
bloode,  without  the  whiche  undoughtedly  maye  be  no  felynge. 
The  thirde  parte  of  the  soule  is  named  the  parte  intellectuall 
or  of  understandynge,  whiche  is  of  all  the  other  mooste  noble, 
as  whereby  man  is  mooste  lyke  unto  god,  and  is  preferred 
before  all  other  creatures.b  For  where  other  beastes  by  theyr 
senses  do  feele  what  thynge  do  profyte  theim,  and  what 

words  are  not  given  by  Migne  in  his  edition  of  the  first  exhortation  Ad.  Theodorum 
lapsum  (see  torn.  i.  part  i.  col.  299),  and  were  omitted  in  the  Montfaucon  edition 
and  in  that  published  at  Basle  A.  D.  1 547,  but  they  are  to  be  found  in  two  black- 
letter  copies  in  the  British  Museum,  one  of  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
printed  by  Ulric  Zell,  about  A.D.  1467-70,  but  is  without  title-page,  date,  pagina- 
tion, and  signatures,  whilst  the  other,  which  is  equally  imperfect  with  regard  to 
these  typographical  characteristics,  is  referred  to  the  year  1500.  The  passage  m 
question  will  be  found  on  the  5oth  leaf  of  the  former,  and  at  signature  E  of  the 
latter.  It  also  appears  (signat.  E.  v.)  in  a  translation,  printed  in  1553  'by  Robert 
Calye  within  the  precinct  of  the  late  dissolued  house  of  the  graie  Freers,  nowe  con- 
uerted  to  an  hospitall,  called  Christes  hospitall.' 

a  This  is  simply  the  French  word  vegetatif,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  Vege- 
tative, lively,  quick,  fresh  growing,  or  giving  life,  quicknesse,  growth,  increase.' 
And  it  seems  very  probable,  from  a  comparison  of  the  following  passage  with  that 
in  the  text,  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  borrowed  the  ideas  contained  in  the  latter  from 
a  work  which  enjoyed  a  very  high  reputation  in  the  I4th  century,  entitled  Le 
Livre  du  Tresor,  and  which  was  written  in  French  by  the  celebrated  Italian  writer 
Brunette  Latini.  *  L'ame  de  I'ome  a  iii  puissances.  L'une  est  vegetative,  et  ce  est 
commun  as  arbres  et  as  plantes,  car  ils  ont  ame  vegetative  aussi  comme  li  home  ont ; 
la  seconde  est  apelee  sensitive,  et  est  commune  a  toutes  bestes,  car  eles  ont  ames 
sensitives  ;  la  tierce  est  apelee  rationable,  et  por  ceste  est  li  horn  divers  de  toutes 
choses,  porce  que  nule  autre  chose  n'a  ame  rationable  se  li  horn  non.' — P.  260, 
ed.  1863,  Coll.  de  Doc.  Ined.  deuxieme  serie.  Sir  John  Davies  has  adopted  the 
same  division  of  the  powers  of  the  soul  in  his  poem  Nosce  tripsum. 

k  '  Hsec  (sc.  ratio)  praecipua  est  quae  nos  secernit  a  belluis,  et  ad  numina  ipsa 

R  B  2 


372  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

clothe  anoy  them,  only  man  understandeth  wherof  the  sayd 
contrary  dispositions  do  comme,a  and  by  what  meanes  they 
do  either  helpe  or  anoye ;  also  he  perceyueth  the  causes  of  the 
same  thynge,  and  knoweth  howe  to  resyste,  where  and  whan 
nede  dothe  requyre,  and  with  reason  and  crafte  howe  to  gyue 
remedy,  and  also  with  labour  and  industry  to  prouyde  that 
thing  whiche  is  holsome  or  profitable.*  This  moste  pure  parte 

proxime  ut  accedamus  efficit.' — Patrizi,  de  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  vi.  tit.  9.  Sir 
John  Davies  thus  describes  '  the  intellectual  power  of  the  soul  : ' 

'  But  now  I  haue  a  will,  yet  want  a  wit, 

To  expresse  the  working  of  the  wit  and  will ; 
Which,  though  their  root  be  to  the  body  knit, 
Use  not  the  body,  when  they  use  their  skill. 

These  powers  the  nature  of  the  Soule  declare, 

For  to  man's  soule  these  onely  proper  bee, 
For  on  the  earth  no  other  wights  there  are 

That  haue  these  heauenly  powers,  but  only  we.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  75,  ed.  1876. 

Patrizi  held  that  man  displays  a  superiority  to  the  brute  creation  in  the  senses  of 
touch  and  taste,  which  is  certainly  open  to  doubt.  '  Ex  quinque  sensibus  .... 
duo  sunt  quibus  homo  cseteris  praestat,  tactus  scilicet  et  gustus  :  in  reliquis  autem 
superatur  a  multis»' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  vi.  tit.  10.  'The  having  of 
general  ideas,'  says  Locke,  '  is  that  which  puts  a  perfect  distinction  betwixt  man 
and  brutes,  and  is  an  excellency  which  the  faculties  of  brutes  do  by  no  means 
attain  to ;  for  it  is  evident  we  observe  no  footsteps  in  them  of  making  use  of  general 
signs  for  universal  ideas ;  from  which  we  have  reason  to  imagine  that  they  have 
not  the  faculty  of  abstracting,  or  making  general  ideas,  since  they  have  no  use  of 
words,  or  any  other  general  signs.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  275,  ed.  1854. 

"  *  If  we  had  nought  but  Sense,  each  liuing  wight 

Which  we  call  brute,  would  be  more  sharp  than  we  ; 
As  hauing  sense's  apprehensiue  might, 
In  a  more  clear  and  excellent  degree. 

But  they  doe  want  that  quicke  discoursing  power, 

Which  doth  in  us  the  erring  Sense  correct ; 
Therefore  the  bee  did  sucke  the  painted  flower, 

And  birds  of  grapes  the  cunning  shadow  peckt.' 

Sir  J.  Davies,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  37. 

b  The  author  curiously  enough  omits  to  mention  the  faculty  of  speech  in  which 
man  displays  the  most  marked  superiority  over  animals  ;  for  while,  as  Dr.  Reid 
says,  '  some  operations  of  brute-animals  look  so  like  reason  that  they  are  not 
easily  distinguished  from  it '  ( Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  548)  ;  the  incapacity  of  language 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  373 

of  the  soule,  and  (as  Aristotle  sayeth)  diuyne,  impassible,* 
and  incorruptible  b  is  named  in  latine  Intellectus,  ^rist.  u.  i. 
whereunto  I  can  fynde  no  propre  englysshe  but  *<*&• 
understandynge.c  For  intelligence,  whiche  commeth  of  In- 
telligentia,  is  the  perceyuyng  of  that  whiche  is  fyrst  conceyued 
by  understandyng,  called  Intellectus.^  Also  intelligence  is 
nowe  used  for  an  elegant  worde  where  there  is  mutuall  treaties 
or  appoyntementes,  eyther  by  letters  or  message,  specially 
concernynge  warres,  or  like  other  great  affaires  betwene 

'  alone  would  render  them  totally  incapable  of  forming  any  general  conclusions, 
and  would  confine  their  knowledge  entirely  to  particular  objects  and  particular 
events.  Nor  is  this  all.  The  same  defect  would  necessarily  confine  to  each  indi- 
vidual his  personal  acquisitions,  and  would  prevent  the  possibility  of  any  improve- 
ment resulting  from  the  mutual  communication  of  ideas,  or  from  a  transmission  of 
knowledge  from  one  generation  to  another.' — Stewart,  Phil,  of  Hum.  Mind%  vol. 
iii.  p.  292,  ed.  1854. 

*  This  is  simply  the  French  word  impassible,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  "Im- 
passible, sencelesse,  unpassionate,  unperturbed  ;  also  impatient,  which  cannot 
suffer,  or  will  not  beare  with.'  It  answers  here  to  the  Greek  O7ra0rjs.  And  is  used 
also  by  Sir  Thomas  More  in  his  Treatise  upon  the  Passion,  in  the  following  pas- 
sage :  '  But  when  they  receyued  it  (i.e.  the  body  of  Christ)  agayne  sacramentallye 
after  hys  resurreccyon,  then  was  it  in  eternall  glorye  so  confyrmed,  and  in  such  wise 
immortall  and  impassyble,  that  it  shoulde  neuer  dye,  nor  neuer  suffer  payne  after.' 
Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  1329,  ed.  1557. 

b  'O  Se  vovs  foiKfv  eyyiv€0'6ai  ovffia  ris  ovffa,  /cat  ov  <f>OfipfO~6ai ' Kal  TO 

j/ue«/  S^  Kal  rb  dewpe'iv  papaivfTai,  oAAou  rivbs  eVa>  <f>0€ipofj.4vov,  aurb  5'  cwrafle's  tffriv. 
Tb  Se  5icwoe?0'0at  KOI  fyiXsiv  ^  p.iffe'iv  OVK  ZO~TIV  ticclvov  Trd6rj,  a\\a  rouS^  TOV  HX.OVTOS 
e/ceti/o,  rj  e/ceTi/o  6%et  •  Sib  «al  romov  <f>0€ipofj.€vov,  ofrrf  p.tnjfjiovfvei,  ofof  <pi\fi'  ov  *yap 
iKtivov  fy,  dAAet  TOV  KOLVOV,  '6  air6\co\ft> '  6  5e  vovs  fows  6fi6rtpov  TJ  Kal  arcades 
4ffTiv. — Arist.  De  Anima,  lib.  i.  cap.  4. 

0  In  the  Prompt.  Parvul.  we  find  '  Understondynge  yn  wytte.  Intelligenciay 
intellectus?  and  '  Understondynge  or  wytty.  Intelligent?  Whilst  Palsgrave,  the 
contemporary  of  our  author,  translates  'understandyng'  into  the  French  words 
'  entendement,  raison,  intellecture,  sentement.' — 1} Esclaircissement,  p.  285. 

d  Patrizi  says,  '  Intellectus  quern,  nonnulli  intelligentiam  appellant,  proximus 
accedit.  Sunt  enim  qui  haec  duo  verba  inter  se  differre  putent,  ut  sit  intellectus 
animi  potentia  qua  intelligimus,  intelligentia  autem  actus  ipse  intelligendi ;  sed 
earn  animi  vim  Stoici  dicunt  esse,  per  quam  ea  plane  et  sine  fallacia  perspicimus 
quae  sunt.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  vi.  tit.  10.  According  to  Dugald  Stewart, 
'  the  word  intellect  can  be  of  no  essential  use  whatever,  if  the  ambiguity  in  the 
signification  of  the  good  old  English  word  understanding  be  avoided.' — Phil. 
Hum.  Mind,  vol.  ii.  p.  14,  ed.  1854. 


374  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

princes  or  noble  men.a  Wherfore  I  wyll  use  this  worde  un- 
derstandynge  for  Intellectus,  untyll  some  other  more  propre 
englysshe  worde  maye  be  founden  and  brought  in  custome. 
But  to  perceyue  more  playnly  what  thinge  it  is  that  I  call 
understandynge.  It  is  the  principall  parte  of  the  soule  whiche 
is  occupied  about  the  begynnynge  or  originall  causes  of 
thyngesb  that  may  falle  in  to  mannes  knowlege,  and  his 
office  is,  before  that  any  thynge  is  attempted,  to  thinke,  con- 
sydre,  and  prepence,c  and,  after  often  tossyng  it  up  and 

"     The  special  meaning  attributed  to  this  word  here,  and  also  at  p.  259  ante, 
was  evidently  derived  from  the  French  usage.     Thus,  in  the  I5th  century,  Corn- 
mines  employs  the  word  in  this  sense  in  the  following  passage  :   *  Parquoy  le  roy 
chercha  leur  accointance,    et  vindrent  devers  luy  a  Sainct  Jean-de-Luz,  et  prit 
grande  intelligence  et  amitie  avec  eux,  et  peu  estima  leur  roy. ' — Memoires,  p.  48, 
ed.  Pan.  Litt.     At  the  latter  end  of  the  I5th  century  the  word  seems  to  have  been 
employed  in   State  Papers  of  the  period  in  the  sense  to  which  the  author  here 
alludes.     Thus  in  the  Treaty  for  the  marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  with  the 
Princess  Catherine  of  Spain  in  1496,  power  is  given  by  the  King  to  the  Bishop 
of  London  to  conclude  with  the  King  and  Queen  of  Spain   '  Confoederationem, 
Amicitiam,  Ligam  et  Intelligentiam  strictam  vel  minus  strictam,  perpetuam  vel  ad 
tempus.' — Rymer,  Fcedera,  torn.  xii.  pp.  637,  659.     Again,  the  parties  to  what 
was   called   the  Italian  League  concluded  in  the   same  year   agree   to  preserve 
'  bonam  meram  et  puram  Unionem,  Confoederationem,  Intelligentiam,  et  Ligam 
duraturam  usque  ad  annos  viginti  quinque.'     And  also    'Quod  aliqua  pars  prse- 
dictarum,  facta  conclusione  praesentis  Ligae,  non  possit  ad  aliquam  Intelligentiam, 
seu  Ligam  devenire  cum  aliqua  Potentia,  habente  in  Italia  statum,  nisi  de  com- 
muni  consensu,  et  voluntate  omnium  partium.' — Ibid.  p.  639.     The  1st  article  of 
the  Treaty  of  Madrid  between  Charles  V.  and  Francis  I.,  A.D.  1529,  declares  that 
*  D'oresnavant  entre  les  dits  Seigneurs  Empereur  et  Roy  Treschristien  soit  et 
s'entende  "estre  establie  conclute,   et  firme  perpetuellement  et  a  toujours,    bonne 
entiere,  et  seure  Paix,  Amitie,  Alliance,  Unione,  Intelligence.'' — Rymer,  torn.  xiv. 
p.  309.     Article  XIX.   of  the  Treaty  of  Cambray,  made  the  same  year,  asserts 
that  its  object  is  '  pour  nourrir  et  entretenir  vraye  et  bonne  Amitie,  Communi- 
cation, et  Intelligence  entre  les  Subjetz  Manans  et  Habitans  des  Duchez,  Comtez, 
Terres  et  Seigncuries  du  dit  Seigneur  Empereur  es  Paiis  de  par  deca,  et  les  Subjetz 
Manans  et   Habitans  du  dit  Royaume  de  France.' — Ibid.   p.  334.     It  would  be 
interesting  to  know  to  whom  Diplomacy  was  indebted  for  the  introduction  of  this 
'elegant'  word,  which  has  quite  recently  acquired  further  prominence  in  con- 
nection with  one  of  the  great  Departments  of  State. 

b  This  seems  to  have  been  suggested  by  the  following  passage  in  Le  7resor : 
'  Intellect  est  cele  chose  par  cui  1'on  entent  les  commencemens  des  choses.' — 
P.  298,  ed.  1863. 

c  Richardson's,  and  other  Dictionaries,  derive  this  word  from  '  Pre,  before, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  375 

downe  in  the  mynde,  than  to  exercise  that  powar,  the  pro- 
pretie  wherof  is  to  espie,  seke  for,  enserche,  and  fmde  out ; 
which  vertue  is  referred  to  wit,  which  is  as  it  were  the  instru- 
ment of  understanding.* 

and  penser,  to  weigh,  from  pensum,  past.  part,  of  pendere,  to  weigh  ; '  but  they 
do  not  notice  that  it  is  simply  the  English  form  of  the  French  word  Pourpenser, 
which  Cotgrave  translates  '  to  bethinke  himselfe  ;  throughly  to  think,  or  consider 
of ;  seriously  to  weigh,  perpend,  or  digest,  in  the  thoughts  ;  exactly  to  recount, 
cast,  examine,  revolve,  in  the  mind.'  That  this  is  so,  however,  appears  evident 
from  the  fact  that,  in  the  preamble  of  stat.  12  Hen.  VII.  cap.  7,  passed  A.D. 
1496,  the  French  form  is  used.  For  it  recites  as  follows  :  '  Where  abhominable 
and  wilfull  purpensed  murders  be  by  the  lawes  of  God  and  of  naturall  reason  for- 
beden  and  ar  to  be  eschewed,  yet  nat  the  lesse  many  and  divers  unresonable  and 
detestable  persones  lacking  grace  wilfully  committe  murdre,  to  the  high  displeasure 
of  God  and  contrarie  to  all  the  Lawes  abovesaid,  and,  morover,  ayenst  their 
naturall  and  oblieged  dutie  wilfully  commytte  purpensed  murdre  in  sleyng  their 
Maister  &c. '  The  word,  indeed,  occurs  much  earlier,  viz.  in  the  Laws  of  William 
the  Conqueror,  where  we  find  the  phrase  '  swell  prepensed'  used  as  the  equivalent 
of  'guet-apens.'  See  A.  de  Chevallet,  Origine  et  formation  de  la  langue  Fran$aise, 
torn.  i.  pp.  96,  129,  ed.  1853.  In  the  Additions  to  the  Author's  own  Dictionary 
we  find  'accuratum  habere'  translated  '  to  prepense?  and  the  phrase  'accurata 
malitia'  (Plautus,  True,  act  ii.  sc.  5.  20),  '  malyce  prepensed, '  which,  no  doubt, 
was  the  origin  of  the  legal  phrase.  The  latter,  it  may  be  observed,  occurs  for  the 
first  time  in  4  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  2,  A.D.  1512.  The  verb  pourpenser  is  given  by 
Palsgrave  (p.  453),  who  renders  it  '  I  bethynke  me,  I  take  consyderacion  with  my 
selfe  in  a  thyng  what  shulde  be  done.'  And  he,  as  well  as  Cotgrave,  also  gives  the 
substantival  form  pourpens,  '  purpose  ; '  but  this  seems  to  be  extremely  rare,  and  is 
not  noticed  by  Littre.  Froissart  uses  the  verb  in  the  following  passage  :  '  Et 
quand  le  chevalier  1'entendit,  si  fut  tout  ebahi ;  et  prit  ceux  de  sa  charge,  ou  bien 
avoit  soixante  lances,  et  s'en  alia  de  maison  en  maison  a  ceux  qui  la  trahison 
avoient  pourpenste,  et  les  prit  tous.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  324,  ed.  Panth.  Litt. 
Spenser  uses  the  same  form  as  our  author,  and  in  the  same  sense,  in  The  Faerie 
Queene. 

'  And  ever  in  your  noble  hart  prepense, 

That  all  the  sorrow  in  the  world  is  lesse 

Then  vertues  might  and  values  confidence. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  78,  ed.  1866. 

Holinshed,  in  his  account  of  the  riots  in  the  city,  A.D.  1518,  says,  'Now,  upon 
examination,  it  could  neuer  be  proued  of  anie  meeting,  gathering,  talking,  or  con- 
uenticle  at  anie  daie  or  time  before  that  daie  ;  but  that  the  chaunce  so  happened 
without  anie  matter  prepensed  of  anie  creature  sauing  Lincolne.' — Chron.  vol.  iii. 
p.  842. 

*  '  The  Wit,  the  pupill  of  the  Soule's  cleare  eye, 

And  in  man's  world,  the  onely  shining  starre, 


376  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

More  ouer,  after  the  thinges  be  inuented,  coniected, 
perceyued,  and  by  longe  tyme  and  often  considered,  and  that 
the  mynde  disposeth  her  selfe  to  execution  or  actuall  ope- 
ration, than  the  vertue,  named  Prudence,8-  fyrst  putteth  her 
selfe  forwardes,  and  than  appereth  her  industrye  and  labour ; 
for  as  moche  as  she  teacheth,  warneth,  exhorteth,  ordereth, 
and  profiteth,  like  to  a  wise  capitaine  that  setteth  his  hoste  in 
araye.  And  therfore  it  is  to  be  remembred  that  the  office  or 
duetie  of  understandynge  precedeth  the  interprise  of  actes, 
and  is  in  the  begynning  of  thinges.  I  call  that  begynning, 
wherin,  before  any  mater  taken  in  hande,  the  mynde  and 
thought  is  occupied,  and  that  a  man  sercheth,  and  doughteth 
whether  it  be  to  be  entreprised,  and  by  what  waye,  and  in 
what  tyme  it  is  to  be  executed.  Who  by  this  litle  introduc- 
tion knowynge  what  understandynge  do  signifie  will  nat  sup- 
pose that  he  which  therin  dothe  excelle  is  nat  with  honour  to 
be  aduaunced  ?  Than  it  foloweth  nat  by  this  argument  that 
for  as  moche  as  he  that  excelleth  other  in  understanding 
shulde  be  preferred  in  honour,  that  therfore  no  man  shulde  be 
preferred  to  honoure,  but  onely  they  that  excell  other  in 
lerninge.  No  man  hauinge  naturall  reason,  thoughe  he  neuer 
radde  logyke,  wyll  iudge  this  to  be  a  good  argument,  con- 
sidering that  understandyng,  called  in  latine  Intellectus  and 
Mens,  is  by  it  selfe  sufficient,  and  is  nat  of  any  necessite 

Lookes  in  the  mirror  of  the  Fantasie, 

Where  all  the  gatherings  of  the  Senses  are. 

From  thence  this  power  the  shapes  of  things  abstracts, 
And  them  within  her  passiue  part  receiues ; 

Which  are  enlightned  by  that  part  which  acts, 
And  so  the  formes  of  single  things  perceiues. 

But  after,  by  discoursing  to-and-fro, 

Anticipating,  and  comparing  things  ; 
She  doth  all  universall  natures  know, 
And  all  effects  into  their  causes  brings.' 

Sir  J.  Davies,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  75. 

•  '  Prudence  amesure  les  commencemens  et   la  fin  et  1'issue  des  choses.' — 
Brunette   Latini,    Le    Tresor,   p.   298.       Patrizi's  definition   of  prudence   is  as 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  377 

annexed  to  doctrine,  but  doctrine  procedeth  of  under- 
standynge.* But,  if  doctrine  be  alwaye  attendynge  upon 
understandynge,  as  the  daughter  upon  the  mother,  un- 
doughtedly  than  understandynge  must  be  the  more  perfecte 
and  of  a  more  efficacie,  beinge  increased  by  the  inuentions 
and  experiences  of  many  other  declared  by  doctrine,  no  one 
manne  without  inspiration  hauynge  knowlege  of  all  Arist.  Et. 
thynge.b  I  calle  doctrine,  discipline  intellectife,  or  fj^f' 
lerning,c  whiche  is  either  in  writing  or  by  reporte  poeticeli.  i. 
of  thynges  before  knowen,  whiche  procedeth  from  one  man 
to  an  other. 

That  whiche  I  haue  sayde  is  in  this  wyse  con-  Prouer  i 
firmed  by  Salomon,  sayenge,  A  manne  that  is  wise 

follows  :  '  Hsec  humanas  omnes  actiones  regit,  de  rebus  magnis  ac  dubiis  alta 
ratiocinatione  consultat  ac  deliberat,  prasterita  prsesentibus  componit,  et  sic  de 
futuris  judicat,  adeo  ut  eventus  rerum  quasi  prsesagire  ac  prsedicere  videatur. 
Haec  una  fortunae  aditus  occupat,  qua  ratione  a  priscis  poetis  fortunae  domina  dice- 
batur.'— De  Regno  et  Reg.  Inst.  lib.  vi.  tit.  8. 

•  'We  are  born/  says  Locke,  'with  faculties  and  powers  capable  almost  of 
anything ;  such,  at  least,  as  would  carry  us  further  than  can  easily  be  imagined. 
But  it  is  only  the  exercise  of  those  powers  which  gives  us  ability  and  skill  in  any- 
thing, and  leads  us  towards  perfection.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  34,  ed.  1854.  And 
Bacon  says,  '  Natural  abilities  are  like  natural  plants,  that  need  pruning  by 
study.'— Essays,  p.  444,  ed.  1857. 

b  '  For  a  man  to  understand  fully  the  business  of  his  particular  calling  in 
the  commonwealth,  and  of  religion  which  is  his  calling  as  he  is  a  man  in  the 
world,  is  usually  enough  to  take  up  his  whole  time;  and  there  are  few  that 
inform  themselves  in  these,  which  is  every  man's  proper  and  peculiar  business, 
so  to  the  bottom  as  they  should  do.  But  though  this  be  so,  and  there  are  very 
few  men  that  extend  their  thoughts  towards  universal  knowledge,  yet  I  do 
not  doubt  but,  if  the  right  way  were  taken,  and  the  methods  of  inquiry  were 
ordered  as  they  should  be,  men  of  little  business  and  great  leisure  might  go  a  great 
deal  further  in  it  than  is  usually  done.' — Locke's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  60. 

0  no<ra  Si5affKa\ia  Kal  iraffa  jU{£07j<rts  SiavoyriK)]  CK  TrpovTrapxovffi)s  ytverai  yv<i>- 
ffeus. — Anal.  Post.  lib.  i.  cap.  I.  AidVoia  5'  au-Hj  ouflej/  /ctveT,  a\\'  r)  eWK<£  TOU  /cal 
irpaKriKJi  •  avrt\  yap  Kal  TIJS  TrotTjTi/oJs  fy>X€l- — Eth.  Nicom.  lib.  vi.  cap.  2.  'Eirel  5« 
irpd^etas  eart  jufyi7](ns,  irpdrrerai  8e  inrb  rlvwv  irparr6vrcav)  obs  avdyKti  TTOIOVS  nvas 
elvot  Kard  re  rb  $dos  Kal  TTJV  fiiavoiav  (Sto  yap  TOVTUV  Kal  ras  irpd£eis  flvai  (pa^v 
•noids  Tivas),  TretyvKtv  atria  8vo  T&V  irpd^foov  elvai,  Sidvoia  Kal  ^Oos,  Kal  Kara  rouraj 
«al  rvyxdvovfft  Kal  airorvyxdvov(n  irdvres  ....  Sidvoiav  5e,  ev  8<rots  \4yovrf5  O.TTO- 
n  ^  nal  airoQaivovrai  yvup.-r\v. — Poetic,  cap.  6. 


378  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

by  heryng  shall  become  wiser,  and  he  that  hath  understand- 
ynge  shall  be  a  gouernoure.a 

Seneca  sayeth  we  instructe  our  children  in  liberall  sciences,  ( 
nat  bycause  those  sciences  may  gyue  any  vertue,  but  bicause 
they  prepare  the  mynde  and  make  it  apte  to  receive  vertue.b 
Which  beinge  considered,  no  man  will  denye  but  that  they 
be  necessary  to  euery  man  that  coueteth  very  nobilite ; 
whiche  as  I  haue  often  tymes  said  is  in  the  hauynge  and  use 
of  vertue.c  And  verely  in  whome  doctrine  hath  ben  so  founden 
ioyned  with  vertue,  there  vertue  hath  semed  excellent  and 
as  I  mought  saye  triumphant. 

Scipio,d  commen  of  the  moost  noble  house  of  the  Romanes, 
in  hygh  lernynge  and  knowlege  of  the  nature  of  thynges 
wonderfull  studious,6  hauynge  alwaye  with  hym  the  mooste 
excellent  philosophers  and  poetes  that  were  in  his  tyme,f  was 
an  example  and  mirrour  of  martiall  prowesse,  continence, 
deuotion,  liberalitie,  and  of  all  other  vertues. 

Cato,  called  uticensis,  named  the  chiefe  pilar  of  the  pub- 

a  '  A  wise  man  will  hear  and  will  increase  learning,  and  a  man  of  understand- 
ing shall  attain  unto  wise  counsels. '  —Prov.  i.  5. 

b  '  Quare  ergo  liberalibus  studiis  filios  erudimus  ?  Non  quia  virtutem  dare 
possunt,  sed  quia  animum  ad  accipiendam  virtutem  prseparant.' — Epistol.  Ixxxviii. 

§17. 

c  See  Book  II.  chap.  iv.  passim. 
&  Scipio  Africanus  Minor. 

•  '  With  respect  to  the  literary  attainments  of  Scipio,    there  was  but  one 
opinion  in  antiquity.     He  was  better  acquainted  with  Greek  literature  and  philo- 
sophy than  any  of  his  contemporaries,  unless  it  were  his  friend  Laelius.    He  spoke 
his  own  language  with  purity  and  elegance,  of  which  we  have  a  striking  confirma- 
tion in  the  report,  whether  true  or  false,  of  his  having  assisted  Terence  in  the 
composition  of  his  comedies.     He  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  orators  of 
his  day.' — Smith,  Diet.  Biog. 

*  '  Scipio  appears  from  his  earliest  years  to  have  devoted  himself  with  ardour 
to  the  study  of  literature  ;  and  he  eagerly  availed  himself  of  the  superior  knowledge 
of  Polybius  to  direct  him  in  his  literary  pursuits.     He  was  accompanied  by  the 
Greek  historian  in  almost  all  his  campaigns,  and  in  the  midst  of  his  most  active 
military  duties,  lost  no  opportunity  of  enlarging  his  knowledge  of  Greek  literature 
and  philosophy,  by  constant  intercourse  with  his  friend.     At  a  later  period  he 
also  cultivated  the  acquaintance  of  the  philosopher  Pansetius  ;  nor  did  he  neglect 
the  literature  of  his  own  country,  for  the  poets  Lucilius  and  Terence  were,  as  is 


THE    GOVERNOUK.  379 

like  weale  of  the  Romanes,*  was  so  moche  inflamed  in  the 
desire  of  lernynge  that,  (as  Suetonius  writeth),  he  coulde  nat 
tempre b  him  selfe  in  redyng  greke  bokes  whyles  the  Senate 
was  sittynge. 

well  known,  admitted  to  his  intimacy.  His  friendship  with  Laelius,  whose  tastes 
and  pursuits  were  so  congenial  to  his  own,  was  as  remarkable  as  that  of  the  elder 
Africanus  with  the  elder  Lselius,  and  has  been  immortalised  by  Cicero's  cele- 
brated treatise  entitled  '  Lselius.  sive  de  Amicitia.'" — Ubi supra, 

"  There  is  some  confusion  in  the  whole  of  this  passage,  for  obviously  the 
description  is  not  applicable  to  Cato  of  Utica,  but  to  his  great-grandfather  Cato 
the  Censor.  It  was  to  the  latter  that  a  statue  was  erected  as  '  the  restorer  of  the 
State,' the  inscription  according  to  Plutarch  being,  "Or t  T^V  'P&yioicuj/  -TroAtreiai/ 
/col  pcirovffav  ^Trl  TO  Xei'pw  Tt/xyjTTjy  yev6pevos  xPr)ffrc"*  a-ywycus  /col 
(OuTfjio'is  Kal  8i8curKa\icus  tls  opdbv  avOts  OTTO/COT  etTTTjtre. — Cato  Major,  19. 
But  then  Plutarch  expressly  says  that  the  elder  Cato  showed  great  contempt  for 
Greek  literature  :  "OAws  fyiXoaotyia,  irpoffKenpovKus  Kal  iraarav  'EAArji/j/cV  /j.ov(rai>  KOI 
irotSeiffj/  vnb  (pihoTi/jilas  TrpoTTT/AoKt^iwj/. — Ubi  supra,  23.  And  he  tells  a  story  of  the 
arrival  of  Carneades  and  Diogenes  at  Rome  as  ambassadors  from  Athens  and 
of  the  sensation  which  their  eloquence  created,  and  says  that  Cato  hearing  of 
this,  went  down  to  the  senate  and  begged  that  the  ambassadors  might  be  dismissed 
as  speedily  as  possible,  in  order  that  the  attention  of  the  Roman  youth  might  not 
be  distracted  from  their  proper  studies.  The  mention  of  Suetonius,  however, 
gives  some  clue  to  the  source  of  the  error  into  which  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  has  fallen  ; 
and  on  referring  to  the  life  of  the  Emperor  Claudius  we  find  not  only  that  he 
attempted  to  write  history  ( '  Historiam  in  adolescentia  scribere  aggressus  est ; ')  but 
that  he  was  very  fond  of  studying  Greek,  ( '  nee  minore  cura  Grneca  studia  secutus 
est.')  And  in  the  same  chapter  occurs  the  phrase,  'Ne  sedato  quid  em  tumultu 
temperare  potuit  quin '  &c.(cap.  41),  a  collocation  which  makes  it  extremely  probable 
that  Sir  T.  Elyot  intended  to  have  cited  Claudius  and  not  Cato  as  an  example. 

b  I.e.  forbear,  abstain  from.  This  is  the  strict  classical  sense  of  the  Latin 
verb  temperare,  from  which  the  French  verb  temperer  is  derived.  Cotgrave  trans- 
lates the  latter  « to  temper,  moderate,  qualifie  ;  governe,  order  ;  allay,  assuage  ; 
forbeare,  spare,  abstaine,  refraine  from  ;  to  mingle  discreetly,  measure  equally, 
keepe  a  mean. '  Palsgrave  has,  '  I  temper  my  selfe,  I  avoyde  to  be  angrye  or  be 
in  any  other  passion  whan  I  am  provoked,  Je  me  temperise,  verb.  med.  prim.  conj. 
and  je  me  amesure,  verb.  med.  prim.  conj.  He  can  temper  hym  selfe  as  well  as 
any  man  that  ever  you  sawe — il  se  scait  aussi  bien  temperiser,  or  amesurer,  que 
homnie  que  vous  vistez  jamays? — UEsdairdss.,  p.  754.  The  sense  in  which  the 
parent  word  was  used  by  classical  writers  will  be  best  illustrated  by  the  following 
examples,  in  addition  to  that  from  Suetonius  quoted  in  the  last  note.  Thus  Pliny 
in  his  Dedication  to  Vespasian  says :  '  Non  queo  mihi  temperare,  quominus  ad 
hoc  pertinentia  ipsa  censorii  Catonis  verba  ponam.' — Nat,  Hist.  lib.  i.  Again  : 
1  Nequeo  mihi  temperare,  quominus  unum  exemplum  antiquitatis  afferam. ' — Ibid. 
lib.  xviii.  cap.  8.  And  '  Mire  gratum  Tiberio  principi,  qui  non  quivit  temperare 


380  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Howe  moche  it  profited  to  the  noble  Augustus  that  untill 
the  dethe  of  his  uncle  Julius  Cesar,  he  diligently  applyed  his 
study  in  Athenes,  it  well  appered  after  that  the  Ciuile  warres 
were  all  finisshed,  whan  he,  refourmynge  the  hole  astate  of  the 
publike  weale,  stablisshed  the  Senate,  and  takynge  unto  hym 
tena  honorable  personages,  dayly  in  his  owne  persone  con- 
sulted with  them  of  maters  to  be  reported  twyse  in  a  monethe 
to  the  Senate ;  in  suche  wyse  aydynge  and  helpynge  forthe 
that  mooste  noble  courte  with  his  incomparable  study  and 
diligence.b 

The  emperour  Titus,  sonne  of  Vespasian,  for  his  lernynge 
and  vertue  was  named  the  delicate  of  the  \vorlde.c 

Marcus  Antoninus  the  emperour,  was  in  euery  kynde  of 
lernynge  so  excellent,  that  he  was  therfore  openly  named 
the  philosopher,  nat  in  reproche,  (as  men  do  nowe  a  dayes  in 
despyted  call  them  philosophers  and  poetes  whom  they  per- 

sibi  in  eo.' — Ibid.  lib.  xxxiv.  cap.  19.  Cicero  says  :  '  Usque  mihi  temperavi,  dum 
perducerem  eo  rem,  ut  dignum  aliquid  et  consulatu  meo,  et  vestra  expectatione 
efficerem.' — Epis.  ad  Div.  x.  7.  In  Sherwood's  Eng.-French  Diet,  we  find  the 
phrase  'to  temper  himselfe '  translated  's'abstenir,  se  refreindre,  se  moderer.' 

*  The  author  has  misapprehended  the  original  passage  ( '  Decem  valentissimis 
senatorii  ordinis  amicis  sellam  suam  chcumstantibus,'  Suet.  Oct.  35),  in  which 
Suetonius  alludes  to  one  particular  occasion  when  Octavius  in  company  with 
Agrippa  was  present  at  a  scrutiny  of  the  Senate. 

b  '  (Sanxit)  et  ne  plus  quam  bis  in  mense  legitimus  Senatus  ageretur,  Kalendis 
et  Idibus  .  .  .  sibique  instituit  consilia  sortiri  semestria,  cum  quibus  de  negotiis 
ad  frequentem  Senatum  referendis  ante  tractaret.' — Ibid.  35. 

c  *  Huic  Titus  filius  successit,  qui  et  ipse  Vespasianus  est  dictus,  vir  omnium 
virtutum  genere  mirabilis,  adeo  ut  "  amor  et  delicise  humani  generis  "  diceretur  ' — 
Eutrop.  lib.  vii.  cap.  21.  The  same  epithet  is  applied  to  him  by  Suetonius  and 
Victor. 

d  This  is  the  French  despit,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  Despight,  spight, 
anger,  spleene,  stomacke,  vexation.'  Palsgrave  has  '  Despyte — Despit  z.  m. 
contumelie  s.  f.'  In  a  letter  from  Henry  IV.  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  in  1402  we 
find  the  word  used,  *  Si  vous  semble  par  vostre  present  escrit  qu'iceluy  vostredit 
desir,  auez  tourne  grandement  en  friuolles  et  en  parolles  de  tenson  et  despit,  en 
diflfamant  nostre  personne.' — Monstrelet,  Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  12,  ed.  1572.  The 
phrase  occurs  constantly  in  Froissart ;  thus  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  in  1388,  is  made 
to  say  in  answer  to  the  question  whether  certain  hostages  should  be  put  to  death, 
*  Par  ma  foi,  si  feront,  en  depit  de  Messire  Robert  Canolle  et  de  Messire  Hue 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  381 

ceyue  studious  in  sondry  good  disciplines8),  but  to  the 
augmentation  of  his  honour.  For  beyng  of  his  owne  nature 
aptly  inclined  to  embrace  vertue,  he,  addyng  to  abundaunce  of 
lernyng,  became  therby  a  wonderfull  and  perfecte  prince, 
beynge  neyther  by  study  withdrawen  from  affaires  of  the 
publike  weale,  nor  by  any  busynes  utterly  pluckyd  frome 
Philosophy  and  other  noble  doctrynes.b  By  the  whiche  mutuall 

Broec,  qui  ont  menti  leur  foi.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  384,  which  is  rendered  by  Lord 
Berners,  « By  my  faythe  they  shall,  in  the  dispyte  of  Sir  Robert  Canoll  and  Sir 
Byre,  who  hath falsed  their  faithe.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  57.  Again,  referring  to  the 
same  circumstance,  he  says,  '  Et  tantot  Messire  Robert  Canolle  fit  ouvrir  une 
poterne  hors  du  chastel,  et  sur  les  fosses  il  fit  decoler,  au  depit  de  Frangois,  tous 
les  prisonniers  que  il  tenoit '  (ubi  supra],  which  appears  thus  in  Lord  Berners' 
version  :  '  And  incontynent  Sir  Robert  Canoll  opyned  a  posterne  gate,  and  on  the 
brimme  of  the  dykes,  in  dispyte  of  tti&  frenchemen,  he  caused  to  stryke  of  the  heedes 
of  all  the  prisoners  that  he  had.'—  Ubi  supra.  Again  Earl  Douglas  is  reported  to 
have  said,  '  Au  depit  de  Messire  Henry  de  Percy,  qui  dit  devant  hier  que  il  me 
challengeroit  son  pennon  que  je  conquis,et  par  beau  fait  d'armes,a  la  porte  du  chastel, 
nous  ne  nous  partirons  point  de  cy  dedans  deux  ou  trois  jours,  et  ferons  assailir  le 
chastel  d'Octebourch'  (Ibid.  p.  725),  which  is  thus  translated  by  Lord  Berners  : 
'  In  dispyte  of  Sir  Henry  Percy  (who  sayd  he  wolde  come  and  wynne  agayn  his 
penon)  let  us  nat  departe  hence  for  two  or  thre  dayes  ;  lette  us  assayle  this  castell. 
— Ibid.  p.  394.  So  Montaigne  says,  '  Alexandre  assiegeoit  une  ville  aux  Indes  ; 
ceulx  de  dedans,  se  trouvants  pressez,  se  resolurent  vigoreusement  a  le  priver  du 
plaisir  de  cette  victoire,  et  s'embraiserent  universellement  touts  quand  et  leur  ville, 
en  despit  de  son  humanite.' — Essais,  torn.  ii.  p.  130,  ed.  1854  ;  and  Chaucer  in 
Jroylus  and  Cryseyde  : 

'  For  certeyn,  Phebus  and  Neptunus  bothe, 
That  makeden  the  walles  of  the  town, 
Ben  with  the  folk  of  Troie  alwey  so  wrothe, 
That  they  wol  brynge  it  to  confusioun  ; 
Right  in  despit  of  King  Lameadon. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  305. 

The  word  is  no  doubt  derived  from  the  Latin  despectus,  despicere  ;  and  in 
Cooper's  edition  of  the  author's  Dictionary  the  words  despicatus,  despicatio,  are 
translated,  'despite,  contempt.'  We  may  trace  the  origin  of  the  phrase  used  in 
the  text  by  comparing  it  with  the  following  passage  in  Cicero  :  '  Filii  parvi,  privati 
patris  auxilio,  ludibrio  et  despectui  paternis  inimicis  erunt  bppositi.' — Ad  Herenn. 
lib.  iv.  cap.  39. 

•  See  Vol.  I.  p.  120. 

b  See  Vol.  I.  p.  104,  note. 


382  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

conjunction  and  iust  temperauncea  of  those  two  studyes  he 
attayned  to  suche  a  fourme  in  all  his  gouernaunce,  that  he 
was  named  and  taken  for  father  of  the  Senate,  of  the,people, 
and  uniuersally  of  all  the  hole  empyre.b  Moreouer  his  dedes 

•  I.e.  Mingling,  composition,  admixture  =  attemperance.     Palsgrave  has  'Tem- 
peraunce — atrempance  s.  f.  attemperance  s.  f.' — L1  Esclaircissement,  p.  279.     And 
'  I  temper  any  metalles  togyther. — Je  attrempe,  prim.  conj.  and/<?  trempe,  prim, 
conj.     When  metalles  be  well  tempered  togyther  they  wyll  be  all  as  one.      Quant 
•blusieurs  metaulx  sont  bien  attrempez  ensemble  ilz  seront  comme  silzfussent  toils 
que  ung  seul  metal. ' — Ibid.  p.  754.     In  Baret's  Alvearie  we  find,  '  A  moderation  ' 
a  tempering  ;  a  mixing  ;    temperatio,   Cic.   Kpaais.    Attrempement,   temperature. 
This  sense  is,  of  course,   derived  from  that  of  the  Latin  words  temperare,  tem- 
perantia.     Thus  Cicero  says,  *  Ut  enim  corporis  temperatio,  quum  ea  congruunt 
inter  se,  e  quibus  constamus,  sanitas  sic  animi  dicitur,  quum  ejus  judicia  opinionesque 
concordant,  eaque  animi  est  virtus ;  quam  alii  ipsam  temperantiam  dicunt  esse,  alii 
obtemperantem  temperantise  praeceptis,  et  earn  subsequentem,  nee  habentem  ullam 
speciem  suam.' — Tusc.  Quasi,  lib.  iv.  cap.   13.     Elsewhere  he  says,  'Invariaet 
perpetua  oratione   hi  sunt  inter  se  miscendi  et   temperandi.'1 — Orator,  cap.  58. 
Pliny,  speaking  of  Corinthian  bronze,  says,  '  Ejus  tria  genera :  candidum,  argento 
nitore  quam  proxime  accedens,  in  quo  ilia  mixtura  prsevaluit :  alterum,  in  quo  auri 
fulva  natura:  tertium,  in  quo  sequalis  omnium  temperies  fuit.     Praeter  hsec  est,  cujus 
ratio  non  potest  reddi,  quanquam  hominis  manu  facta  dederit  Fortuna  tempera- 
mentum  simulacro  signisque.' — Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xxxiv.  cap.  3.     Tibullus  employs 
it  in  reference  to  liquids  :  '  Temperet  annosum  Marcia  lympha  merum'  (lib.  iii. 
el.  6)  ;  and  thus  it  passed  into  French,  for  Froissart,  describing  the  sufferings  of 
the  English  in  Portugal  in   1387,  says,  '  Us  trouvoient  peu  de  bonnes  eaux  et  de 
fresches,  pour  tftnprerlcorvin  nieux  rafreschir,'  (Chron.  torn  ii.  p.  628,  Pan.  Lit. 
edit.),  which  Lord  Berners  translates  :  '  They  coude  fynde  but  lytell  good  waters 
to  temper  their  wynes  nor  to  refresshe  them.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  296,  ed.  1812. 
Udall,  in  his  translation  of  the  Paraphrases  of  Erasmus,  says,  '  There  hadde  beene 
manye  soondrye  drenches  tempered  by  the  Philosophers  ;  as,  for  example,  by  the 
secte  of  Pithagoras,  by  the  Academikes,  by  the  Stoikes,  by  the  Epicureans,  and 
by  the  Peripatetikes,  promisyng  perfecte  healthe  of  the  mindes,  yea,  and  heauens 
blisse  too.     Moyses  tempered  many  pocions,  prescribing  and  appoyntyng  soondrye 
ceremonyes  of  religion  and  of  seruyng  God  ;  the  prophetes  also  made  muche  and 
manye  temperynges  to  the  same  ende  and  purpose.' — Vol.  i.  fo.  ccix.  ed.  1551. 
And  on  referring  to  the  original  we  find  that  Erasmus  wrote,  '  Miscuerant  varia 
pharmaca  philosophi  Pythagorici,   &c.    Multa  miscuit  Moses,'  &c. — Paraphr.  in 
N.  Test.  p.  275,  ed.  1541.     In  the  Promptorium  we  find  'Temperyn,   or  menge 
to-gedur  (myngyn  togedyr)   commisceo,  misceo '  (p.  488).     And  in  the  author's 
own  Dictionary  Temperatura  is  translated    '  A  temperance  or  moderation  in  the 
mynglynge  of  thynges  togyther. '     And  we  have  already  seen  the  verb  '  to  temper ' 
used  in  the  sense  of  '  to  mix '  in  the  present  volume.     See  ante  p.  318. 

b  At  first  he  declined  the  title  of  Pater  Patrise  conferred  on  him  by  the  Senate 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  383 

and  wordes  were  of  all  men  had  in  so  hyghe  estimation  and 
reuerence,  that  bothe  the  Senate  and  people  toke  of  him  lawes 
and  rules  of  their  lyuynge.  And  in  his  gouernaunce  and 
propre  lyuing,  as  well  at  home  in  his  house  as  in  his  ciuile 
busines,  he  was  to  him  selfe  the  onely  lawe  and  example.  And 
as  he  was  aboue  other  highest  in  autoritie,  so  by  the  uniuersall 
oppinion  of  all  men  he  was  iuged  to  be  of  all  other  men  than 
lyuinge,  the  best  and  also  the  wysist. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

Of  Experience  whiche  hane  preceded  our  tyme,  with  a  defence  of 
Histories* 

EXPERIENCE  whereof  commeth  wysedome  is  in  two  maner  of 
wise.      The  one  is  actes  committed  or  done  by  other  men, 
wherof  profite  or  damage  succedynge,  we  may,  (in   ^ifus  Li- 
knowynge   or  beholdinge  it),  be  therby   instructed  uiusin 
to  apprehende  the  thing  which  to  thepublike  weale,  Prcemiolij" 

in  the  absence  of  his  younger  colleague  Verus,  but  the  general  esteem  in  which  he 
was  held  appears  in  the  account  given  by  Capitolinus  of  his  death  :  '  Quum  igitur 
in  amore  omnium  imperasset,  atque  ab  aliis  modo  frater,  modo  pater,  mod6  films, 
ut  cujusque  setas  sinebat,  et  diceretur  et  amaretur,  diem  ultimum  clausit.' — Hist. 
Aug.  torn.  i.  p.  358,  ed.  1671.  Merivale's  description  of  the  elder  Antonine  is 
equally  applicable  to  his  successor  :  '  It  had  been  said  in  praise  of  Augustus,  that 
he  was  the  Paterfamilias  of  the  whole  empire:  but  the  head  of  a  Roman  family 
was  at  best  a  beneficent  despot,  standing  aloof,  in  haughty  dignity,  from  the 
caresses  of  wife  and  children,  and  exacting  obedience  from  their  fear  rather  than 
their  affection  ;  while  among  his  slaves  he  was  a  tyrant,  self-willed  alike  in 
kindness  and  in  cruelty.  Antoninus  was  the  father  of  his  subjects  in  a  different 
sense.' — Hist,  of  Rome,  vol.  vii.  p.  505. 

a  Hume  has  some  remarks  on  the  study  of  History  which  might  almost  have 
been  suggested  by  a  perusal  of  this  chapter.  '  If  we  consider  the  shortness  of 
human  life,  and  our  limited  knowledge,  even  of  what  passes  in  our  own  time,  we 
must  be  sensible  that  we  should  be  for  ever  children  in  understanding,  were  it  not 
for  this  invention,  which  extends  our  experience  to  all  past  ages,  and  to  the  most 
distant  nations ;  making  them  contribute  as  much  to  our  improvement  in  wisdom, 


384  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

or  to  our  owne  persones,  may  be  commodious  ;  and  to  exchue 
that  thing,  which  either  in  the  begynnyng  or  in  the  conclusion, 
appereth  noisome  and  vicious.* 

The  knowlege  of  this  Experience  is  called  Example,  and 
is  expressed  by  historie,b  whiche  of  Tulli  is  called  the  life  of 
memorie.0  And  so  it  agreeth  well  with  the  versis  of  Affranius 
by  me  late  declared.d  And  therfore  to  suche  persones  as  do 
contemne  auncient  histories,  reputing  them  amonge  leasinges 
and  fantises6  (these  be  their  wordes  of  reproche),  it  may  be 

as  if  they  had  actually  lain  under  our  observation.  A  man  acquainted  with  history 
may,  in  some  respect,  be  said  to  have  lived  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  and 
to  have  been  making  continual  additions  to  his  stock  of  knowledge  in  every  cen- 
tury. There  is  also  an  advantage  in  that  experience,  which  is  acquired  by  history, 
above  what  is  learned  by  the  practice  of  the  world,  that  it  brings  us  acquainted  with 
human  affairs,  without  diminishing  in  the  least  from  the  most  delicate  sentiments  of 
virtue.  And  to  tell  the  truth,  I  know  not  any  study  or  occupation  so  unexcep- 
tionable as  history  in  this  particular.' — Philosoph.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  531,  ed.  1826. 
And  Lord  Bolingbroke,  in  the  same  strain,  says,  '  The  school  of  example  is  the 
world  ;  and  the  masters  of  this  school  are  history  and  experience. ' — Letters  on 
History,  vol.  i.  p.  20,  ed.  1752. 

*  '  Hoc  illud  est  prsecipue  in  cognitione  rerum  salubre  ac  frugiferum,  omnis  te 
exempli  documenta  in  illustri  posita  monumento  intueri.  Inde  tibi  tuasque  rei- 
publicse,  quod  imitere,  capias  ;  inde,  fcedum  inceptu,  fcedum  exitu,  quod  vites.' — 
Liv.  Proem,  lib.  i. 

b  «  History,'  says  Lord  Bolingbroke,  '  is  philosophy  teaching  by  examples.'— 
Ubi  supra,  p.  15. 

e  *  Historia  vero  .  .  .  vita  memorise.' — De  Oratore,  lib.  ii.  cap.  9.  See  also 
Vol.  I.  p.  82. 

d  See  ante,  p.  367. 

e  This  word,  which  is  often  used  by  the  author,  is  simply  the  French  fantaisie, 
which  Cotgrave  spells  fantasie,  and  translates,  'The  fancie  or  fa  ntasie,  opinion, 
humor,  imagination,  conceit,  &c.'  On  the  other  hand  Palsgrave  has  '  Fantasy — 
phantasiej  which  brings  it  still  nearer  to  the  Greek  original  QavTcuria.  The 
author  in  his  own  Dictionary  gives  '  Phantasia,  fantasy,'  which  in  the  later 
edition  by  Cooper  is  explained  to  be  '  the  image  of  things  conceyued  in  the 
mynde,  or  the  power  animall  keeping  the  formes  first  conceyued  in  the  common 
sense  :  phantasie  :  imagination.'  Cicero  attributes  it  to  the  nomenclature  of 
Zeno:  '  Primum  de  sensibus  ipsis  quaedam  dixit  nova  ;  quos  junctos  esse  censuit  a 
quadam  quasi  impulsione  oblata  extrinsecus,  quam  ille  Qavraffiav,  nos  "visum" 
appellemus  licet.' — Acad.  Qucest.  lib.  i.  cap.  ii.  The  word  is  constantly  used 
by  Montaigne.  Thus  he  says  :  '  Comme  ez  choses  qui  consistent  en  fantasie,  elle 
le  reiecta  a  la  devotion.'  Again  :  *  Tant  y  a  que  nous  veoyons  par  experience  les 
femmes  envoyer,  aux  corps  des  enfants  qu'elles  portent  au  ventre,  des  marques  de 


THE   GOVERNOUR  385 

sayd,  that  in  contemnynge  histories  they  frustrate  Experience  ; 
whiche  (as  the  sayd  Tulli  sayeth)  is  the  light  of  vertue,a  whiche 
they  wolde  be  sene  so  moche  to  fauour  all  thoughe  they  do 
seldome  embrace  it.  And  that  shall  they  perceyue  manifestly 
if  they  will  a  litle  while  laye  a  parte  their  accustomed  obsti- 
nacie,  and  suffre  to  be  distilled  in  to  their  eares  two  or  thre 
dropes  of  the  sweete  oyle  of  remembraunce.  Lete  them  re- 
uolue  in  their  myndes  generally  that  there  is  no  doctrine,  be 
it  eyther  diuine  or  humaine,  that  is  nat  eyther  all  expressed 
in  historic  or  at  the  leste  mixte  with  historic.5  But  to 
thentent  that  there  shall  be  left  none  ignoraunce  wherby 
they  mought  be  detayned  in  their  errour,  I  will  declare  unto 
theim  what  is  that  that  is  called  an  historic,  and  what  it  com- 
prehendeth. 

Firste  it  is  to  be  noted  that  it  is  a  greke  name,0  and 
commeth  of  a  worde  or  verbe  in  greke  Historeo?  whiche  dothe 
signifie  to  knowe,  to  se,  to  enserche,  to  enquire,  to  here,  to 
lerne,  to  tell,  or  expounde  unto  other.  And  than  muste  his- 
toric whiche  commeth  therof  be  wonderfull  profitable,  whiche 

leurs  fantasies' — Essais,    torn.    i.   pp.     120,    127.      And  also   by   Chaucer,   as 

ex.  gr. : 

'  We  wymmen  han,  if  that  I  schal  nought  lye, 
In  this  matier  a  queynte/aw/kmV.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  221. 

•  Rather  of  verity,  for  Cicero's  expression  is  *  Historia  ...  lux  veritatis ' 
(De  Oratore,  lib.  ii.  cap.  9)  ;  but  it  is  quite  possible  some  copies  may  have 
substituted  virtutis  for  veritatis ;  see,  however,  Vol.  I.  p.  82,  where  the  author 
has  translated  the  passage  quite  correctly. 

b  'Doubtless,'  says  Schlegel,  'the  philosophy  of  history  forms  an  essential 
part  of  the  science  of  divine  and  human  things — things  which  in  the  mode  of 
conceiving  or  treating  them,  should  be  rarely  and  even  never  entirely  separated.' — 
Philosophy  of  Hist.  p.  275,  ed.  1846. 

c  '  Historia  Graece  significat  rerum  cognitionem  praesentium.' — Aul.  Gellius, 
Noct.  Att.  lib.  v.  cap.  18. 

d  I.e.  io-Topeu,  which  Stephanus  renders  by  the  Latin  equivalents,  Noscito, 
cognosce,  viso,  lustro,  memoriae  prodo,  scisitor,  percenter,  quaere,  sciscitando 
seu  percontando  audio,  ob  oculos  pono,  spectandum  propono.  'The  word 
"History,"'  says  Professor  Rawlinson,  '  etymologically  means  "inquiry  "or 
"  research."  ' — Manual  of  Ancient  Hist.  p.  i,  ed.  1869. 
II.  C  C 


386  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

leaueth  nothinge  hydde  from  mannes  knowlege,  that  unto  hym 
may  be  eyther  pleasaunt  or  necessarie.a  For  it  nat  onely 
reporteth  the  gestesb  or  actes  of  princes  or  capitaynes,  their 
counsayles  and  attemptates,c  entreprises,  affaires,  maners  in 

a  'To  the  philosopher,'  says  a  modern  writer,  'history  is  a  faithful  mirror 
which  reflects  to  him  the  human  character  under  every  possible  variety  of  situation 
and  colour,  and  thus  furnishes  him  with  the  means  of  amplifying  and  confirming 
the  knowledge  of  our  common  nature.' — Smyth,  Lectures  on  Mod.  Hist.  vol.  i.  p. 
20,  ed.  1854.  And  it  was  the  opinion  of  Locke  that  '  As  nothing  teaches,  so 
nothing  delights  more  than  History.' — On  Education,  p.  328,  ed.  1699. 

b  This  word,  which  has  been  used  already,  see  Vol.  I.  pp.  40,  252,  is  simply 
the  French  word  meaning  exploits,  memorable  actions,  &c. ,  and  is  derived  from 
the  Latin  gesta,  which  the  Author  in  his  Dictionary  translates  '  Actes,  thynges 
practised  or  doone.'  Henri  de  Valenciennes,  the  continuator  of  Villehardouin, 
in  his  Conquest  of  Constantinople,  written  in  the  fourteenth  century,  uses  the  word 
in  this  sense  :  '  Qui  vous  raconteroit  ses  gestes  jusques  a  Salenyque,  che  seroit  uns 
grans  anuis.' — P.  191,  ed.  1838.  It  also  occurs  in  the  poems  of  Clement  Marot, 
the  French  poet,  who  died  in  1 544 : 

'  Les  vitres  sont  de  clair  et  fin  cristal : 
Ou  peintes  sont  les  gestes  autentiques 
De  ceux  qui  ont  jadis  de  cceur  loyal 
Bien  observe  d'amour  les  loix  antiques.' 

CEuvres,  torn.  i.  p.  141,  ed.  1731. 

And  in  the  following  passages  of  Montaigne :  'Si  les  gestes  de  Xenophon  et  de 
Caesar  n'eussent  de  bien  loing  surpasse  leur  eloquence,  ie  ne  crois  pas  qu'ils  les 
eussent  iamais  escripts .'  —  Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  372,  ed.  1854.  'Les  Laced emoniens 
sacrifioient  aux  Muses,  entrants  en  battaille,  a  fin  que  leurs  gestes  feussent  bien  et 
dignement  escripts.' — Ibid,  torn  iii.  p.  38.  Lord  Berners,  in  the  Preface  to  his 
translation  of  Froissart's  Chronicle,  says  :  '  Whan  we  (beynge  unexpert  of 
chaunces)  se,  beholde,  and  rede  the  auncyent  actes,  gestes,  and  dedes,  howe  and 
with  what  labours,  daungers,  and  paryls  they  were  gested  and  done,  they  right 
greatly  admonest,  ensigne,  and  teche  us  howe  we  maye  lede  forthe  our  lyues  .  .  . 
but  onelye  hystorie,  truely  with  wo rdes  representyng  the  actes,  gestes,  and  dedes 
done,  complecteth  all  profyte.' — Ed.  1812.  Shakspeare,  m  Antony  and  Cleopatra, 
makes  Antony  say  : 

'  We've  beat  him  to  his  camp  :  run  one  before, 
And  let  the  queen  know  of  our  gests. ' 

Vol.  vii.  p.  571,  ed.  Dyce. 

c  This  word,  of  which  we  have  already  seen  instances  (ante,  pp.  324,  335),  is 
no  doubt  only  the  English  form  of  the  French  attentat,  which  was  originally  spelt 
attemptat,  for  Palsgrave  gives,  '  I  attempt,  I  enterprise,  I  take  in  hande.  Je 
attempte,  prim.  conj.  This  is  nowe  the  thirde  mater  that  you  have  attempted 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  387 

lyuinge  good  and  bad,  descriptions  of  regions  and  cities,  with 
their  inhabitauntes,  but  also  it  bringeth  to  our  knowlege  the 
fourmes  of  sondry  publike  weales  with  their  augmentations 
and  decayes  and  occasion  therof ;  more  ouer  preceptes,  exhor- 
tations, counsayles,  and  good  persuasions,  comprehended  in 
quicke  sentences  and  eloquent  orations.  Finally  so  large  is 
the  compase  of  that  whiche  is  named  historic,  that  it  com- 
prehendeth  all  thynge  that  is  necessary  to  be  put  in  memorie. 
In  so  moche  as  Aristotell,  where  he  declareth  the  partes  of 
mannes  body  with  their  description  and  offices,  and  also 

agaynst  me.  Voycy  mayntenant  la  tierce  matiere  que  vous  auez  attemptee  contre 
may.' — UEsclairciss.  p.  439.  Cotgrave  translates  attentat,  'A  proceeding  in  suit, 
notwithstanding  an  appeale  ;  also  a  taking  (by  the  plairtife  or  defendant)  to  his 
own  use  part  of  a  thing  which  the  Court  hath  wholly  sequestred  ;  any  attempt 
made,  or  course  held  on,  contrary  to  a  public  Order.'  The  word  therefore  no  doubt 
is  of  forensic  origin.  In  a  letter  from  Pace  to  Wolsey,  dated  August  7,  1521,  he 
says  :  '  As  herunto  the  Kynge  marvaylith  gretly  off  thys  presumptuose  attempt- 
ate  usydde  by  the  Frenchemen  in  hys  streme.' — State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  36.  It 
occurs  also  in  the  Statutes  of  the  Realm  at  this  period  ;  thus  24  Hen.  VIII.  cap. 
6,  recites  that  divers  merchants  of  the  city  of  London  have  not  only  sold  wines  at 
excessive  prices,  '  but  also  havyng  in  their  handes  and  possessions  greate  habound- 
ance  of  wynes  by  theym  acquired  and  bought  to  be  solde,  obstinatly  and  maliciously 
syth  their  seid  attemptates  and  defaultes  proved,  have  refused  to  sell  any  of  their 
said  wynes,'  &c.  And  in  Udall's  translation  of  the  Paraphrase  of  Erasmus  on 
Luke  v. :  '  H  critiques  dooe  attempte  and  laboure  to  cutte  in  soondre  the  doctrine 
of  the  ghospel,  but  Christe  on  euerye  syde  fensing  those  that  are  his,  turneth  the 
deuilishe  attemptates  of  the  others  to  the  profiting  and  betteryng  of  the  porcion  that 
is  uncorrupted.' — Tom.  i.  fo.  cclxiii.  ed.  1551,  where  the  original  has  conantur^ 
conatus.  No  such  words  as  attemptatio,  attemptare,  were  known  to  classical 
writers,  but  the  latter  is  used  by  Matthew  Paris  in  his  history  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  III.,  for  speaking  of  an  insurrection  in  the  north  of  Ireland,  occasioned 
by  an  attempt  to  deprive  the  daughters  of  Alan  of  Galloway  of  their  inheritance 
in  1 236,  he  says  '  Et  ut  id  attemptantes  suum  certius  consummarent  desiderium, 
foedus  inauditum  inierunt.' — Chron.  Maj.  vol.  iii.  p.  365.  The  Rolls  ed.  In 
Rymer,  under  the  date  A.D.  1236,  we  find  two  letters  of  Henry  III.  to  the 
Emperor  Otho,  the  subject  of  which  is  'De  attemptatione  Lumbardorum. ' — 
Vol.  i.  p.  364,  ed.  1704.  Cressy  a  celebrated  Popish  writer  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  uses  a  form  of  the  word  which  brings  it  still  nearer  to  the  French 
original.  Referring  to  the  charge  made  against  the  Papists  that  they  were  the 
cause  of  the  Fire  of  London,  he  says  :  '  Complaints  of  this  most  execrable  attentat 
were  made,  and  severall  oathes  to  confirm  this  were  offred,  but  in  vain.'—  Church 
Hist,  of  Britain,  p.  321,  ed.  1668. 

c  c  2 


388  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

the  sondry  fourmes  and  dispositions  of  all  bestes,  foules,  and 
fisshes,  with  their  generation  he  nameth  his  boke  an 
historic.* 

Semblably  Theophrast,  his  scholer,  a  noble  philosopher, 
descriuynge  all  herbes  and  trees,  wherof  he  mought  haue  the 
true  knowlege,  intitleth  his  boke  the  historic  of  plantes.b 


•  The  Greek  titles  of  these  works  are  ITepl  ra  £$a  taropiai  and  Uepl  £(?< 
which,  when  translated  into  Latin,  became  respectively  ZV  Animalibus  Historice 
and  De  Partibits  Animalium.  The  writer  of  the  article  on  '  Aristotle,'  in  the  last 
(the  ninth)  edition  of  the  Encyclopedia  BJ  itannica,  says,  '  'Iffropia  means  "a  record 
of  investigations."  Aristotle  sometimes  uses  the  word  simply  in  the  sense  of 
"history,"  but  it  was  a  mistranslation  to  call  his  work  on  animals  Historia  Ani- 
malium. Out  of  this  the  term  "  Natural  History  "  has  grown  into  modern  usage.' 
K.  O.  Miiller  says,  '  The  books  which  we  have  contain  a  methodical  description  of 
the  different  varieties  of  the  animal  kingdom  ;  and  the  various  animals  are  ex- 
hibited according  to  their  characteristic  features,  with  especial  reference  to  their 
mode  of  life,  instinctive  habits,  and  the  reproduction  of  the  species.'  —  Hist.  Gr. 
Lit.  vol.  ii.  p.  306,  ed.  1858.  The  '  History  of  Animals'  was  highly  extolled  by 
Cuvier  and  other  writers,  who  regarded  it  as  '  one  of  the  greatest  monuments  which 
the  genius  of  man  has  raised  to  Natural  Science;'  by  modern  critics,  however,  this 
estimate  is  now  considered  to  be  unduly  exaggerated.  Thus  Mr.  G.  H.  Lewes  says, 
'  There  is,  strictly  speaking,  no  science  in  it  at  all.  There  is  not  even  a  system 
which  might  look  like  science.  There  is  not  one  good  description.  It  is  not  an 
anatomical  treatise  ;  it  is  not  a  descriptive  zoology  ;  it  is  not  a  philosophy  of 
zoology  ;  it  is  a  collection  of  remarks  about  animals,  their  structure,  resemblances, 
differences,  and  habits.  As  a  collection  it  is  immense.  But  it  is  at  the  best  only 
a  collection  of  details,  without  a  trace  of  organization;  and  the  details  themselves 
are  rarely  valuable,  often  inaccurate.'  —  Aristotle,  p.  271,  ed.  1864. 

b  Uepl  QVT&V  Iffropia.  Theophrastus  was  the  pupil  and  successor  of  Aristotle, 
'  but  in  many  departments,  especially  in  some  branches  of  natural  history,  he 
extended  and  improved  what  had  been  done  by  his  master.  His  treatise  '  '  on 
stones,"  published  B.C.  315  ;  that  "  on  the  causes  of  plants,"  which  appeared  a  year 
or  two  afterwards,  and  the  great  work  on  botany,  which  was  put  forth  after  the 
5  ear  307  B.C.,  have  superseded  Aristotle's  works  on  similar  subjects,  and  his  col- 
lection of  laws  would  have  been  a  valuable  appendage  to  Aristotle's  great  work  on 
the  polities,  had  the  two  books  been  preserved  to  our  time.  With  the  exception 
off  the  botanical  treatises  and  a  -little  book  on  '  characteristics,'  the  numerous 
writings  of  Theophrastus  are  either  lost  altogether  or  have  come  down  to  us  in 
mere  fragments.'  —  Muller,  Hist.  Gr.Lit.\o\.  iii.  p.  10,  ed.  1858.  According  to 
Professor  Brandis,  an  edition  of  the  works  of  Theophrastus  was  published  by  Aldus 
at  Venice  in  1498.  Probably  this  author  was  more  read  in  the  i6th  century  than 
he  has  been  since.  Montaigne  for  instance,  who  was  evidently  well  acquainted 
with  his  writings,  makes  frequent  allusion  to  him,  and  calls  him  '  philosophe  si 
delicat,  si  modeste,  si  sage.'—  £ssais,  torn.  iv.  p.  116,  ed.  1854. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  389 

And  finally  Plini  the  elder  calleth  his  mooste  excellent  and 
wonderfull  warke,  the  historic  of  nature  ; a  in  the  whiche  boke 
he  nothing  ommitteth  that  in  the  bosome  of  Nature  is  con- 
tayned,  and  may  be  by  mannes  witte  comprehended,  and  is 
worthy  to  be  had  in  remembraunce.b  Whiche  autorities  of 
these  thre  noble  and  excellent  lerned  men  approueth  the  sig- 
nification of  Historic  to  agree  well  with  the  exposition  of  the 
verbe  historeo,  wherof  it  cometh. 

Nowe  let  us  se  what  booke  of  holy  scripture,  I  meane  the 
olde  testament  and  the  newe,  may  be  saide  to  haue  no  parte  of 
historic.  The  fiue  bokes  of  Moises,  the  boke  of  Juges,  the 
foure  bokes  of  kynges,  Job,  Hester,  Judith,  Ruth,  Thobias, 
and  also  the  historic  of  Machabees  (whiche  from  the  other  is 
seperate),  I  suppose  no  man  wil  denie  but  that  they  be  all 
historicall,0  or  (as  I  mought  say)  intier  histories.  Also 

a  'The  only  work  of  Pliny  which  has  been  preserved  to  us  is  his  Historia 
Naturalis.  By  Natural  History  the  ancients  understood  more  than  modern 
writers  would  usually  include  in  the  subject.  It  embraced  astronomy,  meteor- 
ology, geography,  mineralogy,  zoology,  botany  ;  in  short,  everything  that  does  not 
relate  to  the  results  of  human  skill  or  the  products  of  human  faculties.  Pliny, 
however,  has  not  kept  within  even  these  extensive  limits.  He  has  broken  in  upon 
the  plan  implied  by  the  title  of  the  work,  by  considerable  digressions  on  human 
inventions  and  institutions,  and  on  the  history  of  the  fine  arts.  Minor  digressions 
on  similar  topics  are  also  interspersed  in  various  parts  of  the  work,  the  arrange- 
ment of  which  in  other  respects  exhibits  but  little  scientific  discrimination.  It 
comprises,  as  Pliny  says  in  the  preface,  within  the  compass  of  thirty-six  books, 
20,000 matters  of  importance,  drawn  from  about  2,000  volumes.' — Smith's  Diet, 
of  Biog.  Professor  Browne  styles  it  '  an  unequalled  monument  of  studious  dili- 
gence and  persevering  industry.' — Hist.  Rom.  Class.  Lit.  p.  524.  The  first  edition 
of  Pliny's  Historia  Naturalis  was  published  at  Venice  in  1469,  and  was  rapidly 
followed  by  many  others. 

b  The  next  paragraph  is  omitted  in  Mr.  Eliot's  edition. 

c  Inasmuch  as  the  Pentateuch  is  not  now  generally  considered  to  form  part  of 
the  Historical  Books,  which,  as  is  well  known,  are  twelve  in  number,  and  com- 
prise those  from  Joshua  to  Esther  inclusive,  it  is  probable  that  Sir  T.  Elyot  had 
adopted  the  division  ordered  by  the  author  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  who 
mentions  together  the  five  Books  of  Moses,  Joshua,  Judges,  Kings,  Chronicles, 
Ezra,  and  Nehemiah,  the  two  latter  being  included  under  the  title  of '  the  His- 
tories of  the  return  from  Babylon,'  TO  TTJS  'Eirai/^Sou,  (see  Bingham,  Antuj.  of 
Christ.  Church,  vol.  v.  p.  78,  ed.  1855)  ;  but  if  we  regard  the  intrinsic  claims  of 
these  books  to  the  title  assigned  to  them  by  Sir  T.  Elyot  we  shall  find  that  he 


390  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

Esdras,a  Nemias,  Ezechiel,  and  Daniel,  all  though  they  were 
prophetes,yet  be  their  warkes  compacte  in  fourme  of  narrations, 
whiche  by  oratours  be  called  enunciatiueb  and  only  pertaineth 

was  fully  justified  in  calling  them  historical.  For  beginning  with  the  book  of 
Genesis,  'its  scope  may  be  considered  as  twofold  :  i.  to  record  the  history  of  the 
world  from  the  commencement  of  time  ;  and  2.  to  relate  the  origin  of  the  church, 
and  the  events  which  befell  it  during  many  ages.' — Horne,  Int.  Old  Test.  p.  512, 
ed.  1860.  The  book  of  Exodus  'is  a  history  of  matters  of  fact'  (Ibid.  p.  519), 
that  of  Leviticus  '  presents  the  historical  progress  of  the  legislation  which  began  at 
Sinai'  (Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  582,  ed.  1856)  ;  '  the  book  of  Numbers  contains  a  history 
of  the  Israelites,  from  the  beginning  of  the  2nd  month  of  the  2nd  year  after  their 
departure  from  Egypt,  to  the  beginning  of  the  nth  month  of  the  4Oth  year  of  their 
journeyings— that  is  a  period  of  38  years  and  9  or  10  months'  (Ibid,  p  526) ;  and 
lastly,  the  book  of  Deuteronomy  contains  'a  repetition  of  the  history  related  in  the 
preceding  books,  and  the  personal  history  of  Moses  until  his  death.' — Ibid.  p.  536. 
With  regard  to  Job,  Sir  T.  Elyot  might  allege  the  authority  of  Josephus,  'because 
he  includes  the  work  among  the  historical  or  prophetic  parts  of  the  Old  Testament ; ' 
and  in  fact,  '  the  basis  of  the  poem  is  historic  truth. ' — Ibid.  vol.  ii.  pp.  707,  709. 
The  books  of  Judith,  Tobit,  and  the  Maccabees  are  now  included  in  the  Apocrypha, 
but  at  the  time  when  The  Governour  was  published  they  were  still  reckoned  as 
canonical.  For  although  the  example  of  collecting  the  doubtful  books  in  a 
separate  group  (as  implied  by  the  passage  in  the  text)  had  been  set  in  the  Stras- 
burg  edition  of  the  Septuagint  of  1526,  yet  the  Confession  of  Augsburg,  dated  in 
1531,  contains  no  article  whatever  on  the  Canon  of  Scripture,  nor  do  the  Lutherans 
appear  to  have  had  any  other  canon  than  Luther's  Bible.  Wicliff,  indeed,  as 
early  as  1380,  had  applied  the  term  Apocrypha  to  all  but  the  twenty-five  Canonical 
Books  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  disputed  books  were  collected  and  described 
in  the  same  way  in  the  printed  English  Bible  of  1539  (Crammer's),  and  since  then 
there  has-been  no  fluctuation  as  to  the  application  of  the  word. 

a  '  The  first  in  order  of  the  Apocryphal  books  in  the  English  Bible.  But  in 
the  Vulgate,  the  first  book  of  Esdras  means  the  canonical  book  of  Ezra,  and  the 
second  book  of  Esdras  means  Nehemiah,  according  to  the  primitive  Hebrew 
arrangement  mentioned  by  Jerome  (Apud  Hebrseos,  Ezrae  Neemiseque  sermones 
in  unum  volumen  coarctantur. — Migne  ed.  torn.  ix.  col.  1403),  in  which  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  made  up  two  parts  of  the  one  book  of  Ezra ;  and  third  and  fourth  Esdr. 
are  what  we  now  call  I  and  2  Esdras.' — Smith's  Diet.  Bible.  '  The  book  gives  us 
a  consecutive  history  de  templi  restitutione,  as  the  old  Latin  tersely  expresses  it.' — 
Kitto,  Cyclop.  Bib.  Lit.  p.  820. 

b  The  Latin  word  from  which  this  is  derived  appears,  so  far  as  classical 
authors  are  concerned,  to  be  8.ira.£  Kfy^^vov,  and  is  only  used  by  Seneca  in  the 
following  passage  :  '  Sunt,  inquit,  naturae  corporum ;  tanquam,  hie  homo  est,  hie 
equus  :  has  deinde  sequuntur  motus  animorum  enuntiativi  corporum  .  .  .  Corpus 
est,  quod  video,  cui  et  oculos  et  animum  intendi.  Dico  deinde  "  Cato  ambulat." 
Non  corpus,  inquit,  est,  quod  nunc  loquor ;  sed  enuntiativum  quiddam  de  corpore, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  391 

to  histories,  wherin  is  expressed  a  thyng  done,  and  persones 
named.  All  the  other  prophetes,  thoughe  they  speake  of  the 
tyme  future  or  to  come,  whiche  is  out  of  the  description  of  an 
historic,  yet  either  in  rebukinge  the  sinnes  and  enormities  passed, 
or  bewayling  the  destruction  of  their  countray,  or  captiuitie  of 
the  people,  and  suche  like  calamitie  or  miserable  astate,  also 
in  meuing  or  persuading  the  people,  they  do  recite  some 
circumstaunce  of  a  narration.*  But  nowe  be  we  commen 
to  the  newe  testament,  and  principally  the  bokes  of  the 
Euangelistes,  vulgarely  called  the  gospelles,b  which  be  one 

quod  alii  effatum  vocant,  alii  enuntiatum,  alii  dictum.' — Epist.  cxvii.  §§  12,  13. 
Jeremy  Taylor  uses  the  same  form  in  his  Divine  Institution  of  the  Office 
Ministerial :  '  I  understand,  though  not  the  degree  and  excellency,  yet  the  truth  of 
this  manner  of  operation  in  the  instance  of  Isaac  blessing  Jacob,  which  in  the 
several  parts  was  expressed  in  all  forms,  indicative,  optative,  enunciative.' — P.  39, 
ed.  1672.  And  so  does  Ayliffe,  in  his  great  work  on  the  Laws  of  the  Church : 
*  A  Publick  instrument  is  so  far  presum'd  to  be  true,  that  it  contains  Probationem 
probatam,  as  the  lawyers  call  it.  ...  But  this  Presumption,  according  to  some, 
only  proceeds  and  obtains  in  respect  of  the  dispositive  words  of  an  Instrument,  and 
not  in  regard  of  the  enunciative  Terms  thereof:  as  Titius  the  son  of  Sempronius  : 
for  such  enunciative  words  do  not  induce  a  Presumption,  that  he  was  the  son  of 
Sempronius.'. — Parergon  Juris  Canon.  AngL  p.  306,  ed.  1726.  The  Latin  word 
was  indeed  constantly  employed  by  commentators  on  the  Roman  law.  And 
such  perhaps  the  author  may  have  intended  to  indicate  by  the  term  '  orators.' 

a  A  modern  writer  is  of  the  same  opinion.  *  The  writings  of  the  twelve  minor 
prophets,'  says  Dr.  Home,  '  are  particularly  valuable,  not  only  because  they  have 
preserved  a  great  number  of  predictions  relating  to  the  advent,  life,  death,  and 
resurrection  of  the  Messiah,  the  calling  of  the  Gentiles,  the  rejection  of  the  Jews, 
'the  ruin  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  abrogation  of  the  ceremonies  of  the  Mosaic  law; 
but  especially  they  have  recorded  numerous  events,  concerning  the  history  of  the 
kingdoms  of  Judah,  Israel,  Babylon,  Idumsea,  Egypt,  Moab,  and  Ammon.  These 
memorials  of  events  are  the  more  valuable,  as  very  few  of  them  are  noticed  in  the 
sacred  history;  and  profane  history  is  almost  totally  wanting  for  the  periods  which 
they  comprise.  The  writings  of  the  minor  prophets,  therefore,  may  be  regarded 
as  a  kind  of  supplement  for  the  history  of  their  own  times  and  the  age  immediately 
following.'— Introd.  to  Old  Test.  p.  775,  ed.  1860. 

b  The  word  Gospel  is  a  purely  Saxon  word,  compounded,  according  to  Spel- 
man,  of  the  radicals  '  God,'  and  «  spel.'  '  God  enim  non  solum  Deum,  sed  etiam 
bonum  significat.  Spel,  historiam,  narrationem,  nuntium.  Sic  ut  Gospel  sit 
Dei  historia  ;  vel  (quod  Graecam  dictionem  evayyehiov  expressiiis  reddit)  bonum 
nuntium.  Spel  vero  historiam,  narrationem,  sermonem,  aliquando  librum  signi- 
ficare  prope  notum  est  linguae  Saxonicae  mystagogis.  Inde  bigspel  proverbium, 


392 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


contexte  a  of  an  historic,  do  nat  they  contayne  the  temporall 
lyfe  of  our  sauyour  Christ,  kinge  of  kinges  and  lorde  of  the 

anspel  conjectura,  Idlespellunge  aniles  fabulce,  spelbodan  oratores,  a  spellian  (apud 
./Elfridum)  narrare,'  &c.  Becon,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  Elyot,  says  :  'The 
Greek  word  euangelion,  which  we  call  gospel  in  English,  soundeth  in  our  common 
tongue,  a  good,  joyful,  and  merry  message.' — Works,  p.  113,  ed.  Par.  Soc.  And 
Tyndale  explains  it  in  the  same  way  :  '  Evangelion  (that  we  call  the  gospel}  is  a 
Greek  word  ;  and  signifieth  good,  merry,  glad,  and  joyful  tidings,  that  maketh  a 
man's  heart  glad,  and  maketh  him  sing,  dance,  and  leap  for  joy;  as  when  David 
had  killed  Goliah  the  giant,  came  glad  tidings  unto  the  Jews,  that  their  fearful  and 
cruel  enemy  was  slain,  and  they  delivered  out  of  all  danger:  for  gladness  whereof, 
they  sung,  danced,  and  were  joyful.  In  like  manner  is  the  Evangelion  of  God 
(which  we  call  gospel  and  the  New  Testament)  joyful  tidings  ;  and,  as  some  say,  a 
good  hearing  published  by  the  apostles  throughout  all  the  world,  of  Christ  the 
right  David  ;  which  tidings  as  many  as  believe,  laud,  praise,  and  thank  God  ;  are 
glad,  sing  and  dance  for  joy.' — Doctrinal  Treatises,  pp.  8,  9,  ed.  Par.  Soc. 

*  This  is  the  French  word  contexte,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  A  context,  a 
whole  web,  composition,  worke  ;  or  an  interlacing,  joyning,  or  weaving  together  ; 
also  the  forme  or  stile  of  a  Proces,  Booke,  or  Discourse. '    And  this  in  its  turn  was 
derived  from  the  Latin  contextus,  which  is  constantly  used  by  Quintilian.     Thus 
he  speaks  of  '  Litterarum  nomina  et  contextus.' — Inst.  Orat.  lib.  i.  I,  §  24.    And 
'  Contextus  et  continuatio  sermonis. ' — Ibid.  viii.   2,   §   14.     Again  he  says,  *  Sed 
sermonis  alicujus  habiti  verborum  contextus  eadem  arte  quomodo  comprehendetur  ? ' 
(Ibid.  xi.  2,  §  24),  where  it  signifies  '  the  order,  or  connection  of  the  words  ;'  and 
finally  he  uses  it  absolutely  in  the  following  passage :   '  Non  interrumpendus  est 
contextus.' — Ibid.  lib.  xi.  3,  §   39.     We  may  observe  that  the  author  does  not 
notice  the  substantive  in  his  Dictionary,  though  he  gives  the  verb  from  which  it  is 
formed,  contexo,  ere,    *  to  ioyne  together.'     M.  Littre  does  not  give  any  examples 
of  the  use  of  the  word  by  early  French  writers.     Montaigne  has  the  form  contex- 
ture, which  is  uncommon,  in  the  same  sense.    "  Je  trouvay  belles  les  imaginations 
de  cet  aucteur,   la  contexture  de  son  ouvrage  bien  suyvie,  et  son  desseing  plein  de 
piete." — Essais,    torn.    ii.    p.   257,   ed.    1854.      Bacon   uses  the  word  contexted 
in  the  primitive  sense  of  '  united,  joined  together,'  in  the  following  passage  :   '  He 
saith  farther,  that  those  papers,  as  well  loose  as  contexted,  which  he  had  formerly 
confessed  to  be  of  his  own  hand,  might  be  of  the  writing  of  the  said  Peacham.' — • 
Works,  vol.  xii.  p.  127,  ed.  1869.     Owen  Feltham,  who  wrote  in  the  succeeding 
century,  speaks  of  '  Historic  or  contexted  fable.'—  Resolves,  p.  217,  ed.  1631.   And 
this  last  phrase  seems  very  analogous  to  that  used  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot.   Hobbes, 
in  the  preface  to  his  translation  of  Thucydides,   published  in   1634,  has  a  very 
similar  expression  to  that  in  the  text :   '  The  principall  and  proper  worke  of  History 
being  to  instruct  and  enable  men  by  the  knowledge  of  actions  past,  to  beare  them- 
selues  prudently  in  the  present,  and  prouidently  towards  the  Future,  there  is  not 
extant  any  other  (meerely  humane)  that  doth  more  fully  and  naturally  performe  it 
hen  this  of  my  Author.     It  is  true  that  there  be  many  excellent  and  profitable 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  393 

worlde,  untill  his  glorious  assention  ?  And  what  thinge  lack- 
eth  therm  that  doth  pertayne  to  a  perfecte  historic  ?  There 
lacketh  nat  in  thinges  ordre  and  disposition,  in  the  context 
or  narration  veritie,  in  the  sentences  grauitie,  utilitie  in  the 
counsailes,  in  the  persuasions  doctrine,  in  expositions  or 
declarations  facilitie. 

The  bokes  of  actes  of  apostels,  what  thinge  is  it  els  but  a 
playne  historic  ?  The  epistles  of  saint  Paule,  saint  Peter, 
saynt  John,  saynt  James,  and  Judas  the  apostles  do  contayne 
counsailes  and  aduertisementes  in  the  fourme  of  orations, 
resiting  diuers  places  as  well  out  of  the  olde  testament  as  out 
of  the  gospelles,  as  it  were  an  abbreuiate,a  called  of  the 
grekes  and  latines,  Epitoma* 

Histories  written  since  ;  and  in  some  of  them  there  be  inserted  very  wise  discourses, 
both  of  Manners  and  Policie.  But  being  discourses  inserted,  and  not  of  the  con- 
texture of  the  Narration,  they  indeed  commend  the  knowledge  of  the  Writer,  but 
not  the  History  itselfe,  the  nature  whereof  is  meerely  narratiue.' 

•  This  form,  which  =  abridgment,  is  uncommon.  The  history  of  this  word 
belongs  entirely  to  the  Middle  Ages,  for  the  Latin  verb  abbreviare  was  used  only 
by  Vegetius.  Matthew  of  Westminster,  who  wrote  in  the  fourteenth  century, 
employs  it  in  its  technical  sense  of  'to  register,  or  give  in  an  account.'  Thus  in  his 
account  of  the  year  A. D.  1297  he  says:  'In  crastino  translationis  bead  Thomae 
martyris,  citatis  comitibus  el  Baronibus  regni  Londini,  mandante  Rege  suo  Con- 
stabulario  et  suo  Marescallo,  Comitibus  Northfolciae  et  Herefordise,  adunati  populi 
coram  ipsis  apud  S.  Paulum,  adbreviare  quot  equitaturas  quisque  posset  invenire 
ipsi  regi  processuro  ad  bellum.' — Flores  Histor.  lib.  ii.  p.  409,  ed.  1570.  In  the 
Promptorium,  compiled  in  1440,  we  find"' abreggyn  abbrevio.'1  And  in  Palsgrave's 
U  Esclaircissement)  '  1  abrevyate,  I  make  a  thynge  shorte.  Je  abrege.'  The  word 
originally  seems  to  have  been  equivalent  to  breviare,  which  =  in  breves  redigere  ; 
and  another  form,  inbreviare,  was  used  indifferently.  Thus  in  the  Capitularies  of 
Charlemagne  we  find  :  '  Exempla  inbreviandorum  episcopatuum,  monasteriorum, 
fiscorumque  regalium.  .  .  .  Et  sic  cetera  de  talibus  rebus  breviare  debes.  Item 
adbreviandum  de  peculiis.' — Pertz,  Mon.  Germ.  Legum,  torn.  i.  pp.  175,  178,  ed. 
1835.  In  a  charter  of  King  John,  relating  to  the  Stannaries  of  Devon  and  Corn- 
wall about  A.D.  1 200,  which  is  printed  in  the  Black  Book  of  the  Exchequer,  but 
is  not  to  be  found  in  Mr.  Pearce's  Laws  of  the  Stannaries,  we  find  one  of  the 
forms  last  mentioned  used  in  this  technical  sense  :  '  Item  Custodes  secundae  fun- 
turas  et  Clericus'-diligenter  et  memoriter,  sicut  propria  corpora  sua,  inbreviare  faciant 
omnia  miliaria  et  centurias  et  libras,  quse  per  pondus  et  cuneum  custodiae  suae 


For  Note  b,  see  page  394. 


394  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

This  is  well  knowen  to  be  true  of  them  that  haue  hadde 
any  leasure  to  rede  holy  scripture,  who,  remembringe  them 
selfes  by  this  my  little  induction,  wyll  leaue  to  neglecte  his- 
toric, or  contemne  it  with  so  generall  a  disprayse  as  they 
haue  bene  accustomed.  But  yet  some  will  impugne  them 
with  a  more  particuler  obiection,  sayenge  that  the  histories 
of  the  Grekes  and  Romanes  be  nothyng  but  lyes  and  faynynge 
of  poetes  (some  suche  persones  there  be  betwene  whome  and 
good  autours  haue  euer  ben  perpetuell  hostilitie).  Firste, 
howe  do  they  knowe  that  al  the  histories  of  grekes  and 
Romanes  be  leasyngs,  sens  they  finde  nat  that  any  scripture 
autentike0  made  about  that  tyme  that  those  histories  were 


ponderentur  et  signentur  in  toto  anno.' — Lib.  Nig.  Scacc.  vol.  i.  p.  366,  ed.  1771. 
There  appears  to  have  been  an  officer  of  the  Papal  chancellery  who  bore  the 
title  of  Abbreviator,  for  according  to  Domenico  Macri,  an  Italian  writer  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  '  Primarius  in  brevium  officio  Protonotarius  Abbreviator  dice- 
batur.' — Hiero  Lexicon,  p.  85,  ed.  1735.  The  substantive  'abbreviate,'  and  the 
more  usual  form  'abbreviation,'  are  no  doubt  derived  from  this  clerical  function. 
Dr.  Richard  Whitlock,  in  his  Zootomia,  published  in  1653,  has  a  chapter  entitled 
'  The  Abbreviates  of  Life ;'  and  another  writer  of  the  same  century  says  :  '  It  is 
enough,  which  they  will  tell  you  and  insist  upon  twenty  times,  that  this  Virgin  was 
the  chief  allurement,  which  in  the  beginning  moved  God  Almighty  ...  to  pick 
and  chuse  out  of  every  creature,  as  it  came  out,  the  very  best  of  it  for  this  true 
Pandora  and  true  Abbreviate  of  all  his  works.' — Brevint,  Saul  and  Samuel  at  Endor, 
p.  104,  ed.  1674.  The  word  'Breviate'  also  occurs  ;  thus  there  is  in  the  British 
Museum  a  'Copy  of  an  original  MS.  entitled  A  Breviate  touching  the  Order  and 
Governmente  of  a  Noblemaris  House J  circa,  A.D.  1605;  communicated  by  Sir 
Jos.  Banks,  Bart.,  and  printed  in  1800. 

b  Cicero  uses  both  forms.  Thus  :  '  Quse  cognosce  ev  «rrro/«7.' — Epist.  ad  Att. 
v.  20.  And  again :  '  Conturbat  enim  me  epitome  Bruti  Fanniana,  an  Bruti  epitome 
Fannianorum?' — Ibid.  xii.  5.  The  author  in  his  own  Dictionary  translates  this 
word  'abrigement,  or  breuiate.'  In  the  Golden  Boke  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  which 
is  said  to  be  a  translation  from  the  French,  Lord  Berners,  the  translator,  says  in 
the  Prologue, '  The  writynges  of  theym  (i.e.  of  Eutropius,  Lampridius,  Capitolinus, 
&c.)  and  of  other,  semeth  rather  epitomes  than  histories.' — Signat.  A.  iii.  b.  ed. 
1539.  Prynne,  in  the  Preface  to  Cotton's  Abridgement  of  the  Records,  reminds 
his  readers  that  he  had  '  already  published  to  the  world  a  Chronological  Epitome, 
or  summary  collection  of  all  the  extant  parliamentary  Councils,  Synods,  and  pub- 
like  State- Assemblies  held  within  the  realm  of  Great  Britain.' 

c  This  is  the  French  form.  Palsgrave  gives,  '  Awtentyque — autentique. '  And 
Cotgrave,  '  Authentique — authenticke,  authenticall ;  of  good  authority ;  approved, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  395 

writen,  do  reproue  or  condemne  them  ?  But  the  most  catho- 
like  and  renoumed  doctours  of  Christes  religion  in  the  corro- 
bration  of  their  argumentes  and  sentences,  do  alledge  the 
same  histories  and  vouche  (as  I  mought  say)  to  their  ayde  the 
autoritie  of  the  writars.  And  yet  some  of  those  Rabinesa  (in 

or  allowed  by  authority.'  It  is,  of  course,  derived  from  the  Greek  avOevr^s,  and 
was  applied  to  the  canonical  Scriptures,  although  at  a  very  early  period  it  had  a 
special  signification  when  applied  to  the  Novels  of  Justinian,  which  were  styled 
comprehensively  Corpus  Authenticarum.  The  word  is  used  by  French  writers  of 
the  thirteenth  century.  Thus  in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose  we  read  : 

'  Et  se  tu  sees  riens  de  logique, 
Qui  bien  rest  science  atitentique? 

Tom.  ii.  p.  118,  ed.  1814. 
And  again : 

'  Ses  letres  sunt  a  ce  tornees, 
Qu'eles  valent  miex  qu; 'autentiques 
Communes,  qui  sunt  si  escliques 
Que  ne  valent  qu'a  huit  personnes.' — Ibid.  p.  339. 

By  Froissart  it  is  applied  to  persons ;  thus,  speaking  of  the  death  of  Jean  Desmarets 
inA.D.  1382,  he  says:  '  On  1'avoit  toujours  vu  homme  de  grand' prudence  et  de 
bon  conseil,  et  avoit  toujours  ete  1'un  des  greigneurs  et  authentiques,  qui  fut  en 
parlement  sur  tous  les  autres. ' —  Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  264,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Which 
Lord  Berners  translates,  '  One  of  the  moost  autentyke  men  of  the  court  of  parly- 
ment' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  749.  The  former  also  speaks  of  Paris  as,  'Cite  si 
authentique  et  le  chef  du  royaume  de  France.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  699.  The  very 
phrase  in  the  text  is  used  also  by  Tyndall :  '  In  like  maner  do  ye  first  geue  us 
autenticTce  scripture  for  your  doctrine.  And  then  if  we  bring  not  autenticke  scrip- 
ture agaynst  you,  or  confounde  your  myracle  wyth  a  greater,  as  Moses  dyd  the 
sorcerers  of  Egipt,  we  wyll  beleue  you.' — Works,  p.  300,  ed.  1573.  And  also  by 
Chaucer,  in  The  Prologue  to  the  Remedie  of  Loue  : 

'  Graunt  mercie,  lord,  sith  it  thee  doeth  like 
To  license  me,  now  I  woll  and  dare  boldly 
Assaill  my  purpose,  with  scriptures  autentike, 
My  werke  woll  I  ground,  underset,  and  fortefie.' 

Fo.  306,  b.  ed.  1602. 

Compare  The  Boke  of  the  Duchesse : 

'  She  was  as  good,  and  nothynge  lyke, 
Thogh  hir  stories  be  autentyke.'' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  1 88,  ed.  1866. 

a  The  word  Rabbi  was  originally  a  title  of  respect  given  by  the  Jews  to  their 
doctors  and  teachers,  and  often  applied  to  Christ,  but  it  was  afterwards  employed 


396  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

goddes  name)  whiche  in  comparison  of  the  sayde  noble  doc- 
tours  be  as  who  sayeth  petitesa  and  unethe  lettered,  wyll 
presume  with  their  owne  selye  wittes  to  disproue  that  whiche 
both  by  auncientieb  of  tyme  and  consent  of  blessed  and  noble 

as  a  general  term  for  the  learned  men  among  them  ;  and  as  a  host  of  com- 
mentators arose  who  frittered  away  the  Scriptures  and  put  false  interpretations 
upon  them,  these  '  later  Rabbins '  brought  the  name  into  contempt.  It  is  used  by 
our  author  in  an  ironical  sense.  Selden,  in  his  Illustration  to  Draytorfs  Poly- 
olbion,  speaks  of  'the  Rabbinique  conceit  upon  the  creation,'  p.  263,  ed.  1748; 
and  Lord  Bolingbroke,  in  his  Fragments  of  Essays,  speaks  of  St.  Paul  reasoning 
'  very  rabinically  when  he  quoted  the  preference  given  to  Jacob  over  a  much 
better  man — over  Esau — and  the  deliverance  of  the  Israelites,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  Egyptians  by  God  for  the  glory  of  his  name,  in  order  to  conclude  a  fortiori 
that  the  same  God  might,  by  virtue  of  the  same  power,  reject  the  Jews,  who  were 
literally  the  seed  of  Abraham,  for  refusing  to  acknowledge  the  Messiah,  and  call 
the  Gentiles,  who  were  figuratively  this  seed,  for  consenting  to  acknowledge  him. ' 
—  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  456,  ed.  1754.  Milton,  in  his  Animadversions  upon  the 
Remonstrants'  Defence,  says  :  '  Wee  will  not  buy  your  Rabbinical  fumes ;  wee  have 
one  that  calls  us  to  buy  of  him  pure  gold  tri'd  in  the  fire.'—  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  204, 
ed.  1851. 

a  The  author  has  here  as  elsewhere  simply  adopted  a  French  word  instead  of 
using  an  English  one.  We  may  compare  the  use  of  the  original  by  Froissart  in 
the  following  passage  :  '  Madame,  dit  le  comte  (d'Ermignac),  je  suis  un petit  homme 
et  un  povre  bachelier.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  376,  ed.  Pan.  Litt.  Which  Lord 
Berners  translates  :  '  Madame,  quod  therle,  I  am  but  a  meane  man.' — Chron.  vol.  ii. 
p.  49,  ed.  1812.  Thomas  Drant,  who  published  an  English  version  of  Horace 
in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  uses  the  word  in  the  following  passage,  in  translating 
the  lines  '  Ut  pueros  elementa  docentem  occupet  extremis  in  vicis  balba  senectus.' 

*  And  stamering  age  to  petyte  laddes 
In  corners  al  wil  reede  the.' 

Horace  to  his  Boke,  ed.  1567. 

And  so  does  William  Warner,  another  sixteenth  century  poet,  in  hi?  rhyming 
history,  entitled  Albioris  England : — 

'  Upbrayd  me  not  with  banishment,  nor  Belyns  quarrell  touch, 
Nor  yeat  my  petite  Signorie,  nor  more  than  troth  by  much.' 

Lib.  iii.  cap.  16,  ed.  1592. 

And  in  the  following  century  Dr.  South  uses  it  pleonastically  in  his  Sermons  :  '  By 
what  small,  petit  hints,  does  the  mind  catch  hold  of,  and  recover  a  vanishing  notion.' 
— Vol.  i.  p.  220,  ed.  1823.  The  word,  in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  employed  in 
the  text,  is  now  represented  by  the  more  modern  form  '  petty'  or  'paltry.' 

b  This,  like  the  word  referred  to  in  the  last  note,  is  simply  a  French  word, 
anciennete,  Anglicised.      Froissart,  in  his  account  of  the  capture  of  Calais  in  1347, 


THE   GOVERN  OUR.  397 

doctours  is  allowed  and  by  theyr  warkes  honoured.  If  they 
will  coniecte  histories  to  be  lyes  bicause  they  somtyme  make 
reporte  of  thynges  sene  and  actes  done  whiche  do  seme  to  the 
reders  incredible,  by  that  same  raison  may  they  nat  only 
condemne  all  holy  scripture,  whiche  contayneth  thynges  more 
wonderfull  than  any  historien  writeth,  but  also  exclude  cred- 
ulitie  utterly  from  the  company  of  man.  For  howe  many 
thinges  be  daily  sene,  whiche  beinge  reported  unto  him  that 
neuer  sawe  them,  shulde  seeme  impossible  ?  And  if  they 
wyll  allege  that  all  thynge  contayned  in  holy  scripture  is 
approbate3-  by  the  hole  consent  of  all  the  clergie  of  Christen- 

says :  '  Ces  six  bourgeois  se  mirent  tantot  a  genoux  pardevant  le  roi,  et  dirent  ainsi 
en  joignant  leurs  mains  :  Gentil  sire  et  gentil  roi,  veez-nous  cy  six,  qui  avons  etc 
d> anciennete  bourgeois  de  Calais  et  grands  marchands.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  271, 
ed.  Pan.  Litt.  And  Commines  says :  '  Ceux  qu'on  appelle  en  ce  quartier  la  les 
nouvelles  alliances,  ce  sont  les  villes  de  Basle  et  de  Strasbourg,  et  autres  villes  im- 
periales  qui  sont  au  long  de  cette  riviere  du  Rhin,  les  quelles  cTanciennett  avoient 
este  ennemies  desdits  Suisses.' — Memoires,  p.  116,  ed.  Pan.  Litt.  Cooper,  in  his 
revised  edition  of  the  author's  Dictionary,  under  the  word  ' Britannia,'  says  :  '  Also 
Julius  Csesar  wryteth  that  the  places  of  thys  He  were  unknowne  to  French  men 
sauing  to  a  fewe  marchauntes.  This  well  considered,  with  the  authoritie  of  the 
wryter,  both  an  excellent  Prince  and  also  a  great  learned  man,  and  was  him- 
selfe  in  thys  He,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted,  but  that  he  most  diligently  searched  for 
the  true  knowledge  of  the  aundentie\he.tQ>i. '  This  form  occurs  also  in  A  Traictise 
on  the  Marriage  of  Pries tes,  by  Thomas  Martin,  D.C.L.,  published  in  1554: 
'  Furthermore  about  the  yere  of  our  Lord  460,  in  a  counsel  holden  in  the  prouince 
of  Narbon  within  the  realme  of  Fraunce  (whiche  thei  called  Concilium  Vasense)  I 
find  mention  of  these  epistles.  ...  Is  not  the  forenamed  counseil  of  auncientie 
aboue  a  M  yeres  ago?' — Signat.  J.  ii.  b. 

•  This  word,  which  is  now  obsolete  and  is  represented  by  the  modern 
4  approved '  is  derived  from  the  Latin  approbare,  approbatus.  Thus  Cicero  has 
the  phrase,  'omnium  assensu  approbatum.' — De  Fin.  lib.  iii.  cap.  8.  Grafton 
in  his  continuation  of  the  Chronicle  begun  by  Hardyng,  reporting  a  speech  of 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  in  1483,  makes  him  say,  'Now  yf  she  (i.e.  the 
widow  of  Ed.  IV.)  refuse  in  the  deliueraunce  of  hym  to  folowe  the  wisdome 
of  theim  whose  wisdome  she  knoweth,  whose  approbate  fidelitee  she  trusteth,  it 
is  easye  to  perceaue  that  frowardnesse  letteth  her,  and  not  feare.' — Chron.  p.  484, 
ed  1812.  And  the  word  occurs  in  the  speech  made  by  Ed.  IV.  to  his  nobles  on 
his  deathbed,  '  Hauyng  perfect  confidence,  and  sure  hope  in  the  approbate  fidelitie 
and  constaunt  integritie  whiche  I  haue  euer  experimented,  and  knowen  to  bee 
radicate  and  planted  in  the  partes  of  your  louyng  bodies  toward  me  and  myne.' — 
Hall,  Chron.  vol.  i.  fo.  ccxlix.  ed.  1548.  Again  :  'There  is  another  prayse  of  this 


398  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

dome  at  diiiers  generall  counsailes  assembled,  certes  the  same 
counsailes  neuer  disproued  or  rejected  the  histories  of  grekes 
or  Romanes  ;  but  the  moste  catholike  and  excellent  lerned 
men  of  those  congregations11  embraced  theyr  examples,  and 
sowyng  them  in  their  warkes  made  of  them  to  the  churche  of 
Christe  a  necessarie  ornament. 

Admytte  that  some  histories  be  interlaced11  with  leasynges ; 

Adrian.  The  manne  was  of  profounde  lerninge  and  knowlege,  and  in  especial  he 
was  a  manne  of  a  ripe  iudgement  in  electinge  and  chosynge  concinnate  termes, 
whiche  firste  of  our  tyme,  after  that  golden  world  e  of  Tully,  moued  men  with  hjs 
writynge  to  imitate  and  foloe  the  moost  approbate  and  allowed  authours  that  were 
of  eloquencie.' — Ibid.  vol.  ii.  fo.  xx.  b. 

a  The  Latin  word  congregatio  is  strictly  classical,  although  this  is  sometimes 
forgotten  ;  ex.  gr,,  the  author  does  not  give  it  in  his  Dictionary  ;  and  Baret  gives 
as  the  Latin  equivalents  oftheEng.  word,  '  Synodus,  concio,  multitude,  conventus,' 
and  as  the  French,  '  une  congregation  ou  assemblee  de  gents  pour  traicter  de  quelques 
affaires  publiques.'  But  Cicero  says  «  Facile  intelligitur,  nos  ad  conjunctionem 
congregationemque  hominum,  et  ad  naturalem  communitatem  esse  natos.' — De  Fin. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  20.  The  word  is  used  in  this  last  sense  by  Monstrelet  :  '  Qu'on 
enuoyroit  certains  mandements  contenans,  comment  a  1'occasion  des  congregations, 
et  assemblies  de  gens  d'armes  que  auoient  fait  le  Due  d'Orleans.' — Chron.  torn.  i. 
fo.  122  b.  ed.  1572.  In  the  i6th  century  a  great  controversy  arose  with  regard  to 
the  use  of  this  word  in  the  translation  of  the  New  Testament.  Erasmus  rendered 
fKK\T]<ria  '  congregation,'  in  his  version  of  Acts  ii.  47,  v.  1 1,  xi.  26,  &c.,  and  Tyndale 
explains  why  he  preferred  this  rendering  to  that  of  Church  as  follows  :  '  Inasmuch 
as  the  clergy  had  appropriate  unto  themselves  the  term  that  of  right  is  common 
unto  all  the  whole  congregation  of  them  that  believe  in  Christ ;  and  with  their 
false  and  subtle  wiles  had  beguiled  and  mocked  the  people,  and  brought  them 
into  the  ignorance  of  the  word  ;  making  them  understand  by  this  word  «  church  ' 
nothing  but  the  shaven  flock  of  them  that  shore  the  whole  world  ;  therefore  in 
the  translation  of  the  New  Testament,  where  I  found  this  word  ecclesia,  I  inter- 
preted it  by  this  word  congregation.'' — Answer  to  Sir  T.  More,  p.  13,  ed.  1850. 

b  This  word,  which  in  another  place,  (see  Vol.  I.  p.  38)  the  author  spells 
'  entrelased  '  is  derived  from  the  French  word  entrelasser,  (mod.  entrelacer, )  which 
Cotgrave  translates  '  to  interlace,  intermingle,  interlard,  fould,  plait,  twine  or 
intangle  one  within  another,  to  set,  put,  or  thrust  in  between  or  among. '  And  in 
Baret's  Alvearie  we  find  '  to  enterlace,  to  weaue  in  or  with,  to  intermingle.  Intexo, 
^nr\eKc0,  Tistre  dedens  ou  auec  ;  entrelasser,  entremesler,  brocherS  How  the 
French  word  became  incorporated  in  our  language,  may  be  seen  by  a  comparison 
of  the  following  passage,  in  which  Froissart  relates  the  speech  of  Philip  van 
Artevelde  to  his  men  before  going  into  battle  at  Roosbecke  in  1382  ;  with  the 
translation  of  Lord  Berners.  '  Seigneurs,  quand  ce  venra  a  1'assembler,  souvienne- 
vous  de  nos  ennemis,  comment  ils  furent  tous  deconfits  et  ouverts  a  la  bataille  de 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  399 

why  shulde  we  therfore  neglecte  them  ?  sens  the  affaires 
there  reported  no  thynge  concerneth  us,  we  beynge  therof  no 
parteners,  ne  therby  onely  may  receyue  any  damage.  But 
if  by  redynge  the  sage  counsayle  of  Nestor,  the  subtile  per- 
suasions of  Ulisses,  the  compendious*  grauitie  of  Menelaus, 
the  imperiall  maiestye  of  Agamemnon,  the  prowesse  of 
Achilles,  and  valiaunt  courage  of  Hector,  we  may  apprehende 
any  thinge  wherby  our  wittes  may  be  amended  and  our 
personagesb  be  more  apte  to  serue  our  publike  weale  and  our 

Bruges,  par  nous  tenir  drus  et  forts  ensemble,  que  on  ne  nous  puist  ouvrir.  Si 
faites  ainsi,  et  chacun  porte  son  baton  tout  droit  devant  lui,  et  vous  entrelacez  de  vos 
bras,  parquoi  on  ne  puist  entrer  dedans  vous  ;  .  .  .  ainsi  s'ebahiront  nos  ennemis.' 
— Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  249,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  This  is  rendered  by  Lord  Berners  as  fol- 
lows :  '  Sirs,  whan  we  come  to  the  batayle,  lette  us  thynke  on  oure  enemy  es,  ho  we 
they  were  disconfyted  at  the  batayle  of  Bruges,  by  reason  that  we  helde  oureselfe 
close  toguyder ;  let  us  beware  that  we  opyn  nat :  euery  man  beare  his  weapen 
ryght  before  hym,  and  enterlase  your  staues  ouer  your  armes,  one  within  another, 

wherby  they  shall  nat  entre  upon  us and  thus  we  shall  abasshe  our 

enemyes.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  736,  ed.  1812. 

a  For  other  instances  of  the  use  of  this  word  see  ante,  pp.  16,  212.  None  of  the 
Dictionaries  notice  the  fact  that  it  is  derived  immediately  from  the  French.  Yet 
Palsgrave  has  '  Compendyouse,  shorte  as  man  is  in  his  speakyng  or  writyng. 
m.  compendieux,  f.  compendieuse.^  M.  Littre  indeed  cites  an  example  of  this  last 
form  from  Christine  de  Pisan,  a  writer  of  the  I4th  century,  but  a  reference  to  the 
original  shows  that  the  quotation  is  scarcely  accurate,  and  that  comprendieuse  and 
not  compendieuse  was  written  by  the  accomplished  biographer  of  Charles  the 
Fifth. 

b  I.e.  bodies  ;  a  sense  in  which  the  author  has  previously  employed  it,  in  Vol.  I. 
pp.  172,  195.  This  of  course  is  simply  the  French  word  Anglicised.  Cotgrave 
translates  pcrsonnage,  '  A  personage,  body,  person.'  And  Baret,  in  his  Alvearie, 
has,  *  Of  goodly  personage,  Heros  spectabilis,  Ovid.  Speciosa  persona,  Ulp.  Fcemina 
spectatissima,  Cic.'  Monstrelet  in  his  account  of  the  year  1411,  says  *  Le  Due  de 
Bourgongne  estant  a  Ponthoise,  un  certain  iour  vint  deuers  ledit  Due  un  homme 
assez  puissant  &z  personnage,  lequel  entra  dedans  sa  chambre  sur  intention  de 
meurdrir  ledit  Due.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  fo.  123  b.  ed.  1572.  And  so  Commines 
says,  '  Des  deux  princes,  il  advient  sou  vent  que  1'un  a  \z  personnage  plus  honneste 
et  plus  agreable  aux  gens  que  1'autre.' — Mem.  p.  49,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Hall  in  his 
report  of  the  message  sent  by  Louis  XI.  to  Ed.  IV.,  in  1475,  puts  into  the  mouth 
of  the  herald  the  following  speech  :  '  The  kyng,  my  master,  hath  alwaies  had 
feruent  desire  to  haue  a  perfecte  peace,  a  sure  unitie,  and  a  fraternall  concord, 
betwene  your  noble  persone  and  your  Realme,  and  his  honourable  personage  and 
his  dominions.' — Chron.  fo.  ccxxix.  ed.  1548. 


400 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


prince  ;  what  forcetha  it  us  though  Homere  write  leasinges  ? 
I  suppose  no  man  thinketh  that  Esope  wrate  gospelles,  yet 
who  doughteth  but  that  in  his  fables  the  foxe,  the  hare,  and 
the  wolfe,  though  they  neuer  spake,  do  teache  many  good 
wysedomes  ?  whiche  beinge  well  consydered,  men,  (if  they 
haue  nat  auowed  to  repugneb  agayne  reason),  shall  confesse 

8  This  peculiar  phrase,  already  used  by  the  author  (see  pp.  143,  252  ante),  will  be 
best  explained  by  the  following  passages  from  Palsgrave's  work  so  often  referred  to. 
'  I  force,  I  care  for  a  thyng,  or  take  thought  for  it.  Jay  cure,  jay  en  cure,  auoyr  cure, 
and  jay  soing.  I  force  nat  for  the,  for  thou  lovest  me  nat  :  je  nay  cure  de  toy  or 
je  nay  soyng  de  toy,  car  tu  ne  maymes  poynt.  I  force,  I  regarde  or  estyme  a  thynge, 
Je  tiens  compte.  I  force  nat  for  hym  a  halpenny,  je  ne  tiens  compte  de  luy  pas  une 
maille.  I  force  nat,  I  care  nat  for  a  thing.  //  ne  men  chaiilt,  conjugate  in  "I 
care  not."  And  je  ne  tiens  compte  de  andy'<?  ne  donne  riens  de.  I  force  nat  for  the, 
il  ne  men  chault  de  toy,  je  ne  tiens  compte  de  toy,  je  ne  donne  riens  de  toy? 
I?  Esclaircissement,  p.  555.  Cotgrave  translates  the  phrase  Je  ne  fais  point  force  de 
cela,  '  I  care  not  for,  /  force  not  of,  I  am  not  moved  by,  that  thing. '  The 
expression,  'it  forceth  not,'  is  evidently  derived  from  the  French  phrase  :  non 
force  =  cela  n'importe.  Thus  in  the  Memoires  du  Marechal  de  Vieilleville  by  M. 
Carloix  we  read  '  "  Non  force"  dist  Monsieur  de  Vielleville,  "nousavons  du  temps 
assez."' — Tom.  ii.  p.  400,  ed.  1757.  Neither  Latham  nor  Todd  in  their  editions 
of  Johnson's  Dictionary  attempt  to  explain  the  idiom  or  refer  to  the  passage  in 
the  text.  It  may,  however,  be  well  illustrated  by  the  following  examples.  Erasmus 
in  his  Paraphrases  had  said,  '  Non  enim  refert  quam  diu  vixeris,  sed  quam  bene.' 
Tom.  i.  p.  198,  ed.  1541.  And  this  is  translated  by  Nicholas  Udall,  '  For  it  little 
forceth  how  long  a  man  Hue,  but  how  wel  and  vertuously. ' — Tom.  i.  fo.  cxlv.  b. 
ed.  1551.  Camden,  in  his  Wise  Speeches,  makes  William  the  Conqueror  say,  */ 
force  not  of  such  fooleries.' — Remains \  p.  317,  ed.  1674.  Shakespeare  uses  the 
phrase  in  Love's  Labour's  Lost,  '  Peace,  peace,  forbear ;  Your  oath  once  broke,  you 
force  not  to  forswear. ' — Reed's  ed.  vol.  vii.  p.  174.  And  again  in  the  Rape  of 
Lucrece,  '  For  me,  I  force  not  argument  a  straw,  Since  that  my  case  is  past  the 
help  of  law.' — Camb.  ed.  vol.  ix.  p.  520.  The  expressions  'No  fors  '  'what 
force '  are  frequently  employed  by  Chaucer ;  thus  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde  we 
read  '  Whaty^rj  were  it  though  al  the  townbihelde  ?' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  168. 
b  This  word  of  which  we  have  already  had  examples  (see  Vol.  I.  pp.  7,  138) 
is  derived  from  the  Latin  word  through  the  French,  and  is  now  obsolete  except 
in  the  participial  form.  The  author  in  his  Diet,  translates  the  verb  Repugno 
to  '  repugne  or  say  contrary,  to  resyste.'  Cotgrave  translates  the  French  Repttgner 
'To  repugne,  crosse,  thwart,  impugne,  resist,  withstand,  contradict,  gainsay, 
disagree  from,  be  opposite  unto.'  So  the  French  writer  Le  Noue,  in  his  Discours 
Politiques  et  Militaires,  published  in  1587,  says  of  the  clergy,  '  Quand  donques 
ils  tienent  quelcun  qui repugne 'a  leurs  opinions,  et  les  pique  des  aiguillons de  PKscri- 
ture,  ilsvous  lui  baillent  incontinent  un  syllogisme  a  soudre.' — P.  121.  Palsgrave 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  401 

with  Ouintilian  that  fewe  and  unethe  one  may  be  founde  of 
auncient  writars  whiche  shall  nat  bringe  to  the  redars  some 
thinge  commodious  ;a  and  specially  they  that  do  write  maters 
historicall,  the  lesson  wherof  is  as  it  were  the  mirrour  of 
mannes  life,b  expressinge  actually,  and  (as  it  were  at  the  eye) 
the  beaultie  of  vertue,  and  the  deformitie  and  lothelynes  c 
of  vice.  Wherfore  Lactantius  sayeth,  Thou  muste  Lactantius 
nedes  perysshe  if  thou  knowe  nat  what  is  to  thy  life  #•  *»• 
profitable,  that  thou  maiste  seke  for  it,  and  what  is  daungerous, 
that  thou  mayste  flee  and  exchue  it.d  Whiche  I  dare  affirme 
may  come  soonest  to  passe  by  redynge  of  histories,  and 
retayninge  them  in  continuell  remembraunce  * 

has  '  I  repugne,  I  gayne  say  a  thing,  Je  repugne,  prim.  conj.  I  wyll  never  re- 
pugne agaynst  hym  whyle  I  lyve.  Jamays  ne  repugneray  contre  lui  tant  que  je 
viue.' — L? Esclaircissement,  p.  687.  Again,  Calvin  in  his  Institutes  uses  the  word 
in  the  same  sense,  '  Mais  touchant  ce  qu'ils  semblent  aduis  contrepoiser  en  une 
mesme  balance  les  bonnes  oeuures  et  mauuaises,  pour  estimer  la  justice  ou  Pinius- 
tice  de  Phomme,  en  cela  ie  suis  contreint  de  leur  repugner? — P.  366,  ed.  1560. 

•  See  Vol.  I.  p.  131. 

b  '  Man  is  the  subject  of  every  history;  and  to  know  him  well,  we  must  see  him 
and  consider,  as  history  alone  can  present  him  to  us,  in  every  age,  in  every  country, 
in  every  state,  in  life,  and  in  death.  History  therefore  of  all  kinds,  of  civilized 
and  uncivilized,  of  ancient  and  modern  nations,  in  short,  all  history  that  descends 
to  a  sufficient  detail  of  human  actions  and  characters,  is  useful  to  bring  us  acquainted 
with  our  species,  nay  with  ourselves.' — Ld.  Bolingbroke,  Letters  on  Hist.,  vol.  i. 
p.  170,  ed.  1752. 

c  The  author  has  already  used  the  adjective,  see  ante,  p.  185.  Sherwood  in 
his  Eng.- French  Did. ,  has  '  Loathly,  a  regret,'  but  not  this  form  of  the  substantive. 
Chaucer  also  uses  the  adjective  in  The  Wyf  of  Bathes  Tale,  '  Thou  art  so  lothly, 
and  so  old  also.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  239,  ed.  1866.  And  so  does  Shake- 
speare, who  also  has  the  substantive  'lothness.'  Bishop  Hall,  who  lived  in  the 
last  quarter  of  the  i6th  century,  in  one  of  his  sermons,  says,  '  Surely,  the  more  ill 
savour  and  loathliness  we  can  find  in  our  bosom  sins,  the  nearer  we  come  to  the 
purity  of  that  Holy  One  of  Israel,  our  Blessed  Redeemer.' — Works,  vol.  v.  p. 
540,  ed.  1808.  In  the  Promptorium  we  find  'Lothly,  abhominabilis? 

d  « Itaque  pereundum  est,  nisi  scias,  quse  ad  vitam  sunt  utilia,  ut  appetas, 
quae  periculosa,  ut  fugias  et  vites.' — Lib.  iii.  cap.  5. 

e  '  We  are  not  only  passengers  or  sojourners  in  this  world,  but  we  are  absolute 

strangers  at  the  first  steps  we  make  in  it.     Our  guides  are  often  ignorant,  often 

unfaithful.     By  this  map  of  the  country  which  history  spreads  before  us,   we 

may  learn,  if  we  please,  to  guide  ourselves.     In  our  journey  through  it,  we  are 

II.  D   D 


402  THE   GOVERNOUR. 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

The  Experience  or  practise  necessary  in  the  persone  of  a  gouernour 
of  a  publike  weale. 

THE  other  experience  whiche  is  in  our  propre  persones  and 
is  of  some  men  called  practise,8-  is  of  no  small  moment  or 

beset  on  every  side.  We  are  besieged  sometimes,  even  in  our  strongest  holds. 
Terrors  and  temptations,  conducted  by  the  passions  of  other  men,  assault  us  ;  and 
our  own  passions,  that  correspond  with  these,  betray  us.  History  is  a  collection 
of  the  journals  of  those  who  have  travelled  through  the  same  country,  and  been 
exposed  to  the  same  accidents  ;  and  their  good  and  their  ill  success  are  equally 
instructive.' — Ld.  Bolingbroke,  Letters  on  Hist. ,  vol.  i.  p.  171. 

»  Palsgrave  translates  the  English  word  '  Experyence,  experience,  s.f.  practique, 
s.f.  experiment,  s.m.'  It  is  not  improbable  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  may  have  had 
in  his  mind  the  following  definition  given  by  Gower  in  the  Confessio  A  mantis, 
which  was  published  for  the  first  time  in  1493  : 

'  Practike  stont  upon  thre  thynges, 

Towarde  the  gouernance  of  kynges  ; 

Wherof  the  fyrste  Etike  is  named, 

The  whose  science  stant  proclamed 

To  teche  of  vertue  thilke  rule, 

Howe  that  a  kynge  hymselfe  shall  rule,  / 

Of  his  morall  condicion 

With  worthie  disposicion  ; 

Of  good  liuyng  in  his  persone, 

Whiche  is  the  chiefe  of  his  corone. 

It  maketh  a  kynge  also  to  lerne 

Howe  he  his  bodie  shall  gouerne, 

Howe  he  shall  wake,  how  he  shall  slepe, 

How  that  he  shall  his  hele  kepe 

In  meate,  in  drynke,  in  clothyng  eke. 

There  is  no  wysedome  for  to  seke, 

As  for  the  reule  of  his  persone, 

The  whiche  that  this  science  all  one 

Ne  techeth,  as  by  weie  of  kynde, 

That  there  is  nothyng  lefte  behynde. 

That  other  thynge,  whiche  to  Practike 

Belongeth,  is  Economike ; 

Whiche  techeth  thilke  honestee, 

Through  whiche  a  kynge,  in  his  degree, 

His  wife  and  childe  shall  reule  and  gie  ; 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  403 

efficacie  in  the  acquiringe  of  sapience,  in  so  moche  that  it 
semeth  that  no  operation  or  affaire  may  be  perfecte,  nor  no 
science  or  arte  may  be  complete,  except  experience  be  there 
unto  added,  whereby  knowlege  is  ratified,  and  (as  I  mought 
saye)  consolidate. 

It  is  written  that  the  great  kynge  Alexander  on  a  tyme 
beinge  (as  it  hapned)  unoccupyed,  came  to  the  shoppe  of 
Apelles,  the  excellent  paynter,  and  standyng  by  hym  whyles 
he  paynted,  the  kynge  raisoned  with  hym  of  lines,  adumbra- 
tions,* proportions,  or  other  like  thinges  pertainyng  to  imagery, 
whiche  the  paynter  a  litle  whyles  sufferynge,  at  the  last  said 
to  the  kynge  with  the  countenance  all  smylyng,  Seest  thou, 
noble  prince,  howe  the  boye  that  gryndeth  my  colours  dothe 


So  forth  with  all  the  companie 

Whiche  in  his  housholde  shall  abide, 

And  his  estate  on  euery  side 

In  suche  manere  for  to  lede, 

That  he  his  housholde  ne  mislede. 

Practike  hath  yet  the  thirde  apprise, 

Whiche  techeth  howe  and  in  what  wise 

Through  his  purueid  ordinance 

A  kynge  shall  set  in  gouernance 

His  realme,  and  that  is  Policie, 

Whiche  longeth  unto  regalie, 

In  tyme  of  werre,  in  time  of  pees  ; 

To  worship  and  to  good  encrees 

Of  clerke,  of  knight,  and  of  marchant, 

And  so  forth  all  the  remenant 

Of  all  the  common  people  aboute.' 

Fo.  cl.  b.  ed.  1554. 

a  In  the  author's  Dictionary  he  gives  the  Latin  word  adumbratio  ;  and 
translates  it  '  portrayture.'  And  also  the  verb  adumbro  ( to  make  or  giue  shadow, 
to  represente  or  expresse  as  peynters  doo,  that  do  shadowe  ymages  in  playne  tables, 
to  make  them  shewe  imboced  or  rounde.'  Cotgrave  has  another  form,  obombra- 
tion,  which  he  translates  'An  obumbration.  obscurement,  shadow  or  shadowing.' 
Bacon  in  his  Natural  History,  in  a  passage  characteristically  full  of  words  derived 
from  the  Latin,  says 'To  make  some  adumbration  of  what  we  mean,  the  interior 
is  rather  an  impulsion  or  contusion  of  the  air,  than  an  elision  or  section  of  tne 
same.'—  Works>  vol.  iv.  p.  104,  ed.  1826. 

D  n  2 


404  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

laughe  the  to  scorne  ? a  whiche  wordes  the  kynge  toke  in  good 
parte  and  helde  hym  therwith  iustly  corrected,  considering  by 
his  owne  office  in  martial  affaires  that  he  than  had  in  hande, 
how  great  a  portion  of  knowlege  faileth,  where  lacketh  ex- 
perience. And  therin  gouernours  shall  nat  disdayne  to  be 
resembled  unto  phisitions,  consideryng  their  offices  in  curynge 
and  preseruynge  be  moste  lyke  of  any  other.  That  parte  of 
phisike  called  rationall,b  wherby  is  declared  the  faculties  or 
powers  of  the  body,  the  causis,  accidentes,  and  tokens  of 
sikenessis,  can  nat  alwayes  be  sure  without  some  experience 

*  The  author  has  evidently  taken  his  account  of  this  incident  from  Pliny,  who 
says  '  Fuit  enim  et  comitas  illi,  propter  quam  gratior  Alexandro  Magno  erat, 
frequenter  in  officinam  ventitanti :  nani,  ut  diximus,  ab  alio  pingi  se  vetuerat  edicto. 
Sed  et  inofficina  imperite  multa  disserenti  silentium  comiter  suadebat,  rideri  eum 
dicens  a  pueris  qui  colores  tererent.' — Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xxxv.  cap.  36.  But 
Plutarch  and  yElian  assert  that  the  reproof  was  administered  to  Megabyzus,  and 
the  last-named  writer  makes  Zeuxis  instead  of  Apelles  the  hero  of  the  story. 
'ATreAAr/s  \J.\v  yap  6  faypdtyos,  Meyafivgov  irapaKa6io-avros  avrif,  Kal  irepl  ypafifjLTJs 
ri  Kal  ffKias  $ov\0(j.€vov  \a\eiv,  'Opas,  e</>7j,  ra  iraiSapia  ravrl  ra  rfyv  /j.ij\i^a  rpifiovra  • 
iravv  ffoi  irpoo~eixe  T^v  vovv  aiuiroovri,  Kal  ryv  irop(pfjpav  eOavpa^e  Kal  ra  XPvff^a'  vvv 
oe  arov  Karay€\a  trepl  u>v  ov  fj.f/j.dO'rjKas  ap£afj.evov  \a\f"ii>. — Plut.  De  Adulatore  et 
Amico,  15.  Cf.  Ibid.  De  Tranquil! .  Animi,  12.  Elian's  account  is  still  more 
detailed.  MeyojSu^bu  irore  tiraivovvros  ypatyas  eurcAeTs  Kal  dre'^j/ous,  erepas  Se 
(TTrot'Safajy  ^KTr€Tfoi/i]iJ.€vas  Sia^fyovros,  ra  iraiSapla  ra  rov  Zeu^tSos  r^v  /xijAtaSo 
rpifiovra  Karaye\a.  'O  roivvv  Zet)|t$  e^aro,  "Qrav  p*v  ffuairys,  a  MeydBv£e,  Oav^d^ci  ffe 
ra  iraiftapia  ravra.  'Opyydp  ffov  r^v  ^ffOyra  Kal  rr)v  Oepairelav  ryv  irepi  a~e'  orav  ye 
n  6e\ris  eiireiv,  Kara<f>pov€i  ffov.  &v\arre  roivvv  ffeavrbv  els  rovs 
s,  Kparcav  TTJS  7Ac^TTrjs  Kal  inrep  fj.rj^evbs  ruv  fjLijStv  ffoi  irpoffr)K6vruv 
S)v. —  Var.  Hist.  lib.  ii.  cap.  2. 
b  The  early  Greek  professors  of  medicine  were  divided  into  three  sects  or 
parties,  distinguished  by  the  names  of  the  empirical,  the  methodical,  and  the 
rational,  according  to  their  various  views  with  regard  to  its  practice.  This  is 
well  explained  by  Galen  as  follows  :  '  Tres  vero  in  medicina  sectse  celebres  sunt, 
rationalis,  empirica,  et  methodica,  ut  Grsecis  utar  nominibus.  Quae  nutriunt  enim  et 
quse  non  nutriunt,  purgantia  et  mortifera,  experientia  omnia  comperta  sunt.  Sub 
hoc  communi  empirici  subsistunt,  non  solum  facultates,  sed  etiam  conferentia 
observatione  fuisse  inventa  testantes.  At  vocati  rnethodici  ultra  id  commune  dictum 
quiddam  ab  empiricis  diversum  adjiciunt  .  .  .  Rationales  vero  medici  inter  hos 
medii  ingrediuntur.  Sic  enim  omnia  utilia  ex  observatione  aiunt  deprehendi,  quem- 
admodum  declarant  empirici :  neque  tamen  ob  id  etiam  ex  indicatione  inveniri 
negant,  ut  voiebant  methodici :  sed  nonnulla  ex  observatione  deprehendi,  ut  morti- 
fera et  venenum  morsu  fundentia,  nonnulla  ex  indicatione,  ea  videlicet  quorum 
causse  reperiuntur.' — Opera,  torn.  i.  col.  67,  ed.  I55°« 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  405 

in  the  temperature  or  distemperaturea  of  the  regions,  in  the 
disposition  of  the  patient  in  diete,  concoction,  quietnesse, 
exercise,  and  slepe. 

And  Galene,  prince  of  phisitions,  exhorteth  them  to  knowe 
exactly  the  accustomed  diete  of  their  patientes,  whiche  can 
nat  happen  without  moche  resorte  in  to  their  companies, 
seriousely  notyng  their  usage  in  diete.b  Semblably,  the  uni- 

8  This  word,  still  preserved  in  the  reduced  form  of  '  distemper,'  is  no  doubt 
derived  from  a  Latin  word  which  was  employed  in  the  middle-ages  by  the 
translators  of  the  works  of  Greek  physicians  of  a  still  earlier  date.  Thus  in  a 
work  of  Alexander  of  Tralles,  who  lived  in  the  sixth  century,  entitled  De  sin- 
gularum  corporis  partium  abkominis  coronide  adimumiisquecalcaneum  vitiis,  <2rv., 
this  word  occurs  constantly  in  a  sense  of  which  the  following  passages  may  be  taken 
as  examples  :  *  Pastillus  ejusmodi  commodissime  diuturnis  et  inveteratis  capitis 
doloribus,  quse  calidam  distemperaturam  excipiunt,  subvenit.' — P.  14.  *  Ubi  id 
genus  notae  comparnerint,  frigidae  distemperaturce  capitis  dolores  ascribendos  putato.' 
— P.  15.  '  Calidiori  hepatis  dystemperaturce  frigorificis  medicaminum  prassidiis 
subveniendumest.' — P.  173,  ed.  1533.  Sir  Thos.  Elyot  himself  in  his  medical 
work  the  Castelof  Healthe,  uses  yet  another  form  of  the  word.  In  a  chapter  headed 
'  Of  the  temperature  of  meates  to  be  receyued,'  he  says  :  '  Where  the  meates  do 
much  excede  in  degree  the  temperature  of  the  bodye,  they  anoy  the  body  in  causyng 
dystemperaunce? — Fo.  18,  ed.  1561.  Burton,  who  makes  frequent  allusions  to  the 
early  writers  on  medicine,  has  used  the  word  several  times.  Thus  he  says,  '  Her- 
cules de  Saxonia  differs  heere  from  the  common  current  of  writers,  putting 
peculiar  signes  of  head  melancholy,  from  the  sole  distemperature  of  spirits  and 
braine,  as  they  are  hot,  cold,  dry,  moist.' — Anat.  of  Mel.  p.  174,  ed.  1624.  It 
also  occurs  constantly  in  Shakspeare,  e.g.,  in  the  following  passages:  *  Through 
this  distemperature  we  see  the  seasons  alter.' — Midsummer  Night's  Dream,  Act  ii. 
Sc.  I.  And  *  a  huge,  infectious  troop  Qi^2\tdistemperatures  and  foes  to  life.' — Com. 
of  Er.,  Act  v.  Sc.  I.  Hakluyt  says  that  'the  cause  of  the  Ethiopians  blacknesse 
is  the  curse  and  natural  infection  of  blood,  and  not  the  distemperature  of  the 
climate.' — Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  52,  ed.  1600. 

b  Perhaps  the  author  may  allude  to  such  passages  as  the  following  in  Linacre's 
translation  of  the  De  Sanitate  tuenda  :  '  Si  enim  quid  inter  initia  suffugit,  id  expe- 
rientia  ipsa  edoctum  ad  exactam  notitiam  perveniet.  Non.  aliter  et  cibi  modus  ad 
certam  conjecturam  perducitur,  qui  tamen  ab  initio  definiri  nullo  pacto  potest.  Verum 
quotidiana  experientia,  cum  recordatione  quantitatis  turn  cibi,  turn  exercitationum 
eo  etiam,  qui  huic  praeficitur,  nihil  non  solicite  observante,  sed  semper  ut  tantum 
ciborum  post  tantam  exercitationem  concoxit  recordante,  propemodum;  ad  exactam 
scientiam  intellectum  tempore  perducit.' — Fo.  28,  b.  *  Siquidem  nee  omnis  cibus 
in  cujusvis  animantis  ventre  concoquitur,  sed  cognatio  qusedam  ei  quod  concoquit, 
cum  eo  quod  concoquitur,  esse  debet  .  .  .  Primum  aestimabimus  quonam  qui 
affligitur  usus  sit  victu  .  .  .  Atque  in  victu.  quidem.  videndum  an  cruditas 


406  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

uersall  state  of  a  contray  or  citie  may  be  well  lykened  to  the 
body  of  man.  Wherfore  the  gouernours,  in  the  stede  of  phisi- 
tions  attending  on  their  cure,  ought  to  knowe  the  causes  of 
the  decaye  of  their  publike  weale,  whiche  is  the  helthe  of  their 
countraye  or  cytie,  and  thanne  with  expedition  to  precede  to 
the  mooste  spedy  and  sure  remedy.  But  certes  the  very 
cause  of  decay,  ne  the  true  meane  to  cure  it,  may  neuer  be 
sufficiently  knowen  of  goueruours,  except  they  them  selfes 
wyll  personally  resorte  and  perusea  all  partes  of  the  coun- 

et  crebrior  et  major  quam  ex  consuetudine  prsecesserit,  an  mail  succi  cibis 
copiose  se  impleverint,  an  vinum  pro  antique  mustum,  pro  tenui  crassum,  an 
aqua  marina  mistum  biberint,  an  etiam  prorsus  a  vino  se  ad  aquae  potionem 
transtulerint,  nee  semel  bisve  in  quolibet  horum  peccaverint  sed  assidue  bonoque 
tempore.' — Ibid.  fo.  51  b.  52,  ed.  1538. 

a  The  derivation  of  this  word  has  long  been  a  puzzle  to  etymologists. 
Richardson  suggests  that  it  is  compounded  of  the  Latin  per  and  uti  ;  but  this 
seems  quite  untenable.  He  suggests  also,  as  an  alternative,  the  French  pourvoir. 
It  seems  most  probable  that  the  derivation  is  French,  and  it  is  here  used  in 
conjunction  with  a  word  (resortir)  which  is  clearly  French  ;  yet  there  is  no  word 
in  that  language  so  distinctly  analogous  that  one  can  say  unhesitatingly  that 
'  peruse '  is  formed  from  it.  Sherwood  translates  it  into  the  French  equivalent 
revoir,  revisiter,  which  makes  it  evident,  apart  from  the  passage  in  the  text,  that 
its  primary  sense  has  become  quite  obsolete.  In  the  sense  in  which  it  is  used  by 
Sir  T.  Elyot,  it  may  be  considered  to  resemble  the  French  phrase  prendre  visee, 
or  pour  viser,  of  which  it  might  almost  be  a  contraction.  And  this  is  rendered  still 
more  obvious  on  comparing  the  following  passages  in  Shakespeare  : 

'  I'll  view  the  manners  of  the  town, 

Peruse  the  traders,  gaze  upon  the  buildings.' 

Com.  of  Errors,  Act  i.  Sc.  2. 

'  I  hear  the  enemy  : — 
Out,  some  light  horsemen,  and  peruse  their  wings.' 

Hen.  VI.  PL  I.  Act  iv.  Sc.  2. 

'  Good  my  lord,  so  please  you,  let  our  trains 
March  by  us,  that  we  may  peruse  the  men 
We  should  have  cop'd  withal.' 

Hen.  IV.  Pt.  II.  Act  iv.  Sc.  2. 

Stow,  in  his  account  of  the  banquet  given  by  Wolsey,  says,  'Then 
went  the  maskers  and  first  saluted  all  the  dames,  and  returned  to  the 

most  woorthiest Thus   perusing  all    the    ladies    and   gentlewomen, 

to  some  they  lost,  and  of  some  they  woon :  and  perusing  after  this  manner 
all  the  ladies,  they  returned  to  the  Cardinall  with  great  reuerence.' — Annales,  p. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  407 

trayes  under  their  gouernaunce,  and  inserche  diligently  as 
well  what  be  the  customes  and  maners  of  people  good  and 
badde,  as  also  the  commodities  and  discommodities,  howe 
the  one  may  be  preserued,  the  other  suppressed,  or  at  the 
leste  wayes  amended.  Also  amonge  them  that  haue  minis- 
tration or  execution  of  iustice,  (whiche  I  may  liken  unto  the 
membres),  to  taste  and  fele  howe  euery  of  them  do  practise 
their  offices,  that  is  to  say,  whether  they  do  it  febly  or 
unprofitably,  and  whether  it  happen  by  negligence,  discourage,0 
corruption,  or  affection. 

But  nowe  may  the  reder  with  good  reason  demaunde  of 
me  by  what  maner  experience  the  gouernours  may  come  to 
the  true  knowlege  herof.  That  shall  I  nowe  declare.  Fyrst 
the  gouernours  them  selfes  adourned  with  vertue,  being  in 
suche  wise  an  example  of  liuing  to  their  inferiors,  and  making 
the  people  iudges  of  them  and  their  domesticall  seruauntes 
and  adherentes,b  shulde  sondry  tymes  duringe  their  gouer- 

504,  ed.  1615.  In  a  letter  from  the  King  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  indorsed  I2th 
June,  1537,  he  says,  'Neither  shuld  our  people  of  those  North  parties  have  any 
fruicion  of  our  presence,  ne  We  shuld  have  any  tyme  to  peruse  our  frontieres, 
or  to  see  our  townes  joynyng  upon  the  same.' — State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  553, 
ed.  1830.  It  very  soon,  however,  came  to  be  applied  only  to  the  reading  of 
documents  as  indeed  by  the  author  himself,  ante  p.  195  ;  and  Bacon  says  '  All 
ancient  records  in  your  Tower  or  elsewhere,  containing  acts  of  parliament,  letters, 
patents,  commissions,  and  judgments,  and  the  like,  are  to  be  searched,  perused, 
and  weighed.' — Works,  vol.  v.  p.  347,  ed.  1826.  It  is  reserved  for  future  ety- 
mologists to  assign  the  true  origin  of  the  word. 

•  This  substantive,  which  the  author  has  already  employed,  see  Vol.  I.  p.  7,  is 
extremely  rare,  and  strange  to  say  neither  of  the  passages  is  noticed  by  Richardson. 
It  is  obvious  however  that  it  is  formed  from  the  French  verb  descourager,  or  rather 
from  the  participle  descourage,  but  this  form  of  the  substantive  is  altogether  unknown 
in  that  language,  and  is  supplied  by  dtcouragement.  Nicholas  Udall,  in  his  transla- 
tion of  the  Paraphrases  of  Erasmus,  makes  use  of  the  same  expression  :  '  Many  be 
made  vyle,  abiect,  and  humble,  and  be  brought  in  discourage  of  themselues  by 
the  reason  of  pouertie,  of  basenes  of  byrthe,  of  lowenes  of  estate,  or  by  aduer- 
sitie.' — Tom.  i.  fo.  17.  ed.  1551,  where  the  original  phrase  is  'sibi  displicentes.' 

b  This  is  the  English  form  of  the  French  adherent  which  Cotgrave  translates, 
'An  adherent,  an  accessary,  partener  or  partaker.'  The  root  is  of  course  the 
Latin  adhaerere,  adhserens.  Suetonius  says  of  the  Emperor  Galba  :  '  Regebatur 
trium  arbitrio,  quos  una  et  intra  Palatium  habitantes,  nee  un^uam  non  adhcc- 


408  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

naunce,  either  purposely  or  by  way  of  solace,  repaire  in  tc 
diuers  partes  of  their  Jurisdiction  or  prouince,  and  making 
their  abode,  they  shall  partly  them  selfes  attentifly  here  what 
is  commonly  or  priuatly  spoken  concerning  the  astate  of  the 
contray  or  persones,  partely  they  shall  cause  their  seruauntes 
or  frendes,  of  whose  honestie  and  trouth  they  haue  good 
assuraunce,  to  resorte  in  disporting  them  selfes  in  diuers 
townes  and  villages  ;a  and  as  they  happen  to  be  in  company 


rentes •,  psedagogos  vulgo  vocabant.' — Galba,  14.  Froissart,  speaking  of  his  visit 
to  the  Comte  de  Foix,  says,  '  Si  appris  et  fus  la  informe  des  besognes  de  Portingal 
et  de  Castille,  et  comment  on  s'y  etoit  porte  le  temps  passe,  et  des^guerres,  des  bat- 
ailles  et  des  rencontres  que  ces  deux  rois  et  leurs  adherens  et  aidans  avoient  eu 
1'un  centre  1'autre.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  415,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  He  has  also 'another 
form  of  the  same  word,  for  speaking  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  France  and 
England  in  1388,  he  says,  'Or  furent-elles  prises  entre  les  deux  royaumes  de 
France  et  d'Angleterre  et  tous  leurs  ahers,  conjoints  et  allies  par  mer  et  par  terre 
a  durer  fermement  .  .  .  trois  ans  entre  toutes  les  parties.' — Ibid.  p.  761,  which  is 
thus  translated  by  Lord  Berners  :  '  A  treuce  was  taken,  gyuen,  and  accorded, 
bytwene  Englande  and  Fraunce  and  all  their  adherentes  and  alyes,  by  see  and  by 
lande,  to  endure  fermely  .  .  .  the  space  of  thre  yeres.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  428. 
Monstrelet  in  recording  the  events  of  141 1,  says,  '  En  oultre  en  poursuiuant  de  mal 
en  pis,  par  un  autre  iour,  ledit  Due  de  Berry,  ledit  Due  d'Orleans,  et  ses  freres,  etc. 
tous  nommez,  par  leurs  propres  noms,  et  autres  leurs  adherans,  alliez,  et  complices 
.  .  .  furent  par  les  quarrefourgs  de  Paris  a  son  de  trompettes  de  par  le  Roy 
bannis  de  son  royaume  a  tousiours.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  fo.  124,  b.  ed.  1572.  Sir 
Thomas  More,  speaking  of  Luther,  says,  '  Nowe,  as  touching  the  cause  why  he 
chaunged  the  name  of  priest  into  seniour,  ye  must  understand  that  Luther  an 
his  adherentes  holde  this  heresy,  that  all  holy  order  is  nothing.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p 
222,  ed.  1557. 

a  These  injunctions  seem  to  anticipate  the  course  which  in  modern  times,  accord- 
ing to  an  eminent  authority,  has  been  pursued  by  the  fourth  estate  of  the  realm.  The 
reader  will  doubtless  recall  the  now  famous  passage  in  which  the  historian  of  the 
Crimean  War  professes  to  show  how  public  opinion  at  that  period  was  ascertained 
and  declared.  *  It  seemed  to  the  managers  of  the  company  (i.e.  the  Times  news- 
paper) that  at  some  pains  and  at  a  moderate  cost  it  would  be  possible  to  ascertain 
the  opinions  which  were  coming  into  vogue,  and  see  the  direction  in  which  the 
current  would  flow.  It  is  said  that  with  this  intent,  they  many  years  ago  employed 
a  shrewd,  idle  clergyman,  who  made  it  his  duty  to  loiter  about  in  places  of 
common  resort,  and  find  out  what  people  thought  upon  the  principal  subjects  of 
the  time.  He  was  not  to  listen  very  much  to  extreme  foolishness,  and  still  less 
was  he  to  hearken  to  clever  people.  His  duty  was  to  wait  and  wait,  until  he 
observed  that  some  common  and  obvious  thought  was  repeated  in  many  places, 


THE  GOVERN  OUR.  409 

with  the  inhabitauntes  priuyly  and  with  some  maner  of  cir- 
cumstaunce,a  enquire  what  men  of  hauourb  dwell  nighe  unto 

and  by  numbers  of  men  who  had  probably  never  seen  one  another.  That  one 
common  thought  was  the  prize  he  sought  for,  and  he  carried  it  home  to  his 
employers.  He  became  so  skilled  in  his  peculiar  calling  that,  as  long  as  he  served 
them,  the  company  was  rarely  misled ;  and  although  in  later  times  they  were 
frequently  baffled  in  their  pursuit  of  this  kind  of  knowledge,  they  never  neglected 
to  do  what  they  could  to  search  the  heart  of  the  nation.' — Kinglake's  Invasion  of 
the  Crimea,  vol.  ii.  p.  81,  ed.  1863. 

a  The  sense  in  which  this  word  is  here  used  is  almost  that  of  '  circumlocution.' 
This  is  rendered  still  clearer  by  the  following  passages  in  Cooper's  edition  of  the 
author's  Dictionary,  where  '  Vix  pueris  dignae  ambages'  (Liv.  lib.  ix.  cap.  n,)  is 
translated  'Foolish  toyes  and  circumstances  in  talke.'  'Longaambagemorari'  (Ov. 
Met.  vii.  520,)  '  Wyth  a  long  circumstance  of  wordes.'  And  'falsi  positis  amba- 
gibus  oris  vera  loqui '  (ibid.  x.  19.)  '  Leauing  all  circumstances  to  speake  the 
playne  truth.'  So  Baret  in  his  Alvearie,  translates  'circuitione  uti'  (Ter.  And.  I,  2, 
31,)  'To  use  great  circumstance  of  woordes,  to  goe  about  the  bushe.'  In  this 
sense  it  is  frequently  used  by  Shakspere,  thus  in  King  John,  (  The  interruption  of 
their  churlish  drums  cuts  off  more  circumstanced — Vol.  iv.  p.  14,  Dyce's  ed.  Again 
in  Hamlet,  '  And  so,  without  more  circumstanced  all.' — Vol.  vii.  p.  125.  Knolles 
in  his  account  of  the  siege  of  Rhodes  by  the  Turks,  in  1522,  makes  Villerius,  the 
Great  Master,  address  the  Rhodians  as  follows  :  '  I  will  not  use  many  words  to 
persuade  you  to  continue  in  your  fidelitie  and  loyaltie,  neither  long  circumstance 
to  encourage  you  to  play  the  men.' — Hist,  of  the  Turks,  p.  576,  ed.  1603.  And 
Massinger  in  his  tragi-comedy  called  The  Picture,  has,  *  And  therefore,  without 
circumstance,  to  the  point.' — Sig.  B.  3.  ed.  1630. 

b  This  is  not,  as  the  reader  might  naturally  suppose,  a  contracted  form  of  '  be- 
haviour, '  but  represents  the  French  substantive  avoir,  meaning  '  wealth,  substance, 
property. '  In  La  Chanson  de  Roland,  one  of  the  earliest  French  poems,  we  find 
this  word  spelt  aveir,  in  the  following  passages  : 

'Jo  ne  lerreie  por  tut  1'or  que  Deus  fist 
Ne  por  tut  V aveir  ki  seit  en  cest  pais.' 
Again — 

*  Les  xii  pers  ad  tra'it  por  aveir.' — Pp.  15,  114,  ed.  1869. 

Froissart,  in  his  account  of  the  capture  of  Brest,  in  1341,  by  John  de  Montfort, 
says,  '  Au  dernier,  quand  ils  se  furent  longuement  conseilles,  ils  se  rendirent  de 
plein  accord  au  dit  comte,  sauf  leurs  corps,  leurs  membres,  et  leur  avoir. ' — Chron. 
torn.  i.  p.  130,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Again  relating  the  capture  of  Antwerp,  in  1384, 
he  says,  '  Et  y  fut  trouve  grand  avoir  qui  etoit  a  Fra^ois  Acreman;  et  me  fut  dit 
que  il.y  avoit  bien  quinze  mille  francs.' — Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  302,  which  Lord  Berners 
translates,  'There  was  founde  great  richesse  parteyning  to  Fraunces  Atreman.' 
— Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  790,  ed.  1812.  Chaucer  uses  the  aspirated  form  in  The  Ro- 
maunt  of  the  Rose,  '  Witte  withoute  discrecioun,  Havoire  withoute  possessioun.' — 


4IO  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

them,  what  is  the  forme  of  their  liuing,  of  what  estimation 
they  be  in  iustice,  liberalitie,  diligence  in  executing  the  lawes, 
and  other  semblable  vertues ;  contrary  wise  whether  they  be 
oppressours,  couetous  men,  maintenoursa  of  offendours,  remisse 
or  negligent,  if  they  be  officers ;  and  what  the  examinersb  do 
here  the  gretter  nombre  of  people  reporte  that  they  interly 
and  truely  denounce  it  to  the  sayde  gouernour.  By  the  whiche 
intimation0  and  their  owne  prudent  endeuour,  they  shall 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  144.  In  the  edition  of  Albions  England,  published  in 
1597,  we  find  the  word  used  in  this  sense  : 

'  One  Stafford  of  a  noble  house 
A  Courtiour  of  good  hauor, 
A  friend  and  fast  to  Mandeuil, 
And  in  the  Prince  hisfauor.' — P.  276. 

In  the  first  edition  of  Fabyan's  Chronicle,  which  was  published  in  1516,  we  find 

this  form  of  the  word,  '  Then  the  legat  laboured  unto  the  kynge,  that 

some  other  persones  whiche  were  of  small  hauoure  shuld  be  fyned  by  discre- 
cion  of  the  kynges  counsayll.'— P.  362,  ed.  1811.  But  in  the  edition  of  1559  this 
is  changed  into  '  behauour '  evidently  through  a  misapprehension.  Sir  Thos. 
North  in  his  translation  of  PlutarcKs  Lives,  says,  'The  men  of  hauiour  and 
honest  cittizens  walked  in  the  market-place  in  their  long  gownes,  and  the  officers 
and  gouernours  of  the  cittie  went  up  and  downe  to  euery  house.' — P.  163,  ed. 
1579.  And  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  himself  has  used  this  last  form  of  the  word  at  p. 
51,  ante. 

a  Cotgrave  has  the  form  manutenteur  (Lat.  manutentor),  and  translates  it,  '  A 
maintainer,  upholder,  protector,  countenances'  At  a  very  early  period  of  our 
history,  the  offence  of  'maintenance,'  as  it  was  then  called,  or  as  it  might  now 
more  properly  be  styled,  conspiracy,  became  the  subject  of  legislation.  Many 
statutes  were  passed,  ex.  gr.  20  Ed.  III.  cap.  5,  directed  against  '  mesnours  et 
meintenours  des  quereles  et  parties.'  And  by  a  statute  passed  in  1503  (19  Hen.  VII. 
cap.  13),  every  person  duly  proved  to  be  '  a  mayntenour  or  embraceor'  was  to 
forfeit  2O/.  to  the  king,  and  be  committed  to  prison.  The  word  is  evidently  used  in 
the  text  with  reference  to  this  legal  meaning. 

b  The  contracted  word  examineur  for  examinateur  was  used  in  early  French  ; 
but  none  of  the  English  Dictionaries  give  examples  of  the  use  of  this  word  prior 
to  the  1 6th  century,  The  verb  'to  examine,'  and  substantive  '  examination,'  are 
however  constantly  met  with  in  the  statutes  of  this  period.  In  Baret's  Alvearie  we 
find  'a  weigher  or  examiner,  Pensator.' 

0  This  word,  already  used  by  the  author  (see  Vol.  I.  p.  233),  of  forensic  origin, 
is  explained  by  Du  Cange  to  signify  Denunciatio  judiciaria,  in  which  sense  it  is 
apparently  used  in  the  text.  Cotgrave  translates  the  French  word  Intimation, 
'  An  intimation,  signification,  denuntiation,  shewing,  letting  to  wit,  or  giving  to 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  411 

haue  infallible  knowlege  who  among  the  inhabitauntes  be 
men  towarde  the  publike  weale  best  disposed.  Them  shall 
they  calle  for  and  mooste  courtaiselya  entretaine,b  and  (as  it 

know. '  In  the  1 5th  century  we  meet  with  the  phrase  '  intimationibus  et  protesta- 
tionibus  publicis  factis.' — See  Ludewig,  Reliq.  MSS.  torn.  vi.  p.  127,  ed.  1724. 
And  Du  Cange  cites  a  still  earlier  example  in  an  extract  from  the  Registers  of  the 
Parliament  of  Paris  in  1322,  in  which  the  word  is  used  in  a  legal  sense. — 'Ipsi 
tamen  lapsum  10  dierum  expectaverunt  ad  videndum,  si  dictus  procurator  appella- 
tionem  prsedictam  applicaret  secundum  patriae  consuetudinem ;  quod  cum  non 
fecisset,  mandaverunt  Vicecomitem  et  Petrum  de  Constantiani  prsedictos  citari 
coram  se  ad  certam  diem  secundum  processum  et  erramenta  prsedicta  processuros, 
cum  intimatione  qu6d  sive  venirent,  sive  non  ulterius  procederent,  et  jus  esset,  qua 
die  cum  aliquis  praedicto  Vicecomite  non  compareret,  positus  fuit  in  defectu.' — La 
Roque,  Hist.  gen.  de  la  maison  de  Har court,  torn.  iii.  p.  240,  ed.  1662.  But 
perhaps  the  primary  signification  of  the  term  will  be  rendered  more  intelligible  by 
the  following  explanation  given  by  M.  Ragueau,  in  his  Glossary  of  French  law  : 
'  Autrefois  en  France  quand  quelqu'un  interjettoit  appel  d'une  Sentence  rendue 
en  pais  de  Droit  Coutumier,  il  devoit  faire  ajourner  le  Juge,  et  intimer^  c'estadire, 
denoncer  1'ajournement  a  la  partie,  qui  avoit  obtenu  gain  de  cause,  et  qui  etoit 
appellee  par  cette  raison  **&&&.' — Glossaire,  torn.  i.  p.  381,  ed.  1704.  Ragueau 
quotes  in  support  of  this  statement  a  work  doubtless  of  authority  in  France,  but 
probably  little  known  in  England,  entitled,  Stilus  Parlamenti  Parisiensis,  in  which 
it  is  laid  down,  '  Ubi  appellatur  ab  aliquo  judice  patrise  consuetudinarige,  adjornari 
debet  judex  qui  tulit  sententiam  principaliter,  et  fit  intimatio  illi  pro  quo  lata  est 
sententia,  ut  ad  diem,  ad  quern  citatus  est,  judex  intersit,  si  sua  crediderit  interesse.' — 
Fo.  viii.  ed.  1530.  From  the  law  courts  the  word  no  doubt  quickly  passed  into 
ordinary  usage. 

a  This  adverb,  already  used  by  the  author  (see  ante  p.  40)  is  simply  the  English 
form  of  the  French  courtoisement,  the  first  o  being  often  omitted  and  e  substituted  for 
the  second  in  early  writers.  Thus  in  La  Chanson  de  Roland  we  find,  '  Si  lur  ad 
dit  un  mot  curteisement.'' — P.  36,  ed.  1869.  And  in  a  letter  dated  17  March,  1300 
from  Ed.  I.  to  his  daughter  Elizabeth,  Countess  of  Holland,  respecting  her  dower, 
we  find  again  a  different  mode  of  spelling  the  word.  '  Pur  quoi  chere  fille 
quant  il  serront  a  vous  venus  corteisement  come  a  vous  apeut  les  receves  ensi  q'il 
s'en  puissent  loer.' — Rymer,  torn.  ii.  p.  861.  So  Chaucer  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde, 

Devyne  nat  in  reson  ay  so  depe, 

Ne  curtaisly,  but  helpe  thi-self  anon.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  324. 
And  again  in  The  Reeves  Tale, 

'For  ther  biforn  he  stal  but  curteysly? 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  124. 

b  The  orthography  of  this  word  betrays  at  once  its  origin  from  the  French 
entretcnir.    So  Chaucer  has  '  entremedled  '  from  entremeler,  and  '  entremete  '  from 


412  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

were)  louingly  embrace,  with  thankes  for  their  good  will  and 
endeuour  towarde  the  publike  weale ;  commending  them 
openly  for  their  vertue  and  diligence,  offring  to  them  their 
assistence  in  their  semblable  doinges,  and  also  their  further- 
auncea  towarde  the  due  recompenceb  of  their  trauailes.c  On 

entremettre  and  *  entrechangeden '  from  entrechanger,  and  our  author  himself 
'  entrelace '  from  entrelacer. 

•  This  is  a  genuine  Anglo-Saxon  word.  In  the  Promptorium  we  find  '  forthe- 
rynge,  or  promocyon,  Promocio*  And  Palsgrave  translates  '  fortheryng — auance- 
mentj  whilst  Chaucer  has  forthre  =  to  further.  Tyndall,  in  his  Prologue  to  the  Epist. 
to  Romans,  says,  *  For  though  that  mans  law  and  ordinaunce  make  not  a  man  good 
before  God,  neither  iustifie  him  in  the  hart,  yet  are  they  ordeined  for  the  ftirthet- 
aunce  of  the  common  wealth,  to  mainteine  peace,  to  punish  the  euill,  and  to  defend 
the  good.' — Works,  p.  49,  ed.  1573.  Ascham  has  another  form  :  'Surely  that 
day,  was  by  that  good  fathers  meanes,  Dies  Natalis  to  me,  for  the  whole  foundation 
of  the  poore  learning  I  haue,  and  of  all  the  furderance,  that  hetherto  else  where 
I  haue  obteyned.' — Scholemaster,  p.  134,  ed.  1870.  So  Spenser  the  poet  in  his 
View  of  the  State  of  Ireland,  written  in  1596,  'Of  which  Marsilians,  it  is  said 
that  the  Gaules  learned  them  (i.e.  letters)  first,  and  used  them  only  for  the  further- 
ance of  their  trades  and  privat  busines.' — Vol.  i.  p.  66,  ed.  1809. 

b  We  have  here  simply  the  French  substantive  recompense,  which  is  spelt 
recompence  in  Palsgraves  U Esclaircissement.  It  occurs  frequently  in  the  Statutes 
of  the  Realm  at  this  period.  Thus,  in  the  preamble  to  26  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  18,  it 
is  recited  that  the  king's  '  lovyng  and  obedyent  subjects,  sithen  his  last  most 
gracyous  and  liberall  pardons  to  them  graunted,  haue  incurred  into  innumerable 
penalties,  losses,  forfeytures,  and  damages,  wherof  few  or  none  of  them  are  able 
to  make  full  recompence  or  condign  satisfaction  to  his  Highnes.' 

c  This  is  simply  the  English  form  of  the  French  travail,  which  Cotgrave 
translates  '  Travell,  toyle,  teene,  labour,  business,  paines-taking,  trouble,  molesta- 
tion, care.'  In  the  Promptorium  we  find  '  Travayle  (or  labour  or  robour)  Labor.1 
In  Peter  of  Langtoft's  Chron.  it  is  used  pretty  often  in  this  sense.  Thus  : 

'  In  the  passion  tyme  was  the  first  bataile, 
Nine  was  that  ilke  yere  grete  was  ther  trauaile? 

Hearne,  vol.  i.  p.  21.  ed.  1725* 
And  again  : 

'  Two  yere  thei  werred  with  many  trauaiks, 
In  those  two  yeres  were  sex  grete  batales.' 

Ibid.  p.  48. 
And  so  Chaucer  in  The  Frankeleynes  Tale : 

'  For,  Sire,  I  wil  not  take  a  peny  of  the, 
For  all  my  craft,  ne  nought  for  my  travayle; 
Thou  hast  y-payed  wel  for  my  vitayle.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  28,  ed.  1866. 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


413 


the  contrary  parte,  whan  they  see  any  of  them  who  amonge 
their  inferiors  obserue  nat  Justice,  and  likewise  officers  whiche 
be  remisse  or  fauourable  to  commune  offendours  and  brekers 
of  lawes,  and  negligent  in  the  execution  of  their  auctorities, 
to  them  shall  they  gyue  condigne*  reprehentions,b  manifes- 
tyng  their  defautesc  in  omitting  their  dueties,  and  in  giuing 
euil  example  to  their  companions,  also  boldnes  to  transgresse, 
to  contemne  the  lawes,  declaringe  also  that  the  ministring 
such  occasion  deserue  nat  onely  a  sharpe  rebuke  but  also 

Shakspeare,  in  the  First  Part  of  King  Hen.  VI.,  makes  the  Duke  of  York  say, 
*  Is  all  our  travail  turned  to  this  effect?'-  -Vol.  v.  p.  77,  Dyce's  ed.  The  author 
has  already  used  the  word  in  the  same  sense  on  several  previous  occasions. 

a  The  Latin  word  condignus  is  translated  by  the  author  in  his  Dictionary, 
'worthy,  and  according  as  it  is  esteemed,'  but  it  appears  to  be  used  only  by  Plautus 
and  Aulus  Gellius.  The  form  in  the  text,  however,  is  derived  from  the  French  condigne, 
which  Palsgrave  gives  as  the  equivalent  of  '  suffycient  worthye.'  And  Cotgrave, 
'  condigne,  well-worthy.'  Du  Cange  in  his  Glossary  quotes  the  following  passage 
from  a  charter  circa  A.D.  1360  :  *  Us  seront  prest  et  appareillies  et  efferent  a  faire 
amende  condigne.'  Sir  T.  Elyot  has  already  used  this  adjective  in  another  place. 
(See  Vol.  I.  pp.  194,  261.) 

b  The  Latin  word  reprehensio  is  quite  .classical,  and  was  also  naturalized  in 
France,  but  does  not  appear  to  have  been  in  common  use  there  any  more  than  in 
England,  before  the  beginning  of  the  i6th  century.  It  is  used,  however,  by 
Chaucer  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde, 

'  For,  douteth  nothinge,  myn  intencion 
Nys  nat  to  yow  of  reprehencion? 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  136,  ed.  1866. 

c  This  is,  of  course,  the  French  word  default  or  defaut,  which  Cotgrave  trans- 
lates 'A  default,  fault,  offence,  defect,  any  want,  lack,  penurie,  scantnesse  or 
scarceness,  a  defection.'  This  form  is  frequently  used  by  Chaucer.  Thus  in  The 
Persones  Tale,  he  says,  *  Another  defaute  is  this,  that  men  doon  deedly  synne 
after  that  they  have  receyved  baptisme.  The  thridde  defaute  is,  that  men  fallen 
into  venial  synne  after  here  baptisme  fro  day  to  day.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  265. 
Again,  in  his  Dream, 

1  For-why  the  queen  forthwith  her  leve 

Toke  at  hem  all  that  were  present, 

Of  her  defauts  fully  repent.' — Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  137. 

In  Fabyan's  Chronicle  we  read  that  '  the  poore  people  eate  horse  fleshe  and 
doggues  fleshe,  and  many  other  vile  beastes,  whiche  wonder  is  to  belieue  ;  and  yet 
for  defaute  died  greate  multitude  of  people  in  sundry  places  of  the  land.' — Vol.  ii. 
p.  171,  ed.  1559. 


414  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

right  greuous  punisshement.  And  if  he  that  thus  admonestetha 
be  a  soueraigne  gouernour  or  prince,  if,  I  saye,  he  shortely 
here  upon  doth  ratifie  his  wordes  by  expellyng  some  of 
them  whiche  I  nowe  rehersed  from  their  offices,  or  otherwyse 
sharpely  correctynge  them,  and  contrarye  wise  aduaunce  higher 
some  good  man  and  whom  he  hath  proued  to  be  diligent 
in  the  execution  of  iustice,  undoubtedly  he  shall  inflame  the 
appetite  and  zele  of  good  ministers,  and  also  suscitate b  or 

4  This  is  simply  the  French  word  admonester,  from  whence  is  derived  our 
*  admonish.'  Thus,  Palsgrave  says, '  I  admonysshe,  I  warne  of  a  thyng,  J'admon- 
este,  prim.  conj.  He  that  is  admonisshed  is  halfe  armed  :  qui  est  admoneste  est 
a  demy  arml? — U  Esdaircissement,  p.  417,  ed.  1852.  The  same  form  is  used  by 
Chaucer  in  The  Tale  of  Melibeus  :  '  And  herto  accordith  seint  Paul  the  apostil 
in  many  places  ;  he  saith,  Ne  yeldith  nought  harm  for  harm,  ne  wikked  speche  for 
wikked  speche  ;  but  do  wel  to  him  that  doth  the  harm,  and  blesse  him  that  seith 
the  harm.  And  in  many  other  places  he  amonesteth  pees  and  accord.'  Again,  in 
The  Personnes  Tale,  'And  moreover thou  schalt  love  him  in  word,  and  in  benigne 
amonestyng  and  chastising,  and  conforte  him  in  his  annoy es,  and  praye  for  him 
with  al  thin  herte.'  Poetical  Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  164,  307,  ed.  1866.  Froissart, 
in  his  account  of  the  capture  of  Cadsand,  A.D.  1337,  says  :  'Et  la  etoit  messire 
Guy  de  Flandre,  frere  au  comte  Louis  de  Flandre,  un  bon  et  sur  chevalier,  mais 
batard  etoit,  qui  admonestoit  et  prioit  tous  les  compagnons  de  bien  faire.' — Chron. 
torn.  i.  p.  63,  ed.  Pan.  Litt.  And  Commines,  describing  the  reception  of  the  herald 
sent  by  Ed.  IV.  to  Louis  XL,  in  1475,  says  that  the  latter  « dit  audit  heraut 
plusieurs  autres  belles  raisons,  pour  admonester  ledit  roy  d'Angleterre  de  prendre 
appointement  avec  luy.' — Memoires,  p.  97,  Pan.  Litt.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
the  author,  in  his  Dictionary,  translates  the  Latin  verb  admoneo  '  to  warne,  to 
exhort.'  And  so  far  as  the  Editor  has  been  able  to  ascertain,  the  form  in  the  text 
is  used  only  by  Chaucer  and  Elyot. 

b  This  word  which  is  spelt '  sussitate '  in  another  place  (see  ante,  p.  26),  is  now 
obsolete,  and  is,  of  course,  an  adaptation  of  the  Latin  suscitare,  which  is  quite 
classical  ;  but  in  his  Dictionary  the  author  translates  the  latter  ' to  awake  one  out 
of  his  slepe,  to  call  one  to  his  warke.'  Cotgrave  translates  the  French  word 
susciter,  '  To  suscitate,  awake,  raise,  quicken,  kindle,  incite,  stir  up  ;'  and  it  is 
constantly  used  by  French  writers  in  the  sense  of  '  to  raise.'  Thus  La  Noue  says, 
'  En  attendant  qu'il  plaise  a  Dieu  de  susciter  des  moyens  legitimes  d'y  remedier. ' — 
Discours  Pol.  et  Mil.  p.  77,  ed.  1587.  Richardson,  in  his  Dictionary,  gives  no 
other  instances  of  the  use  of  the  form  in  the  text  by  English  writers,  but  we  meet 
with  it  in  the  curious  work  of  that  most  pedantic  writer  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, Sir  Thomas  Browne  :  '  Thus  the  Sunne,  which  with  us  is  fruitfull  in  the 
generation  of  frogs,  toads,  and  serpents,  to  this  effect  proves  impotent  in  our 
neighbour  Island,  wherein  as  in  all  other  carrying  a  common  aspect,  it  concurreth 
but  unto  predisposed  effects,  and  onely  suscitates  those  formes,  whose  determinations 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  415 

raise  the  courage  of  all  men  inclined  to  vertue,  so  that  there 
shal  neuer  lacke  men  apte  and  propise a  to  be  set  in  auc- 

are  seminall,  and  proceed  from  the  Idea  of  themselves.' — Vulg.  Err.  p.  308,  ed. 
1646. 

*  This  word,  in  the  sense  of  '  suitable,'  is  constantly  used  by  our  author  (see 
ex.  gr.  Vol.  I.  pp.  61,  116,  andante,  p.  88) ;  it  is  simply  the  French  propice,  which 
Cotgrave  translates   'Propitious,  gracious,  favorable,  gentle,  tractable,  well  in- 
clined unto  ;  also  apt,  meet,  fit,  proper,  convenient  for.'     Thus  Commines,  speak- 
ing of  the  preparations  of  Edward  IV.  for  the  invasion  of  France  in  1475,  says,  'Le 
roy  Edouard  estant  a  Douvres,  pour  son  passage,  luy  envoya  ledit  due  de  Bour- 
gongne  bien  cinq  cens  basteaux  de  Hollande  et  Zelande,  qui  sont  plats,  et  bas  de 
bord,  et  bien  propices  a  porter  chevaux,  et  s'appellent  Sertes,  et  vindrent  de  Hol- 
lande.'— Mem.  p.  96,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.     In  the  Hist,  de  Charles  VI. ,  written  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  we  read,  '  Fut  ordonne  une  feste  au  soir  en  1'hostel  de  la  reyne 
Blanche,  a  Sainct -Marcel  pres  Paris,  d'hommes  sauvages  enchaisnes,  tous  velus. 
Et  estoient  leurs  habillemens  propices  au  corps,  velus,  faits  de  lin,   ou  d'estoupes 
attacheesa  poix-raisine,  et  engraisses  aucunement  pour  mieux  reluire.' — P.  378,  ed. 
Pan.  Lit.     Froissart,   speaking  of  the  deputation  sent  from  Flanders  in  1345,  to 
excuse  the  death  of  James  von  Artaveld,  says,  '  ils  reconnoissoient  bien  qu'il  leur 
avoit  etc  moult  propice  et  necessaire  a  tous  leurs  besoins,  et  avoit  regne  et  gouverne 
le  pays  de  Flandre  bellement  et  sagement.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  206,  ed.  Pan.  Lit. 
And  the  same  writer  in  his  account  of  the  nomination  of  Philip  von  Artaveld  by  the 
lordde  Harzelle  in  1381,  makes  the  latter  say,  '  Jeensais  unqui  point  n'y  vise,  ni 
n'y  pense,  que  si  il  s'en  vouloit  ensoigner,  il  n'y  auroit  pas  de  plusflropi'ce  ni  de  meil- 
leurnom  '  (Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  145),  which  Lord  Berners  translates,  'Iknowe  one,  that 
if  he  wyll  medle  therwith,  I  thynke  ther  shulde  nat  be  a  meter  man  therfore,  nor 
of  a  better  name.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  635,  ed.  1812.     And  again,  in  recording  a 
conversation  between  Peter  du  Bois  and  Francis  Acreman,  referring  to  the  same 
events,  Froissart  makes  the  former  say,  '  N'avez-vous  pas  ou'i  dire  comment  ceux 
de  Gand  occirent  et  murdrirent  jadis  ce  vaillant  et  sage  homme  Jacques  d'Artevelle, 
qui  leur  avoit  fait  tant  de  bien  et  donne  de  bon  conseils  et  etc  en  toutes  leurs  ne- 
cessites  si propiceT — Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  499.    In  a  letter  to  the  King,  written  about 
Aug.  7,  1521,  Wolsey  says,  « And  like  as  Your  Grace  thinketh  the  Erie  of  Essex  to 
be  covenable  and  propice  for  that  rome,   so  am  I  of  semblable  opinion.' — State 
Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  32.     And  in  another  letter  dated  August  n,  1522,  the  cardinal 
writes,   '  In  case  the  Frenche  shippes  shalbe  passed  northewardes,   bifore  their 
commyng  thider,  then  the  wynde  being  covenable  and  propice,  if  they  poursued 
and  folowed  them  into  the  North  Sees,  leving  3  or  4  shippes  to  kepe  your  passage 
betwene  Devour  and  Calais,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  (God  willing)  but  some  goodly 
rencounter  shulde  be  bitwene  them.' — Ibid.  p.  100.     And  in  another  long  letter 
from  Amiens  in  1527,  informing  the  King  of  what  passed  in  France,  he  expresses 
a  hope  that  ' suche  diligence  shalbe  used,  that  the  perpetuall  peax,  keping  secrete 
the  cleterminacion  of  the  said  alternatyve,  shalbe  on  Our  Ladies  day,  the  Assump- 
cion,  published,  confermed,  sworne,  and  ratifyed  here  in  Our  Ladyes  Churche 


41 6  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

toritie.  Where  the  merites  of  men  beinge  hidde  and  un- 
knowen  to  the  soueraigne  gouernour,  and  the  negligent 
ministers  or  inferior  gouernours  hauing  nat  only  equal  thanke 
or  rewarde  but  perchaunce  moche  more  than  they  which 
be  diligent,  or  wolde  be  if  they  moughte  haue  assistence, 
there  undoubtedly  is  grieuouse  discourage  and  perill  of 
conscience ;  for  as  moche  as  they  omitte  often  tymes  their 
dueties  and  offices,  reputyng  it  great  foly  and  madnes  to 
acquire  by  the  executyng  of  iustice  nat  only  an  opinion6  of 

of  Amyas,  which  is  a  convenient,  propice,  and  mete  place  for  so  excellent  and  high 
an  acte. ' — Ibid.  p.  250.  So  Hall,  in  his  account  of  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury's  expedi- 
tion in  1452,  says,  *  The  inhabitauntes  of  Burdeaux,  hearing  of  the  erles  arriual,  sent 
to  him  messengers  in  the  darke  night,  thanking  and  congratulating  him  for  his 
thither  comming,  and  also  requiryng  him  to  accelerate  and  spede  his  iorney  to- 
warde  their  citie,  enformyng  him  that  now  the  time  was  propice  for  his  purpose. ' — 
Chron.  fo.  clxiv.  b.  ed.  1548.  And,  speaking  of  Edward  IV.,  he  says,  '  He  edified 
bulwarkes  and  buylded  fortresses  on  euery  side  and  parte  of  his  realme,  where  might 
be  any  place  propice  and  mete  for  an  armie  to  arriue  or  take  lande.' — Ibid. 
fo.  cxci.  b. 

a  I.e.  a  character,  reputation  for;  a  phrase  which  has  been  already  used,  see 
ante,  pp.  163,  284.  It  answers  really  in  this  sense  to  the  French  opination,  which 
Cotgrave  translates,  'An  opination,  opining,  opinion-delivering;  also  opinion, 
judgement,  fancy,  imagination,  fame,  reputation.'  It  is  remarkable  that  Richard- 
son takes  no  notice  whatever  of  this  use  of  the  word,  which,  however,  is  clearly 
derived  from  classical  usage.  Thus  Cicero  uses  the  parent  word  in  the  following 
passages:  '  Ergo  etiam  solitario  homini,  atque  in  agro  vitam  agenti,  opinio  justituz 
necessaria  est ;  eoque  etiam  magis,  quod,  si  earn  non  habebunt,  injusti  habebun- 
tur.' — De  Off.  lib.  ii.  cap.  II.  Again,  '  P.  Rutilii  adolescentiam,  ad  opinionem  el  in  - 
nocentio*  et  juris  scienticz,  P.  Mucii  commendavit  domus.' — Ibid.  cap.  13.  And 
Caesar  uses  the  expression  in  the  following  passage  :  '  Equites  Treviri,  quorum 
inter  Gallos  virtutis  opinio  est  singularis  .  .  .  domum  contenderunt.' — De  Bell. 
Gall.  lib.  ii.  cap.  24.  This  last  passage  is  thus  rendered  in  the  French  translation 
of  '  Estienne  Delaigue  diet  Beauuoys,'  published  in  1531,  '  Les  hommes  darmes  de 
Treues  desquelz  lopinion  et  renommee  touchant  leur  force  est  singuliere  entre  les 
Gauloys.' — Des  Batailles  de  Gaule,  fo.  xxi.  The  word  is  often  used  by  Shakspeare. 
Thus,  in  the  First  Part  of  King  Henry  IV.  : 

'  Stay,  and  breathe  awhile : — 
Thou  hast  redeem'd  thy  lost  opinion.' 

Again  in  Julius  Casar,  Metellus  says — 

'  O,  let  us  have  him ;  for  his  silver  hairs 
Will  purchase  us  a  good  opinion, 
And  buy  men's  voices  to  commend  our  deeds.' 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  417 

tyrannye  amonge  the  people,  and  consequently  haterede,  but 
also  malignitie  amonge  his  equalles  and  superiours,  with  a 
note  of  ambition. 

This  reuolued  and  considered  by  a  circumspecte  gouer- 
nour,  lorde  god,  howe  shortly  and  with  litle  difficultie  shall  he 
dispose  the  publike  weale  that  is  greued  to  receyue  medicine, 
wherby  it  shulde  be  soone  healed  and  reduced  to  his  perfection. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Of  Detraction  and  the  y mage  therof  made  by  the  paynter  Apelles. 

THERE  is  moche  conuersanta  amonge  men  in  authoritie  a 

vice  very  ugly  and  monstruouse,  who  under  the  pleasaunt 

f 

And  in  The  Two  Noble  Kinsmen,  Emilia  says — 

'  How  their  lives 
Might  breed  the  ruin  of  my  name's  opinion  \ ' 

Bacon  used  the  word  in  the  same  way  as  our  author  when  he  wrote,  '  The  opinion 
of  plenty  is  amongst  the  causes  of  want.' — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  98,  ed.  1825. 

*  I.e.  associated  with.  Cotgrave  translates  the  French  converser  avec,  'To 
converse,  or  be  much  conversant,  associate  or  keep  much  company  with  ;  to  haunt, 
frequent,  resort  often  unto.'  So  in  the  A.  V.,  '  There  was  not  a  word  of  all  that 
Moses  commanded  which  Joshua  read  not  before  all  the  congregation  of  Israel,  with 
the  women  and  the  little  ones,  and  the  strangers  that  were  conversant  among  them. ' — 
Joshua  viii.  35  ;  a  phrase  which  represents  the  Latin  '  qui  inter  eos  morabantur '  of 
the  Vulgate.  Again  in  the  Latin  Version :  '  Nee  quicquam  periit  omni  tempore 
quo  fuimus  cum  eis  in  agris,'  (l  Sam.  xxv.  15),  is  rendered  *  Neither  missed  we 
anything  as  long  as  we  were  conversant  with  them  when  we  were  in  the  fields. ' 
In  the  French  Bible  of  1530,  however,  we  find  the  exact  parallel :  '  iamais  riens 
ne  fut  perdu  tout  le  temps  que  nous  auons  conuerse  auec  eulx  au  desert. '  Bacon 
says,  '  It  hath  been  observed,  that  old  men  who  have  loved  young  company,  and 
been  conversant  continually  with  them,  have  been  of  long  life.' — Works,vo\.\\.  p.  505, 
ed.  1826.  And  again,  'But  for  the  wisdom  of  business,  wherein  man's  life  is  most 
conversant,  there  be  no  books  of  it,  except  some  few  scattered  advertisements. ' — Ibid. 
vol.  ii.  p.  259.  Pliny  uses  the  Latin  word,  ' conversari, '  in  the  same  way  for  'to 
haunt ;'  thus  he  says  of  the  eagle  :  '  Conversatur  autem  in  montibus. ' — Nat.  Hist. 
lib.  x.  cap.  3. 

II.  E   E 


4i  8  THE  GOVERN  OUR. 

habitea  of  frendshippe  and  good  counsaile  with  a  breeth 
pestilenciall  infecteth  the  wittes  of  them  that  nothinge  mis- 
trusteth  ;  this  monstre  is  called  in  englysshe  Detraction,b  in 
latine  Calumnia,  whose  propertie  I  will  nowe  declare.  If  a 
man,  beinge  determined  to  equitie,  hauynge  the  eyen  and 
eares  of  his  mynde  set  onely  on  the  trouthe  and  the  publike 

•  Le.  guise,  dress.  From  the  French  habit,  which  is,  itself,  derived  from  the 
Lat.  *  habitus. '  Thus  Cicero,  in  the  Verrine  Orations,  says,  '  Erant  senea  prse- 
terea  duo  signa  .  .  .  virginal!  habitu  atque  vestitu  .  .  .  Canephorae  ipsse  voca- 
bantur.' — Lib.  iv.  cap.  3.  Froissart  in  his  account  of  the  coronation  of  Chas.  VI. 
of  France  in  1380,  says,  '  Et  la  seoit  le  jeune  roi,  en  habit  royal,  en  une  chaire 
elevee  moult  haut '  (Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  117),  which  Lord  Berners  translates,  'And 
there  the  yonge  kynge  was  in  habyte  ryall,  in  a  chayre  lypt  up  on  high. ' — Chron.  vol.  i. 
p.  606.  The  word  is  constantly  used  by  Chaucer  ;  thus,  in  The  Romaunt  of  the 
Rose  :  *  But  natheles,  I  wole  not  blame  Religious  folk,  ne  hem  diffame,  in  what 
habit  that  ever  they  go.'  Again,  *  Abit  ne  makith  neithir  monk  ne  frere.' — Poet. 
Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  187,  189.  It  occurs  also  in  the  Statutes  of  the  Realm  at  this 
period;  thus,  by  24  Henry  VIII.  cap.  I3,*it  is  '  Provyded  alwais  that  this  Acte nor 
any  thing  therin  conteyned  be  hurtfull  or  prejudiciall  to  any  spirituall  or  temporall 
personne  in  and  for  the  wearing  any  ornamentes  of  the  Churche  used  for  executyng 
dyvyne  service  or  for  wearing  their  Arnicis,  Mantels,  Habittes,  or  Garmentes  of 
Religion,  or  other  thinges  which  they  be  used  or  bounde  unto  by  their  romes  or 
promocions  or  Religions. '  The  Promptorium  has  '  Abyte  i  clothynge — Habitus. ' 

b  Which  itself  is  derived  from  the  French  detraction,  which  Cotgrave  translates, 
'  Detraction,  slander,  backbiting,  depravation,  discrediting,  mis-report  of,  private 
disgracing  or  disparaging,  slanderous  speeches,  reproachfull  tearmes  given  of  one 
behind  his  back. '  The  Promptorium  has  '  Detraccyon  or  bagbytynge  (bakbytynge), 
Detraccio,  obloquium.'  In  the  work  called  Le  Menagier  de  Paris,  which  was 
written  at  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  we  find  the  following  defini- 
tion of  this  vice  :  *  La  quarte  branche  d'envie  si  est  detraction  :  c'est  a  dire, 
quant  une  personne  dit  mal  et  parle  en  derriere  et  dit  ce  qu'il  sect  de  lui  et  ce 
qu'il  ne  scet  pas,  et  qu'il  contreuve  et  pense  comment  il  pourra  dire  chose  par 
quoy  il  pourra  nuire  et  grever  celluy  de  qui  il  paiie,  et  quant  il  oit  mal  dire  de 
cellui,  il  aide  a  son  povoir  de  le  accroistre  et  exaulcer,  et  de  ce  parle  moult  grief- 
ment  quant  il  voit  son  point,  pour  ce  qu'il  scet  qu'il  ne  le  peut  en  nulle  maniere 
plus  dommagier,  etscet  qu'il  ne  lui  peut  restituer  sa  bonne  renommee  qu'il  luyoste, 
et  ainsi  lui  mesmes  se  met  a  mort. ' — Tom.  i.  p.  37,  ed.  1846.  The  word  is  used 
by  Chaucer  in  The  Persones  Tale  :  '  Salamon  saith,  that  flaterie  is  worse  than  de- 
traccioun ;  for  som  tyme  detraccioun  makith  an  hawteyn  man  be  the  more  humble, 
for  he  dredith  detraccioun,  but  certes  flaterie  makith  a  man  to  enhaunsen  his  hert 
and  his  countenaunce.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  316.  And  again  in  The  Romaunt 
of  the  Rose\  '  With  tonge  woundyng,  as  feloun,  thurgh  venemous  detraccioun.'' — 
Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  1 68,  ed.  1866. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  419 

weale  of  his  contray,  will  haue  no  regarde  to  any  requeste  or 
desire,  but  procedeth  directely  in  the  adminystration  of  iustyce, 
than  either  he  whiche  by  Justice  is  offended,  or  some  his 
fautours,a  abettours,b  or  adherentes,  if  he  him  selfe  or  any  of 

a  This  word,  which  is  frequently  found  in  legal  documents,  is  the  French 
fauteur,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  'Kfautor,  favourer;  furtherer,  helper;  sup- 
porter, protector  ;  a  partaker,  a  companion.'  It  is  used  by  Juvenal  (Jean  II.)  des 
Ursins  in  his  Chroniqtie  de  Charles  VI.,  composed  about  1430,  who,  in  recording 
the  events  of  the  year  1418,  says,  'Le  dimanche  vingt-huictiesme  jour  dudit  mois, 
les  Bourguignons  entrerent  a  Paris  :  et  pour  S9avoir  la  maniere,  il  est  vray,  comme  a 
estetouche,  que  le  due  de  Bourgongne  avoit  de  grands  fatiteurs  a  Paris.' — P.  541, 
ed.  Pan.  Lit.  An  order  of  M.  Luillier,  the  Civil  Governor  of  Paris,  dated  August 
II,  1562,  enjoins  '  Aux  Commissaires,  de  faire  diligence  de  s'enquerir  en  son 
quartier  ou  sont  les  maisons,  heritages,  rentes,  &c.,  appartenans  aux  rebelles,  factieux, 
seditieux,  et  qui  ont  porte  les  armes  centre  le  Roy,  et  leur  fauteurs,  adherans,  et 
complices.' — Me"  moires  de  Conde,  torn.  iii.  p.  579,  ed.  1743.  The  word  occurs 
also  in  the  English  statutes  of  this  reign;  thus,  24  Henry  VIII.  cap.  12,  which 
was  passed  to  prevent  the  removal  of  appeals  to  Rome,  enacts  that  if  any  person 
thereafter  attempt  to  procure  from  the  See  of  Rome  any  inhibition,  &c.,  in  dero- 
gation of  the  process  of  the  courts  of  this  realm,  '  every  suche  personne  or  per- 
sonnes  so  doyng,  and  their  fautours,  comfortours,  abbettours,  procurers,  executers, 
and  counsaillours,  &c.,'  shall  incur  the  penalties  provided  by  the  statutes  of  prae- 
munire.  Again,  in  the  Act  for  the  establishment  of  the  succession  to  the  Crown, 
28  Henry  VIII.  cap.  7,  it  is  provided  that  if  any  of  the  King's  heirs,  &c.,  inter- 
rupt the  order  of  succession  limited  by  the  Act,  *  then  all  and  singular  the 
offendours  in  any  of  the  premisses  contrary  to  this  acte,  and  all  their  arbettours, 
mayntenours,  faiitours,  counsaillours,  and  aidours  therin  shalbe  demed  and  ad- 
judged high  traitours  to  the  Realme.'  It  had  been  used  in  formal  documents, 
however,  at  a  much  earlier  period,  for  in  1296  John  the  Stewart,  brother  of  James 
the  Stewart  of  Scotland,  in  making  his  submission  to  Edward  I.,  promises  to  aid 
and  assist  the  King,  *  centre  Johan  de  Baillol,  qui  feut  Roi  d'Escoce,  et  centre  touz 
ses  aydeurs  et  sesfauteurs  en  Roiaume  d'Escoce  et  ailleurs,  totes  les  foiz  que  nous 
serrom  requis  ou  garniz  de  parnostre  Seigneur  leRoid'Engleterre  avantdit,  ou  par  ses 
heirs.' — Rymer,  vol.  ii.  p.  714.  The  Latin  form  occurs  in  the  commission  to 
extend  the  duration  of  the  truce  between  England  and  France  in  1297,  wherein 
the  King  delegates  to  the  Commissioners '  Prorogandi  suflferentiam,  seu  abstinentiam, 
inter  nos  ex  parte  una,  et  Regem  Francise  ex  altera,  ac  nostros  et  ipsms  fautores, 
confcederatos,  valitores,  initas  super  guerra  mota  hinc  et  inde,  usque  ad  quod 
tempus  voluerint.' — Ibid.  p.  800. 

b  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Kelham,  in  his  Norman  Diet,  and  Sherwood  in  his 
Eng.- French  Diet,  render  '  an  abettor,  fauteur,  favoriseur,  'showing  that  they  con- 
sidered these  words  to  be  synonymous.  Spelman  says  that  abbettator  is  '  vox 
forensis,'  and  defines  it  as  'Incitator,  instigator  ;  qui  alium  ad  facinus  aliquod 
perpetrandum  exacuit  tutaturve  facturum,'  and  derives  it  from  the  Saxon  particle 

E  E  2 


420  THE  GCVERNOUR. 

them  be  in  seruice  or  familiaritie  with  hym  that  is  in  auc- 
toritie,  as  soone  as  by  any  occasion  mention  hapneth  to  be 
made  of  hym  who  hathe  executed  Justyce  exactely,  furthe 
with  they  imagine  some  vice  or  defaute,  be  it  neuer  so  litle, 
wherby  they  may  minysshe  his  credence,  and  craftly  omit- 
tyng  to  speke  any  thyng  of  his  rygour  in  Justyce,  they 
wyll  note  and  touche  some  thynge  of  his  maners,  wherein 
shall  eyther  seme  to  be  lyghtnes  or  lacke  of  grauitie,  or  to 
moche  sowernes,a  or  lake  of  ciuilitie,  or  that  he  is  nat  bene- 

&  =  ad  vel  usque  and  betan  sive  gebeta-n,  *  hoc  est,  emendare,  excitare,  restaurare, 
remedium  prsestare. '  Other  authorities,  however,  consider  it  of  continental  origin  ; 
thus  Skinner,  in  his  EtymoL  Anglic,  suggests  the  Belgic  word  Baeten  =  prodesse, 
as  the  root,  '  qui  enim  alteri  favet,  ipsi,  quantum  potest,  prodest. '  Whilst  Cowel, 
in  his  Interpreter,  and  Minshew,  think  that  *  it  may  be  said  to  proceed  from  the 
French  bouter,  impellere,  or  excitare.'  And  Du  Cange,  on  the  other  hand,  is  in- 
clined to  favour  the  conjecture  that  deduces  it  from  the  word  abbeter  found  in  the  old 
French  Romances,  with  the  meaning  *  ad  bestiam  incitare.'  It  seems  most  probable, 
indeed,  that  it  was  of  continental  origin,  for  we  find  it  in  the  early  law  books. 
Thus  in  the  Natura  Brevium  it  is  laid  down  :  '  Si  ascun  soit  troue  abbettour  il  auera 
un  bre  judicial  deuers  les  abbettours,  le  quel  est  done  en  lieu  de  Conspiracie. ' — Fo. 
xxiii.  b.  ed.  Pynson,  1516.  We  have  already  seen  in  the  last  note  how  the  word  was 
used  with  other,  ejusdem  generis,  in  the  Statutes  of  the  Realm  in  the  author's  time, 
and  we  may  cite,  in  addition,  3  Henry  VII.  cap.  2,  passed  in  1487,  which  enacts 
that  '  si  ascun  home  soit  tue,  ou  occiz,  ou  murdrez,  et  de  ceo  tuorz,  murderours, 
abettorz,  maintenorz,  et  comfortorz  dicell  soient  enditez,  que  mz  lez  tuorz  et  mur- 
derours, et  toutz  auterz  accessoriez  dicell  soient  arrettez  et  determinez  de  m  le 
felonie  et  murdre,  &c.'  One  of  the  earliest  enactments  in  which  the  word  occurs 
is  1 3  Edward  I.  cap.  12,  commonly  called  Stat.  West,  sec.,  which  provides  in  the 
case  of  false  appeals  that  '  si  forte  hujusmodi  appellatores  non  habeant  unde  prse- 
dicta  dampna  restituere  possint,  inquiratur  per  quorum  abettum  formatum  fuerit, 
hujusmodi  appellum  per  maliciam,  si  appellatus  hoc  petat,  et  si  inveniatur  per 
illam  inquisicionem  quod  aliquis  sit  abettator  per  maliciam,  per  breve  dejudicio  ad 
sectam  appellati  distringatur  ad  veniendum  coram  Justiciariis,  &c. ' 

•  The  author,  in  his  Dictionary,  translates  Austerus  '  sowre,  or  sharpe.  Also 
soore,  or  without  pitie.'  And  Cotgrave  renders  austerite  '  sourenesse,  roughnesse, 
rudenesse,  &c.'  The  word  sour  is  no  doubt  derived  from  the  French  sur,  sure, 
which  the  writer  last  mentioned  translates,  '  sowre,  sharpe,  eagar,  tart. '  Olivier 
de  Serres,  a  French  writer  on  agriculture  in  the  sixteenth  century,  says,  *  Ainsi 
les  pommes  douces  donneront  du  sidre  pour  la  premiere  table ;  et  les  aigres.  qu'en 
Normandie  on  appelle,  sures,  pour  la  seconde,  dont  toute  la  famille  sera  accommo- 
dee,'  The&tre  d*  Agriculture,  torn.  i.  par.  2,  p.  307,  ed.  1804  ;  which  points  to  the 
probable  source  of  the  word,  for  Chaucer  in  The  Complaynte  of  Cryseide,  says, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  421 

uolent  to  hym  in  auctoritie,  or  that  he  is  nat  sufficient  to 
receyue  any  dignitie,  or  to  despechea  matters  of  weyghtye 
importaunce,  or  that  he  is  superfluous  in  wordes  or  elles  to 
scarse.  Also  if  he  lyue  temperately  and  deliteth  moche 
in  studye,  they  embrayde  hym  with  nygardeshyp,b  or  in 

'Take  mouled  bread,  pirate,  and  sidersoure.' — Works,  fo.  184,  ed.  1602.  Tyndall 
says,  *  For  as  leuen  altereth  the  nature  of  dowe  and  maketh  it  through  sowre, 
euen  so  the  Gospell  turneth  a  man  into  a  new  life.  .  .  .  And  as  thou  couldest  not 
see  Leauen,  though  thou  brakest  up  a  loafe,  except  thou  smelledst  or  tastedst  the 
sourenes,  euen  so  couldest  thou  neuer  see  true  faith  or  loue,  except  thou  sawest 
workes.' — Works,  p.  225,  ed.  1573. 

*  This  word,  which  has  been  already  used  (ante,  pp.  14,  273),  is  simply  the 
French  word  despescher,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  to  hasten,  dispatch,  rid, 
send  away  quickly.'  Palsgrave  has  the  more  modern  English  form  '  I  dispatche, 
I  rydde  maters  or  any  busynesse  quyckly,  Je  despeche  prim.  conj.  I  have  dis- 
patched these  four  felowes  quyckly, '  '  Jay  despecht  ces  quatre  galans  vistement! — 
ISEsdairciss.  p.  520.  How  the  French  word  was  naturalised  in  English  by  the 
simple  process  of  adoption  we  see  from  the  following  illustration.  Claude  d'e 
Seissel,  the  French  historian,  who  was  born  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, in  his  translation  of  Thucydides,  viii.  106,  says,  '  Si  recueillirent  apres  la 
bataille  les  naufrages  et  les  charongnes  (sc.  cadavera)  dont  ilz  rendirent  par  ap- 
poinctement  aux  ennemys  les  leurs,  et  apres  ayant  dresse  leur  trophee  sur  lescueil 
du  sepulchre  du  chien,  despescherent  ung  brigantin  par  lequel  aduertirent  les 
Atheniens  de  celle  victoire.' — Fo.  cxc.  b.  ed.  1527.  This  is  rendered  by  Thomas- 
Nicolls,  '  Citezeine  and  goldesmyth  of  London,'  in  his  version,  published  in  1550,, 
as  follows  :  '  So  they  receyued  after  the  battaille  the  shipwrackes  and  the  cariongns. 
Whereof  they  dyd  by  appoynctement  render  to  the  ennemyes  theirs,  and"  after- 
wardtes  hauynge  addressed  and  reysed  their  Trophee  upon  the  rocky  place  of  the 
sepulchre  of  the  dogge,  they  dyspesched  a  brygantyne,  by  the  whyche  they  aduertysed' 
the  Athenyans  of  that  same  vyctorie.' — Fo.  ccxxiii.  So  far  as  the  Editor  has  been 
able  to  discover,  the  word  despescher  is  never  used  by  Froissart,  but  it  occurs  fre- 
quently in  the  Memoires  of  P.  de  Commines.  Thus  speaking  of  the  siege  of 
Liege  in  1467,  he  says,  'II  (i.e.  le  seigneur  d'Hymbercourt)  despescha  deux  de 
ses  bourgeois  qu'il  avoit  retenus,'  p.  40,  and  'Tost  fut  despescht ledit  Cardinal 
(Balue).' — Ibid.  p.  43.  Again,  'Ja  estoit  assez  pres  de  la  nuict,  quand  ledit  due 
cut  cette  nouvelle  ;  et  apres  avoir  despcsclit  les  choses  dessusdites,  il  alia  la  ou  estoit 
son  enseigne  conter  le  tout  au  roy.' — Ibid.  p.  53. 

b  I.e.  thrift,  parsimony.  This  word,  now  quite  obsolete,  has  been  already  used, 
see  pp.  344,  345  ante.  In  the  Promptorium  we  find  '  Nyggardshepe,  TenacitasJ 
p.  356.  And  the  author,  in  his  Dictionary,  translates  Tenacia  and  Tenacitas, 
'  Hardenes  in  sparynge  of  expenses,  nygardshyp,  perseueraunce,  retaynynge,  or 
kepynge.'  Baret,  in  his  Alvearie,  gives  '  Hardnesse  in  sparing  of  expenses,  nig- 
gardship,  perseuering,  stedfast  abiding,  retaining,  keeping.  Tenacitas.  fffjuicpo\oyia. 
Une  sorts  de  rctenir  quelque  chose.  Cest  aussi  chichete. '  Palsgrave  has '  Nigardshyppe 


422  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

derison*  do  calle  him  a  clerke  or  a  poete,  unmete  for  any 
other  purpose.  And  this  do  they  couertely  and  with  a 
more  grauitie  than  any  other  thyng  that  they  enterprise. 
This  euyl  reporte  is  called  detraction,  who  was  wonder 
The  ma  e  ^Y  wel^  exPresse^  in  fygures  by  the  moost  noble 
ofdetrac-  peynter  Apelles,  after  that  he  was  discharged 
twn.  Qf  tjie  cryme  whereof  he  was  falsly  accused  to 

Ptholomee  kyng  of  Egipt,  hauyng  for  his  amendes  of  the 
said  kynge  xii  M  poundes  sterlynge  and  his  accuser  to  his 
bondman  perpetuelly.  The  table  wherin  detraction  was 
expressed  was  paynted  in  this  fourme.b  At  the  ryghte  hande 

— parcite  z.  f.' — DEsclair.,  p.  248.  Hall,  speaking  of  Edward  IV.,  says,  'And 
when  he  had  sufficiently  stored  hys  cheste  with  treasure,  remembryng  hys  honor,  lest 
he  peraduenture  should  be  noted  with  the  spot  of  nygardshyp,  he  shewed  hym  selfe 
lyke  a  liberall  and  beneficiall  Prince  to  hys  commons,  and  lyke  a  good  and  a  pro- 
fitable kynge  to  the  common  wealth  and  the  poore  people  of  hys  Realme  and 
dominion.' — Chron.  fo.  ccxxxviii.  ed.  1548. 

a  This  is  a  French  word  derived  from  the  Latin  form  'derisio,'  which  was  not 
used  by  any  writer  of  the  Augustan  age.     We  find  it,  however,  in  the  Patristic 
writings  ;  thus,  Lactantius,  in  quoting  from  the  Apocrypha,  says,  '  Apud  Esdram 
ita  scriptum  est ;  Si  non  credideritis  ei,   neque  exaudieritis  annuntiationem  ejus, 
eritis  derisio  in  gentibus.' — Lib.  iv.  cap.  18.     And  Arnobius  says,  '  Mimis  nimi- 
rum  dii  gaudent,  et  ilia  vis  proestans,  neque  ullis  hominum  comprehensa  naturis, 
libentissime  commodat  audiendis  his  aures,  quorum  symplegmatibus  plurimis  inter  - 
mixtos  se  esse,  derisionis  in.  materiam  norunt.' — Adv.   Gentes,  lib.  vii.  cap.  33. 
Palsgrave  has    '  Scorne,    a    mocke — mocquerie,    s.   f.  derision,  s.    f.'     Cotgrave 
translates  Derision,    '•Derision,    mockerie,   flouting,   scoffing.'     Froissart,   in  his 
account  of  the  arrest  of  Hugh  Spencer  in  1326,  says,  '  Le  dit  messire  Thomas  fit 
bien  et  fort  Her  le  messire  Hue  le  Despensier  sur  le  plus  petit  maigre  et  chetif 
cheval  qu'il  put  trouver.   .   .   .  le  faisoit  ainsi  mener  par  derision  apres  la  route  et 
le  convoi  de  la  roine.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  17.     Lord  Berners,  however,  translates 
this,  '  Thus  he  was  led  in  scorne, '  &c.     Commines,  narrating  the  futile  result  of 
Louis  XL's  embassy  to  Ghent  in  1477,  says,   « Aucuns  de  ce  conseil le  prindrent  ci 
derision,  tant  a  cause  de  son  petit  estat '  (the  ambassador  was  the  King's  barber)  '  que 
des  termes  qu'il  tenoit.  '—Mem.  p.  139,  ed.  Pan.  Lit. 

b  'O  /J.ev  o?>v  IlToAejiiaTos  O#TW  Ae-yerat  ala'xvvd'nvai  eVl  rots  ytyovtiffiv,  &<ne 
T\)V  HfV  'A-n-eAATji/  eKarbv  raXavrois  e'Sajp^tm™,  rbj/  Se  'Aj/rtyiAoj'  Sov\eveiv  avrcp 
TrapaSe'Sw/cev.  'O  Se  'AireAATjs  uv  TrapeKtvSvvevcre  /j.e/j.vr]fji€vos  rotaSe  rivi  *\K.6vi  i]/j.v- 
varo  TTJV  SiajSoA^i/.  'Ev  St|ta  Tts  avyp  KadrjTai  TO.  Sna  Tra/jLfj.eyfdr]  excwc,  /J.iKpov 
5e?v  TO?S  TOV  MiSou  TrpotreoiK^ro,  T^V  X€^Pa  "^porfiviav  •Jr6ppw0ev  ert  irpoffiovffr)  rj7 
iepi  Se  avrbv  kffTaffi  Suo  ywcuKts,  'Ayt/oid  /J.OL  So/cely  Kal  'Yirohytyis.  'Ere'- 
Se  7rpo(re'p^eTat  rj  AtojSoA??,  yvvaiov  es  virepl3o\r}v  irdyK.a\ov, 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  423 

was  made  sittynge  a  man  hauyng  longe  eares,  puttynge  fourthe 
his  hande  to  detraction,  who  ferre  of  came  towardes  him  ; 
aboute  this  man  stode  two  wemen,  that  is  to  say,  Ignorance  and 
Suspicion.  On  the  other  side  came  Detraction,  a  woman  aboue 
measure  wel  trimmed,  all  chaufed  and  angry,  hauynge  her 
aspecte  or  loke  like  to  the  fire,  in  shewing  a  maner  of  rage  or 
furye.  In  her  lefte  hande  she  helde  a  brenninge  torche  or 
bronde,  and  with  her  other  hande  she  drewe  by  the  heare  of 
his  hedde  a  yonge  man  who  helde  up  his  handes  towarde 
heuen,  callinge  god  and  the  sayntes  for  witnesse.  With  her 
came  a  man  pale  and  euill  fauoured,  beholdinge  the  yonge 
man  intentifly,  like  unto  one  that  had  ben  with  longe  sicknes 
consumed,  whom  ye  mought  lightly  coniecte  to  be  Enuiei  Also 
there  folowed  two  other  women,  that  trymmed  and  apparailed 
Detraction;  the  one  was  Treason,  the  other  Fraude.  After 
folowed  a  woman  in  a  mourninge  weede,a  blacke  and  ragged, 


,   olov   5?/  r^v  \vrrav  Kal  rV  opy^v  SeiKvtovffa,    rrj  p.ev   a 
8a8a  Kaop,4vTfiv  %-%ovffa,  Trj  Irepai    5e  vtaviav  riva  TUV  rpixtav  ffvpovffa   TOS 

T^V  ovpavbv  Kal  p.aprvp6fjt.€vov  TOVS  6eovs.  'Hye'irai  5e  av^p  a)%pbs  Kal 
o|u  5e5opK<!t>s  Kal  ^oi/cobs  roTs  l/c  vttaov  fta/epas  KaT€(TK\f]K6ffi.  TOVTOV 
ofiv  efj/ot  rbv  <bQ6vov  &v  TIS  6tKc£<rete.  Kal  /J.^v  Kal  a\\ai  nvfs  Svo  irapo/j.aprovffi 
irpOTpetrovffai  Kal  Trepi(TTf\\ov(rai  Kal  KaraKO<r/j.ovffai  T^V  Aiafio^v.  'Hy  5e  fj.oi 
Kal  ravras  f^vuffej/  6  TreptTjyTjr^s  rys  elK6uos,  y  fJifV  'Eirifiov\-fi  TIS  ty,  T\  5e  'Airdrt]. 
Kar^TTti/  5e  ^/co\oi5aet  irdvv  TrevdiKus  TIS  tffKtvaffn&Ti,  fji.e\avet/j.(av  Kal  KaT€(Tirapayfj.4vr}. 
Mcrdvoia,  o!fj.ai,  avrrj  eXeyero'  £irf<npf<pero  yovv  fls  roviriffw  SaKpvovcra  Kal  per' 
alSovs  irdvv  rV  'AX^eemi/  irpoffiovffav  uTrejSAeTrev.  Ovrta  pikv  'AireAATjs  rbv  favrov 
Kivtivvov  firl  TTJS  ypa<pr\s  eju^o-oro.  —  Lucian,  De  Calumnid,  §  4,  5. 

a  The  sense  in  which  this  Anglo-Saxon  word  is  here  used  is  still  preserved  in 
the  phrase  '  a  widow's  weeds.'  In  the  Promptorium  we  find  *  Wede,  clothynge. 
Indumentum^  vestimentum?  p.  519.  Cotgrave  translates  vestement  '  a  vestment, 
vesture,  weed,  garment,  &c.  ;'  and  mantelim,  '  a  mantle,  sleight  robe,  or  cloke, 
worne  loose  about  the  sholders  ;  also  a  Frier's  weed,  or  habit.  '  It  is  often  used 
by  Chaucer  in  this  sense  ;  thus  in  The  Clerkes  Tale  : 

'  My  lord,  ye  wot  that  in  my  fadres  place 
Ye  decle  me  strippe  out  of  my  pore  wede, 
And  richely  me  cladden  of  your  grace.  ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  305. 
And  in  The  Romaunt  of  tJie  Rose  : 

'  As  soone  as  Poverte  gynneth  take, 
With  mantel  and  with  wedis  blake 


424  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

and  she  was  called  Repentaunce,  who  turninge  her  backe 
wepynge  and  sore  ashamed  behelde  Veritie,  who  than 
approched.  In  this  wise  Apelles  described  detraction,  by 
whome  he  him  selfe  was  in  peryll.  Whiche  in  myn  oppinion  is  a 
right  necessary  mater  to  be  in  tables  or  hangynges  set  in 
euery  mans  house  that  is  in  auctoritie,a  consideringe  what 

Hidith  of  Love  the  light  away, 
That  into  nyght  it  turneth  day.' 
Again — 

*  What  wole  ye  more  ?    In  every  wise 
Right  as  me  lyst  I  me  disgise. 
Wei  can  I  were  me  undir  wede ; 

Unlyk  is  my  word  to  my  dede.' — Ibid.  vol.  vi.  pp.  163,  194. 
Again  in  A  Ballade  in  commendation  of  Our  Ladie  : 

'  Thy  mantell  of  mercy  on  our  misery  sprede, 
And  er  wo  away  wrap  us  under  thy  wede.' 

Works,  fo.  313,  ed.  1602. 

dall,  in  his  translation  of  the  Paraphrases  of  Erasmus,  says,  '  An  other  poincteth 

some  one  of  the  Pharisaicall  sort,  clad  in  a  blacke  frocke  or  cope,  and  saith, 

'Loke  this  waie,  here  is  Christ ; "  an  other  againe  sheweth  towardes  another  of  the 

Pharisaicall  sorte  goyng  in  a  white  wede,  and  saieth,    "  Beholde,  here  is  Christ." 

An  other  felowe  shewyng  many  sondrie  coulours  and  shapes  of  vestures,  crieth, 

"  Here  is  Christ,  here,  here,  here." ' — Tom.  i.  fo.  cccxlvi.  b.  ed.  1551.     Where  the 

original  has   '  Alius  ostendit  aliquem  e  pharisaico  genere  nigro  pallio,  et  dicit, 

"Aspice,  hie  est  Christus."     Alius  rursus  indicat  alium  Candida  pallio,  et  dicit, 

"Ecce  hie  est  Christus,"  etc.' — Paraphr.  in  Nov.  Test.  p.  428,  ed.  1541.      So 

Spenser,  in  The  faerie  Queene  : 

'  At  length  they  chaunst  to  meet  upon  the  way 
An  aged  Sire,  in  long  blacke  weedes  yclad, 
His  feete  all  bare,  his  beard  all  hoarie  gray, 
And  by  his  belt  his  booke  he  hanging  had. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  120,  ed.  1866. 

Stephen  Hawes,  'almost  the  only  poet  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,'  according  to 
Mr.  Payne  Collier,  uses  the  word  in  his  poem  The  Pastime  of  Pleasure — 
'  Councell  and  I  than  rose  ful  quickely, 
And  made  us  redy  on  her  way  to  walke, 
In  our  clenly  wede  apparayled  properly.' — P.  77. 
And  again — 

'  To  a  chambre  I  went,  replete  with  rychesse, 
Where  sat  Arysmatryke  in  a  golden  wede, 
Lyke  a  lady  pure  and  of  great  worthynes.' — P.  56,  ed.  1846. 

*  See  a  similar  recommendation  ante,  p.  238. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  425 

damage  and  losse  hath  ensued  and  may  hereafter  ensue  by 
this  horrible  pestilence,  false  detraction.  To  the  auoydinge 
wherof,  Luciane,  who  writeth  of  this  picture,  gyueth  a  notable 
counsayle,  sayenge,  that  a  wise  man,  whan  he  douteth  of  the 
honestie  and  vertue  of  the  persone  accused,  he  shulde  kepe 
close  his  eares  and  nat  open  them  hastely  to  them  whiche  be 
with  this  sycknes  infected,  and  put  reason  for  a  diligent  porter 
and  watche,  whiche  ought  to  examine  and  lette  in  the  reportes 
that  be  good,  and  exclude  and  prohibite  them  that  be  contrary. 
For  it  is  a  thinge  to  laughe  at  and  very  unfittinge  to  ordeyne 
for  thy  house  a  keper  or  porter,  and  thine  eares  and  mynde 
to  leaue  to  all  men  wyde  open.  Wherfore  whan  any  persone 
comrneth  to  us  to  tell  us  any  report  or  complaint,  first,  it 
shall  behoue  us  throughly  and  euenly  to  considre  the  thyng, 
nat  hauyng  respecte  to  the  eares  of  him  that  reporteth,  or  to 
his  fourme  of  lyuing  or  wisedome  in  speaking.  For  the  more 
vehement  the  reporter  is  in  persuading,  so  moche  more 
diligent  and  exacte  triall  and  examination  aught  to  be  used. 
Therefore  truste  is  nat  to  be  gyuen  to  an  other  mannes  iudge- 
ment,  moche  lasse  to  the  malice  of  an  accuser.  But  euery 
man  shall  retayne  to  hym  selfe  the  power  to  enserche  out  the 
trouthe,  and  leauynge  the  enuye  or  displeasure  to  the  detrac- 
tour,  he  shall  ponder  or  way  the  mater  indifferently,  that 
euery  thynge  in  suche  wise  beinge  curiously  inserched  and 
proued,  he  maye  at  his  pleasure  either  loue  or  hate  him 
whom  he  hath  so  substancially  tried.  For  in  good  fayth  to 
gyue  place  to  detraction  at  the  begynnynge,  it  is  a  thinge 
childisshe  and  base,  and  to  be  estemed  amonge  the  moost 
great  inconueniences  and  mischiefes.a  These  be  well  nyghe 
the  wordes  of  Luciane ;  whether  the  counsayle  be  good  I  re- 

»  Tt  olv  xp^  xal  iroieii/  i6v  ye  vovv  e^oi/ro  ^  aperfj*  ^  oArjflcfas  a^iff^rovvra  ;  .  .  . 
rftv  rck  S>ra  Kal  p.})  ave8r)v  avra  avaireravvveiv  TOIS  Trddei  TrpoetXTj/tijueVots,  aAA* 
aj'Ta  a«pij8fj  Qvpoopbv  T^V  Aoyifffjibv  airaffi  rots  \eyofjitvois  TO  fjicv  &£ia  irpo- 
Kal  irapafid\\effdai,  ra  </>auAa  5e  airoicXeleiv  Kal  aTruQeiv  Kal  yap  &»»  eft] 
yehoiov  rrjs  /tei/  oi/cfas  Ovpupovs  KaQiffTavai,  ra  3>ra  8e  Kal  r^)v  Sidvoiav 
4av.  'ETreiSai/  roivvv  roiavra  irpocrip  TIS  \eyuv,  avrb  e<J>'  tavrov  xpV  T&  irpaypa 


426  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

mitte  it  to  the  wise  redars.a  Of  one  thing  am  I  sure,  that  by 
detraction  as  well  many  good  wittes  haue  bene  drowned,  as 
also  vertue,  and  paynfull  study  haue  [bene]  unrewarded,  and 
many  zelatoursb  or  fauourers  of  the  publyke  weale  haue 
benne  discouraged. 


rdfeiv,  Ad?re  yXuciav  rov  \eyovros  bpwvra  fjrfire  r'bv  &\\ov  fiiov  n^re  r))v  ev  rots  \6yois 
ayx'ivoiav  '6ffcp  ydp  ris  iriQav&repos,  roffovrtf  ein/Ji6\€0~T€pas  Sfirairrjs  f^trdaecos.  Ow 
8e?  roivvv  Triffrevfiv  a\\orpla  Kpiaet,  fj,a\\ov  Se  /uicrei  rov  Karyyopovvros,  aAA'  tavrtp 
r^v  Qeraffiv  <j>v\a.KT€ov  rrjs  a\7j0eias,  airoo6vra  Kai  r$  Sia/SdAAocTi  rbv  $66i>ov  ital  ev 
(pavepcf)  iroivjad/jievov  rov  %\eyxov  T'JS  txarepov  Stavoias,  /col  fj.iffe'iv  ovr<a  ical  ayairav 
rbv  SfSoKifj.afffj.fyov.  Uplv  Se  rovro  iroirjffai  e/c  rrjs  Trpdarrjs  StajSoA^s  K€Kivr)/J.evov, 
'UpdK\€is,  us  juetpoKtcDSes  «oi  raireivbv  Kal  Trdvrwv  ov%  %Kiffra  &8iicov.—  Lucian,  Z>e 
Calumnid,  §§  30,  31. 

a  Patrizi,  who  also  notices  this  story,  has  the  following  comment  upon  it  : 
'  Argumentum  hujus  pictse  tabellse  et  Apellis  ingenium  ostendit  non  modo  picturae 
fuisse  idoneum,  verimi  etiam  maximis  meditationibus,  et  calumnise  naturam  plane 
exprimit,  quse  livore  ducta  innocentem  criminatur,  ac  deinde  poenitentia  sceleris  sui 
moeret,  et  ab  luce  veritatis  abhorret.  Erit  igitur  optimi  Principis  munus  veritatem 
omnibus  in  rebus  diligenter  indagare,  et  earn  inventam  defendere.'  —  De  Regno  el 
Reg.  Ins.,  lib.  iv.  tit.  5. 

b  This  word,  the  French  zelateur,  is  not  noticed  by  Richardson.  The  low 
Latin  zelator  was  in  use  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  Du  Cange  considers  it  synony- 
mous with  fautor,  which  confirms  its  usage  by  our  author.  In  the  truce  with 
France  granted  by  Edward  I.  in  1296,  the  parent  word  occurs  in  the  following 
passage  :  'Ex  parte  ipsius  summi  Prsesulis,  et  sua  apud  nos,  tanquam  pacis  et 
concordise  zelator  fervidus  et  fidelis,  instanter  et  sollicite  institit,  ut  reformation! 
pacis  nostrum  veil  emus  animum  inclinare.'  —  Rymer,  vol.  ii.  p.  709,  ed.  1705. 
And  the  very  same  expression  occurs  in  the  instructions  to  the  Earl  of  Lancaster 
(Ibid.  p.  712).  We  find  it  also  used  in  a  letter  from  the  Synod  of  Constance  to 
certain  noblemen  of  Hamburg  in  Bohemia  in  1416  :  '  Sicque  universalis  ecclesise 
confortati  prsesidio  in  his  et  eorum  executione  vestrae  nobilitates  se  velint  et 
dignentur  habere,  quod  vos  reddatis  inter  optimos  ejusdem  fidei  zelatores  in  Christi 
militia  magis  et  magis  gloriosos.'  —  Ludewig,  Reliq.  MSS.  torn.  vi.  p.  74,  ed.  1724. 
The  French  form  is  employed  by  Etienne  de  la  Boe'tie,  the  friend  of  Montaigne,  in  his 
treatise  De  la  Servitude  Volontaire,  written  in  1546  :  '  Lon  a  voulu  dire  que  Brute 
et  Casse,  lors  qu'ils  feirent  1'entreprinse  de  la  delivrance  de  Rome,  ou  plus  tost 
de  tout  le  monde,  ne  voulurent  point  que  Ciceron,  ce  grand  zelateur  du  bien  public, 
s'il  en  fut  jamais,  fust  de  la  partie.'  —  (Euvres,  p.  45,  ed.  1846.  And  also  by  La 
Noue,  in  his  Discours  Politiques  et  Militaires,  towards  the  end  of  the  century  : 
'  Aucuns  de  ces  zelateurs  inconsiderez  ont  encor  une  opinion  tres  mauuaise.  '— 
P.  87,  ed.  1587.  In  the  English  translation,  which  was  published  in  the  same  year, 
this  passage  is  rendered  thus  :  '  Other  some  of  these  inconsiderate  zelator  s  are  of  a 
verie  bad  opinion.'  —  Pol.  and  Mil.  Discourses,  p.  48,  ed.  1587. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  427 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Of  Consultation  and  counsayle^  and  in  what  fourme  they  aught  to  be 
used  in  a  publike  weale. 

THE  griefes  or  diseases  whiche  of  Aristotell  be  called  the 
decayes  of  the  publike  wealea  beinge  inuestigate,  examined, 
and  tried  by  the  experience  before  expressed,  than  commethe 
the  tyme  and  oportunitie  of  consultacion,  wherby,  as  I  sayd, 
is  prouided  the  remedies  moste  necessary  for  the  healinge  of 
the  sayd  grefes  b  or  reparation  of  decayes.  This  thinge  that 
is  called  Consultation  is  the  generall  denomination  of  the  acte 
wherin  men  do  deuise  together  and  reason  what  is  to  be 
done.  Counsayle  is  the  sentence  or  aduise  particulerly  gyuen 
by  euery  man  for  that  purpose  assembled.  Consultation 
hath  respecte  to  the  tyme  future  or  to  come,  that  is  to  saye, 
the  ende  or  purpose  thereof  is  adressed  to  some  acte  or 
affaire  to  be  practised  after  the  Consultation.  And  yet  be 
nat  all  other  tymes  excluded,  but  fyrste  the  state  of  thinges 
present  aught  to  be  examined,  the  powar,  assistence,  and  sub- 
staunce  to  be  estemed ;  semblably  thinges  passed  with  moche 
and  longe  deliberation  to  be  reuolued  and  tossed  in  the 
minde,  and  to  be  conferred  with  them  that  be  present ;  and 
beinge  exactly  wayed  the  one  agayne  the  other,  than  to 
inuestigate  or  enquire  exquisitely  c  the  fourme  and  reason  of 

a  This  probably  refers  to  the  following  passage  in  the  Ethics :  Uo\treias 
S'eff-rlv  ftSr)  rpia,  ftrcu  8e  Kal  TrapfK^dffeis,  olov  tyQopal  roiirwv. — Eth.  Nicom.  lib.  viii. 
cap.  10  (12). 

b  Bacon  uses  precisely  the  same  expression  in  the  following  passage  :  'As 
for  discontentments,  they  are,  in  the  politic  body,  like  to  humours  in  the  natural, 
which  are  apt  to  gather  a  preternatural  heat,  and  to  inflame ;  and  let  no  prince 
measure  the  danger  of  them  by  this,  whether  they  be  just  or  unjust ;  for  that 
were  to  imagine  people  to  be  too  reasonable,  who  do  often  spurn  at  their  own 
good  ;  nor  yet  by  this,  whether  the  griefs,  whereupon  they  rise, .  be  in  fact  great 
or  small.' — Essays,  p.  126,  ed.  1857. 

0  In  the  *  Additions  '  to  the  author's  own  Dictionary  we  find  the  Latin  ad- 
verb Exquisite,  exquisitim,  translated  '  Exquisitely,  with  moche  study  and  dili- 
gence ;'  and  the  participle  Exquisitus,  '  Exquysyte,  moche  serched  for. '  The  latter 


428  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

the  affaire,  and  in  that  studye  to  be  holly  resolued  so  effect- 
ually, that  they  whiche  be  counsailours  may  beare  with  them 
out  of  the  counsayle  house,  as  it  were  on  their  sholders,  nat 
onely  what  is  to  be  folowed  and  exployted,a  but  also  by  what 


is  frequently  used  by  Cicero,  and  the  following  is  an  instance  of  his  use  of  the 
adverb  in  the  sense  in  which  it  used  by  Sir  T.  Elyot  :  '  Quinetiam  memini,  cum 
in  accusatione  sua  Q.  Gallio  crimini  dedisset,  sibi  eum  venenum  paravisse  .  .  . 
deque  eo  crimine  accurate  et  exquisite  disputavisset.' — De  Claris  Orat.  cap.  80. 
We  have  already  seen  an  instance  of  this  word  (see  Vol.  I.  p.  108),  and  the  ad- 
jective has  been  used  in  the  same  sense  as  the  adverb  is  here  at  Vol.  I.  pp.  48  and 
55.  Bacon  says,  '  We  see  more  exquisitely  with  one  eye  shut,  than  with  both 
open.' — Works ',  vol.  iv.  p.  470,  ed.  1826.  Montaigne  speaks  of  'gents  cTexquise 
et  exacte  conscience  et  prudence.' — Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  129.  Whilst  Palsgrave  has 
'  Exquisyte,  curyous  in  doyng  a  thyng,  m.  exquis,  f.  exquise,  s.  ;  m.  curieux,  f, 
curieuse,  s.' — VEsclairciss.  p.  311. 

a  This  word,  which  has  been  constantly  employed  by  our  author,  is  the  French 
exploiter,  which  Cotgrave  spells  exploiter,  and  translates,  *  To  exploict,  performe, 
dispatch,  act,  execute,  atchieve  ;  exploiter  chemin,  to  make  haste,  go  fast,  ride 
away  apace.'  Palsgrave  has,  'I  exployt,  I  applye  or  avaunce  myselfe  to  forther 
a  busynesse.  Je  mexploicte,  je  me  suis  exploicte,  exploicter,  verb.  med.  prim.  conj. 
They  exployted  them  so  faste  that  within  shorte  space  they  came  to  their  jour- 
nayes  ende  ;  ilz  se  exploicterent  tant  que  en  briefue  espace  ilz  vindrent  au  bout  de  leur 
journle? — VEsclairciss.  p.  542.  In  his  own  Dictionary  the  author  translates 
the  Latin  administro,  '  to  do  seruyce,  to  exployte,  to  fournyshe  ;'  and  administratio, 

*  exploytynge,  or  doynge  of  a  thinge,  seruice.'     While  in  Baret's  Alvearie  we  find 

*  Exploiting  or  doing.     Administratio,  dioiicfi<ris,  administration,  maniement  et  con- 
duicte  de  quelque  affaire.     To  exploit,  or  doe   a  businesse.     Negotium   aliquod 
gerere,  Cic.    An  exploiting  or  doing  of  a  thing,  gestio,  Cic.  v^Kpiffis,  irapdo-Taffis. 
To  exploit,  Consilio  et  ratione  rem  administrare. '     M.  Littre  gives  the  Latin  expli- 
care&s  the  root.  The  word  is  a  very  favourite  one  with  Froissart,  but  so  far  as  the 
Editor  has  been  able  to  discover,  it  is  never  represented  by  the  same  word  in 
English  in  the  translation  of  Lord  Berners.     The  following  may  be  cited  as  in- 
stances of  the  use  of  the  French  verb  :  '  Us  exploiterent  tant  par  leurs  journees 
qu'ils  revinrent  en  France  et  droitement  a  Paris,  ou  ils  trouverent  le  roi  Philippe, 
a  qui  ils  conterent  toutes  les  nouvelles  et  comment  ils  avoient  exploited — Chron. 
torn.  i.  p.  43.     '  Et  fut  le  roi  Philippe  informe  et  avise  de  ses  plus  especiaux 
amis  que,  s'il  alloit  au  voyage  d'outre  mer  qu'il  avoit  empris,  il  mettroit  son  royaume 
en  tres  grand  aventure,  et  qu'il  ne  pouvoit  faire  ni  exploiter  meilleur  point  que  de 
garder  ses  gens  et  ce  qui  sien  etoit.' — Ibid.  p.  57.     '  Si  lui  fut  rendu  le  dit  messire 
Waflart,  qui  cut  moult  mal  exploite  et  malfine.' — Ibid.  p.  117.     So  Montaigne, 
no  doubt  with  studied  allusion  to  the  frequency  with  which  the  word  is  employed 
by  the  Chronicler,   says,  '  Lisant  chez  Froissard  le  voeu  d'une  troupe  de  ieunes 
gentilshommes  anglois,  de  porter  Pceil  gauche  bande,  iusques  a  ce  qu'ils  eussent 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  429 

meanes  or  wayes  hit  shall  be  pursued,  and  howe  the  affaire  may 
be  honourable  ;  also  what  is  expedient  and  of  necessitie,  and 
howe  moche  is  nedeful,  and  what  space  and  length  of  time, 
and  finally  howe  the  enterprise  being  achieued  and  brought 
to  effect  may  be  kept  and  retained.  For  often  times  after 
exploitures a  hapneth  occasions,  either  by  assaultes  or  other 
encombrances  b  of  ennemies,  or  of  to  moche  trust  in  fortunes 

passe  en  France  et  exploicte  quelque  faict  d'armes  sur  nous  ;  ie  me  suis  souvent 
chatouille  de  ce  pensement.' — Essais,  torn.  iii.  p.  138.  Chaucer  has  another  form 
of  this  word  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose — 

*  I  dwelle  with  hem  that  proude  be, 

And  fulle  of  wiles  and  subtilite  ; 

That  worship  of  this  world  coveiten, 

And  grete  nede  kunnen  espleiten.'* — Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  188. 

a  This  word,  already  used  by  the  author  (see  Vol.  I.  p.  87),  seems  to  be 
formed  from  the  French  exploit,  as  portraiture  is  from  portrait.  It  is  used  by 
Udall,  in  his  translation  of  the  Paraphrases  of  Erasmus  upon  Mark  ix. :  '  Admytte 
it  bee  thy  ryghte  hande,  that  is  to  saye,  thy  father,  or  verye  nere  frende  whome 
thou  canste  not  spare  ;  putte  case  it  bee  thy  ryghte  eye,  that  is  to  wete,  thy  wel- 
beloued  wyfe  and  swete  children.  Admytte  it  bee  thy  foote,  that  is  to  saye,  thy 
seruaunte  or  factour,  whose  seruyce  thou  canste  not  lacke  for  the  exploiture  of  suche 
affayres  as  thou  haste  to  dooe  in  thys  worlde.  Cutte  of  thy  hande,  plucke  out  thyne 
eye,  choppe  of  thy  foote  that  hyndreth  thee  to  dooe  the  busynesse  of  the  Ghospell.' 
— Tom.  i.  fo.  clxx.  b.  ed.  1551.  Where  the  original  has  'Fingepedem  esse,  hoc 
est,  famulum  aut  procuratorem,  cujus  opera  carere  non  possis  in  hujus  vitoe  negociis ; 
amputa  manum,  etc.' — Erasm.  Paraph,  in  Nov.  Test.  p.  231,  ed.  1541. 

b  This  is  clearly  a  French  word.  M.  Littre  says  sub  voc.  Encombrement, 
'  On  disait  beaucoup  dans  1'ancien  francais,  encombrier  et  encombrance?  but  he 
gives  no  examples  to  support  this  assertion.  M.  Dochez,  on  the  other  hand,  says, 
*  On  a  dit  encombrance,  encombrier,  puis  encombre.'  And  he  cites  from  an  anony- 
mous Fabliau  of  the  fourteenth  century  the  expression,  '  Gardez  moi  d'encom- 
brance.'  Cotgrave  does  not  give  the  first  of  these,  but  translates  encombrier  '  A 
cumber,  incumbrance^  pesterment,  hinderance,  trouble,  &c.'  The  word  is  used  by 
Chaucer  in  The  Assemblie  of  Ladies  : 

1  Much  more  there  was,  wherof  she  shuld  complain, 

But  she  thoght  it  too  great  encombraunce 

So  much  to  write,  and  therfore  in  certain, 

In  God  and  her  she  put  all  her  affiaunce. 

Works,  fo.  248,  b.  ed.  1602. 

And  also  by  Lord  Berners  in  The  Golden  Boke  of  Marcus  Aurelius :  Therin  is 
conteyned  certayne  right  hygh  and  profounde  sentences,  and  holsom  counselles,  and 
meruaylous  deuyses  ageynst  thenatmbraunce  of  fortune,  and  ryght  swete  consola- 


430  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

assuraunce,  or  by  dissobedience  or  presumption  of  some 
persones  whome  the  thinge  toucheth,  that  this  last  parte  of 
Consultation  is  omitted,  or  more  rather  neglected  ;  wher  moche 
studie,  trauaile,  and  cost  haue  utterly  perisshed,  nat  onely  to 
the  no  litle  detriment  of  infinite  persones,  but  also  to  the 
subuertion  of  most  noble  publike  weales.  More  ouer  it  is  to 
be  diligently  noted  that  euery  counsayle  is  to  be  approued  by 
thre  thinges  principally ,a  that  it  be  ryghtwyse,b  that  it  be 

tions  for  them  that  are  ouerthrowen  by  fortune. ' — Fo.  167,  ed.  1538.  The  substan- 
tive encombre  is  also  given  by  Cotgrave,  and  appears  sometimes  to  have  been 
adopted  by  English  writers.  Thus  Wriothesley,  the  Lord  Chancellor,  in  a  letter 
to  the  Privy  Council,  dated  Sept.  7,  1546,  says,  'Wee  noted  unto  him  (i.e.  the 
ambassador)  what  temptacions  the  Kinges  Majeste  hath  had  to  provide  for  him- 
self, uppon  certain  advertisement  of  the  treatie  betwene  the  Emperour  and  the 
Bisshopp  of  Rome,  clerely  against  the  Kinges  Majeste  and  his  Realme,  if  it  shuld 
take  place  ;  and  for  that  also  that  the  Emperour  of  late  useth  the  Kinges  Majeste 
straungely,  without  participation  of  his  affaires,  wherein  if  he  had  followed  the 
Kinges  Majestes  counsail,  he  had  not  entred  this  encombre,  wherein  he  is  nowe.'  — 
State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  859. 

•  And  on  the  other  hand  Bacon  speaks  of  three  '  inconveniences  of  counsel, ' 
viz. :  'ist,  the  revealing  affairs,  whereby  they  become  less  secret ;  2nd,  the  weaken- 
ing of  the  authority  of  princes,  as  if  they  were  less  of  themselves  ;  3rd,  the  danger 
of  being  unfaithfully  counselled,  and  more  for  the  good  of  them  that  counsel,  than 
of  him  that  is  counselled. ' — Essays,  p.  190. 

b  This  is  a  genuine  old  Saxon  word,  of  which  its  modern  representative 
'  righteous  '  is  a  corruption.  Wycliffe,  in  his  translation  of  Laoduensis,  says, 
'  Alle  ghoure  axingis  ben  open  anentis  god,  and  be  ghe  fastned  in  the  witt  of  Crist, 
and  whiche  been  hool  and  sooth  and  chast  and  rightwys  and  lovable  do  ghe. ' — New 
Test.  p.  164,  ed.  Baber,  1810.  Chaucer  uses  the  substantive  in  The  Tale  of  Meli- 
beus  as  follows  :  '  Natheles,  by  certeyn  presumpciouns  and  conjectinges  I  holde  and 
bilieve  that  God,  which  that  is  ful  of  justice  and  of  right-wisnesse,  hath  suffred  this 
to  betyde,  by  juste  cause  resonable.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  171.  And  again  in 
The  Persones  Tale  :  '  Manslaughter  in  dede  is  in  foure  maneres.  That  oon  is  by 
lawe,  right  as  a  justice  dampnith  him  that  is  coupable  to  the  deth  ;  but  let  the 
justice  be  war  that  he  do  it  rightfully,  and  that  he  do  it  nought  for  delit  to  spille 
blood,  but  for  keping  oirightwisnes.' — Ibid.  p.  312.  Feltham,  who  wrote  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  thus  explains  the  etymology  of  the  word  :  '  He  that  hath 
wisdom  to  be  truly  religious  cannot  be  condemnedly  a  fool.  Every  precept  of 
Christianity  is  a  maxim  of  profoundest  prudence.  'Tis  the  Gospel's  work  to  re- 
duce man  to  the  principles  of  his  first  creation ;  that  is  to  be  both  good  and  wise. 
Our  ancestors,  it  seems,  were  clear  of  this  opinion.  He  that  was  pious  and  just 
was  reckoned  a  righteous  man.  Godliness  and  Integrity  was  calPd  and  counted 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


431 


good,  and  that  it  be  with  honestie.     That  whiche  is  rightwise 
is  brought  in  by  reason.*     For  nothing  is  right  that  is  nat 
ordred  by  raison.    Goodnes  cometh  of  vertue.    Of  vertue  and 
reason  procedeth  honestie.  Wherfore  counsayle  being  compact 
of  these  thre,  may  be  named  a  perfecte  Capitayne,  a  trusty 
companyon,  a  playne  and  unfayned  frende.     Ther-   -^ 
fore  in  the  commendation  therof  Titus  Liuius  saith,  mus,  H. 
Many  thynges  be  impeched c  by  Nature  whiche  by  xxv* 

Righteousness.  And  in  their  old  Saxon  English,  Righteous  was  Rightwise,  and 
Righteousness  was  originally  Rightwiseness? — Resolves,  p.  229,  ed.  1696.  Fabyan, 
the  contemporary  of  our  author,  says,  '  Of  this  erle  (i.e.  Simon  de  Mountford) 
spekyth  Ranulph,  Monke  of  Chester,  in  his  boke  of  Policronicon,  and  calleth  hym 
Symon  the  ryghtwyse,  sayinge  that  God  wrought  for  hym  miracles  after  his  deth. ' — 
Chron.  p.  357,  ed.  1811. 

•  Patrizi  had  previously  said,  '  Si  recte  cogitamus,  omnis  ratiocinatio  omnisque 
diligens  consultatio  a  ratione  manat.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  vi.  tit.  9. 

b  The  marginal  reference  has  been  corrected ;  in  the  original  it  was  to  the 
fifteenth  book. 

c  This  word,  which  is  spelt  '  empeched '  at  Vol.  I.  p.  248,  is  the  English 
form  of  the  French  empescht.  Cotgrave  translates  the  verb  empescher,  '  to  hinder, 
let,  barre,  stop  ;  impeach ;  pester,  trouble,  disturbe,  incumber ;  busie,  toyle,  hold 
occupied,  keepe  imployed ;  also  to  withstande  or  keepe  back ;  also  to  shut  or 
damme  up.'  The  King  himself,  in  a  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  dated  June  12, 
r537>  uses  the  actual  French  form:  'Which  daunger  of  inconvenience,  though 
there  is  no  grete  likelyhod  of  the  same,  specially  for  that  We  be  in  leage  and 
amytie  with  bothe  Princes,  wilbe  certaynly  avoyded  by  our  contynuaunce  here  in 
thise  parties,  being  soo  nere  unto  them  as  they  can  not  almost  loke  towardes  any 
suche  thing,  but  We  be  in  a  perfite  a  redynes  to  empesche  their  purpose  in  the 
same,  to  their  displeasure  that  wold  attempte  any  suche  matier.' — State  Papers^ 
vol.  i.  p.  553.  Fabyan  in  his  account  of  Flanders,  in  1380,  says,  '  Artyuele 
made  prouysyon  to  stoppe  the  wayes  by  brekyng  of  brydges  and  other  meanes, 
wherby  the  Frensh  hoost  was  gretely  empesched  and  let,  so  that  with  great  dyffy- 
cultie  and  daunger  they  passyd  the  ryuer  of  Lyze.' — Chron.  fo.  clxii.  ed.  1516. 
C.  de  Seissel,  in  his  translation  of  Thucydides,  viii.  108,  says,  'En  celle  mesme 
saison  Alcibiades  sen  partit  de  Caune  et  de  Phaselide  auec  xiiii  nauires  et  sen  vint 
a  Sarnie,  et  fit  entendre  aux  Atheniens,  qui  la  estoient,  comme  il  auoit  empesche  que 
les  nauires  Pheniciens  ne  viensissent  a  layde  des  Peloponesiens '  (fo.  cxci. ) ;  which 
is  rendered  by  Nicolls  :  '  In  the  selfe  seasone  Alcibiades  departed  out  of  Caunus 
and  of  Phaselide  wyth  xiiii  shipps  to  Sarnie,  and  did  the  Athenyans  that  were  there 
to  understande  howe  he  had  empesched  that  the  Phenycians  shippes  did  not  come  to 
the  ayde  of  the  Peloponesians. ' — Fo.  ccxxiii.  ed.  1550.  In  77ie  Golden  Boke  of 
Marcus  Aurelius,  published  in  1539,  we  find  the  word  in  the  following  passage  : 
The  hygh  and  supreme  wysedome,  the  whiche  all  meane  thynges  gouerneth  by 


432  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

counsayle  be  shortly  achieued.a  And  verily  the  powar  of 
Counsaile  is  wonderfull,  hauing  auctoritie  as  wel  ouer  peace  as 
martiall  enterprise.  And  therfore  with  good  reason  Tulli 
affirmeth  in  his  boke  of  offices,  Armes  without  the  doores  be 
of  litle  importaunce,  if  counsaile  be  nat  at  home.b  And  he 
sayth  sone  after  :  In  thinges  moste  prosperous  the  counsayle 
of  frendes  must  be  used.c  Whiche  is  ratified  by  the  auctour  of 
Ecdesiasti.  the  noble  warke  named  Ecclesiasticus,  sayeng :  My 
K.  xxxii.  sone,  without  counsayle  see  thou  do  nothynge,  and 
than  after  thy  dede  thou  shalte  neuer  repente  the.d  The 
same  autor  giueth  thre  noble  precepts  concerning  this 
matter,  which  of  euery  wise  man  aught  to  be  had  in  continuell 
Ecdesias-  memorie.  Of  fooles  take  thou  no  counsaile,  for  they 
ticus.  via.  can  ioue  nothinge  but  that  pleaseth  theim  selfes. 
Discouer  nat  thy  counsayle  before  a  straunger,  for  thou 
knowest  nat  what  therof  may  happen.  Unto  euery  man 
disclose  nat  thy  harte,  leest  parauenture  he  wyl  gyue  to  the 
a  fayned  thanke,  and  after  reporte  rebukefully  of  the.6  Fooles 

Justyce,  and  departeth  it  accordynge  to  his  bountie,  wylle  not  that  at  oone  tyme 
the  worlde  shulde  wante  or  be  destitute  of  sage  men,  nor  at  an  other  tyme  want 
of  symple  personnes,  some  desyrynge  the  fruite,  and  some  the  leaues  ;  in  suche 
sort  that  they  shulde  haue  enuye  of  that  other  were  impechedS — The  Prologue, 
signat  A.  ii.  In  an  account  of  the  voyage  of  one  James  Lancaster  to  the  Brazils 
in  1594,  he  says,  '  (Our  admiral)  gaue  order  to  the  men  of  these  fiue  small  ships, 
which  were  not  aboue  60  tunnes  a  piece,  if  the  Hollanders  did  offer  any  resistance, 
to  run  aboord  of  them,  and  to  set  their  owne  ships  on  fire,  and  scape  in  their 
boats,  which  they  had  for  the  same  purpose,  that  by  this  meanes  they  might  not 
impeach  our  entrance.' — Hakluyt's  Voyages,  vol.  iii.  p.  710,  ed.  1600. 

*  'Multa,  quse  impedita  natura  sunt,  consilio  expediuntur. '— Lib.  xxv.  cap.  n. 
b  '  Parvi  enim  sunt  foris  arma,  nisi  est  consilium  domi.' — De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  22. 
c  '  Atque  etiam  in  secundissimis  rebus  maxim  e  est  utendum  consilio  amicorum.' 

— Ibid.  cap.  26. 

d  *  Do  nothing  without  advice  ;  and  when  thou  hast  once  done,  repent  not.' — 
Ecclesiasticus  xxxii.  19. 

e  *  Consult  not  with  a  fool ;  for  he  cannot  keep  counsel. 

'  Do  no  secret  thing  before  a  stranger  ;  for  thou  knowest  not  what  he  will  bring 
forth. 

*  Open  not  thine  heart  to  every  man,  lest  he  requite  thee  with  a  shrewd  turn.' — 
Ecclesiastictts  viii.  17-19. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  433 

be,  as  I  suppose,  they  whiche  be  more  ladde  with  affection a 
than  reason.  And  whom  he  calleth  straungers  be  those  of 
whose  fidelitie  and  wisedome  he  is  nat  assured  ;  and  in  the 
generall  name  of  euery  man  may  be  signified  the  lacke  of 
election  of  counsailours,  whiche  wold  be  with  a  vigilaunt 
serche  and  (as  I  mought  saye)  of  all  other  moost  scrupulouse. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

What  in  Consultation  is  to  be  chiefly  considered. 

THP:  ende  of  all  doctrine  and  studie  is  good  counsayle,  wher- 
unto  as  unto  the  principall  poynt,  which  Geometricians  do  call 
the  Centre,b  all  doctrines  (whiche  by  some  autours  be 
imagined  in  the  fourme  of  a  cerkle,c)  do  sende  their  effectes 

a  I.e.  Inclination,  desire.  It  is  used  in  the  same  sense  by  Bacon  :  '\iaffection 
lead  a  man  to  favour  the  wrong  side  in  justice,  let  him  rather  use  his  countenance 
to  compound  the  matter  than  to  carry  it.  If  affection  lead  a  man  to  favour  the 
less  worthy  in  desert,  let  him  do  it  without  depraving  or  disabling  the  better  de- 
server.  ' — Essays,  p.  441.  The  word  has  been  transplanted  from  France,  as  we  see 
in  the  following  instance.  Claude  de  Seissel,  in  his  translation  of  Thucydides,  viii.  53, 
says,  '  A  quoy  plusieurs  du  peuple  contredirent  a  grande  instance,  tant  pour  laffection 
quils  auoient  a  lestat  populaire,  comme  aussi  pour  linimytie  quils  auoient  centre 
Alcibiades  '  (fo.  clxxx.),  which  Nicolls  renders,  '  Against  the  which  thinges  many  of 
the  peple  did  speake  with  great  instance,  as  well  for  the  affection  which  they  had  to 
the  comon  estate,  as  also  for  thenmytye  that  they  had  against  Alcibiades. ' — Fo. 
ccix.  ed.  1550. 

b  The  following  definition  of  this  point  is  given  by  Macrobius  :  *  In  omni 
orbe  vel  sphsera  medietas  centron  vocatur ;  nihilque  aliud  est  centron  nisi  punctum 
quo  sphaerse  aut  orbis  medium  certissima  observatione  distinguitur. ' — Comm.  in 
Somn.  Scip.  lib.  i.  cap.  2O,  §  14.  Hallam  says,  '  It  may  be  considered  a  proof  of 
the  attention  paid  to  geometry  in  England,  that  two  books  of  Euclid  were  read 
at  Oxford  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,'  and  he  tells  us  that  'the 
first  translation  of  Euclid  from  the  Greek  text  was  made  by  Zamberti  of  Venice, 
and  appeared  in  1505.' — Lit.  of  Eur.  vol.  i.  pp.  115  note,  452,  ed.  1854. 

8  I.e.  'ejKvK\ios  vaiSda.     In  addition  to  the  quotation  from  Quintilian  given  in 

Vol.  I.  p.  1 1 8,  the  following  may  be  cited  :  "f<()opS>fj.ai  riva  irpbs  ravra  /caraSpo/iV 

a.v8p(»nrci)V,  TTJS  jnez/  4yKvK\iov  Trcuoei'as  aireipcav,    rb   8'  ayopaiov  rrjs  prjropiKris  juepos 

£8ov  re  KOI  re'x^s  Xwpk  eiriTTjSetfojraw. — Dion.   Hal.  Opera,  vol.  v.  p.    206,  ed. 

II.  F   F 


434  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

like  unto  equall  lignes,  as  it  shall  appere  to  them  that  will 
rede  the  bokes  of  the  noble  Plato,  where  he  shall  fynde  that 
the  wise  Socrates,  in  euery  inuestigacion,  whiche  is  in  fourme 
of  a  consultation,  useth  his  persuasions  and  demonstrations 
by  the  certayne  rules  and  examples  of  sondry  sciences,* 
prouinge  therby  that  the  conclusion  and  (as  I  mought  say) 
the  perfection  of  them  is  in  good  counsaile,  wherin  vertue 
may  be  founden,  beynge  (as  it  were)  his  propre  mantion  b  or 


1775.  Plutarch,  in  his  treatise  on  music,  says,  Kal  irapa^^ffw  T£  eralpa 
ecnrov8aK6Ti  ov  JJ.QVOV  irepl  /j.ovffiK})V,  a\Xa  Kal  irepl  T$)V  aXXtjv  eyKVK\iov  iraiSeiav.  — 
De  Musicd,  13.  Zonaras,  the  Byzantine  historian  of  the  twelfth  century,  enume- 
rates the  various  subjects  included  in  the  term  fynvitXios,  and  explains  why  they 
were  so  called,  as  follows  :  'H  ypajj-p-armi]  •  rj  iroi-nriKf)  •  ^  pTjTopi/crj  •  ^  tyiXoaofyia.  • 
•rj  jUaflTj/iaTi/c^  •  Kal  ctTrAws  itaffa  rexi/yj  Kal  tiriffrijU'n,  Sia  rb  irepiicvai  roGra  rovs 
ao<t>ovs  us  Sid  TWOS  KVK\OV.  —  Lexicon,  torn.  i.  col.  600,  ed.  1  808. 

a  '  To  convict  men,  by  cross-examination,  of  ignorance  in  respect  to  those 
matters  which  each  man  believed  himself  to  know  well  and  familiarly  —  this  was  the 
constant  employment  and  mission  of  Sokrates.  .  .  .  What  those  topics  were,  in 
respect  to  which  Socrates  found  this  universal  belief  of  knowledge,  without  the 
reality  of  knowledge  —  we  know,  not  merely  from  the  dialogues  of  Plato,  but  also 
from  the  Memorabilia  of  Xenophon.  Sokrates  did  not  touch  upon  recondite 
matters  —  upon  the  Kosmos,  astronomy,  meteorology.  Such  studies  he  dis- 
countenanced as  useless,  and  even  as  irreligious.  The  subjects  on  which  he  in- 
terrogated were  those  of  common,  familiar,  every-day  talk  ;  those  which  everyone 
believed  himself  to  know,  and  on  which  everyone  had  a  confident  opinion  to 
give.  .  .  .  Sokrates  passed  his  life  in  talking,  with  everyone  indiscriminately,  and 
upon  each  man's  particular  subject  ;  often  perplexing  the  artist  himself.  Xeno- 
phon recounts  conversations  with  various  professional  men  —  a  painter,  a  sculptor, 
an  armourer  —  and  informs  us  that  it  was  instructive  to  all  of  them,  though  Sokrates 
was  no  practitioner  in  any  craft.  '  —  Grote's  Plato,  vol.  i.  pp.  245,  248,  449,  ed.  1867. 
b  This  word,  which  the  author  has  already  used  ante,  p.  316,  is  derived  from 
the  Lat  mansio,  which  was  the  mediaeval  equivalent  of  cedes,  through  the  French 
mansion.  Thus  Philippe  de  Beaumanoir,  who  collected  the  customs  of  Beauvoisis 
in  1283,  says,  '  Plusors  gens  sunt,  si  comme  marceans  et  gens  errans  par  le  pais 
qui  n'ont  nules  mansions,  ou  il  les  ont  hors  du  roi'ame.  .  .  .  Car  male  coze  seroit 
c'on  alast  pledier  a  tex  gens  hors  du  roiame  ou  lor  mansions  sunt.'  —  Les  Cout.  du 
Beauvoisis,  torn.  ii.  p.  468,  ed.  1842.  And  in  La  Roman  de  la  Rose,  the  earliest 
specimen  of  French  poetry,  the  word  occurs  several  times.  Thus— 
*  Et  se  chose  qui  n'est  estable, 

Comme  foloiant  et  muable, 

A  certaine  habitacion, 

Fortune  a  la  sa  mancion?  —  Tom.  ii.  p.  96,  ed.  1814. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  435 

palice,  where  her  powar  onely  appereth  concernynge  gouern- 
aunce,  either  of  one  persone  only,  and  than  it  is  called  morall, 
or  of  a  multitude,  which  for  a  diuersitie  may  be  called  poli- 
tyke.  Sens  counsayle  is  of  suche  an  efficacie,  and  in  thinges 

And  again,  shortly  afterwards  in  the  same  poem  we  have — 
'  Puet-1'en  trover  religion 
En  seculiere  mansion  ? ' — Ibid.  p.  330. 

In  the  charter  of  privileges  accorded  by  Charles  V.  to  the  Jews  in  1370,  occurs 
the  following  article  :  '  Octroyons  a  yceulx  Juys  et  Juyves  demourans  et  qui  de- 
mouront  en  nostredit  Royaume,  que  il  puissent  acquerir  et  avoir  maisons  et  habi- 
tations pour  leurs  mansions,  et  places  pour  leurs  corps  enterrer.' — Ordonnances 
des  Rois  de  France,  torn.  v.  p.  492,  ed.  1736.  And  a  letter  of  the  same  king, 
dated  April  1369,  states  as  follows  :  *  Aussi  s'efforcent  de  faire  contraindre  lesdis 
supplians  a  faire  ladicte  contribution  desdis  Murs,  Pont,  et  fossez  de  ladicte  Ville 
de  Vernon,  et  de  mettre  et  tenir  sur  ce  en  grans  et  divers  proces  lesdis  supplians, 
qui  moult  ont  eu  a  souffrir  pour  le  fait  des  guerres,  et  le  plat  pai's  oil  leurs  mansions 
sont  assises,  et  qui  ont  et  doivent  avoir  leur  refuge  et  retrait,  en  tout  cas  de  ne- 
cessitate et  peril.' — Ibid.  p.  169.  In  Domesday  Book  the  words  Mansio  and 
Manerium  seem  to  be  synonymous,  though,  as  Sir  Henry  Ellis  points  out,  '  in  a 
few  entries  of  the  Survey  Mansiones  seem  meant  for  houses  simply.' — Introd.  to 
Dom.  Book,  vol.  i.  p.  244,  note.  It  is  clear,  however,  that  this  later  and  popular 
acceptation  of  the  term  was  not  in  strict  conformity  with  the  legal  definition.  Ac- 
cording to  which,  *  mansio  esse  poterit  constructa  ex  pluribus  domibus,  vel  una 
quse  erit  habitatio  una  et  sola  sine  vicino.' — Bracton,  De  Legg.  lib.  v.  cap.  28. 
The  word,  in  the  modern  sense  in  which  it  is  used  by  Sir  Thomas  Elyot,  occurs 
several  times  in  Chaucer,  and  also  in  The  Pastime  of  Pleasure,  written  by  Stephen 
Hawes  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  as  follows  : 

'  To  me  she  came,  with  lowely  countenaunce, 

And  bad  me  welcome  unto  that  mancion, 

Ledyng  me  forth  wyth  joy  and  pleasaunce 

Into  an  hall  of  mervaylous  facion, 

Right  strongly  fortyfyde  of  olde  foundation. ' 

P.  125,  ed.  1846.  Percy  Soc. 

It  is  not  unworthy  of  notice  that  although  in  the  English  version,  S.  John  xiv.  2 
was  translated,  'In  my  Father's  house  are  many  mansions,'  the  French  Bible 
of  1 530  has  *  Plusieurs  demeures  sont  en  la  maison  de  mon  pere;'  but  we  may 
easily  trace  the  source  of  the  English  version,  because  we  see  that  Erasmus  uses 
the  Latin  equivalent  :  'Jam  in  domo  patris  mei  multae  mansiones  paratae  sunt  vic- 
toribus.  .  .  .  Nunc  quoniam  certum  scio  suam  cuique  mansionem  paratam  in  regno 
patris,'  &c. — Paraphras.  in  Nov.  Test.,  p.  611,  ed.  1541,  which  points  rather  to  a 
sense  of  the  word  which  is  explained  by  Du  Cange  as  '  Stationes,  sedes,  diversoria 
militum  in  quae  se  recipiunt  expeditionis  tempore.' 

F  F  2 


436  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

concernynge  man  hathe  suche  a  preeminence,  it  is  therfore 
expedient  that  consultation,  (wherin  counsaile  is  expressed) 
be  very  seriouse,  substanciall,  and  profitable.  Which  to  bringe 
to  effecte  requireth  two  thyngs  principally  to  be  considered. 
First,  that  in  euery  thinge  concerning  a  publike  weale  no 
good  counsailour  be  omitted  or  passed  ouer,  but  that  his 
Sal.  bell,  reason  therin  be  hard  to  an  ende.a  I  call  him  a  good 
Catalin.  counsailour,  whiche,  (as  Cesar  sayth,  in  the  con- 
iurationb  of  Cataline),  whiles  he  consulteth  in  doubtefull 

*  Bacon  says,  '  It  is  in  vain  for  princes  to  take  counsel  concerning  matters,  if 
they  take  no  counsel  likewise  concerning  persons  ;  for  all  matters  are  as  dead 
images,  and  the  life  of  the  execution  of  affairs  resteth  in  the  good  choice  of  per- 
sons ;  neither  is  it  enough  to  consult  concerning  persons  "secundum  genera,"  as 
in  an  idea  of  mathematical  description,  what  the  kind  and  character  of  the  person 
should  be  ;  for  the  greatest  errors  are  committed,  and  the  most  judgment  is  shown, 
in  the  choice  of  individuals.' — Essays,  p.  192. 

b  This  word,  which  is  now  quite  obsolete  in  this  sense,  is  simply  the  French 
conjuration,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  a  conspiracy  ;  complotment,   privat  con- 
federacy against ;  also  a  conjuration,  or  conjuring. '     It  is  of  course  derived  from 
the  Latin  conjuratio,  which  is  quite  classical,   and  occurs  frequently  in  Cicero, 
especially  in  his  orations  against  Catiline,  in  the  sense  in  which  it  is  here  used. 
On  the  trial  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  in  1407,   for  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  he  was  defended  by  Dr.  Jean  Petit,  and  in  the  speech  of  the  latter  we 
find  the  following  passage  :    '  Absalon   considerant   que   son   pere   estoit   vieux 
homme  et  qu'il  auoit  perdu  une  partie  de  son  sens  et  force,   ce  luy  sembloit 
et  alia  enuiron  la  vallee   ou   son   pere   auoit   este   oingt   et   couronne  Roy,  et 
la  feit  une  coniuration  contre  son  dit  pere  et  se  feit  enoindre  Roy. ' — Monstrelet, 
Chron.  vol.    i.    fo.    37   b.   ed.    1572.     And  again:  'En  parlant  du   tyrant  dit 
ainsi  ...   II  est  ennemy  de  la  chose  publicque.     Contre  celuy  puis  faire  armes, 
coniuration,  mettre  espies,  employer  force,    cest  fait  de   courageux.' — Ibid.    fo. 
40  b.     Montaigne  says,  '  L'Empereur  Auguste,  estant  en  la  Gaule,  receut  certain 
advertissement  d'une  coniuration  que  luy  brassoit  L.  Cinna ;  il  delibeia  de  s'en 
venger,  et  manda  pour  cet  effect  au  lendemain  le  conseil  de  ses  amis.' — Essais, 
torn.  i.  p.  1 60,  ed.  1854.    Hall,  in  his  account  of  the  conspiracy  of  the  Nevilles  in 
1468,  says,  'Euenasthe  Marques  (i.e.  Montague)  unwillyngly  and  in  maner  coacted 
gaue  his  consent  to  this  unhappy  coniuracion,  at  the  intisement  and  procurement 
of  therle,  so  with  a  fainte  harte  and  lesse  courage  he  alwaies  shewed  hymself 
enemie  to  Kyng  Edwarde,  excepte  in  his  laste  daie.' — Chron.  fo.  cxcix.  b.  ed.  1548. 
And  again  :  '  The  erle  continually  remembryng  the  purpose  that  he  was  set  on, 
thought  to  begin  and  kindle  the  fire  of  his  ungracious  coniuracion  (whiche  so 
many  yeres  vexed  and  un quieted  the  realme  of  Englande)  before  his  departure  ; 
wherefore  he  appoynted  his  brethren,  the  Archebishop  and  the  Marques,  that  thei 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  437 

matters,  is  voyde  of  all  hate,  frendship,  displeasure,  or  pitie.a 
Howe  necessarye  to  a  publike  weale  it  shall  be  to  haue  in  any 
wise  mens  oppinions  declared,  it  is  manifest  to  them  that  do 
remembre  that  in  many  heddes  be  diuers  maners  of  wittis, 
some  inclined  to  sharpenes  and  rigour,  many  to  pitie  and 
compassion,  diuers  to  a  temperaunce  and  meane  betwene 
bothe  extremities  ;  some  haue  respecte  to  tranquillitie  onely, 
other  more  to  welth  and  commoditie,  diuers  to  moche  re- 
noume  and  estimation  in  honour.b  There  be  that  wyll  speke  all 
theyr  mynde  sodaynly  and  perchaunce  right  well ;  diuers 
require  to  haue  respect c  and  studie,  wherin  is  moche  more 

should  by  some  meane,  in  his  absence,  stirre  up  newe  commocion  or  rebellion  in 
the  countie  of  Yorke  and  other  places  adiacente.' — Ibid.  fo.  cc.  An  ordonnance 
of  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  1562,  prescribes,  '  que  a  la  requeste  dudit  Procureur 
General,  &c.,  seront  saisis  et  mis  en  la  main  du  Roy,  touts  et  chacuns  les  biens 
tant  meubles  que  immeubles  .  .  .  apartenants  ...  a  touts  ceux  qui  .  .  .  seront 
charges  suffisament  desdits  crimes  de  Leze-Majeste,  rebellion,  felonie,  sedition  et 
conjuration,  &c.,  &c.' — Memoires  de  Conde,  torn.  i.  p.  1 20,  ed.  1743- 

a  '  Omnes  homines,  Patres  Conscripti,  qui  de  rebus  dubiis  consultant,  ab  odio, 
amicitia,  ira  atque  misericordia  vacuos  esse  decet.' — Sallust.  Catilin.  cap.  51. 

b  Bacon,  who,  like  our  author,  had  practical  experience  of  the  Council 
Chamber,  says,  '  It  is  of  singular  use  to  princes  if  they  take  the  opinions  of  their 
council  both  separately  and  together  ;  for  private  opinion  is  more  free,  but 
opinion  before  others  is  more  reverend.  In  private,  men  are  more  bold  in  their 
own  humours,  and  in  consort,  men  are  more  obnoxious  to  others'  humours  ;  there- 
fore it  is  good  to  take  both — and  of  the  inferior  sort,  rather  in  private  to  preserve 
freedom — of  the  greater,  rather  in  consort  to  preserve  respect.' — Essays,  p.  191. 

0  I.e.  time  for  consideration,  delay,  postponement,  almost  the  same  as  respite, 
which  has  the  same  derivation,  from  the  Latin  respectus,  which  was  used  in  the 
Middle  Ages  as  the  equivalent  of  mora.  Thus  Matthew  Paris,  speaking  of  the 
disputes  between  Henry  III.  and  the  King  of  Scotland  in  1236,  says,  « Sed  dum 
respectum  et  dilationem,  donee  id  provideretur  et  omnibus  utrobique  placeret, 
negotium  caperet,  solutum  est  colloquium,  omnibus  in  pace  ad  horam  quiescenti- 
bus.'—  Chron.  Maj.  vol.  iii.  p.  373,  Rolls,  ed.  An  agreement  between  Henry  I. 
and  Robert,  Count  of  Flanders,  in  noi,  contains  the  following  clause:  '  Et  si 
comes  Robertus  in  expeditione  fuerit,  quando  hanc  summonitionem  habere  de- 
buerit,  post  reditum  de  expeditione  habebit  respectum  usque  ad  finitas  tres  Eb- 
domadas,  et  eundem  respectum  habebit,  si  summonitus  fuerit  infra,  proximos  8  dies 
post  reditum  de  expeditione.  Et  si  infirmus  fuerit,  habebit  respectum  mittendi 
milites,  usque  ad  finitos  15  dies.' — Rymer,  torn.  i.  p.  3.  A  verb,  '  to  respect,'  is 
used  in  a  letter  addressed  to  Henry  VIII.  by  Lisle,  St.  John,  and  Seymour  in  1545  : 
*  And  as  touching  the  musters,  whiche  shuld  have  ben  taken  before  me,  the  Lord 


438  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

suertie,  many  wyll  speake  warely  for  feare  of  displeasure ; 
some  more  bolder  in  vertue  wyll  nat  spare  to  shewe  theyr 
myndes  playnely,  diuers  will  assent  to  that  reasons  wherewith 
they  suppose  that  he  whiche  is  chiefe  in  authoritie  wyll  be 
beste  pleased.*      These  undoughtedly  be  the  diuersityes  of 
wittes.  And  moreouer,  where  there  is  a  great  numbre  of  coun- 
saylours,  they  all  beinge  herde,  nedes  must  the  counsaile  be  the 
more  perfecte.b  For  somtyme  perchaunce  one  of  them,  whiche 
in  doctrine,  witte,  or  experience  is  in  leste  estimation,  may 
happe  to    expresse   some   sentence   more   auailable   to   the 
purpose  wherin  they  consult,  than  any  that  before  came  to  the 
others  remembraunces  ;  no  one  man  being  of  suche  perfection 
that  he  can  haue  in  an  instant  remembraunce  of  all  thing.0 
_.    .         Whiche  I  suppose  was  considered  by  Romulus  the 
Haiycar-     first  king  of  Romaynes  in  the  firste  constitution  of 
nassens.       their  publike  weale  ;  for  hauinge  of  his  owne  people 

Chamberlain,  and  others  of  the  Admiraltie,  of  all  the  soldiours  upon  the  shore, 
we  have  respected  the  same  tyll  this  tyme,  for  lacke  of  money,  that  now  is  arry ved 
here.'—  State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  832. 

a  Bacon  had,  no  doubt,  had  practical  experience  of  councillors  of  this  character 
when  he  wrote,  '  The  true  composition  of  a  counsellor  is,  rather  to  be  skilful  in 
their  master's  business  than  in  his  nature  ;  for  then  he  is  like  to  advise  him,  and 
not  to  feed  his  humour.' — Essays,  p.  191.  And  in  another  place  he  says,  '  It  is 
one  thing  to  understand  persons,  and  another  thing  to  understand  matters ;  for 
many  are  perfect  in  men's  humours  that  are  not  greatly  capable  of  the  real  part 
of  business,  which  is  the  constitution  of  one  that  hath  studied  men  more  than 
books.  Such  men  are  fitter  for  practice  than  for  counsel.'— Ibid.  p.  204. 

b  Bacon  enables  us  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  manner  in  which  the  business 
of  the  Privy  Council  was  conducted  in  the  sixteenth  century  :  '  A  long  table 
and  a  square  table,  or  seats  about  the  walls, '  he  says,  '  seem  things  of  form,  but 
are  things  of  substance ;  for  at  a  long  table,  a  few  at  the  upper  end,  in  effect, 
sway  all  the  business  ;  but  in  the  other  form  there  is  more  use  of  the  counsellors' 
opinions  that  sit  lower.' — Essays,  p.  193. 

c  Patrizi  has  some  remarks  very  much  resembling  this  :  '  Sed  Principum  in- 
telligentiam  plurimum  adjuvant  amicorum  consilia,  nee  eos  pceniteat  inferiores 
etiam  consulere,  et  prsecipue  in  rebus  arduis,  quamvis  ipsi  quoque  prudentissimi 
sint ;  ex  tot  enim  philosophis,  qui  per  omne  sevum  extiterunt,  nemo  unquam  inventus 
est  qui  se  omnia  scire  profiteretur.  Et  ille  sapientior  judicandus  est  qui  pauciora 
ignorat.  Optimi  quidem  gubernatoris  esse  duco,  in  maximis  tempestatibus  vectores 
etiam  consulere.' — De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  lib.  vi.  tit.  10. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  439 

but  three  thousande  foote  men  and  thre  hundrede  horsemen, 
he  chase  of  the  eldest  and  wisest  of  them  all  one  hundrede 
counsailours.a  But  to  the  more  assertion  of  diuers  mennes 
sentences  I  will  declare  a  notable  experience  whiche  I  late 
hapned  to  rede.b 

Belinger  Baldasine,c  a  man  of  greate  witte,  singuler 
lernynge,  and  excellent  wisedome  (who  was  one  of  the 
counsaylours  to  Ferdinando,  kyng  of  Arogon),  whan  any 
thing  doubtfull  or  weyghtie  mater  was  consulted  of,  where  he 
was  present,  afterwarde,  whan  he  had  souped  at  home  in  his 
house,  he  wolde  call  before  hym  all  his  seruauntes,  and  merily 
purposing  to  them  some  fained  question  or  fable,  wherein  was 
craftly  hyd  the  matter  whiche  remayned  doubtefull,  wolde 

a  This  is  in  accordance  with  the  statement  of  Plutarch,  who  says :  Krurdei(n)s  5r/ 
TT)S  ir6\€d)S  irpwrov  fj.tv  fiffov  ?iv  tv  fi\tKia  TrAfjflos,  (Is  (rvt/rdyfjiara  (TTpaTiiaTiKa  5ie?Aej/' 
€KaffTov  8e  avvTay^.a.  7re£o>j/  Tpia^iXiuiv  ^v,  KOI  rpiaKOirlcav  lirireuv  ....  eKarbv  Se 
rovs  apiffrovs  a7re'8et£e  /JouAeuras,  /cal  OUTOUS  fj.fi/  irarpiKiovs,  vb  5e  (TutTTrj/ia  ffevdrov 
irpo(rrjy6pev(rev. — Romtilus,  13.  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  agrees  with  Plutarch 
as  to  the  number,  although  he  differs  from  him  as  to  the  mode  of  election  to  the 
Senate.  Oi  fj.€V  yap  (rvvoiKiffavres  /ter'  avrov  T^V  'PcafjLrjv,  ov  Tr\eiovs  l\aa.v  avftpuv 
Tpia"Xi^-'i(av  7r€C°^  Ka*1  TpiaKoaicav  eXarrovs  lirire'ts. — Antiq,  Rom.  lib.  ii.  cap.  1 6. 

b  The  story  which  follows  is  narrated  by  Pontanus  in  his  treatise  Zte  Obedientid. 
It  has  already  been  remarked  (see  p.  262  ante]  that  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  was  ac- 
quainted with  the  writings  of  this  celebrated  Italian. 

0  Probably  this  is  the  same  as  the  '  Berengarius  Bardessinus, '  who  is  men- 
tioned by  Laurentius  Valla  as  one  of  the  nine  judges,  three  being  chosen  from 
each  province  of  the  kingdom,  on  whom  devolved  the  duty  of  deciding  the  dis- 
puted claims  to  the  throne  of  Aragon,  vacant  by  the  death  of  Martin  in  1410. 
According  to  Valla,  the  three  judges  who  were  selected  to  represent  Aragon  were 
Dominicus  Ram,  Bishop  of  Huesca,  and  afterwards  Archbishop  of  Tarragona ; 
Franciscus  Aranda,  and  Berengarius  Bardessinus  :  '  Quo  neminem  neque  illius 
neque  hujus  temporis  jurisconsultum  in  Hispania  senes  meminerunt  majoris 
autoritatis  fuisse,  et  perinde  ad  tantas  opes  pervenisse.' — Hist.  Ferdinandi,  fo.  46, 
ed.  1521.  The  Spanish  historian  Blancas,  whose  orthography  is  probably  more 
correct  than  that  of  the  Italian  writers,  spells  the  name  *  Bardaxinus,'  and  says  that 
he  was  '  Juris  et  publici  et  privati  valde  peritus  ;  qui  a  veteri  et  illustri  Bardaxinorum 
familia  originem  ducebat.  Illius  autem  non  in  sententiis  solum,  sed  etiam  in  nutu 
tanta  residebat  auctoritas,  ut  ejus  domus  sine  dubio  totius  Regni  esset  oraculum,  et 
ad  respondendum,  et  ad  agendum,  et  ad  cavendum  omnium  peritissimus  censeretur ; 
tametsi  apud  nonnullos  aliquando  singularis  cujusdam  artificii  suspicio  imminuebat 
hanc  tantam  ipsius  auctoritatem  et  fidem.'— -Aragon.  Comment,  p.  223,  ed.  1588. 


440  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

merely  demaunde  of  euery  man  his  particuler  oppinion,  and 
gyuing  good  eare  to  theyr  iudgementes,  he  wolde  conferre 
together  euery  mans  sentence,51  and  with  good  deliberation 
ponderynge  their  value,  he  at  the  last  perceyued  whiche  was 
the  truest  and  moste  apte  to  his  purpose  ;  and  beinge  in  this 
wyse  fournysshed,  translatynge  iapes  b  and  thynges  fayned  to 

a  '  Ferant  patrum  nostrorum  memoria  fuisse  e  consiliariis  Ferdinand!  Regis 
Tarraconensium,  avi  hujus  nostri  Ferdinandi,  Bellingerium  Baltasinum,  virum 
sane  magno  ingenio,  singular!  doctrina,  summa  prudentia.  Is  quoties  de  dubia 
re  aliqua,  aut  maxime  gravi  negotio  consultandum  esset,  post  coenam  jocabundus 
familiares  suos  convenire  omnes  jubebat,  propositaque  aliqua  ficta  quaestiuncula, 
baud  tamen  ab  re,  rogatisque  singulis  sententiam  dicere,  perscrutabatur  cuj  usque 
judicium.  Quibus  postea  sententiis  collatis  inter  se,  et  diu  multumque  pensitatis, 
facile  inspiciebat  quaenam  esset  sententia  verier,  magisque  accomodata.  Hoc 
modo  instructus,  et  ficta  ludicraque  ad  vera  et  seria  transferens,  primas  semper 
inter  cseteros  consiliarios  et  in  Regio  senatu  partes  tulit.' — Pontanus,  Opera,  torn, 
i.  fo.  35,  ed.  1518. 

b  In  the  author's  Dictionary  we  find  the  Latin  verb  alhidere  translated,  '  to  doo 
a  thynge  in  tape,  to  speake  merily,  or  consent  ;  somtyme  it  sygnifieth  to  speake 
some  thynge  which  secretely  hath  some  other  understandyng.'  The  Promptoriwn 
gives  '  lape,  nuga,  frivolum,  scurrilitas.  Taper,  nugax,  nugaculus.  lapyn  (or 
tryflon),  trupho,  illudo,  ludifico,  deludo.'  While  Palsgrave  has  'Jape,  a  trifyll — 
truffe,  s.  f.'  and  '  \jape,  I  tryfle,  Je  truffe,  orje  truffle,  and  je  me  bourde,  prim, 
conj.  I  did  \wkjape  with  hym,  and  he  toke  it  in  good  ernest ;  je  nemefys  que  truffer, 
or  je  ne  me  fis  que  truffler,  or  je  ne  me  fis  que  bourder  a  luy,  et  il  le.  print  a  bon 
esciant."1 — U Esclaircissement,  pp.  233,  589.  It  was  also  used  in  a  coarse  sense, 
which  Palsgrave  renders  into  the  French  equivalents  je  fous  and  je  bistocque.  We 
find  both  verb  and  substantive  constantly  in  Chaucer.  Thus,  in  Troylus  and 
Cryseyde — 

'  For  if  a  peyntour  wolde  peynte  a  pike 
With  asses  feet,  and  hedde  it  as  an  ape, 
It  cordeth  naught,  so  nere  it  but  ^jape? 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  195. 
And  in  The  Knighfs  Tale— 

'Thus  hath  \&  japed  the  many  a  yer, 
And  thou  hast  maad  of  him  thy  cheef  squyer. ' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  54. 
So  Occleve,  in  his  De  Regimine  Principum,  says — 

'  And  this  that  I  have  of  fortune  seide, 
Is  but  a.  jape,  as  who  seithe,  or  a  knak. 
Now  I  a  while  bourded  have  and  pleide, 
Resorte  I  wole  to  that  I  first  spak.' — P.  51,  ed.  1860. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  441 

mater  serious  and  true,  he  amonge  the  kynges  counsailours 
in  gyuynge  good  and  substanciall  aduise  had  alway  pre- 
eminence. 

Howe   moche   commoditie  than  suppose  ye  mought  be 
taken  of  the  sentences  of  many  wyse  and   experte  ffomerus 
counsay  lours  ?      And  like   as  Calchas,  as    Homere  Iliad-  Pri> 
writeth,    knewe   by   diuination   thynges    present,    thinges  to 
come,  and  them  that  were  passed,a  so  counsailours  garnisshed 
with  lernyng  and  also  experience  shall  thereby  considre  the 
places,    tymes,  and   personages,  examining  the   state  of  the 
mater  than  practised,  and  expending  the  powar,  assistence, 
and  substaunce,  also  reuoluingeb  longe  and  often  tymes  in 

Fabyan,  speaking  of  certain  prodigies  which  happened  in  the  twelfth  year  of 
William  Rufus,  and  which  were  supposed  to  portend  his  death,  says,  '  The  king 
was  warned  of  thys,  and  tolde  by  hys  familiers  that  god  was  not  contente  wyth 
hys  lyuynge.  But  hee  sette  all  at  noughte,  and  made  of  it  a  scoffe  or  tape.'  —  Chron. 
vol.  i.  p.  316,  ed.  1559. 


"Os  f?5rj  TC£  T'  e'(Wa,  TO  T'  effff6jj.€va,  irp6  T'  COJ/TO.  —  //.  i.  69,  70. 

b  Wilson,  who  had  a  wholesome  horror  of  what  he  calls  '  ynke-horne  termes,' 
i.e.  pedantic  expressions  or  archaisms,  was  doubtless  well  acquainted  with  The 
Governour,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a  covert  allusion  to  the  peculiar  phraseology 
of  this  work  was  intended  in  the  following  passage  of  The  Arte  of  Rhetorique^ 
where  '  the  rather  to  sette  out  this  folie,'  he  has  collected  in  the  shape  of  a  letter 
from  an  imaginary  '  Lincolnshire  man  '  addressed  '  to  a  gentleman  that  then 
waited  uppon  the  Lord  Chauncellour  for  the  tyme  beyng,  '  a  number  of  quaint 
words,  some  of  which,  as  the  reader  will  observe,  might  very  well  have  been 
culled  from  the  vocabulary  of  The  Governour.  '  Ponderyng,  expendyng,  and 
miolutyng  with  myself,  your  ingent  affability  and  ingenious  capacity  for  mundaine 
affaires,  I  cannot  but  celebrate  and  extol  your  magnifical  dexteritie  aboue  all  other. 
For  how  could  you  haue  adepted  such  illustrate  prorogatiue  arid  domisticall  su- 
perioritie,  if  the  fecunditie  of  your  ingenie  had  not  been  so  fertile  and  wonderfull 
pregnant  ?  Now  therefore  beeyng  accersited  to  suche  splendente  renoume  and 
dignitie  splendidious,  I  doubte  not  but  you  will  adiuuate  suche  poore  adnichilate 
orphanes  as  whilome  ware  condisdples  with  you,  and  of  antique  familiaritie  in  Lin- 
colneshire.  Emong  whom  I,  beyng  a  Scholasticall  panion,  obtestate  your  sub- 
limitie  to  extoll  mine  infirmitie.  There  is  a  sacerdotall  dignitie  in  my  natiue  coun- 
trey  contiguate  to  me,  where  I  now  contemplate,  whiche  your  worshipfull  benignitie 
could  sone  impetrate  for  me,  if  it  would  like  you  to  extende  your  sedules,  and 
collaude  me  in  them  to  the  right  honourable  lord  Chaunceller,  or  rather  Arch- 


442  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

their  myndes  thinges  that  be  passed,  and  conferringe  them  to 
the  matters  that  be  than  in  experience,  studiously  do  seeke 
out  the  reason  and  maner,  howe  that  whiche  is  by  them 
approued  may  be  brought  to  effecte.  And  suche  mennes 
raisons  wolde  be  throughly  herde  and  at  length,  for  the  wiser 
that  a  man  is,  in  taryeng  his  wysedome  increaseth,  his  reason 
is  more  lyuelye,  and  quicke  sentence  aboundeth.  And  to  the 
more  parte  of  men  whan  they  be  chaufed  a  in  raisonynge, 
argumentes,  solutions,  examples,  similitudes,  and  experi- 
mentes  do  resorte,  and  (as  it  were)  flowe  unto  their  remem- 
braunces. 


grammarian  of  Englande.  You  knowe  my  literature,  you  knowe  the  pastorall  pro- 
motion ;  I  obtestate  your  clemencie  to  inuigilate  thus  muche  for  me,  accordyng 
to  my  confidence,  and  as  you  knowe  my  condigne  merites  for  suche  a  compendious 
liuyng.  But  now  I  relinquishe  to  fatigate  your  intelligence  with  any  more  friuolous 
verbositie,  and  therfore  he  that  rules  the  climates  be  euermore  your  beautreur, 
your  fortresse,  and  your  bulwarke.  Amen.  Dated  at  my  Dome,  or  rather 
Mansion  place  in  Lincolneshire,  the  penulte  of  the  monethe  Sextile.  Anno 
millimo,  quillimo,  trillimo.  Per  me  Johannes  Octo? — The  Arte  of  Rhetorique, 
p.  165,  ed.  1584. 

*  I.e.  heated,  warmed.  This,  as  we  have  seen,  ante  p.  334,  is  the  French 
chauffer  or  eschaiiffer.  Thus  Claude  de  Seissel,  in  his  translation  of  Thucydides, 
viii.  92,  has  the  following  expression  :  '  Dont  a  loccasion  de  ceste  nouuelle, 
Theramenes,  Aristocrates,  et  les  autres,  qui  estoient  de  leur  intelligence,  tant  du 
nombre  des  quatre  cens,  que  autres,  furent  plus  eschauffes  en  leur  entreprinse ' 
(fo.  clxxxiii.  b.),  which  is  rendered  by  Nicolls,  'Whereupon  and  throughe  occa- 
sion of  that  same  newes,  Theramenes,  Aristocrates,  and  the  other,  whiche  were  of 
their  confederatie,  as  well  of  the  nomber  of  foore  houndredde,  as  other,  were  the 
more  chaffed  and  heated  in  their  enterpryse.' — Fo.  ccxix.  ed.  1550.  And  Froissart, 
speaking  of  the  banquet  given  in  honour  of  Queen  Isabel  at  Paris  in  1389,  says, 
*  Et  la  eut  des  gens  par  la  chaleur  echauffes'  (Chron.  torn.  iii.  p.  7),  which  Lord 
Berners  translates,  '  The  people  were  sore  chafed  with  the  heate.' — Chron.  vol.  ii. 
p.  433,  ed.  1812.  Montaigne,  speaking  of  eloquence,  expresses  very  nearly  the 
same  idea  as  our  author  :  '  Elle  veult  estre  eschaiiffee  et  resveillee  par  les  occasions 
estrangeres,  presentes,  et  fortuites  ;  si  elle  va  toute  seule,  elle  ne  faict  que  traisner 
et  languir ;  1'agitation  est  sa  vie  et  sa  grace.' — Essais^  torn.  i.  p.  53. 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  443 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

The  seconde  consideration  to  be  had  in  Consultation. 

THE  seconde  consideration  is,  that  the  generall  and  uniuersall 
astate  of  the  publike  weale  wold  be  preferred  in  consultation 
before  any  particuler  commoditie,  and  the  profite  or  damage 
whiche  may  happen  within  our  owne  countrayes  wolde  be 
more  considered  than  that  whiche  may  happen  from  other 
regions ;  which  to  beleue  commune  raison  and  experience 
leadeth  us. 

For  who  commendeth  those  gardiners  that  wyll  put  all 
their  diligence  in  trymmyng  or  kepynge  delicately  one 
knottea  or  bedde  of  herbes,  suffryng  all  the  remenaunt  of 

*  Flower-beds  at  this  time  seem  to  have  been  laid  out  in  the  shape  of  geome- 
trical figures,  or 'knots,'  which  was  the  word  generally  used,  probably  copied 
from,  or  suggested  by  the  architectural  ornaments  and  devices  so  commonly  em- 
ployed in  the  decoration  of  buildings.  Thus  Stephen  Hawes,  in  his  Pastime  of 
Pleasure,  says — 

'  She  dyd  me  lede  into  a  ryall  hall, 

With  knottes  kerved  full  right  craftely.' — P.  197,  ed.  1846. 
Again— 

'  The  temple  of  her  royall  consistory 
Was  walled  all  about  with  yvory, 
All  of  golde,  like  a  place  solacious, 
The  roufe  was  made  of  knottes  curious.' — Ibid.  p.  143. 

It  will  doubtless  occur  to  the  reader  that  the  roof  of  King's  College  Chapel  at 
Cambridge  may  possibly  have  supplied  the  poet  with  this  image.  Now  in  de- 
scribing a  garden  Hawes  says — 

'  Than  in  we  wente  to  the  garden  gloryous, 
Lyke  to  a  place  of  pleasure  most  solacyous. 
With  Flora  paynted  and  wrought  curyously, 
In  divers  knottes  of  marvaylous  gretenes ; 
Rampande  lyons  stode  up  wondersly, 
Made  all  of  herbes  with  dulcet  swetenes, 
Wyth  many  dragons  of  marvaylos  likenes, 
Of  dyvers  floures  made  ful  craftely.' — Ibid.  p.  79. 

And  in  another  place  he  says— 

'  I  came  unto  a  ryall  playne, 
With  Flora  paynted  in  many  a  sundry  vayne. 


444  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

their  gardeyne  to  be  subuerted  with  a  great  nombre  of  molles, 
and  do  attende  at  no  tyme  for  the  takynge  and  destroyinge  of 
them,  until  the  herbis,  wherin  they  haue  employed  all  their 
labours,  be  also  tourned  uppe  and  perisshed,  and  the  molles 
increased  in  so  infinite  nombres  that  no  industry  or  labour 
may  suffice  to  consume  them,a  wherby  the  labour  is  frustrate 

Wyth  purple  colour  the  floures  enhewed, 

In  dyvers  knottes  wyth  many  one  ful  blue, 

The  gentyll  gelofer  (gilliflower)  his  odoure  renued, 

Wyth  sundry  herbes  replete  with  vertue.' — Ibid.  p.  115. 

But  Bacon,  who  was  a  practical  gardener,  and  who  has  left  us  an  Essay  on 
Gardens,  says,  '  As  for  the  making  of  knots,  or  figures,  with  divers-coloured  earths, 
that  they  may  lie  under  the  windows  of  the  house  on  that  side  on  which  the 
garden  stands,  they  be  but  toys  ;  you  may  see  as  good  sights  many  times  in  tarts.' 
Essays,  p.  418.  In  Surflet's  translation  of  La  Maison  Rustique  the  reader  will 
find  engravings  of  various  'knots,'  or  flower-beds ;  and  we  are  told  that  they  were 
usually  '  of  the  forme  and  shape  of  an  egge,  or  of  a  forme  and  fashion  that  is 
mixt  of  a  round  and  a  square,  or  of  some  such  other  forme,  as  shall  please  the 
gardener  :  as,  for  example,  the  fashion  of  a  flower-deluce,  of  a  true  loues  knot,  of 
a  lion  rampant,  and  other  such  like  portraitures.' — The  Countrie  Farm,  p.  324. 
The  Earl  of  Northumberland,  in  1512,  seems  to  have  taken  great  pride  in  his 
garden,  for  we  are  told  that  'a  gardynner  attendis  hourely  in  the  garden  for 
setting  of  erbis  and  clipping  of  knottis,  and  sweping  the  said  garden  clean 
hourely.' — Household  Book,  p.  328.  In  Palsgrave's  D Esclaircissement  we  find  the 
following  phrase  :  '  I  cutte  a  knotte  in  a  gardayne,  I  make  therbes  lowe  with  a  payre 
of  sheres  to  make  them  growe  thicke  and  even.  Je  agence,  prim,  conj.' — P.  506. 
a  Moles  seem  to  have  been  particularly  troublesome  to  gardeners  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  for  the  French  writer  mentioned  above  says,  '  Aussi  (auec  plus  de 
soin  et  de  curiosite,  que  de  peine  et  labeur)  tient-il  tous-jours  son  pre  nettement, 
sans  souffrir  s'y  accroistre  aucunes  espines,  ronces,  ne  buissons,  ni  sejourner  des 
pierres,  fruicts  venans  de  la  paresse.  Mesme  tasche-il  d'en  bannir  les  taupes,  pour 
le  grand  mal  qu'elles  y  font.  A  quoi  il  parviendra  par  ce  moyen.  Ce  meschant 
bestail  hait  1'eau  :  donques  nous  nous  prendrons  garde  quand  il  aura  freschement 
travaille,  et  ce  par  la  terre  nouvellement  remuee  ;  alors  faudra  promptement  donner 
1'eau  au  pre,  laquelle  eau  contraindra  la  taupe,  pour  s'en  garentir,  sortir  de  terre 
en  evidence,  ou  facilement  la  prendres  toute  vive.' — O.  de  Serres,  Thedtre 
d'Agricult.  torn.  i.  par.  2,  p.  511.  Various  other  remedies  devised  to  get  rid  of  these 
'  hurtfull  beasts  noyous  to  gardens'  are  mentioned  by  Surflet  in  The  Countrie Farme, 
and  by  one  Thomas  Hill,  who  wrote  The  Projfitable  Arte  of  Gardenings  1568, 
but  these  'helpes  against  their  malice,'  if  they  were  ever  practised,  were  certainly 
not  invented  in  the  sixteenth  century,  being  merely  '  such  as  eyther  the  auncient 
Grekes  or  the  latinestes  haue  wryten  of;'  and  even  in  1577  the  author  of  The 
Gardeners  Labyrinth  thought  that  he  might  '  doe  a  most  gratefull  matter  to  all 


THE  GOVERNOUR.  445 

and  all  the  gardeine  made  unprofitable  and  also  unpleasaunt  ? 
In  this  similitude  to  the  gardeyne  may  be  resembled  the 
publike  weale,  to  the  gardiners  the  gouernours  and  counsail- 
ours,  to  the  knottes  or  beddes  sondrye  degrees  of  personages, 
to  the  molles  vices  and  sondry  enormities.  Wherfore  the  con- 
sultation is  but  of  a  small  effecte  wherin  the  uniuersall  astate 
of  the  publike  weale  do  nat  occupie  the  more  parte  of  the 
tyme,  and  in  that  generaltie  euery  particuler  astate  be  nat 
diligently  ordered.  For  as  Tulli  sayeth,  they  that  con- 
suite  for  parte  of  the  people  and  neglecte  the  residue,  li- *• 
they  brynge  in  to  the  citie  or  countraye  a  thynge  mooste 
perniciouse,  that  is  to  say,  sedition  and  discorde,  whereof  it 
hapnethe  that  some  wyll  seeme  to  fauoure  the  multitude, 
other  be  inclined  to  leene  to  the  beste  sorte,  fewe  do  studie  for 
all  uniuersallye.a  Whiche  hath  bene  the  cause  that  nat  onely 
Athenes,  (whiche  Tulli  dothe  name),  but  also  the  citie  and 
empyre  of  Rome,  with  diuers  other  cities  and  realmes,  haue 
decayed  and  ben  finally  brought  in  extreme  desolation. 
Also  Plato,  in  his  booke  of  fortytude,  sayeth  in  the  piato  in 
persone  of  Socrates,  Whan  so  euer  a  man  seketh  a  ^ckete. 
thinge  for  cause  of  an  other  liiynge,  the  consultation  aught  to 
be  alway  of  that  thyng  for  whose  cause  the  other  thing  is 
sought  for,  and  nat  of  that  which  is  sought  for  because  of  the 
other  thynge.b  And  surely  wise  men  do  consider  that 
damage  often  tymes  hapneth  by  abusinge  the  due  fourme  of 
consultation  :  men  like  euyll  Phisitions  sekynge  for  medicynes 
or  they  perfectly  knowe  the  sicknesses ;  and  as  euyll  mar- 


gardeners  in  the  same,'  by  translating  for  their  benefit  these  ancient  receipts,  and 
thus  informing  them  in  what  manner  they  '  may  surest  and  best  preuayle  againste 
this  harmefull  blynde  beast.' — P.  65. 

a  '  Qui  autem  parti  civium  consulunt,  partem  negligunt,  rem  perniciosissimam 
in  civitatem  inducunt,  seditionem  atque  discordiam ;  ex  quo  evenit,  ut  alii  po- 
pulares,  alii  studiosi  optimi  cujusque  videantur,  pauci  universorum.' — l)e  Off.  lib. 
i.  cap.  25. 

b  OVKOVV  ej/1  \6y(p,  ftrav  TIS  TJ  eVe/ca  rov  ffKoirf),  Trepl  fKelvov  f)  fiov\j]  rvy^dvet 
o5(ra,  ov  eVe/c'  eV/c^Tret,  aAA'  ov  Trcpl  rov  &  eVe/fa  a\\ov  t£-f)Tfi. — Laches,  cap.  IO. 


446  THE   GOVERNOUR. 

chauntes  do  utter a  firste  the  wares  and  commodities  of 
straungers,  whiles  straungers  be  robbynge  of  their  owne 
cofers. 

Therfore  these  thinges  that  I  haue  rehersed  concernyng 
consultation  ought  to  be  of  all  men  in  authoritie  substan- 
cially  pondered,b  and  moost  vigilauntly  obserued,  if  they 

a  This  word  in  the  sense  of  to  vend,  to  sell,  constantly  occurs  in  the  statutes 
of  the  realm  at  this  period.  Thus  3  Henry  VIII.  cap.  15,  entitled,  'An  Act 
concerning  Hatts  and  Capps,'  recites  that  *  great  haboundaunce  of  cappes  and 
hattes  redy  wrought  and  made  have  been  and  daily  be  brought  from  the  parties  of 
beyond  the  See  into  this  Realme,  and  here  have  been  and  daylly  bee  uttred  and 
sold.'  Again  24  Henry  VIII.  cap.  3,  '  An  Acte  for  Fleshe  to  be  sold  by  weight,' 
provides  that  '  where  the  carcases  of  any  beoffes,  muttons,  veale,  and  porke  within 
any  partes  or  countres  of  this  Realme  be  uttered  and  solde  better  chepe  or  after 
lasse  prices  than  in  this  presente  Acte  is  lymyted,  then  this  Acte  or  anythyng 
therin  conteyned  shall  not  extend  to  any  suche  Countie  or  Place.'  Tyrwhitt,  in 
his  edition  of  the  Canterbury  Tales,  reads — 

*  With  danger  uttren  we  all  our  chaffare.' — Vol.  i.  p.  247. 
But  the  Aldine  edition  gives — 

'  With  daunger  outen  alle  we  oure  ware.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  222. 

Carew,  in  his  Survey  of  Cornwall,  says,  '  The  Deuon  and  Somersetshire  grasiers 
feede  yeerely  great  droues  of  cattell  in  the  north  quarter  of  Cornwall,  and  utter  them 
at  home.' — Fo.  23  b.  ed.  1602.  Cotgrave  translates  the  French  debiter,  '  to  sell  or 
utter  by  parcels,  to  passe  away  by  retaile,  &c. ;'  and  debite,  « sale  of  anything  by 
parcels,  utterance  of  commodities  in  retaile.' 

b  In  the  author's  Dictionary  we  find  the  Latin  word  pondero  translated  « To 
waye,  to  ponder,  to  consyder,  to  esteme. '  Palsgrave  has,  '  I  pondre,  I  way,  OP 
caste  a  thyng  in  my  mynde.  Je  ponder e,  prim.  conj.  And  if  the  mater  be  well 
pondred,  it  is  a  great  mater.  Mays  que  ta  matieresoyt  bien  ponderee,  elle  est  de  grant 
importance?  And  again,  'I  waye,  I  value  a  mater,  or  consyder  howe  moche  it  his 
worthe.  Je  pondere,  jay  pondere,  ponderer,  prim.  conj.  Let  hym  alone,  he  wyll 
way  the  mater  well  ynoughe,  or  he  gyve  judgement.  Laysez  le  faire,  il ponderera 
la  matiere  bien  assez  auant  quil  donne  judgement. ' — 1} Esclaircissement,  pp.  662, 
770  ;  which  shows  that  a  verb  ponderer  formerly  existed  in  the  French  language, 
a  fact  which  the  form  pondereux  still  retained  renders  probable  ;  but  Cotgrave 
does  not  admit  any  such  verb,  and  M.  Littre  gives  no  other  examples  except  one 
from  a  MS.  The  Earl  of  Surrey  uses  the  word  in  the  literal  sense  of  '  to  weigh ' 
in  the  following  passage  : 

'  Hot  gleams  of  burning  fire,  and  easy  sparks  of  flame, 
In  balance  of  unequal  weight  he pondereth  by  aim.' 

Poems,  p.  25,  ed.  1815. 


THE   GOVERNOUR.  447 

intende  to  be  to  their  publike  weale  profitable,  for  the  whiche 
purpose  onely  they  be  called  to  be  gouernours.  And  this 
conclude  I  to  write  any  more  of  consultation,  whiche  is 
the  last  part  of  morall  Sapience,  and  the  begynnyng  of 
sapience  politike. 

Nowe  all  ye  reders  that  desire  to  haue  your  children 
to  be  gouernours,  or  in  any  other  authoritie  in  the  publike 
weale  of  your  countrey,  if  ye  bringe  them  up  and  instructe 
them  in  suche  fourme  as  in  this  boke  is  declared,  they 
shall  than  seme  to  all  men  worthye  to  be  in  authoritie, 
honour,  and  noblesse,  and  all  that  is  under  their  gouer- 
naunce  shall  prospere  and  come  to  perfection.  And  as  a 
precious  stone  in  a  ryche  ouche  a  they  shall  be  beholden  and 

And  so  does  his  contemporary  Sir  Thomas  Wyatt  in  a  letter  to  the  King,  dated 
March  9,  1540  :  'The  preventing  of  these  things,  and  they  be  thought  apparent, 
and  any  thing  prejudicial  to  your  Highness,  I  doubt  not  but  your  Highness' 
wisdom  pondereth  accordingly.' — Letters,  p.  399,  ed.  1816.  Luke  ii.  19  is  trans- 
lated in  the  A.  V. :  '  But  Mary  kept  all  these  things  and  pondered  them  in  her 
heart.' 

*  Palsgrave  has  '  Ouche,  a  Jewell — bague,  s.  f.  Ouche  for  a  bonnet — 
afficquet,  z.  m.  affichet,  z.  m.'- — U  Esclaircissement,  p.  250.  Cotgrave  translates 
the  French  word  monilles,  '  Necklaces,  Tablets,  Brouches,  or  Ouches ;  any  such 
ornaments  for  the  neck.'  In  Baret's  Alvearie  we  find  '  a  Brooch  or  ouch,  Monile 
Segmentum,  Bulla,  Insigne.  Plin.  Sppos  bppiaKos,  Trepidirrov. '  And  also,  '  A 
collar,  or  iewell  that  women  used  about  their  neckes ;  an  ouch,  Monile.  Ov. 
8p/ios.  Une  bague,  qdon  pend  au  col  &  une  personnel  By  24  Henry  VIII. 
cap.  13,  one  of  the  Sumptuary  Acts,  it  is  enacted,  'that  no  man  under  the  degree 
of  a  Barons  sone  or  of  a  Knyght,  excepte  he  may  dispende  yerely  in  Landes  or 
Tenementes,  Rentes,  Fees,  or  Annuyties  to  his  owne  use  for  terme  of  his  Liffe  or 
for  terme  of  another  Manes  liffe  or  in  the  right  of  his  Wiff  two  hundredth  poundes 
over  all  charges,  shall,  after  the  said  feaste,  use  or  weare  any  cheyne  of  Gold, 
Bracelet,  Ouche,  or  other  ornament  of  Golde  in  any  parte  of  his  or  their  apparell, 
or  the  apparell  of  his  or  their  Hors,  Mule,  or  other  Beaste,  excepte  every  such 
cheyne,  Jewell,  ouche,  or  ornament  be  in  weight  one  unce  of  fynne  golde  or  above 
and  excepte  Ringes  of  Golde  to  be  worne  on  their  fingers  with  stones  or  without.' 
In  the  Remedy  for  Sedition,  referred  to  in  the  note  to  p.  40  ante,  the  author  says, 
*  Nowe,  were  it  not  by  your  faythe,  a  madde  herynge,  if  the  fote  shuld  say,  I 
wyl  weare  a  cappe  with  an  ouche  as  the  heade  dothe?' — Sig.  B.  iii.  b.  Stubbes, 
criticising  the  fashion  of  female  dress  in  the  latter  part  of  the  century,  says, 
'  And  for  feare  of  lacking  any  thing  to  set  foorth  their  pride  withall,  at  their  haire 
thus  wreathed  and  crested,  are  hanged  Bugles  (I  dare  not  say  Babies),  Ouches, 


448  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

wondred  at,  and  after  the  dethe  of  their  body  their  soules 
for  their  endeuour  shall  be  incomprehensibly  rewarded  of 
the  gyuer  of  wisedome,  to  whome  onely  be  gyuen  eternall 
glorie.  Amen. 

TEAOS. 


Ringes,  Gold,  Siluer,  glasses,  and  such  other  childish  gewgawes  and  foolish 
trinkets  besides,  which,  for  that  they  be  innumerable  and  I  unskilfull  in  womens 
tearmes,  I  cannot  easily  recompt.' — Anat.  of  Abuses,  p.  40,  ed.  1595.  Spenser, 
in  The  Faerie  Queene,  says — 

*  Hee  had  a  faire  companion  of  his  way, 
A  goodly  lady  clad  in  scarlot  red, 
Purfled  with  gold  and  pearle  of  rich  assay  ; 
And  like  a  Persian  mitre  on  her  hed 
She  wore,  with  crown  and  awches  garnished, 
The  which  her  lavish  lovers  to  her  gave.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  130,  ed.  1866. 

And  Bacon  says,  '  Ouches,  or  spangs,  as  they  are  of  no  great  cost,  so  they  are  of 
most  glory.' — Essays,  p.  364. 


THOMAS  BERTHELET  REGIUS 

1MPRESSOR  EXCUDEBAT. 

CUM  PRIVILEGIO. 


GLOSS  A  RY. 


Abhor  from,  to  be  contrary  to. — I. 
210.  Sir  Thos.  Elyot,  in  'the  Addi- 
tions '  to  his  Dictionary,  gives  the  fol- 
lowing phrases  :  '  Abhorreo  ab  urbe 
relinquenda  (Cic.  Ep.  ad  Div.  ii.  16), 
I  haue  no  mynde  to  forsake  the  cytie. 
Abhorret  ab  illo  mea  sententia,  myn 
opynion  is  contrary  to  his.  (Cic.  ubi 
supra,  vii.  3.)  Abhorret  a  suspitione 
(Cic.  pro  Ccel.  cap.  4),  it  is  contrarye 
to  my  supposalle.  Abhorret  a  chari- 
tate  vulgi  (Cic.  de  Amicit.  cap.  14), 
he  tendreth  not,  or  passeth  nothynge 
on  the  poore  people.  Abhorret  hilari- 
tudo  (Plaut.  Cistell.  i.  J.  56),  thy  myrthe 
is  tourned  into  sadnesse.'  Udall,  in 
his  translation  of  Erasmus'  Commentary 
upon  S.  James,  cap.  iv.,  says :  '  For  he 
that  rayleth  agaynste  an  other  mans 
faultes,  appeareth  fyrste  of  all  to  abhorre 
from  those  vices,  whiche  he  misliketh  in 
others.' — Paraph,  on  St.  James  (torn, 
ii.  fol.  cclxvii.  ed.  1552),  where  the 
original  has  '  Nam  qui  in  aliena  vitia 
debacchatur,  primum  videtur  ab  his  vitiis 
abhorrere,  quse  in  aliis  detestatur.' — 
Erasmus,  Paraph,  in  Nov.  Test.  torn.  ii. 
p.  325,  ed.  1541. 

Abiecte,  abiected,  cast  down,  re- 
jected.—].. 295  ;  II.  3,  176,  286.  This 
word  is  derived  from  the  participle  ab- 
jectus  of  the  verb  abjicere,  to  throw  or 
•  cast  away,  which  is  quite  classical. 
Palsgrave  gives  :  '  I  abjecte,  I  cast  away 
out  of  my  companye.  Je  dejecte,  prim, 
conj.' — L'Esclair.  p.  415.  Hall  uses 
the  word  in  the  following  passage  : 

II.  G 


'  The  bloude  of  the  saied  kynge  Henry, 
althoughe  he  had  a  goodly  sonne,  was 
clerely  abiected,  and  the  crowne  of  the 
realme  (by  auctoritee  of  parliamente)  en- 
tayled  to  the  duke  of  Yorke  and  his 
heires  after  the  decease  of  the  sayed 
kynge  Henry  the  syxte.' — Chron.  Ed. 
V.  fo.  I,  ed.  1548.  In  a  letter  from 
the  Earl  of  Surrey  to  Queen  Margaret, 
in  1523,  he  says  :  '  I  assure  your  Grace 
the  Kinges  Grace  woll  never  dissist  to 
make  war  unto  Scotland,  unto  the  tyme 
the  seid  Duke  shalbe  clerely  objected 
and  abandoned  by  theym.' — State 
Papers,  vol.  iv.  p.  23.  And  Dr.  Nicholas 
Hawkins,  Archdeacon  of  Ely,  writing 
from  Bologna,  in  1532,  to  the  king, 
says  :  'Thedifficultieis  in  these  Italians, 
whiche  I  know  to  be  so  curiose  and  deli- 
cate, that  if  the  writing  plaise  them  not, 
thei  abject  it,  be  the  thinge  never  so  good, 
in  so  muche  that,  for  this  cause  wonli, 
veri  mani  of  them  fastide  the  studi  of 
scripture.' — Ibid.  vol.  vii.  p.  404.  In  a 
report  from  Bishops  Gardiner  and 
Thirlby  and  Sir  Edward  Carne  to  the 
king,  dated  Utrecht,  Dec.  19,  1545, 
they  say :  '  First,  we  told  them  this  mys- 
liked  us,  that  where  they  had  wylled  us 
to  write,  and  we  had  soo  doone  optima 
fide,  indifferently  for  both  partes  ;  they 
abjecte  that  we  have  doone,  without  cause 
or  consideration,  and  send  us  a  newe, 
al  of  an  other  facion.' — Ibid.,  vol.  x. 
p.  789.  The  king  himself  uses  the 
word  in  his  Instructions  to  Dr.  William 
Knyght,  LL.D.,  'touching  certeyn 
matiers  to  be  treated  and  done  with  the 
Due  of  Burbon, '  where  he  says  :  'If 


450 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


the  same  Duke,  beyng  totally  abject  out 
of  the  French  Kinges  favour,  be  of  ex- 
treme necessitie  inforced  and  compelled 
to  come  to  this  treatie  with  the  Em- 
perour  and  the  Kynges  Grace,  as  he  that 
withoute  the  same  is  in  peril  to  amit  and 
utterly  lose  his  state  and  possessions  ; 
then  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  he  shalbe 
the  more  glad  to  condescende  facily  unto 
the  condicions  desired.' — Ibid,  vol  vi. 
p.  135.  , 

Aboden,  remained,  waited  for. — II. 
103,  184,  368.  None  of  the  Dictionaries 
notice  this  form  of  the  past  participle  of 
the  verb  abide.  Chaucer  uses  the  forms 
abyden  and  abiden  very  frequently,  but 
so  far  as  the  Editor  has  been  able  to 
ascertain  never  the  precise  form  used 
by  Elyot ;  he  has,  however,  the  analo- 
gous form  boden  as  the  participle  of  the 
verb  to  bid. 

Abrayde,  to  start  up,  rouse  oneself.— 
I.  161 ;  II.  72.  This  is  a  genuine  Anglo- 
Saxon  word,  and  is  used  by  the  old 
Romance  writers  and  by  Chaucer.  Thus 
in  the  poem  called  The.  Lyfe  of  Ipomy- 
don  we  read  : 

'  The  blake  knyght  toke  hys  stede  gode, 
The  kynge  thereof  began  to  wode, 
That  his  knyghtes  bore  downe  were. 
He  folowyd  the  knyght  with  a  spere  ; 
He  had  thoght  to  done  hym  harme, 
For  he  smote  hym  throw  the  arme. 
Ipomydon  with  that  stroke  abrayde, 
And  to  the  kyn^e  thus  lie  sayde  : 
"  As  thou  arte  kynde,  gentill,  and  free, 
Abyde  and  juste  a  cpurs  with  me, 
And  I  foryiffe  this  vilanye."' 
Weber's  Met.  Rom.  vol.  ii.  p.  322,  ed.  1810. 

Chaucer  uses  the  word  in  the  same  sense 
in  The  Reeves  Tale  : 

'  This  Johan  answerd,  "  Aleyn,  avyse  the  ; 
The  miller  is  a  perlous  man,"  he  sayde, 
"  And  if  that  he  out  of  his  sleep  abrayde, 
He  mighte  do  us  bothe  a  vilonye." ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  130. 

Again  in  The  House  of  Fame  : 

'  And  therewithalle  I  abrayde 
Out  of  my  sleepe,  halfe  afraide.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  275. 

So,  too,  Spenser  in  The  Faerie  Queene : 

'And  if  by  fortune  any  litle  nap 
Upon  his  heavie  eye-lids  chaunst  to  fall, 
Eftsoones  one  of  those  villeins  him  did  rap 


Upon  his  headpeece  with  his  yron  mall ; 
That  he  was  soone  awaked  therewithal!, 
And  lightly  started  up  as  one  affrayd, 
Or  as  if  one  him  suddenly  did  call  : 
So  oftentimes  he  out  of  sleepe  abrayd, 
And  then  lay  musing  long  on  that  him  ill 
apayd.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  170,  ed.  1866. 

Palsgrave  has  '  I  abrayde,  I  inforce  me 
to  do  a  thynge.  Jemejforce,  verb.  med. 
prim.  He  dyd  abrayde  him  to  reche 
it:  il  sefforcoyt  de  lattayndre.''  And  also 
another  form  of  the  same  word,  thus  : 
'  I  breyde,  or  take  a  thyng  sodaynly  in 
haste.  Je  me  mets  a  prendre  hastiue- 
ment,  I  breyde,  I  make  a  brayde  to 
do  a  thyng  sodaynly.  Je  mefforce, 
prim.  conj.  I  breyde  out  of  my  slepe. 
Je  tressaulx  hors  de  mon  sommeS — 
L? Esclairciss.  pp.  415,  463.  And  this 
last  form  is  also  used  by  Chaucer  in 
the  same  sense  ;  thus,  in  The  Prol.  of  the 
Wyf  of  Bathe  : 

'  In  the  floor  I  lay  as  I  were  deed. 

***** 

Til  atte  last  out  of  my  swown  I  brayde.' 

Ubi  supra,  vol.  ii.  p.  230. 

Accord,  to  reconcile. — II.  135,  240 
and  note. 

Achieuaunce,  achievement. — II.  352 
and  note. 

Adminiculation,  aid,  assistance,  sup- 
port.— I.  27,  48,  120.  None  of  the  Dic- 
tionaries notice  this  word ;  it  is  derived 
from  the  Latin  words,  adminiculum, 
adminiculari,  which  are  quite  classical, 
and  are  used  with  reference  to  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  vine ;  the  former  de- 
noting the  stake  or  prop  on  which  the 
plant  was  trained.  Thus  Cicero  says  : 
'  Vitis  quidem,  quae  natura  caduca  est, 
et  nisi  fulta  sit,  ad  terram  fertur, 
eadem,  ut  se  erigat,  claviculis  suis, 
quasi  manibus,  quidquid  est  nacta, 
complectitur  ....  Cujus  quidem  non 
utilitas  me  solum,  ut  ante  dixi,  sed 
etiam  cultura,  et  ipsa  natura  delectat  : 
adminiculorum  ordines,  capitum  juga- 
tio,  religatio  et  propagatio  vitium.' — 
De  Senec.  cap.  15.  Again  we  have  the 
verb  formed  from  the  substantive  : 
'  Itaque  et  vivere  vitem,  et  mori  dici- 
mus  ;  arboremque  et  novellam,  et  vetu- 
lam,  et  vigere,  etsenescere.  Ex  quo  non 
est  alienum,  ut  animantibus,  sic  illis  et 


GLOSSARY. 


45 


apta  qusedam  ad  naturam  aptare,  et 
aliena  ;  earumque  augendarum  et  alen- 
darum  quandam  cultricem  esse,  quae 
sit  scientia  atque  ars  agricolarum,  quoe 
circumcidat,  amputet,  erigat,  extollat, 
adminiculetur,  ut,  quo  natura  ferat,  eo 
possint  ire  ;  ut  ipsse  vites,  si  loqui  pos- 
sint,  ita  se  tractandas  tuendasque  esse 
fateantur.' — De  Fin.  lib.  v.  cap.  14. 
The  author,  in  his  Dictionary,  gives 
'  Adminiculor,  aris,  et  Adminiculo,  are, 
to  ayde,  to  succour,'  and  '  Admini- 
culum,  ayde,  supportation  ;'  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  any  such  word  as  '  ad- 
miniculatio  '  was  ever  used  by  classical 
writers.  Such  a  word,  however,  was 
certainly  in  use  in  the  middle  ages,  for 
in  the  life  of  St.  Forannan,  Abbot  of 
Walcourt  (Valciodorus)  in  Belgium, 
who  died  in  982,  written  about  1130, 
occurs  the  following  pa  ssage  :  '  Gloriosus 
igitur  Domini  sacerdos  Forannanus, 
nobili  ex  Scotinensium  prosapia  ortus, 
primes  arcendo  lasciviae  impetus,  de- 
crevit  postponere  mundum  propriis  cum 
actibus,  suamque  insignibus  nobilitatem 
exornans  virtutibus,  seipsum  Deo  dig- 
num  devotus  prseparare  studuit  sacri- 
ficium,  ipsius  adminiculatione  fultus.' — 
Acta  Sanct.  (April)  torn.  iii.  p.  808. 

Admonest,  to  admonish. — II.  414 
and  note. 

Adolescencie,  youth. — 11.26.  The 
Latin  adolescentia,  which  the  author, 
in  his  Dictionary,  defines  as  '  the  age 
betwene  chyldehode  and  mannes  age, 
whiche  is  betwene  xiv.  and  xxi.'  The 
same  word  is  used  by  Holinshed  in  his 
account  of  the  murder  of  William  earl  of 
Douglas  in  1440:  'Whose  death  the 
king,  now  entring  into  his  adolescencie 
or  yeers  (as  we  tearme  it)  of  discretion, 
is  said  heauilie  with  teares  to  lament.' — 
Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  270,  ed.  1587. 

Aduaile,  advantage,  profit. — II.  99 
and  note.  In  the  Promptorium  we  find 
'A-whyle  (avayle,  awayt).  Profectus, 
proventus,  emolwnentum  ; '  also  '  A-vay- 
lyn,  or  profytyn  Valeo,  prosum? — P. 
17.  Palsgrave  has  '  Avayle— prouffitz, 
m.' — L 'Esclair.  p.  195.  In  an  Act,  22 
Ed.  IV.  cap.  12,  relating  to  the  Duchy  of 
Cornwall  passed  in  1482,  certain  estates 
were  granted  to  the  then  Earl  of  Hun- 

G  G 


tingdon,  'with  all  Forfeitures,  Prou- 
fites,  Commoditees  and  Avayles  to  the 
same  or  eny  of  theym  in  eny  wise  per- 
teynyng  or  bilongyng,  with  the  issues 
proufites  and  revenuez  therof.' — Rolls 
of  Parl.  vol.  vi.  p.  203.  Rec.  Com.  ed. 
Shakespeare,  in  Alt's  Well  that  Ends 
Well,  makes  the  Duke  of  Florence 
say— 

'  You  know  your  places  well  ; 
When  better  fall,  for  your  avails  they 
fell.' 

Aduaunt,  To  puff  up,  inflate,  praise 
excessively.  Aduaunt  oneself,  to 
boast,  brag.— I.  31,  167,  222,  255  ; 
II.  22,  29.  From  the  French  vanter. 
Thus  Montaigne  says :  '  Plutarque 
ayme  mieulx  que  nous  le  vantions  de 
son  iugement,  que  de  son  scavoir.' — 
Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  215,  ed.  1854.  Hence 
the  phrase  se  vanter,  to  boast.  *  I 
avaunte  or  boste  myselfe.  Jemevante, 
verb  med.  prim.  conj.  Though  you  do 
ever  so  many  good  dedes,  you  lese  your 
mede  if  you  avaunte  you  of  them. 
Tant  faciez  vousde  bonnes  oeuures,  vous 
perdez  vostre  merite  si  vous  vous  vantez 
de  les  auoyr  fautes.'— Palsgrave, 
V Esclair.  p.  440.  The  author,  in  his 
Dictionary,  translates  extollo,  ere,  '  to 
aduanl  or  praise,'  and  jacto,  are,  'to 
auaunt  or  glorie,  to  speake  vaynly, 
also  glorior,  ari,  '  to  auaunt,  to  thintent 
to  haue  praises,  to  extolle  with  bost- 
ynge. '  Chaucer  uses  the  word  several 
times,  thus,  ex.  gr.  in  The  Wyf  of 
Bathes  Tale : 


'"Thanne,"  quod  sche, 
avaunte, 


I   dar  me 


Thy  lif  is  sauf,  for  I  wol  stonde  therby, 
Upon  my  lif  the  queen  wol  say  as  1 ." ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  237 

We  find  it  also  in  Robinson's  transla- 
tion of  More's  Utopia  :  '  They  reioyse 
and  auaunt  themselues,  if  they  vain- 
quishe  and  oppresse  their  enemies  by 
craft  and  deceite.' — Fo.  103  b,  ed. 
1556.  Palsgrave  supplies  us  with  simi- 
lar instances  of  the  addition  of  the  pre- 
fix a  or  ad  in  English  in  '  Avaylable, 
as  a  thing  that  avayleth  or  profyteth — 
m.  et  f.  vaylable  s.  I  avayle  or  profyte. 
Je  vaulx ;'  and  'I  agreue,  Je grieue. 
—L Esclair.  pp.  305,  419,  440. 


452 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Adumbration,  shadow,  the  shading 
in  a  picture. — II.  403,  and  note. 

A  ferde,  afraid.  Still  used  by  the 
common  people  in  the  Eastern  Coun- 
ties.—I.  47,  178,  180;  II.  274,  307.  In 
the  Promptorium  we  find  'A-ferde  (or 
trobelid)  Territus,  perterritus  (turbatus, 
perturbatus}.'—?,  7.  And  the  author  in 
his  Dictionary  renders  territo,  are,  '  to 
make  aferde."1  This  word  is  constantly 
used  by  Chaucer.  Thus  in  The  Pro- 
logue to  the  Canterbury  Tales  : 

'  A  sompnour  was  ther  with  us  in  that  place, 

*  *  *  *  *  * 

With  skalled  browes  blak,  and  piled  herd  ; 
Of  his  visage  children  weren  sore  aferd' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  20. 

And  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde : 

'  But  when  that  she 

Was  ful  avysed,  tho  fonde  she  right  nought 
Of  peril,  why  she  aught  aferde  be .' 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  177. 

Agreue,  to  make  more  grievous,  to 
aggravate. — I.  38.  In  the  Promptorium 
we  find  'Aggroggyd  or  aggreuyd. 
Aggravatus.  Agreuyd.  Gravatus?  P.  8. 
Also  '  Grevyd  or  a-greuyd  yn  wrethe. 
Aggravatus,  attediatus?  P.  21 1.  Pals- 
grave has  '  I  agravate  or  make  grevouse. 
Je  agrege,  prim.  conj.  and  je  aggraue, 
prim.  conj.  A  folysshe  answere  may 
agravate  a  mannes  mater  more  than  one 
wolde  wene  of :  Unefole  responce  pourra 
agreger  ou  agrauer  la  matiere  a  ung 
homme  plus  que  il  ne  pen seroyt. '  And 
also  '  I  make  grevouse.  Je  agrege,  prim. 
conj.or/V  agraue,  and  aggraue,  prim.  conj. 
His  frowarde  answer  made  the  mater 
more  grevous  :  Sa  responce  peruerse  a 
de  plus  agrege  or  agraue  la  mattered 
— D  Esclaircissement,  pp.  418,  624.  In 
Les  quatre  livres  des  Rois,  a  French 
translation  made  in  the  I2th  century  of 
a  still  earlier  work  in  Latin,  we  find  the 
following  passage  in  the  latter  :  '  Aggra- 
vata  est  autem  manus  Domini  super 
Azotios,  et  demolitus  est  eos ; '  rendered 
thus,  '  Dune  agreva  Deus  sa  main  sur 
eels  de  Azote  e  de  la  cuntree,  e  forment 
les  descunfist,'  P.  1 8,  ed.  1841.  And 
in  the  Roman  de  Raoul  de  Cambrai, 
written  probably  in  the  I2th  or  the 
beginning  of  the  I3th  century,  the 


word  occurs  in  the  following  pas- 
sage :  — 

'  Sire  Bernier,  frans  chevaliers  menbrez, 
Vivres  en  vos  ?    gardez  n'el  me  celez. 
Oil  voir,  sire,  mais  molt  sui  agreveiz.' 

— P.  202,  ed.  1840. 

In  the  sense  of  to  become  worse  it  is  used 
by  Villehardouin  in  his  work  entitled 
De  la  Conqueste  de  Constantinople,  written 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  I4th  century  : 
'  Lors  avint  une  grant  mesaventure  ; 
quar  Mahius  de  Monmorenci,  qui  bien 
estoit  uns  des  bons  chevaliers  de  1'ost, 
et  du  roiaume  de  France  des  plus  pri- 
sies  et  des  plus  ames,  acoucha  malades, 
et  tant  fu  agrevt  qu'il  morut.' — P.  63, 
ed.  1838.  Froissart  uses  the  word  in 
the  passive  sense  of  to  be  troubled, 
molested  by.  'Mais  il  (i.e.  le  sire  de 
1'Esparre)  ne  put  obtenir  la  place  pour 
lui,  et  fut  pris  et  mene  en  Espaigne,  et 
la  fut  plus  d'un  an  et  demi ;  car  il  etoit 
tous  les  jours  aggreve  du  lignage  de  ceux 
de  Pommiers.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  4, 
ed.  Pan.  Lit.  This,  however,  is  ren- 
dered by  Lord  Berners  '  For  he  was 
styll  behated  with  them  of  the  lynage  of 
the  lorde  Pomers.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p. 
493.  From  the  above  passages  it  is 
pretty  obvious  that  the  word  used  by 
Sir  Thomas  Elyot  is  simply  the  English 
form  of  the  French  aggrauer  or  aggreuer. 
It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that  the 
very  word  aggravate  is  used  at  I.  208. 

Aigre,  eager.— II.  270.  This  is 
simply  the  French  word  employed  like 
so  many  others  by  the  author.  Pals- 
grave has '  Sharpe  egar — m.  et  f.  aigre  s. 
— UEsclair.,^.  323.  Froissart  employs 
it  in  relation  to  martial  affairs.  Thus 
he  says,  'Apres  la  destruction  de  Saint 
Amand,  le  comte  de  Hainaut,  qui  trop 
durement  avoit  pris  cette  guerre  en 
coeur,  et  qui  etoit  plus  aigre  que  nul  des 
autres,  se  departit  encore  du  siege  de 
Tournay.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  120,  ed. 
Pan.  Lit.  And  in  another  place  he 
mentions  '  le  seigneur  de  Jumont,  qui 
moult  etoit  aigre  chevalier  et  expert  sur 
les  ennemis.'—  Ibid.  torn.  iii.  p.  250. 

Alay,  admixture,  dilution. — I.  97. 
The  author  in  his  Dictionary  translates 
diluo  'to  wasshe,  to  make  cleane,  to 
putte  away,  to  release,  to  alaye,  as  wyne 


GLOSSARY. 


453 


is  alayde  with  water.'     The  word  is  de- 
rived  from   the    French  word  allayer, 
which  Cotgrave  translates  '  to  allay,  or 
mix  gold  or  silver  with  baser  mettals.' 
And  allaye,  'allayed,  stiffened  or  imbased, 
as  gold  or  silver  (coine)  by  the  mixture 
of  other  mettals.'      Thus  an  order  of 
John  I.  king  of  France,  issued  Dec.  6, 
1353,  to  the  Masters  of  the  Royal  Mints 
runs  as  follows :  '  Comme  Nous  pour  cer- 
taine  cause  vous  ayons  n'agueres  mande 
par    noz  Lettres  ouvertes  que  a   tous 
Changeurs    et    Marchans    frequentans 
nosdites  Monnoyes,  en  faisant  faire  et 
ouvrer  en  icelles  pour  Nous  et  en  notre 
nom  monnoye  blanche  et  noire  sur  le 
pie   de    monnoye    trente-deuxieme    et 
demie  vous   faciez   donner   en   chacun 
marc  d'argent   qu'ils   ont    apporte,   ou 
apporteront    en    icelle,  allaye   a   deux 
deniers   de   loy   quatre   livres   diz  solz 
tournois,  et  en  tout  autre  marc  d'argent 
allaye    a    quatre    deniers    et   audessus 
quatre  livres  quinze  solz  tournoys.'— 
Ordonn.  des  Rois  de  France,   torn.   ii. 
p.    548,  ed.  1729.     We  can  trace  the 
origin  of  this  word  from  the  Latin  word 
alleium,   which  was  used   still   earlier. 
Thus  Philip  IV.  in  1295  promises  'quod 
omnibus   qui    monetam    hujusmodi   in 
solutum,  vel  alias  recipient  in  futurum, 
id  quod  de  ipsius  valore,  ratione  minoris 
ponderis,  alleii,  sive  legis  deerit,  ininteg- 
rum     de     nostro     supplebimus.' — Ubi 
supra,  torn.  i.  p.  325,  ed.   1723.     This 
passage  seems  to  show  that  alleium  was 
synonymous  with  lex.     Now  Cotgrave 
gives   as  one  of  the  meanings  of  the 
word  loy  (loi)    'the  allay,  temper,  or 
mixture   of  coine';    and    M.    Poullain 
tells  us  that  it  is  the  term  used,  '  pour 
denoter  la  bonte  interieure  de  1'argent, ' 
and  adds  'il  vient  proprement  du  latin 
Lex,  que  Budeenomme  Indicatura,quod 
notam  gradumque  bonitatis  denotet.'— 
Trait,    des  Monn.    p.   400,    ed.    1709. 
There  was  also  the  word  Aliage,  which 
Cotgrave    translates,    'The    stiffening, 
allaying,  or  imbacing  of  gold  or  silver, 
by  mingling  them  with  other  mettals.' 
And,  according  to  M.  Boisard,  '  Par  ce 
terme  d'Alliage  on  entend  le  melange  de 
differens  metaux  ;  ainsi  allier  n'est  autre 
chose  que  fondre  et  meler  les  metaux 


ensemble.' — Trait  des  Mon.  p.  n,  ed. 
1714.  On  the  whole  it  seems  evident 
that  the  word  allay  was  introduced  into 
England  from  France,  and  that  Richard- 
son's assertion  that  it  is  the  same  as 
'  alegge,  the  g  softened  into  y  from  the 
Anglo-Saxon  alecgan,  to  lay,  to  lay 
down,'  is  quite  unwarrantable.  Chaucer 
uses  the  word  in  The  Clerked  Tale  in 
the  sense  of  alloy. 

'  For  if  that  thay  were  put  to  such  assaves, 
The  gold  of  hem  hath  now  so  badde  alayes 
With  bras,  that  though  the  coyn  be  fair  at  ye, 
It  wolde  rather  brest  in  two  than  plye.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  314. 

Allect,  to  allure,  entice. —  I.  159. 
From  the  Latin  verb  allecto,  which  the 
author  in  his  Dictionary  translates  '  To 
allure  or  drawe  to,  by  fayrenes  to  allure.' 
It  is  used  by  Cicero.  '  Agro  bene 
culto  nil  potest  esse,  nee  usu  uberius,  nee 
specie  ornatius  :  ad  quern  fruendum  non 
modo  non  retardat,  verum  etiam  invitat 
at  que  allectat  senectus.'  —  De  Senect. 
cap.  16.  Sir  Thomas  More  has  this 
form  in  juxtaposition  with  the  more 
usual  equivalent  in  his  Treatise  upon  the 
Passion.  '  What  shoulde  I  speake  of 
the  other  lesse  euils  that  he  alewred 
and  alected  her  with,  as  the  pleasure  of 
the  eye  in  the  beholdynge  of  that  frute, 
wyth  likorous  desyre  of  the  delicious 
taste?' — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  1276,  ed. 
1557.  It  is  used  by  Wolsey  in  a  letter 
to  the  King,  dated  Sept.  5,  1527:  'As 
to  the  commyng  of  the  Cardinalles  into 
Fraunce :  albeit  I  have  set  forthe  al 
thinges  that  might  allecte  them  to  come 
to  Avynyon,  as  well  in  sending  to  them 
letters  and  saulfeconduytes,  as  also  in 
offering  of  money  for  their  expences, 
bicause  dyverse  of  them  be  pore,  whiche 
the  Frenche  King  is  content,  of  his  own 
propre  tresure,  to  debourse,  yet  I  can 
not  perceyve  that  they  will  by  any 
meanes  be  induced  or  persuaded,  leaving 
Italy,  to  come  to  Avynion.'— State 
Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  270.  This  word,  in- 
deed, seems  to  have  been  a  favourite 
one  with  the  Cardinal,  as  it  occurs  con- 
stantly in  his  correspondence.  We  find 
it  also  in  a  letter  from  Dr.  Magnus,  the 
English  Ambassador  at  the  Scotch 
Court,  dated  Nov.  2,  1524.  'This 


454 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


mater  shewed,  with  other  circumstaunces 
to  allecte  Her  Grace  to  our  purpoos,  and 
that  Her  Grace  shulde  not  oonly  be  the 
autorise  of  the  peace,  but  the  highest 
avauncer  of  the  commyn  weall  that 
ever  was  in  Scotlande.'  -Ibid.  vol.  iv. 
p.  210.  And,  finally,  the  King  himself 
uses  it  in  his  '  Instructions  to  Knyght 
touching  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  'in  1 523. 
'  Amonges  other  thinges,  special  regard 
is  to  be  made  by  the  Kynges  said  Am- 
bassadour,  as  nyghe  as  to  hym  may  be 
possible,  in  what  state  the  said  Due 
presently  stondeth  with  the  Frenche 
King.  .  .  .  Semblably  howe  the  favour 
and  love  of  the  Lordes  and  Commons 
of  Fraunce  contynueth  and  discontinueth 
towardes  hym,  and  what  power  by  likely 
hood  he  shalbe  of  to  allecte  unto  his 
partie  any  greate  nombre  of  the  said 
Lordes  and  Commons.' — Ibid.  vol.  vi. 

P-  !35- 

Allectyue,  allurement,  inducement, 
bait,  temptation.— I.  32,  45,  275;  II. 
121.  This  very  uncommon  word  is, 
no  doubt,  derived  from  the  Latin  ad- 
jective allectivus  which,  though  not 
authorised  by  classical  usage,  was  em- 
ployed by  the  ecclesiastical  writers  of  a 
later  age.  Thus  we  find  it  used  by 
Simon  Islip,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, in  an  Indulgence  granted  in  1355 
to  the  benefactors  to  the  chapel  of  the 
Virgin  near  Smithfield  :  '  Gratum  ob- 
sequium  et  Deo  pium  impendere  tociens 
opinamur,  quociens  mentes  fidelium  ad 
pietatis  et  caritatis  opera,  per  allectiva 
Indulgenciarum  munera,  excitamus.' 
Madox,  Form.  Anglic,  p.  321,  ed. 
1702.  The  English  equivalent  of  this 
is  used  by  Chaucer  in  The  Remedie  of 
Love \ 

'  O  yong  man  prosperous,  which  doth  abound 
In  thy  floures  of  lust  belongeth  on  thee  sort 
Me  first  to  consider  what  is  root  and  ground 
Of  thy  mischeefe,  which  is  plainly  found, 
Woman  farced  with  fraud  and  deceit, 
To  thy  confusion  most  allectiue  bait.' 

Works,  fo.  306  b.  ed.  1602. 
The  substantive  is  used  by  Sir  Thomas 
More  in  his  Life  of  John  Picus,  Earle  of 
Mirandula  :  '  But  among  all  thinges, 
the  very  deadly  pestilence  is  this,  to  be 
conuersaunt  daie  and  night  among 
them  whose  life  is  not  only  on  euery 


side  an  allectiue  to  synne,  but  ouer  that 
all  set  in  the  expugnacion  of  vertue, 
under  their  capitain  the  deuill.' — Workes, 
vol.  i.  p.  12,  ed.  1557.  And  also  by 
Dr.  Thirlby,  Bishop  of  Westminster, 
in  a  letter  to  Sir  William  Paget,  dated 
Jan.  13,  1546  :  'Yf  that  be  true  that 
yet  is  here  affirmyd,  viz.,  that  the 
Frenche  King  gatheryd  men,  that  may 
be  an  allectyve  to  drawe  us  nere  to  the 
Ryne ' — State  Papers,  vol.  xi.  p.  406. 
Finally  may  be  quoted  the  title-page  of 
a  very  rare  poem  by  Skelton,  the  Poet 
Laureate,  published  in  1523,  in  which 
the  expression  occurs  :  '  A  ryght  de- 
lectable traytise  upon  a  goodly  garlande 
or  Chapelet  of  Laurell,  by  mayster 
Skelton  Poete  laureat  studyously  dy- 
uysed  at  Sheryphotton  Castell  in  the 
foreste  of  galties,  wherein  ar  comprysyde 
many  and  dyuers  solacyons  and  ryght 
pregnant  allectyues  of  syngular  plea- 
sure.' 

Amoue,  to  remove,  sometimes  merely 
in  the  sense  of  to  move. — II.  2.  From 
the  Latin  amoveo,  which  the  author,  in 
his  Dictionary,  translates  :  '  to  remoue, 
to  put  from  a  place  or  a  thynge. '  Speed 
employs  it  in  the  same  sense  as  Sir 
Thomas  Elyot  :  'The  King  of  Con- 
naught  and  his  Irish,  seeing  the  King 
and  the  Earle  of  Pembroke  (who  as 
Heire  to  the  great  Strongbow  had 
goodly  possessions  in  those  parts) 
wholly  embusied  in  the  enterprize  of 
Britaine,  had  inuaded  the  Kings  people 
with  a  purpose  and  hope  utterly  to 
expell  and  amoue  our  nation  from 
among  them. '  —Hist.  Great Brit.  p.  587, 
ed.  1632.  Fabyan  uses  it  in  the  sense 
of  the  uncompounded  word  in  the  fol- 
lowing passage  :  '  When  Theodorich 
was  warned  of  the  conspiracye  of  these 
foure  kynges,  that  they  entended  to 
warre  ioyntlye  upon  him,  he  was  ther- 
with  greatly  amoued, ,  and  prouided 
greatly  for  his  defence  in  his  best 
maner.' — Chron.  vol.i.p.  128,  ed.  1559. 
Chaucer,  in  The  Clerkes  Tale,  says  : 

'  Whan   sche  had  herd  al  this   sche  nought 
ameevyd. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  293. 

Annect,   to  join,   connect.— -I.   209, 
275.     This  word  is  formed  from   the 


GLOSSARY. 


455 


Latin  annecto  or  adnecto,  which  the 
author,  in  '  the  Additions '  to  his 
Dictionary,  translates  :  '  to  knyt  to  a 
thynge. ' 

Appair,  to  impair,  diminish. — I.  42, 
195,  290;  If.  111,132.  In  his  Dictionary 
the  author  translates  attenuo,  'toappeyre, 
to  make  weaker, '  and  labefacto,  '  to 
make  feble,  to  appaireS  Palsgrave 
has  '  I  appayre  or  waxe  worse.  Jempire, 
prim.  conj.  He  goeth  to  the  writyng 
scole,  but  his  hand  appayreth  every 
daye :  il  va  a  lescole  pour  escripre,  mays 
sa  lettre  sempire  tons  les  jours. — 
VEsclair.  p.  433.  Chaucer  uses  the 
word  in  The  Tale  of  Melibeus  :  '  His 
neygheboures  ful  of  envy,  his  feyned 
freendes  that  semede  recounsiled,  and 
his  flatereres  maden  semblaunt  of 
wepyng,  and  appaired  and  aggregged 
mociie  of  this  matiere,  in  preisyng  gretly 
Melibe  of  might,  of  power,  of  riches, 
and  of  frendes,  despisinge  the  power  of 
his  adversaries.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii. 
p.  143.  Hall  says  of  King  Henry  VI. 
that  he  was  '  a  dispiser  of  all  thynges 
whiche  bee  wonte  to  cause  the  myndes 
of  mortall  menne  to  slide,  fall,  or  ap- 
paire.'' — Chron.  fo.  ccxxiii.  ed.  1548. 
In  the  Morte  d* Arthur,  first  published  by 
Caxton  in  1485,  the  word  occurs  in  the 
following  passage  :  '  Syr,  it  was  told 
me  that  at  this  tyme  of  your  maryage 
ye  wolde  yeue  any  man  the  yefte  that 
he  wold  aske,  oute  excepte  that  were 
unresonable.  That  is  trouth,  said  the 
kynge,  such  cryes  I  lete  make,  and 
that  will  I  holde,  so  it  apayre  not  my 
realme  nor  myne  estate.' — Vol.  i.  p. 
72,  ed.  1817.  And  also  in  the  Poems 
against  Garnesche,  written  by  Skelton, 
the  poet  laureate  : 

'  Thow  ye  be  lusty  as  Syr  Lybyus  launces  to 

breke, 
Yet  your  contenons  oncomly,  your  face  ys 

nat  fayer, 

For  aile  your  proude  prankyng,  your  pride 
may  apayere. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  n6>  ed.  1843. 
Appayse,  to  appease. — 1.214.  From 
the  French  appaiser.  Thus  Palsgrave 
has  '  I  appayse  or  content  or  sty  11.  Je 
appaise,  prim.  conj.  And  he  be  ones 
angred  you  shall  have  moche  a  do  to 
appavse  him :  sil  est  une  foys  courrouce, 


vous  aures  fort  affaire  de  lappaiser.  I 
appayse  or  quiet  a  person  from  his  dis- 
pleasure. Jedesennuie,  prim.  conj.  He 
is  appaysed  now  for  al  his  anger  :  il  est 
appaise  or  desennuye  de  son  ire  asteure 
non  obstant  son  gran  courrouxS — 
L'Esclairciss.  p.  433.  In  Le  Roman 
de  Roncevaulx,  a  poem  of  the  twelfth 
century,  we  find  : 

'  Por  ce  volons  qu'ele  soit  apaiste  ' 

P.  145,  ed.  1869. 

The  form  appese  is  used  by  Chaucer 
and  other  early  writers,  thus  in  The 
Clerkes  Tale  : 

'  Ther  nas  discord,  rancour,  ne  hevynesse, 
In  al  that  lond,  that  sche  ne  couthe  appese, 
And  wisly  bryng  hem  alle  in  rest  and  ese.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  291. 

Again  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde  : 

'  For  ther  is  nothynge  myght  hym  better  plese 
Save  I  my-self,  ne  more  his  herte  apese. ' 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  261. 

Applicate,  to  apply.—  II.  201.  The 
Latin  word  applicare,  which  is  quite 
classical,  is  translated  by  the  author  in 
his  Dictionary,  '  to  ioyne  to,  to  laye  to, 
or  sette  to,  or  to  applye.'  And  in 
'  The  Additions  '  he  gives  the  phrase 
'  Applicat  primum  ad  Chrisidis  patrem 
se,'  which  he  renders:  'He  fyrste 
made  repayre  to  Chrisis  father.' 

Approbate,  approved. — II.  3^7,  and 
note. 

Appropered, appropriated. — I.  5;  II. 
114,  302.  Palsgrave  has :  'I  apropre,  I 
gyve  a  person  or  place  a  propertye  in  a 
thynge,  or  gyve  to  a  thyng  a  propertye. 
Japroprie,  prim.  conj.  I  have  0//r0/tem/ 
my  benefyce  to  your  colledge:  Jay  ap- 
proprie  mon  benifice  a  vostre  coliege  : 
and  '  I  apropre  a  thyng  to  another,  I 
make  one  thyng  belonge  to  another, 
Je  approprie,  prim,  conj.' — L'Esclair. 
p.  435.  Gower  uses  the  same  form  as 
Elyot  in  the  following  passage  : 

'  Wherof  touchende  this  partie, 
Is  Rhetoric  the  science 
Appropred  to  the  reuerence 
Of  wordes  that  ben  reasonable.' 

Con.  Aman.  fo.  cl.  ed.  1554. 

And   so  does   Sir  John  Maundevile  : 
'  Zee    schulle    undrestonde     that    the 


456 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Soudan  is  Lord  of  5  Kyngdomes  that 
he  hathe  conquered  and  apropred  to  him 
be  strengthe.' — Voiage  and  Travaile, 
p.  42,  ed.  1727.  Chaucer,  in  The 
Remedie  of  Love,  says  : 

'  But  she  that  coud  so  ill  do  and  wold, 
Hers  be  the  blame  for  her  demerite, 
And  leaue  that  opprobrous  nr.me  cokold 
To  aproper  to  him  as  in  dispite.' 

Works,  fo.  308,  ed.  1602. 

Sir  Thomas  More  also  uses  it  :  '  Syth 
that  the  apostles  and  euangelystes  dyd 
applye  and  approper  that  prophane 
word  ecclesia  to  signify  the  whole  com- 
pany of  christen  peple,  sacred  and  sanc- 
tify ed  in  the  holy  sacrament  of  bap- 
tisme.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  428,  ed.i557. 
Lord  Berners,  in  his  translation  of  The 
Golden  Boke,  uses  a  form  still  nearer  to 
the  French  original  :  '  For  amonge 
wyse  men  the  sayd  wordes  are  moste 
estemed  when  they  are  well  app  opryed 
and  sayd  to  goode  purpose.' — Fo.  34, 
b,  ed.  1539. 

Asprely,  fiercely,  sharply. — I.  180  ; 
II.  223.  This  is  simply  the  English 
form  of  the  French  adverb  asprement, 
which  is  constantly  used  by  Froissart 
in  describing  feats  of  arms.  Thus 
speaking  of  a  skirmish  in  1340,  he 
says  :  *  Et  puis  requirent  les  Fran£ois 
fierement  et  asprement  encontrevengeant 
le  seigneur  de  Potelles  qui  la  gissoit 
navre  a  mort.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  101, 
ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Again,  in  his  account  of 
a  sea  fight  the  same  year  between  the 
English  and  Normans,  he  says  :  '  La 
se  commen9a  bataille  dure  et  forte  de 
tous  cdtes,  et  archers  et  arbaletriers  a 
traire  et  a  lancer  1'un  centre  1'autre 
diversement  et  roidement,  et  gens 
d'armes  a  approcher  et  a  combattre 
main  a  main  asprement  et  hardiment.' 
— Ibid.  p.  1 06.  The  Earl  of  Angus, 
in  a  letter  to  Henry  VIII.  dated  August 
10,  1527,  uses  the  same  form  as  Elyot: 
'  Richt  Excellent,  Richt  Hie,  and  Richt 
Michty  Prince,  to  certify  your  Celsitude 
the  Kingis  Grace, your  moist  deir  nephew, 
my  Soverane,  incontinent  eftir  the  resait 
of  your  letteris  directit  unto  His  Grace 
callit  me  and  Lord  Maxwell  his  War- 
dainis  accusand  us  richt  asperlie,  and 
mervelling  nocht  litill  we  suld  suffir 


resset,  ayde,  or  supple  be  gevin  to  the 
transgressouris  of  the  lawis  of  your 
Majeste  his  moist  dere  Uncle.' — State 
Papers,  vol.  iv.  p.  469.  The  adjective 
is  used  by  Chaucer  thus  in  Troylus  and 
Cryseyde  : 

'  For  whi,ch  with  humble,  trewe,  and  pitouse 

herte 

A  thousand  tyme  mercy  I  yow  preye, 
So  reweth  on  myn  aspre  peynes  smerte, 
And  doth  somwhat,  as  that  I  shal  yow  seye.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  361. 

Again  in  the  same  poem  : 

'  Liketh  it  yow  to  wyten,  sweete  herte, 
As  ye  wel  knowe,  how  longe  tyme  agon 
That  ye  me  left  in  aspre  peynes  smerte.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  55. 
And  in  Quene  Anelyda  : 

'  Jamque  domos  patrias  Cithiee  post  aspera. 

gentis. 

When  Theseus  with  werres  longe  and  grete 
The  aspre  folke  of  Cithe  had  overcome.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  197. 

Palsgrave  has  '  I  stare,  I  loke  brode. 
Je  regarde  aspremeritS — DEsclair.  p. 

733- 

Assentation,  flattery. — II.  165. 
The  Latin  word  assentatio  is  quite 
classical.  Thus  Cicero  says, '  Sic  haben- 
dum  est,  nullam  in  amicitiis  pestem 
esse  majorem  quam  adulationem,  blan- 
ditiam,  assentationem. ' — De  Amicit. 
cap.  25.  The  word  seems  also  to  have 
been  naturalised  in  France,  for  Cot- 

frave  gives  '  Assentation :  assentation, 
atterie,  colloguing, '  but  this  is  not  re- 
cognised by  Littre.  Higgins  in  his 
'Address  to  the  Reader,'  prefixed  to 
the  first  edition  of  the  Mirror  for  Ma- 
gistrates, says  :  '  I  wrote  the  twoo  first 
euen  as  they  now  are,  and  because  I 
would  not  kepe  secrete  my  first  labours 
in  this  kinde  of  study,  I  shewed  them 
to  a  friend  of  myne,  desiring  his  un- 
fayned  iudgement  in  this  matter  .... 
Yet  hee  making  relation  to  other  his 
frendes  what  I  had  done,  left  mee  not 
quiet  till  they  likewyse  had  scene 
them  :  whose  perswasion,  as  it  semed, 
without  any  suspition  of  assentation  or 
flattery,  so  hath  it  made  mee  bolder  at 
this  present  then  before.' — Vol.  i.  p.  9, 
ed.  1815.  The  Earl  of  Northampton, 
one  of  the  Commissioners  appointed  to 


GLOSSARY. 


457 


try  Garnet,  the  Jesuit,  for  complicity  in 
the  Gunpowder  Plot,  in  delivering 
judgment  in  1606,  said  :  'These are  not 
the  true  grounds  nor  proper  motiues 
of  your  standing  forth,  but  your  art  in 
cherishing,  your  malice  in  encouraging 
your  impietie  in  strengthening  a  kinde 
of  practise,  neuer  heard  nor  thought 
upon  before  in  any  age,  against  the  life 
of  the  most  gracious  and  iust  King  that 
euer  raigned  on  either  side  of  Trent,  of 
a  Queene,  renowmed  both  for  her  own 
worth  and  for  her  happy  fruit,  and  of 
a  Prince,  whom  without  assentation,  I 
may  bee  bold  to  call  the  sweetest  and 
the  fairest  blossome  that  euer  budded, 
either  out  of  the  white  or  the  red 
Rosary. ' — Proceedings  against  Garnet, 
signal.  Dd.  3,  ed.  1 606. 

Assentatour,  a  flatterer. — II.  176. 
The  Latin  asseutator,  which  is  used  by 
Cicero  in  the  following  passage  :  '  Con- 
cio,  quae  ex  imperitissimis  constat, 
tamen  judicare  solet,  quid  intersit  inter 
popularem  id  est  assentatorem  et  levem 
civem  et  inter  constantem  severum  et 
gr?i\zmS—DeAmicit.  cap.  25. 

Attemptates,  attempts. — II.  324, 
335,  386  and  note. 

Auncetour,  ancestor.— II.  30,  31,  76, 
328.  The  Promptorium  has  '  Awncetyr. 
Progenitor.  Awncetrye.  Progenitura, 
prosapia,  herilitasS — P.  19.  Chaucer 
uses  this  form  in  The  Wyf  of  Bathes 
Tale-. 

'  And  he  that  wol  have  pris  of  his  gentrie, 
For  he  was  boren  of  a  gentil  hous, 
And  had  his  eldres  noble  and  vertuous, 
And  nyl  himselve  doo  no  gentil  dedis, 
Ne  folw  his  gentil  aunceter,  that  deed  is, 
He  is  nought  gentil,  be  he  duk  or  erl.' 

And  again  : 

'  Al  were  it  that  myn  auncetres  wer  rude, 
Yit  may  the  highe  God,  and  so  hope  I, 
Graunte  me  grace  to  lyve  vertuously.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  241,  242. 

In  the  Romance  of  William  and  the 
Werwolf,  written  according  to  Sir  F. 
Madden,  about  1350,  we  have  the  fol- 
lowing lines  : 

'  So    schaltow  gete   god    los    and   gretli   be 

menskked  (i.e.  honoured) 
As  han   al   thin   aunceteres  or  thow   were 
bigeten.' 

P.  185,  ed.  1832. 


Foxe,  the  Martyrologist,  in  his  Dedica- 
tion to  Queen  Elizabeth  of  the  Saxon 
Gospels,  uses  this  form  of  the  word  at 
the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century : 
'  Moses,  that  meeke  seruaunt  of  God, 
in  his  canticle  of  the  booke  of  Deu- 
teronomie,  willeth  us  to  remember  the 
dayes  of  olde  antiquitie,  and  to  record 
the  auncient  generations  of  our  fore- 
fathers, and  to  aske  our  aunciters,  and 
they  (sayth  he)  shall  tell  us  ' — A.  ii.  b. 
ed.  1571.  Skeltonuses  the  form,  aunce- 
try.  See  Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  128, 
ed.  1843. 

Auncientie,  antiquity. — II.  396, 
and  note. 

Auoutry,  aduoutry,  adultery. — I. 
209,  227;  II.  188,  190,  212.  This  is  the 
old  French  form  of  the  word.  Thus  in 
the  Laws  of  William  the  Conqueror  : 
'  Si  le  pere  truvet  sa  fille  en  avulterie 
en  sa  maisoun,  u  en  la  maisoun  soun 
gendre,  ben  Ii  laist  ocire  la  avultere."1— 
A.de  Chevallet.  Or.  etFor.  torn.  i.  p.  1 1 6, 
ed.  1853.  Again  in  the  Chronique  dcs 
Dues  de  Norrnandie  :  'Jugiez  est  ja,  n'i 
a  que  dire,  Par  1'ovraigne  del  Avoiltire. ' 
—Tom.  ii.  p.  352,  ed.  1838.  Again 
in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose,  written  in  the 
thirteenth  century : 

*  Ja  n'oistes  vous  onques  dire 
Que  j'aie  fait  nul  avoutire 
Se  Ii  fol  qui  le  vous  conterent 
Par  mauvestie  nel  controverent. ' 

Tom.  iii.  p.  116,  ed.  1814. 

In  the  fifteenth  century  we  find  this 
form  of  the  word  in  the  miracle  play  of 
the  Nativity,  where  Joseph  is  made  to 
say: 

'  II  est  escript  en  nostre  loy 
Que  fame  prise  en  advoultire 
Son  corps  est  livre  a  martire.' 

Jubinal,  Mysteres  Inidits, 
torn.  ii.  p.  54,  ed.  1837. 

Chaucer,  in  The  Persones  Tale,  says  : 
'  Advoutrie,  in  Latyn,  is  for  to  sayn,  ap- 
proching  of  other  mannes  bed,  thorugh 
the  which  tho  that  whilom  were 
oon  fleisch,  abaundone  here  bodyes  to 
other  persones.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii. 
p.  345,  ed.  1866.  Sir  John  Maundevile 
tells  us  that  '  in  Cycile  there  is  a  manere 
of  serpentes  be  the  whiche  men  assayen 


458 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


and  preven  where  here  children  ben  bas- 
tardis  or  none,  or  of  lawefulle  Mariage. 
For  xif  thei  ben  born  in  rightemariage, 
the  serpentes  gon  aboute  hem,  and  don 
hem  non  harm,  and  zif  thei  ben  born  in 
av&wtrie  the  serpentes  byten  hem  and 
envenyme  hem.'—  Voiage,  &>c.  p.  67, 
ed.  1727. 

Auoyd.  To  empty,  clear  out,  make 
•void. — II.  76.  From  the  French 
vider  or  vuider,  which,  by  the  early 
writers,  is  spelt  voider.  Palsgrave  has 
'  I  avoyde,  as  water  dothe  that  ronneth 
by  a  gutter  or  synke.  Je  me  vuyde,  je 
me  suis  vuyde,  vuyder,  prim.  conj. 
This  water  avoydeth  nat  well,  by  lykely- 
hod  the  goutter  is  nat  courrant :  ceste 
eaue  ne  se  vuyde  pas  bien,  il  fault  dire 
que  la  gouttiere  nest  pas  courrante. — 
L'Esclair.  p.  441.  In  the  French 
version  of  the  Psalms,  written  in  the 
twelfth  century,  Psalm  cxxxvii.  7,  is 
thus  rendered :  '  Remembrere  seies, 
Sire,  des  filz  Edom,  el  jur  de  Jerusalem ; 
Chi  dient  :  Voidez,  voidez,  desque  al 
fundament  enli.' — Libri Psalm,  p.  213, 
ed.  1860,  by  M.  F.  Michel.  And  in 
La  uie  St.  Thomas  le  martir,  which  is 
referred  by  M.  Littre  to  the  same  cen- 
tury, we  find  the  same  form  of  the  word : 

'  Car  ainceis  ne  1'osast  nuls  escummenier, 
Mais  qu'um li peust  bien  faire  iglise  uoidier.' 

See  Mem.  del'Acad.  Berlin,  1838.  (Phil, 
und  Hist.  Abhandl.  p.  61.)  The  author, 
in  his  Dictionary,  renders  vacuefacio, 
'to  empty  or  auoyde.'1  And  in  the 
Promptorium  we  find  'A-voyden.  Eva- 
cuo,devacuo.  A-voydyd.  Evaciiatus.  A- 
voydaunce.  EvacuacioS — P.  19.  Frois- 
sart  in  his  account  of  the  capture  of 
Conualle  or  Cremalein  1388  by  Gautier 
de  Passac,  says :  '  Quand  messire 
Gautier  vit  1'entree,  il  la  fit  decouvrir,  et 
oter  la  terre  et  les  herbes  et  les  ronces 
qui  etoient  4  1'environ.'  ( Chron.  torn.  ii. 
p.  444,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.),  which  is  thus 
translated  by  Lord  Berners :  '  And 
when  he  sawe  the  hole  where  the  yssue 
was,  he  caused  the  erthe  and  busshes  to 
be  auoyded."1 — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  118, 
ed.  1812.  Shakespeare,  in  Coriolanus, 
makes  one  of  the  servants  say  : 


'  What  have  you  to  do  here,  fellow  ? 
Pray  you  avoid  the  house.' 

Vol.  vi.  p.  206,  ed.  Dyce. 

And  Bacon  employs  the  word  in  the 
same  sense  in  his  New  Atlantis.  '  He 
desired  to  speak  with  some  few  of  us  ; 
whereupon  six  of  us  only  stayed,  and 
the  rest  avoided  the  room.' — Works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  332,  ed.  1825.  North,  in 
his  translation  of  Plutarch,  says  :  '  On 
a  holy  daye  common  playes  being  kept 
in  "Rome,  upon  some  suspition  or  false 
reporte,  they  made  proclamation  by 
sound  of  trumpet,  that  all  the  Volsces 
should  aiwyde  out  of  Rome  before  sunne 
set.' — P.  251,  ed.  1579.  Speed,  in 
the  next  century  used  the  word  pre- 
cisely in  the  same  sense  as  Sir  T. 
Elyot  :  « The  dinner  ended,  and  all 
ready  to  depart,  (as  though  some  weighty 
matters  were  to  be  handled)  hee  (i.e. 
Osbright)  commanded  an  auoydance 
from  the  presence.' — Hist.  Great  Brit. 
p.  378,  ed.  1632.  The  word  void  was 
used  in  the  same  sense  :  '  He  leet 
voyden  out  of  his  chambre  alle  maner 
of  men,  Lordes  and  othere,  for  he  wolde 
speke  with  me  in  conseille.'—  Sir  John 
Maundevile,  Voiage,  drv.,  p.  166,  ed. 
1727. 

Awaite,  good,  to  have,  to  take  heed, 
to  keep  good  watch. — II.  48,  102,  107, 
316.  The  author  in  his  Dictionary 
translates  the  Latin  word  observe,  '  to 
awayte  diligently  with  the  eyes  and 
also  the  mynde,  to  take  good  hede.' 
In  the  Promptorium  we  find  'Away- 
tingeortakingehede.  Attendens?  P.  17. 
And  also  '  Waytyn  or  a-spyyn  (waytyn 
after).  ObservoS  P.  513.  Palsgrave  has 
'  I  awayte,  I  lie  in  wayte  of  a  person 
to  marke  what  he  dothe  or  sayeth.  Je 
aguayte,  prim.  conj.  and  je  me  tiens  en 
aguayt,  je  me  suis  tenu  en  aguayt,  tenir 
en  aguayt.  Haste  thou  awayted  me 
this  tourne  :  mas  tu  aguayte  ce  tour  ? 
Let  him  awayte  hardely,  for  whan  he 
thynketh  leste,  he  may  happe  to  be 
taken  sleper :  quil  se  tienne  sur  son 
guayt  or  quil  se  tienne  en  aguayt,  car 
quant  il  pence  le  moyns,  on  le  sur- 
prendra  par  aduen'ure  en  dormant S 
And  also  '  I  ley  in  wayte  of  one  to 
do  him  a  displeasure.  Jeagiiayte,  prim. 


GLOSSARY. 


459 


conj.  I  have  layed  in  wayte  for  him 
these  ten  nyghtes  to  do  hym  a  dis- 
pleasure :  je  lay  aguayte  ces  dix  nuictz 
pour  luyfairequelquedesplay sir. ^ — L  Es- 
clairciss.  pp.  441, 605.  The  English  word 
is  no  doubt  derived  from  the  French 
aguet,  aguetter,  which  by  early  writers 
were  spelt  agait,  agaiter,  or  await, 
azvaiter,  respectively.  M.  A.  de  Che- 
vallet  says  :  '  On  ecrevait  autrefois 
"wait,  waiter,  aussi  bien  que  gait,  gait- 
ter. — Tud.  waht,  guet,  faction  ;  wahten, 
faire  le  guet,  faire  faction,  guetter, 
veiller  sur  quelqu'un  ou  sur  quelque 
chose.'  And  in  the  Laws  of  William 
the  Conqueror,  which  he  prints  from 
the  original  MSS.,  we  find  this  form 
of  the  word  :  '  et  si  aveir  trespassent 
per  iloc  u  il  deivent  waiter,'1  which  he 
translates  'et  si  des  bestiaux  passent 
par  le  lieu  ou  les  gardes  doivent  exercer 
leur  survtillance? —  Origine  et  Form, 
de  la  Ian.  Fran.,  torn.  i.  pp.  114,  506, 
ed.  1853.  Pierre  de  Fontaines,  a 
celebrated  jurisconsult  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  in  a  work  called  Le  Conseil, 
written  like  the  De  Laudibus  of  our 
own  Fortescue,  for  the  instruction  of  a 
young  prince,  has  the  following  pas- 
sage in  which  the  word  occurs  in  the 
sense  of  to  watch  :  'Li  Empereres 
Valentins  et  Theodoxes  et  Archemes 
dient  a  ciaus  des  contrees  Nous  don- 
nons  a  tous  franque  pooste  qui  que 
soit  Cheualiers  ki  ira  par  nuit  essilier 
les  cans  ou  waitera  les  chemins  ki  sunt 
hantables  pararmes.'  P.  145,  ed.  1668. 
The  word  waite  or  wayte  in  the  sense 
of  watch  was  retained  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  in  connection  with  feudal 
tenure,  and  Spelman  mentions  an  in- 
quisition post  mortem,  taken  in  the 
reign  of  Elizabeth,  in  which  it  is 
stated  that  the  manor  of  Narborough 
is  held  of  the  Queen  '  ut  de  manerio 
suo  de  Wingrave,  per  servitium  militare 
et  per  redditum  14^.,  pro  wayte  fee  et 
Castle  garde. '  Gloss,  sub  voc.  Waitefee. 


B. 


Baratour,  a  cheat,  a  disorderly  per- 
son.—II.  158.  This  is  the  English 
form  of  the  French  barateur,  which 


Cotgrave  translates  :  «  A  deceiver, 
cheater,  cousener  ;  cogger,  foister,  Her 
(in  bargaining),  also  a  barterer,  trucker, 
exchanger.'  Palsgrave  has  'Desceyvar — 
baratier  s,  m.'  and  'Deseeyt — baraterie 
s.  f.  deception  s.  f.  barat  z.  m.' — L  Es- 
clair.  p.  213.  In  the  Promptorium 
we  find :  '  Baratowre.  Pugnax,  rixosus, 
jurgosus.*  P.  23.  Also  'Debate  Maker, 
or  baratour,  Incentor. '  P.  115.  And 
'  Feghtare,  or  baratowre  (feyter),  Pug- 
nax,1  P.  153.  The  word  seems  to  be 
derived  from  the  Low  Latin  baratare, 
to  cheat,  from  baratum  or  barataria 
=  fraus,  dolus,  whence  was  formed  the 
substantive  baratator  or  barator,  a  cheat. 
Thus  in  the  criminal  statutes  of  the  city 
of  Savona  in  Italy,  provision  is  made 
for  dealing  with  '  personse  malse  et  sus- 
pectse,  utputa  ludentes  cum  falsis  dariis, 
et  aliis  malis  ludis,  baratantes,  maleficii, 
mathematici,  lenones  utriusque  sexus,  et 
alias  inhonestse  conversations  et  vitae. ' 
P.  79,  ed.  1610.  Theodoricus  of  Niem, 
who  lived  in  the  fourteenth  century,  in 
his  Life  of  Pope  John  XX III.,  speak- 
ing of  the  taxes  which  the  latter  im- 
posed upon  the  citizens  of  Bononia, 
says  :  '  Et  certe  a  scortis  etiam  et  bara- 
toribus,  scilicet,  lusoribus  taxillorum,  nee 
non  foeneratoribus  Bononiae,  atque  de 
turpi  eorum  lucro  gabellas  extorsit.' — 
P.  n,  ed.  1620.  Pope  Gregory,  in 
his  letter  of  accusation  against  Frede- 
ric II.,  in  1239,  complains  that  the 
Emperor  had  asserted  that  the  world 
had  been  deceived  '  a  tribus  barat  atori- 
bus,  ut  ejus  verbis  utamur,  scilicet 
Christo  Jesu,  Moyse,  et  Machometo.' — 
Matt.  Paris.  Chron.  Maj.,  vol.  iii. 
p.  607,  the  Rolls,  ed.  Hence  the 
word  passed  into  French,  and  in  Le 
Roman  de  la  Rose,  we  find  :  '  Qu'il 
n'est  barat  qu'el  ne  congnoisse.'  Tom.  i. 
p.  159,  ed.  1814.  And  Gaguin,  in  his 
poem  Le  Passe  Temps  d1  Oysivete,  says 
of  the  Devil  : 

'Car  il  esl  menteur  et  parjure, 
Grant  barateur  et  non  creable.' 

— M.  de  Montaigloh,  Rec.  de  Poes. 
franc.,  torn.  vii.  p.  249,  ed.  1857. 
Sir  John  Maundevile,  speaking  of  the 
subjects  of  Prestre  John,  says  :  '  Thei 
sette  not  be  no  Barettes,  ne  by  Cawteles, 


460 


THE   COVERNOUP. 


ne  of  no  disceytes.' — Voiage,  etc., 
p.  329,  ed.  1727.  In  England,  how- 
ever, it  seems  to  have  been  more  gene- 
rally used  to  designate  a  brawler  or 
riotous  person.  Thus  in  the  Customs 
of  London,  published  by  Arnold  at  the 
commencement  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, charge  is  given  to  '  the  Quest  of 
\Varmot  in  euery  Warde,'  to  enquire 
'  yf  ther  be  ony  comon  ryator,  barratur, 
or  ony  comon  nyght  walker  wythout 
lyght,  contrary  to  the  ordynaunce  of  the 
cite,  be  dwellyng  wythin  the  warde.' — 
P.  90,  ed.  151 1.  Lord  Coke  defines 
'  a  barretter '  as  '  a  common  moover 
and  exciter,  or  maintainer  of  suits, 
quarrels,  or  parts,  either  in  courts,  or 
elsewhere  in  the  country,  in  three  man- 
ners :  first,  in  disturbance  of  the  peace  : 
secondly,  in  taking  or  keeping  of  pos- 
sessions of  lands  in  controversie,  not 
only  by  force,  but  also  by  subtiltie  and 
a  deceit,  and  most  commonly  in  sup- 
pression of  truth  and  right :  thirdly,  by 
false  inventions,  and  sowing  of  calum- 
niations, rumours,  and  reports,  whereby 
discord  and  disquiet  may  growbetweene 
neighbours.' — Co.  Litt.  368,  b.  It  may 
be  added  that  the  word  'barratry'  is 
still  preserved  in  English  law,  and  Sir 
Travers  Twiss,  in  his  valuable  edition 
of  the  Black  Book  of  the  Admiralty, 
observes  that  :  '  the  use  of  the  word 
"  barrataria  "  in  the  Amalphitan  Table 
is  suggestive  that  the  term  was  imported 
into  Italy  direct  from  the  Levant,  and 
was  Latinised  by  the  Amalphitans,  its 
origin,  under  any  circumstances,  being 
traceable  to  the  Sanskrit  word 
"bharat."' — Vol.  iv.  p.  5,  note, 
the  Rolls,  ed. 

Bargenette,  the  name  of  a  dance. — 
I.  230.  Probably  this  is  merely  the 
English  form  of  the  French  word  Ber- 
gerette.  Palsgrave  has  :  '  Kynde  of 
daunce — bargeretS — L'Esclair.  p.  236. 
That  the  word  is  French  is  evident 
not  merely  from  the  collocation  in  the 
text,  the  words  pavion  and  turgion 
being  indisputably  the  names  of  French 
dances,  but  from  the  fact  that  Gas- 
coigne,  in  one  of  his  pieces,  The  Ad- 
ventures of  Master  F.  /.,  employs  the 
very  word  in  a  passage  which  shows 


that  it  was  a  dance  accompanied  by  a 
song  :  '  F.  I.  with  heauie  cheare  re- 
turned to  his  company,  and  Mistresse 
Fraunces,  to  toutch  his  sore  with  a  coro- 
siue,  sayd  to  him  softly  in  this  wise  : 
Sir,  you  may  now  perceyue  that  this 
our  countrie  cannot  allowe  the  French 
maner  of  dauncing,  for  they  (as  I  haue 
heard  tell)  do  more  commonly  daunce 
to  talke,  then  entreate  to  daunce. 
F.  I.  hoping  to  driue  out  one  nayle 
with  another,  and  thinking  this  a 
meane  most  conuenient  to  suppresse 
all  ielous  supposes,  toke  Mistresse 
Fraunces  by  the  hande,  and  with  a 
heauie  smyle,  aunswered  :  Mistresse, 
and  I  (because  I  haue  scene  the  French 
maner  of  dauncing)  will  eftsones  en- 
treat you  to  daunce  a  Bargynet.  What 
meane  you  by  this?  quod  Mistresse 
Fraunces.  If  it  please  you  to  followe 
(quod  he)  you  shall  see  that  I  can  iest 
without  ioye,  and  laugh  without  lust ; 
and  calling  the  musitions,  caused  them 
softly  to  sound  the  Tyntarnell,  when 
he,  clearing  his  voyce,  did  Alia  Napoli- 
tana  applie  these  verses  following  unto 
the  measure.' — Gascojigne,  A  himdreth 
sundrie  Floivres,  p.  223,  ed.  1576. 
Jean  de  Troyes  in  his  chronicle  of  the 
reign  of  Louis  XL  speaks  of  the  songs 
or  lays  called  bergereltes  being  sung  by 
children  of  the  Chapel  Royal  in  1467  : 
'  Et  dedans  iceux  estoient  les  petits 
enfants  de  choeur  de  la  Sainte-Chapelle, 
qui  illec  disoient  de  beaux  virelais, 
chansons,  et  autres  bergerettes  moult 
melodieusement.' — P.  275,  ed.  Pan. 
Litt.  He  makes  no  mention  of  danc- 
ing, but  Chaucer  uses  the  same  word 
in  a  passage  which  shows  that  he  re- 
garded the  one  as  the  proper  accom- 
paniment of  the  other.  In  The  Flower 
and  the  Leaf,  he  says  :' 

'And  before  hem  wente  minstrels  many  one 
As  harpes,  pipes,  lutes,  and  sautry ; 

All  in  greene 

And  so  dauncing  into  the  mede  they  fare. 
And,  at  the  laste,  there  began  anone 
A  lady  for  to  sinse,  right  womanly' 
A  bargaret  in  praising  the  daisie  ; 
For,  as  me  thought,  among  her  notes  swete, 
She  said  "Si  douse  est  la  Margarete"' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  99. 

In  England's  Helicon,   a  collection  of 


GLOSSARY. 


46! 


pastoral  and  lyric  poems,  published  in 
1600,  one  of  the  pieces  is  entitled  'The 
Barginet  of  Antimachus.' 

Eatable,  debateable,  a  subject  of  de- 
late,— II.  218  and  note.  Applied  par- 
ticularly to  the  land  lying  between 
England  and  Scotland,  and  as  to  which 
the  possession  was  disputed.  Thus 
23  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  16  makes  it  a 
felony  ' to  sell,  exchaunge,  or  delyver 
within  the  Realme  of  Scotlond,  or  in 
any  place  or  grounde  called  the  batable 
Grounde  be^weene  England  and  Scot- 
land, to  the  use  of  any  Scottisshe  man, 
any  Horse,  Gelding,  or  Mare,  without 
licence  opteyned  of  the  Kinges  High- 
nes  by  his  lettres  patentes  under  his 
greate  Scale.'  Cotgrave  gives  the 
French  word  batable,  and  translates  it 
'  beatable,  batterable,  which  may  be 
battered  with  cannon,  as  a  fortresse, 
&c.,  also  quarrelsome,  contentious, 
litigious.' 

Bayne,#<foM. — II.  282  and  note.  The 
French  bain.  Sir  John  Wallop,  in  a  letter 
to  the  King  from  Melun,  November  1 7, 
1540,  speaking  of  his  visit  to  Fontaine- 
bleau,says  : '  And  from  thense  the  King 
browght  me  to  the  saied  baynes,  being 
warme,  and  reked  so  muche  like  as  it 
had  ben  a  myst,  that  the  King  went 
before  to  guyde  me.  After  he  entred 
into  the  stove,  whiche  is  aswel  made 
for  that  purpose  as  can  be  :  the  bayne 
is  made  like  a  ponde,  rayled  abowte, 
and  no  more  place  therein,  but  for  one 
person  to  go  in  frownte. ' — State  Papers, 
vol.  viii.  p.  484. 

Berne,  a  barn. — II.  155.  This  is 
a  genuine  Anglo-Saxon  word,  being  a 
contraction  from  bere  =  hordeum,  and 
ern  =  locus.  In  the  Promptorium  we 
we  find  'Berne  of  lathe — Horreum? — 
P.  33.  And  Palsgrave  has :  '  Berne 
to  put  corn  in — granche  s,  f.' — L'Es- 
dair.  p.  197.  It  is  often  used  by 
Chaucer,  thus  in  The  MUleres  Tale  : 

'  But  of  hir  song,  it  was  as  loude  and  yerne 
As  eny  swalwe  chiteryng  on  a  berne. 

Poet  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.   101. 

Again  in  The  Schipmannes  Tale  : 

This  nobil  monk,  of  which  I  yow  deuyse, 
Hath  of  his  abbot,  as  him  list,  licence 


(Bycause  he  was  a  man  of  heih  prudence, 

And  eek  an  officer)  out  for  to  ryde, 

To  se  her  graunges  and  her  bernes  wyde.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  109. 

Bikerynge,  fighting. — II.  353  and 
note. 

Blenchars,  a  species  of  scarecrow. — 
I.    247.     The  following  passage  was 
not  brought  to  the  Editor's  notice  until 
after   the   note   on   this   word   was   in 
print.     The  reader  will  observe  that  it 
supplies  the  best  possible  commentary 
upon  the  passage  in  the  text,  inasmuch 
as  it  is  from  the  pen  of  a  contemporary, 
Richard  Layton,   one  of  the  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  Cromwell  to  visit 
the  University  of  Oxford,  in  1535.    '  The 
seconde  tyme  we  came  to  New  Colege, 
affter  we  hade  declarede  your  Injunc- 
tions, we  fownde  all  the  gret  quadrant 
court  full  of  the  leiffs  of  Dunce   (i.e. 
Duns  Scotus)  the  wynde  blowyng  them 
into  evere  corner  :  and  ther  we  fownde 
one   Mr.   Grenefelde,    a  gentilman  of 
Bukynghamshire,  getheryng  up  part  of 
the  said  bowke  leiffs  (as  he  saide)  there 
to  make  him  sewells  or  blawnsherrs  to 
kepe  the  dere  within  the  woode,  thereby 
to  have  the  better  cry  with  his  howndes.' 
— Ellis,  Orig.  Lett.  vol.  ii.  p.  61,  2nd 
Series.     The  term  is  used  by  Sir  Philip 
Sidney  in  his  Arcadia  :  '  And  so  many 
daies  were  spent,  and  many  waies  used, 
while  Zelmane  was  like  one  that  stoode 
in  a  tree,  waiting  a  good  occasion  to 
shoot,  and  Gynecia  a   blancher  which 
kept   the  dearest  deere  from  her.' — 
P.  65,  ed.  1605. 

Bordell,  a  brothel— II.  115  and  note. 
In  the  Promptorium  we  find  '  Bordele. 
Lupanar,  Prostibulum.'  P.  44.  Pals- 
grave has  'Bordell  house— bourdeau 
x,  m.'  in  VEsclair.  p.  199.  Originally 
the  word  was  used  without  any  dis- 
reputable meaning,  for  it  is  merely  the 
diminutive  of  borde,  which,  according 
to  M.  de  Chevallet,  signified  anciently 
'maisonette,  maison  des  champs,  me- 
tairie,  ferme  ;  d'ou  bordier  metayer,  fer- 
mier.  Le  diminutif  de  borde  est  bordel, 
qui  signifiait  maison  chetive  et  de  peu 
d'apparence,  masure,  bicoque,  et  de 
plus  maison  de  prostitution.' — Or.  et 
Form,  de  la  Ian.  Fran.  torn.  i.  p.  360, 


462 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


ed.  1853.  Instances  of  the  use  of  the 
word  in  this  primitive  and  untarnished 
sense  occur  in  the  Chron.  des  Dues  de 
Normandie: 

'  Si  fu  arse,  prise  e  robe*e 
Que  n'i  remist  a  eissiller 
Bordellw  grange  ne  mostier.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  425.  Coll.  de  Doc.  Ined. 

At  least  as  early  as  the  I3th  century  it 
had  come  to  denote  a  house  of  ill  fame, 
and  thenceforward  this  signification  was 
exclusively  attached  to  it.  Thus  Mon- 
taigne says,  'De  la  disent  aulcuns  que 
d'oster  les  bordels  publicques,  c'est  non 
seulement  espandre  partout  la  paillar- 
dise  qui  estoit  assignee  a  ce  lieu  la  ; 
mais  encore  aiguillonner  les  hommes 
vagabonds  et  oisifs  a  ce  vice,  par  la 
malaysance.' — Essais^om.  ii.  p.  515. 

Braste,  burst.— I.  10 ;  II.  45,  138, 
157.  The  author  in  '  the  Additions'  to 
his  Dictionary  renders  erumpo, '  to  braste 
out,  some  tyme  to  leape  forthe.'  This 
form  is  constantly  used  by  Chaucer,  thus 
in  Troy,  and  Crys., 

'  And  in  his  breste  the  heped  wo  bygan 
Out  brast,  and  he  to  werken  in  this  wyse.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  309. 
Again, 

'  Hire  thought  hire  sorwful  herte  braste  a-two; 
For  when  she  gan  hire  fader  fer  espie, 
Wei  neigh  down  of  hire  hors  she  gan  to  sye.' 
Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  8. 
And  in  Quene  Anelyda : 

'What  shuld  I  seyn?  she  loveth  Arcite  so 
That  when  that  he  was  absent  eny  throw, 
Anoon  her  thoght  her  herte  brast  atwo.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  199. 

Sir  Thos.  More  in  his  History  of  King 
Richard  III.  says,  '  And  therewith  the 
lordes  came  downe,  and  the  company 
dissoluedand  departed,  the  more  part 
al  sad,  som  with  glad  semblaunce  that 
wer  not  very  mery,  and  some  of  those 
that  came  thyther  with  the  duke,  not 
able  to  dissemble  theyr  sorow,  were 
faine  at  his  backe  to  turne  their  face  to 
the  wall,  while  the  doloure  of  their 
heart  braste  oute  at  theyr  eyen.'-- 
Workes,  vol.  i.  p.  65,  ed.  1577. 

Brenne,  brenned,  brennynge, 
burn,  burnt,  burning. — II.  233,  267, 
282,  315,  423.  In  the  Promptorium  we 


find  :'  Bren,  by  the  selfe  (brenne)  Ardeo. 
Brennyn  or  settyn  on  fyre,  or  make 
bren.  Incendo,  Cremo,  Comburo. 
Brennynge.  Ustio,  combustio,  incen- 
dium.  Brent.  Combustus,  incensusS 
P.  49.  Palsgrave  has  '  I  brenne,  as  the 
fyre  dothe  or  such  lyke.' — L  Esclair. 
p.  465.  It  is  used  very  constantly  by 
Chaucer,  thus  in  The  Knightes  Tale: 

'  The  fyres  brenne  upon  the  auter  cleer, 
Whil  Emelye  was  thus  in  hire  preyer.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  72. 

Again  in  the  same  tale  we  have  : 

'  And  leet  comaunde  anon  to  hakke  and  hewe 
The  okes  old,  and  lay  hem  on  a  rewe 
In  culpouns  well  arrayed  for  to  brenne.' 

Ubi  supra  p.  88. 

And  both  verb  and  participle  occur  to- 
gether in  the  following  passage  from 
The  Prol.  of  the  Wyf 'of 'Bathe: 

'Thou  likenest  it  (i.e.  love)  also  to  wilde  fuyr, 

The  more  it  brenneth  the  more  it  hath  desir 

To  consume  every  thing  that  brent  wol  be.' 

Ubisupra,  p.  217. 

The  substantive  occurs  in  The  Knightes 
Tale : 

'  But  it  were  al  to  long  for  to  devyse 
The  greate  clamour  and  the  waymentynge 
Which  that  the  ladies  made  at  the  brennynge 

Ofthebodyes ' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  31. 

And  the  participle  in  The  secounde 
Nonnes  Tale : 

And  right  so  as  these  philosofres  wryte, 
That  heven  is  swyft  and  round,   and  eek 

brennynge. 

Right  so  was  faire  Cecily  the  whyte, 
Ful  swyft  and  besy  ever  in  good  werkynge, 
And  round  and  hool  in  good  perseverynge, 
And  brennyng  ever  in  charite  ful  brighte. ' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  32. 

Brokle,  brittle. — II.  316  and  note. 

Bronde,  a  brand.— II.  423.  Pals- 
grave has  '  Bronde  of  fyre — tison  s,  m.' 
JJ Esclair.  p.  201 .  In  the  Promptorium 
we  find  'Bronde  of  fyre.  Facula,fax,ticio, 
torris.' — P.  53.  Sir  John  Maundevile, 
narrating  a  legend  of  Bethlehem,  uses 
this  old  Saxon  form  :  'And  whan  sche 
hadde  thus  seyd,  she  entred  in  to  the 
Fuyer ;  and  anon  was  the  Fuyr  quenched 
and  oute  :  and  the  Brondes  that  weren 
brennynge  becomen  rede  Roseres  :  and 
the  Brondes  that  weren  not  kyndled 


GLOSSARY. 


463 


becomen  white  Roseres  fulle  of  Roses.' 
—  Voiage,  &c.  p.  84.  ed.  1727.  And 
so  does  Chaucer  in  The  Knightes  Tale : 

'  That  other  fyr  was  queynt,  and  al  agon  ; 
And  as  it  queynt,  it  made  a  whistelyng, 
As  doth  a  wete  brand  in  his  brennyng. 
And  at  the  brondes  end  out  ran  anoon 
As  it  were  bloody  dropes  many  oon. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  72. 

Bronte,  brunt. — II.  266.  Various 
derivations  of  this  word  have  been  sug- 
gested, but  it  is  most  probable  that  it  is 
connected  with  the  Saxon  Byrn,  the 
Gothic  Brynja,  which  are  both  repre- 
sented by  the  low  Latin  Brunea  or 
Bronia  =  \onc2i,  and  by  the  French 
Broigne  or  Brugne.  The  Anglo-Saxon 
word,  meaning  a  breast-plate,  occurs  in 
the  Laws  of  King  Ine,  and  also  in  those 
of  Cnut.  See  Ancient  Laws  and  Instit. 
of  England,  vol.  i.  pp.  138,  414.  ed. 
1840.  Palsgrave  has  '  Stresse  a  brunt. 
— Effort  s,  m.'  And  '  At  the  firste 
brunte  De  Prinsault,  as  la  bonne  femme 
nourrice  de  Paris  de  prinsault  se  layssa 
cheoyr  aux  piedz  du  prince  Hector  S 
— U  Esclair.  pp.  201,  277,  805.  In 
the  Promptorium  we  find  '  Brunt. 
Insultus,  impetus.  Bruntun  or  make 
a  sod  en  stertynge  (burtyn)  Insilio.' — 
P.  54.  Hall  in  his  account  of  the 
battle  of  Flodden  in  1513,  says  : 
'  Then  the  lord  Admyrall  perceyued 
foure  great  battayles  of  the  Scottes  all 
on  foote  with  longe  speres  lyke  moorishe 
pykes,  whyche  Scottes  furnished  them 
warlike,  and  bent  theim  to  the  forwarde, 
whiche  was  conducted  by  the  lord  Ad- 
mirall,  whiche  perceyuynge  that,  sent  to 
hys  father,  the  erle  of  Surrey,  hys 
Agnus  dei  that  honge  at  his  brest  that 
in  all  haste  he  woulde  ioyne  battayl 
euen  wyth  the  bront  or  brest  of  the 
vantgarde  :  for  the  forwarde  alone  was 
not  able  to  encountre  the  whole  battayl 
of  the  Scottes;  the  erle  perceyuynge 
well  the  saiynge  of  hys  sonne,  and 
seynge  the  Scottes  ready  to  discende 
the  hyll,  auaunced  hym  selfe  and  hys 
people  forwarde,  and  broughte  theym 
egall  in  grounde  wyth  the  forwarde  on 
the  left  hande,  euen  at  the  bront  or  brest 
of  the  same,  at  the  foote  of  the  hyll 
called  Bramston.' — Chron.  fpl.  xli  b, 


ed.  1548.  C.  de  Seissel,  in  his  trans- 
lation of  Thucydides,  viii.  8.,  made  in 
the  1 5th  century,  had  the  following 
passage  :  '  Ce  temps  pendant  et  le  iour 
ensuyuant  suruindrent  a  layde  des  Pelo- 
ponesiens  les  nauires  des  Corinthiens,  et 
tantost  apres  ceulx  des  autres  alliez  les 
quelz  voyant  quil  leur  seroit  trop  mal 
ayse  de  garder  celluy  lieu  desert  es- 
toient  en  grand e  perplexite  et  de  prime 
y^parlerent  de  brusler  leurs  nauires.'— 
Fo.clxxi.  b.ed.  1520.  This  was  translated 
by  Nicolls  :  '  were  in  greate  perplexitie 
and  at  the  furste  brunte  did  speake  of 
burning  their  ships.' — Fo.  cc.  ed.  1550. 
Richard  Grenewey,  whose  translation 
of  the  annals  of  Tacitus  was  published 
at  the  beginning  of  the  I7th  century, 
renders  :  'Monet  Meherdaten,  barba- 
rorum  impetus  acres  cunctatione  lan- 
guescere,  aut  in  perfidiam  mutari '  (lib. 
xii.  cap.  12),  « Hee  shewed  unto 
Meherdates,  that  the  first  brunt  of  the 
barbarians  was  fierce  and  hote,  but  by 
delay  and  lingring  became  cold  or 
turned  into  treason.' — P.  158,  ed. 
1612.  Frith,  in  his  Aunswere  unto 
Rastel,  says,  '  He  alleageth  also  against 
me,  that  I  say  M.  More  is  sore  deceaued 
ar.d  set  on  the  sand  euen  at  the  first 
brunt,  and  in  the  beginning  of  hys 
voyage.' — P.  67,  ed.  1573.  Joye  uses 
precisely  the  same  form  as  Elyot : 
« Therfore  decree  thei  thus,  to  stand  still 
lyke  idle  idols  and  in  securite,  as  it  were 
afarre  of  loking  upon  and  beholdinge 
the  bront  of  the  bataill,  no  handis  put- 
ting forthe,  nor  yet  once  (when  thei 
might)  to  helpe  to  any  amendement  or 
reformacion. '  Expos,  of  Dan.  fo.  210, 
ed.  1545. 

Burgen,  Burgine,  to  bud or blossom. 
— I.  30,  132.  The  author  in  his  Dic- 
tionary translates  pullulasco  'to  bour- 
gen.'  In  the  Promptorium  we  find 
'  Burgyn,  or  burryn  as  trees,  Germino, 
f rondo,  gemmo,  frondeo.  Burgynynge 
(burgynge) ,  Germen,  pullulacio. ' — P.  56. 
This  word  is  the  Anglicised  form  of  the 
French  bourgeonner,  which  Cotgrave 
renders  '  to  bud,  spring  or  sprout  out,  to 
burgeon,  put,  or  shoot  out.'  Palsgrave 
has,  '  I  burgen,  I  put  forthe  as  a  tree 
dothe  his  blossomes,  Jebourgonne,  prim, 
conj.  whiche  I  fynde  somtyme  written 


464 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


je  bourgeonne,  lest  the  reder  shulde 
sounde  the  g  amysse.  These  trees  burgen 
a  moneth  soner  than  I  loked  for,  ces 
arbres  bourgonnent  ung  mays  plus  tost 
que  je  ne  pensoye. ' — LEsclair.  p.  472. 
Palsgrave  also  gives '  Burryon,  or  budde 
of  a  tree, — germe,  burjon  s,  m. '  and 
'Budde — bouton,  bourgon  s,  m.' — Ibid. 
pp.  200,  201.  The  substantive 
occurs  in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose,  in  the 
1 3th  century  : 

'  La  roche  porte  un  bois  dputable 
Dont  li  arbre  sunt  merveillable 
L'un  est  brehaigne  et  riens  ne  porte 
L'autre  en  fruit  porter  se  deporte. 

*        *        *        *        *        * 

Et  quant  borjons  a  1'une  viennent 

Les  autres  flestries  se  tiennent.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  91.  ed.  1814. 
Both  verb  and  substantive  occur  fre- 
quently in  the  great  agricultural  work 
of  Olivier  de  Serres,  published  in  the 
1 6th  century,  thus,  in  treating  of  the 
almond  tree  he  says,  '  En  ce  tardif 
planter,  la  reprinse  de  1'arbre  est  tres- 
doubteuse,  pour  son  naturel  hastif  a 
bourgeonner,  qui  avoit  faict  ordonner  a 
nos  ancestres,  de  le  loger  en  terre  des 
premiers.' — Theatre  cTAgricult.  torn.  ii. 
par.  I.  p.  375,  ed.  1805.  Chaucer 
uses  another  form  of  the  same  word  in 
the  Testament  of  Love:  'Wost  thou 
not  well  (qd  she)  but  euery  tree  in  his 
sesonable  time  of  bourioning,  shew  his 
blomes  fro  within,  in  sign  of  what  fruit 
should  out  of  him  spring,  els  the  fruit 
for  that  yeare  men  halt  deliuered,  be  the 
ground  neuer  so  good.  And  though 
thestocke  be  mighty  at  the  full,  and 
the  braunches  seere  and  no  burions 
shew,  farewell  the  gardiner,  he  may  pipe 
with  an  yuy  leafe,  his  fruit  is  fayled  ; 
wherfore  thy  braunches  must  burionen 
in  presence  of  thy  lady,  if  thou  desire 
any  fruit  of  thy  ladies  grace.' — Fo.  299, 
b.  ed.  1602.  Lydgate,  in  his  Minor 
Poems,  has  '  To  se  burgyons  on  a  dede 
drye  stok.' — P.  56,  ed.  1842.  Faire- 
fax  uses  precisely  the  same  form  as  our 
author  in  Godfrey  of  Bulloigne. 

'When  first  on  trees  burgen  the  blossomes 
soft.' 

Vol.  i.  p.  184.  ed.  1817. 

And  so  does  Lord  Berners  in  The 
Golden  Boke  :  '  By  the  floures  the  fruites 


are  knowen,and  the  vines  in  hirgenyng."1 
— Fo.  77.  ed.  1539.  Whilst  Spenser 
in  The  Faerie  Queene,  in  describing  the 
months  of  the  year,  says  of  February  : 

— Yet  had  he  by  his  side 
harnesse    fit  to   till   the 


and 


His    plough 
ground, 

And   tooles  to  prune  the  trees,  before  the 
pride 

Of  hasting  Prime  did  make  them  burgein 
round.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  277.  ed.  1866. 
Buten,  booty. — II.  4.  The  French 
word  butin.  Palsgrave  has,  '  Boty  that 
man  of  warre  take — butin  s,  m.'  And 
also  '  S  chare  of  a  man  of  a  prise  of  warre 
tyrne — butin  s,  m.'  And  'I  parte  a 
butyne  or  a  pray  taken  in  the  warre. 
Jebulyne,  prim.  conj.  Let  us  go  parte 
our  butyn  :  allons  partir  nostre  butyn 
or  allons  butyner? — U  Esclair.  pp.  200, 
266,  653.  Sir  William  Paget  in  a  let- 
ter from  Amboise,  Jan  20,  1543,  says  : 
'  Here  be  cum  certain  capitains  of  his, 
(i.  e.  the  Duke  of  Cleves)  to  declare  unto 
this  King  that  De  Longevale  and  La 
Planche  hath  robbed  hym  of  moche 
treasure  in  the  payment  of  wages,  and 
used  them  very  ill  in  division  of  butyns? 
State  Pap.  vol.  ix.  p.  272. 


c. 


Cautele,  caution,  but  more  generally 
used  in  a  bad  sense  for  craft. — I.  31. 
This  is  the  French  word  cautelle  which 
is  itself  derived  from  cautela,  a  latin 
word  which  was  not  used  by  any  classi- 
cal author,  but  occurs  in  the  Digest  and 
in  the  writings  of  the  commentators 
upon  Roman  law.  In  his  Dictionary 
Elyot  translates  the  word  offucise 
(Plant.  Most.  i.  3.  107.  Aul.  Gell.  Noct. 
Att.  lib.  xiv.  cap.  i)  '  Cawtellis,  crafty 
wayes  to  deceyue.'  In  the  Prompto- 
rium  we  find  '  Cautek  or  sleyte,  cawtele 
or  sleight,  Cautela.'—?.  64.  Whilst 
Palsgrave  has  '  Cautell  sleyght — cautelle 
s,  f.,  and  also  '  With  his  wyles  he  begy- 
leth  the  :  par  ses  cautelles  il  te  cautelle' 
L?  Esclair.  pp.  203,  446.  Cotgrave 
renders  cautelle,  'A  wile,  cautell,  sleight ; 
a  crafty  reach  or  fetch,  guilefull  devise 
or  indeavor  ;  also  craft,  subtilty,  trum- 


GLOSSARY. 


465 


pery,  deceit,  cousenage.'  Froissart  uses 
it  in  the  sense  of  « precaution,'  as  when, 
speaking  of  the  letters  by  which  Edward 
III.  acknowledged  himself  bound  to  do 
homage  to  the  King  of  France  for  the 
duchy  of  Guienne,  he  tells  us  :  '  Ces 
lettres  rapporterent  en  France  les  dessus 
nommes  seigneurs,  et  les  baillerent  au 
roi  de  France,  qui  tantotlesfit  porter  en 
sa  chancellerie  et  mettre  en  garde  avec 
ses  plus  especiales  choses  a  la  cautelle 
du  temps  avenir.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p. 
46,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Sometimes  it  is  used 
in  the  sense  of '  stratagem . '  Thus  in  the 
Histoire  du  Marescal  de  Boucicaut,  who 
was  Marshal  of  France  under  Charles  V., 
the  writer  (a  contemporary)  says  :  '  Et 
tout  ainsi  comme  on  a  de  coustume 
prendre  icelles  bestes  en  diuerses  mani- 
eres,  c'est  a  s£auoir  a  force  de  bons 
chiens,  ou  par  traict  d'arc,  et  de  dards, 
ou  par  bourses  et  filets,  ou  autres  mani- 
eres  de  les  deceuoir,  ainsi  semblable- 
ment  le  vaillant  Capitaine,  qui  contre 
ses  ennemis  se  debuoit  aider  de  plu- 
sieurs  sages  cauteles,  ies  surprenoit  en 
maintes  manieres.' — P.  43,  ed.  1620. 
Our  own  chronicler  Hall  uses  the  word 
precisely  in  the  same  sense  in  speaking 
of  the  capture  by  surprise  of  the  town 
of  Pont  de  PArche  in  Normandy  in 
1448.  '  By  this  praty  cautele  and 
slyghte  imposture  was  the  towne  of 
Pontelarche  taken  and  surprised,  which 
towne  was  the  kay  and  passage  ouer 
the  ryuer  of  Soame  from  Fraunce  to 
Normandy.' — Chron.  fo.  cliii.  ed.  1548. 
Gower,  speaking  of  Rhetoric,  says  that 
it 

'  is  the  secpnde  of  science, 
Touchende  to  philosophic, 
Wherof  a  man  shall  iustifie 
His  wordes  in  disputeson, 
And  knitte  upon  conclusion 
His  argument  in  suche  a  forme, 
Whiche  maie  the  pleyne  trouth  enforme, 
And  the  subtile  cautele  abate, 
Whiche  euery  trewe  man  shall  debate.' 

Fo.  cl.  b.  ed.  1554. 

Chaucer  also  uses  it  in  a  bad  sense  in 
his  Goodly  Ballade  : 
'Cautels  who  so  useth  gladly,  gloseth  ; 
To  eschewe  suche  it  is  right  high  prudence.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p  276,  ed.  1866. 
So  does  Sir  John  Maundevile,  who,  de- 
scribing the  '  Yle  of  Pentexoire,'  says  : 

II.  H 


'  There  was  dwellynge  somtyme  a  ryche 
man,  and  it  is  not  longe  sithen,  and 
men  clept  him  Gatholonabes  ;  and  he 
was  fulle  of  cauteles  and  of  sotylle  dis- 
ceytes.'  Voiage,  etc.  p.  336,  ed.  1727. 
Sir  Thomas  More  in  his  Utopia  speaks 
of  'some  subtyll  wyle  and  cautele  of 
the  lawe.'— Fo.  74  b,  2nd  ed.  trans- 
lated by  Robinson.  Fulke  in  his  Con- 
futation of  Dr.  Alleris  Treatise  on  the 
Priesthood  uses  the  word  in  precisely 
the  same  sense  as  Sir  Thomas  Elyot. 
'  You  repeat  againe  that  this  penance 
Canonicall  was  appointed  not  onelie  for 
cautele  and  prouision  against  the  like 
sinnes,  but  also  for  satisfying  of  Gods 
iustice.' — P.  418,  Camb.  ed.  Bacon 
attaches  the  notion  of  dishonesty  to  the 
word,  when  he  says  :  '  The  cautels  and 
devices  put  in  practice  in  the  delivery 
of  knowledge  for  the  covering  and  pal- 
liating of  ignorance,  and  the  gracing  and 
overvaluing  of  that  they  utter,  are  with- 
out number.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  302, 
ed.  1825. 

Cesse,  to  cease.—  I.  15,  41,  214,  219, 
301  ;  II.  35,  95,  98,  107,  132.  The 
French  cesser.  This  form  is  used  by 
Chaucer,  in  The  Clerkes  Tale : 

'  But  ther  as  ye  have  profred  me  to  day 

To  chese  me  a  wyf,  I  wol  relese 

That  choys,  and  pray  yow  of  that  profre  cesse. 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  283. 
Again  in  The  Tale  of  Melibeus-.  '  Sothly, 
a  man  may  chaunge  his  purpos  and  his 
counseil,  if  the  cause  cesseth,  or  whan  a 
newe  cause  bytydeth.' — Ibid.  vol.  iii. 
p.  159.  And  also  by  Spenser  in  The 
Faerie  Queene : 

'  For  naturall  affection  soone  doth  resse, 
And  quenched  is  with  Cupids  greater  flame  ; 
But  faithfull  friendship  doth  them  both  sup- 

presse, 

And  them  with   maystring    discipline    doth 
tame. 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  213. 

In  the  following  passage  from  AWs  -well 
that  ends  well  it  is  manifest  that  Shake- 
speare must  have  employed  this  form  in 
order  to  preserve  the  rhyme,  although 
in  many  editions  the  word  is  spelt  cease  : 

'  Count.  Which  better  than  the  first,  O  dear 

heaven,  bless  ! 
Or,  ere  they  meet,  in  me,  O  nature,  cesse  \ 

Vol.  iii.  p.  278,  Dyce's  ed 


II 


466 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Chaufed,  chafed,    heated.— I.    188  ; 
II.  266,  322,  334,  423,  442  and  note. 

Circumscription,    compass,   descrip- 
tion.— II.   272.     The  Latin  word  cir- 
cumscriptio    is   quite    classical.     Thus 
Cicero  speaks  of  '  circuitus  ille  orationis, 
quern  Graci  irepioftov,  nos  turn  ambitum, 
turn  circuitum,  turn  comprehensionem, 
aut   continuationem,    aut    circumscrip- 
tionem  dicimus.' — Orat.  cap.  61.     And 
Sir  T.   Elyot  has  evidently  borrowed 
his  use  of  the  word  in  the  above  sense 
from  this  passage.     Udall  in  his  trans- 
lation of  Erasmus's    Commentary    on 
Acts  viii.  says :  '  And  where  the  one 
natiuitie,  and  eke  the  other,  cannot  be  in 
worde  expressed,  whether  it  be  his  eter- 
nal generacion  of  his  father,  which  from 
euer    was  without    circumscription   of 
time,  or  that  he  once  had  of  the  virgin 
by    the    holy    ghostes    handy   woorke 
without  mannes   helpe.' — Tom.    i.   fo. 
cccccliii.  ed.  1551.    The  original  being, 
'  Porro  quum  utraque  nativitas  sit  inef- 
fabilis,  sive  qua  sine  tempore  semper 
nascitur  a  patre,  sive  qua  sine  viri  opera 
per  opificium  spiritus  sancti  natus  est  de 
virgine.' — Paraph,  in  Nov.  Test.  torn.  i. 
p.  692,  ed.  1541.     The  word  occurs  fre- 
quently  in   the    patristic   writings,    or 
rather  in  the  Latin   versions  of  those 
writings,  and  Dr.  Joseph  Hall,  who  was 
born  in  the  last  quarter  of  the    i6th 
century,  gives  us  the  following  transla- 
tion of  a  passage  from  Cyril's  Dialogue 
on  the   Trinity    (Opera,   torn.    ii.    p. 
257,    ed.    1604)  :    '  If  the  Deity  itself 
were  capable  of  partition,  it   must   be 
a  body  :  And   if  it    were    a  body,    it 
must  needs  be  in  a  place,   and   have 
quantity  and  magnitude ;  and  thereupon 
should    not    avoid    circumscription.1 — 
Works,    vol.    ix.    p.    254,    ed.     1808. 
Hobbes  in  his  Leviathan  gives  the  fol- 
lowing definition  of  the  word  :    '  The 
circumscription  of  a  thing  is   nothing 
else  but  the  determination,  or  defining 
ofitsplace.'— P-373,  ed.  1651.  AylifFe, 
in  his  great  work  on  ecclesiastical  law, 
says  :  '  The  reason  why  an  instrument 
is  not  valid  without  inserting  the  par- 
ticular place's  name  where  it  was  made, 
is,  because  by  circumscription  of  time 
and  place  the  matter  is  render' d  more 


certain  and    less  suspected.' — Parerg. 
yur.  Can.  Ang.  p.  306,  ed.  1734. 

Circumstaunce,  circumlocution.  — 
II.  409,  and  note. 

Coarcted,  Coarted,  compressed,  con- 
strained.— I.  10,  138.  The  verb 
coarcto  or  coarto  in  Latin  in  the  sense  of 
to  confine,  compress,  is  quite  classical ; 
thus  Ovid  has  : — 

Sed  quid  et  Orion,  et  cetera  sidera  mundo 
Cedere  festinant,  noxque  coarctat  iter  ? ' 
Fast.  lib.  v.  545. 

And  Cicero  in  his  Letters  to  Atti- 
cus  says  :  '  Cnseus  noster  quid  consilii 
ceperit,  capiatve,  nescio,  adhuc  in  oppi- 
dis  coarctatus  et  stupens. ' — Lib.  vii.  ep. 
10.  Elyot  in  his  Dictionary  renders 
coarcto,  '  to  strayne  or  presse  togyther.' 
From  Latin  the  word  passed  into 
French,  and  Palsgrave  gives  '  I  coarcte, 
I  constrayne.  Je  coarcte,  prim.  conj. 
or  je  constraings.  He  that  wyll  nat  do 
his  dutye  with  good  wyll  must  be  cor- 
rected :  qui  ne  veultfaire  son  debuoyr  de 
bon  gre,  fault  quoti  le  coarcte,  or  quon  le 
constraigne.'*— E  Esclair.  p.  488  ;  and 
also  ' Coartyng, — ejforcement.' — Ibid.  p. 
206.  And  Cotgrave  translates  coarcter, 
'to  straine,  presse,  or  thrust  hard  to- 
gether ;  to  restraine,  or  bring  within  a 
narrow  compasse.'  The  word  is  used  by 
Chaucer  in  his  Testament  of  Love  :  '  Of 
the  which  thyngs,  Lady,  thllke  persons 
broughten  in  answere  toforne  their  most 
soueraigne  iudge,  not  coarted\yy  paining 
dures,  openly  knowledgeden,  and  asked 
thereof  grace.' — Works,  fo.  277,  b. 
ed.  1602.  Sir  Richard  Baker,  whose 
Chronicle  was  written  toward  the  end 
of  the  1 6th  century,  says  :  'In  the  first 
year  of  his  reign  (i.e.,  Henry  IV.),  an 
Act  was  made,  that  no  person  of  what 
degree  soever  should  after  that  day 
alledge  for  his  excuse  any  constraint  or 
coarcting  of  his  Prince  for  doing  of  any 
unlawful  act.'  —  P.  164,  ed.  1730. 
Fuller  uses  a  longer  form  of  the  word, 
for  in  his  account  of  Copt  Hall  in 
Essex,  he  tells  us  that  :  '  In  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1639,  in  November,  here  hap- 
pened an  hirecano  or  wild  wind,  which 
entering  in  at  the  great  east  window 
blew  that  down,  and  carried  some  part 
thereof  with  the  picture  of  the  Lord 


GLOSSARY. 


467 


Coventry  all  the  length  of  the  gallery 
out  of  the  west  window,  which  it  threw 
clown  to  the  ground.  It  seems  the 
wind  finding  this  room  in  form  of  a 
trunk,  and  coarctated  therein,  forced  the 
stones  of  the  first  window,  like  pellets, 
clean  thorough  it.' — Worthies  of  Eng. 
p.  319,  ed.  1662.  It  may  be  observed 
that  both  Mr.  Todd  and  Dr.  Latham, 
in  their  respective  editions  of  Johnson's 
Dictionary,  besides  misquoting  this  last 
passage,  refer  it  to  '  Bacon  ; '  a  piece  of 
inaccuracy  which  is  surely  inexcusable 
in  two  successive  editions  of  a  standard 
work  of  reference. 

Coknayes,  pampered  pets,  milksops, 
minions. — I.  201.  About  this  word, 
the  original  of  the  modern  'cockney,'  a 
great  deal,  as  Richardson  remarks,  has 
been  written  to  little  purpose.  Much, 
however,  of  the  confusion  and  miscon- 
ception in  which  the  subject  has  been 
involved  would  no  doubt  have  been 
avoided,  if  those  who  endeavoured  to 
explain  the  word  had  contented  them- 
selves with  investigating  its  history, 
instead  of  indulging  in  crude  speculation 
and  unphilosophical  theories.  Dr. 
Latham,  for  instance,  one  of  the  latest 
expositors,  says,  with  a  degree  of  assur- 
ance amounting  almost  to  rashness  : 
'  All  that  the  editor  feels  sure  of  is  that 
it  is  in  the  word  cocaigne,  as  applied  to 
a  fictitious  district,  that  the  origin  of  the 
word  lies  ;  a  cockney  being  a  native  of 
the  land  so  called.' — Diet,  sub  voc. 
How  far  such  assurance  is  justified  by 
the  history  of  this  word  the  reader  will 
be  able  to  judge  for  himself  when  he 
has  perused  the  evidence,  but  it  seems 
only  fair  to  state  here  that  the  discovery 
of  the  derivation  which  finds  favour 
with  Dr.  Latham  was  anticipated  by 
Dr.  Hickes  at  the  commencement  of 
the  last  century.  Hickes  printed  in 
his  great  work  on  the  Anglo-Saxon 
language  a  MS.  which  had  been  sent 
him  by  his  friend  Tanner,  afterwards 
Bishop  of  St.  Asaph.  This  MS.  com- 
mences as  follows  : 

'  Fur  n  see  bi  west  Spaynge 
Is  a  lond  ihote  cokaygne  ' 

The  word  in  italics  Dr.  Hickes  says  is 
'now  (i.e.  in  1705)  called  coquin.     A 

H 


word  which  formerly  (olim)  signified  in 
French,  voluptuous,  slothful,  lazy,  &c. 
Hence  our  country  folk  (pagani  nostri) 
used  to  call  (vocabant)  city  people 
(urbanos)  whose  habits  are  sedentary 
and  inactive  in  comparison  with  those 
who  lead  a  laborious  country  life 
cokaignes  or  as  it  is  now  (i.e.  in  1705) 
written  cockneys.'' — Thesaur.  torn.  i.  p. 
231.  Upon  this  it  may  be  observed  ; 
1st,  that  cokaygne  is  obviously  not,  and 
never  could  have  been,  a  translation  of 
coquin,  but  is  simply  the  Anglicised 
form  of  the  French  substantive  cocagne,  • 
which,  although  Dr.  Hickes  was  evi- 
dently not  aware  of  the  fact,  was  in  use 
as  early  as  the  I3th  century,  and  was 
applied  exactly  in  the  same  way  as  it  is 
in  his  MS.,  to  denote  a  land  of  plenty. 
M.  Barbazan,  at  the  commencement  of 
the  present  century,  published  in  his 
collection  of  French  Fabliaux  one  bear- 
ing the  title  Qi  Li  Fabliaus  de  Coquaigne, 
and  which  in  many  respects  resembles 
the  poem  printed  by  Hickes,  as  may  be 
seen  from  the  following  passage  : 

'  Li  pals  a  a  non  Coquaigne, 
Qui  plus  i  dort,  plus  i  gaaigne, 
Cil  qui  dort  jusqu'  a  miedi 
Gaaigne  cine  sols  et  demi. 

«  *  *  * 

C'est  fine  ve"ritez  prove"e 
Qu'en  la  terre  bene'ure'e 
Cort  une  riviere  de  vin.' 

Tom.  iv.  pp.  176,  177,  ed.  1808. 

Now  unquestionably  we  have  here  the 
origin  of  'the  lond  ihote  cokaygne, 'but 
we  are  still  a  long  way  from  the  origin 
of  cockney,  notwithstanding  that  M. 
Littre,  sub  voc.  Cocagne  says,  '  Le  mot 
est  done  Fran$ais  et  non  emprunte  ;  il 
avaitmemepenetre  dans  1' Anglo-Saxon, 
comme  le  montrent  des  vers  cites  par 
Johnson  au  mot  cokney.'  The  verses 
here  alluded  to  are  those  which  form 
the  commencement  of  Hickes's  poem, 
and  which  were  quoted  by  Dr.  Johnson 
in  his  Dictionary,  but  without  any  com- 
ment of  his  own.  2nd,  there  is  not  a 
particle  of  evidence  to  show  that,  at  any 
period  of  English  history,  any  class  of 
persons  whatever  were  called  cokaignes, 
and  therefore  this  step  in  the  pedigree 
of  the  word  (assuming  cokaygne  as  the 
root)  rests  entirely  on  Hickes's  unsup- 

H  2 


468 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


ported  assertion.  In  what  sense  then 
is  the  word  used  by  Elyot  in  The  Gover- 
nour  ?  The  best  way.  of  testing  this  is 
to  see  how  the  word  is  used  by  him 
elsewhere.  Now  on  turning  to  his 
Dictionary  we  find  the  Latin  phrase 
Delicias  facere  translated  '  To  be  wan- 
ton, to  be  squaymyshe,  to  play  the 
cockeney?  He  also  gives  'Delitium  et 
delitise,  A  wanton  worde,  which  uneth 
may  be  expressed  in  Englysshe,  used 
betwene  a  man  and  a  woman  in  wanton 
pastyme.  Meum  delitium,  mese  de- 
•litiae,  My  swete  harte,  my  darlynge, 
my  ioye,  and  suche  ether  lyke,  expressed 
best  by  theym  that  be  Venus  secretaries.' 
In  Cooper's  edition  of  the  author's 
Dictionary  we  find,  '  Delicise  pueri, 
apud  Plautum  sic  dictum  est,  ut  Delicias 
hominum  a  Juvenale  pro  Delicato  ho- 
mine.  A  minion  boy,  a  cockney,  a 
wanton.'  The  word  had  indeed  been 
mentioned  in  dictionaries  still  older  than 
Elyot's  ;  thus  in  the  Catholicon  Angli- 
cum,  which  yet  exists  in  MS.  and  has 
never  been  printed,  '  A  coknay '  is  repre- 
sented by  the  mediaeval  Latin  equiva- 
lents ambro,  mammotrophus,  delicius  ; 
whilst  in  the  Medulla  Grammatices, 
which  is  the  earliest  Latin-English 
Dictionary,  also  in  MS.,  we  find 
'  Mammotrophus,  qui  diu  sugit,'  and 
the  semi-leonine  distich, 

'  Mammotrophus  mammam  longo  qui  tempore 

servat, 
Kokenay  dicatur,  noster  sic  sermo  notatur.' 

Now  this  word  mammotrophus  or 
mammothreptus,  of  which  our  'milk- 
sop '  is  the  exact  equivalent,  had  been 
used  by  St.  Augustine  in  his  commen- 
tary on  Psalm  xxx.  and  explained  by 
him  to  mean,  '  Quales  dicuntur  pueri  qui 
diu  sugunt,  quod  non  decet.' — Opera, 
torn.  iv.  p.  246,  Migne  ed.  Erasmus 
has  the  same  word  in  his  Colloquies,  and 
interprets  it  A  vise  alumnus  ( Opera,  torn, 
i.  col.  824,  ed.  1703).  The  Prompto- 
rium  compiled  in  1440  and  first  printed 
in  1499,  has  rather  a  different  definition 
of  the  word  from  the  authorities  above 
mentioned,  but  the  meaning  is  clearly 
the  same.  *  Coknay  (cokeney)  carifo- 
tus,  cucunellus,  fotus,  delicius  (lauticius, 


carenutus,  coconellus,  lucimellus),'  and 
we  are  expressly  told  that  these  names 
were   fictitious    and    employed    in    an 
ironical  sense  :   '  Sunt  nomina  derisorie 
ficta   et   inventa.'     Palsgrave,  the  con- 
temporary   of    Elyot,    has,     '  Wanton 
cockeney — mignot  st  m.  mignotte  s,  f. ; ' 
and  '  I  bring  up  like  a  cocknaye.     Je 
mignotte,   prim,    conj.'   L'Esclair.   pp. 
286,  470.     He  has  also  given  us  the 
same  explanation  in  an  expanded  form 
in  his  English  version  of  the  Acolastus, 
a  comedy  written  in  Latin  by  a  Dutch- 
man calling  himself  Fullonius.     For  he 
renders   the   passage,    '  Quandoquidem 
malit   errare   quolibet  exssua  libidine, 
paterno  quam  sinu   foverier   amplius.' 
'  For  why,  he  had  rather  wander  at  his 
owne  plesure,  whither  so  euer  it  lyketh 
hym,  than  to  be  brought  up  any  longer 
in    his    fathers    bosom,     (than    to   be 
dandlyd  any  longer  uppon  his  father's 
knee,  or  to  be  any  longer  taken  for  his 
fathers  cockney  or  minyon  or  darlyng),' 
— Signat.    D.   ed.   1540.     Hence  it  is 
clear  that  Palsgrave  considered  cockney 
the  equivalent  of  minion.     Now  Min- 
sheu,  whose  Dictionary  was  published 
long  afterwards,  in  describing  the  word 
'minion'  says,  * Mignon  proprie  apud 
Gallos  de  illis  dicitur  (qui  ?)  prae  cseteris 
habentur    in   deliciis.     Hinc  est  quod 
Mignons  du  Roy,  Jovis  pullos,   primse 
authoritatis  aulicos  et  primi  fastus  vertat 
Budaeus.'     The  Editor  has  been  unable 
to  verify  Minsheu's  authority,  as  he  has 
not  given  a  reference  to  any  particular 
work  of  Bude.     But  there  is  evidence 
of  the   same   expression   having  been 
similarly  applied  at  a  very  much  earlier 
date,   for  according  to  Festus,  '  Puer, 
qui  obsccene  ab  aliquo  amabatur,  ejus, 
a  quo  amatus  esset,  pullus  vocabatur, 
unde  Q.  Fabius,  cui  Eburno  cognomen 
erat  propter  candorem,  quod  ejus  natis 
fulmine    icta    esset   pullus   Jovis    ap- 
pellatus  est.'    The  notion  of  effeminacy 
and  wantonness  was  therefore  clearly 
associated  with  the  word,  which  from 
the  passage  last  cited  would  seem  not 
unnaturally  connected  with  the  French 
Coq.      The    meaning  which  Cotgrave 
assigns  to  coqueliner :  '  to  dandle,  cocker, 
fedle,  pamper,    make  a  wanton  of  a 


GLOSSARY. 


469 


child,'  seems  almost  identical  with 
Elyot's  translation  of  the  phrase  *  deli- 
cias  facere.'  The  verb  to  cocker  also 
evidently  sprang  from  the  same  root, 
for  in  the  Promptorium  we  find  '  Coker- 
ynge  or  grete  cherschynge  (ouer  greate 
cherysshinge).  Focio,  nutricio,  care- 
focus  (carifotus) '  and  '  Cockeryn,  Cari- 
foveoy  which  are  precisely  the  same 
Latin  words  as  were  used  to  express 
'cockney.'  On  the  other  hand  Pals- 
grave renders  the  English  verbs  'to 
cocker,'  and  'to  bring  up  like  a  cock- 
ney '  by  identically  the  same  French 
verb,  viz.,  mignotter.  Littre  tells  us 
that  the  phrase  Ces  coquins  d'enfants, 
in  use  at  the  present  day,  '  indique  une 
impatience  melee  d'amour.'  One  of  the 
earliest  English  writers  (not  reckoning 
the  compilers  of  dictionaries  already 
mentioned)  by  whom  the  word  cockney 
is  used,  is  Chaucer,  who,  in  The  Reeves 
Tale,  says  : 

'And  when  this  jape  is  told  another  day, 
I  sal  be  held  a  daf,  a  cokenay. ' 

Poet,  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  131, 

where  the  meaning  is  clearly  '  a  milk- 
sop, an  effeminate  fellow.'  In  fact,  its 
usage  by  Elyot  and  Chaucer  seems 
almost  identical.  Harrison,  whose 
Description  of  England  was  not  pub- 
lished till  several  years  after  The  Go- 
vernour,  has  some  lines  purporting  to 
have  been  uttered  by  Hugh  Bigot,  temp. 
Hen.  III.,  in  which  the  word  occurs, 
as  follows  : — 

'  If  I  were  in  my  Castell  of  Bungeie, 
Upon  the  water  of  Waueneie, 
I  would  not  set  a  button  by  the  King  of 
Cockneie.' 

But  Harrison  himself  had  doubts  as 
to  their  authenticity,  for  he  adds  :  '  I 
repute  them  but  as  toies  fondlie  uttered, 
if  anie  such  thing  were  said,  as  manie 
other  words  are  and  haue  beene  spoken 
of  like  holds.'  — P.  195,  ed.  1587. 
These  verses  were  reproduced,  not 
quite  accurately,  by  Camden,  in  his 
second  edition  of  the  Britannia,  pub- 
lished in  1607  (they  are  not  in  the  first 
edition)  and  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  he  copied  them  from  Harrison's 
work,  although  the  source  from  whence 
they  were  obtained  is  not  stated.  Since 


Camden's  time  they  have  been   con- 
stantly adduced   as   evidence  that   the 
application   of   the   term    Cockney  ex- 
clusively to  Londoners  can  be  referred 
to  the  time  when  the  boast  in  question 
is  supposed  to  have  been  uttered.     In 
reality  they  prove  nothing  of  the  kind. 
Fuller  was  the  first  to  give  currency 
in  his  Worthies  to  this  notion,  but   in 
his   anxiety  to  establish  the   antiquity 
of  the  word,  or,  as  he  styles  it,  '  pro- 
verb,1  he   is    guilty   of    a  gross   ana- 
chronism.      He    maintains    that    the 
word    'is    more    than    four    hundred 
years   old,'  as  no   doubt   it  was  then, 
(Fuller    wrote    about    1660)    but    not 
in  the  sense  in  which  he  wished  it  to 
be  understood.     For  in  order  to  make 
the  facts  square  with  his  theory,  he  de- 
clares that  under  the  title  of  '  King  of 
Cockeney,'   allusion   was    intended    to 
King  Henry  the  Second,  regardless  of 
the  fact  that  Harrison  had  assigned  a 
much  later  date  to  the  legend,  viz.,  the 
fiftieth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry 
the  Third.   It  may  be  noticed  here  that 
not  only  Fuller,  but  a  host  of  subse- 
quent writers,  have  quoted  the  above 
lines  on  the  authority  of  Camden,  in 
apparent    ignorance    of  the   fact   that 
Harrison  was  not  only  the  first  to  give 
them  publicity,  but  to  cast  doubts  on 
their  authenticity.     It   is   indeed   sur- 
prising to  find  it  seriously  stated,  as  it 
is  by  Mr.  Todd,  in  his  edition  of  John- 
son's Dictionary,  that  '  the  citation  of 
Camden  (sic}  in  his  Britannia  shews, 
whencesoever   the   triplet   comes,   that 
London  was  known  by  this  name  ;  and 
hence  a  Cockney  might  be  assumed  for 
a  Londoner?     A  very  little   reflection 
will  show  that  this  assumption  is  based 
upon  an  entire   misconception   of  the 
idea  pervading  the  verses,  and  of  the 
character  of  the  King  to  whom  allusion 
is  made.     Fuller,  be  it  observed,  was 
not  so  unphilological  as  to  affirm  that 
'  Cockeney '  in  the  triplet   is   synony- 
mous with  London  ;  this  startling  pro- 
position  has   been   reserved    for   later 
writers,  including,  as  we  see,  an  editor 
of   Johnson's    Dictionary.       All    that 
Fuller    said   was  :    '  Meaning  thereby 
King  Henry  the  Second,  then  peaceably 


470 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


possessed  of  London,  whilest  some  other 
places    did   resist  him.'      Mr.    Todd, 
however,    evidently     considered     that 
'  King  of  Cockeney ?  was  equivalent  to 
*  King  of  London,'  a  solecism  of  which 
even   Fuller,  writing   in   an  uncritical 
age,   was   incapable.     It   would   seem 
that  the  phrase  '  King  of  Cockneie '  at 
any  rate  at  the  period  when  Harrison 
wrote  (about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century),  might  be  susceptible  of  quite 
another    interpretation.       For    in    his 
time  '  King  of  Cockneys '  was  a  recog- 
nised title,   annually  conferred  with  all 
due  solemnity  on  a  member  of  the  Inns 
of  Court.     Dugdale,  in  his  description 
of  the  grand    Christmas   Revels  held 
at    Lincoln's    Inn,    tells    us    that    in 
9    Hen.    VIII.,    it   was    'agreed   and 
ordained    that    the   King  of  Cockneys 
on  Chilcermass  day   (i.e.   Holy  Inno- 
cents' Day,   December  28)  should   sit 
and  have  due  service  ;  and  that  he  and 
all  his  officers  should  use  honest  manner 
and  good  order,  without  any  waste  or 
destruction    making  in   wine,    brawn, 
chely,  or  other  vitails  ;  as  also  that  he 
and  his  Marshal,  Butler,  and  Constable- 
Marshal,  should  have  their  lawful  and 
honest  commandments  by  delivery  of 
the  officers  of  Christmas  ;  and  that  the 
said  King  of  Cockneys,  ne  none  of  his 
officers,  medyl  neither  in  the  Buttery 
nor   in   the  Stuard  of  Christmass   his 
office,    upon    pain    of   40^.    for   every 
such  medling.' — Orig.  jurid.   p.    247, 
ed.  1671.     The  appointment  of  a  King 
of  Cockneys  (avice  alumni)  seems  pecu- 
liarly appropriate  in  connection  with  a 
Feast-day  specially  commemorative  of 
young  children.      Evidently  the  pecu- 
liar function  of  the  King  of  Cockneys 
was  to   administer  the   delicacies   and 
dainties  of  the  feast,  and  to  complete 
the  representation  of  royalty,  the  mimic 
King  was    attended    by    subordinates 
bearing   titles    suggestive   of  veritable 
high    officers    of    State.      Hence    the 
double  entendre  of  the  verses  which,  as 
Harrison  himself  tells  us,  were  spoken 
'  in  contempt,'  and  were  evidently  de- 
signed to  exhibit  the  king  in  a  ridiculous 
light,  'which  no  doubt  they  could  not 
do  more  effectually  than  by  suggesting 


a  comparison  between  the  sorereign  of 
the  realm  and  the  mock  king,    whose 
jurisdiction  was  limited  to  the  Christmas 
revels.      The   language   in   which   the 
verses  are  recorded  by  Harrison  would 
be  alone  almost  sufficient  to  dispose  of 
the  question  whether  they  could  have 
been  actually  spoken  in  that  form  by 
anybody   temp.    Henry   III.,    but    as- 
suming   that    the    haughty   Baron    to 
whom  they  are  attributed  really  uttered 
anything  breathing  the  same  spirit,  it 
is  obvious  that  the  sting  would  lie  not 
so  much  in  the  boasted  strength  of  his 
own  castle,  as  in  the  implied  weakness 
and  incapacity  of  the  sovereign.   For  the 
inevitable  implication  is  that  the  king 
would  not  dare  to  attack  the  speaker  in 
his  own  stronghold.     This  is  quite  in 
harmony    with    modern  .estimates    of 
Henry   the   Third's    character,    whose 
lot,    as  Lingard   says,    '  cast  him  into 
one  of  the  most  turbulent  periods   of 
our    history,    without    the    talents    to 
command  respect  or  the   authority  to 
enforce    submission.'      Thus    a    com- 
parison between  the  real  King,  whose 
effeminacy    was     notorious,    and     the 
counterfeit    king   who   held   his   court 
in  the  midst  of  riot  and  revelry,    and 
surrounded  by  the  minions   of  Folly, 
offers  at  once  an  intelligible  explana- 
tion of  the  legend   and   of  the  word, 
with    the    advantage    of   avoiding   an 
obvious  anachronism.  We  have  seen  that 
the  notion  of  effeminacy  and  wanton- 
ness was  attached  to  the  word  'cock- 
ney' from  its  earliest  mention  down  to 
the   time   when    Elyot   and    Palsgrave 
employed   it   in   the   first   half  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  we  shall  now  see 
that  it  continued  to  bear  this  meaning 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  same  century. 
To  begin  with  dictionaries,     Huloet's 
Abcedarium,    first    published  in    1552, 
gives :  '  Cockeney.  Acersa,  Vineolus  (?) 
Molliculus,    Ineptus    et  Blax,    Mollis, 
Delicatus,  lascivus,  qui  nescit  res  discer- 
nere,  et  qui  se  inaniter  jactat.     Homme 
delicat,  inepte,  sot,  badault,  badaulde.' 
Baret's    Alvearie,    first    published    in 
I573»    gives:     'A   cockney,    a    childe 
tenderly  brought  up,  a  dearling.      Pe- 
dagium,  Plut. :   A  cockney,  after  Saint 


GLOSSARY. 


471 


Augustin,  a  childe  that  sucketh  long, 
but  Erasmus  taketh  it  for  a  childe 
wantonly  brought  up.  Mammothreptus, 
n  os  nutricius  vel  a  nutrice 


educatus.  A  cockney,  a  wanton. 
Deliciae  pueri.'  Twyne,  who  trans- 
lated the  twelfth  book  of  the  jEneid 
in  1573,  renders  the  lines  : 

'  Da  sternere  corpus, 

Loricamque  manu  valida  lacerare  revulsam 
Semiviri   Phrygis,     et    foedare   in   pulvere 
crines.' 

'  His  carkas  grant  that  I  may  ouerlhrow  in 

battell  bold,  _ 
And  with  a  valiant  hand  from  off  the  necke 

the  gorget  teare 

Of  that  same  Cockny  Phrygian  knight,  and 
drench  in  dust  his  heare.' 

Ed.  1583. 

Tusser,  whose  Five  Hundred  Points  of 
.  good  Husbandry  was  so  popular  that  it 
reached  twelve  editions,  uses  the  word 
unmistakeably  in  its  original  significa- 
tion in  his  '  Good  motherlie  '  advice  : 

'  Som  Cocknies  with  cocking  are  made  verie 

fooles, 

Fit  neither  for  prentise,  for  plough,  nor  for 
schooles.' 

P.  139,  ed.  1593. 

Whilst  Meres,  in  his  Second  part  of 
Wits  Commonwealthe,  says  :  '  The  young 
Cuckow,  being  a  bastard,  deuoureth  the 
legitimate  birdes,  and  the  dam  too  :  so 
many  brought  up  with  great  cockering, 
as  Cockneys  bee,  ouerthrow  their  edu- 
cators.' Fo.  59  b,  ed.  1598.  This  writer 
also  applies  the  term  to  women  in  a 
passage  which  purports  to  be  a  quota- 
tion from  Sir  Philip  Sidney's  Apologie 
for  Poetrie,  but  in  which,  for  some 
reason  best  known  to  himself,  Meres 
has  substituted  the  words  italicised  for 
the  single  word  'good,'  which  alone 
appears  in  the  original.  '  Many  Cock  • 
ney  and  wanton  women  are  often  sicke, 
but  in  faith  they  cannot  tell  where  ;  so 
the  name  of  poetrie  is  odious  to  some, 
but  neither  his  cause  nor  effects,  neither 
the  summe  that  contains  him,  nor  the 
particularities  descending  from  him,  giue 
any  fast  handle  to  their  carping  dis- 
praise.' —  Ibid.  fo.  276  b.  Coming 
now  to  Shakespeare,  we  find  that  he 
has  employed  the  word  twice  only, 
and  though  Dr.  Johnson,  followed  by 


subsequent  commentators,  has  dis- 
tinguished the  usage  of  the  word  in 
King  Lear  and  in  Twelfth  Night,  and 
considers  the  former  an  apt  illustration 
of  what  must  be  called  the  modern 
application  of  the  term,  it  would  seem 
that  there  is  no  real  ground  for  such 
distinction,  and  that  in  both  passages 
the  word  was  intended  by  Shakspeare 
to  imply  precisely  the  same  notion 
which  was  attached  to  it  by  Elyot, 
and  other  sixteenth  century  writers. 
In  Twelfth  Night  Sebastian  says  to 
the  Clown  :  '  I  prithee,  vent  thy  folly 
somewhere  else  :  thouknow'st  not  me.' 
Whereupon  Clown  retorts,  'Vent  my 
folly  !  he  has  heard  that  word  of  some 
great  man  and  now  applies  it  to  a  fool. 
Vent  my  folly  !  I  am  afraid  this  great 
lubber,  the  world  will  prove  a  cockney 
— I  prithee  now,  ungird  thy  strangeness 
and  tell  me  what  I  shall  vent  to  my 
lady :  shall  I  vent  to  her  that  thou  art 
coming?'  A  writer  in  Notes  and 
Queries  (vol.  iv.  p.  476)  says,  '  This  is 
somewhat  obscure,  but  I  conceive  that 
the  Clown  means  to  express  his  opinion 
that  the  world  is  already  replete  with 
folly.  The  Clown  probably  intends  to 
say,  that  to  vent  his  folly  to  the  world 
will  be  like  sending  coals  to  Newcastle, 
or  provisions  to  Cocagne ;  for  that,  as  re- 
gards folly,  this  great  lubber,  the  world, 
will  prove  to  be  a  Cocagne  or  Cokeney, 
i.e.  a  land  of  plenty.  He  may,  however, 
mean  to  hint  in  a  roundabout  way  that 
Cockneys  or  natives  of  London  are  full 
of  folly  ;  or  that  the  world  is  as  well 
supplied  with  folly  as  a  Cockney  is  with 
food.'  It  seems  almost  superfluous  to 
remark  that  all  these  theories  are  not 
only  far  fetched  but  quite  beside  the 
mark,  and  though  a  good  many  '  Lon- 
doners'  are,  no  doubt,  'full  of  folly,' 
yet  it  seems  certain  that  Shakespeare 
employed  the  word  cockney  without  any 
idea  of  confining  it  to  a  definite  class  of 
persons.  If  the  sentence  in  which  this 
word  occurs  be  fairly  considered  to- 
gether with  the  context,  and  without 
unduly  straining  the  sense  of  the  whole 
passage  so  as  to  adapt  it  to  the  modern 
acceptation  of  the  particular  expression, 
a  clue  to  its  true  explanation  will  un- 


472 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


doubtedly  be  found  in  the  repetition  by 
Clown  of  the  word  '  vent,'  which  evi- 
dently struck  him  as  something  new- 
fangled and  unaccustomed,  its  '  strange- 
ness '  appeared  to  him  a  mark  of  affec- 
tation,   of   mignardise,    such  that   the 
'  great  man,'  the  great  (unknown)  lub- 
ber,    '  the   world,'    (the   on  dit]    from 
whom  Sebastian  had  borrowed  it,  must 
necessarily  turn  out  to  be  some  effemi- 
nate, dainty  fellow,  in  short,   a  'cock- 
ney.'     The    other    passage   occurs  in 
King  Lear,  who  soliloquises  thus  :    '  O 
me,  my  heart,   my  rising  heart  ! — but 
down  ! '  Whereupon  Fool  says  :  '  Cry  to 
it,    nuncle,   as  the  cockney  did  to  the 
eels,    when  she  put  'em  i'   the   paste 
alive  ;  she  knapped  'em  o'  the  coxcombs 
with  a  stick,  and  cried.  ' '  Down,  wan- 
tons, down  !  '*  'Twas  her  brother  that, 
in  pure  kindness  to  his  horse,  buttered 
his  hay.'     Mr.  Pegge  (A nee.  of  Eng. 
Language] considered  that  Shakespeare's 
usage  of  the  word  here  is  '  in  exact  con- 
formity with  the  received  opinion,'  i.e. 
that  the  dramatist  intended  to  ridicule 
the  ignorance  of  Londoners  with  regard 
to  country  matters.      '  The  above-cited 
instance,'    says    Mr.     Pegge,     'points 
strongly  at  the — Rerum  rusticarum  ig- 
narus.'    But  this  method  of  treating  the 
subject  is  not  only  very  unfair,  but  ex- 
ceedingly unphilosophical.     There  can 
be  no  need  to  go  out  of  the  way  to  put 
a  forced  interpretation  upon  this  pas- 
sage, if  we  recall  a  phrase  which  Elyot 
himself  has  employed  as  the  equivalent 
of  'to  play  the  cockney,'  -viz.    'to  be 
squeamish.'     The   idea  present  to  the 
mind  of  the  dramatist  was  clearly  that 
of  squeamishness,    not   ignorance,   the 
female  cockney  (coquine)  was  too  soft- 
hearted to  be  able  to  bring  herself  to 
kill  the  eels  before  she  put  them  in  the 
paste,  and  her  brother,  a  male  cockney 
(coquiri),  judging  of  his  horse's  feelings 
by  his  own,    'in  pure  kindness,'  not  in 
ignorance,  pampered  him  accordingly. 
In  this  way,  without  doing  violence  to 
the  sense,  the  original  meaning  of  the 
word  is  preserved  in  an  uninterrupted 
course  from  Chaucer  to  Shakespeare. 
The  question,  however,  still  remains  to 
be   answered,  how  and  when  did   the 


term  come  to  be  applied  in  its  present 
limited  sense  exclusively  to  Londoners  ? 


term 

limited  sense  exclusively  to 
We    have   seen   that   not   one   of  the 
writers   already    quoted   whose   works 
were  published  during  the    i6th  cen- 
tury, gives  the  slightest  indication  by 
his   usage   of  the   word,  that   he   was 
aware    of  any  special  or  local  signifi- 
cance being  attached  to  it.     With  the 
commencement   of   the    I7th    century 
however  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  the 
word  '  cockney '  was  ushered  in.     And 
John  Minsheu,  author  of  the  Ductor  in 
linguas,    published   in   1617,   must   be 
held  responsible  for  having  fixed  for  all 
time  to   come  an  indelible  stigma  on 
generations  yet  unborn  of  unoffending 
citizens.     The   modern  cockney,  how- 
ever, may  derive  some  consolation  for 
the  injury  he  has  sustained  at  the  hands 
of  this  writer,  from  the  reflection  that 
the  latter  at  the  same  time  exposed  his 
own  credulity  and  impaired  his  repu- 
tation as  a  philologist.    For  after  stating 
in  most  unequivocal  language  that  the 
word  '  cockney '  is  '  applied  only  to  one 
borne   within  the  sound  of  Bow-bell, 
that  is,  within  the  City  of  London,'  he 
has  solemnly  placed  on  record,  as  a  fact 
equally  important  and  authentic,  what 
he  considered  to  have  been  the  origin 
of  the  term.     '  Which  came  first  out  of 
this  tale  :  that  a  Cittizen's  sonne  riding 
with  his  father  out  of  London  into  the 
country,  and  being  a  nouice  and  meerely 
ignorant     how    corne    or   cattell     in- 
creased, asked,  when  he  heard  a  horse 
neigh,  what    the  horse  did,   his  father 
answered,  The  horse  doth  neigh  ;  riding 
further,    he   heard  a  cocke  crow,    and 
said,   Doth  the   cocke  neigh    too  ?    and 
therfore  Cockney  or  Cocknie,  by  inver- 
sion thus,  incock  q.  incoctus  i.e.  raw  or 
unripe  in  Country-mens  affaires.'     No 
wonder  that  Dr.  Skinner,  referring  to 
this    etymology    half  a  century   later, 
spoke  of  it  as  're  vera  fabula.'     It  is 
indeed  almost  on  a  par  with   that   of 
Meric  Casaubon,  who  traced  the  deri- 
vation of  cockney  to  the  Greek  word 
olmry^ptyr,    'born   and  bred  at  home.' 
Yet  Fuller  considered  Minsheu's  fable 
worthy  of  serious  notice,  and  spoke  of  it 
as    'the  original,'  though  he  had  the 


GLOSSARY. 


473 


sense  to  reject  the  alternative  derivation 
4  by  transposition '  from  incoctus,  which 
he  wisely  considers  '  as  forc'd  and  far 
fetch'd.'     Minsheu  however  must  have 
had    some    reason    for    applying    the 
epithet  particularly  to  Londoners,   and 
it  seems  not  improbable  that  the  real 
origin  of  the  contemptuous  application 
of  the  term  may  be  found  in  the  habits 
of  the  gilded  youth  '  about  town,'  whose 
mode  of  life  excited  the  contempt  and 
exercised  the  pens  of  so  many  writers 
at  the  commencement  of  the  ijih  and 
the  end  of  the  preceding  century.  Nash, 
for  instance,  whose  Pierce  Penilesse  was 
written  in  the  last  decade  of  the  i6th 
century,  has  left  us  the  following  pic- 
ture, drawn,  no  doubt,  from  the   life, 
of  the  boys  of  the  period  :    '  A  yoong 
heyre  or   Cockney  that  is  his  mothers 
darling,  if  hee  haue  playde  the  waste- 
good  at  the  Innes  of  the  Court  or  about 
London,  and  that  neither  his  students 
pension   nor  his   unthrift's  credit   will 
serue    to    maintaine    his    collidge    of 
whores  any  longer,  falles  in  a  quarrelling 
humor   with   his  fortune,  because   she 
made  him  not  King  of  the  Indies,  and 
sweares  and  stares  after  tenne  in  the 
hundreth  that  nere  a  such  pesant  as  his 
father    or    brother    shall    keepe    him 
under,  hee  will  to  the  sea  and  teare  the 
gold  out  of  the  Spaniards  throats  but 
he    will   haue   it,    and   is    lamentable 
sicke  of  the  scuruies,  his  dainty  fare  is 
turned  to  a  hungry  feast  of  dogs  and 
cats,  or  haberdine  and  poor  John  at  the 
most,  and,  which  is  lamentablest  of  all, 
that  without  mustard S — Signal.   B.  4. 
ed.    1593.     A  few  years  later  Dekker, 
in  his    'Knights   Conjuring,'  puts  the 
following   speech  into  the  mouth  of  a 
juvenile    rake  :     '  I'll    stand   to't,    it's 
better  to  be  the  son  of  a  cobler,  then  of 
a  common  councell  man.     If  a  coblers 
sonne  and  heyre  run  out  at  heeles,  the 
whoreson  patch  may  mende  himselfe ; 
but  wee,  whose  friends  leaue  us  well  are 
like  howre  glasses  turn'd  up,    though 
wee  bee  neuer  so  full,  wee  neuer  leaue 
running,    till   wee   haue   emptied   our 
selues,  to  make  up  the  mouths  of  slaues, 
that  for  gayne  are  content  to  lye  under 
us,  like  spaniels  fawning,  and  receive 


what  falls  from  our  superfluity.     Who 
breedes    this    disease    in   our  bone>  ? 
Whores?     No,  alack,  let's  doe  them 
right ;    'tis    not    their    fault,    but   our 
mothers,  our  cockering  mothers,   who 
for  their  labour  jnake  us   to   be  called 
cockneys,  or   to   hit   it   home,    indeed, 
those    golden    asses,    our    fathers.'  — 
Signal.   E.    ed.    1607.      Still   later  in 
the  same  century,  Burton  speaking  of 
'our     Citly     Caplaines     and    Carpel 
Knights,'  says  thai   'ihey  many  limes 
wilfully  pervert  the  good  temperature 
of     their     bodies,     stifle    their    wils, 
strangle    nature    and   degenerale   inlo 
beasls.     Some  againe  are  in  Ihe  olher 
exlreame,  and  drawe  ihis  mischiefe  on 
Iheir  heads  by  loo   ceremonious   and 
slricl  diel,  being  ouerprecise,  Cockney- 
like,    and  curious  in  Iheir  obseruation 
of    meats,    times,    as    lhal    Medicina 
statica   prescribes  jusl  so  many  ounces 
al   dinner,  which  Lesbius  enioynes,  so 
much  al  supper,  nol  a  little  more  nor 
a  little  lesse,  of  such  meat,  and  at  such 
houres,  a  diel  drinke  in  the  morning, 
Cock-broth,     China-brolh    al    dinner, 
Plumbe-brolh,    a   chicken,    a   Rabbel, 
ribbe  of  a  Racke  of  multon,  winge  of  a 
Capon,   Ihe  merry  Ihoughl  of  a  hen, 
&c. ;  lo  sounder  bodies  ihis  is  lo  nice 
and  mosl  absurde.' — Anat.  of  Mel.  p. 
69,    ed.    1628.     In   Ihese   and  similar 
passages  from  Ihe  wrilings  of  conlem- 
poraries   may   probably    be  found  Ihe 
true  reason  for  the  modern  application 
of  the  term  cockney.     For  it  was  to 
these  foppish  and  effeminale  boys,  the 
spoilt   darlings   of  their   molhers,   Ihe 
forefathers  of  the  '  bucks '  and  '  bloods ' 
of  a  still   later  period,  lo   whom,    no 
doubl,    Ihe    conlemptuous    expression 
was  beginning   to   be   colleclively  ap- 
plied.     These   lown-bred   youngsters, 
Ihe  petits  creves  of  lhal  age,   regarded 
all  country  folk  wilh  supercilious  dis- 
dain, and  were  in  lurn  regarded  by  the 
latter   with   conlempl,   on   account   of 
their  real  or  affected  ignorance  of  all 
matters  pertaining  to  ordinary  country 
life.     Hence  by  Ihe  lime  that  Minsheu 
wrote,  Ihe  word  cockney  had,  no  doubl, 
passed    inlo    common    currency   as   a 
lerm   of  reproach,    to   distinguish  the 


474 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


dainty  London  gentleman  from  his 
simpler  country  cousin.  Three  pas- 
sages, frequently  referred  to,  remain  to 
be  noticed,  in  which. the  word  cockney 
has  been  variously  interpreted,  and 
which  at  first  sight  appear  to  necessi- 
tate a  meaning  inconsistent  with  that 
which  has  been  previously  assigned  to 
it.  In  the  Vision  of  Piers  Plowman, 
after  enumerating  various  articles  of 
food,  he  goes  on  to  say  :  '  ich  haue  no 
salt  bacon ;  nouht  a  cokeney,  by  cryst 
colhoppes  to  make.' — Part  III.  p.  155. 
Early  Eng.  Text  Soc.  ed.  1873. 
According  to  Mr.  Todd,  we  must 
read  this  as  if  it  were  '  a  little  cock, ' 
though  he  does  not  condescend  to  in- 
form us  by  what  process,  short  of 
prestidigitation,  'collops'  could  be 
obtained  from  such  unpromising  ma- 
terial. If,  however,  we  refer  the  '  col- 
hoppes' in  the  second  line  to  their 
natural  antecedent,  the  bacon  in  the 
first,  we  shall  not  be  doing  violence 
to  our  common  sense,  and  at  the  same 
time  shall  have  the  satisfaction  of  pre- 
seruing  the  historical  continuity  of  the 
word  cockney -,  if  we  suppose  the  latter 
to  represent  a  familiar  term  of  endear- 
ment for  the  female,  who  might  natur- 
ally be  expected  to  '  make '  i.  e.  cut  and 
prepare  the  collops.  The  next  passage 
in  which  the  meaning  is  dubious  occurs 
in  the  last  stanza  of  the  Turnament  of 
Tottenham,  published  by  Bishop  Percy, 
which  commences  with  the  following 
lines  : 

'  At  that  feast  were  they  served  in  rich  aray, 
Every  fyve  and  fy ve  had  a  cockeney. ' 

Rel.  Anc.  Poet.  vol.  ii.  p.  24,  ed.  1775. 
Mr.  Thomas  Wright,  commenting  upon 
this  in  the  glossary  to  his  edition  of 
Piers  Plowman,  suggests  that  it  is 
'intended  to  satirize  the  poorness  of 
the  fare,'  and  therefore  would  under- 
stand by  cockney  '  some  kind  of  meagre 
food,  probably  a  young  or  small  cock, 
which  had  little  flesh  on  its  bones.'  — 
Vol.  ii.  p.  586,  ed.  1842.  Mr.  Todd 
had  previously  proposed  a  similar  ex- 
planation, with  an  alternative  sugges- 
tion of  'a. peacock,  a  favourite  dish 
among  our  ancestors.'  But  Bishop 
Percy's  proposal  that  we  should  under- 


stand that  'every  five  and  five  had  a 
cook  or  scullion  to  attend  them '  is  far 
preferable,  though  a  minion  or  page 
would  seem  to  be  even  more  in  har- 
mony with  the  spirit  of  the  poem,  as 
well  as  with  the  usual  meaning  of  the 
term  ;  and  this  view  seems  confirmed 
by  the  employment  of  the  word 
'  served '  in  the  preceding  line.  It  may 
be  observed,  however,  that  the  stanza 
in  question  is  of  doubtful  authenticity, 
and  does  not  appear  in  the  MS.  pre- 
served in  the  Brit.  Mus.,  and  therefore 
rests  solely  on  the  authority  of  Bedwell, 
who  first  published  the  poem  in  1631, 
and  who  certainly  took  some  liberties 
with  the  text,  for  Bishop  Percy  tells 
us  that  '  he  reduced  the  orthography,  if 
not  the  phraseology,  to  the  standard  of 
his  own  time.'  The  last  passage  to  be 
mentioned  offers  perhaps  the  greatest 
difficulty  of  all.  Heywood  has  left  us 
the  following  proverb  : 

'  He    that  comth  euery   day    shall    haue  a 

cocknaie. 
He  that  comth  now  and  then,  shall  haue  a 

fat  hen. 
But  I  gat  not  so  muche  in  comyng  seeld 

when, 
As  a  good  hens  fether  or  a  poore  egshell.' 

Signal.  E.  ii.  b.  ed.  1566. 

The  most  plausible  explanation  of  this 
proverb  will  probably  be  found  in  the 
implied  recommendation  to  intending 
guests,  to  partake  of  the  speaker's 
abundant  hospitality,  so  that  the  more 
often  they  come,  the  more  welcome  they 
will  be,  and  the  constant  guest  will  have 
a  minion,  a  page,  or  attendant  as- 
signed to  wait  upon  him.  This  inter- 
pretation has  at  any  rate  the  merit  of 
preserving  the  original  meaning  of  the 
word,  without  doing  violence  to  the 
sense  of  the  proverb.  For  the  mass  of 
independent  evidence  afforded  by  the 
passages  cited  from  a  long  string  of 
writers,  not  only  contemporary  with 
Heywood,  but  of  an  earlier  as  well  as 
later  date,  as  to  the  uniform  employment 
of  the  word  '  cockney '  in  reference  to 
persons  alone,  ought  surely  to  outweigh 
the  suggestion,  that  in  this  single  in- 
stance the  writer  has  attached  to  the 
word  a  quite  different  and  probably 
unique  signification. 


GLOSSARY. 


475 


Coluer,  a  dove  or  pigeon. — II.  164. 
Turberville  has  also  some  lines  sug- 
gested by  those  in  Ovid's  Tristia, 
which  it  is  interesting  to  compare  with 
Elyot's  rendering  of  the  same  passage. 
The  poem  is  entitled :  '  To  one  that, 
upon  surmise  of  adversitie,  forewent  hir 
Friend,'  and  begins  thus  : 

'  As  too  the  whyte  and  lately  lymed  house 
The  doves  doe  flock  in  hope  of  better  fare, 
And  leave  their  home  of  culvers  cleane  and 
bare. ' 

Songs  and  Sonets,  p.  204,  ed.  1567. 

Sir  John  Maundevile  has  a  passage  in 
his  description  of  Syria,  which  shows 
that  the  famous  pigeon-posts,  estab- 
lished during  the  siege  of  Paris  in 
1869-1870,  had  been  anticipated  by 
besieged  citizens  at  least  four  cen- 
turies earlier.  '  In  that  contree  and 
other  contrees  bezonde,  thei  han  a 
custom,  whan  thei  schulle  usen  werre, 
and  whan  men  holden  sege  abouten 
cytee  or  castelle,  and  thei  with  innen 
dur  not  senden  out  messagers  with 
lettres  from  Lord  to  Lord,  for  to  aske 
sokour,  thei  maken  here  letters  and 
bynden  hem  to  the  nekke  of  a  Colver 
and  leten  the  Colver  flee ;  and  the 
Colveren  ben  so  taughte,  that  thei  fleen 
with  tho  lettres  to  the  verry  place  that 
men  wolde  sende  hem  to.  For  the 
Colveres  ben  norysscht  in  tho  Places 
where  thei  ben  sent  to  ;  and  thei  senden 
hem  thus,  for  to  berenhere  lettres.  And 
the  Colveres  retournen  azen,  where  as 
thei  ben  norisscht,  and  so  thei  don 
comounly.' —  Voiageetc.  p.  143, ed.  1727. 
Compacte,  composed  of. — I.  I,  4, 
117,  144,  242,  262;  II.  u,  89, 
206,  390,  431.  The  Latin  adjective 
'  compactus '  from  which  this  word  is 
formed,  is  quite  classical.  Thus  Virgil 
in  his  Bucolics  has  : 

'  Est  mihi  disparibus  septem  compacta  cicutis, 
Fistula,    Damaetas   dono  mihi  quam  dedit 
olim.' 

Eel.  ii.  36,  37. 

This  use  of  the  word,  however,  is  not 
very  common  with  English  writers,  but 
Shakespeare  has  used  it  on  several 
occasions.  Thus  in  the  Comedy  of 
Errors  Luciana  says  : 


'  Alas,  poor  women  !  make  us  but  believe, 
Being  compact  of  credit,  that  you  love  us.' 

Again,  in  As  you  like  it  the  Duke  says  : 

'  If  he,  compact  of  jars,  grow  musical, 
We  shall  have  shortly  discord  in  the  spheres.' 

and  in  Venus  and  Adonis : 

'  Love  is  a  spirit  all  compact  of  fire, 
Not  gross  to  sink,  but  light,  and  will  aspire.' 

Comprobate,  to  agree  with,  to  con- 
firm.— II.  306,  and  note. 

Compromit,  to  submit.—  II.  218. 
This  word  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
in  use  previous  to  the  sixteenth  century, 
and  most  likely  was  introduced  through 
the  P'rench  word  compromettre,  which 
Cotgrave  translates  :  '  to  compromit,  or 
put  unto  compromise.'  In  a  letter  from 
the  Bishop  of  Norwich  to  Wolsey,  in 
1528,  the  former  says  :  'And  whereas, 
nowe,  I  understonde  that  the  said 
president  and  convente,  before  the 
said  Maister  Stewarde  and  other  your 
officers,  have  preceded  to  their  elec- 
tion, and  fully  compromytted  in  your 
Grace  to  name  and  appoynt  one  of 
the  brethern  and  convente  there,  suche 
one  as  your  grace  shall  thinke  moste 
mete  and  profightable  for  the  place.' — 
Wright's  Monast.  Lett.,  p.  5,  ed.  1843. 
In  the  '  Instructions'  given  by  Wolsey  in 
1524,  to  Magnus  and  Radclyff,  we  find 
the  word  used  in  the  following  clause  : 
'  They  (i.e.  the  commissioners)  shal 
labour  the  best  they  can,  and  by  al  the 
dexterite  to  theym  possible,  bifore  all 
other  waies,  to  conduce  a  fynall  con- 
corde  and  agrement,  bothe  bitwene  the 
Quene  of  Scottes  and  the  Erie  of 
Angwishe,  and  also  bitwene  hym  and 
the  Erie  of  Arayn  ;  or  at  the  lest  to 
bring  it  unto  that,  that  al  the  partyes 
may  compromyt  thair  differences  in  to 
the  Kinges  handes,  if  they  can  not  be 
incontinently  componed.' — State  Pap. 
vol.  iv.  p.  198.  And  in  the  report 
made  by  Magnus  to  Wolsey  in  the 
following  year,  he  says :  '  Yf  the 
Quenes  Grace  wolde  be  content  to 
have  conscideration  to  the  saide  Erie, 
and  other  the  Lordes,  and  to  see  a 
substanciall  Counsaill  ordoured  for  the 
weall  of  the  King,  and  the  due  ad- 
mynistration  of  justice,  all  Scotlande 


476 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


wolde  fall  unto  her  foote,  and  at  this 
tyme  doe  compromitte  thaym,  specially 
the  Archebusshop  of  Saint  Andrewes, 
to  the  ordour  and  reaport  of  the 
Kingges  Highnes,  our  Soveraine  Lorde 
and  Maister.' — Ibid.  p.  306. 

Concinnitie,  neatness,  aptness.  Jit- 
ness,  propriety. — I.  231.  From  the 
Latin  '  concinnitas, '  which  is  generally 
used  by  Cicero  in  relation  to  speech, 
as  in  the  following  instances  :  '  Collo- 
cata  autem  verba  habent  ornatum,  si 
aliquid  concinnitatis  efficiunt,  quod 
verbis  mutatis  non  maneat,  manente 
sententia.'  —  Or  at.  cap.  24.  Again: 
'  Illam  autem  concinnitatem,  quse  ver- 
borum  collocationem  illuminat  his  lu- 
minibus,  quas  Grseci,  quasi  aliquos 
gestus  orationis,  (rxVaTa  appellant, 
(quod  idem  verburn  ab  his  etiam  in 
sententiarum  ornamenta  transfertur) 
adhibet  quidem  hie  subtilis,  (quern,  nisi 
quod  solum,  ceteroquin  recte  quidam 
vocant  Atticum),  sed  paulo  parcius.' — 
Ibid.  cap.  25.  And  it  is  with  reference 
to  this  last  passage  that  Peacham,  at 
the  commencement  of  his  Garden  of 
Eloquence,  says  :  '  Figures  of  the 
Grecians  are  called  Tropes  and  Sche- 
mates,  and  of  the  Latines,  Fygures, 
Exornations,  Lightes,  Colours,  and 
Ornaments  of  speeche.  Cicero,  who 
supposed  them  to  be  named  of  the 
Grecians,  Schemates,  as  a  iesture  and 
countenaunce  of  speech,  called  them 
Concinnitie,  that  is,  propernesse,  apt- 
nesse,  featnesse.' — Signat.  B.  i.  ed. 

1577- 

Condisciple,  a  schoolfellow,  a  com- 
panion in  learning. —  II.  104.  The  Latin 
word  '  condiscipulus '  is  frequently  used 
by  Cicero  and  other  classical  authors,  as, 
for  instance,  in  the  following  passages  : 
'  Dicaearchum  vero,  cum  Aristoxeno 
equali  et  condiscipulo  suo,  doctos  sane 
homines,  omittamus.' — Cic.  Tusc.  Qucest. 
lib.  i.  cap.  1 8.  Again :  '  Nee  vero 
ejus  condiscipulus  Xenocrates  in  hoc 
genere  prudentior.' — De  Nat.  Dear. 
lib.  i.  cap.  13.  It  is  also  met  with  in 
the  patristic  writings.  Thus  the  fifth 
epistle  of  Clement  is  addressed  <Di- 
lectissimis  fratribus  et  condiscipulis  Hie- 
rosolymis  cum  charissimo  fratre  Jacobo 


coepiscopo  habitantibus,  Clemens  epis- 
copus,'  which  is  thus  translated  by  Dr. 
Thomas  Martin  :  '  To  his  right  derely 
beloued  brethren  and  condisciples  dwell- 
ing together,  with  his  moste  honourable 
brother,  James  Bishop  of  Hierusalem, 
&c.,  Clement  the  Bishop  sendeth 
greting.' — Traictise  on  the  Marriage 
of  Priestes,  signat.  H.  iii.  ed.  1554. 
The  French,  according  to  Cotgrave, 
had  the  word  Condisciple  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  which  he  translates 
'A  schoole-fellow,  or  fellow-disciple,' 
in  spite  of  which  M.  Littre  tells  us 
that  '  Condisciple,  qui  n'est  ni  dans 
Furetiere  ni  dans  Richelet,  est  donne 
par  1' Academic  pour  la  premiere  fois 
dans  1' edition  de  1762.' 

Confins,  borderers,  occupants  of  a 
contiguous  district. — 1 .  228.  As  applied 
to  persons  this  word  appears  to  be  very 
rare  in  English.  We  find  it  used, 
however,  a  few  years  later,  by  Richard 
Eden,  in  his  translation  from  the  Latin 
of  Peter  Martyr's  travels  :  '  There  is 
seldoome  entercourse  or  byinge  and 
sellynge  betwene  these  naked  people, 
bycause  they  stand  in  neede  of  fewe 
thynges,  and  haue  not  the  use  of 
money.  But  yf  at  any  tyme  they 
exercise  any  bartering,  they  doo  it  but 
nere  hande,  exchangynge  golde  for 
housholde  stuffe  with  theyr  confines, 
whiche  sumewhat  esteeme  the  same 
for  ornamente  when  it  is  wrought.' — 
The  Decades  oftheNewe  Worlde,  fo.  89, 
ed.  1555.  The  Latin  word  *  confinis,' 
is  quite  classical,  and  is  frequently  used 
as  an  adjective,  but  not  often  as  a  sub- 
stantive, although  it  would  appear  to 
be  so  in  the  following  passages  :  '  Con- 
fines erant  hi  Senonibus.'— Caesar,  De 
Bell.  Gall.  lib.  vi.  cap.  3.  'Tamen 
vitia  sua  capillis  et  pallio,  et  (quod 
maximum  est  velamentum)  divitiis  pras- 
tegebat ;  quas  ut  augeret,  ad  amicitias 
judicum  miro  ambitu  penetrabat,  eos- 
que  sibi  repente  auctoritate  falsi  no- 
minis  obligabat ;  non  modo  ut  eorum 
sententias  venderet,  verum  etiam  ut  con- 
finessuos,  quossedibus  agrisque  pellebat, 
a  suo  repetendo  hac  potentia  retardaret. 
— Lactant.  Div.  Inst.  lib.  v.  cap.  2. 
The  French  substantive,  confin,  is  never 


GLOSSARY. 


477 


used  in  this  way  as  applied  to  persons, 
and  though  M.  Littre  quotes  a  passage 
from  Charron,  a  writer  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  to  illustrate  its  use  in  the 
metaphorical  sense  of  neighbours,  the 
Editor  finds,  on  referring  to  the  original, 
that  the  word  really  used  by  Charron 
was  cousins,  a  further  proof  that  we 
ought  not  to  rely  too  implicitly  upon 
even  the  best  dictionaries,  for  a  very 
similar  instance  of  inaccuracy  was 
pointed  out  in  Vol.  II.  p.  399,  note  a. 
Cotgrave  gives  '  Confin,  m.  ine,  f.  neer, 
neighbour,  confining  or  adjoyning  unto, 
bounding  or  bordering  upon.'  The 
word  '  confiner '  seems  to  have  been 
generally  employed  in  the  sense  in 
which  Elyot  uses  this  word.  Thus 
Bacon,  in  his  Natural  History,  says  : 
'  The  participles  or  confiners  between 
plants  and  living  creatures,  are  such 
chiefly  as  are  fixed,  and  have  no  local 
motion  of  remove,  though  they  have  a 
motion  in  their  parts,  such  as  are  oisters, 
cockles,  and  such  like.' — Works,  vol.  iv. 
p.  284,  ed.  1826.  And  Shakespeare, 
in  Cymbeline  : 

'  Luc.  But  what  from  Rome  ? 

Cap.  The  senate  hath   stirred  up  the  con- 

jfiners 
And  gentlemen  of  Italy.' 

Works,  vol.  vii.  p.  705,  Dyce's  ed. 

Hobbes  thus  translated  Thucyd.  i.  7  : 
'  As  for  cities  such  as  are  of  late  foun- 
dation, and  since  the  increase  of  navi- 
gation, inasmuch  as  they  haue  had 
since  more  plenty  of  riches,  haue  beene 
walled  about  and  built  upon  the  shore, 
and  haue  taken  up  Isthmi,  (that  is  to 
say,  neckes  of  land,  between  sea  and 
sea),  both  for  merchandise,  and  for  the 
better  strength  against  confiners  (trpbs 
robs  irpoffoiKovs).' — P.  5,  ed.  1634.  A 
verb  'to  confine '=  to  march  with,  is 
used  by  Wolsey  in  his  Instructions  to 
Sir  Thomas  Boleyn  and  Richard  Samp- 
son in  1523  :  'It  is  thought  right 
necessary  that  the  Archiduke  Don 
Ferdinando  shulde  kepe  his  residence 
this  somer  either  in  his  Duchie  of 
Wiertenberg,  or  in  his  Countie  of 
Ferrate,  whiche  dothe  confyne  in  some 
partes  with  the  Swices.'— State  Papers, 
vol.  vi.  p.  119. 


Conglutinate,  joined,  lit.  glued  toge- 
ther.—-II.  187.  The  author,  in  his 
Dictionary,  translates  the  Latin  verb 
conglutinare  '  to  ioyne  togyther,  as  it 
were  glewyd.'  Cicero  constantly  uses 
all  forms  of  the  word.  Thus  :  '  Nam 
si  utilitas  amicitias  conglutinaret,  eadem 
commutata  dissolveret.'  —  De  Amicit. 
cap.  9.  Again  :  «  Quid  est  in  Antonio 
prseter  libicimem,  crudelitatem,  pctulan- 
tiam,  audaciam?  Ex  his  totus  con- 
glutinatus  est. ' — Philipp.  iii.  cap .  1 1 .  In 
his  Castel  of  Health,  Elyot  has  used 
the  same  word  in  a  rather  different 
sense  :  '  Also,  by  reason  of  the  affinitie 
whiche  it  (i.e.  whey)  hath  with  mylke, 
it  is  conuertible  into  bloude  and  fleshe, 
specyally  in  those  persons  whiche  do 
inhabyte  the  northe  partes,  in  whom 
naturall  heate  is  conglutinate,  and 
therfore  is  of  more  puissance  and 
vertue  in  the  office  of  concoction.' — 
Fo.  35,  ed.  1541.  In  the  translation  of 
Erasmus's  Paraphrase  upon  Eph.  iv. 
we  find  the  word  used  as  follows  : 
'  But,  forasmuche  as  the  whole  body 
is  perfectly  conglutimte  in  itself,  it 
commeth  to  passe  that  the  spirite  of 
Christe  practiseth  his  efncacie  in  euery 
membre  accordyng  to  their  seuerall 
capacitie  and  ordre.' — Tom.  ii.  fo.  136, 
ed.  1552,  where  the  original  has  : 
'  Verum  dum  omne  corpus  sibi  con- 
glutinatum  est,  fit  ut  in  singulis  mem- 
bris  pro  suo  cujusque  captu  atque 
ordine  Christi  spiritus  vim  suam  exer- 
ceat.'  Erasmus,  Paraph,  in  Nov.  Test. 
torn.  ii.  p.  181,  ed.  1541. 

Congrue,  proper,  good,  with  refe- 
rence to  Grammar. — I.  164.  M.  Littre 
thus  explains  the  word  Congru,  ue : 
'qui  est  congu  ou  qui  s'exprime,  en 
termes  exacts  et  precis.  Reponse  con- 
grue.  Phrase  congrue.'  And  he  quotes 
a  poem  of  Olivier  Basselin  of  the  I5th 
century,  which  affords  an  illustration 
of  the  word  almost  exactly  parallel  to 
its  usage  by  Elyot  : 

'  Certes  hoc  vinum  est  bonus. 
De  mauvais  latin  ne  yous  chaille  ; 
Si  bien  congru  n'estoit  ce  jus, 
Le  tout  ne  vaudroit  rien  qui  vaille. 
Escolier,  j'appris  que  bon  vin 
Aide  bien  au  mauvais  latin. 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Ceste  sentence  pratiquant, 
De  latin  je  n'en  appns  guere, 
Y  pensant  estre  assez  s^avant, 
Puisque  bon  vin  aimois  a  boire. 
Lorsque  mauvais  vin  on  a  beu, 
Latin  n'est  bon,  fust-il  congru.' 

Vaux  de  Vire,  p.  37,  ed.  1858. 
The  word  is  used  by  Foxe,  the  Martyr- 
ologist,  apparently  in  the  sense  of 
'  rightful '  :  '  Furthermore  I  professe 
and  denounce  in  like  manner,  that 
neither  haue  you  any  iust  or  congrue 
occasion  in  my  boke  so  to  iudge,  much 
lesse  to  raile  of  me.' — Actes  and  Man. 
vol.  i.  p.  702,  ed.  1583.  And  by 
Jewel,  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  in  precisely 
the  same  connection  as  Elyot :  *  What 
had  he  read,  that,  being  a  judge  in  the 
same  disputations,  cried  out  so  bitterly 
upon  the  man  of  God,  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  and  that  four  or  five 
times  together,  Ostende  miki  quails 
corpus  fuit?  qualis  corpus  fuit?  and  was 
not  able  to  utter  his  mind  in  congrue 
Latin?' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  53,  ed. 
1845,  Par.  Soc. 

Congruence,  propriety,  fitness. — I. 
26511.335.  The  Latin  word  '  congru- 
entia,'  which  in  Cooper's  edition  of  the 
author's  Dictionary  is  translated  'agree- 
ablenesse,  metenesse,  likenesse,'  is  used 
only  by  Suetonius  and  Pliny ;  thus  the 
former,  in  his  life  of  the  Emperor 
Otho  says,  '  Per  hanc  insinuatus  Neroni, 
facile  summum  inter  amicos  locum 
tenuit  congruentia  morum.' — Otho,  2  ; 
or,  as  Holland  rendered  it  into  English 
in  the  1 7th  century  :  '  By  her  meanes 
winding  himselfe  into  the  favour  of 
Nero,  he  easily  obtained  the  cheife 
place  among  his  minions  and  favorites, 
such  was  the  congruence  of  their  hu- 
mours and  dispositions.' — P.  223,  ed. 
1606.  Strype  quotes  'a  discourse,' 
intended  to  justify  the  King's  appeal  from 
the  Pope,  and  '  published  or  designed 
to  be  published'  in  1533,  in  which  the 
word  occurs  in  the  following  passage  : 
*  If  mortal  creatures  to  their  heads, 
Sovereigns,  and  natural  Princes,  be 
chiefly  bound  next  unto  God  ;  especially 
where  they,  as  careful  fathers  and  tutors, 
prudently  and  rightly  rule  and  govern 
the  great  numbers  and  multitudes  of 
men  by  God  committed  to  their  obe- 


dience ;  whereby  of  good  congruence  all 
subjects  become  most  bound  to  their 
Soveraigns  and  Princes.  .  .  .  then  let 
no  Englishman  forget  the  most  noble 
and  loving  Prince  of  this  realm.' — 
Mem,  vol.  i.  pt.  i.  p.  226.  Barnes, 
who  suffered  martyrdom  for  the  faith, 
uses  this  word  in  his  article  on  Free 
Will:  'St.  Paul  sayth,  "The  flesh 
lusteth  contrary  to  the  spirite,  and  the 
workes  of  the  fleshe  bee  aduoultry, 
fornication,  unclennes,  idolatry,  witch- 
craft, hatred,  wrath,  zeale,  sedition,  en- 
uying,  with  such  other.  .  .  .  Thinke 
you  that  these  workes  doe  deserue,  of 
congruence,  remission  of  mortal  sinne?' 
—  Works,  p.  273,  ed.  1572.  Dr. 
Martin  in  his  Traictise  on  the  Marriage 
of  Priestes,  says  :  '  By  the  ordinaunce  of 
the  churche  euery  man  maye  bee  prieste 
that  wyll,  so  he  be  mete,  and  euery 
man  maye  marie  that  wyll,  so  that  he 
haue  not  vowed,  ne  taken  a  contrarie 
profession  upon  him  before ;  whiche 
seing  that  he  taketh  of  his  owne  free 
will,  what  iniurye  hathe  he  to  abide  the 
same,  whiche  thereto  is  accessary  and 
of  congruence  apperteinyng  ? ' — Signat. 
X.  ii.  ed.  1554.  Archbishop  Parker, 
in  his  Preface  to  the  Bible  of  1568, 
after  quoting  St.  Augustin's  opinion 
that  'diuers  translations  haue  made 
many  tymes  the  harder  and  darker 
sentences  the  more  open  and  playne' 
(nam  nonnullas  obscuriores  sententias 
plurium  codicum  saepe  manifestavit  in- 
spectio. — De  Doct.  Christ,  lib.  ii.  cap. 
12),  adds,  'So  that  of  congruence  no 
offence  can  iustly  be  taken  for  this  newe 
labour  (i.e.  the  Bishops'  Bible),  nothing 
preiudicing  any  other  mans  iudgement 
by  this  doying,  nor  yet  hereby  profess- 
ing this  to  be  so  absolute  a  translation, 
as  that  hereafter  might  followe  no  other 
that  might  see  that  which  as  yet  was 
not  understanded.' 

Congruent,  fitting,  proper,  suitable, 
— I.  6,  45,  291.  The  author  in  his 
Dictionary  translates  the  Latin  adjec- 
tive 'congruens,'  *  accordynge,  lyke.' 
This  word  is  quite  Ciceronian.  As  for 
instance  :  '  Est  enim  actio  quasi  sermo 
corporis  :  quo  magis  menti  congruens 
esse  debet.'— De  Orat.  lib.  iii.  cap.  59. 


GLOSSARY. 


479 


Congruite,  concordance. — 1 .  115. 
None  of  the  Dictionaries  take  notice  of 
the  fact  that  this  word  was  used  in  a 
technical  sense  to  denote  grammatical 
concordance.  That  this  was  so,  how- 
ever, is  evident,  not  merely  from  the 
passage  in  the  text,  but  from  the  follow- 
ing, taken  from  Palsgrave's  Introduction 
to  his  French  Grammar  :  '  The  diffy- 
culte  of  the  Frenche  tong,  whiche 
maketh  it  so  harde  to  be  lerned  by 
them  of  our  nation,  resteth  chefely  in 
thre  thynges  :  in  the  diversyte  of  pro- 
nunciation, that  is  betwene  us  and  them; 
in  theyr  analogic  and  maner  of  con- 
gruite,  where  in  they  be  moche  more 
parfyte  and  exquisyte  than  we  be,  and 
moche  more  approche  towardes  the 
parfection  of  the  latin  tong  than  we  do ; 
and  thyrdly  in  theyr  propertes  of 
spekyng,  where  in  theyr  phrasys  be 
dyfferent  frome  ours,  and  letteth  us 
that,  thoughe  we  shulde  gyve  worde  for 
worde,  yet  the  sens  shulde  moche  differ 
betwene  our  tong  and  theyrs.'— L'£s- 
clair.  p.  xv.  '  The  chefest  poynt  whiche 
concerneth  the  kepynge  of  trewe  con- 
gruyte  in  this  tong,  resteth  upon  the 
knowledge  of  the  gendre  and  nombre  of 
the  substantyve,  for  bycause  that  with 
hym  must,  agre  the  adjective,  the  pro- 
nowne  and  the  participle,  as  I  shall  her- 
after  in  this  introduction  more  playnly 
declare  whan  I  speke  ofiheyrcongruite.' 
— Ibid.  p.  xxvi.  '  As  touchyng  theyr 
congruite  wherby  they  joyne  theyr  adjec- 
tyves,  pronownes,  and  participles  unto 
substantyves  or  pronownes,  whan  they 
stand  for  substantyves,  and  theyr 
verbes  unto  theyr  nominatyve  cases,  and 
theyr  relatyves  unto  theyr  antecedentes, 
they  therin  be  moche  more  parfyte  than 
we  be,  and  moche  more  resemble  the 
latinetong. ' —  Ibid.  p.  xxxviii.  '  So  moche 
do  the  frenchmen  covyte  to  avoyde  all 
maner  displesaunt  sounde  in  theyr  pro- 
nounciation,  that  they  prefer  it  somtyme 
afore  theyr  congruyte,  in  so  moche  that, 
if  they  must  joyne  any  of  the  thre  fyrst 
pronownes  derivatyves  with  a  feminyne 
substantyve  begynnyng  with  a  vowell, 
they  use  not  ma,  ta,  sa,  but  man,  ton, 
son,  to  avoyde  the  yvell  sounde  of  the 
two  vowelles,  if  they  shulde  be  sounded 


one  after  an  other,  and  for  the  same 
cause  breke  they  somtyme  the  congruite 
betwene  the  substantyve  and  the  adjec- 
tyve.' — Ibid.  p.  xxxix.  Sir  Thomas  More 
uses  the  word  in  this  sense  in  his  Apo- 
logy :  '  Surely  if  the  man  thus  ment  in 
dede,  besydes  that  he  should  haue  set 
out  hys  sentence  more  plainly,  hys 
meaning  wyll,  but  if  he  declare  it  the 
better,  misselike  better  men,  and  better 
learned  to,  than  I  and  he  be  bothe. 
And  sauing  for  that  point,  which  is  no 
smal  mater,  elles  as  for  his  rules 
of  rethorike  or  grammaticall  congruitie 
either,  or  ouersight  in  resoning,  as 
thinges  of  no  great  weight,  I  would  not 
much  vouchsafe  to  touche.' — Works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  875,  ed.  1557.  And  Gower 
tells  us  that  : 

'  Grammer  first  hath  for  to  teche 
To  speake  upon  congruitee.' 

Conf.  Amant.  fo.  cl.  ed.  1554. 
Bacon,  in  his  Advancement  of  Learning, 
seems  to  use  the  word  in  a  rather  wider 
sense  when  he  says  that  the  Scriptures 
'  are  not  to  be  interpreted  only  accord- 
ing to  the  latitude  of  the  proper  sense 
of  the  place,  and  respectively  towards 
that  present  occasion  whereupon  the 
words  were  uttered,  or  in  precise  con- 
gruity  or  contexture  with  the  words 
before  or  after,  or  in  contemplation  of 
the  principal  scope  of  the  place.' — 
Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  311,  ed.  1825.  The 
following  definition  of  congruity  is 
given  in  '  Regulae  grammaticales  anti- 
quorum,  cum  earundem  declarationibus 
et  argumentis,'  one  of  the  earliest 
printed  Latin  grammars.  '  Congruitas 
est  orationis  perfectio  ex  proportione 
modorum  significandi  causata  ad  expri- 
mendum  mentis  conceptum  finaliter  ad- 
inventa.  Est  autem  duplex  congruitas 
quaedam,  est  ad  sensum  ubi  constructibi- 
lia  vocetenus  exprimuntur,  ut,  Ego  lego. 
Alia  est  congruitas  ad  intellectum,  quae 
est  ubi  constructibilia  vocetenus  non 
exprimuntur,  sed  unum  subintelligitur  in 
alio,  ut,  Legimus,  eoquod  in  omni  verbo 
primse  aut  secundae  personae  certus  in- 
telligitur  nominativns. '  The  English 
word  seems  now  to  be  quite  obsolete, 
except  in  the  compound  form  '  incon- 
gruity. ' 


480 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Coniuration,   conspiracy. — II.   436, 
and  note.' 

Conueiaunce,  artifice,  trick,  sleight 
of  hand. — I.  273.  Probably  most  per- 
sons would  imagine  that  the  phrase 
which  Shakespeare  puts  into  the  mouth 
of  Pistol :  '  Convey,  the  wise  it  call,' 
was  the  origin  of  the  word  '  convey- 
ance '  as  here  used,  yet  we  see  that  the 
latter  was  employed  by  Elyot,  at  least 
seventy  years  before  the  appearance  of 
The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor,  and  not 
only  by  Elyot,  but  by  More,  Tyndall, 
and  others.  It  seems  not  unlikely  that 
Palsgrave  was  one  of  the  first  to  give  cur- 
rency to  this  sense  of  the  word  in  the  fol- 
lowing phrases  :  '  I  convay,  I  set  a  syde 
and  put  out  of  the  waye,  Je  mets  a  part, 
or  hors de  voye,  jay  mis  apart,  or  hors  de 
voye,  metre  a  part,  or  hors  de  voye.  I 
dare  warrant  you  it  is  nat  stollen,  it  is 
but  convayed  a  syde  \je  vous  ose  guaran- 
tir  quon  ne  la  pas  desrobbe,  mays  on  la 
mys  a  part,  or  on  la  mys  hors  de  voye' 
And  '  I  convaye  a  thyng  sodaynly  or 
hastely  from  one  place  in  to  an  other, 
Je  transport e,  prim.  conj.  Convaye 
these  thynges  at  ones  out  of  syght,  for 
my  lorde  cometh  by  and  by  :  transportez 
ces  c hoses  a  coup  hors  de  veue,  car  Mon- 
sieur vient  tout  asteure?  Again  '  I  con- 
vay my  selfe  craftely.  Je  me  subtille, 
prim.  conj.  Se  howe  craftely  the 
felowe  convayeth  him  selfe  :  aduisez 
comment  ce  compaignon  se  subtille' — 
L'Esclair.  p.  498.  Sir  Thomas  More 
uses  the  word  pleonastically  in  The 
Supplicacion  of  Soides,  where,  referring 
to  Fish,  the  author  of  The  Supplication 
of  Beggars,  he  says :  '  For  this  mis- 
cheuouse  deuise  of  hys  is  in  dede  a 
great  brode  bottomlesse  occean  sea, 
full  of  euils,  wherein  woulde  not  faile 
the  greuouse  shipwracke  of  the  comen 
welth,  which  god  would  sone  forsake, 
yf  the  people  ones  forsake  hys  fayth,  and 
contempned  his  holy  sacramentes  as 
thys  beggers  proctour  laboureth  to 
bringe  aboute.  Which  thing  hys  deuise 
and  conueiance  wel  declareth,  although 
he  forbere  expressely  to  saye  so  farre.' 
— Works,  vol.  i.  p.  307,  ed.  1557. 
Tyndall,  in  his  Practise  of  Popishe  Pre- 
lates, speaking  of  the  Papists,  says  : 


'They  coupled  their  cause  unto  the 
kynges  cause,  (as  now),  and  made  it 
treason  to  beleue  in  Christ  as  the 
scripture  teacheth,  and  to  resiste  the 
Byshops,  (as  now),  and  thrust  them  in 
the  kinges  prisons,  (as  now),  so  that 
it  is  no  new  inuention  that  they  now 
do,  but  euen  an  olde  practise,  though 
they  haue  done  theyr  busie  cure  to 
hide  their  science,  that  their  conuey- 
aunce  should  not  be  espyed.' — Works, 
p.  363,  ed.  1573.  He  has  also  the 
word  'conueyar,'  i.e.  the  person  who 
conveys,  and  the  context  would  lead  us 
to  suppose  that  his  cant  use  of  this 
expression  was  really  connected  with 
the  fraudulent  '  conveyances,'  so  com- 
mon at  this  period,  and  which  the 
Statute  of  Uses  was  passed  to  prevent, 
although  '  conveyance  '  as  a  technical 
legal  term  did  not  come  into  general 
use  until  long  after.  Referring  to 
Fisher,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  '  He 
alleageth,'  says  Tyndall,  'an  other 
text  of  Paule  (2  Thess.  ii.),  that  is, 
sayth  Rochester,  before  the  comming  of 
Antichrist  there  shall  be  a  notable  de- 
parting from  the  fayth.  .  .  .  What  say 
ye  of  this  crafty  conueyar?  Would  he 
spare,  suppose  ye,  to  alleage  and  to 
wrest  other  doctours  pestilently,  which 
feareth  not  for  to  iugle  with  the  holy 
scripture  of  God,  expounding  that  unto 
Antichrist  which  Paule  speaketh  of 
Christ?  .  .  .  Note  also  how  craftely  he 
would  enfeoffe  the  Apostles  of  Christ 
with  their  (i.e.  the  Papists')  wicked 
traditions  and  false  ceremonies,  which 
they  themselues  haue  fayned,  alleaging 
Paule,  2  Thess.  \\:~Ibid.  p.  128.  Now 
the  preamble  of  the  Act  already  alluded 
to,  27  Henry  VIII.,  cap.  10,  recites 
that  '  Where  by  the  common  Lawes  of 
this  Realme,  Landes,  Tenementes,  and 
Hereditamentes  be  not  devysible  by 
testament,  nor  ought  to  be  transferrid 
frome  one  to  a  nother  but  by  solemne 
lyvery  and  season,  matter  of  record  e, 
wryting  suffycyent,  made  bona  fide 
without  covyne  or  fraude,  yet  never- 
theles  dyverse  and  sundry  ymaginacions, 
subtile  invencions  and  practises,  have 
bene  usid,  wherby  the  Heredytaments 
of  this  Realme  have  bene  conveyed 


GLOSSARY. 


481 


frome  one  to  an  other  by  fraudulent 
feoffementes,  fynes,  recoveryes  and 
other  assurances,  craftely  made  to  se- 
crete uses,  intentes,  and  trustes.'  The 
word  '  conveyance '  is  only  used  once  in 
the  act,  viz.,  in  sec.  3,  where  it  bears 
its  present  legal  signification,  and  ap- 
pears as  the  equivalent  of  '  a  suifycyent 
graunt.'  In  an  old  Morality,  or  Inter- 
lude, called  Hyckescorner,  printed  by 
Wynkyn  de  Worde,  and  therefore 
certainly  not  later  than  1534,  Imagi- 
nation, one  of  the  characters,  is  made  to 
say  : 

"  Sir,  the  whoresons  could  not  convey  clean  ; 
For,  and  they  could  have  carried  by  craft  as 

I  can, 
In  piocess  of  years  each  of  them  should  be  a 

gentleman. 

Yet  as  for  me  I  was  never  thief ; 
If  my  hands  were  smitten  off,  I  can  steal  with 

my  teeth ; 

For  ye  know  well,  there  is  craft  in  daubing  ; 
I  can  look  in  a  man's  face  and  pick  his  purse, 
And  tell  new  tidings  that  was  never  true,  I 

wis  ; 

For  my  hood  is  all  lined  with  lesing.' 
Dodsley's  Coll.  Old  Engl.  Plays,  vol.  L  p. 
159,  ed.  1874. 

The  words  italicised  in  the  second  line 
of  the  above  seem  exactly  to  represent 
the  meaning  of  the  cant  expression  in 
the  first,  and  possibly  Shakespeare  had 
this  play  in  his  mind  when  writing  The 
Merry  Wives.  The  same  idea  is  con- 
veyed in  the  following  passage  from  the 
comedy  of  King  Cambises,  written  by 
Preston  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  : 

'  He  is  as  honest  a  man  as  euer  spurd  cow ; 
My  cosin  Cutpurse  I  meane,  I  beseech  ye 

mdge  you. 
Beleeue  me,  Cosin,  if  to  be  the  Kings  gesl 

ye  could  be  taken, 

I  trust  that  offer  would  not  be  forsaken. 
But  Cosin,  because  to  that  office  ye  are  not 

like  to  come, 
Frequent  your  exercises,  a  home  on  your 

thumb, 
A  quick  eye,  a  sharp  knife,   at  hand  a  re- 

ceiuer, 
But  then  take  heed,  Cosin,  ye  be  a  clenly 

conuayour.' 

Signal.  E.  iii.  b.  ed.  1570. 

Bale,  Bishop  of  Ossory,  in  his  Actes  of 
Englysh  Votaries,  first  published  in 
1 546,  employs  the  word  several  times. 
Thus,  speaking  of  the  Papists  he  says  : 
'  He  that  wolde  take  the  payne  to  con- 
ferre  their  Chronycles  and  writynges  but 
concerninge  thys  onlye  matter,  obser- 


uynge  dylygentlye  their  diuerse  bestow- 
ynge  of  tymes,  places,  and  names,  with 
other  thynges  perteynynge  to  the  cir- 
cumstaunce  of  hystorye,  shuld  anon  per- 
cyue  their  subtyle  conueyaunce  in  many 
other  matters.'— Fo.2i,ed.  1551.  Again, 
speaking  of  the  contempt  of  marriage 
exhibited  by  monks,  he  says  :  « Ye  maye 
se  by  thys,  the  vertuouse  studye  of  these 
holye  chast  fathers,  and  the  clarkelye 
conueyaunce  of  their  fleshlye  mouynges.' 
— Fo.  29.  Again,  in  a  chapter  entitled 
'  A  spirituall  conueyaunce  to  be  marked, ' 
Bale  narrates  a  scandalous  story,  affect- 
ing Saint  Etheldreda,  who  was  pro- 
fessed a  nun  by  Wilfred,  Bishop  of 
York  (A.  D.  664),  'This  kyng  (i.e. 
Egfride,  king  of  Northumberland)  after 
that  perceyuynge  his  (i.e.  Wilfred's) 
knauerye,  by  assent  of  Theodorus,  the 
archebyshop  of  Caunterbury,  bannyshed 
hym  out  of  hys  lande.  Then  followed 
she  (i.e.  Etheldreda)  after  a  pace,  and 
whyles  he  was  byshop  of  Eastsexse,  she 
became  abbasse  of  hely  (i.e.  Ely),  not 
farre  from  his  elbone.  Marke  thys  con- 
ueyaunce  foi  your  learnynge.  If  this 
were  not  knauerye,  where  shal  we 
fynde  knauery?  Yet  was  this  gentyl- 
man  conueyer  admytted  for  a  saynte, 
because  he  buylded  a  college  at  Rippon. ' 
— Fol.  43.  In  another  place,  speaking 
of  Dunstan's  trick  to  make  the  rood 
speak  at  Winchester,  Bale  says  :  '  Al 
they  were  astonyed  that  knewe  not 
therof  the  crafty  conueyaunce.  If  thys 
were  not  cleane  legerdemayne,  tell 
me.' — Fo.  70.  Foxe,  in  his  account 
of  the  trial  of  Lord  Cobham,  says  : 
'The  which  commission  and  indite- 
ment,  albeit  in  countenance  of  words, 
will  seeme  to  ministre  much  suspition 
against  them  (i.e.  the  prosecution),  to 
the  simple  reader,  before  he  be  better 
acquainted  with  these  subtile  dealings 
and  practises  of  Prelates  ;  yet  trusting 
upon  the  goodnesse  of  the  cause  which 
I  see  here  so  falsely  and  sleightly  to  be 
handled,  I  nothing  feare  nor  doubt  to 
produce  the  same  out  of  the  Records 
in  Latine,  as  they  stand  ;  to  the  intent 
that  when  the  craftie  handling  of  the 
aduersaries  shall  be  disclosed,  the  true 
simplicitie  of  the  innocent,  to  the  true 


II. 


I   I 


482 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


harted  reader  shall  the  more  better 
appeare.  The  words  first  of  the  Com- 
mission here  follow  under  written, 
which  when  thou  shalt  heare,  let 
them  not  trouble  thy  minde,  gentle 
reader,  I  besech  thee,  before  thou 
understand  further  what  packing  and 
subtile  conueyance  lieth  couered  and 
hid  under  the  same.' — Actes  and  Mon. 
Vol.  i.  p.  574,  ed.  1583.  Spenser,  in 
depicting  a  courtier  in  Mother  Hubberds 
Tale,  uses  this  word  : 

'All  his  care  was  himselfe  how  to  advaunce, 
And  to  uphold  his  courtly  countenaunce 
By  all  the  cunning  meanes  he  could  devise 
Were  it  by  honest  wayes,  or  otherwise, 
He  made  small  choyce  ;  yet  sure  his  honestie 
Got  him  small  gaines,  but  shameles  flatterie, 
And  filthie  brocage,  and  unseemly  shifts, 
And  borowe  base,  and  some  good  Ladies 

gifts : 
But  the  best  helpe,  which  chiefly  him  sus- 

tain'd, 
Was  his  man  Raynolds  purchase  which  he 

gain'd. 

For  he  was  school'd  by  kinde  in  all  the  skill 
Of  close  conveyance,  and  each  practise  ill 
Of  coosinage  and  cleanly  knaverie, 
Which  oft  maintain'd  his  masters  braverie.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  25,  ed.  1866. 

Huloet,  in  his  Dictionary,  published  in 
1572,  has,  'Conuey  craftely,  Subduco. 
Conuoyer  (Palsgrave).  Conueye  in  pry- 
uely,  Submitto.  Conueyed  craftely  or 
pryuely,  Subductus,  Submissus,  Deduc- 
tus,  Ament.'  Also  *  Crafty  conueyaunce, 
Subductio,  Crafty  conueyer,  Subductor. ' 
In  Cooper's  edition  of  Elyot's  Dictio- 
nary, published  in  1578,  subduco  is 
translated  '  To  take  away,  to  plucke  or 
drawe  away,  to  remoue,  to  steale  away 
priuily,  to  conuey  away  priuily,  to 
plucke  backe,  to  draw  backe,  to  deceiue, 
to  steale.'  And  'subducere  pallium  lap  - 
sum  a  cubito'  (Martial  viii.  59),  'Pri- 
uily and  by  stealth  to  take  up  and 
conuey  away  a  robe  falne  away  from 
ones  arme.'  Manticulatio  which  the 
author  in  1538  translated  'slyenesse, 
deceite  '  appears  in  1578  as  'slye  and 
deceytfull  conuey  ance.'  The  inference 
being  that  this  expression  had  become 
much  more  common  in  the  interval 
which  elapsed  between  the  respective 
editions.  The  same  remark  applies  to 
*  interverto  '  which  Elyot  merely  ren- 


dered: '  to  take  away  craftily  or  falsly : ' 
but  to  which  Cooper  adds  :  'to  conueigh 
away  falsly  that  was  lent  one,  or  com- 
mitted into  his  handes;'  and  a  quo- 
tation from  Marcellus  (Dig.  xvi.  3.  22.) 
'  Si  hseredes  rem  apud  defunctum  depo- 
sitam  dolo  interverterint ; '  which  is 
translated :  '  If  the  heyres  craftily 
conuey  away  any  thing  left  in  the 
custody  of  the  dead  person.'  Also 
Cicero's  phrase,  '  intervertere  et  ad  se 
transferre'  (2  Philipp.  cap.  32.),  'To 
conuey  away  and  take  to  his  owne  use.' 
And  '  interverso  regali  dono '  ( Verr.  iv. 
30),  'The  princely  present  craftily  con- 
ueyed  away.'  Cavendish,  in  his  Life  of 
Wolsey,  narrates  a  conversation  between 
himself  and  the  Cardinal  in  which  the 
latter  is  made  to  say,  '  I  considered  that 
mine  enemies  had  brought  the  matter 
so  to  passe  against  me,  that  they  conveied 
and  made  it  the  King's  matter  and  case, 
and  caused  the  King  to  take  the  matter 
into  his  owne  hands.' — Wordsworth's 
Eccles.  Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  621,  ed.  1853. 
Turning  now  to  Shakespeare,  we  see 
that  the  word  is  a  favourite  one  with 
him.  Thus  in  The  First  Part  of  King 
Henry  VI.  the  Duke  of  Gloster  says  : 

'  I  am  come  to  survey  the  Tower  this  day : 
Since  Henry's  death,  I  fear,   there  is  con- 
veyance.'— 

Vol.  v.  p.  14.     Dyce's  ed. 

Again  in  The  Third  Part,  Queen  Mar- 
garet says  : 

'  Peace,  impudent  and  shameless  Warwick  ! 

peace, 

Proud  setter-up  and  puller-down  of  kings  ! 
I  will  not  hence  till,  with  my  talk  and  tears, 
Both   full    of   truth,   I   make   Kine   Louis 

behold 

Thy  sly  conveyance  and  thy  lord's  false  love  ; 
For    both    of  you  are    birds  of  self  same 

feather.' 

Ibid.  p.  285. 

There  is  a  double  entendre 'in  the  follow- 
ing passage  from  King  Richard  II.  : 

'  Bolingoreke.    Go,  some  of  you  convey  him 

to  the  Tower. 
'  K.  Rich.      O  good  !   convey  ? — Conveyers 

are  you  all, 

That  rise  thus  nimbly  by  a  true  King's  fall.' 
Vol.  iv.  p.  165. 

So  in  the  following  colloquy  in  Cym- 

beline  : 


GLOSSARY. 


483 


'  First  Gent.  His  only  child. 

He   had  two  sons,  —  if   this   be  worth   your 

hearing, 
Mark  it, — the  eldest  of  them  at  three  years 

old, 
I'  the  swathing-clothes  the  other,  from  their 

nursery 
Were  stol'n  ;   and  to   this  hour  no  guess  in 

knowlege 
Which  way  they  went. 

'  Sec.  Gent.     How  long  is  this  ago  ? 

'  First  Gent.     Some  twenty  years. 

'Sec.  Gent.    That  a  king's  children  should 

be  so  convey' d  ! 

So  slackly  guarded  !  and  the  search  so  slow, 
That  could  not  trace  them  ! ' 

Vol.  vii.  p.  637. 

And  in  The  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor, 
when  Mrs.  Page  says :  '  If  you  know 
yourself  clear,  why  I  am  glad  of  it ; 
but  if  you  have  a  friend  here,  convey, 
convey  him  out  .  .  .  Your  husband's 
here  at  hand  ;  bethink  you  of  some 
conveyance :  in  the  house  you  cannot 
hide  him.' — Vol.  i.  p.  383.  It  only 
remains  to  add  that  the  Latin  word 
*  conveare '  was  in  use  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  probably  the  English  word 
was  derived  immediately  from  that. 
We  find,  for  instance,  in  a  licence  to 
import  armour,  granted  by  Hen.  VII. 
in  1492  :  '  Cum  Dominus  Merue  Flan- 
driae  gubernator  .  .  .  concesserit  et  li- 
centiam  dederit  prsefato  Johanni  quod 
ipse  per  se  aut  deputatum  suum  diversas 
hernesias  in  hoc  regnum  nostrum  Angliae 
pro  viagio  nostro  afferre  et  conveare 
possit.'  —  Rymer,  torn.  xii.  p.  471, 
ed.  1711. 

Couch,  to  compose,  express,  also  to  lay 
or  place  together. — II.  78,  136,  317. 
From  the  French  coucher,  which  Cot- 
grave  translates  '  To  couch,  or  lie,  also 
to  lay  down  or  along  ;  to  goe,  also  to 
get,  bring,  or  have,  to  bed ;  also  to 
mention  or  set  downe  in  writing  ;  also 
to  plant,  or  set  a  root  or  slip  flat  along 
within  the  ground ;  also  to  stake  at 
play.'  He  gives  also  the  phrases 
'  Coucher  de  belles.  Us  en  couchent  de 
belles.  They  write  goodly  matters 
sure  ;  'tis  sweet  stuffe  that  they  set 
downe  ;  ironically.'  Sherwood,  on 
the  other  hand,  renders  '  To  couch  in 
writing:  Mettre  par  esc  rit. '  Palsgrave 
has  :  '  I  endyte,  I  write,  Je  compose,  je 
diets,  and  je  couche.  Write  thou  and 


I  wyll  endyte  :  tu  cscripras,  et  je  com- 
poseray,  or  je  dicteray,  or  je  couche;  ay  le 
langaige? —  LSEsclair.  p.  534.  We 
find  it  used  in  the  sense  of '  to  express,' 
by  Commines,  in  the  fifteenth  century  ; 
for  in  the  Prologue  to  his  Memoires,  he 
says  :  '  Par  laquelle  ceuvre  se  pourra 
connoistre  la  grandeur  du  prince  dont 
vous  parleray,  et  aussi  de  votre  enten- 
dement.  Et  la  ou  je  faudroye,  vous 
trouverez  Monseigneur  du  Bouchage, 
et  autres,  qui  mieux  vous  en  S9auroient 
parler  que  moy,  et  le  coucher  en  meilleur 
langage.' — P.  2,  ed.  Pan.  Litt.  Wilson, 
in  his  Arte  of  Rhetor  ique,  seems  to  use 
the  worde  in  a  double  sense,  combining 
both  the  meanings  implied  in  Elyot's 
usage  :  '  Elocution  is  an  applying  of 
apte  wordes  and  sentences  to  the  matter, 
founde  out  to  confirme  the  cause.  When 
all  these  are  had  together,  it  auaileth 
little  if  man  haue  no  Memorie  to  con- 
taine  them.  The  Memorie  therefore 
must  be  cherished,  the  whiche  is  a  fast 
holdyng  bothe  of  matter  and  wordes 
couched  together,  to  confirme  any  cause.' 
— P.  6,  ed.  1584.  Wolsey  uses  the 
word  in  his  '  Instructions '  to  Magnus 
and  Radclyff  in  1524:  'The  said 
Quene  and  Erie  of  Arayne  have  sent 
unto  His  Grace,  and  to  the  said  Lord 
Legate,  letters,  articles,  and  clauses 
commynatoryes  .  .  .  and  therupon  do 
make  a  demonstracion  by  waye  of  a 
threate,  that  they  woll  not  send  their  am- 
bassadours,  with  other  thynges,  cowched 
so  ferre  from  good  reason,  humanite,  or 
discretion,  that  the  same  nedeth  not 
to  be  rehersed  .  .  .  Wherwith  they 
shal  say  the  Kinges  Grace  is  nothing 
contented,  ne  pleased,  supposing  that 
his  said  derest  suster,  with  whom  His 
Grace  procedeth  so  sincerely  and  lov- 
ingly, shuld  never  have  cowched  suche 
a  commynacion  or  threate  unto  hym.' — 
State  Pap.  vol.  iv.  pp.  195,  196.  So 
Dr.  Magnus,  in  his  report  to  Wolsey,  in 
the  same  year,  from  Edinburgh,  speaks  of 
having  received  '  An  other  letter  directe 
from  my  saide  Lorde  of  Norffolk  to  the 
Quenes  Grace,  right  roundely  penned 
and  cowched.' — Ibid.  p.  247.  And  in 
a  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Richmond's 
Council  (Magnus,  Parre,  and  Uvedale) 


I  2 


484 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


to  the  King,  dated  September  7,  1527, 
they  say :  '  that  the  said  King  of 
Scottes  and  Erie  of  Angwyshe  have 
bothe  addressed  their  several!  letters 
of  awnswer  at  this  tyme  unto  my  said 
Lordes  Grace,  right  effectuelly  couched 
and  penned  in  full  honourable  maner 
and  fourme,  lyke  as  shall  and  maye 
appere  unto  Your  said  Highnes  by 
the  same.' — Ibid.  p.  476.  In  the 
Nomenclator  of  Adrianus  Junius,  trans- 
lated by  Higins  in  1585,  we  find  the 
word  used  in  the  last  sense  given  above  : 
'  Opus  emplecton.  Vitru.  Cum  frontibus 
utrinque  politis  medium  naturalis  saxo- 
rum  materia  temere  collocata  farcit. 
€fjur\€KTov.  Worke  wel  knit  and  couched 
togither  :  properly  stones  so  layd,  that 
their  fronts  or  partes  which  are  in  sight, 
being  smooth  and  trim  on  both  sides, 
their  naturall  substance  remaineth  rough 
and  unhewne,  to  stuffe  and  rill  up  the 
middest  of  a  wall,  &c.' — P.  199.  And 
also  '  Coagmentum,  Plauto,  commis- 
sura.  Arcta  et  compressa  conjunctio, 
proprie  lapidum,  O-VO-TTJ^O,  ffwaffi,  ap^rj. 
Jointure,  attachement,  liaison.  The 
close  ioyning  or  couching  of  things 
together,  properly  of  stones.' — P.  417. 
The  Promptorium  has  '  Cowchyn  or 
leyne  thinges  togedyr,  Colloco.'' — P.  96. 
Cou enable,  convenient,  proper. — I. 
78.  This  is  really  the  French  word  con- 
venable, as  appears  from  Palsgrave,  who 
gives '  Conuenable — m.  et  f.,  conuenable 
s.' — U Esclair.  p.  308.  In  his  Introduc- 
tion, he  uses  the  same  form  as  Elyot :  '  So 
that  the  lernar  maybe  advertised  what 
gendre  all  their  substantyves  be  of . 
and  fardermore,  what  order  and  con- 
gruite  they  use  in  the  cov enable  joyn- 
yng  of  every  of  the  sayd  partes,  one 
with  another,  as  they  come  togyder  in 
sentences.'  —  Ibid.  p.  151.  Cotgrave 
translates  convenable,  '  Convenient ;  apt, 
fat,  meet  for ;  agreeable,  sutable,  accord- 
ing unto ;  proper,  comely,  decent, 
beseeming,  seemly.'  In  Le  Roman  de 
la  Rose,  we  read  : 

'  Or  est-il  voirs,  sans  point  de  fable, 
Bien  est  ceste  mort  convenable 
A  la  vie  que  tu  menoies, 
Quant  1'ame  avec  ce  cors  avqies, ' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  291,  ed.  1814, 


M.  Littre  cites  from  a  collection  of 
documents  of  the  thirteenth  century 
by  M.  Tailliar,  a  passage  which  would 
serve  to  illustrate  the  use  of  the  form 
covenables,  if  it  could  be  relied  upon  as 
accurate,  but  on  referring  to  the  autho- 
rity quoted  by  M.  Littre,  the  Editor 
finds  that  the  word  actually  used  was 
covenaules.  Froissart,  in  his  account 
of  the  assembly  at  Paris,  in  1356,  says  : 
'  Si  se  accorderent  que  les  prelats  eli- 
roient  douze  personnes  bonnes  et  sages 
entre  eux,  qui  auroient  pouvoir,  de  par 
eux  et  de  par  le  clerge,  de  ordonner  et 
aviser  voies  convenables  pour  faire  ce 
que  dessus  est  dit.' — Chron.  torn.  i. 
P-  363,  ed.  Pan.  Litt.  This  is  trans- 
lated by  Lord  Berners  :  '  Than  they 
agreed  that  the  prelates  shuld  chose 
out  twelfe  persones  amonge  theym,  who 
shulde  haue  power  by  theym,  and  by 
all  the  clergy,  to  ordayne  and  to  aduyse 
all  thynges  couenable  to  be  done.' — 

Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  208,  ed.  1812.  Sir 
John  Maundevile  says  :  '  No  man  may 
zeven  covenable  Medicyne,  but  zif  he 
knowe  the  qualitee  of  the  dede.' — 

Voiage,  &c.,  p.  145,  ed.  1727.  Chaucer, 
in  The  Persones  Tale,  says :  '  Many 
ben  the  wayes  espirituels  that  leden 
folk  to  oure  Lord  Jhesu  Christ,  and 
to  the  regne  of  glorie  ;  of  whiche  weyes 
ther  is  a  ful  noble  way,  and  ful  coven- 
able,  which  may  not  faile  to  man  ne  to 
womman  .  .  .  and  this  wey  is  cleped 
penitence.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  264: 
and  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose : 

*  "  Sir,"  seide  they,  "  soth  is  every  deel 
That  ye  reherce,  and  we  wote  wel 
Thiik  oth  to  holde  is  resonable  ; 
For  it  is  good  and  covenable, 
That  ye  on  riche  men  han  sworne." ' 

Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  183,  ed.  1866. 

Bishop  Jewel,  in  his  Controversy  with 
Harding,  shows  that  this  word  is  the 
exact  equivalent  of  the  Latin  'con- 
veniens '  :  '  Again,  whereas  the  ancient 
and  great  learned  bishop  Cyrillus 
teacheth  plainly  and  at  large  the 
marvellous  uniting  and  joining  together 
of  us  with  Christ,  and  of  ourselves  into 
one  body  by  this  sacrament  .  .  .  His 
words  be  these,  much  agreeable  to 


GLOSSARY. 


485 


Dionysius  Areopagita  afore-mentioned : 
Ut  igitur  inter  nos  et  Deum  singulos 
uniret,  quamvis  corpora  simul  et  anima 
distemus,  modum  tamen  adinvenit, 
consilio  Patris  et  sapientioe  suae  con- 
venientem.  That  Christ  might  unite 
every  one  of  us  within  ourselves,  and 
with  God,  although  we  be  distant  both 
in  body  and  also  in  soul,  yet  he  hath 
devised  a  mean  covenable  to  the  counsel 
of  the  Father,  and  to  his  own  wisdom. ' 
—  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  140,  ed.  1845, 
Par.  Soc. 

Counterfaict,  to  counter/eat. — II.  36. 
The  termination  of  this  word  betrays 
its  French  origin,  for  Palsgrave  gives 
'  Counterfayting — contrefaicture  s,  f.' 
and  '  Counterfayte,  mysshapen — m.  con- 
trefaict  z.  f.  contrefaicte  s. ' — IJEsclair. 
pp.  209,  308,  and  Cotgrave,  '  Centre- 
faict,  m.  ictf,t,  counterfeit,  adulterate, 
fained,  forged,  false.'  Montaigne  uses 
this  form  on  several  occasions,  thus  : 
*  La  generale  police  du  monde,  ou  il 
n'y  peult  avoir  rien  de  centre/diet? 
Again  :  '  Quand  on  presenta  a  Caesar 
la  teste  de  Pompeius,  les  histoires 
disent  qu'il  en  destourna  sa  veue,comme 
d'un  vilain  et  malplaisant  spectacle. 
II  y  avoit  eu  entre  eulx  une  si  longue 
intelligence  et  societe  ou  maniement  des 
affaires  publicques,  tant  de  communaute 
de  fortunes,  tant  d'offices  reciproques 
et  d'alliances,  qu'il  ne  fault  pas  croire 
que  cette  contenance  feust  toute  faulse  et 
contrefaicte. '  And  he  calls  the  Swiss 
'  Ces  ^Egyptiennes  contrefaictes? — Es- 
sais,  torn.  i.  pp.  337,  349,  395,  ed.  1854. 

Counterpointe,  a  counterpane. — II. 
238  and  note. 

Cruciate,  to  torment,  vex.— II.  150, 
278.  From  the  Latin  word  cruciare. 
Bishop  Bale,  who  was  a  contempo- 
rary of  Elyot,  in  his  Image  of  both 
Churches,  says  :  *  I  perceive  thy  mani- 
fold tribulations,  how  thou  art  out- 
wardly afflicted  by  continual  persecu- 
tion of  enemies,  and  inwardly  cruciated 
in  conscience  to  behold  the  damnable 
errors,  frowardness,  blindness,  and 
utter  contempt  of  God's  truth,  which 
reigneth  in  the  wicked.'  —Select  Works, 
p.  276,  ed.  1849,  Par.  Soc.  Foxe,  in  his 
history  of  the  Ten  Persecutions  in  the 


primitive  Church,  says :  '  Further  I  pro- 
ceeded in  the  story,  and  the  hotter  the 
persecutions  grew,  the  more  my  griefe 
with  them  and  for  them  encreased,  not 
onely  pitying  their  wofull  case,but  almost 
reasoning  with  God,  thus  thinking,  like 
a  foole,  with  myselfe, "  Why  God,  of  hys 
goodnesse,  would  suffer  hys  children  and 
his  servants  so  vehemently  to  be  cru- 
ciated and  afflicted  ?  " ' — Actes  and Mon. 
vol.  i.  p.  100,  ed.  1583. 


Decerpt,  plucked,  gathered. — I.  22  ; 
II.  370.  The  Latin  decerptus,  part, 
from  decerpo,  which  is  quite  classical, 
and  which  Elyot  himself  translates  '  to 
pull,  or  pluck  e  of,'  in  his  Dictionary. 
In  Cooper's  edition  of  the  latter  the  pas- 
sage from  Tusc.  Quast.  is  rendered  thus : 
'  The  minde  of  man,  taken  and  formed 
of  a  part  of  the  spirite  of  God.' 

Defalcate,  deprived  or  shorn  oj \ — II. 
112  and  note.  From  the  French  d£- 
falqiier,  which  Cotgrave  translates  *  to 
defaulke,  deduce,  diminish,  cut  off  or 
take  away  part  of.'  Thus  Charrop. 
says  :  '  Le  temps  de  1'enfance,  vieillesse, 
dormir,  maladies  d'esprit  ou  de  corps, 
et  tant  d'autre  inutil  et  impuissant  a  faire 
chose  qui  vaille,  estant  defalqut  et  ra- 
battu,  le  reste  est  peu.' — De  la  Sagesse, 
p.  165,  ed.  1662. 

Defende,  to  forbid,  prohibit. — II. 
294.  The  French  dlfendre.  Palsgrave 
has  '  I  forbyd,  I  commaunde  one  that  he 
do  nat  a  thynge.  Je  defens.  I  forbydde 
hym  on  his  lyfe  that  he  passe  nat  this 
way :  je  luy  defens  sur  sa  vie  quil  ne 
passe  poynt  par  icy J  and  'God  defende 
it :  a  Dieu  ne  plaise? — UEsclair.  pp. 
509,  554.  In  the  Promptorium  we 
find  :  '  Defendyn,  or  forbedyn,  Profit- 
beo,  inhibeo.' — P.  115.  The  word  oc- 
curs in  this  sense  as  early  as  the  eleventh 
century,  in  the  Laws  of  William  the 
Conqueror  :  *  E  nous  defendun  que 
1'un  christien  fors  de  la  terre  ne  vende 
n'ensurchetutenpaisinime.' — Chevallet. 
Or.  et  For.  torn.  i.  p.  117.  Joinville,  in 
his  Hist,  de  Saint  Louis,  written  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  speaking  of  Egypt, 


486 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


says  :  '  Toute  la  puissance  du  soudan 
se    logerent    sur    le  fleuve    de   Rexi, 
dautre  part  devant  nostre  ost,  pour  nous 
deffendre  le  passage,  laquelle  chose  leur 
estoit  legiere  car  nulz  ne  povit  passer 
ladite  yaue  par  devers  eulz  se  nous  ne 
la  passions  a  nou.' — Bouquet,  Hist,  de 
la   France,    torn.    xx.    p.    220.     Com- 
mines,  in  his  account  of  the  conspiracy 
against  le  comte  de  Saint  Paul  Con- 
stable of  France,  in  1475,  says  :  '  Des  ce 
que  ledit  due  (de  Bourgongne)  S9ut  ces 
nouvelles,  il  manda  au  seigneur  d'Ai- 
meries,  son  grand  baillif  de  Hainaut, 
qu'il  fit   garder  la  ville  de  Mons,  en 
fac,on  que  ledit  connestable  n'en  pust 
saillir,  et  que  a  luy  fust  dtffendu    de 
partir   de   son   hostellerie. ' — Mem.    p. 
112,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.     Montaigne  tells  us 
that  '  Les  ^Egyptiens,  d'une  impudente 
prudence,  deffendoient,  sur  peine  de  la 
hart,  que  nul  eust  a  dire  Serapis  et  Isis, 
leurs    dieux,     eussent   aultrefois     este 
hommes.' — Essais,    torn.    ii.    p.    394. 
Sir  John  Maundevile  uses  the  word  in 
the  same  way  :   '  In  that  hille  Thabor, 
oure    Lord    transfigured    him     before 
seynt    Petre,    seynt    John;   and  seynt 
Jame.  .  .  .  And  oure   Lord   defended 
hem,  that  thei  scholde  not  telle  that 
avisioun,  til  that  he  were  rysen  from 
dethe   to   lyf.' — Voiage,    &c.    p.    138. 
And  so  does  Chaucer  in   The  Tale  of 
Melibeus\  'Prudensanswerde :  "Certes, 
wel  I   wot,    attemperel   wepyng  is  no 
thing  defended  to  him  that  sorwful  is, 
amonges  folk  in  sorwe,  but  it  is  rather 
graunted  him  to  wepe.  .  .  .  But  though 
attemperel   wepyng  be   graunted,  out- 
rageous wepynge  certes  is  defended}'' ' 
— Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  141,  ed.  1866. 
Again  in  ThePersones  Tale:  '  After  this 
cometh  the  synne  of  japers,  that  ben 
the  develes  apes,  for  thay  maken  folk 
to  laughen  at  here  japes  or  japerie,  as 
folk   doon   at   the  gaudes  of  an   ape  ; 
suche  japes   defendith   seint   Poule.' — 
Ibid.    p.  320.      Brende   translates  the 
following  passage :  '  Turn  Ceenus:  "  Dii 
prohibeant"  inquit    "a  nobis     impias 
mentes :  et  profecto  prohibent ; "  '  (Q. 
Curt.    lib.   ix.   cap.   3.)  'Then  Cenus 
beganne    in   this   wyse,    The    Goddes 
defende  our  myndes  from   all   wicked 


thoughtes,    as   I  doubt  not  but   they 
wyll.'— Fo.  186,  ed.  1553. 

Deinzins,  denizens. — I.  243.     There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  origin  of  this  word 
must  be  sought  for   in  deinz,  the   old 
French  form  of  the  preposition  answer- 
ing to  dedans,  within.     It  is  true  that 
this  etymology  does  not  meet  with  the 
approval   of    Mr.    Todd,    who,  in   his 
edition  of  Johnson's  Dictionary,  derives 
it  '  from  dinasddyn  a  man  of  the  city, 
or    dinesydd   free   of   the   city,'    both 
Welsh  words ;  nor  with  that  of  Richard- 
son,   who  adopts  Minsheu's  (or  rather 
Coke's)  suggestion  of  donaison  —  dona- 
tio    'a  gift    or  donation    of   liberty.' 
Minsheu   however  is  ready    with   the 
sagacious  alternative  of  '  Dane's  Son, 
Dani  filius.     Danos   enim  olim  rerum 
pottos  (potitos  ?)  novimus ;  filiosque  suos 
utcunque  alienigenos  libertate  donates. ' 
But  as  it  was  to  the  ingenuity  of  this 
great  authority  that  we  are  indebted  for 
the  assumed  derivation  of  cockney  from 
the  words  cock  and  neigh,  the  reader 
will  probably  not  be  disposed  to  attach 
undue  importance  to  this  fresh  proof  of 
Minsheu's   skill  in   etymology.      It  is 
only  fair,  however,  to  add  (although  he 
does   not    acknowledge  the  fact)  that 
Lord  Coke  had  already  anticipated  him 
in  assigning  donaison  as  an  alternative 
derivation,    'because   his    freedome  is 
given  unto  him  by  the  king. '  But  Coke 
was  much  nearer  the  truth  when   he 
said  :  '  He  that  is  born  within  the  king's 
liegeance  is  called  sometime  a  denizen, 
quasi  deins    nee,    borne   within.' — Co. 
Litt.     129.    a.     The   addition   of    ne, 
however,  to  the  preposition  is  not  only 
unnecessary   to    the    meaning,  but    is 
totally  at  variance  with  the  orthography 
of  the  word.     It  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
quite  consistent  with  our  experience  of 
the  formation  of  other  substantives  and 
adjectives  from  prepositions  to  suppose 
that  the  word  deinzin  or  deinzein  was 
formed  simply  from  deinz,  just  as  in  the 
case  of  '  inning '  and  '  outing '  from  the 
prepositions  in  and  out  respectively,  and 
the  Latin  extraneus  from  extra.     The 
first  mention  of   the    word    that    the 
Editor  has  been  able  to  discover  in  the 
Statutes  of  the  Realm,  occurs  in  27  Ed. 


GLOSSARY. 


487 


III.  Stat.  2,  commonly  called  the  Sta- 
tute of  the  Staple,  passed  in  1353. 
But  as  that  Statute  recognises  the 
existence  of  denizens  it  is  evident  that 
the  term  was  not  a  new  one,  and  had 
probably  been  long  in  use.  By  I  Rich. 
III.  cap.  9,  passed  in  1483,  it  is  pro- 
vided :  '  que  null  persone  nient  neez 
desoubz  lobbeisaunce  du  Roy  ne  fait 
Deinszein,  de  quelconque  nacion  ou 
paiis  qil  soit '  shall  occupy  a  house,  &c. 
In  the  English  translation  of  the  above 
this  word  is  spelt  deinsyn.  The  pre- 
amble of  i  Hen.  VII.  cap.  2,  passed 
two  years  later,  declares  that  divers 
grants  were  made  by  Ed.  IV.  'es 
diversez  merchantz  estraungez  neez 
dehors  cest  Realme  destre  deinzins,  pur 
quel  ilz  ount  et  enjoient  tiels  franchesez 
etc.  come  font  deinzins  neez  deinz  cest 
Realme  etc.  et  sovent  foitz  soeffrent 
autres  estraungez  nient  deinzins  de- 
skipper  et  carier  etc.  pur  le  quell  lez 
ditz  bienz  sont  fraud ez  de  Custome  en 
semblable  maner  comme  ilz  fuerent 
bienz  dun  Deinzin."1  The  English 
title  of  this  is  :  '  An  Acte  that  Deny  sons 
shall  paye  Custome  and  snbsidy.'  It 
will  be  seen  from  the  above  that  Lord 
Coke's  derivation,  although  plausible, 
is  not  warranted  by  the  history  of  the 
word,  inasmuch  as  the  last  mentioned 
statute  mentions  denizens  '  neez  dehors 
le  Realme,'  whom  Lord  Coke's  defi- 
nition would  exclude.  According  to 
Rastell  '  Denisin  est  lou  alien  deuient 
le  subiect  le  roy  et  obteine  les  letters 
patentes  le  roy  pur  inioyer  touts  priui- 
leges  come  un  home  Engleis,  mes  si  un 
soit  fait  denizin  il  paiera  customes  etc. 
come  aliens.' — The  Expositions  of  the 
Termes  oftheLawes,  fo.  33,  b.  ed.  1567. 
Elyot's  spelling  of  the  word  is  exactly 
in  accordance  with  that  of  the  Statutes 
already  quoted.  Udall  in  his  trans- 
lation of  the  Paraphrase  of  Erasmus 
upon  St.  Matthew  v.,  says  :  'The world 
lamenteth  and  counteth  them  unfor- 
tunate, which  be  banished  and  dryuen 
out  of  theyr  countrey,  but  Christ  pro- 
nounceth  them  blessed  whiche  be 
banished  for  the  Gospel  sake,  for  they 
be  made  denisens  in  heauen. ' — Tom.  i. 
fo.  xviii.  ed.  1551,  the  original  of  the 


above  passage  being,  '  Mundus  ut  in- 
felices  deplorat  qui  pulsi  patria  solum 
vertere  coguntur,  sed  Christus  beatos 
pronunciat  qui  ob  Euangelium  exulant 
coelo  municipes  ascripti? — Paraph,  in 
Nov.  7'est.  torn.  i.  p.  24,  ed.  1541. 
Bryskett,  whose  Discourse  of  Civill  Life 
bears  internal  evidence  that  its  author 
was  acquainted  with  The  Governour,  in  a 
passage  bearing  a  close  resemblance  to 
that  in  the  text,  says  :  '  You  must  giue 
me  leaue  to  use  new  words  of  Art,  such 
as  are  proper  to  expresse  new  conceits, 
though  they  be  yet  strange,  and  not 
denizened  in.  our  language.' — P.  44,  ed. 
1606.  Kelham,  in  his  Norman  Diction- 
ary, gives  '  Deinz,  within,  Deinzseins, 
denizens.  Denzeyn,  denzeisne,  denizen. 
It  is  curious  that  neither  Du  Cange  nor 
Littre  recognise  the  claim  of  this  word 
to  be  considered  of  French  extraction, 
the  former  describing  denizatio  as  '  vox 
fori  Anglici,'  whilst  the  latter  treats 
denizen  as  English  and  defines  it  as 
'  etranger  admis  a  la  jouissance  des 
droits  civils,  sauf  celui  de  succession.' 
This  word  affords  an  instructive  ex- 
ample of  the  effects  of  the  transposition 
of  letters,  and  it  would  be  interesting  to 
learn  when  the  change  took  place,  and 
to  what  it  was  due. 

Deliuer,  Supple,  agile,  active. — I. 
112,  215.  This  word  seems  to  have 
originated  in  the  French  dtlivre',  as  a 
term  of  falconry.  According  to  Littre, 
oiseau  delivre  is  a  bird  '  qui  n'a  point 
de  corsage  et  qui  est  presque  sans 
chair,'  heron  delivre  signifying  'heron 
maigre  et  dont  le  vol  n'est  point  re- 
tarde  par  le  poids  que  lui  donnerait  sa 
chair.'  Palsgrave  has  :  Delyver  redy 
quicke  to  do  any  thing — m.  et  f.  agile, 
s.  :  m.  et  f.  deliurl  s.  Delyver  of  ones 
lymmes  as  they  that  prove  mastryes — 
m.  et  f.  souple  s.'  Also  '  Lyght  or 
delyver — m.  et  f.  agile  s  ;  m.  legier  s  f. 
legiere  s.'  And  'Nymble  delyver  or 
quycke  of  ones  lymmes — m.  et  f.  souple 
s.  Nymble  quycke — m.  et  f.  deliure  s. 
—DEsclair.  pp.  309,  317,  319.  Cot- 
grave  renders  Delivre  de  sa  per- 
sonne,  'An  active  nimble  wight,  whose 
joints  are  not  tied  with  points,  one  that 
can  wield  his  lims  at  pleasure.'  In  the 


488 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Promptorium  we  find  'Delyvere  (or 
quycke  in  beynesse  [qu.  besynesse?]) 
Vivax? — P.  118.  The  word  is  used 
by  Gower  : 

'  And  as  it  shulde  tho  befalle,  f 

That  daie  was  set  of  suche  asise 

That  they  shulde  in  the  loude  gyse, 

As  was  herde  of  the  people  seie, 

Her  commune  game  than  pleye. 

And  cried  was,  that  thei  shulde  come 

Unto  the  game  all  and  some. 

Of  hem  that  ben  deliuer  and  wight, 

To  do  suche  maistrie  as  thei  might.' 

Conf.  Am.  fo.  clxxvii.  b.  ed.  1554. 
Sir  John  Maundevile  says  :  « In  Cipre 
men  hunten  with  Papyonns,  that  ben 
lyche  Lepardes:  and  thei  taken  wylde 
bestes  righte  welle,  and  thei  ben  som- 
delle  more  than  Lyouns,  and  thei  taken 
more  scharpely  the  Bestes  and  more  de- 
lyverly,  than  don  Houndes.' — Voiage 
and  Travaile,  p.  34,  ed.  1727.  Chau- 
cer, in  The  Tale  of  Melibeus,  says  : 
'  And  Tullius  saith,  that  grete  thinges 
ben  not  ay  accompliced  by  strengthe, 
ne  by  delyvernes  of  body,  but  by  good 
counseil,  by  auctorite  of  persones,and  by 
science.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  155- 
And  in  The  Prologue  to  the  Cant.  Tales 
the  description  of  a  young  squire  is  that 

'  Of  twenty  yeer  he  was  of  age  I  gesse, 
Of  his  stature  he  was  of  evene  lengthe, 
And  wondurly  delyver,  and  gret  ofstrengthe.' 
Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  4. 
In  The  Nmne  Presfs  Tale  : 

'  The  fox  answerd  "  In  faith,  it  schal  be  doon," 
And  whil  he  spak  that  word,  al  sodeinly 
This  cok  brak  from  his  mouth  delyverly, 
And  heigh  upon  a  tree  he  fleigh  anoon.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  247. 

In  The  Persones  Tale :  '  Certis,  the 
goodes  of  the  body  ben  hele  of  body, 
strengthe,  delivernesse,  beaute,  gentrie, 
fraunchise.' — Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  300. 
Fabyan  in  his  account  of  Harold,  the 
son  of  Canute,  says,  that  he  '  for  his 
deliuernesse  and  swiftnesse  was  sur- 
named  Harefoote.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p. 
278.  The  word  was  not  confined  in 
its  application  to  living  creatures,  for 
the  writer  just  quoted,  in  describing  a 
sea-fight  in  1337*  says  :  'Of  the  French- 
men were  xiii  sailes,  great  and  smal, 
and  of  the  Englishmen  but  flue,  that  is 
to  meane,  these  two  foresaid  great 
ships,  two  barckes,  and  a  caruell,  the 


which  thre  smal  ships  escaped  by 
their  deliuer  sayling,  and  the  two  abode 
and  fought  beyond e  ix  houres.' — Ubi 
supra,  vol.  ii.  p.  206,  ed.  1559.  In 
the  first  edition  of  Holinshed's  Historic 
of  Englande,  we  are  told  that  '  Egbert 
was  a  politike  prince  and  of  great  ex- 
perience, hauing  chosen  his  souldiers  of 
nimble,  leane,  and  deliuer  men,  wher 
Bernulfes  souldiers,  through  long  ease, 
were  cowardly  persons,  and  ouercharged 
with  flesh.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  203,  ed. 
1577  ;  but  in  the  ed.  of  1587,  'hartie' 
(p.  138)  is  substituted  for  'deliuer,' 
with  an  evident  want  of  appreciation  of 
the  true  meaning  of  the  latter  word. 
However,  in  another  place  in  the  same 
work,  where  we  are  told  that  'there 
arriued  at  Harfleur  the  Lorde  of  Kil- 
mayne  in  Ireland  with  a  bande  of  xvi. 
hundred  Irishmen  ....  all  of  them 
being  tall,  quick e  and  deliuer  persons,' 
(Ubi  supra,  vol.  ii.  p.  1194,)  the  more 
modern  reading  'nimble'  (Chron.  vol. 
iii.  p.  565)  of  the  second  edition  pre- 
serves the  original  meaning.  Warner, 
in  the  fifth  book  of  his  Albion's  Eng- 
land, alluding  to  Robin  Hood,  says  : 

'  Those  daies  begot   some  malcontents,   the 

principal  of  whome 
A  county  was,  that  with  a  troope  of  yoman- 

dry  did  rome  ; 
Braue  Archers  and  deliuer  men,  since  nor 

before  so  good ; 

Those  took  from  rich  to  giue  the  poore,  and 
manned  Robin  Hood.' 

P.  132,  ed.  1597. 

Demulced,  coaxed,  literally  stroked 
gently. — 1. 213.  From  the  Latin  'demul- 
ceo,'  which  the  author  in  his  Dictionary 
translates  « to  stryke  gentilly  and  softly 
with  the  hande,  as  we  do  to  chyldren  or 
houndes,  whan  we  make  moche  of  them. ' 

Departe,  to  divide.— \.  14,  198. 
From  the  French  departir.  Palsgrave 
has  :  '  I  departe,  I  deyyde  thynges 
asonder,  Je  depars  and  je  desassemble. 
Departe  this  meate  a  sender  :  departez* 
or  separez,  or  desassemblez  ceste  piece  de 
•viande.  I  departe,  I  distrybute,  Je 
distribue,  prim.  conj.  Departe  to  every 
man  alyke  :  distribuez  a  chascun  sa 
portion  egalle.  I  departe  thynges 
asonder  that  be  joyned  togyther.  Je 
stpare,  prim.  conj.  No  man  can  parte 


GLOSSARY. 


489 


them  :  mil  ne  les  peult  separer.  I  de- 
parte,  I  distrybute  the  partes  of  a 
thynge  to  dyvers  persons.  Je  mespars, 
conjugate  lyke  his  simple  je  pars,  I 
parte.  He  hath  quartered  an  oxe  and 
departed  him  unto  foure  persones  :  il  a 
escarteltt  ung  beuf  et  la  mesparty  a 
quatre  personnes.  I  departe,  ordevyde 
thynges  asonder  that  were  myxed  or 
medled  togyther.  Je  desmesle.  Departe 
this  skayne  of  threde,  we  can  nat  els 
wynde  it  up  :  desmeslez  ceste  piece  de  fil, 
011  aultrement  nous  ne  scaurions  la 
deuider.'—DEsdair.  p  512.  The  au- 
thor in  his  Dictionary  translates '  separo, ' 
'  to  putte  aparte,  or  departe  one  from  an 
other.'  The  original  is  used  by  Corn- 
mines  in  this  sense.  'En  retournant 
aux  dues  de  Normandie  et  de  Bretagne, 
qui  estoient  alles  prendre  la  possession 
de  la  duche  de  Normandie,  incontinent 
que  leur  entree  fut  faite  a  Rouen,  ils 
commencerent  a  avoir  division  ensemble, 
quand  ce  fut  a  dtpartir  le  butin. '  — 
Mcmoires,  p.  31,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  The 
same  form  is  used  by  Sir  John  Maunde- 
vile,  who  says  :  '  There  is  a  great  Hille 
that  men  clepen  Olympus,  that  departeth 
Macedonye  and  Trachye.' —  Voiage,  &>c. 
p.  20,  ed.  1727;  and  by  Chaucer,  as 
in  The  Persones  Tale :  '  For  certes, 
right  as  a  swerd  departith  a  thing  in  two 
parties,  right  so  consentynge  departeth 
God  fro  man.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii. 
p.  290,  ed.  1866.  Again  in  The  Ro- 
maunt  of  the  Rose : 

'  If  bothe  the  hertis  Love  hath  fered, 
Joy  and  woo  they  shulle  departe, 
And  take  evenly  ech  his  parte.' 

Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  161. 

So  also  Gower : 

'  He  whiche  departeth  daie  fro  night, 
That  one  derke,  and  that  other  bright, 
Of  seuen  dales  made  a  weke.' 

Confess,  Am.  fo.  cxlvi.  b.  ed.  1554- 

Deprehende,  to  understand,  to  per- 
ceive.— I.  70,  157.  The  Latin  'depre- 
hendo,'  as  appears  from  the  second  of 
the  above  passages.  The  author  in  his 
Dictionary  renders  it  '  to  knowe,  to 
perceyue.'  The  English  form  is  very 
uncommon,  it  is  used,  however,  by 
Bacon  in  his  Natural  History  :  *  As  for 
the  motions  of  the  minute  parts  of 


bodies,  which  do  so  great  effects,  they 
have  not  been  observed  at  all ;  because 
they  are  invisible,  and  incur  not  to  the 
eye  ;  but  yet  they  are  to  be  deprehended 
by  experience.' — Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  62, 
ed.  1826. 

Despeche,  to  dispatch. — II.  14,  273, 
421  and  note. 

Digne,  worthy.— II.  223.  A  French 
word,  introduced.  Palsgrave  has, 
'Dygne  worthy- m.  et  f.  digne  s.' — 
L'Esclair.  p.  310.  Cotgrave  translates 
it,  '  Worthy,  condigne,  deserving,  meet, 
fit  for.'  Froissart,  speaking  of  the 
banner  displayed  by  the  French  at  the 
battle  of  Rosbecque  in  1382,  says : 
'  Celle  oriflambe  est  une  digne  banniere 
et  enseigne.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  250, 
ed.  Pan.  Lit.  ;  which  Lord  Berners 
renders  ;  '  This  Oriflambe  is  a  precyous 
baner.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  738,  ed.  1812. 
Chaucer  uses  this  word  in  The  Prologue 
to  the  Cant.  Tales : 

'  And  though  he  holy  were,  and  vertuous, 
He  was  to  senful  man  nought  dispitous, 
Ne  of  his  speche  daungerous  ne  digne, 
But  in  his  teching  discret  and  benigne.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  17. 

And  also  in  The  Pardoneres  Tale : 

'  I  schal  him  seeke  by  way  and  eek  by  strete, 
I  make  avow  to  Goddis  digne  boones.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  97. 

Discourage,  discouragement.  —  I.  7  ; 
II.  407,  and  note. 

Discrepance,  difference.— -I.  2,  3;  II. 
17,  28.  This,  like  the  last,  is  a  French 
word.  Cotgrave  gives  *  Discrepance,  A 
discrepancie,  difference,  repugnancie, 
disagreement.'  But  it  is  not  noticed 
by  Littre.  In  Les  Remonstrances,  a 
poem  attributed  to  Jehan  de  Meung,  a 
poet  of  the  I3th  century,  we  find  this 
word  : 

'  Car  tous  mes  faitz  tant  bien  j'ordonne, 
Qu'un  chascun  son  espece  amaine, 
Selon  que  la  matiere  est  saine, 
Ou  have  ;  aussi  mettent  les  cieux 
Discrepance  de  tieulx  a  tieulx.' 
Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  iv.  p.  131,  ed.  1814. 

It  is  used  by  Foxe  in  his  Allegations 
against  the  Six  Articles  :  '  So  where  he 
bringeth  in  the  Decree  of  Pope  Calix- 
tus  in  like  maner  against  the  matri- 
monie  of  Priestes,  Deacons,  and  Sub- 


490 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


deacons,  he  addeth  thereto  no  discre- 
pance of  his  name.  And  yet  al  the 
world  knoweth  that  this  was  Calixtus 
the  second,  and  not  the  first.' — Actes 
and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p.  1163,  ed.  1583. 

Discrepant,  different. — I.  183,  264. 
The  adjective,  formed  from  the  above 
substantive.  Cotgrave  gives  '•Discre- 
pant, m.  ante,  f.  Discrepant,  different, 
disagreeing  from,  repugnant  unto.' 
The  word  occurs  in  the  following  pas- 
sage of  the  speech  of  Chicheley,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  supposed  to  have 
been  spoken  in  1414 :  '  Are  not  all 
lawes  discrepant  from  Goddes  lawes 
euel,  and  to  al  Christen  eares  odious  and 
noisome?' — Hall,  Chron.  fo.  xxxvii.  ed. 
1548.  Sir  Thomas  More  also  uses  it  : 
1  Though  the  wordes  which  they  spake 
or  wrote  were  straunge  and  contrarye 
to  right  beleue,  yet  theffect  of  their 
mening  was  not  much  discrepant  from 
the  trew  fayth  of  christes  church.' — 
Works,  vol.  i.  p.  262,  ed.  1557. 

Dispergement,  disparagement. — II. 
151.  If  we  relied  merely  on  ortho- 
graphy, we  should  expect  this  word  to 
be  derived  from  '  dispergo,'  but  it  really 
represents  the  low  Latin  '  disperga- 
mentum '  or  '  disparagamentum '  from 
*  disparagare,'  which  according  to  Spel- 
man  =  dispares  conferre,  indecore  et 
indigne  connectere  vel  assimulare.  The 
very  form  '  dispergamentum '  occurs  in 
the  following  clause  of  a  contract  be- 
tween Herve,  Count  of  Nevers,  and 
Philip  Augustus  of  France,  dated  July, 
1215,  by  which  the  count  engages  to 
give  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Philip, 
the  king's  grandson :  '  quod  si  ego  a  dicta 
Mathilda  uxore  mea  filiam  vel  filias  sus- 
cepero,  prsedicti  domini  Ludovici  films, 
qui  cum  dicta  Agnete  filia  mea  spon- 
salia  contrahet,  earn  vel  eas  post  mortem 
meam  et  uxoris  mese,  maritabit  per 
terram  vel  per  denarios  sine  disperga- 
mento.' — Martene,  Vet.  Script,  et  Mon. 
Collect,  torn.  i.  col.  1124,  ed.  1724. 
The  word  'paragium,'  or  parage  in 
French,  signified  parity  or  equality  of 
conditions  with  regard  to  marriage, 
e.  g.  of  birth,  rank  &c.,  but  it  seems  to 
be  used  in  a  wider  sense  by  Froissart 
in  his  account  of  the  capitulation  of 


Bayonne  in  1386  to  the  Duke  of  Lan- 
caster, for  the  '  ancient  man '  who  re- 
commended this  step  is  called  by  his 
fellow  citizens  '  un  homme  de  parage  et 
pour  qui  on  doit  moult  faire.' — Chron. 
torn.  ii.  p.  520,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Lord 
Berners  seems  to  have  experienced  a 
difficulty  in  finding  any  English  equi- 
valent for  this,  which  he  renders  :  '  ye 
are  a  man  in  this  towne  of  grete  parage, 
and  may  do  moche.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p. 
187.  This  passage,  however,  seems 
exactly  to  bear  out  Spelman's  state- 
ment. '  Dicunt  autem  Galli  parage  pro 
familia,  consanguinitate,  parentela  :  ut 
dame  de  hault  parage,  i.e.  sublimis 
parentelee  domina.'  Now  disparagatio, 
disparagement  was  the  term  used  to  de- 
note the  opposite  state,  i.  e.  disparity  of 
the  above  conditions.  '  Hinc  in  jure 
nostro,'  says  Spelman,  '  disparagare 
idem  est  quod  impares  sanguine  et 
nataliciis  connectere.'  The  earliest 
mention  of  this  feudal  term  in  our  law 
occurs  in  Magna  Charta.  *  Heredes 
maritentur  absque  disparagatione  (ita 
quod  antequam  contrahatur  matrimo- 
nium  ostendatur  propinquis  de  consan- 
guinitate ipsiusheredis)  ;'  this  pro  vision, 
with  the  exception  of  the  words  within 
brackets,  was  re-enacted  in  the  two  fol- 
lowingyears,  1216-17,  by  Hen.  HI*  ^ 
may  be  noticed  here  that  Du  Cange  cites 
an  instance  of  the  use  of  the  word  '  dis- 
pengatio'  for  'disparsgatio,'  occurring 
in  a  charter  of  Henry,  King  of  Eng- 
land, about  1155,  and  which  he  calls 
'  pro  Normannis '  on  the  authority  of 
M.  Brussel's  Nouvel  Examen  de  V usage 
general  des  Fiefs,  ed.  1750  ;  but  the 
Editor  finds,  on  referring  to  this  latter 
work,  that  the  charter  in  question, 
which  is  printed  in  the  appendix  to 
torn,  ii.,  and  is  there  styled  'Lettres 
patentes  de  Hen.  II.,  roi  d'Angleterre 
et  Due  de  Normandie,  en  faveur 
du  Clerge,  des  Nobles,  et  de  tous  les 
habitans  de  Normandie,  environ  1'an 
1155,'  is  an  impudent  forgery,  being 
nothing  but  a  very  incorrect  and 
doctored  transcript  of  Magna  Charta, 
and  the  word  which  Du  Cange  relies 
on  as  a  variant  of  the  usual  form  '  dis- 
paragatione,' is,  of  course,  due  to  the 


GLOSSARY* 


491 


ignorance  of  the  transcriber,  which  has 
led  him,  in  the  same  document,  to  con- 
vert Walingford  into  '  Balui  Befordis, ' 
and  « Kidelli  '  into  '  Bideli.'  The  next 
provision  on  this  subject  is  20  Hen.  III. 
cap.  6,  commonly  called  the  Statute  of 
Merton.  '  And  so  it  is  proved  by  the 
same  statute,'  says  Lord  Coke,  'that 
there  is  no  disparagement,  but  where  he 
which  is  in  ward  is  married  within  the 
age  of  14  years.' — Co.  Litt.  80.  a. 
Lord  Coke  mentions  four  kinds  of  dis- 
paragements for  which  the  heir  could 
refuse,  '  and  Littleton  saith  that  there 
be  many  other  disparagements  which 
are  not  specified  in  the  said  statute,  for 
those  two  mentioned  are  put  but  for 
examples.  In  a  word  it  must  be  com- 
petens  maritagium  absque  disparaga- 
tione.' — Ubi  supra.  80,  b.  In  Les 
Termes  de  la  Ley, '  disparagement '  is  de- 
fined to  be  *un  honte,  disgrace,  ou 
villanie  fait  par  le  Gardeine  en  chiualrie 
a  son  garde  en  chiualrie  esteant  deins 
age  per  reason  de  son  marriage.' — P. 
130,  ed.  1636.  One  of  the  complaints 
made  by  the  Bishops  to  Hen.  III.,  in 
1234,  according  to  Matt.  Paris,  was  : 
'  quia  puellam  de  Brittannia  (i.e.  Alie- 
nor,  daughter  of  Geoffrey)  et  sororem 
vestram  (i.e.  Alienor,  widow  of  Wil- 
liam Marshal,  afterwards  married  to 
Simon  de  Montfort)  habent  sub  potes- 
tate  sua,  et  alias  plures  puellas  nobiles 
et  alias  mulieres  nubiles,  cum  wardis 
ac  maritagiis,  quas  dant  suis  et  dis- 
paragant.' — Chron.  Maj.  vol.  iii.  p. 
270,  the  Rolls  ed.  In  a  grant  of  the 
wardship  of  the  lands  of  an  heir  minor 
and  of  his  marriage,  made  7th  Dec.  in 
the  iQth  year  of  Rich.  II.,  i.e.  1395-6, 
we  find  the  following  clause  :  '  Custo- 
diam  omnium  terrarum  &c.,  habendam 
usque  ad  legitimam  astatem  Johannae 
filiae  et  haeredis  praedicti  Robert!,  una 
cum  maritagio  ejusdem  Johannse  abs- 
que disparagationeS — Mad  ox,  Form. 
Anglic,  p.  326.  This  last,  indeed, 
seems  to  have  been  a  common  form, 
inserted  in  all  such  deeds.  Rymer,  in 
a  similar  grant  to  the  one  last  quoted, 
has  'absque  dispergatione*  (vol.  iii.  p. 
136),  which,  however,  is  probably  a 
mistake,  due  to  the  carelessness  or  ig- 


norance of  the  transcriber.  It  is  ob- 
vious that  the  way  in  which  the  word 
is  used  by  Elyot  in  the  text  is  strictly 
accurate,  having  regard  to  the  technical 
meaning  still  attaching  to  it  in  the  i6th 
century.  Bacon,  in  his  History  of 
King  Henry  VII.  uses  the  word  in  this 
original  and  technical  sense,  when, 
speaking  of  the  widow  of  Ed.  IV.,  he 
says  :  '  She  was  much  affectionate  to 
her  own  kindred,  even  unto  faction  ; 
which  did  stir  great  envy  in  the  lords 
of  the  king's  side,  who  counted  her 
blood  a  disparagement  to  be  mingled 
with  the  king's. — Works,  vol.  iii.  p. 
134,  ed.  1825.  So  too  Sir  Philip  Sid- 
ney :  '  Master  Dorus,  (said  the  faire  Pa- 
mela), me  thinkes  you  blame  your 
fortune  very  wrongfully,  since  the  fault 
is  not  in  Fortune  but  in  you,  that  can- 
not frame  your  selfe  to  your  fortune, 
and  as  wrongfully  doe  require  Mopsa 
to  so  great  a  disparagement  as  to 
her  father's  servant,  since  she  is  not 
worthy  to  be  loved,  that  hath  not  some 
feeling  of  her  owne  worthinesse.  .  .  . 
I  thus  answered  her  :  Lady,  most 
worthy  of  all  duty,  how  fals  it  out,  that 
you,  in  whom  all  vertue  shines,  will 
take  the  patronage  of  fortune,  the  only 
rebellious  handmaid  against  vertue, 
especially  since  before  your  eyes  you 
have  a  pitifull  spectacle  of  her  wicked- 
nes,  a  forlorn  creature,  which  must  re- 
maine  not  such  as  I  am,  but  such  as 
she  makes  me,  since  shee  must  be  the 
balance  of  worthinesse  or  disparage- 
ment'— Arcadia,  p.  102,  ed.  1633. 

Dissease,  to  trouble,  vex,  annoy. — 
II.  237  and  note. 

Dissimule,^  dissemble. — II.  137, 166. 
From  the  Latin  '  dissimulo, '  which  the 
author  in  his  Dictionary  translates  '  to 
dissemble  or  fayne  a  thynge,  whiche  is 
not  as  it  semeth  to  be.'  A  concise  de- 
finition of  this  word  is  contained  in  the 
school-boy  line  *  Quod  non  es  simulas, 
dissimulasque  quod  es.'  The  French 
have  also  the  verb  dissimuler.  Thus 
Froissart  says  :  '  Le  chevalier  qui  la 
etoit  a  genoux,  tout  honteux,  car  telles 
paroles  ouir  lui  etoient  moult  dures,  et 
bien  veoit  que  taire  lui  etoit  plus  profi- 
table que  parler,  si  ne  repondit  oncquec 


492 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


mot  a  ces  paroles  et  dissimula  au  mieux 
qu'il  put,  et  se  departit  de  la  presence 
des  seigneurs,  en  prenant  conge  quand 
il  vit  que  heure  rat.' — Chron.  torn.  ii. 
p.  53,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  It  is  therefore  a 
question  whether  the  English  word  was 
formed  mediately  or  immediately  from 
the  Latin.  Chaucer  had  already  used 
it  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde : 

'  But  in  hyraself  with  manhode  gan  restreyne 
Ech  rackle  dede,  and  ech  unbrideled  chere, 
That  alle  tho  that  lyven,  soth  to  seyne, 
Ne  sholde  han  wiste,  by  word  or  by  manere, 
What    that    he    mente,  as    touchynge    this 

matere  ; 

From  every  wyght  as  fer  as  is  the  cloude 
He  was,  so  wele  dissimulen  he  koude.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  242. 

It  is  also  used  by  Sir  Thomas  More  : 
*  Ye  shal  see  that  I  deceue  you  not  as 
master  Masker  dooeth,  that  thorow  all 
his  exposicion  flitteth  all  fro  the  poynte, 
and  dyssimuleth  all  the  woordes  of 
those  old  holy  men.' — Works,  vol.  ii. 
p.  1056.  And  by  Foxe  in  his  account 
of  the  Disputation  of  John  Huss  before 
the  University  of  Prague  in  1348 : 
'  Neyther  are  these  things  to  be  dissi- 
muled,  the  whyche  wee  haue  spoken  of, 
for  hee  that  may  correcte  any  thyng, 
and  doeth  neglect  the  same,  wythout  all 
doubte  he  maketh  hym  selfe  partaker 
of  the  sinne  or  offence.' — Actes  and 
Mon.  vol.  i.  p.  458,  ed.  1583  ;  but  Foxe 
was  here  merely  translating  from  the 
Latin,  as  is  evident  on  comparing  the 
following  passage  in  the  Historia  et 
Monumenta  Joannis  Hus :  '  Nee  enim 
sunt  dissimulanda  quse  diximus,  quia  qui 
emendare  potest  et  negligit,  partici- 
pem  se  proculdubio  delicti  constituit.' 
Pars  i.  fo.  cxix.  b.  ed.  1558.  And  so 
Brende,  in  his  translation  of  Q.  Curtius, 
says, '  In  the  meane  season  when  soeuer 
Bagoas  got  the  Kyng  alone,  he  would 
fil  his  credulous  eares  with  tales  against 
Orcynes,  euer  dissimulinge  the  cause  of 
hys  dyspleasure,  lest  therby  he  myght 
lose  the  credite  of  his  false  report '  (fo. 
207,  ed.  1553) ;  the  original  being, 
'  Interim  quoties  sine  arbitris  erat,  cre- 
dulas  regis  aures  implebat ;  dissimulans 
causam  irse,  quo  gravior  criminantis 
auctoritas  esset.' — Lib.  x.  cap.  i. 


Distemperature,  unhealthiness.  —II. 
405  and  note. 

Domesticall,  domestic. — I.  22;  II. 
60,  78,  407.  From  the  Latin  '  domesti- 
cus,'  for  it  does  not  appear  that  even  in 
the  middle  ages  any  such  word  as 
'  domesticalis '  was  ever  in  use.  The 
English  form  of  the  word  appears  to  be 
exceedingly  rare.  We  find  it,  however, 
in  UdalPs  translation  of  Erasmus's 
Paraphrase  upon  St.  Matthew  x.  :  « I 
am  not  come  to  sowe  peace  and  con- 
corde,  but  the  swearde  and  warre,  and 
that  shalbe  an  inwarde  and  domestical 
warre  betwene  dere  frende  and  frend, 
and  not  ciuile  warre  onely  betwene  such 
as  be  no  kif  nor  kynne  together.  .  .  . 
Whom  domesticall  acquaintaunce  hathe 
made  louers  and  veray  nere  frendes, 
them  shall  the  sweorde  of  the  gospel  set 
insoonder.' — Tom.  i.  fo.  xlvi.  ed.  1551, 
and  as  the  original  has  'bellum  etiam  in- 
testinum  ac  domesticum  non  modo 
civile '  and  '  quos  domestica  consuetude 
fecerat  homini  conjunctissimos '  {Paraph, 
in  Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  p.  65,  ed.  1541), 
the  above  translation  seems  to  show  that 
'  domestical '  was  formed  from  the 
Latin.  On  the  other  hand  it  occurs  in 
Nicoll's  Hist,  of  Thucydides,  which 
professes  to  be  '  translated  oute  of 
Frenche ' :  '  In  his  retourne  from  Cipres, 
taking  the  cytie  of  Bizance,  togither 
with  the  people  that  the  king  had  left 
there  in  garnysone,  amongest  whom 
ther  were  many  his  parentes  and  do- 
mesticals  or  housholdes,  that  same  Pau- 
sanias  sente  theym  again  secretly,  fayn- 
ing  that  they  were  escaped.' — Fo.  xli. 
b,  ed.  1550,  the  original  translation  of 
Claude  de  Seyssel  being,  «  entre  lesquelz 
en  y  auoit  plusieurs  ses  parens  et  dome- 
sticquesS — Fo.  xxv.  Hall,  in  his  ac- 
count of  the  parliament,  held  in  1413- 
14,  says  :  '  Many  peticions  moued  wer 
for  that  tyme  deferred.  Emongest 
whiche  requestes  one  was,  that  a  bill 
exhibited  in  the  parliamente  holden  at 
Westminster  in  the  xi  yere  of  kyng 
Henry  the  fourth  (whiche  by  reason 
that  the  kyng  was  then  vexed  and 
troubled  with  ciuill  deuision  and  do- 
mesticall dissencion  came  to  none  effect) 
might  now  bee  well  studied,  pondered, 


GLOSSARY. 


493 


regarded,  and  brought  to  some  good 
conclusion.' — Chron.  fo.  xxxv.ed.  1548. 
Doulce,  soft,  smooth,  sweet. — I.  154. 
This  is  merely  the  French  word.  Pals- 
grave has  :  '  Softe  or  mylde — m.  doulx, 
f.  doulce  s.  Softe  or  swete — m.  doulce- 
reux,  f.  doulcereuse  s.  m.  doulx,  f. 
doulce  s.  Softe,  gentyll  of  condycions 
— m.  doulx,  f.  doulce  s. '  and  '  Swete 
in  tast — m.  dotdx,  f.  doulce  j.' — L'Es- 
clair.  pp.  324,  326.  Cotgrave  gives 
the  following  proverbs  :  '  Douce  parole 
riescorche  langue,  We  say,  good  words 
breake  no  bones.  Douce  parole  rompt 
grand'  ire,  Gentle  words  appease  the 
irefull.  Douces  promesses  obligent  les 
jols,  Faire  promises  oblige  fooles,  or  as 
our  Faire  words  make  fooles  faine.' 
Richardson  does  not  take  any  note  of 
the  fact  that  the  word  'dulce'  is 
merely  the  French  doulce  or  douce,  al- 
though of  course  derived  originally 
from  the  Latin  '  dulcis.' 

Dragges,  dregs. — I.  147.  This 
word  is  often  confounded  by  the  early 
writers  with  '  drugs,'  which  is  perhaps 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  considering  the 
similarity  of  sound,  but  the  latter  is,  of 
course,  a  mere  translation  of  drogues, 
whereas  the  origin  of  the  former  is 
much  disputed.  The  Latin  word  'fsex' 
was  represented  by  the  Anglo-Saxon 
words  drabbe,  dresten,  and  dros  accord- 
ing to  Somner,  while  in  the  Promp- 
torium  we  find  not  only  'Dreggys  or 
drestys,  Fex.  Dreggy  (dresty)  or  fulle 
of  drestys,  Feculentus.  Dreggys  of  oyle 
(drestis),  Amurca.  Dreggys  or  lyys  of 
wyne  (drestis  or  lese),  Tartarum  ;'  but 
'  Dragge,  menglyd  corne  (drage  or  mest- 
lyon),  Mixtio,"1  and  'Drosse  or  fylthe 
where  of  hyt  be  (qwat  so  it  be),  Rus- 
ctim,  rusculum.'  Palsgrave  too  gives 
'  Dregges — lie  de  biere  ou  de  vin  s,  f. 
Drestes  of  oyle— He  dhuilles,  f.  Drosse  of 
metall— refus,  m.,'  and  'Drostynesse 
(Drestynesse  l}—lieusett  z,i.  — IlEsclair. 
p.  215.  It  seems  evident  therefore  that 
drestes  and  dregs  were  synonymous,  and 
Dr.  Skinner,  whilst  suggesting  that  the 
latter  is  derived  from  the  former,  offers 
as  alternative  roots  the  Teutonic  Treck 
or  Dreck  =  stercus,  lutum  ;  and  Drusen 
=  fcex.  M.  Littre  connects  « dregs ' 


with  the  French  drague,  which  he  says 
is  'orge  cuite  qui  demeure  dans  le 
brassin  apres  qu'on  a  cuit  la  biere,'  and 
derives  from  'the  old  Scandinavian 
word  dregg. '  On  the  other  hand  he 
deduces  the  word  dreche,  which  he  ex- 
plains as  '  residu  de  1'orge  germee  et 
concassee  qui  a  servi  a  la  fabrication  de 
la  biere'  from  the  old  German  (Teu- 
tonic ?)  word  drescan,  modern  dre- 
schen  =  battre  le  ble.  But  are  not 
both  words  synonymous  representatives 
of  the  mediaeval  'drascus'?  Matthew 
Paris,  in  his  life  of  Abbot  Garinus, 
quotes  a  charter  of  the  Church  of  St. 
Mary  de  Prato,  in  which  the  latter 
word  occurs  :  '  Concedimus  praeben- 
dam  quotidianam  ad  duos  equos  de 
granario  nostro  sumendam,  et  unam 
cribrum  furfuris,  et  majoram  cuvam  de 
drasco,  unaquaque  septimana.' — Vita 
Abbat.  p.  97.  The  editor  of  the  edition 
of  1640  on  this  remarks  :  ' "  Cuvam  de 
drasco "  existimo  fuisse  hordeum  sive 
Brasserium  coctum,  postquam  cervisia 
inde  exprimeretur.  Draines,  Graines, 
Draffe  and  Drosse  nos  dicimus.'  M. 
Littre,  indeed,  seems  to  admit  that 
this  may  be  the  correct  view,  for  he 
adds  :  *  Cependant  Scheler  (the  author 
of  Diet.  d'Etymol.  Franc.  1873)  est 
dispose  a  n'y  (i.e.  drague)  voir  qu'une 
forme  variee  de  dreche.'  Mr.  Thorold 
Rogers,  in  his  Hist,  of  Agrxult.  and 
Prices,  tells  us  that  in  the  fourteenth 
century  '  pigs  were  kept  for  some  time 
on  grains,  called  drasch  in  the  accounts.' 
This  is,  of  course,  the  same  as  the 
drascus,  mentioned  above.  There  is  a 
passage  in  The  Vision  of  Piers  Plough- 
man, which  may  be  aptly  cited  as 
showing  the  connection  between  this 
word  and  those  given  by  Littre  : 

'  "Ye  bawe,"  quod  a  brewere,  "  I  wil  nouyt  be 

reuled, 
Bi    ihesu !    for   al    yowre    ianglynge    with 

spiritusjusticie, 
Ne  after  conscience,  by  cryste,  whil  I   can 

selle 
Bothe  dregges  and  draffe,  and  drawe  it  at  on 

hole 
Thikke  ale  and  thinne  ale,  for  that  is  my 

kynde.'" 

Part.  ii.  p.  362,  ed.  1869.  Early  Ettgl.  Text. 
Soc. 

And  Ascham  seems  to  imply  the  same 


494 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


relation  when  he  says :  '  There  is 
nothing  that  stoppeth  this  matter,  save 
only  a  few  freers  and  such  like,  which 
with  the  dregs  of  our  English  Papistry 
lurking  amongst  them,  study  nothing 
else  but  to  brew  battle  and  strife  be- 
twixt both  the  people.' — Toxophilus,  p. 
76,  ed.  1864.  Bishop  Pilkington  uses 
the  same  form  as  Elyot  :  '  Why  should 
rather  heresy  come  by  reading  then  by 
hearyng  ?  Nay,  thys  is  their  meanyng, 
they  wold  haue  no  preaching  nor  yet 
readyng,  sauyng  of  their  dirty  dragges 
of  popery,  whych  mayntaynes  their 
ydle  lordlynes,  where  as  the  Scripture 
setteth  out  theyr  wyckednes,  whyche 
they  wyll  not  haue  knowen  nor  yet  once 
touched.' — Exposition  on  Aggeus,  sig. 
R.  iii.  ed.  1560,  Brende,  in  his  trans- 
lation of  Q.  Curtius,  lib.  x.  cap.  2, 
'  Soli  Athenienses,  non  suae  modo,  sed 
etiam  publicse  vindices  libertatis,  collu- 
vionem  hominum,  quia  segre  ferebant, 
non  regio  imperio  sed,legibus  moribusque 
patriis  regi  assueti,  prohibuere  finibus  ; 
omnia  potius  toleraturi  quam  purga- 
inenta  quondam  urbis  suse,  tune  etiam 
exilii  admitterent,'  has  a  yet  different 
form  of  the  same  word,  'Only  the 
Athenians  which  euer  defended  obsti- 
natly  the  liberties  of  their  comen 
wealth,  and  which  had  not  bene  accus- 
tomed to  Hue  under  the  obedience  of 
any  king,  but  under  the  lawes  and 
customes  of  their  countrey,  wold  not 
agre  that  such  dredge  of  men  shuld  Hue 
amonges  them,  but  did  driue  them  out 
of  their  boundes,  redy  to  suffre  any 
thing  rather  then  to  receiue  such 
againe  as  sometime  were  the  rascall  of 
al  their  citie,  and  then  the  refuse  of  al 
the  outlawes.' — Fo.  209  b,  ed.  1553. 
It  may  be  observed  that  to  dress  corn 
is  a  phrase  still  in  use,  in  agricultural 
districts,  for  to  winnow,  and  seems  not 
unnaturally  connected  with  the  words 
*  drestes '  and  German  '  dreschen,'  men- 
tioned above. 


Edifie,  to  build.—  I.    45  ;   II.    259. 
The  French  edifier.      Palsgrave  has  : 


'  I  edyfye,  I  buylde.  y  edifie,  prim, 
conj.  He  is  nat  wyse  that  edyfyeth 
sumptuously  upon  an  other  mannes 
grounde  :  U  riest  pas  saige  qui  edifie 
sumptuetisernent  sur  les  fons,  or  terres 
daultruyS — L'Esclair.  p.  531.  Cot- 
grave  renders  edifier  '  to  edifie,  build  : 
frame,  erect,  found,  make  up  (any 
thing,  but  especially)  a  house.'  Froissart, 
speaking  of  Pope  Gregory  XI.,  says  : 
'  Quand  il  vit  qu'il  ne  pouvoit  trouver 
nulle  paix  entre  le  roi  de  France  et  le 
roi  d'Angleterre,  dont  trop  lui  venoit  a 
deplaisance,  car  moult  y  avoit  travaille 
et  fait  travailler  les  cardinaux,  s'avisa 
et  cut  devotion  que  il  iroit  revisiter 
Rome  et  le  saint  siege  que  Saint  Pierre 
et  Saint  Paul  avoient  edifie  et  augmente.' 
—  Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  21,  ed.  Pan.  Lit; 
which  is  thus  translated  by  Lord  Ber- 
ners  :  '  Than  he  aduysed  himselfe,  and 
had  a  deuocion  to  go  and  reuyset  Rome 
and  the  see  apostolyke,  the  whiche 
saynt  Peter  and  saynte  Poule  had  ede- 
fyed.'—Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  509.  ed.  1812. 
Hearne  prints  in  the  appendix  to  Ro- 
bert of  Gloucester's  Chronicle  a  poem  on 
the  foundation  of  the  Abbey  of  Glou- 
cester, said  to  be  by  William  Malverne, 
the  last  abbot,  and  who,  according  to 
Leland,  occupied  that  position  from 
1514  to  the  dissolution.  In  this  poem 
we  read  that — 

'When    Osrike,     as    sayd    is,    edified    this 

building, 
Which  carved  was  with  Caracts  wondrous  to 

see, 

On  most  goodly  of  places  in  that  time  being, 
He  it  indued,  of  his  liberality, 
With  pleasant  possessions  and  large  liberty. ' 
Vol.  ii.  p.  578,  ed.  1724. 

Chaucer  uses  the  word  in  this,  its  pri- 
mitive sense,  in  his  Ballad  To  the  Lords 
and  Gentilmen  : 

1  Wherefore  in  youth  I  rede  you  edifie 
The  house  of  vertue  in  such  a  manere, 
That  in  your  age  may  you  keepe  and  gie, 
Fro  the  tempest  of  worlds  wawes  here.' 

Works,  fo.  318  b,  ed.  1602. 

And  in  the  Testament  of  Love  he  says  : 
'  Lo,  this  man  began  to  edifie,  but  for 
his  foundement  is  bad,  to  the  ende  may 
he  it  nat  bring.'—  Works,  fo.  276  b, 
ed.  1602. 


GLOSSARY. 


495 


And  so  does  Spenser  in  The  Faerie 
Queene : 

'  A  litle  lowly  Hermitage  it  was, 
Downe  in  a  dale,  hard  by  a  forests  side, 
Far  from  resort  of  people  that  did  pas 
In  traveill  to  and  froe  :  a  litle  wyde 
There  was  an  holy  chappell  edifyde, 
Wherein  the  Hermite  dewly  wont  to  say 
His  holy  thinges  each  morne  and  eventyde.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  121,  ed.  1866. 
Again  : 

'  At  last,  as  nigh  out  of  the  wood  she  came, 
A  stately  castle,  far  away,  she  spyde, 
To  which  her  steps  directly  she  did  frame. 
That  castle  was  most  goodly  edifyde  ; 
And    plaste  for   pleasure   nigh   that  forest 
syde.'  Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  245. 

So  too   Daniel   in  his   Civile    Warres 
uses  the  word  in  this  sense  : 

'  For  see  what  workes,  what  infinite  expence, 

What  monuments  of  zeale  they  edifie; 

As  if  they  would,  so  that  no  stop  were  found 

Fill  all  with  temples,  make  all  holy  ground.' 

P.  151,  ed.  1609. 

Eftsones,  again. — I.  3,  20,  34,  178, 
198,  294;  II,  35,  56,  71,  144,  145, 
177,  190,  213,  242,  269,  300,  304,  368. 
This  is  a  regular  Anglo-Saxon  word. 
The  author  in  his  Dictionary  translates 
iterum  '  efte  soones  or  agayne,'  and  the 
verb  itero,  are,  'to  do  a  thynge  efte- 
soones,  to  goo  backe  agayne,'  whilst 
Palsgrave  has  :  '  Eftsones,  encore  de 
rechief.' —L?  Esclair.  p.  858.  It  is  used 
by  Sir  John  Maundevile:  *  The  Sarazines 
countrefeten  it  (i.e.  balm)  be  sotyltee 
of  craft  for  to  disceyven  the  cristene 
men,  as  I  have  seen  fulle  many  a 
tyme.  And  aftre  hem  the  Marchauntis 
and  the  Apotecaries  countrefeten  it 
efisones,  and  than  it  is  lasse  worthe  and 
a  gret  del  worse.' — Voiage,  &"c.  p.  62, 
ed.  1727.  And  also  by  Chaucer  as  ex. 
gr.  in  The  Milleres  Tale  : 

'  And  atte  laste  heende  Nicholas 
Can  for  to  syke  sore,  and  seyde,  "Alias  ! 
Schal  al  the  world  be  lost  eftsones  now  ?  " ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  107. 
And  in  The  Man  of  Lawes  Tale: 

'  Almighty  God,  that  saveth  al  mankynde, 
Have  on  Constaunce  and  on  hir  child  som 

mynde ! 

That  fallen  is  in  hethen  hond  eftsone, 
In    poynt    to    spille,   as   I   schal  telle  you 
soone.'  Ubi  supra,  p,  197. 

Again  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde  : 


'  "  Sires,  she  nys  no  prisoner,"  he  seyde, 
"  I  not  on  yow,  who  that  this  charge  layde  ; 
But,    on    my    part,   ye   may  eftsones  hem 

telle, 
We  usen  here  no  wommen  for  to  selle."' 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  307. 

And  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose  : 

'  For  if  that  I  telle  you  the  sothe, 
I  may  have  harme  and  shame  bothe. 
If  that  my  felowes  wisten  it, 
My  talis  shulden  me  be  quytt  ; 
For  certeyne  they  wolde  hate  me, 
If  ever  I  knewe  her  cruelte  ! 
For  they  wolde  pveralle  holde  hem  stille 
Of  trouthe  that  is  ageyne  her  wille  ; 
Suche  tales  kepen  they  not  here. 
I  myght  eftsoone  bye  it  fulle  deere, 
If  I  seide  of  hem  ony  thyng, 
That  ought  displesith  to  her  heryng.' 

Ibid.  vol.  vi.  pp.  185,  186. 

It  occurs  also  frequently  in  Spenser's 
poems,  thus  in  The  Faerie  Queene : 

•  The  Miser  threw  him  selfe  as  an  offall, 
Streight  at  his  foot  in  base  humilitee, 
And  cleeped  him  his  liege,  to  hold  of  him  in 

fee. 

So  happy  peace  they  made  and  faire  accord. 
Eftsoones  this  liegeman  gan  to  wexe  more 

bold, 

And  when  he  felt  the  folly  of  his  Lord, 
•     In  his  owne  kind  he  gan  him  selfe  unfold.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  90,  ed.  1866. 

And  in  Mother  Hubberd's  Tale  : 

'  The  ape,  clad  souldierlike,  fit  for  th'  intent, 
In  a  blew  jacket  with  a  crosse  of  redd, 
And  manie  slits,  as  if  that  he  had  shedd 
Much  blood  throgh  many  wounds  therein 

receaved, 

Which  had  the    use  of  his  right  arm  be- 
reaved. 

But  neither  sword  nor  dagger  he  did  beare  ; 
Seemes    that  no  foes  revengement  he  did 

feare. 

Instead  of  them  a  handsome  bat  he  held, 
On  which  he  leaned  as  one  farre  in  elde. 

Eftsoones  the  ape  himselfe  gan  up  to  reare, 
And  on  his  shoulders  high  his  bat  to  beare. 
As  if  good  service  he  were  fit  to  doo.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  pp.  8,  9. 

The  notion  of  iteration  implied  in  the 
word  is  well  illustrated  by  Holland's 
translation  of  the  following  passage  of 
Livy  :  '  Ardens  igitur  ira  tribunus  via- 
torem  mittit  ad  consulem  :  consul  licto- 
rem  ad  tribunum,  privatum  esse  clami- 
te«j,sine  imperio  sine  magistrate.' — Lib. 
ii.  cap.  56.  '  Whereupon  the  Tribune, 
chafed  and  set  into  an  heat,  sendeth  an 
officer  to  the  Consull,  the  Consull  like- 
wise a  lictor  to  the  Tribune,  crying 


496 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


eftsoones  alowd  that  he  was  but  a  privat 
person  without  command,  without 
magistracie.' — P.  83,  ed.  1600. 

Eie,  at  the,  at  a  glance,  visibly,  be- 
fore the  eye.— -I.  45,  187;  II.  85,  401. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  this  obsolete 
phrase  represents  literally  the  French 
a  rail,  aux  yeux.  This  will  appear 
from  considering  the  following  ex- 
amples, which  are  arranged  in  chrono- 
logical order,  beginning  with  La  Chan- 
son de  Roland,  composed  in  the  eleventh 
century,  where  we  first  find  the  ex- 
pression used  as  follows  :  '  Kar  a  mes 
oilz  (je)  vi  quatre  cenz  milie  armez.' 
P.  22,  ed.  1869.  In  the  following 
century  we  have  in  the  Chron.  des  Dues 
de  Normandie  : 

'  Mais  li  vilains  el  reprovier 

Dit :  Teus  demeine  grant  orguil, 

Ne  set  que  li  pent  al oil.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  594,  ed.  1836. 

Joffroi  de  Villehardouin,  who  died 
about  1213,  says  in  his  Conqueste  de 
Constantinople:  '  Quand  il  virent  ces 
haus  murs  et  ces  riches  tours  dont  ele 
estoit  close,  et  ces  riches  palais  et  ces 
hautes  yglises,  dont  il  avoit  tant  que 
nus  nel  peust  croire  s'il  ne  le  veist  pro- 
prement  a  Vueil.' — P.  39,  ed.  1838; 
and  in  the  famous  Roman  du  Renart, 
which  belongs  to  the  same  epoch,  we 
have  these  lines  : 

'  Ahi !  Renart,  trop  ai  sofert 

Ton  grant  orguel  et  ton  desrpi, 

Mes  se  j'en  ai  congie  del  Roi, 

Ja  auras  la  bataille  a  foil. 

Renart  respont,  riens  tant  ne  voil.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  182,  ed.  1826. 

Jean  le  Maingre,  commonly  known  as 
le  Marechal  Boucicaut,  died  in  1421, 
and  in  the  prologue  to  his  history, 
which  was  written  by  a  contemporary, 
this  phrase  occurs  :  '  Ce  sont  lettres  et 
escriptures  lesquelles  sont  le  premier 
membre  de  Science,  par  qui  nous  sont 
rapportees  les  choses  passees,  et  que 
a  r<xuil  nous  ne  voyons  mie. ' — Hist,  dti 
Mar.  de  Boucicaut,  p.  9,  ed.  1620. 
Commines  says:  'J'ai  vu  beaucoup 
d' examples  de  ceste  matiere  a  l^ceil,  et 
ne  parle  pas  par  ouyr  dire.'  Mem.  p. 
32,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Coming  now  to  the 
sixteenth  century,  Montaigne  says  :  'En 
voyla,  qui,  pour  touts  iuges,  employent 


en  leurs  causes  le  premier  passant  qui 
voyage  le  long  de  leurs  montaignes  ; 
et  ces  aultres  eslisent,  le  iour  du  mar- 
che,  quelqu'un  d'entr'eux,  qui,  sur  le 
champ,  decide  touts  leurs  procez.  Quel 
dangier  y  auroit  il  que  les  plus  sages 
vuidassent  ainsi  les  nostres,  selon  les 
occurrences,  et  a  Poeil,  sans  obligation 
d' example  et  de  consequence  ?  ' — 
Essais,  torn.  iv.  pp.  249,  250,  ed.  1854. 
M.  Carloix  employs  the  same  ex- 
pression :  'N'estant  aureste  si  depourvft 
de  sens  et  d'experience,  qu'il  ne  S9ust 
bien  faire  la  guerre  a  fceil.'' — Mem.  de 
Vieilleville,  torn.  i.  p.  19,  ed.  1757. 
It  is  used  by  Philippe  Desportes,  the 
poet,  in  his  Diverses  Amours : 

'  Bien  quej'e  voye  a  I'aeil  mon  malheur  pre- 
pare 

Et  que  le  desespoir  soit  ma  seule  esperance.' 
QSuvres,  p.  389,  ed.  1858. 

And  also  by  D'Aubigne,  the  contempo- 
rary of  Desportes  : 

'  Jadis  voz  compagnons,  compagnons  en  or- 

gueil, 
(Car  vous  estes  moins  forts),  virent  venir  a 

Vceil 
Leur  salaires  des  cieux  :  les  cieux  dont  les 

ventailles 
Sans    se   forcer,   gaignoient  tant  de  fortes 

batailles.' 

Les  Tragiques,  p.  269,  ed.  1857. 
The  English  equivalent  expression  is 
used  by  Archbishop  Parker  in  a  letter 
to  Queen  Elizabeth  about  1 560  :  '  We 
trust  that  He  whose  cause  it  is,  and  who 
hath  begun  this  notable  work  in  you, 
shall  perform  it  to  the  glory  of  God,  to 
your  eternal  fame  and  renown,  to  the 
establishing  of  your  reign  in  all  pros- 
perity and  wealth,  and  to  the  comfort 
of  the  whole  Christian  world,  which, 
as  may  appear  daily  at  eye,  laboureth 
universally  to  be  disburdened  from 
that  old  tyrannical  yoke,  and  to  aspire 
to  Christian  liberty.' — Corresp.  p.  130, 
ed.  1853,  Par.  Soc. 

Embraide,Embrayde,A?  upbraid. — 
I.  34,  40 ;  II.  333,  421.  This  form  is 
used  by  Udall  to  translate  the  word 
exprobro  in  his  version  of  the  Para- 
phrase of  Erasmus  upon  S.  Mark  xiii.  : 
'  For  the  sunne,  the  fountayne  of  lyght 
shall  wexe  darke,  therby  as  it  were  em- 
brayding  the  ungodly  with  theyr  blynd- 
nes,  because  they  would  not  se  the 


GLOSSARY. 


497 


euerlasting  Sunne  and  lanterne  of  the 
worlde.' — Tom.  i.  p.  clxxxix.  b.  ed. 
1551  ;  where  the  original  has,  '  Nam  sol 
luminis  fons  obtenebrescet,  velut  ex- 
jfrafodMtfimpiii  suam  csecitatem,'  &c. — 
Par.  in  Nov.  Test,  torn  i.  p.  256,  ed. 
1541.  Again  in  the  paraphrase  upon 
S.  Luke  vii.  :  'The  pourpose  that  he 
wente  aboute  was,  by  makyng  a  counte- 
naunce  of  merueillyng,  to  commende 
unto  the  Jewes  the  centurions  affiaunce 
and  assured  trust  in  God,  and  also  to 
embraide  them  with  their  unbelief,  by 
this  exaumple  of  a  man  being  bothe  an 
heathen  and  a  souldier. ' — Ufa  supra, 
fo.  cclxxviii.  b. ;  where  Erasmus  had 
written,  '  Hoc  agebat  ut  admiratione  sua 
ludseis  commendaret  fiduciam  erga 
deum,  et  eis  incredulitatem  ipsorum  ho- 
minis  ethnic!  et  militaris  exemplo  ex- 
probraretS — Ufa  supra,  p.  353.  Hall, 
speaking  of  the  congress  of  Arras  in 
1435,  saYs  :  '  When  this  league  was 
sworne,  and  this  knot  was  knit,  the 
duke  of  Burgoyne,  to  sette  a  vayle  be- 
fore the  kyng  of  Englandes  iyes,  sent 
Thoison  Dor,  his  kyng  at  armes,  to 
kyng  Henry  with  letters,  that  he  beyng 
not  only  waxed  faint  and  weried  with 
continual  warre  and  daily  conflictes,  but 
also  chafed  daily  with  complaintes  and 
lamentacion  of  his  people,  whiche  of  the 
Frenchemen  suffered  losse  and  detri- 
ment, embraydyng  and  rebukyng  hym 
openly,  affirmyng  that  he  onely  was  the 
supporter  and  mainteyner  of  the  Eng- 
lishe  people.' — Chron.  fo.  cxxviii.  ed. 
1548. 

Emote,  an  ant. — II.  164  and  note. 
In  the  author's  Dictionary  we  find 
Formica  rendered  '  An  Emote,  or  Ant, 
or  Pismere. '  This  word  is  more  often 
spelt  emmot,  or  emmet,  and  represents 
the  Anglo-Saxon  aemet  or  emet.  Bishop 
Jewel  uses  the  same  form  as  Elyot  in 
the  following  passage  :  '  St.  Augustine 
saith,  "Vide  formicatn  Dei ;  surgitquo- 
tidie ;  currit  ad  ecclesiam  Dei  ;  orat  ; 
audit  lectionem  ;  hymnum  cantat ;  ru- 
minat  quod  audit ;  apud  se  cogitat ;  re- 
condit  intus  grana  electa  de  area." 
Behold  God's  emote  :  she  riseth  daily  ; 
she  runneth  to  the  church  of  God  ;  she 
prayeth  ;  she  heareth  the  lesson  of 

IT.  K 


chapter  ;  she  singeth  the  psalm  ;  she 
cheweth  or  remembereth  that  she  hath 
heard  ;  she  museth  upon  it  within  her- 
self; and  within  she  layeth  up  the 
corns  chosen  from  the  floor."  '—  Works, 
vol.  iv.  p.  858,  ed.  1850.  Par.  Soc. 

Empeche,  to  hinder. — I.  248.  The 
French  empescher,  or  emptcher.  Pals- 
grave has,  « I  empesshe,  or  let  one  of  his 
purpose.  J'empesche,  prim.  conj.  Do 
what  thou  wylte,  thou  shake  nat  be 
empesshed  for  me:  fay  ceu  que  te  plaira, 
tu  ne  seras  pas  empesche  pour  moy.' — 
VEsclair,  p.  531.  Froissart,  speaking 
of  Gregory  XI,  says:  'Et  lui  etant  en 
Avignon,  il  s'etoit  si  fort  emp&ckt  des 
besognes  de  France,  et  tant  travaille 
du  roi  et  de  ses  freres,  que  a  peine 
pouvoit-il  a  lui  entendre. '—  Chron. 
torn.  ii.  p.  21,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.;  this  Lord 
Berners  renders  :  '  And  he  thus  beyng 
in  Auignon,  was  so  sore  lette  with  the 
besynesses  of  Fraunce,  and  so  sore  tra- 
ueyled  with  the  kyng  and  his  brethern, 
that  with  moche  payne  he  had  any 
leyser  to  take  hede  anythyng  to  him- 
selfe  or  to  his  churche. ' —  Chron.  vol.  i. 
p.  509,  ed.  1812.  Spenser  has  the 
word  in  the  same  sense  in  The  Faerie 
Queene : 

1  Whenas  the  noble  Prince  had  marked  well, 
He  ghest  his  nature  by  his  countenance, 
And  calm'd  his  wrath  with  goodly  temper- 
ance. 
Then,  to  him  stepping,  from  his  arme  did 

reach 
Those    keyes,    and     made    himselfe    free 

enterance. 

Each  dore  he  opened  without  any  breach  ; 
There  was  no  bar  to  stop,  nor  foe  him  to 
empeach.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  213,  ed.  i£66. 

And  again  in  the  same  poem  : 

'  Indeede,(quoth  he)  through  fowle  intemper- 

aunce, 

Frayle  men  are  oft  captiv'd  to  covetise  ; 
But    would  they    thinke    with    how    small 

allowaunce 

Untroubled  Nature  doth  her  selfe  suffise, 
Such  superfluities  they  would  despise, 
Which  with  ?ad  cares  empeach  our  native 

joyes.' 

Ibid.  vol.   ii.  p.   138. 

Endomage,  to  do  damage  to,   to  in- 
jure.—  II.    14.      The   French    endom- 
mager ;  which  Cotgrave  translates  '  to 
indamage,  incommodate,  hinder  ;  bring 
K 


498 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


or  breed  losse  unto.'  Palsgrave  has, 
*  I  damage,  I  hurte  or  hynder  a  person. 
J'endammaige,  prim.-  conj.  Thou  haste 
damaged  more  than  all  the  frendes 
thou  hast  be  worthe  ;  tu  mas  plus  en- 
dammaige  que  tous  tes  amys  nont 
vaillant.'—L'Esdair.  p.  506.  Frois- 
sart,  in  his  account  of  the  capture  of 
Dynant  in  1 342,  says  :  *  Entre  ces  ar- 
chers avoit  autres  assaillans  qui  por- 
toient  cognees  grands  et  bien  tranchans 
dont,  entrementes  que  les  archers  en- 
sonnioient  ceux  de  dedans,  ils  coupoient 
les  palis,  et  en  bref  temps  grandement 
les  endommagerent,  et  tant  qu'ils  en 
jeterent  un  grand  pan  par  terre,  et  en- 
trerent  dedans  enforcement.' — Chron. 
torn.  i.  p.  175,  ed.  Pan.  Lit. 

Enforce,  to  force,  compel. — I.  180  ; 
II.  104,  221.  This  verb  which  is  used 
in  the  sense  of  the  uncompounded 
word,  represents  the  French,  efforcer, 
not  enforcir,  as  Richardson  would  have 
us  believe,  for  the  meaning  of  the 
latter  is  rather  to  add  force  to,  and 
thus  to  make  or  become  stronger, 
whereas  the  idea  of  constraint,  or 
compulsion,  is  always  associated  with 
the  former.  This  is  evident  from  the 
following  passages  in  Palsgrave's  work. 
'  I  enforce,  I  constrayne  one  to  do  a 
thyng.  Je  parforce,  prim.  conj.  and 
jeff or ce,  prim.  conj.  By  saynt  Marye, 
and  he  wyll  nat  do  it,  he  shall  be 
enforced  to  it :  par  saincte  Marie,  sil 
ne  le  veult  poynt  faire,  il  y  sera  force, 
or  parforce  de  le  faire. '  And  *  I  force, 
I  constrayne  one  to  do  a  thyng.  Jef- 
force,  prim.  conj.  Wyll  you  force  me 
to  speke  for  you  whether  I  wyll  or 
nat :  me  voulez-vous  efforcer  a  parler 
pour  vous  veuille  ou  non  .?' — DEsclair. 
pp.  534,  555.  In  the  Livres  de  Jostice 
et  de  Plet,  compiled  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  it  is  stated  that  '  un  soz-diacre 
se  maria  ;  le  evesque  le  effor$a  forjurer 
sa  feme  :  Ten  dist  que  il  fist  bien. ' — 'P. 
193,  ed.  1850.  And  in  the  fifteenth 
century  Commines  says,  'Ainsi  done 
est  vray-semblable  que  Dieu  est  quasi 
efforct  et  contraint,  ou  semons  de 
monstrer  plusieurs  signes,  et  de  nous 
battre  de  plusieurs  verges,  pour  nostre 
bestialite,  et  pour  nostre  mauvaistie  que 


je  croy  mieux. — 'Mem.p.  149,  ed.  Pan. 
Lit.  In  Elyot's  Dictionary  we  find  im- 
pello  rendered  '  to  inforce '  and  impul- 
sus,  'inforced.'  The  use  of  the  word  is 
well  illustrated  by  the  following  pas- 
sages taken  from  Brende's  translation 
of  Q.  Curtius,  lib.  ix.  cap.  I  :  '  Equi- 
dem  plura  transcribe,  quam  credo  :  nam 
nee  afnrmare  sustineo,  de  quibus  du- 
bito,  necsubducere,quseaccepi.'  'Some 
tyme  I  am  enforced  to  write  thynges 
that  I  can  scarsely  beleue  ;  for  I  neither 
dare  affirme  the  thinges  wherof  I  doubt, 
nor  counceale  suche  thinges  as  I  haue 
receiued  for  truthe.' — Fo.  182  b,  ed. 
1553.  'Bella  deinde  civilia,  quae  secuta 
sunt,  mentibus  augurabantur  :  iterum, 
non  de  regno  Asiae,  sed  de  Rege,  ipsis 
sanguinem  esse  fundendum.' — Lib.  x. 
cap.  5.  '  And  then  they  began  to  con- 
ceiue  and  forsee  in  their  mindes,  the 
ciuill  warres  that  did  eusue,  and  that 
they  shoulde  be  enforced  to  shede  their 
bloude  againe,  not  for  the  conquest  of 
Asia,  but  for  the  title  of  some  such  one 
that  would  go  about  to  make  himselfe 
king.' — Ubi supra  fo.  216.  'Hisrenun- 
tiatis  sua  sponte  milites  arma  capiunt ; 
quorum  tumultu  e  regia  Philippus  excitus, 
"Nihil,"  inquit,  "  seditione  est  opus; 
nam  inter  se  certantium  proemia,  qui 
quieverint,  occupabunt ." ' — Lib.  x.  cap. 
8.  '  When  they  were  returned  and 
their  aunswere  knowen,  the  souldiers 
without  any  appointment  put  on  their 
armour  and  made  suche  a  tumult,  that 
the  kyng  was  enforced  to  come  furth  of 
the  court,  and  saide  unto  them,  If  we 
shalbe  at  strife  amonges  ourselues,  our 
enemies  that  be  quiet  shall  enioye  the  frute 
of  our  contencion.' — Ubi  supra  fo,  223. 
Sir  John  Davies,  in  his  Discoverie  of  the 
State  of  Ireland,  speaking  of  the  forces 
maintained  by  Queen  Elizabeth  in  the 
island,  says,  '  The  extreame  perill  of 
loosing  the  kingdome,  the  dishonor  and 
danger  that  might  thereby  growe  to  the 
Crowne  cf  England,  together  with  a 
iust  disdaine  conceiued  by  that  great 
minded  Queene,  that  so  wicked  and 
ungrateful!  a  Rebell  should  preuayle 
against  her  who  had  euer  been  vic- 
torious against  all  her  enemies,  did 
moue  and  almost  enforce  her  to  send 


GLOSSARY. 


499 


ouer   that  mighty  army.' — P.  98,  ed. 
1613. 

Enforme,  to  shape,  fashion,  mould; 
and  hence  to  instruct,  teach, — I.  91- 
In  Elyot's  Dictionary  we  find  Informo 
translated  'to  shape  or  fourme,  to 
enforme  or  teache  good  maners. '  The 
phrase  '  Magister  informator  '  was  used 
to  denote  one  whom  we  should  now 
call  a  class-master.  Cotgrave  renders 
the  French  enformer,  '  to  forme,  fashion, 
add  shape  or  making  unto. '  The  word 
is  quite  classical  ;  thus  it  is  used  by 
Virgil  in  the  primitive  sense  above 
mentioned. 

'  Ingentem  clypeum  informant,  unum  omnia 

contra 

Tela  Latinorum  ;  septenosque  orbibus  orbes 
Impediunt. 

sEn.  viii.  447-9. 

And  constantly  by  Cicero,  as  ex.  gr. 
in  the  following  passages  :  '  Huic  veri 
videndi  cupiditati  adjuncta  est  appetitio 
quaedam  principals,  ut  nemini  parere 
animus  bene  a  natura  informatus  velit, 
nisi  prsecipienti,  aut  docenti,  aut  utili- 
tatis  causa,  juste  et  legitime  imperanti. ' 
— De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  4.  And  '  Jam  vero 
Chrysippus,  qui  Stoicorum  somniorum 
vaferrimus  habetur  interpres,  magnam 
turbam  congregat  ignotorum  Deorum, 
atque  ita  ignotorum,  ut  eos  ne  conjectura 
quidem  informare  possimus,  cum  mens 
nostra  quidvis  videatur  cogitatione  posse 
depingere.' — De  Nat.  Deor.  lib.  i.  cap. 
15.  In  view  of  these  and  other  pas- 
sages it  is  somewhat  startling  to  be  told 
by  Dr  Skinner  that  informare  is  'vox 
classicis  authoribus  prorsus  ignota,' 
although  the  learned  author  of  Ety- 
mologicon  Lingua  Anglic  ana  is  obliging 
enough  to  admit  that  this  hardly  used 
word  is  'valde  elegans.'  It  is  more 
inexcusable  in  Richardson  not  only  to 
endorse  this  statement  with  the  weight 
of  his  authority,  but  to  add  the  singu- 
larly infelicitous  description  '  Low  La- 
tin.' Chaucer  in  The  Persones  Tale  uses 
the  word  in  its  original  sense.  '  This 
vertu  (debonairte)  cometh  som  tyme 
of  nature  ;  for,  as  saith  the  philosopher, 
Man  is  a  quik  thing  by  nature,  debonaire 
and  tretable  by  goodnesse ;  but  whan 
debonairete  is  enformed  of  grace,  than 

K 


is  it  the  more  worth.'—  Poet.  Works,  vol. 
iii.  p.  321,  ed.  1866.  Sir  John  Maun- 
devile  says  '  Sithe  that  Cristene  men 
han  suche  beleeve  that  ben  enformed 
and  taughte  alle  day  be  holy  doctryne, 
where  inne  thei  schold  beleeve,  it  is  no 
marvaylle  thanne  that  the  Paynemes, 
that  han  no  gode  Doctryne,  but  only  of 
here  nature,  beleeven  more  largely,  for 
here  symplenesse. ' — The  Voiage,  &c., 
p.  201,  ed.  1727.  Tyndall  uses  it  in 
precisely  the  same  way.  '  For  he  that 
doth  wrong  lacketh  witte  and  discretion, 
and  cannot  amende  till  he  be  enformed 
and  taught  louingly.' — Works,  p.  203, 
ed.  1573.  In  a  letter  written  by  John 
Bradford  the  Martyr,  and  dated  March 
14,  I555>  th6  word  seems  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  first  sense.  '  So,  my  dearly 
beloved,  though  it  be  something  painful 
to  feel  God's  mason-work,  considering 
what  you  feel,  yet,  if  you  cast  out  your 
hope  on  that  which  you  believe,  and  if 
the  Hewer  ail-to  commenceth,  God  is 
now  enforming  you — surely  it  cannot 
but  suppress  the  other  much,  if  that 
your  faith  be  much.' — Writings^  voL 
ii.  p.  204,  ed.  1853,  Par.  Soc.  So 
Spenser,  in  The  Faerie  Queene: 

'  He  knew  the  diverse  went  of  mortall  wayes, 
And  in  the  mindes  of  men  had  great  insight; 
Which  with  sage  counsel!,  when  they  went 

astray. 

He  could  enforme,  and  them  reduce  aright.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  166,  ed.  1866. 

Engine,  Engynne,  device,  instru- 
ment, invention,  also  in  a  bad  sense, 
cunning,  craft. — I.  284;  II,  215.  The 
French  engin;  which  Cotgrave  translates 
'  An  engin,  toole  instrument ;  also 
understanding,  policy,  reach  of  wit ; 
also  subtilty,  fraud,  craft,  wilinesse, 
deceit.  Un  homme  sans  mal  engin.  A 
sincere,  upright  plain-dealing  man. 
Mieuxvaut  engin  que force.  Prov.  Better 
be  wise  then  strong.'  This  word  is  a 
very  favourite  one  with  Froissart  ;  thus 
speaking  of  the  siege  of  Aiguillon  in 
1346,  he  says,  'Si  ne  pouvoient  les  sei- 
gneurs plus  aviser  voie,  maniere,  ni 
engin  comment  ils  pussent  le  fort  cha- 
tel  d' Aiguillon  conquerre.' — Chron. 
torn.  i.  p.  216,  ed.  P.  L.  Again  he 
makes  Henry  de  Pennefort  in  a  con- 
2 


5°° 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


versation  with  the  Earl  of  Mountfort  say 
of  the   town  of  Hainnebon,   '  Vous   y 
pourriez  seoir  et  perdre  le  temps  d'un 
an,  ain9ois  que  vous  les  pussiez  avoir 
par  force  ;  mais  je  vous  dirai,  si  croire 
me  voulez,  comment  vous  les   pourrez 
avoir.     II  fait   bon  ouvrer   par  engin, 
quand  on  ne  peut  avant  aller  par  force. ' 
— Ubi  supra,   p.   131  ;    which  is    thus 
rendered  by  Lord  Berners  :  '  But,  sir,  if 
it  wyll  please  you  to  byleue  me  I  shal 
shewe  you  the  wayes  howe  to  wynne 
it,  whanne  force  can  nat  helpe,  subtylte 
and  craft  must  auayle.' — Chron.    vol. 
i.    p.    89.     Speaking   of  the   truce   of 
Tournay  in  1340,  Froissart  says,  «  Elle 
ne  devoit  entrer  jusqu'a  quarante  jours ; 
dedans  lesquels  quarante  jours  chacune 
des  parties  le  devoit  faire  savoir  aux 
siens,  sans  nul  engin.' — Ubi  supra,  p. 
125.     Or  according  to  Lord  Berners. 
'  This  treuse  to  begyn  the  xl  day  next 
ensuyng,  and  within  that  space  euery 
partie  to  gyue  knowlege   to   his   men 
without  mallengyn? — Ubi  supra,  p.  85. 
And  we  are  told  that  M.  Jean  de  Pe- 
quigny  '  pourchassa  tant  par  son  subtil 
engin    envers    aucuns     des    bourgeois 
d'Amiens  des  plus  grands   de   la   cite, 
que  il  les  eut  de  son  accord  ;  et  devoient 
mettre  les  Navarrois   dedans  la  ville.' 
—  Ubi  supra,  p.  389.     This  is  rendered 
pleonastically  :  '  He  dyde  so  moche  by 
his  subtyltie,  wytte,  and  fayre  language 
with  certayne  burgesses  of  Amyens  of 
the  greattest  of  the  cyte,  that  they  shulde 
haue  sufferedde  the  nauero\se  to  entre 
into   the   cytie.' — Ubi  supra,    p.    225. 
Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  in  his  translation 
of  Erasmus's  Moria  Encomium,  says, 
'  These  quaynt  questions  (wene  I)  the 
apostles    woulde    neuer    haue   soluted 
with  lyke  quickenesse  of  engin,  as  our 
Dunsmen  dooe    bothe    argue  and  dif- 
fine  upon  the  same.' — Signat.  M.  i   b, 
ed.    1549.     Puttenham  uses  the   word 
in    a   similar  manner   in   speaking   of 
'  false  orthography'  in  his  Arte  of  Eng. 
Poesie.      '  Such  extreme  licentigusnesse 
is    utterly  to    be    banished   from   our 
schoole,  and  better  it  might  haue  bene 
borne  with  in  old  riming  writers,  by- 
cause  they  liued  in  a  barbarous  age,  and 
were  graue  morall  men  but  very  homely 


poets,  such  also  as  made  most  of  their 
workes  by  translation  out  of  the  Latine 
and  French  toung,  and  few  or  none  of 
their  owne  engine,  as  may  easely  be 
knowen  to  them  that  list  to  looke  upon 
the  poemes  of  both  languages.' — Vol. 
i.  p.  68,  ed.  1811.  Spenser  uses  the 
word  precisely  in  the  same  way  as 
Elyot  when  he  says  : 

'  Him  therefore  now  the  object  of  his  spight 
And  deadly  food  he  makes  :  him  to  offend, 
By  forged  treason  or  by  open  fight, 
He  seekes,  of  all  his  drifte  the  aymed  end : 
Thereto  his  subtile  engins  he  does  bend, 
His  practick  witt  and  his  fayre  fyled  tonge, 
With  thousand  other  sleightes  ;  for  well  he 

kend 

His  credit  now  in  doubtfull  ballaunce  hong  : 
For  hardly  could  bee  hurt  who  was  already 

stong.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  60,  ed.  1866. 

Bacon,  alluding  to  the  capture  of  Lam- 
bert Symnell,  says,  '  And  thus  delivered 
of  this  so  strange  an  engine  and  new 
invention  of  fortune,  he  (i.e. ,  Hen.  VII.) 
returned  to  his  former  confidence  of 
mind,  thinking  now  that  all  his  mis- 
fortunes had  come  at  once.' — Works, 
vol.  vi.  p.  59,  ed.  1858. 

Enseignement,  teaching,  showing. 
— I.  24.  The  French  word  enseigne- 
ment ;  which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  A 
teaching,  instruction,  document,  pre- 
cept, institution,  doctrine  ;  lesson  or 
example  set  ;  a  disciplining,  ordering, 
fashioning,  directing,  or  trayning  up.' 
The  word  occurs  in  the  Histoire  du 
Mareschal  de  Boucicaut,  written  in  the 
fifteenth  century  :  '  Ne  dons,  ne  esmo- 
lumens  quelsconques  ne  veult  prendre 
que  on  luy  veiiille  donner  a  cause  de 
1 'office  du  Gouuernement  qu'il  a.  Et 
en  ce  faisant  tient  bien  V enseignement 
du  saige  Due  d' Athenes,  qui  fut  appelle 
Pericles,  qui  disoit,  comme  rapporte 
Justin,  Que  il  affiert  a  chasque  homme 
qui  a  1'administration  de  justice  de  ne 
contenir  pas  seulement  ses  mains  et  sa 
langue,  mais  aussi  ses  yeux.' — P.  377, 
ed.  1620.  In  the  next  century,  Mon- 
taigne, narrating  the  story  of  Paetus 
and  his  wife  Arria,  says  :  '  Psetus  se 
frappa  tout  subdain  de  ce  mesme 
glaive  :  honteux,  a  mon  ad  vis,  d'avoir  eu 
besoing  d'un  si  cher  et  precieux  en- 


GLOSSARY. 


501 


seignement* — Essais,  torn.  iii.  p.   233, 
ed.  1854. 

Entrelase,  Enterlace,  to  interlace, 
intermix. — I.  38,  68,  209 ;  II.  398 
note  b. 

Entreludes,  Enterludes,  Interludes, 
or    Moral  plays. — I.    126;    II.    270, 
This   word,    which    is    not  adequately 
explained  in  any  of  the  dictionaries,  is 
manifestly  the  vulgar  rendering  of  the 
mediaeval    word    'interludium,'  i.e.    a 
piece  performed  or  acted  '  inter  ludos, 
or  as  Mr.    Collier  defines  it    '  a  piece 
played  in  the  interval  of  an  entertain- 
ment.'     The   Latin   word   is  used  by 
Matthew  Paris  in  his  life  of  King  Offa, 
written  about  1240.     He  does  not  ex- 
plain its  meaning,  and  apparently  in- 
troduces  it,    in   accordance    with    the 
usual  practice   of  the   monastic   chro- 
niclers, simply  to  express  his  own  dis- 
approval   of    such    frivolities.      After 
mentioning   the   request,    preferred   to 
Offa  by   his  courtiers,    that  he   would 
marry,  in   order  to   preserve  the   suc- 
cession to  the  throne,    the  chronicler 
goes  on  :  '  Et  cum  super  hoc  negotio 
saspius  Regem  sollicitarent  et  alloque- 
rentur;  ipse  multotiens  joculando  et  talia 
verba  asserendo,   interludia  fuisse  vani- 
tatis,    procerum    suorum    constantiam 
dissimulando  differendoque  delusit.' — 
Vita   Offce  I.   p.    6,    ed.    1639.      The 
editor  of  the  edition  here  quoted  gives 
the  followingexplanationinhisglossary : 
'Fabulas  scenicas  nos  Angli  Interludes 
subinde  vocamus.'     The   word  occurs 
for  the  first  time  in  the  Statutes  of  the 
Realm,  in  1463,  when  3  Ed.  IV.  cap. 
5,    after  specifying  the  gradations    of 
apparel,  to  be  worn  by  different  classes 
of  society,  contains  the  following  pro- 
viso :    '  Pourveu   auxi   que   Hensmen, 
Heroldes,  Purcyvauntez,  Swerdeberers, 
as  Maires,    Messagers  et    Ministrelles 
nascun  deux  ne  jouers   en  lour  entre- 
ludes    ne    soient    comprisez    en    cest 
ordenaunce.' — In    the    rolls   of    Win- 
chester College  for  1466,  according  to 
Mr.  Collier,  '  persons  of  this  profession 
are  called  interludentes  in  an  entry  of 
the  payment  of  4J-.  to,  "iv.  interluden- 
tibus  et  J.  Meke  citharistse, "  who  ac- 
companied  them  as  their  minstrel.' — 


Ann.  of  tJte  Stage,   vol.   i.    p.   28,   ed. 
1831.     Mr.   Collier  also  quotes    from 
a    MS.    then   in   the   Chapter  House, 
Westminster,  an  entry  under  date  May 
17,  1494,  of  the  payment  of  5  marcs  a- 
piece,  to  four  persons,  who  are  styled  : 
'  Lusores  Regis  alias  in  lingua  Anglicana 
les  pleyars  of  the  kyngs  enterluds.' — 
Ubi  supra,  p.  37.     Warton  mentions  a 
play  or  morality  printed  by  Wynkyn  de 
Worde  in  1504,  and  entitled,  '  The  Ni- 
gramansir,    a  morall   Enterlude   and  a 
pithie,    written    by    Maister   Skelton, 
laureate,  and  plaid  before  the  king  and 
other  estatys,   at  Woodstoke  on  Palme 
Sunday.' — Hist.   Eng.   Poet.  vol.  ii.  p. 
508,    ed.     1840.     Palsgrave    renders: 
'Interlude — moralite  z,  f.,'  but  he  has 
also  :    '  Playe  an  enterlude-^/ara?  s,  f., 
Playe  of  sadde  matters — moralite"  z,  f.' 
— L? Esclair.  pp.  234,  255?  which  seems 
to  point  to  the  distinction  between  the 
two  kinds   of  dramatic  representation. 
Hall,  in  his  account  of  '  the  Justes  '  be- 
fore the  Court  at  Westminster,  in  1510, 
says  :  '  After  scupper  hys  grace  with  the 
Quene,   lordes  and  ladyes,    came  into 
the  White  Hall  within  the  sayd  Pallays, 
whiche  was  hanged  rychely,   the  hall 
was  scafolded  and  rayled  on  all  partes. 
There  was  an  interlude  of  the  gentel- 
men  of  hys  chapell  before  his  grace, 
and    diuers  freshe  songes.' — Fo.   x  b, 
ed.   1548.     In  the  PP.  Expenses  of  the 
Princess  Mary,  under  date  March  1537- 
1538,  is  an  entry  of  the  payment  of  4OJ. , 
'  geuen  to  Hey  wood,  playeng  an  enter- 
ludt  with  his  children  bifore  my  Jadys 
grace.' — P.  62.     Bacon,  in  his  Advice 
to    Villiers,   says  :  '  Besides  matters  of 
serious  consideration,   in  the  courts  of 
princes    there  must  be  time  for   pas- 
times and  disports ;  when   there   is  a 
queen,  and  ladies  of  honour  attending 
tier,  there  must  be  sometimes  masques, 
and   revels,  and  interludes ;  and  when 
here  is  no  queen  nor  princess,  as  now, 
yet  at  festivals,  and  for  entertainment 
of  strangers,  or  upon   such   occasions, 
hey  may  be  fit  also.' —  Works,  vol.  xiii. 
p.    54,   ed.     1872.     Mr.    Collier   is  of 
opinion  that  the  use  of  the  word  '  inter- 
ude'    implies    'that    the    plays    and 
pageants  represented  at  court,  and  else- 


502 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


where,  were  usually  performed  in  the 
pauses   of  banquets.' — Ubi  supra,    p. 

93- 

Erogate ;  Erogation,  to  distribute ; 
distribution. — II.  91  and  note,  363. 

Esbaied,  abashed,  dismayed,  fright- 
ened.— II.  323  and  note. 

Esbatement,  pastime,  sport.  — I.  64 ; 
II.  13.  The  French  esbatement ;  which 
Cotgrave  translates,  '  A  sporting,  play- 
ing, dallying,  jeasting,  recreation.' 
Palsgrave  has,  'Pastyme — passetemps, 
m ;  esbatement  s,  m.' — L  Esclair.  p. 
252.  Also  '  Sporte,  myrthe — soulas, 
m.  jeu  x,  m. ;  esbat  z,  m. ;  deduict  z,  m. ; 
esbatement  s,  m. — Ibid.  p.  274.  Jean 
le  Maire,  a  celebrated  Belgian  writer, 
in  his  Illustrations  de  Gaule,  published 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  speaking  of 
the  death  of  Hector,  says  :  'Le  lende- 
main  Achilles,  pour  faire  honneur  a  feu 
son  amy  Patroclus,  mist  sus  ung  grant 
tournoy  et  celebra  les  ieux  funebres  de 
toutes  manieres  desbatementes  au  turn- 
beau  dudit  Patroclus,  en  distribuant  par 
grant  largesse  diuerses  manieres  de  pris 
a  ceulx  qui  mieulx  les  feroient.' — Livre 
ii.  chap.  19,  ed.  1512.  Froissart,  in 
the  Prologue  to  his  Chronicle,  uses  this 
word  in  the  sense  of  amusement.  '  Mais 
ains  que  je  la  commence,  je  requiers  au 
Sauveur  de  tout  le  monde,  qui  de  neant 
crea  toutes  choses,  qu'il  veuille  creer  et 
mettre  en  moi  sens  et  entendement  si 
vertueuxque,  ce  livre  que  j'ai  commence, 
je  le  puisse  continuer  et  perseverer  en 
telle  maniere  que  toux  ceux  et  celles 
qui  leliront,  verront,  et  orront  y  puissent 
prendre  Abatement  et  plaisance,  et  je  en- 
cheoir  en  leur  grace.' — Chron.  torn.  i. 
p.  i,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  This  Lord  Berners 
translates  :  '  But,  or  I  begyn,  I  require 
the  sauyour  of  all  the  world e,  who  of 
nothyng  created  al  thynges,  that  he  wyll 
gyue  me  suche  grace  and  understand- 
yng,  that  I  may  continue  and  perseuer 
in  such  wyse  that  who  so  this  proces 
redeth  or  hereth,  may  take  pastaunce, 
pleasure,  and  ensample.' — Chron.  vol.  i. 
p.  I,  ed.  1812.  In  Les  Cent  Nouvelles 
Nouvelles,  also  referred  to  the  fifteenth 
century,  we  find  the  same  meaning 
attached  to  the  word  :  *  Tout  ce  disoit 
par  farce  et  ebattement>  car  il  etoit  et 


est  toujours  tres  gracieux  et  nouveau,  et 
bien  plaisant  gentilhomme.' — P.  112, 
ed.  Pan.  Lit.  No  instances  of  the  use 
of  the  word  by  English  writers  are 
given  in  the  Dictionaries. 

Espial,  the  act  of  watching,  spying', 
also  a  watchman,  spy,  scout. — I.  254  ; 
II.  236.  Formed  from  the  French 
espion,  which  Cotgrave  renders  '  a  spie, 
scout,  espiall',  a  privy  observer  of,  or 
prier  into  men's  behaviour  ;  a  malicious 
dogger,  watcher,  \vaylayer  of  others.' 
Elyot  in  his  Dictionary  translates  specu- 
lator '  an  espy  all  in  warres. '  The 
word  is  used  in  the  first  sense  by 
Gower. 

'  It  was  that  tyme  suche  usance 
That  euery  man  the  conysaunce 
Of  his  centre  bare  in  his  honde, 
Whan  he  went  into  straunge  londe  : 
And  thus  was  eueryman  therfore 
Well  knowe  where  that  he  was  bore  ; 
For  es fly  all  and  mystrowynges 
Thei  did  than  suche  thynges, 
That  euery  man  might  other  knowe.' 

Conf.  Am.  fo.  cxxxvi.  ed.  1554. 
Chaucer  too,  in  The  Freres  Tale,  says  : 

'  He  had  a  sompnour  redy  to  his  hond, 
A  slyer  boy  was  noon  in  Engelond  ; 
Ful  prively  he  had  his  espiaile, 
That  taughte  him  wher  he  might  avayle. 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  247. 

Cavendish,  in  his  Life  of  Wolsey,  describ- 
ing how  the  Cardinal  was  robbed  during 
his  progress  through  France,  says : 
'And  at  Campaigne  he  lost  his  standishe, 
which  was  all  of  silver,  and  gilt  :  and 
there  it  was  espied,  and  the  party  taken, 
which  was  but  a  little  boy  of  twelve 
or  thirteen  yeares  of  age,  a  ruffians 
page  of  Paris.  .  .  .  Then  after  the 
espiall  of  this  boy,  my  lord  revealed  the 
same  unto  the  counsell,  by  meanes 
whereof  the  ruffian  was  apprehended, 
and  set  on  the  pillory,  in  the  middest 
of  the  market  place  ;  a  goodly  recom- 
pense for  such  an  offense.' — Words- 
worth's Eccles.  Biog.,  vol.  i.  p.  540, 
ed.  1853.  Spenser  has  the  word  in  the 
same  sense. 

'  But  for  this  threasure  throwne  uppon  his 

strand  ; 
Which  well  I  prove,   as  shall  appeare  by 

triall, 
To  be  this  maides  with  whom  I  fastned  hand, 


GLOSSARY. 


503 


Known  by  good  markes  and  perfect  good 

espiall : 
Therefore  it  ought  be  rendred  her  without 

deniall.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  302. 

In  First  Part  of  King  Henry  VI.  we 
have  the  following  dialogue. 

'  York.     Are  not  the  speedy  scouts  return 'd 

again, 

That  dogg'd  the  mighty  army  of  the  Dau- 
phin? 
Messenger.    They  are  return'd  my  lord  ;  and 

give  it  out 
That  he  is  march'd  to  Bourdeaux  with  his 

power, 

To  fight  with  Talbot :  as  he  march'd  along, 
By  your  espials  were  discovered 
Two  mightier  troops  than  that  the  Dauphin 

led  ; 

Which  join'd  with  him,  and  made  their  march 
for  Bourdeaux.' 

The   word   occurs  also    in    the    same 
sense  in  Hamlet. 

'  King.  Sweet  Gertrude,  leave  us  too  ; 

For  we  have  closely  sent  for  Hamlet  hither, 
That  he,  as,  'twere  by  accident,  may  here 
Affront  Ophelia  : 

Her  father  and  myself,  lawful  espials, 
Will  so  bestow  ourselves  that,  seeing,  unseen, 
We  may  of  their  encounter  frankly  judge.' 

Bacon,  in  his  Essay  Of  Followers  and 
Friends,  says  :  '  There  is  a  kind  of 
followers,  likewise,  which  are  dan- 
gerous, being  indeed  espials ;  which 
inquire  the  secrets  of  the  house,  and 
bear  tales  of  them  to  others  ;  yet  such 
men,  many  times,  are  in  great  favour  ; 
for  they  are  officious,  and  commonly 
exchange  tales.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  163, 
ed.  1825.  And  again  :  '  She  (i.  e.  the 
Lady  Margaret)  had  some  secret  espials, 
(like  to  the  Turks  commissioners  for 
children  of  tribute)  to  look  abroad  for 
handsome  and  graceful  youths,  to  make 
Plantagenets  and  Dukes  of  York.' — 
Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  132,  ed.  1858. 

Excerpe,  to  pick  out,  cull,  select. — II. 
2.  In  his  Dictionary  the  author  renders 
the  Latin  verb  excerpo  '  to  gather  here 
and  there  the  chiefe  of  any  thynge.' 
The  following  passages  will  show  that 
it  was  used  by  the  best  authors  :  '  Sed, 
quia  sic  ab  hominibus  doctis  accepimus, 
non  solum  ex  malis  eligere  minima 
oportere,  sed  etiam  excerpere  ex  his 
ipsis,  si  quid  inesset  boni.' — Cic.  de  Off. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  I. 


Quid  ?  cum  Picenis  excerflens  semina  pomis 
Gaudes,  si  cameram  percusti  forte,  penes  te 
es? 

Hor.  Sat.  lib.  ii.  3,  272-3. 

The  English  form  is  exceedingly  rare,  but 
it  occurs  in  the  writings  of  the  '  ever- 
memorable  '  John  Hales.  '  From  the 
order  of  reading,  we  come  to  the  Excerpta, 
and  to  such  things  as  we  observe  and 
gather  in  our  reading.  ...  In  your 
reading  excerpe,  and  note  in  your  book 
such  things  as  you  like.' — Golden 
Remains,  pp.  349,  354,  ed.  1688. 

Exchewe,  Exchue,  to  eschew. — 
II.  181,  294,  384,  401.  From  the 
French  eschever,  modern  esquiver.  Pals- 
grave spells  this  word  in  the  same  way. 
'  I  exchewe  or  avoyde,  Jeschieue,  prim, 
conj .  This  daunger  can  nat  be  exchewed : 
ce  dangler  ne  peult  poynt  estre  eschieut.' 
He  has  also.  '  I  avoyde,  I  shonne  a 
thynge,  Je  escheue  orje  ettite,  prim.  conj. 
Never  have  to  do  with  hym,  if  thou 
mayst  avoyde  hym  :  Nayes  jamays  a 
faire  a  luy,  si  tu  le  peuls  escheuer  or 
euiter? — VEsctair.  pp.  441,  541.  The 
word  seems  also  to  have  been  spelt 
eschiver ;  thus  in  La  Chanson  de  Roland, 
composed  in  the  eleventh  century,  we 
find  these  lines 

'  Puis  que  il  sunt  as  chevals  e  as  armes, 
Ja  pur  murir  nesckiverunt  bataille.' 

P.  34,  ed.  1869. 

Again  in  Li  Romans  de  Berte  aus  grans 
pies,  referred  to  the  thirteenth  century, 
we  find  this  passage  : 

'  Une  fontaine  treuve,  si  en  but  a  plente" ; 
Apres    ot    si  grant  froit  qu'ele  a    forment 

trembe", 
Ne  sail  comment  le  froit  puist  avoir  eschivi.' 

and  the  following : 

'  Une  ourse  a  encontrde  en  une  grant  vaMe, 
Qui  vcrs  li  s'en  venoit,  courant  gueule  bade 
Quant  Berte  1'aperc.ut,  moult  fu  espovente*e  : 
"  Aide  Diex  "  fait  ele  "qui  feis  mer  sale"e, 
Pere  de  paradis,  or  est  ma  vie  ale*e." 
De  la  paour  qu'ele  a  est  endue  pasme'e, 
Et  1'ourse  Yesckiva,  autre  voie  est  tour-ne'e.' 
Rom.    des  douze  Pairs,  torn.  i.  pp.  63, 
67,  ed.  1832. 

St.  Louis,  in  the  history  written  of 
him  by  Joinville  in  the  same  century, 
exhorts  his  son  thus  :  '  Fui  et  eschiesve 
la  compaingni*  des  mauvez.' — Bouquet, 


504 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Hist,  de  la  France,  torn.  xx.  p.  300,  ed. 
1840.  A  statute  of  John  I.  King  of 
France,  dated  28  December,  1355,  runs 
thus  :  '  Avons  ordene  et  ordenons  que 
pour  eschiver  les  fausses  postes  et  le 
peril  qui  en  peut  avenir,  que  avec  noz 
Chiefvetaines  ou  ceuls  qui  recevrontles 
Montres  de  noz  Genz  d'armes  seront 
presenz  les  Superintendenz  des  trois 
Estaz.' — Ord.  des  Rois,  torn.  iii.  p.  35, 
ed.  1732.  Froissart  in  his  account  of 
the  battle  between  the  French  and 
Flemings  upon  the  Mont-d'Or  in  1382, 
says  :  '  Sur  ces  deux  ailes  gens  d'armes 
les  commencerent  a  pousser  de  leurs 
roides  lances  a  longs  fers  et  durs  de 
Bordeaux,  qui  leur  passoient  ces  cottes 
de  maille  tout  outre  et  les  prenoient  en 
chair;  dont  ceuxquien  etoient  atteints  se 
restreignirent  pour  eschever  les  horions.' 
— Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  251,  ed.  Pan.  Lit. 
Which  Lord  ;Berners  translates,  '  So 
that  the  flemyriges  were  glad  to  eschewe 
the  strokes.' — Chron.,  vol.  i.  p.  738, 
ed.  1812.  Again,  speaking  of  Sir  John 
Holland  at  Beverley  in  1385,  Froissart 
says  :  '  Done,  pour  eschiver  tous  perils,  il 
s'enferma  en  la  ditte  ville.' — Ubi  supra, 
p.  332.  Which  is  rendered  by  Lord 
Berners  :  '  So  to  eschue  all  parylles,  he 
tooke  sentuary  in  the  towne  of  saynt 
Johans  of  Beuerley.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p. 
25.  Chaucer  has  also  different  forms  of 
the  same  word ;  thus  in  The  Persones 
Tale  he  says  :  '  Now  schal  men  un- 
derstonde,  that  al  be  it  so  that  noon 
erthely  man  may  eschiewe  alle  venial 
synnes,  yit  may  he  refreyne  hem  by  the 
brennyng  love  that  he  hath  to  cure 
Lord  Jhesu  Crist.'— Poet.  Works,  vol. 
iii.  p.  293 ;  whilst  in  Troylus  and 
Cryseyde  we  find  : 

'  And,  lord  !  so  sche  gan  in  hire  thought  arguwe 
In  this  matere,  of  which  I  have  yow  tolde, 
And    what    to  done  best    were,    and    what 

esckuwe, 
That  plytede  she  ful  ofte  in  many  folde.* 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  181. 

And  in  the  same  poem  : 

'"O  fle  nought  in,"  he  seth  us  I  suppose, 
"  Lest  he  may  thynken  that  ye  hym  eschewe." 
"  Nay,   nay,"  quod  she  and  wex  as  rede  as 

rose ; 
.  With  that  he  gan  hire  humbly  to  salwe.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  204. 


Excogitate  ;  Excogitation,  to  de- 
vise, contrive  ;  device,  contrivance. — I. 
247,  251  ;  II.  84.  In  '  the  Additions ' 
to  Elyot's  Dictionary  we  find  '  exco- 
gito  '  translated  '  to  fynd  or  inuent  by 
thinking, 'and  ' excogitatio '  'invention.' 
Both  words  are  quite  classical  and 
frequently  employed  by  Cicero.  The 
French  had  also  the  verb  excogiter, 
which  Cotgrave  renders  '  to  excogitate  ; 
seriously  to  thinke,  earnestly  to  con- 
sider, intentively  to  studie  of;  also 
to  invent  by  serious  thinking,  devise 
after  an  exact  consideration,  finde  out 
with  earnest  studie.'  The  word  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  in  use  either 
in  France  or  England  before  the  six- 
teenth century.  Mr.  Todd,  in  his 
edition  of  Johnson's  Dictionary,  says 
that  Sir  Thomas  More  'was  fond  of 
the  word ; '  and  adds  that  he  had 
'repeatedly  found  it  in  his  writings,' 
but  as  in  spite  of  this  assertion  he  only 
gives  a  single  instance,  and  does  not 
condescend  to  give  even  the  reference 
for  that,  it  would  occupy  more  time 
than  the  Editor  is  able  to  spare  to 
verify  it.  Mr.  Todd's  remark,  however, 
would  undoubtedly  apply  to  Sir  Matthew 
Hale  who  uses  it  constantly  in  his 
Primitive  Origination  of  Mankind,  (the 
Editor  on  a  cursory  examination  noted 
three  examples  on  the  same  page),  but 
the  reader  will  no  doubt  be  satisfied 
with  a  single  specimen  :  '  If  we  consider 
the  various  hypotheses  of  the  ancient 
and  modern  philosophers  touching  the 
general  systeme  of  the  world,  and  those 
more  universal  and  cardinal  solutions 
of  the  common  and  great  appearances  in 
nature,  we  shall  find  them,  or  the  greatest 
part  of  them,  to  be  little  else  than 
excogitated  and  invented  models,  not  so 
much  arising  from  the  true  image  of 
the  things  themselves,  or  resulting  from 
the  real  existence  of  them,  as  certain 
instituted  and  artificial  contrivances  of 
mens  wits  and  fancies.' — P.  9,  ed. 
1677.  Richard  Pate  who  sat  at  the 
Council  of  Trent  as  titular  Bishop  of 
Worcester  reporting  to  the  king  from 
Lille  on  nth  November,  1540,  an  in- 
terview with  John  van  Dicke  says, 
*  And  here  crying  out  in  this  sort,  pro- 


GLOSSARY. 


505 


nunced  to  be  no  such  comforth  to  be 
excogitated  for  both  Realmes,  as  to  have 
thEmprour  resort  into  Inglond  to  se 
Your  Majestic  hys  father,  as  hit  of  thother 
side  to  cum  into  Fteiders  to  visite  his 
sone  thEmprour.' — State  Pap.  vol.  viii. 
p.  478. 

Exhibition,  a  stipend,  a  pension. — I. 
138.  This  word  is  still  in  use  at  the 
two  Universities  to  denote  a  certain 
kind  of  scholarship,  or  benefaction. 
The  Latin  word  '  exhibitio,'  though  not 
authorised  by  classical  usage,  was  em- 
ployed by  the  Roman  lawyers,  and  is 
also  found  in  the  patristic  writings.  Thus 
Tertullian  says,  '  Male  nobis  de  necessi- 
tatibus  humanae  exhibitionis  supplau- 
dimus,  si  post  fidem  obsignatam  dicimus: 
non  habeo  quo  vivam.' — De  Idol.  cap. 
12,  torn.  i.  col.  677.  Migne's  ed. 
Lactantius  uses  the  verb  *  exhibere  '  in 
the  sense  of  to  supply  the  necessaries 
of  life.  'Nee  quoque  tolerari  possunt, 
quse  ad  exhibendos  milites  spectant.' 
— De  Mort.  Persecut.  cap.  7.  And 
again,  '  Quae  cum  esset,  dapibus  sacri- 
ficabat  pene  quotidie,  ac  vicariis  suis 
epulis  exhibebat. ' — Ibid.  cap.  n.  We 
find  the  word  used  in  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, in  a  charter  of  Otho  the  Great 
to  the  Church  of  Lodi  in  Italy  ;  '  Qua- 
propter  jam  dicta  Ecclesia  sub  nos- 
tra  protectione  benigne  asserta  prsecepta 
confirmamus  ei  universa,  res  quoque 
atque  possessiones  sive  utriusque  sexus 
familias,  tarn  in  comitatu  quam  in 
aedificiis  turrium.  .  .  .  verum  etiam 
omne  publicum  districtum  ipsius  civi- 
tatis  vectigalia  telonium,  tam  infra 
ipsam  civitatem  quam  extra  in  suburbio 
ejusdem  civitatis  usque  ad  septem 
milliaria  in  circuitu,  cunctasque  publicas 
exhibitiones,®^  hactenus  ad  Laudensem 
comitatum  de  ipsa  civitate  et  suburbano 
ejus  redhibitae  sunt  jure  publico  fictatio- 
nes,  utensiones,  querelas,  et  intentiones 
omnium  hominum  in  dicta  civitate 
degentium  et  habitantium,  Episcopus 
ipsius  civitatis,  aut  missus,  quem  ipse 
delegaverit  noster  etiam  Regius  existens 
missus  ita  definiat.' — Ughelli,  Italia 
Sacra,  torn.  iv.  col.  660,  ed.  1719. 
The  present  academical  use  of  the 
word  is  well  illustrated  by  the  two 


following  passages.  Strype,  speaking  of 
Sir  John  Cheke's  early  career,  says, 
'  Being  thus  known  to  the  King,  he 
soon  after  advanced  him  to  the  honour 
to  be  his  scholar,  together  with  one 
Smith  of  Queen's  College,  afterwards 
sufficiently  known,  being  Secretary  of 
State,  and  employed  in  embassies  abroad. 
To  both  whom  the  King  exhibited  for 
the  encouragement  of  their  studies,  and 
for  the  bearing  of  their  expenses  of 
travel  into  foreign  countries.' — Life  of 
Sir  J.  Cheke,  p.  6,  ed.  1821.  The 
same  author  tells  us  that  Archbishop 
Parker  gave  ^200  to  the  City  of  Nor- 
wich. '  For  which  they  were  to  grant 
an  annuity  of  ^"10  to  the  said  college  : 
(i.  e.  Corpus  Christi  Cam.)  and  the 
Master  and  Fellows  thereof  were  to 
bestow  ;£8  of  the  said  ;£io  to  these 
uses,  and  none  other ;  that  is,  towards  the 
use  and  exhibition  of  three  grammar 
scholars,  to  be  found  within  the  said 
college  :  to  be  from  time  to  time  nomi- 
nated and  appointed  by  the  Mayor 
and  his  successors,  with  the  assent  of 
the  most  part  of  the  Aldermen,  out  of 
the  schools  at  or  in  the  City  of  Norwich, 
or  Alesham  in  Norfolk. ' — Life  of  Abp. 
Parker,  vol.  i.  p.  503,  ed.  1821.  In 
the  following  passages  it  is  used  in  a 
rather  more  extended,  and,  perhaps, 
almost,  in  its  original  sense.  Cavendish 
tells  us  that  when  Wolsey  was  very  ill, 
the  king  sent  three  physicians,  Cromer, 
Clement,  and  Wotton  to  hold  a  con- 
sultation with  Sir  William  Buttes  as  to 
the  Cardinal's  state  of  health,  and  adds  : 
*  To  this  motion  my  lorde  was  contented 
to  hear  their  judgement ;  for  he  trusted 
more  to  doctor  Cromer  than  to  all  the 
rest,  because  he  was  the  very  meane  to 
bring  him  from  Paris  into  Englande,  and 
gave  him  partly  his  exhibition  in  Paris. ' 
— Wordsworth's  Eccles.  Biog.  vol.  i. 
p.  605.  Bacon,  in  his  Life  of  Hen.  VII. 
speaking  of  that  king's  projected  mar- 
riage with  the  young  queen  of  Naples, 
says  :  *  In  this  match  he  was  soon 
cooled,  when  he  heard  from  his  Am- 
bassadors that  this  young  Queen  had 
had  a  goodly  jointure  in  the  realm  of 
Naples.  .  .  .  but  since  the  time  that 
the  kingdom  was  in  Ferdinando's  hands, 


506 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


all  was  assigned  to  the  army  and  gar- 
risons there  ;  and  she  received  only  a 
pension  or  exhibition  out  of  his  coffers.' 
— Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  228,  ed.  1858. 
Foxe,  in  his  account  of  '  the  trouble  of 
Humfrey  Mummuth,  Alderman  of  Lon- 
don '  says :  '  Stokesley,  then  Bishop 
of  London,  ministred  Articles  unto  him 
to  the  number  of  xxiv,  as  for  adhering 
to  Luther  and  his  opinions,  for  hauing  and 
reading  heretical  bookes,  and  treatises, 
for  geuing  exhibition  to  William  Tin- 
dall,  Roy,  and  such  other,  for  helping 
them  ouer  the  sea  to  Luther,  for  minis- 
tring  priuie  helpe  to  translate,  as  well 
the  Testament,  as  other  bookes  into 
English,  &c. '  To  which  Articles  Mum- 
muth replied  '  that  he  promised  him  (i.e. 
Tindall)  ten  pound  (as  he  then  sayd)  for 
his  father  and  mothers  soules,  and  all 
Christen  soules,  which  money  afterward 
he  sent  him  ouer  to  Hamborow,  accord- 
ing to  his  promise.  And  yet  not  to  him 
alone  he  gaue  this  exhibition,  but  to 
diuers  other  moe  likewise,  which  were 
no  heretikes;  as  to  D.  Royston,  the 
Bishop  of  London's  Chaplayne,  he  exhibi- 
ted fortie  or  fiftie  pounds,  to  D.  Wodiall, 
Prouinciall  of  the  Frier  Austens,  as  much 
or  more,  to  D.  Watson,  the  king's  Chap- 
layne, also  to  other  scholars  and  diuers 
Priests.' — Actes  and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p. 
997,  ed.  1583.  Shakespeare  frequently 
employs  the  expression  in  the  above 
sense. 

Expend,  to  weigh,  examine. — II. 
271,  441.  This  word  is  used  in  the 
same  sense  as  the  Latin  'expendo,'  which 
Elyot  himself  renders,  '  to  ponder  or 
weye,  to  examyne  streytely. '  It  is  con- 
stantly used  by  Cicero,  thus  :  *  Equidem 
cum  colligo  argumenta  causarum,  non 
tameanumerare  soleo,quam  expendere.' 
— De  Oratore,  lib.  ii.  cap.  76.  Again  : 
'  Nee  vero  utetur  imprudenter  hac  copia, 
sed  omnia  expendet  et  seliget.' — Orat. 
cap.  15.  And,  '  Quse  contemplantes 
expendere  oportebit,  quid  quisque 
habeat  sui ;  eaque  moderari,  nee  velle 
experiri,  quam  se  aliena  deceant.' — De 
Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  31.  The  English  form 
is  used  by  Wilson  in  his  Arte  of  Rhe- 
torique  in  this  sense  :  '  In  all  matters 
that  men  take  in  hande,  this  considera- 


tion ought  first  to  be  had,  that  we  first 
diligently  expend  the  cause,  before  we 
go  through  with  it,  that  we  maie  be 
assured  whether  it  be  lawfull  or  other- 
wise.'— P.  101,  ed.  1584.  And  also 
by  Tyndall,  in  his  Slipper  of  the  Lord, 
first  printed  in  1533.  'Again  let  us 
compare  the  figure  with  the  truth,  the 
old  passover  with  the  new, and  diligently 
consider  the  property  of  speaking  in 
and  of  either  of  them.  Let  us  expend 
the  succession,  imitation  and  time ; 
how,  the  new  succeeding  the  old,  Christ 
sitting  at  the  supper,  Mediator  between 
both,  celebrating  both  with  his  presence, 
did  put  out  the  old  and  bring  in  the 
new.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  247,  ed. 
1850.  Par.  Soc. 

Exploite,  Exployte,  to  accomplish. 
—I.  25,  183,  249,  265,  278  ;  II.  273, 
428  and  note.  From  the  French  ex- 
ploicter.  Cotgrave  translates  this  'to 
exploict,  performe, dispatch;  act, execute, 
atchieve."  Palsgrave  has  :  'lexpjoyt, 
I  applye  or  avaunce  my  selfe  to  forther 
a  busynesse.  Je  iriexploicte,  je  me  suis 
exploicte,  exploicter,  verb.  med.  They 
exployted  them  so  faste  that  within 
shorte  space  they  came  to  their  jour- 
nayes  ende  :  ilz  se  exploicterent  tant  que 
en  briefue  espace  ilz  vindrent  au  bout 
de  leur  journee.'—VEsdair.  p.  542. 
Holinshed,  in  his  Chronicle  of  Ireland, 
describing  the  burning  of  the  town  of 
Naas  by  Rorie  Og  in  1577,  says  :  '  He 
taried  verie  little  in  the  towne,  sauing 
that  he  sat  a  little  while  upon  thecrosse 
in  the  market  place,  and  beheld  how 
the  fire  round  about  him  was  in  euerie 
house  kindled,  and  whereat  he  made 
great  ioy  and  triumph,  that  he  had 
doone  and  exploited  so  diuelish  an  act.' 
—  Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  148,  ed.  1587.  So 
too  Warner  uses  the  same  expres- 
sion : 

'  Suruiue   and  t^ll  the  westerne  world  what 

we  exployted  haue; 

How  that  to   Rome,   amidst  her  roofe,  the 
mayden  sacke  we  gave.' 

Albion's  England,  p,  75,  ed,  1597. 

Holland,  in  his  translation  of  the  Et 
Trpffffivrepcp  TroAn-etJrtor  of  Plutarch, 
renders  the  passage  ' 


GLOSSARY. 


507 


iJ.fi/  Kal  p.eyd\a  KarcapOcafff  ffrpa- 
Si/,  OVK  e\arrov  5'  avrov  /j.vr)[jiovevfTai 
ffTparriyovvros  fjLfjS1  apxovros  epyov 
•n-epl  ®€Tra\lav. — Cap.  27.  'And  Epa- 
minondas  atchieved  (I  must  needs  say), 
many  noble  acts  and  valiant  exploits, 
whiles  he  was  Captaine  Geiierall  for  Boeo- 
tia  ;  howbeit,  one  act  there  is  reported 
of  his,  when  he  was  neither  Generall  nor 
in  any  office  at  all,  which  he  exploited 
inThessaly.'  P.  329,  ed.  1657.  Again, 
the  same  writer  in  his  version  of  the 
Bfoi  TO)I/  5e'»fo  pT}T<$pa>i/,  renders,  'Eirt- 
6e/j.4vb)v  5e  rwv  airb  4>i>A.7]S  rfj 
eVel  xPrlffifjl-(*>'raros  <ma.vTwv  £<J>0 
flora  re  TrapatTx&v  Spax/J-as  5to"xtA.ias  Kal 
arnriSas  $ia.Ko<rias. — Lysias.  '  When  as 
those  of  Phila  had  made  a  re-entry 
into  the  city,  and  chased  out  the  Tyrants, 
for  that  he  shewed  himself  (above  all 
others)  most  forward  in  this  entreprize, 
as  having  contributed  (for  the  exploiting 
of  this  service)  two  thousand  dragmes 
weight  in  silver,  and  two  hundred  tar- 
guets.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  754. 

Exploiture,  achievement. — I.  87, 
252  ;  II.  98,  275,  429  and  note. 

Expulse,  to  expel — II.  45,  143, 
224.  The  French  expuher ;  which  Cot- 
grave  translates,  '  to  expulse,  ex  pell ; 
drive,  chase,  or  thrust  out. '  Palsgrave 
has  :  '  I  put  forthe,  or  expulse  one  out 
of  a  place,  Jeboute  hors,  jay  boute  hors, 
bout er  hors,  prim.  conj.  andje  expottlse, 
jay  expoulse,  expoulser,  prim.  conj.  I 
shall  put  hym  forthe  at  all  adventures, 
put  hym  in  afterwarde  who  wyll :  Je  le 
bouteray  dehors,  or  je  Fexpoulseray  une 
fois,  mette  le  dedans  apres  qui  vouldra.' 
— UEsdair.  p.  672,  see  also  p.  674. 
This  word  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
used  before  the  sixteenth  century.  But 
we  'find  it  in  the  Exhortation  aux 
Princes  Chrestiens  of  Jean  Marot,  the 
poet  : 

'  Faictes  sonner  dedans  Rome  1'alarme, 
Remettez  sus  Scipions  et  Cesars, 
Et  qu'il  n'y  ayt  Prebstre,  Moyne,  ne  Carme, 
Qui  a  present  ne  trenche  du  Gendarme 
Pour  expulser  ce  lyon  de  voz  pares.' 

(Euvres,  torn.  v.  p.  64,  ed.  1731. 

And  Ambroise  Pare,  the  most  eminent 
surgeon  in  France,  and  probably  in 
Europe  in  the  sixteenth  century,  em- 


ploys it  in  his  great  work  on  surgery  : 
'  Si  aucun  veut  dire  qu'une  balotte  de 
plomb  tiree  par  une  harquebuse,  peut 
demeurer  longues  annees  en  quelques 
parties  de  nostre  corps,  cela  ie  leur 
concede  :  parce  que  le  plomb  a  quelque 
familiarite  auecques  nostre  substance 
....  Toutefois,  nonobstant  icelle  fa- 
miliarite, Nature  F expulse  au  dehors,  si 
1'espaisseur  des  muscles,  ligamens,  ou 
autres  parties  solides  ne  1'empesche.'— 
QZuvres,  torn.  ii.  p.  67,  ed.  1840. 
Goldinge,  who  translated  Caesar's  Com- 
mentaries in  the  sixteenth  century,  says 
in  his  preface  :  '  I  thought  it  expedient 
for  the  better  understanding  of  thys 
History,  as  well  to  set  oute  a  more 
ample  description  of  Gallia,  as  also  to 
declare  what  sundry  nations  haue  since 
Cesars  tyme  possessed  the  same. 
Neuertheles,  gentell  reader,  thou  shall 
not  looke  for  a  particuler  declaration  of 
the  shifting,  remouing,  and  expulsing  of 
euery  seuerall  kind  of  people,  nor  of  ihe 
alteration  of  the  state  of  euerye  seuerall 
country  in  that  region. '  And  he  trans- 
lates '  quum  ille  praesensisset  ac  profu- 
gisset,  usque  ad  fines  insecuti,  regno 
domoque  expulerunt '  (de  Bella  Gall.  lib. 
v.  cap.  54),  '  The  which  thing  when  he 
foreseing  had  fled  unto  Cesar,  they 
pursewed  hym  to  the  uttermost  borders 
of  theyr  territory,  and  utterlye  expulsed 
him,  both  from  hys  kingdome  and 
country.'— Fo.  142,  ed.  1565.  Again 
in  his  translation  of  Justin  (Hist.  lib. 
xx.  cap.  i)  Goldinge  has  :  '  Dennis, 
hauinge  expulsed  the  Carthaginenses 
oute  of  Sicill,  and  taken  the  gouern- 
ment  of  al  the  whole  Hand  into  his 
hand,  .  .  .  conueyed  hys  hoste  into 
Italy.' — Fo.  92  b,  ed.  1564.  Shake- 
speare, in  the  First  Part  of  King 
Hen.  VI.,  makes  the  Duke  of  Alenfon 
say: 

'  For  ever  should  they  (i.e.   the  English)   be 

expulsd  from  France, 
And  not  have  title  of  an  earldom  here.' 

Works,  vol.  v.  p.  47,  Dyce's  ed. 

Stow,  translating  the  following  passage 
from  Mat.  Paris,  '  Sicut  prius  in  adventu 
Danorum,  et  nunc  in  expulsione  Anglo- 
rum  a  Normannis,  peccatis  exigentibus, 


5o8 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


exterminium  accessit  incolarum'(C>fc»w*. 
Maj.  vol.ii.  p.  3,  the  Rolls  ed.),  says  : 
'  Then  came  the  destruction  of  the  in- 
habitantes,  first  at  the  comming  of  the 
Danes,  and  now  in  the  expulsing  of 
the  Englishmen  by  the  Normans.' — 
Annales,  p.  100,  ed.  1615.  Bacon,  in 
his  Advertisement  touching  an  Holy 
Warre,  written  in  1622,  says  ;  'Much 
like  were  the  case,  if  you  suppose  a 
nation  where  the  custom  were,  that  after 
full  age  the  sons  should  expulse  their 
fathers  and  mothers  out  of  their  posses- 
sions, and  put  them  to  their  pensions  : 
for  these  cases,  of  women  to  govern 
men,  sons  the  fathers,  slaves  freemen, 
are  much  in  the  same  degree. ' —  Works, 
vol.  vii.  p.  33,  ed.  1859.  And  in  his 
Discourse  on  the  Union,  he  makes  use 
of  the  same  word  again  :  '  These  repre- 
sentations do  answer  in  matter  of  policy 
to  union  of  countries  by  conquest ; 
where  the  conquering  state  doth  ex- 
tinguish, extirpate,  and  expulse  any 
part  of  the  state  conquered,  which 
it  findeth  so  contrary  as  it  cannot  alter 
and  convert  it.' — Ibid.  vol.  x.  p. 

93- 

Exquisite,  lit.  sought  out,  hence  re- 
condite, deep,  curious,  also  exact,  perfect, 
—I.  48,55>65>73>86  J  n-  279,344-  The 
word  seems  to  have  been  generally 
applied  to  learning,  thus  Goldinge 
translates  the  following  passage  in 
Justin,  'Hie  Sami  Demarato,  locuplete 
negotiatore,  patre  natus.  magnisque  sa- 
pientiae  incrementis  formatus,  ^gyp- 
turn  primo,  mox  Babyloniam,  ad  perdis- 
cendos  siderum  motus,  originemque 
mundi  spectandam,  profectus,  summam 
scientiam  consecutus  erat.'  (Hist.  lib. 
xx.  cap.  4);  '  This  man,  being  the  sonne 
of  a  ritch  merchaunte  man  of  Samos, 
called  Demaratus,  and  being  broughte 
up  in  the  studies  of  wisdome,  wherin 
he  greatly  encreased,  takyng  his  iourney 
first  into  Egipt  and  afterward  to 
Babilon,  to  learne  perfectly  the  mouing 
of  the  planets,  and  to  searche  out  the 
beginning  of  the  world,  wherof  it  was 
made,  attained  to  meruelous  exquisite 
knowledge.' — Fo.  94,  ed.  1564.  So 
Chaucer,  in  The  Testament  of  Creseide, 
says: 


'Thus  when  they  gadred  were  the  goddes 

seuen, 

Mercurius  they  chosed  with  one  assent, 
To  be  forespeker  in  the  Parliment. 
Who  had  ben  there  and  liking  for  to  here 
His  faconde  tonge  and .termes  exquisite, 
Of  rethorike  the  practike  he  might  lere, 
In  brefe  sermon  a  preignant  sentence  write.' 

Works,,  fo.  183,  ed.  1602. 

Bacon  affords  illustrations  of  all  the 
above  meanings  ;  thus  in  his  Advance- 
ment of  Learning,  he  says :  '  In  natural 
history  we  see  there  hath  not  been  that 
choice  and  judgment  used,  as  ought  to 
have  been ;  as  may  appear  in  the 
writings  of  Plinius,  Cardanus,  Albertus, 
and  divers  of  the  Arabians,  being 
fraught  with  much  fabulous  matter,  a 
great  part,  not  only  untried,  but  no- 
toriously untrue,  to  the  great  derogation 
of  the  credit  of  natural  philosophy,  with 
the  grave  and  sober  kind  of  wits : 
wherein  the  wisdom  and  integrity  of 
Aristotle  is  worthy  to  be  observed;  that 
having  made  so  diligent  and  exquisite  a 
history  of  living  creatures,  hath  mingled 
it  sparingly  with  any  vain  or  feigned 
matter.' — Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  43,  ed. 
1825.  And,  speaking  of  the  embassy 
to  Spain  in  1505,  he  says:  'The  in- 
structions touching  the  Queen  of  Naples 
were  so  curious  and  exquisite,  being 
as  articles  whereby  to  direct  a  survey, 
or  framing  a  particular  of  her  person, 
for  complexion,  favour,  feature,  sta- 
ture, health,  age,  customs,  behaviour, 
conditions,  and  estate  ;  as,  if  the  king 
had  been  young,  a  man  would  have 
judged  him  to  be  amorous.' — Ibid.  vol. 
vi.  p.  227,  ed.  1858.  And  again  :  'To 
desire  in  discourse  to  hold  all  argu- 
ments, is  ridiculous,  wanting  true  judg- 
ment ;  for  in  all  things  no  man  can  be 
exquisite.' — Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  431,  ed. 
1825. 

Exquisitely,  deeply,  curiously. — I. 
108  ;  II.  427  and  note.  The  use  of  this 
word  may  be  illustrated  by  Goldinge's 
translation  of  the  following  passage  of 
Justin  :  '  Tantum  facinus  admississe  in- 
genia  omni  doctrina  exculta,  pulcher- 
rimis  legibus  institutisque  formata,  ut, 
quid  posthac  succensere  jure  barbaris 
possent,  non  haberent '  (Hist.  lib.  viii. 
cap.  2) ;  '  Certesse  it  is  great  pity  that 


GLOSSARY. 


509 


such  fine  wits,  so  exquisitely  polished 
withal  kinde  of  learning,  and  traded 
(trayned  ?)  in  so  goodly  lawes  and  insti- 
tutions, should  be  so  far  ouerseene  as  to 
commit  so  heinous  an  act,  that  of  right 
they  can  haue  no  cause  here  after  to  be 
offended  with  the  barbarus  nat  ions  for 
doing  of  the  like.' — Fo.  42  b,  ed. 
1564.  Palsgrave,  in  the  Preface  to  his 
Third  Book,  says  :  '  Resteth  nowe, 
usyng  the  same  order  agayne,  to  shewe 
accordyng  as  I  have  afore  promysed, 
more  exquisitely  what  other  accidentes 
and  properties  the  sayde  partes  of 
speche  have.' — L'Esdair,  p.  1 5 1 .  Foxe, 
in  his  Defence  of  Lord  Cobham  against 
Alanus  Copus,  says  :  '  But  heere  will 
be  sayd  again  perhaps  that  the  matter 
of  such  preambles  and  prefaces  being 
but  pursuantes  of  statutes  .  .  .  .  is  not 
so  precisely  to  be  scande,  or  exqui- 
sitely to  be  stand  upon,  as  for  the 
ground  of  a  necessary  case  of  trouth. ' — 
Actes  and  Mon.  vol.  i.  p.  573,  ed. 

15*3- 

Extincte,  to  extinguish.— II.  201, 
210,  223.  This  very  uncommon  verb 
seems  to  be  formed  from  the  participle 
'  extinctus '  of  the  Latin  verb  '  extinguo,' 
for  the  French  equivalent  of  the  modern 
tteindre  was  esteindre  or  estayndre,  and 
though  the  participle  of  this  was  estainct 
or  estaynct,  it  is  obvious  that  the  verb 
used  by  Elyot  approximates  more 
closely  to  a  Latin  than  a  French  ori- 
ginal. Moreover,  it  is  no  slight  con- 
firmation of  this  hypothesis  that  it  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  used  by  any 
writer  previous  to  the  sixteenth  century, 
when  Latin  forms  were  largely  intro- 
duced. Thus  Froissart's  remark  :  *  II 
est  verite,  que  le  grand  desir  que  on  a 
aux  choses  que  elles  aviennent,  estaind 
le  sens,  et  pour  ce  sont  les  vices 
maitres  et  les  vertus  violees  et  corrum- 
pues'  (Chron.  torn.  iii.  p.  147,  ed.  P.L.) 
is  rendered  by  Lord  Berners  :  '  The 
great  desyre  that  a  man  hath  to  haue 
the  execusyon  of  that  thynge  or  it  be 
fallen,  often  tymes  quencheth  reason  and 
wysdome.' — Chron,  vol.  ii.  p  560,  ed. 
i  Si  2.  But  Brende  translated  the 
following  passage  in  Q.  Curtius  :  '  Hinc 
habuere  posteri  reges,  quorum  stirpibus 


post  multas  cetates  Romaui  opes  adem- 
erunt,'  (Lib.  viii.  cap.  6.);  'From 
thence  came  their  latter  kynges,  whose 
lynage  the  power  of  the  Romaynes  long 
after  dyd  extinct.' — Fol.  161  b,  ed. 
1553.  The  word  occurs  in  the  Statutes 
of  the  Realm  in  this  very  year  (1531); 
thus,  by  23  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  20,  it  is 
provided  :  ' yf  it  may  seme  to  his  high 
wisdome  and  moost  prudent  discrecion 
mete  to  move  the  Popes  Holynes  and 
the  Courte  of  Rome  amycablye,  chari- 
tablie,  and  resonablie  to  compounde 
other  to  extinct  and  make  frustrate  the 
paymentys  of  the  said  Annates,  &c. 
....  that  then  those  wayes  and  com- 
posicions  ons  taken  concluded  and 
agreed  &c.  shall  stonde  in  strenght 
force  and  effecte  of  a  lawe  inviolablye 
to  be  observed.'  Joye,  in  his  Exposi- 
cion  of  Daniel,  uses  the  participle  of 
this  verb.  'Nowe  ah  lasse  howe  is 
this  doctrine  to  praye  obscured  and 
extincted  utterly,  with  praying  to  the 
dead  withe  a  false  faithe,  with  so  many 
mediators.' — Fol.  220  b,  ed.  1545, 
and  so  does  Holinshed  in  his  history 
of  the  Conquest  of  Ireland,  for  in  his 
panegyric  upon  the  Geraldines  he  says  : 
k  The  memorial  of  their  fame  for  a 
time  through  malice  maie  be  couered, 
but  neuer  suppressed  nor  extincted.'' 
—  Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  41,  ed.  1586. 


F. 


Faict,  act,  action,  deed,  feat. — I. 
30,  46.  A  French  word.  Cotgrave 
translates  Faict  'a  fact,  act,  action, 
worke ;  deed  ;  a  feat,  pranke,  part,  per- 
formance, atchievement,  exploit.'  In 
the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  the 
word  now  spelt  fait  was  commonly 
written  faict.  Thus  Montaigne  says  : 
'  Le  faict  du  capitaine  Bayard  est  de 
meillure  composition  :  lequel,  se  sentant 
blece  a  mort  d'une  harquebusade  dans 
le  corps,  conseille  de  se  retirer  de  la 
meslee, respondit  qu'ilne  commenceroit 
point  sur  sa  fin  a  tourner  le  dos  a  1'en- 
nemi.' — Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  21,  ed.  1854. 
Again, '  Pourtant  ordonna  il,  selon  raison, 
et  a  son  fils  et  aux  senateurs  qui  1'ac- 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


compaignoient,  de  prouveoir  aultrement 
a  leur  faict? — Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  235. 
And,  'Si  iefeusse  nay  d'une complexion 
plus  desreglee,  ie  crains  qu'il  feust  alle 
piteusement  de  mon  faict.' — Ibid.  p. 
239.  Palsgrave  has  'Feate  of  Armes 
— -faict  darmes  z,  m.' — L'Esclair.  p. 
219.  Udall  has  rather  a  different  form 
of  the  same  word  :  '  For  it  is  no  godly 
poyncte  for  to  cast  a  man  headlong  into 
the  ryuer,  that  by  deliueryng  of  him 
thou  mayest  seme  to  be  a  man  of  great 
feactes :  but  it  is  a  godly  thing  to  plucke 
out  him  that  by  chaunce  is  fallen  in.' — 
Paraphrases,  torn.  i.  fo.  xiv.  ed.  I551- 
The  expression  used  by  Erasmus  in  the 
original,  'ut  vir  magnus  appareas,'  has 
an  almost  exact  parallel  in  Froissart's 
description  of  the  Normans  at  Sluys 
as,  '  gens  defait  et  de  mer.'  It  does 
not  appear  that  any  other  English 
writer  has  followed  Elyot's  example  in 
adopting  the  French  form. 

Fanglenesse,  newe,  novelty. — II. 
22.  The  derivation  of  this  word  is  un- 
certain, but  as  the  word  'fangle'  is 
mentioned  among  other  articles  of  per- 
sonal ornament  in  Greene's  Mamillia,  it 
is  most  probable  that  it  was  formed 
from  this  substantive.  It  may  be  ob- 
served, that  the  epithet  'new'  is  al- 
most invariably  prefixed.  Thus  Chaucer 
in  Quene  Andy  da  says  : 

'  This  fals  Arcite,  of  his  newfanglenesse, 
For  she  to  hym  so  louly  was  and  trewe, 
Toke  lesse  deynte  for  her  stidfastnesse, 

And  falsede  fair  Anelida  the  quene. 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  201. 

And  again  in  the  Prologue  to  the  Legende 
of  Goode  Women : 

'  And  thoo  that  hadde  doon  unkyndenesse, 
As  dooth  the  tydif,  for  newfangelnesse, 
Besoghte  mercy  of  hire  trespassynge, 
And  humblely  songe  hire  repentynge.' 

Ibid,  p.  280. 

In  the  translation  of  the  Paraphrase  of 
Erasmus  upon  I  Tim.  iv.,  we  find  a 
somewhat  different  phrase  :  'And  thus 
it  standeth  the  in  haude  to  doo  so 
muche  the  rather,  because  thou  art 
called  to  be  a  teacher  of  the  gospel, 
being  not  yet  of  full  growen  age,  whiche 
is  not  wonte  easylye  to  swerue  in  to 
newe  f angles,  but  thou  hast  bene  brought 


up  (as  it  were)  euen  from  thy  youth  in 
the  faith  of  the  gospell  and  in  good  learn- 
ing so  as  thy  continuaunce  ought  to  make 
thee  more  practised  and  strong.' — Tom. 
ii.  fo.  clxxxii,  ed.  1552,  where  the 
original  has  'non  jam  setate  provecta 
quae  solet  ad  res  novas  segre  deflecti.' — 
Par.  in  Nov.  Test.  torn.  ii.  p.  240,  ed. 
1541.  Hall,  in  his  account  of  Jack 
Cade's  rebellion,  says  :  'And  because 
the  Kentishmen  be  impacient  in 
wronges,  disdayning  of  to  much  op- 
pression, and  euer  desirous  of  new 
chaung,  and  new  fangelnes,  the  ouer- 
ture  of  this  matter  was  put  furthe  fyrste 
in  Kent.' — Chron.  fo.  clix.  ed.  1548. 
Ascham,  in  his  Schoolmaster,  uses  both, 
substantive  and  adjective  :  'Also  for 
manners  and  life,  quick  wits  commonly 
be,  in  desire,  newfangled;  in  purpose, 
unconstant ;  light  to  promise  anything, 
readj  to  forget  every  thing,  both  bene- 
fit and  injury.'  Again  :  '  Hard  wits  be 
hard  to  receive,  but  sure  to  keep  ; 
painful  without  weariness,  heedful  with- 
out wavering,  constant  without  new- 
fanglenessS — Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  08, 
101,  ed.  1864.  Spenser,  in  Mother 
Hubbertfs  Tale,  speaking  of  the  Ape, 
disguised  as  a  courtier,  says  : 

'  So  well  they  shifted,  that  the  Ape  anon 
Himselfe  had  cloathed  like  a  gentleman, 

Then  gan  the  courtiers  gaze  on  everie  side, 
And    stare  on  him  with  big   lookes   basen 

wide, 
Wondring  what  mister  wight  he  was,  and 

whence  : 

For  he  was  clad  in  strange  accoustrements, 
Fashion'd  with  queint  devises,  never  scene 
In  Court  before,  yet  there  all  fashions  beene; 
Yet  he  them  in  newfanglenesse  did  pas.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  pp.  20,  21,  ed.  1866. 

Sir  Philip  Sidney,  in  his  Arcadia,  de- 
scribing the  effects  of  oligarchical 
government,  says  :  '  Hence  grew  a  verie 
dissolution  of  all  estates,  while  the  great 
men  (by  the  nature  of  ambition  neuer 
satisfied)  grew  factious  among  them- 
selves ....  at  length,  vertue  itselfe 
almost  forgotten,  when  it  had  no  hope- 
full  end  wherunto  to  be  directed  ;  old 
men  long  nusled  in  corruption,  scorn- 
ing them  that  would  seeke  reformation; 
yong  men  very  faultfinding,  but  very 
faulty ;  and  so  to  newfanglenesse,  both 


GLOSSARY. 


of  manners,  apparell  and  each  thing 
els,  by  the  custome  of  selfe-guilty  euill, 
glad  to  change,  though  oft  for  a  worse.' 
— P.  I2i,  ed.  1605.  Carew  says  that 
Cornish  gentlemen  '  delight  not  in  bra- 
uerie  of  apparrell,  yet  the  women  would 
be  verie  loth  to  come  behinde  the 
fashion  in  neivfanglednes  of  the  maner, 
if  not  in  costlynes  of  the  matter,  which 
perhaps  might  ouer-empty  their  hus- 
bands purses.' — Survey  of  Cornwall,  p. 
64,  ed.  1602.  Stubbes  says  :  '  Hereby 
it  appeareth  that  no  people  in  the 
worlde  are  so  curious  in  new  /angles  as 
they  of  England  be. '—P.  10.  ed.  1595. 
Shakespeare  uses  the  compound  adjec- 
tive twice,  thus  in  Love's  Labour's  Lost, 
Biron  says  : 

'  Why  should  I  joy  in  an  abortive  birth? 
At  Christmas  I  no  more  desire  a  rose 
Than  wish   a  snow  in  May's  neiv-fangled 

earth  ; 
But  like  of  each  thing  that  in  season  grows.' 

Again,  in  As  you  like  it,  Rosalind  says  to 
Orlando,  'I  will  be  more  jealous  of 
thee  than  a  Barbary  cock-pigeon  over 
his  hen  ;  more  clamorous  than  a  parrot 
against  rain  ;  more  newfangled  than  an 
ape ;  more  giddy  in  my  desires  than  a 
monkey.'  Palsgrave  has  :  'Newfangled, 
not  constante  and  stedy  of  purpose  -  m. 
et  f.  muable  s.' — L ' hsclair.  p.  319, 
whilst  Cotgrave  renders,  Fatttastifut, 
'  Fantasticall,  humorous,  new-fangled, 
giddie,  skittish,  inventive,  conceited.' 
The  substantive  Tangle'  appears  ^  very 
rarely  without  the  qualifying  epithet, 
but  from  the  following  passage  it  would 
seem  that,  pace  Dr.  Johnson,  the  word 
is  of  foreign  rather  than  of  native  origin. 
Wood,  in  his  account  of  Henry  Foulis, 
says  :  '  He  had  also  in  him  a  most 
generous  and  public  spirit,  a  carelesness 
of  the  world  and  things  thereof,  (as 
most  bookish  men  have)  a  most  becom- 
ing honesty  in  his  dealings,  a  just  ob- 
servance of  collegiate  discipline,  and  a 
hatred  to  f  angles,  and  the  French 
fooleries  of  his  time.' — A  then.  Oxon. 
vol.  iii.  col.  88 1,  ed.  1817.  Gayton, 
'  one  of  those  authors  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  who,'  according  to  Chalmers, 
'contributed  somewhat  to  the  amuse- 
ment of  the  republic  of  letters  without 


adding  much  to  its  credit,'  in  his  Fes- 
tivous  Notes  upon  Don  Quixote,  has  the 
following  lines : 

'  What  fangle  now,  thy  thronged  guests  to 

winne, 

To  get  more  roome,  faith  goe  to  Inne  and 
Inne.' 

P.  230,  ed.  1654. 

Todd  and  Latham  quote  also  a  passage 
from  Greene's  Mamillia  in  which  the 
same  word  is  said  to  occur,  but  as  no 
copy  of  this  work  is  to  be  found  in  the 
library  of  the  British  Museum,  the 
Editor  has  not  been  able  to  verify  it, 
and  therefore  does  not  think  right  to 
quote  it.  Shakespeare  uses  the  un- 
compounded  adjective  in  Cymbeline : 

'  What  fairies  haunt  this  ground  ?  a  book  ?    O 

rare  one ! 
Be  not,  as  is  v\vcfangled  world,  a  garment 

Nobler  than  that  it  covers ' 

Works,  vol.  viL   p.  719,  Dyce's  ed. 

Fardelle,  a  bundle, — I.  146,  180. 
The  old  form  of  the  French  word 
fardeau,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  'a 
fardle,  burthen,  trusse,  pack,  bundle.' 
Palsgrave  has  'Fardell— fardeau  x,  m. 
fats,  m.' — UEsclair.  p.  218.  The 
original  word  occurs  in  Le  Roman  du 
Renart,  written  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, as  follows : 

'  Lors  se  sont  andui  esveillie", 
Si  ont  moult  bien  apareillie" 
Comme  marcheanz  \orfardel, 
Et  Primaut  a  pris  un  hardel, 
Et  si  1'a  a  son  col  pendu.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  139,  ed.  1826. 

Elyot,  in  his  Dictionary  translates 
sarcina,  '  a  trusse  or  packe  or  fardell, 
sometime  it  is  taken  for  an  unprofitable 
burden.'  Udall,  in  his  translation  of 
the  paraphrase  of  Erasmus  upon  St. 
Luke  xi.,  says  :  'Woe  shalbe  unto  you 
Lawiers  also  ....  ye  laye  upon  the 
shoulders  of  the  simple  people  a  whole 
fardel,  unpossible  to  be  borne.' — Tom. 
i.  fo.  cccix.  ed.  1551 ;  where  the  original 
has :  '  erit  igitur  et  vobis  legisperitis 
vae  .  .  .  .  sarcinam  importabilem  im- 
ponitis  humeris  simplicium. ' — Par.  in 
Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  p.  387,  ed.  1541.  So 
Brende  translates  '  Cumque  plus  rape- 
rent,  passim  strata  erant  itineravilioribus 
sarcinis,  quas  in  comparatione  inelio- 


512 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


rum  avaritia  contemserat,'  Q.  Curt.  lib. 
iii.  cap.  II  ;  'Whiche  riches  whiles  the 
souldiers  violently  spoiled,  they  strowed 
the  waies  full  of-  packes  and  fardels, 
whiche  they  would  not  touche,  in  re- 
spect of  the  couetous  desire  they  had  to 
thinges  of  greater  valew.' — Fo.  27  b, 
ed.  1553.  Shakespeare  uses  this  word 
several  times,  thus  in  The  Winter's  Tale 
Autolycus  says:  "  'The  fardel  there? 
what's  i'  the  fardel  ?  Wherefore  that 
box?'"  to  which  the  shepherd  replies  : 
"'Sir,  there  lies  such  secrets  in  this 
fardel  and  box,  which  none  must  know 
but  the  king.'" — Works,  vol.  iii.  p. 
487.  Dyce's  ed.  Again  in  Hamlet : 

'  Who  would  fardels  bear, 
To  grunt  and  sweat  under  a  weary  life.' 

Ibid.  vol.  vii.  p.  149. 

Peacham,  in  his  Garden-  of  Eloquence, 
has  the  same  words  in  juxtaposition  as 
Elyot,  for  he  defines  '  Frequentatio ' 
thus  :  '  When  many  arguments  being 
scattered  here  and  there,  one  from  an- 
other, are  gathered  together,  as  it  were, 
into  one  trusse  and  fardell,  and  layde 
before  the  eyes  of  the  hearer.' — Signat. 
T.  iii.  b.  ed.  1577.  Various  derivations 
have  been  suggested  for  this  word,  but 
it  seems  most  natural  to  connect  it  with 
the  participle  'fartus'  of  the  verb 
'farcire,'  to  stuff,  a  view  which  is  some- 
what strengthened  by  the  fact  that  the 
word  'fartellum'  is  met  with  in  the 
fourteenth  century.  The  following  ex- 
tract from  the  accounts  of  Henri  de 
Dreins,  Ballivi  Baroniarum  Montis  Al- 
bani  et  Medullionis,  1335,  is  printed  in 
the  Histoire  de  Dauphine  :  '  Item,  pro 
duabus  fartellis  portandis  in  quibus 
erant  organa  et  raubae  Domini  .... 
LXX.  flor.'— Tom.  ii.  p.  305,  ed.  1721. 
In  the  Promptorium  we  find,  '  Fardelle, 
or  trusse,  Fardellus.'  P.  150. 

Fastidious,  irksome,  distaste f til,  weari- 
some.— I.  50,  235.  From  the  Latin 
'fastidium  ;'  which  the  author  in  his 
Dictionary  translates,  '  hatred,  proprely 
where  one  abhorreth  the  sight  or  pre- 
sence of  anything ; '  in  Cooper's  edition 
the  same  word  is  rendered  'Lothsom- 
nesse.  abhorring  the  sight  or  presence 
of  a  thing,  disdainfulnesse,  contempt,' 


and  the  phrase,  'domesticarum  rerum 
fastidium '  (Cic.  de  Fin.  lib.  i.  cap.  3) 
translated  'werinesse,'  and  'fastidium 
levare '  (Quintil.  Inst.  Orat.  lib.  ix.  cap. 
3)  'to  diminish  wearinesse  or  lothsom- 
nesse  of  a  thing, '  and  '  fastidiosus  lite- 
rarum  Latinarum  '  (Cic.  de  Clar.  Orat. 
cap.  70)  '  that  disdeineth,  nothing 
esteemeth,  or  maketh  no  account  of 
Latine  learning.'  Cicero  has  also  the 
phrase,  '  cibi  satietas  et  fastidium '  (de 
Invent,  lib.  i.  cap.  17)  in  the  sense  of 
lothing.  The  word  fastidieux  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  in  use  in  France 
before  the  sixteenth  century,  at  least 
Littre  has  given  no  quotations  earlier 
than  the  following  in  the  (Economies 
Royales  of  the  Due  de  Sully :  '  II  me 
dit  en  m'embrassant,  "Je  vous  jure, 
M.  de  Rosny,  que  je  n'ay  jamais  rien 
trouve  de  trop  long  ny  de  fastidieux 
(car  il  use  souvent  du  mesme  mot)  en 
vostre  entretien."' — Tom.  iv.  p.  445. 
Coll.  des  Mem.  ed.  Petitot,  1820. 

Fatigate,  verb,  to  fatigue. — II.  275; 
peit,/atigtt#t,  -I.  38,  55,  239;  II.  109, 
no,  132.  This  very  uncommon  word 
is  borrowed  from  the  Latin  'fatigare, 
fatigatus.'  Hall,  like  our  author,  uses 
both  forms.  Thus  he  says:  'I  assure 
you,  that  he  which  should  write  the 
negligent  losses,  and  the  pollitique 
gaines  of  euery  citee,  fortresse,  and 
turrett,  whiche  were  gotten  and  loste  in 
these  daies,  should  fatigate  and  wery 
the  reader.'—  Chron.  fo.  cxxv.  b.  ed. 
1548.  And  speaking  of  Jack  Cade's 
rebellion  :  'This  hard  and  sore  conflict 
endured  on  the  bridge  til  ix  of  the 
clocke  in  the  morninge  in  doutfull 
chaunce  and  fortunes  balaunce  .... 
so  that  both  paries  beyng  faynte,  wery 
and  fatigate,  agreed  to  desist  from  fight 
and  to  leue  battail  til  the  next  day  upon 
condicion.'  Ibid.  fo.  clx.  b.,  and  see 
Shakespeare,  vol.  vi.  p.  170. 

Fautour,  a  favourer,  supporter.  II. 
419  and  note.  In  addition  to  the  pas- 
sages before  mentioned,  the  following 
may  be  cited.  Hall  speaking  of  Jack 
Cade's  insurrection,  says,  '  He  also  put 
to  execucion  in  Southwarke  diuers  per- 
sons, some  for  infryngyng  his  rules  and 
preceptes,  bycause  he  wolde  be  sene 


GLOSSARY. 


513 


indifferent,  other  he  tormented  of  his 
olde  acquayntance,  lest  they  shoulde 
blase  and  declare  his  base  byrthe  and 
lowsy  lynage,  disparagyng  him  from  his 
usurped  surname  of  Mortymer,  for  the 
which  he  thought  and  doubted  not  both 
to  haue  frendes  and  fatitors,  both  in 
London,  Kent,  and  Essex.' — Chron. 
fo.  clx.  ed.  1548.  Holinshed,  in  his 
account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Par- 
liament of  Scotland  in  1439,  says  :  'It 
liked  the  wiser  sort  (since  their  force 
seemed  not  almost  able  to  be  broken,  or 
their  parts  to  be  seuered)  to  flic  to 
policie  and  leaue  strength,  not  daring 
openlie  to  call  the  Earle  Dowglasse  by 
that  name  of  capteine  of  them,  although 
they  well  knew  him  to  be  the  chiefe 
author  and  fautor  of  those  people.' — 
Hist,  of  Scotland,  p.  269,  ed.  1587. 
Joye,  in  his  Exposition  of  Daniel,  says : 
'Trewly,  Matathias  toke  not  to  him  his 
weapens  to  the  entent  that  his  neuei 
Hircanus  shuld  be  a  fautor  of  the  Sadu- 
ceis  false  doctrine,  nor  yet  that  his 
childers  childern  shuld  constitute  their 
kingdom  with  mutuall  murther,  slaying 
so  cruelly  the  citesens.' — Fol.  212,  ed. 
1545.  Foxe,  in  his  defence  of  Lord 
Cobham  against  Alanus  Copus,  uses 
this  word  :  '  M.  Cope,  thinking  to  haue 
me  at  a  narow  straight,  and  to  holde 
me  fast,  biddeth  me  tell  him  howe  it 
coulde  be  otherwise  but  the  Lorde  Cob- 
ham  must  needes  haue  fautours.  And 
who  should  those  fautors  be  (sayth  he) 
but  syr  Roger  Acton,  Browne  and  their 
fellowes.' — Actes  and  Man.  vol.  i.  p. 
585,  ed.  1583. 

Feare,  to  frighten,  scare. — I.  247. 
This  verb  was  frequently  used  as  here 
in  an  active  sense.  In  the  Prompto- 
rium  we  find, '  Feryn,  or  make  a-ferde. 
Terreo,  perterreoS— P.  156.  So  Pals- 
grave has,  '  I  feare  awaye,  I  skarre  away, 
as  we  do  beestes  or  byrdes.  Je  de- 
chasse,  prim.  conj.  Feare  away  these 
crowes,  or  they  wyll  marre  your  corne  : 
dechassez  ces  cornailles,  ou  elles  gasteront 
vostre  bled.  I  feare  one,  I  make  hym 
a  frayde,  Je  bailie paour,  jay  bailie 'paour, 
bailler  paour.  I  make  hym  afrayde  :  je 
luy  bailie  paour.  I  shall  feare  him,  he 
was  never  so  feared  in  his  lyfe  :  je  luy 

II.  L 


bailleray  paour,  U  ne  fust  jamays  si 
pamire  en  sa  vie.  I  scarre  awaye,  or 
feare  awaye,  as  a  man  doth  crowes  or 
suche  lyke.  Je  escarmouche.1— VEscl., 
pp.  547,  699.  Tyndall  in  the  preface 
to  his  Obedience  of  a  Christian  Man 
published  in  1528  says,  «  First,  to  fear 
the  people  withal,  they  excommunicated 
all  that  believed  in  him,  and  put  them 
out  of  the  temple.' — Doctrinal  Treatises, 
p.  133,  ed.  1848,  Par.  Soc.  So  North 
in  his  translation  of  Plutarch's  Lives 
says  :  « The  next  morninge,  thinkinge 
to  feare  him,  bicause  he  had  neuer  scene 
elephant  before,  Pyrruscommaundedhis 
men,  that  when  they  sawe  Fabricius  and 
him  talkinge  together,  they  shoulde 
bringe  one  of  his  greatest  elephantes 
and  set  him  harcle  by  them  behinde  a 
hanging:  which  being  done  at  a  certaine 
signe  by  Pyrrus  geuen,  sodainly  the 
hanging  was  pulled  backe,  and  the 
elephant  with  his  troncke  was  ouer 
Fabricius  heade  and  gaue  a  terrible  and 
fearefull  crie.  Fabricius  softely  geuing 
backe,  nothing  afrayed,  laughed  and  sayd 
to  Pyrrus  smiling:  Neither  did  your  golde 
(oh  king)  yesterday  moue  me,  nor  your 
elephant  to-day  feare  me.' — P.  439,  ed. 
1579.  The  passive  voice  =  to  be  fright- 
ened was  also  used  ;  thus  Foxe,  in  his 
history  of  Wickliffe,  says  :  'A  wonderfull 
and  terrible  '  earthquake  fell  through 
out  al  England  :  wherupon  diuers  of  the 
suffraganes  being  feared  by  the  strange 
and  wonderfull  demonstration,  doubting 
what  it  shuld  meane,  thought  it  good  to 
leaue  of  from  their  determinate  pur- 
pose.'— Actes  and  Man.,  vol.  i.  p.  436, 
ed.  1583.  Carew  in  his  account  of 
an  attack  by  the  Spaniards  upon  the 
town  of  Mouse-hole  in  Cornwall  in 
*595»  says:  'The  inhabitants  being 
feared  with  the  Spaniards  landing  and 
burning,  fled  from  their  dwellings,  and 
verie  meanely  weaponed,  met  with  Sir 
Francis  Godolphin  on  a  greene,  on  the 
west  side  of  Pensance.' — Survey  of 
Cornwall,  fo.  I56b,  ed.  1602.  Shake- 
speare constantly  uses  this  word  in 
the  same  sense  as  Elyot,  as  in  the 
following  passage  in  Measure  for 
Measure  : 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


'  We  must  not  mate  a  scarecrow  of  the  law, 
Setting  it  up  to  fear  the  birds  of  prey, 
And  let  it  keep  one  shape,  till  custom  make  it 
Their  perch,  and  not  their  terror  ' 

And  in  The  Taming  of  the  Shrew : 

1  Have  I  not  in  a  pitched  battle  heard 
Loud  'larums,  neighing  steeds,  and  trumpets 

clang  ? 

And  do  you  tell  me  of  a  woman's  tongue  ; 
That  gives  not  half  so  great  a  blow  to  th'ear 
As  will  a  chestnut  in  a  farmer's  fire  ? 
Tush,  tush  !  fear  boys  with  bugs.' 

Again  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra: 

'  Thou  canst  not  fear  us,  Pompey,  with  thy 

sails  ; 
We'll  speak  with  thee  at  sea :   at  land,   thou 

know'st 
How  much  we  do  o'er-count  thee.' 

Featly,  neatly,  nicely,  cleverly. — I. 
1 1 6.  This  word  now  quite  obsolete 
seems  to  be  formed  from  the  old  Romance 
adverb /etement  or  faitement  in  the  same 
way  as  we  have  seen  '  asprely '  from 
asprement.  Palsgrave  has  the  substantive 
'  Featysshnesse,  propernesse— -feactise  s, 
f.'  and  '  Propernesse— faictisse,  factise 
s.  f.'Also  'Feate,  or  proper  of  makyng, 
— in.  faicty  s,  f.  faictye  s?  and  'Fetly, 
Bien  a  poynt,  as,  Aduisez  que  ses  souliers 
luy  soyent  fats  bien  a  poyntj  and 
'  Nycely,  fetly,  coyntement. ' — IlEsdair. , 
pp.  219,  258,  312,  835,  839.  Cotgrave 
gives  the  adjective  Faictis,  m.  isse,  f., 
which  he  translates  '  Made  according 
to,  framed  after  the  likenesse,  forged 
unto  the  resemblance  of  another  ;  also 
neat,  feat,  comely,  handsome,  proper, 
well  made,  well  featured,  well  set 
together.'  He  has  also  the  adverb 
faictissement,  '  Neatly,  handsomely, 
featly,  trimly,  fitly,  gayly,  exactly, 
quaintly,  with  much  comelinesse.'  The 
adjective  occurs  in  Li  Roumans  dou 
Chastelain  de  Couci  composed  in  the 
thirteenth  century 

'  Devant  les  rens  se  vont  monstrant ; 
En-5  el  bras  destre  avoit  lachie"e 
La  manche  ridee  et  deli€e, 
Bien  ouvree  d'orfrois  fait  is. ' 


Also: 


;  Dont  dist :  Biau  Sire,  or  demandes 
Ce  que  vous  plaist,  vous  1'averes  ; 
Mes  un  cuevrechief/«zV/c  ay 
Liste"  d'or  que  je  vous  donray, 


Et  coissinet  et  bel  et  bon, 

De  grosses  pierres  sont  li  bouton.' 

Pp.  44,  170,  ed.  1829,  Crapelet. 

And  in  another  poem  also  of  the 
thirteenth  century  we  find  the  same 
word. 

'  Ele  s'en  savoit  fmement 
Entremettre  de  commander, 
Et  de  demandes  demander, 
Qu'ele  iert  bien  parlant  et  faitice, 
De  maniere  estoit  bele  et  rice.' 
Barbazan,   Fabl.  ei  Contes,  torn.  i.  p.  101,  ed. 
1808. 

We  find  the  adverb  which  seems  to  be 
formed  from  the  adjective  above  men- 
tioned, spelt  indifferently  'fetement' 
and  'faitement.'  Thus  in  the  poem 
called  Renart  de  Dam  martin  : 

'  Sire^  vous  n'amez  pas,   ce  m'est  avis,  mon 

vivre, 

Qui  a  chiens  par  parole  s\fefement  melivre  ; 
Mes  ainz  que  mi  coste  soient  de  char  delivre, 
Serez-vous  mainte  foiz,  je  croi,  tenuz  por 

y  vre. ' 

Jubinal,  Nouv.  Rec.  de  Contes,  S*c.  torn.  ii. 
p.  24,  ed.  1839. 

And  in  Roman  dtt  Renart,  edited  by 
M.  Meon, 

'  ?>\  faitement  con  je  vos  di, 
Sont  entre  eus  parent  et  ami.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  7,  ed.  1826. 

Now  in  his  glossary  M.  Meon  explains 
the  word  as  follows,  '  Avec  art,  par- 
faitement,  artistement,  avec  justesse, 
adroitement.'  The  last  synonym  an- 
swering exactly  to  the  English  usage  of 
'  featly. '  The  word  occurs  again  in  the 
poem  called  Partonopeus  : 

1  Or  entendes,  segnor  trestuit, 
Con  faitement  il  le  sosduit- ' 

Tom.  i.  p.  149,  ed.  Crapelet,  1834. 

Having  regard  toM.  Meon's  lucid  expla- 
nation, which  has  the  additional  merit 
of  bringing  the  French  and  English 
adverbs  into  complete  harmony,  Du 
Cange's  conjecture  that  in  the  passages 
quoted,  '  faitement  =  de  quelle  maniere, 
de  telle  maniere,'  cannot  be  considered 
satisfactory  from  any  point  of  view. 
Chaucer  has  two  or  three  different 
forms  of  the  same  word  ;  thus,  in  The 
Prologue  to  the  Canterbury  Tales,  he 
tells  us : 


GLOSSARY. 


515 


*  A  marchaunt  was  ther  with  a  forked  berd, 
In  motteleye,  and  high  on  horse  he  sat, 
Uppon  his  heed  a  Flaundrisch  bever  hat ; 
His  botus  clapsud  faire  &&&fetously.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  9,  ed.  1866. 

The  adjective  is  used  in  The  Court  of 
Love : 

'  Then  Flatery  bespake  and  seid,  iwis  : 
"  Se,  so  she  goth  on  patens  faire  and/ete, 
Hit  doth  right  wele.'" 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  38. 

Two  different  forms  of  the  adverb 
occur  within  a  few  lines  of  each  other 
in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose. 

1  She  hadde  a  gay  mirrour, 
And  with  a  riche  gold  tresour 
Hir  heed  was  tressed  queyntely  ; 
Hir  sieves  sewid  fetously.^ 
And  for  to  kepe  hir  hondis  faire 
Of  gloves  white  she  had  a  paire. 
And  she  hadde  on  a  cote  of  grene 
Of  cloth  of  Gaunt  ;  withouten  wene, 
Wei  semyde  by  hir  apparayle 
She  was  not  wont  to  gret  travayle. 
For  whan  she  kempte  vf&sfetisly 
And  wel  arayed  and  richely, 
Thanne  hadde  she  don  al  hir  journeV 

Ibid^  vol.  vi.  p.  18. 

In  the  Promptorium  we  find  *  Fetyce 
or  praty.  Parvunculus,  elegantulus. ' 
And  Elyot  himself  in  his  Dictionary 
renders  the  Latin  scitus,  'wyse  or 
wyttie,  also  propre  or  feateS  In 
Cooper's  edition  of  the  same  work  the 
phrase  '  scitus  puer '  (Ter.  And.  iii.  sc. 
2,  6)  is  translated  'a  preatie  feat  boy.' 
Concinnus  is  '  Proper,  feate>  well- 
fashioned,  minion,  handsome,  well- 
compact.  '  And  Cicero's  phrase,  '  Con- 
cinnae  et  venustse  sententise '  (De  Clar. 
Or  at.  cap.  95),  '  Feate  and  pleasaunt 
sentences.'  Concinnitas  is  '  Propernesse, 
featnesse,  aptnesse ;'  And  '  verborum 
concinnitas*  (Cic.  Orator,  cap.  44) 
'  Featnesse  of  words.'  The  adverb 
concinne  is  translated  '  Properly, 
honestly,  trimly,  featly,  galantly  ;'  and 
the  phrase,  '  rogare  coepit  blande  et  con- 
cinne '  (Cic.  pro  Q.  Rose.  Com.  cap. 
1 6)  'To  aske  feately  and  wyth  faire 
wordes.'  Baret,  in  ouA&wtntt  gives 
'  Prettily,  fcatlyj  as  the  equivalent  of 
Cicero's  'belle  et  festive  dicere'  (De 
Orat.  lib.  iii.  cap.  26)  which  is  almost 
the  exact  parallel  of  Elyot's  expression 
in  the  text.  Shakespeare  uses  both 


adjective   and   adverb;    thus,    in    The 
Tempest,  Ariel  sings : 

'  Foot  \\.featly  here  and  there  ; 
And,  sweet  sprites,  the  burden  bear.' 

And  in   the    Winter's   Tale  Polixenes 
says  of  Mopsa : 

'She  tenets  f eat  ly.' 

Foxe,  in  his  account  of  the  petition 
presented  by  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge to  Cardinal  Pole's  Commis- 
sioners in  1557  respecting  Bucer  and 
Phagius,  says,  '  Note  here,  good  reader, 
what  a  feat  conueiance  this  was,  to 
suborne  the  Uniuersitie  under  a  colour- 
able pretence  to  desire  this  thinge  of  them 
by  way e  of  peticion.  As  who  should  say, 
if  they  had  not  done  so,  the  other  would 
neuer  haue  gone  about  it  of  themselues.' 
— Actes  and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p.  1959,  ed. 
1583.  Harrison,  in  his  Descript.  of 
England,  describing  the  breed  of 
spaniels  afterwards  known  as  King 
Charles's,  says  they  are  specially  fitted 
for  ladies'  pets.  '  For  coursenesse  with 
finenesse  hath  no  fellowship,  but  feat- 
nesse with  neatnesse  hath  neighbour- 
head  inough.' — P.  230.  North  in  his 
translation  of  Plutarch,  says,  '  And 
where  I  haue  tolde  before  that  in  their 
feate  and  quicke  aunswers  commonly 
there  was  some  prety  grace,  it  maye  be 
well  scene  and  knowen  by  these  that 
followe.'  ....  Besides  all  this,  they 
dyd  studie  to  singe  well,  and  to  make 
goodly  ditties  and  songes.  Then  they 
spake  most  properly  vsA  featety.* — P. 
58,  ed.  1579.  And  as  North  professes 
to  have  translated  from  the  French  it 
may  be  observed  that  the  latter  version 
of  the  above  has  'responses  agues  et 
subfiles '  and  '  rondement  et  propre- 
ment  parler.' — Amyot,  Les  Vies  des 
Horn.  111.  torn.  i.  fo.  36  b,  ed.  1565. 

Fecis,  dregs. — I.  147.  This  is  evi- 
dently merely  the  plural  of  the  Latin 
word  Faex,  faecis,  which  the  author  in 
his  Dictionary  renders  '  lyes,  dregges,  or 
groundes  of  any  kynde  of  lycour. '  The 
French  have  also  the  word_/&w,  which, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
in  use  prior  to  the  i6th  century.  Am- 
broise  Pare,  the  celebrated  surgeon  of 
that  age,  says,  '  Galien  donne  exemple 


L  L2 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


assez  familier  du  vin  nouueau,  auquel  on 
peut  trouuer  quatre  corps  differens  :  car 
il  y  a  la  fleur  qui  est  du  dessus,  la  lye  qui 
est  au  fond,  la  verdure  ou  aquosite,  et 
la  bonne  liqueur,  douce  et  amiable  .  .  . 
la  lye  represente  1'humeur  melancho- 
lique,  qui  est  tousiours  au  dessous  a 
cause  de  sa  pesanteur,  et  est  comme 
l&fece  et  lye  du  sang.' — CEuvres,  torn. 


i.  p.  41,  ed.  1840. 
Fc 


"oltre,  to  falter,  stumble,  give  way.  — 

I.  178.  This  word,  which,  spelt  as  above, 
is  very  uncommon,  seems  to  represent  the 
French  fault,  which  is  common  to  both 
the  verbs  falloir  and  faillir.     Palsgrave 
has  '  I  faulte,  I  mysse,  Je  faulx  andje 
defaulx.     It  is  no  marvayle  thoughe  I 
faulte  yet,  I  am  but  a  begynner  :  sije 
faulx  encore  ce  nest  pas  de  maruaille,  je 

ne  stets  qung  aprentys?  And  '  I  mysse 
my  marke,  or  of  my  marke,  Je faulx  a 
man  esme.' — DEsclair.  pp.  546,  638. 
Udall,  in  his  translation  of  Erasmus  on 
Heb.  xii.,  has  the  same  form  as  Elyot, 
*  Folowe,  you  stout  wrastelers  and  lustye 
runners,  bestyre  youre  werye  handes, 
plucke  up  your  weake  and  foltryng 
knees,  and  runne  streygth  to  the  marke 
that  is  set  before  you.' — Tom.  ii.  fo.  24, 
ed.  1549.  The  original  being  'Imitemini 
fortes  athletas  et  strenuos  cursores,  manus 
lassescentes  excitate,  genuasoluta/#<fo«- 
tiaque  surrigite,'  &c. — Par.  in  Nov. 
Test.  torn.  ii.  p.  379,  ed.  1541.  M. 
Littre  shows  the  connexion  between  the 
substantive  faute  and  a  verb  which  ap- 
pears 2&faltar  in  Spanish  andya/ftwr  in 
Italian,  but  which  is  wanting  in  French, 
and  it  is  evident  that  the  English 
'  falter '  is  closely  allied  to  these  two. 

Forbear,  to  avoid,  shun. — II.  235 
and  note. 

Force,  to  care  for,  and  hence  im- 
personally to  matter,  signify. — I.  1 68; 

II.  143,    252,   400  and    note.      The 
verb   in   this   sense   is   quite  obsolete. 
Coverdale,  the  translator  of  the  Bible, 
in   his   First  Book  of  Death,  uses  it ; 
'  Like  as  he  that  goeth  a  far  journey 
hath   uncertain    lodging,    travail,    and 
labour,  and  desireth  to  return  home  to 
his    own  country,    to    his    father  and 
mother,    wife,    children,    and    friends, 
among  whom  he  is  surest  and  at  most 


quiet ;  by  means  whereof  heforceth  the 
less  for  any  rough  careful  path  or  way 
homeward :  even  so  we  are  all  strangers 
and  pilgrims  upon  earth.' — Remains, 
p.  66,  ed.  1846,  Par.  Soc.  This  mean- 
ing of  the  word  is  put  beyond  doubt  by 
Foxe,  who,  in  distinguishing  between 
false  apostles  and  true,  says,  '  that  true 
Apostles  care  not  for  the  solemnities  of 
men,  neither  their  salutations  nor  feast- 
ings,  nor  any  other  benefite  of  theirs ; ' 
but  the  marginal  note  on  this  passage 
is,  '  that  true  prophets  doe  not  force 
upon  the  solemn  salutations  of  men  as 
false  prophets  doe.' — Actes  and  Man. 
vol.  i.  p.  321,  ed.  1583.  Again  he 
says,  'What  doeth  it  force  in  what 
place  Peter  did  rule  or  not  rule  ?  It  is 
much  more  to  be  regarded  that  euery  man 
should  labor  and  study  with  all  theyr 
endeuor  to  followe  the  life  and  confes- 
sion of  Peter.' — Ibid.  p.  425.  And  in  his 
defence  of  Lord  Cobham  against  Alanus 
Copus,  he  says,  'In  alleaging  and 
wryting  of  Chronicles  is  to  be  considered 
to  what  place  and  effect  they  serue. 
If  yee  would  shew  out  of  them  the  order 
and  course  of  times,  what  yeres  were  of 
dearth  and  of  plenty,  where  kings  kept 
their  Christenmasse,  &c.,  in  such  vul- 
gare  and  popular  affairs  the  narration 
of  the  Chronicler  serueth  to  good  pur- 
pose, and  may  haue  his  credite,  wherein 
the  matter  forceth  not  much,  whether  it 
be  true  or  false,  or  whether  any  listeth 
to  beleue  them.' — Ibid.  p.  577.  In 
Elyot's  Dictionary  we  find,  'Susque 
deque  fero,  et  susque  deque  habeo,  I 
force  not,  I  recke  not,  I  care  not.' 

Fraunches,  freedom,  liberty. — II. 
296  and  note.  From  the  French 
franchise. 

"Furcate,  feigned;  lit.  stained,  painted. 
— II.  221  and  note.  From  the  Latin 
'  fucatus,'  which  the  author,  in  his  Dic- 
tionary, translates,  'coloured  or  paynted, 
as  some  women  be. ' 

Fume,  lit.  vapour,  and  hence,  meta- 
phorically, anything  of  a  transient,  un- 
substantial nature. — I.  985  II.  5  and 
note. 


GLOSSARY. 


517 


G. 


Galyarde,  lively,  frolicksome,  brave, 
gallant.— -II.  18.     This  is  the  French 
gaillard ;  which    Cotgrave    translates, 
'  Lusty,  lively,  frolick,  buxome,  cheer- 
ful, blithe,  jocund,  pleasant,  gamesome, 
brave,   gallant,  valiant,  well-disposed, 
in  good  time  ;  also  rash  or  somewhat 
indiscreet  by  too  much  jollity.'  Bouchet, 
a   writer   of  the    i6th   century,    says, 
'  Pensez-vous  deshonorer  les  Franfois, 
quand  vous  les  nommez  Gallicus  miles  ? 
Veu  qu'on  dit  que  et  gaillard  et  gail- 
lardise  viennent  a    Gallicd   audacid   et 
que  ceux   sont   appellez  gaillards,  qui 
courageusement  entreprennent  quelque 
chose,    tant   auantureuse  soit   elle?' — 
Screes,    torn.    iii.    p.    398,    ed.    1635. 
Pierre  de  Fenin,   who   died  in    1506, 
speaking  of  the  great  fetes   given   by 
Philip  of  Burgundy  at  Paris  in  1424,  says 
'  La  y  cut  de  mout  notable  seignourie 
.   .  .  et  si  y  estoit  la  royne  de  France, 
mere  au  roy  Charles,  la  regente,  seur  au 
due  Phelipe,  laquelle  estoit  pour  le  temps 
tenue  pour  la  plus  gaillarde  de  toutes 
autres  dames.' — Memoires,  p.  225,  ed. 
1837.     The  notion  of  liveliness  in  the 
sense  of  licentiousness  was  also  implied 
in  the  word,   as  we  see  from  the  fol- 
lowing    passage :      '  Lisez     hardiment 
(dames  et  damoyselles)  il  n'y  a  rien  qui 
ne  soit  honneste  :  mais  si  d'auenture  il 
y  en  a  quelquesunes  d'entre  vous,  qui 
soient  trop  tendrettes,  et  qui  ayent  peur 
de  tomber  en  quelques   passages   trop 
gaillards,   ie   leur  conseille  qu'elles  se 
les  fassent  eschansonner  par  leurs  freres, 
ou  par  leurs  cousins,  afin  qu'elles  man- 
gent  peu  de  ce  qui  est  trop  appetissant.' 
— Des    Periers,    Les    Contes  ou  Nouv. 
Rec.  torn.  i.  p.  n,  ed.  1735.     The  idea 
of  folly  was  sometimes  implied;  thus 
Henri  Estienne,  in  his  Traite  Preparatif 
aFApol.pour  Herod.,  says,    'De  faict 
ie  confesse  que  pour  dire  honnestement 
II  tient  du  fol,  on  dit,  II  ha  le  cerueau 
gaillard,  ou  II  ha  le   cerueau  un    peu 
gaillard,  au  lieu  que  aucuns  disent,  II 
n'ha  pas  le  cerueau  bien  faict.' — P.  20, 
eel.  1566.    Montaigne  says, '  Au  lieu  d'en 
retrencher  aulcune  chose,  au  contraire, 


Ton  solicitast  les  capitaines  d'advertir 
les  soldats  de  faire  leur  salves  belles 
tf-gaillardes,  en  1'honneur  des  assistants, 
et  n'espargner  leur  pouldre.' — Essais. 
torn.  i.  p.  171,  ed.  1854.  The  word  is 
used  by  Chaucer  in  connexion  with 
singing  and  dancing,  which  makes  it 
probable  that  Halliwell's  statement  that 
the  dance  known  by  this  name  was  '  in- 
troduced into  England  about  the  year 
1541,'  should  be  qualified  by  assigning 
a  date  at  least  two  centuries  earlier. 
Thus  in  The  Prologue  to  the  Canterbury 
Tales,  the  description  given  of  the 
miller  is  that : 

'  He  was  a  jangler,  and  a  golyardeys, 
And  that  was  most  of  synne  and  harlotries.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  18. 

Again  we  are  told  of  the  Parish  Clerk 
in  The  Miller's  Tale  that 

'  In  al  the  toun  nas  brewhous  ne  taverne 
That  he  ne  visitede  with  his  solas, 
Ther  as  that  any gaylard  tapster  was.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  103. 

And  Roger,  in  The  Cokes  Tale,  says— 

'A  prentys  dwellede  whilom  in  oure  citee, 
And  of  a  craft  of  vitaillers  was  he  ; 
Gaylnrd\&  was,  asgoldfynch  in  the  schawe, 
Broun  as  a  bery,  and  a  propre  felawe. 
With  lokkes  b!ak  and  kempt  ful  fetously  ; 
Dauncen  he  cowde  so  wel  and  prately, 
That  he  was  cleped  Perkyn  Revellour.' 
Ubi  supra,  p.  136. 

Dr.  John  Clerk,  writing  to  Wolsey 
from  Rome  in  1524,  says,  'The  Popis 
Holynes  shewyd  me,  that  he  did  ever 
forsee  that  in  conclusion  it  was  veray 
likely  that  this  entreprise  shold  quayle, 
and  that  therfor,  whils  our  armye  was 
galiard  in  apparance,  he  thought  it 
best  to  fall  in  communycation  with 
the  Frenche  king  for  treux  or  peax  ;  for 
he  doubtyd  evyr  lest  it  shold  not  con- 
tynue.' — State  Papers,  vol.  vi.  p.  357. 
The  Privy  Council,  in  their  instructions 
to  Dr.  Wotton,  the  English  ambassador 
in  Germany,  in  1544,  say,  '  His  High- 
nes  desyreth  youe  .  .  .  after  His  Ma- 
jestes  moost  harty  commendations,  to 
saye,  that  albeit  His  Majestye  hath 
alredy  a  goodly  bande  of  horsemen  well  . 
trymmed  and  mounted  of  his  own  sub- 
Ejectes,  besydes  those  that  M.  de  Bures 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


and  Landenbergh  is  appointed  to  bring 
with  him,  yet  because  he  wilbe  strong 
of  horsemen  and  cum  galyardly  and 
lyke  Himself  to  the  felde  to  encontre 
his  ennemye,  He  is  mynded  to  haue  for 
his  better  furniture  over  and  above  the 
sayde  horsemen  1,000  good  horsemen 
more.' — Ibid.  vol.  ix.  p.  617.  With 
regard  to  the  dance  called  by  this  name 
Shakespeare,  in  Henry  V.,  speaks  of 
a  ' nimble galliard.'  Bacon,  in  his  Essay 
On  Discourse,  says,  '  If  there  be  any 
that  would  reign  and  take  up  all  the 
time,  let  him  find  means  to  take  them 
off,  and  bring  others  on,  as  musicians 
used  to  do  with  those  that  dance  too 
long  galliards* — P.  321,  ed.  1857. 
And  in  his  Natural  History  he  says, 
*  The  triplas,  and  changing  of  times, 
have  an  agreement  with  the  changes  of 
motions  ;  as  when  galliard  time,  and 
measure  time,  are  in  the  medley  of  one 
dance.'—  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  73,  ed.  1826. 
Carew  tells  us  that  'Of  all  maner 
vermine,  Cornish  houses  are  most  pestred 
with  rats,  a  brood  very  hurtfull  for 
deuouring  of  meat,  clothes,  and  writings 
by  day ;  and  alike  cumbersome  through 
their  crying  and  ratling,  while  they 
daunce  their  gallop  gallyards  in  the 
roofe  at  night.' — Surv.Corn.  fo.  22,  ed. 
1602. 

Garded,  trimmed  GI  as  we  now  say 
faced  with  cloth,  lace,  &c. — II.  18.  Min- 
sheu  is  no  doubt  right  in  deriving  this 
word  from  the  French  garder '= conser- 
vare,  '  quia  conservat  vestem,  because  it 
gards  and  keepes  the  garment  from 
tearing.'  Elyot,  in  his  own  Dictionary, 
translates  the  Latin  Limbus  'a  purfyll  of  a 
womans  garment,  or  a  garde  of  a  mans 
garment.  'And  with  regard  to  Segmentum 
he  says,  '  Some  doo  take  it  for  the  purfyll 
of  a  womannes  gowne.  It  maye  as  welle 
be  taken  for  a  garde  or  border  aboute 
any  garmente. ' — In  the  *  Additions  ' 
he  renders  Effilatum  '  That  whiche  is 
sowed  or  stitched  on  a  garment,  as  a 
garde  or  purfle.'  This  shows  that 
'gards 'in  their  simplest  form  answered 
almost  exactly  to  the  regimental  « fac- 
ings '  of  our  military  uniforms.  But  of 
course  when  Elyot  wrote  they  were 
capable  of  great  elaboration.  Thus 


Hall  tells  us  that  when  the  King  went 
to  meet  Ann  of  Cleves  in  1539-40. — • 
'  His  persone  was  apparelled  in  a  coate 
of  purple  veluet,  somewhat  made  lyke 
a  frocke,  all  ouer  enbrodered  with  flatte 
golde  of  Dammaske,  with  small  lace 
myxed  betwene  of  the  same  golde,  and 
other  laces  of  the  same  so  goyng 
trauerse  wyse,  that  the  grounde  lytle 
appered  ;  about  whyche  garment  was  a 
ryche  garde,  very  curiously  enbrodered, 
the  sleues  and  brest  were  cutte,  lyned 
with  cloth  of  golde,  and  tyed  together 
with  great  buttons  of  diamondes,  rubyes, 
and  Orient  perle.' — Chron.  fo.  ccx^cxix. 
ed.  1548.  North  shows  us  that  it 
answered  precisely  to  the  French 
border,  for  in  his  translation  of  Amyot 
he  says,  '  Cicero  dreamed.  .  .  .  that 
all  the  children  likewise  were  waiting 
there  in  their  goodly  garded  gownes  of 
purple.' — Plutarch,  p.  934,  ed.  1579, 
where  the  French  has  '  que  tous  les 
enfans  semblablement  estoient  la  at- 
tendans  auec  leurs  belles  robbes  bordees 
de  pourpre.' — Amyot,  Les  Vies,  torn.  ii. 
fo.  607  b,  ed.  1565.  Stow  in  his 
account  of  the  departure  of  the  English 
army  for  France  in  1544,  says,  'Those 
of  the  Forewarde  under  the  Duke  of 
Norffolke  were  apparrelled  in  blew 
coates  garded  with  redde,  and  had  caps 
and  hosen  after  the  same  sute,  party 
blew  and  partie  redde.' — Annales,  p. 
587,  ed.  1615.  And  this  had  been  the 
fashion  a  century  and  a  half  earlier,  for 
the  same  author  tells  us  that  'on  S. 
Matthewes  day  (1396)  Edward  Earle 
of  Rutland,  the  Earles  of  Kent,  Hun- 
tington,  Nottingham,  Somerset,  and 
Salisbury,  with  the  Lords  Spencer  and 
Scrope,  in  a  sute  of  red  gownes  of  silke 
garded,  and  bordered  with  white  silke, 
and  embrodered  with  letters  of  gold, 
propounded  the  appeale  (i.e.  against 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  the  Earls 
of  Arundel  and  Warwick,  &c.)  to  the 
King  at  Nottingham.' — Ibid.  p.  316. 
Shakespeare  frequently  uses  the  term, 
of  which  the  following  from  the  Pro- 
logue to  King  Henry  VIII.  may  be 
cited  as  perhaps  the  best  illustration  : 

'  Only  they 

That  come  to  hear  a  merry  bawdy  play, 


GLOSSARY. 


519 


A  noise  of  targets,  or  to  see  a  fellow 

In  a  long  motley  coat  guarded  with  yellow, 

Willbedeceiv'd' 

Works,  vol.  v.  p.  483. 

Although,  as  we  have  seen,  \h&  fashion 
of  bordering  or  facing  dresses  with 
richer  materials  prevailed  long  before 
the  sixteenth  century,  it  is  probable  that 
the  phrase  '  to  guard '  was  not  in  vogue 
till  that  period.  At  least  it  appears 
for  the  first  time  in  the  Statute  book  in 
I  Henry  VIII.  cap.  14,  which  enacts 
that  'no  manne  undre  the  degree  of  a 
Knyght  were  any  garded  or  pynshed 
sherte  or  pynched  partelet  of  lynnen 
clothe  uppon  payne  of  forfeyture  of 
the  same  sherte  or  partelett  and 
for  usyng  of  the  same  to  forfeyte 
x  shillyngs.'  The  expression  was 
undoubtedly  an  adaptation  from  the 
French,  in  proof  of  which  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  one  of  the  meanings 
assigned  by  Cotgrave  to  Garderobe  is 
'  a  cloth  or  cloake  worne  or  cast  over  a 
garment  to  keep  it  from  dust,  raine, 
&c. 

Garnerde,  a  granary. — I.  158.  In 
Withals  Dictionarie  for  yonge  beginners, 
published  in  1568,  this  word  is  spelt  as 
above,  '  A  garnarde  to  keepe  corne  in, 
garnariumS — Fo.  38. 

Gesseron,  a  coat  of  mail. — I.  179. 
This  represents  the  word  jaseran,  which 
was  used  by  the  old  Romance  writers 
for  cotte  de  maille.  Thus  in  Le  Roman 
de  Gerard  de  Rossillon  probably  of  the 
twelfth  century,  we  find  the  word 
mentioned  several  times  : 
'  Ausbers,  blancs,  jaseran s,  elme  acristal.' 

Again  : 
'  L'ausbercs  fojazerans,  1'elms  de  carders.' 

And  in  a  later  French  version  of  the 
same  poem  : 
'  Hauberc  otjazaran  des  le  capel.' 

Pp.  32,  137,  345,  ed.  Fran.  Michel,  1856. 

And  in  the  Chronique  de  Bert,  du  Cues- 
din   by   Cuvelier,    a   trouvere   of    the 
fourteenth  century  : 
'  Lui  Xe  sans  plus,  sans  vestir  jazerant. ' 

P.  71,  ed.  1839,  Coll.  deDoc.  IneU 
And  in  the  Roman  de  Horn  et  Rimen- 
hild: 


'  Ocire  le  quida  par  mi  sun  jacerant.' 

P.  237,  ed.  Fran.  Michel,  1845. 

In  La  Chanson  de  Roland: 
'  Trestut  le  cors  e  Yosbercjazerenc.' 

P.  51,  ed.  Fran.  Michel,  1869. 

And  in  the  Roman  de  Glrard  de 
Vienne : 

'  El  dos  li  vestent  tin  hauberc  iaserant' 
Der  Rom.  von  Fierabras,  p.  xxxiii.  ed.  1829. 

Again  : 

'  Cil  Eneas  ot  le  boin  iazerant.'   Ubi  supra. 
And  in  Agolant,  also  edited  by  Bekker  : 

'  Car  encor  ai  entier  mon  iazerant, 
Et  mon  escu  et  mon  hiaume  luisant.' 

Ibid.  p.  Ixii. 

Cotgrave  translates  Jaseran  '  A  flagon 
chaine,  also  a  bracelet  or  neckelace  of 
that  chaine  fashion  ;  also  a  coate,  or 
shirt,  of  great  and  close- woven  maile.' 
Halliwell  quotes  from  a  MS.  of  Morte 
Arthure : 
'And  a  fyne  gesserawntt  of  gentile  mayles.' 

Diet.  Archaic,  &c.  Words.  It  seems 
most  likely  that  the  word  was  imported 
from  Palestine  at  the  time  of  the 
Crusades. 

Gestes,  exploits.— I.  40  J  II-  386 
and  note. 

Giues,chains  enfetters. — I.  277.  Va- 
rious derivations  have  been  suggested  for 
this  word,  all  more  or  less  improbable 
and  far-fetched.  Thus  Dr.  Johnson 
thought  it  came  from  the  Welsh  gevyn. 
Richardson,  adopting  Thomson's  view, 
says,  'The  German gefesser,  from fesser 
a  fetter.  In  A.-S.  ge-feterian:  It 
would  have  seemed  more  natural  to  pro- 
pose this  as  the  origin  of  fetter  rather 
than  gyve.  Minsheu  thought  it  came  'ex 
Belg.  Ghevangs,  instrumenta  captivi- 
tatis : '  whilst  it  was  reserved  for  Skinner 
to  make  the  wildest  shot  of  all,  when 
he  declared,  '  Mallem  igitur  a  F.  G. 
ceps,  Lat.  cippi.'  It  seems  strange 
that  none  of  these  authorities  should 
have  bethought  them  of  the  French 
word  gets  or  ,§7^0,  signifying  the  couples 
or  hobbles  by  which  the  legs  of  falcons 
were  secured.  'Les  gets,  c'est  a  dire, 


520 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


le  lien  des  iambes,  faits  de  cuir  de  chien, 
sur  lequel  on  en  met  un  autre  auec 
les  sonnettes.' — Rene  Fra^ois,  Essay 
des  Merv.  de  Nat.',  p.  51,  ed.  1657. 
In  a  poem  of  Giraud  de  Borneil,  a  trou- 
badour of  the  twelfth  century,  we  find 
the  following  line  : 

'  E  de  bons  getz  apreisonatz.' 

Choix  de  Pots.,  torn.  iii.  p.  310  ; 

which  Raynouard  interprets,  '  Retenu 
prisonnier  par  bons  jets.'' — Lex.  Rom., 
torn.  iii.  p.  465.  Alain  Chartier,  one 
of  the  most  celebrated  writers  of  the 
fifteenth  century,  in  his  Livre  des  Quatre 
Dames,  describing  falconry  says  : 

'  Ilz  les  atachent 

Aux  perches,  ou  leurs  getz  se  laschent, 
Afin  qu'apres  par  faim  pourchassent 
Mieux  la  proie,  qu'a  prendre  chassent, 
Sans  y  baster.' 

And  again  : 

'  Si  suis  liee 
De  giez  d'amours,  et  alliee.' 

CEuvres,  pp.  636,  652,  ed.  1617. 

In  the  Histoire  de  Gerard  Comte  de 
Nevers,  published  for  the  first  time  in 
1520,  'Gerard  laissa  les  giez  si  laissa 
1'espervier  aller.' — Part  ii.  p.  26,  ed. 
1729.  In  the  Histoire  de  Jehan  de 
Saintrt,  a  romance  first  printed  in  1517, 
a  knight  takes  in  his  hand  '  son  espee 
de  gect,'  and  we  are  told  by  the  editor 
that  «  Pepee  de  gect  etoit  une  epee  qui 
s'attachoit  au  poignet  avec  une  couroye, 
parce  que  gect  ou  gies  signifie  liens,  ou 
attaches.' — Tom.  i.  p.  64,  ed.  1724. 
In  the  Roman  de  Gerard  de  Vienne  : 

'  Dist  Olivier,  "  Volentiers  et  de  greiz 
Par  tel  covans  voz  serait  delivreiz." 
Laise  les  ges,  si  lait  1'oisel  aler. ' 
Der  Rom.  von  Fierabras,  p.  xiii.  ed.  1829. 

In  Roi  GuUlaume  we  have  another 
form  : 

'  Biau  sire,  par  tel  covenant, 
Fait  la  dame,  vos  doins  congie 
De  courre  apres  le  cerf  con .gie. 
Vos  coures  ;  jou  ne  courrai  pas.' 

Giles,  Script.  Rer.  Gest.  Will.  I. 
p.  251,  ed.  1845. 

Considering  how  popular  the  sport  of 
hawking  was  in  the  middle  ages,  it  is 
easy  to  understand  how  a  word  con- 


stantly used  in  connexion  with  it  would, 
by  a  very  simple  process,  be  transferred 
to  describe  in  common  parlance  the  fetters 
of  prisoners.  This  supposition  is  ren- 
dered still  more  probable  by  the  fact 
that  the  word  denoted  the  shackles 
which  secured  the  feet  of  prisoners ; 
just  as  we  have  seen  from  the  authority 
quoted  above  that  the  giet  or  giez  meant 
le  lien  des  jambes  in  the  case  of  falcons. 
Thus  Elyot  in  his  Dictionary  translates 
Pedica,  '  Any  thing  wherewith  the 
foote  is  tyed,  as  a  fettar,  a  payre  of 
gyues,  or  stockes.'  In  Withal's  Dic- 
tionarie  above  mentioned  we  have  this 
distinction  made  even  still  clearer,  for 
he  gives  :  '  Manicles  to  bynd  the  handes 
of  prisoners,  in  plurali  Manic  a:'  and 
'  Fetters,  shades  or  giues  for  the  feete, 
Compedes  in  plurali  vel  boia? — Fo.  57. 
And  thus  Udall  in  his  translation  of  the 
paraphrase  of  Erasmus  upon  Acts  xvi., 
says,  *  And  sodainely  came  a  great 
yearthquake,  insomuch  that  al  the 
whole  pryson  was  shaken,  euen  the 
foundacion,  and  all  the  doores  of  the 
pryson  wer  open  with  the  same,  and 
all  the  prisoners  gyues  and  other  lyke 
bondes  were  loosed.' — Tom.  i.  fo. 
ccccclxxviii.  ed.  1551.  Where  the 
original  has  '  simulque  patefacta  sunt 
omnia  ostia  carceris,  et  omnium  vincula 
soluta  sunt.' — Par.  in  Nov.  Test. ,  torn, 
i.  p.  721,  ed.  1541.  So  also  Tyndall 
says,  '  He  that  hath  his  feete  in  fetters, 
giues,  or  stockes,  must  first  be  loosed  or 
he  can  go,  walke,  or  runne.' — Workes, 
p.  63,  ed.  1573.  In  the  Promptorium 
we  find,  'Gyvys  or  feterys  of  presone 
(fettirs  of  prison),  Compes? — P.  197. 
Huloet,  in  his  Abcedarium,  published 
in  1552,  has  ' giue  or  gieue  or  fetter 
or  manacle.  Nervus,  pedica.''  In  a 
poem  called  Octouian  Imperator,  pub- 
lished by  Weber  we  have  : 

'  Anoon  hy  was  y-take  well  faste 
And  brought  yn  gyues. ' 

Met.  Rom.,  torn.  iii.  p.  166,  ed.  1810. 

Crutch,  to  repine,  murmur.— I.  27; 
II.  38.  This  word,  of  which  '  grudge  ' 
is  the  more  modern  representative,  is 
derived  from  the  French  gruger,  which 
Cotgrave  translates  '  to  grudge,  repine, 


GLOSSARY. 


521 


mutter.'  Palsgrave  has  'I  groudge, 
I  repyne  or  murmure  agaynst  a 
mater,  je  gruge,  prim,  conj.'  And  'I 
grutche,  I  repyne  agaynst  a  thyng. 
Je  grommelle,  prim.  conj.  Grutche  nat: 
ne  grommelle  poyntS — LEsclair.  pp. 
575,  576.  By  the  old  Romance  writers 
it  was  written  groucher,  grucier,  grus- 
cer.  Thus  in  the  Roman  de  Horn  we 
have  : 

'  E  tost  le  comperreit,  tielen  purreit grader.' 
And  also  : 

'  Ke  nul  ne  grusce  mie. ' 

Pp.  217,  239,  ed.  1845. 

In  the  Promptorium  we  find  *  Grutchon 
(Gruchyn)  Murmuro.  Grotchynge 
Murmuracio,  murmur.  Grutchyd 
Murnmratus.  Grutchare  (gruchar) 
Murmurator,  murmuratrix.'1  P.  217. 
Elyot  himself,  in  his  Dictionary,  has 
'  Adrumo,  to  grudge  or  make  rumor.' 
Sir  John  Maundevile  says,  '  Thanne 
passe  men  be  the  welle  that  Moyses 
made  with  his  hond  in  the  Desertes, 
whan  the  people  grucched,  for  thei 
fownden  no  thing  to  drynke. ' —  Voiage, 
&c.  p.  69,  ed.  1727.  Chaucer  often 
uses  this  form  of  the  word,  as  in  The 
Clerked  Tale : 

'  I  say  this,  be  ye  redy  with  goode  herte 

To  al  my  lust,  and  that  I  frely  may 
As  me  best  liste  do  yow  laughe  or  smerte, 
And  never  ye  to  gruch  it,  night  ne  day.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  289. 

And  in  The  Persones  Tale-.  'After 
backbyting  cometh  grucching  or  mur- 
muracioun,  and  som  tyme  it  springith 
of  inpacience  agayns  God,  and  somtyme 
agains  man.' — Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  305. 
And  in  The  Court  of  Love — 

'  And  thogh  ye  waxen  pale,  and  grene  and 

dede, 

Ye  most  it  use  a  while,  withputen  drede, 
And  it  accept  and grucchen  in  no  wise.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  33. 

Hall  says,  ' But  the  death  of  this  fro- 
ward  person  (i.e.  Will,  de  la  Pole)  and 
ungracious  patron  brought  not  the 
Realme  quyete,  nor  deliuered  it  from  all 
inward  grudge and  intestine  diuision.' — 
Chron.  fo.  clviii.  b.  ed.  1548.  Isabel, 
Countess  of  Warwick,  by  her  will, 


bearing  date  1st  Dec.  1435,  directed, 
'  that  her  body  should  be  interred  in 
the  Abbey  of  Tewksbury  and  her  great 
Templys  (i.e.  jewels  worn  on  the  tem- 
ples) with  the  baleys  (i.e.  pale  rubies) 
sold  to  the  utmost  and  delivered  to  the 
Monks  of  that  house,  so  that  they 
grucht  not  with  her  burial  there,  and 
what  else  she  had  appointed  to  be  done 
about  the  same.' — Dugdale's  Ant.  War- 
wickshire, vol.  i.  p.  413,  ed.  1730. 
Brende,  in  his  translation  of  Q.  Curtius, 
says,  '  I  seke  not  to  wynne  fauour 
amonges  the  men  of  warre  that  stande 
here  about  me,  but  desire  you  should 
rather  heare  their  mindes  expressed  in 
playne  woordes,  then  to  heare  their  grief 
and  their  grudge  uttered  in  muttering 
and  in  murmour.' — Fo.  187,  ed.  1553. 
('  Sed  ut  vocem  loquentium  potius  quam 
ut  gemitum  murmurantium  audires. ' — 
Q.  Curt.  lib.  ix.  cap.  3.)  Again, 
'  Postero  die  indigna  res  Macedonibus 
videbatur,  Perdiccam  ad  mortis  peri- 
culum  adductum,'  (lib.  x.  cap.  8,)  is 
rendered,  '  The  next  daye  the  Macedons 
grudged  and  thought  it  a  matter  un- 
worthy, that  Perdiccas  after  this  maner 
should  be  brought  in  daunger  of 
death.' — Ibid.  fo.  222.  Grafton,  in 
his  account  of  the  rebellion  in  1496, 
says,  '  But  the  Cornish  men  inhabiting 
in  the  least  part  of  the  realme,  and  the 
same  part  also  barreyn  and  wythout  all 
pleasantnesse,  complayned  and  grudged 
greatly,  affirming  that  they  were  not 
hable  to  pay  such  a  great  somme  as  was 
of  them  demaunded.'—  Chron.  p.  914, 
ed.  1569. 

H. 

Habile,  strong,  active,  able. — II. 
134.  The  French  habile,  which  Cot- 
grave  renders  'Able,  strong,  lustie, 
powerfull,  hardie,  quick,  nimble,  active, 
ready,  cunning,  expert ;  sufficient ;  fit 
for,  handsome  in,  apt  unto,  anything 
he  undertakes  or  is  put  unto. '  Palsgrave 
has  '  Able  or  actyffe — m.  habyl  z,  f. 
habille  s.' — L Esclair.  p.  305. — Frois- 
sart,  in  his  account  of  the  siege  of 
Mortaigne  in  Flanders,  in  1340,  says, 
'Si  passerent  aucuns  compagnons 


22 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


volonteux  aux  armes,  et  firent  tant  qu'ils 
passerent  outre  la  dite  riviere,  ainsi  que 
propose  1'avoient,  .  bien  quatre  cents 
tous  habiles  et  legers,  et  en  grand 
volonte  de  bien  faire  la  besogne  ' — 
Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  118,  ed.  Pan.  Lit. 
Clement  Marot,  in  his  version  of  the 
Psalms  in  1540,  has 

'  Je  qui  souloye  estre  habile, 
Suis  debile, 

Casse"  de  corps,  pieds,  et  mains.' 
(Euvres,  torn.  iii.  p.  304,  ed.  1731,  4°. 

Habilitie,  ability,  power. — II.  91, 
132.  The  French  habilete1,  which  is  thus 
translated  by  Cotgrave  :  '  Ablenesse, 
abilitie,  strength,  lustinesse,  quicknesse, 
lightnesse,  activity,  nimblenesse,  apt- 
nesse,  readinesse,  handsomenesse,  dex- 
teritie,  cunning,  sumciencie. '  Palsgrave 
gives  '  Hablenesse — habilitt,  capacitt 
z,  i.'—L'Esdair.  p.  228.  Udall,  in 
his  translation  of  Erasmus's  Paraphrase 
on  Luke  iii.,  says,  'Olde  age  is  the 
lighter  esteemed  and  passed  on  by 
reason  that  the  power  and  habilitie  of 
the  witte  is  much  decaied,'  Tom.  i.  fo. 
ccxlvi.  ed.  I551>wnere  the  original  has 
*  Senectus  minus  habeat  ponderis  ob 
vires  ingenii  defectas.' — Par.  in  Nov. 
Test.  torn.  i.  p.  316,  ed.  1541.  Grafton, 
speaking  of  the  ambassadors  sent  to 
Flanders  by  Henry  VII.  in  1491,  says, 
'  They  declared  that  no  Prince  could  be 
more  unprouided  or  more  destitute  of 
men  and  armure,  nor  no  more  lacking 
all  things  appertayning  to  warre  then 
was  Maximilian.  .  .  .  Neuerthelesse  his 
minde  and  wyll  was  good,  if  his  power 
and  habilitie  had  beene  correspondent.' 
— Chron.  p.  892,  ed.  1569.  Cavendish, 
in  his  Life  of  Wolsey,  describing  the 
arrival  of  the  king's  messengers  at 
the  Cardinal's  house  in  1530,  says,  '  He 
gaue  each  of  them  foure  old  sove- 
reignes  of  fine  gold,  desyring  them  to 
take  it  in  gree,  saying,  that  if  he  had 
bin  of  greater  hability,  he  would  have 
given  them  a  better  rewarde. ' — Words- 
worth's Eccl.  Biog.  vol.  i.  p.  624,  ed. 
1853.  An  Admonition  ordered  in  1563 
'to  be  read  in  all  churches  of  the 
city  and  suburbs  by  the  Pastors  and 
Ministers,  to  keep  the  good  order  made 
by  the  Lord  Mayor  for  avoiding  danger 


of  infection '  concludes  as  follows  : 
'  And  for  that  also  by  the  godly  order 
now  set  forth  by  the  said  Lord  Mayor, 
those  that  be  not  of  hability  are  suffi- 
ciently provided  for  in  this  case.' — 
Strype,  Life  of  Grindal,  p.  123,  ed. 
1821.  Chaucer,  in  The  Court  of  Love, 
has — 

'  And  eke  remember  thyne  habilitt 
May  not  compare  with  hir,  this  well  thowe 
wote.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  36,  ed.  1866. 

Spenser  uses  this  form  in  The  Faerie 
Queene : 

'  The  lusty  Aladine,  though  meaner  borne 
And  of  lesse  livelood  and  hability, 
Yet  full  of  valour,  the  which  did  adorn 
His  meanesse  much.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  132,  ed.  1866. 

Habundaunce,  abundance. — II.  73, 
138.  It  seems  to  have  been  usual  to  pre- 
fix the  aspirate  to  this,  as  well  as  to  the 
parent  word,  the  French  abondance. 
Thus  in  Flore  et  Blanceflor,  a  poem  of 
the  thirteenth  century  we  have — 

*  Home  fesis  a  ta  saulance 
Apres  li  donas  habondance 
Del  fruit  que  auoies  plante*.' 

P.  32,  ed.  Bekker  1844. 

The  same  form  occurs  in  a  poem  of 
Charles,  'Duke  of  Orleans,  who  died 
in  1465 — 

'  Je  te  feray  avoir  de  eulx  accointance  ; 
La  trouverons  de  tous  biens  habondance.' 

And  in  a  ballad  of  the  same  period, 

'  Prince,  s'on  dit,  avoir  vaillance 
Pour  mentir  a  grant  habnndance 
Et  pour  faulsete  maintenir. 
Vous  verrez  icelluy  venir 
A  grant  honneur,  n'endoubtez  mie.' 

Patsies  deCh.  ducd'Orl.  pp.  2,  429,  ed.  1842. 

In  the  sixteenth  century  Marot  wrote — 

'  Amour  respond,  de  traictz  grosse  habondance 
Luy  ay  tire  :  mais  je  te  faiz  grevance, 
Car  ton  cueura,  dont  elle  faict  pavoys 

Centre  le  coup. ' 
(Euvres,  torn.  iv.  p.  279,  ed.  1731,  4to. 

Palsgrave  at  the  same  period  has,  'Ha- 
bundance,  plentie— habundance  s,  f.' — 
UEsclair.  p.  228. 

Chaucer,  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose, 
uses  the  aspirated  form  like  the  French, 


GLOSSARY. 


523 


'  For  richesse  stonte  in  suffisaunce, 
And  no  thyng  in  habundannce.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  170,  ed.  1866. 

Hache,  a  battle  axe.— 1. 188.  Simply 
the  French  word,  which  the  author  has 
borrowed  like  butin  and  many  others. 
Palsgrave  gives  '  Hachette  for  a  man 
of  armes — hasche  darmes,  f. ,  and  '  Axe  a 
toole — hache  s,  f.' — IJEsclair.  pp. 
196,  229.  It  is  also  used  by  Peter  of 
Langtoft : 

'  That  was  Guy  of  Werwik,  as  the  boke  sais, 
Ther  he  slouh  Colibrant  with  hache  Daneis.* 
Chron.  p.  32,  ed.  Hearne,  1725. 

Hakneyman,  one  who  lets  out  hacks 
for  hire. — I.  63.  In  his  Dictionary  Elyot 
has  '  Mannus,  an  amblynge  hackeney' 
The  word  is  of  course  derived  from  the 
French  hacquenee,  which  Cotgrave 
translates  '  An  ambling  horse,  gelding, 
or  mare.' — Palsgrave  gives  'Hackeney 
horse — hacq^lenee  z,  f.' — U Esclair.  p. 
228.  Lobineau,  a  Benedictine  who 
published  a  voluminous  Histoire  de 
Bretagne  in  the  i8th  century,  gives 
amongst  his  '  Preuves '  a  codicil  to  the 
will  of  Olivier  de  Clisson,  dated  6  Feb. 
1406,  in  which  occurs  the  following 
clause  :  '  Item,  dedit  R.  in  Christo  P. 
D.  Johanni  D.  G.  Episcopo  Briocensi 
suum  gradarium  flavum,  vulgariter  sa 
hacquenee  fattve.' — Tom.  ii.  col.  827, 
ed.  1707.  In  Elyot's  Dictionary,  'gra- 
darii  equi '  is  translated  '  amblynge 
horses.'  In  an  inquisition  postmortem 
taken  at  Nismes,  8  Feb.,  1392,  we  find 
the  following  under  the  head  of  Re- 
cepta :  '  A  Johanne  Arraudi,  pro  una 
hacqueneyd  morella,  xxxii  franc,  val. 
xxxii.  libr.  Turon.  A  magistro  Johanne 
de  Bucy,pro  uno  roncino  bay,xvi  franc, 
val.  xvi.  libr.  Turon.' — Menard.  Hist, 
de  la  Villede  Nismes,  torn.  iii.  (Preuves) 
p.  169,  ed.  1752.  A  warrant  of  Ed  ward 
III.  to  Will  de  Weston,  the  king's 
squire,  and  John  Legg,  sergeant-at- 
arms,  to  conduct  the  two  sons  of 
Charles  de  Bloys  to  the  Castle  of  Not- 
tingham, commands  the  Sheriffs, 
Mayors,  &c.,  to  provide  '  Hakeneios, 
cariagia,  et  alia  necessaria  pro  ductione 
filiorum  prsedictorum  in  hac  parte  pro 
denariis  nostris  inde  solvendis.' — 


Rymer,  torn.  vii.  p.  27,  ed.  1709. 
Froissart,  in  his  account  of  Scotland  in 
1327,  says,  'Certain  est  que,  quand 
ils  veulent  entrer  en  Angleterre,  ils 
sont  tous  a  cheval  les  uns  et  les 
autres,  excepte  la  ribaudaille  qui  les 
suit  a  pied ;  c'est  a  savoir,  sont  les 
chevalliers  et  ecuyers  bien  monies 
sur  bons  gros  roncins,  et  les  autres 
communes  gens  du  pays  sur  petites 
hacquentes? — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  25, 
ed.  P.  L.  Lord  Berners  translates 
this  :  *  The  knyghtis  and  squiers  are 
well  horsed,  and  the  comon  people 
and  other,  on  litell  hakeneys  and  gel- 
dyngis.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  18.  From 
this  it  may  inferred  that  hacquene'e  was 
derived  from  haque,  which  Du  Cange 
explains  to  mean,  '  semiexsectus,  Gall, 
a  moitie  coupe. '  It  is  less  difficult  to  ac- 
cept Littre's  derivation  from  the  German 
hack  =  cheval,  than  to  comprehend  how 
'hackney'  can  be  deduced  from  that 
and  nag.  Indeed  he  scarcely  seems 
more  happy  in  tracing  the  origin  of  this 
word  than  Minsheu,  who  can  only  sug- 
gest that  it  is  '  dictus  a  pedibus  alter- 
natim  elevatis  ac  sonitum  reddentibus, 
Hacke,  Hacke,  Hacke.'  In  his  ac- 
count of  the  tournament  between  John 
Savage  and  Regnault  de  Roye  at  St. 
Ingelberts,  in  1390,  Froissart  tells  us 
that  '  Les  Anglois  vinrent  a  Jean  Sau- 
vaige  et  lui  dirent  que  il  en  avoit  assez 
fait  pour  ce  jour  et  que  honorablement 
il  s'en  departoit.  ...  II  obeit  a  cette 
parole,  et  mit  lance  et  targe  jus,  et  de- 
scendit  du  coursier,  et  monta  sur  un 
rorissin  pour  voir  courir  les  autres.' 
Chron.  torn.  iii.  p.  49;  which  Lord 
Berners  renders,  '  He  obeyed  and  ran  no 
more,  and  alyghted  of  his  horse,  and 
lept  on  a  small  hackeney  to  se  other 
rynne.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  472.  It  is 
curious  that  Cotgrave  interprets  Roussin 
in  quite  a  different  way:  '  A  curtail,  or 
strong  German  horse,'  and  Roussin  de 
service,  'a  horse  of  armes  or  for  the 
warre,  a  good  strong  horse  fit  to  serve 
on.'  Chaucer,  in  The  Prologe  of  the 
Chanounes  Yeman,  speaks  of-— 

'A  man  that  clothed  was  in  clothes  blake, 
And  under  that  he  had  a  whit  surplice, 
His  kakfttey,  that  was  a  pomely  grice, 


524 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


So  swete,  that  it  wonder  was  to  se.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  46. 

And  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose,  he 
describes  a  young  man  who 

'  In  clothyng  was  he  ful  fetys, 
And  lovede  to  have  welle  hors  of  prys. 
He  wende  to  have  reproved  be 
Of  theft  or  moordre,  if  that  he 
Hadde  in  his  stable  ony  hakeney' 

Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  35. 

In  the  old  play  entitled  '  Hickscorner, ' 
one   of  the    characters    (Imagination) 


'  Yes,  once  I  stall  (stole)  a  horse  in  the  field, 
And  leapt  on  him  for  to  have  ridden  my 

way; 
At  the  last  a  baily  me  met  and  beheld, 

And  bad  me  stand ;  then  was  I  in  a  fray  ; 
He  asked,  whither  with  that  horse  I  would 

gone  ; 

And  then  I  told  him  it  was  mine  own; 
He  said  I  had  stolen  him,  and  I  said  nay  ; 
"This  is,"  said    he,    "my  brother's  hack- 
ney." 

For,  and  I  had  not  excused  me,  without  fail, 
By  our  lady  he  would  have  lad  me  straight 

to  jail ; 
And  then   I   told  him  the  horse  was  like 

mine, 
A  brown  bay,  a  long  mane,  and  did  halt 

behine  ; 
Thus  I  told  him,  that  such  another  horse  I 

did  lack. 

And  yet  I  never  saw  him,  nor  came  on  his 
back.' 

Dodsley,  Old  English  Plays,  vol.  i. 
p.  160,  ed.  1874. 

Bishop  Hooper,  in  his  Declaration  of 
the  Ten  Commandments,  says  that 
'  those,  that  would  be  accounted  Chris- 
tians, paint  God  and  his  saints  with  such 
pictures  as  they  imagine  in  their  fan- 
tasies— Saint  George,  with  a  long  spear 
upon  a  jolly  hackney,  that  gave  the 
dragon  his  death- wound,  as  the  painters 
say,  in  the  throat.' — Early  Writings,  p. 
320,  ed.  Par.  Soc.  In  Withal's  Dic- 
tionarie  we  find  the  very  word  used  by 
Elyot  thus  defined  and  translated  :  '  A 
hackney  man,  or  he  that  letteth  out 
horse  to  be  hyred.  Veterinarius,  vel 
locator  equorum,  qui  pro  mercede  locat 
equum.* — Fo.  17  b,  ed.  1568.  In  the 
old  play  of  Soliman  and  Perseda  a 
servant  called  Piston  says — 

'  Why,  then,  by  this  reck'ning,  a  hackneyman 
Should  have  ten  shillings  for  horsing  a  gentle- 


Where  he  hath  but  tenpence  of  a  beggar.' 
Dodsley,  Old  English  Plays,  vol.  v.  p.  281. 

Handsell,  earnest-money,  i.e.  ge- 
nerally a  small  sum,  paid  by  the  buyer 
to  the  seller  on  striking  a  bargain,  as  the 
outward  and  visible  sign  of  the  contract, 
and  hence  it  was  used  for  good  luck. 
— II.  113.  This  is  a  pure  Anglo- 
Saxon  word.  In  Somner's  Dictionary 
we  find  '//«a!^-j^w  =  Mancipatio,  a 
putting  over  into  another's  hand  or 
possession.  Hinc  nostratium  handsellS 
It  is  evidently  derived  from  the  verb, 
'  Hand-syllan  =  mancipare,  to  deliver 
possession,  to  make  livery  and  seisin.' 
In  the  Promptorium  we  find,  '  Hansale, 
Strena. '  Now  Elyot  in  his  Dictionary 
renders  strena,  '  a  newe  yeres  gyfte  or 
present.'  The  Latin  word,  however, 
was  used  for  any  present  or  gift,  for  in 
a  decree  of  the  Council  of  Mexico,  held 
in  1585,,  we  find  the  following  pro- 
vision against  Simony  :  '  Haec  Synodus 
prsecipit,ne  quisquam  Ecclesiasticus  sive 
saecularis,  cujuscumquedignitatis  condi- 
tionisve  existat,  pacta  conventionesve 
facial,  aut  pecunias  promittat,  aliave 
strenarum  nomine,  si  Prasbenda  obtine- 
atur,  aut  mercedis  prsetextu,  pro  sollici- 
tudine,  aut  ad  obtinendum  favorem 
quorumcumque  aulicorum,  &c.,  qui 
prsesentationes  hujusmodi  conferre  de- 
bent  ....  nee  aliter  quovis  modo 
de  similibus  paciscatur  per  se,  nee  per 
interpositam  personam.'  —  Saenz  de 
Aguirre,  Collect.  Condi.  Hispan.  torn.  vi. 
p.  150,  ed.  1755.  And  this  name  was 
applied  to  the  gifts  which  were  offered 
to  cardinals  on  their  election.  For  a 
Master  of  Ceremonies  at  the  Papal 
Court  in  1495,  &fter  giving  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  proceedings  observed  upon 
the  creation  of  Guillaume  B^onnet, 
Cardinal  Bishop  of  St.  Malo,  in  the 
presence  of  Charles  VIII.,  goes  on  to  tell 
us  in  his  journal,  '  Dedi  eadem  die  Re- 
verendissimo  D.  Macloviensi  (the  Car- 
dinal Bishop  elect)  informationem  com- 
petentem  de  strenis  consuetis  persol- 
vendis  per  cedulam  hujusmodi  tenoris,' 
and  then  follows  a  list  of  the  various 
pontifical  officials,  with  the  gratuities 
due  to  them  respectively.  See  Gode- 
froy,  Hist,  de  Charles  VIII.,  p.  713, 


GLOSSARY. 


525 


ed.  1684.  It  may  be  observed  here 
that  from  this  word  '  strena '  is  derived 
the  French  estraine  or  estreine,  mod. 
etrenne,  which  Cotgrave  translates,  'a 
new-yeares  gift  or  present ;  also  a 
Handsell.'  He  also  gives  estreine 
«  Handselled  ;  that  hath  the  handsell  or 
first  use  of ; '  and  estrener  '  to  handsell, 
or  bestow  a  new  years  gift  on.'  Pals- 
grave gives,  '  Handsel— estrayne  s.,  V 
and  '  I  hansell  one,  I  gyve  him  money 
in  a  mornyng  for  suche  wares  as  he 
selleth.  Je  estrene,  prim,  conj.' — L'Es- 
clair.  pp.  229,  578.  The  English  word 
occurs  in  a  curious  poem,  '  On  the  De- 
position of  Rich.  II.,'  which  Mr. 
Wright  thinks  was  composed  early  in 
Sept.  1399. 

'  Some  helde  with  the  mo, 
How  it  evere  wente  ; 
And  somme  dede  rich  so, 
And  wolld  go  no  fforther  ; 
Some  parled  as  perte, 
As  provyd  welle  after, 
And  clappid  more  ffor  the  coyne 
That  the  kyng  owed  hem. 
Thanne  ffor  comfforte  of  the  comyne 
That  her  cost  paied, 
And  were  behote  hansell, 
If  they  helpe  wolde, 
To  be  servyd  sekirly 
Of  the  same  silvere.' 
Political  Poems,  vol.  i.  p.  416,  the  Rolls  ed. 

The  word  is  also  found  in  The  Vision  of 
Piers  Ploughman : 

'  Geve  Gloton  with  glad  chere 
Good  ale  to  kanselle.' 

Vol.  i.  p.  96,  ed.  1842. 

In  Huloet's  Abcedarium  we  find,  '  Han- 
sell,  or  good  lucke,  Strena?  Phaer 
translated  the  lines  of  Virgil, 

'  Nee  Turnum  segnis  retinet  mora  :  sed  rapit 

acer 
Totam  aciem  in  Teucros,  et  contra  in  litore 

sistit. 
Signa  canunt :    primus    turmas    invasit    a- 

grestes 
./Eneas,  omen  pugnse,  stravitque  Latinos.' 

ALn.  x.  308-311. 

as  follows  : 

'Ne  Turnus  sluggish  sloth  doth  stay,   but 

fierce  with  speed  he  bends 
Gainst  Troians   all  his  power,  and  on  the 

shore  afront  them  tends. 
They  blow  alarme,  -(Eneas  first  the  rusticke 

sort  sets  on 

For  happy  hansils  sake,  and  Latines  laies 
the  ground  upon.' 

Signal.  P.  vi.,  ed.  1584. 


In  the  following  passage  the  word  is 
used  in  precisely  the  same  sense  as  by 
Elyot.  In  the  preface  of  his  translation 
of  Plutarch's  Lives,  Amyot  had  said, 
'Eutropius  met,  que  iusques  a  son  temps, 
quand  un  nouueau  Empereur  venoit  a 
estre  receu  au  Senat,  entre  les  cris 
d' heureux  presage  et  les  souhaits  qu'on 
luy  faisoit,  on  luy  crioit :  Que  puisses- 
tu  estre  plus  heureux  qu'Auguste  et 
meilleur  que  Traian.' — Vies  des  horn, 
illust.  torn.  i.  ed.  1565.  This  is  ren- 
dered by  North,  '  Eutropius  reporteth 
that  euen  unto  his  time  when  a  new 
Emperour  came  to  be  receiued  of  the 
Senate,  among  the  cries  of  good  hanoell 
and  the  wishes  of  good  lucke  that  were 
made  unto  him,  one  was  :  Happier  be 
thou  than  Augustus,  and  better  than 
Traian.'  Holland  also  uses  the  word 
several  times  as  the  equivalent  of  au- 
spicium,  primitias,  in  his  translation  of 
Ammianus  Marcellinus,  as  ex.  gr. 
*  Quo  mserore  perculsus,  velut  primo 
adventantium  malorum  auspicio,  mur- 
murans  querulis  vocibus  saepe  audie- 
batur,  nihil  se  plus  adsequutum,  quam  ut 
occupatior  interiret.' — Lib.  xv.  cap.  8. 
ed.  1773.  '  With  which  woful  tidings 
being  sore  astonied,  as  it  were  the  first 
hanselt  and  beginning  of  evils  comming 
toward  him.' — The  Roman  Historie, 
p.  45,  ed.  1609.  And,  'Quibus  vin- 
cendi  primitiis  laetus,  per  Treveros  hie- 
maturus  apud  Senonas  oppidum  tune 
opportunum  abscessit.' — Lib.  xvi.  cap. 
3.  '  He  joyous  of  these  good  hansels 
and  overtures  to  conquest  and  victorie, 
departed  by  Treviri,  &c.' — Ibid.  p.  54. 
Again,  '  Ad  hoc  igitur  dehonestamen- 
tum  honorum  omnium  ludibrios&  sub- 
latus,  et  ancillari  adulatione  beneficii 
alloquutus  auctores,  opesque  pollicitus 
amplas  et  dignitates  ob  principals  pri- 
mitias, processit  in  publicum  multitu- 
dine  stipatus  armorum.' — Lib.  xxvi. 
cap.  6.  *  Being  thus  after  a  ridiculous 
manner  lifted  up  to  this  degree  in  dis- 
grace (as  it  were)  and  mockerie  of  all 
honours,  and  by  way  of  servile  flatterie 
having  made  a  speech  unto  the  authors 
of  this  benefit  and  advancement  of  his, 
yea,  and  promised  unto  them  great 
riches  and  dignities  for  this  hansell  and 


526 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


first  fruits  (as  it  were)  of  his  empire, 
foorth  hee  went  in  procession  into  the 
streets.' — Ibid.  p.  293.  The  phrase 
above  mentioned  by  •  Palsgrave  is  well 
illustrated  by  M.  Misson  de  Valbourg, 
who  shows  that  the  term  was  in  use 
in  precisely  the  same  sense  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  'Toutes  sortes 
de  gens  font  un  cas  particulier  de  1'ar- 
gent  qtH'ils  appellent  d'etrenne^  c'est-a- 
dire  de  1'argent  qu'ils  re9oivent  de  la 
premiere  vente  qu'ils  font.  Us  le  bai- 
sent  en  le  recevant,  crachent  dessus,  et 
le  mettent  dans  une  poche  a  part.' 
Mem,  et  Observations  en  Angleterre,  p. 
193,  ed.  1698.  Mr.  Ozell,  who  trans- 
lated Misson's  book,  renders  this,  '  In 
general  most  tradespeople  have  a 
particular  esteem  for  what  they  call 
handsel^  that  is  to  say,  the  first  money 
they  receive  in  a  morning  ;  they  kiss  it, 
spit  upon  it,  and  put  it  in  a  pocket  by 
itself.'—  Mem.  and  Obsetv.  p.  130,  ed. 
1719.  Holland  translated  the  follow- 
ing passage  of  Livy,  '  Nee  satis  constat 
cur  primus  ac  potissimus  ad  novum 
delibandum  honorem  sit  habitus '  (Lib. 
v.  cap.  12),  '  Neither  as  yet  is  it  cer- 
taine  knowne,  why  he  first  and  above 
all  others  was  counted  a  meet  man  to 
take  hansell,  or  take  sey  of  this  new 
dignitie  and  promotion.' — P.  188,  ed. 
1600.  Hooker  shows  us  conclusively 
that  the  word  was  considered  as  the 
equivalent  of  '  earnest.'  For  in  his 
Ecclesiastical  Polity  he  says,  'The  first 
thing  of  his  so  infused  into  our  hearts 
in  this  life  is  the  Spirit  of  Christ  .... 
therefore  the  apostles  term  it,  sometime 
the  seed  of  God,  sometime  the  pledge 
of  our  heavenly  inheritance,  sometime 
the  handsel  or  earnest  of  that  which  is 
to  come.' — P.  202,  ed.  1723.  It  is 
most  probable  that  the  woid  auncel, 
applied  to  a  particular  weight,  was 
merely  the  Norman  way  of  pronounc- 
ing the  Anglo-Saxon  word  'handsel' 
or  'hansell,'  as  sales  by  this  weight 
are  not  mentioned  out  of  England. 
The  statute  25  Edw.  III.,  cap.  9, 
passed  in  1351,  recites  that  'great 
damage  and  deceit  is  done  to  the 
people,  for  that  divers  merchants  use  to 
buy  and  weigh  wools  and  other  mer- 


chandises by  a  weight  which  is  called 
Auncel  (per  une  pois  qest  appelle 
Aunsell],  wherefore  it  is  accorded  and 
established  that  this  weight  called 
Auncel  betwixt  Buyers  and  Sellers  shall 
be  wholly  put  out,  and  that  every  per- 
son do  sell  and  buy  by  the  Balance 
(que  chescun  vend  et  achatte  per  Ba- 
lances).' This  weight,  however,  ap- 
pears to  have  held  its  own  for  almost 
another  century,  notwithstanding  the 
prohibition,  for  in  1430  the  then  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  Henry  Chicheley, 
published  a  Constitution  against  it,  in 
which  he  states  that  those  who  are  in- 
jured by  it  '  do  not  observe  that  the 
said  Aitncel  weight  is  so  vulgarly  call'd 
on  account  of  some  hidden  falsities  and 
frauds  therein  used.' — Collect,  of  Eccles. 
Laws,  &*<:.,  vol.  ii.  ed.  1720.  The 
Rev.  John  Johnson,  the  author  of  the 
work  last  quoted,  in  a  note  upon  the 
word,  says,  '  This  seems  plainly  to  be 
a  French  name,  and  by  what  follows  it 
appears  that  the  Constitutors  thought 
the  name  to  imply  something  of  deceit; 
therefore  our  etymologists  have  not 
hit  the  mark;  and  I  am  not  well  enough 
skill'd  in  the  French  tongue  to  offer  at 
a  new  etymology.'  In  Cowel's  Inter- 
preter, an  alternative  derivation  is  sug- 
gested for  Auncel,  '  from  Ansa,  i.e.  the 
handle  of  a  balance  ;  being  a  kind  of 
weight  with  scales  hanging  or  hooks 
fastened  to  each  end  of  a  beam  or  staff, 
which  a  man  lifting  up  upon  his  fore 
finger  or  hand,  discerneth  the  quality 
or  difference  between  the  weight  and 
the  thing  weigh'd. '  This  explanation, 
however,  apart  from  its  etymological 
defects,  is  open  to  the  objection  that  it 
takes  no  account  whatever  of  the  fact, 
which  is  patent  from  the  words  of  the 
statute  above  mentioned,  that  Auncel 
was  not  a  balance. 

Harborowe,  to  harbour  or  lodge,  i.e. 
to  track  a  stag  to  his  harbour  or  covert 
in  a  forest. — I.  194.  In  Sherwood's 
Engl.- French  Diet,  we  find  the  phrase 
'  To  harbour  a  stagge,  Aller  a  la  veue.' 
This  was  a  sporting  term,  and  to  dis- 
lodge a  stag  was  to  unharbour  or  rouse 
him.  So  that  the  two  words  are  used 
quite  correctly  by  Elyot  in  the  text,  to 


GLOSSARY. 


527 


express  two  operations  of  an  exactly 
opposite  character.  Our  greatest  au- 
thority on  this  point  is  George  Turber- 
ville,  in  his  Noble  Arte  of  Venerie,  which, 
however,  appears  to  be  merely  a  trans- 
lation of  a  French  work  on  the  same 
subject,  called  La  Vtnerie,  by  Jaques 
du  Fouilloux,  who  wrote  in  the  same 
century,  a  fact  which,  so  far  as  the 
Editor  is  aware,  has  not  been  noticed 
by  any  previous  writer.  A  comparison, 
however,  of  the  two  works  in  which 
precisely  the  same  wood-cuts  are  em- 
ployed, places  the  matter  beyond  doubt. 
Turberville,  in  his  glossary  of  hunting 
terms,  which  he  is  careful  to  tell  us 
'are  in  many  places  much  different 
from  the  French, '  says,  '  We  herbor 
and  unherbor  a  Harte,  we  lodge  and 
rowse  a  Bucke.'— P.  239.  The  differ- 
ence between  the  two  operations  is 
exemplified  in  the  following  song,  sup- 
posed to  be  sung  by  a  huntsman  : 

'  And  when  my  Hounde   doth  streyne  upon 

good  vent, 

I  must  confesse  the  same  dothe  me  content. 
But  when  I  haue,  my  couerts  walkt  aboute, 
And  harbred  fast  the  Harte  for  commyng 

oute, 

Then  I  returne  to  make  a  graue  reporte 
Whereas  I  finde  th'  assembly  doth  resorte. 
And  lowe  I  crouche  before  the  Lordings  all, 
Out  of  my  home  the  fewmets  lette  I  fall, 
And  other  signes  and  tokens  do  I  tell, 
To  make  them  hope  the   Harte  may  like 

them  well. 
Then    they    commaunde  that   I   the  wine 

should  taste, 
So  biddes  mine  Arte.    And  so  my  throte  I 

baste. 

The  dinner  done,  I  go  streightwayes  agayne 
Unto    my    markes,  and    shewe  my   Master 

playne, 
Then  put  my  Hounde  upon  the  view  to 

drawe 
And   rowse  the  Harte  out  of  his  layre  by 

lawe.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  61. 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  compare 
the  corresponding  French  terms,  the 
original  is  here  subjoined. 

'Tenant    mon    Chien   ie    prens  fort    grand 

plaisir, 

Quand  ie  cognois  que  du  Cerf  a  desir. 
Et  puis  trouuant  la  fillette  en  1'enceinte, 
Mon  art  permet  la  besongner  sans  fainte. 
Apres  qu'auray  trois  coups  fait  Ie  deuoir, 
Et  destourne  Ie  Cerf  a  mon  pouuoir, 
A  1'assemblee  alors  faut  retourner, 
Pour  mon  rapport  froidement  racompter. 


Donnant  salut  aux  Princes  ftt  Seigneurs, 
Et  les  fumees  monstrans  aux  cognoisseurs  : 
Lors  de  bon  vin  soudain  on  me  presente, 
Car  c'est  Ie  droit  de  1'art  qui  Ie  commande. 
Apres  disner  m'enuois  incontinant 
A  ma  brisee,  mon  maistre  entretenant. 
Puis  sur  les  voyes  mon  Chien   se  fait  en- 
tendre, 
Allant  lancer  Ie  Cerf  hors  de  sa  chambre.' 

La  Venerie,  fo.  23  b,  ed.  1844. 
Turberville  gives  the  following  instruc- 
tions for  finding  the  quarry :  '  If  it 
chaunce  that  the  huntesmen  finde  two 
or  three  places  where  the  Deare  hath 
entred,  and  as  many  where  he  hath 
comen  out,  then  must  he  marke  well 
which  entrie  seemeth  to  be  freshest,  and 
whether  the  places  where  he  came 
forth  agayne  were  not  beaten  the  same 
night.  For  an  Harte  doth  often  times 
goe  in  and  out  of  his  harbrough  in 
the  night,  especially  if  it  be  a  craftie 
olde  Deare  he  will  use  great  subtleties, 
beating  one  place  diuers  times  to  and 
fro.  Then  if  the  huntesman  can  not 
finde  all  his  goyngs  out  and  commings 
in,  nor  can  well  tell  which  of  them  he 
were  best  to  trust  unto,  he  muste  then 
take  his  compasse  and  ryngwalke  the 
greater  about  the  couert,  so  as  he  may 
therein  enclose  all  his  subtleties,  entries 
and  commings  out.  And  when  he 
seeth  that  all  is  compassed  within  his 
ryngwalke,  excepting  onely  one  com- 
ming  in  whereby  he  might  be  come  from 
the  springs  or  feedes,  then  must  he  let 
his  houndes  draw  hardly,  and,  if  it  be 
possible,  let  him  drawe  euen  to  the 
hartes  layre  or  harbour,  for  he  maye 
well  thinke  that  those  pathes  or  trackes 
will  bring  him  to  it.  And  in  this 
manner  huntesmen  should  harbour 
their  Deare,  but  not  as  many  huntesmen 
do  now  adayes.  For  if  they  can  not 
quickly  come  to  the  harbour  of  an 
Harte,  they  then  will  foyle  the  gappes, 
so  to  make  him  harbour,  which  is 
often  times  a  cause  that  they  finde 
nothing  in  their  circuites  or  walks.' 
Ubi  supra,  p.  78,  ed.  1575.  Compare 
this  with  the  original  French  :  '  Que  si 
d'auanture  Ie  Veneur  trouuoit  deux  or 
trois  entrees  et  autant  de  sorties,  il  doit 
bien  regarder  laquelle  entree  Pemporte 
allant  de  meilleur  temps,  et  si  les 
sorties  ne  sont  point  de  la  nuict :  parce 


528 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


qu'un  Cerf  sort  et  entre  plusieurs  fois 
la  nuict  dedans  son  fort :  ou  bien,  si 
c'est  un  Cerf  malicieux,  il  pourra  faire 
de  grandes  ruses,  allant  et  reuenant  sur 
luy  plusieurs  fois  :  lors  si  le  Veneur  ne 
pouuoit   venir  a   bout   de    toutes    ces 
sorties  et  entrees,  ne  s£achant  laquelle 
de   toutes  le  pourroit  emporter,  il  faut 
qu'a   1'heure   il   prenne  ses  cernes    et 
enceinctes    plus  grandes,  et    enfermer 
dedans    toutes    ses   ruses,    entrees,    et 
sorties.      Puis   quand  il  verra   que   le 
tout  demeure  en  son  enceinte,  excepte 
seulement  une   entree   par  laquelle   il 
pourroit  estre  venu  des  tailles  ou  gai- 
gnages  a  1'heure   faut  qu'il  mette  son 
chien  dessus,  et  le  face,  s'il  est  possible, 
faulcer  iusques  au  fort :  car  il  faut  pre- 
sumer  que  ces  voyes  1'emportent.     Et 
en  ceste  maniere  se  doiuent  destourner 
les    Cerfs,    non  pas  comme   font    les 
Veneurs    du    iourd'huy :     car     depuis 
qu'ils  voyent  qu'ils  ne  peuuent  venir  a 
bout  d'un  Cerf,  ils  se  mettent  a  fouler 
les  forts  pour  le  laiuer,  qui  est  souuen- 
tesfois  cause  qu'ils  ne  trouuent  rien  en 
leurs  enceinctes.' — La  Venerie,  fo.  29 
b,  ed.  1844.     In  his  Dictionary  Elyot 
renders    '  stabulari  damas  aut  cervos,' 
'falowe   deere   or   redde   dere    to    be 
lodged  or  harborowed,'  and  'stabulatio' 
1  harborowynge  or   lodgynge   of  dere.' 
The  word  itself  is  derived  from  the  ob- 
solete  French   verb   herberger.       Pals- 
grave has,  '  Harborowe— hostelaige,  lo- 
gis,  herberge; '  and  '  I  harborowe,  I  lodge 
oneinaninne.  Je  herberge,  prim.  conj. 
I  intende  to  harborowe  folkes  no  more  : 
je  nay  point  d'intencion  de  herberger  des 
gens  dycy  en  auant.' — VEsclair.    pp. 
229>  579-     M.  Littre  derives  herberger, 
mod.  heberger,  from   the  old    German 
word  heriberga,  a  military  encampment, 
from  heri,  an  army,  and  berge,  a  lodg- 
ing.     '  Proprement  logement  des  gens 
de  guerre,  puis  par  extension  du  sens 
logis    en   general   et   meme    Aiiberge.'1 
Thus  in  Christine  de  Pisan,  a  writer  of 
the   fifteenth   century,    we  read,  '  Que 
1'ost  puisse  surprendre  ses  ennemis  en 
prenant  leur  repast,  ou  de  nuit  en  leurs 
hebarges,  ou  aucunement  despourveus.' 
—P.  267,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.     We  find  the 
verb  in  Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose : 


'  Car  li  leus  d'oisiaus  herbergier 
N'estoit  ne  dangereux  ne  chiches, 
One  mes  ne  fu  nus  leus  si  riches 
D'arbres,  ne  d'oisillons  chantans.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  21,  ed.  1814. 

And  this  is  rendered  by  Chaucer  : 

'  The  garden  was  not  daungerous 
To  herberive  briddes  many  oon. 
So  riche  a  yeer  was  never  noon 
Of  briddes  songe,  and  braunches  grene.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  16,  ed.  1866. 

Spenser,  in  The  Shepheard's  Calender, 
says, 

'  Leave  me  those  hilles  where  harbroTigh  nis 

to  see, 
Nor   holy    bush,    nor   brere,    nor    winding 

witche  ; 
And  to  the  dales  resort,  where  shipheards 

ritch, 

And  fruictfull  flocks,    bene  every  where  to 
see.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  46,  ed.  1866. 

In  this  last  passage,  'harbrough'  is 
manifestly  used,  as  we  should  say, 
'covert.'  The  Editor  is  informed  that 
the  term  '  to  harbour  '  is  still  employed 
in  the  same  technical  sense  by  the  hunts- 
men on  Exmoor. 

Harneise,  Harnes,  defensive  armour 
for  the  body.  —\\.  14,  78.  The  French 
hamois^  which  Cotgrave  renders  '  Ar- 
mour, harnesse.  '  In  the  Promptorium 
we  find,  '  Harneys  or  rayment,  Para- 
mentum,  '  and  '  Harneysyn  or  a-rayyn 
wythe  harneys  and  wepyne  (harneysyn 
or  armyn)  Armo?  We  find  the  word 
in  the  thirteenth  century  : 

'  Quant  li  pelerins  venu  furent 
A  Male-Bouche  ou  venir  durent, 
Tout  lor  hernois  moult  pres  d'eu*  mistrent, 
Delez  Male-Bouche  s'assistrent.' 

Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  ii.  p.  388. 

Chaucer  translates  this  literally  : 

'  Whan  the  pylgrymes  comen  were 


Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  228. 

Froissart,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  says, 
'  Les  Escots  sont  durs  et  hardis  et  fort 
travaillans  en  armes  et  en  guerre.'  — 
Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  25,  ed.  P.  L.  ;  which 
Lord  Berners  translates,  «  These  Scot- 
tysshe  men  are  right  hardy,  and  sore 


GLOSSARY. 


529 


travelyng  in  harneys  and  in  warres.'— 
Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  18.     Again,   speaking 
of  the    English   army   in    Scotland  in 
1327,     the    French    chronicler    says, 
1  Toutes  les  nuits  les  Anglois  faisoient 
grands   guets   et  forts,  car  ils  se  dou- 
toient  du  reveillement  des  Escots  .... 
et  gissoient  presque  tous  les  seigneurs 
en  leurs  armures.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  32. 
Lord    Berners    renders    this,    '  Euery 
nyght   the   englisshe   oste  made  good 
and    sure    watche,    for    they    doubted 
makyng  of  skryes  ;  and  euer  the  most 
part  of  the  oste  laye  in  their  harneys.'' 
Ubi  supra,    p.    24.     Again   we    read, 
'  Pareillement     Pierre     de    Courtenay 
venu  a  Calais,  il  ne  mit  point  en  oubli 
ce  que  promis  et  creante  avoit ;  mais  se 
pourvut  de    bonnes  et  fortes  armures 
a  son  point;  et  ja  en  etoit-il  tout  pourvu, 
car  harnois  pour  son  corps  bon  et  bel  il 
avoit  mis  hors  d'Angleterre  et  fait  ame- 
ner  a  Paris.' — Ubi  supra,  torn.  iii.  pp. 
19,20.  The  English  version  of  the  above 
is,  '  In  lyke  manner  Sir  Peter  Courtney, 
whanne  he  came  to  Calays,  he  forgate 
nat  the  promyse  that  he  had  made,  but 
prouyded  hym  of  good  armure  and  of 
euery  thyng  elles  :  as  for  harnesse  he 
had  redy  suche  as  he  had  caryed  with 
hym  out  of  Englande  into  Fraunce.'— 
Ubi  supra,    vol.   ii.   p.   445.     From  a 
MS.    of  the    fifteenth   century  in    the 
Royal   Library  at  Paris,  published  by 
M.  Marc  de  Vulson,  we  learn  that  for 
tournaments,   '  le  harnois  de  corps  est 
comme  une  cuirasse,  ou  comme  un  har- 
nois a  pied  qu'on  appelle  tonnelet :  et 
aussi  peut-on    bien  tournoyer  en  bri- 
gandines   qui   veut  :    mais  en  quelque 
fa£on    de   harnois    de     corps    que  on 
veiiille  tournoyer,  est  de   necessite  sur 
toute  riens,  que  ledit  harnois   soit    si 
large  et  si  ample  qu'on  puisse  vestir  et 
mettre  dessoubz  un  pourpoint  ou  corset 
....  Les   harnois    des   iambes  sont 
ainsi  et  de  semblable  fa9on,  comme  on 
les  porte  en  la  guerre  sans  autre  diffe- 
rence.'— Le  Thedtre  cT Honneur,  torn.  i. 
PP-  56,  57,  ed.  1648.     In  The  Knightes 
Tale  we  are  told  that, 


'  Arcite  is  riden  anon  to  the  toun, 
And  on  the  morwe,  or  it  were  day  light, 
Ful  prively  two  harneys  hath  he  dight, 

II. 


M 


Bothe  sufficaunt  and  mete  to  darreyne 
The  batayl  in  the  feeld  betwix  hem  tweyne. 
And  on  his  hors,  alone  as  he  was  born, 
He  caryed  al  this  harneys  him  byforn.' 

Chaucer,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  51. 

In   Godfrey   of  Bulloigne  we   are   told 
that  the  hero 

'Arose,  that  day  he  laid  aside 
His  hawberke  strong  he  wontes  to  combat  in, 
And  dond  a  brestplate  faire,  of  proofe  un- 

tride, 
Such  one  as  footmen  use,  light,  easie,  thin, 

— ; And  every  hardie  knight 

His    sample    follow 'd,     and     his     brethren 

twaine, 
The  other  princes  put  on  harnesse  light, 

As  footemen  use ' 

Vol.  ii.  pp.  30,  31,  ed.  1817. 

It  was,  no  doubt,  such  armour  as  that 
last  mentioned  which  is  referred  to  by 
Hall,  when  speaking  of  the  delivery 
of  Rouen  in  1448,  he  says,  'After  the 
Frenche  king  had  once  by  his  Herault 
somoned  the  citie,  the  inhabitauntes 
not  onely  sought  ways  and  inuented 
fraudes  how  to  betray  the  same,  but 
also  put  on  harms  and  rebelled  against 
their  capitaynes. ' — Chron.  Hen.  VI.  fo. 
cliv  b,  ed.  1548.  M.  du  Bellay,  de- 
scribing the  armour  worn  by  the  soldiers 
of  Francis  I. ,  says,  '  Toutesfois  c'est 
chose  certaine,  qu'un  homme  arme  le- 
gerement  ne  fera  iamais  1' effort  que 
rhomme  arme  seurement,  lequel  ne 
peut  estre  endommage  de  coups  de 
main,  au  lieu  que  le  Cheual  leger  est 
expose  aux  coups  en  plusieurs  endroits 
de  sa  personne.  Et  ce  pour  cause  de 
son  Harnois  qui  n'est  si  pesant,  ne  si 
seur  que  celuy  de  1'Homme  d'armes 
doit  estre,  et  non  sans  cause  :  car  a  la 
peine  que  les  Cheuaux  legers,  et  les 
autres  armez  legerement  doyuent  pren- 
dre,  n'y  auroit  corps  qui  peust  souffrir 
la  pesanteur  du  Harnois  complet,  ne 
Cheual  qui  le  peust  porter  :  mais  les 
Hommes  d'armes  qui  sont  ordonnez 
pour  demeurer  fermes,  et  non  pour 
courir  9a  et  la,  pourront  estre  chargez 
d' \\nffarno2s  pesant.' — Discipl.  Mtlit. 
fo.  50  b,  ed.  1592.  Sir  John  Wallop, 
writing  home  to  the  Privy  Council  from 
the  English  camp  at  Bethune,  3 1st  July, 
1543,  and  describing  an  impromptu  tour- 
nament, which  he  had  arranged  between 
half  a  dozen  Englishmen  and  the  same 

M 


530 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


number  of  Frenchmen,  says,  *  Caw- 
verley,  my  man,  was  preased  to  make 
the  fairest  courses  of  them  all  ;  yet  by 
the  yvill  runnyng  of  a  Frenchemans 
horse,  that  flede  owt,  strake  hym  under 
the  armepitt  throughe  the  body,  and 
persed  his  harnes  in  the  backe,  so  as  he 
is  sooer  hurt  and  in  grete  danger,  not 
hable  to  be  brought  backe  to  our  camp, 
but  carryed  to  Thurwanne,  where  he  is 
well  entreated.  This  morning  haveing 
hard  from  thens,  have  some  hope  of  his 
life;  and  the  thing  shall  put  hym  most 
in  danger  is  the  gusset  that  is  stryken 
into  his  body.' — State  Pap.  vol.  ix.  p. 

459- 

Hauiour,  Hauour,  substance,  pro- 
perty.—I.  26,  230;  II.  51,  409  and  note. 
The  following  passages  may  be  cited 
in  addition  to  those  given  in  the  above 
note.  The  statute,  I  Hen.  VII.  cap. 
2,  entitled  'An  acte  that  Denysons 
shall  paye  Custome  and  Subsidy,'  re- 
cites that  in  consequence  of  divers 
grants  of  denization,  made  by  Ed.  IV. 
to  divers  merchant  strangers,  born  out 
of  this  realm,  the  latter  '  oft  tymes  suffre 
other  straungers  not  denesyns  deceite- 
fully  to  ship  and  cary  grete  and  notable 
substaunce  of  merchaundise  in  their 
names,  by  the  which  the  seid  goodes  be 
freed  of  custome  in  likewise  as  they 
were  goodys  of  a  Denesyn,  where  of 
right  they  owe  to  pay  custome  as  the 
goods  of  straungers  by  the  whiche  they 
be  gretely  avaunsed  in  richesse  and 
havour?  We  can  easily  trace  the  deri- 
vation of  this  word  from  the  original 
Parliament  Roll,  on  which  the  last 
clause  runs  as  follows,  '  per  la  quel  ils 
sont  graundement  avancez  en  riches  et 
avoir.'  Wolsey,  writing  to  Sampson 
and  Jerningham,  the  king's  ambassa- 
dors in  Germany,  in  1523,  says, 
'Finally  His  Majeste,  shewing  the  good 
newes  of  arrival  of  certein  golde  from 
his  Isles,  desireth  that  prisoners  of 
haveour  takyn  in  the  Kinges  armye 
may  be  reserved  for  redemyng  of  suche 
of  the  Duke  of  Burbons  frendes  as  the 
Frenche  king  hathe  takyn  and  at- 
tached.'— State  Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  185. 
And  Wriothesley  and  Vaughan,  in  a 
letter  to  the  king,  from  St.  Quentin, 


dated  loth  Oct.  1538,  say,  'He  (i.e. 
Don  Diego  de  Mendoza)  receyved  our 
message  very  thankfully,  and  promised 
us  aunswere  in  the  mornyng,  which 
he  sent  unto  us  by  a  gentleman  of  his, 
by  all  lightly woode  of  good  flavour? — 
Ibid.  vol.  viii.  p.  67.  The  substantive 
'  having '  is  constantly  used  by  Shake- 
speare in  the  same  sense,  and  is  in  fact 
only  another  version  of  the  same  word . 
Haulte,  haughty,  lit.  high,  or  as  we 
say  high  and  mighty. — II.  12,  40,  43. 
The  French  hault.  Palsgrave  has, 
'  Hyghe  myghty — m.  et  f.  excelse  s ; 
m.  hault  s,  f.  haulte  s.' — VEsdair.  p. 
315.  Udall,  in  his  translation  of  the 
paraphrase  of  Erasmus  upon  St.  Mark 
i.,  says,  'The  spirite  of  the  deuil  and 
the  worlde  maketh  and  loueth  suche 
myndes  as  are  haute,  puffed  up  wyth 
pryde,  and  suche  as  are  fierce ;  but 
that  heauenly  spyryte  loueth  those 
whiche  are  lowlye,  meke,  and  peasible.' 
— Tom.  i.  fo.  cxviii.  ed.  1551.  The 
expression  used  by  Erasmus  being 
'animos  elatos.'  And  in  the  same 
version  we  find,  'The  hearte  of  this 
virgin  dyd  not  throughe  these  so  high 
promises  of  the  Aungell  weaxe  any  whit 
the  more  hault  to  take  highly  upon 
hir.' — Ubi  supra,  fo.  ccxxii.  ;  Erasmus 
having  written,  *  Ex  his  tarn  magnificis 
angeli  promissis,  nihilo  factus  est  inso- 
lentior  virginis  animus.'  —  Par.  in 
Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  p.  290,  ed.  1541. 
Lord  Ormond,  writing  from  Kilkenny, 
the  !4thMay,  1540,  to  the  Lord  Justice 
of  Ireland,  says,  '  O  Brene,  I  assure 
your  Lordshipp,  is  hault  and  prowde, 
and  nameth  O  Nele,  O  Connor,  and  the 
Tooles  his  Irishmen,  whome  he  enten- 
dith  to  defende.' — State  Pap.  vol.  iii. 
p.  207  note.  And  in  a  letter  from  Dacre 
to  Wolsey,  the  4th  March,  1524,  the 
former  mentions  'the  hault  and  un- 
fitting mattiers  and  requestes  couched 
in  the  seid  Dukes  (of  Albany)  instruc- 
tiones,  sent  with  his  said  secretary  to 
your  Grace.' — Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  73.  In 
the  Life  of  Sir  Peter  Carew,  printed  in 
the  Archceologia,  his  biographer,  refers 
to  the  same  incident  mentioned  by 
Sir  John  Wallop  in  a  letter  already 
quoted,  and  says,  '  Sir  George  Carewe 


GLOSSARY. 


531 


and  this  gentleman  (i.e.  Sir  Peter  C.) 
weare  of  soe  haulte  myndes  and  great 
corages,  that  they  requested  the  con- 
trarye  ;  and  forthwith  one  Shelley  and 
one  Calveley,  with  other  gentlemen, 
offered  sixe  for  sixe  to  awensweare  the 
chalenge  the  next  morninge.' — Vol. 
xxviii.  p.  106.  Spenser  uses  this  form 
in  The  Faerie  Queene  : 

'  Now  sure,  (then  said  Sir  Calidore,)and  right, 
Me   seemes,  that   him   befell   by   his   owne 

fault ; 
Who   ever   thinkes   through    confidence   of 

might, 
Or  through   support  of   count'nance    proud 

and  hault, 
To  wrong  the  weaker,  oft  falles  in  his  owne 

assault. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  123. 

Haunte,  to  be  conversant  or  familiar 
u'ith,  hence  to  study. — I.  82  ;  II.  340. 
It  will  be  seen  that  the  author  in  his 
Dictionary  attaches  this  meaning  to 
several  very  different  Latin  words. 
Thus  he  translates  Celebro'to  celebrate 
or  brynge  in  renoume,  to  make  good 
reporte.  Also  to  haunte,  to  honour  or 
worship  ;'  Colo  '  to  worshyp,  to  loue  or 
fauour,  to  haunte,  to  inhabyte  or 
dwelle,  to  leade  ;'  and  Frequento,  '  to 
haunte,  to  goo  togyther.'  Hence  it  is 
clear  that  in  applying  the  English  word 
'  haunt '  to  the  reading  of  history,  the 
author  must  be  understood  to  employ 
a  verb  equivalent  to  '  colo '  rather  than 
to  'frequento.'  The  word  itself  is,  of 
course,  merely  the  English  form  of  the 
French  hunter,  the  origin  of  which  has 
been  much  controverted.  But  M. 
Littre,  after  passing  in  review  the 
various  derivations  which  have  been 
suggested,  inclines  to  the  Latin  'habi- 
tare '  as  the  most  probable,  '  le  sens  est 
bon,  la  forme  aussi  :  car  habitare,  deve- 
nant  habtare,  a  pris  facilement  une 
nasale,  et  derivant  de  habere,  a  eu  dans 
la  latinite  et  a  pu  avoir  dans  le  fran£ais 
le  sens  de  avoir  sou  vent.'  Palsgrave 
has,  '  I  haunte,  I  resorte  moche  to  a 
place  or  in  to  the  company  of  any  per- 
son. Je  hante,  prim.  conj.  He  that 
haunteth  honest  mennes  companye 
shall  have  honestye  of  it  :  qui  hante  les 
gens  de  bien,  or  qui  repayre  es  places  ou 
hantent  les  gens  de  bien  emportera  tous- 


jours  rhonneur.' — IJ'Esclair.  p.  582. 
We  find  it  used  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury in  Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose  : 

'  Car  qui  oiseus  hante  autrui  table, 
Lobierres  est,  et  sert  de  fable.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  347,  ed.  1814. 

And  Chaucer  has  translated  this  : 

'  For  he  that  wole  gone  ydilly, 
And  usith  it  ay  besily 
Go  haunten  other  mennes  table, 
He  is  a  trechour  ful  of  fable.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  201. 

In  The  Persones  Tale  the  word  is  ap- 
plied much  in  the  same  way  as  it  is  in 
The  Governour,  '  That  other  marchaun- 
dise,  that  men  hauntyn  with  fraude, 
and  treccherie,  and  deceipt,  with  lesyn- 
ges  and  fals  othis,  is  cursed  and  dampn- 
able.' — Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  334.  And  so 
in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde: 

'  For  which  me  thenketh  every  manere  wight 
That  haunteth  armes  oughte  to  bewayle 
The  deth  of  hym  that  was  so  noble  a  knyght.' 
Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  65. 

Ascham,  in  his  Schoolmaster,  uses  it  in 
the  same  sense  as  Elyot,  '  I  do  not 
mean  by  all  this  my  talk,  that  young 
gentlemen  should  always  be  poring  on  a 
book,  and  by  using  good  studies  should 
leese  honest  pleasure,  and  haunt  no 
good  pastime  :  I  mean  nothing  less.'— 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  138,  ed.  1864. 

Haye,  an  enclosure  for  catching  wild 
beasts. — II.  182.  The  author  in  his 
Dictionary  renders  Casses,  '  netts,  which 
may  be  called  haysj  and  Cassiculus,  'a 
lyttell  haye.'  Cotgrave  translates  the 
French  toties,  '  Toyles  or  a  hay  to  in- 
close or  intangle  wilde  beasts  in. '  In 
Baret's  Alvearie  we  find,  '  Nettes  and 
hates  wherewith  woodes  are  inuironned 
for  to  take  wild  beasts,  toiles  ou  pan- 
neaux  desquels  on  enuironne  un  bois 
pour  prendre  bestes  sauuagesS  The 
French  word  haie  meant  primarily  '  a 
fence  or  hedge,'  as  we  see  from  the 
following  passage  in  Le  Roman  de  la. 
Rose : 

'  Par  ronces  et  par  esglentiers 
Dont  en  la  haie  avoit  asse"s, 
Sui  maintenanl  oultre  passes.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  113. 


M   M  2 


532 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Which  Chaucer  renders  : 

lhanne  attir  fully  delyverly, 
Thorough  the  breres  anoon  wente  I, 
Wherof  encombred  was  the  haye' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  92. 

According  to  M.  Littre,  '  Chasse  a  la 
haie, '  was  so  called,  '  de  chasse  dans 
lequel,  formant  entre  des  haies  une 
voie  qui  conduisait  a  des  filets,  on  for- 
$ait  le  gibier  a  1'aide  de  batteurs  a  s'en- 
gager  entre  ces  haies.'  This  method 
apparently  resembled  in  some  respects 
that  still  employed  in  Bengal  and 
Ceylon  for  capturing  elephants.  See 
Sir  J.  E.  Tennent's  Ceylon,  vol.  ii.  p. 
342.  Here  in  England,  however,  the 
word  appears  to  have  been  applied 
more  generally  to  nets  used  for  taking 
rabbits.  Thus  Sir  Thos.  Wyatt,  in 
his  Satires,  says  : 

'  None  of  ye  all  there  is,  that  is  so  mad 
To  seek  grapes  upon  brambles  or  briers  : 
Nor  none,  I  trow,  that  hath  his  wit  so  bad 
To  set  his  haye  for  conies  over  rivers  ; 
Ne  ye  set  not  a  drag-net  for  an  hare. 
And  yet,  the  thing  that  most  is  your  desire, 
Ye  do  mis-seek,  with  more  travail  and  care.' 
Works,  p.  85,  ed.  1816. 

Dr.  Calfhill,  in  an  Answere  to  the  Trea- 
tise of  the  Crosse,  published  in  1565, 
uses  the  word  metaphorically  in  speak- 
ing of  the  Egyptian  worship  of  Serapis  : 
'  These  and  such  other  inventions  they 
had  to  deceive  the  people.  Such  hayes 
they  pitched  to  purchase  their  profit.' — 
P.  274,  ed.  1846,  Par.  Soc.  Hall, 
speaking  of  a  rebellion  in  Normandy, 
which  was  quelled  by  the  Earl  of 
Arundel  and  Lord  Willoughby,  says, 
'Therle  folowed  at  the  backe,  the 
ragged  route  and  mischeuous  multitude, 
as  a  man  that  draue  the  deare  before 
him  into  the  buckestalle,  or  the  sely 
coneis  into  the  secrete  hay."1 — Chron. 
fo.  cxxiv.  b.  ed.  1548. 

Hoeues,  hoofs.— I.  183.  The  sin- 
gular, hoof,  was  usually  written  'houfe,' 
and  sometimes  '  houe.'  Thus  in  his 
Dictionary  the  author  renders  Ungula, 
'  a  houfe  of  a  hors  or  other  beaste.' 
And  Brende,  in  his  translation  of 
Quintus  Curtius,  says,  'It  is  certayne 
that  there  is  a  poyson  in  Macedon 
founde  in  a  water  called  Stiges,  of 


suche  force  that  it  consumeth  yron, 
and  will  not  be  conteined  in  any  thinge, 
sauing  in  the  houe  of  an  horse  or  mule.' 
— Fo.  226,  ed.  1553.  Dr.  Raynalde, 
a  celebrated  accoucheur  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  mentions  amongst  other  pre- 
scriptions :  '  Fumigation  made  of  the 
eyes  of  salte  fyshes,  or  of  the  houe  of  a 
horse.'—  The  Birth  of  Mankynde,  fo. 
Ixxiv.  b.  ed.  1565. 

Host,  verb,  to  lodge,  to  entertain. — II. 
134.  This  peculiar  verb  seems  to  be 
an  abbreviated  form  of  the  phrase  '  to 
be  at  host  with.'  Thus  in  Baret's 
Alvearie  we  find,  '  To  be  at  host  with 
one  ;  to  take  his  lodging  in  ones  house. 
Diverti  ad  aliquem  in  hospitium.  This 
is  a  reasonable  and  sufficient  cause  that 
you  should  host  and  lodge  at  my  house. 
Hsec  est  vobis  idonea  causa  divertendi 
apud  me.  Abraham  doth  host  or  lodge 
the  angels.  Abrahamus  excipit  Genios 
hospitio.'  Udall,  in  his  translation  of 
the  paraphrase  of  Erasmus  upon  Acts  x. 
renders: ' Hie diversatur apud  Simonem,' 
&c.,  '  He  hosteth  at  a  certayne  mannes 
house  in  Joppa,  whose  name  is  Symon.' 
— Tom.  i.  fo.  ccccclviii.  ed.  1551. 
Again  in  that  upon  Acts  xvi.  he  trans- 
lates :  '  Profecti  sunt  ad  domum  Lydiae 
cujus  hospitio  fuerant  usi,'  'They 
wente  into  the  house  of  Lidia,  where 
they  had  been  first  hosted."1 — Ibid.  fo. 
ccccclxxix.  We  find  the  word  in  the 
argument  to  canto  9,  book  iii.  of  The 
Faerie  Queene : 

'  Malbecco  will  no  straunge  knights  host, 

For  peevish  gealosy. 
Paridell  giusts  with  Britomart  : 
Both  shew  their  auncestry.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  45. 

And  also  in  book  iv.  canto  8  : 

'  Such  was  that  Hag,  unmeet  to  host  such 

guests, 
Whom  greatest  Princes  court  would  welcome 

fayne  ; 

But  neede,  that  answers  not  to  all  requests, 
Bad  them  not  looke  for  better  entertayne.' 
Ibid.  p.  202. 

It  is  used  by  Shakespeare  in  The 
Comedy  of  Errors,  where  Antipholus 
says  : 

'  Go,  bear  it  (*'.  e.  the  money)  to  the  Centaur 
where  we  host.' 


GLOSSARY. 


533 


And  again  in  Alls  Well  that  ends  Well 
the  old  widow  of  Florence  says  : 

Come,  pilgrim,  I  will  bring  you 

Where  you  shall  host :   of  enjoin'd  penitent 

There's  four  or  five,  to  Great  Saint  Jaque 

bound, 
Already  at  my  house.' 

Foxe,  in  his  account  of  the  persecution 
of  Thomas  Rose,  chaplain  to  Cromwell 
says  :  '  Howbeit  the  sayd  Tho.  Rose  at 
hys  commyng  home,  hauing  warning 
hereof  by  certayne  godly  persons,  was 
conueyed  away,  and  passed  ouer  to 
Flanders,  and  so  to  Germany  unto 
Zuricke,  where  a  tyme  he  remaynec 
with  M.  Bullinger,  and  afterward  went 
to  Basill,  and  there  hosted  with  M. 
Grineus,  till  letters  came  that  M.  Doct. 
Barnes  shuld  be  B.  of  Norwiche,  and 
things  shuld  be  reformed,  and  he  re- 
stored.'— Actes  and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p. 
2083,  ed.  1583, 

Humect,  to  moisten. — 1. 97.  Formed 
from  the  Latin  verb  'humecto,'  which 
is  quite  classical.  The  French  have 
also  the  verb  humecter,  which  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  in  vogue  before 
the  sixteenth  century.  Thus  Montaigne 
says  :  '  J'entends  bien  qu'il  y  a  quelque 
simple  qui  humect e,  quelque  aultre  qui 
asseiche.'  —  Essais,  torn.  iii.  p.  263, 
ed.  1854.  Bacon  uses  the  substantive  : 
'  It  hath  been  observed  by  the  ancients, 
that  plates  of  metal,  and  especially 
of  brass,  applied  presently  to  a  blow, 
will  keep  it  down  from  swelling. 
The  cause  is  repercussion,  without 
humectation  or  entrance  of  any  body. ' 
—  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  467,  ed.  1826. 

Husbande,  a,  hiisbandman,  a  farmer. 
— I.  6,  247.  The  first  of  the  above 
instances  clearly  shows  that  this  word 
is  synonymous  with  the  more  usual 
form.  Palsgrave  has :  '  Husbandes 
house  in  the  countre  or  maner  place — 
metayrie  s,  f.'  —  UEsclair.  p.  233. 
Spenser,  in  The  Faerie  Queene,  uses  the 
same  form  as  Elyot  : 

'  Like  as  a  withered  tree,  through  husbands 

toyle, 

Is  often  scene  full  freshly  to  have  florisht, 
And  fruitfull  apples  to  have  borne  awhile, 
As  fresh  as  when  it  first  was  planted  in  the 
soyle.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol  iii.  p.  140. 


Again  in  Mother  Hubberffis  Tale  : 

'  The  honest  man,  that  heard  him  thus  com- 

plaine, 

Was  griev'd  as  he  had  felt  part  of  his  paine; 
And  well  dispos'd  him  some  reliefe  to  showe 
Askt  if  in  husbandrie  he  ought  did  knowe, 
To  plough,  to  plant,    to  reap,  to  rake '  to 

sowe, 
To  hedge,  to  ditch,  to  thrash,  to  thetch   to 

mowe? 

Or  to  what  labour  else  he  was  prepar'd, 
For  husbands  life  is  labourous  and  hard.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  10. 

So  in  The  Shepheards  Calender  : 

'  There  grewe  an  aged  Tree  on  the  greene, 
A  goodly  Oake  sometime  had  it  bene, 

Whilome  had  bene  the  king  of  the  field, 
And  mpchell  mast  to  the  husband  did  yielde, 
And  with  his  nuts  larded  many  swine. 

Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  21. 

Bacon  says,  '  Chalk  over-heateth  the 
ground  a  little;  and  therefore  is  best 
upon  cold  clay  grounds,  or  moist 
grounds  :  but  I  heard  a  great  husband 
say  that  it  was  a  common  error,  to 
think  that  chalk  helpeth  arable  ground, 
but  helpeth  not  grazing  grounds.' 
Again  :  *  Some  very  good  husbands  do 
suspect,  that  the  gathering  up  of  flints 
in  flinty  ground,  and  laying  them  on 
heaps,  which  is  much  used,  is  no  good 
husbandry,  for  that  they  would  keep 
the  ground  warm.' — Works,  vol.  iv. 
pp.  275,  278,  ed.  1826. 

Hyed,  hastened,  sped. — I.  43.  This 
is  the  perfect  participle  of  the  Anglo* 
Saxon  verb  '  to  hye,'  meaning  to  hasten. 
In  the  Promptorium  we  find,  '  Hastyn 
or  hyyn,  Festino,  accelero.  Hastyn,  or 
tiyyn  yn  goynge,  ProperoS  Also 
'  Hyynge,  or  hastynge,  Festinacio 
festinancia,  properacio. ' — Pp.  229,  239. 
The  old  writers  sometimes  employed  it 
with,  and  sometimes  without  the  re- 
lective  pronoun.  Palsgrave  has  :  '  I 
lye,  Je  haste  or/?  despeche,  prim.  conj. 
jo  and  hye  you  agayne,  I  pray  you  : 
allez  et  despechez  vous,  je  vous  prie. ' — 
L'Esclair.  p.  584.  In  Robert  of  Clou- 
ester's  Chronicle  we  find  it  without  the 
>ronoun  : 

'  He  hyede  to  the  kyne  vor  ech  lyme  hym  ok, 

And  shewed  hym  al  that  cas ' 

Vol.  i.  p.  240,  ed.  Hearne,  1734. 


534 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


And  so  in  The  Vision  of  Piers  Plough- 
man : 

'  The  frere  herof  herde, 

And  hiede  faste 

To  a  lord  for  a  lettre.' 

Again  : 

'  "  Fare  well,"  quath  the  frere, 
"For  I  mot  hethen  fonden, 
And  hyen  to  an  house-wiif 
That  hath  us  byquethen 
Ten  pound  in  hir  testament."  ' 

Vol.  ii.  pp.  444,;475,  ed.  1842. 

Spenser  uses  both  forms,  thus  in  The 
Shepheards  Calender  : 

'Hie  theehome,  shepheard,  the  day  is  nigh 
wasted.' 

And: 

'  Home  when  the  doubtful  Damme  had  her 

hyde, 
She  mought  see  the  dore  stand  open  wyde. 

Again  : 

'  And,  for  the  deawie  night  now  doth  nye, 
I  hold  it  best  for  us  home  to  hyt.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  25,  44,  ed.  1866. 

And  in  The  Faerie  Queene  \ 

1  At  last,  when  they  had  markt  the  chaunged 

skyes, 

They  wist  their  houre  was  spent ;   then  each 
to  rest  him  hyes.' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  87. 

Carew,  in  his  Survey  of  Cornwall, 
says  :  '  I  haue  heard  the  inhabitants 
thereabouts  to  report  that  the  Earle  of 
Richmond  (afterwards  Henry  the 
seuenth)  while  hee  houered  upon  the 
coast,  here  by  stealth  refreshed  himselfe; 
but  being  aduertised  of  streight  watch, 
kept  for  his  surprising  at  Plymmouth, 
he  richly  rewarded  his  hoste,  hyed 
speedily  a  shipboord,  and  escaped 
happily  to  a  better  fortune. ' — Fo.  99, 
ed.  1602.  William  Browne,  who  was 
born  in  the  last  decade  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  uses  it  as  a  reflective  verb  in 
The  Shepheards  Pipe: 

*  Woman,  me  fetch  the  brooch,"  quoth  he, 

"  swythee 
Into  thy  chamber  for  it  goe  ;  hye  thee."  ' 

And  again  : 

Forth  his  journey  this  Jonathas  held, 
And  as  he  his  looke  about  him  cast, 
Another  tree  from  afarre  he  beheld, 
To  which  he  hasted,  and  hint  hied  fast.' 

Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  22,  30,  ed.  1772 


And  so  does  Richard  Crashaw  : 

'  While  he  sweetly  'gan  to  show 
His  swelling  glories,  Auster  spied  him, 
Cruel  Auster  thither  hied  him'    . 

Poems,  p.  69,  ed.  1785 

Robert  Greene,  in  his  Mamillia,  says  : 
Dinner  being  ended,  Pharicles  hauing 
the  spurres  in  his  side,  alledging  urgent 
cause  of  his  so  hasty  departure,  tooke 
his  leaue  of  the  Marquesse,  and  the  rest 
of    the   company,    and    giuing    great 
thanks  to  Signer  Fernese  for  his  good 
cheare  hyed  him  home  in  haste  to  his 
chamber.'— Signat.  H.  3,  b.  ed.  1593. 
Hyght,    was    called,    named.  — II. 
367.      This   thoroughly    Anglo-Saxon 
word  is  properly  the  imperfect  tense  of 
the  verb  hatan  =  appellare.     Palsgrave 
would  seem  to  have  considered  it  the 
present.    The  second  exam  pie,  however, 
which  he  gives  is  inconsistent  with  the 
latter  view.     He  says  :    '  I  hyght,  I  am 
called  or  named.  Je  suis  appelle,  and  je 
me  fays  appeller.     The  best  horse  for 
the  tylte  that  ever  I  sawe,  hyght  Lyarde 
Urbin :   le  meilleur  cheual  pour  les  lisses 
que  je  vis  jamays  se  fat  appeller,  or  se 
nommoyt  Liart  Urbyn.' — UEsclair.  p. 
584.      William  of  Malmesbury  shows 
us  what  the  present  tense  was  in  his 
story  about  the  sheriff  of  Worcester, 
who  was  cursed  so  epigrammatically  in 
the  time  of  William   the   Conqueror  : 
*  Ursus  erat  vicecomes  Wigornise  a  rege 
constitutus,  qui  in  ipsis  pene  faucibus 
monachorum  castellum  construxit,  adeo 
ut  fossatum  cimiterii  partem  decideret. 
Querela  ad  archiepiscopum,   qui  tutor 
esset  episcopates,  delata  est.     Ille  cum 
vidisset  Ursum,  his  verbis  adorsus  est  : 
"  Hattest  thu    Urs,  haue    thu    Codes 
kurs."      Eleganter   in    his    verbis   sed 
dure  nominum  eufonise  alludens  :  "  Vo- 
caris"    inquit,    "Ursus,    habeas    Dei 
maledictionem. "  ' — Gest.  Pontif.  Angl. 
p.  253,  the  Rolls  ed.      We  find   the 
imperfect  tense  in  Peter   of  Langtoffs 
Chronicle,    written    in   the  fourteenth 
century  : 

'  Offa,  kyng  of  Lyndsay,  a  faire  douhter  had  ; 
Brittrik  hir  wedded  and  quene  home  hir  lad. 
When  he  had  regned  foure  yere  one  ryued 

upon  his  right, 
A  duke  of  Danmark,  Kebright  he  hight' 

P.  10,  ed.  Hearne,  1725. 


GLOSSARY. 


535 


It  is  constantly  used  by  Chaucer  ;  thus 
in  The  Prologue  to  the  Canterbury 
Tales,  he  says : 

'  This  reeve  sat  upon  a  wel  good  stot, 
That  was  a  pomely  gray,  and  highte  Scot.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  20. 

In  the  following  instance  it  may  be  the 
present  tense  : 

'  "  Late  now,"  quod  she,  "  thy  trumpe  goon, 
Thou  Eolus,  that  is  so  blake  ; 
And  out  thyn  other  trumpe  take 
That  highte  Laude,  and  blowe  yt  soo 
That  thrugh  the  worlde  her  fame  goo.'" 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  260. 

In  Tlie  Remount  of  the  Rose  we  have 
certainly  the  imperfect  : 

'  I  sawe  come  with  a  glade  chere 
To  me,  a  lusty  bachelere, 
Of  good  stature,  and  of  good  highte, 
And  Bialacoil  forsothe  he  highte.' 

Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  91. 

We  are  enabled  to  assign  the  proper 
tense  in  this  last  passage,  by  comparing 
it  with  the  corresponding  one  in  the 
original  French,  which  is  as  follows  : 

'  Ge  vi  vers  moi  tout  droit  venant 
Ung  varlet  bel  et  avenant, 
En  qui  il  n'ot  riens  que  blasmer  : 
Bel-Acueil  sefaisoit  clamer.' 

Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  i. 
p.  112,  ed.  1814. 

And  so  in  the  following  instances : 

'  Whilom,  as  olde  stories  tellen  us, 
Ther  was  a  duk  that  highte  Theseus.' 

Again  : 

And  so  byfil,  that  in  the  cas  thei  founde, 
Thurgh    girt  with  many   a  grevous  blody 

wounde, 

Two  yonge  knightes  liggyng  by  and  by, 
Both  in  oon  armes  clad  full  richely ; 
Of  whiche  two,  Arcite  hight  that  oon, 
And  that  other  knight  hight  Palamon.' 

Chaucer,  Poetical  Works,  vol.  ii. 

PP-  27,  32. 

This  word  did  not  become  obsolete  till 
after  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  for  Spenser 
uses  it  almost  as  often  as  Chaucer.  The 
following  examples,  however,  will  suf- 
fice. 

'  Me  seemed,  by  my  side  a  royall  Mayd 
Her  daintie  limbes  full    softly    down    did 

lay: 
So  fayre  a  creature  yet  saw  never  sunny 

day 


Ne  living  man  like  wordes  did  ever  heare, 
As  she  to  me  delivered  all  that  night, 
And  at   her    parting  said,    she  Queene  of 
ranes  hight. 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  4. 

Again  : 

'Old  father  Mole  (Mole  hight  that  mountain 

gray 

That  walls  the  northside  of  Armulla  dale) 
wt-  t  a  dauShter  fresh  as  floure  of  May, 
Which  gave  that  name  unto  that  pleasant 

vale; 

Mulla,  the  daughter  of  old  Mole,  so  hight 
Ihe  Nimph  which  of  that  water  course  has 

charge.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  92. 

A  song,  assigned  by  Mr.  Wright  to  the 
year  1352,  commences  as  follows  : 

'  Men  may  rede  in  Romance  right 
Of  a  grete  clerk  that  Merlin  hight.' 

Polit.  Poems,  vol.  i.  p.  75,  the  Rolls  ed. 

It  was  also  used  in  prose.  Harrison, 
speaking  of  different  breeds  of  dogs, 
says  :  « The  first  kind  of  these  are  also 

commonlie  called  hariers the 

second  hight  a  terrer,  and  it  hunteth 
the  badger  and  graie  onelie  ;  the  third 
a  bloudhound  ....  the  fourth  hight 
a  gasehound,  who  hunteth  by  the  eie.' 
— Descript.  of  England,  p.  230,  ed. 
1587.  Sir  John  Maundevile  almost  in- 
variably uses  the  form  '  is  cleped '  for 
the  present,  and  '  hight '  for  the  past 
tense.  Thus  :  '  The  town  is  called 
Jaff ;  for  one  of  the  sones  of  Noe,  that 
highte  Japhet,  founded  it ;  and  now  it  is 
clept  Joppe. '  Again  :  '  Sum  tyme  ther 
was  a  kyng  in  that  contrey,  and  men 
maryed  as  in  other  contreyes  :  and  so 
befelle,  that  the  kyng  had  werre  with 
hem  of  Sithie  ;  the  whiche  kyng  highte 
Colopeus,  that  was  slayn  in  bataylle. — 
Voiage,  &*<:.,  pp.  36,  186,  ed.  1727. 
It  is  used  occasionally  by  Shakespeare, 
as  in  A  Midsummer-Nighf  s  Dream : 

'This    grisly  beast,    which   by  name  Lion 

hight, 

The  trusty  Thisbe,  coming  first  by  night. 
Did  scare  away,  or  rather  did  affright.' 

Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  316,  Dyce's  ed. 

Again  in  Pericles : 

'  And  in  this  kind  hath  our  Cleon 
One  daughter,  and  a  wench  full  grown 


536 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Even  ripe  for  marriage-rite  ;  this  maid 
Might  Philoten  ;  and  it  is  said 
For  certain  in  our  story,  she 
Would  ever  with  Marina  be.' 


Ibid.  vol.  viii.  p.  44. 


I. 


I  ape,  a  joke,  a  jest,  mockery. — II.  440 
and  note. 

leopardie,  Ieopardye,/<*>>zn/j/.  Lit. 
a  game  in  which  the  players  are  equally 
matched,  and  of  which  the  result   is 
consequently  dubious  ;  hence  any  event 
in  which  the  chances  are  equal  and  the 
result  uncertain,  dubious  ;  and  so  ap- 
plied to  any  matter  involving  an  un- 
certain issue,  as  we  say  a  matter  of  life 
or  death.— I.  181  ;  II.  267,  273.     The 
history  of  this  word  is  involved  in  some 
obscurity,  and  none  of  the  dictionaries 
have  given  a  satisfactory  explanation  of 
it.     Minsheu,  Skinner,  Junius,  and  Dr. 
Johnson  supposed  that  it  originated  in 
the  phrase  fai  perdu  or  jeu  perdu,  over- 
looking the  fact  that  the   element   of 
doubt  which  is  always  involved  in  the 
meaning  would  be  entirely  eliminated 
by  such  an  hypothesis.     But  the  earliest 
form    in    which    the   word   occurs   in 
English,  viz.  juparty  gives  at  once  a 
clue   to  the  derivation,    which   is   un- 
doubtedly the   French   expression  jeu 
parti.     Now  this   latter   is   the   lineal 
descendant  of  the  Latin  phrase  'jocus 
partitus,'  which  in  the  middle  ages  seems 
to  have  denoted  any  game  played  by 
two  persons,  but  especially  the  games 
of  chess  and  tables.     With  respect  to 
these  the  words  *  jocus '  and  '  ludus '  were 
used  indifferently,   for   according  to  a 
legal  authority,  '  Ludus  et  jocus  in  jure 
non  differunt,  quia  unum  ponitur  pro 
reliquo.' — Tractatus  de  Ludo,  torn.  iv. 
fo.  200  b,  ed.  1549.     From  the  gaming 
table  the  phrase  seems  to  have  passed 
into  the  language  of  the  law,  for  Bracton 
employs  it  in  the  De  Legibus  Anglice  in 
the  sense,  according  to  Blount,  of '  an  al- 
ternative,' but  this  interpretation  does 
not  by  any  means  represent  the  full  force 
of  the  original  expression.     In  treating 
of  an  Assize  of  novel  disseisin  and  of  the 
powers  of  a  bailiff  Bracton  says  :  '  Et 


sciendum  quod  non  potest  ballivus  quic- 
quid  potest  dominus  suus.     Non  potest 
animo  cognoscere  disseysinam  quo  minus 
procedat  assisa,  sed  per  assisam  veritas 
declarabitur.     Item  nee  potest  transi- 
gere   nee   pacisci  nee  jocum  partitum 
facere   nee  aliud   quo   magis  dominus 
suus  seysinam  amittat  in   toto  vel   in 
parte,  nisi  hoc  sit  per  judicium  et  as- 
sisam.'— Lib.    iv.    tract,     i.    cap.    32. 
Again,  under  the  head  of  Defaults,  he 
says  :  '  Fiat  mentio  semper  in  essonio 
quod  visus  testatus  sit,  et  si  forte  testatus 
non   fuerit,    et   tenens   ad   diem  suum 
venerit,    et  docere  possit   quod  visum 
non  habuerit,  habebit  alium  diem,  nisi 
ipse   petens  docuerit    contrarium,  sub 
periculo _/!?«  partiti.'1 — Lib.  v.  tract.  3, 
cap.  1 1,  ed.  1569.    It  may  be  mentioned 
incidentally  a;  a  curious  fact,  and  one 
which   reflects   no    little    discredit   on 
English  lawyers  in  view  of  the  close 
connection  which  has  been  shown  to 
subsist  between  the  Anglo-Norman  and 
Roman  law,  that  no  translation  of  this 
important  work,   nor  even   an  edition 
with  explanatory  notes,  appears  ever  to 
have  been  published  ;  and  so  we  are 
left  without  any  assistance  in  elucidating 
the   meaning    of   this    phrase.      [The 
Editor  was  not  aware  that  a  new  edition 
of  Bracton  with  a   translation  by  Sir 
Travers  Twiss  was  in  course  of  publi- 
cation under  the  direction  of  the  Master 
of  the  Rolls  until  these   sheets   were 
passing  through  the  press,  but  although 
the  omission  above  alluded  to  is  thus  at 
length  supplied,  the  portion  of  Bracton 
already  published  does  not  comprise  the 
passages  referred  to  in  the  present  note, 
which  therefore  derives  no  benefit  from 
the  most  recent  exposition  of  the  De  Le- 
gibus, and   must  remain   unmodified.] 
In  the  Summa  Magna  of  Hengham  a 
slightly  different  form  of  the  same  ex- 
pression is  used  : '  Si  apparentibus  parti- 
bus  quereletur    et   respondeatur,    sive 
loquelapernontenuramvelperquemcun- 
que  bipertijocum  cavilletur  lis  ilia,  dum- 
modo  detur  dies  ad  proximum  Comita- 
tum  partibus  ad  petitionem  petentis  per 
breve  quod  dicitur  Pone,  potest  trans- 
ferri  negotium,  sive  placitum  illud  fuerit, 
coram  justiciariis  in  Banco  vel  Itineranti- 


GLOSSARY. 


537 


bus  in  ipso  Comitatu.' — P.  9,  ed.  1737. 
In  the  Romance  language  jocus  partitus 
became  joch  partiti,  and  in  a  work  on 
Spanish  bibliography  we  find  mention 
made  of  a  book  called  '  Libre  dels  jocks 
partitis  del  schachs  en  nombre  de  100 
ordenat  e  compost  per  Francesch  Vi- 
cent,'  which  appears  to  have  been 
published  at  Valencia  in  1495.  See 
Mendez,  Typographia  Espanola,  p.  83, 
ed.  1796.  The  phrase  is  found  very 
frequently  in  the  early  French  Ro- 
mances. Thus  it  occurs  in  LOrdene 
de  Chevalerie,  a  poem  written  by  one  of 
the  knights  who  accompanied  Godfrey 
de  Bouillon  to  the  Holy  Land,  and 
who  is  better  known  as  Hue  de  Ta- 
barie,  a  corruption  of  Tiberias,  of  which 
province  he  received  the  lordship  from 
Baldwin  the  brother  of  Godfrey — 

'  Hues,  mout  sui  lie  quant  vous  tien 
Che  dist  li  Rois,  par  Mahoumet. 
Et  une  cose  vous  promet, 
Que  il  vous  convenrra  morir, 
Ou  a  grant  raenchon  venir. 
Li  Prinches  Hues  respondi, 
Puisque  m'avez  le  giu  parti, 
Je  prenderai  dont  le  raiembre, 
Se  j'ai  de  quoi  jel'puisse  rendre.' 

Barbazan,  Fab.  et  Contes, 
torn.  i.  p.  61,  ed.  1808. 

It  is  probable  that  the  joes  parlitz  of 
the  troubadours  and  the  jeux  partis  of 
the  trouveres,  which  were  dialogues  in 
verse,  were  so  called  from  their  re- 
semblance to  the  alternate  moves  of  the 
players.  For  according  to  M.  Cham- 
pollion-Figeac  :  '  Tous  les  poe'tes  pro- 
ven9aux  et  trouveres  celebrent  a  1'envi 
le  jeu  de  table.' — Poesies  de  Ch.  d'Orl. 
p.  424,  note  (16)  ed.  1842.  What 
the  nature  of  these  jeux  partis  was 
we  learn  from  M.  Levesque  de  la 
Ravaliere,  who  informs  us  that  '  Les 
Tensons  des  Prove^aux,  qui  sont  une 
chanson  en  dialogue  entre  deux  Inter- 
locuteurs,  ont  servi  de  modele  a  nos 
poe'tes  pour  leurs  Jeux-partis,  dans 
lesquels  1'un  des  Interlocuteurs,  ayant 
propose  une  question  sur  quelque  sujet 
de  galanterie,  1'autre  choisit  la  maxime 
qu'il  veut  deffendre  ...  La  dispute, 
apres  avoir  etc  agitee  pour  et  centre, 
demeure  toujours  indlcise  ;  chaque  In- 
terlocuteur  nomme  pour  son  Juge  quel- 
qu'autre  poe'te,  a  la  decision  de  qui  il 


s'en  rapporte. ' — Potsies  du  Rot  de  Na- 
varre, torn.  i.  p.  228,  ed.  1742.  One 
of  the  dialogues  here  referred  to  com- 
mences as  follows  : 

'  L'autre  nuit  en  mon  dormant, 
Fui  en  grant  doutance, 
D'un  Jeu  parti  en  chantant 
Et  en  grant  balance.' 

Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  99. 

In  Li  Covenans  Vivien,  a  poem  of  the 
twelfth  century,  published  by  M.  Jonck- 
bloet,  we  have  the  following  passage  : 

'  Ce  dit  Girarz,  li  preuz,  de  Commarchis  : 
Nies  Vivien  ce  n'est  v?.sjeus  petiz, 
Que  tant  i  a  Sarrazins  et  Persis, 
Cpntre  un  des  noz  en  ont  Ixx, 
Li  nostre  efforz  sera  vers  els  petiz  : 
Quar  en  alons,  se  vos  vient  a  plesir.' 
Guillaume  cFOrange,  torn.  i.  p.  173,  ed.  1854 

Philippe  Mouskes,  a  Belgian  writer  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  employs  this  ex- 
pression in  his  Chronicle — 

'  Boucars  d'Avesnes  s'en  parti, 
Quar  il  n'ot  pas  le  giu  parti! 
Tom.  ii.  p.  329,  ed.  Reiffenberg,  1838. 

This  is  explained  by  the  editor  to  mean  : 
'Bouchard  n'avait  pas  eu  la  replique.' 
In  another  poem  assigned  to  the  same 
century,  which  takes  the  form  of  a 
dialogue  between  le  Comte  de  Bretagne 
and  Bernard,  the  former  is  made  to 
say: 

'  Bernart,  quant  nous  somes  d'un  gre", 
Cest  gieu  parti  en  envoions 
Au  conte  d'Anjou,  car  bien  sai 
Qu'il  entendra  bien  les  raisons  : 
Et  de  jugier  droit  le  prions.' 
Le  Romancero  Franfois,  p.  162,  ed.  1833. 

In  a  tenson  of  Hugues  de  la  Bachelerie 
the  lines — 

'  N  Ugo,  gen  fazetz  iocs  fartitz, 
Si  trobassetz  bon  chanzidor,' 

are  explained  by  M.  Raynouard  to  mean 
—  'Seigneur  Hugues,  gentiment  vous 
faites  jeux-flartis,  si  vous  trouviez  bon 
interlocuteur.' — Lex.  Rom.  torn.  iv. 
p.  436,  ed.  1842.  Another  trouba- 
dour, Amadieu  des  Escas,  tells  a  young 
man  how  to  behave  to  his  mistress — 

'  E  si  voletz  bastir 
Solatz  tejocx  partitz, 
No'ls  fassatz  descauzitz 
Mas  plazens  e  cortes.' 


THE   GOVEKNOUR. 


In  other  words,  according  to  M.  Ray- 
nouard — 

'Et  si  vous  voulez-batir 
Soulas  tejeux-partis, 
Ne  les  faites  injurieux 
Mais  plaisants  et  courtois.' 

Poesies  des  Troubadours, 
torn.  ii.  p.  265. 

In  a  poem  of  the  twelfth  century  we 
read — 

'  Ce  poise  moi,  dit  Garins  li  series, 
Moins  en  serons  et  cremus  et  doute"s. 
Un  gieu  vous  pars  dpnt  vos  ne  vous  gardez, 
Se  Diex  ce  done,  qui  en  crois  fu  penes, 
Que  li  Paien  soient  debarete, 
Se  je  conquiers  avoir,  ja  ni  penrez.' 

And  again — 

'  Un  gieu  vous  pars,  voiant  tous  vos  amins 
Je  ne  vueil  rien  en  ce  que  j'ai  conquis; 
Prenez  la  terre  que  vous  veez  ici, 
Je  la  ferai  quiter  a  Biatris, 
Et  je  tenrai  la  terre  au  due  Her  vis. 
Ou  s'il  vous  plaist  et  vous  doie  abelir 
Que  vous  teniez  k  la  terre  Hervis, 
Faites  quitter  la  terre  a  Aelis. ' 

LiRom.de  Garin,  torn.  i.  p.  102, 
torn.  ii.  p.  70,  ed.  1833-35. 

And  Alexandre  de  Bernay  in  the  fol- 
lowing century  writes  as  follows — 

'As  compagnons  se  mellent  et  li  renc  sunt 

fremi ; 

Li  xii  pers  de  Grese  ne  sunt  mis  en  oubli, 
As  esporons  trancans  lor  ont  \ju  parti 
De  coi  li  desarme  se  tienent  pour  trai.' 

Li  Rom.  d? Alexandre,  p.  242,  ed.  1846. 

In  the  following  passage  the  phrase 
must,  no  doubt,  be  interpreted  in  the 
sense  of  proposing  an  alternative — aut 
Caesar  aut  nullus:  '  Orrez  les  justices  et 
jugemens  que  je  vy  faire  a  Cesaire, 
tandis  que  le  Roy  y  sejourna.  Tout 
premier  d'un  Cheualier,  qui  fut  prins  au 
bordel,  auquel  on  partit  un  jeu  ;  ouque 
la  ribaulde,  auecques  laquelle  il  auoit 
este  trouue,  le  meneroit  parmy  1'ost  en 
sa  chemise,  une  corde  liee  a  ses  geni- 
toires,  laquelle  corde  la  ribaulde  tien- 
droit  d'un  bout :  ou  s'il  ne  vouloit  telle 
chose  souffrir,  qu'il  perdroitson  cheual, 
ses  armures  et  harnois,  et  qu'il  seroit 
dechasse  et  fourbany  de  1'ost  du  Roy. 
Le  Chevalier  esleut,  qu'il  ayma  mieulx 
perdre  son  cheual  et  armeures,  et  s'en 
partir  de  1'ost.' — Joinville,  Hist.  S. 
Louys,  p.  95,  ed.  1668.  In  his  notes 
upon  this  passage  Du  Cange  quotes  in 


illustration  of  the  phrase  the  tollowing 
lines  from  '  Le  Roman  de  Meraugis  de 
Portesguez ' — 

'  Un  giu  vous  part,  que  voles  faire, 
Se  voles  miex  tanger  que  taire.' 

Froissart  employs  the  phrase  in  a  some- 
what different  sense.  '  Disoient  ainsi 
Messire  Arcebault  Douglas  et  le  Comte 
de  Douglas  son  cousin :  Et  ne  peut  nul- 
lement  demeurer  que  nous  ne  ayons 
besogne ;  car  les  Anglois  chevauchent 
ou  chevaucheront  a  cette  remontee. 
Si  soyons  sur  notre  garde  et  les  com- 
battons  si  nous  lesveons  a  jeu  parti."* — 
Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  17,  ed.  P.  L.  This 
Lord  Berners  merely  renders  :  '  Let  us 
be  redy,  and  lette  us  fyght  with  them  if 
we  see  tyme  conuenyent.' — Chron. 
vol.  i.  p.  506.  As  jocus  partitus  and 
jeu  parti  implied  that  the  chances  were 
equal  and  the  event  doubtful,  so  on  the 
other  hand  the  phrases  jocus  or  hidus 
male  partitus  and  jeu  mal parti  seem  to 
have  been  employed  to  indicate  a  con- 
dition of  things  in  which  the  chances 
being  all  in  favour  of  one  side,  the  issue 
was  by  no  means  doubtful.  Thus  we 
read  in  the  Chronicle  of  the  Monastery 
of  Ardres,  in  the  Pas  de  Calais,  of  a  law- 
suit which  was  pending  for  many  years 
with  another  monastic  establishment 
at  Charroux,  and  was  carried  on  appeal 
to  Rome,  but  finally  terminated  in  a 
somewhat  one-sided  arrangement  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  Pope.  In  recording 
this  compromise  the  chronicler  drily 
remarks,  '  Hie  Indus  mall  videtur  par- 
titus, quia  in  uno  pependitur  risus,  etin 
alio  planctus  et  ejulatus.' — D'Achery, 
Spicileg.  torn.  ii.  p.  850,  ed.  1723. 
So  Joinville,  in  describing  a  battle  in 
Palestine  in  1253,  says,  *  Quant  les 
Alemans  virent  que  il  chassoient  a  folie, 
il  sen  revindrent  ariere.  Quant  les 
Sarrazins  virent  ce,  il  leur  coururent 
sus  a  pie,  et  leur  donnoient  de  sus  les 
roches  grans  cops  de  leur  maces,  et  leur 
arrachoient  les  couvertures  de  leur 
chevaus.  Quant  nos  serjans  virent  le 
meschief,  qui  estoient  avec  nous,  il  se 
commencierent  a  effreer  ;  et  je  leur  dis 
que  se  il  sen  aloient  que  je  les  feroit 
geter  hors  des  gages  le  roy  a  touzjours 


GLOSSARY. 


539 


mes.  Et  il  me  distrent :  Sire,  le  jeu 
nous  est  mal  parti ;  car  vous  estes  a 
cheual,  si  vous  enfuires ;  et  nous 
sommes  a  pie,  si  nous  occiront  les  Sar- 
razins.' — Bouquet,  Hist,  de  la  France, 
torn.  xx.  p.  277.  Again  in  Perceforest, 
a  romance  printed  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, we  have  the  following  description 
of  a  battle :  '  Lors  trayrent  leurs  espees 
et  commencerent  a  ferir  les  ungs  sur  les 
autres  de  tous  leurs  pouoirs.  Adonc 
commenca  ung  chappellys  mal  party  si 
cruel  que  cestoit  pitie  a  veoir.  Mais 
les  quatre  compaignons  se  deffendirent 
si  cheualereusement  que  chascun  les  en 
doit  loner.  Et  de  tant  estoit  le  ieu  mal 
/ar/j/.enuers  eulx  que  il  leur  conuenit 
receuoir  plus  de  coups  quilz  ne  pouoient 
rendre.' — Tom.  i.  fo.  34,  ed.  1531. 
Froissart  evidently  intends  to  convey 
this  meaning  when  he  says :  '  Quand 
les  Compagnies  entendirent  ces  nou- 
velles,  si  ne  furent  mie  bien  assures,  car 
Us  rfetoient  pas  a  jeu  parti  contre  les 
Francois.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  517. 
Lord  Berners  hardly  preserves  the  force 
of  the  original  in  translating  this  '  Whan 
these  companyons  herde  these  tidynges, 
they  were  than  nat  well  assured,  for  they 
were  nat  able  to  make  party  agaynst  the 
frenchemen.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  321. 
Coming  now  to  Chaucer,  we  find  the 
original  French  phrase  composed  of  two 
words  combined  by  him  in  one,  and  we 
may  even  discover  in  one  or  two  pas- 
sages more  or  less  distinct  traces  of  the 
still  earlier  legal  application  referred  to 
above.  Thus  in  the  Prologe  of  the 
Chanounes  Yeman: 

'  Whan  he,  thurgh  his  madnes  and  folye, 
Hath  lost  his  owne  good  vcijeupardie, 
Than  he  exciteth  other  men  therto, 
To  leese  her  good,  as  he  himself  hath  do.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  51,  ed.  1866. 

In  Troylus  and  Cryseyde  the  latter  ex- 
claims : 

'  A  Lord  !  what  me  is  tyd  a  sory  chaunce, 
For  myn  estate  lith  now  in  z.j-upartye, 
And  ek  myn  ernes  lyf  is  in  balaunce." 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  173. 

In  The  Boke  of  the  Duchesse  the  ex- 
pression is  used  most  appropriately  in 
connexion  with  the  game  of  chess  : 


'  Ful  craftier  to  pleye  she  was 
Than  Athalus,  that  made  the  game 
First  of  the  chesse,  so  was  hys  name. 
But  God  wolde  I  had  oones  or  twyes 
Ykoude,  and  knowe  ti\zjeupardyes, 
That  kowde  the  Greke  Pythagoras, 
I  shulde  han  pleyde  the  bet  at  ches, 
And  kept  my  fers  the  bet  therby.' 

Ibid.  vol.  T.  p.  175. 

Sir  Thomas  More  has  two  different 
forms  of  the  same  word  in  juxtaposition : 
*  He  canne  bee  no  saintuarye  manne 
that  neither  hath  wisedom  to  desire  it, 
nor  malice  to  deserue  it,  whose  lyfe  or 
libertye  can  by  no  lawfull  processe 
stande  in  ieopardie  .  .  .  While  I  am 
here  which  as  yet  intende  not  to  come 
forthe  and  iubarde  myselfe  after  other 
of  my  frendes,  which  woulde  God  wer 
rather  here  in  suertie  with  me  then  I 
were  there  in  iubardy  with  them. 
Whye  Madame,  (quod  a  nother 
Lorde)  know  you  anything  why  thei 
should  be  in  iubardye  ?  Nay  verely  sur, 
quod  shee,  nor  why  they  should  be  in 
prison  neither,  as  they  now  be.'— 
Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  48,  49,  ed.  1557. 
Spenser  employs  the  word  with  a 
scarcely  perceptible  recognition  of  its 
original  derivation : 

'  But  by  the  way  there  is  a  great  quicksand, 
And  a  whirlepoole  of  hidden  jeopardy; 
Therefore,  Sir  Palmer,  keepe  an  even  hand, 
For  twixt  them  both  the  narrow  way  dothly.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  220,  ed.  1866. 

Again,  in  Mother  Hubberd>s  Tale  : 

'  And  would  ye  not  poore  fellowship  expell, 
Myselfe  would  offer  you  t'  accompanie 
In  this  adventures  chauncefull./Vvpar*/rV; 
For  to  wexe  olde  at  home  in  idlenesse 
Is  disadventrous,  and  quite  fortunelesse  ; 
Abroad,  where  change  is,  good  may  gotten 
bee.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  5. 

In  conclusion,  it  may  be  mentioned 
thsA.  jeu  party  as  a  legal  term  is  found 
in  the  old  French  maritime  law.  M. 
Jal,  in  his  Glossaire  Nautique,  explains 
it  as  follows  :  •  Est  lorsque  Tune  des 
personnes  ayant  part  a  un  vaisseau, 
demande  en  jugement  que  le  tout  de- 
meure  a  celuy  qui  fera  la  condition  de 
1'autre  meilleure,  et  ne  voulant  plus 
demeurer  en  societe  avec  un  autre,  le 
met  en  action  pour  faire  Jeu  party,  c'est 
a  dire,  Donnez  moy  tant  de  ma  part, 


540 


THE   GOVERN  OUR. 


ou  je  vous  donneray  tant  de  la  votre,  ou 
bien  on  fera  estimer  les  parts.'  And 
this  writer  further  observes  :  '  On  voit 
que  le  Jeu  parti  etait  une  licitation  a 
fin  de  rachat  des  actions  d'autrui,  ou  a 
fin  de  vente  complete  de  la  part  que 
1'on  possedait  dans  un  navire.  Jeu 
parti  signifiait :  Jeu  partage  ou  Jeu  egal, 
Jeu  dont  les  chances  etaient  pour  1'un 
comme  pour  1'autre  des  associes  qui 
voulaientliciter.'— P.  1590,  ed.  1848. 

lestes,  exploits.  —  I.  252.  See 
Gestes. 

Illecebrous,  attractive,  enticing.— I. 

40,  70,  136;  II.  129.     So  far  as  the 
Editor  has  been  able  to  ascertain,  this 
very   uncommon    word    has  not  been 
used  by  any  other  English  writer.     It 
is   apparently  formed  from  the   Latin 
'illecebrosus,'  which  curiously  enough  is 
not  given  in  Elyot's   own  Dictionary. 
The   Latin   word  is   used   by  Plautus 
alone  of  classical  writers  :  '  Quia  istoc  il- 
lecebrosius  fieri  nihil  potest,  nox,  mulier, 
vinum,    homini    adolescentulo. ' — Sac- 
chid,    i.  i,  55.     Again.     '  Hui  !  illece- 
brose  !    capite  sistebas  cadum.' — Mil. 
Glor.  iii.  2,  36.     Prudentius  has  '  Ille- 
cebrosus  enim   sapor    est      et   pestifer 
horum.' — Con.  Sym.  lib.  ii.  144.     And 
Ammianus  Marcel  linus,  another  writer 
of  the  same  age,  also  employs  it  in  his 
History .  '  Crescente  flatu  cupiditatis  im- 
mensse  exsules  sollicitabat  et  milites,  pro 
temporis    captu    ausorum    illecebrosas 
pollicendo  mercedes.' — Lib.  xxviii.  cap. 
3.     Also,    '  Qui  illecebrosis  regem    in- 
sidiis  ambiens,  et  modo  serense  mentis 
Valentis  indices  litteras  tradens,  modo 
ipse  sese  ejus  conviviis  ingerens,  ad  ulti- 
mum   composita  fraude    ad  prandium 
verecundius  invitavit. ' — Lib.  xxx.  cap .  I . 

Illect,  to  entice,  attract,  allure. — I. 

41.  This  verb  appears  to  be  formed 
from  '  illectus, '  the  participle  of  'illicio,' 
which   is   quite   classical.      The   same 
form  is  used  by  Fish  in  The  Supplica- 
tion of  Beggars  :  '  These  be  they  (i.e. 
the  monks)  that  haue  made  an  100,000 
idle  whores  in  your  realme,  which  would 
haue  gotten  their  liuing  honestly  in  the 
sweat  of  their  faces,  had  not  their  super- 
fluous riches  illected  them  to  uncleane 
lust  and    idlenes.' — Foxe,    Actes  and 


Mon.  vol.  ii.  p.  1015,  ed.  1583.  The 
reader  will  observe  that  this  word  is 
used  precisely  in  the  same  sense  as  the 
analogous  form  'Allect.' 

Imbataile,  to  draw  up  an  army  in 
order  of  battle. — I.  253.  This  verb, 
which  is  more  often  spelt  Embatayle, 
(see  I.  45,  87),  is  not  found  in  this  com- 
pound form  in  French,  and  is  not  very 
common  in  this  sense  in  English.  Hol- 
land translates  Livy,  lib.  iii.  cap.  60, 
f  Quod  ubi  consul  sensit,  reddit  illatum 
antea  terrorem,  instructdque  acie  ultro 
hostem  lacessit,'  'Which  when  the 
Consull  perceived,  he  paid  them  againe 
with  the  like  measure  of  feare,  as  they 
before  had  from  them  received;  and  with 
his  armie  readie  embattailed,  biddeth 
them  battaile.' — Roman  Hist.  p.  129, 
ed.  1600.  It  occurs  in  Gower  : 

'  He  came,  where  he  this  hoste  behelde, 
And  that  was  in  a  large  felde, 
Where  the  baners  ben  displaied. 
He  hath  anone  his  men  arraide, 
And  whan  that  he  was  enbatailed, 
He  goth,  and  hath  the  felde  assailed, 
And  slough,  and  toke  all  that  he  fonde.' 

Con.  Am.  fo.  xxxvii  b.  ed.  1554. 

It  is  used  several  times  by  Shakespeare, 
as  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra  : 

'  They  say  we  shall  embattle 
By  the  second  hour  i'  the  morn.' 

\Vorks,  vol.  vii.  p.  572,  ed.  Dyce. 

And  in  King  John  Hubert  speaks  of  a 
tailor — 

'Who,  with  his  shears  and  measure  in  his 

hand, 
Standing    on   slippers, — which    his    nimble 

haste 

Had  falsely  thrust  upon  contrary  feet, — 
Told  of  a  many  thousand  warlike  French 
That  were  embattailed  and  rank'd  in  Kent.' 
Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  55. 

In  King  Henry  V.  the  messenger  ex- 
claims— 

'The   English   are    embattled,   you   French 
peers.'  Ibid.  p.  478. 

Imbatilmente,  a  battlement  of  a  wall. 
— II.  14.  This  compound  form  of  the 
substantive  appears  to  be  very  unusual, 
although  the  verb  is  more  commonly 
found  in  connection  with  this  architec- 
tural work  than  in  the  sense  mentioned 
above.  Thus  Chaucer,  in  The  Romaunt 
of  the  Rose  has — 


GLOSSARY. 


541 


'  And  whan  I  had  a  while  goon, 
I  saugh  a  gardyn  right  anoon, 
Full  long  and  brood,  and  everydelle 
Enclosed  was,  and  walled  welle, 
With  highe  walles  enbatailled, 
Portraied  without,  and  wel  entailled 
With  many  riche  portraitures. ' 

Poet,  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  5. 

The  corresponding,  passage  in  the 
French  shows  us  very  clearly  that  the 
preposition  prefixed  is  an  English  ac- 
cretion upon  the  original  word,  of  which 
similar  instances  have  been  already 
noticed : 

'  Quant  j'oi  ung  poi  avant  ale, 
Si  vi  ung  vergier  grant  et  le, 
Tot  clos  d'ung  haut  mur  bataillif, 
Portrait  defprs  et  entaillie 
A  maintes  riches  escritures.' 
Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  i.  p.  8,  ed.  1814. 

In  another  part,  however,  of  the  same 
poem  Chaucer  adopts  the  French  form : 

'  Lest  ony  tyme  it  were  assayled, 
Ful  wel  aboute  it  was  batayled; 
And  rounde  enviroun  eke  were  sette 
Ful  many  a  riche  and  faire  tourette.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  127. 

The  corresponding  passage  being  : 

'  Les  tornelles  sunt  les  k  Ms, 
Qui  richement  sunt  bataillies, 
Et  sunt  de  pierres  bien  taillies.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  155. 

Cotgrave  translates  Creneler  'to  im- 
battle  ;  to  make  into  or  fashion  like 
battlements.'  And  Creneure,  'a  jag- 
ging, nicking,  notching,  indenting  ;  or 
an  imbattling  or  making  into  square 
notches.'  Skelton,  Hen.  VIII. 's  poet 
laureate,  in  his  Crcnvne  of  Lafwrell, 


'  Into  a  felde  she  brought  me  wyde  and  large, 
Enwalled  about  with  the  stony  flint, 
Strongly  enbate/d,  muche  costious  of  charge, 
To  walke  on  this  wal  she  bed  I  should  nat 
stint.' 

Works,  signal.  B.  iii.  ed.  rs68. 

Spenser  in  The  Faerie  Queene  speaks 
of: 

'  Old  Cybele,  arayd  with  pompous  pride, 
Wearing  a  Diademe  embattild  wide 
With  hundred  turrets,  like  a  Turribant.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  246. 

In  the  middle  ages,  owing  to  the  dis- 
turbed slate  of  the  times,  '  every  house 
of  any  importance  was  fortified,  and  it 
was  necessary  to  obtain  from  the  crown 


a  licence  to  crenellate  or  fortify,  before 
any  house,  at  least  any  manor-house,  or 
gentleman's  house,  could  be  built.' 
Turner,  Dom.  Arch,  in  Eng.  vol.  ii.  p. 
10,  ed.  1853.  A  specimen  of  such  a 
licence  by  Ed.  II.  is  given  in  the  work 
last  quoted,  and  we  see  that  the  Latin 
verb  'batillare '  is  used  in  this  technical 
sense  :  '  Concedimus  Galfrido  de  Mor- 
tone,  civi  nostro  Dublin,  quod  sedincare 
possit  et  construere  unam  turrim  ad 
finem  magni  pontis  Dublin,  versus  vil- 
lam,  bene kernellatam et batillatam,&c.' 
Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  409,  note  h.  This  pre- 
rogative of  the  crown  to  grant  licences 
to  the  subject  to  crenellate  or  embattle, 
was  evidently  due  to  the  Norman 
lawyers,  who  were  already  familiar 
with  a  practice  which  had  long  existed 
in  Europe.  Thus  we  have  a  licence  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  in  1184,  grant- 
ing to  one  Guy,  'dominus  Tilicastri,' 
'Ut  castrum  Tilicastri  absque  burgo 
firmaret  hoc  modo,  ipsum  vero  castrum 
tali  promisi  claudi  aggere,  quali  burgus 
clausus  erat :  muro  quoque  permisi 
idem  castrum  claudi,  cujus  altitude  a 
ripa  interior!  sit  unius  lanceae,  absque 
batailliis  et  muro  antepectorali,  ita  qu6d 
ulterius  non  liceat  extendi.' — Perard, 
Hist,  de  Bourgogne,  p.  259,  ed.  1664. 
It  is  evident  that  'batallare,'  which  oc- 
curs so  frequently  in  the  English  li- 
cences, is  a  corruption  of '  batailliare, '  the 
verb  regularly  formed  from  the  above 
substantive,  for  in  a  code  of  Norman 
laws,  printed  by  Ludewig,  we  have  the 
following  clause  :  '  Habere  debet  eciam 
omnium  eorum  custodias,  qui  baronias 
comitatus  vel  mercatum  vel  serjanteriam 
liberam  feodatam  quae  nullam  inter  fra- 
tres  divisionem  debent  sustinere  vel 
domum  vel  turrem  batailliatam  de  duce 
tenent  per  homagium.' — Rel.  MSS. 
torn.  vii.  p.  230,  ed.  1726. 

Imbosed,  lit.  embossed,  but  here 
covered  with  fiakes  of  foam  or  froth. — 
II.  56  and  note,  333.  The  word  is 
here  used  metaphorically  with  special 
reference  to  the  peculiar  sense  in  which 
it  was  employed  by  sportsmen  in  hunt- 
ing the  stag.  Some  confusion  has, 
however,  arisen  with  regard  to  its  ori- 
gin which  Skinner  imagined  to  be  the 


542 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


French  embosquer,  Ital.  imboscare,  and 
hence  Richardson  and  others  have  been 
led  to  suppose  that  there  are  two  diffe- 
rent words  in  English,  one  derived 
from  embosquer  and  the  other  from  em- 
bosser. This  confusion  has,  no  doubt, 
been  caused  in  great  measure  by  a  mis- 
apprehension on  the  part  of  writers  who 
have  used  the  word  in  later  times  in 
what  they  conceived  was  its  original 
sense  as  applied  to  the  chase,  but  with- 
out properly  appreciating  its  peculiar 
meaning.  Elyot,  as  we  see,  translates 
'  os  turbidum '  *  mouth  imbosed. '  Now  in 
order  to  understand  this  very  unusual 
expression  we  must  refer  for  an  expla- 
nation to  the  early  authorities  on  hunt- 
ing. And  accordingly  Turbervile,  under 
the  head  of  '  Generall  terms  of  the  Hart 
and  his  properties,'  informs  us  that 
1  when  he  is  foamy  at  the  mouth  we 
saye  that  he  is  embost? — Booke  of  Hunt- 
ing, p.  242,  ed.  1575.  In  a  still  earlier 
treatise  on  the  same  subject,  viz.,  The 
Boke  of  St.  Albans,  printed  in  1486,  the 
author,  in  speaking  of  '  thynges  which 
causyth  the  houndes  to  endure, '  says — 

'  The  thyrde  cause  is  of  the  harte  whan  he  is 

nyghe  dede, 
Then  he  castyth  out  of  his  mouth  froth  and 

blood  rede, 
The  houndes  knowe  that  he  shall  be  take 

soone  thenne, 
And  euer  the  ferder  they  goo  the  gladder 

they  renne.' 

Now  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand 
that  the  foam  and  froth  which  would 
cling  in  large  bubbles  about  the  mouth 
of  a  hunted  stag  might  bear  a  fancied 
resemblance  to  'bosses'  of  metal- work, 
and  hence  the  animal  itself,  which  pre- 
sented such  an  appearance,  might  be 
said  to  be  'embossed.'  Something  like 
the  reverse  of  this  simile  may  be  found 
in  the  Latin  phrase  'pustulatum  ar- 
gentum'  used  by  Suetonius.  From 
being  applied  originally  no  doubt  to 
appearance,  the  word  would  soon  be 
employed  to  indicate  the  condition  of  a 
stag  when  hard  pressed  and  overcome 
with  exhaustion  and  fatigue.  The  mo- 
dern phrase  '  to  be  blown '  indicates  in 
much  the  same  way  a  degree  of  ex- 
haustion produced  by  the  difficulty  of 
respiration.  In  another  part  of  the 


work  just    quoted    Turbervile    says  : 
'An   harte    dreadethe  the    Northerne 
windes  and  the  Southerne  windes  much 
more  than  he  dothe   the    Easterly  or 
Westerly  windes,  in  such  sorte  that  if  at 
his  breakyng  out  of  a  couert,  when  he 
seeketh  to   breake   from   the  houndes 
endwaies  ouer  the  champaigne,  he  feele 
either  a  North  winde  or  a  South  winde 
blow,  he  will  neuer  runne  into  it,  but 
turnes  his  backe   and  takes  it   in   his 
tayle,  and  this  he  dothe  for  diuers  re- 
spects.    The  first  is  bycause  the  North 
winde  is  colde  and  sharpe,  and  drieth 
exceedingly,  and   the   South  winde   is 
hote  and  corrupte  bycause  it  commeth 
under  the  circle  of  the  sunne,  thewhiche 
ouercommeth  him  and  settes  him  up 
quickly  by  the  vehement  sweltrie  heate 
thereof.     And  if  he  should  runne  into 
any    of   those   two    windes    it   would 
quickly  enter  his  throte  'when  he  is  em- 
bost  and  beginneth  to  be  spent,  and  would 
drie  his  throte  and  his  tongue  sore,  and 
would  alter  and  chafe  him  much  with 
the    vehement    heate    thereof. '  —  Ubi 
supra,  pp.  117,  118.     Now  if  we  com- 
pare this  with  the  corresponding  pas- 
sage in  Du  Fouilloux's  work,  we  shall 
see  at  once   that  Turbervile's  transla- 
tion is  by  no  means  a  literal  one,  and 
that  the  words  in  italics  were  not  in  the 
original,  but  were  added  by  the  trans- 
lator, from  which  circumstance  we  may 
infer  that  the  application  of  the  word 
in  this  sense  was  unknown  to  French 
sportsmen.      '  Plus,  faut  entendre  qu'il 
y  a  deux  manieres  de  vents,  que  nous 
appellons  Galerne   et  Hautain,  autre- 
ment    nommez   vents   de  Nort   et   de 
Midy,   lesquels  le  Cerf  craint  grande- 
ment:  car  quand  il  sort  des  forests  et 
qu'il  se  fortpaist  par  les  campaignes,  si 
1'un  d'iceux  vents  regne,  il  ne  fuit  iamais 
la  teste  tournee  dedans,  mais  fait   au 
contraire  :  car  il  luy  tourne  le  cul  et 
fuit  a  val  :  ce  qu'il  fait  pour  beaucoup 
de  raisons  ;  dont  la  premiere  est,  que  le 
vent  de  Galerne  est  arre  et  froid,  des- 
sechant  grandement ;  et  celuy  de  Hau- 
tain est  chaut  et  corrompu,  pource  qu'il 
passe  soubs  la  region  du  soleil,  lequel 
le  putrefie  et  corrompt  a  cause  de  sa 
chaleur.     Etsid'auanturele  Cerffuyoit 


GLOSSARY. 


543 


la  gueule  dedans  1'un  d'iceux  vents,  il 
1'alteroit  et  luy  dessecheroit  grandement 
la  gueule  et  la  langue.' — La  Venerie, 
fo.  44  b.  ed.  1844.  The  following 
passage  from  an  old  play  called  Midas, 
written  by  Lilly,  and  printed  in  1592, 
may  be  also  cited  in  corroboration  of 
Turbervile's  definition.  Four  characters, 
Licio,  Petulus,  Minutius  and  a  Hunts- 
man, are  introduced,  between  whom 
the  following  conversation  takes  place : 
'  M.  Indeed,  hunting  were  a  pleasant 
sport,  but  the  dogges  make  such  bark- 
ing, that  one  cannot  hear  the  hounds 
crie.  H.  He  make  thee  crie,  if  I 
catch  thee  in  the  forest,  thou  shalt  be 
leasht.  M.  What's  that?  L.  Doest 
thou  not  understand  their  language? 
M.  Not  I.  P.  Tis  the  best  Cala- 
mance  in  the  world,  as  easilie  deciphered 
as  the  characters  in  a  nutmeg.  M.  I 
pray  thee  speake  some.  P.  I  will. 
PI.  But  speake  in  order  or  He  pay 
you.  L.  To  it,  Petulus.  P.  There 
was  a  boy  leasht  on  the  single,  because 
when  he  was  imbost  he  tooke  soyle. 
L.  What's  that?  P.  Why  a  boy 
was  beaten  on  the  taile  with  a  leathern 
thong,  bicause,  when  he  fomde  at  the 
mouth  with  rttnning,  he  went  into  the 
water.'— Act  iv.  sc.  3.  In  another 
comedy  of  the  period,  called  The  Shoe- 
maker's Holiday,  two  of  the  dramatis 
personse,  called  Warner  and  Hammon, 
enter  as  hunters,  and  the  latter  says  : 

'  Cosen,  beate  euery  brake,  the  game's  not  far. 
This  way  with  winged  feete   he   fled  from 

death, 
Whilst     the    pursuing  hounds,   senting   his 

steps,  _ 

Find  out  his  high  way  to  destruction. 
Besides,  the  miller's  boy  told  me  euen  now 
He  saw  him  take  soile,  and  he  hallowed  him, 
Affirming  him  so  embost  that  long  he  could 
not  hold .' 

Signat.  C.  4.  ed.  1600. 

In  this  last  passage  the  word  un- 
doubtedly means  exhausted,  and  it  is 
evidently  used  in  the  same  sense  by 
Chapman,  who  translated  the  follow- 
ing lines : 

Ap-yeioi  io'/uwpoi  eAeyxe'es  ov  vv  cre'/Sco-fle  ; 

Tl'<|>#f  OUT<09  €(7TTJTe  Te#T)7TOT6S  T^VTC  Ve/3pOt 

At  T*  cTrei  oZv  e/ca/utoi',  iroAeo?  TreStoio  #eou(rai 
'Earacr'  ovfi'  dpa  rts  (T<£t.  /aera  <f>p«<rl  ylyve-rai 
//.  iv.  242-245. 


'  Base  Argiues,  blush  ye  not  to  stand,  as  made 

for  Buts  to  darts  ? 
Why  are  ye  thus  discomfited,  like  hinds  that 

have  no  harts  ? 
Who,   wearied  with  a    long-run    field,    are 

instantly  embost, 

Stand  still,  and  in  their  beastly  breasts  is  all 
their  courage  lost.' 

The  Iliads,  p.  55,  ed.  1611. 

We  are  now  in  a  position  more  clearly 
to  understand  Chaucer's  meaning  when 
he  says  in  The  Boke  of  the  Duchesse : 
'  And  alle  men  speke  of  huntynge, 
How  they  would  slee  the  hert  with  strengthe, 
And  how  the  hert  had  upon  lengths 
So  much  embosed,  Y  not  now  what.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  166. 
Mr.  Morris,  in  the  Glossary  to  the 
Aldine  edition,  suggests  that  this  im- 
plies '  taking  shelter  in  a  wood,'  but  the 
poet's  meaning  becomes  far  more  in- 
telligible as  soon  as  we  discover  that 
he  intended  to  represent  the  stag  over- 
come by  exhaustion.  The  same  idea 
was  doubtless  present  to  the  mind  of 
Spenser  when  he  employed  the  word 
in  the  following  passage  : 

'  Mainely  they  all  attonce  upon  him  laid, 
And  sore  beset  on  euery  side  arownd, 
That  nigh  he  breathlesse  grew,  yet  nought 
dismaid, 

****** 

Made  them  recoile,  and  fly  from  dredd  decay, 
That  none  of  all  the  six  before  him  durst 

assay. 

Like  dastard  curres  that  having  at  a  bay 
The  salvage  beast  embost  in  wearie  chace , 
Dare  not  adventure  on  the  stubborne  pray, 
Ne  byte  before,  but  rome  from  place  to  place 
To  get  a  snatch  when  turned  is  his  face.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  245. 

And  also  in  his  picture  of  Fury  : 

'  In  her  right  hand  a  firebrand  shee  did  tosse 
About  her  head,  still  roming  here  and  there; 
As  a  dismayed  Deare  in  chace  embost, 
Forgetfull  of  his  safety,  hath  his  right  way 
lost.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  93. 

In  the  following  passage  the  poet  used 
it  metaphorically — 

'Which  when  he   knew,  and  felt  our  feeble 

harts 

Embost  with  bale,  and  bitter  byting  griefe, 
Which  love  had  launched  with  his  deadly 

darts, 
With  wounding  words,  andtermes  of  foule 

repriefe, 

He  pluckt  from  us  all  hope  of  dew  reliefe, 
That  earst  us  held  in  love  of  lingring  life.' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  8. 


544 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Drayton  also  evidently  intended  to 
convey  the  impression  of  the  stag  being 
exhausted  when  he  employed  this  word 
in  his  description  of  the  chase — 

'  When,  th'  approaching  foes  still  following,  he 

perceives 
That  hee  his  speed  must  trust,  his  usuall 

walke  he  leaues, 
And  o'er  the  champaine  flies,  which  when 

th'  assembly  find, 
Each  followes,  as  his  horse  were  footed  with 

the  wind. 
But  beeing  then  imbost,   the  noble  stately 

Deere, 
When  he  hath  gotten  ground  (the  kennell 

cast  arere), 
Doth  beat  the  brooks  and  ponds  for  sweet 

refreshing  soyle, 
That  seruing  not,  then  proues  if  he  his  sent 

can  foyle.' 

Polyolbion,  p.  216,  ed.  1613. 

Shakespeare  was,  no  doubt,  very  familiar 
with  this  technical  use  of  the  word,  as 
is  shown  by  his  own  employment  of  it 
in  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  when  the 
latter  is  represented  as  exclaiming — 

'  Help  me,  my  women  !  O  he  is  more  mad 
Than  Telamon  for  his  shield ;  the  boar  of 

Thessaly 
Was  never  so  emboss' d.' 

Works,  vol.  vii.  p.  575,  ed.  Dyce. 

In  Timon  of  Athens,  however,  the  word, 
which  was  strictly  applicable  to  animals 
only,  is  by  a  bold  change  of  metaphor 
transferred  to  the  foam  of  the  sea — 

'  Timon  hath  made  his  everlasting  mansion 
Upon  the  beached  verge  of  the  salt  flood; 
Which  once  a  day  with  his  embossed  froth 
The  turbulent  surge  shall  cover. ' 

Act.  v.  sc.  2. 

Malone  in  his  note  on  this  passage  de- 
rives '  embossed '  from  the  Spanish  word 
fmbofar,  which  he  says  means  '  to  cast 
out  of  the  mouth.'  Unfortunately  it 
means  the  very  reverse  of  what  Malone 
supposed,  viz.,  '  to  get  into  the  mouth ; ' 
but  it  is  possible  that  he  has  confused 
this  with  another  word  of  very  similar 
sound,  viz.  embozar,  the  meaning  of 
which  is,  '  to  cover  all  the  face  but  the 
eyes.'  And  in  that  case  the  derivation 
would  not  be  really  very  far-fetched. 
Nares,  on  the  other  hand,  thinks  '  it  is 
not  likely  we  should  have  a  hunting 
term  from  Spain.'  But  why  not  ? 
There  was  a  good  deal  of  intercourse 
between  England  and  Spain  in  the 


sixteenth  century,  and  Charles  V.,  when 
he  visited  this  country  in  1522  with  a 
large  retinue,  constantly  hunted  with 
the  king.  In  Howell's  Lexicon  Tetra- 
glotton  a  long  list  of  hunting  terms  is 

fiven  with  their  Spanish  equivalents, 
n  Alts  Well  that  Ends  Well  it  is 
evident  that  Shakespeare  uses  the  word 
in  the  same  sense  as  Chaucer  and 
Spenser — *  We  have  almost  embossed 
him,  you  shall  see  his  fall  to-night.' — 
Act.  iii.  sc.  6.  Here  the  meaning 
clearly  is  '  We  have  almost  wearied 
him  out.'  That  this  was  the  meaning 
of  the  word  as  a  hunting  term  is  put 
beyond  doubt  by  Gervase  Markham, 
who  says  :  *  It  is  the  nature  of  a  Deare 
when  he  is  once  imbost  or  wearie,  to  seeke 
where  he  may  find  another  Deare,  and 
to  beate  him  up  and  lay  himselfe  downe 
in  his  place.  To  know  when  a  stagge 
is  wearie  you  shall  see  him  imbost, — that 
is,  foaming  and  slauering  about  the 
mouth  with  a  thicke  white/roth? — Coun- 
trey  Content,  p.  31,  ed.  1615.  In  an- 
other treatise  on  hunting  we  have  what 
appears  to  be  the  substantive  formed 
from  this  verb  :  '  Always  when  you 
come  to  a  soil  (according  to  the  old 
rule,  He  that  will  his  chase  find,  let  him 
first  try  up  the  river  and  down  the 
wind)  be  sure  if  your  hounds  challenge 
but  a  yard  above  his  going  in,  that  he 
is  gone  up  the  river  :  for  though  he 
should  keep  the  very  middle  of  the 
stream,  yet  will  that,  with  the  help  of 
the  wind,  lodge  part  of  the  stream  and 
imbosh  that  comes  from  him  on  the 
bank,  it  may  be  a  quarter  of  a  mile 
lower,  which  hath  deceived  many.' — 
Cox,  Gentleman's  Recreat.  p.  73,  ed. 
1697. 

Imbrayde,  to  upbraid.— -II.  140,  231 
and  note,  275  ;  see  Embraide. 

Impassible,  incapable  of  suffering. 
— II.  373  and  note. 

Impeche,  to  hinder. — II.  431  and 
note;  see  Empeche. 

Impechement,  an  impediment,  hin- 
drance, obstacle. — I.  169.  The  French 
empeschement,  which  Cotgrave  translates 
'An  impeachment;  a  let,  stop,  hin- 
derance,  impediment,  obstacle.'  In 
Palsgrave  we  find,  'Let  or  lettyng— 


GLOSSARY. 


545 


empeschement  s,  m.;  obstacle  s,  m.'  — 
L?  Esclair.  p.  238.  In  Commines  we 
read  '  Nul  serviteur  ni  parent  du  due 
Jean  Galeas  de  Milan  ne  donnoit  em- 
peschement au  seigneur  Ludovic  a 
prendre  la  duche  pour  luy,  que  la  femme 
dudit  due,  qui  estoit  jeune  et  sage,  et 
fille  du  due  Alphonse  de  Calabre,  que 
par  devant  ay  nomme,  fils  aisne  du  roy 
Ferrand  de  Naples.'  —  Mem.  p.  192, 
ed.  P.  L.  C.  de  Seissel  translated  ol 
5e 


ToO  xp°vov-  —  Thuc.  lib.  i.  cap.  118. 
*  A  quoy  les  Lacedemoniens  iacoit  quilz 
lapperceussent  assez  ne  leur  donnerent 
pas  grant  empeschement,  ains  vesquirent 
la  plus  part  du  temps  en  paix  et  en 
repos.'  —  D  Ply  st.  de  Thuc.  fo.  xxii  b, 
ed.  1527.  And  this  in  turn  is  rendered 
by  Nicolls,  who  professed  to  translate 
'  oute  of  Frenche  '  as  follows  :  '  Wherin 
the  Lacedemonyens,  although  they  per- 
ceyued  it  well  ynough,  gaue  them  no 
great  empeschement,  but  lyued  the  more 
parte  of  the  tyme  in  peace  and  reste.' 
—  Fol.  xxxviii  b,  ed.  1550.  Udall 
also  employs  a  form  of  the  word  closely 
resembling  the  original  in  translating 
from  Erasmus  :  '  Some  pointes  finally 
there  bee,  that  maie  be  unknowen  with- 
out anie  perill  of  saluacion,  and  without 
any  greuous  empechemente  or  hynder- 
aunce  of  a  christen  mannes  perfeccion, 
as  in  dede  (for  an  exaumple)  al  that 
euer  we  knowe  in  diuine  matiers,  is  but 
a  litle  porcion  in  respect  and  com- 
parison of  that  that  we  know  not.'  — 
Tom.  i.  fo.  ccxiv  b,  ed.  1551.  Eras- 
mus having  written  '  Sunt  denique  quae 
citra  periculum  salutis,  citra  grave  dis- 
pendium  j>\&.a.\\s,  nesciri  possunt  :  quern  - 
admodum  in  rebus  divinis  quae  scimus, 
minima  portio  est  ad  ea  quae  nescimus.  '  — 
Par.  in  New.  Test,  tom.i.  p.282,ed.  1541. 
Holland,  still  later,  translated  '  Utque 
omnes,  nullo  impediente,  ad  sui  favorem 
illiceret,  adhaerere  cultui  Christiano 
fingebat,  a  quo  jam  pridem  occulte 
desciverat.  '—  Amm.  Marcell.  lib.  xxi. 
cap.  2.  'And  to  the  end  he  might, 
without  any  impeachment,  allure  all  men 
to  favour  him,  he  made  semblance  that 
he  adhered  to  the  Christian  religion, 


from  which  a  pretie  while  before  closely 
he  was  revolted.' — The  Rom.  Hist.  p. 
167,  ed.  1609.  The  poet  Spenser,  in 
his  View  of  the  State  of  Ireland,  published 
in  1596,  uses  the  word  in  this  sense: 
'  If  it  be  not  paineful  to  you,  tell  us 
what  things  during  your  late  continuance 
there,  you  observed  to  bee  most  offen- 
sive, and  greatest  impeachment  to  the 
good  rule  and  government  thereof.' — 
P.  3,  ed.  1809.  And  so  it  is  used  by 
Shakespeare  in  King  Henry  V. : 

'  Turn  thee  back, 

And  tell  thy  king,— I  do  not  seek  him  now; 
But  could  be  willing  to  march  on  to  Calais 
Without  impeachment ;  for,  to  say  the 

sooth, — 

Though  'tis  no  wisdom  to  confess  so  much 
Unto  an  enemy  of  craft  and  vantage, — 
My  people  are  with  sickness  much  en- 
feebled.' Act  iii.  sc.  5. 
The  Latin  word  '  impechementum '  oc- 
curs in  the  same  sense  in  old  docu- 
ments; thus  in  an  indenture,  dated  I2th 
Sept.,  1407,  by  which  Rees  ap  Griffith 
and  others  agreed  to  surrender  the 
castle  of  Aberystwith  to  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  unless  relieved  by  All  Saints 
day,  we  find  the  following  clause : 
*Concedit  insuper  idem  Illustrissimus 
Princeps,  ex  gratia  sua  speciali,  eisdem 
Rees  et  nommatis  sociis  suis  infra  dic- 
tum Castrum  existentibus,  a  data  Prae- 
sentium  usque  ad  dictum  festum  Om- 
nium Sanctorum,  quod  ipse,  ipsi,  et 
eorum  quilibet,  absque  irnpechiamenfo, 
impedimento,  arrestatione  quavis,  libere 
vehere,  mittere,  et  disponere  poterunt 
omnia  eorum  bona  mobilia  a  tempore 
datae  Pratsentium  infra  Castrum  exis- 
tentia  tarn  per  mare  quam  per  terram.  '— 
Rymer,  Feed.  torn.  viii.  p.  498.  On  the 
I7th  July,  1426,  an  order  of  the  king  in 
Council  was  issued  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
excesses  which  were  committed  by  the 
English  upon  the  merchants  of  Flan- 
ders in  which  the  following  clause  oc- 
curs :  '  In  casu  quo  praedicti  captores 
naves  et  bona,  sic  capta,  sua  sponte, 
restituere  voluerint,  id  facere  valeant; 
posito  quod  exnunc  in  aliquos  portus 
praedictorum  applicata  fuerint,  nee  de- 
bent  in  hoc  casu  gubernatores  locorum 
seu  portuum  eos  prohibere  vel  im- 
pedire.'1  The  sheriffs  of  the  maritime 
countries  were  afterwards  ordered  to 


II. 


N    N 


546 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


publish  a  proclamation  embodying  the 
provisions  of  this  order,  when  the 
clause  above  mentioned  appeared  as 
follows  :  '  Toutz  voies,  se  les  Purveurs 
vouloient  restituer,  de  leur  bon  gree,  les 
ditz  Niefs  et  Biens,  faire  le  purront,  pose 
orez  q'ils  feussent  desca  arrivez  en  au- 
cuns  Portz,  et  en  ceo  cas  les  Governeurs, 
Justicers,  ou  Officers  des  ditz  Lieux  ny 
purront  mettre  empechement?  —  Ibid. 
torn.  x.  p.  367.  The  following  year, 
viz.  in  March,  1428,  the  Bishop  of  Ban- 
gor,  Nicholas  Rysheton,  and  Sir  Tho- 
mas Pitworth,  lieutenant  of  Calais, 
were  sent  as  Commissioners  to  Flanders. 
In  the  instructions  given  to  them  on 
that  occasion  we  find  the  following  : 
'  Item,  Ordinetur  qu6d  Mercatores, 
Marinarii,  Peregrini,  ac  alii  subditi  dicti 
Domini  Regis  Anglise  (cujuscumque 
prseeminentiae,  status,  aut  conditionis 
fuerint)  possint  libere  ingredi  et  intrare 
villas  firmas  et  muratas  dictae  Patriae 
Flandriae,  absque  licentia,  demanda,  im- 
pedimento,  seu  impechemento  quocum- 
que,  et  ibi  stare  et  morari  pro  mercan- 
disis  et  aliis  factis  suis  quibuscumque.' 
— Ubi  supra,  390.  The  word  im- 
peachment as  a  legal  term  in  deeds,  ex. 
gr.,  a  'lessee  without  impeachment  of 
waste,'  is  sometimes  said  to  be  used  in 
the  same  sense.  And  in  Blount's  Law 
Dictionary ',  published  in  1717,  it  is 
said  to  be  derived  'from  the  French 
Empeschement,  i.e.  Impediment,'  and 
'  signifies  a  restraint  from  committing 
waste  upon  lands  or  tenements.'  But 
the  very  same  authority  also  gives  '  Im- 
petitio,  accusation  or  Impeachment.  As 
sine  impetitione  vasti ;  the  party  shall 
not  be  questioned  or  accused  for  any 
waste.'  And  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  latter  is  the  true  origin  of  the 
legal  phrase.  For  '  impetere '  was  used 
in  the  middle  ages  as  the  equivalent  of 
'in  jus  vocare,  accusare/  &c.,  and 
Spelman  shows  us  that  '  impetitus '  was 
similarly  used  for  accusatus,  or  crimi- 
natus.  As,  ex.  gr.,  in  the  Laws  of 
Hen.  I.  :  'Judices  sane  non  debent 
esse,  nisi  quos  impetitus  elegerit.' — 
Lambard,  Arch.  p.  .178,  ed.  1644.  The 
word  '  impetitio '  was  also  used  in  a  sense 
exactly  analogous  to  that  of  our  own 


legal  term  referred  to  above.  Thus 
Christian  Schlegel,  a  German  writer  on 
numismatics,  has  printed  a  charter  of 
1278,  from  which  it  appears  that  the 
Abbot  and  Convent  of  Wechterswinckel 
sold  to  the  monks  of  Weimar  'tres 
ortos  sitos  in  Inferiori  Wimar  cum 
omni  jure  et  proprietate,  qua  nos  prae- 
dictos  ortos  videbamur  possidere,  et  ab 
omni  impeticione  nociva  praedictam  ec- 
clesiam  volumus  werendare  (i.e.  defen- 
dere),  hoc  attendentes,  quod  cultores 
prsedictorum  ortorum,  sive  possessores 
nihil  juris  habent  in  jam  dictis  ortis,  nee 
eos  habere  protestamur,  nisi  hoc  solum, 
quod  vulgariter  dicimus  Landsedele.' — 
De  Nummis  Goth.  p.  193,  note  (a\  ed. 
1717.  Again,  a  decree  of  Philippe  le 
Hardi  in  1282,  giving  judgment  in  a  suit 
between  the  citizens  of  Brive  near  Li- 
moges against  the  Church  of  St.  Julian, 
Pronounces  that  '  eandem  Ecclesiam  per 
udicium  nostne  Curioe  absolvimus 
super  praedictis  omnibus,  ab  impetitione 
hominum  prsedictorum  super  praedictis 
petitionibus,  eisdem  hominibus  perpe- 
tuum  silencium  imponendo.' — Ordonn. 
des  Rois,  torn.  vii.  p.  417,  ed.  1745. 
Rodolph  of  Gatersleuen,  in  1317,  gave 
to  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  in  Magde- 
burg '  proprietatem  duorum  mansorum  in 
campis  villae  Escherstede  sitorum ....  a 
dictis,  videlicet  domino  praeposito  et  suo 
conventu,  proprietatis  titulo  perpetuo 
possidendam,  valens  eosdem  ab  impeti- 
tione quorumlibet  warrandare,  et  here- 
des  mei  dilecti,  scilicet  Henningus,  Hin- 
ricus,  Rodolphus  et  Hogerus  filii  mei, 
debent  eos  similiter  defensare.' — Lude- 
wig.  Rel.  MSS.  torn.  ii.  p.  462. 
These  instances  go  far  to  show  that  the 
meaning  of  the  word  '  impeachment '  as 
used  in  English  legal  documents  is 
really  'impetitio'  and  not  'impedi- 
mentum.'  And  if  so  Dr.  Johnson's 
statement  that  the  word  '  impeachment ' 
meaning  'hindrance'  was  no  longer  in 
use  in  his  day  must,  notwithstanding 
the  assertions  to  the  contrary  of  his 
editors  Mr.  Todd  and  Dr.  Latham,  be 
admitted  to  be  strictly  accurate. 

Importable,  insupportable,  intoler- 
able.— I.  14;  II.  140.  The  word 'im- 
portabilis'  was  unknown  to  the  classics, 


GLOSSARY. 


547 


"but  it  is  met  with  in  the  patristic  writ- 
ings. Thus  Tertullian  says  :  '  Invehi- 
tur  et  in  doctores  ipsos  legis,  quod  one- 
rarent  alios  import abilibus  oneribus,  quse 
ipsi  ne  digito  quidem  aggredi  auderent. 
Cceterurn  excusandos  potius  censuisset, 
si  importabilia  portare  non  possent.' — 
Aavers.  Marcion,  Lib.  iv.  cap.  27.  It 
seems  also  to  have  been  used  by  mo- 
nastic writers  in  later  times,  for  Matthew 
Paris  quotes  a  Circular  letter  addressed 
in  1231  to  the  bishops  and  chapters, 
with  regard  to  the  Roman  Clerks  then 
employed  in  England,  in  which  the 
following  passage  occurs  :  '  Unde  licet 
grave  sit  nobis  contra  stimulum  calci- 
trare,  tamen,  quia  qui  nimis  emungit 
elicit  sanguinem,  nos  severitatem  eorum 
animadvertentes,  qui  ab  initio  tanquam 
ad  venae  Romam  sunt  ingressi,  nunc  au- 
tem  nos  non  tantum  judicare,  sed  etiam 
condempnare  intendunt,  alligantes  onera 
importabilia  quse  nee  in  se  nee  in  suos 
digito  movere  volunt,  de  eommuni  con- 
silio  magis  elegimus,  licet  tarde,  resistere, 
quam  eorum  oppressionibus  intolerabi- 
libus  amplius  subjacere,  seu  majori  su-^ 
bici  servituti.' — Chron.  Maj.  vol.  iii.  p. 
209,  the  Rolls  ed.  The  statute  I  Rich. 
III.  cap.  9,  'touching  the  merchants 
of  Italy,'  asserts  that  'mesmes  les  mar- 
chauntes  de  Italic  et  autres  matchauntes 
estraungez  sont  hostes,  et  preignont  as 
eux  poeple  dautres  nacions  a  sojourne 
oveque  eux,  et  de  jour  en  autre  achatont 
vendont  et  fount  plusours  privez  et  se- 
cretz  contractes  et  bergeines  ovesque 
mesme  le  poeple,  a  lour  graund  encreace 
et  profit,  et  a  lenportable  damage  de  les 
ditz  subgiettes  du  Roy,'  or  as  it  appears 
in  the  English  translation  'to  the  Im- 
portable hurte  of  youre  said  Subgiettes. ' 
In  the  preamble  of  23  Hen.  VIII.  cap. 
20,  'An  Act  concerning  payment  of  An- 
nates  to  the  See  of  Rome,'  it  is  alleged  that 
'  The  seid  exaccions  of  Annates  or  first 
fruyttes  be  so  intolerable  and  importable 
to  this  realme '  that  it  was  considered 
by  Parliament  the  bounden  duty  of  the 
king  to  do  all  in  his  power  '  to  obvyate 
represseand  redresse  the  said  abusions.' 
Le  Meung,  in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose^ 
speaking  of  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees, 
says  : 

N  N 


'II  lient  as  gens  decevables 
Grids  faiz  qui  ne  sunt  pas  po rtables 
Et  SOT  lor  espaules  lor  posent, 
Mais  o  lor  doi  movoir  nes  osent.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  361,  ed.  1814. 
And  this  Chaucer  renders  as  follows  : 

'  And  they  wolde  bynde  on  folk  al-wey  ; 
That  ben  to  be  giled  able, 
Burdons  that  ben  importable ; 
On  folkes  shuldris  thinges  they  couchen, 
That  they  nyl  with  her  fyngris  touchen." 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  210. 
Again  in  The  Monkes  Tale— 

'God,  for  his  manace,  him  so  sore  smoot 
With  invisible  wounde  ay  incurable, 
That  in  his  guttes  carf  it  so  and  bot, 
That  his  peynes  were  importable.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  220. 
Sir  Thomas  More,  in  his  Hist,  of  Rich. 
III.  says  :  '  When  the  Quene  and  these 
Lordes  were  comme  together  in  pre- 
sence, the  Lorde  Cardinall  shewed  unto 
her  that  it  was  thought  unto  the  pro- 
tectour  and  unto  the  whole  counsayle 
that  her  kepyng  of  the  kinges  brother 
in  that  place  was  the  thing  whiche 
highlye  souned,  not  onelye  to  the  greate 
rumoure  of  the  people  and  theyr  ob- 
loquye,  but  also  to  the  importable  griefe 
and  displeasure  of  the  kinges  royall 
maiestie.'—  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  48.  Hall, 
speaking  of  the  embassy  from  Guienne, 
in  1452,  says  that  '  The  Lordes  of  Gas- 
coyne . . .  returned  into  their  countrey . . . 
exhorting  euery  man  to  be  firme  and 
stable  to  the  kyng  of  England  and  his 
heyrs,  under  whose  libertie  and  fredom 
thei  had  prospered  and  reioysed  aboue 
iii  c  yeres,  rather  then  now  to  fal  into 
the  P'rench  captiuitie,  whose  taxes  were 
unreasonable,  and  whose  dayly  exac- 
cions were  to  them  importable. '  — Chron. 
fo.  clxiv  b,  ed.  1548.  Spenser  uses 
this  word  in  The  Faerie  Queene — 

'  So  both  attonce  him  charge  on  either  syde 
With  hideous  strokes  and  importable  powre, 
That  forced  him  his  ground  to  traverse  wyde, 
And    wisely    watch    to    ward    that    deadly 
stowre." 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  160,  ed.  1866. 

Incende,  to  inflame,  excite,  stir  v/>, 
provoke.— \.  253  ;  II.  49.  This  word, 
which  is  now  quite  obsolete,  is  formed 
from  the  Latin  verb  'incendo,'  which 
is  frequently  used  in  the  same  sense. 
Thus  — 


548 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


'  Protinus  ad  regem  cursus  detorquet  larbam, 
Incenditque  animum   dictis,  atque    aggerat 
iras. ' 

Virg.  sEn.  iv.  197. 

And  Cicero  says  :  '  Cedamus  igitur,  et 
ut  boni  cives  simus,  bellum  Italiae  terra 
marique  inferamus,  et  odia  improborum 
rursus  in  nos,  quae  jam  exstincta  erant, 
incendamus,  et  Lucceii  consilia  ac  Theo- 
phani  persequamur.' — Epist.  ad  Att. 
lib.  ix.  I.  Again  '  Genus  enim  scrip- 
torumtuorum  . .  .  vicit  opinionem  meani, 
meque  ita  vel  cepit,  vel  incendit,  ut 
cuperem  quam  celerrime  res  nostras 
monumentis  commendari  tuis.' — Epist. 
ad  Div.  lib.  v.  12.  So  Sallust  employs 
it  in  the  same  way  :  '  Hsec  juventutem, 
ubi  familiares  qpes  defecerant,  ad 
facinora  incendebant.' — Cat.  cap.  13. 
Again  Terence  in  his  comedy  of&ecyra, 
makes  Phidippus  say:  'Quamobrem 
incendor  ira,  esse  ausam  facere  hsec  te 
injussu  meo.' — Act.  iv.  sc.  i.  47.  Sir 
Thomas  Elyot,  in  his  Castel  of  .Health, 
uses  the  word  again,  but  in  its  literal 
sense,  viz.  to  inflame  ^  '  Naturall  heate, 
by  withdrawinge  of  moysture,  is  to 
moche  incended,  and  not  fyndynge  hu- 
moureto  warke  in,  tourneth  his  vyolence 
to  the  radycall  or  substanciall  moysture 
of  the  body,  and  exhaustynge  that  hu- 
mour, bringeth  the  body  into  a  con- 
sumption.'—Fo.  54,  ed.  1541.  It  is 
used  by  John  Marston  the  dramatist,  in 
\ht  Scourge  of  Villanie,  printed  in  1599 — 
'  Capro  reads,  sweares,  scrubs,  and  sweares 

againe, 

Now  by  my  spule  an  admirable  straine, 
Strokes   up  his  haire,  cries  passing  passing 

good, 

Oh,  there's  a  line  incends  his  lustfull  blood.' 
Miscell.  Pieces,  p.  201,  ed.  1764. 
Burton  also  employs  it  in  the  primitive 
sense  :  '  Why  students  and  louers  are 
so  often  melancholy  and  mad,  the  Phi- 
losophers of  Conimbra  assignes  this 
reason,  because  by  a  vehement  and  con- 
tinuall  meditation  of  that  wherewith 
they  are  affected,  they  fetch  up  the  spirits 
into  the  Braine,  and  with  the  heat 
brought  with  them  they  incend  it  be- 
yond measure :  and  the  cells  of  the  inner 
senses  dissolue  their  temperature,  which 
being  dissolved,  they  cannot  perform 
their  offices  as  they  ought.' — Anat.  of 
Melan.  p.  207,  ed.  1632. 


Indamag-e,  Indomage,  to  injure.— 
I.  147,  248;  II.  75,95,  217;  see  En- 
domage. 

Induction,  an  inducement,  also  an 
introduction  or  preface. — I.  238  ;  II. 
394.  The  author  seems  to  have  used 
this  word  in  these  two  passages  in  the 
different  senses  indicated  above.  The 
context  at  all  events  leads  to  the  con- 
clusion that  he  did  not  employ  it  in 
the  only  way  in  which  we  recognise  it 
at  the  present  day,  viz.,  as  a  term  of 
Logic.  Cicero  himself  gives  to  the 
parent  word  '  inductio '  two  or  three 
quite  distinct  meanings  besides  that 
last  mentioned.  Thus  he  speaks  of 
'  personarum  ficta  inductio.' — De  Orat. 
lib.  iii.  cap.  53  ;  and  also  of  « qusedam 
inductio  animi  atque  voluntas.' — Ep. 
ad  Q.  Frat.  lib.  i.  i.  We  may  also 
compare  the  way  in  which  the  same 
word  has  been  employed  by  early 
French  writers.  A  translation  of  Livy 
by  Bercheure,  a  learned  Benedic- 
tine, who  died  in  1362,  was  printed 
at  Paris  in  1514.  In  this  the  passage 
''Ssepe  iterando  eadem  perpulit  tandem, 
ut  Romas  fanum  D'ianae  populi  Latini 
cum  populo  Romano  facerent.'  (Lib. 
i.  cap.  45),  is  rendered  '  Si  fist  tant 
que  par  ses  monitions  le  peuple  rom- 
main  et  le  peuple  latin  furent  dac- 
cord  de  faire  a  romme  ung  temple  de 
diane.' — Tom.  i.  fo.  17  b.  But  the 
same  passage  is  given  by  M.  Littre 
from  a  MS.  copy  of  the  same  work  as 
''  Tant  fist  par  ses  inductions ,'  &c. 
Again  Amyot  in  the  sixteenth  century 
translated  ov  (T/cATjpaTs  ouSe  avrnvirois 
ayuyais,  dAAa  TVITLKOIS,  Kal  rb  ez>8<5<rtjuoi/ 
Kal  TreiOyviov  airdff-ns  avdyKys  Kal  fiias 
exovffaisayvffifji.(aT€pov. — Plut.  de  Virtute 
Moraliy  cap.  4.  'Non  par  dures  ny 
violentes  contrainctes,  mais  par  niolles 
et  doulces  inductions  et  persuasions,  qui 
ont  plus  d'efficace  que  toutes  les  forces 
du  monde.' — Les  CEtwres  Mor.  torn.  i. 
fo.  32,  ed.  1572.  And  this  in  turn  was 
rendered  by  Holland  in  the  following 
century  '  Not  byway  of  rough,  churlish, 
violent  and  irregular  courses,  but  by 
faire  and  formall  meanes,  which  are  able 
to  do  more  by  gentle  inducements'  and 
perswasions  than  all  the  necessary  con- 


GLOSSARY. 


549 


straints  and  inforcements  in  the  world.' 
P.  55,  ed.  1657.  So  again  Amyot 
translates  Plutarch's  phrase  ATJA.OJ/  8'  IK 
TTJS  fTtaywyTJs.  — Aqua  an  ignis  utilior, 
cap.  8.  '  Ce  que  Ion  pourra  manifeste- 
ment  cognoistre  par  ceste  induction.1  — 
Ubi  supra,  torn.,  ii.  fo.  528  b ;  or  as 
Holland  has  it,  'which  a  man  may 
evidently  know  by  this  induction.' — 
Ubi  supra,,}).  811.  Thus  we  see  that 
070*77?  and  eirdywyy  are  both  translated 
by  the  same  word  '  induction. '  On  the 
other  hand,  Buck,  in  his  History  of 
Rich.  III.,  uses  this  word  in  the  sense  of 
'  introduction '  :  '  Rich.  II.,  in  the  char- 
ter for  the  legitimation  of  the  Beauforts, 
would  have  men  of  desert  (and  avow'd 
by  their  fathers)  capable  of  advance- 
ment and  honours.  The  tenor  of  which 
charter  and  confirmation  of  it  by  Par- 
liament I  shall,  exhibit,  as  it  is  taken 
out  of  the  archives  and  Tower  records, 
opening  the  way  by  a  short  advertise- 
ment. That  in  this  Act  of  Parliament 
there  is  an  induction  to  the  charter 
made  by  Dr.  Edmond  Stafford,  brother 
to  the  Earl  of  Stafford,  and  Bp.  of 
Exeter.' — Kennet,  Hist,  of  Engl.  vol. 
i.  p.  536.  Again  he  says  :  '  Neither 
were  the  times  and  opportunity  yet  ripe 
or  propitious,  to  fashion  such  an  altera- 
tion as  was  projected  and  must  be  pro- 
duced, tho  there  was  pregnant  hope  of 
an  induction  to  a  change  of  government 
stirr'd  by  the  king's  covetousness  and 
some  acts  of  tyranny,  grievance,  and  re- 
bellions in  the  North  and  West  parts.' — 
Ibid.  p.  553.  Once  more  '  In  the  heat 
of  these  disgraces  he  (i.e.  the  Earl  of 
Warwick)  forsook  the  king,  and  soon 
after  takes  up  arms  against  him;  an  in- 
duction to  those  succeeding  evils  which 
pursu'd  that  inconsiderate  marriage.'— 
Ibid.  p.  563.  We  have  'The  Induc- 
tion to  The  Taming  of  the  Shrew '  and 
also  'The  Induction  to  The  Second 
Part  of  King  Henry  IV.J  where  we 
should  now  say  the  Introduction  or 
Prologue  to  these  plays  respectively. 

Infame,  verb  act.,  to  defame,  speak 
ill  of,  verb  pass.,  to  be  reputed  in- 
famous— II.  86.  This  word  is  derived 
from  the  Latin  '  infamare, '  which 
the  author  in  his  Dictionary  translates 


'  to  infame  or  yll  report.'  Cicero  uses 
it:  '  Tu  velim  animo  sapienti  fortique 
sis  ;  ut  tua  moderatio  et  gravitas  alio» 
rum  *'«/2m^injuriam.' — Epist.  ad  Div. 
lib.  ix.  12.  And  Nepos  says  of  Alci- 
biades,  '  Hunc,  infamatum  a  plerisque, 
tres  gravissimi  historici  summis  laudi- 
bus  extulerunt.' — Alcib.  cap.  II.  The 
English  form  is  used  by  Robinson  in  his* 
translation  of  More's  Utopia  :  '  Finally, 
whosoever  for  anye  offense  be  infamed, 
by  their  eares  hange  rynges  of  gold, 
upon  their  fyngers  they  weare  rynges 
of  golde,  and  aboute.their  neckes  chaines . 
of  golde,  and  in  conclusion  their  heades 
be  tied  aboute  with  gold.  Thus  by  al 
meanes  possible  thei  procure  to  haue 
gold  and  siluei  among  them  in  reproche 
and  infamie. '  And  again  :  '  All  the 
Ambassadours  of  the  nexte  countreis 
whiche  had  bene  there  before,  and 
knewe  the  fashions  and  maners  of  the 
Utopians,  amonge  whome  they  per- 
ceaued  no  honoure  geuen  to  sumptuous 
apparell,  silkes  to  be  contemned,  golde 
also  to  be  infamed  and  reprochful,  were 
wont  to  come  thether  in  verie  homelye 
and  simple  araie.' — Fo.  70  b  and  72, 
ed.  1556.  Holinshed  in  his  Hist,  of 
England  says,  '  Maximianus  or  Maxi- 
mus  ....  was  the  sonne  of  one 
Leonine,  and  coosen  germane  to  Con- 
stantine  the  Great,  a  valiant  personage,, 
and  hardie  of  stomach,  but  yet  because 
he  was  cruell  of  nature,  and  (as  Fabian 
saith)  somewhat  persecuted  the  Chris- 
tians, he  was  infamed  by  writers  :  but 
the  chiefe  cause  why  he  was  euill 
reported,  was-  for  that  he  slue  his 
souereigne  lord  the  emperour  Gra- 
tianus.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  66,  ed. 
1587.  Again,,  speaking  of  the  com- 
plaint of  the  English  nobility  in  1244, 
he  says  that  they  '  came  to  the  king, 
and  exhibited  to  him  their  complaint, 
namelie,  for  that, the  popes  procurator 
bestowed,  diuers  rich  prebends  and 
other  rooms  in  churches  upon  strangers 
knowne^to  be  infamed  for  usurie,  si- 
monie,  and  other  heinous  vices.' — Ibid. 
vol.  iii.  p.  232.  It  is  used  still  later 
by  Bacon :  '  Livia  is  infamed  for  the 
poisoning  of  her  husband.' — Essay 's, 
p.  186,  ed.  1857.  And  in  A  Report 


550 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


of  the  Spanish  Grievances,  he  says: 
'This  very  last  voyage  to  Virginia, 
intended  for  trade  and  plantation,  where 
the  Spaniard  hath  no  people  nor  pos- 
session, is  already  become  infamect  for 
piracy.'—  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  214,  ed. 
1826. 

Infarced,  crammed,  stuffed. — I.  27, 
94  ;  II.  55.  This  very  peculiar  word, 
now  quite  obsolete,  may  be  best  ex- 
plained by  Holland's  translation  of  the 
following  passage  in  Pliny  :  '  Quid  ? 
Non  et  in  Africa,  Hispaniaque  ex  terra 
parietes,quos  appellant  formaceos,  quo- 
niam  in  forma  circumdatis  utrinque 
duabus  tabulis  inferciuntur  verius,  quam 
instruuntur,  sevis  durant,  incorrupti  im- 
bribus,  vends,  ignibus,  omnique  cse- 
mentonrmiores?' — Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xxxv. 
cap.  48  ;  '  What  shall  we  say  ?  See 
we  not  in  Africke  and  Spaine  both 
certain  walls  of  earth,  which  they  cal 
Formacei,  of  the  forme  and  frame  that 
is  made  of  planks  and  boords  of  each 
side,  between  which  a  man  may  say 
they  are  rather  infarced  and  stuffed  up, 
than  otherwise,  laid  and  reared  orderly; 
but  I  assure  you  the  earth  thus  infarced 
continueth  a  world  of  yeres  and  per- 
isheth  not,  checking  the  violence  of 
raine,  winde,  and  fire,  no  mortar  and 
cement  so  stiffe  and  strong.  *— Pliny, 
vol.  ii.  p.  555,  ed.  1634.  Elyot  uses 
it  again  in  his  Caste/  of  Health,  '  Where 
the  bodye  is  infarced  eyther  with  coler, 
yelow  or  black,  or  with  fleume  or  with 
watry  humours,  and  is  properly  callid 
in  greke  Cacochymia,  in  latyne  viciosus 
succus,  in  englishe  it  may  be  called 
corrupt  iuyce.' — Fo.  51,  b,  ed.  1541- 

Inforce,  to  compel ;  see  Enforce. — 
I.  32,  35  ;  II.  215.  This  is  obviously 
only  another  way  of  spelling  the  word 
Enforce,  such  variations,  as  the  reader 
will  have  already  noticed,  being  very 
common.  Bacon  adopts  this  form  of 
spelling  in  his  History  of  King  Henry 
VII. :  '  They  (i.e.  Empson  and  Dudley) 
would  also  ruffle  with  jurors  and  inforce 
them  to  find  as  they  would  direct,  and 
(if  they  did  not)  convent  them,  im- 
prison them,  and  fine  them.' — Works, 
vol.  vi.  p.  219,  ed.  1858.  And  so  does 
JBuck  in  his  Life  and  Reign  of  Rich.  III. : 


'My  purpose  only  being  to  take  so 
much  light  from  the  story  of  Hen.  VII. 
as  shall  but  properly  conduce  to  the 
true  shadowing  and  proportioning  of 
K.  Richard's  being  necessarily  inforcd 
to  inculcate  such  matters  as  may  seem 
of  no  present  conclusion.'— Kennet, 
Hist.  of^Eng.  vol.  i.  p.  540,  ed.  1706. 
At  a  still  later  period  Hooker,  in  his 
Eccles.  Polity,  said  :  '  For  what  reason 
is  there,  which  should  but  induce,  and 
therefore  much  less  inforce  us  to  think 
that  care  of  dissimilitude  between  the 
people  of  God  and  the  heathen  nations 
about  them,  was  any  more  the  cause  of 
forbidding  them  to  put  on  garments  of 
sundry  stuff,  than  of  charging  them 
withal  not  to  sow  their  fields  with 
meslin.' — Works,  p.  93,  ed.  1723. 

Inforce  oneself,  to  strive,  to  endea- 
vour.— I.  173  ;  II.  169.  The  author 
in  his  Dictionary  renders  the  Latin 
verb  Niti  'to  be  styffe,  or  to  resyste 
agaynste  a  burdeyn,  to  indeuour,  to 
leane  on  a  thynge,to  be  sustayned,to  in- 
force hymselje,  or  take  pein,  to  trauayle.' 
The  English  phrase  is  merely  a  literal 
translation  of  the  French  reflective 
verb  s^efforcer,  which  Cotgrave  renders; 
'  To  indeavour,  labour,  inforce  himself e\ 
to  strive  with  might  and  main,  to  use 
his  utmost  strength,  apply  all  his  vigour, 
imploy  his  whole  power.'  In  one  o 
the  earliest  specimens  of  French  poetr 
we  have  this  phrase : 

'  Li  rossignqs  lores  s"efforce 

Pe  chanter  et  de  faire  noise. 
Le  Ront.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  i.  p.  6,  ed.  1814 

And  this  is  translated  by  Chaucer  : 

'  Than  doth  the  nyghtyngale  hir  migh 
To  make  noyse,  and  syngen  blythe.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v    p. 

C.   de  Seissel  translated  $y*9tC*ro  ovv 

efs  tKo.a'Tos  avrbs  irp&ros  vpoffrdTrjs  TOV 
STJJUOU  yfveffQai. —  Thuc.  lib.  viii.  cap. 
89,  '  Parquoy  ung  chascun  deulx  se 
parforcoit  dacquerir  le  plus  quil  pouoit 
de  credit  enuers  le  peuple,  pour  estre  le 
principal  en  auctorite. ' — L?  Hyst.  de  Thu- 
cyd.  liv.  viii.  chap.  12.  And  this  version 
was  in  turn  put  into  English  by  Nicolls 
as  follows  :  '  Wherefore  euerye  one  of 
theym  ittffrced kymsclfJ&Gtao&te  that  he 


GLOSSARY. 


551 


myght,  to  acquire  and  get  credytt  with 
the  people,  for  to  be  pryncipall  in  auc- 
torytie.' — Fo.  ccxviii.  ed.  1550. 

Infourmynge,  teaching,  instructing ; 
see  Enforme.  —  I.  33.  The  French 
verb  informer,  which  Cotgrave  trans- 
lates :  '  To  informe,  instruct,  give 
notice  of, '  is  obsolete  in  this  sense,  but 
it  is  so  used  by  writers  prior  to  the 
sixteenth  century.  As  for  instance,  by 
Jehan  de  Meung — 

'  Drois  est  que  son  engin  enfonne 
De  meurs  et  d'ars  et  de  sciences.' 

Le  Rom,  de  la  Rose.  torn.  ii.  p.  193. 
Again — 

, '  Et  d'tttfamter  les  escoliers 
Par  garderobes,  par  soliers, 
Par  despenses  et  par  estables, 
Se  n'aves  leus  plus  delitables.' 

Ibid.  p.  446. 

Hooker  uses  the  English  word  in  the 
same  sense :  k  Lest  therefore  any  man 
should  marvel  whereunto  all  these  things 
tend,  the  drift  and  purpose  of  all  is  this, 
even  to  shew  in  what  manner,  as  every 
good  and  perfect  gift,  so  this  very  gift  of 
good  and  perfect  laws  is  derived  from 
the  Father  of  lights,  to  teach  men  a  reason 
why  just  and  reasonable  laws  are  of  so 
great  force,  of  so  great  use  in  th6  world; 
and  to  inform  their  minds  with  some 
method  of  reducing  the  laws,  whereof 
there  is  present  controversy,  unto  their 
first  original  causes.' — Works,  p.  32, 
ed.  1723. 

Infude,  to  infuse. — II.  351  and  note, 

363. 

Ingenerate,  ingendered,  implanted. 
— I.  214;  II.  55,  364.  This  uncom- 
mon word  is  formed  from  the  participle 
of  the  Latin  verb  *  ingenero,'  which  is 
constantly  used  by  Cicero,  as  ex.  gr. 
in  the  following  instances  :  '  Eademque 
natura  vi  rationis  hominem  conciliat 
homini,  et  ad  orationis  et  ad  vitae  societa- 
tem  :  ingenerat(\\.\Q  imprimis  prsecipuum 
quendam  amorem  in  eos  qui  procreati 
sunt.'— De  Off.  lib.  i.  cap.  4.  '  Quum- 
que  alia,  quibus  coherent  homines,  e 
mortali  genere  sumpserint,  quse  fragilia 
essent  et  caduca  ;  animum  tamen  esse 
ingeneratum  a  deo  :  ex  quo  vere  vel 
agnatio  nobis  cum  coelestibus,  vel  genus, 
vel  stirps  appellari  potest.' — De  Legg. 


lib.  i.  cap.  8.  Spenser  in  The  Faerie 
Queene  uses  the  same  form  as  Elyot 

'  Her  berth  was  of  the  wombe  of  Moraine 

dew, 

And  her  conception  of  the  joyous  Prime  ; 
And  all  her  whole  creation  did  her  shew 
Pure  and  unspotted  from  all  loathly  crime 
That  is  iugeiierate  in  fleshly  slime.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  2. 

So  does  Bacon,  who  says  of  Richard 
III.:  'His  cruelties  and  parricides  in 
the  opinion  of  all  men  weighed  down 
his  virtues  and  merits;  and  in  the 
opinion  of  wise  men,  even  those  virtues 
themselves  were  conceived  to  be  rather 
feigned  and  affected  things  to  serve  his 
ambition,  than  true  qualities  ingenerate 
in  his  judgment  or  nature.' — Works, 
vol.  vi.  p.  28,  ed.  1858. 

Ingourgitation,  lit.  greedy  swallow- 
ing ;  hence  gluttony.— -I.  97  ;  II.  337 
and  note.  In  Elyot's  Dictionary  ' iri- 
gurgitare  '  is  translated  '  to  deuoure 
gluttonously.'  Bishop  Hall  has  also 
made  use  of  this  word  in  his  ser- 
mon Of  Contentation.  'Too  much 
abstinence  turns  vice  :  and  too  much 
ingurgitation  is  one  of  the  seven  ; 
and,  at  once,  destroys  both  nature  and 
grace.' — Works,  vol.  viii.  p.  19,  ed. 
1808. 

Inhabile,  verb,  to  enable,  to  qualify. — 
I.  26.  According  to  the  strict  rules  of 
etymology  this  word  ought  to  have  a 
meaning  the  very  reverse  of  that  which 
has  been  given  to  it  above.  For  the 
French  inhabile,  according  to  Cotgrave, 
signifies  'Unable,  unsufficient,  unfit, 
unmeet  for,  &c.'  And  the  verb  in- 
habiliter,  '  to  disable,  tc  make  unable.' 
Yet  the  context  of  the  passage  in  the 
text  clearly  shows  that  Elyot's  usage  of 
the  word  icquires  a  positive  and  not  a 
negative  signification.  Moreover  this 
must  have  been  the  primitive  form 
which  the  word  '  enable '  would  as- 
sume, and  it  is  somewhat  remarkable 
that  none  of  the  Dictionaries  take  notice 
of  this  fact,  or  attempt  to  give  any 
account  of  the  derivation  of  the  verb 
'to  enable,'  and  in  none  of  them  is 
there  any  reference  to  the  passage  in 
the  text.  A  very  similar  form  is  used 
by  Robert  Cowley  in  writing  to  Crom- 


552 


THE  GOVERN  OUR. 


well  in  1537  on  the  state  of  Ireland  : 
'The  cuntrey  all  .aboute  Kenles,  in 
Myth,  is  moche  waste  by  the  Reylies, 
and  all  that  cuntrey  lakkith  a  good 
capitayne  ;  for  the  Plunkettes,  that  were 
wont  to  be  a  great  band,  are  of  noo 
power,  and  full  of  hate  betwene  them 
selffes  ;  and  oon  Geralde  Flemyng  is 
nowe  the  hardiest  capitayn  in  all  that 
quarter,  and  moste  noyeth  the  Reillyes: 
that  therfore  he  be  inhablid,  as  capitain 
in  that  marches,  who  hath  allredy  a  good 
bannde  of  men.' — State  Pap.  vol.  ii.  p. 
450.  So  Gascoigne  the  poet,  in  his 
Epistle  to  the  reuerend  Deuines,  says  : 
'  Since  the  ouersight  of  my  youth  had 
brought  me  far  behinde  hand  and  in- 
debted unto  the  worlde,  I  thought  good 
in  the  meane  time  to  paie  as  much  as 
I  had,  untill  it  might  please  God  better 
to  inable  me.' — Works,  ed.  1587.  Even 
as  late  as  the  eighteenth  century  the 
word  was  spelt '  inable '  and  not '  enable, ' 
for  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke,  in  his  Boyle 
Lectures  on  The  Evidences  of  Natural 
and  Revealed  Religion  preached  in 
1 705,  says  :  '  The  Doctrine  they  were 
brought  to  confirm,  was  of  so  good  and 
holy  a  tendency,  that  it  was  impossible 
he  should  be  inabled  to  work  them  by 
the  power  and  assistance  of  evil  spirits.' 
And  again  :  '  Supposing  (which  is  very 
unreasonable  to  suppose)  that  the 
natural  powers  of  the  highest  angels 
were  no  greater  than  the  natural  powers 
of  men  ;  yet  since  thereby,  an  angel 
would  be  inabled  to  do  all  that  invisibly, 
which  a  ma»  can  do  visibly,  he  would 
even  in  this  supposition  be  naturally 
able  to  do  numberless  things,  which  we 
should  esteem  the  greatest  of  miracles.' 
—  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  696,  697,  ed. 

1738. 

Inpreignable,  impregnable. — I.  299. 
Palsgrave  gives  '  Inpreruiable  nat  able 
to  be  taken — m.  et  f.  inprennable  s.' — 
L'Escl.  p.  316.  The  word  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  in  vogue  before 
the  fifteenth  century.  Thus  Froissart 
says  :  '  Geoffrey  Tete-Noire,  qui  tenoit 
Ventadour  et  qui  etoit  encore  souverain 
de  tous  les  autres,  ne  se  faisoit  que 
gaber  et  truffer,  et  ne  daignoit  entendre 
a  nul  traite  du  comte  d'Ermignac,  ni 


d'autrui  aussi,  car  il  sentoit  son  chastel 
fort  et  imprenable,  et  pourvu  pour  sept 
ou  pour  huit  ans  de  bonnes  garnisons.' 
— Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  647,  ed.  P.  L. 
This  Lord  Berners  translates  :  '  Geffray 
Teate  Noyre  who  helde  Vandachore, 
who  was  souerayne  aboue  all  other,  but 
he  dyde  but  mocke  and  dissemble  the 
mater,  for  he  disdayned  to  fall  to  any 
treatie  of  the  erle  of  Armynakes,  or  of 
any  other  ;  for  he  thought  his  castell  im- 
piignable,  and  well  prouyded  for  seuyn 
or  eyght  yeres.' — Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  316. 
M.  de  Rosny,  writing  in  1605  to  M. 
de  Ville-roy,  says :  '  Quant  a  la  ques.- 
tion  du  landgrave  de  Hessen  a  M.  de 
Caumartin,  il  n'est  point  estrange  qu'il 
luy  ait  faite,  car  ce  sont  bruits  qu'ils  ont 
fait  courir  pour  faire  croire  que  sa  place 
est  si  forte  que  le  Roy,  la  tenant  im- 
prenable  par  la  force,  veut  se  servir  de 
la  trahison.' — Due  de  Sully,  CEcon.  Roy, 
torn.  vi.  p.  2 1 2,  ed.  Petitot,  1820, 
Wolsey,  writing  to  Clerk,  Pace,  and 
Hannibal,  in  1524,  adopts  the  French 
form  ;  '  the  doubte  lest  that  the  Frenche 
king,  not  being  preced,  may  respire, 
gader  treasour  and  frendes,  and  fortefie 
places  nowe  weyke,  whiche  afterwards 
percace  maye  be  imprenable.'1 — State 
Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  226.  And  so  does 
Paget,  writing  to  the  king  from  Bou- 
logne the  1 8th  March,  1543,  '  Our 
lownes  here  be  strong  in  dede,  and  the 
Empereur  not  able,  we  say,  to  lye  long 
at  siege.  And  if  we  be  lett  alone  until 
the  next  yere,  we  trust  to  make  our 
townes  imprennable.'' — Ibid.  vol.  ix.  p. 
336.  The  poet  Du  Bellay  in  a  pane^- 
gyric  addressed  to  Charles  IX.  says — 

'Vous  auez  prins  Calais,  deux  cens  ans  im- 

prenable,  ~ 

Monstrant    qu'k  la    vertu    rien   n'est   inex- 
pugnable,' 

Les  (Euvres  Franc.  Rec.  de  Poesie, 
fo.  66,  ed.  1569. 

Inquiet,  to  disquiet,  to  disturb,  harass. 
--I.  259.  From  the  Latin  '  inquieto,' 
which  in  Elyot's  own  Dictionary  is 
translated  'to  unquyete  or  trouble.' 
This  verb  is  used  by  Tacitus,  '  Contra 
Vitelliani,  quanquam  numero  fatoque 
dispares,  inquietare  victoriam,  morari 
pacem,  domos  arasque  cruore  fcedare, 


GLOSSARY. 


553 


suprema  victis  solatia  ampleetebantur. ' 
— Hist.  lib.  iii.  cap.  84.  And  also  by 
Suetonius,  '  Non  temere  Urbe  oppidove 
ullo  egressus,  aut  quoquam  ingressus 
est,  nisi  vespera  aut  noctu,  ne  quern 
officii  causa  inquietaret.'  —  Oct.  53. 
Joye,  one  of  the  promoters  of  the 
Reformation,  uses  the  same  form  as 
E'lyot.  '  We  must  wysely  decerne  the 
kyngdoms  of  the  worlde  from  that 
eternall  kyngdom  of  God  which  is 
Crysts  chirche.  For  albeit  these  batails 
and  persecucions  skater,  inquiet,  and 
trouble  the  chirches  of  good  men  in 
these  heuey  mutacions  of  empyres  and 
kyngdoms,  yet  haue  the  godly  euer  this 
present  consolation,  that  the  chirche 
of  Cryst  is  an  euerlasting  kyngdom.' — 
Exposition  of  Daniel,  fo.  68,  ed.  1545. 
Whilst  Fisher,  Bishop  of  Rochester, 
says,  '  Saynt  Ambrose  asketh  this  ques- 
tyon,  as  thus,  what  payne  is  more 
greuouse  than  is  the  wounde  of  a 
mannes  conscyence  inwardly,  it  tjrou- 
bleth,  it  vexeth,  it  prycketh,  it  tereth, 
and  also  it  crucyfyeth  the  mynde,  and 
it  stereth  upsodowne  the  memory,  it 
confoundeth  the  reason,  it  croketh  the 
wyll  and  enquyeteth  the  soule.' — Seuen 
Penytencyall  Psalmes,  signat.  aa.  vii. 
ed.  1509. 

Inquietation,  disquieting,  disturb- 
ance, annoyance. — II.  83.  No  other 
instances  of  the  use  of  this  word  by 
English  writers  are  given  in  any  of  the 
dictionaries.  The  Latin  'inquietatio,' 
from  which  it  is  derived,  is  also  exceed- 
ingly uncommon,  and  though  Lauren- 
tius  Valla  proposed  to  read  it  in  Livy 
xxii.  17,  this  has  long  been  rejected  in 
favour  of  the  more  classical  phrase 
'irrita  quassatio.' 

Insignement,  teaching,  showing ; 
see  Enseignement. — II.  146.  In  Rich- 
ardson's Dictionary  this  is  given  as  a 
separate  word,  in  apparent  unconscious- 
ness of  the  fact  that  it  is  merely  like 
butin,  hache,  &c.,  a  French  word  in- 
troduced. 

Insolubles.  A  term  applied  to  a 
certain  method  of  argument  in  vogue 
with  the  Schoolmen.— II.  230.  This 
technical  meaning  is  not  noticed  by 
any  of  the  Dictionaries.  In  a  poem  of 


the  thirteenth  century,  called  La  Ba- 
taille  des  VII  Arts,  published  for  the 
first  time  by  M.  Jubinal,  the  word  is 
thus  used : 

'  La  Logique  est  ore  aus  enfanz  : 
Logique  est  de  moult  mal  ator  ; 
*  *  *  *  *  • 

Ele  se  desfent  de  spfismes  : 
JSovent  les  fet  ehe'oir  envers 
Et  il  li  relancent  lor  vers, 
Si  que  toz  li  airs  en  est  nubles. 
Ele  se  deffent  (Cissolubles, 
D'issolubles  et  de  falle"e.' 

P.  43,  ed.  1838. 

Udall,  in  his  translation  of  the  Apo- 
phthegmes  of  Erasmus,  says  :  '  Unto 
Euclides  beyng  verie  studious  of  con- 
tencious  conclusions,  and  cauillacions 
of  subtile  reasonyng,  he  saied  :  Eu- 
clides, ye  male  percase  matche  with 
Sophistes,  but  with  men  ye  can  not 
haue  todooe.  Signifiyng  that  Sophistrie 
dooeth  no  helpe,  use,  ne  seruice  to 
doings  in  publique  affaires,  or  bearing 
offices  in  a  common  weale.  Whiche 
publique  offices,  who  so  is  a  suiter  to 
haue,  it  behoueth  the  same  not  to  plaie 
Hicke  Skorner  with  insolubles,  and  with 
idle  knackes  of  Sophisticacions,  but 
rather  to  frame  and  facion  himself  to 
the  maners  and  condicions  of  menne, 
and  to  bee  of  soche  sorte  as  other  men 
be.' — Fo.  II.  Again:  'To  one  by 
sophisticall  insolubles  concludyng  and 
prouing  that  Diogenes  had  homes, 
feling  and  handling  his  forehead  and 
his  temples.  In  feith  (quod  Diogenes) 
but  I  se  ne  fele  none.  He  thought 
better  to  laugh  soch  a  peuish  trifling 
argument  to  scorne,  then  to  foyle  it.'— 
Fo.  69,  ed.  1564. 

Instinction,  inspiration,  instinct. — I. 
122  ;  II.  210.  This  word  seems  to  be 
used  in  the  first  of  the  above  passages 
in  the  sense  of  inspiration.  And  Baret, 
in  his  Alvearie,  gives:  'An  inspiration, 
an  instinction  or  persuasion,  an  inward 
motion  or  stirring.  Instinctus,  Cic. 
irapo£v<Tfjibs,  tv6ov<ria<r/j.bs,  Instigatio,  in- 
spiratio  divina,  afflatus  vel  instinctus 
diuinus.' — Ed.  1580.  The  word  « in- 
stinct '  does  not  seem  to  have  been  used 
either  in  France  or  England  before  the 
revival  of  classical  learning.  Montaigne 


554 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


defines  it  as  follows :  *  S'il  y  a  quelque 
loy  vrayement  naturelle,  c'est  a  dire 
quelque  instinct  qui  se  veoye  universel- 
lement  et  perpetuellement  empreint  aux 
bestes  et  en  nous  .  .  .  1'affection  que 
1'engendrant  porte  a  son  engeance  tient 
le  second  lieu  en  ce  reng.' — Essais, 
torn.  ii.  p.  172,  ed.  1854. 

Instructrice,  instructress,  a  female 
teacher. — II.  203.  This  form  of  the 
word  would  seem  to  be  O7ro|  \ey6p. evov, 
at  least  no  other  instances  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Dictionaries. 

Intelligence,  understanding,  in  the 
sense  of  agreement,  or  correspondence. 
—II.  259,  373.  Sir  Thomas  Elyot 
tell  us  that  this  is  now  used  'for  an 
elegant  word'  in  treaties,  &c.  And 
probably  this  usage  of  it  was  introduced 
from  France.  In  this  sense  Montaigne 
employs  it :  '  Quand  Lelius,  en  presence 
des  consuls  remains,  lesquels,  aprez  la 
condemnation  de  Tiberius  Gracchus, 
poursuyvoient  touts  ceulx  qui  avoient 
este  de  son  intelligence,  veint  a  s'enquerir 
de  Caius  Blossius,'  &c. — Essais,  torn.  i. 
p.  268.  See  also  the  passage  quoted 
ante,  p.  485.  Bacon  manifestly  uses 
the  word  in  the  same  sense  when  he 
says  :  '  Factious  followers  are  worse  to 
be  liked,  which  follow  not  upon  affection 
to  him  with  whom  they  range  them- 
selves, but  upon  discontentment  con- 
ceived against  some  other ;  whereupon 
commonly  ensueth  that  ill  intelligence 
that  we  many  times  see  between  great 
personages.' — Essays,  p.  437,  ed.  1857. 
Again,  speaking  of  the  Cornish  insur- 
rection in  his  Hist,  of  Hen.  VII.,  he 
says :  '  Thence  they  (i.e.  the  rebels) 
marched  to  Wells,  where  the  Lord 
Audley  (with  whom  their  leaders  had 
before  some  secret  intelligence},  a 
nobleman  of  an  ancient  family,  but 
unquiet,  and  popular  and  aspiring  to 
ruin,  came  in  to  them,  and  was  by  them 
with  great  gladness  and  cries  of  joy 
accepted  as  their  general.' — Works, 
vol.  vi.  p.  177.  ed.  1858. 

Irous,  angry,  "wrathful. — I.  50.  This 
is  formed  from  the  French  word  irettx, 
which  is  no  longer  in  use.  Palsgrave 
gives,  '  /rouse  angerfull ;  m.  ireux,  f. 
ireuse  s.'—L'Escl.  p.  316.  It  occurs 


several  times  in  Chaucer ;  thus,  in  The 
Sompnoures  Tale  : 

'And  therfor  pray  I  God  bothe  day  and  night, 
An  irons  man  God  send  him  litil  might. 
It  is  greet  harm,  and  also  great  pite, 
To  set  an  irous  man  in  high  degre.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  269. 
Again,  in  The  Tale  of  Melibetis  :  '  And 
secoundly,  he  that  is  irous  and  wroth,  he 
may  not  wel  deme;  and  he  that  may  not 
wel  deme,  may  nought  wel  counseile. 
The  thridde  is  this,  that  he  that  is  irous 
and  wroth,  as  saith  Senec,  may  not 
speke  but  blameful  thinges,  and  with 
his  vicious  wordes  he  stireth  other  folk 
to  anger  and  to  ire.' — Ibid.  vol.  iii. 
p.  152.  Again,  in  The  Per s  ones  Tale: 
'  Speke  we  now  of  such  cursyng  as 
cometh  of  irous  hert.' — Ibid.  p.  317. 

Irrecuperable,  irreparable. — I.  301. 
This  is  simply  the  French  irrecuperable, 
which  Cotgrave  renders  'unrecover- 
able, unrepairable,  wholly  lost,  fully 
gone. '  Grafton,  in  his  history  of  the 
reign  of  Henry  VII.,  says  :  '  The  king 
of  Englande,  grauely  consideryng  that 
Britayne  was  clerely  lost,  and  in  maner 
irrecuperable,  beyng  nowe  adioyned  to 
the  crowne  of  Fraunce  by  mariage 
.  .  .  appointed  for  commissioners  the 
Bishop  of  Excester,  and  Gyles  Lorde 
Dawbeney,  to  passe  the  seas  to  Calice, 
to  commen  with  the  Lorde  Cordes  of 
articles  of  peace  to  be  agreed  upon  and 
concluded.' — Chron.  p.  894,  ed.  1569. 
It  is  used  by  Foxe  in  his  story  of  John 
Philpot  :  '  It  is  but  folly,  my  lord,  for 
you  to  reason  with  him,  for  he  is  irre- 
cuperable?— Actes  and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p. 
1826,  ed.  1583.  And  also  by  Strype, 
who  prints  a  letter  from  Archbishop 
Parker  to  the  secretary,  'Requesting 
him  to  be  an  instant  means,  to  have 
special  respects  of  the  country  there,  to 
the  Queens  Majesty  and  her  Council: 
assuring  his  Honour  that  he  feared  the 
danger,  if  it  were  not  speedily  looked  to, 
would  be  irrecuperable.''  —  Life  of 
Parker,  vol.  i.  p.  291,  ed.  1821. 

K. 

Kann,  Can,  to  kr.ow,  to  understand. 
—I.  61,  72,  75  ;  IJ.  ii,  181.     This  is 


GLOSSARY. 


555 


the  Anglo-Saxon  verb  'connan'  or  'cun- 
nan,'  which  Somner  explains  by  the 
equivalent  expressions  'Callere,  scire, 
noscere,  to  know,  to  perceive,  to  ken.' 
In  the  Promptorium  we  find  *  Conyn  or 
hauyn  conynge,  Scio, '  whence  '  Conynge 
or  wytty,  SciensJ  and  '  Cunnynge  or 
science,  Sciencia.'' — P.  90.  We  find 
precisely  the  same  form  of  the  word 
used  by  Langland  in  The  Vision  of 
Piers  Ploughman  : 

'  I  kan  no  Frensshe,  in  feith, 
But  of  the  fertheste  encle  of  Northfolk.' 

And  again  : 

'  I  kan  noght  parfitly  my  pater-noster, 
As  the  preest  it  syngeth  ; 
But  I  kan  rymes  of  Robyn  Hood, 
And  Randolf,  erl  of  Chestre.' 

Vol.  i.  pp.  91,  101,  ed.  1842. 

So   Chaucer    in    The  Man  of  Lawes 
Prologe  : 


'  But  natheles  certeyn 


I  can  right  now  non  other  tale  seyn, 
That  Chaucer,  they  he  can  but  lewedly 
On  metres  and  on  rymyng  certeynly, 
Hath  seyd  hem  in  such  Englisch  as  he  can 
Of  olde  tyme,  as  knoweth  many  man.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  171. 

Sir  Thomas  More,  in  his  Stipplicacion  of 
Soules,  says  :  *  This  beggers  proctour 
woulde  faine  shew  himself  a  man  of 
great  experience,  and  one  that  had  great 
knowledge  of  the  maner  and  order  used 
in  the  kinges  parlimentes  ;  but  than  he 
speaketh  so  sauorlie  hereof,  that  it  well 
appereth  of  hys  wyse  wordes  he  neyther 
canneth  anye  skill  therof,nor  neuer  came 
in  the  house.' — Workes,  vol.  i.  p.  301, 
ed.  1557.  The  Earl  of  Surrey  in  his 
Poems  uses  it  in  the  same  way  as 
Elyot : 

'  I  know,  and  can  by  rote  the  tale  that  I  would 

tell  ; 

But  oft  the  words  come  forth  awry  of  him 
that  loveth  well.' 

Works,  vol.  i.  p.  25,  ed.  1815. 

Sir  John  Maundevile  says  :  '  Thei  conen 
no  langage  but  only  hire  owne,  that  no 
man  knowethe  but  thei :  and  therefore 
mowe  thei  not  gon  out.' — Voiage  &*<:., 
p.  322,  ed.  1727.  Foxe,  in  his  'Life 
of  Cromwell,'  tells  us  that  '  Nothyng 
was  so  hard  which  with  witte  and  in- 


dustrie  he  could  not  compasse  :  neither 
was  his  capacitie  so  good,  but  his  me- 
morie  was  as  great  in  reteining  what- 
soeuer  he  had  atteined.  Which  well 
appeared  in  cannyng  the  text  of  the 
whole  New  Testament  of  Erasmus 
translation  without  booke,  in  his  iour- 
ney  going  and  commingfrom  Rome.' — 
Actcs  and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p.  1178,  ed.  1583. 
And  he  quotes  the  following  article  out 
of  the  Summe  of  the  Scripture :  '  We 
thinke  when  we  beleue  that  God  is  God 
and  can  our  creed,  that  we  haue  the 
fayth  that  a  Christian  man  is  bound  to 
haue,  but  so  doth  the  deuill  beleue.' — 
Ibid.  p.  1254,  Spenser  uses  both 
forms  in  The  Shepheards  Calendar : 

'  Seemeth  thy  flocke  thy  counsel  can, 
So  lustlesse  bene  they,  so  weake,  so  wan.' 

And  again, 

'  Of  muses,  Hobbinoll,  I  conne  no  skill, 
For  they  bene  daughters  of  the  highest  Jove, 
And  holden  scorne  of  homely  shepheards 
quill. 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  pp.  20,  47,  ed.  1866. 

And  so  does  Shakespeare  in  The 
Phcenix  and  Turtle : 

1  Let  the  priest  in  surplice  white, 
That  defunctive  music  can, 
Be  the  death-divining  swan, 
Lest  the  requiem  lack  his  right.' 

Works,  vol.  viii.  p.  468,  Dyce's  ed. 

As  to  the  last  of  the  above  references 
to  the  text,  the  phrase  is  best  explained 
by  the  following  illustrations  given  by 
Palsgrave  :  '  I  can,  I  knowe,  I  wotte.  je 
scay,  tu  scat's,  &c.  I  can  no  skill.  Je  ne 
ms  congnoys  orje  ne  mentens.  I  can  nat 
skyll  of  physike  :  je  ne  me  congnoys 
poynt  en  medicine.  I  can  nat  skyll  of 
joynars  craft :  je  ne  mentens  poynt  en 
mcnuy serieS — L'Esclair.  pp.  474,  475. 
And  '  I  kenne,  I  knowe,  jecongnoys.  I 
kenne  hym  well  ynoughe  by  the  laste 
tyme :  je  le  congnoys  bien  asses  far 
laultrcfoys? — Ibid.  p.  596. 

Kerue,  Keruer,  Keruynge,  to  carve 
as  a  sculptor,  a  sculptor,  sculpture. — I. 
43,  48,  139,  140,  183.  This  is  the 
English  form  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  word 
'ceorfan.'  In  the  Promptorium  we 
find  :  'Kervyn  or  gravyn,  Sculpo,'  and 
'  Kervynge  or  gravynge,  Sculptural — 


556 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


P.  273.  Palsgrave  has  '  I  kerve  as  a 
kerver  dothe  an  ymage.  Je  taille,  prim, 
conj.,  and  y>  menuise,  prim.  conj.  This 
chayer  is  well  kerved :  ceste  chaire  cest 
bien  taillee,  or  bien  menuysee? — DEs- 
clair.  p.  598.  This  form  of  the  word 
is  constantly  used  by  Chaucer,  as  in 
The  Knightes  Tale: 

In  all  the  lond  ther  nas  no  craftys  man, 
That  geometry  or  arsmetrike  can, 
Ne  portreyour,  ne  kerver  of  ymages, 
That  Theseus  ne  yaf  hem  mete  and  wages 
The  theatre  for  to  maken  and  devyse. 

But  yit  had  I  forgeten  to  devyse 
The  nobil  kervyng,  and  the  purtretures, 
The  schap,  the  contynaunce  of  the  figures, 
That  weren  in  these  oratories  thre.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  59. 

Again  in  The  House  of  Fame: 

'  Hyt  nedeth  noght  yow  more  to  tellen, 
To  make  yow  to  longe  duellen, 
Of  these  yates  florisshinges, 
Ne  of  compasses,  ne  of  kervynges, 
Ne  how  they  hat  in  maspneries, 
As  corbetz  ful  of  imageries.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  249. 

Tyndall,  in  his  exposition  upon  I  John 
iv.  says  :  '  Blind  reason  sayth  God  is  a 
kerued  post  and  will  be  serued  with  a 
candle.  But  Scripture  sayth  God  is 
loue  and  wil  be  serued  with  loue.' — 
Workes,  p.  417,  ed.  1573. 

Knotte,  a  flower  bed.— II.  443  and 
note,  445. 

Knowlege,  verb,&?  acknowledge. ~ II. 
140,  362.  In  the  Promptorium  we  find 
'  Knowlechyn  or  ben  a-knowe,  be  con- 
streynynge,  Fateor.  Knowlechyn  or 
ben  a-knowe  wylfully,  Confiteor,"1  and 

*  Knowlechynge   or   beynge   a-knowe, 
Fassio,  confessio.' — P.  280.     Palsgrave 
gives,    '  I  knowledge  hym  my  faulte,  or  I 
knowledge  my  faute  to  hym..  Je  lui  ve- 
congnoys    ma  faulte   and  je  canfesse, 
prim.    conj.     If  thou   knowledge   this 
faulte  to  him,  I   knowe  well   he  wyll 
forgyve  the  :  se  tit  luy  en  recongnoys  ta 
faulte,  or  se  tti  luy  confesses  ta  faulte,  je 
scay  bien  quil  te  pardonnera  or  quil  te  la 
pardonnera.' — L'Esclair.  p.  600.    The 
verb  used  in  this  sense  is  very  common 
with  the  early  writers.     Thus  Wiclif  in 
his  translation  of  I  John  chap,  i.,  has 

*  If  we  knowlechen  oure  synnes,  he  is 
feithful  and  iust  that  he  forgyve  to  us 


oure  synnes  and  dense  us  fro  al  wickid- 
nesse.' — The  New  Test.  p.  232,  ed. 
Baber,  1810.  And  Sir  John  Maunde- 
vile  says,  'And  for  suche  auctoritees, 
thei  seyn  that  only  to  God  schalle  a 
man  knouleche  his  defautes,  zeldynge 
him  self  gylty,  .and  cryenge  him  mercy, 
and  behotynge  to  him  to  amende  him 
self.' — Voiage  &c.  p.  145,  ed.  1727. 
Chaucer,  in  The  Tale  of  Melibeus,  says, 
'  For  we  considere  and  knowleche  wel 
that  we  have  offended  and  greved  my 
lord  Melibe  out  of  resoun  and  out  of 
mesure.' — Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  190. 
Bishop  Fisher,  referring  to  the  parable 
of  the  Prodigal  Son,  says,  'He  made 
couenaunt  with  hym  selfe  shortly  to  de- 
parte  from  thens,  to  go  agayne  to  his 
fader,  knowlegynge  his  faut  and  mys- 
lyuynge,  askynge  forgyuenes,  and  more 
ouer  pray  his  fader  to  take  hym  onely 
as  his  seruaunt.'  —  Seuen  Penytencyall 
Psalmes,  (Dom.  exaud.  post.}  ed.  1509. 
SirThos.  More,  speaking  of  Dr.  Barnes's 
book,  says,  'When  the  bokes  that  he 
cyteth  and  alledgeth  in  his  boke  wer 
brought  furth  before  him,  and  his  igno- 
raunceshewedhim,  himselfedid  in  dhrers 
thinges  confesse  hys  ouersighte,  and 
clerely/bz0z#/#a^#/that.he  hadde  mysse- 
taken  and  wronge  understanden.  the 
places.'—  Workes, vol.  i.  p..343,ed.  1557. 
We  find  the  word  in  use  in  the  same  sense 
nearly  a  century  after  Elyot  wrote,  for 
Bacon,  in  his  Advertisement  touching 
an  Holy  War,  says,  'The  prophejt 
Hosea,  in  the  person  of  God,  saith  of  the 
Jews  :  "They  have  reigned,  but  not  by 
me;  they  have  set  a  signory  over  them- 
selves, but  I  knew  nothing  of  it," 
Which  place  proveth  plainly,  that  there 
are  governments  which  God  doth  not 
avow.  For  though  they  be  ordained 
by  his  secret  providence,  yet  they  are 
not  knowledged\)y.}\i?>  revealed  will.! — 
Works,  vol.  vii.  p.  31,  ed.  1859.1 


Laude,  subst.  praise.  —  I.  58.  From 
the  Latin  word  'laus,'  whence  also  was 
derived  the  French  los.  Cotgrave  trans- 
lates the  latter,  'Laud,  praise,  cam- 
mendation.'  It  is  used  by  Gower : 


GLOSSARY. 


557 


'  The  nynthe  sterre  faire  and  wele 
By  name  is  hote  Alaezele, 
Which  taketh  his  propre  kinde  thus, 
Bothe  of  Mercuric  and  of  Venus. 
His  stone  is  the  grene  Emeraude, 
To  whom  is  geuen  many  a  laude.' 

Conf.  Am.  fo.  cxlix.  ed.  1554. 

And  also  by  Chaucer,  in  The  Prioresses 
Tale-. 

'  O  Lord,  oure  Lord,  thy  name  how  merveylous 
Is  in  this  large  world  i-sprad  (quod  sche), 
For  nought  oonly  thy  la^lde  precious 
Parformed  is  by  men  of  heih  degre, 
But  by  mouthes  of  children  thy  bounte 
Parformed  is. 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  lii.  p.  122, 

And  in  The  House  of  Fame  : 

'  These  ben  that  wolden  honour 
Have,  and  do  noskynnes  labour, 
Ne  doo  no  good,  and  yet  han  la-nude.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  263 

Tyndall,  in  The  Obedience  of  a  Christian 
man,  says :  '  Wilt  thou  be  without 
feare  of  the  power  ?  So  do  well,  and 
thou  shalt  haue  laude  of  the  same  (that 
is  to  say,  of  the  ruler).  '  —  Works,  p.  in, 
ed.  1573.  Shakespeare,  in  Second  Part 
of  Hen.  IV.,  makes  the  king  say,  on 
hearing  that  the  apartment  to  which 
he  is  carried  is  called  the  Jerusalem 
Chamber : 

'  Laud  be  to  God  !  even  there  my  life  must 

end. 

It  hath  been  prophesied  to  me  many  years, 
I  should  not  die  but  in  Jerusalem.' 

We  also  meet  with  the  word  in  The 
New  Atlantis  :  '  We  have  certain 
hymns  and  services,  which  we  say  daily, 
of  laud  and  thanks  to  God  for  his  mar- 
vellous works.' — Bacon,  Works,  vol. 
iii.  p.  166,  ed.  1857. 

Laud,  verb,  to  praise. — I.  23.  This 
verb  appears  to  be  somewhat  rarer  than 
the  substantive.  Palsgrave  gives  it  as 
the  equivalent  of  louer  :  '  I  lawde,  I 
prayse  one.  Je  loue,  prim.  conj.  He 
laiuieth  me  somtyme  beyonde  the  nocke : 
il  me  loue  aulcunes  foys  oultre  mesureS 
— LEsdair.  p.  604.  Chaucer,  in  The 
Testament  of  Love,  says  :  '  If  thou 
laudest  and  ioyest  any  wight,  for  he  is 
stuffed  with  soche  maner  richesse,  thou 
art  in  that  beleeue  beguiled,  for  thou 
wenest  thilke  ioy  to  be  selinesse  or  els 
ease,  and  he  that  hath  loste  soche  haps 


to  been  unseilie.' — Works,  fo.  280  b, 
ed.  1602.  It  is  used  by  Shakespeare 
in  First  Part  of  Hen.  IV.,  where 
Falstaff  says  :  '  Well,  God  be  thanked 
for  these  rebels — they  offend  none  but 
the  virtuous :  I  /a«</them,  I  praise  them.' 
Act  iii.  sc.  3.  And  also  by  Joye,  in  his 
Exposition  of  Daniel  :  *  Sayth  not 
Cryste  :  Whatsoeuer  is  hyghely  estemed, 
lauded,  and  praysed  for  decent  and 
holy  before  men  is  abominable  before 
God.' — Fo.  216,  ed.  1545. 

Layser,  leisure.— -I.  99,  252.  It  is 
interesting  to  trace  in  this  word  the 
intermediate  stage  from  the  original 
form  of  the  French  loisir.  In  the  poetry 
of  the  Troubadours  we  find  it  spelt 
lezer.  Thus  a  poem  of  Bernard  de 
Ventadour  commences  as  follows  : 

'  Tuit  sels  que  m  pregan  qu'ieu  chan, 
Volgra'n  saubesson  To  ver, 
S'ieu  n'ai  aize  ni  lezer.' 

Which  M.  Raynouard  translates:  'Tous 
ceux  qui  me  prient  que  je  chante,  je 
voudrais  qu'ils  en  sussent  le  vrai,  si 
j'en  ai  aise  et  loisir. ,' — Lex.  Rom.  torn, 
iv.  p.  57.  In  another,  by  Garin 
d'Apchier,  we  find  : 

'  Ans  lo  pot  laissar  domneiar, 
Et  estar  ab  leys  a  lezer' 

And  we  are  told  that  this  means,  '  Le 
peut  laisser  galantiser  et  demeurer  avec 
elle  a  loisir. ' — Ubi  supra.  In  the  Roman 
de  Fierabras  we  have : 

'  Dos  jorns  et  una  nueyt  aqui  feyro  lezor.' 

Meaning  '  Deux  jours  et  une  nuit  la  ils 
firent  repos. '  —  P.  125,  ed.  Bekker,  1829. 
Then  in  Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose  we  have  a 
rather  different  form  : 

'  Mort  m'a  qui  si  1'a  fait  irestre, 
Car  ge  n'aurai  James  lesir 
De  vdoior  ce  que  ge  desir.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  153,  ed.  1814. 
And  again : 

'  Bien  m'en  poes  vostre  voloir 
Confesser  trestout  par  lesir, 
Et  ge  tout  a  vostre  plesir.' 

Ibid.  torn.  iii.  p.  108. 

But  in  other  poems  we  find  a  form  to 
which  we  can  clearly  trace  the  origin  of 
Elyot's  mode  of  spelling.  Thus  in  Le 
Roman  d'Aubri  li  Borgonnon : 


558 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


'  Se  par  mon  cors  pooit  avoir  laisor, 
Je  me  metroie  por  le  dolor.' 

Bekker,  Der  Rom.  -von  Fierabras, 
p.  Ixviii.  ed.  1829. 

In  another  still  more  celebrated  poem 
we  have  the  same  form  : 

'  Si  orent  en  lor  cuers  grant  joie 
Quant  il  orent  aise  et  laissor 
De  corre  seure  a  lor  segnor.' 

And  also : 

'  Car  c'est  li  drois  neus  del  vilain, 
Qu'il  soit  tosjors  de  bone  main 
Vers  celui  de  cui  a  peor, 
Tant  que  de  mal  faire  ait  laissor? 
Partonopeus,  torn.  i.  pp.  9,  91,  ed.  1834. 

In  the  Chron.  des  Dues  de  Normandie 
precisely  the  same  form  occurs  : 

'  Ja  ne  vos  ert  mais  laissor  donee 
Que  centre  mei  sachiez  espee.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  182. 
And  again : 

'  U  aveir  en  aise  e  laissor 
Si  funt  mainz  desleiz  li  plusor.' 

Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  347,  ed.  1838. 

Now  turning  to  English  writers  who 
have  used  the  same  form  as  Elyot,  we 
find  Chaucer  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde 
does  so : 

'  And  eseth  there  youre  hertes  right  ynough, 
And  lat  se  which  of  yow  shal  here  the  belle 
To  speke  of  love  aright  ? '  And  therwith  he 

lough, 
'  For  ther  have  ye  a  layser  for  to  telle.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  233. 

And  again : 

'  But  to  the  grete  effect :— thanne  sey  I  thus, 
That  stondyng  in  concord  and  in  quiete 
This  ilke  twey,  Cryseyde  and  Troilus, 
As  I  have  tolde,  and  in  this  tyme  swete, 
Save  only  often  myghte  they  not  mete, 
Ne  layser  have,  hire  speches  to  fulfille, 
That  it  befel  right  as  1  shal  yow  telle.' 

Ibid.  p.  245. 

In  The  Seven  Sages,  an  English  version 
made  in  the  fourteenth  century  of  a  still 
earlier  romance,  we  have  : 

' Certis,'  he  sayd,  'hit  his  no  rede, 
Bot  hastilich  smyt  of  my  hede, 
And  god  laysyr  when  thou  myght  have- 
By  rye  hit  in  cristyne  grave.' 

P.  43,  ed.  1846.     Percy  Soc. 

Palsgrave  gives :  '  I  am  at  layser,  I 
have  lytell  besynesse  to  do.  //  me 
•vacque.  Verb.  imp.  prim.  conj.  They 
use  also/V  suis  a  loisir.  Whan  you  be 


at  layser,  make  up  my  gowne  :  quant 
il  vous  vacque,  parachcuez  ma  robe.  I 
wolde  speke  with  my  lorde,  if  he  were 
at  layser:  je  parleroys  voulentiers  a 
monsieur  sil  estoyt  a  loysir."1 — U Escl. 
p.  423.  Udall,  in  his  translation  of 
the  Paraphrase  of  Erasmus,  says :  '  By 
menne  of  ryghtegoodcredite,  and  suche 
as  use  not  to  lye,  it  hath  bene  reported 
unto  me,  aswel  that  Charles  the  Em- 
peroure,  in  case  anye  vacante  tyme  of 
lay  sure  maye  in  so  greate  unquyetenes 
and  troublous  state  of  the  world  bee 
gotten,  dooeth  gladly  bestow  the  same 
in  rea  dynge  the  Ghospell  booke .' — Tom. 
i.  fo.  ccvii  b.  ed.  1551. 

Leasinge,  Leasynge,  a  lie,  a  false- 
hood.— I.  123;  II.  217  and  note,  384, 
394,398, 400.  This  represents  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  word  Measunge,'  which  Somner 
explains  by  the  Latin  equivalents,  men- 
dacium,  figmentum.  In  the  Promptoriu m 
we  find  '  Lees,  or  false.  Falsus.'*  And 
'  Leesynge,  or  lyynge  (or  gabbynge, 
lezynge,  liynge)  Mendaciu m. ' — P.  298. 
Both  Somner  and  Skinner  connect  it 
with  the  old  French  losange,  losenge  or 
lozenge,  which  Congrave  interprets  to 
mean  'guile,  deceit,  fraud,  cousenage.' 
And  Palsgrave  gives  some  countenance 
to  the  supposed  connexion  between 
the  two  words,  for  he  gives  '  Lye,  a  false 
tale — baues,f.',  losanges,  f. ;  mensonge  s, 
m. ;  contre^iue  s,  f.' — UEsclair.  p.  239. 
But  it  is  curious  that  though  the  word 
losenge  occurs  frequently  in  Le  Roman  de 
la  Rose,  it  is  always  distinguished  from 
mensonge  by  Chaucer.  Thus  for  the 
passage — 

'  Por  Dieu,  dame,  ne  crees  pas 
Male-Bouche  le  losengier ; 
C'est  uns  horns  qui  ment  de  legier, 
Et  maint  prod'omme  a  reuse. 
S'il  a  Bel-Acueil  accuse, 
Ce  n'est  pas  ore  li  premiers  : 
Car  Male-Bouche  est  coustumierS 
De  raconter  fauces  noveles 
De  valez  et  de  damoiseles. 
Sans  faille  ce  n'est  pas  men9onge, 
Bel-Acueil  a  trop  longue  longe.' 

Tom.  i  p.  145,  ed.  1814. 

Chaucer  substitutes  the  following  imita- 
tion : 

'  Sire,  ne  leveth  noughte 
Wikkid-tunge,  that  fals  espie, 
Which  is  so  glad  to  feyne  and  lye. 


GLOSSARY. 


559 


He  hath  you  maad,  thurgh  flateryng, 

On  Bialacoil  a  fals  lesyng. 

His  falsenesse  is  not  now  a-newe, 

It  is  to  long  that  he  hym  knewe. 

This  is  not  the  firste  day  ; 

For  Wikkid-tunge  hath  custome  ay, 

Yon?e  folkis  to  be-wreye, 

And  false  lesynges  on  hem  lye.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  118. 

And  where  the  French  poet  wrote  : 

'  Et  por  avoir  des  gens  loenges, 
Des  riches  hommes,  par  losenges, 
Empetrons  que  letres  nous  doignent 
Qui  la  bonte  de  nous  tesmoignent, 
Si  que  Ten  croie  par  le  munde 
Que  vertu  toute  en  nous  habunde  ; 
Et  tous  jors  povres  nous  faignons, 
Mes  comment  que  nous  nous  plaignons, 
Nous  sommes,  ce  vous  fais  sayoir, 
Cil  qui  tout  ont  sans  riens  avoir.' 

Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  364. 

The  English  version  has  : 

'  And  for  to  have  of  men  preysyng, 
We  purchace,  thurgh  our  flateryng, 
Of  nche  men  of  gret  pouste", 
Lettres,  to  witnesse  oure  bounte", 
So  that  man  weneth  that  may  us  see, 
That  alle  vertu  in  us  be. 
And  al-wey  pore  we  us  feyne  ; 
But  how-so  that  we  begge  or  pleyne, 
We  ben  the  folk,  withoute  lesyng, 
That  alle  thing  have  without  havyng.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  212. 

In  Wicklifs  confession,  given  by 
Knyghton,  canon  of  Leicester,  in  the 
vernacular,  the  description  of  the  Devil 
is  the  same  as  that  mentioned  by 
Elyot:  'For  before  that  the  fende 
fader  of  lesynges  was  lowside,  was  never 
this  gabbyng  contryvede.' — Twysden, 
Decent  Script,  col.  2650.  M.  Roque- 
fort defines  Losange  as  'Tromperie, 
raillerie,  insulte  ;  medisance,'  and  this 
would  seem  to  be  pretty  nearly  the 
sense  in  which  Spenser  uses  the  word 
leasing  vn.  his  portrait  of  Slander — 

'  For  she  was  stuft  with  rancour  and  despight 
Up  to  the  throat,  that  oft  with  bitternesse 
It  forth  would  breake,  and  gush  in  great  ex- 

cesse, 

Pouring  out  streames  of  poyson  and  of  gall 
'Gainst  all  that  truth  or  vertue  doe  professe  ; 
Whom  she  with  ieasiu&s  lewdly  did  miscall, 
And    wickedly    backbite ;   her    name    men 

Sclaunder  call.' 

\  Poet.  Works,  vol.  lii.  p.  202. 

And  again  in  his  description  of  'the 
brave  courtier*  in  Mother  Hubbcrds 
Tale— 


'  He  hates  fowle  teasings  and  vile  flatterie 
Two  filthie  blots  in  noble  gentrie.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  22,  ed.  1866. 

Leme,  a  gleam,  a  ray.— I.  3 ;  II.  364 

and  note.     According  to  Tyrxvhitt  this 

word  is  used  by  Chaucer  in  The  Nonnes 

Preestes  Tale— 

'Certes  this  dreme,  which  ye  han  met   to- 
night, 

Cometh  of  the  grete  superfluitee 
Of  your  rede  colera  parde, 
Which  causeth  folk  to  drederi  in  hir  dremes 
Of  arwes,  and  of  fire  with  red  /ernes 
Of  rede  bestes,  that  they  wol  hem  bite, 
Of  conteke  and  of  waspes  gret  and  lite.' 

Cant.  Tales,  vol.  iii.  p.  196,  ed.  1830. 

This  reading,  however,  is  not  adopted 
in  the  Aldine  edition. 

Lese,  to  lose.— I.  34  ;  II.  30.  This 
was  the  ancient  form  of  the  word  as 
we  see  from  the  Promptorium,  which 
gives  '  Lesyn  or  lese,  Perth.  Lesynge 
or  thyngys  loste  (of  thynge  loste),  Per- 
dicio:—¥.  298.  Whilst  Palsgrave  has 
'  I  lese  a  thyng,  as  I  lese  my  goodes,  or 
my  frendes,  or  any  suche  lyke  thyng  by 
neglygence  or  chaunce.  Je  pers.'— 
DEsclair.  p.  606.  Sir  John  Maunde- 
vile  says :  '  Natheles  it  befallethe  often 
tyme,  that  the  gode  Dyamande  lesethe 
his  vertue,  be  synne  and  for  inconty- 
nence  of  him  that  berethe  it.' — Voiage 
<Sr^.,p.  194,  ed.  1727.  This  form  oc- 
curs constantly  in  Chaucer.  As  in  The 
Monkes  Tale — 

'  Nought  oonly  that  the  world  had  of  him 

awe, 

For  lesyng  of  riches  and  libert£, 
But  he  made  every  man  reneye  his  lawe.* 

Poet.  Works,  voL  fiL  p.  219. 
And  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose — 

'  But  in  case  that  I  shalla  say 
For  pride  and  ire  lese  it  he  may.' 

Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  1 68 

The  corresponding  passage  in  the 
French  poem  being — 

'  Fors  en  deus  cas  que  ge  voif  dire, 
L'en  le  pert  par  orguel,  par  ire.' 

Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  ii.  p.  44, 
ed.  1814. 

Froissart,  in  his  account  of  the  capture 
of  Bourdille  in  1369,  had  said  :  '  Et 
pour  ce  qu'ils  vouloient  tout  avoir,  et 
ainsi  que  on  dit,  grand  convoitise  fait 
petit  mont.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  582  ed. 


56° 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


P.  L.  And  Lord  Earners  translates 
this :  '  And  bycause  they  wolde  haue 
all  they  had  but  lytel,  for  it  is  an  olde 
sayenge,  He  that  all  coueteth  al  leseth.  '— 
Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  384,  ed.  1812.  This 
primitive  form  continued  in  use  to  a 
much  later  period,  for  Bacon  in  his 
Nat.  Hist,  says  :  '  You  must  take  heed 
how  you  set  herbs  together,  that  draw 
much  the  like  juice.  And  therefore 
I  think  rosemary  will  leese  in  sweetness, 
if  it  be  set  with  lavender  or  bays,  or  the 
like.'—  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  495,  ed.  1857. 
Lette,  subst.,  a  hindrance,  impedi- 
ment.— I,  155 ;  II.  162.  Palsgrave 
has  *  Let  or  lettyng — empeschement  s, 
m. ;  obstacle  s,  m.' — UEsclair.  p.  238. 
And  the  author,  in  his  own  Dictionary, 
translates  Impedimentum  'Lette,  im- 
pediment in  warres.'  The  substantive 
is  not  perhaps  so  common  as  the  verb; 
the  former,  however,  is  used  by  Chaucer 
in  Troylus  and  Crysede — 

'  And  when  that  he  in  chaumber  was  allon 
He  down  upon  his  beddes  feet  him  sette, 
And  first  he  gan  to  syke,  and  eft  to  grone, 
And  thoughte  ay  on  hire  so  withouten  lette.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  122* 

Wingfield,  writing  from  Blois  to  the 
king  in  1520,  says  :  '  He  (i.e.  Francis  I.) 
shewyd  me  to  have  received  wrytyng 
fro  hys  Ambassadour  resident  with  your 
Grace,  by  the  whyche  he  was  ascerteyned 
of  the  exploicte  and  dispatche  of  the 
Ambassadours  of  Flaunders ;  neverthe- 
lesse  he  sayde  to  know  wele  the  same 
shuld  be  no  left  of  any  thynge  passyd 
and  concludyd  betwene  your  Highnes 
and  hym.' — State  Papers,  vol.  vi.  p.  57. 
Spenser  uses  it  in  The  Faerie  Queene — 

'  The  proud  Duessa,  full  of  wrathfull  spight, 
And  fiers  disdaine  to  be  affronted  so, 
Enforst  her  purple  beast  with  all  her  might, 
That  stop  out  of  the  way  to  overthroe, 
Scorning  the  let  of  so  unequall  foe.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  208. 
And  again — 

'Whom  when  my  knight  did  see  so  lovely 

faire, 

He  inly  gan  her  lover  to  envy, 
And  wish  that  he  part  of  his  spoyle  might 

share  : 

Whereto  when  as  my  presence  he  did  spy 
To  be  a  let,  he  bade  me  by  and  by 
For  to  alight. ' 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  122. 


It  occurs  several  times  in  Shakespeare. 

Thus  in  King  Henry  V.  the  Duke  of 

Burgundy  says  : 

'  My  speech  entreats 

That  I  may  know  the  let,  why  gentle  Peace 
Should  not  expel  these  inconveniences, 
And  bless  us  with-  her  former  qualities.' 

And  again  Jn  Romeo  and  Juliet  the 
former  says — 

'  With  love's  light  wings  did  I  o'er-perch  these 

walls  ; 

For  stony  limits  cannot  hold  love  out : 
And  what   love  can    do,    that    dares    love 

attempt; 
Therefore  thy  kinsmen  are  no  let  to  me.' 

Brende  translates,  '  Rex  satis  gnarus 
professioni  aeris  pudorem  non  con- 
tumaciam0Arter<?;'  (Q.  Curt,  lib.  x.  cap. 
2)  '  The  kinge  perceiued  shame  to  bee 
the  let  therof,  and  no  disobedience  or 
selfewill.' — Fo.  211,  ed.  1561.  Hooker, 
in  his  Eccles.  Polity,  says :  '  All  men 
desire  to  lead  in  this  world  an  happy 
life :  that  life  is  led  most  happily, 
wherein  all  virtue  is  exercised  without 
impediment  or  let.'' —  Works,  p.  17,  ed. 
1723. 

Lette,  verb,  to  hinder. — I.  138,  155, 
157,  281  ;  II.  77,  161,  242,  336.  In 
his  Dictionary  the  author  renders  Obsto, 
are,  '  to  withstand,  to  lette ; '  and  Im- 
pedio,  ire,  '  to  lette,  to  staye.'  Chaucer 
uses  the  verb  in  this  sense  several  times. 
Thus  in  The  Marchaundes  Tale — 

'  His  squiers,  which  that  stoode  ther  bisyde, 
Excusid  him,  bycause  of  hrs  syknesse, 
Which  letted  him  to  doon  his  busynesse.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  338. 

Again  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde — 

'  And  looketh  now  if  this  be  resonable 
And  letteth  nought,  for  favour  ne  for  slouthe, 

To  seyne  a  sothe.' 

Ibid,  vol.  iv,  p.  199. 

Sir  JohnMaundevile,  speaking  of  Egypt, 
says,  '  And  for  als  moche  as  it  ne  rey- 
nethe  not  in  that  contree,  but  the  eyr  is 
alwey  pure  and  cleer,  therfore  in  that 
contree  ben  the  gode  Astronomyeres, 
for  thei  fynde  there  no  cloudes  to  let  ten 
hem.'—Vriage&c.  p.  54,  ed.  1727. 
Palsgrave  has,  '  I  let  or  hynder  one  of 
his  purpose,  or  anythyng  he  is  aboute. 
Jempesche,  prim.  conj.  I  pray  you,  let 
me  nat.  youse  I  ambusye  \jevousprie, 
ne  memptschez  poynt,  vous  voyez  que  je 


GLOSSARY. 


suis  empescht  or  embesognt.  — UEsclair. 
p.  607.  Spenser  in  The  Faerie  Queene, 
says, 

'  Within  that  wood  there  was  a  covert  glade, 
Foreby  a  narrow  foord,  to  them  well  knowne, 
Through  which  it  was  uneath  for  wight  to 

wade; 

And  now  by  fortune  it  was  overflowne. 
By  that  same  way  they  knew  that  Squyre 

unknowne 
Mote  algates  passe  :  for  thy  themselves  they 

set 
There   in  await  with    thicke    woods   over- 

growne, 
And  all  the   while    their    malice   they  did 

whet 
With  cruell  threats  his  passage  through  the 

ford  to  let' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  307,  ed.  1866. 

Udall  uses  the  passive  voice  ;  in  trans- 
lating the  Paraphrase  of  Erasmus  upon 
Mark  xiii.  he  says,  *  He  is  laden  with 
a  vessell,  whoe  being  ouercharged  and 
letted  with  worldly  ryches,  ceasseth  to 
doe  those  thinges  whyche  pertayne  to 
eternall  heal  the.' — Tom.  i.  fo.  clxxxix. 
ed.  1551;  where  the  original  has  'Vase 
onustus  est  qui  divitiis  impeditus  cessat 
agere  quae  sunt  salutis  seternas.' — Par.  in 
Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  p.  255,  ed.  1541. 
The  passive  voice  is  also  used  by  Joye 
in  his  Exposition  of  Daniel.  '  This  their 
deuilysh  lawe  of  their  wyueles  chastite 
is  the  most  cruell  tyranny,  bringinge 
many  thousands  to  dampnacion,  whose 
myndes  and  bodyes  for  this  unlawfull 
bonde  are  deadly  polluted,  whose  soulis 
by  this  one  lawe  be  so  letted  that  thei 
neuer  can  rightly  call  upon  god,  and 
therfore  by  the  comon  consent  of  all 
godly  men  it  ought  to  be  abolisshed.' — 
Fo.  216,  ed.  1545.  And  by  Sir  Philip 
Sidney,  'Their  minds  grudge  not  at 
their  bodies  comfort,  nor  their  sences 
are  letted  from  enioying  their  obiects: 
wee  haue  the  impediments  of  honour, 
and  the  torments  of  conscience.' — Ar- 
cadia, p.  102,  ed.  1605. 

Leude,  ignorant,  and  hence  vicious, 
•wicked,  but  not  in  the  limited  sense 
which  is  alone  implied  by  modern 
usage. — I.  30.  The  primitive  mean- 
ing of  this  word,  as  is  well  known,  was 
that  of  ignorant,  and  as  learning  was 
almost,  if  not  entirely,  confined  to 
ecclesiastics,  it  came  to  denote  specially 
laymen  as  distinguished  from  clerks  or 

II.  O 


churchmen;  but  the  notion  of  vice  also 
attached  to  the  word  at  a  very  early 
period,  and  is  clearly  implied  by  Elyot 
as  we  see  from  the  context  of  the  above 
passage.  In  the  Promptorium,  it  is 
true,  we  do  not  find  precisely  this 
meaning  :  '  Lewde,  unkunnynge,  or  un- 
knowynge,  yn  what  so  hyt  be.  Inscius, 
ignarus,  (laicus).  Lewdenesse  of  on- 
conynge  (unknowynge).  Insciencia,  Ig- 
norantia? — P.  301.  But  it  is  certainly 
implied  by  Palsgrave  who  gives  '  Leuae 
of  condycions — maluays,  f.  maluayse  s  ; 
m.  villayn  s,  f.  villayne  s,  m.  maul- 
graneux,  f.  maulgraneusesS — UEsclair. 
p.  317.  Elyot  himself  seems  to  have 
considered  it  as  the  equivalent  of  Stoli- 
dus,  for  in  his  Dictionary  he  renders 
the  latter  'foolyshe,  lewde  of  condi- 
cions,  odyouse,'  and  Stoliditas  'foolyshe- 
nes,  lewdenes.'  In  the  first  edition  of 
Huloet's  Abcedarium  we  find  Lewde 
rendered  by  the  following  Latin  adjec- 
tives, 'Improbus,  perperus,  pravus, 
nequam,  protervus,  stolidus,  vernaculus, 
vernalis,  vernilis.'  Baret  translates  it 
by  the  French  meschant.  Sir  John 
Maundevile  apparently  uses  the  word  in 
this  sense  in  the  following  passage  : 
'  Sche  answerde  him,  that  he  knew  not 
what  he  asked  ;  and  seyde  that  he  was 
a  fool,  to  desire  that  he  myghte  not 
have  .  .  .  And  the  kyng  seyde,  that  he 
ne  wolde  asken  non  other  thing.  And 
the  lady  answerde,  Sythe  that  I  may  not 
withdrawe  zou  fro  zoure  lewed  corage,  I 
schall  zeve  zou  with  outen  wyschinge, 
and  to  alle  hem  that  schulle  com  of 
zou.'—  Voiage  &>c.,  p.  177,  ed.  1727. 
In  Chaucer  it  nearly  always  signifies 
'rude'  in  the  sense  of  'ignorant,'  but 
the  context  shows  that  the  following 
passage  is  clearly  an  exception : 

'  Such  olde  lewed  wordes  used  he.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  345. 

Spenser  employs  it  in  the  same  way  : 


/it,  whose. ydle  thoughts  alway 
>  cleave  unto  the  lowly  clay, 


'  The  baser  wi 
Are  wont  to  cl 

It  (i.e.  love)  stirreth  up  to  sensuall  desire, 
And  in  lewd  slouth  to  wast  his  carelesse 

day, 

But  in  brave  sprite  it  kindles  goodly  fire.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  303. 


0 


562 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


And    so    does    Shakespeare    in   King 
Rich.  II.  : 
'Mowbray    hath    receiv'd    eight    thousand 

nobles 
In  name    of  lendings    for    your    highness 

soldiers, 

The  which  he  hath  detain'd  for  lewd  em- 
ployments, 
Like  a  false  traitor  and  injurious  villain. 

And  in  First  Part  of  King  Hen.  IV.  : 


'  Tell  me  else, 


Could  such  inordinate  and  low  desires, 
Such  poor,  such  base,  such  lewd,  such  mean 

attempts 

Accompany  the  greatness  of  thy  blood  ? ' 

Sir  John  Davies,  speaking  of  the  'evil 
customs'  of  the  Irish  Chieftains,  says  : 
'  They  made  strong  parties  and  factions, 
wherby  the  great  men  were  enabled  to 
oppresse  their  inferiours,  and  to  oppose 
their  equals  :  and  their  followers  were 
borne  out  and  countenanced  in  all  their 
leivde  and  wicked  actions.' — Discoverie 
of  the  State  of  Ireland,  p.  1 8 1,  ed. 
1613.  The  word  is  evidently  used  in 
the  same  general  and  unrestricted  sense 
by  Sir  Henry  Savile,  who  translated 
'  Interfectorem  Voculse  altis  ordinibus, 
ceteros,  ut  qw&qnejlag&tum  navaverat, 
praemiis  attollit.' — (Tac.  Hist.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  59),  '  Then  he  aduanced  the  mur- 
therer  of  Vocula  to  a  higher  place,  and 
the  rest  he  rewarded,  ech  according  to 
the  lewde  seruice  they  did.' — Tacitus,  p. 
169,  ed.  1612. 

Leuer,  rather.—  II.  241,  286,  306. 
This  is  really  the  comparative  of  the 
adjective  'Leve'  or  'Lief,'  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Leof  =  dilectus.  In  the  Promp- 
torium  we  find  'Have  levyr  (have 
leuer),  MaloS  And  'Lefe  and  dere, 
Carus.' — Pp.  230,  293.  Elyot  in  his 
Diet,  renders  Malo  '  I  had  leaner,  or 
rather  ; '  whilst  Palsgrave  gives  '  I  have 
lever.  Jayme  mieulx  or  jayme  plus  chier, 
and  jay  plus  chier.  I  had  leaver  se 
hym  hanged :  je  aymeroye  mieulx  le 
veoir  pendre.  Many  men  had  lever  se 
a  play  than  to  here  a  masse  :  mayntes 
gens  aymeroyent  mieulx  or  aymeroyent 
plus  chier  or  auroyent  plus  chier  de 
veoyr  ung  mistere  jouer  que  douyr  une 
messe. '  Also  '  Lefe  dere — m.  cher  s,  f. 
chere  s.  Lyefe  dere — m.  chier  s,  f. 
chiere  s.'— DEsclair.  pp.  317,  581,  It 


is  constantly  used  by  the  early  writers. 
Thus  Sir  John  Maundevile  says,  '  For 
alse  moche  as  many  men  ne  may  not 
suffre  the  savour  of  the  see,  but  hadden 
lever  to  gon  by  londe,  they  (i.e.  though) 
that  hyt  be  more  payne  ;  a  man  schal  soo 
goon  unto  on  of  the  havenes  of  Lum- 
bardye,  als  Venys  or  another.  And  he 
schal  passe  yn  to  Grece  thorwe  Port 
Moroche,  or  another,  and  so  he  schal  gon 
unto  Constantynople. '  —  Voiage  &>c. 
p.  152.  It  occurs  very  frequently  in 
Chaucer,  thus  in  The  Prologue: 

'  For  him  was  lever  have  at  his  beddes  heed 
Twenty  bookes,  clothed  in  black  and  reed, 
Of  Aristotil,  and  of  his  philosophic, 
Then  robes  riche,  or  fithul,  or  sawtrie.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  10,  ed.  1866. 

Again  in  The  Frankelynes  Tale : 

'  But  natheles,  yet  have  I  lever  leese 
My  lif,  than  of  my  body  to  have  schame, 
Or  knowe  my-selve  fals,  or  lese  my  name.' 
Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  21. 

And  occasionally  in  Spenser,  thus  in 
The  Faerie  Queene : 

'  But  nor  for  gold  nor  glee  will  I  abyde 
By  you,  when  ye  arrive  in  that  same  place; 
For  lever  had  I  die  then  see  his  deadly  face.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  9,  ed.  1866. 
Again, 

'  Die  had  she  lever  with  Enchanters  knife 
Then  to  be  false  in  love,  profest  a  virgine 
wife.'  Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  106. 

This  expression  is  used  by  the  King  in 
his  '  Answer  to  the  Lincolnshire  Rebels,' 
in  1536,  which  is  given  in  extenso  by 
Foxe  :  '  Nowe,  what  unkindnes  and  un- 
naturalitie  may  we  impute  to  you  and 
all  our  subiects  that  be  of  that  minde, 
which  hadde  leuer  such  an  unthriftie 
sorte  of  vicious  persons  shoulde  enioye 
suche  possessions,  profites,  and  emolu- 
ments as  grow  of  the  sayd  houses,  to  the 
maintenance  of  their  unthriftie  life,  then 
we  your  naturall  Prince,  soueraigne 
Lorde  and  Kyng,  whych  doth  and  hath 
spent  more  in  your  defences  of  our  owne, 
then  sixe  times  they  be  worth.' — Actes 
and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p.  1086,  ed.  1583. 
It  may  be  observed  that  the  positive 
form  of  the  phrase,  viz.  '  as  lief  meaning 
'as  soon,'  which  occurs  very  frequently 
in  Shakespeare,  is  still  to  be  met  with 
in  vulgar  speech  in  rural  districts,  and 


GLOSSARY. 


563 


more  particularly  in  the  counties  of 
Norfolk  and  Suffolk. 

1-zmga.te,  made  smooth. — I.  25.  This 
word,  which  is  a7ra|  K^yo^fvov,  is  formed 
from  the  Latin  verb  Laevigo,  which  the 
author  in  his  Dictionary  translates  '  to 
playne,  or  make  playne,  or  to  polyshe. ' 
It  is  not  used  by  the  best  classical 
writers,  but  it  occurs  not  unfrequently 
in  Pliny,  as,  ex.  gr.  « Indica  (sc.  arena) 
non  seque  Icevigat  :  sed  ea  combusta 
polientes  marmora  fricare  jubentur.' 
Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xxxvi.  cap.  9.  And 
again  :  '  Sunt  quidam  in  eo  genere 
molliores  (sc.  lapides),  qui  et  cote  lawi- 
gantur,  ut  procul  intuentibus  ophitae 
videri  possint.' — Ibid.  cap.  30. 

Lothely,  adj.  Lothelynes,  subst. 
loathsome,  loathsomeness. — II.  185,  401 
and  note.  The  adjective  is  used  by 
Spenser  in  The  Faerie  Queen  : 

'  An  huge  great  Dragon,  horrible  in  sight, 
Bred  in  the  loathly  lakes  of  Tartary, 
With  murdrous  ravine, and  devouring  might, 
Their  kingdome  spoild,  and  countrey  wasted 
quight. 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  202. 

And  again 

*  A  foule  and  loathly  creature  sure  in  sight 
And  in  conditions  to  be  loath'd  no  lesse.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  202. 

Lyam,  a  leash,  thong,  or  line. — II. 
171  and  note.  The  definition  previ- 
ously given  in  the  note  and  credited  to 
Randle  Holme,  ought  to  be  referred  to 
a  still  older  authority,  Turbervile,  who 
tells  us  in  his  Booke  of  Hunting :  *  The 
string  wherewith  wee  leade  a  Grey 
hounde  is  called  a  Lease,  and  for  a 
Hounde  a  Lyame? — P.  240,  ed.  1575. 
He  also  says  :  '  Yet  another  way  to 
bryng  your  houndes  to  quarrie  and  to 
rewarde  them,  you  must  haue  foure  or 
sixe  huntsmen  that  be  good  and  swifte 
of  foote,  for  els  they  may  rather 
hinder  than  furder  the  houndes ;  and  to 
euery  one  of  these  you  may  giue  two 
couple  of  houndes  to  leade  in  liames  ; 
and  when  the  houndes  haue  unlodged 
the  Harte,they  may  go  fayre  and  softely, 
and  not  weary  theyr  yong  houndes  be- 
fore the  crie.' — Ibid.  p.  37.  Now  the 
corresponding  passage  in  the  original 
French  is  '  II  faut  auoir  quatre  on  six 


valets,  lesquels  soyent  gracieux,  et  allans 
bien  a  pied,  car  autrement  ils  leur 
feroyent  plus  de  tort  que  de  profit :  et 
leur  pourrez  donner  a  mener  a  chacun 
quatre  ieunes  chiens  en  une  lesse.' — Du 
Fouilloux,  La  Venerie,  fo.  14,  ed.  1844. 
Hence  we  see  that  lyam  is  equivalent  to 
lesse,  the  modern  laisse.  And  this  is  the 
very  word  used  by  Montaigne  in  his 
own  version  of  the  story  of  Androclus  : 
*  Nous  voyions  depuis,  diet  Apion, 
Androclus  conduisant  ce  lion  a  tout 
une  petite  lesse,  se  promenant  par  les 
tavernes  a  Rome.' — Essais,  torn.  ii.  p. 
325,  ed.  1854.  A  lime-hound,  properly 
leamhound,  was  so  called  because  he  was 
held  in  a  Ham.  And  Turbervile  shows 
us  that  this  is  the  correct  etymology, 
for  he  uses  the  original  form  of  the 
word  :  *  When  they  (i.e.  the  huntsmen) 
cast  about  a  groue  or  wood  with  their 
Liamhound,  then  they  make  a  ryng.' 
Ubi  supra,  p.  242. 

Lybarde,  a  leopard. — I.  189,  191, 
215.  The  author  in  his  Dictionary 
translates  Leopardus  '  a  Lybarde, ,'  The 
same  contraction  of  the  first  syllable 
seems  to  have  prevailed  in  the  corre- 
sponding French  word.  For  Littre 
says  :  '  II  est  remarquable  que  la  pre- 
miere partie  du  mot,  dans  les  anciens 
textes  est  toujours  monosyllabique,  ce 
n'est  qu'au  XVIe  siecle  que  leo  .  .  .  . 
reparait  sous  sa  forme  propre.'  In  the 
Promptotium  it  is  spelt  Labbarde  or 
Lebbard.  Sir  John  Maundevile  has  the 
same  form  as  Elyot :  '  Thei  bryngen 
before  the  Emperour,  Lyouns,  Libardes, 
and  othere  dyverse  bestes.' — Voiage, 
&c.,  p.  285,  ed.  1727.  Chaucer,  in  The 
Romauntof  the  Rose,  describing  the  God 
of  Love,  says  : 

'  For  nought  y-clad  in  silk  was  he, 
But  alle  in  floures  and  in  flourettes, 
I  painted  alle  with  amorettes, 
And  with  losynges  and  scochouns, 
With  briddes,  lybardes,  and  lyouns, 
And  other  beestis  wrought  ful  welle.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  28. 

In  the  original  the  corresponding  pas- 
sage is  : 

'  II  n'avoit  pas  robe  de  sole, 
Ains  avoit  robe  de  floretes, 
"r'ete  par  fines  amoretes 


O  O  2 


THE   GOVRRNOUR. 


A  losenges,  &  escuciaus, 
A  oiseles,  a  lionciaus, 
Et  a  bestes  et  a  liepars.' 
Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  i.  p.  37,  ed.  1814. 

Froissart,  in  his  description  of  Richard's 
conquest  of  Ireland,  says  :  '  Notre  sire 
le  roi  Richard,  quand  au  temps  il  fut  en 
Irlande,  en  toutes  ses  armoiries  il  laissa 
£  porter  les  armes  d' Angleterre ;  c'est  & 
entendre,  les  liepars  et  les  fleurs  de  lis 
dont  il  s'ecartelle,  et  prit  celles  du  roi 
Edouard  qui  est  saint.' — Chron.  torn, 
iii.  p.  213,  ed.  P.  L.  This  Lord 
Berners  renders  :  '  He  lefte  the  beryng 
of  the  armes  of  Englande,  as  the  lybardes 
and  flour  delyces  quarterly,  and  bare 
the  armes  of  this  saynt  Edwarde.' — 
Chron.  vol.  ii.  p.  623,  ed.  1812. 
Spenser,  in  The  Faerie  Queene,  says : 

'  For  he  would  learne 
The  Lyon  stoup  to  him  in  lowly  wise, 
(A  lesson  hard),  and  make  the  Z-tMar^sterne 
Leave  roaring,  when  in  rage  he  for  revenge 
did  earne.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  184,  ed.  1866. 

Lymitour,  a  mendicant  friar,  who 
was  only  licensed  to  beg  within  a  cer- 
tain limit  or  district.  —  I.  234  and 
note.  Tyndale  frequently  alludes  to 
these  friars,  as,  ex.  gr.,  in  his  Practice  of 
Prelates  :  '  As  soon  as  the  monks  were 
fallen,  then  sprang  these  begging  friars 
out  of  hell,  the  last  kind  of  caterpillars 
in  a  more  vile  apparel  and  a  more 
strait  religion,  that  if  aught  of  relief 
were  left  among  the  laymen  for  the 
poor  people  these  horse-leeches  might 
suck  that  also;  which  drone-bees,  as 
soon  as  they  learned  their  craft,  and  had 
built  them  goodly  and  costly  nests,  and 
their  limiters  had  divided  all  countries 
among  them  to  beg  in,  and  had  pre- 
pared livings  of  a  certainty,  though  with 
begging  ;  then  they  also  took  dispensa- 
tions of  the  pope,  for  to  live  as  largely 
and  as  lewdly  as  the  monks.' — Expos. 
on  the  Script,  p.  277,  ed.  1849,  Par. 
Soc.  And  again,  in  his  Answer  to  Sir 
T.  Morels  Dialogue,  after  mentioning 
with  contempt  various  superstitious  ob- 
servances, he  says :  '  Such  is  the  Limi- 
ter'ssa.y'mg  of  "  In  Principio  erat  verbum" 
from  house  to  house.' — P.  62,  ed.  1850, 
Par.  Soc.  Now  it  is  evidently  to  this 
canting  practice  that  Chaucer  alludes 


in  his  description  of  the  'Limiter'  in 
The  Prologue  to  the  Cant.  Tales— 

'  He  was  the  beste  beggar  in  al  his  hous, 
For  though  a  widewe  hadde  but  oo  schoo, 
So  plesaunt  was  his  In  principio, 
Yet  wolde  he  have  a  ferthing  or  he  wente.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  9. 

In  The  treatise  against  begging  friars 
intitled  Jacke  Upland,  attributed  to 
Chaucer  by  Foxe.  amongst  other  ques- 
tions he  asks  :  '  Why  heyre  ye  to  ferine 
your  limitors,  geuing  therefore  ech  yeare 
a  certayne  rent,  and  will  not  suffer  one 
in  an  others  limitation,  right  as  ye  were 
your  selfes  Lordes  of  countreys? ' — Actes 
and  Man.  vol.  i.  p.  262,  ed.  1583. 

Lymn,  to  illuminate,  or  draw  in 
colours. — I.  32.  In  Huloet's  Abce- 
darium  we  find,  'Limned  bokes, 
hauinge  letters  of  diuers  coloures: 
Miniati  libriS  The  word  is  no  doubt 
derived  from  the  French  enluminer, 
which  Cotgrave  translates  'to  illu- 
minate, inlighten,  cleere,  brighten,  il- 
lustrate ;  also  to  sleek  or  burnish ;  also 
to  limne. '  He  also  gives  '  enlumineure, 
a  burnishing,  or  sleeking,  also  a  limn- 
ing! Thus  Joinville,  in  his  Hist,  de  S. 
Louis,  says :  '  Et  ainsi  comme  lescri- 
vain  qui  a  fait  son  livre,  qui  lenlumine 
dor  et  daxur,  enlumina  ledit  roy  son 
royaume  de  belles  abbaies  que  il  y  fist, 
des  mansions  Dieu,  des  preescheurs,  des 
cordeliers,  et  des  autres  religions.' — 
Bouquet,  Hist,  de  la  France,  torn.  xx. 
p.  303.  Spelman,  who  explains  the 
Low  Latin  illuminare  as  '  Libros  et 
literas  pingendo  ornare,'  adds,  'Alias 
dici  videtur  luminare,  unde  Anglicum 
to  lymn.'  That  limning  exactly  an- 
swered to  what  we  now  call  illuminating 
is  plain  from  the  title  of  a  handbook  on 
that  art,  published  in  1573  by  Richard 
Tottill,  which  describes  it  as  'A  very 
proper  treatise,  wherein  is  briefly  sett 
forthe  the  Arte  of  Limming,  which 
teacheth  the  order  in  drawing  and 
tracing  of  letters,  vinets,  flowers,  armes, 
and  Imagery,  and  the  maner  how  to 
make  sundry  sises  or  grounds  to  laye 
siluer  or  golde  uppon,  and  how  siluer 
or  golde  shalbe  layed  or  limmed  uppon 
the  sise,  and  the  waye  to  temper  golde 
and  siluer  and  other  mettales,  and 


GLOSSARY. 


565 


diuerse  kyndes  of  colours,  to  write  or 
to  limme  withall  uppon  velym,  parche- 
ment  or  paper,  and  how  to  lay  them 
upon  the  worke  which  thou  entendest 
to  make,  and  howe  to  vernish  yt  when 
thou  hast  done,  with  diuerse  other 
thinges  very  mete  and  necessary  to  be 
knowne  to  all  suche  Gentlemenne  and 
other  persones  as  doe  delite  in  lim- 
ming,  painting,  or  in  tricking  of  armes 
in  their  right  colors,  and  therefor  a 
worke  very  mete  to  be  adioined  to  the 
bookes  of  Armes,  neuer  put  in  printe 
before  this  time.'  Spenser  uses  the 
word  in  the  general  sense  of  painting : 

'Or  why  doe  not  faire  pictures  like  powre 

shew 

In  which  oft-times  we  Nature  see  of  Art 
Exceld,  in  perfect  limming  every  part  ? ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  230,  ed.  1866. 

Fuller  says  of  Edward  Norgate,  one  of 
'  the  worthies '  of  Cambridgeshire  :  '  He 
became  the  best  Illuminer  or  Limner  of 
our  age,  employed  generally  to  make 
the  initial  letters  in  the  patents  of  Peers, 
and  Commissions  of  Embassadours, 
having  left  few  heirs  to  the  kind,  none 
to  the  degree  of  his  art  therein.' — 
Worthies  of  Eng.  p.  161,  ed.  1662. 
Wood,  enumerating  the  various  accom- 
plishments of  Roger  Ascham,  tells  us 
he  'was  a  passing  good  orator,  had  a 
great  faculty  in  writing  Greek,  Latin, 
and  English  epistles,  which  were  not 
only  excellent  for  matter,  but  for  the 
neatness  of  the  handwriting,  adorned 
with  illumination,  which  we  now  call 
limning,  in  the  margin.'— Fasti  Oxon. 
part.  i.  col.  115,  ed.  1815.  Peacham, 
in  his  Compleat  Gentleman,  has  a  chapter 
'Of  Drawing,  Limning,  and  Painting,' 
and  says:  'Since  Aristotle  numbreth 
Graphice,  generally  taken  for  whatsoeuer 
is  done  with  the  Pen  or  Pencill  (as 
writing  faire,  Drawing,  Limning,  and 
Painting),  amongst  those  his  irotSfi/- 
Hara  or  generous  practices  of  youth  in 
a  well-gouerned  Commonwealth,  I  am 
bound  also  to  giue  it  you  in  charge 
for  your  exercise  at  leasure.  .  .  .  And 
since  it  is  onely  the  imitation  of  the 
surface  of  nature  by  it,  as  in  a  booke  of 
golden  and  rare-timmed  letters,  the 
chiefe  ende  of  it,  wee  reade  a  continuall 


lecture  of  the  wisedome  of  the  Al- 
mightie  Creator,  by  beholding  euen  in 
the  feather  of  the  Peacocke  a  miracle, 
as  Aristotle  saith.' — P.  104,  ed.  1622. 
Aubrey,  in  his  notice  of  the  Digby 
family,  says  that  he  had  been  permitted 
to  inspect  a  curious  volume  :  'It  was 
the  history  of  the  family  of  the  Digbyes, 
which  Sir  Kenelme  either  did  or  ordered 
to  be  donne.  There  was  inserted  all 
that  was  to  be  found  any  where  relating 
to  them  out  of  Records  of  the  Tower, 
Rolles  &c.  All  Ancient  church  monu- 
ments were  most  exquisitely  limmed  by 
some  rare  artist.' — Letters,  vol.  ii.  p. 
329,  ed.  1813. 


M. 

Maculate,  to  stain,  defile. — I.  278. 
It  is  obvious  from  the  context  that  this 
word  is  employed  to  represent  the  Latin 
'maculare'  of  the  original  passage  of 
the  Policraticus.  In  his  Dictionary  the 
author  translates  the  verb  Maculo,  '  to 
spotte  or  make  fowle.'  The  verb  ap- 
pears to  be  &ro£  \ey6nevov,  but  the 
same  word  occurs  as  a  participle  in  The 
Testament  of  Creseide — 

'  O  faire  Creseide,  the  floure  and  a  per  se 
Of  Troy  and  Grece,  how  were  thou  fortunate 
To  chaunge  in  filth  al  thy  feminite, 
And  be  with  fleshly  lust  so  maculate, 
And  go  among  the  Grekes  erly  and  late 
So  giglotlike,  taking  thy  foule  pleasaunce, 
I  haue  pite  the  should  fall  such  mischaunce.' 
Chaucer,  Poet.  Works,  fo.  182,  ed.  1602. 

And  is    used   twice   by   Shakespeare, 
first  in  Love's  Labour's  I^st — 

'  Most  maculate  thoughts,  Master, 
Are  masked  under  such  colours.' 

Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  173,  ed.  Dyce. 

And  again  in  The  Two  Noble  Kinsmen, 
when  Emilia  exclaims — 

'  O  vouchsafe, 
With  that  thy  rare  green  eye— which  never 

Beheld  thing  maculate— look  on  thy  virgin.' 
Ibid.  vol.  viii.  p.  196. 

Maistries,ym/.r  of  strength  or  skill. 
— I.  175.  YroTbmaistrie,  the  old  form 
of  the  French  maistrise.  Palsgrave  has 
'Maystry  done  by  delyvemesse — IM& 


566 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


tour  de  souplesse  s,  m.;  apperiise  s,  f.' 
— UEsclair.  p.  242.  The  word  is  often 
used  by  Chaucer,  as  in  The  Prologue  to 
Cant.  Tales— 

'A  Monk  ther  was,  a  fair  for  the  mazstrzf, 
An  out-rydere,  that  lovede  venerye  ; 
A  manly  man,  to  ben  an  abbot  able.' 

And  in  The  Milleres  Tale— 

Som    tyme,  to    schewe   his   lightnes    and 

maistrye, 
He  pleyeth  Herodz  on  a  scaffold  hye.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  6,  104. 

Again  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose — 

'  This  knyght  was  comen  alle  newely 
Fro  tourneiyng  faste  by  ; 
Ther  hadde  he  don  gret  chyvalrie 
Thorough  his  vertu  and  his  maistrie, 
And  for  the  love  of  his  lemman 
He  caste  doun  many  a  doughty  man.' 

Jbid.  vol.  vL  p.  37. 

It  appears,  on  comparing  the  above 
passage  with  the  original,  that  the  word 
italicised  is  given  as  the  equivalent  of 
the  French  force — 

'  Cil  chevalier  novelement 
Fu  yenus  d'ung  tornoiement, 
Ou  il  ot  faite  por  s'amie 
Mainte  jouste  et  mainte  envaie, 
Et  percie  maint  escu  boucle, 
Maint  hiaume  i  avoit  dessercle, 
Et  maint  chevalier  abatu, 
Et  pris  pax  force  et  par  vertu.' 

Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  i.  p.  48. 

In  the  early  English  romance  of  Sir 
Perceval  of  Galles  we  have  the  following 
stanza — 

'  Now  no  maistrys  he  made 
Syr  Wawayne  ther  als  he  rade, 
Bot  hovde  stylle  and  habade 
His  concelle  to  la.' 

P.  56,  ed.  1844,  Camden  Soc. 

See  also  the  quotation  from  Gower,  ante 
p.  488.  A  very  similar  phrase  to  that  in 
the  text  is  used  by  Sir  Thos.  North  in  his 
translation  of  Plutarch  :  *  Neuertheles 
he  sent  her  worde  againe,  she  should 
not  neede  to  trye  mastery  es,  with  drinckes 
and  medicines  to  make  her  come  before 
her  time  :  for  so  doing,  she  might  bring 
her  selfe  in  daunger,  and  be  cast  awaye 
for  euer.'— P.  45,  ed.  1579.  A  com- 
parison with  Amyot's  version,  how- 
ever, shows  that  there  was  no  corre- 
sponding phrase  in  the  original :  « Mais 
it  luy  manda  qu'il  n'estoit  point  besoing 


que  par  breuuages  ou  medecines  elle  se 
deschargeast  auant  temps,  pource  qu'en 
ce  faisant,  elle  se  pourroit  bien  gaster  et 
se  mettre  en  danger  elle  mesme.' — 
Vies  des  hommes  III.  torn.  i.  fo.  28,  ed. 
1565.  Knolles,  at  a  still  later  date, 
uses  almost  precisely  the  same  expres- 
sion as  Elyot.  In  describing  the 
manners  of  the  king  of  Persia  contem- 
porary with  Henry  VIII.,  Knolles 
says  :  'He  would  oftentimes  run,  leape, 
and  proue  masteries  with  his  chiefe 
courtiers,  being  himselfe  a  most  excel- 
lent horseman  and  cunning  archer.' — • 
Hist,  of  the  Turks,  p.  516,  ed.  1603. 
It  was  also  employed  by  Bacon  :  '  This 
is  true,  that  the  wisdom  of  all  these 
latter  times  in  princes  affairs,  is  rather 
fine  deliveries  and  shiftings  of  dangers 
and  mischiefs,  when  they  are  near,  than 
solid  and  grounded  courses  to  keep 
them  aloof ;  but  this  is  but  to  try  mas- 
teries with  fortune.' — Essays,  p.  185, 
ed.  1857.  This  obsolete  phrase  isnot  no- 
ticed by  Todd,  Latham,  or  Richardson. 
Maynure,  the,  to  be  taken  with,  to 
be  caught  red-handed. — II.  75.  This  is  an 
old  law  term  derived  from  the  French 
main  cevre,  which  again  represents  the 
still  earlier  Latin  expression  '  manu 
operante,'  which  is  frequently  found  in 
the  old  law  books.  Thus  in  a  chapter  of 
Fleta  on  the  punishment  for  arson  it  is 
said  :  '  Christian!  autem  Apostatse,  Sor- 
tilegi,  et  hujusmodi  detractari  debent  et 
comburi.  Contrahentes  vero  cum  Ju- 
dgeis  vel  Judaeabus,  Pecorantes,  et  So- 
domitae  in  terra  vivi  confodiantur  dum 
tamen  man1  opeS  capti  per  testi- 
monium  legale,  velpublice  convicti.' — 
Houard,  Cout.  Anglo-Norm,  torn.  iii.  p. 
118,  ed.  1776.  M.  Houard,  in  a  note 
on  this  passage,  explains  the  words 
italicised  to  mean :  '  Pour  manu  oper- 
ante :  en  flagrant  delit. '  In  another 
chapter  of  Fleta  we  read  :  '  Statutum 
est  quod  omnes  utlagati,  Regni  abjura- 
tores,  probatores,  cum  manuopere  capti^ 
prisonse  Regis  fractores,  latrones  publici 
et  notorii  &c.  nullo  modo  per  Pleg* 
dimittantur.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  251. 
Thorn,  amonkof  St.  Augustine's  at  Can- 
terbury, gives  us  (inter  alia)  the  follow- 
ing presentment  temp.  Ed.  II.:  'Jura- 


GLOSSARY. 


567 


tores  praesentant  quod  abbas  sancti 
Augustini  Cant,  clamat  in  hundredo 
isto  in  manerio  suo  de  Suanes  tenere 
placita  de  felonibus  captis  cum  manu- 
opere  ad  sectam,  &c. ' — Twysden,  Decent 
Scriptores,  col.  2021,  ed.  1652.  A 
charter  of  Henry  IV.  confirming  a 
charter  of  Rich.  II.  to  the  Duke  of 
Lancaster,  contains  the  following 
clause :  '  Et  quod  praedictus  Dux  ad 
totam  vitam  suam  haberet  quaecunque 
bona  et  catalla  vocata  "manuopera" 
capta  vel  capienda  cum  quacunque  per- 
sona infra  terras  et  feoda  praedicta,  ac 
per  eandem  personam  coram  quocunque 
judice  dead  vocata.' — Liber.  Cust.  p. 
487,  the  Rolls  ed.  Amongst  other 
entries  in  the  Liber  Albus  of  the  City 
of  London  we  find  the  following : 
*  Quidam  in  ecclesia  Sancti  Pauli  Lon- 
doniarum  cognovit  se  felonem,  et  ntanu- 
opus  liberatur  vicecomiti  Londoniarum. ' 
—Vol.  i.  p.  666,  the  Rolls  ed.  The 
first  mention  of  this  term  in  the  statutes 
of  the  realm  seems  to  be  in  3  Ed.  I. 
cap.  15,  commonly  called  S tat.  West.  I. 
where  it  is  enacted  '  que  les  prisons  q 
sunt  avaunt  utlagez,  et  ecus  q  eient  for- 
jure  la  tere,  Provurs,  toz  q  sunt/w  ov 
meinoure  &c.  .  .  .  ne  seient  en  nule 
maniere  replevisables,'  or  as  the  Eng- 
lish version  has  it,  '  That  such  prisoners 
as  before  were  outlawed  and  they  which 
have  abjured  the  Realme,  Provors,  and 
such  as  be  taken  -with  the  manour  &c. 
shall  be  in  no  wise  replevisable.'  The 
reader  will  not  fail  to  notice  the  great 
similarity  between  this  enactment  and 
the  second  of  the  above-quoted  passages 
from  Fleta.  By  7  Ric.  II.  cap.  4  it  is 
provided,  'que  nulle  homme  soit  pris 
nenprisonez  pur  Ministre  de  Foreste 
sanz  due  enditement  ou  main  cevre  ou 
trespassant  en  la  Foreste;'  or  in  Eng- 
lish :  '  That  no  man  be  taken  nor  im- 
prisoned by  any  officer  of  the  Forest 
without  due  indictment,  or  being  taken 
•with  the  matter,  or  trespassing  in  the 
Forest.'  In  the  next  reign  the  king's 
general  pardon  is  extended  '  to  all  his 
liege  people  of  England '  provided  (inter 
alia)  '  qil  ne  soit  provour  nappellez  de 
mort  de  homme  al  suite  de  partie  ne 
ne  pris  ave  mtynovre?  (I  lien.  IV.  cap. 


20.)  According  to  our  old  law,  if 
the  defendant  were  taken  ove  le  may- 
nour,  and  the  latter  carried  to  the 
court  he  could  be  arraigned  sur  le 
maynour  without  any  appeal  or  in- 
dictment. See  Staundford,  Les  Plees 
del  Coron.  fol.  148  b,  ed.  1574.  The 
author  last  quoted  also  tells  us  that  in 
an  appeal  of  robbery  « parcell  del 
money,  emble  prise  sur  le  felon  fresh- 
ment  ove  hue  et  crie  est  un  sufficient 
prisel  oue  le  mainour,  comment  que  de 
money,  un  denier  ne  peut  estre  conus 
dauter.'  And  he  adds:  '  Et  nul  marueil 
si  mainour  est  sufficient  chose  de  luy 
ouster  de  battail.  Car  in  auncient  temps 
le  felon  purroit  auxi  este  arraine  sur 
ceo  auxi  auant  come  il  serroit  sur  en- 
ditement.'— Ubi  supra,  fo.  I79b.  The 
phrase  used  by  Elyot  occurs  in  Robin- 
son's translation  of  Sir  T.  More's 
Utopia:  f  If  they  woulde  committe  rob- 
bery they  haue  nothinge  aboute  them 
mete  for  that  purpose.  They  may 
touch  no  weapons,  money  founde  aboute 
them  shoulde  betraie  the  robbery.  They 
shoulde  be  no  sooner  taken  "with  the 
maner,  but  furthwith  they  shoulde  be 
punished.' — Fo.  23  b,  ed.  1556.  It  is 
also  employed  by  Tyndale :  '  As  he 
were  a  fool,  which  would  trust  him  to 
tell  his  money  in  his  absence,  that  hath 
picked  his  purse  before  his  face  ;  even 
so,  sith  ye  have  corrupt  the  open  scrip- 
ture before  our  eyes,  and  are  taken  with, 
the  maner,  that  ye  cannot  deny,  we  were 
mad  to  believe  that  which  hath  lien 
fifteen  hundred  years,  as  ye  say,  in  your 
rotten  maws,  should  now  be  wholesome 
for  us.' — Expositions,  p.  142,  ed.  1849 
Par.  Soc.  And  several  times  by  Shake- 
speare, as  in  Lovers  Labour's  Lost,  Cos- 
tard says :  *  The  matter  is  to  me,  sir, 
as  concerning  Jaquenetta.  The  manner 
of  it  is,  I  was  taken  with  the  manner? 
And  in  The  Winter's  Tale  Clown  says  : 
'  Your  worship  had  like  to  have  given 
us  one  (i.e.  a  lie)  if  you  had  not  taken 
yourself  with  the  manner*  And  in 
Hen.  IV.  Part.  I.  Prince  Henry  says  to 
Bardolph :  '  O  villain,  thou  stolest  a 
cup  of  sack  eighteen  years  ago,  and 
wert  taken  with  the  manner,  and  ever 
since  thou  hast  blushed  extempore.' 


568 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


The  confusion  of  manour  with  manner 
has  probably  been  in  no  slight  degree 
increased  by  Minsheu,  who  seduced  by 
the  same  love  of  false  etymology  already 
noticed  in  the  cases  of  'cockney'  and 
'  denizen/  says  :  '  it  seemeth  to  come  of 
the  French  maniere,  the  manner.' 

Meigre,  meagre,  thin,  emaciated. — 
II.  142.  The  French  maigre,  which 
Cotgrave  translates  « meagar,  leane, 
scraggie,  fleshlesse  ;  thin,  slender,  gant, 
lanke,  hungry,  barren,  poore.'  It  is 
used  in  the  description  of  Avarice  in 
Le  Roman  de  la  Rose  : 

'  Lede  estoit  et  sale  et  foulee 
Cele  ymage,  et  megre  et  chetire, 
Et  aussi  vert  cum  une  cive. 
Tant  par  estoit  descoloree, 
Qu'el  sembloit  estre  enlangoree  ; 
Chose  sembloit  morte  de  faim, 
Qui  ne  vesquist  fors  que  de  pain 
Petri  a  lessu  forte  et  aigre  ; 
Et  avec  ce  qu'ele  iere  maigre, 
lert-ele  povrement  vestue.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  u,  ed.  1814. 

This  Chaucer  translates  : 

'Ful  foule  in  peyntyng  was  that  vice; 
Ful  sade  and  caytif  was  she  eek, 
And  also  grene  as  ony  leek. 
So  yvil  hewed  was  hir  colour, 
Hir  semede  to  have  lyved  in  langour. 
She  was  lyk  thyng  for  hungre  deed, 
That  ladde  hir  lyf  oonly  by  breed 
Kneden  with  eisel  strong  and  egre. 
And  therto  she  was  lene  and  megre, 
And  she  was  clad  ful  porely.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  7. 

And  in  the  same  poem  Sorrow  is  thus 
painted  : 

'  Si  n'i  feist  riens  avarice 
Ne  de  paleur,  ne  de  megrece  ; 
Car  li  soucis  et  la  destrece, 
Et  la  pesance  et  les  ennuis 
Qu'el  soffroit  de  jors  et  de  nuis, 
L'avoient  moult  fete  jaunir, 
Et  megre  el  pale  devenir.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  14. 

Or  as  Chaucer  has  it : 

'  Nought  half  so  pale  was  Avarice, 
Nor  no  thyng  lyk  of  lenesse  ; 
For  sorowe,  thought,  and  gret  distresse, 
That  she  hadde  suffred  day  and  nyght, 
Made  hir  ful  yolare,  and  no  thyng  bright, 
Ful  fade,  pale  and  megre  also.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  10. 

In  Mother  Hubbera's  Tale  the  mule  says 
to  the  fox  : 


'  For  well  I  weene,  thou  canst  not  but  envie 
My  wealth,  compar'd  to  thine  owne  miserie 
That  art  so  leane   and  meagre  waxen  late, 
That    scarse  thy    legs    uphold    thy  feeble 
gate.' 

Spenser,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  19. 

Knolles  adopts  the  French  form  of 
spelling.  Speaking  of  the  siege  of 
Damiata,  he  says  :  '  These  three  thou- 
sand that  were  left,  were  so  maigre  and 
poore,  that  pitie  it  was  to  behold  them.' 
— Hist,  of  the  Turks,  p.  93,  ed.  1603. 

Metely,  moderately,  tolerably. — II. 
304.  This  word,  which  represents  the 
Latin  '  mediocriter, '  is  apparently  con- 
nected with  met  or  mete  =  measure. 
Palsgrave  has  '  Metely,  moyennernent, 
assez,  par  rayson,  passablement,  as  moy- 
ennement  bien,  assez  bien,  bien  par 
ray  son,  passablement  bien.'' — DEsclair. 
p.  839.  And  Cotgrave  renders  medio- 
crement,  *  meanely,  moderately,  in- 
differently, competently,  reasonably, 
measurably,  meetly  well.'  Froissart, 
speaking  of  the  English  in  Hainault  in 
1327,  says :  '  Et  leur  amenoit-on  de- 
vant  leurs  hotels  le  foin,  1'avoine  et  la 
litiere,  dont  ils  etoient  bien  servis  et  a 
bon  marche.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  23, 
ed.  P.  L.  Which  Lord  Berners  trans- 
lates :  *  There  was  dayly  brought  before 
their  lodgyngis  hey,  ootes,  and  litter, 
wherof  they  were  well  served  for  their 
horses,  and  at  a  metly  price.' — Chron. 
vol.  i.  p.  18,  ed.  1812.  So  again  the 
former,  in  his  account  of  the  siege  of 
Tournay  in  1340,  says  :  *  Ce  siege  fait 
et  arrete  devant  la  cite  de  Tournay,  si 
comme  vous  avez  oui,  duralonguement; 
et  etoit  1'ost  de  ceux  de  dehors  bien 
pourvu  et  avitaille  de  tous  vivres  et  a 
bon  marche.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  in. 
Which  is  rendered  in  the  English  ver- 
sion, '  The  sige  enduring,  they  without 
wer  well  prouyded  of  vytels,  and  at  a 
metely  price.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  75.  Sir 
Thos.  More,  in  his  answer  to  Tyndall, 
says  :  '  Tyndall  maye  make  himself 
sure  that  sith  there  falleth  not  a  sparow 
upon  the  ground  without  our  father  that 
is  in  heauen :  there  shall  no  woman  fall 
aland  in  any  so  far  an  Ilande  where  he 
wyll  haue  hys  name  preached  and  hys 
sacramentes  ministred,  but  that  God. 
can  and  will  well  ynough  prouide  a 


GLOSSARY. 


569 


man  or  twayn  to  come  to  lande  with 
her,  whereof  we  haue  hadde  alreadye 
meetelye  good  experience,  and  that 
within  fewe  yeres. ' —  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  428, 
ed.  1557.  The  same  writer,  in  his  Third 
booke  of  coumfort  against  Tribulation, 
telling  a  story  to  exemplify  Wolsey's 
love  of  flattery,  says  :  '  Whan  it  came 
to  my  parte  (I  will  not  saye  it  Uncle  for 
noboaste),  meethoughte  byoure  Ladye 
for  my  parte,  I  quytte  myselfe  metelye 
wel.' — Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  1221. 

Meue,  to  move,  excite. — I.   16,  71, 

112,     117,     129,     148,     I6l,     169,     221, 

231,  233,  237,  238,  241,  268  ;  II.  16, 
49,  50,  55,  59,  60,  77,  81,  86,  100, 
107,  139,  143,  179,  201,  239,  302, 
307,.  312,  318,  320,  334,  369,  391. 
In  his  Dictionary  Elyot  translates  Cieo, 
'to  meue  a  thyng  or  to  cal.'  In  the 
Promptorium  we  find,  '  Mevyn  or 
steryn.  Moveo. '  And  '  Mevynge  or 
sterynge.  Motus,  mocio,  commocio.' — 
P.  336.  Palsgrave  has,  *  I  meve  or 
styrre  a  man  to  do  a  thyng  by  my  coun- 
sayle,  Je  exhorte,  prim.  conj.  And_/? 
commouue,  prim.  conj.  And  je  suade, 
prim.  conj.  What  meved  you  to  meve 
hym  hereunto  :  que  vous  esmeut  de 
fexhorter,  or  de  le  commouuer  a  cela,  or 
de  luy  suader  celaV — ISEscl.  p.  636. 
In  Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose  the  description 
given  of  Love  is  : 

'  Cest  le  gieu  qui  n'est  pas  estable, 
Estat  trop  fers  et  trop  muable.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  14. 
Which  Chaucer  renders : 

'  Also  pley  that  selde  is  stable, 
And  stedefast  right  mevable.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  144. 

And  in  The  House  of  Fame  the  same 
form  occurs  again  : 

*  Now  have  I  tolde,  yf  ye  have  in  mynde, 
How  speche  or  soun  of  pure  kynde 
Enclyned  ys  upward  to  meve  ; 
This  mayst  thou  fele  wel  I  preve.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  234. 

Sir  John  Maundevile  says  :  '  And  for- 
sothe  there  is  a  gret  marveyle :  for  men 
may  see  there  the  erthe  of  the  tombe 
apertly  many  tymes  steren  and  meven, 
as  there  weren  quykke  thinges  undre.' 


—  Voiage,  &c.  p.  27,  ed.  1727.  The 
Earl  of  Wiltshire,  in  a  letter  to  the  king 
from  Angouleme,  dated  18  May,  1530, 
says  :  « I  told  hym  I  thowght  it  a  very 
straunge  delyng,  and  prayid  hym  nevir 
to  meve  yt,  nor  by  myn  advyse  the 
Kyng  nor  my  Lady  shuld  nevyr  spek 
of  it,  for  I  knew  verely  Your  Grace 
wold  thynk  very  straunge  if  any  suche 
thyng  shulde  be  mevyd ;  and  told  hym, 
yf  they  wold  nedes  meve  any  such  thyng, 
they  shuld  meve.  yt  by  whom  they  wold, 
for  I  wold  in  no  wyse  be  the  mever  of 
any  such  thyng,  wherof  I  was  suer  shuld 
comme  no  good,  but  harm.' — State  Pap. 
vol.  vii.  p.  236. 

Missprision,  contempt,  misbehaviour. 
— I.  41.  This  well-known  law  term  is 
simply  the  English  form  of  the  French 
mesprison,  which  Cotgrave  translates 
'  misprision,  error,  offence  ;  a  thing  done 
or  taken  amisse.'  Palsgrave  has, 
'  Mysbehavour  —  mesprison  s,  f.'  — 
LtEscl.  p.  245.  The  word,  in  the 
sense  of  dtlit,  occurs  frequently  in  the 
early  French  poems  ;  thus  in  the  Chron. 
des  Dues  de  Normandie  we  have  : 

'  Eisi  cum  vos  m'oez  retraire, 
Conte,  baron  e  aversaire 
Des  mesfaiz,  del  offension 
E  de  la  laide  mesprision 
Chargie",  portant  la  peneance, 
Tut  maintenant  senz  demorance 
Jurent  la  paiz,  livrent  ostages, 
E  retornent  en  lor  homages.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  245,  ed.  1836. 

Again  we  find  it  frequently  in  Le 
Rom.  de  la  Rose,  with  the  same  mean- 
ing: 


'  Car  il  par  amors,  sans  haine, 
A  sa  belle  fille  Virgine 


Tantost  a  la  teste  cop£e, 
Et  puis  au  juge  prdsente'e 
Devant  tous  en  plain  consistoire  ; 
Et  Ii  juges,  selonc  1'estoire, 
Le  commanda  tantost  a  prendre 
Por  Ii  mener  ocir  ou  pendre. 
Mes  ne  1'occit  ne  ne  pencil, 
Car  Ii  pueples  le  deffendi, 
Qui  fu  tous  de  pitie"  metis, 
Si  tost  cum  Ii  fais  fu  seus  ; 
Puis  fu  por  ceste  mesprison. 
Apius  mis  en  la  prison, 
Et  la  s'occist  hastivement 
Ains  le  jor  de  son  jugement.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  77,  ed.  1814 

Chaucer  generally  gives  'trespass'  as 


570 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


the  English  equivalent  of  this  word ; 
thus  he  translates  : 

'  Vilonnie  ne  mesprison.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  77. 
'  Fro  trespasse  and  fro  vilanye.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  62. 
Again : 

'  Mes  ge  sui  en  moult  grant  souci 
Que  vous  nel'  fades  mie  ainsi ; 
Ains  crient  que  mal  gre  me  saves 
Au  mains  por  ce  que  vous  aves 
Este  por  moi  mis  en  prison  ; 
Si  n'est-ce  pas  por  mesprison 

8ue  j'aie  encore  yers  vous  faite, 
"onques  par  moi  ne  fu  retraite 
Chose  qui  a  celer  feist.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  163. 
Is  rendered  as  follows : 

'  But  yit  I  am  in  gret  affray, 
Lest  thou  do  not  as  I  say  ; 
I  drede  thou  canst  me  gret  maugre, 
That  thou  enprisoned  art  for  me  ; 
But  that  not  for  my  trespas, 
For  thurgh  me  never  discovred  was 
Yit  thyng  that  oughte  be  secree." 

Ubi  supra,  p.  134. 

But  in  another  place  Chaucer  renders 
the  same  word  'treason'  : 

'  La  trovast  par  grant  mesprison 
Mainte  tele  comparaison.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  370. 

'  There  myght  he  se,  by  gret  tresoun, 
Fulle  many  fals  comparisoun.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  216. 

One  of  the  earliest  statutes  in  which  the 
word  is  found  is  14  Ed.  III.  cap.  6,  but 
in  this  case  it  is  applied  only  to  such 
venial  offences,  committed  by  the 
official  transcribers  of  records,  as  would 
now  be  called  '  clerical  errors. '  But 
by  25  Hen.  VIII.  cap.  22,  it  is  enacted 
that  the  offence  of  doing  anything  to 
the  peril  of  the  King,  &c.,  'by  any 
words  without  wrytyng  or  any  exterior 
dede  or  acte,'  shall  be  deemed  'for 
mesprision  of  treason.'  Sir  Thomas 
More  says  :  '  For  by  perceiuyng  that  in 
some  thynges  were  nothyng  the  perill 
that  they  feared,  some  may  waxe  therein 
more  negligent,  and  by  lesse  fearing 
the  lesse  daunger,  may  soone  steppe 
into  the  more.  And  therefore  haue  I 
wist  ere  this  the  Judges  of  a  great  wise- 
dome  in  greate  open  audience,  where 
they  haue  hadde  occasion  to  speake  of 
hyghe  missepriesion  or  of  treason,  for- 
beare  yet  the  saying  of  some  such 


thynges  as  they  would  not  haue  letted 
to  speake  among  themselfe.' — Works, 
vol.  ii.  p.  964.  The  legal  definition  of 
misprision  generally  given  in  law  dic- 
tionaries, and  taken  from  Staundford's 
flees  del  Coron,  depends  on  a  statute 
passed  subsequently  to  the  reign  of 
Hen.  VIII. 

Mo,  more.— I.  8,  35,  243,  305;  II. 
8,  51,  192,  298.  This  form  of  the  com- 
parative was  very  commonly  used  by 
early  writers.  Thus  Maundevile  says, 
'  There  were  wont  to  ben  5  Soudans  : 
but  now  there  is  no  mo  but  he  of 
Egypt. ' —  Voiage  &c.  p.  42.  Chaucer,  in 
The  Prologue  to  the  Cant.  Tales,  says — 

'  There  was  also  a  reeve  and  a  millere, 
A  sompnour,  and  a  pardoner  also, 
A  maunciple  and  myself,  ther  was  no  tno' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  17. 
And    in    the  Prologe    of  the   Wyf  of 
Bath— 

1  He  knew  of  hem  tno  legendes  and  ly  ves, 
Than  ben  of  goode  wyves  in  the  Bible.' 

Ibid.  p.  227. 

It  is,  however,  used  even  by  such  a 
late  writer  as  Hooker,  who  says  'That 
the  latter  churches,  and  the  fewer, 
should  conform  themselves  unto  the 
elder  and  the  mc>e.} — Eccles.  Pol.  p. 
108,  ed.  1723. 

Mockage,  mockery. — II.  252  and 
note.  This  obsolete  and  very  uncom- 
mon word  is  used  by  Sir  Thomas  Cha- 
loner,  who  translates  the  following  sen- 
tence of  Erasmus,  '  Verum  hsec  omnia 
videor  vobis  propemodum  joco  dicere,' 
'But  all  this  perchaunce  ye  wene  I 
speake  halfe  in  mocage. ' —  The  Praise  of 
Folie,  signat.  M.  iii.  ed.  1549.  And 
still  later  by  Harrison  in  his  Description 
of  England,  'But  such,  alas,  is  our 
nature  that  not  our  own  but  other  mens 
do  most  of  all  delite  us ;  and  for  desire 
of  noueltie,  we  oft  exchange  our  finest 
cloth,  corne,  tin,  and  woolles  for  halfe 
penie  cock  horsses  for  children,  dogs 
of  wax  or  of  cheese,  two  pennie  tabers, 
leaden  swords,  painted  feathers,  gew- 
gaws for  fooles,  dogtricks  for  disards, 
hawkeswhoods,  and  such  like  trum- 
perie,  whereby  we  reape  iust  mockage 
and  reproch  in  other  countries.' — P. 
325,  ed.  1587. 


GLOSSARY. 


571 


Mote,  subst.  a  moot,  an  argumentative 
pleading.' — I.  148.     This  word  is  said 
by  Spelman  to   be   derived   from   the 
Saxon    gemote  =  conventus,    an     as- 
sembly, and  he  explains  it  by,  inter  alia, 
the   Latin    word    placitum,    pleading. 
The  same  word  is  found  in  a  compound 
form,    as   for   instance  Burgmote,   and 
Swainmote,  the  courts  of  the  Borough 
and  of  the  Forest,  i.e.  the  places  ap- 
pointed for  cases  to  be  tried  and  ar- 
gued before  the  burgesses  and  the  ver- 
derors  respectively.     But  the  word  as 
used  by  Elyot  applies  more  particularly 
to  the  arguing  of  fictitious  cases,  which 
from  very  early  times  was  required  of 
barristers   and   students,   in    order    to 
qualify  them  for  the  due  discharge  of 
the  duties  of  their  profession.     Minute 
directions  are  given  in  the  orders  of  the 
various   Inns   of  Court,    published  by 
Dugdale,  for  the  performance  of  these 
exercises.     In  the  Middle  Temple  in 
his   time    there    were     '  Mootes    every 
Tuesday  and  Thursday  night,  brought 
in  by  two  Utter  Baristers,  wherein  the 
Benchers  proceed  as  followeth  :  Imme- 
diately after  supper  the  Benchers  as- 
semble themselves  in  the  bay-window, 
at  the  upper  end  of  the  Hall ;  where, 
standing  in  order  according   to    their 
antiquity,  there  repairs  unto  them  two 
gentlemen  under  the  Bar,  whose  turn 
it  is  to  recite  the  Pleadings.  Who  after 
a  low  obeysance,  demand  whether  it  be 
their  pleasure  to  hear  &Moot  and  depart 
with  an  affirmative  answer.     Then  the 
Benchers  appoint  two  amongst  them- 
selves to  argue  the  Case,  besides  one  of 
the  Readers  elect,  who  stands  not  in 
their  assembly  and  is  to  be  allwayes  one 
....  All  parties  being  ready,  the  two 
Benchers  appointed  to  argue,  together 
with  the  Reader  elect,  take  their  places 
at  the  Bench  table,  the  auncient  Bencher 
sitting  in  the  midst,  the  second  on  his 
right  hand,  and  the  Reader  elect  on  his 
left.    Then  the  Moot  men  also  take  their 
place,   sitting  on  a  form  close  to  the 
Cupboard,  and  opposite  to  the  Benchers. 
On  the  one  side  of  them  sits  one  of  the 
Students  that  recites  the  Pleading,  and 
the  other    on    the    other  side.      The 
Pleadings  are  first  recited  by  the  Stu- 


dents ;  then  the  Case  put  and  argued  by 
the  Baristers,  and  lastly  by  the  Reader 
elect  and  Benchers, in  manner  aforesaid; 
who  all  three  argue  in  English,  but  the 
Pleadings  are  recited  and  case  argued 
by  the  Utter  Baristers  in  Law  French. 
The  Moot  being  ended,  all  parties  return 
to  the  Cup-board,  where  the  Moot  men 
present  the  Benchers  with  a  cup  of 
beer  and  a  slice  of  bread  ;  and  so  the 
exercise  for  that  night  is  ended.'—  Orig. 
Jtirid.  p.  209,  ed.  1680.  Bacon  says, 
'We  see  orators  have  their  declama- 
tions, lawyers  have  their  moots,  logi- 
cians have  their  sophems.' — Works, 
vol.  x.  p.  120,  ed.  1868.  The  expres- 
sion 'a  moot-point'  is,  of  course,  de- 
rived from  this  legal  exercise. 

Mote,  verb,  to  argue,  or  discuss  a 
legal  case. — I.  149.  Blount,  in  his  Law 
Dictionary,  derives  this  from  the  Saxon 
verb  'motian,'  to  treat  or  handle. 
Dugdale  prints  from  a  MS.  temp.  Hen. 
VIII.  a  description  of  the  Middle 
Temple,  in  which  it  appears  that  'in 
Grand  Vacations  ever}'  day  at  night 
except  Sonday,  Saturday,  or  some  feste 
of  9  Lessons,  before  three  of  the  Elders 
or  Benchers  at  the  leste,  is  pleadyd  and 
declared  in  homely  Law-Frenche  by 
such  as  are  young  lerners,  some  doubt- 
ful matter  or  question  in  the  Law; 
which  afterwards  an  Utter  Barister 
doth  reherse,  and  doth  argue  and  reason 
to  it  in  the  Law-Frenche,  and  after  him 
another  Utter  Barister  doth  reason  in 
the  contrary  part,  in  Law-Frenche  also; 
and  then  do  the  three  Benchers  declare 
their  myndes  in  English;  and  this  is 
that  they  call  motyng;  and  the  same 
manner  is  observed  in  the  Terme  time.' 
—  Orig.  p.  194. 

M ought,  might.—  I.  16,  19,  44, 
46,  53,  60,  67,  78,  106,  130,  136,  138, 
144,  153,  159,  166,  171,  174,  179, 
187,  190,  193,  198,  200,  204,  209, 
211,  228,  232,  239,  283,  306;  II.  3, 
ii,  16,  47,  50,  55,  59,  60,  66,  67,  70, 
75,  78,  88,  90,  98,  99,  lob,  101,  103, 
104,  105,  108,  127,  131,  132,  135, 
137,  138,  140,  142,  148,  150,  151, 
155,  157,  163,  169,  171,  191.  198, 

201,     205,     221,    224,     226,     230,    234, 

235,    241,    244,    252,   254,    266,   271, 


572 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


282,  291,  294,  304,  305,  307,  309, 
314,  316,  321,  326,  329,  33J  342, 
344,  345,  347,  368,  370,  378,  385, 
388,  395,  403,  4i6,  423,  433,  434, 
441.  The  preterite  tense  of  the  verb 
'to  mowe,'  is  constantly  used  by  early 
writers,  and  is  formed  in  the  same  way 
as  ' ought '  from  '  owe.'  The  following 
passage  from  Gower  exhibits  the  various 
tenses  of  this  verb  in  juxtaposition  : — 

'  For  whan  I  am  there,  as  she  is, 
Though  she  my  tales  mought  alowe 
Ayene  her  will,  yet  mote  I  bowe 
To  seche  if  that  I  might  haue  grace: 
But  that  thinge  maie  I  not  embrace, 
For  ought  that  I  can  speake  or  do.' 

Con/.  Aman.  fo.  xv.  ed.  1554. 

This  form  is  used  very  frequently  by 
Wolsey  in  his  correspondence,  of  which 
the  following  instances  will  suffice  as 
examples.  In  a  letter  to  the  king  from 
France  in  1521,  he  says,  'Your  Grace 
perceyving  suche  imminent  daungers  as 
mought  ensue  to  your  subgiettes,  if  they 
shulde  repaire  to  Bourdeaux  for  this 
furste  vintage,  willed  and  required  me 
to  shewe  myn  opinion  what  was  mooste 
expedient  to  be  doon  therin.'  And  in 
another  letter,  also  to  the  king,  he 
says,  'assuring  your  Highnes  that  I 
have  omitted  noo  thing  after  the  poore 
capacite  of  myn  intendement,  that 
mought  in  any  wise  tende  to  the  ad- 
vauncement  of  your  honour,  or  further- 
aunce  of  thestablishing  of  this  treux  be- 
twixte  these  grete  Princes;  making  the 
lenger  myn  abode  here  to  perfite  the 
said  treux,  rather  for  keping  Your  Grace 
out  of  the  werres,  till  ye  mought  be 
sufficiently  furnished  for  the  same,  than 
for  any  other  intent,  cause,  or  occasion.' 
—State  Pap.  vol.  i.  pp.  62,  85.  Spen- 
ser, in  The  Shepheards  Calender ;  has  the 
same  form  : — 

'And  ever  my  flocke  was  my  chiefe  care, 
Winter  or  sommer  they  mought  well  fare.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  19,  ed.  1866. 

Mountenaunce,  amount,  space. — II. 
141.  The  French  montance.  Palsgrave 
has,  'Space,  place,  or  tyme — espace 
s,  f.  ;  amplitude  s,  f. ;  montance  s,  f. ' 
'  The  montenance  of  a  hande  brede,  the 
montenance  of  an  ynche,  la  grandeur 
et  la  largeur  dune  paulmet  la  grandeur 


dung  poulce.  The  montenance  of  a 
myle,  of  halfe  a  myle,  lespace  dune 
myle,  or  dune  demye  myle.' — U  Es- 
clair.  pp.  273,  and  852.  Maundevile 
uses  the  original  form,  'And  thanne 
after  comethe  the  4  Hoost,  that  is 
moche  more  than  ony  of  the  othere,  and 
that  gothe  behynden  him,  the  moun- 
tance  of  a  bowe  draught. ' —  Voiage  &*c. 
p.  289.  And  so  does  Chaucer  in  The 
Knightes  Tale:— 

'  Of  al  the  remenant  of  al  myn  other  care 
Ne  sette    I   nought  the  mountaunce  of  a 

tare, 

So  that  I  couthe  do  ought  to  youre  pleas- 
aunce.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  49,  ed.  1866. 

But  in  The  Testament  of  Loue  he  uses 
the  same  forme  as  Elyot :  '  Also  man  is 
made  of  all  the  fower  Elements.  All 
uniuersitie  is  rekened  in  him  alone  ;  he 
hath  under  God  principalitie  aboue  al 
things.  Now  is  his  soule  here,  now  a 
thousand  mile  hence,  now  farre,  now 
nighe,  now  highe,  now  lowe,  as  farre 
in  a  moment  as  in  mountenaunce  of  ten 
Winter,  and  al  this  is  in  man's  gouern- 
ance  and  disposicion.' — Works,  fo.  279 
b.  ed.  1602.  And  so  does  Udall  in 
his  translation  of  Erasmus'  Paraphrase 
on  Luke  ii.,  'They  geat  them  ther- 
fore  backe  agayne  euen  the  same  waye 
that  they  had  come,  to  the  mounten- 
aunce, in  manier,  of  one  whole  dayes 
iourney.' — Tom.  i.  fo.  ccxxxvi  b.  ed. 
1551;  the  original  being  'Proinde  re- 
mensi  sunt  viam  ad  iter  ferme  diei  unius.' 
— Par.  in  Nov.  Test.  torn.  i.  p.  306. 
So  also  Sir  Thomas  More  says,  'And 
then  what  a  madnesse  is  it  for  the 
poore  pleasure  of  your  worldly  goods  of 
so  few  yeares,  to  caste  youre  selfe  both 
bodye  and  soule  into  the  euerlastynge 
fyre  of  hell,  whereof  there  is  not  myny- 
shed  the  mountenaunce  of  a  momente, 
by  the  lyenge  there  the  space  of  an 
hundred  thousand  yeares.' —  Works,  vol. 
ii.  p.  1231,  ed.  1557. — It  is  used  also 
several  times  by  Spenser  in  The  Faerie 
Queene,  thus  : — 

'  This  said,  they  both  a  furlongs  mounten- 
aunce 

Retired  their  steeds,  to  ronne  in  even  race.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  Hi.  p.  35- 


GLOSSARY. 


573 


Again  : — 

'  So  forth  they  both  yfere  make   theii  pro- 

gresse, 
And  march  not  past  the  ntountenaunce  of  a 

shott, 

Till  they  arriv'd  whereas  their  purpose  they 
did  plott.'  Ibid.  p.  80. 

The  original  French  word,  which  is  now 
obsolete,  occurs  in  Le  Roman  de  la 
Rose,  as  in  the  following  passage  : — 

'  Tant  par  estoit  de  grant  viellune, 
Qu'el  n'alast  mie  la  montance 
De  quatre  toises  sans  potance.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  17,  ed.  1814. 

And  again :  — 

'  Et  H  cort  sus,  au  col  la  mace, 
Qui  tant  est  grosse  et  tant  li  poise, 
Que  merveilleusement  li  poise 
Dont  sa  dame  en  vie  demore 
La  tnontance  d'une  sole  hore.' 

Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  222. 

Muinpsimus,  a  cant  word  in  the 
sixteenth  century  for  obstinacy. — II. 
289  and  note. 

Mynchen,  a  woman  professed  in 
religion,  a  nun.— II.  314.  This  is  the 
Anglo  -  Saxon  word  Minicene  =  reli- 
gieuse.  The  word  occurs  in  the  Chartu- 
lary  of  "Wilton  Abbey,  probably  com- 
piled at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  or  be- 
ginning of  the  thirteenth  century  : — 

'  There  was  a  Mynchun  with  inne  that  Abbay 

tho, 

The  wheche  was  come  offheyghe  lynage.' 

Chron.  Vilodunense,  p.  no,  ed.  G.  H.  Black. 

1827. 

The  word  still  survives  in  the  names 
Minchin  Burrow  and  Minchin  Buck- 
land  in  Somersetshire,  and  Minchin 
Hampton  in  Gloucestershire,  and  Min- 
cing Lane  preserves  the  memory  of 
certain  ancient  '  tenements  there  some- 
time pertaining  to  the  Minchuns  or 
nuns  of  St.  Helens  in  Bishopsgate 
Street.'— Stow,  Survey  of  Lond.  lib.  ii. 
p.  41,  ed.  1720. 


N. 


Ne,  neither,  nor.— I.  5,  31,  68,  97, 
157,   178,  245,  268,  292,  305;    II.  4, 

1 6,    92,    98,      III,    H3,    122,     123,    137, 

140,    161,    162,   172,    180,    181,    184, 


271,  275,  335,  345,  349,  399,  409. 
This  Anglo-Saxon  particle  is  very  com- 
monly used  by  the  early  writers.  Thus 
Chaucer,  in  The  Knightes  Tale,  says : 

'  And  ye  schullen  bothe  anon  unto  me  swere, 
That  never  ye  schullen  my  corowne  dere, 
Ne  make  werre  on  me  night  ne  day, 
But  be  my  freendes  in  alle  that  ye  may.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  56. 

Again,  in  The  Prologue  of  the  My  Her : 

'  The  Myller  that  for  drunken  was  al  pale, 
So  that  unnethe  upon  his  hors  he  sat, 
He  wold  avale  nowther  hood  ne  hat, 
Ne  abyde  no  man  for  his  curtesye.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  96. 

The  word  continued  to  be  used  long 
after  Elyot's  time,  for  Spenser  employs 
it  very  frequently.  Thus  in  The  Shep- 
heard's  Calender : 

'  Selfe  have  I  worne  out  thrise  threttie  yeares, 
Some  in  much  ioy,  many  in  many  teares, 
Yet  never  complained  of  cold  nor  heate, 
Of  Sommer's  flame,  nor  of  Winter's  threat . 
Ne  ever  was  to  Fortune  foeman. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  19. 
Again,  in  The  Faerie  Queene  : 

'  So  soone  as  Mammon  there  arrivd,  the  dore 

To  him  did  open  and  affoorded  way  ; 
Him  followed  eke  Sir  Guyon  evermore  ; 
Ne  darknesse  him,  ne  daunger  might  dis- 
may.' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  141. 

Ne  the  lesse,  Nethelas,  neverthe- 
less.—-I.  48  ;  II.  350. 

Norisery,  nursery.— -I.  29.     In  his 

Dictionary  the  author  has  *  Gynaecium, 
a  nourcerye.'  While  in  the  Promp- 
torium  we  find  '  Norysrye,  where  yonge 
chyldur  arn  kept  (norshery,  where  yong 
childyr  ben,  arn  putte,  norcery).  Be- 
photrophium'  (qu.  Brephotrophiuml}.^ 
—P.  358.  This  word  is  only  the 
Anglicised  form  of  the  French  word 
nourricerie,  which  was  doubtless  in  use 
prior  to  the  sixteenth  century,  and  Littre 
is  therefore  probably  mistaken  in  attri- 
buting its  invention  to  Moliere. 

Nourise,  Norise,  a  nurse. — I.  29,31, 
35,  66.  This  is  simply  the  French  word 
nourrice.  Palsgave  has  *  Nouryce  that 
fedeth  a  childe — nourice  s,  f.'  And 
'  I  forlye,  as  a  nouryce  dothe  her  chylde 
whan  she  kylleth  it  in  the  nyght.  Je 
tue  en  couchant  dessus.' — DEscl.  pp. 
248,  556.  Chaucer  employs  a  very 


574 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


similar  form,  ex  gr.t  in  The  Prologe  of 
the  Wyf  of  Bathe  : 

'  And  but  them  do  my  norice^  honoure, 
And  to  my  chamberer  withinne  my  boure, 
And  to  my  fadres  folk,  and  myn  allies.' 
Poet,  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  215,  ed.  1866. 

Again,  in  The  Persones  Tale,  he  says : 
*  Flaterers  ben  the  develes  norices,  that 
norisshen  his  children  with  mylk  of 
losingerie.' — Ibid.  vol.  Hi.  p.  316.  And 
so  does  Gower : 

'  Of  me  no  maner  charge  it  is 
What  sorowe  I  suffre,  but  of  thee 
Me  thinketh  it  is  great  pitee. 
For  if  I  sterue  thou  must  deie, 
So  mote  I  nedes  by  that  weie 
For  motherheed,  and  for  tendernes, 
With  all  my  hole  besynes, 
Ordeine  me  for  thilke  office, 
As  she  whiche  shall  be  thy  norice.' 

Conf.  Amant.  fo.  xxxiii  b,  ed.  1554. 

Spenser,  in  The  Ruines  of  Time,  uses 
the  same  form  as  Elyot : 

*  Cambden,  the  nourice  of  antiquitie, 
And  lanterne  unto  late  succeeding  age.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  296. 

And  Gascoigne,  in  The  Steele  Glasse, 
calls  gold — 

'  The  verie  cause  of  wars, 
The  nest  of  strife  and  nourice  of  debate.' 

Works,  p.  297,  ed.  1587. 

Holland,  in  the  following  century, 
translated  '  Sed  adulatione  vitiorum 
altrice  depulsa,  excellentissimam  vir- 
tutum  omnium  adverte  justitiam.' — 
A  mm.  Mar.  lib.  xx.  cap.  8,  §  1 1 ;  as 
follows:  'But  putting  aside  flatterie, 
the  very  nourice  of  vices,  set  your  mind 
upon  iustice,  the  most  excellent  vertue 
of  all  others.' — P.  156,  ed.  1609.  And 
still  later,  in  a  comedy  called  The 
Ordinary,  produced  in  1651,  we  find 
the  earlier  form  used  in  the  following 
dialogue,  in  juxtaposition  to  the 
modern  word : 

4  Mean-well.  This  is  no  tender 

And  wanton  thing ;  she  is  a  stay'd 
And  settled  widow,  one  who'll  be  a  nurse 
Unto  you  in  your  latter  days. 

Moth.  A  norice 

Some  dele  ystept  in  age  !     So  mote  I  gone, 
This  goeth  aright ;  how  highteth  she,   say 

you?' 

Dodsley's  Call,  of  Old  Plays,  vol.  x.  p.  235, 
ed.  1780. 


Noyfull,  hurtful,  injurious. — I.  254. 
This  obsolete  adjective  is  formed  from 
a  substantive,  Noy,  which  was  once  in 
use,  representing  the  Latin  Noxa.  There 
was  also  an  old  French  word,  noy, 
which,  however,  M.  Roquefort  ex- 
plains to  mean  debat,  contestation,  and 
the  primitive  form  of  the  modern  nuire 
=  nocere,  was  noire.  The  word  used 
in  the  text  was  not  at  all  uncommon  in 
the  sixteenth  century.  Thus  Sir  Thos. 
More  says,  '  Wherfore  it  foloweth  that 
Tindall  sayeth  false,  in  that  he  sayeth 
that  the  knoweledge  of  them  was  so 
necessarye  for  the  soule  health,  that 
withoute  that  knowledge,  the  use  of 
them  must  nedes  be  noyfiill,  and  not 
lawfull  unto  them.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p. 
481,  ed.  1557.  In  a  little  book  with 
the  title  Yet  a  course  at  the  Romyshe 
foxe,  compiled  by  John  Harrison, 
but  generally  supposed  to  have  been 
written  by  Bale,  Bishop  of  Ossory,  who 
was  made  a  Prebendary  of  Canterbury 
in  1560,  and  died  in  1563,  the  writer 
says  :  '  And  as  touchynge  your  mattens 
and  euensonge,  they  are  also  fylthye 
drynkes  of  the  same  whores  cuppe  of 
Babylon,  verye  execrable  and  noyfull 
to  them  that  schall  receyue  them  in 
faythe  without  understandynge,  as  a 
fulfyllynge  of  ther  dutye  to  God.' — Fo. 
88,  ed.  1543.  In  the  play  of  «  Kynge 
Johan,'  the  authorship  of  which  is  also, 
but  with  much  greater  certainty,  attri- 
buted to  Bale,  the  words  occur  in  the 
following  passage : 

'  Thus  do  ye  recken  ;  but  I  feare  ye  come  of 

Clerus, 
A  very  noyfull  worme,  as  Aristotle  sheweth 

us, 
By  whome  are  destroyed  the  honycombes  of 

bees  ; 

For  poore  wydowes  ye  robbe,  as  ded  the 
Pharysees.' 

P.  86,  ed.  1838,  Camden  Soc. 

We  find  it  used  also  in  another  work, 
of  which  Bale  was  undisputably  the 
author,  The  Image  of  both  Churches  : 
'  For  no  poyson  is  to  the  soule  so  pesti- 
lent nor  yet  venim  so  noyfull  as  is  false 
doctrine.' — Partii.  chap.  15,  sig.  O.v.b., 
Printed  by  Thomas  East.  Another 
bishop,  Jewel,  in  his  Exposition  upon 
Thessalonians,  says  :  '  What  if  a  thief 


GLOSSARY. 


575 


or  a  pirate  take  usury  of  a  pirate  or  a 
thief,  and  both  be  partakers  of  the 
gain,  and  be  both  of  them  holpen  ?  Let 
no  man  mislike  the  comparison.  For, 
as  I  said  before,  a  pirate  or  a  thief  is 
not  so  noifull  as  an  usurer.' — Works, 
vol  ii.  p.  856,  ed.  1847,  Par.  Soc. 

Numbles,  part  of  the  inside  of  a  stag. 
— II.  253  and  note.  This  is  the  French 
word  nombles,  which  M.  Roquefort 
explains  to  mean  '  la  partie  qui  s'eleve 
entre  les  cuisses  du  cerf.'  Palsgrave, 
however,  has  '  Noumbles  of  a  dere  or 
beest— entrailles,  L'—L'Escl.  p.  248. 
The  best  explanation  of  the  term  is  given 
by  M.  Pichon  in  a  note  to  his  edition 
of  Le  Menagier  de  Paris,  a  treatise  on 
domestic  economy,  said  to  have  been 
written  in  the  fourteenth  century  :  '  Des 
anciens  veneurs,  1'auteur  anonyme  du 
Roi  Modus,  qui  a  etc  copie  en  cet 
endroit  par  Phebus,  est  le  plus  explicite, 
Les  nombles  sont,  suivant  lui,  "une  char 
et  une  gresse  avec  les  rognons,  qui  est 
par  dedens  endroit  les  longes,  pres  des 
deux  cuisses."  Cette  definition,  de 
meme  que  les  expressions  de  1'auteur 
du  Menagier,  concordent  avec  la  posi- 
tion et  la  nature  du  morceau  dit 
aujourd'hui  onglet,  peut-etre  par  cor- 
ruption de  nomblet,  dans  la  boucherie 
de' Paris.' — Tom.  ii.  p.  131,  note,  ed. 
1846.  Turbervile,  in  his  instructions 
for  breaking  up  a  hart,  says:  'You 
shall  take  the  Harts  heart  and  slyt  it 
in  sunder,  taking  out  a  bone  which  is 
therein,  and  rayse  the  Noombles  from 
his  fillets  and  betweene  his  handes  .  .  . 
And  you  shall  take  from  the  Noombles 
three  knots  or  nuts,  which  are  betweene 
them  and  the  sides,  and  are  called  cynq 
and  quatre.  Those  pertayne  to  the 
chiefe  huntesman;  the  Noombles,  handes, 
and  tenderlings  (which  are  the  soft 
toppes  of  his  homes  when  they  are  in 
bloud),  doe  pertayne  to  the  Prince  or 
chiefe  personage.'— Booke  of  Hunting, 
p.  129,  ed.  1575.  These  directions 
were  obviously  borrowed  from  the 
French  work  already  referred  to,  as  the 
reader  will  see  on  comparing  them 
with  the  corresponding  passage : 
'  Apres  faut  ouurir  le  cceur,  et  en  oster 
1'os,  et  leuer  les  nombles,  qui  se  pren- 


nent  entre  les  cuisses,  puis  doit  leuer 
les  cuisses:  .  .  .  et  en  faut  oster  du 
bout  de  deuers  les  costez  trois  neuds, 
qu'on  appelle  les  cinq  et  quatre,  qui  ap- 
partiennent  au  grand  Veneur.  Les 
nombles,  cuisses,  et  cymierappartiennent 
au  Roy.' — Du  Fouilloux,  La  Vtnerie, 
fo.  54  b,  ed.  1844.  Turbervile,  how- 
ever, shows  that  the  English  practice 
was  somewhat  different  from  the  French, 
for  he  says  in  another  place  :  «  We  use 
not  to  take  the  heart  from  the  nombles, 
but  account  it  a  principall  part  thereof. 
And  about  the  winding  up  of  the  noom- 
bles,  there  is  also  some  arte  to  be  shewed; 
but  by  all  likelyhoode  they  use  it  not 
in  Fraunce  as  we  do.' — Ubi  supra,  p. 
135.  Elyot  shows  us  in  his  Dictionary 
what  he  himself  understood  by  the 
term,  for  he  translates  Prsecordia  « the 
skynne  whiche  dyuideth  the  ouer  part 
of  the  body  from  the  nether  :  it  is  also 
taken  from  the  place  under  the  rybbes 
sometyme  at  the  numbles,  as  the  hart, 
the  splene,  the  lunges,  and  lyuer.'  In 
the  Book  of  St.  Albans,  a  still  older 
authority,  we  are  told : 

'  Now  of  the  nomblys  merke  well  the  termes. 
The  man  to  his  mavster  spekyth  full  blythe 
Of  the  nombles  of  the  harte  that  he  wolde 

hym  kyth, 
How    many   endes    there  shall  be    theym 

wythinne. 
Quod    the    mayster   but    one    thycke    nor 

thynne, 
And  that  is  but  the  Gargylyon  to  speke  of 

all  by  dene, 
And  all  thise  other  Crokes  and  Roundelles 

bene. 

Yet  wolde  I  wyte  and  thou  woldest  me  lere 
The  crokes  and  the  roundelles  of  the  nombles 

of  the  dere. 

One  croke  of  the  nombles  lyeth  euermore 
Under  the  throte  bolle  of  the  beest  before. 
That  callyd  is  Auauncers  who  so  can  theym 

ken, 
And   the  hyndermest  parte  of  the  nombles 

then, 
That  is  to  saye  the  Forchers,  that  lyen  euen 

betwene 
The  two  thyes  of  the  beste  that  other  crokys 

euene 
In  the  mydref  that  callyd  is  the  roundell 

also, 
For  the  sydes  rounde  abowte  coruen  it  is 

fro.' 

Sign.  d.  iv.  b,  ed.  1810. 

They  were  evidently  considered  a 
dainty  dish,  for  in  an  early  ballad  we 
read: 


576 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


'  They  washed  togyder  and  wyped  bothe, 

And  set  tyll  iheyr  dynere; 
Brede  and  wyne  they  had  ynough, 

And  nombles  of  the  dere.' 
Ritson's  Robin  Hood,  vol  i.  p.  8,  ed.  1832. 

But  if,  as  is  supposed,  the  expression 
'to  eat  humble  pie'  be  really  a  cor- 
ruption of  the  original  phrase  '  to  eat 
numble  pie,'  we  must  assume  that  taste 
as  well  as  language  were  in  course  of 
time  perverted,  contemporaneously  per- 
haps with  the  disappearance  of  both 
vert  and  venery,  which  furnished  Robin 
Hood  and  his  merry  men  with  such 
savory  repast. 

Nygardshyppe,  niggardliness,  stingi- 
ness.—II.  344,  345,  346,  421  and  note. 


O. 


Obfuscate,  obscured,  darkened. — II. 
73,  365.  This  obsolete  word  is  merely 
the  English  form  of  the  Latin  Obfus- 
catus,  the  participle  of  the  verb  Ob- 
fusco  or  Offusco,  which  latter,  however, 
has  no  classical  authority,  and  seems 
only  to  have  been  used  by  Tertullian  in 
the  following  passages :  '  Quale  judi- 
cium  est,  ut  ob  ea  quis  offuscetur,  per 
quse  promeretur  ? ' — Lib.  de  Spect.  cap. 
22.  And  '  Omnis  situs,  habitus  ele- 
mentorum,  effectus,  motus,  status,  ortus, 
occasus  singulorum,  judicia  sunt  Crea- 
toris;  ne  putes  eum  exinde  judicem  de- 
finiendum,  quo  malum  coepit,  atque  ita 
justitiam  de  causa  mali  qffusces.' — Ad- 
versus  Marcion.  lib.  ii.  cap.  12.  Elyot, 
in  his  Dictionary,  renders  Offusco  '  to 
make  blacke  or  darke.'  Hall  puts  this 
word  into  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  mouth 
in  a  speech  supposed  to  have  been  de- 
livered A.D.  1467 :  '  The  fame  of  all  our 
estimacion,  whiche  all  kynges  and 
princes  haue  conceiued  in  us,  partly  ob- 
teined  by  the  vertue  and  prowesse  of 
our  noble  auncestors,  and  partly  acheued 
by  oure  awne  peines  and  forward  actes, 
shall  now  bee  obfuscate,  utterly  extin- 
guished, and  nothyng  set  by.' —  Chron. 
fo.  cxcix.  ed.  1 548.  We  find  the  same 
expression  used  in  a  letter  from  Aylmer, 
Chief  Justice  of  Ireland,  and  Sir  John 
Allen,  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  to  Crom- 


well in  1535:  'But  as  for  the  jornay 
sowthwarde,  for  the  brekeng  of  Obreenes 
Bridge,  and  executeng  of  other  exploites 
there,  we  dowbt  les  the  same  shall  not 
take  effecte  this  yere,  both  for  that  the 
somer  is  so  farre  past,  and  theis  causes 
foloing;  the  debilitie  of  the  Deputie  (and 
he  will  not  honor  to  be  so  moche  ob- 
fuscate, that  any  other  shuld  execute 
soche  an  enterprise);  the  continuall 
raynes  and  wetnes  which  hath  chaunced 
this  somer  that  carriage  can  not  well 
passe.' — State  Pap.  vol.  ii.  p.  267 ; 
where  it  is  evidently  used  as  we  say, 
'  to  throw  into  the  shade. '  The  word 
continued  to  be  used  in  the  next  cen- 
tury, for  Burton  says :  '  Many  a  Gentle- 
woman that  is  guilty  to  her  selfe  of  her 
imperfections,  paintings,  impostures, 
will  not  willingly  be  scene  in  the  day 
time  .  .  .  She  hates  the  day  like  a  dor- 
mouse, and  aboue  al  things  loues  torches 
and  candle  light,  and  if  she  must  come 
abroad  in  the  day,  she  couets,  as  in  a 
Mercers  shop,  a  very  obfuscate  and  ob- 
scure sight.' — Anat.  of  Mel.  p.  381,  ed. 
1624.  And  in  a  book  bearing  the  title 
of  //  Passaggiere  or  The  Passenger, 
printed  in  Italian  and  English  in  double 
columns,  we  find  it  used  as  the  equiva- 
lent of  the  Italian  offusca :  '  The 
daughter's  beautie  is  the  mother's  glory; 
light  becomes  more  obfuscate  and  darke 
in  my  hands,  and  in  yours  it  doth 
atchieue  the  greater  blaze.' — P.  403, 
ed.  1612. 

Obsessed,  lit.  beset,  besieged,  but  here 
possessed  with  an  evil  spirit. — II.  26,  57. 
In  order  to  appreciate  the  meaning  of 
this  now  obsolete  word,  we  must  refer  to 
the  very  special  sense  which  was  at- 
tached by  monastic  writers  to  the  Latin 
'obsessus,'  viz.  as  =  the  Greek  kvcpyov- 
fievos,  i.e.  a  daemone  vexatus.  Thus 
the  venerable  Bede,  in  his  Life  of  St. 
Cuthbert,  narrating  the  miraculous  cure 
of  a  boy  who  was  possessed  by  a  devil, 
says :  *  Contigit  namque  puerum  quen- 
dam  in  territorio  Lindisfarnensium, 
atrocissimo  dsemone  vexari,  ita  ut,  sensu 
rationis  funditus  amisso  clamaret,  ejula- 
ret,  et  vel  sua  membra,  vel  quicquid  attin- 
gere  posset,  morsibus  dilaniare  niteretur. 
Missus  est  ad  energumenum  presbyter 


GLOSSARY. 


577 


de  monasterio;  qui  cum  solitus  fuisset 
per  exorcism!  gratiam  immundos  fugare 
spiritus,  huic  tamen  obsesso  prodesse  nil 
prorsus  valebat.' — Works,  vol.  iv.  p. 
340,  ed.  1843.  p°Pe  Victor  III.,  in 
his  Dialogues,  tells  a  story  of  a  boy 
working  in  a  field,  to  whom  the  devil 
was  said  to  have  appeared  in  the  form 
of  a  monstrous  bird :  '  Cum  autem 
domum  regressus  paululum  remoratus 
esset,  qui  ei  apparuerat  daemon  in  eum 
ingressus  coepit  horribiliter  fatigare. 
Uterque  turbatus  parens  affuit,  lugens 
et  perstrepens  familiola  cuncta  circum- 
stetit.  Sed  cum  nullum  ei  auxilium 
impendere  posse  se  cernerent,  salubri 
reperto  consilio,  hoc  ad  monasterium  ad 
limina  eum  B.  Benedict!  perducunt, 
atque  ad  ejus  venerandum  sepulchrum 
in  dextera  parte  altaris  misericordiam 
Domini  lacrymabiliter  postulantes,  pro- 
sternunt,  ibique  obsessus  vehementer 
fatigatus  obdormivit.' — Migne,  Patrol. 
Curs.  torn.  149,  col.  996.  The  French 
have  also  the  verb  obseder  and  substan- 
tive obsession  in  the  same  sense,  and 
the  following  definition  of  the  latter  is 
given  in  the  Encyclopedic  of  MM. 
Diderot  and  D'Alembert :  'On  distingue 
Vobsession  de  la  possession  du  demon,  en 
ce  que  dans  la  possession,  1'esprit  malm 
est  entre  dans  le  corps  de  Phomme,  et 
ne  le  quitte  point,  soit  qu'il  le  tourmente 
et  1'agite  toujours,  soit  qu'il  lui  nuise 
seulement  par  intervalles.  U obsession, 
au  central  re,  est  lorsque  le  demon,  sans 
entrer  dans  le  corps  d'une  personne,  la 
tourmente  et  Yobsede  au-dehors,  a-peu- 
pres  comme  un  importun  qui  suit  et 
fatigue  un  homme  de  qui  il  a  resolu  de 
tirer  quelque  chose.'  The  outward  and 
visible  signs  of  obsession,  according  to 
the  same  authority,  are  the  ability  to  be 
raised  in  the  air  and  then  fall  forcibly 
to  the  ground  without  injury,  to  speak 
a  foreign  language  without  learning  it, 
to  know  and  predict  events  before  they 
happen,  and  generally  to  do  things  be- 
yond the  ordinary  powers  of  man. 
Burton  says:  'Agrippa  and  Lauater 
are  perswaded  that  this  humour  (melan- 
choly) invites  the  Diuell  to  it,  where- 
soeuer  it  is  in  extremity,  and  of  all  other, 
melancholy  persons  are  most  subiect  to 

II.  P 


diabolicall  temptations,  and  illusions, 
and  most  apt  to  entertaine  them,  and 
the  Divell  best  able  to  worke  upon 
them.  But  whether  by  obsession,  or 
possession,  or  otherwise,  I  will  not  de- 
termine, 'tis  a  difficult  question.' — 
Anat.  oj  Mel.  p.  46,  ed.  1624.  The 
distinction  is  well  illustrated  by  Le  Sage 
in  the  following  passage:  'Je  n'avois 
]3as  meilleure  opinion  de  cette  seconde 
equipee  que  de  1'autre  ;  mais  le  diable, 
qui  nous  obsede  toujours,  ou  plutot  nous 
possede  dans  de  pareilles  conjonctures, 
me  represents  que  je  serois  un  grand 
sot  d'en  demeurer  en  si  beau  chemin.' 
Gil  Bias,  p.  148,  ed.  Pan.  Litt.  In 
his  Dictionary  Elyot  translates  the 
Latin  Arreptitius,  '  he  that  is  obsessed 
with  an  ylle  spyrite.' 

Odible,  hateful.— \\.  282  and  note. 
This  word,  derived  from  the  Latin 
Odibilis,  is  not  at  all  uncommon  with  the 
writers  of  this  period.  Thus  Fabyan, 
speaking  of  Menpricius,  one  of  the  early 
kings  of  Britain,  says  : '  From  one  vice  he 
grewe  into  an  other,  so  that  he  became 
odible  to  God  and  manne.' — Chron.  p. 
13,  ed.  1559.  And  Stow  tells  us  that 
in  A.D.  586:  '  Careticus  .began  to  rule 
the  Britaines.  This  man  loued  ciuill 
war,  and  was  odible  both  to  God  and  to 
his  subiectes.' — Annales,  p.  56,  ed. 
1615.  We  find  it  used  in  the  Statutes 
of  the  Realm;  thus  26  Hen.  VIII. 
cap.  13,  an  act  making  various  offences 
high  treason,  declares  in  the  preamble 
that  '  it  is  moste  necessarie,  bothe  for 
comune  police  and  duety  of  subjectes, 
above  all  thynges  to  prohibite,  provyde, 
restreyne,  and  extinct  all  maner  of 
shamefull  sclaunders,  perils,  or  ymmy- 
nente  daunger  or  daungers  which  myght 
growe,  happen,  or  aryse  to  their  Sove- 
rayn  Lorde  the  Kynge,  the  Quene,  or 
their heyres,  whichewhen  theybeharde, 
sene,  or  understande,  can  not  be  but 
odible  and  also  abhoryd  of  all  those 
sortes  that  be  trewe  and  lovynge  sub- 
jectes.' Bale.  Bishop  of  Ossory,  in  hi« 
Image  of  both  Churches,  says  :  '  These 
(i.e.  monks,  friars,  &c.)  doth  Esay  in 
similitude  compare  unto  wild  beasts, 
dragons,  ostriches,  dancing  apes,  owlets, 
mermaids,  and  other  odible  monsters.' — 


578 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Works,  p.  518,  ed.  1849,  Par.  Soc. 
Foxe,  in  his  Defence  of  Lord  Cobham 
against  Alanus  Copus,  says :  'But 
heere  will  be  sayd  again  perhaps,  that 
the  matter  of  such  preambles  and  pre- 
faces being  but  pursuantes  of  statutes, 
and  containing  but  words  of  course,  to 
aggreuate,  and  to  geuea  shew  of  a  thing, 
which  they  would  to  seeme  more  odible 
to  the  people,  is  not  so  precisely  to  bee 
scande  or  exquisitely  to  be  stand  upon, 
as  for  the  ground  of  a  necessary  case  of 
trouth.' — Actes  and  Man.  vol.  i.  p.  573, 
ed.  1583. 

Operatrice,  a  performer,  worker. — . 
II.  358  and  note.  Probably  from  the 
Latin,  through  the  French  feminine 
op^ratrice  of  operateur.  As  an  English 
word  it  seems  to  be  a-rra^  \eyo/j.evov. 

Opinion,  of  virtue,  &c.,  a  character, 
or  reputation  for. — II.  163,  284,  416 
and  note. 

Ordinately,  in  order,  regularly. — I. 
24,  72.  This  adverb  is  probably  formed 
by  analogy  to  the  Latin  'ordinatim.' 
Huloet,  in  his  Abcedarium,  gives  '  Or- 
dinatlye,  disposite,  ex  disposito,  ordi- 
natim.' It  is  used  by  Sir  John  Maun- 
devile,  who,  describing  the  pilgrimages 
to  the  tomb  of  St.  Thomas  in  the  city 
of  Calamye,  says:  'And  before  the 
chare  gon  first  in  processioun  alle  the 
maydenes  of  the  Contree,  2  and  2  to 
gidere,  fulle  ordynatly'—Voiage,  &»c. 
p.  212,  ed.  1727.  Again,  after  de- 
scribing the  dress  of  the  courtiers  of  the 
great  Chan  of  Tartary,  he  tells  us: 
'Whan  thei  ben  thus  apparaylled, 
thei  gon  2  and  2  togedre,  fulle  ordy- 
natly  before  the  Emperour,  with  outen 
speche  of  ony  woord,  saf  only  en- 
clynynge  to  him. ' — Ibid.  p.  280.  Among 
the  ordinances  for  the  government 
of  Prince  Edward,  son  of  Ed.  IV., 
made  27  Sept.  1474,  we  find  the  fol- 
lowing: 'Item,  we  wyll  that  the  hall 
be  ordynately  served,  and  strangers 
served  and  cherished  according  to  their 
haveures.'— Royal  Household,  p.  *2g, 
ed.  1790.  Chaucer  employs  this  word 
several  times ;  thus  in  ThePersones  Tale 
he  says,  'This  praier  moste  be  trewely 
sayd,  and  in  verray  faith,  and  that  men 
praye  to  God  ordinatly,  discretly,  and 


devoutly.'  —Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p. 
364,  ed.  1866.  And  again  in  The 
Remedie  of  Lot 


'  This  werke  who  so  shall  see  or  rede, 
Of  any  incongruitie  doe  mee  not  impeche, 
Ordinately  behoueth  me  first  to  precede 
In  deduction  thereof,  in  manner  as  the  leche 
His    pacients  siknesse   oweth  first    for   to 

seche, 

The  which  known,  medicin  he  should  applie, 

And  shortly  as  he  can,  then  shape  a  remedie.* 

Works,  fo.  306  b,  ed.  1602. 

Orels,    or   else.— I.  3,    n,  42,    54. 

These  particles  were  not  infrequently 
combined  in  one  word  by  early  writers. 
Thus  Gower  says  : — 

'  Some  parte  thei  shopen  in  to  bestes, 
Some  parte  thei  shopen  in  to  foules, 
To  beres,  tygres,  apes,  oules, 
Orels  by  some  other  wey.' 

Conf.  Am.   fo.  cxxxv.  ed.  1554. 

Palsgrave,  in  the  introduction  to  his 
grammar,  says,  '  But  for  so  moche  as 
diverse  consonantes  in  theyr  soundyng 
followe  these  generall  rules  in  every 
condicion,  (that  is  to  say,  eyther  haue 
suche  sounde  as  they  have  in  the  latine 
tong,  orels  be  remissely  sounded  or  left 
unsounded,  accordyng  as  these  sayd 
rules  do  declare)  and  that  dyverse  other 
have  a  sounde  moche  different  from  the 
latine  tong  ...  I  shall  reherse  al  the 
consonantes  used  in  the  frenche  tong 
after  the  ordre  of  a,  b,  c.' — UEsdair. 
p.  25. 

Ornate,  adj.  adorned,  embellished. — 
I.  26,  1 1 6.  Formed  from  the  parti- 
ciple 'ornatus,'  of  the  verb  'ornare.' 
The  Author  in  his  Dictionary  translates 
Superbus  'proude,  sometyme  magni- 
fyke  or  noble,  also  hyghe,  ornate,  or 
garnysshed,  ryche,  wycked. '  It  is  used 
by  Chaucer  in  The  Court  of  Loue  : 

'  And  ye  that  ben  Metriciens  me  excuse, 
I  you  beseech,  for  Venus  sake  aboue, 
For  what  I  meane  in  this,  ye  need  not  muse  : 
And  if  so  be  my  lady  it  refuse 
For  lacke  of  ornate  speech,  I  would  be  wo 
That  I  presume  to  her  to  writen  so.' 

Works,  fo.  327,  ed.  1602. 

Ostent,  to  display,  exhibit.— -II.  183. 
This  verb,  formed  from  the  Latin  '  os- 
tento,'  which  the  author  in  his  Dictio- 
nary renders  '  to  shewe  often,  also  to 


GLOSSARY. 


579 


booste, '  does  not  appear  to  be  used  by 
any  other  English  writer. 

Ouche,  a  jewel,  a  brooch. — 11.447 
and  note.  Spenser,  in  The  Faerie 
Queene,  describing  Mercy,  says : — 

'  And  on  her  head  she  wore  a  tyre  of  gold, 
Adornd  with  gemmes  and  oraches  wondrous 

fayre, 

Whose  passing  price  uneath  was  to  be  told.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  22,  ed.  1866. 


P. 


Pale,  a  stake,  used  as  an  instrument 
of  torture  by  the  Turks. — II.  247. 
The  Latin  word  *  palus '  in  this  sense 
is  quite  classical.  Thus  Cicero,  in  his 
Oration  against  Verres,  says,  'In  Trio- 
calino  .  .  .  Leonidae  cujusdam  Siculi 
familia  in  suspicionem  vocata  est  con- 
jurationis  .  .  .  Statim  (ut  par  fuit) 
jussu  ejus  homines,  qui  nominati  erant, 
comprehensi  sunt,  adductique  Lilybseum 
.  .  .  causa  dicta  damnati  sunt  .  .  . 
Damnatis  quidem  servis,  quae  praedandi 
potest  esse  ratio?  produci  ad  suppli- 
cium  necesse  est  ...  Itaque  produ- 
cuntur,  et  ad  palum  alligantur  .  .  . 
Nomine  sceleris  conjurationisque  dam- 
nati, ad  supplicium  traditi,  ad  palum 
alligati,  repente,  multis  millibus  homi- 
num  inspectantibus,  soluti  sunt,  et  Leo- 
nidae  illi  domino  redditi.' — Act.  ii.  lib. 
v.  cap.  5.  As  a  horrible  method  of 
torture  the  stake  or  pale  seems  to  have 
found  favour  with  the  Turks  from  very 
early  times,  and,  as  we  know,  has  re- 
tained its  place  amongst  other  infamous 
institutions  of  the  country  down  to  the 
present  time.  It  is  alluded  to  by  Pope 
Pius  II.  in  his  speech  to  the  French 
Ambassadors  at  Mantua  in  1459- 
And  we  have  seen  reproduced  in  our 
own  day  the  same  detestable  cruelties 
thus  practised  by  the  Turks  in  Europe. 
He  says,  '  Taedet  referre  quanta  patiun- 
tur  infelices  Christiani,  qui  proximi  sunt 
rugienti  et  saevissimo  leoni.  In  servi- 
tutem  pueri  rapiuntur,  matronae  ac 
puellae  libidinem  foedissimae  genti  ex- 
plere  coguntur,  virorum  alii  cruces,  alii 
palos  subeunt,  quidam  exemplo  Isaiae 
secti  per  medium  animas  tradunt,  qui- 
busdam  etiam  vivis,  in  morem  Bartho- 


lomaei,  cutis  adimitur:  nullum  tormenti 
genus  nostri  non  ferunt:  non  aetati,  non 
sexui  parcitur,  sanguis  omnium  qui 
pereunt  ex  nostris  manibus  requiretur. 
Jam  Rasciani  aetate  nostra  desciverunt 
a  fide,  jam  Bosnenses  defecerunt.  Bul- 
garia et  Grsecia  tota  Turcorum  est,  nisi 
Peloponnesi  portio  quaedam.  Albani  ex- 
hausti  sunt,  Hungari  fessi,  Valachi  ex- 
territi,  nisi  opem  ferimus,  aut  fugere  aut 
sese  dedere,  et  cum  perfido  Machometo 
Christum  blasphemare  cogentur.  Et 
nos  interim  miseri  inter  nos  contend! 
mus  ?  Absint  hae  lites,  facessant  jurgia, 
resurgat  pax,  si  non  perpetua,  saltern 
temporalis,  donee  Turcorum  pestis  ab 
Europa  dejiciatur. ' — D'Achery,  Spicileg. 
torn.  iii.  p.  820,  ed.  1723.  The  fact 
that  this  particular  species  of  cruelty 
was  actually  inflicted  by  the  Turks  is 
frequently  mentioned  by  Knolles;  thus, 
speaking  of  Scanderbeg's  defeat  in 
1464,  he  says,  'The  poore  Christian 
captiues  were  afterwards  for  most  part 
sold :  of  the  rest,  some  were  aliue  thrust 
upon  sharpe  stakes,  some  hanged  upon 
yron  hookes,  some  otherwise  cruelly  at 
the  victors  pleasure  tortured  to  death.' 
— Hist,  of  the  Turks,  p.  371,  ed.  1603. 
And  when  the  Venetians,  under  Barba- 
ricus  and  Nicholaus  Ragius,  made  an 
attempt  upon  Patras,  '  At  the  first  en- 
counter Barbaricus  himselfe  was  slaine  : 
Ragius,  captaine  of  the  horsemen,  was 
taken,  and  aliue  empailedupon  a  sharpe 
stake.' — Ibid.  p.  393.  Again,  when  in 
1508  Bajazet  sent  Alis  Bassa  against 
Techellis,  a  fanatic,  who  had  made  an 
insurrection  in  Asia  Minor,  we  are  told 
that  the  latter,  'to  terrific  the  great 
Bassa,  or  at  leastwise  with  a  most 
horrible  spectacle  to  stay  his  pursute, 
caused  Caragoses,  the  viceroy,  whom 
hee  had  carried  along  with  him  in 
chaines,  to  be  cruelly  empaled  by  the 
high  way  side  upon  a  great  sharpe  stake 
set  fast  in  the  ground S — Ibid.  p.  474. 
So  completely  indeed  was  this  word 
associated  with  the  practice  of  the 
Turks  that  Cotgrave  translates  the 
French  pal,  '  A  pale,  stake,  or  pole ; 
also  a  putting  to  death  by  a  stake 
thrust  long  wayes  through  the  bodie, 
much  used  among  the  Turkes. ' 


PP2 


58o 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Parsonage,  Personage,  the  person, 
body.— I.  97,  172,  195,  238;  II.  134, 
1 6 1,  293,  399  and  note. 

Pauion,  the  name  of  a  dance. — I.  230. 
This  dance,  more  usually  spelt  pavane, 
was,  as  already  observed  in  the  note, 
so  called  from  the  Latin  'pavo,'  not- 
withstanding that  M.  Littre,  who  sug- 
gests that  such  a  derivation  would  give 
pavone  rather  than  pavane,  considers 
the  origin  uncertain.  But  as  the  dance 
was  undoubtedly  introduced  into  France 
from  some  other  country,  either  Spain 
or  Italy,  in  which  the  peacock  is  called 
pavon  and  pavone  respectively,  it  re- 
quires no  very  violent  assumption  to 
suppose  that  the  name  by  which  the 
dance  was  popularly  known,  was 
adopted  and  Gallicised  without  any 
attention  being  paid,  in  the  process  of 
adoption,  to  the  strict  rules  of  etymo- 
logy.  That  one  such  dance  was 
known  as  la  pavane  cTEspagne  is 
beyond  doubt,  for  Thoinot  Arbeau, 
whose  authority  on  this  point  is  unim- 
peachable, tells  us  that  'depuis  peu  de 
temps  ils  en  ont  apporte  une  qu'ils 
appellent  la  pauane  cTEspagne,  laquelle 
se  dance  decoupee  auec  diuersite  de 
gestes,  et  par  ce  qu'elle  a  quelque  con- 
formite  auec  la  dance  des  Canaries.' — 
Orchesographie,  fo.  33.  And  this  is 
confirmed  by  Voltaire,  who  says,  '  Les 
Fran^ais,  qui  ont  aujourd'hui  porte  la 
danse  a  la  perfection,  n'avaient,  dans  la 
jeunesse  de  Louis  XIV.  que  des  danses 
espagnoles,  comme  la  sarabande,  la  cou- 
rante,  la  pavane,  &c.' — (Euvres,  torn. 
iv.  p.  187,  note,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  On  the 
other  hand  Puttenham,  in  the  passage 
already  quoted,  speaks  of  'the  Italian 
Pauan.'  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
country  of  its  birth  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  Pavane  was  domiciled 
in  France  before  it  was  known  in  Eng- 
land, and  Arbeau,  writing  towards  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  tells  us 
that  in  his  day  'La  dicte  pauane  (ap- 
parently a  different  dance  from  la  pa- 
uane d'Espagne}  n'a  pas  este  abolie  et 
mise  hors  d'usage  du  tout,  et  croy 
qu'elle  ne  le  sera  iamais,  vray  est 
qu'elle  n'est  pas  si  frequentee  que  par 
le  passe.'—  Ubi  supra,  fo.  28  b.  With 


regard  to  the  origin  of  the  name,  even 
if  we  reject  M.  Compan's  explanation 
that  the  positions  occupied  by  the  dan- 
cers suggested  a  comparison  -with  the 
circle  of  a  peacock's  tail  when  fully 
extended,  yet  from  the  picturesque  de- 
scription of  the  dance  handed  down  to 
us  by  Arbeau  (see  Vol.  I.  p.  241,  note), 
we  can  form  some  idea  of  the  magni- 
ficent spectacle  presented  to  the  eyes 
of  the  spectators,  and  it  requires  no 
great  effort  of  the  imagination  to  see  in 
the  long  trains  and  flowing  robes,  and 
the  stately  movements  of  the  wearers, 
a  resemblance  to  a  group  of  peacocks, 
strutting  on  a  lawn,  and  exhibiting  with 
conscious  pride  all  the  splendour  of 
their  natural  plumes.  This  at  any  rate 
seems  to  be  the  view  taken  by  the 
authors  of  the  Dictionary  of  the  Spanish 
Academy,  where  we  find  Pavana  de- 
fined as  'Especie  de  danza  Espanola, 
que  se  executa  con  mucha  gravedad, 
seriedad  y  mesura,  y  en  que  los  movi- 
mientos  son  mui  pausados  :  por  lo  que 
se  le  dio  este  nombre  con  alusion  a  los 
movimientos  y  ostentacion  del  Pavo 
real.'  Shakespeare  in  Twelfth- Night 
makes  Sir  Toby  Belch  exclaim,  '  Then 
he's  a  rogue  and  a  passy-measures 
pavin:  I  hate  a  drunken  rogue.' 
There  are  other  readings  of  this  pas- 
sage, which  is  by  no  means  free  from 
obscurity,  but  in  order  to  render  it  in- 
telligible, we  must  adopt  the  rule  '  res 
pro  persona,'  and  take  pavin  for  a  mu- 
sician, or  player  of  pavanes.  And  in 
this  explanation  we  derive  some  assist- 
ance from  the  authority  before  referred 
to,  who  tells  us,  'Les  ioueurs  d 'instru- 
ments la  (i.e.  pauane)  sonnent  aul- 
cunesfois  moins  pesamment,  et  d'une 
mesure  plus  legiere,  et  par  ce  moyen 
elle  se  ressente  de  la  mediocrite  d'une 
bassedance,  et  lappellent  passe  meze? 
— Arbeau,  Orchesog.  fo.  33.  The  'pa- 
vane' is  mentioned  by  Ascham,  who 
says  in  Toxophilus,  'Now  whether 
these  ballads  and  rounds,  these  gali- 
ards,  pavanes,  and  dances,  so  nicely 
fingered,  so  sweetly  tuned,  be  liker  the 
music  of  the  Lydians  or  the  Dorians, 
you  that  be  learned  judge.' — P.  26,  ed. 
1864.  Sir  Philip  Sidney  represents 


GLOSSARY. 


581 


one  of  his  characters  in  Arcadia  '  turn- 
ing up  his  mustachoes,  and  marching  as 
he  would  begin  a  pauen."1 — P.  329,  ed. 
1605. 

Paynym,  a  pagan,  a  heathen.— -I. 
207  ;  II.  203.  This  word  represents  the 
early  1trznc}\paienime=paiennie,  which 
again  is  derived  from  the  Latin  paganus, 
because,  as  M.  Littre  says :  '  le  paganisme 
persista  plus  longtemps  parmi  les  gens 
de  la  campagne.'  In  the  History  of 
S.  Louis,  by  Joinville,  we  read  :  '  Sce- 
cedins  que  je  vous  ai  devant  nomme  le 
chievetain  des  Turs,  se  estoit  le  plus 
prisie  de  toute  \&paenninie* — Bouquet, 
Hist,  de  la  France,  torn.  xx.  p.  221. 
And  in  the  History  of  the  Crusades  by 
William  of  Tyre,  who  lived  in  the 
twelfth  century,  we  find  the  same  form 
adopted :  '  For  cele  proesce  que  le  roi 
Richard  fist  iluec  et  aillors  au  chastel 
de  Darun,  qu'il  prist  sus  les  Sarrasins, 
fu-il  mult  doute  par  toute  paienime,  et 
avenoit  aucune  fois,  si  com  Ten  dist,  que 
quant  les  enfans  as  Sarrazins  ploroient,  il 
disoient  tes-toi  por  le  roi  d'Engleterre.' 
— Martene,  Coll.  Vet.  Script,  torn.  v.  col. 
637,  ed.  1729.  Again,  'En  ce  point 
avint  que  le  soudan  d'Egypte,  qui  fu  fils 
Salahadin,  aloit  un  joi  chacier,  si  chai 
de  son  cheval,  et  se  bruisa  le  col.  Quant 
son  oncle,  qui  point  de  terre  n'avoit,  vit 
son  neveu  mort,  il  saisi  la  terre,  et  la 
garni,  et  manda  par  tout  paienime 
querre  chevaliers  et  serjans,  et  il  lor 
donroit  bon  sous.' — Ibid.  col.  645.  Sir 
John  Maundevile  says  :  'Job  was  a  Pay- 
neem  .  .  .  and  alle  though  he  were  a 
Payneem,  natheles  he  served  wel  God, 
aftre  his  lavve,  and  oure  Lord  toke  his 
service  to  his  plesance.'  And  also,  '  Of 
that  generacioun  of  Cham  ben  comen 
the  Paynemes,  and  dyverse  folk  that  ben 
in  yles  of  the  see  be  alle  Ynde.'—  Voiage, 
6-v.  pp.  183,  267,  ed.  1727.  In  the 
Promplorium  we  find  :  '  Paynyn  (pay- 
nim).  Paganus,  pagana,  gentilis,'1  and 
'  Paynyn  or  hethyn.  £thnicus.'—P.  378. 
Palsgrave  has  *  Panym  an  infydele — 
pay  en  s,  m.' — L'Escl.  p.  250.  Elyot 
has  used  the  same  form  as  Chaucer, 
who  says,  in  The  Persones  Tale:  'Here 
may  men  lerne  to  be  pacient ;  for  certes, 
nought  oonly  cristen  men  ben  pacient 


for  the  love  of  Jhesu  Crist,  and  for 
tfuerdoun  of  the  blisful  life  that  is  »per- 
durable,  but  the  olde  paynymes,  that 
never  were  cristen,  comaundedin  and 
useden  the  vertu  of  pacience.' — Poet. 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  322,  ed.  1866.  Sir 
Thomas  More,  in  his  answer  to  Tyndale, 
employs  this  form  pleonastically :  '  Of 
which  two  wordes  baptisma  and  ecclesia, 
neyther  nother  hadde  in  the  greke  tong 
before  any  holy  significacion  at  all,  nor 
signifyed  there  anye  other  thing  then 
the  tone  a  weshyng,  the  tother  a  con- 
gregacyon  or  assemble  of  heathen  pay- 
nim  people.' — Works,  vol.  i.  p.  428, 
ed.  1557.  Sir  Thomas  Chaloner,  in 
his  Praise  of  Folie,  says :  '  But  now 
haue  ye  any  painem  or  heretike  that 
will  not  geue  place  and  yelde  straight 
to  so  many  fine  arguments  of  our  mais- 
ter  doctors?'— Signal  M.  iii.  ed.  1549. 
Erasmus  having  written:  '  Nunc  quis 
ethnicus,  quis  haereticus  non  continue 
cedat  tot  tenuissimis  subtilitatibus?' — 
Mor.  Encom.  p.  222,  ed.  1540.  The 
word  is  a  favourite  one  with  Spenser, 
and  it  continued  in  use  even  down  to 
the  time  of  Hooker,  who  frequently 
employs  it.  'Thus  far,'  he  says,  ' even 
the  painims  have  approached  ;  thus  far 
have  they  seen  into  the  doings  of  the 
angels  of  God  ;  Orpheus  confessing  th&t 
the  fiery  throne  of  God  is  attended  on 
by  those  most  industrious  angels,  care- 
ful how  all  things  are  performed  amongst 
men.' — Works,  p.  7,  ed.  1723. 

Peramours,  in  wanton  love. — II. 
347  and  note.  From  the  old  French 
expression  aimer  par  amours,  which 
was  constantly  used  by  the  early  poets 
and  romance  writers.  Thus  in  the 
Chansons  du  Chatelain  de  Coucy,  com- 
posed in  the  twelfth  century  we  find — 

'  Et  vous,  seigneurs,  qui/<rr  amors  amez, 
Faites  ensi,  se  joir  en  volez.' 

P.  57,  ed.  F.  Michel,  1830. 

Again  in  the  thirteenth  century,  in  Le 
Rom.  de  la  Rose — 

'  Si  sunt  aucun  de  tel  maniere, 

?ui  cest  Amor  n'ont  mie  chiere. 
outevois  fins  Amant  se  faignent, 
Mes/ar  amors  amer  ne  daignent.* 

Tom.  ii.  p.  18,  ed.  1814. 


582 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


This  is  translated  by  Chaucer  as  fol- 
lows— 

'  And  somme  have  also  this  manere, 
To  feynen  hem  for  love  seke  ; 
Sich  love  I  preise  not  at  a  leke. 
for  paramours  they  do  but  feyne  ; 
To  love  truly  they  disdeyne.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  147. 

In  the  fifteenth  century  we  have  the 
same  phrase  :  *  II  y  avoit  un  simple  et 
rude  paysan,  marie  a  une  plaisante  et 
gente  femme,  laquelle  laissoit  le  boire 
et  le  manger  pour  aimer  par  amour.'' — 
Les  Cent  Nouv.  p.  157,  ed.  Pan.  Litt. 

Perler,  a  parlour.— I.  78.  The 
French  parloir,  which  Cotgrave  trans- 
lates :  '  A  parlour  ;  also  the  roome  out 
of  which  nunnes  doe  speake  through  an 
iron  grate  unto  the  lay  people  that  come 
unto  them. '  We  find  the  original  men- 
tioned in  the  thirteenth  century  in  a 
book  containing  the  regulations  of  the 
trades  and  industries  of  Paris  :  '  Nus 
mesureur  ne  puet  mesurer  nule  maniere 
de  grain  a  nule  mesure  qui  ne  soit 
seigniee  au  seing  le  Roi;  et  se  il  le  fesoit, 
il  seroit  en  la  merci  au  prevost  de  Paris ; 
et  se  il  a  mesure  et  ele  n'est  pas  seigniee, 
il  la  doit  porter  &&parloir  aus  bourgois, 
et  illeuc  doit  estre  justee  et  seignie.' 
—Livre  des  Metiers,  p.  22,  ed.  1837. 
In  the  Promptorium  we  find  '  Parlowre. 
Locutorium? — P.  384.  Chaucer  uses 
the  word  in  the  same  sense  as  Elyot  in 
Troylus  and  Cryseyde — 

'  When  he  was  com  unto  his  neces  place, 
"  Where  is  my  lady,"  to  hire  folk  quod  he, 
And  thei  him  tolde,   and  he  forth  in  gan 

pace 

And  fond  two  other  ladys  sete  and  she, 
Withinne  a  paved  parlour,  and  thay  thre 
Herden  a  maydyn  reden  hem  the  geeste 
Of  the  segee  of  Thebes,  whil  hem  leste.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  156,  ed.  1866. 

This  word  is  represented  by  the  Latin 
parlura  in  formal  documents  of  the 
fifteenth  century;  thus  in  amemorandum 
as  to  the  custody  of  the  great  seal  in 
1473,  we  are  told  that  the  chancellor, 
Robert  Stillington,  Bishop  of  Bath  and 
Wells,  surrendered  it  to  the  Master  of 
the  Rolls  in  the  presence  of  witnesses  : 
'Apud  Chesewyk,  infra  hospitium  suum, 
in  quadam  parhira  juxta  Thamesiam.' 
And  that  within  a  few  days  afterwards 


it  was  delivered  by  the  Master  of  the 
Rolls  to  Henry,  Earl  of  Essex  :  « Apud 
Londoniam,  infra  hospitium  suum,   in 
quadam   parlura   adjacente    gardino.' 
Rymer,    Feed.  torn.  xi.  p.   782.      The 
parlour  was  not  merely,  as  its  name  im- 
ports, a  room  for  conversation,  but  was 
used  for  meals;  thus  in  a  scarce  tract 
called  '  A  manifest  detection  of  the  use 
of  Dice  Play,'  published  about  the  same 
time    as   The    Governour,  we  have  a 
picture  of  a   London  citizen's  house  : 
'  Soon  after  we  came  home  to  his  house, 
the  table  was  fair  spread  with  diaper 
cloths,   the   cupboard    garnished   with 
much  goodly  plate  .  .  .  The  good  man, 
in  the  mean  season,  had  been  in  the 
kitchen ;   and  suddenly  returning  and 
breaking  our  talk,   somewhat   sharply 
blamed  his  wife  that  the  dinner  was  no 
further  forward  ;  and  whiles  she  with- 
drew her  from  us,  by  like  to  put  all 
things    in    a    good    readiness,    Come 
on,    quoth   he,    you   shall  go   see  my 
house  the  while ;   it  is  not  like   your 
large  country  houses ;  rooms,  ye  wot,  in 
London  be  strait,  but  yet  the  furniture 
of  them  be  costly  enough  .  .  .  and  con- 
sequently, bringing  me  through  divers 
well  trimmed  chambers,  the  worst  of 
them   apparelled  with   verdures,  some 
with  rich  cloth  of  Arras,  all  with  beds, 
chairs,  and  cushions  of  silk  and  gold 
of  sundry  colours,  suitably  wrought.  .  .  . 
So  down  we  came  again  into  the  par- 
lour, and  found  three  divers  gentlemen, 
all  strangers  to  me  ;  and  what  should  I 
say  more  but  to  dinner  we  went.' — Pp. 
9,  10,  Percy  Soc.  vol.  xxix.  1851.   The 
parlour,  according  to  Mr.  Wright,  *  ap- 
pears in  the  sixteenth  century  to  have 
been  a  room  the  particular  use  of  which 
was  in  a  state  of  transition.    Though  in 
London  it   was   already  used    as   the 
dining-room,  in  the  country  it  appears 
to  have  been  considered  as  a  sort  of 
amalgamation  of  a  store-room   and  a 
bedroom.' — Dom.    Manners  in    Eng. 
p.  475,  ed.  1862.     In  Much  Ado  about 
Nothing  one  of  the  scenes  is  laid  in  a 
garden,  and  Hero  says — 

'  Good  Margaret,  run  thee  to  the  parlour 7 
There  shalt  thou  find  my  cousin  Beatrice 
Proposing  with  the  prince  and  Claudio.' 


GLOSSARY. 


583 


In  The  Faerie  Queene  it  evidently  cor- 
responds to  the  modern  drawing-room — 

'Thence  backe  againe  fair  Alma  led  them 

right, 

And  soone  into  a  goodly  parlour  brought, 
That  was  with  royal  arras  richly  dight, 
In    which    was    nothing    pourtrahed    nor 

wrought, 
Nor  wrought  nor  pourtrahed,  but  easie  to  be 

thought. 

And  in  the  midst  thereof,  upon  the  floure, 
A  lovely  bevy  of  faire  ladies  sate, 
Courted  of  many  a  jolly  paramoure, 
The  which  them  did  in  modest  wise  amate.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  175. 

Perse,  to  pierce,  to  penetrate.— I.  30; 
II.  92.  The  French  percer.  Palsgrave 
has :  '  I  perce,  I  enter  in  to  a  thyng  or 
passe  thorowe  it.  Je  perce,  prim.  conj. 
And  in  this  sence  I  fynde  also  je  penetre, 
prim.  conj.  I  holde  the  a  groote  thou 
shalte  nat  perce  thorowe  it  at  one  stroke : 
je  gaige  ung  gros  que  tu  ne  le  percer  as 
pas  a  ung  coup.  I  perce  a  thynge 
thorowe  bothe  the  sydes.  Je  transperce, 
prim.  conj.  And  je  trancys  oultre,  sec. 
conj.  He  persed  hym  thorowe  bothe 
the  sydes  with  an  arowe  :  il  luy  trans- 
per  (a  les  deux  coustez  dune  fleche? — 
L'Escl.  p.  656.  This  form  is  used  by 
Chaucer  in  The  Court  of  Love : 

'  Now  am  I  caught,  and  unware  sodenly, 
With  persant  stremes  of  your  yen  so  clere.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  29. 
Again,  in  The  Rom.  of  the  Rose  : 

'  Hir  persone  he  shalle  a-fore  hym  sette, 
Hir  laughing  eyen,  persaunt  and  clere, 
Hir  shappe,  hir  fourme,  hir  goodly  chere.' 

Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  86. 

Lord  Berners,  in  his  translation  of 
Froissart's  description  of  the  battle  of 
Crecy,  says  :  '  Whan  the  genowayes 
felte  the  arowes/^rjyw^?  through  heedes, 
armes,  and  brestes,  many  of  them  cast 
downe  their  crosbowes  and  dyde  cutte 
their  strynges,  and  retourned  discon- 
fited.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  157,  ed.  1812. 
The  same  form  continued  to  be  used  by 
Spenser: 

'The  knight  was  much  enmoved   with  his 

speach, 
That  as  a  swords  poynt  through  his  hart 

did  perse, 
And    in    his    conscience    made    a    secrete 

breach, 

Well   knowing  trew  all   that  he  did  re- 
herse.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  13,  ed.  1866. 


Again  : 

'All   were  his  earthly  eien  both  blunt  and 

bad, 
An-l  through  great  age  had  lost  their  kindly 

sight, 
Yet  wondrous  quick  and  persaunt  was  his 

spright, 
As  eagles  eie  that  can  behold   he  sunne. ' 

Ibid.  p.  26. 

Peruse,  to  inspect,  examine. — II. 
406  and  note. 

Petites,  persons  of  small  account. — 
II.  396  and  note. 

Pikethanke,  a  flatterer,  a  sycophant. 
— II.  87  and  note.  Huloet,  in  his 
Abcedarium,  gives  '  Pyckethanke,  Syco- 
phanta,  et  Sycophantia  is  the  offence  or 
qualitye  of  a  pycke  thancke.  Et  Syco- 
phantor  Sycophantisso  is  to  playe  the 
pycke  thancke.'  Shakespeare  uses  the 
word  in  Hen.  IV.  Part  I.,  when  the 
Prince  says : 

'  Yet  such  extenuation  let  me  beg, 
As,  in  reproof  of  many  tales  devis'd — 
Which  oft  the  ear  of  greatness  needs  must 

hear — 

By  smiling  pick-thanks    and    base    news- 
mongers, 
I  may,  for   some  things  true,   wherein  my 

youth 

Hath  faulty  wander'd  and  irregular, 
Find  pardon  on  my  true  submission.' 

It  was  sometimes  used  as  an  adjective. 
Thus  Knolles,  in  his /fa/,  of  the  Turks, 
says :  '  Whereunto  were  joyned  also 
the  hard  speeches  of  her  pickthanke 
fauourits,  who  to  currie  Fauell,  spared 
not  to  put  oyle  as  it  were  unto  the  fire, 
for  the  stirring  up  of  the  emperour 
unto  reuenge.'  —  P.  108,  ed.  1603. 
Fairfax  uses  the  substantive  in  his  poem 
Godfrey  of  Bulloigne,  first  published  in 
1600  : 

With  pleasing  tales  his  lord's  vaine  eares  he 

fed, 

A  flatterer,  a  pickthanke,  and  a  Her. 
Curst  be  estate  got  with  so  many  a  crime, 
Yet  this  is  oft  the  staire  by  which  men  clime. 
Vol.  i.  p.  43,  ed.  1817. 

Bale  seems  to  use  the  word  in  a  special 
sense  in  his  Image  of  both  Churches, 
which  from  the  internal  evidence  ap- 
pears to  have  been  written  in  1545  : 
'  Seldom  escaped  any  from  the  terrible 
hands  of  the  prelates  and  priests  in  that 
wretched  time,  that  sincerely  favoured 


584 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


the  truth.  Everywhere  had  they  their 
spies,  their  Judases,  their  false  accusers, 
their  summoners,  their  bailiffs,  and  their 
pick-thanks  with  other  officers,  to  bring 
them  in.'— Select  Works,  p.  574,  ed. 
1849.  Par.  Soc. 

Pirries,  gales,  or  gusts  of  wind. — I. 
178.  The  origin  of  this  word  is  lost  in 
obscurity.  In  the  Promptorium  we 
find,  'Pyry,  or  storm e.  Nimbus? — P. 
401.  Whilst  Palsgrave  has,  '  Pyrry  a 
storme  of  wynde — orage  s,  m.  ;  bouffee 
de  uent  s,  f. ' — L'Esclair.  p.  254.  The 
same  word  is  spelt  '  berry'  by  Cotgrave, 
who  translates  Bouffee,  'A  puffe  ;  a  sud- 
daine  violent  and  short  blast ;  a  berry, 
or  gust  of  winde.'  And  Tourbillon  de 
•vent,  '  A  whirlewind,  also  a  gust,  flaw, 
berry,  sudden  blast,,  or  boisterous  tem- 
pest of  wind.'  Udall,  in  his  translation 
of  the  Paraphrases  of  Erasmus,  says  : 
'  And  as  thei  wer  sailing  Jesus  fell 
aslepe.  And  in  the  meane  season  there 
sodainly  arose  a  pierie  of  wind,  and  so 
troubled  the  water,  that  by  reason  of 
the  waues  coming  fast  ouer  into  the 
boat,  the  disciples  wer  in  ieopardie.' — 
Tom.  i.  fo.  cclxxxviii  b,  ed.  1551  ; 
where  the  original  has  '  Porro  inter 
navigandum  obdormiit  Jesus,  atque 
interim  exorta  venti  procella  sic  com- 
movit  lacum,  ut,  undis  in  navim  irruen- 
entibus,  discipuli  periclitarentur. '  — 
Paraph,  torn.  i.  p.  364,  ed.  1541. 
Stephen  Hawes,  a  contemporary  of 
Elyot,  in  his  Pastime  of  Pleasure,  has 
another  form  of  the  same  word  : 

'  We  wyped  our  chekes  our  sorowe  to  cloke, 
Outwardly  faynyng  us  to  be  glad  and  mery, 
That  the  people  should  not  perceyve  the 

smoke 

Of  our  hote  fyre  to  lyght  the  emyspery  : 
Thoughe  inwardly  with  a  stormy  pery, 
The  fyre  was  blowen,  yet  we  dyd  it  cover, 
Bycause    abrode    it    should    nothyng    per- 

ceyver.' 

P.  92,  ed.  1848.     Percy  Soc. 

Hall,  recording  the  events  of  the  seven- 
teenth year  of  Hen.  VI. ,  says  :  «  What 
should  I  reherse  the  great  tempestes, 
the  sharpe  blastes,  the  sodain  piries, 
the  unmesurable  wyndes,  the  continuall 
raynes,  whiche  fell  and  chaunced  this 
yere  in  England.' — Chron.  fo.  cxxxvii. 
ed.  1548.  The  same  author  also  uses 


this  word  metaphorically:  'Sodainly 
there  rose  a  straunge  storme  and  a 
quicke  pirie,  so  mischeuous  and  so 
pernicious  that  nothyng  more  execrable 
or  more  to  be  abhorred,  could  happen 
in  any  Christian  region.  Whiche  sedi- 
cious  tempest,  if  wise  counsail  had  not 
with  al  spede  repressed,  no  doubt  but 
Kyng  Charles  and  the  whole  publique 
wealthe  of  Fraunce  had  been  turned  up, 
and  cleane  ouerthrowen.' — Ibid.  fo. 
cxxxvii.  b.  Harrison,  in  his  Descript. 
of  Britaine,  speaking  of  the  Essex 
marshes  and  islands,  says :  '  Certes  I 
would  haue  gone  to  land  and  viewed 
these  parcels  as  they  laie,  or  at  the  least 
haue  sailed  round  about  them  by  the 
whole  hauen,  which  may  easilie  be 
doone  at  an  high  water  ;  but  for  as  much 
as  a  perrie  of  wind  (scarse  comparable 
to  the  makerell  gale,  whereof  John 
Anele  of  Calis,  one  of  the  best  seamen 
that  England  euer  bred  for  his  skill  in 
the  narow  seas,  was  woont  to  talke) 
caught  hold  of  our  sailes,  and  caried  us 
forthe  the  right  waie  toward  London, 
I  could  not  tarie  to  see  what  things 
were  hereabouts.' — P.  45.  Holinshed, 
in  his  Historic  of  Scotland,  says  :  *  In 
the  yeere  1480  saith  he  (i.e.  Hector 
Boethius)  it  chanced  as  a  Scotish  ship 
departed  out  of  the  Forth  towards 
Flanders,  there  rose  a  wonderfull  great 
tempest  of  wind  and  weather,  so  out- 
ragious  that  the  maister  of  the  ship 
with  other  the  mariners  woondered  not 
a  little  what  the  matter  ment,  to  see 
such  weather  at  that  time  of  the  yeere, 
for  it  was  about  the  middest  of  summer. 
At  length,  when  the  furious  pirrie  and 
rage  of  winds  still  increased,  in  such 
wise  that  all  those  within  the  ship 
looked  for  present  death,  there  was  a 
woman  underneath  the  hatches  called 
unto  them  aboue,  and  willed  them  to 
throw  hir  into  the  sea,  that  all  the 
residue,  by  God's  grace,  might  yet  be 
saued.'— P.  97,  ed.  1585.  North,  in 
his  translation  of  Plutarch,  says  :  '  The 
captaines  of  the  Athenians  perceiuing 
they  made  not  towardes  the  lies,  which 
was  their  direct  course  to  returne  into 
Asia,  but  that  they  were  driuen  backe 
by  storme  of  winde  and  pyrries  of  the 


GLOSSARY. 


585 


sea  towardes  the  coaste  of  Attica  .  .  . 
they  thereupon  sent  away  presently  nine 
tribes,  that  marched  thither  with  such 
speede  as  they  came  to  Athens  the  very 
same  day.' — P.  355,  ed.  1579.  Amyot, 
whose  version  North  followed,  having 
written,  '  Ains  estoient  poulsez  par 
1'impetuosite  du  uent  et  des  courans  de 
la  mer  au  dedans  de  1'Attique.' — Vies 
des  horn.  ill.  torn.  i.  fo.  222  b,  ed. 
1565.  The  word  occurs  in  the  next 
century  in  the  collection  called  '  A 
Mirour  for  Magistrates ' : 

'  In  surgelesse  seas  of  quiet  rest  when  I 
Seuen  yeares  had  sail'd,  a  perrie  did  arise, 
The  blasts  whereof  abrig'd  my  libertie, 
For  whilst  I  did  with  busie  braine  deuise 
Them  to  destroy  which  did  my  Court  despise, 
The  boistrous  blasts  of  hatred  blew  a  gale, 
My  cables  crakt,  my  Barke  was  bong'd  with 

And  again : 

'  As  erst  I  said,  my  blisse  was  turn'd  to  bale, 
I  had  good  cause  to  weepe  and  wring  my 

hands, 
And  shew  sad  cheare,  with  countenance  full 

pale, 

For  I  was  brought  in  sorowes  wofull  bands, 
A.pirrie  came  and  set  my  ship  on  sands.' 

Pp.  194,  502,  ed.  1610. 

Popiniay,  a  parrot  or  parroqtiet. — I. 
1 1 6.  From  the  French  papcgay,  which 
Cotgrave  renders,  '  a  parrot  or  popin- 
gay. '  Palsgrave  has  '  Popyniaye  a 
byrde — papegault  z,  m. ;  paroquet  z,  m.' 
And  '  Popyniaye  colour—  uert  gay  s, 
m.' — UEsclair.  p.  256.  The  original 
is  found  in  the  I3th  century  \&Le  Rom. 
de  La  Rose,  as  follows — 

'  Li  rossignos  lores  s'efforce 
De  chanter  et  de  faire  noise  ; 
Lors  s'esvertue,  et  lors  s'envoise 
Li  papegaus  et  la  kalandre. ' 

Tom.  i.  p.  6,  ed.  1814. 

This  is  rendered  by  Chaucer — 

'  Than  doth  the  nyghtyngale  hir  myght, 
To  make  noyse  and  syngen  blythe  ; 
Than  is  blisful  many  sitne, 
The  chelaundre  and  the  papytigay.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  3.  ed.  1866. 

Again  we  have  in  the  same  poem — 

'  Car  il  iert  tout  covers  d'oisiaus, 
L)e  papegaus,  de  rossignaus, 
De  calandres  et  de  mesanges. ' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  37. 


Or  in  English — 

'  And  he  was  alle  with  briddes  wryen  ; 
With  popynjay,  with  nyghtyngale, 
With  chalaundre,  and  with  wodewale.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  28. 

These  birds  are  mentioned  by  Sir  John 
Maundevile,  who,  speaking  of  the  great 
Chan,  says :  'He  hathe  of  certeyn 
men  as  thoughe  thei  were  zomen,  that 
kepen  bryddes.  as  Ostrycches,  Gerfau- 
couns,  Sparehaukes,  Faukons  gentyls, 
Lanyeres,  S  acres,  Sacrettes,  Papyngayes 
wel  spekynge  and  briddes  syngynge.' — 
Voiage,  6°<r.,  p.  287,  ed.  1727.  Again, 
'  There  ben  manye  Popegayes  that  thei 
clepen  Psitakes  in  hire  langage;  and 
thei  speken  of  hire  propre  nature,  and 
salven  men  that  gon  thorghe  the  De- 
sertes,  and  speken  to  hem  als  appertely, 
as  thoughe  it  were  a  man.' — Ibid.  p. 
331.  Ascham,  in  his  Schoolmaster ; 
says:  'Young  whelps  learn  easily  to 
carry  ;  young  popinjays  learn  quickly  to 
speak.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  116,  ed. 
1864.  Richard  Eden,  in  his  transla- 
tion of  Peter  Martyr's  work,  says: 
'  They  gaue  theym  furthermore  speak - 
inge  popingiais  of  sundry  colours  as 
many  as  they  woolde  aske.  For  in  Paria 
there  is  no  lesse  plentie  of  popingiais 
then  with  us  of  dooues  or  sparous.' — 
Decades  of  the  Newe  Worlde,  fo.  79,  ed. 
1555.  Shakespeare,  in  Hen.  IV.  Part 
/.  applies  the  term  to  a  chatterbox  : 

'  With  many  holiday  and  lady  terms 
He  questioned  me;  among  the  rest,  demanded 
My  prisoners  in  your  majesty's  behalf. 
I  then,  all  smarting  with  my  wounds  being 

cold, 

Out  of  my  grief  and  my  impatience 
To  be  so  pester'd  with  a.  popinjay, 
Answer'd  neglectingly,  I  know  not  what.' 

Poreblynde,  purblind,  short-sighted. 
— II.  206  and  note. 

Pose,  a  cold  in  the  head. — II.  339 
and  note.  In  the  Promptorium  we 
find:  ' Pose  (or  sneke)  Catarrus,  corisa.* 
— P.  410.  Palsgrave  has  :  '  Pose  dysease 
— caterre  s,  f.'  and  'Sneke  pose — rime 
s,  f.'  Also  '  Ryme,  the  reume  of  the 
heed — rimes,  f.' — LlEsdair.  pp.  257, 
263,  272.  Huloet,  in  his  Abcedarium, 
gives,  '  Pose,  a  syckenes  in  the  heade 
distillynge  like  water,  called  a  catarre 
or  reaume.  Coryza,  distillatio,  fluctio. 


586 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Possede,  to  possess. — II.  204.  The 
French  posseder.  Palsgrave  has,  '  I 
possede.  Je possede,  prim.  conj.  It  is  no 
felycyte  to  possede  great  substaunce,  but 
to  use  it  well :  ce  nest  pas  bieneurete" 
que  de  posseder  grans  biens,  mays  de  les 
bien  user,  or  employer. — L! Esclair.  p. 
662.  This  word  is  used  by  Wolsey, 
who  seems  to  have  had  a  great  liking 
for  French  words,  in  a  letter  to  the 
king  from  Abbeville,  29  July,  1527  : 

*  Themperour  hereby  shulde  easly  (the 
Pope  being  absent)  establishe  his  oun 
See  Imperiall  in  the  cite  of  Rome,  ad- 
quire,    possede,  and   take  into  his  oun 
handes,  the   landes  and  patrymony  of 
the  Churche,  without  contradiccion,  or 
any    effectuell    resistens.' — State    Pap. 
vol.  i.  p.  227.     It  is  also  used  by  Sir 
Anthony  St.   Leger,  one  of  the  Irish 
Commissioners,  in  a  report  to  the  king, 
on  the  Irish  harbours,  and  dated  from 

*  Your  Majesties  Castell  of  Maynooth,' 
6th  April,  1 543,  '  I  thinke  fewe  havens  of 
this  lande  more  meter  for  your  Majestie 
to  have  in  your  handes ;  but  the  same 
woll  not  be  had,  without  some  warre 
with  those  that  possede  the  same,  whiche 
be  but  nieane  men,  but  they  be  under 
the  McArties,  whiche  be  men  of  the 
greatest  power  of   that  coste.' — Ibid. 
vol.  iii.  p.  447. 

Pounced,  pricked,  punched  with 
holes. — II.  1 8.  Dr.  Johnson,  and  we 
may  add  his  editor,  Mr.  Todd,  derived 
this  word  from  the  Italian  ponzonare. 
Richardson,  on  the  other  hand,  con- 
nects it  with  the  Italian  punzellare  and 
Spanish  punzar.  Whilst  Nares  thought 
it  came  'jfrom/MttW,  Spanish,  or  pon- 
cellare,  Italian.'  It  is  curious  that  not 
one  of  these  learned  persons  should 
have  suggested  the  French  poinfonner, 
of  which  it  was  undoubtedly  a  corrup- 
tion. The  poinfon  was  the  bodkin 
used  by  tailors  for  making  holes  in 
cloth,  and,  in  accordance  with  the  fashion 
of  the  time,  they  pierced  these  holes  in 
regular  patterns  as  ornaments  for  dresses 
which  were  thus  capable,  as  we  see 
from  the  passage  in  the  text,  of  great 
elaboration.  A  passage  in  Chaucer's 
Persones  Tale  makes  it  clear  that  this 
derivation  of  the  word  is  the  correct 


one:  'As  to  the  first  synne  that  is  in 
superfluite   of   clotheynge,    which  that 
makid  is  so  dere,  to  harm  of  the  poeple, 
not  oonly  the  cost  of  embrowdyngthede- 
guyse,  endentyng  or  barryng,  owndyng, 
palyng  or  bendyng,  and  semblable  wast 
of  cloth  in  vanite;    but    ther    is   also 
costlewe   furring   in    here  gownes,    so 
mochil  pounsyng  of  chiseles  to   make 
holes,  so  moche  daggyng  of  scheris,  for 
with  the  superfluite  in  lengthe  of  the 
forsaide  gownes  traylinge  in  the  donge 
and  in  the  myre,  on  hors  and  eek  on 
foote,  as  wel  of  man  as  of  womman,  that 
al  thilke  traylyng  is  verraily  (as  in  effect) 
wasted,  consumed,  thredbare,  and  rotyn 
with  donge,  rather  than  it  is  yeven  to 
the  pore,  to  gret  damage  of  the  forsaide 
pore  folk,  and  that  in  sondry  wise ;  this 
is  to  sain,  the  more  that  cloth  is  wastid, 
the  more  most  it  coste  to  the  poeple 
for  the  scarsenes ;  and  forthermore,  if  it 
so  be  that  thay  wolde  yive  such  pounsed 
and  daggid  clothing  to  the  pore  folk,  it  is 
not  convenient  to  were  to  the  pore  folk, 
ne  suffisaunt  to  beete  here  necessite,  to 
kepe  hem  fro  the  desperance  of  the  colde 
firmament.' — Poet.    Works,  vol.  iii.  p. 
296.     According  to  Mr.  Tyrwhitt,  the 
words  in  italics  should  be  read  poun- 
soning  and  pounsoned,    which    would 
make   the  resemblance  to  the  French 
original  still  more  marked.     Palsgrave 
has    '  Bodkyn   instrument — poynson  s, 
m.' — CEscl.    p.    199;    whilst    in    the 
Promptorium  we  find  '  Pownson  (poyn- 
tyn)  Puncto."1 — P.  411.     The  word  was 
also  applied  to  a  particular  method  of 
ornamenting   plate,   &c.     Thus   in   an 
inventory   of  articles    in    the    French 
King's  Chapel  made  in   1420  we  find 
mentioned  :  '  Le  pied  d'une  Croix  d'ar- 
gent  dore  poin$onne  a  la  devise  du  Roy.' 
Menestrier,  La  Devise  du  Roy,  p.  75, 
ed.  1679.     And  in  the  Inventory  of  the 
Royal  Jewels  made  in  the  2nd  year  of 
Hen.  VI.     We  find  frequently  such  an 
item  as  the  following  :  '  I   Ewer  d'or 
chacez  et  pounsonez  parcell.' — Rolls  of 
Parl.   vol.    iv.  p.   217.      M.    Laborde 
says  that  this  kind  of  ornament  was  very 
common  in  the  I5th  century,  and  men- 
tions: 'Unecouppe,  a  facon  d'une  cloche, 
poinfonnee  a  branche  et  a  oyseaulx.' — 


GLOSSARY. 


587 


Gloss.  Fran,  dti  Moyen  Age,  p.  455,  ed. 
1872.  Lady  Bergavenny,  by  her  will 
dated  10  Jan.  1434,  bequeathed  inter 
alia,  '  My  round  basin  of  silver  pounced 
with  morys  letters,'  and  Sir  Harris 
Nicolas  explains  this  as  '  Pounsonnez, 
indented  or  pricked  with  a  sharp-pointed 
instrument,  a  method  of  ornamenting 
plate  used  by  the  Morescoes  or  Moors 
in  Spain,  in  patterns  or  shapes  of 
flowers,  but  principally  for  letters.'— 
Testamenta  Vetusta,  pp.  xxxii.  228,  ed. 
1826.  This  method  is  still  better  illus- 
trated by  Hall's  description  of  the 
dresses  worn  at  some  Christmas  revels 
in  1514-15:  'The  Kinge,  the  duke  of 
Suffolke,  and  ii  other  in  mantels  of 
clothe  of  siluer  and  lyned  with  blew 
veluet,  the  syluer  was  pounsed  in  letters, 
so  that  veluet  might  be  sene  through.' — 
Chron.  fo.  Iv  b,  ed.  1548.  From  the 
frequent  mention  of  the  term  by  the 
writer  last  quoted,  we  see  how  com- 
monly this  method  of  ornamentation 
was  applied  to  dresses ;  thus,  speaking 
of  some  jousts  at  Paris  in  1514-15,  he 
says :  *  The  Dolphyn  and  hys  aydes 
were  euery  daye  newe  apparelled  at 
hys  coste,  one  daye  in  siluer  and  golde, 
a  nother  in  crymesyn  veluet  and  yelowe 
veluet,  and  another  daye  in  white  veluet 
and  grene,  some  daye  myxted  with 
satyn,  some  daie  embrawdered,  some 
daye  pounced  with  golde,  and  so  euery 
daye  in  chaunge  as  the  woorkers  fan- 
tasye  coulde  deuyse.' — Ibid.  fo.  1.  Again 
at  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold: 
'  The  courser  whiche  his  grace  roade 
on  was  trapped  in  a  marueilous  vesture 
of  a  newe  deuised  fashion ;  the  trapper 
was  of  fine  golde  in  bullion,  curiously 
wroughte, pounced  and  sette  with  anticke 
woorke  of  Romayne  figures.' — Ibid. 
fo.  Ixxvi.  At  the  Princess  Elizabeth's 
christening  in  1533,  'the  Marchiones 
of  Dorset  gaue  thre  gilt  boulles  pounced 
with  a  couer. ' — Ibid.  fo.  ccxviii.  Mr. 
Gough  Nichols  says  that  he  had  '  found 
the  term  in  Latin  in  the  volume  of 
Durham  wills,  published  by  the  Surtees 
Society.  Alan  de  Newark,  who  had 
been  Archdeacon  of  Durham,  and  died 
in  1411,  makes  this  bequest:  "Item 
lego  Willielmo  cognato  meo  ciphum 


argenti  coopertum,  ponsatum  in  fundo 
et  in  cooperculo."  '  Mr.  Nichols  adds  : 
1  The  receptacles  for  perfumed  powders, 
the  lids  of  which  were  pierced  entirely 
through,  were  called  pouncet-\>a\os>\  and 
thence  the  dust  placed  in  similar  boxes, 
and  still  used  for  drying  the  ink  of 
writings,  acquired  the  name  of  pounce. ' 
— Archaol.  vol.  xxix.  p.  56.  The  term 
was  also  applied  to  the  ornamentation 
of  books,  for  in  an  inventory  of  the  effects 
of  Queen  Charlotte  of  Savoy,  who  died 
in  1483,  we  find  mentioned:  'Ung 
livrecouvert  deroge/0t«jj0««/,  parlant 
de  la  passion  Nostre  Seigneur. ' — Bibl. 
de  PEcole  des  Charles,  6e  serie,  torn.  i.  p. 
364,  ed.  1864. 

Poyses,  equal  weights,  dumb-bells. — 
I.  171.  The  author,  in  his  Dictionary, 
translates  Alteres,  *  Poyses  of  lead  made 
to  lyfteup  with  bothe  handes,  toexercyse 
men  whyche  may  not  otherwyse  labour, 
wherof  there  be  now  many  in  England, 
specially  in  the  chambres  of  studentes.' 
The  word  *  poyse '  is  simply  the  French 
pots  Anglicised,  for,  according  to  M. 
Littre,  the  modern  form  poids  is  incor- 
rect, the  introduction  of  the  letter  d 
being  due  to  the  false  system  of  ety- 
mology which  prevailed  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  more  correct  form  is 
found  in  Le  Rom.  dela  Rose,  in  the  thir- 
teenth century — 

'  Mes  ne  vodroie  por  man  pots 
D'argent,  qu'il  fust  sus  votre  pois.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  129,  ed.  1814. 

And  also  in  La  Chanson  des  Saxons — 

'  Li  seront  li  denier  livre  par  igal/oii ; 
Chascuns  en  aura  iv,  c'est  li  chevages  drois.' 
Tom.  i.  p.  57,  ed.  F.  Michel,  1839. 

We  find  it  in  the  next  century  in  the 
poem  Flore  et  Blancefieur — 

'  Quant  masse  d'or  por  li  donai, 
Encore  n'a  il  pas  deus  mois ; 
D'or  i  donai  sept  fois  son  pois.' 

P.  92,  ed.  Bekker,  1844. 

Again  Philip  de  Beaumanoir,  a  French 
jurisconsult  of  the  I3th  century,  tells 
us  'Parce  que  noz  avons  parle  des 
mesures  des  terres  et  des  cozes  qui  a 
mesure  doivent  estre  livrees,  pot  on  en- 
tendre des  cozes  qui  sont  baillies  a  pois. 
Mais  il  n'a  pas  tant  de  diferences  es  pois 


588 


THE  GOVERN  OUR. 


comme  il  a  es  mesures,  car  eles  ne  se 
cangent  pas  en  tant  de  Hex.' — Les  Cout. 
du  Beauvoisis,  torn.  i.  p.  378,  ed.  1842. 
This  original  form  is  still  preserved  in 
avoirdupois,  which  weight  is  first  men- 
tioned in  27  Ed.  III.  stat.  ii.  cap.  10, 
where  we  also  find  poiser  used  apparently 
in  the  same  sense  :  *  Item  pur  ce  que 
nous  avons  entendu,  que  ascuns  Mar- 
chantz  achatent  avois  de  pois,  laines,  et 
autres  marchandises  par  un  pois  et 
vendent  par  un  autre,  et  fount  aussint 
deceivables  retretes  sur  le  poiser  ...  si 
volons  et  establissons  que  un  pois,  une 
mesure,  et  une  verge  soit  par  toute  la 
terre,  sibien  hors  de  lestaple  come  de- 
deinz.'  In  Baret's  Alvearie  we  find : 
1  Poyze  or  weight,  Le  pois,  ponderosite. 
Equall  poyze  or  weight,  ^Equilibris.  A 
weight orpoyseof.  seuen  ounces,  Septunx.' 
Also  '  to  poyse  or  weigh ;  pondero. 
Weights  of  ledde  to  counterpoyse  a 
thing,  Librainenta  plumbi.'  Hence 
our  modern  '  counterpoise. '  The  word 
'  poise '  is  frequently  used  by  Shake- 
speare ;  thus,  in  Measure  for  Measure^ 
Angelo  says — 

'  Pleas'd  you  to  do't  at  peril  of  your  soul, 
Were  equal  poise  of  sin  and  charity.' 

Again  in  Hen.  VI.  Part.  III.  the  king 
says — 

'  Both  tugging  to  be  victors,  breast  to  breast, 
Yet  neither  conqueror  nor  conquered  ; 
So  is  the  eqoal/MRT  of  this  fell  war.' 

Spenser,  in  The  Faerie  Queene,  de- 
scribing the  fight  between  the  Knight 
and  the  Dragon,  says  of  the  latter — 

'  So  downe  he  fell,  as  an  huge  rocky  clift, 

Whose  false  foundacion  waves  have  washt 
away, 

With  dreadfull  poyse  is  from  the  mayneland 
rift, 

And  rolling  downe  great  Neptune  doth  dis- 
may ; 

So  downe  he  fell,  and  like  an  heaped  moun- 
taine  lay.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  46. 

In  an  account  of  a  voyage  to  Guinea  in 
1554,  the  writer,  speaking  of  the  en- 
counters which  he  alleges  take  place 
between  elephants  and  serpents,  says : 
'  When  the  elephant  waxeth  faint  he 
falleth  down  on  the  serpent,  being  now 
full  of  blood,  and  with  the  poise  of  his 


body  breaketh him. ' — Hakluyt,  Voyages  t 
vol.  ii.  pt.  2,  p.  19,  ed.  1599. 

Prease,  Prese,  subst.,  a  press, 
crowd,  throng.  —  II.  103,  158,  292. 
From  the  French  presse,  which  was  it- 
self spelt  priesse  in  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. Thus  Henri  de  Valenciennes,  in 
his  continuation  of  Ville-Hardouin's 
Conqueste  de  Constantinople,  says,  'Au 
matin  entra  Ii  empereres  en  Salenyque 
.  .  .  Et  quant  il  vint  a  1 'entree  de  la 
porte,  il  y  ot  si  grant  priesse  que  la  ou 
on  feroit  cascun  de  baston  et  de  verghe 
sur  la  tieste  juroient-il  que  tout  i  enter- 
roient.'— P.  203,  ed.  P.  Paris,  1838. 
Palsgrave  has  'Prease  of  people — 
presse,  foulle  s,  f.' — DEsclair.  p.  258. 
We  find  this  form  used  by  Chaucer  in 
his  Dream: 

'And  standing  thus,  as  was  my  grace, 
A  lady  caaie  more  than  apace, 
With  huge  prea.se  her  about, 
And  told  how  the  queene  without 
Was  arived  and  woulde  come  inne.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  94. 

Again  in  the  same  poem: 
'  I  rose  and  walkte,  soughte  pace  and  pace, 

Till  I  came  where  I  thoughte  to  sleepe 
More  at  mine  ease,  and  out  of  preace, 
At  my  good  leisure,  and  in  peace.' 

Ibid.  p.  126. 

Froissart,  in  his  account  of  the  battle  of 
Cressy,  wrote,  'Tousiours  tiroient  les 
Anglois  durement  en  la  plus  grande 
presse?  And  speaking  of  the  blind 
King  of  Bohemia's  request  to  be  led 
into  the  battle  :  'Les  Cheualiers  re- 
spondirent  qu'ils  le  lairroient  enuis.  Et 
adoncques  (a  fin  qu'ils  ne  le  perdissent 
en  la.  presse)  ils  le  lierent  par  les  freins 
de  leurs  cheuaux  tous  ensemble.' — 
Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  139,  ed.  1547.  Lord 
Berners  translated  these  passages,  'And 
euer  styll  the  englysshmen  shot  where 
as  they  sawe  thyckest/ra&:£  .  .  .  They 
sayde  they  wolde  do  his  commaunde- 
ment,  and  to  the  intent  that  they  shulde 
nat  lesehym  in  \heprease,  they  tyed  all 
their  raynes  of  their  bridelles  eche  to 
other.'— Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  157.  Lord 
Ormond,  writing  to  Lord  Russell  on  the 
1 5th  November,  1545,  says,  'As  I  did 
first  set  fourthe  from  my  house  of  Gaw- 


GLOSSARY. 


589 


ran  ...  founde  a  letter  there  emonges 
a  great  preese  of  people.  ^-^-State  Pap. 
vol.  iii.  p.  538.  The  king,  in  his  In- 
structions to  Sir  Thomas  Boleyn  and 
Dr.  Sampson,  in  [522,  says,  'A  capi- 
tain  being  now  in  Tirwen,  named 
Mons.  de  Cares,  cousin  germain  to  the 
said  duke,  sent  furth  amonges  other  a 
servaunt  of  his,  willing  hym  to  putt  hym- 
self  soo  ferre  in  prese,  that  he  mought 
be  taken  amonges  the  companye  of 
Mons.  Beurayn.' — Ibid.  vol.  vi.  p.  104. 
Spenser,  in  The  Faerie  Queene,  adopts 
the  same  form  : 

'  Into  the  thickest  of  that  knightly  preasse 
He  thrust,  and  smote   downe  all  that  was 

betweene, 

Caried  with  fervent  zeale  ;  ne  did  he  ceasse, 
Till  that  he  came  where  he  had   Cambell 

scene 

Like    captive    thral  two  other  Knights  a- 
tweene.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  155,  ed.  1866. 

And  so  does  Fairefax  in  Godfrey  of 
Bulloigiie : 

'  Thus  given  and  taken  was  the  bold  defie, 
And  through  the  prease  (agreed  so)  they 

brake, 
Their  hatred  made  them  one,  and  as  they 

wend, 

Each  knight  his  foe  did  for  despite  defend.' 
Vol.  ii.  p.  228,  ed.  1817. 

Prease,  verb,  to  press,  to  crowd. — II. 
48.  Palsgrave  has,  'I  prease  in  to  a 
place  by  vyolence.  Je  tnpresse,  prim, 
conj.,  and  je  me  empresse,  and  je  me 
fourre  dedens.  I  marvayle  you  be  nat 
ashamed  to  prease  in  to  the  kynges 
chaumber  on  this  facyon  :  je  me  mer- 
uaille  que  vous  nauez  poynt  de  honte  de 
•vous  fourrer  dedans  la  chambre  du  roy 
en  ceste  facion.' — L'Esclair.  p.  665. 
Chaucer,  in  The  Knightes  Tale,  says: 

'  Duk  Theseus  was  at  a  wyndow  set, 
Arayed  right  as  he  were  god  in  trone. 
The  pepul  preseth  thider-ward  ful  sone 
Him  for  to  seen,  and  doon  him  reverence. 

******* 

Whan  sette  was  Theseus  riche  and  hye, 
Ypolita  the  queen  and  Emelye, 
And  other  ladyes  in  here  degrees  aboute, 
Unto  the  seetes preseth  al  the  route.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  78,  79. 

North,  in  his  translation  of  Plutarch, 
says  :  '  But  the  two  Tribunes,  Fuluius 
and  Manlius,  spake  against  him  and 
sayed  :  it  was  out  of  all  reason  that  so 


younge  a  man  should  in  such  manner 
prease  to  haue  the  office  of  the  highest 
dignitie,  against  the  use  and  custome  of 
Rome,  before  he  hadde  passed  through 
the  inferior  offices  of  the  common- 
wealth.'— P.  410,  ed.  1579.  The  cor- 
responding phrase,  however,  used  by 
Amyot,  whom  North  followed,  is  lan- 
ticipast  ainsi  presque  par  force  1'office 
de  supreme  dignite.'  —  Les  Vies  des 
horn.  ill.  torn  i.  fo.  258  b,  ed.  1565. 
Holland  uses  the  same  form  in  his 
translation  of  Marcellinus:  'Whiles  the 
barbarous  enemies  preassed  on  all  in 
plumpes  and  heapes.' — P.  70,  ed.  1609; 
where  the  original  has,  'Dum  insta- 
rent  barbari  conglobati.'  —  Lib.  xvi. 
cap.  12. 

Prepence,  Prepense,  to  premedi- 
tate, to  consider  beforehand. — I.  263  ; 
II.  374  and  note.  From  the  old 
French  verb  pourpenser.  Villehar- 
douin,  a  writer  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury, says,  'Lors  se  pourpenserent  d'un 
mout  grant  engien;  car  il  fermerent 
tout  Tost  de  mout  bones  lices,  de  bons 
mairiens  et  bones  barres ;  si  en  furent 
plus  fort  et  plus  seur.' — Conqueste  de 
Constant,  p.  51,  ed.  1838.  The  word 
is  used  by  Montaigne:  'A  1'entrevue  du 
pape  Clement  et  du  roy  Fra^ois  a 
Marseille,  il  adveint,  tout  au  rebours, 
que  monsieur  Poyet,  homme  toute  sa 
vie  nourry  au  barreau,  en  grande  repu- 
tation, ayant  charge  de  faire  la  harangue 
au  pape,  et  1'ayant  de  longue  main/0«r- 
pensee,  voire,  a  ce  qu'on  dit,  apportee 
de  Paris  toute  preste. ' — Essais,  torn.  i. 
p.  52,  ed.  1854.  Again,  'La  vraye 
cause  d'un  changement  si  nouveau,  et 
de  ce  r' advisement  sans  aulcune  impul- 
sion apparente,  et  d'un  repentir  si  mira- 
culeux,  en  tel  temps,  en  une  entreprinse 
pourpensee  et  deliberee,  et  devenue  iuste 
par  1'usage  .  .  .  certes,  ie  ne  scais  pas 
bien  encores  qu'elle  elle  est.' — Ibid. 
torn.  iv.  p.  245.  M.  Littre  quotes  the 
following  example  as  being  due  to 
the  same  writer,  '  La  moins  pourpensee 
mort  est  la  plus  heureuse,'  but  on  re- 
ferring to  the  passage  cited,  the  Editor 
finds  that  what  Montaigne  really  wrote 
was  'Pourtant  feut  ce  1'opinion  de 
Cesar,  que  la  moins  prenicditee  mort 


590 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


estoit  la  plus  heureuse  et  plus  des- 
chargee.'— Ibid.  torn.  iv.  p.  227.  The 
passage  from  Holinshed  in  which  the 
word  occurs  quoted  in  the  note,  is 
copied  verbatim  from  Hall's  Chronicle, 
fo.  Ixii,  ed.  1548.  Brende,  in  his 
translation  of  Q.  Curtius,  lib.  x.  cap. 
4,  says,  'Hys  frendes  dyd  publishe 
abroade  dronkennes  to  be  the  cause  of  hys 
dysease,  but  in  verye  deede  it  was  pre- 
pensed  treason. '— Fol.  215  b,  ed.  1561. 
Prevent,  to  anticipate,  outstrip,  in- 
tercept.— I.  125,  189,  280.  From  the 
Latin  'prsevenire,'  and  like  the  French 
prevenir,  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
in  use  before  the  sixteenth  century. 
Brende,  in  his  translation  of  Q.  Cur- 
tius, lib.  iii.  cap.  8,  says,  '  Then  ex- 
hortacion  was  gyuen  unto  them  to 
passe  on  with  bolde  courage,  and  so  by 
the  sprynge  of  the  daye  they  were 
come  to  the  streyghtes,  wherein  their 
purpose  was  to  preuente  Darius.' — Fo. 
24  b,  ed.  1561  ;  the  original  being 
'  oriente  luce  pervenerunt  ad  angustias, 
quas  occupare  decreverant. '  Knolles 
uses  the  word  in  this  its  primitive 
sense.  '  Othoman  omitting  no  oppor- 
tunitie,  presently  sent  one  of  his  cap- 
taines  ...  to  besiege  the  castle  of 
Einegiol:  wherein  he  used  such  celeritie, 
that  preuenting  the  fame  of  that  was 
done  at  Bilezuga,  he  suddenly  inuir- 
oned  the  castle.' — Hist,  of  Turks,  p. 
141,  ed.  1610.  Again,  'Scanderbeg 
presently  sent  Amesa  backe  againe  into 
Dibra,  and  other  speedie  messengers 
likewise  into  all  the  parts  of  Epirus,  to 
disperse  the  newes  .  .  .  but  flying 
Fame,  the  speedie  post,  had  preuented 
the  messengers  by  him  sent,  and  al- 
readie  filled  euery  corner  of  Epirus 
with  report  of  Scanderbeg  his  com- 
ming.' — Ibid.  p.  284.  So  North,  in 
his  translation  of  Plutarch,  says,  '  Pelo- 
pidas  then  immediatly  made  them  be- 
siege the  castell  of  Cadmea  about  .  .  . 
doing  al  he  could  possible  to  winne  it, 
and  to  expulse  the  Lacedaemonians  be- 
fore any  supply  and  aide  came  to  them 
from  Sparta.  So  he  did,  and  preuented 
it  so  sodainly,  that  the  garrison  being 
departed  out  of  the  castel  by  compo- 
sition, as  they  returned  towards  Lace- 


dsemonia,  they  found  Cleombrotus,  king 
of  Sparta,  comming  towards  them  with 
a  great  army  to  help  them.' — P.  315, 
ed.  1579-  The  corresponding  passage 
in  Amyot's  version  being  'Ce  qu'il 
feit,  et  les/tottsVr/  de  si  peu  des  temps,' 
&c. — Les  Vies,  torn.  i.  fo.  196  b,  ed. 
J565-  Again  the  latter  says,  'Carilz 
se  hasterent  pour  tascher  a  preuenir  le 
renfort  quePyrrus  attendoit.'— Ibid.  fo. 
275  b  ;  which  North  renders,  'For  they 
made  hast  to  preuent  the  aide  that 
Pyrrus  looked  for.'—  Ubi supra,  p.  436. 
Spenser  uses  the  word  in  this  sense  in 
The  Faerie  Queem: 

'  With  that  he  put  his  spurres  unto  his  steed, 
With  speare  in  rest,  and  toward  him  did  fare, 
Like  shaft  out  of  a  bow  preventing  speed.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  115,  ed.  1866. 

And  so  does  Shakespeare  in  Julius 
Ccesar : 

' 1  know  not  how, 

But  I  do  find  it  cowardly  and  vile, 

For  fear  of  what  might  fall,  so  to  prevent 

The  time  of  life.' 

Act  v.  Sc.  i. 

We  may  compare  with  this  last  quota- 
tion Montaigne's  use  of  the  word  in  a 
similar  connexion  :  '  La  pluspart  des 
philosophes  se  treuvent  avoir  ou  pre- 
venu  par  desseing,  ou  haste  et  secouru 
leur  mort.'— Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  382. 
Bacon  constantly  employs  the  word  in 
this  sense ;  thus,  in  The  Advancement 
of  Learning,  he  says  :  '  Knowledge  that 
is  delivered  as  a  thread  to  be  spun  on, 
ought  to  be  delivered  and  intimated,  if 
it  were  possible,  in  the  same  method 
wherein  it  was  invented  ;  and  so  is  it 
possible  of  knowledge  induced.  But  in 
this  same  anticipated  and  prevented 
knowledge,  no  man  knoweth  how  he 
came  to  the  knowledge  which  he  hath 
obtained.' — Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  404, 
ed.  1857. 

Propise,  suitable,  Jit,  proper. — I.  28, 
61, 116;  11.88, 4i5andnote.  The  French 
propice,  which  was  very  commonly  em- 
ployed by  English  writers  of  the  six- 
teenth century.  Palsgrave  has  '  Fytte 
as  a  garment  or  other  thynge — m.  et  f. 
propice  s.' — LEscl.  p.  312.  Froissart 
gives  us  a  speech  of  Charles  V.  on  his 
death-bed,  in  which  he  says :  '  Faites 


GLOSSARY. 


591 


le  seigneur  de  Cli9on  connetable ;  car 
tout  considere,  je  n'y  vois  nul  plus^ro- 
pice  de  lui.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  Ill, 
ed.  Pan.  Lit.  This  Lord  Berners 
translates  :  '  I  wyll  ye  make  the  lorde 
Clysson  constable,  for  all  thynges  con- 
sydred,  I  se  no  man  so  mete  as  he  for 
that  offyce.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  600. 
Hall,  speaking  of  the  surrender  of 
Bordeaux  by  the  English  in  1453,  says: 

*  When  this   composicion   was   agreed 
and  sealed,  the  Englishmen  had  their 
shippes    and  al  thinges  necessarie  for 
their  iorney  to  them  deliuered,  which, 
when  wynd  and  whether  were  to  them 
propice  and   conuenient,   were   shortly 
transported  into  England  in  the  moneth 
of  October  this  present  yere.' — Chron. 
fo.  clxvi  b,  ed.    1548.     Graft  on  makes 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  say,  in  1484  : 
4 1  phantasied  that  if  I  list  to  take  upon 
me  the  crowne  and  imperiall  scepter  of 
the  realme,  now  was  the  time  propice 
and  conuenient.' — Chron.  p.  816,  ed. 
1569. 

Prouecte,  advanced. — I.  30.  In  his 
Dictionary  the  author  translates  Pro- 
vectus,  'aged,'  and  Provectus  setate, 

*  runne  farre  in  yeres. '   Cotgrave  shows 
us,  that  at  any  rate,  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury the  same  word  was  in  use  in  France, 
for  he  gives,    '  Proved,  m.  -cte,  f.  well 
grown  in  age,  or  of  good  yeares.'     But 
being  probably  intelligible  only  to  the 
few  who  were  classical  scholars,  it  never 
became  popular  on  either  side  of  the 
channel,  and  like  many  other  words  in 
this   glossary,   may  be   regarded   as   a 
literary  curiosity  of  that  period. 

Puissance,  Puyssaunce,  power, 
might,  strength.— II.  47,  352,  354. 
The  French  puissance,  which  Cotgrave 
translates  *  Puissance,  power  or  power- 
fullnesse  ;  force,  might,  strength,  abili- 
tie,  possibility,  wealth,  sway,  authority, 
jurisdiction  ;  also  a  power,  army,  or 
great  number  of  men.'  We  find  the 
word  used  in  the  thirteenth  century  in 
Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose : 

'  Car  certes  el  n'avoit  poissance, 
Ce  cuit-je,  ne  force,  ne  sens 
Ne  plus  c'un  enfes  de  deus  ans.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  18,  ed.  1814. 

And  in  the  following  century  it  is  used 


by  Joinville  in  a  sense  in  which  at  a 
still  later  period  it  was  very  constantly 
employed  by  Froissart  as  well  as  by 
English  writers,  viz.  for  'a  host,  an 
army.'  Thus  in  the  Hist,  de  St.  Louis 
we  read  :  '  Toute  la  puissance  du  soudan 
se  logerent  sur  le  fleuve  de  Rexi.' — 
Bouquet,  Hist,  de  la  France,  torn.  xx. 
p.  220.  Froissart,  in  his  account  of 
Flanders  in  1379,  says:  'Quand  le 
commun  de  Ypre  et  cils  des  menus 
metiers  syurent  la  venue  de  cils  de 
Gand,  si  s'armerent  et  s'ordonnerent 
tous  sur  le  marche  ;  et  etoient  bien  cinq 
mille.  La  n'avoient  les  riches  hommes  de 
la  ville,  ni  les  notables,  nulle  puissance* 
— Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  78,  ed.  Pan.  Lit. 
Which  Lord  Berners  renders :  '  So 
ther  the  ryche  men  of  the  town  had  no 
puyssance.^ — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  566. 
Again  we  have  the  following  speech  in 
1382:  'Beaux  seigneurs,  ne  vous  ebahis- 
sez  mie  si  le  roi  de  France  est  venu 
jusques  a  Yppre ;  vous  savez  comment 
anciennement  toute  la  puissance  de 
France  envoyee  du  beau  roi  Philippe 
vint  jusques  a  Courtray  ;  et  de  nos 
ancesseurs  ils  furent  la  tous  morts  et 
deconfits.  Pareillement  aussi  sachez 
qu'ils  seront  morts  et  deconfits,  car 
Philippe  d'Artevelle  atout  grand'  puis- 
sance ne  laira  mie  que  il  ne  voise  com- 
battre  le  roi  et  sa  puissance. ' —  Ubi supra, 
torn.  ii.  pp.  243,  244.  This  appears  in  the 
English  version :  '  Ye  knowe  well  howe 
auncyently  all  the  puyssance  that  was 
sent  by  Kyng  Philyppe  to  Courtrey,  by 
our  auncetours,  they  were  all  discom- 
fytted  and  slayne  :  in  lykewise  so  shall 
they  all  be  slayn  and  disconfyted,  for 
Philyppe  Dartuell  hathe  a  great  puys- 
sance.'—  Ubi  supra,  vol.  i.  p.  731. 
Hall,  in  his  account  of  the  reign  of 
Ed.  IV.,  uses  this  word  pleonasti- 
cally:  'Kyng  Edwarde  beeyng  nothyng 
abasshed  of  this  small  chaunce,  sente 
good  woordes  to  the  Erie  of  Pembroke, 
animatyng  and  byddyng  hym  to  bee 
of  a  good  courage,  promisyng  hym 
not  alonely  ayde  in  shorte  tyme,  but 
also  he  hymself  in  persone  royall  would 
folowe  hym  with  all  his  puyssance  and 
power.'—  Chron.  fo.  cci.  ed.  1548.  It 
is  used  by  Spenser : 


592 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


'And  ever  as  he  rode  his  hart  did  earne 
To  prove  his  puissance  in  battell  brave.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  113,  ed.  1866. 
And  very  frequently  by  Shakespeare. 

Puissaunt,  powerful. — I.  103,  178, 
1 80,  181^  The  French  adj.  puissant. 
Palsgrave  has,  '  Puyssante  myghty— 
m.  puissant  s,  f.  puissante  s? — L'Escl. 
p.  321.  We  find  it  in  the  thirteenth 
century  : 

'  Acoustumance  est  trop  Jotssans, 
Et  se  bien  la  sui  congnoissans.' 

Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  ii.  p.  141. 

And: 

'  Ce  ne  font  pas,  bien  le  recors, 
Li  ne&diaiis/9MC4Mf  de  cors.' 

Ibid.  p.  184. 

It  is  a  favourite  word  with  Froissart  two 
centuries  later.  Thus  he  gives  a  letter 
from  Philip  d'Artevelle  to  the  French 
Commissioners  in  1382,  which  com- 
mences thus :  *  Tres  chers  &.puissans  seig- 
neurs.'— Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  224;  or,  in 
the  English  version  of  Lord  Berners, 
'Right  dere  and  puissaunt  lordes.' — 
Chron.  vol.  i.p.  712.  Again,  the  former 
tells  us  :  '  Les  Flamands  etoient  bien  si 
puissans,  par  outre  la  riviere,  que  du 
defendre  et  garder  le  pas  et  tenir  centre 
tout  homme  qui  escarmoucher  et  as- 
saillir  les  voudroit  par  devant.' — Ubi 
supra,  p.  233.  And  the  latter  :  « The 
flemynges  were  beyond  the  ryuer  puys- 
saunt  ynough  to  lette  them,  and  to  kepe 
the  passage  agaynst  any  that  wolde 
scrimysshe  or  assaut  them.' — Ubi  supra, 
vol.  i.  p.  721. 

Purpose,  verb,  to  propose,  propound 
by  "way  of  discussion. — I.  275  ;  II.  26, 
439.  From  the  French  proposer,  to 
which  the  first  meaning  assigned  by 
Cotgrave  is  '  to  purpose.'  In  the 
Promptorium  we  find,  '  Purposyn, 
Proponoj  and  '  Purpos,  Propositum.'' 
Palsgrave  has  :  '  I  purpose.  Je  pro- 
pose, prim.  conj.  Man  purposeth  and 
God  disposeth  :  homme  propose  et  Dieu 
dispose.'' — UEscl.  p.  670.  The  author, 
in  his  Dictionary,  translates  Propono, 
'  to  purpose,'  Propositum,  '  a  purpose,' 
and  Propositio,  '  a  matter  pourposed  to 
be  dysputed  or  reasoned.'  We  find 
this  use  of  the  French  verb  in  the 


fifteenth  century.  Jean  le  Fevre,  a 
chronicler  of  that  age,  speaking  of  the 
reception  of  the  Emperor  Sigismund 
at  Paris  in  1415,  says :  '  Et,  depuis,  y  ot 
ungdocteuren  theologie,  nommemaistre 
Gherart  Machet,  qoiproposa  devant  luy 
moult  prudentement,  de  par  le  roy,  dont 
il  fut  tres  contens.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p. 
278,  ed.  Morand,  1876.  Chaucer  uses 
the  word  in  this  sense  : 

'  Ye  seen,  that  every  day  ek  mor  and  more, 

Men  trete  of  pees,  and  it  supposed  is 
That  men  the  queene  Eleyne  shal  restore, 

And  Grekes  us  restoren  that  is  mys  ; 
So  though  ther  nere  comfort  non  but  this, 
That  men  purposen  pees  on  every  side, 
Ye  may  the  bettre  at  ese  of  herte  abyde.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  355. 
So  Spenser : 

'  Whom  overtaking,  she  in  merry  sort 
Them  gan  to  bord,  ^aA  purpose  diversely, 
Now  faining  dalliaunce  and  wanton  sport, 
Now    throwing    forth   lewd  wordes  immo- 
destly.' Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  220. 

According  to  Littre,  proposer  appears 
as  perposer  in  the  dialect  of  the  province 
of  Berry. 

Pye,  a  magpie.  —  I.  116.  The 
French  pie,  which  again  is  derived  from 
the  Latin  'pica.'  Elyot,  in  his  Dictio- 
nary, translates  the  latter  'a  byrde 
called  a  pye. '  Palsgrave  has  '  Pye  a 
byrde — pie,  agache  s,  f.' — HEsclair.  p. 
254.  Chaucer,  in  The  Squyeres  Tale, 
mentiones  these  birds  : — 

'And    al    withoute     the    muwe    is  peynted 

greene, 

In  which  were  peynted  alle  these  false  fowles 
As  ben  this  tydifs,  tercelettes,  and  owles, 
Andres,  on  hem  for  to  crye  and  chyde, 
Right  for  despyte   were   peynted  hem  by- 

syde.'  Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p  374. 

So  Ascham,  in  his  Schoolmaster,  says, 
'A  bishop  .  .  .  said  once  unto  me, 
"We  have  no  need  now  of  the  Greek 
tongue,  when  all  things  be  translated 
into  Latin."  But  the  good  man  under- 
stood not,  that  even  the  be  st  translation 
is  for  mere  necessity  but  an  evil  imped 
wing  to  fly  withal  .  .  .  Such,  the 
higher  they  fly,  the  sooner  they  falter 
and  fail  .  .  .  Such  as  will  needs  so  fly, 
may  flie  at  a  pie,  and  catch  a  daw.' — 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  226,  ed.  1864. 


GLOSSARY. 


593 


Radycate,  verb,  to  root.— I.  31,  Ra- 
dicate, part.,  rooted — II.  50.  From 
the  Latin  verb  'radicor,'  which  was 
not  used  by  the  best  authors,  and  never 
in  an  active  sense.  Hall  uses  the  same 
form  in  speaking  of  the  ill  feeling  be- 
tween Ed.  IV.  and  his  brother,  the 
Duke  of  Clarence:  'The  which  be- 
twene  no  creatures  can  be  more  vehe- 
ment then  betwene  bretherne,  especially 
when  it  is  fermely  radicate.'1 — Chron. 
fo.  ccxxxix  b,  ed.  1548.  We  find  the 
same  phrase  in  a  letter  from  Thomas 
Legh,  one  of  the  visitors  of  monasteries, 
to  Cromwell,  touching  the  'obstinacie 
and  parrvarse  mynde  of  the  Abbot  of 
Rievaulx,'  'whyche  rebelliouse  mynde, ' 
he  says  '  at  this  tyme  is  soo  radicate  not 
only  in  hym  butt  also  in  money  of  that 
religion.' — Wright,  Monast.  Letters^  p. 
61,  ed.  Camden  Soc.  1843.  The  word 
is  now  quite  obsolete;  but  the  verb 
'  eradicate,'  which  is  invariably  employed 
in  an  active  sense,  survives  to  remind 
us  of  the  existence  of  a  kindred  form. 

Rebecke,  a  kind  of  Jiddle  or  -violin. 
— I.  225  and  note.  Palsgrave  has 
'  Rebecke,  an  instrument  of  musyke — 
rebec  z,  m.' — L? Esclair.  p.  261.  Ac- 
cording to  M.  Littre,  'On  a  fait  usage 
du  rebec  pendant  tout  le  moyen  age,  et 
il  ne  fut  definitivement  abandonne 
qu'au  commencement  du  i8e  siecle.' 

Reboyle,  lit.  to  boil  up  again,  hence 
to  murmur,  cry  out. — II.  86  and  note. 
From  the  Latin  '  rebullire, '  or  perhaps 
the  French  rebouillir.  The  former  is 
not  used  by  any  author  except  Apu- 
leius,  and  he  seems  to  use  it  in  both  a 
transitive  and  intransitive  sense.  Thus 
*  Cum  ille,  impetu  teli  praesecata  gula, 
vocem,  immo  stridorem  incertum  per 
vulnus  effunderet,  et  spiritum  rebulliretj 
—Met.  lib.  i.  §  IO,  is  an  example  of 
the  former ;  and  '  Concurrit  unus  e  celln. 
vinaria,  nuntians  omne  vinum,  quod 
olim  diffusum  fuerat,  in  omnibus  doliis 
ferventi  calore,  et  prorsus  ut  igni  copioso 
subdito,  rebullire, '—Ibid.  lib.  ix.  §  201, 
of  the  latter  usage.  Phaer  uses  the 
same  word  as  Elyot  to  translate  the 
Latin  'stridit,'  in  his  translation  of 
Virg.  &n.  iv.  688-9  :— 

II.  Q 


'  Ilia  graves  oculos  conata  attollere  rursus 
Deficit,  infixum  stridit  sub  pectore  vulnus.' 

'  She  towardes  her  her  heauy  faynting  eies 

wold  fayn  haue  cast, 

But  fixyd  underneth  her  brest  her  wounds 
reboylyth  fast.' 

Sig.  L,  iii.  b.  ed.  1558. 

Recomforte,  to  cheer  up  again,  to 
refresh.— I.  123,  238;  II.  143,  291. 
The  French  rtconforter.  Palsgrave  has, 
'I  recomforte,  I  comforte  agayne.  Je 
reconforte,  prim.  conj.  I  pray  God  re- 
comforte you  :  je  prie  a  Dieu  quil  vous 
vueille  reconforter? — VEsclair.  p.  68 1. 
It  occurs  in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose: 

'  Tant  parla  Amis  et  tant  dist, 
Qu'il  m'a  auques  rtconforte", 
Et  hardement  et  voleine* 
Me  donna  d'aler  essaier 
Se  Dangier  porroie  apaier. ' 

Tom.  i.  p.  127. 

Chaucer  renders  this  'to  ease.' — 

'  Mi  freend  hath  seid  to  me  so  wel, 
That  he  me  esid  hath  somdelle, 
And  eke  allegged  of  my  torment  ; 
For  thurgh  hym  had  I  hardement 
Agayn  to  Daunger  for  to  go, 
To  preve  if  I  myghte  meke  hym  soo.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  103. 

But  elsewhere  he  uses  the  French  form 
itself,  as  in  The  Knightes  Tale: 

'  And  over  al  this  yit  seide  he  mochil  more 
To  this  effect,  ful  wysly  to  enhorte 
The  peple,  that  they  schulde   him   recom- 
forte: Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  88. 

Again  in  The  Tale  of  Melibeus :  'Judas 
Machabeus,  which  was  Goddes  knight, 
whan  he  schulde  fighte  ayeinst  his  ad- 
versaries, that  hadde  a  gretter  nombre 
and  a  gretter  multitude  of  folk  and 
strengere  than  was  the  poeple  of  this 
Machabe,  yit  he  reconforted  his  litel 
poeple,  and  sayde  ryght  in  this  wise  : 
As  lightly,  quod  he,  may  cure  lord  God 
almighty  yive  victory  to  fewe  folk,  as  to 
mony  folke.' — Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  185. 
It  is  a  favourite  word  with  Froissart. 
Thus,  speaking  of  the  battle  of  Rose- 
becque,  he  says,  '  Dont  les  seigneurs  de 
France  furent  moult  rejouis,  quand  ils 
virent  ce  beau  jour  venu  et  ce  soleil 
luire,  et  qu'ils  purent  voir  au  loin  et 
autour  d'eux,  devant  et  derriere ;  et  se 
tinrent  moult  a  reconfortes,  et  a  bonne 
cause.' — Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  250.  ed.Pan. 
Lit.  His  translator  employs  the  same 

Q 


594 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


word  :  'The  Lordes  of  France  were 
greatlye  reioysed  whan  they  sawe  the 
sonne  shine  so  clere  that  they  might  se  all 
about  them,  this  greatly  dyde  reconfort 
them.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  738,  ed.  1812. 
So  does  Spenser,  in  The  Faerie  Queene  : 

'  Thus  long  this  gentle  bird  to  him  did  use 
Withouten  dread  of  pTill  to  repaire 
Unto  his  wonne,  and  with   her  mournefull 

muse 

Him  to  recomfort  in  his  greatest  care, 
That  much  did  ease  his  mourning  and  mis- 
fare.'  Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  197. 

And  also  in  Mother  Hubberds  Tale: 
'  Thus  when  this  courtly  gentleman  with  toyle 
Himselfe  hath  wearied,  he  doth  recoyle 
Unto  his  rest,  and  there  with  sweete  delight 
Of  Musicks  skill  revives  his  toyled  spright, 
Or  els  with  Loves,  and  Ladies  gentle  sports, 
The  joy  of  youth,  himselfe  he  recomforts.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  23. 

Redoub,  to  amend,  reform. — I.  40; 
II.  1 80  and  note.  The  French  ra- 
douber,  which  Cotgrave  renders  'To 
piece,  mend,  renew,  patch  or  botch  up.' 
Thus  in  the  fifteenth  century  Commines 
says,  '  Ledit  comte  de  Charolois  se  ra- 
douba  et  rapaisa  avec  son  pere,  le 
mieux  qu'il  put.' — Mem.  p.  5,  ed. 
Pan.  Lit.  Montaigne,  speaking  of  the 
halcyon's  nest,  says,  'Quand  elle  a 
paracheve  de  le  construire,  elle  le  porte 
au  battement  du  flot  marin,  la  ou  la 
mer,  le  battant  tout  doulcement,  luy 
enseigne  a  radouber  ce  qui  n'est  pas 
bien  lie,  et  a  mieulx  fortifier  aux  en- 
droicts  ou  elle  veoid  que  sa  structure  se 
desmeut  et  se  lasche  par  les  coups  de 
mer.' — Essais,  torn.  ii.  p.  330,  ed.  1854. 
Relent,  verb  act.  and  neut.,  to 
render,  or  become  soft. — II.  130,  139, 
318  and  note.  The  French  ralentir. 
Cotgrave  renders  this  '  To  slacken,  re- 
mit, loosen,  foreslow,  wiredraw,  linger, 
draw  out  in  length,  relent  in.'  Pals- 
grave has,  '  I  relent,  or  melte.  Je  fonds. 
Se  howe  this  snowe  begynneth  to  re- 
lent agaynst  the  sonne :  aduisez  comment 
ceste  neyge  commence  a  se  fondre  centre 
le  soldi:— UEsclair.  p.  684.  Littre 
gives  the  form  'relent"1  subst.,  and  're- 
lentV  adj.,  and  explains  the  former  as 
*  mauvais  gout  que  contracte  une  viande 
dans  un  lien  humide.'  The  reader  may 
compare  with  this  the  passage  quoted 
from  Bacon. 


Remorde,  lit.  to  bite  again,  hence 
metaphorically,  to  prick  so  as  to  cause 
remorse. — II.  49  and  note.  The  French 
remordre.  Palsgrave  has,  '  I  remorde,  I 
grutche.  Declared  in  "I  remorce,'"  and 
'  I  remorce,  I  grutche  in  my  conscyence 
for  a  thing.  Je  remors,  jay  remordu, 
remordre,  conjugate  lyke  his  symple/*? 
mors,  I  byte.  I  have  remorced  more 
in  my  conscyence  than  all  men  knewe 
of :  je  ay  phis  grant  remors  en  ma  con- 
science que  tout  homme  ne  scaif.' — 
DEsclair.  p.  685.  It  was  generally 
applied  to  the  conscience  as  in  the 
above  and  following  instances.  Thus 
in  Les  quatre  Livres  des  Rois,  a  version 
attributed  to  the  twelfth  century,  we 
have,  '  Ta  conscience  ne  te  remorderad, 
ne  tu  n'en  plurras  pur  cest  pecchied  que 
tu  freies  se  de  mun  mari  te  venjasses.'— 
P.  100,  ed.  1841.  In  Le  Menagier  de 
Paris,  a  work  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
it  occurs  again  with  reference  to  the 
same  subject,  'Apres  tu  dois  dire  en  toi 
confessant  .  .  .  Sire,  aucune  fois  je  ne 
me  suis  pas  confesse  quant  ma  con- 
science me  remordoit  et  ramentevoit 
mon  mal.' — Tom.  i.  p.  43,  ed.  1846. 
Chaucer  uses  this  form  in  Troylus  and 
Cryseyde,— 

'  Ye  shal  ek  seen  so  many  a  lusti  knyght, 
Amange  the  Grekes,  ful  of  worthynesse  ; 
And  ech  of  hem,  with  herte,  wit,  and  myght, 
To  plesen  yow  don  alle  his  bisynesse, 
That  ye  shal  dullen  of  the  rudenesse 
Of  us  cely  Trojans,  but  if  routhe 
Remorde  yow,  or  vertu  of  youre  trouthe.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  360. 
Renome,     renown,     reputation. —  I. 
189,   256;  II.   14,   30,   76,   146,   180, 
291,  311,  343,  437-    The  French  renom 
or  renommt. — Palsgrave  has,  «  Renome 
the  name  of  a   man — renom  s,  m.' — 
L'Escl.   p.    262.     In  Le  Roman  de  la 
Rose  it  is  said  of  Arthur — 
'  Encor  est-il  de  tel  renom, 
Que  Ten  conte  de  li  les  contes 
Et  devant  rois,  et  devant  contes.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  48. 
This  Chaucer  renders — 

'  And  yit  he  is  of  sich  renoun, 
That  men  of  hym  seye  faire  thynges 
Byfore  barouns,  erles,  and  kynges.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  37. 
Froissart  uses  renomme'  more  often 
than  renom :  '  A  la  grace  de  Dieu,  nous 
ne  trouverons  jamais  seigneurs  qui  nous 


GLOSSARY. 


595 


combattent  ni  qui  s'osent  mettre  centre 
nous  aux  champs ;  et  nous  sera  1'honneur 
cent  fois  plus  grande  que  ce  que  nous 
eussions  le  confort  des  Anglois ;  car 
s'ils  etoient  en  notre  compagnie  ils  en 
auroient  la  renommee,  et  non  pas  nous. ' 
—  Chron.  lorn.  ii.  p.  245.  This  Lord 
Berners  renders:  '  By  the  grace  of  God 
we  shall  fynde  no  lorde  that  dare  fyght 
agaynst  us  in  the  felde,  and  it  shall  be 
more  honoure  for  us,  than  though  we 
had  comfort  of  the  englisshmen,  for  if 
they  were  in  our  company  they  shulde 
haue  the  rename,  and  nat  we.' — Chron. 
vol.  i.  p.  733.  Montaigne  uses  both 
forms:  '  On  n'a  pas  veu  sortir  de  Mace- 
doine,  ny  de  Perse,  aulcun  orateur  de  re- 
nom? — Essais,  torn.  ii.  p.  5 1 .  '  Ils  leur 
mandent  que  si  le  soing  de  se  faire  cog- 
noistre  aux  siecles  advenir,  et  de  la  re- 
nommee, les  arreste  encores  au  maniement 
des  affaires  .  .  .  qu'ils  ne  s'en  donnent 
plus  de  peine.' — Ibid.  torn.  i.  p.  376. 
This  latter  form  is  adopted  by  Chaucer 
in  The  Wyf  of  Bathes  Tale — 
'  For  gentilnesse  nys  but  renomg 
Of  thin  auncestres,  for  her  heigh  bounte, 
Which  is  a  straurige  thing  to  thy  persone.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  241,  ed.  1866. 
Gower  uses  the  same  form  as  Elyot — 

'  Of  Armenie  I  rede  thus  ; 
There  was  a  kynge,  whiche  Herupus 
Was  hote  ;  and  he  a  lustie  mayde 
To  doughter  had,  and  as  men  saide, 
Hir  name  was  Rosiphele, 
Whiche  tho  was  of  great  rename.' 

Conf.  Am.  fo.  Ixx.  ed.  1554. 
Repugn,  to  be  contrary  to,  to  oppose, 
resist. — I.  27,  138;  II.  400  and  note. 
From  the  Latin  '  repugnare.'  Hall, 
speaking  of  the  proposal  made  through 
the  French  ambassadors  for  the  mar- 
riage of  the  Princess  Marv  with  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  says,  '  The  common 
people  repugned  sore  against  that  de- 
maund,  for  thei  said  that  she  was  heire 
apparant  to  her  father,  and  if  he  should 
dye,  thei  would  haue  no  Frencheman  to 
be  kyng  of  Englande. ' — Chron.  fo.  civ. 
ed.  1548.  Joye,  in  his  Exposition  on 
Daniel,  uses  the  word  in  the  same 
sense:  '  I  thinke  there  was  neuer  a 
fayerer  and  goodlyer  realme  then  was 
Egipte  constituted  of  Joseph,  and  yet 
did  Moses  lament  it  to  be  utterly  de- 
stroid  for  repugning  Gods  message 


and  witholding  his  peple  in  bondage 
ayenst  his  will.' — Fol.  211  b,  ed.  1545. 
Spenser,  speaking  of  the  Brehon  law, 
says  :  '  It  is  a  rule  of  right  unwritten, 
but  delivered  by  tradition  from  one  to 
another,  in  which  oftentimes  there  ap- 
peareth  great  show  of  equity,  in  de- 
termining the  right  betweene  party  and 
party,  but  in  many  things  repugning 
quite  both  to  Gods  law  and  mans.' — 
Works,  vol.  viii.  p.  303,  ed.  1805. 

Respect,  time  for  consideration,  post- 
ponement.—^. 437  and  note.  From 
the  Latin  '  respectus. '  According  to 
Littre :  *  Respect  et  repit  sont  deux 
formes  d'un  meme  mot.'  This  word 
is  used  by  the  king  himself  in  precisely 
the  same  sense  in  his  '  Instructions  to 
Tunstall  and  Wingfield' in  1525:  'If 
fynally  by  no  manner  introduccion  they 
can  cause  the  emperour  to  invade  this 
yere  erly  ne  late,  as  is  aforesaid,  but  that 
he  wol  stik  unto  the  invasion  of  the 
next  yere,  than  they  shal  desire  to  have 
respect  to  advertise  the  Kinges  Grace 
therof,  and  so  shal  forbeire  capytulacion 
for  the  yere  next,  till  upon  suche  adver- 
tisment  they  shal  knowe  the  Kinges 
further  pleasure  in  this  behalf.' — State 
Pap.  vol.  vi.  p.  428.  Again,  Dr.  Benet, 
in  a  letter  to  the  king  from  Rome  dated 
28  May,  1533,  says:  'In  that  congre- 
gation the  Cardinales  did  not  shewe 
their  opinions,  but  toke  rtspecte  till  the 
next  congregation.' — Ibid.  vol.  vii.  p. 

463- 

Resplendish,  to  shine.—  II.  194. 
From  the  French  resplendir.  Pals- 
grave gives  :  '  I  shyne,  as  any  bright 
thynge  shyneth.  Je  resplendis,  sec. 
conj.  But  John  le  Mayre  useth  je 
resplens,  tu  resplens,  ilresplend.  "  Aussi 
resplend  la  ducalle  baniere."  But  all 
other  tenses  be  ever  used  of  the  seconde 
conjugacion,  and  in  his  first  booke,  cap. 
xxii. :  Et  la  noble  conqueste  de  Jason  en 
Colcos  prent  son  fondement  dung  mouton 
a  la  toison  dor  qui  resplend  maintenant 
au  ciel,  faisani  lung  des  douze  signes  du 
zodiaque.  His  victoriouse  actes  shyned 
thorowe  all  the  worlde:  ses  actes  vic- 
torieux  resplendissoyent  par  tout  le 
monde* — UEscl.  p.  703.  The  word 
occurs  in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose — 


Q  Q 


596 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


'  Tel  clarte"  de  la  pierre  yssoit, 
Que  Richece  en  resplendissoit 
Durement  le  vis  et  la  face, 
Et  entor  li  toute  la  place.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  45. 

The  parallel  passage  in  the  English 
version  being — 

'  Sich  lyght  tho  sprang  oute  of  the  stone, 
That  Richesse  wondir  brighte  shone, 
Bothe  hir  heed,  and  alle  hir  face, 
And  eke  aboute  hir  al  the  place.' 

Chaucer,  Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  35. 

Froissart  employs  this  word  in  his  ac- 
count of  the  siege  of  Vennes  in  1342  : 
'  Et  pour  ce  qu'il  faisoit  tard,  et  afin 
aussi  que  ceux  de  dedans  en  fussent 
plus  ebahis,  ils  allumerent  grands  feux, 
si  que  la  clarte  en  resplendissoit  dedans 
la  cite  de  Vennes.' — Chron.  torn  i.  p. 
169,  ed .  Pan.  Lit.  Lord  Berners  renders 
this:  'And  bycause  it  was  darke,  to 
thyntent  to  make  them  within  the  more 
abasshed,  they  made  great  fiers,  so  that 
the  brightnesse  therof  gaue  lyght  into 
the  cytie.' — Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  115. 
Desportes  the  poet,  almost  the  contem- 
porary of  Elyot,  says  in  Diane — 

*  Ce  grand  flambeau  du  ciel,  sans  fin  resplen- 

dissant, 

CEil  visible  de  Dieu,  fils  aine*  de  Nature, 
Xousjours  dessous  un    signe    immobile   ne 

dure, 

Arns  change  et  fait  changer  1'age  pront  et 
glissant. 

GEuvres,  p.  114,  ed.  1858. 

The  form  used  by  Elyot  is  very  rare 
in  English,  but  it  appears  in  the  fol- 
lowing verses  given  by  Fabyan  in  his 
first  edition,  published  in  1516 — 

'  Be  ioyous  the  spouse  of  god  most  dere, 
Which  like  to  the  sone  most  clerest  of  light, 
When  in  the  day  he  shyneth  most  clere, 
The  world  illumynest  by  menes  ful  right, 
And  thorowe  the  vertue  of  thy  full  myght, 
Causest  the  world  to  be  resplendisshaunt 
By  meane  of  thy  peas,  which  is  full  habun- 
<Jaunt.' 

Chrtft.  p.  33,  ed.  1811. 

Rode,  to  lie  at,  to  lie  at  a  roadstead, 
or  port ',  or  haven. — I.  39,  175;  II.  224. 
This  expression  is  evidently  derived  from 
*he  French  phrase,  fore  or  ancrer  a  la 
rode.  Thus  in  Rabelais  we  find,  '  Beaulx 
amyz,  puisque  surgir  ne  pouons  a  bon 
port,  mettons  nous  a  la  rade,  ie  ne  scay 
ou.' — (Euvres,  p.  237,  ed.  Pan.  Lit. 
So  M.  Carloix,  in  his  account  of  the 


capture  of  Dieppe  in  1560,  says:  '  M. 
de  Vieilleville,  par  sa  furieuse  et  in- 
oppinee  entree,  fist  fondre  et  dissiper 
cette  enraigee  populaste.  .  .  .  Les  ungs 
gaignerent,  par  les  portes  ouvertes,  les 
champs ;  les  aultres  se  saulverent  dedans 
les  navires,  barques,  pathaches  et  aul- 
tres vaisseaux  qui  estoient  d  la  radde 
sur  le  port.' — Mem.  du  Marechal  de 
Vieilleville,  torn.  iv.  p.  239,  ed.  1757. 
So  Amyot,  in  his  version  of  Plutarch's 
Lives,  says :  '  Parquoy  aiant  pose  1'ancre 
en  la  rode,  il  enuoya  un  messager  en  la 
uille  deuers  elle. ' — Les  Vies  des  horn.  ill. 
torn.  ii.  fo.  460  b,  ed.  1565.  Sir 
Thomas  North  translates  this  :  '  There 
hauing  cast  out  his  ancker,  and  riding 
at  rode,  he  put  a  messenger  on  the 
shore  and  sent  him  into  the  citie  to  his 
wife.' — P.  715,  ed.  1579.  Spenser 
uses  the  word  in  The  Faerie  Queene : 

'  Now  strike  your  sailes,  ye  jolly  Mariners, 

For  we  be  come  unto  a  quiet  rode, 
Where  we  must  land  some  of  our  passengers, 
And  light  this  weary  vessell  of  her  lode.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  57,  ed.  1866. 

So  in  The  Merchant  of  Venice  Shake- 
speare makes  Antonio  say : 

'Sweet  lady,   you  have  given  me  life  and 

living  ; 

For  here  I  read  for  certain  that  my  ships 
Are  safely  come  to  road.' 

Harrison,  in  his  Descript.  of  Eng., 
speaking  of  the  Royal  Navy,  tells  us 
that  'The  queenes  highnesse  hath  at 
this  present  (which  is  the  foure  and 
twentith  of  hir  reigne)  alreadie  made 
and  furnished  to  the  number  of  foure 
or  fiue  and  twentie  great  ships,  which 
lie  for  the  most  part  in  Gillingham 
rode."1—?.  200,  ed.  1587.  Knolles 
uses  precisely  the  same  phrase  as  Elyot : 
'  Neither  was  the  fortune  of  Baiazet  his 
nauie  at  sea  better  than  that  of  his 
army  at  land :  for  as  it  lay  at  rode  upon 
the  coast  of  Syria,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Orontes,  which  runneth  by  the 
famous  citie  of  Antiochia,  his  galleyes 
were  by  tempest  and  rage  of  the  sea 
put  from  their  anchors,  and  in  the  sight 
of  their  enemies  swallowed  up  of  the 
sea. ' — Hist,  of  the  Turks,  p.  450,  ed. 
1610.  Bryskett,  contemporary  with 
the  writer  last  quoted,  says:  '  One  Elpi,  a 


GLOSSARY. 


597 


dweller  in  the  He  of  Samos,  who  traded 
into  Afrike,  comming  with  his  ship  on 
that  coast,  went  a  shore,  where  he  met 
a  lion,  in  whose  teeth  a  bone  of  some 
beast  stucke  in  such  sort  as  he  could 
not  close  his  mouth,  or  make  any  shift 
to  eate.  Elpi,  pittying  the  beaste,  who 
seemed  to  craue  at  his  hands  releefe, 
tooke  out  the  bone,  and  so  deliuered 
him  of  that  mischiefe.  But  this  thank  - 
full  lion  failed  not  euery  day  after,  so 
long  as  his  ship  lay  there  at  rode,  to 
bring  him  duly  his  share  of  what  prey 
soeuer  he  tooke.' — A  Discourse  of  Ciuill 
Life,  pp.  234,  235,  ed.  1606. 

Rosiall,  rosy,  like  a  rose.  — II.  137. 

Rouers,  at,  at  a  venture,  at  an  un- 
certain distance. — I.  291.  See  the 
definition  given  by  Markham  in  the 
note  p.  292.  Cotgrave  translates  teme- 
rairement,  'at  randome,  at  rovers,  at 
all  adventures.' 

Roume,  room,  space. — I.  10.  Pals- 
grave has,  '  Roume,  space— lieu  x,  m.  ; 
espace  s,  V—LEscl.  p.  263.  While  in 
the  Promptorium  we  find, ' Rowm,  space 
(or  rymthe).  Spacium. '  P.  438.  Chaucer, 
in  the  Legende  of  Good  Women,  says  : 

'  For  in  the  prison,  ther  as  he  shal  descende, 
Ye  wote  wel  that  the  best  is  in  a  place 
That  nys  not  derke,  and  hath  rounte  and 

eke  space 

To  welde  an  axe,  or  swerde,  or  staffe,   or 
knyffe.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  338,  ed.  1866. 

Route,  a  company,  crowd. — I.  123; 
II.  195  and  note.  The  French  route. 
Palsgrave  has  '  Route,  a  company, — 
routte  s,  i:—HEscl.  p.  264.  This 
word  is  constantly  employed  by  Frois- 
sart;  thus,  speaking  of  the  defeat  of 
Jacques  de  Bourbon  in  1361,  he  says  : 
'  Si  fut  ordonne  1'archipretre,  qui  s'ap- 
peloit  messire  Regnault  de  Servolle,  a 
gouverner  la  premiere  bataille,  et  1'en- 
treprit  voluntiers,  car  il  fut  hardi  et 
appert  chevalier  durement ;  et  avoit  en 
sa  route  plus  de  quinze  cents  combat - 
tans.  .  .  .  Et  la  fut  1'archipretre  un  bon 
chevalier  et  vaillamment  se  combattit, 
mais  il  fut  si  entrepris  et  si  mene  par 
force  d'armes  qu'il  fut  durement  navre 
etblesse  et  retenu  a  prison,  et  plusieurs 
chevaliers  et  e'cuyers  de  sa  route."— 


Chron.  torn.  i.  pp.  456,  457.     Chaucer 
uses  it  in  The  Rom.  of  the  Rose : 

'  But  nyghtyngales  a  fulle  grete  route, 
That  flyen  over  his  heed  aboute.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  28. 

Royle,  a  Flemish  horse. — I.  178. 
Harrison  is  our  authority  for  this  state- 
ment, for  he  says  :  '  Of  such  outlandish 
horsses  as  are  dailie  brought  ouer  unto 
us  I  speake  not,  as  the  genet  of  Spaine, 
the  courser  of  Naples,  the  hobbie  of 
Ireland,  the  Flemish  roile,  and  Scotish 
nag,  bicause  that  further  speech  of 
them  commeth  not  within  the  compasse 
of  this  treatise.' — Descript.  of  England, 
p.  220.  It  seems  most  probable  that 
they  were  so  called  from  their  colour, 
roil  being  a  corruption  of  rouille,  'rust,' 
the  Latin  rubigo,  just  as  roussin,  ac- 
cording to  some,  is  derived  from  roux, 
rousse,  red.  Littre,  indeed,  tells  us 
that  the  phrase  '  un  ros  Arabi,  un  cheval 
roux  d' Arabic,'  is  often  met  with,  but 
adds  that  there  is  nothing  to  show  that 
the  primitive  application  of  roucin  was 
to  a  red  (bay  ?)  horse.  On  the  other 
hand,  Gervase  Markham  tells  us  that 
'  The  colour  of  that  Arabian  which  I 
haue  scene,  and  which  is  euen  now 
under  mine  hands,  is  a  most  delicate 
bay.' — flow  to  chuse,  &c.,  Horses,  ed. 
1599.  We  learn  from  this  authority 
that  '  The  Flaunders  and  Friesland  be 
of  al  the  worst ;  they  be  thicke,  chub- 
headed,  hollow  eyed,  long  backt,  flat 
buttockt,  weake  ioynted,  especially  in 
the  pasterns,  alwaies  ready  to  tyre  in  a 
miles  ridmg.'  This  latter  characteristic 
is  indeed  confirmed  by  another  writer 
— Gascoigne,  who,  in  his  Complaint  of 
Philomene,  says : 

1  God's  mercy  lends  you  brydles  for  desire, 
Hold  backe  betime,  for  feare  you  catch  a 

foyle  ; 

The  flesh  may  spurre  to  euerlasting  fire, 
But  sure,   that  horse  that  tyreth  like  a. 

roile, 

And  lothes  the  griefe  of  his  forgalded  sides, 
Is  better  much  than  is  the    harbrainde 

colte, 
Which  headlong  runnes,  and  for  no  brydle 

bydes, 

But  huntes  for  sinne  in  euery  hil  and  holte.' 
A  hundreth  sundrie  Flowers,  sig.  Q.  iii.  b. 

Ryghtwyse,    righteous. — II.    215, 
224,  310,  430  and  note,  431. 


598 


THE  GOVERN  OUR. 


Sad,  serious,  steady.— \.  i,  35,  203, 
268:  II.  141.  The  notion  of  grief  is 
quite  foreign  to  this  use  of  the  word. 
Palsgrave  has,  '  Sadde,  discrete  —  m. 
rassis,  f.  rassise  s.  Sadde,  full  of  gra- 
vyte,  m.  et  f.  graue  s."1 — UEsclair.  p. 
323.  Chaucer  uses  the  word  in  this 
sense  in  The  Clerkes  Tale : 

'  And  whan  this  Walter  saugh  hir  pacience, 
Hir  glade  cheer,  and  no  malice  at  al, 
And  he  so  oft  hadde  doon  to  hir  offence, 
And  sche  ay  sad  and  constant  as  a  wal, 
Continuyng  ever  hir  innocence  overal, 
This  sturdy  marquys  gan  his  herte  dresse 
To  re  wen  upon  hir  wyfly  stedefastnesse.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  311. 
So  Lord  Berners,  in  his  translation 
of  Froissart,  says,  '  Whiche  treaty  was 
so  wysely  handled  by  sadde  and  discrete 
counsayle  of  bothe  parties,  so  that  a 
peace  was  graunted  bytwene  bothe 
kynges,  their  countreis,  and  liege 
people,  to  endure  ix  yere.' — Chron. 
vol.  i.  p.  415.  The  original  being, 
'Et  furent  si  sagement  demenees  les 
paroles  par  si  bonnes  et  si  vaillans  gens, 
qui  ressoignoient  le  dommage  de  1'un 
royaume  et  de  1'autre  que  une  treves 
furent  prises  entre  Fun  roi  et  1'autre,  leurs 
pays,  leurs  gens,  et  tous  leurs  adherens, 
adurerneuf  ans.' — Chron.  torn.  i.  p.  612, 
ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Hall,  in  his  account  of 
the  marriage  of  the  king  with  Ann  of 
Cleves,  says,  'In  this  apparell  she 
goynge  betwene  the  Erie  of  Ouersteyn 
and  the  Graunde  Master  Hostoden, 
which  had  the  conduyte  and  ordre  of 
the  performaunce  of  her  maryage  with 
most  demure  countynaunce  and  sad 
behauioUr,  passed  through  the  Kynges 
chaumbre,  all  the  Lordes  goyng  before 
her,  tyll  they  came  to  the  galery  where 
the  Kyng  was,  to  whom  she  made  three 
low  obeysaunces  and  curteisyes.'  — 
Chron.  fo.  ccxl  b.  ed.  1548.  Ascham, 
in  his  Toxophilus,  uses  the  word  in  the 
same  sense  as  Elyot,  'Yet  the  same 
man  (i.e.  Plato),  in  the  same  place, 
Philologe,  by  your  leave,  doth  admit 
wholesome,  honest,  and  mannerly  pas- 
times to  be  as  necessary  to  be  mingled 
with  sad  matters  of  the  mind,  as  eating 
and  sleeping  is  for  the  health  of  the 


body,  and  yet  we  be  born  for  neither  of 
both.'— P.  13,  ed.  1864.  So  does  Sir 
P.  Sidney :  '  But  I  say  for  my  part,  I 
thinke  no  man,  for  valour  of  mind  and 
abilitie  of  body,  to  be  preferred  if 
equalled  to  Argalus ;  and  yet  so  valiant 
as  he  neuer  durst  do  any  body  iniurie : 
in  behauiour  some  will  sa^  euer  sad, 
surely  sober,  and  somewhat  giuen  to 
musing,  but  neuer  uncourteous ;  his 
word  euer  led  by  his  thought  and 
followed  by  his  deed.' — Arcadia,  p.  16, 
ed.  1605.  So  Bacon,  in  his  Advance- 
ment of  Learning,  says  :  '  Of  this  wis- 
dom it  seemeth  some  of  the  ancient 
Romans  in  the  saddest  and  wisest  times 
were  professors;  for  Cicero  reporteth 
that  it  was  then  in  use  for  senators  that 
had  name  and  opinion  for  general  wise 
men,  as  Coruncanius,  Curius,  Laelius, 
and  many  others,  to  walk  at  certain  hours 
in  the  Place,  and  to  give  audience  to 
those  that  would  use  their  advice.' — 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  447,  ed.  1857. 

Saulfe,  Saulfly, safe,  safely.— 1. 181 ; 

II.  13, 100,  106,  107,  143,  175,  252,  291, 

307.    From  the  old  form  of  the  French 

sauf,  in  which  the  /  of  the  Latin  root 

salvus  was  retained.  Thus  in  Rabelais  we 

read,  '  Les  truyes  en  leur  gesine  (saulue 

Ihonneur  de  toute  la  compaignie),  ne  sont 

nourries  que  de  fleurs  dorangiers.' — P. 

219,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.  Chaucer  has  a  similar 

form;  thus  in  The  Wyf 'of 'Bathes  Tale: 

1  Wommen  may  now  go  sa^lfly  up  and  down.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  233. 

Again  in  The  Clerkes  Tale : 

'  The  remenant  of  your  jewels  redy  be 

Within  your    chambur    dore   dar   I   sauJJy 

sayn.'  Ibid.  p.  305. 

Sely,  simple,  timid,  miserable.—  II.  5 
and  note,  396.  This  adjective  of  Saxon 
origin,  is  said  by  Mr.  Todd  to  mean 
'  happy,'  'prosperous,'  but  the  context  of 
the  various  passages  cited  shows  that  this 
meaning  cannot  be  attributed  to  it. 
Palsgrave  has  :  '  Sely  or  fearfull — m. 
paoureux,  f.  paoureuse  s.  Sely,  wret- 
ched— m.  meschant  s,  f.  meschante  s.' — 
V Esclair.  p.  323.  It  occurs  in  The 
Chanounes  Yemannes  Tale: 
'What  wiste  this  prest  with  whom  that  he  delte  ? 

Ne  of  his  harm  comyng  he  no  thing  felte. 

O  seely  prest,  O  sely  innocent, 

With  coueytise  anoon  thou  schalt  be  blent  ; 


GLOSSARY. 


599 


O  graceles,  ful  blynd  is  thy  conceyt, 
No  thing  art  them  war  of  the  deceyt, 
Which  that  this  fox  i-schapen  hath  to  the  ; 
His  wily  wrenches  y-wis  thou  mayst  not  fle.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  62. 

It  is  used  by  Robinson  in  his  trans- 
lation of  More's  Utopia-.  'For  they 
counte  huntynge  the  lowest,  the  vyleste, 
and  mooste  abiecte  parte  of  boucherie, 
and  the  other  partes  of  it  more  profit- 
able, and  more  honeste,  as  bryngynge 
muche  more  commoditie  in  that  they 
kyll  beastes  onely  for  necessitie.  Where 
as  the  hunter  seketh  nothinge  but 
pleasure  of  the  seelye  and  wofull  beastes 
slaughter  and  murder.' — Fo.  82,  ed. 
1556.  In  the  more  modern  form,  silly, 
the  word  is  used  in  the  same  primitive 
sense  so  late  as  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury by  Hooker,  who  says,  '  Our  Sa- 
viour made  choice  of  twelve  simple  and 
unlearned  men,  that  the  greater  their 
lack  of  natural  wisdom  was,  the  more 
admirable  that  might  appear  which  God 
supernaturally  endued  them  with  from 
heaven.  Such,  therefore,  as  knew  the 
poor  and  silly  estate  wherein  they  had 
lived,  could  not  but  wonder  to  hear  the 
wisdom  of  their  speech,  and  be  so  much 
the  more  attentive  unto  their  teaching.' 
Works,  p.  68,  ed.  1723. 

Seelynge,  covering,  closing.  —  II. 
182  and  note.  The  verb  'to  seele'  is 
derived  from  the  French  siller  or  cillier, 
a  term  used  in  falconry,  and  applied  to 
the  act  of  sewing  up  the  eyes  of  a 
hawk  in  order  to  accustom  it  to  the 
hood.  Palsgrave  has,  '  I  cele  a  hauke, 
or  a  pigyon,  or  any  other  foule  or 
byrde,  whan  I  so  we  up  their  eyes  for 
caryage  or  otherwyse.  Je  die,  prim, 
conj.  And  this  pigyon  be  celed,  you 
shall  se  her  mounte  goodly :  si  ce 
pigeon  soyt  cile  une  foys,  vous  le  verrez 
monter  bien  genttmentS — UEsclair.  p. 
479.  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  like  Bacon, 
applies  this  expression  to  a  dove: 
'  Now  she  brought  them  to  see  a  seeled 
Doue,  who,  the  blinder  she  was,  the 
higher  she  straue.' — Arcadia,  p.  55, 
ed.  1605.  By  Spenser  it  is  used  meta- 
phorically in  The  Faerie  Queene: 

'  O  lightsome  day !  the  lampe  of  highest  Jove, 
First  made  by  him  mens  wandnng  wayes 
to  guyde, 


When    darknesse    he    in    deepest    dongeon 

drove, 

Henceforth  thy  hated  face  for  ever  hyde, 
And    shut   up   heaven's  windowes    shyning 

wyde  ; 
For  earthly  sight  can  nought    but  sorrow 

breed, 

And  late  repentance  which  shall  long  abyde  ; 
Mine  eyes  no  more  on  vanitie  sha'I  feed, 
But  seeled  up  with  death  shall  have  their 

deadly  meed.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  196. 

Semblable,  Semblably,  like,  simi- 
lar-, in  like  manner,  similarly. — I.  i, 
5,  7,  8,  13,  14,  27,  28,  35,  37,  38,  59, 
63,  70,  72,  78,  82,  86,  91,  101,  125, 
129,  132,  157,  171,  174,  183,  193, 
199,  206,  211,  213,  218,  221,  229, 
236,  248,  266,  267,  268,  293,  301  ; 
II.  8,  15,  22,  27,  43,  52,  54,  72,  73, 
84,  86,  92,  101,  102,  in,  112,  113, 
115,  121,  123,  161,  162,  169,  172, 

177,  183,  184,  187,  195,  199,  205, 
209, 215,  234,  235, 238, 248,  267,  276, 
284,  286,  291,  305,  308,  314,  318, 
332,  342,  366,  388,  405,  410,  412. 

427.  The  French  semblable,  sembla- 
blement.  Cotgrave  translates  the  former, 
'  Semblable,  like,  alike,  such,  even 
such,  resembling,  according  unto.'  And 
the  latter,  '  Semblably,  likewise,  in 
like  sort,  in  such  fashion,  after  the 
same  manner,  also,  even  so. '  It  occurs 
in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose  : 

'  Ge  n'apele  pas  vente,  don  ; 
Vente  ne  doit  nul  guerredon, 
N'i  afiert  graces  ne  merites  : 
L'ung  de  1'autre  se  part  tous  quites. 
Si  n'est-ce  pas  vente  semblable  : 
Car  quant  cil  a  mis  en  Testable 
Son  destrier,  il  le  puet  revendre, 
Et  chetel  ou  gaaing  reprendre.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  312. 
And  this  is  translated  by  Chaucer : 

'  I  wole  not  sellyng  clepe  yevyng, 
For  sellyng  axeth  no  guerdonyng  ; 
Here  lith  no  thank,  ne  no  merite, 
That  oon  goth  from  that  other  al  quyte. 
But  this  sellyng  is  not  semblabU  ; 
For,  whanne  his  hors  is  in  the  stable, 
He  may  it  selle  ageyn,  pard£, 
And  wynnen  on  it,  such  happe  may  be.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  180. 
And  in  the  same  poem  : 

'  A  son  pooir  voloir  dcust 
Quiconques'a  fame  ge'ust. 
Et  soi  garder  en  son  semblable, 
Por  ce  que  tuit  sunt  corrumpable.' 

Ubi  supra,  torn.  ii.  p.  22. 

Which  is  thus  rendered  by  Chaucer : 


6oo 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


1  For  he  shulde  setten  alle  his  wille 
To  geten  a  likly  thyng  hym  tille, 
And  to  sustene,  if  he  myghte, 
And  kepe  forth  by  kyndes  righte, 
His  owne  lykenesse  and  semblable. 
For  because  alle  is  corumpable.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  148. 

Again,  in  The  Marchaundes  Tale,  we 
have : 

'  I  wot  wel  that  my  lord  can  more  than  I  ; 
What   that  he   saith,    I   hold  it   ferm  and 

stable, 
I  say  the  same,  or  elles  thing  semblable' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  326. 

And  in  The  Tale  of  Melibeus :  '  Whan 
cure  Lord  hadde  creat  Adam,  cure  forme 
fader,  he  sayde  in  this  wise  :  Hit  is  not 
goode  to  be  a  man  aloone ;  make  we  to 
him  an  help  semblable  to  him-self.' — 
Ibid.  vol.  iii.  pp.  150-1,  ed.  1866. 
Becon,  the  contemporary  of  Elyot, 
says  :  '  Cold  is  that  fire,  yea,  rather  it 
is  no  fire,  which  containeth  not  in  it 
the  virtue  and  strength  of  burning. 
Semblably  cold  is  that  love,  yea,  rather 
it  is  no  love,  which  containeth  not  in  it 
the  virtue  and  strength  of  working.' — 
Early  Writings,  p.  39,  ed.  1843. 
Shakespeare  uses  both  adjective  and 
adverb.  Thus  in  Hen.  IV.  Part  II. 
Falstaff  says  :  '  It  is  a  wonderful  thing 
to  see  the  semblable  coherence  of  his 
men's  spirits  and  his :  they,  by  ob- 
serving of  him,  do  bear  themselves  like 
foolish  justices  ;  he,  by  conversing  with 
them,  is  turned  into  a  justice-like 
serving-man.'  And  in  Hen.  IV.  Parti. 
Hotspur  exclaims : 

'This,  Douglas  ?    No  ;  I  know  this  face  full 

well ; 
A  gallant  knight  he  was,   his    name    was 

Blunt ; 
Semblably  furnished  like  the  king  himself.' 

Cavendish  gives  us  the  judgment  of 
Cardinal  Campeggio,  in  which  he  says: 
'I  will  adjourne  this  courte,  for  this 
time,  according  to  the  order  of  the  courte 
of  Rome,  from  whence  semblably  our 
jurisdiction  is  derived.' — Wordsworth's 
Eccles.  Biog.  vol,  i.  p.  568. 

Semblaunt  e,  appearance. — II.  131, 
152,  277  and  note.  The  French  sem- 
blant, which  is  rendered  by  Cotgrave, 
'  A  shew,  seeming,  semblance,  ap- 
parence,  countenance.'  And  the  phrase 
fain  semblant,  '  To  seem,  or  make  as 


if.'    We  find  the  word  in  Le  Rom.  de 

la  Rose  : 

'  Ens  ou  milieu  je  vi  Maine, 
Qui  de  corrous  et  d'ataine 
Sembloit  bien  estre  moverresse, 
Et  correceuse  et  tencerresse, 
Et  plaine  de  grant  cuvertage 
Estoit  par  semblant  cele  ymage. ' 

Tom.  i.  pp.  8-9. 

Which  Chaucer  renders  : 

'  Amyd  saugh  I  a  Hate  stonde, 
That  for  hir  wrathe,  yre,  and  onde, 
Semede  to  ben  an  moyeresse, 
An  angry  wight,  a  chideresse. 
And  ful  of  gyle,  and  felle  corage, 
By  semblaunt  was  that  ilke  ymage.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  5. 

Again,  in  the  same  poem,  we  have  : 

'  Fol  et  legier  a  deceyoir  ; 
Mais  se  ge  vif,  sachies  de  voir, 
Mar  lor  fist  onques  bel  semblant.* 

Ubi  supra,  p.  147. 

In  the  English  version  this  is  rendered : 

'  A  foole  is  eythe  to  bigyle, 
But  may  I  lyve  a  litel  while, 
He  shal  forthenke  his  fair  semblaunt.' 
.   Ubi  supra,  p.  121. 

Chaucer  uses  it  again  in   The  Clerkes 

Tale-. 

No  wonder  is,  for  in  hir  gret  estate, 
Hir  gost  was  ever  in  playn  humilite  ; 
Ne  tender  mouth,  noon  herte  delicate, 
Ne  pompe,  ne  semblant  of  realte.' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  307. 

And  it  is  a  favourite  with  Spenser,  as 
ex.  gr. : 

'  Her  purpose  was  not  such  as  she  did  faine, 
Ne  yet  her  person  such  as  it  was  scene  ; 
But  under  simple  shew,  and  semblant  plaine, 
Lurkt  false  Duessa  secretly  unseene, 
As  a  chaste  virgin  that  had  wronged  beene.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  65. 

The  French  phrase  mentioned  by  Cot- 
grave  is  used  by  Knolles  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  :  '  For  all  that,  Moses, 
neither  in  word  or  countenance,  made 
any  semblant  of  liking  or  disliking  the 
message. ' — Hist,  of  the  Turks,  p.  368, 
ed.  1610. 

Sengles,  Singles,  a  figure  in  a 
dance. — I.  246,  253.  This  was  the 
French  name  for  the  third  figure  of  the 
basse  dance.  See  Vol.  I.  p.  246,  note  a. 
The  word  sengle  was  originally  used  as 
simple  was  at  a  later  period.  Cotgrave 
translates  Sengle,  'Single,  not  double, 
all  alone,  simple,  without  addition,  of 
itself ;  and  Simple,  *  A  simple  in  Phisick, 


GLOSSARY. 


60 1 


a  Phisicall  drug,  also  a  single  in  dancing.' 
Whilst  Palsgrave  has  '  Syngle  gowne — 
robe  sengle  s,  f.' — U EscL  p.  270.  And 
in  Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose  we  have  : 

'  Si  font  bien  oel  enferme  et  treble 
De  sengle  chose  sembler  doble, 
,      Et  paroir  ou  ciel  doble  lune, 
Et  deux  chandeles  sembler  une.' 

Tom.  iii.  p.  184. 

In  Le  Tresor  de  Vtnerie,  written  by 
Hardouiu  in  1394,  which  enumerates 
the  various  notes  on  the  horn  used  in 
the  chase,  we  are  told  : 

'  Mais  or  vous  plaise  a  retenir 
Ces  vi  mos  aisies  a  aprendre 
Par  lesquelz  vous  poves  comprendre 
De  corner  toute  la  science. 
Du  primier  mot  aies  fience 
Qu'il  est  un  mot  sengle  apelle's.' 

P.  ix,  ed.  1856. 

And  again  : 

'  Apres  qui  vuest  chemin  corner 
Trois  mos  tous  sengles  doit  sonner.' 

Hid.  p.  13. 

Shailes,  a  kind  of  scarecrow. — I.  247. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  is 
the  same  word  which  is  more  usually 
spelt  Shewell  or  Sewel.  The  latter 
word  is  mentioned  in  connexion  with 
'  blenchars '  in  the  passage  quoted  from 
Ellis  ante  p.  461,  precisely  in  the  same 
way  as  Elyot  himself  has  both  words  in 
juxtaposition  in  the  text.  In  order  to 
understand  this  technical  term,  we  must 
refer  to  our  old  authority  on  such 
matters,  Turbervile,  who  explains  it  as 
follows :  '  Any  thyng  that  is  hung  up  is 
called  a  Sewel.  And  those  are  used 
most  commonly  to  amaze  a  Deare,  and 
to  make  him  refuse  to  passe  wher  they 
are  hanged  up.' —  The  Booke  of  Hunting, 
p.  98,  ed.  1575.  Again  he  says: 
*  When  they  (i.e.  huntsmen)  hang  uppe 
any  paper,  clout,  or  other  marke,  then 
it  is  to  be  called  Sewelling,  or  setting  of 
Sewels. ' — Ibid.  p.  242.  There  being  no 
phrase  at  all  equivalent  to  this  in  the 
corresponding  passage  in  Du  Fouil- 
loux's  work,  \vhich,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  Turbervile  very  closely 
followed,  we  must  presume  that  this 
artifice  was  unknown  to  the  French 
sportsmen.  In  Howell's  Lexicon  Tetra- 
glotton,  published  in  1660,  we  find  : 
'  A  seicctl,  a  thing  to  keep  out  the  deer ; 


cosa  da  tener*  fuora  il  cervo  ;  chose 
pour  retraindre  le  cerf;  cosa  por  re- 
strenir  el  ciervo.'  The  term  appears 
to  be  still  in  use,  for  Mr.  Shirley,  in 
his  work  on  Deer  and  Deer  Parks,  says : 
'  Lord  Winchilsea  also  remarks  upon 
the  importance  ofsewels,'  that  is,  lengths 
of  cord  on  spindles,  with  turkey  feathers 
knotted  on  to  them,  at  the  interval  of 
a  couple  of  feet ;  it  is  found  that  deer 
are  afraid  of  these  strings  of  feathers, 
when  stretched  across  a  large  park,  and 
are  by  their  means  kept  within  a  certain 
space  for  a  day  together,  by  this  simple 
device,  which,  however,  appears  to  be 
of  little  use  in  small  parks,  where  it  is 
found  that  deer  take  no  notice  of  sewels, 
and  where,  therefore,  it  is  useless  to 
employ  them.'— P.  246,  ed.  1867.  The 
word  is  employed  metaphorically  by 
Sir  Philip  Sidney  :  '  For,  as  children 
must  first  by  feare  be  induced  to  know 
that,  which  after  (when  they  do  know) 
they  are  most  glad  of;  so  are  these 
bug-beares  of  opinions  brought  by 
great  Cleraks  into  the  world,  to  seme  as 
shewelles  to  keepe  them  from  those  faults 
whereto  else  the  vanitie  of  the  world 
and  weaknesse  of  senses  might  pull 
them.' — Arcadia,  p.  267,  ed.  1605. 

Shalme,  a  kind  of  flute. — I.  225, 
and  note.  In  his  Dictionary  the  author 
translates  'Tibia'  'the  leg,  proprely 
the  shanke  or  shinne  bone,  it  is  also  an 
instrument  called  a  shalmej  and  'Ti- 
bicen,  Tibicina,'  'he  or  she  that 
blowethe  a  trumpette  or  shalnie.y 
Cavendish,  in  his  account  of  Wolsey  at 
Compiegne  in  1527,  says  that  the  king 
of  France  borrowed  the  cardinal's  pri- 
vate band,  '  who  plaied  there  all  night, 
and  never  rested,  soe  that,  whether  it 
were  with  extreme  labour  of  blowing,  or 
with  poisonning,  as  some  judged,  be- 
cause they  were  more  commended  by 
the  king  than  his  owne,  or  of  what 
other  mischaunce,  I  cannot  tell,  but  the 
plaier  on  the  shalme,  who  was  very 
excellent  in  that  kind  of  instrument, 
died  within  a  day  or  two  after.'  — 
Wordsworth's  Eccles.  Biog.  vol.  i. » 
538.  North,  in  his  translation  of  Plu- 
tarch, says,  '  Agesilaus  commaunded 
his  souldiers  to  put  garlandes  upon 


602 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


their  heades,  and  his  musitians  to 
sounde  their  shalmes  or  pipes,  whilest 
he  did  sette  up  a  token  of  triumphe  as 
victorious.  '—P.  665,  ed.  1 579.  Amyot, 
whom  North  followed,  had  written  : 
*  Commanda  a  ses  souldards  qu'ilz 
meissent  des  chappeaux  de  fleurs  dessus 
leur  testes,  et  aux  menestriers  qu'ilz 
iouassent  de  leur  flustes,  pendant  qu'il 
faissoit  dresser  et  accoustrer  un  trophee 
comme  uictorieux.'  —  Les  Vies  des 
hommes  ill.  torn.  ii.  fo.  425,  ed.  1565. 
Hall,  in  his  account  of  the  procession 
by  water  from  Greenwich  on  the  occa- 
sion of  Anne  Boleyn's  coronation  in 
1532-3,  speaks  of  the  Lord  Mayor's 
barge,  'in  whiche  were  Shalmes ,  Shag- 
bushes  and  diuers  other  instrumentes, 
whiche  continually  made  goodly  ar- 
mony.' — Chron.  fo.  ccxii  b,  ed.  1548. 
The  result  of  the  passages  above  quoted 
makes  it  evident  that  the  instrument  of 
which  Mr.  Wright  gives  a  drawing  (re- 
ferred to  in  Vol.  I.  p.  226,  note)  is  in- 
correctly described  by  him  as  a  shalm, 
inasmuch  as  he  represents  it  not  as  a 
pipe  or  flute,  but  as  a  stringed  instru- 
ment, and  therefore  answering  more  to 
the  description  of  a  rebec  than  of  a 
shalm. 

Simulachre,  a  figure,  a  likeness. — I. 
47.  The  French  simulacre,  which  Cot- 
grave  translates,  '  The  image,  picture  or 
counterfeit  of  a  man  or  woman ;  the 
figure,  semblance,  resemblance,  like- 
nesse,  forme  or  proportion  of  any  thing 
represented.'  It  was,  of  course,  derived 
from  the  Latin  'simulachrum,'  which  is 
quite  classical.  Elyot,  in  his  Dictio- 
naryr,  renders  the  latter,  'An  ymage  of 
a  manne  or  woman. '  The  word  oc- 
curs in  French  in  the  twelfth  century. 
'Li  reis  Asa  sa  mere  meime  Maacham 
remuad  e  tut  en  ostad  del  servise  e  del 
sacrefise  de  un  ydle  que  clamed  ert 
Priap  que  ele  cultivout ;  e  tut  fist  de- 
pescier  e  esmier  eel  vilain  simulacre, 
kar  90  ert  ydle  de  pecchie  e  de  lecherie, 
e  puis  le  fist  jeter  aval  en  la  riviere.' — 
Les  quatre  livres  des  Rois,  p.  302,  ed. 
1841.  Sir  John  Maundevile  distin- 
guishes between  this  word  and  idol  : 
'Summe  worschipen  symulacres  and 
summe  ydoles.  But  betwene  symu- 


lacres and  ydoles  is  a  gret  difference. 
For  symulacres  ben  ymages  made  aftre 
lyknesse  of  men,  or  of  wommen,  or  of 
the  sonne,  or  of  the  mone,  or  of  ony 
best,  or  of  ony  kyndely  thing;  and 
ydoles  is  an  ymage  made  of  lewed  wille 
of  man,  that  man  may  not  fynden 
among  kyndely  thinges  ;  as  an  ymage 
that  hathe  4  hedes,  on  of  a  man,  an- 
other of  an  hors,  or  of  an  ox,  or  of  sum 
other  best,  that  no  man  hathe  seyn  aftre 
kyndely  disposicioun.  And  thei  that 
worschipen  symulacres  thei  worschipen 
hem  for  sum  worthi  man  that  was  sum 
tyme,  as  Hercules,  and  many  othere, 
that  diden  many  marvayles  in  here 
tyme.' — Voiage,  &c.  p.  198,  ed.  1727. 
The  word  is  used  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury by  Montaigne  :  '  Je  ne  suys  pas  la 
secte  de  Pythagoras,  "que  les  hommes 
prennent  une  ame  nouvelle  quand  ils 
approchent  des  simulacres  des  dieux 
pourrecueillir  leurs  oracles  ;"  sinon qu'il 
voulust  dire  celamesme.' — Essais,  torn, 
iii.  p.  340,  ed.  1854. 

Skoser,  a  horse  dealer.  —  I.  63. 
This  word  should  undoubtedly  be 
printed  'skorsers,'  as  it  appears  in  the 
later  editions,  the  mistake  being  prob- 
ably due  to  the  printer  having  omitted 
to  notice  the  sign  of  contraction  in  the 
author's  MS.  In  his  Dictionary  Elyot 
gives,  'Hippocomus,  an  horse-s&orcer.' 
Cotgrave  translates  Maquignonnage^ 
'  Deceitfull  Brokage,  bargaining  for,  or 
selling  of,  things ;  hence  also  the  trade 
of  horse-scoursingS  And  Maquignon- 
ner,  'To  play  the  broker  or  Horse- 
scourser,  to  deale deceitfully  in  bargains.' 
The  word  is  derived  from  the  verb 
'  scorse,'  meaning  to  exchange,  which  is 
used  in  this  sense  by  Spenser.  It  is 
curious  that  the  Scotch  had  the  verb 
'tocoss'  or  'cose'  with  precisely  the 
same  meaning,  whilst  on  the  other 
hand,  according  to  Du  Cange  '  Cozzoni 
etiamnum  Italis  dicuntur  quos  nostri 
Maquignons  vocant.' — Gloss,  sub  voc. 
Cociones.  The  following  passage  in 
Bishop  Douglas's  translation  of  Virgil 
shows  that  he  considered  'cosit'  the 
equivalent  of  '  permutat. ' 

'  Svne  Mnestheus  ane  bustuous  lioun  skyn, 
With  touch  and  werelik  talbert  nathyng  thyn, 


GLOSSARY. 


603 


To  Nisus  gaif,  and  the  traist  Alethes 
With  him  has  helmes  cosit,  and  gaif  him  his.' 
P.  286,  ed.  1710. 

The  corresponding  passage  in  Virgil 
being : 

'  Dat   Niso  Mnestheus    pellem  horrentisque 

leonis 
Exuvias  ;  galeam  fidus  permutat  Aletes. 

sEn,  ix.  306. 

Skene,  in  his  Glossary  defines  'Bote' 
as  'Ane  auld  Saxon  worde,  signifying 
compensation,  or  satisfaction,  as  man- 
bote,  thieft-bote,  and  in  all  excambion 
or  cossing  of  landes  or  geare  moueable, 
the  ane  part  that  gettis  the  better,  giuis 
ane  Bote  or  compensation  to  the  uther.' 
De  Verb,  signif.  ed.  1597.  Spenser 
employs  *  scorse '  as  a  substantive  as 
well  as  a  verb  : 

' Therein  sat  an  old,  old  man,  halfe  blind, 

And  all  decrepit  in  his  feeble  corse, 
Yet  lively  vigour  rested  in  his  mind, 
And  recompenst  them  with  a  better  scorse: 
Weake  body  wel  is   chang'd  for  minds  re- 
doubled forse.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  180. 

Again : 

'  Their  steel-hed  speares  they  strongly  coucht, 

and  met 

Together  with  impetuous  rage  and  forse, 
That  with  the  terrour  of  their  fierce  affret 
They  rudely  drove  to  ground  both  man  and 

horse, 

That  each  awhile  lay  like  a  sencelesse  corse. 
But  Paridell,  sore  brused  with  the  blow, 
Could    not   arise,    the    counterchaunge    to 

scorse, 

Till  that  young  Squyre  him  reared  from  be- 
low, 

Then  drew  he  his  bright  sword,   and  gan 
about  him  throw.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  49. 

It  is  used  by  Dray  ton  in  Poly-Olbion 
in  precisely  the  same  sense : 

' in  this  song  of  mine,  hee  seriously  that 

reads, 
Shall  find,  ere  I  haue  done,  the  Britaine  so 

extold 
(Whose   height   each  Mountaine  striues  so 

mainly  to  uphold) 
Matcht  with  as  valiant  men,  and  of  as  cleane 

a  might, 
As  skilful!  to  commaund,  and  as  inur'd  to 

fight ; 
Who,  when  their  fortune   will'd  that  after 

they  should  scorse 
Blowes  with  the  big-bon'd  Dane,  eschanging 

force  for  force 
(When  first  he  put  from  sea  to  forrage  on 

this  shore, 
Two  hundred    yeeres  distain'd  with  either 

equall  gore  ; 


Now  this  aloft,  now  that,  oft  did  the  English 

raigne, 
And    oftentimes  againe    depressed  by  the 

Dane), 
The    Saxons    then,    I    say,    themselues    as 

brauely  show'd 
As  these  on  whom  the  Welsh  such  glorious 

praise  bestow'd.' 

P.  196,  ed.  1613. 

In  Higgins'  Nomenclator  we  have  the 
very  word  used  by  Elyot,  and  its  de- 
finition, 'Mango  equorum,  qui  emit 
equos  et  permutat  distrahitque.  Ma- 
quignon.  An  horse  scorser :  he  that 
buyeth  horses  and  putteth  them  away 
againe  by  chopping  and  changing.' — 
P.  514,  ed.  1585.  In  process  of  time 
the  derivation  of  the  compound  word 
having  apparently  been  forgotten,  it 
was  corruptly  spelt  '  horse  -  courser. ' 
Harrison,  in  his  Descript.  of  England, 
says,  *  There  is  no  greater  deceipt  used 
anie  where  than  among  our  horsse- 
keepers,  horssecorsers,  and  hostelers : 
for  such  is  the  subtill  knauerie  of  a 
great  sort  of  them  (without  exception 
of  anie  of  them,  be  it  spoken  which 
deale  for  privat  gaine)  that  an  honest 
meaning  man  shall  haue  verie  good 
lucke  among  them,  if  he  be  not  de- 
ceiued  by  some  false  tricke  or  other. ' — 
P.  220,  ed.  1587.  Blundeville,  whose 
book  on  horses  and  horsemanship  is 
one  of  the  earliest  practical  treatises  on 
this  subject  in  our  language,  says,  with 
regard  to  feeding  horses  on  buckwheat, 
'  I  would  not  wyshe  eyther  that,  or  any 
other  way  of  such  sodeyn  reysyng  of  a 
horses  flesh  to  be  used.  For  such  fat- 
nes  is  but  puft  up,  and  neuer  continueth, 
as  is  dayly  too  wel  proued  in  such 
horses  or  gueldings  as  are  bought  at  the 
horsecorsers  handes,  whiche  moste  com- 
monly seke  rather  falsly  to  pampre 
their  horses  for  an  outwarde  shew,  then 
truely  to  dyet  them,  to  thintent  they 
may  make  the  sooner  sale  of  them,  and 
be  at  no  great  charge  in  longe  keepynge 
them. ' — Dyetyng  of  Horses,  fo.  32,  ed. 
1565.  Gervase  Markham  adopts  a 
form  of  the  word  approximating  very 
closely  to  the  Scotch:  'There  both 
haue  beene  and  are  many  questions 
raised  (not  by  horsemen,  for  they  know 
the  truth  of  arte,  but  by  such  as  beare 
the  false  shapes  of  horsemen,  as  amb- 


604 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


lers,  common  horse  breakers  (alike  in 
qualite  to  Mountebanks  and  Horse 
eossers)  touching  the  making  of  horses 
to  amble,  some  inuaying  against  one 
practise,  some  against  another.' — Cava- 
larice,  lib.  iv.  p  12,  ed.  1617.  Scott 
uses  the  corrupt  form  of  the  word  : — 

' "  And  next  I  saw  them  saddled  lead 
Old  Cheviot  forth,  the  Earl's  best  steed, 
A  matchless  horse,  though  something  old, 
Prompt  in  his  paces,  cool  and  bold. 
I  heard  the  Sheriff  Sholto  say, 
The  Earl  did  much  the  Master  pray 
To  use  him  on  the  battle  day  ; 
But  he  preferr'd— "  — "  Nay,  Henry,  cease  ! 
Thou     sworn     horse  •  courser,      hold     thy 
peace.'*  * 

Poet.  Works,  p.  136,  ed.  1847. 

Sopheme,  Sophisme,  a  sophism. — 
II.  230  and  note,  279.  Palsgrave 
has,  'Sopheme,  a  doutfull  questyon — 
sophisme  s,  m.' — LEsclair.  p.  272.  In 
Le  Roman  du  Renart,  a  poem  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  we  find  this  word 
spelt  differently : 

'  Et  ge  si  le  questionai, 
De  gramaire  li  demandai, 
De  soffime  et  de  question, 
Ne  me  sot  respondre  un  boton.' 

Tom.  iii.  p.  51,  ed.  1826. 

Chaucer  adopted  the  actual  French 
form  in  his  translation  (see  the  note  to 
Vol.  II.  p.  230)  of  the  following  pas- 
sage: 

'  Tous  jors  i  troveres  sophime 
Qui  la  consequence  envenime, 
Se  vous  aves  sotilite 
D'entendre  la  dupliciteV 

Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  ii.  p.  388. 

In  the  first  passage  in  the  text  Elyot 
has  obviously  followed  Chaucer's  ex- 
ample 

Sophisticate,  counterfeit,  false,  fal- 
lacious, oversubtle.  —  II.  279.  The 
French  sophistique,  which  Cotgrave 
renders,  '  Sophisticated,  adulterated, 
falsified,  also  cunningly  handled,  or 
cavilingly  uttered.'  Thus  Montaigne 
says,  <Et  certes,  la  philosophic  n'est 
qu'une  poe'sie  sophistiquee? — Essais, 
torn.  ii.  p.  429.  Again,  'Emonez, 
ieune  gars  de  Chio  .  .  .  se  presenta 
au  philosophe  Arcesilaus,  et  luy  de- 
manda,  si  un  sage  se  pourroit  veoir 
amoureux  :  "  Ouy  dea,"  respondit 
1'aultre,  "pourveu  que  ce  ne  feust  pas 


d'une  beaute  paree  et  sophistiquee 
comme  la  tienne."' — Ibid.  torn.  iii.  p. 
482.  Once  more,  'En  (i.e.  delaraison) 
dont  faict  les  hommes,  comme  les  par- 
fumiers  de  1'huile;  ils  1'ont  sophistiquee 'de 
tant  d'argumentations  et  de  discours  ap- 
pellez  du  dehors,  qu'elle  en  est  devenue 
variable  et  particuliere  a  chascun,  et  a 
perdu  son  propre  visage.' — Ibid.  torn, 
iv.  p.  223.  Sir  John  Maundevile 
employs  it  in  the  first  sense  above  men- 
tioned :  '  First  zee  schulle  wel  knowe 
that  the  naturelle  Bawme  is  fulle  cleer 
and  of  Cytrine  colour,  and  stronge  smel- 
lynge  ;  and  zif  it  be  thykke,  or  reed,  or 
blak,  it  is  sophisticate,  that  is  to  seyne, 
contrefeted  and  made  lyke  it,  for  dis- 
ceyt.' — Voiage,  &>c.  p.  62,  ed.  1727. 

Sourded,  arisen,  sprung  up. — I.  16. 
The  French  verb  sourdre  Anglicised. 
Palsgrave  has,  '  I  ryse  out,  or  springe 
out,  or  ryse  up,  as  water  that  springeth. 
Je  sours,  nous  sour  dons,  je  sourdys,  jay 
sourdy,  je  sourdyray,  que  je  sourde, 
sourdre,  tert.  conj.  It  is  a  plesaunt 
syght  to  se  the  water  ryse  up  or  ryse  out 
by  bubbels  out  of  a  spring  :  ilfait  beau 
veoyr  leaue  sourdre  par  bouyllons  hors 
dune  source? — LEscl.  p.  692.  And  it 
is  used  in  this  its  primitive  sense  in 
Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose  : 

'  Par-la,  soit  este,  soit  ivers, 
S'encorent  dui  flueves  divers 
Sordans  de  diverses  fontaines 
Qui  moult  sunt  de  diverses  vaines.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  91,  ed.  1814. 

By  Montaigne  it  is  used  in  two  senses, 
the  primitive,  like  that  last  quoted,  and 
the  figurative,  as  it  is  employed  by 
Elyot :  '  Un  laboureur,  perceant  de  son 
coultre  profondement  la  terre,  en  veit 
sourdre  Tages,  demi-dieu,  d'un  visage 
enfantin,  mais  de  senile  prudence.' — 
Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  58,  ed.  1854.  And 
'  De  ce  vice  sourdent  plusieurs  grandes 
incommoditez.'  —  Ibid.  p.  307.  So 
Amyot,  in  his  translation  of  Plutarch, 
says :  '  II  (i.e  Timoleon)  ne  retourna 
onques-puis  a  Corinthe,  ains  en  feit 
uenir  sa  femme  et  ses  enfans,  et  ne 
s'entremesla  point  des  troubles  qui  de- 
puis  sourdirent  entre  les  Grecs.' — Les 
Vies,  torn.  i.  fo.  189  b,  ed.  1565.  This 
word  is  used  several  times  by  Chaucer 


GLOSSARY. 


605 


in  The  Personnes  Tale,  as  in  the  follow- 
ing instances  :  '  Now  mighte  men  axe, 
whereof  pride  soiirdeth  and  springeth.' 
And  '  Now  sith  so  is,  that  ye  han  herd 
and  understonde  what  is  pride,  and 
whiche  ben  the  spices  of  it,  and  whens 
pride  sourdeth  and  springeth.' — Poet. 
Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  300,  302,  ed.  1866. 
In  a  poem  already  referred  to,  'On 
the  deposition  of  Rich.  II.,'  we  have 
the  same  form  as  in  the  text : 

'  Amonge  the  comune  peple 
Sodeynly  ther  sourdia 
Selcouthe  thingis, 
A  grett  wondir  to  wyse  men.' 
Wright,  Polit.  Poems,  vol.  i.  p.  368,  the 
Rolls  ed. 

And  it  occurs  also  in  Fabyan's  Chroni- 
cle :  '  But  to  all  this  was  the  towne  of 
Gaunt  repugnaunt,  in  so  moche  that 
mortall  warre  beganne  to  sourde  atwene 
the  sayd  towne  and  the  towne  of  Brugys 
and  other.'  Again:  '  Charlys,  Kynge 
of  Nauarne,  caused  to  be  slayne  within 
the  towne  of  the  Aygle  in  Normandy 
sir  Charlys  de  Spayne,  constable  of 
Fraunce,  for  the  whiche  murdre  sourdyd 
great  warre  atwene  Kynge  John  and 
the  sayde  Kynge  of  Nauerne.' — Pp. 
436,  499,  ed.  1811. 

Sowne,  Soune,  subst.  and  verb.,  a 
sound,  to  sound.— I.  12,  116,  122,  226, 
266.  This  form  of  the  word  is  very 
common  with  the  early  writers.  Thus 
Chaucer,  in  The  Prologue,  says : 

ggepipe  cowde  he  blowe  and  sowne, 
therwithal  he  brought  us  out  of  towne.' 

And  shortly  afterwards : 

'  Ful  lowde  he  sang,  Come  hider,  love,  to  me. 
This  sompnour  bar  to  him  a  stif  burdoun, 
Was  nevere  trompe  of  half  so  gret  a  soun.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  18,  21. 
And  in  The  Boke  of  the  Duchesse : 

'  Of  eloquence  was  never  founde^ 
So  swete  a  sownynge  facounde." 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  183. 
So  also  Gower : 

'  And  of  musike  also  the  note 
In  mans  voyce,  or  softe  or  sharpe, 
That  fonde  Juball,  and  of  the  harpe 
The  mery  sowne,  which  is  to  like, 
That  fonde  Paulius  forth  with  phisike. 

Con.  Am.  fo.  Ixxvi  b,  ed.  1554. 
Sir  John  Maundevile  has  the  same  form  : 
•  This  lond  of  Caldee  is  fulle  gret :  and 


'Aba 
And 


the  langage  of  that  contree  is  more  gret 
in  sownynge,  than  it  is  in  other  parties 
bezonde  the  see.' — Voiage,  &c.,  p.  184, 
ed.  1727.  Again  he  says:  'In  that 
Vale  heren  men  often  tyme  grete  tem- 
pestes,  and  thondres,  and  grete  mur- 
mures  and  noyses,  alle  dayes  and 
nyghtes :  and  gret  noyse,  as  it  were  sown 
of  labours  and  of  nakeres  and  trompes.' 
— Ibid.  p.  340. 

Sowne,  a  swoon. — II.  155.  This 
word  is  spelt  in  a  great  variety  of  ways 
by  the  early  writers,  and  not  unfre- 
quently  as  above,  which  has  led  to  its 
being  confounded  with  the  preceding 
homonym.  Elyot  himself  does  not  ob- 
serve uniformity  in  this  respect,  for  in 
his  Dictionary  he  renders  Defectus 
animi  '•sownynge or  ly'enge  in  a  traunce.' 
Lipopsichia,  'a  soundyng,  where  one 
semeth  to  be  deade.'  And  Sopitus, 
'  brought  aslepe  or  to  reste,  or  into  a 
sowne  with  a  sodayne  stroke.'  Cot- 
grave  translates  espausmer  '  To  fall  into 
a  swoune J  and  espausmure  '  A  swound- 
ing,  or  falling  into  a  trance.'  Whilst 
Palsgrave  has,  '  Sounyng — pasmoison  s, 
m.,'  and  also,  '  I  sownde,  I  fall  downe 
in  a  sownde  for  fayntnesse.  ye  me 
espausme,  verb.  med.  prim.  conj.  and 
je  me  esuanouys,  sec.  conj.  Let  me  nat 
be  by  whan  you  let  hym  blodde,  for  I 
shall  sownde  than  :  que  je  ne  soye  pas 
present,  je  vous  prie,  quant  vous  le 
saignez,  carje  me  espaumeray  doncques, 
or  je  me  esuanouyray  doncques.' — 
L'Escl.  pp.  273.  726.  Chaucer  has 
swowe,  swough,  swogh,  swoune,  and 
swowne.  Thus  in  The  Doctor's  Tale : 

'And  with  that  word  aswoun  sche  fell  anoon, 
And  after,  whan  hir  swovmyng  was  agoon, 
Sche  riseth  up,  and  to  hir  fader  sayde  ; 
Blessed  be  God,  that  I  schal  deye  a  mayde. 

And  with  that  word  on  swoune  doun  sche 
fel.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  83. 

And  in  the  Dream  we  have  two  forms  : 

'  For  withoute  moving  any  paas, 
All  sodainely  as  thing  dying, 
He  fell  at  once  downe  sowning. 

Lo,  where  he  lyeth  in  a  siuoonc, 
Withoute  word.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  loz. 

So  Gower : 


6o6 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


'  She  wepeth,  she  crieth,  she  swouneth  ofte, 
She  caste  hir  eien  up  alofte. 

And  with  this  worde  she  fell  to  grounde 
A  smoune,  and  there  she  laie  astounde." 

Conf.  Am.  fo.  Ixxxiii,  ed.  1554. 
Again  : 

'  And  with  that  word  she  gan  downe  fall 
Of  siooune  :  and  he  hir  up  nam, 
And  forthe  with  that  the  maiden  cam, 
And  thei  to  bedde  anone  hir  brought.' 

Ibid.  fo.  ciii  b. 

Spenser  has  yet  another  form  : 

'  Shortly    she    came    whereas    that  woefull 

Squire, 

With  blood  deformed,  lay  in  deadly  swownd  ; 
In  whose  faire  eyes,  like  lamps  of  quenched 

fire, 

The  christall  humor  stood  congealed  rownd.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  310. 
Again  in  the  same  poem  we  read  : 

'  Till  faint  through  yrkesome  wearines,  adowne 
Upon    the    grassy  ground  her    selfe   she 

layd 
To  sleepe,  the  whiles   a   gentle  slombring 


Upon  her  fell,  all  naked  bare  displayd.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  3. 

Brende  in  his  translation  of  Q.  Curtius, 
lib.  ix.  cap.  5,  translates,  'Leonnatus, 
dum  avide  ruentes  barbaros  summovet, 
cervice  graviter  icta,  semianimis  procu- 
buit  ante  regis  pedes  ;  '  '  And  Leonatus, 
whyles  he  resisted  the  Indians  that 
egerlye  pressed  upon  Alexander,  re- 
ceiued  so  sore  a  stripe  upon  the  necke, 
that  he  fell  downe  in  a  sowne  at  the 
Kynges  feet.'  —  Fo.  193,  ed.  1561.  It 
was  probably  owing  to  this  that  the 
word  was  by  later  writers  actually  spelt 
'sound.'  Thus  North,  in  his  translation 
of  Plutarch,  says  :  *  The  young  Lady, 
hearing  these  newes,  fell  downe  in  a 
sound  before  him,  and  neither  spake 
nor  sturred  of  long  time.  '  —  P.  7J5>  ed. 

I579- 

Spice,  a  kind,  sort,  species.  —  II.  186, 
187,  327,  364.  From  the  French  espece. 
Palsgrave  has  '  Spyce,  a  kynde-  -especes, 
f.'  —  UEscl.  p.  274.  And  Cotgrave, 
*  Espece,  f.  A  kind,  or  sort  of.  '  On  the 
other  hand,  in  the  Promptorium,  we 
find,  '  Spece  or  kende.  Species.''  —  P. 
467.  And  the  author,  in  his  own 
Dictionary,  says,  '  Sommetyme  Species 
doo  sygnyfye  spyces."1  Huloet,  in  his 
Abcedarium^  gives,  '  Spice  or  kynde, 


genus,  species.  This  form  is  frequently 
employed  by  Chaucer.  As  in  The 
Knightes  Tale : 

'  And  therfore  of  his  wyse  purveaunce 
He  hath  so  wel  biset  his  ordenaunce, 
That  spices  of  thinges  and  progressiouns 
Schullen  endure  by  successiouns.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  93. 
Again,  in  The  Persones  Tale:  'The 
spices  of  penitence  ben  thre.  That  oon 
of  hem  is  solempne,  another  is  comune, 
and  the  thridde  is  pryve.'  And  « The 
spices  of  this  part  schuln  be  more  largely 
declared  in  here  chapitres  folwynge. ' — 
Ibid.  vol.  iii.  pp.  266,  308  ed.  1866. 

Spousayles,  espousals,  wedding. — 
II.  142.  The  French  espousailles, 
which  Cotgrave  translates,  '  An  espou- 
sals, or  bridall,  a  wedding,  or  marriage.' 
Baret,  in  his  Alvearie,  gives,  '  Spousals, 
Sponsalia.  L?  accord  et  conuenance  matri- 
moniale,  fianceailles. '  Chaucer  has  this 
form  in  The  Clerkes  Tale  : 

'  Bowith  your  neck  undir  that  blisful  yok 
Of  sovereignete,  nought  of  servise, 
Which  that  men  clepe  spousail  or  wedlok. 

'  With  hertly  wil  thay  sworen  and  assentyn, 
To  al  this  thing,  ther  sayde  no  wight  nay. 
Bysechyng  him  of  grace,  er  that  thay  wentyn, 
That  he  wolde  graunten  hem  a  certeyn  day 
Of  his  spousaiJ,  as  soone  as  ever  he  may.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  281,  283. 
And  in  the  Testament  of  Love  he  says  : 
'  And  truely  after  tyme  that  such  ac- 
corde  by  theyr  consent  in  harte  is  en- 
sealed  and  put  in  my  tresorie  emongs 
my  priuie  things,  then  ginneth  the  name 
of  spousaile.1 — Works,  fo.  280,  ed.  1602. 
Spenser  has  the  same  form  in  The  Faerie 
Queene : 

'  He  left  two  sonnes,  of  which  faire  Elferon, 
The  eldest  brother,  did  untimely  dy  ; 
Whose  emptie  place  the  mightie  Oberon 
Doubly  supplide,  in  spousail  and  dominion.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  201,  ed.  1866. 

Squynce,  the  quinsy. — II.  338  and 
note.  In  his  Dictionary  the  author 
translates  Angiria,  '  A  disease  in  the 
throote,  called  the  Quynse.'  Whilst  in 
his  Castel  of  Healthe  he  says,  '  By  these 
destinations  or  reumes  hapneth  many 
other  greuouse  diseases  .  .  .  tooth  ache, 
pynne  and  webe  in  the  eyes,  dulnesse 
of  heringe,  quynces,  frettinge  of  the 
bowelles  with  flixes,  &c.' — Fo.  79,  ed. 


GLOSSARY. 


607 


1541.     In  the  Promptorium  we  find, 

'  Sqwynacye,  sekenesse  (sqwynsy)  Squi- 
nancia,  gutturna'— P.  471.  Huloet 
has  yet  another  form :  '  Squynche,  a 
disease  in  the  iawes  and  throte,  Synnche, 
Cynanche?  The  English  was  no  doubt 
derived  immediately  from  the  French 
Squinance,  which  Cotgrave  renders, 
*  the  Squinancyor  Squinzie;  a  disease.' 
Thus  Rabelais  says  in  Pantagruel :  '  De 
ce  seullement  indignez  que,  sans  estre 
aultrement  malades,  par  le  Pantagruelion 
on  leur  oppiloyt  les  conduictz  par  les- 
quelz  sortent  les  bons  motz  et  entrent 
les  bons  morceaulx,  plus  villainement 
que  ne  feroyt  la  male  angine,  et  mortelle 
squinanceS — (Euvres,  p.  197,  ed.  Pan. 
Lit.  In  a  comedy  called  751*  Jealous 
Lovers,  written  by  Thomas  Randolph, 
of  Trin.  Coll.  Cam. ,  just  a  century  after 
the  publication  of  The  Governour,  one 
of  the  characters  says  : 

'  Shall  not  we  be  suspected  for  the  murder, 
And  choke  with  a  hempen  squincyt 

P.  54,  ed.  1634. 

In  the  same  year  Holland  translated  : 
« Illitum  anginas  et  arterias  cum  melle  et 
oleo  vetere  sanat'  (Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib. 
xx.  cap.  3) ;  '  Being  tempered  with 
honey  and  old  oile,  and  so  reduced 
into  a  thin  ointment  or  liniment,  it  cureth 
the  Squinancie,  and  such  diseases  incident 
to  the  windpipes.' — Vol.  ii.  p.  36,  ed. 
1634. 

Stare,  a  starling.—  I.  116.  This  is 
a  thoroughly  Anglo-Saxon  word.  Pals- 
grave has,  '  Staare,  abyrde, — estourneau 
x,  m.' — L'Esd.  p.  275.  Chaucer,  in 
The  Assembly  of  Foules,  speaks  of — 

4  The  stare,  that  the  counseylle  kan  bewrye.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  63. 

Whilst  Lydgate  says : 

'  It  is  no  wisdam  a  man  to  seyn  out  al, 
Sum  bird  can  synge  merily  in  his  cage  ; 
The  stare  wyl   chatre  and  speak  of  long 

usage, 

Though    in    his  speche  ther  be    no  greet 
resoun.' 

Minor  Poems,  p.  150,  ed.  1842. 

Holland  translates '  Habebant  et  Caesares 
juyenes  sturnum,  item  luscinias,  Graeco 
atque  Latino  sermone  dociles'  (Plin. 
Nat.  Hist.  lib.  x.  cap.  59) ;  '  The  two 
Caesars  also,  the  young  princes  (to  wit, 


Germanicus  and  Drusus),  had  one  Stare 
,nd  sundry  Nightingales,  taught  to  parle 
Greeke  and  Latine.'— Vol.  i.  p.  293, 
d.  1635.  And  in  '  SeArji/apxia,  or 
"he  Government  of  the  World  in  the 
Vloon,'  which  is  a  translation  of  a  comic 
ttle  book  by  M.  Cyrano  Bergerac,  it 
s  said  :  *  Every  day  the  Queen's  Bird- 
ceeper  had  the  care  of  teaching  me 
o  whistle,  as  they  doe  here  your  Stares 
r  Black-birds.'  —  Sign.  G.  6,  ed. 
659- 

Stourdie,  sturdy.  —I.  40.  In  Elyot's 
>wn  Dictionary  we  find  Torvus  rendered 
cruel  and  sturdy  in  Joking,'  and  Tor- 
itas  '  sturdynes.'  The  Promptorium, 
>n  the  other  hand,  has,  '  Sturdy,  un- 
>uxom.  Rebellis,  contumax,  inobediens. 
Sturdynesse,  Rebellio,  inobedienda,  con- 
'umacia.'  P.  481.  Huloet  adopts  both  the 
ibove  renderings,  for  he  gives  '  Sturdy 
of  loke,  Torvus.''  And  also,  «  Sturdie 
wythoute  buxomnes  or  obedience.  Con- 
tumax, Pertinax,  Pervicax,  Praceps 
animi,  Toivus.'  Hence  Mr.  Todd's 
uggestion  that  this  word  is  derived 
from  the  Teutonic  stuer = torvus,  trux, 
horridus,  ferox,  seems  preferable  to  Dr. 
Johnson's  hypothesis  of  estourdi  as  the 
root.  Inasmuch  as  Littre  says  with 
regard  to  the  latter,  '  Celui  qui  est 
etourdi  est  leger.'  It  must  be  admitted 
notwithstanding  that  Palsgrave  gives 
some  colour  to  Johnson's  theory,  for  he 
gives,  '  Sturdye  or  stubborne, — m. 
estourdy  s,  f.  estourdye  s. ' — DEscl.  p. 
326.  This  word  is  used  frequently  by 
Chaucer,  as  in  The  Clerkes  Tale : 

1  But  now  of  wommen  wold  I  aske  fayn, 
If  these  assayes  mighten  not  suffice? 
What   couthe  a  stourdy  housebonde  more 

devyse 
To  prove  hir  wyfhode  and  her  stedefast- 

nesse, 
And  he  contynuyng  ever  in  stourdynesse' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  300. 
Again,  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde  : 

'Thenk  here  ayeins,  that  when  the  stordy 

ooke. 

On  which  men  hakketh  ofte,  for  the  nones, 
Receyved  hath  the  happy  fallynge  stroke, 
The  grete  swough  doth  it  come  aJ  at  ones, 
As  don  thise  rokkes  or  thise  myhie  stones; 
For  swifter  course  cometh  thynge  that  is  of 

wyghte, 

When  it  descendeth,than  don  thynges  lighte. 
Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  209* 


6o8 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


And  also  by  Gower  : 

'  The  kinge  declareth  him  the  caas, 
With  sterne  worde  and  stordie  chere, 
To  him  and  saide  in  this  manere.' 

Con.  Am.  fo.  clxxvi,  ed.  1554. 
Sir  Thomas  More  says  :  '  Well  ye  wote 
that  heresies  be  false  beliefe  and  fac- 
cious  wayes  full  of  busynes.  And  such  as 
geue  theim  selfe  therto  be  stourdy  and 
studiouse  about  the  furtheraunce  of  their 
sediciouse  secte.' — Works,  vol.  i,  p. 
212,  ed.  1557.  Fox,  in  his  account  of 
the  trial  of  Cranmer,  gives  precisely  the 
same  definition  of  the  word  as  Huloet 
and  the  still  earlier  Promptorium  : 
'  Furthermore,  whereas  the  sayd  arch- 
bishop was  fast  deteined  in  strayt  prison, 
so  that  he  coulde  not  appeare  (as  was 
notorious  both  in  England  and  also  in 
the  Romishe  Court),  and  therefore  had 
a  lawfull  and  most  iust  excuse  of  his 
absence,  by  all  lawes,  both  popish  and 
other,  yet  in  the  end  of  the  sayd  Ixxx 
daies  was  the  worthy  Martyr  decreed 
Contumax,  that  is,  sturdilye,  frowardly, 
and  wilfully  absent.' — Actes  and  Mon. 
vol.  ii.  p.  1 88 1,  ed.  1583. 

Suscitate,  Sussitate,  to  stir  up. — 
II.  26,  414  and  note.  From  the  French 
susciter.  Thus  in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose 
we  have : 

'  Apres  nous  les  convient  giter 
Por  nos  lignages  susciter.' 

Tom.  iii.  p.  161. 

And  Montaigne  says  :  *  Petilius  ayant 
este  suscite  par  Caton  pour  luy  de- 
mander  compte  de  1'argent  manie  en  la 
province  d'Antioche,  Scipion,  estant 
venu  au  senat  pour  cet  effect,  produisit 
le  livre  de  raisons  .  .  .  et  diet  que  ce 
livre  en  contenoit  au  vray  la  recepte  et 
la  mise.' — Essais,  torn.  ii.  p.  143. 

Suster,  a  sister. — II.  74,  98,  347. 
This  form  is  used  by  early  writers  ;  thus 
Chaucer,  in  The  Nonne  Prest  his  Tale, 
has: 

'  This  gentil  cok  had  in  his  governaunce 
Seven  hennes,  for  to  do  all  his  plesaunce, 
Which  were  his  sustres  and  his  paramoures.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  230. 
So  too  Gower : 

'  Phedra,  hir  yonge  suster  eke, 
A  lustie  maide,  a  sobre,  a  meke, 
Fulfilled  of  all  curtosie, 
For  susterhode  and  companie 


Of  loue,  which  was  hem  betwene, 
To  see  hir  suster  be  made  a  quene, 
Hir  fader  lefte. 

Con.  Am.  fo.  cxiv,  ed.  1554. 

Sir  John  Maundevile  says:  'And  aftre 
he  fell  into  seknesse,  and  whan  he  felte 
that  he  scholde  dye,  he  sente  aftre  his 
sustre,  and  aftre  alle  the  lordes  of  his 
lond.' — Voiage&c.,  p.  107,  ed.  1727. 


T. 

Table,    a  picture.— -I.    76,  78  ;  II. 

23,  318,  422,  424.  The  French  Table, 
the  lineal  descendant  of  the  Latin 
Tabula.  Thus  in  Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose 
the  poet  says : 

'  Car  Art,  combien  qu'ele  se  paine 
Par  grant  estuide  et  par  grant  paine, 
De  faire  choses  quiex  qu'el  soient, 
Quiexque  figures  qu'elles  aient, 
Paingne.taingne,  forge,  ou  entaille 
Chevaliers  armes  en  bataille, 
***** 

Oisiaus  prives,  bestes  domesches, 
Baceleries,  dances,  tresches 
De  beles  dames  bien  parees, 
Bien  portretes,  bien  figurees, 
Soit  en  metal,  en  fust,  en  cire, 
Soil  en  quelconque  autre  matire. 
Soit  en  tables,  ou  en  parois, 
Tenans  biaus  bachelers  as  dois, 
Bien  figures  et  bien  portrais ; 
Ja  por  figure  ne  por  trais 
Ne  les  fera  par  eus  aler, 
Vivre,  movoir,  sentir,  parler.' 

Tom.  iii.  pp.  95-97. 

M.  de  Laborde  quotes  from  an  In- 
ventory of  Chas.  V.:  '  Unes  tables  a 
poiirtraire,  dont  les  ays  sont  de  cor,  a 
croissans  dor  et  y  a  un  estuy  ouvre  de 
cuir  fauve  pendant  a  un  las  a  deux 
petits  boutons  de  perles  et  dedans  iceluy 
estuy  a  un  petit  greffe  d'or  tuers. ' — Gloss. 
Fran.  p.  505,  ed.  1872.  It  is  possible, 
however,  that  this  may  mean  nothing 
more  than  a  writing  tablet,  and  it  is 
certain  that  at  least  in  the  sixteenth 
century  the  word  tableau  was  commonly 
used  in  France  to  denote  that  which 
continued  to  be  called  a  table  in  Eng- 
land down  to  a  still  later  period.  Thus 
Palsgrave  has,  '  Table  for  an  ymage 
paynted — tableau  x,  m.' — UEscl.  p. 
279.  And  Cotgrave  translates  tableau, 
'  A  picture  ;  a  table  whereon  things  be 
painted  or  written.'  Of  course  the 


GLOSSARY. 


60Q 


origin  of  the  expression  arose  from  the 
fact  that  '  The  earliest  paintings  in  oil 
were  generally  executed  on  panels. 
The  panels  were  composed  of  various 
pieces  of  wood  cemented  together  with 
cheese  glue,  and  this  glue  caused  them 
to  adhere  so  firmly  together,  that  such 
panels  were  considered  stronger  than 
those  which  consisted  of  one  piece  of 
wood  only.'  —  Merrifield,  Treatise  on 
Paint.,  vol.  i.  p.  cclxxxi.  ed.  1849. 
Shakespeare,  in  his  Sonnets,  says  : 

'  Mine  eye  hath  play'd  the  painter,  and  hath 

stell'd 
Thy  beauty's  form  in  table  of  my  heart. ' 

Works,  vol.  viii.  p.  361,  Dyce's  ed. 

Spenser  uses  the  word  in  this  sense  in 
The  Faerie  Queene : 

'  To    drive  him  to    despaire,  and    quite    to 

quaile, 

Hee  shewd  him,  painted  in  a  table  plaine, 
The    damned  ghosts  that  doe  in  torments 

waile, 
And  thousand  feends  that  doe  them  endlesse 

paine 
With  fire  and  brimstone,  which  for  ever  shall 

remaine. ' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  13,  ed.  1866. 

Peacham  gives  practical  directions  for 
'  preparing  your  table  for  an  oyle  picture, ' 
and  tells  us  that  '  Margaritone  was  the 
first  that  deuised  ...  to  make  a  glew 
for  picture  tables  that  should  neuer 
decay.' — The  Compleat  Gent.,  p.  119, 
ed.  1622.  Knolles,  describing  the 
victory  of  Vladislaus  over  the  Turks  in 
1440,  says,  that  on  his  arrival  at  Buda, 
'  alighting  from  his  horse,  on  foot  he 
went,  first  unto  the  Cathedrall  church 
of  our  Ladie,  and  there  giuing  most 
heartie  thanks  unto  Almightie  God, 
hanged  up  the  enemies  ensignes  and 
part  of  the  spoile,  in  perpetuall  remem- 
brance of  so  notable  a  victorie :  which 
he  afterward  caused  to  be  most  liuely 
depainted  in  a  faire  table  of  most  curious 
worke,  and  there  in  the  same  church 
to  be  hanged  up,' — Hist,  of  the  Turks, 
p.  283,  ed.  1610.  Holland  translates, 
'  Hujus  est  tabula  in  porticu  Pompeii, 
quse  ante  Curiam  ejus  fuerat  :  in  qua 
dubitatur  ascendentem  cum  clypeo 
pinxerit  an  descendentem '  (Plin.  Nat. 
Hist.,  lib.  xxxv.  cap.  35);  'Of  this 
Polygnotus  workemanship  is  that  picture 
II.  R 


in  a  table  which  now  standeth  in  the 
stately  gallery  of  Pompeius,  and  hung 
sometime  before  the  Curia  or  Hall  that 
beareth  his  name,  in  which  table  he 
painted  one  upon  a  scaling  ladder  with 
a  targuet  in  his  hand  ;  but  so  artificially 
it  is  done,  and  with  such  dexterity,  that 
whosoeuer  looketh  upon  him  cannot 
tell  whether  he  is  climbing  up  or  com- 
ming  downe.'  — Vol.  ii.  p.  533,  ed. 
1634.  Bacon  in  one  of  his  letters  uses 
the  verb  '  to  table '  in  the  sense  of  to 
depict.  '  I  intreat  you  much,  sometimes 
to  meditate  upon  the  extreme  effects  of 
superstition  in  this  last  Powder  Treason  ; 
fit  to  be  tabled,  and  pictured  in  the 
chambers  of  meditation,  as  another  hell 
above  the  ground.' — Works,  vol.  xi.  p. 

10,  ed.  1868. 

Table,  tablets,    a   register.— I.  241  ; 

11.  9,  10,  106.  This  word  has  of  course 
the  same  origin  as  the  preceding.     la 
his   own  Dictionary  the  author  trans- 
lates Album,  '  a  table  openly  sette  up, 
wherin  eyther  the  names  of  officers  or 
some  publike  decree  is  wrytten.'     We 
still  talk  of  '  the  table'  of  fares  exhibited 
on  a  board  at  railway  stations.     The 
word  occurs  in  Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose  in 
the  same  sense  as  it  is  used  by  Elyot : 

'  Crier  merci  seroit  ne*ans, 
James  n'entreries  leans ; 
Et  s'a  eus  ne  poes  aler, 
Faites  i  par  aucun  parler 
Qui  soit  messagiers  convenables, 
Par  vois,  par  letres,  ou  par  tables. ' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  158,  ed.  1814. 
In  Le  Chron.  de  St.  Denis  we  read  : 
*  Deux  epistres  leur  enuoya  par  deux 
cleics,  desquelz  lung  estoit  ne  de  la  cite 
de  Cours.  II  prit  les  lettres  quil  por- 
toit  etales  mist  en  ung  parfond  tablet 
dune  table  de  boys,  et  puis  le  couurit  de 
cire  par  dessus  pource  quelles  ne  lus- 
sent  trouuees  qui  querre  les  voulsist.' — 
Grands  Chron.  de  Fr.ance,  torn.  i. 
fo.  lix  b,  ed.  1493.  M  Laborde  says 
that  the  ancient  tablets  inscribed  with  a 
stylus  upon  wax  remained  in  general 
use  down  to  the  fourteenth  century, 
and  were  even  employed  in  excep- 
tional cases  (exceptionnellenient}  as  late 
as  the  seventeenth.  Ubi  supra,  p.  504. 
Thus  in  the  Memoires  of  D'Aubigne 
we  read :  '  Aubigne  et  M.  de  Feugre 
R 


6io 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


estants  choisis  par  cette  troupe  au- 
diteurs  du  sieur  Gaspard,  il  leur  mit 
sur  table  les  memoires  de  toutte  la 
chrestiente,  distinguee  par  provinces, 
leur  monstrant  de  chascune  deux  cayers, 
sur  1'un  desquels  estoit  escrit :  Artes 
pads,  et  sur  1'autre  Artes  belli!  —  P. 
127,  ed.  Lalanne,  1854.  Spenser  evi- 
dently uses  the  word  in  this  sense  in  the 
following  passage : 

'  Her  yvorie  forhead,  full  of  bountie  brave, 
Like  a  broad  table  did  itselfe  dispred, 
For  Love  his  loftie  triumphes  to  engrave, 
And  write  the  battailes  of  his  great  godhed.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  94,  ed.  1866. 

Shakespeare,  in  Hamlet,  uses  almost 
precisely  the  same  phrase  as  Elyot : 

'  Remember  thee  ! 
Yea,  from  the  table  of  my  memory 
I'll  wipe  away  all  trivial  fond  records, 
All  saws  of  books,   all  forms,   all  pressures 

past, 
That  youth  and  observation  copied  there.' 

And  in  The  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona 
Julia  says : 

'  Counsel,  Lucetta  ;  gentle  girl,  assist  me  ; 
And  even  in  kind  love,  I  do  conjure  thee, — 
Who  art  the  table  wherein  all  my  thoughts 
Are  visibly  character'd  and  engrav'd— 
To  lesson  me.' 

Tables,  a  game  answering  to  our 
backgammon. — I.  282  and  note,  283. 
Elyot  in  his  Diet,  gives  as  one  of  the 
meanings  of  Tabula,  '  a  table  to  play  on 
with  disc  or  chessemen.'  This  game, 
as  we  have  seen,  was  exceedingly 
popular  in  the  middle  ages ;  thus  in  Le 
Roman  de  la  Rose  we  find  it  mentioned 
with  dice  and  chess  : 

'  La  sunt  servi  d'envpiseries, 
De  treches  et  d'espingueries, 
Et  de  tabors  et  de  vieles, 
Et  de  rostruenges  noveles, 
De  gieUz  de  dez,  d'eschez,  de  tables, 
Et  d'autres  gieuz  moult  delitables.' 

Tom.  ii.  pp.  279,  280. 

In  another  poem  of  the  same  century 
we  read : 

'  Quant  1'anfes  ot  xv  anz  et  compliz  et  passez, 
Premiers  aprist  a  letres,   tant  qu'il   en  sot 

assez. 

Puis  aprist-il  as  tables  et  a  eschas  joier.' 
Li  Rant,  de  Parise  la  Duchesse,  p.  86,  ed.  1836. 

Chaucer  mentions  it  in  the  same  con- 
nexion in  The  Frankeleynes  Tale 


'  They  leden  hire  by  ryveres  and  by  welles, 
And  eek  in  other  places  delitables  ; 
They   daunce  and  playe  at  chesse  and  at 
tables.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  7,  ed.  1866. 
Shakespeare  mentions  the  game  in 
Love* s  Labour's  Lost : 

'  This  is  the  ape  of  form,  Monsieur  the  nice, 
That,  when  he  plays  at  tables,  chides  the 

dice 
In  honourable  terms.' 

Tache,  quality,  disposition,  habit. — 
1.29,31.  The  French  tache.  Richard- 
son explains  this  as  '  A  spot,  stain,  or 
blemish ;  a  spot  or  mark  of  disgrace. 
Probably  a  touch  ;  a  contagious  or  in- 
fectious touch,  a  stain.'  No  doubt  this 
is  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  French 
word,  but  it  is  clearly  not  the  sense  in 
which  it  is  used  by  Elyot,  although 
Richardson  evidently  thought  it  was. 
The  collocation  of  the  words  in  the 
text  where  it  is  employed  in  one  case  as 
coequal  with  'act,'  and  in  the  other 
with  'vice,'  shows  that  a  word  having 
a  kindred  meaning  was  present  to 
the  mind  of  the  author.  According  to 
Littre,  '  Tache  s'est  dit  pour  qualite 
bonne  on  mauvaise  ;  c'est  un  sens  depuis 
longtemps  oublie.'  M.  de  Caseneuve 
says :  '  Ce  mot  a  bien  change  de  sa 
premiere  signification.  II  signifie  au- 
jourd'hui  ce  que  les  Latins  appellent 
macula,  qui  est  toute  marque  qui  altere 
la  couleur  de  quelque  corps.  Ancien- 
nement  on  s'en  servoit  pour  exprimer 
les  bonnes  ou  les  mauvaises  qualites 
d'un  homme  ou  d'une  bete.' — Les  Ori- 
gines  de  la  Ian.  Fran.,  p.  95,  ed.  1694. 
M.  Raynouard  derives  it  from  an  Arabic 
word  taca  =  ted?£,  souillure.  But  this 
derivation,  although  plausible,  ignores 
the  fact  mentioned  above  that  the  word 
was  applied  to  good  as  well  as  to  bad 
qualities.  The  following  passage,  how- 
ever, in  the  Cronique  de  Flandres  esta- 
blishes this  fact  beyond  doubt.  Speak- 
ing of  Margaret,  Countess  of  Flanders, 
the  chronicler  says :  '  En  elle  auoit 
quatre  taches.  Premierement  elle  estoit 
une  des  plus  grandes  Dames  de  lignage, 
du  Royaume  de  France.  Secondement 
elle  estoit  la  plus  sage,  et  mieux  gouuer- 
nant  terre,  qu'on  sceust.  Tiercement 
elle  estoit  large  viuandiere,  et  tenoit  si 


GLOSSARY. 


large  hostel,  qu'elle  sembloit  estre 
mieux  Royne,  que  Comtesse.  Quarte- 
ment  elle  estoit  tres  riche,  car  elle  estoit 
Comtesse  de  Flandres  et  de  Hainaut.' 
—P.  62,  ed.  1562.  In  the  Prompto- 
rium  we  find,  'Tetche  or  maner  of 
condycyone,  (tecche,  teche,  tetche, 
maner  or  condicion),  Mos,  condicio' — 
P.  487.  Palsgrave  has,  « Condicyon, 
a  custome  or  maner— tayche  s,  f.' — 
LEsclair.  p.  208.  Elyot  himself,  in 
his  Dictionary,  gives,  '  Offritise,  crafty 
or  deceytfull  tachesj  but  there  is  evi- 
dently some  confusion  and  the  word  is 
probably  a  misprint  for  '  Offucioe,'  men- 
tioned a  few  lines  lower  down.  From 
the  way  in  which  it  is  used  in  Le  Ro- 
man de  la  Rose  it  seems  clear  that  the 
Saxon  word  thew  was  regarded  as  the 
equivalent  of  the  French  tache.  Thus 
we  are  told  : 

'  Icele  dame  ot  non  Biaute's. 
Ainsic  cum  une  des  cinq  fleches, 
En  li  ot  maintes  bonnes  teches.' 

Tom.  i.  p.  41. 

This  is  rendered  not  very  literally  by 
Chaucer  : 

'This  lady  called  was  Beaute', 
And  an  arowe,  of  which  I  tolde, 
Ful  wel  t  hewed was  she  holde.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  31. 

Again  in  the  same  poem  we  have  : 

'  Apres  de  1'arc  et  des  cinq  fleiches 
Qui  tant  sunt  plains  de  bonnes  fetches.' 

Ubi  supra,  vol.  ii.  p.  427 
In  another  place  it  is  used  with  refe- 
rence to  persons : 

'  Et  se  pensent  tretuit  taisant 
Qu'or  sunt-il  preus,  bel  et  plesant, 
Et  qu'il  ont  toutes  teches  bonnes, 
Quant  requis  sunt  de  tex  personnes.' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  162. 

The  word  occurs  in  the  same  sense  in 
another  work,  written  in  the  same  cen- 
tury :  '  Seneschal,  fist  il,  il  ne  nous  a 
pas  servi,  mes  nous  lavons  servi  quant 
nous  lavous  soufert  entour  nous,  aus 
mauveses  taches  que  il  a.' — Joinville, 
Hist,  de  S.  Louis  ;  in  Bouquet,  Hist  de 
la  France,  torn.  xx.  p.  289.  So  Frois- 
sart,  speaking  of  the  attainder  and  exe- 
cution for  treason  of  the  Seigneur  de 
Pommiers  in  1377,  says,  'Et  en  (i.e. 
de  la  meme  trahison)  demeura  un  long- 

R 


temps  en  grand  danger  et  en  tel  tache 

et  paroles  messire  Gaillard  Vighier.' 

Chron.  torn.  ii.  p.  2,  ed.  P.L.  This 
passage  was  apparently  misapprehended 
by  Lord  Berners,  for  he  translates  it, 
1  Thus  they  endured  a  longe  space  in 
great  daunger;  and  in  the  same  case 
wordes  ran  agaynst  sir  Gaylart  Vyghier.' 
—Chron.  vol.  i.  p.  492.  Chaucer  un- 
doubtedly uses  the  word  in  the  sense  in 
which  it  had  been  employed  by  the 
French  writers  already  quoted.  Thus 
in  The  Cuckow  and  the  Nightingale: 

'  For  Love  his  servant  evermore  amendeth, 
And  fro  al  evele  taches  him  defendeth.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iv.  p.  82. 

And  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde : 

'  It  semeth  hard,  for  wreches  wol  nought  ler 
For  veray  slouthe,  or  other  wilful  tecches.' 
Ibid.  p.  263 
Again  in  The  House  of  Fame  : 

'  '  Fy  on  yow,  quod  she,  everychoon, 
Ye  maisty  swyne,  ye  ydel  wreches, 
Ful  of  roten  slowe  teches.' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  263 

It    occurs    in    The    Vision    of   Piers 

Ploughman : 

'  Ac  I  fynde  if  the  fader 
Be  fals  and  a  sherewe, 
That  som  del  the  sone 
Shal  have  the  sires  tacches.' 

VoL  i.  p.  168,  ed.  1842. 

And   obviously  both  there  and  in  an 
old   miracle  play  of  The  Resurrection, 
it  is  used  in   the  same  sense,  viz. 
quality  : 

'  For  south  this  harde  I  hym  saye 
That  he  woulde  rise  the  thirde  daye  ; 
Nowe  suerlye  and  he  so  maye, 
He  hath  a  wounderous  tache.' 
The  Chester  Plays,  vol.  ii.  p.  87,  ed.  1847, 
Shakespeare  Soc. 

So  Occleve  in  his  poem,  called  De  Re- 
gimine  Principum : 

'  It  is  to  leeve  and  deeme,  yf  a  kyng  shyne 
In  vertu,  that  his  sone  shalle  sue 
And  to  his  faders  maners  enclyne, 
And  wikked  tacches  and  vices  eschue.' 

P.  12 1,  ed.  1860,  Rox.  Club. 
Hermann,  under  .the  head  of  De  Sco- 
lasticis,  renders  the  phrase,  '  Mores 
pueri  inter  ludendum  se  simpliciter  de- 
tegunt  ; '  'A  chyldes  tatches  in  playe 
shewe  playnlye  what  they  meane.' — 
R  2 


6l2 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Vulgaria,  sig.  S  ii.  ed.  1530.  Sir 
Thomas  Chaloner,  in  The  Praise  of 
Folie,  says,  'How  be  it  (to  saie  the 
trouthe)  it  is  a  commen  tatche  naturally 
geuin  to  all  men  as  well  as  priestes  to 
watche  well  for  theyr  owne  lucre  :  for 
none  is  so  unskilfull,  that  in  this  poinct 
can  not  skanne  the  lawes  to  the  utter- 
most.'— Sig.  P.  Hi.  b.  ed.  1549.  Now 
Erasmus,  whose  work  Sir  Thomas 
professed  to  translate,  wrote  'Verum 
hoc  quidem  sacerdotibus  est  cum  pro- 
phanis  commune,  ut  ad  emolument! 
messem  vigilent  omnes,  neque  quis- 
quam  ibi  leges  ignoret.' — Mor.  Encom. 
p.  274,  ed.  1540. 

Tedious,  unsavoury,  offensive,  dis- 
agreeable.— I.  48,  75;  II.  49.  This 
application  of  the  epithet  appears  to  be 
most  uncommon.  Richardson  derives 
the  word  from  the  French  tedieux, 
which  however  is  not  recognised  by 
Littre,  or  indeed  by  any  other  autho- 
rity, except  Roquefort,  who  gives  no 
examples  of  its  use. 

Temper,  to  govern,  to  regulate. — II. 
54.  From  the  Latin  verb  'temperare,' 
which  was  constantly  used  by  classical 
writers  in  this  sense.  Thus,  in  ad- 
dition to  the  one  from  Suetonius 
quoted  in  the  note,  the  following  pas- 
sages may  be  cited  : '  Nam  mores,  et 
instituta  vitse,  resque  domesticas  ac 
familiares  nos  profecto  et  melius  tue- 
mur  et  lautius :  rem  vero  publicam 
nostri  majores  certe  melioribus  tempe- 
raverunt  et  institutis  et  legibus.' — Cic. 
Tusc.  Qucest.  lib.  i.  cap.  I.  And 

'  Cur  neque  militaris 

Inter  aequales  equitat,  Gallica  nee  lupatis 
Temperat  ora  fraenis  ?  ' 

Hor.  Carm.  lib.  i.  8,  5-7. 

Udall  uses  the  word  exactly  in  the 
same  way  as  Elyot  in  his  translation  of 
the  paraphrase  of  Erasmus  upon  Matt. 
xix  :  '  But  Jesus  so  dooeth  temper  and 
order  the  answere,  that  he  neither 
hurteth  the  authoritie  of  Moses,  nor  re- 
canteth  not  hys  owne  doctrine.  And  yet 
by  the  authoritie  of  the  lawe  he  stoppeth 
the  mouthes  of  the  Phariseis  whiche 
were  skilfull  in  the  lawe.' — Tom.  i.  fo. 
Ixxv.  ed.  1551.  Erasmus  had  written 
'At  Jesus  ita  temperat  responsum,  ut 


nee  Mosi  laedat  autoritatem,'  &c.  Pa- 
raph., torn.  i.  p.  104,  ed.  1541.  So, 
too,  at  a  still  earlier  period,  in  The 
Vision  of  Piers  Ploughman,,  the  poet 
says  : 

'  The  seventhe  (point)  is  welle  of  wisedom, 
And  fewe  wordes  sheweth  ; 
Therfore  lordes  alloweth  hym  litel, 
Or  listneth  to  his  reson, 
For  he  tempreth  the  tonge  to  trutheward, 
And  no  tresor  coveiteth. 
Sapientice  tetnperatrix' 

Vol.  ii.  p.  292,  ed.  1842. 

And  at  a  later  date  it  is  used  by 
Spenser  precisely  in  the  same  way  in 
Mother  Hubberds  Tale: 


And  in  his  hand 


He  tooke  Caduceus,  his  snakie  wand, 
With  which  the  damned  ghosts  he  governeth, 
And  furies  rules,  and  Tartare  tempereth.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  37,  ed.  1866. 

Temper,  to  mix.   Temperaunce,  a 

mixture.  —  II.  318,  382  and  note. 
This,  like  the  last,  is  derived  from  the 
same  Latin  verb,  which  was  equally 
used  in  this  sense  by  the  best  writers, 
as  will  be  seen  from  the  passages 
quoted  in  the  note.  Chaucer  uses  this 
word  where  the  French  used  destremper. 
Thus  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose  : 

'  The  temprure  of  the  mortere 
Was  maad  of  lycour  wonder  dere  ; 
Of  quykke  lyme  persant  and  egre, 
The  which  was  tempred  vi\\h.  vynegre.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  127. 
The  original  being : 

'  Car  Ten  destrempa  le  mortier 
De  fort  vin-aigre  et  de  chaus  vive.' 

Le  Rom.  de  la  Rose,  torn.  i.  p.  156. 

Again  in  the  English  poem  we  have  : 

'  And  leieth  a  piastre  dolorous 
Unto  her  hertis  wounded  egre, 
Which  is  not  tempred  with  vynegre.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  167. 
Where  the  French  poet  had  written  : 

'  Au  cuer  un  dolereux  emplastre 
Destrempe,  non  pas  de  vin  aigre.' 

Ubi  supra,  torn.  ii.  p.  43. 

By  Montaigne  the  verb  temperer  is  em- 
ployed exactly  like  the  English  verb  : 
'  Pour  vous  loger  en  cette  moderation, 
ny  de  fuir  la  vie,  ny  de  refuir  a  la 
mort,  que  ie  demande  de  vous,  i'ay 
tempere  1'une  et  1'aultre  entre  la  doul- 


GLOSSARY. 


613 


ceur  et  1'aigreur.' — Essais,  torn.  i.  p. 
ill,  ed.  1854.  Again  he  says,  'J'ayme 
des  natures  temperees  et  moyennes.' — 
Ibid.  p.  294. 

Temper  oneself,  to  restrain  oneself, 
and  hence  to  refrain  from,  forbear, 
avoid. — II.  379  and  note. 

Testar,  the  head-piece  of  a  bed. — I. 
7.  The  French  word  testiere  from 
which  the  above  is  doubtless  derived, 
was  applied  to  a  variety  of  articles. 
Thus,  according  to  Cotgrave,  it  'is 
generally  any  kind  or  fashion  of  head- 
piece, but  particularly  a  scull,  sallet,  or 
steele  cap,  also  the  crown  of  a  hat,  also 
the  head-stall  of  a  bridle,  also  a  horse - 
coller.'  It  does  not  appear,  however, 
that  it  was  ever  applied  by  the  French 
themselves  to  denote  any  part  of  a  bed, 
and  it  is  certain  that  in  the  thirteenth 
century  it  signified  the  defensive  armour 
of  a  horse,  for  in  the  Assizes  of  Jeru- 
salem, in  the  directions  to  be  observed 
in  a  wager  of  battle,  it  is  laid  down 
that  'Le  chevau  deit  estre  covert  de 
covertures  de  fer,  et  aveir  une  testiere 
de  fer,  et  enmi  la  testiere  une  broche  tel 
come  celle  de  Pescu.' — Hist,  des  Croi- 
sades  (Lois),  torn.  i.  p.  170,  ed.  Beug- 
not,  1841.  Now  it  is  curious  that  Mr. 
Turner,  describing  the  domestic  furni- 
ture of  the  same  period  in  England, 
tells  us  that  '  Of  the  character  of  the  bed 
itself  not  much  is  known,  except  that 
the  tester  (testier)  was  certainly  in  use 
during  this  century ;  as  the  name  im- 
plies, it  was  provided  with  a  canopy  for 
the  protection  of  the  head. '  —  Dom. 
Arch,  in  Engl.  vol.  i.  p.  100,  ed.  1851. 
Yet  Chaucer  obviously  borrowed  the 
French  application  of  the  word  to  horse- 
furniture,  when  he  wrote  in  The 
Knightes  Tale : 
'And  on  the  monve  whan  the  day  gan 


Of  hors  and  hernoys  noyse  and  claterynge 
Ther  was  in  the  oostes  al  aboute  ; 
And  to  the  paleys  rood  ther  many  a  route 
Of  lordes,  upon  steede  and  on  palfreys. 
Ther  mayst  thou  see  devysyng  of  herneys 
So  uncowth  and  so  riche  wrought  and  wel 
Of  goldsmithry,  of  browdyng,  and  of  steel, 
The  scheldes  bright,  testers,  and  trappures, 
Gold-beten  helmes,  hauberks,   and  cote  ar- 
mures.'  Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  77. 

Even  as  late  as  the  sixteenth  century  it 


was  so  applied,  for  Palsgrave  has : 
'Heedstall  of  a  horse  harnesse — testiere 
s,  f.'— UEsclair.  p.  230;  whilst  D'Au- 
bigne  in  Les  Aventures  du  Baron  de 
Fceneste,  written  early  in  the  following 
century,  uses  it  in  much  the  same  way : 
'  Si,  le  menerent  prissonnier  sur  sa  foi 
dans  un  coin  de  Testable,  lui  donnant 
pour  le  couvrir  un  caparasson  bleu 
bande  de  blanc  et  de  jaune  .  .  .  et 
Pemmenerent,  tout  boiteux,  la  tete  pas- 
see  dans  la  testiere  du  capa^on,  dont 
Peroton  portoit  la  queue,  parce  qu'il  etoit 
trop  long.' — P.  119,  ed.  Merimee,  1855. 
When  the  word  was  first  used  as  it  is 
by  Elyot,  to  denote  a  certain  part  of  a 
bed,  it  is  probably  impossible  to  decide, 
but  it  occurs  constantly  in  the  fifteenth 
century.  Thus  a  schedule  attached  to 
a  writ  of  i  Hen.  VI.  1423,  to  the 
keeper  of  the  royal  wardrobe,  for  the 
delivery  of  a  complete  'bed  of  hawk- 
yng '  to  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  gives  a 
minute  description  of  the  various  pieces 
which  formed  the  '  bed  ; '  '  it  consisted 
of  a  selour,  a  testor,  a  counterpoint,  six 
tapits  of  arras,  with  figures  of  hunting 
and  hawking  worked  in  gold,  two  cur- 
tains, and  one  traverse  of  "tartaryn."' 
— Turner,  Ubi  supra,  vol.  iii.  p.  104. 
From  the  same  source  we  learn  that 
'  When  the  ambassador  from  Charles 
of  Burgundy  was  entertained  by  Ed. 
IV.,  there  were  prepared  for  his  re- 
ception "iii  chambres  of  Pleasaunce, 
all  hanged  with  whyte  silke  and  lynnen 
clothe,  and  all  the  floures  covered  with 
carpettes.  There  was  ordeined  a  bedde 
for  hym  selue  of  as  good  doune  as 
coulde  be  gotton,  the  shetes  of  Raynys, 
also  fyne  fustyns,  the  counterpoynte 
clothe  of  golde  furred  wyth  armyn,  the 
tester  and  the  celer  also  shyninge  clothe 
of  golde,  the  curteyns  of  whyte  Sarce- 
nette,  as  for  his  hede  sute  and  pillowes 
were  of  the  Quenes  owne  ordonnance.' 
Ibid,  p.  107.  In  the  Romance  of  Sir 
Degrevant  we  have  the  following  de- 
scription of  the  bed  of  a  lady,  probably 
in  the  fifteenth  century  : 

'  Hur  bede  was  offaszure, 
With  testur  and  celure, 
With  a  brygt  bordure, 
Compasyd  ful  clene  : 


614 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Ther  was  at  hur  testers 
The  kyngus  owne  banere  : 
Was  nevere  bede  rychere 
Of  empryce  ne  qwene.' 
Thornton  Rom.  pp.  238,  239,  ed.  Camden 
Soc.  1844. 

In  the  Promptorium  we  find  '  Teester 
or  tethtere  of  a  bed.  Capitellum.''—  P. 
4.89.  See  also  ante  p.  238,  note  b. 

Tiller,  the  limit  or  measure  of  the 
strength  of  a  bow. — I.  297  and  note. 
The  exact  meaning  and  derivation  of 
this  word  present  very  great  difficulty 
which  no  modern  dictionary  has  hitherto 
been  able  to  remove.  Mr.  Roberts, 
the  author  of  The  English  Bowman, 
gives  the  following  definition  in  his 
glossary  :  '  An  instrument  made  of  a 
a  straight  piece  of  wood,  with  a  notch 
at  the  end  and  notches  on  the  upper 
side  ;  in  which  a  bow  is  placed  and 
drawn,  to  see  how  it  bends.' — P.  295, 
ed.  1801.  He  quotes,  however,  no 
authority  for  this  statement,  and  no 
such  instrument  is  mentioned  by 
Ascham  in  his  Toxophilus,  although  he 
speaks  of  '  heatings  and  tillerings. '  On 
'he  other  hand  it  is  manifest  from  the 
passages  quoted  in  the  note  that  the 
word  was  sometimes  used  to  denote  a 
particular  kind  of  bow.  And  this  is 
confirmed  by  Higgins,  who  gives  the 
following  definition :  '  Arcus,  cornu, 
Virg.  T^|OV,  K€pas,  Epigr.  Arc,  Arba- 
lestre.  A  hand  bow.  Et  sunt  qui  ar- 
cum  brachio  chalybeo  instructum  ba- 
Jistam  chalybeam  vocant,  ut  Nebrissensis 
arcubalistam.  A  steele  bowe  or  tiller.'' 
— Nomenclat.  p.  277,  ed.  1585.  In 
the  text,  however,  it  seems  to  mean 
rather  the  limit  of  strength  or  ca- 
pacity of  pull  exerted  by  the  archer 
himself;  but  whether  this  view  be 
correct  or  not,  the  advice  given  by 
Elyot  remains  the  same,  and  exactly 
corresponds  to  the  rule  laid  down  by 
the  Emperor  Leo  VI.  in  his  Tactica, 
viz.  To£ctpta  5e  eKacrrov  Kara  rfjv  iSiav 
IffXvv  Kal  ovx  fafp  avr^jv,  juaAAoi'  8e  Kal 
a.ira\a>Tfpa. — P.  55,  ed.  1612;  which  M. 
Joly  de  Maizeroy  translates  '  un  arc  plus 
au-dessous  qu'au-dessus  de  ses  forces.' 
— Inst.  Mil.  torn.  i.  p.  69,  ed.  1771. 
The  same  phrase  is  used  by  Beaumont, 
and  Fletcher  in  the  play  called  Phi- 


Zaster,  published  probably  in  1608  : 
'  Use  exercise,  and  keep  a  sparrow -hawk; 
you  can  shoot  in  a  tiller.' — Works ,  vol. 
i.  p.  33,  ed.  1840. 

Tisike,  phthisis,   consumption. — II. 
339  and  note. 

Towker,  a  tucker  or  fuller  of  doth. 
— I.  139.  Skinner  suggests  with  some 
plausibility  that  this  word  is  derived 
from  the  Teutonic  tuch  =  pannus.  But 
it  is  also  not  improbable  that  it  may  be 
connected  with  the  French  'toquer,'  or 
'toucher,'  of  which  the  earlier  form, 
according  to  Roquefort,  was  toucer, 
touker.  From  the  same  authority  we 
learn  that  a  substantive  '  touche '  for- 
merly was  in  use,  meaning  '  Eperon,  ce 
qui  sert  a  toucher  ou  a  piquer  un 
cheval.'  This  last  was  at  any  rate  the 
original  of  Shakespeare's  tuck  =  a  ra- 
pier. Thus  M.  Lobineau  in  the  proofs 
of  his  history,  quotes  a  document  of 
1386,  in  which  the  former  word  occurs 
in  this  sense  :  '  Premier  quant  est  de  ce 
que  ledit  M.  Robert  de  B.  disoit  que 
ledit  M.  Pierre  avoit  defailli  en  sa 
choaise  et  eslite  de  y  mettre  et  avoir 
esperons  ou  touches  pour  mener  et  con- 
duire  le  cheval ;  de  la  science  et  per- 
mission de  Mons.  et  du  consentement 
des  parties  fut  dit,  non  pas  par  sentence, 
mais  par  accord,  que  ils  pourroient 
avoir  et  porter  a  ladite  journee  esperons 
ou  tottches  ceux  qui  leur  plaira.' — Hist. 
de  Bretagne,  torn.  ii.  col.  670,  ed.  1707. 
Now  it  is  possible  that  the  name  of  an 
instrument  used  to  prick  or  goad  cattle 
may  have  been  borrowed  and  applied 
to  that  employed  in  the  process  of 
teasing  or  carding  wool.  Higgins  de- 
fines Pecten  as  '  instrumentum  fullo- 
num  e  carduis  consertum,  quo  pannos 
rudes  confricant,  et  in  villos  attollunt. 
A  cloth  worker's  wool  card  :  a  tucker's 
or  fuller's  handle  made  with  teazils.' — 
Nomenclator,  p.  254,  ed.  1585.  The 
same  authority  gives  'Fullo,  Plauto. 
Foulon.  A  fuller,  a  tucker."* — Ibid.  p. 
507.  Amyot,  in  his  translation  of 
Plutarch's  De  Herodoti  Malignitate, 
says  :  '  II  feit  prendre  1'un  des  plus 
grands  amis  de  son  frere,  homme  noble 
qui  lui  auoit  este  aduersaire,  et  le  tirant 
en  la  boutique  d'un  foulon,  le  feit  tant 


GLOSSARY. 


615 


carder  a  coups  de  cardes  et  de  peignes 
de  cardeur,  qu'il  en  mourut,' — (Euvres, 
torn.  ii.  fo.  651.  ed.  1572.  Holland's 
version  of  this  passage  is,  '  He  caught 
one  of  the  nobles,  a  great  friend 
and  companion  of  his  brother  Panta- 
leon,  who  had  before  time  been  his 
adversary,  and  within  a  fuller's  mill,  all 
to  beclawed  and  mangled  him  with 
Tuckers  cards  and  Burling  combs,  so  as 
he  died  therewith.' — Piut.  Morals,  p. 
1003,  ed.  1657.  In  a  poem  of  about 
the  reign  of  Ed.  IV.,  this  branch  of 
trade  is  mentioned  inter  alia : 

4  A  ordynaunce  wolde  be  maad  for  the  poore 

porayle, 

That  in  thyse  dayes  have  but  lytyll  avayle, 
That  is  to  sey  for  spynners,  carders,  wevers 

also, 

Ffor  toukers,  dyers,  and  schermyn  thereto.' 
Polit.  Poems,  vol.  ii.  p.  285,  the  Rolls  ed. 
The  statute   28   Hen.    VIII.  cap.    4, 
after  referring  to  an  earlier  act  of  the 
same  reign,  recites  that  :    '  Sithens  the 
makyng  of  whiche  Acte  a  great  noum- 
bre  of  the  Kinges  subjectes,  that  is  to 
saye,   weauers,   takers,  spynners,   diers 
and  wulpikers,  and  many  others  have 
bene  idell  and  withoute  worke  to  their 
great  impoverisshing  which  more  and 
more  is  like  dayly  to  encreace  if  reme- 
dye  be  not  provyded.'  In  5  Eliz.  cap.  4, 
sec.  23,  the  Act  of  Apprentices,  we  find  a 
more  precise  definition,  'Clothe  Fuller 
otherwise   called    Tucker  or    Walker.' 
A  later  statute  of  the  same  reign  speaks 
in   the  preamble   of  an    order  of  the 
Privy  Council   with  regard  to  Devon- 
shire Kersies,  '  a  commodity  heretofore 
in   great    request  ....  but    of    late 
marvailouslie  (and  not  without  occasion) 
discredited  by  the  invencions  and  newe 
devises  of  the  Weavers,    Tuckers,   and 
Artificers.   .  .    .  forbiddinge    all  other 
deceipts  in  weaving,  and  all  dymynish- 
inge      and      unreasonable     drawinge, 
stretchinge,    and     other     deceipts     in 
Tuckers.'  This  statute  (35  Eliz.  cap.  10) 
enacts  '  that  eiche  Weavor  shall  weave 
his  shopmarke  of  some  coloured  yarne 
in  thend  of  everie  Kersey  ....  wher- 
bye    the   deceitfull    cuttinge   and    dy- 
mynishinge  of  suche  clothes  by  Tuckers 
or  Fullers  heretofore  used  may  henc- 
forthe  be  prevented.'     In  The  Vision  of 


Piers  Ploughman  we  find  the  cognate 
verb  : 

'  Clooth  that  cometh  fro  the  wevyng 
Is  noght  comly  to  were, 
Til  it  be  fulled  under  foot 
Or  in  fullyng  stokkes, 
Wasshen  wel  with  water, 
And  with  taseles  cracched, 
"Y-tou&ed  and  y-teynted, 
And  under  taillours  hande.' 

Vol.  ii.  p.  322,  ed.  1842. 

Foxe  publishes  a  report  to  Bonner  by 
one  Stephen  Morris  on  '  the  principal 
teachers  of  heretical  doctrine  in  Lon- 
don,' in  which  mention  is  made  of  one 
'  Simon  Harlestone,  his  abyding  is  al- 
waye  at  a  place  in  Essex  called  Ded- 
ham,  a  iiii  myles  from  Colchester,  at 
one  Harries  house,  a  Tucker,  and  he  is 
a  greate  perswader  of  the  people,  and 
they  do  mightely  buylde  upon  his 
doctrine.' — Actes  and  Mon.  p.  1606, 
ed.  1563. 

Tracte,  course,  length,  space,  extent, 
duration. — I.  242.     From  the  French 
traict.     Cotgrave  translates  the  phrase 
Par  traict  de  temps.    '  In  tract  of  time, 
at  length,  in  time,  one  time  or  another.' 
Whilst  Palsgrave  gives  '  Successyon  of 
tyme — traict  de  temps  z,  m.' — L'Escl. 
p.  278.    And  in  his  prefatory  '  Epistell 
to  the  Kynges  Grace'  says,    '  My  sayd 
synguler  good  lorde  Charles  duke  of 
Suffolke,  by  cause  that  my  poore  labours 
required  a  longer  tracte  of  tyme,  hath 
also  in  the  meane  season  encouraged 
Maister  Petrus  Vallensys  ...  to  shewe 
his  lernynge  and  opinion  in  this  behalfe. ' 
— Ibid.    p.    vii.       Montaigne   uses   the 
same  phrase  :  '  Par  la,  ie  commenceay 
a  reprendre   un   peu  de  vie  ;  mais  ce 
feut  par  les  menus,  et  par  un  si  long 
traict  de    temps,    que    mes    premiers 
sentiments  estoient  beaucoup  plus  ap- 
prochants  de  la  mort  que  de  la  vie.'— 
Essais,    vol.    ii.   p.   151.     So    Amyot, 
in   his   translation   of  Plutarch,    says : 
*  (Fabius)  s'en  alia  trouuer  Hannibal, 
non  point  en  intention  de  le  combattre, 
ains  en  ferine  deliberation  de  luy  con- 
sumer la  uigueur  de  son  armee  par  long 
traict  de  temps.' — Les  Vies,  torn.  i.  fo. 
1 20,   ed.    1565,  which  North  renders, 
(Fabius)   dyd   straight    set    forwards 
unto  Hannibal,  not  as  minded  to  fight 


6i6 


THE  GOVERN  OUR. 


with  him,  but  fully  resolued  to  weare 
out  his  strength  and  power,  by  delayes 
and  tract  of  time.' — P.  194,  ed.  1579. 
Again,  the  former  says  of  Cato  :  '  II  se 
rendit  premierement  bon  plaideur,  et 
cut  la  parole  a  commandement,  et  par 
traict  de  temps  se  feit  orateur  eloquent.' 
— Ubi  supra,  fo.  234.  And  the  latter : 
'  In  shorte  time  he  became  a  perfect 
pleader,  and  had  tongue  at  will,  and  in 
processe  of  time  became  an  excellent 
orator.' — Ubi  supra,  p.  373.  Wolsey 
constantly  uses  the  phrase  ;  thus,  in  a 
letter  to  the  king,  dated  10  Aug.  1523, 
he  says :  '  I  have  receyved  veray  good 
and  joyous  newes,  ho  we  that  after  the 
long  trade  of  tyme,  with  the  manyfolde 
difficulties  which  have  insurged  ...  to 
the  impediment  of  the  treatie  betwene 
thEmperour  and  the  Venecians,  the 
same,  at  the  last  .  .  .  hath  sorted  and 
taken  the  desired  ende  and  effecte.' — 
State  Pap.  vol.  i.  p.  117.  The  word 
continued  to  be  used  in  this  sense  to  a 
much  later  period ;  thus  Bacon  says : 
'  The  third  (sort)  is  of  such  as  take  too 
high  a  strain  at  the  first,  and  are  mag- 
nanimous more  than  tract  of  years  can 
uphold.' — Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  478,  ed. 
1858.  And  Hooker  says :  'That  which 
hath  been  ordained  impiously  at  the 
first,  may  wear  out  that  impiety  in 
tract  of  time.' — Works,  p.  104,  ed. 
1723. 

Traicte,  verb,/0/r#z/,  to  handle,  to  dis- 
course.—\.  165  ;  II.  i,  88.  The  French 
traicter,  the  old  form  of  traiter.  Pals- 
grave gives,  '  I  trayte,  I  speake,  or 
comen  o  ia  mater.  Je  traicte,  prim, 
conj.  We  have  no  time  to  trayte  of  this 
mater  now  :  nous  nauons  poynt  de  temps 
de  traycter  de  ceste  matiere  asteureS — 
UEscl.  p.  760.  Montaigne  constantly 
uses  this  word,  as  in  the  following  in- 
stances :  '  A  fin  que  la  memoire  de 
1'aucteur  n'en  soit  interessee  en  1'en- 
droict  de  ceulx  qui  n'ont  peu  cognoistre 
de  prez  ses  opinions  et  ses  actions,  ie  les 
advise  que  ce  subiect  feut  traictt  par 
luy  en  son  enfance  par  maniere  d'exer- 
citation  seulement.' — Essais,  torn.  i.  p. 
277,  ed.  1854.  '  Quant  a  Cicero,  les 
ouvrages  qui  me  peuvent  servir  chez 
Juy  a  mon  desseing,  ce  sont  ceulx  qui 


traictent  de  la  philosophic,  specialement 
morale.' — Ibid.  torn.  ii.  p.  217. 

Trayne,  to  drag,  to  draw. — I.  276  ; 
11.273.  The  French strainer.  Palsgrave 
has,  '  I  drawe  at  a  horse  tayle,  or  on  a 
hardell.  Je  trayne,  prim.  conj.  He 
was  drawen  upon  a  hardell  at  a  horse 
tayle  :  il  fust  trayne  sur  une  herce,  a  la 
queue  dun  cheual.  I  drawe  about,  or 
trayle  a  thyng  aboute  upon  the  grounde. 
Je  trayne,  prim.  conj.  I  wyll  drawe  it 
after  me  :  je  le  trayneray  apres  moy.' — 
LEsdair.  p.  526.  The  word  occurs 
in  the  former  sense  in  the  regulations 
for  the  Assize  of  Bread  in  the  City  of 
London,  temp.  Ed.  I.  *  Si  defaute  soit 
trove  en  pain  de  pestour  de  la  cite,  a  la 
primere  defaute  soit  treine  sus  une 
claie  de  la  Gihale  (i.e.  the  Guildhall) 
jesques  al  hostel  meme  cell  pestour, 
parmi  les  plus  grauntz  rues,  ov  le  faus 
pain  pendaunt  entre  soun  col.' — Lib. 
Cust.  p.  284,  the  Rolls  ed.  In  the 
latter  sense  above  mentioned  it  is  em- 
ployed by  Montaigne,  '  Que  nostre  di- 
sciple soit  bien  pourveu  de  choses,  les 
paroles  ne  suyvront  que  trop  ;  il  les 
traisnera,  si  elles  ne  veulent  suyvre.' — 
Essais,  torn.  i.  p.  235.  And  again  : 
'La  curiosite,  la  subtilite,  le  S9avoir, 
traisnent  la  malice  a  leur  suitte. ' — Ibid. 
torn.  ii.  p.  361.  Shakespeare  evidently 
uses  the  word  in  the  same  sense  in  The 
Comedy  of  Errors : 

'O  train  IRS.  not," sweet  mermaid,  with  thy 

note, 
To  drown  me  in  thy  sister's  flood  of  tears.' 

And  also  in  King  Hen.  IV.  Part.  I.  : 

'  All  his  offences  lie  upon  my  head 
And  on  his  father's  ;  we  did  train  him  on.' 

Tree,  wood.— I.  43  ;  II.  306.  This 
Anglo-Saxon  word  denoted  not  merely 
the  living  tree,  but  the  timber  into 
which  it  was  ultimately  converted. 
Thus  in  the  Promptorium  we  find 
'  Tre,  whyle  hyt  waxy  the.  Arbor.  Tre, 
hew  downe,  or  not  growynge  (hewyd 
downe  and  not  waxynge),  Lignum? — 
P.  500.  Sir  John  Maundevile,  speak- 
ing of  the  King  of  'Calonack,'  tells  us 
that  'in  cas  that  he  had  ony  werre 
agenst  ony  other  kyng  aboute  him, 
thanne  he  maketh  certeyn  men  of  armes 


GLOSSARY. 


6l7 


for  to  gon  up  in  to  the  castelles  of  Tree, 
made  for  the  werre,  that  craftily  ben  set 
up  on  the  olifantes  bakkes,  for  to 
fyghten  agen  hire  enemyes.' — Voiage, 
&c.  p.  232,  ed.  1727.  Chaucer  in  The 
Prologe  of  the  Wyf  of  Bathe,  uses  it  in 
the  same  way  as  Elyot,  as  applied  to 
utensils  : 

'  For  wel  ye  wot,  a  lord  in  his  household 
He  nath  not  every  vessel  ful  of  gold  ; 
Som  ben  of  tre,  and  don  her  lord  servise.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  209. 

Foxe  mentions  one  James  Raueleson, 
who,  '  building  a  house,  set  uppon  the 
round  of  his  fourth  staire,  the  3  crowned 
diademe  of  Peter,  carued  of  tree} — 
Actes  and  Mon.  vol.  ii.  p.  1267,  ed. 
1583. 

Trille,  to  roll,  to  twirl. — I.  294. 
This,  like  the  last,  is  a  regular  Anglo- 
Saxon  word.  In  the  Promptorittm  we 
find,  'Tryllyn  or  trollyn.  Volvo'—  And 
'Trollyn  idem  quod  Tryllyn.'  Whilst 
Palsgrave  has,  '  I  tryll  a  whirlygyg 
rounde  aboute.  Je  pirouette,  prim.  conj. 
I  holde  the  a  peny  that  I  wyll  tryll  my 
whirlygyg  longer  about  than  thou 
shake  do  thyne  :  je  gaige  a  toy  ung 
denier  que  je  pirotietteray  de  ma  pirouette 
plus  longuement  que  tTt  ne  feras  de  la 
tienneS — And  also,  'I  tryll.  Je  jecte, 
prim,  conj.'  —  UEsclair.  p.  762. 
Chaucer  uses  the  word  both  in  an 
active  and  a  neuter  sense.  Thus  in 
The  Squyeres  Tale  w6  have  an  example 
of  the  former  : 

'The    hors   anoon    gan    for   to    trippe    and 

daunce, 
Whan  that  the  knight  leyd  hand  upon  his 

rayne, 

And  sayde  :  "  Sir,  ther  is  nomore  to  sayne, 
But  whan  you  lust  to  ryde  any  where, 
Ye  moote  trille  a  pyn  that  scant  in  his  ere, 
Which  I  schal  telle  you  bitwen  us  two, 
Ye  moste  nempne  him  to  what  place  also, 
Or  what  countre  you  luste  for  to  ryde. 
And  whan  ye  come  ther  you  lust  abyde, 
Bid  him  descende,  and  trille  another  pynne, 
(For  therin  lith  thefect  of  al  the  gynne) 
And  he  wol  doun  descend  and  do  your  wille. 

****** 

Or  if  you  lust  to  bid  him  thennes  goon, 
Trille  this  pyn,  and  he  wol  vanyssh  anoon. 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  364,  ed.  1866. 

While  in  The  Sompnoures  Tale  the 
same  word  is  used  intransitively  : 


'  But  up  I  roos,  and  al  our  covent  eeke, 
With  many  a  teere  trilling  <m  my  cheeke.' 
Ibid.  p.  264. 

Spenser  has  followed  this  latter  usage 
in  The  Faerie  Queene : 

'  And  yet,  through  languour  of  her  late  sweet 

toyle, 
Few  drops,  more  cleare  than  nectar,   forth 

distild, 
That  like  pure  Orient    perles    adowne    it 

trild ; 

And  her  faire  eyes,  sweet  smyling  in  delight, 
Moystened  their  fierie  beames,  with  which 

she  thrild 
Fraile  harts,  yet  quenched  not.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  235,  ed.  1866. 

Gascoigne,  on  the  other  hand,  uses  it 
actively  : 

'  Ne  wil  I  yet  affray  the  doutfull  harts 
Of  such  as  seeke  for  welth  in  warre  to  fall, 
By  thundring  out  the  sundry  soden  smarts, 
Which  dayly  chance  as  Fortune  trilles  the 
bal.' 

Works,  p.  127,  ed.  1587. 

With  regard  to  the  passage  in  the  text, 
Mr.  Julian  Marshall,  in  his  elaborate 
and  interesting  Annals  of  Tennis,  con- 
siders it  '  valuable  as  giving  once  more 
the  word  "stoppe"  where  the  ball  is 
said  to  "tryll  fast  on  the  grounde." 
This  would  appear  to  show  the  continu- 
ance of  the  custom  of  marking  the 
chase,  not  at  the  point  of  the  second 
bound  of  the  ball,  but  at  that  at  which 
it  ceased  to  run,  or  was  "stopped,"  as 
has  been  already  observed.' — P.  69, 
ed.  1878. 

Turgion,  the  name  of  a  dance. — I. 
230.  As  was  observed  in  the  note, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  by  this 
word  the  author  intended  to  designate 
the  French  tourdion  01  tordion.  Of 
this  dance  the  best  authority  on  the 
subject  gives  the  following  explanation : 
'  Apres  la  basse-dance  et  le  retour  de 
la  basse-dance,  vous  pourrez  commencer 
la  dance  du  tordion,  qui  est  en  mesure 
ternaire,  comme  est  la  basse-dance. 
Mais  elle  est  plus  legiere  et  concitee. 
Cap.  Le  tordion  est-il  compose  des 
mesmes  mouuements  de  la  basse  dance 
et  son  retour,  c'est  a  dire  de  simples, 
doubles,  reprises  et  branles  ?  Arb. 
C'est  une  aultre  sorte  de  mouuements, 
qui  consiste  de  certaines  assiettes  de 
pieds  et  une  cadance,  ce  que  ie  vous 


6i8 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


donneray  plus  clairement  a  entendre 
quant  nous  parlerons  de  la  gaillarde, 
car  le  tordion  n'est  aultre  chose  qu'une 
gaillarde  par  terre  ....  En  da^ant 
le  tourdion  on  tient  tousiours  la  damoi- 
selle  par  la  main  :  et  qui  danceroit  ledit 
tourdion  trop  nidement,  on  donneroit 
trop  de  peines  et  de  sargots  a  la  .dicte 
damoiselle.  Arb.  Auiourd'huy  les 
danceurs  n'ont  point  ces  honnestes 
considerations  en  ces  voltes  et  aultres 
semblables  dances  iasciues  et  esgarees 
que  Ton  a  amene  en  exercice,  en  dan- 
cant  lesquelles  on  faict  bondir  les  da- 
moiselles  de  telle  mode  que  le  plus 
souuent  elles  monstrent  a  nud  les  ge- 
noulx,  si  elles  ne  mettent  la  main  a 
leurs  habits  pour  y  obuier.' — Arbeau, 
Orchesographie,  fo.  28-45,  ed-  I588- 
The  word,  which  according  to  Littre,  is 
no  longer  in  use,  is  derived  from  the 
verb  tordre,  to  twist,  and  is  translated 
by  Cotgrave,  'A  turning  or  winding 
about ;  also  a  trick  or  prank  ;  also  the 
daunce  tearmed  a  round.'  It  is  used 
by  Scarron  in  its  primitive  sense  for 
the  wreaths  or  twists  made  by  a  ser- 
pent's tail : 

'  Ce  grand  serpent  long  de  deux  aunes, 
Tout  parseme"  de  taches  j  aunes. 

II  scandalisa  par  sa  mine, 

Et  par  sa  face  serpentine, 

Et  par  de  certains  tordions, 

Qui  causoient  palpitations 

Les  plus  huppes  de  1'assemblee.' 

Le  Virgile  travesti,  torn.  ii.  p.  14,  ed.  1752. 

Turmentes,  -warlike engines.  —I.  44. 
This  word,  which  in  this  sense  appears 
to  be  aira£  Key6p.*vov  in  English,  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  Latin  '  tormen- 
ta,'  whose  primary  meaning  was  that 
given  above.  Thus  Cicero  says,  '  Ut 
enim  balistae  lapidum,  et  reliqua  tor- 
menta  telorum,  eo  graviores  emissiones 
habent,  quo  sunt  contenta  atque  adducta 
vehementius.' —  Tusc.  Qucest.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  24.  And  Archimedes  is  called 
by  Livy,  '  inventor  ac  machinator  belli - 
corum  tormentorum  operumque.' — Lib. 
xxiv.  cap.  34.  In  his  Dictionary  the 
author  gives  precisely  the  same  defini- 
tion, '  Tourment,  or  an  engyn  to  turment 
men,  generally  all  ordinance  pertayn- 
yngeto  warre.'  And  since  the  note  was 


printed  the  Editor  has  discovered  that 
the  passage  in  the  text  is  a  literal  trans- 
lation from  the  work  of  Patrizi  :  'Mar- 
cus quidem  Vitruvius  affirmat  bellica 
omnia  tormenta  vel  a  regibus,  ducibus, 
imperatoribusve  inventa  extitisse  :  vel 
si  qua  ab  aliis  accessissent,  fecisse  ea 
longe  meliora.' — DeRegno  et  Reg.  Inst. 
lib.  ii.  tit.  14. 


u. 


Ungyued,  unchained,  unfettered. — 
II.  64.  See  Giues,  ante,  p.  519. 

Unhabill,  unfit ,  incapable,  unable, 
disabled. — II.  234.  From  the  Latin 
'  inhabilis,'  which  is  quite  classical,  and 
which  the  author  in  '  the  Additions  '  to 
his  Dictionary  himself  renders  '  unapt. ' 
It  is  used  by  Tacitus  :  '  Agricola  tres 
Batavorum  cohortes  ac  Tungrorum  duas 
cohortatus  est,  ut  rem  ad  mucrones  ac 
manus  adducerent :  quod  et  ipsis,  vetus- 
tate  militiae,  exercitatum,  ethostibus  in- 
habile,  parva  scuta  et  enormes  gladios 
gerentibus.' — Agric.  cap.  36.  Q.  Cur- 
tius,  speaking  of  elephants,  says  :  '  Con- 
gregata  vero  tot  millia  ipsa  se  elidunt, 
ubi  nee  stare,  nee  fugere  potuerint  in- 
habiles  vastorum  corporum  moles.' — 
Hist.  lib.  ix.  cap.  2.  Jeremy  Taylor, 
in  the  following  century,  uses  precisely 
the  same  form  as  Elyot :  '  If  irregularity 
be  ipso  facto  incurr'd,  the  offending 
person  is  bound  in  conscience  not  to 
accept  a  benefice  or  execute  an  office 
to  which  by  that  censure  he  is  made 
unhabile  and  unapt.' — Ductor  Dubit. 
p.  472,  ed.  1676.  The  French  form 
was  also  the  same.  Thus  Palsgrave 
gives,  '  Unable — m.  et  f.  inhabile  s ;  m. 
insuffisant  s,  f.  insuffisante  s.' — L'JEscl. 
p.  328. 

Unneth,  lit.  uneasily,  hence  scarcely, 
hardly.— -I.  u,  54,  77,  Il6>  J38>  J78, 
200,  239;  II.  13,  73,  ioo,  120,  137, 
174,  229,  252,  261,  276,  307,  314,  335, 
357,  396»  4OI>  This  regular  Anglo- 
Saxon  adverb  is  often  used  by  the  early 
writers.  In  the  author's  Dictionary 
we  find  the  Latin  '  vix '  translated 
lunethe,  scantly,  hardily,' whilst  Pals- 
grave has  '  Unneth,  a  payne,  or  a  grant 


GLOSSARY. 


619 


payne.'—VEscl.  p.  853.  Sir  John 
Maundevile,  in  his  chapter  headed  '  Of 
the  Develes  Hede  in  the  Valeye  Peril- 
ous, '  says  :  ' '  Fro  him  comethe  out 
smoke  and  stynk  and  fuyr,  and  so 
moche  abhomynacioun,  that  unethe  no 
man  may  there  endure.' — Voiage,  &°c. 
p.  341,  ed.  1727.  The  word  is  often 
used  by  Chaucer,  as  in  the  following 
instance  : 

'  The  Myller  that  for  drunken  was  al  pale, 
So  that  winethe  upon  his  hors  he  sat, 
He  would  avale  nowther  hood  ne  hat.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  96. 
And  in  The  Frankeleynes  Tale  : 

1  For  sche  was  on  the  fairest  under  sonne, 
And  eek  therto  come  of  so  heih  kynrede, 
That  wel  unnethes  durst  this  knight  for 

diede 

Telle  hire  his  woo,  his  peyne,  and  his  dis- 
tresse.' 

Ibid,  vol.  iii.  p.  2. 

Again  in  Troylus  and  Cryseyde  : 

'  The  heighe  sobbes  of  his  sorwes  smerte 
His  spech  hym  refte,  unnethes  myghte  he 

seye, 

"O  deth,  alias  !  why  nyltow  do  me  deye?'" 
Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  310. 

Also  by  Sir  Thomas  More,  who 
says  :  '  Therefore,  sithe  this  ungracious 
braunche  of  wrath  springeth  out  of  the 
cursed  rote  of  pryde  and  settyng  muche 
by  our  selfe,  so  secretely  lurkyng  in  our 
hearte,  that  unnethe  we  can  parceyve  it 
our  selfe,  lette  us  pull  uppe  well  the 
roote,  and  surely  the  braunche  of  wrathe 
shall  soone  wither  awaye.' — Workes, 
vol.  i.  p.  87,  ed.  1557.  Spenser  also 
employs  it  several  times,  as  in  The 
Shepheard's  Calender : 

'  So  faint  they  woxe,  and  feeble  in  the  folde, 
That  now  unnethes  their  feete  could  them 
uphold.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  15,  ed.  1866. 

And  in  The  Faerie  Queene  : 

'  Is  then  unjust  to  each  his  dew  to  give? 
Or  let  him  dye,  that  loatheth  living  breath, 
Or  let  him  die  at  ease,  that  liveth  here  ««- 
eath: 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  10. 

It  is  even  used  by  Shakespeare  in  King 
Hen.  VI.,  Part  II.,  who  makes  Gloster 
exclaim  : 

'  Ten  is  the  hour  that  was  appointed  me 
To  watch  the  coming  of  my  punish'd  duchess  : 


Uneath  may  she  endure  the  flinty  streets, 
To  tread  them  with  her  tender- feeling  feet.' 

Unwetynge,  Unwittynge,  un- 
known, not  knowing. — II.  239,  281. 
The  above  are  really  only  different 
forms  of  the  same  word,  though  treated 
by  Richardson  as  separate  and  distinct. 
It  is  formed  from  the  negative  particle 
*un,'  and  the  participle  'weeting,'  or 
'  witting '  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  verb  '  to 
weete,'or  «  wit,'  noticed  below.  Chau- 
cer, in  The  Frankeleynes  Tale,  says  : 

'And  schortliche,  if  the  soth  telle  I  schal, 
Unwytyng  of  this  Dorigen  at  al, 
This  lusty  squyer,  servaunt  to  Venus, 
Which  that  y-cleped  was  Aurelius, 
Had  loved  hire  best  of  eny  creature 
Two  yeer  and  more,  as  was  his  adventure. ' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii. -p.  8. 

Spenser  uses  the  same  form  as  Elyot  : 

'  From  thence  a  Faery  thee  unweeting  reft, 
There  as  thou  slepst  in  tender  swadling  band, 
And  her  base  Elfin  brood  there  for  thee  left.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  31. 
Again  : 

'Her  seeming  dead  he  found  with  feigned 

feare, 

As  all  un-weeting  of  that  well  she  knew  ; 
And  paynd  himselfe  with  busie  care  to  reare 

Her  out  of  carelesse  swowne.' 

Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  138. 

Ure,  operation,  action,  working,  prac- 
tice.—\\.  326.  This  word  has  long 
been  a  puzzle  to  etymologists,  and  it 
cannot  be  said  that  they  have  hitherto 
succeeded  in  solving  the  difficulty. 
Skinner,  for  example,  seems  to  have 
thought  that  it  was  merely  a  contracted 
form  of  the  Latin '  usura,'  and,  strangely 
enough,  this  absurd  suggestion  has  been 
adopted  without  comment  by  Richard- 
son. Mr.  Todd,  the  editor  of  Johnson's 
Dictionary,  contented  himself  with  say- 
ing that  the  word  was  'obsolete,'  and 
declined  altogether  the  task  of  seeking 
for  its  derivation.  Dr.  Latham,  his 
successor  in  the  same  capacity,  says 
subvoc.  'Enure,'  'From  French  heur, 
hap,  fortune,  chance,  was  formed  Eng- 
lish ure,  fortune,  destiny,  the  experi- 
ence of  good  or  evil.  Hence,  to  have  in 
ure,  to  put  in  ure,  or  to  enure,  is  to 
experience,  to  practise,  to  take  effect.' 
Even  if  this  derivation  were  correct,! 
is  difficult  to  follow  a  train  of  reason- 


620 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


ing  the  logical  consequence  of  which 
demands  that  we  should  regard  prac- 
tise as  synonymous  with  chance.  Nares 
hardly  makes  matters  better  by  saying 
that  though  '  very  currently  employed 
for  use,  in  Chaucer's  time  it  had  a  very 
different  meaning,  being  used  for  for- 
tune or  adventure,  like  the  French 
heure;  ure  being  also  old  French  for 
hour.'  It  is  certainly  surprising  that 
none  of  these  authorities  should  have 
hit  upon  the  real  origin  of  ihe  word, 
and  that  two  of  the  most  capable  of 
them  have  failed  altogether  to  perceive 
that  Chaucer  employed  concurrently 
two  words  totally  distinct  in  meaning, 
but  spelt  precisely  alike,  and  each  de- 
rived from  a  French  source.  The  word 
Maynure  (mainceuvre],  already  noticed, 
supplies  us,  however,  with  a  clue  to  the 
true  derivation,  which  is  undoubtedly 
4  cure '  or  '  ovre,'  the  old  form  of  the 
French  ceuvre.  Roquefort  notices  both 
forms — '  Eure,  evre,  ewre  \  Travail, 
ceuvre,  ouvrage;  opus,  operis.'  And 
'  Ovre,  oeuvre,  ouvrage,  affaire  ;  opera. ' 
And  in  Le  Roman  de  la  Rose,  we  find 
both  employed  concurrently.  Thus  : 

'  Car  puis  que  pere  et  mere  faillent, 
Vuet  Nature  que  les  fils  saillent 
Por  recontinuer  ceste  ovre, 
Si  que  par  Tung  1'autre  recovre. 
Por  ce  i  mist  Nature  delit, 
Por  ce  vuet  que  Ten  s'i  delit, 
Que  cil  ovrier  ne  s'en  foissent, 
Et  que  ceste  ovre  ne  hai'ssent.' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  23. 
And 

'  Ainsinc  delit  enlace  et  maine 
Les  cors  et  la  pensee  humaine 
Par jonesce  sa  chamberiere, 
Qui  de  mal  faire  est  coustumiere, 
Et  des  gens  a  delit  atraire  ; 
Ja  ne  querroit  autre  ovre  faire.' 

Ibid.  p.  25. 
Whilst,  at  the  same  time,  we  have  : 

'  Bon  cuer  fait  la  pensee  bonne, 
La  robe  n'i  toll,  ne  ne  donne, 
Et  la  bonne  pensee  Vuevre 
Qui  la  religion  descuevre.' 

Ibid.  p.  331. 

The  last  couplet  is  thus  translated  by 
Chaucer  : 

'  The  goode  thought  and  the  worching, 
That  makith  the  religioun  flowryng.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  191. 
The  very  phrase  metlre  en  I'uevre,  of 


which  'put  in  ure'  is  the  English  equi- 
valent, also  occurs  in  this  poem  : 
'  Et  quant  se  seront  mis  en  Fuevre, 
Chascuns  d'eus  si  sagement  ue-wre, 
Et  si  a  point  que  il  conviengrie 

8ue  li  delis  ensemble  viengne 
e  Tune  et  de  1'autre  partie, 
Ains  que  Vuevre  soil  departie.' 

Ubi  supra,  torn.  iii.  p.  20. 
Now  Palsgrave  gives  :  '  1  put  in  ure. 
Je  mets  en  experience,  or  je  mets  en 
trayn.  It  shall  be  put  in  ure,  or  it  be 
aught  longe  ;  je  le  metteray  en  experi- 
ence, or  je  le  metteray  en  trayn  auant 
que  soyt  long  temps  S — UEscl.  p.  673. 
This  phrase  was  commonly  found  in 
our  old  law  books.  Thus  Coke  trans- 
lates Littleton's  sentence,  '  II  serra  en- 
tendue  ascun  foits  estre  mise  en  ure''  : 
'  It  shall  be  intended  that  at  some  time 
it  would  have  beene  put  in  ureS — Co. 
Litt.  80  b.  Chaucer's  use  of  the  word 
in  The  Remedie  of  Loue  is  evidently 
analogous : 

' in  his  prouerbes  sage  Salomon 

Telleth  a  tale  which  is  plainly  found 
In  the  fifth  chapiter,  whider  in  deed  don, 
Or  meekely  feined  to  our  instruction, 
Let  clerkes  determine,  but  this  am  I  sure, 
Much  like  thing  I  haue  had  in  ure' 

Works,  fo.  307,  ed.  1602. 

In  the  old  play  of  Ferrex  and  Porrex, 

written  by  Thomas    Sackville   in   the 

reign  of  Elizabeth,  the  phrase  used  by 

Littleton  occurs  again  : 

'  Then  saw  I  how  he  smiled  with  slaying  knife 

Wrapped  under  cloke,  then  saw  I  depe  de- 

ceite 

Lurke  in  his  face,  and  death  prepared  for  me. 
Even  nature  moved  me  then  to  holde  my  life 
More  deare  to  me  then  his,  and  bad  this 

hand 

To  shed  his  bloud,  and  seeke  my  safetie  so  ; 
And  wisdome  willed  me  without  protract 
In  speedy  wise  to  put  the  same  in  ure.' 

Dodsley,  Coll.  Old  Plays,  vol.  i.  p.  145, 
ed.  1780. 

Bacon,  in  his  Hist,  of  Hen.  VII., 
shows  us  that  he  considered  the  word 
synonymous  with  practice,  '  (The  Arch- 
duke) having  also  his  ears  continually 
beaten  with  the  counsels  of  his  father 
and  father-in-law,  who,  in  respect  of 
their  jealous  hatred  against  the  French 
King,  did  always  advise  the  Archduke 
to  anchor  himself  upon  the  amity  of 
King  Henry  of  England,  was  glad 
upon  this  occasion  to  put  in  ure  and 


GLOSSARY. 


621 


practice  their  precepts.' — Works,  vol. 
vi.  p.  207,  ed.  1858.  Again,  in 
his  Advancement  of  Learning,  com- 
menting on  Virgil's  lines,  *  Ut  varias 
usus,'  &c.,  he  says,  'If  you  observe 
the  words  well,  it  is  no  other  method 
than  that  which  brute  beasts  are  ca- 
pable of,  and  do  put  in  ure  ;  which  is  a 
perpetual  intending  or  practising  some 
one  thing,  urged  and  imposed  by  an 
absolute  necessity  of  conservation  of 
being." — Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  386.  Hooker 
employs  it  exactly  in  the  same  way  : 
'  Was  it  amiss,  that  having  this  way 
eased  the  Church,  as  they  thought,  of 
superfluity,  they  went  on  till  they  had 
plucked  up  even  those  things  which,  to 
abrogate  without  constraint  of  manifest 
harm  thereby  arising,  had  been  to  alter 
unnecessarily  (in  their  judgments)  the 
antient  received  custom  of  the  whole 
Church,  the  universal  practice  of  the 
people  of  God,  and  those  very  decrees 
of  our  fathers,  which  were  not  only  set 
down  by  agreement  of  general  councils, 
but  had  accordingly  been  put  in  ure, 
and  so  continued  in  use  till  that  very 
time  present.' — Works,  p.  in,  ed. 
1723.  Palsgrave  gives  also,  'I  bring 
in  ure  by  longe  accustomynge  of  a 
thyng  or  condycion.  Je  habitue,  prim, 
conj.  It  is  displeasaunt  unto  you  for 
a  whyle,  but  and  you  were  ones  brought 
in  tire  withall  it  shulde  never  greve  you : 
il  TJotis  faiche  encore  pour  ung peu,  mays 
si  vous  estiez  une  fays  habitue,  il  ne  vous 
feroyt  poynt  de  tnal.' — UEscl.  p.  467. 
The  word  occurs  in  the  English  transla- 
tion of  the  Preface  to  the  Apophthegms 
of  Erasmus,  but  the  sentence  in  which  it 
occurs  must  have  been  interpolated  by 
Udall,  as  there  is  no  corresponding 
sentence  in  the  original :  '  This  thyng 
more  often  cometh  in  ure  then  that  it 
needeth  by  examples  to  bee  proued.' — 
Sig.  **  i  b,  ed.  1564.  The  following 
passage  from  Holinshed  shows  that  it 
is  not,  as  has  sometimes  been  stated, 
merely  equivalent  to  use.  Speaking  of 
the  Scotch,  he  says  :  '  They  haue  cer- 
teine  letters  proper  unto  themselues, 
which  were  somtime  in  common  use  ; 
but  among  such  as  reteine  the  ancient 
speach,  they  haue  their  aspirations, 


dipthongs,  and  pronunciation  better 
than  any  other.  The  common  sort  are 
not  in  ure  withall,  but  onlie  they  which 
inhabit  in  the  higher  part  of  the 
countrie;  and  sith  they  haue  their 
language  more  eloquent  and  apt  than 
others,  they  are  called  poets.'— Z^JYTT/V. 
of  Scot.  p.  21,  ed.  1585.  Ascham, 
paraphrasing  part  of  the  speech  of 
Adrastus  (Eur.  Supp.  911-917?)  says  : 

'  What  thing  a  man  in  tender  age  hath  most 

in  ure, 

That  same  to  death  always  to  keep  he  shall 
be  sure.' 

Tax.  p.  47,  ed.  1864. 

And  in  an  old  play  by  Heywood,  The 
Four  Prentices  of  London,  one  of  the 
characters  exclaims  : 

'  This  bickering  will  but  keep  our  arms  in  ure, 
The  holy  battles  better  to  endure.' 
Dodsley,  ubi  supra,  vol.  vi.  p.  493,  ed.  1780. 

There  was  also  the  verb  to  ure  =  to 
exercise,  formed  from  the  substantive. 
Thus  Chaucer  in  his  Dream  says  : 

'  And  when  I  hadde  thus  all  aboute 
The  yle  avised  throughoute 
The  state,  and  how  they  were  arayed, 
In  my  heart  I  were  well  payed, 
And  in  my  selfe  I  me  assured 
That  in  my  body  I  was  well  ured' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  90. 

So  Robinson,  in  his  translation  of 
Utopia,  says  :  '  Now,  how  unnecessary 
a  thynge  thys  is  hereby  it  maye  appere  : 
that  the  ffrenche  souldiours,  whyche 
from  their  youthe  haue  byne  practysed 
and  urede  in  feates  of  armes,  doo  not 
cracke  nor  auaunce  themselfes  to  haue 
verye  often  gotte  the  upperhande  and 
masterye  of  your  newe  made  and  un- 
practysed  soldiours.' — Sig.  C.  vi.  ed. 
1551.  The  corresponding  passage  in 
the  original  being,  '  Quam  vero  non 
magnopere  necessarium  vel  hinc  elu- 
cescit,  quod  ne  Galli  quidem  milites 
armis  ab  unguiculis  exercitatissimi  cum 
evocatis  comparati  vestris,  admodum 
ssepe  gloriantur  superiores  sese  dis- 
cessisse.' — P.  41,  ed.  1548.  In  what 
is  styled  the  second  edition  of  the 
former  work,  the  word  is  printed  in- 
ured. This  shows  that  to  ure  and  to 
inure  were  identical,  and  it  seems  pro- 
bable that  the  latter  was  adopted  as  a 


622 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


simpler  or  contracted,  form  of  the 
phrase  to  put  or  bring  in  ure.  Spenser 
very  frequently  uses  this  contraction. 
Thus,  in  a  letter  to  Gabriel  Harvey, 
dated  April  1580,  he  says:  'I  like 
your  late  Englishe  Hexameters  so  ex- 
ceedingly well,  that  I  also  enure  my 
penne  sometime  in  that  kinde.'  — 
Haslewood,  Essays,  vol.  ii.  p.  259, 
ed.  1815.  In  the  following  passage  of 
The  Faerie  Queene  it  seems  to  be  equi- 
valent to  '  bring  about '  or  '  effect ' : 

'  Ne  certes  can  that  friendship  long  endure, 
However  gay  and  goodly  be  the  style, 
That  doth  ill  cause  or  evill  end  enure.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  126,  ed.  1866. 

In  another  it  is  employed  in  precisely 
the  same  sense  as  in  the  above  letter, 
viz.  as  =  to  practise  : 

'  He  gan  that  Ladie  strongly  to  appele 
Of  many  haynous  crymes  by  her  enured ; 
And  with  sharp  reasons  rang  her  such  a  pele, 
That  those  whom  she  to  pitie  had  allured, 
He  now  t'abhorre  and  loath  her  person  had 
procured. ' 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  61. 

Again,  in  Mother  Hubberds  Tale,  it 
clearly  has  the  same  meaning : 

'  Scarce  this  right  hand  the  mcuth  with  diet 

feedeth, 

So  that  it  may  no  painful!  work  endure, 
Ne  to  strong  labour  can  it  selfe  enure.' 

That  this  is  so  is  proved  by  the  con- 
text: 

'  With  that  the  husbandman  gan  him  avize, 
That  it  for  him  were  fittest  exercise 
Cattel  to  keep,  or  grounds  to  oversee. ' 

Ibid.  vol.  v.  p.  10. 

Utter,  to  put  out,  to  export,  to  expose 
for  sale,  to  sell. — II.  446  and  note. 
This  word,  the  meaning  of  which  pre- 
sents some  difficulty,  has  generally 
been  assumed  to  be  of  genuine  Anglo- 
Saxon  origin,  but  it  is  more  probably 
derived  from  the  French  outrer.  Du 
Cange  and  Roquefort  both  give  a  sub- 
stantive, outree,  which  is  explained  by 
the  former  to  mean  'adjudication  au 
plus  offrant  et  dernier  encherisseur.' 
The  phrase  outrer  un  marche  is  said  to 
be  equivalent  to  'contractum  emptionis 
vel  venditionis  concludere.'  And  in 
support  of  this  assertion  the  following 
passage  is  quoted  from  a  French  MS., 


circa  A.D.  1295  :  '  tins  bouchiers 
markeanda  un  pourchel  a  un  homme. 
.  .  .  Apresche  il  se  department  d'iluec 
sans  outrer  le  markie.  ...  Li  markies 
fu  outres  et  li  deniers  Dieu  dbnnes.'— 
Gloss,  sub  voc.  Ottragium.  The  same 
form  occurs  in  our  statutes.  The 
9  Hen.  VI.  cap.  2,  passed  A.D.  1430, 
after  reciting  a  previous  Act,  which 
ordained  that  transactions  between 
English  and  foreign  merchants  should 
be  carried  on  for  ready-money,  or  by 
way  of  barter  only,  proceeds,  '  Pur 
cause  de  quelle  ordinaunce  les  Mar- 
chauntez  Englois  nount  mye  venduz  ne 
poient  vendre  ne  outrer  lour  draps  as 
marchantz  aliens.'  Or,  according  to 
the  English  version,  '  because  of  which 
ordinance  the  English  merchants  have 
not  sold  nor  cannot  sell  nor  utter  their 
cloths  to  merchants  aliens.'  In  a  later 
statute,  '  utterance  '  seems  to  be  used  in 
its  primitive  sense,  and  as  the  equiva- 
lent of  'export.'  8  Ed.  IV.  cap.  I, 
passed  in  1468,  recites  that  it  had  been 
formerly  customary  in  certain  counties 
to  manufacture  cloths  of  a  size  pre- 
scribed by  law  :  '  Pur  qoy  les  ditz 
feisours  de  draps  et  enhabitantz  en  les 
ditz  countees  graundement  prosperoient 
et  avoient  graund  profit  et  boon  utter- 
ance de  les  ditz  draps.'  It  then  alleges 
that  in  the  said  counties  cloths  are  now 
made  deficient  in  size  :  '  Pur  cause  des 
quelles  deceites  sibien  en  non  droit 
overaigne  come  en  defaute  del  longeur 
laeure  et  poise,  les  ditz  feisours  de  draps 
et  enhabitantes  deinz  les  ditz  trois 
countees  ne  ount  pas  ne  avoir  puissent 
utterance  ou  passage  en  les  parties 
estraunges.'  The  English  word  occurs 
in  this  sense  in  a  poem  called  '  The 
Libel  of  English  Policy,'  written  in  the 
fifteenth  century  : 

'  Than  sone  at  Venice  of  them  men   wol  it 

bye, 

Then  utterne  there  thechaffare  be  the  payse.' 
Pol.  Poems,  vol.  ii.  p.  175,  the  Rolls  ed. 
In  the  same  collection  the  same  word, 
but  with  the  meaning  of  '  to  speak, '  is 
spelt  ottre.  In  the  seventeenth  century 
the  word  was  still  applied  to  the  sale 
of  various  articles,  such  as  pictures,  &c. 
Thus  Peacham,  in  a  notice  of  John 


GLOSSARY. 


623 


Cimabue,  the  artist,  says  :  '  Some  of 
his  peeces,  for  the  raritie,  were  carried 
out  of  his  house  into  the  new  church  in 
Florence  ....  others  being  uttered 
at  great  rates  ouer  all  France  and  Italy.' 
—The  Compleat  Gentleman,  p.  118, 
ed.  1622.  The  word,  in  a  sense  ana- 
logous to  that  of  which  examples  have 
been  given,  still  survives  in  the  techni- 
cal language  of  our  criminal  law,  which 
makes  it  an  offence  to  '  utter '  counter- 
feit coin. 


V. 


Valour,  value,  price.  —II.  205.  The 
French  valeur,  of  which,  however,  the 
old  form  was  also  value.  Thus  Pals- 
grave has  '  Valewe — ualeur  s,  f.  Value, 
prise—  ualue  s,  f.  ISEscl.  p.  284.  In  Le 
Roman  de  la  Rose  we  find — 

'  Car  bonte  faite  par  priere 
Est  trop  malement  chier  vendue 
A  cuers  qui  sunt  de  grant  value. ' 

Tom.  ii.  p.  36,  ed.  1814. 

But  Chaucer,  in  his  translation  of  this 
passage,  employs  the  above  form  : 

'  For  goode  dede  done  thurgh  praiere 
Is  sold,  and  bought  to  deere  iwys, 
To  herte  that  of  grete  valour  \s,.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  160,  ed.  1866. 
And  so  he  does  in  The  Testament  of 
Loue :  *  Truly  therein  thou  lesest  the 
guerdone  of  vertue,  and  lesest  the  greatest 
valour  of  conscience,  and  unhap  thy 
renoume  euerlastyng. ' — Fo.  279b,  ed. 
1602.  Sir  Thomas  More  also  adopted 
the  same  form  in  some  verses  which  he 
'  wrote  in  his  youth  for  his  pastime,' 
and  which  are  printed  in  the  folio 
edition  of  his  collected  works  : 

'  There  spent  he  fast 

Till  all  was  past, 
And  to  him  came  there  meny 

To  aske  theyr  det, 

But  none  could  get 
The  valour  of  a  peny.' 

Thomas  Becon,  Cranmer's  chaplain,  in 
a  discourse  entitled  David's  Harp, 
written  in  1542,  says,  'Because  no 
man,  be  he  never  so  holy,  good,  and 
perfect,  should  think  that  through  his 
own  holiness,  goodness,  and  perfection, 
he  hath  deserved  that  his  death  should 


be  dear,  precious,  and  of  great  valour 

in    the    Lord's    sight David 

singeth  here  how  it  cometh  to  pass 
that  the  death  of  saints  ...  is  so 
precious  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord.' — 
Works,  vol.  i.  p.  291,  ed.  1843,  Park- 
Soc.  Bacon  long  afterwards,  in  his 
Advancement  of  Learning,  used  the 
same  form  as  Elyot.  '  So  that  as  it  is 
said  of  untrue  valours  that  some  men's 
valours  are  in  the  eyes  of  them  that 
look  on,  so  such  men's  industries  are 
in  the  eyes  of  others,  or  at  least  in  re- 
gard of  their  own  designments.' — 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  272,  ed.  1857. 
Knolles  in  his  account  of  Bajazet  II. 
in  1481,  says,  'Zemes,  when  he  had 
staid  three  dales  at  Iconium,  caused 
his  treasure,  plate,  jewels,  and  other 
things  of  great  valour  and  light 
carriage  to  be  trussed  up,  and  taking 
with  him  his  mother  and  his  two  yong 
children  .  .  .  fled  into  Siria.' — Hist, 
of  Turks,  p.  439,  ed.  1610. 

Vaunt,  to  vault. — I.  186;  II.  167, 
This  form  appears  to  be  extremely  un- 
common, and  no  instances  are  men- 
tioned in  the  Dictionaries.  But  Holland 
uses  a  somewhat  similar  form  in  translat- 
ing the  following  passage:  'Ilium  pavore 
caepisse  regredi,  feram  vero  circumvolu- 
tari  non  dubie  blandientem.' — (Plin. 
Nat.  Hist.  lib.  viii.  cap.  21);  'The 
man,  for  feare,  began  to  retire  and  go 
backe  againe,  but  the  wild  beast  kept 
a  tumbling  and  vauting  all  about  him  ; 
doubtlesse,  and  by  all  apparance  after  a 
flattering  sort.' — Vol.  i.  p.  204,  ed.  1635. 
And  so  does  Knolles  in  his  description 
of  the  Mamelukes.  '  The  late  Egyp- 
tian Sultans  .  .  .  had  for  the  strength- 
ening of  their  kingaome  bought  an 
infinit  number  of  slaues,  especially  of 
the  poore  and  hardie  Circassians  .  .  . 
of  which  poore  slaues  the  late  Egyp- 
tian Sultans  taking  their  choice,  and 
culling  out  from  the  rest  such  as  were 
like  to  be  of  greatest  spirit  and  abilitie 
of  bodie,  deliuered  them  unto  most 
skilfull  and  expert  teachers,  by  whom 
they  were  carefully  taught  to  run,  to 
leape,  to  vaut,  to  shoot,  to  ride,  with 
all  other  feats  of  actiuitie.' — Hist,  of 
Turks,  p.  1 06,  ed.  1610. 


624 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Vengeable,  revengeful,  cruel. — II. 
57.  In  Huloet's  Dictionary,  published 
in  1552,  we  find  '  Vengeable,  Pro- 
ceritus,  scelestus,  vindex  :  properlye, 
whycfee  dothe  reuenge.'  And  'Ven- 
geable or  full  of  cursednes,  mischiefe, 
or  ungratiousnes.  Scelestus,  scelerosus? 
Baret's  Alvearie,  printed  in  1573,  gives 
'  A  vengeable  tiraunt .  Tyrannus  dirus. ' 
Chaucer  in  The  Testament  of  Loue, 
says,  '  A  man  vengeable  in  wrath,  no 
gouernance  in  punishment  ought  to 
haue.'  Works,  fo.  290  b,  ed.  1602. 
Occleve,  who  wrote  temp.  Hen.  IV., 
also  uses  this  word  several  times  as 
ex.  gr. : 

'  Alias  !  my  worthy  maister  honorable, 
This  londes  verray  tresour  and  richesse, 
Dethe  by  thy  dethe  hatheharme  irreparable, 
Unto  us  done,  hir  vengeable  duresse 
Dispoilede  hathe  this  londe  of  swetnesse 
Of  rethoryk  fro  us,  to  Tullius 
Was  never  man  so  like  amonge  us.' 
De  Reg.  Prin.  p.  75,  ed.  Rox.  Club,  1860. 

Ascham,  in  one  of  his  letters  from  Ger- 
many in  1551,  says,  '  Madelburgers  be 
vengeable  fellows ;  they  have  almost 
marred  all  Duke  Maurice's  men  ;  and 
yet  they  be  as  strong  as  ever  they  were.' 

—  Works,    vol.    i.    p.   284,   ed.    1865. 
Bishop    Bale,    in    The  Image  of  both 
Churches,    written    about    1545,    says, 
'  The  wicked  fight  with  errors  and  lies. 
....     As  vengeable  and  as  fierce  as 
they  are,  yet  prevail  they  not,  neither 
is  their  place  found  any  more  in  heaven. ' 

—  Works,  p.  412,  ed.  1849.    Par.  Soc. 
Spenser  uses   this  word  twice  in  the 
same  canto  : 

'  Which  when  I  heard,  with  horrible  affright 
And  hellish  fury  all  enraged,  I  sought 
Upon  myselfe  that  vengeable  despight 
To  punish." 

And  again  : 

'  With    that  one  of   his    thrillant   darts    he 

threw, 

Headed  with  yre  and  vengeable  despight.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  107,  in,  ed.  1866. 
Ventilate,  part. ,  discussed,  examined. 
— -I.  265.     The  Latin  verb  « ventilare,' 
of  which  the  primary  meaning  was  to 
fan,    or   winnow,    was   applied    meta- 
phorically to  the  discussing,  or  as  we 
still  say,  threshing  out  of  any  subject 
proposed  for  discussion.     Thus  Pierre 


de  Marca,  Archbishop  of  Paris,  prints 
in  the  appendix  to  his  History  of  Spain, 
a  record  of  some  legal  proceedings  in 
A.D.  1027,  in  which  there  is  the  follow- 
ing sentence  :  '  Cumque  diu  hsec  causa 
fuisset  ventilata  coram  jamdictis  omni- 
bus et  aliis  quampluribus,  inventum  est 
verum  esse  quod  jamdictus  condam 
Stephanus  eum  dedisset  sibi. ' — Marca 
Hispan.  col.  1042,  ed.  1688.  Hence 
it  was  adopted  as  a  law  term  in  France. 
And  in  some  letters  of  Chas.  V.,  with 
reference  to  the  Church  of  Chartres, 
dated  July  1367,  it  is  ordered  that 
*  Toutes  leurs  causes  meues  et  a  mou- 
voir  soient  ventillees  et  determinees  ou 
temps  avenir  et  en  touz  cas,  en  nostre 
Chambre  de  Parlement,  pardevant  les 
genz  qui  tiennent  et  tendront  ledit 
Parlement.' — Ordonn.  des  Rois,  torn.  v. 
p.  25,  ed.  1736.  And  the  English  word  is 
obviously  employed  in  the  same  sense  in 
a  letter  from  the  Ambassadors  of  Hen. 
VIII.  at  the  Papal  Court  to  Wolsey: 
'  Not  dowting, '  they  say,  '  but  his 
Majesty,  understonding  hereof,  wold  use 
domestico  remedio  apud  suos,  without 
ventilating  his  cause,  where  he  per- 
ceiveth  it  is  handeled,  loked  on,  and 
herde  as  thow  there  were  alredy  in 
mennes  harts  enrooted  prsejudicata 
opinio  that  al  things  were  colored,  and 
nullis  nixa  radicibus  justitise  et  veri- 
tatis.' — Strype,  Eccles.  Mem.  vol.  i. 
part  ii.  p.  82,  ed.  1822, 

Visage,  verb,  to  regard,  confront, 
look  in  the  face  of. — II.  15.  From  a 
French  verb  visager,  which,  however, 
seems  extremely  rare,  as  it  is  not  men- 
tioned by  Cotgrave  or  Littre.  Palsgrave 
gives,  '  I  vysage,  I  make  contenaunce  to 
one.  Je  visaige,  prim.  conj.  This  man 
hath  vysaged  me  well  sythe  I  came  in 
a  dores  :  cest  homme  icy  ma  bien  visaigl 
despuis  que  je  suis  entre  en  la  may  son.'1 
— VEscl.  p.  765.  The  analogous 
phrases  faire  visage,  remontrer  visage, 
show  how  the  simple  verb  may  have 
originated.  Thus  in  the  History  of 
Jean  LfArc  we  are  told,  'Tout  soudain 
elle  tourna  centre  eux,  et  tant  peu 
qu'elle  eust  de  gens,  elle  leuryftf  visage, 
et  march  a  centre  les  Anglois  a  grands 
pas,  et  Estendart  desploye.' — Godefroy, 


Hist,  de  Chas.  VII.  p.  512,  ed.  1661. 
And  so  Froissart  in  his  account  of  the 
wars  in  Flanders  in  1379  says,  '  Quand 
ceux  de  devant  etoient  morts  ou  blesses, 
les  autres  qui  etoient  derriere  les  tiroient 
hors,  et  puis  se  mettoient  devant  et 
reniontroient  grand  visage. ,'  —  Chron. 
torn.  ii.  p.  81,  ed.  Pan.  Lit.;  which 
Lord  Berners  translates,  '  shewed 
hardy  visage.'  The  Editor  has  been 
unable  to  find  any  other  instances  of 
the  use  of  the  simple  verb  in  this  sense 
except  by  Chaucer  in  The  Marchaundes 
Tale: 

'  Al  had  a  man  seyn  a  thing  with  bothe  his 

yen, 

Yit  schul  we  wymmen  visage  it  hardily, 
And  wepe,  and  swere,  and  chide  subtilly.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  349. 

Voluptie,  carnal  pleasure^  sensuality. 
—I.  85  ;  II.  325.  This  is  simply  the 
French  volupte,  which  Cotgrave  trans- 
lates '  Pleasure,  voluptuousnesse,  sen- 
suality, worldly  delight.'  Thus  Mon- 
taigne says,  '  Je  veux  laisser  a  part  les 
escripts  des  philosophes  qui  ont  suivy 
la  secte  d'Epicurus,  protectrice  de  la 
•uolupte1.' — Essais,  torn.  iii.  p.  417.  And 
again :  '  Que  la  volupte  est  qualite 
brutale,  indigne  que  le  sage  la  gouste. 
....  Ce  n'est  pas  ce  que  diet 
Socrates,  son  precepteur  et  le  nostre ;  il 
prise,  comme  il  doibt,  la  volupte"  cor- 
porelle,  mais  il  prefere  celle  de  1' esprit. ' 
—Ibid.  torn.  iv.  p.  333,  334.  The 
English  form  is  used  by  Bishop  Fisher 
in  his  Seven  Penitentiall  Psalms :  '  It 
is  accordynge  with  ryght  and  equyte, 
that  the  persone  whiche  hathe  folowed 
his  owne  sensual  pleasure  ayenst  the 
wyll  of  Almighty  God  redeme  and 
make  amendes  for  his  erroure  in  folow- 
ynge  the  wyll  of  God,  contrarye  to  his 
owne  volupty  and  worldly  pleasure.' — 
Sig.  hh,  ii.  ed.  1509.  And  again  :  'The 
synfull  creature  whiche  so  greuously 
hath  displeased  God  his  Maker,  folow- 
ynge  his  owne  sensuall  and  unlawfull 
volupty  ayenst  the  wyll  of  our  Lord,  of 
very  ryght  ought  to  suffre  as  moche  dis- 
pleasure and  payne  as  he  had  pleasure 
before  in  the  sensuall  and  unryghtwyse 
at>petyt  of  his  body.'  —  Ibid.  sie. 


GLOSSARY.  625 

Voluptuositie,  evil  passion.—  I.  35. 
This  word  seems  to  be  formed  from  the 
Latin  'voluptuositas,'  which,  however, 
is  itself  apparently  so  extremely  rare, 
that  Du  Cange  can  only  cite  a  single 
instance  of  its  usage,  and  that  from  a 
theologian  of  the  fourteenth  century, 
Jean  de  Cardaillac,  whose  works,  ac- 
cording to  the  authors  of  Galha 
Christiana  are  'nondum  typis  mandata.' 
The  English  form,  however,  is  used  by 
Gower  : 

'  For  loue,  whiche  is  unbesein, 

Of  all  reason,  as  men  sein, 

Through  sotie,  and  through  nicetee 

Of  his  voluptuositee, 

He  spareth  no  condicipn, 

Of  kynne,  ne  yet  religion.' 

Con.  Am.  fol.  clxxiv  b.  ed.  1554. 
And  also  by  Fabyan,  who,  speaking  of 
Stigand,  Bishop  of  Winchester  (A.D. 
1047),  says:  'Then  was  openly 
spoken,  that  he  was  not  worthie  a 
bishoprich  that  could  use  the  brag  or 
pompe  of  the  worlde,  the  use  of  volup- 
tuositie,  of  glotonie,  and  lecherie,  the 
shinyng  arraie  of  clothyng,  the  counte- 
naunce  of  knightes,  and  the  gatheryng 
of  horsemen,  and  thinketh  full  litle  on 
the  profile  of  soules.' — Chron.  vol.  i. 
p.  286,  ed.  1559. 


appetyt 
mm,  iv. 

II. 


W. 

Weale,  prosperity.— I.  i,  15,  18  ; 
II.  108.  This  is  a  regular  Anglo-Saxon 
word  as  Elyot  himself  tells  us.  It  is 
constantly  used  by  Chaucer,  as  in  Tht 
Knightes  Tale: 

'  For  now  is  Palomon  in  al  his  -wele, 
Lyvynge  in  blisse,  richesse,  and  in  hele.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  95,  ed.  1866. 

And  The  Man  of  Lawes  Tale : 

'These    marchantz   have    don  fraught  here 

schippes  newe, 
And    whan    they    have  this  blisful   mayde 

seyn, 

Home  to  Surrey  be  they  went  ayein, 
And  doon  here  needes,  as  they  have  don 

yore, 

And  lyven  in  wele,  I  can  you  saye  no  more. 
Ibid.  p.  175. 

In    The  Clerkes    Tale  it  is  used  pleo- 
nastically  : 


S   S 


626 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


'And  of  your  newe  wif,  God  of  his  grace, 
So  graunte  yow  wele  and  prosperity.' 

Ibid.  p.  304. 

In  The  Marchaundes  Tale  it  is  con- 
trasted with  woe  : 

'  For  who  can  be  so  buxom  as  a  wyf  ? 
Who  is  so  trewe  and  eek  so  ententyf 
To  kepe  him,  seek  and  hool,  as  is  his  make  ? 
For  ivele  or  woo  sche  wol  him  not  forsake.' 
Ibid.  p.  319. 

From  a  passage  in  The  Testament  of 
Loue  we  see  that  it  was  not  merely 
synonymous  with  wealth  :  '  While  I 
was  glorious  in  worldly  welfulnesse,  and 
had  soche  goodes  in  wealth  as  maken 
men  riche,  tho  was  I  draw  into  com- 
paignies  that  loos,  prise,  and  name 
yeuen  :  tho  louteden  blasours,  tho  cur- 
seiden  glosours,  tho  welcomeden  flat- 
terers, tho  worshipped  thilke,  that  now 
deinen  not  to  looke.  Euery  wight  in 
soche  yearthly  weale  habundaunt  is 
hold  noble,  precious,  benigne,  and  wise, 
to  doe  what  he  shall,  in  any  degree  that 
menne  him  set,  all  be  it  that  the  soth 
be  in  the  contrary  of  all  tho  thinges.' — 
Works,  fo.  280,  ed.  1602.  Gower 
applies  the  epithet  'woeful'  to  it  in 
speaking  of  the  victim  of  Avarice : 

'  Whom  many  a  nightes  drede  assaileth, 
For  though  he  ligge  a  bed  naked, 
His  herte  is  euermore  awaked, 
And  dremeth  as  he  lieth  to  slepe, 
How  besy  that  he  is  to  kepe 
His  tresour,  that  no  thefe  it  stele, 
Thus  hath  he  but  a  wofull  wele' 

Coil.  Am.  fo.  Ixxxvi,  ed.  1554. 

Again,  speaking  of  Astrology,  he  says : 

Amonge  the  mennes  nacion, 
All  is  through  constellecion, 
Wherof  that  some  man  hath  the  wele, 
And  some  men  haue  diseases  fele 
In  loue  as  well  as  other  thynges.' 

Ibid.  foL  cxliv  b. 

Bacon  uses  the  word  precisely  in  the 
same  way  in  the  New  Atlantis, 
'Therefore  for  God's  love,  and  as  we 
love  the  weal  of  our  souls  and  bodies, 
let  us  so  behave  ourselves  as  we  may 
be  at  peace  with  God,  and  may  find 
grace  in  the  eyes  of  this  people.' — 
Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  134,  ed.  1857. 
Again,  in  his  Essays :  '  Certainly  those 
degenerate  arts  and  shifts,  whereby 
many  counsellors  and  governors  gain 


both  favour  with  their  masters  and  esti- 
mation with  the  vulgar,  deserve  no 
better  name  than  fiddling;  being 
things  rather  pleasing  for  the  time,  and 
graceful  to  themselves  only,  than  tend- 
ing to  the  weal  and  advancement  of  the 
state  which  they  serve.' — Ibid.  vol.  vi. 
p.  444. 

Weede,  a  robe,  a  garment,  either  of  a 
man   or  woman. — II.    423   and   note. 
The   very  same  expression,  'mourning 
weed,'  is  used  by  Shakespeare  in  King 
Hen.    VI.,    Part  III.,    where    Queen 
Margaret  says  to  the  messenger, 
'  Tell  him,  my  mourning-weeds  &ie  laid  aside, 
And  I  am  ready  to  put  armour  on.' 

And  in  Titus  Andronicus,  Lucius  says  : 

'  As  for  that  heinous  tiger,  Tamora, 
No  funeral  rite,  nor  man  in  mourning  weeds, 
No  mournful  bell  shall  ring  her  burial.' 

Spenser  also  shows  distinctly  that  the 
word  was  not  confined  to  the  dress  of 
women,  for  in  his  View  of  the  State  of 
Ireland,  he  says,  'Livery  is  also  called 
the  upper  weede  which  a  serving  man 
weareth.'  And  again,  'The  quilted 
leather  iack  is  old  English  ;  for  it  was 
the  proper  weed  of  the  horseman,  as 
you  may  read  in  Chaucer,  when  he  de- 
scribeth  Sir  Thopas's  apparell  and  ar- 
mour, as  hee  went  to  fight  against  the 
gyant.' — Works,  vol.  viii.  pp.  339,  390, 
ed.  1805.  The  word  is  used  in  the 
same  way  by  Hooker,  '  For  neither  is 
it  any  man's  duty  to  clothe  all  his 
children  or  all  his  servants  with  one 
weed,  nor  theirs  to  clothe  themselves  so, 
if  it  were  left  to  their  own  judgments.' 
He  also  confirms  what  has  been  pre- 
viously shown,  that  it  was  not  neces- 
sarily of  a  sombre  colour  :  '  They  both 
(i.e.  Jerome  and  Chrysostom)  speak  of 
the  same  persons  (namely  the  Clergy) 
and  of  their  weed  at  the  same  time 
when  they  administer  the  blessed  sacra- 
ment ;  and  of  the  self-same  -kind  of 
weed,  a  white  garment,  so  far  as  we 
have  wit  to  conceive.' — Works,  pp. 
107,  155,  ed.  1723. 

Weete,  to  know,  to  understand. — I. 
51.  This  verb,  which  is  frequently  spelt 
Wite,  is  derived  from  the  Anglo-Saxon 
verb,  Witan.  In  the  Promptorium  we 
find  '  Wetyn,  or  knowyn,  vide  infra  in 


GLOSSARY. 


627 


Wytyn,'  and  '  Wytyn,  or  wetyn,  or 
knowyn.  Sew,  cognosce,  agnosco.'  Pp. 
523,  531.  Palsgrave  has  the  very 
phrase  used  by  Elyot  in  the  text  :  '  I 
lette  one  to  wyte.  Je  sinue,  prim, 
conj.  In  whiche  sence  I  fynde  jefais 
a  congnoistre,  jay  fait  a  congnoistre, 
faire  a  congnoistre.  And  je  donne  a 
entendre,  jay  donn£  a  entendre,  donner 
a  entendre,  conjugate  in  "I  do,"  and 
"I  gyve."  I  shal  let  hym  to  wyte  : 
je  luy  insinueray,  or  je  luy  feray  a 
congnoistre,  or  je  luy  donneray  a  en- 
tendre. '  Also,  '  This  is  to  do  you  to 
wete  :  cecy  est  pour  vous  faire  scauoyr, 
or  assauoyr.' — U Escl.  pp.  607,  783. 
Hence  the  phrase  still  in  use,  'to  wit.' 
Chaucer  uses  this  form  in  Troylus  and 
Cryseyde  : 

'  Now  am   I   nought  a  fool,  that  woot  wel 

how 

Hire  wo  for  love  is  of  another  wight, 
And  hereupon  to  gon  asaye  hire  nowe, 
I  may  wel  wete  it  nyl  not  ben  my  prow." 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  33. 
Also  in  The  Boke  of  the  Duchesse  : 

'  Quod  she,  to  Juno  hir  goddesse, 
"  Helpe  me  out  of  thys  distresse, 
And  yeve  me  grace  my  lord  to  se 
Soone,  or  luete  wher  so  he  be, 
Or  how  he  fareth,  or  in  what  wise.'  " 

Ibid.  p.  158. 

Again,  in  the  Testament  of  Loue : 
'  Sithen  I  haue  so  few  especiall  true 
now  in  these  dayes,  wherefore  I  may 
well  at  more  leisar  come  to  hem  that 
mee  deseruen,  and  if  my  comming  may 
in  any  thing  auaile,  wete  wel  I  wol 
come  often.' — Works,  fo.  273  b,  ed. 
1602.  Pilkington,  Bishop  of  Durham 
in  1560,  has  a  phrase  which  seems  to  be 
the  correlative  of  that  used  by  Elyot  : 
'And  because  he  joins  to  the  next  say- 
ing, "  In  the  messages  of  the  Lord,"  it 
doth  us  to  weet  the  faithfulness  of  this 
prophet  in  his  duty,  that  he  speaks 
nothing  but  the  words  of  the  Lord 
truly,  which  sent  him.' — Works,  p.  107, 
ed.  1842.  Par.  Soc.  So  Holland 
translates  :  '  Atqui  tertium,  inquit,  ante 
diem  scitote  decerptam  Carthagine' 
(Plin.  Nat.  Hist.  lib.  xv.  cap.  20); 
'  Lo  (quoth  he)  my  masters  all,  this  I 
do  you  to  -wit,  it  is  not  yet  ful  three  daies 
past  since  this  fig  was  gathered  at  Car- 

s 


thage.'— Vol.  i.  p.  443,  ed.  1635.  This 
verb  is  very  constantly  used  by  Spen- 
ser, asthe  following  instances  show  : 

'  Uprose,  with  hasty  joy,  and  feeble  speed, 

'lhat  aged  Syre,  the  Lord  of  all  that  land, 
And  looked  forth,  to  weet  if  true  indeed 
Those  tydinges  were,   as   he   did  under- 
stand. 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  47  ed.  1866. 

'  Sir  knight,  mote  I  of  you  this  court 'sy  read, 
To  weet  why  on  your  shield,  so  goodly 

scord, 

Beare  ye  the  picture  of  that  Ladies  head  ? 
Full  lively  is  the  semblaunt,  though  the 
substance  dead.' 

Ibid.  p.  167. 

Again,  we  find  him  using  Elyot's 
phrase  : 

'  Faire  sir,  I   let  you  weete,   that  from  the 

howre 

I  taken  was  from  nourses  tender  pap, 
I  have  been  trained  up  in  warlike  stowre, 
To  tossen  speare  and  shield.' 

Ibid.  p.  258. 

At  this  period,  too,  we  find  the  original 
form  of  the  modern  legal  phrase,  'to 
wit.'  Joye  says:  'Here  shall  ye  see 
the  iust  iugement  of  god,  and  what 
maner  an  emprour  and  princes  he  wyll 
suffer  to  raigne  when  he  entendeth  to 
kut  of  and  translate  their  kyngdoms, 
that  is  to  wete,  dronkerds,  belly-beas- 
tis,  voluptuouse  tyrants,  couetuose 
oppressours  of  their  comons,  &c.' — 
Exposicion  of  Dan.  fo.  63  b,  ed. 

1545- 

Wene,  to  think,  to  suppose.  —I.  87 ; 
II.  41,  43.  This,  like  the  last,  is  an 
Anglo-Saxon  word.  In  the  Promp- 
torium  we  find  :  '  Wenyn,  or  sup- 
posyn.  Estimo,  puto,  suppono  (rear, 
suspicor}:—?.  522.  Whilst  Palsgrave 
has  :  'I  wene,  I  thynke.  Je  cuyde, 
prim.  conj.  I  wene  it  be  nat  so  :  je 
cuide  quil  nest  pas  aynsi.'—UEscl.  p. 
779.  Sir  John  Maundevile,  speaking 
of  the  trade  in  counterfeit  balm,  says  : 
'  Summe  destyllen  clowes  of  Gylofre, 
and  of  Spykenard  of  Spayne,  and  of 
othere  spices  that  ben  wel  smellynge ; 
and  the  lykour  that  gothe  out  there  of 
thei  clepe  it  Bawrrte  :  and  thei  wenen 
that  thei  han  Bawme,  and  thei  have  non. ' 
—  Voiage,  &c.,  p.  62,  ed.  1727.  It  is 
constantly  used  by  Chaucer  ;  thus  in 
7  he  Knightes  Tale  : 


s  2 


628 


THE   GOVERNOUR, 


1  He  festeth  hem,  and  doth  so  gret  labour 
To  esen  hem,  and  do  hem  al  honour, 
That  yit  men  wene  that  no  mannes  wyt 
Of  non  estat  that  cowde  amenden  it.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  68,  ed.  1866. 

Again,  in  the  Prologe  of  the  Chanounes 
Yeman  : 

'  To  moche  folk  we  ben  bot  illusioun, 
A.nd  borwe  gold,  be  it  a  pound  or  tuo, 
Or  ten,  or  twelve,  or  many  sommes  mo, 
And  make  hem  wenen  atte  leste  weye, 
That  of  a  pound  we  conne  make  tweye.' 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  49. 

Also  in  the  Testament  of  Loue  :  'Now 
precious  Margarite,  that  with  thy  noble 
vertue  hast  drawne  mee  into  loue 
firste,  me  wenyng  thereof  to  haue 
blisse,  as  galle  and  aloes  are  so  muche 
sprong,  that  sauour  of  sweetnesse  may 
I  not  atast.' — Works,  fo.  273,  ed. 
1602.  Sir  Thomas  More  says  :  '  Like 
as  if  he  would  in  like  maner  and  of  like 
entent  translate  baptisma  into  washing, 
to  make  menne  wene  it  were  no  nother 
maner  washing  when  the  priest  chris- 
teneth  a  chylde,  then  when  a  womanne 
washeth  a  bucke  of  clothes. ' —  Workes, 
vol.  i.  p.  428,  ed.  1557.  It  is  very 
frequently  used  by  Spenser,  as  in  the 
following  instance  : 

'  So  when  he  saw  his  flatt'ring  artes  to  fayle, 

And  subtile  engines  bett  from  batteree  ; 
With  greedy  force  he  gain  the  fort  assayle, 
Whereof  he  weend  possessed    soone    to 

bee, 

And  win  rich  spoil  of  ransackt  chastitee.' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  179,  ed.  1866. 

And  in  the  Epithalamion  : 

'  Clad  all  in  white,  that  seems  a  virgin  best, 
So  well   it  her   beseemes,    that    ye  would 

•weene 
Some  Angell  she  had  beene.' 

Ibid  vol.  v.  p.  207. 

^Afoode,  adj.,  mad,  frantic,  furious. 
— II.  274.  An  Anglo-Saxon  word. 
The  author  in  his  Dictionary  translates 
Furibundus  '  woode,  or  very  madde  '  ; 
Furiosus,  '  madde,  or  wodde,  frantyke' ; 
Proceritus,  '  incensed,  or  prouoked 
with  an  yll  spiryte,  madde  or  woode,' 
and  Rabidus,  'madde  or  woode,  as  a 
madde  dogge.'  In  the  Promptorium 
we  find  :  'Woode  or  madde  (oroothe), 
Aliens,  furiosus,  insanus,  (dewens, 
vesanus,  ferus,  furius).' — P.  531. 


Palsgrave  has  :  '  Woode  or  madde— 
m.  fureux,  f.  fureuse  s  ;  m.  furieux, 
f.  furieuse  s. '  —  UEscl. ,  p.  329.  Chau- 
cer constantly  uses  this  adjective. 
Thus  in  The  Prologue,  describing  the 
Sompnour,  he  says  that  : 

'Wei    loved  he    garleek,    oynouns,  and  ek 

leekes, 

And  for  to  drinke  strong  wyn  reed  as  blood, 
Thanne  wolde  he  speke,  and  crye  as  he  were 


Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  20,  ed.  1866 
And  in  The  Knightes  Tale  : 

' And  aftirward  upsterte 

This  Palamon,  that  thoughte  thurgh  his  herte 
He  felt  a  cold  swerd  sodeynliche  glyde  ; 
For  ire  he  quook,  he  nolde  no  lenger  abyde. 
And  whan  that  he  hath  herd  Arches  tale, 
As  he  were  wood,  with  face  deed  and  pale, 
He    sterte    him    up   out    of   the    bussches 
thikke.' 

Ibid.  p.  49. 

And  in  The  Prologe  of  the  Pardoner: 

'  Owre  ost  gan  swere  as  he  were  wood; 
"Harrow!"    quod    he,    "by  nayles  and  by 

blood  ! 
This  was  a  cursed  thef,  a  fals  justice." 

Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  85. 

Spenser  has  precisely  the  same  phrase 
in  The  Shepheard's  Calender  : 

'  P.  My  sheepe  did  leave  theyr  wonted  food, 
W.  Hey,  ho,  seely  sheepe  ! 
P.  And  gaz'd  on  her  as  they  were  wood. 
W.   Woode  as  he  that  did  them  keepe.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  58,  ed.  1866. 

And  in  The  Faerie  Queene  : 

'  Before  the  door  her  yron  charet  stood, 
Already  harnessed  for  j  ourney  new, 
And  cole    black  steedes  yborne  of  hellish 

brood, 

That  on  their  rusty  bits  did  champ  as  they 
were  wood.' 

Ibid.  p.  169. 

Again  : 

'  Now  gan  Pyrochles  wex  as  wood  as  hee, 
And  him  affronted  with  impatient  might : 
So  both  together  fiers  engrasped  bee, 
Whyles  Guyon  standing  by  their  uncouth 
strife  does  see.' 

Ibid.  vol.  ii.  p.  117. 

Fabyan,  in  his  account  of  the  battle  of 
Courtrai,  in  1302,  says  :  'Lastlye,  the 
Earle  Sainct  Paule  and  Boleyne,  wyth 
Roberte  the  sonne  of  this  Earle  of 
Cleremont,  and  other,  with  the  num- 
ber of  two  thousande  horsemen,  seynge 
the  rage  and  ivoodnes  of  the  Flem- 


GLOSSARY. 


minges,  whiche  so  cruellye  slewe  and 
beate  downe  the  Frenchmen  .... 
shamefullye  fled  out  of  the  fielde. 
.  .  .  But  the  Flemminges,  like  woode 
tygres,  were  so  enraged  uppon  the 
Frenchmen,  that  thei  wold  neuer  leaue 
them  till  they  by  pure  force  draue  them 
into  their  tentes,  where  thei  slew  of 
them  a  great  multitude.' — Chron.,  vol. 
ii.  p.  156,  ed.  1559.  Ascham,  in  his 
Toxophilus,  says :  '  No  man  can  write 
a  thing  so  earnestly,  as  when  it  is 
spoken  with  gesture,  as  learned  men, 
you  know,  do  say.  How  will  you 
think  that  such  furiousness,  with  wood 
countenance,  and  brenning  eyes,  with 
staring  and  bragging,  with  heart  ready 
to  leap  out  of  the  belly  for  swelling, 
can  be  expressed  the  tenth  part  to  the 
uttermost.'— P.  45,  ed.  1864. 

Wortes,  pot-herbs. — II.  343.  An 
Anglo-Saxon  word.  In  the  Promp- 
torium  we  find,  '  Wort,  herbe.  Olus, 
caulis."1 — P.  532.  Huloet  in  his  Ab- 
cedarium,  printed  in  1552,  gives 
'Wortes  for  the  potte,  which  be  all 
kynde  of  potte  herbes.  Lachana. 
Lachanopolis  is  a  seller  of  wortes,  or 
lyke  herbes. '  Palsgrave  has  '  Wortes 
for  potage— potage  s,  m;  poree  z,  f.' 
— UEscl.  p.  290.  Chaucer  u^es  the 
word  in  The  Clerkes  Tale-. 

'And  when  sche  horn-ward  com  sche  wolde 

brynge 

Wortis  or  other  herbis  tymes  ofte, 
The  which   sche   schred    and  seth  for   her 

lyvynge, 

And  made  hir  bed  ful  hard,  and  nothing 
softe.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  285,  ed.  1866, 

Also  in  The  Nonne  Prest  his  Tale: 

'A  colefox,  ful  of  sleight  and  iniquite, 
That  in  the  grove  hadde  woned  yeres  thre. 
By  heigh  ymaginacioun  forncast, 
The  same  nighte  thurghout  the  hegges  brast 
Into  the  yerd,  ther  Chaunteclere  the  faire 
Was  wont,  and  eek  his  wyves,  to  repaire  : 
And  in  a  bed  of  -wortes  stille  he  lay, 
Till  it  was  passed  undern  of  the  day, 
Waytyng  his  tyme  on  Chaunteclere  to  falle. ' 
Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  241. 


Y. 


Yelde,    verb,    to   yield,    surrender. 
Yolden,    part,  yielded,   surrendered. — 


629 


II.  166,  219,  220  and  note,  315.  An 
Anglo-Saxon  word.  In  the  Promptorium 
we  find  'jeldynge.  Reddicio.  geldon 
(or  qvytyn,  supra)  ReddoS—V.  537. 
Palsgrave  has  '  I  yelde,  I  restore  or 
gyve  a  thynge  agayne.  Je  rens,  nous 
rendons,  &c.  I  shall  yelde  it  you  to- 
morowe  :  je  le  vous  rendray  demayn.' 
— UEscl.  p.  786.  Originally  it  was 
spelt  with  z  instead  of  y.  Thus  Sir 
John  Maundevile  says :  '  There  made 
the  people  of  Ebron  sacrifice  to  cure 
Lord ;  and  ther  thei  zolden  up  here 
avowes.'  Again:  « Thei  graun ten  also 
to  hem  that  ben  with  inne,  alle  that 
thei  wille  asken  hem.  And  aftre  that 
thei  ben  zolden,  anon  thei  sleen  hem 
alle,  and  kutten  of  hire  eres. '  —  Voiage, 
&c,,  pp.  128,  303,  ed.  1727.  Chaucer 
in  The  Wyf  of  Bathes  Tale  has— 

'  And  seurte  wol  I  have,  er  that  thou  pace, 
Thy  body  for  toyelden  in  this  place.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  234,  ed.  1866. 

And  in  The  Clerkes  Tale — 

For  I  wol  gladly  yelden  hir  my  place, 
In  which  that  I  was  blisful  wont  to  be.' 

Ibid.  p.  304 

In  Troylus  and  Cryseyde  we  have  verb 
and  participle  in  close  proximity  : 

'"Now  be  ye  caught,  now  is  ther  but  we 

tweyne, 

Now  yeldeth  yow,  for  other  boot  is  non  1 " 
To  that  Criseyde  answerde  thus  anon, 
"  Ne  hadde  I  er  now,  my  swete  herte  deere, 
"Bznyolde  iwis,  I  were  now  nought  here."  ' 

Ibid.  vol.  iv.  p.  274. 

So  also  in  the  Testament  of  Loue : 
'  Many  men  in  battell  been  discomfited 
and  ouercome  in  a  rightfull  quarrell, 
that  is  Goddes  priuie  Judgement  in 
heauen  ;  but  yet  although  the  party  be 
yolden,  hee  may  with  wordes  say  his 
quarrell  is  trewe,  and  to  yeelde  him  in 
the  contrary  for  dread  of  death  he  is 
compelled,  and  hee  that  graunted  and 
no  stroke  hath  feled,  he  may  not  creepe 
away  in  this  wise  by  none  excusacion.* 
Works,  fo.  278,  ed.  1602. 

Yemen,  yeomen. — I.  280;  Yoman 
for  the  mouthe,  a  butler.— II.  223. 
The  origin  of  this  word  has  given  rise 
to  much  discussion,  and  various  deriva- 
tions have  been  suggested.  Amongst 
others,  Minsheu,  Spelman,  and  Skinner 


630 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


have  inclined  to  consider  it  either  as  a 
contraction  for  'young  men,'  or  from 
Seong  —juvenis ;  and  Tyrwhitt,   in  his 
notes   to   Chaucer,    has    adopted    this 
view.     Apart  from  the  fact,  however, 
that  the  word  yeman,  or  'yeoman,'  was 
by  no  means  limited  in  its  application 
in  respect  of  age,  it  is  not  difficult  to 
trace   the   source  of  this  hypothetical 
derivation.      The    error — for    such    it 
must  be  considered — seems  to  be  attri- 
butable entirely  to  a  misconception  of 
a  passage  in  what  are  called  the  '  Con- 
stitutiones  de  Foresta'  of  Canute.  These 
are  given  by  Spelman  in  his  Glossary, 
and  Art.  2  runs  as  follows  :  '  Sint  sub 
quolibet  horum  (i.e.  liberaliorum  homi- 
num)  quatuor  ex  mediocribus  homini- 
bus  (quos  Angli  Lespegend  nuncupant, 
Dani  veroyoong  men  vocant)  locati,  qui 
curam  et  onus  turn  viridis  turn  veneris 
suscipiant.' — P.  240.  Now  Spelman,  in 
another  part  of  his  work,  in  explaining 
'  yeoman, '  gives  as  the  most  preferable 
derivation  '  geonga,'  and  goes  on  to  say, 
'iidemque  sint  qui  in  Canuti  LI.    de 
Foresta  Juniores  appellantur,  antiquis 
fueri,      Germanis     Ambacti,      Gallis 
Valeti' — P.  575.  These  '  Constitutions' 
were  also  printed  in  the  2nd  edition  of 
Man  wood's  Laws  of  the  Forest,  published 
after  his  death  (they  are  not  contained 
in  the  edition  of  1598).    And  Minsheu, 
whose    Dictionary   was    published    in 
1617,    quotes  the  above  extract  from 
them  on   the   authority  of  this  work. 
Manwood's  editor  gives  no  indication 
of  the  source  from  which  he  obtained 
them,  and  Spelman  is  equally  silent  on 
this   point ;    but    they   are   quoted   at 
length  by  Harrison  in  the  Description 
of  England,    prefixed   to  Holinshed's 
Chronicle,   which  had  been  published 
many  years  before  ;  and  on  comparing 
the  mode  of  citation  in  Manwood  with 
Harrison's   text,    no  reasonable  doubt 
can  remain  on  the  mind  of  the  reader 
that  the  editor  of  the  former  was  under 
an  obligation  to  the  latter.     Harrison, 
after  setting  out  the  Latin  text  at  length, 
had  said  :  '  And  these  are  the  Constitu- 
tions of  Canutus  concerning  the  forrest, 
verie  barbarouslie  translated  by  those 
that  tooke  the  same  in  hand.     How- 


beit,  as  I  find  it  so  I  set  it  downe, 
without   anie   alteration   of   my  copie 
in  anie  iot  or  tittle.' — Descript.  Eng. 
p.   208,   ed.    1587.      In  Manwood  we 
are  told  :  '  These  are  the  Constitutions 
of  Canutus  concerning  the  forest,  very 
barbarously  translated  out  of  the  Danish 
tongue  into  Latin  by  those  that  tooke 
the  same  in  hand.     Howbeit,  as  I  find 
it,  so  I  set  it  downe  without  any  altera- 
tion of  my  copie  in  any  iote  or  title.'  — 
Treatise  of  the  Forest  Laws,  fo.  5,  ed. 
1615.     This,  it  will  be  seen  at  once,  is 
a  mere  plagiarism  from  Harrison,  with 
the  addition  of  the  words   in   italics, 
which  the  editor  of  the  legal  text-book 
thought  fit  to  insert.     Now  it  was  on 
the  strength  of  the  interpretation  put 
on  Art.    2  of  these  Constitutions  that 
Minsheu   and    Spelman,    followed    by 
subsequent   writers,  were   induced,  as 
we  have  seen,  to  suggest  that  yeoman  = 
young  man.     The  connection  between 
the  two,  however,  is  so  slender  that  it 
is  surprising  that  an  etymology,  based 
as  it  is  upon  a  misconception,  should 
have  held  its  ground  so  long,  and  that 
the   source  of  error  should   not   have 
been  sooner  traced.     Lord  Coke,   in- 
deed,   upon   the   appearance  of  Man- 
wood's  book,  threw  great  doubt  on  the 
authenticity     of    these    Constitutions, 
giving  as  his  reason  that  there  was  no 
ground  for  supposing  that  Canute  '  ever 
published  any  Law  for  England  in  the 
Danish  tongue,  as  they  affirm  he  did 
this.'— 4  Inst.  320.     But,   as  we  have 
already  noticed,  this   assertion   was   a 
gratuitous   one   on   the   part   of  Man- 
wood's  editor,  being  nowhere  so  stated 
by  Harrison,   whose   account   is  quite 
consistent  with  Lord  Coke's  statement 
that  Canute's  laws  were  published  in 
Saxon.     Harrison  himself  had  prefaced 
the  Latin  version  of  the  Constitutions 
by  saying  :  '  That   I  may   restore  one 
antiquitie  to  light,  which  hath  hitherto 
lien  as  it  were  raked  up  in  the  embers 
of  obliuion,  I  will  give  out  those  laws 
that    Canutus    made    for   his    forrest, 
whereby   manie    things    shall   be   dis- 
closed  concerning    the    same    (wherof 
peraduenture    some    lawiers    haue   no 
knowlege),    and    diuerse    other    notes 


GLOSSARY. 


631 


gathered  touching  the  ancient  estate  of 
the  realme  not  to  be  found  in  other. 
But  before  I  deale  with  the  great  char- 
ter (which,  as  you  may  perceiue,  is  in 
manie  places  unperfect,  by  reason  of 
corruption  and  want  also  of  congruitie, 
crept  in  by  length  of  time,  not  by  me 
to  be  restored),  I  will  note  another 
breefe  law  which  he  made  in  the  first 
yeare  of  his  reigne  at  Winchester,  after- 
ward inserted  into  these  his  later  con- 
stitutions, Canon  32,  and  beginneth 
thus  in  his  owne  Saxon  tong,  "  Ic  will 
that  elc  one,  &c."  I  will  and  grant 
that  ech  one  shall  be  worthie  of  such 
venerie  as  he  by  hunting  can  take, 
either  in  the  plaines  or  in  the  woods 
within  his  owne  fee  or  dominion ;  but 
ech  man  shall  abstaine  from  my  venerie 
in  euerie  place  where  I  will  that  my 
beasts  shall  haue  firme  peace  and  quiet- 
nesse,  upon  paine  to  forfet  so  much  as 
a  man  may  forfet.  Hitherto  the  statute 
made  by  the  aforesaid  Canutus,  which 
was  afterward  confirmed  by  King 
Edward  surnamed  the  Confessor,  and 
ratified  by  the  Bastard  in  the  fourth 
yeare  of  his  reigne.  Now  followeth 
the  great  charter  it  selfe  in  such  rude 
order  and  Latine  as  I  find  it,  word  for 
word,  and  which  I  would  gladlie  haue 
turned  into  English,  if  it  might  haue 
sounded  to  anie  benefit  of  the  unskilfull 
and  unlearned.' — Descript.  Eng.  p.  206. 
It  is  to  be  inferred  from  this  passage 
that  Harrison  believed  that  the  original 
Constitutions — or  great  charter,  as  he 
calls  it— were  in  Saxon,  and  that  the 
Latin  version,  of  which  he  gives  a 
transcript,  was  the  work  of  some  Nor- 
man scribe  very  imperfectly  acquainted 
with  the  language  in  which  the  charter 
was  written.  The  notion  that  the 
original  law  was  promulgated  '  in  the 
Danish  tongue,'  must,  at  any  rate,  not 
be  fathered  upon  Harrison,  who  was 
clearly  of  quite  the  contrary  opinion ; 
and  the  only  reason  that  can  be  sug- 
gested for  Manwood's  editor  making 
such  an  assertion  is  that  some  words  in 
the  charter  are  explained  by  the  Danish 
equivalents.  It  is  obvious,  however, 
that  Harrison  regarded  the  transcript 
as  an  authentic  instrument  indeed,  but 


exceedingly  corrupt  and  '  barbarously  ' 
translated.  Its  authenticity,  in  spite  of 
Lord  Coke's  criticism,  seems  no  longer 
matter  for  doubt,  and  it  has  been 
printed  by  the  Record  Commissioners 
with  other  laws  of  the  same  king 
which  have  never  been  disputed  ;  but 
the  most  cursory  examination  of  the 
Constitutions  will  enable  the  reader  to 
indorse  Harrison's  opinion  as  to  the 
corruptness  of  the  text.  The  word 
'  Lespegend  '  itself,  to  the  alleged 
Danish  equivalent  of  which  the  origin 
of  '  yeoman  '  is  said  to  be  traced,  is  an 
impossible  word,  and  Spelman,  with 
great  plausibility,  suggested  that  the 
error  had  arisen  through  the  scribe 
mistaking  the  Anglo-Saxon  character  p 
(representing  th)  for  a  /,  in  which  case 
the  real  readi 


ing  would  be 
Barones  Minores.  —  See  Gloss,  p.  242. 
Now  as  the  Latin  text  itself  says  that  the 
officers  in  question  are  to  be  chosen  ex 
mediocribus  hominibus,  there  seems 
every  probability  of  Spelman's  reading 
being  the  correct  one  ;  but  then  it  is 
equally  probable  that  the  words  given 
as  the  Danish  equivalent  are  corrupt, 
and  if  that  is  conceded,  the  very  founda- 
tion upon  which  the  theory  that  '  yeo- 
man '  =  '  young  man  '  has  been  built  up, 
is  at  once  destroyed.  Spelman,  it  should 
be  remarked,  has  not  attempted  to 
correct  the  reading  '  yoong  men,  '  and, 
indeed,  has  acquiesced  in  it  by  render- 
ing it  '  juniores  '  in  his  subsequent  de- 
finition of  'yeoman.'  It  is,  however, 
possible  that  the  word  which  the  scribe 
intended  to  give  as  the  Danish  equiva- 
lent was  'pinga-menn,'  which,  in 
Cleasby's  Icelandic  Diet.,  is  said  to  be 
the  name  given  to  the  body-guard  of 
King  Canute  and  his  successors  in 
England  ;  it  was  a  hired  corps  of 
soldiers  like  the  Wasrings  in  Constan- 
tinople. Whatever  the  Danish  word 
may  have  been,  it  is  obvious  from  the 
context  that  it  was  intended  to  imply 
a  class  of  men  designated  generally 
'mediocres  homines,'  and  not  neces- 
sarily young  men.  The  earliest  mention 
of  the  word  yeoman  in  the  statute-book, 
so  far  as  the  Editor  has  been  able  to 
discover,  is  in  a  Statute  of  Apparel, 


632 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


passed  in   1363,   37  Ed.  III.   cap.  9, 

which  enacts  :  '  Que  gentz  de  meistere 
dartifice   et  de  office  appelle  Yemen  ne 
preignent  ne  usent  drap  de  plus  haut 
pris  pour  leur  vesture  ou  chaceure  que 
deinz  qarant  soldz  le  drap  en  tier,  &c.' 
By  another  chapter  of  the  same  statute 
it  is  ordered  :  '  Que  nul  garson,  yoman, 
ne  servaunt  des  Marchaunz,  artificer,  ou 
gentz  de  meistere  ne  use  altrement  en 
apparaill  que  nest  ordeigne  des  garsons 
et  Yemen  des  seigneurs  paramont.'     A 
quarter  of  a  century  afterwards,   in  a 
statute  passed  for  the  protection  of  the 
realm  from  internal  disturbance,  it  is 
ordered  by  13  Rich.  II.  stat.  3,  passed 
in   1389,    that  no   duke,    earl,    baron, 
&c.,    shall   give    livery   to    knight   or 
esquire :  '  Ne    a    nul    vallet    appeilez 
yoman  archer  nautre  de  meindre  estat 
que  esquier,  sil  ne  soit  ensement  familier 
demeurant  en  son  hostell.'    A  few  years 
later   it   is   enacted   by    16    Rich.    II. 
cap.  4  :  *  Que  null  Yoman  ne  null  autre 
de  meindre  estat  que  esquier  desore  en 
avant    ne   use   ne   porte    nulle   liverie 
appelle   liverie  de  compaignie  dascun 
seigneur  deinz   le  Roialme  sil  ne  soit 
meignal  et  familier  continuelment  de- 
meurant en  lostell  de  son  dit  seigneur.' 
Again,  in  the  same  reign,  20  Rich.  II. 
cap.  2,  passed  with  a  view  to  the  same 
object,    the    suppression    of    Baronial 
feuds,  provides,    '  Que  Vadletz  appeilez 
Yomen  ne  null  autre  de  meindre  estat 
qesquier'   shall  use  the   livery  of  any 
lord,     In  the  next  century  another  act 
of  apparel   was   passed,   and  amongst 
other  persons  excepted  from  certain  of 
the  provisions  of  3  Ed.  IV.  cap.  5,  are 
4  les  menialx  seruauntz  de  yomens  degree 
des  seigneurs,  Chevaliers,  Esquiers,  et 
autres  gentilx   hommes,'    having   pro- 
perty of  the  yearly  value  of  forty  pounds. 
These    enactments    demonstrate    very 
clearly— 1st.  That  yeomen  in  the  1 4th 
and  1 5th  centuries  were  persons  sub- 
ordinate in  rank  to  esquires  ;  2nd.  That 
they   performed   menial   services,    and 
that  the  corresponding  term  in  French 
was   vallet.     The   latter,   indeed,    had 
formerly  been  applied  to  princes  and 
the    sons  of  noblemen  in  attendance 
upon  the  king,  and  who  held  offices  in 


the  royal  household.    '  Le  mot  de  valet 
anciennement  s'adaptoit  fort  souuent  a 
titre  d'honneur  pres  des  Rois.' — Pas- 
quier,  Recherches  de  la  France,  p.  684, 
ed.   1621.     Thus  King  Alfred,  by  his 
will,  appointed  persons  of  this  class  to 
distribute  his  property.     *  Et  volo  quod 
armigeri  mei  cum  valectis,  et  omnes  qui 
cum  ipsis  in  servitio  meo  existunt,  ista 
distribuant    modo    supradicto.' — Cam- 
den,  Angl.  Script,  p.  24.   But  afterwards 
the  title  seems  to  have  been  applied  to 
soldiers    of   inferior    rank,    and    who 
attended  upon  the  knights  in  the  field. 
This   military  inferiority   in   the    I3th 
century  is  apparent  from  the  following 
clause  in  the  Constitutions  of  Fred.  II., 
King  of  Sicily  :  '  Ut  dignitatum  gradus 
ex  hominum  qualitate  in  injuriis  aper- 
tius  distinguantur,statuimus  Burgensem, 
sen  rusticum,  qui  militem  verberaverit, 
nisi   probabitur    quod    se   defendendo 
hoc  fecerit,  manus  detruncatione  puniri. 
Eadem  poena   Vallecto  imminente,  qui 
militem  nobilioris gradus  verberare  tenta- 
verit.' — Sarayna,  Const.  Sicili<z,  p.  265, 
ed.  1580.     That  the  idea  of  service  as  a 
retainer,  or  attendance  upon  a  superior, 
was  always  associated  with  this  word, 
is  shown  by  the  following  passage  from 
Walsingham,  who  speaks  of  a  certain 
John   Schakel,  in   1379  a  prisoner  in 
the  Tower,  being  restored  to  liberty  on 
certain  conditions,  one  of  them  being 
that  he  would  produce  to  the  king  the 
Count  de  Denia,  whom  he  had  taken 
captive  :   '  Jussus  autem  exhibere  capti- 
vum,  cunctis   admirantibus,  ministrum 
suum  obtulit,  qui  ei   astiterat  et  more 
valecti  servierat  in   omni   tribulatione 
sua,  et   ante   persecutionem   quse   sibi 
illata  fuerat  in  carcere,  et  extra  carce- 
rem ;  et  ita  fideliter  sibi  adhseserat,  ut 
non  potuisset  agnosci ;  itaimpense  min- 
istraverat,   ut  putari  conductitius  suus 
famulus  merito  potuisset.' — Hist.  Angl. 
vol.  i.  p.  411,  the  Rolls  ed.     Chaucer 
observes  the  proper  military  subordina- 
tion in  The  Knightes  Tale : 

'  Lordes  in  paramentz  on  her  coursers, 
Knightes  of  retenu,  and  eek  squyers. 

Yemen  on  foote,  and  knaves  many  oon.' 
And  shortly  afterwards  we  read  : 


GLOSSARY. 


633 


etheres 


'  And  eke  his  steede  dryven  forth  with  staves, 
With     footemen,    bothe    yemen    and    eke 
knaves.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  77,  84. 

In  the  same  Tale,  we  have  a  descrip- 
tion of  a  knight's  *  yeman '  or  attendant, 
and  we  are  told — 

'  Wei  cowde  he  dresse  his  takel  yomanly, 
His   arwes  drowpud  nought  with  fet 
lowe.' 

Here  the  adverb  seems  to  be  equivalent 
to  'carefully.'  We  have  also  the  Tale 
of  the  Chanounes  '  Yeman,'  who  speaks 
of  his  master  as  his  lord  and  sovereign. 
And  in  The  Freres  Tale,  a  'yeman' 
meeting  a  sompnour  or  ministerial 
officer  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  hails 
him  as  a  brother,  and  says  : 

'  Thou  art  a  bayly,  and  I  am  another.' 
And  then  he  proceeds  to  tell  him — 

'  My  wages  ben  ful  streyt  and  eek  ful  smale  ; 
My  lord  to  me  is  hard  and  daungerous, 
And  myn  office  is  ful  laborous.' 

Ubi  supra,  p.  250. 

Now  in  all  these  passages,  the  notion 
that  the  '  yeman '  was  an  attendant  upon 
somebody  is  that  which  is  most  promi- 
nent, and  it  is  always  employed  by  early 
writers  in  connexion  with  service,  gene- 
rally of  a  menial  description.  Thus 
Elyot  himself  in  his  Dictionary,  describes 
the  Lacedaemonian  Helots  as  'com- 
mune mynysters  or  seruauntes,  as  ser- 
geauntes,  or  suche  as  in  London  they 
do  callyomen.'  He  gives  also  '  Laterani, 
yeman  of  the  garde,'  by  which  he  may 
possibly  mean  the  Laterenses  mentioned 
by  Tertullian  (advers.  Marcion.  lib.  iv. 
cap.  43),  and  who  are  said  to  have 
been  so  called  '  quod  latus  (presurmbly 
of  the  Emperor  or  some  person  of  rank) 
claudunt.'  And  'Vestiarius,  theyoman 
of  the  robes,  or  he  that  keepeth  the 
warderobe.'  Palsgrave  gives  '  Yeman 
of  the  horse  —  palfrenier  s,  m.'  and 
'Yeman  of  the  garde — archier  de  la 
garde  s,  m.' — L'Esd.  p.  291.  And 
the  phrase  still  in  vogue,  '  to  do  yeo- 
man's service,'  assists  us  to  realise  the 
fact  that  the  primary  meaning  of  the 
word  implied  the  performance  of  duties 
as  an  attendant  or  custodian.  It  is 
obvious  tnat  these  duties  would  not 
necessarily  devolve  upon  young  men. 


The  portraits  of  the  yeoman,  drawn 
for  us  by  Chaucer,  and  which  were 
probably  taken  from  life,  if  they  do  not 
preclude  the  notion  of  youth,  at  least 
do  not  favour  it.  Sir  Thomas  Smyth 
concurs  in  this  view.  <  It  cannot  be 
thought  that  yeomen  should  be  said  a 
young  man,  for  commonlie  we  doe  not 
call  any  a  yeoman  till  he  be  married  and 
haue  children,  and  as  it  were,  haue  some 
authoritie  among  his  neighbours.' — De 
Rep.  Angl.  p.  32,  ed.  1584.  Too  much 
importance,  however,  must  not  be  given 
to  this  opinion,  because  the  writer 
evidently  drew  his  conclusions  from  ob- 
servation of  the  status  of  the  class  as 
existing  in  his  own  time.  Richard 
Verstegan,  an  antiquary  of  German  ex- 
traction, who  studied  Saxon  literature 
at  a  time  when,  as  Chalmers  says,  such 
studies  were  very  little  prosecuted,  sug- 
gested that  as  the  letters  y  and  g  were 
frequently  interchanged,  the  word  yemen 
should  be  written  gemen  =  the  German 
gemein.  '  And  seeing  that  Gemen  is 
all  one  with  common,  a  yeoman  is 
rightly  understood  a  commoner.'— Rcstit. 
of  dec.  Intell.  p.  331,  ed.  1634.  It  is 
necessary  to  allude  to  this  suggestion, 
because  it  has  been  frequently  quoted 
with  approval  by  subsequent  writers, 
such  as  Lord  Coke,  Somner,  Cowell, 
and  many  others.  It  is  obvious,  how- 
ever, that  though  when  Verstegan 
wrote  many  commoners  might  properly 
be  called  yeomen,  this  description  would 
convey  a  very  inadequate  idea  of  what 
was  meant  by  yeomen  some  centuries 
earlier,  and  leaves  out  of  sight  alto- 
gether the  fact  that  they  were  originally 
attendants.  There  is  no  doubt,  how- 
ever, that  he  was  so  far  in  the  right 
track  in  concluding  that  the  initial 
letter  was  really  g  and  not  y.  The  in- 
terchange of  these  letters  by  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  is  now  universally  admitted, 
and  the  Editor  believes  that  in  the  verb 
Eyman  =  custodire,  vigilare,  attendere, 
will  be  found  the  real  origin  of  yeman, 
the  primitive  form  of  yeoman.  As 
some  confirmation  of  this  view,  it  may 
|  be  observed  that  Chaucer  himself  uses 
1  a  verb  yeme  =  to  keep,  guard,  which  is 
!  obviously  only  another  form  of  the  Anglo- 


634 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Saxon  verb  Eeman,  or  Eyman,  both 
the  latter,  according  to  Lye,  having 
precisely  the  same  meaning.  In  The 
Cokes  Tale,  Chaucer  says  : 
'Two  gentilmen  ther  were  that  yemede  the 
place.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  148. 

There  was  also  a  similar  verb  in  the 
old  Scotch  language,  '  Zeme,  in  our 
auld  language,  is  to  obserue,  and  keepe, 
as  quhen  in  time  of  singular  battell, 
they  quha  standes  by  and  behaldes  ar 
commanded  to  keepe  and  zeme  the 
time  of  the  derenzie  (i.e.,  combat), 
their  weapons  fra  the  handes  of  the 
appealer  and  defendour.' — Skene,  De 
Verb.  Signif.  What  may  be  called  the 
concise  or  legal  definition  of  yeoman, 
and  which  having  been  sanctioned  by 
so  great  an  authority  as  Lord  Coke, 
has  been  generally  adopted  by  the  com- 
pilers of  law  dictionaries  and  text- 
books, can  be  traced  no  higher  than 
the  end  of  the  i6th  century,  when  Sir 
Thomas  Smyth  said,  '  I  call  him  a 
yeoman,  whom  our  lawes  do  call  legalem 
hominem,  a  worde  familiar  in  writtes 
and  enquestes,  which  is  a  freeman 
borne  English,  and  may  dispend  of  his 
owne  free  lande  in  yerely  reuenue  to  the 
summe  of  xls.  sterling.'  —  De  Rep. 
Angl.  p.  30,  ed.  1584.  Sir  T.  Smyth 
does  not  give  his  reasons  for  this  con- 
clusion, but  it  was  probably  from  a 
consideration  of  the  following  circum- 
stances: 1st  by  statute  23  Hen.  VI. 
cap.  14,  for  the  election  of  members  of 
Parliament,  it  had  been  laid  down  that 
the  only  persons  eligible  were  '  notable 
knights  of  the  same  counties  for  the 
which  they  shall  be  chosen,  or  other- 
wise such  notable  esquires,  gentlemen 
of  the  same  counties  as  shall  be  able  to 
be  knights,  and  no  man  to  be  such 
knight  which  standeth  in  the  degree  of  a 
yeoman  and  under  (et  null  home  destre 
tiel  Chivaler  qui  estoise  en  la  degree  de 
vadlet  et  desouth).'  2nd  by  a  previous 
statute,  10  Hen.  VI.  cap.  2,  the  quali- 
fication of  electors  had  been  fixed  to  be 
that  '  every  man  shall  have  freehold  to 
the  value  of  xls.  by  the  year  at  the 
least  above  all  charges.'  Now  reading 
these  two  statutes  together,  a  yeoman 


might  fairly  enough  be  described  as  a 
forty  -  shilling  freeholder.  Moreover, 
Fortescue  writing  in  the  same  reign, 
had  said  that  a  jury  ought  to  consist  of 
*  duodecim  probos  et  legales  homines 
de  vicineto '  (cap.  25),  and  had  added 
that  in  England,  '  Villula  tarn  parva 
reperiri  non  poterit,in  qua  non  est  Miles, 
Armiger,vel  Paterfamilias,  qualis  ibidem 
Franklein  vulgariter  nuncupatur,  magnis 
ditatus  possessionibus,  necnon  libere 
Tenentes  alii,  et  Valecti  plurimi,  suis  pa- 
trimoniis,  sumcientes  ad  faciendum  Jura  - 
tam  in  forma  prsenotata.  Sunt  namque 
Valecti  diversi  in  regione  ilia,  qui  plus 
quam  sexcenta  scuta  per  annum  ex- 
pendere  possunt ;  quo  Juratae  superius 
descriptas  saspissime  in  regione  ilia 
fiunt,  prassertim  in  ingentibus  causis  de 
Militibus,  Armigeris,  et  aliis,  quorum 
possessiones  in  universo  excedunt  duo 
millia  scutonim  per  annum.'  —  De  Laud. 
Angl.  cap.  29,  ed.  1837.  The  words  in 
italics  are  translated  yomen  by  Robert 
Mulcaster  in  1567,  so  that  Sir  T.  Smyth 
was  not  without  authority  for  calling  a 
yeoman  'legalem  hominem.'  That 
these  Valecti  owed  their  origin  to  the 
feudal  system,  and  were  persons  from 
whom  service  could  be  exacted  by  a 
superior,  appears  from  the  way  in  which 
they  are  mentioned  in  the  early  law 
books.  Thus  in  Fleta,  temp.  Ed.  L, 
the  commission  to  the  Justices  of  Assize 
directs  them  to  inquire,  'De  vicecomi- 
tibus  et  Ballivis  fines  capientibus  de 
Valectis  feodum  Militis  tenentibus,  vel 
viginti  libras  terras habentibus,  ne  (i.e.  ut 
non)  milites  fierent  ad  mandatum  Regis. ' 
— Houard,  Cout.  Anglo-Norm,  torn, 
iii.  p.  61,  ed.  1776.  And  Bracton, 
who  also  gives  these  '  Capitula  '  or  ar- 
ticles of  inquiry  for  the  Justices  itinerant, 
speaks  of  the  possibility  of  the  valecti  es- 
caping military  service  though  of  full 
age.  '  De  vicecomitibus  et  ballivis  qui 
ceperunt  redemptionem  de  valetis  in- 
tegrum  feodum  militis  tenentibus,  vel 
viginti  libratas  terras  habentibus,  ne 
milites  fierent  ad  mandatum  domini  re- 
gis,  cum  vicecomes  et  alii  ballivi  domini 
regis  inde  praeceptum  haberent  speciale, 
de talibus,  plena  cetatis existentibus,  mili- 
tes faciendis.' — De  Legg.  fo.  117,  ed. 


GLOSSARY. 


635 


1569.  Valectus,  or  valettus,  is  said  to 
be  a  corruption  of  vassalettus,  a  dimi- 
nutive form  of  vasallus,  and  according 
to  M.  Littre,  all  the  primitive  forms  of 
this  word  implied  the  notion  of  per- 
sonal service,  arising  out  of  the  feudal 
system  ;  and  as  in  the  Promptorium 
gymanne  or  gomanne  is  given  as  the 
equivalent  of  Valectus,  we  can  hardly 
be  wrong  in  assuming  that  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  root-word  of  yeoman  would 
convey  a  corresponding  idea.  Thus 
the  word  'yeomanry,'  originating  in 
the  nomenclature  of  the  feudal  system, 
is  applied  most  appropriately  to  denote 
a  military  body,  although  the  organi- 
sation of  the  force  which  is  now  distin- 
guished by  that  name  was  created  only 
in  the  present  century.  At  the  same 
time  the  terms  '  yeoman  of  signals,' 
'yeoman  of  the  hold,  &c.,'  still,  we 
believe,  employed  in  the  Royal  Navy 
to  designate  seamen  charged  with 
special  but  subordinate  duties,  may  be 
regarded  from  an  etymological  point  of 
view  as  preserving  the  historical  con- 
tinuity of  feudalism. 

Yerde,  a  rod,  a  staff.— I.  219.  This 
primitive  form  of  the  word  is  constantly 
used  by  the  early  writers.  Thus,  Sir 
John  Maundevile,  also  speaking  of 
Aaron's  rod,  says :  « In  that  arke 
weren  the  Commandementes,  and  of 
Arones  zerde,  and  of  Moyses  zerde,  with 
the  whiche  he  made  the  Rede  See  de- 
parten,  as  it  had  ban  a  walle,  on  the 
righte  syde  and  on  the  left  syde,  whils 
that  the  peple  of  Israel  passeden  the 
see  drye  foot  :  and  with  that  zerde  he 
smoot  the  roche,  and  the  watre  cam  out 
of  it  :  and  with  that  zerde  he  dide  manye 
wondres.' — Voiage,  drv.,  pp.  102,  103, 
ed.  1727.  And  Chaucer,  in  The  Pro- 
logue, says  of  the  prioress — 
'  Of  smale  houndes  hadde  sche,  that  sche  fedde 
With  rostud  fleissh,  and  mylk,  and  wastel 

breed. 

But  sore  wepte  sche  if  oon  of  hem  were  deed, 
Or  if  men  smot  it  with  &  yerde  smerte.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  6,  ed.  1866. 
And  in  The  Knight es  Tale — 
'Him  thoughte   that  how  the  wenged   god 

Mercuric 

Byforn  him  stood,  and  bad  him  to  be  murye, 
His  slepy  yerd  in  hond  he  bar  upright. ' 

Ibid.  p.  43. 


Again  in  The  Persones  Tale :  '  A  phi- 
losopher, upon  a  tyme,  that  wolde  have 
bete  his  disciple  for  his  grete  trespas, 
for  which  he  was  gretly  amoeved,  and 
brought  a  yerde  to  scourge  the  child  ; 
and  whan  the  child  saugh  the  yerde,  he 
sayde  to  his  maister,  "What  thenke  ye 
to  do?"  "I  wolde  bete  the,"  quod 
the  maister,  "for  thi  correccioun. " 
"Forsothe,"  quod  the  child,  "ye 
oughte  first  correcte  youresilf,  that  han 
lest  al  youre  pacience  for  the  gilt  of  a 
child. "  « « Forsothe, "  quod  the  maister, 
al  wepyng,  "  thou  saist  sothe ;  have 
thou  the  yerde,  my  deere  sone,  and 
correcte  me  for  myn  impacience. "  ' — 
Ibid.  vol.  iii.  p.  322.  So  also  Gower  : 

'  Tho  toke  this  knight  a  yerd  on  honde, 
And  goth  there  as  the  cofers  stonde, 
And  with  thassent  of  euerichone, 
He  leid  his  yarde  upon  one.' 

Conf.  Am.  fo.  xcvi  b,  ed.  1554. 

Yongth,  youth.—  II.  343.  This  is 
the  Anglo-Saxon  form  of  the  word,  and 
is  used  by  Gower  : 

'  The  bright  sonne  by  the  morowe 
Beshineth  not  the  derke  night, 
The  lusty  yongth.  of  mans  might 
In  age  but  it  stond  wele, 
Mistorneth  all  the  last  whele.' 

Conf.  Am.  fo.  clxviii.  ed.  1554. 
And  also  by  Spenser  in  Muiopotmos : 
'  The  fresh  young  flic,  in  whom  the  kindly  fire 
Of  \MStfu\\y0ngth  began  to  kindle  fast, 
Did  much  disdaine  to  subject  his  desire 
To  loathsome  sloth,  or  houres  in  ease  to  wast. ' 
Poet.  Works,  vol.  v.  p.  58,  ed.  1866. 

Yorning",  opening,  giving  tongue  as 
hounds  do.— I.  194.  The  derivation  of 
this  word  has  given  rise  to  some  con- 
fusion. The  editor  of  the  Promptorium 
apparently  considers  it  to  represent  the 
Anglo-Saxon  word  Unnan  or  Yrman, 
meaning  to  run,  and  says  :  '  The  verb 
to  erne  or  yerne,  signifying  to  hasten 
or  run  as  an  animal,  (Ang.  -Sax.  yrnan, 
currere\  has  not  been  sufficiently  dis- 
tinguished from  the  verb  to  yearn 
(Ang. -Sax.  geornian,  desiderare),  ex- 
pressive of  anxious  longing  or  deep 
affection.' — P.  142.  It  is  true  that  in 
one  or  two  passages  the  meaning  of  *  to 
run'  might  not  be  altogether  incon- 
sistent with  the  context.  But  in  this, 
as  in  many  similar  cases  that  might  be 


636 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


mentioned,  a  mistake  has  arisen  from 
not  considering  the  history  of  the  word 
and  its  appropriate  connection.  Now 
the  word  is  obviously  a  hunting  term,  and 
in  order  to  rightly  understand  it  we  must 
consult  our  oldest  authority,  Turbervile, 
on  the  subject.  He  tells  us  '  When 
Foxes  and  Badgerds  haue  yong  cubbes, 
take  all  your  olde  Terryers  and  put 
them  into  the  grounde  :  and  when  they 
beginne  to  baye  (whiche  in  the  earth  is 
called  yearnyng)  you  muste  holde  your 
yong  Terryers  euery  one  of  them  at  a 
sundrie  hole  of  some  angle  or  mouth 
of  the  earth,  that  they  may  herken  and 
heare  theyr  fellowes  yearne. '  Again  he 
says  :  '  As  touching  foxes,  I  account 
small  pastime  in  hunting  of  them, 
especially  within  the  grounde.  For  as 
soone  as  they  perceyue  the  Terryers,  if 
they  yearne  harde  and  lye  neare  unto 
them,  they  will  bolte  and  come  out 
streight  wayes.' — The  Booke  of  Hunt- 
ing, pp.  181,  1 86,  ed.  1575.  And  in 
his  description  of  '  The  sundrie  noyses 
of  houndes,  and  the  termes  proper  for 
the  same, '  he  says  :  *  When  they  are 
earnest  eyther  in  the  chace  or  in  the 
earth,  we  say  they  yearne.'' — Ibid.  p. 
240.  In  a  letter  written  by  one  Robert 
Laneham,  describing  Queen  Elizabeth's 
hunting  at  Kenil worth  in  1575,  he 
speaks  of  '  the  earning  of  the  hoounds 
in  continuauns  of  their  crie,  the  swift- 
ness of  the  deer,  the  running  of  foot- 
men, the  galloping  of  horses,  the  blast- 
ing of  horns,  the  halloing  and  hewing 
of  the  huntsmen.'— P.  17,  ed.  1575. 
In  a  poem  entitled  The  Hunttyng  of 
the  Hare,  we  find  precisely  the  same 
form  as  that  used  by  Elyot  : 

'  When  thei  wer  all  in  ther  aray, 
From  all  the  dogges  she  went  away, 

Withouttyn  ony  torne. 
The  dogges  wer  nothyng  to  blame, 
Thei  knew  not  wele  of  that  game, 
Thei  had  seyn  non  fo\\.yorne.' 
Weber's  Met.  Rom.  vol.  iii.  p.  284,  ed.  1810. 
Now  these  passages,  and  particularly 
that  from  Turbervile,  show  conclusively 
that  the  word  was  applied  to  the  cry  of 
hounds  ;  and  if  this  were  all,  we  might 
be  tempted  to  think  that  it  represented 
the  Anglo-Saxon  word  Ceoming,  which 
Somner  explains   to  mean   '  Barritus, 


ruditus,  garrulitas,  a  braying,  a  roaring, 
a  prating,  pratling  or  chattering. '  But 
inasmuch  as  they  seem  also  to  point 
to  the  action  of  the  hounds,  accom- 
panied by  their  cry,  there  is  apparently 
no  reason  why  we  should  not  refer  the 
origin  of  the  word  to  the  Anglo -Saxon 
Eeopnian,  which  the  authority  above 
mentioned  interprets,  '  studere,  deside- 
rare,  petere,  earnestly  to  seek,  desire 
or  labour  for.'  This  view  is  to  some 
extent  confirmed  by  the  following  pas- 
sage in  Chaucer's  Prologe  of  the  Par- 
doner, where  the  latter  says  : 

'  Than  peyne  I  me  to  strecche  forth  my  necke, 
And  est  and  west  upon  the  poeple  I  bekke, 
As  doth  a  dowfe  syttyng  on  a  berne  ; 
Myn  hondes  and  my  tonge  goon  so  yerne, 
That  it  is  joye  to  se  my  busynessse.' 

Poet.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  88,  ed.  1866. 

So,  too,  in  The  Vision  of  Piers  Plough- 
man, we  read — 

'  Othere  werkmen  ther  were 
That  wroghten  ful  yerne.' 

Vol.  i.  p.  123,  ed.  1842. 

Yoten,  melted,  fused.  —  I.  48. 
From  the  Anglo-Saxon  verb,  Deotan, 
which  Somner  explains  :  '  Fundere, 
efFundere,  stillare,  to  poure  out,  to 
shed,  to  drop.  Hinc  infimse  Latini- 
tatis  guttare,  eodem  plane  sensu. '  He 
also  gives  Deotepe,  '  Fusor,  flator,  a 
melter.'  In  the  Promptorium  we  find 
'getyn,  metall,  getyn  or  gete  metel. 
FundoJ  and  'getynge,  of  metelle,  as 
bellys,  pannys,  potys,  and  other  lyke. 
Fusio.'—P.  538.  In  Elyot's  own 
Dictionary  we  find  Fundo,  Fundere, 
translated  '  to  yette,  or  cast  mettall,  to 
powre  out,  to  sheede,  &c.,'  and  Sta- 
tuaria,  '  the  crafte  of  caruynge,  or  yet- 
ting of  y mages '  ;  Statuarius,  '  he  that 
carueth  or  yetteth  images.'  Chaucer 
uses  the  word  in  the  sense  of  '  poured  ' 
simply,  in  The  Romaunt  of  the  Rose  : 

'  For  soth  it  is,  whom  it  displese, 
Ther  may  no  marchaunt  lyve  at  ese, 
His  herte  in  sich  a  were  is  sett, 
That  it  brenneth  quyke  to  gete, 
Ne  never  shal,  though  he  hath  geten, 
Though  he  have  gold  in  g&mersyeten, 
For  to  be  nedy  he  dredith  sore, 
Wherfore  to  geten  more  and  more 
He  sette  his  herte  and  his  desire." 
*Poet.  Works,  vol.  vi.  p.  174,  ed.  1866. 


GLOSSARY. 


637 


In  the  old  romance  of  Richard  Coer  de 
Lion,  written  probably  temp.  Ed.  I., 
according  to  Mr.  Ellis,  we  find  the 
very  same  form  as  is  used  by  Elyot  : 

Hastely,  without  wordes  mo, 
Hys  mase  he  toke  in  hys  honde  tho, 
That  was  made  of  yoten  bras, 
He  wondryd  who  that  it  was.' 

Weber's  Met-  Rom.  vol.  ii.  p.  18. 

And  so,  also,  in  that  called  Amis  and 
Amiloun  : 

'  The  lazar  tok  forth  his  coupe  of  gold, 
Bothe  were  yoten  in  o  mold, 

Right  as  that  selue  it  ware. 
Therein  he  pourd  that  win  so  riche, 
Than  were  thai  bothe  ful  yliche 
And  neither  lesse  no  mare.' 

Ibid.  p.  453. 

According  to  the  editor  of  the  Promp- 
torium,  Billiter  Lane  is  a  corruption  of 
Bellegeter,  or  Bellegtare,  meaning  a 
bell-founder,  because  foundries  of  that 
description  were  formerly  situated  in 
that  locality. 


Zelatour,  a  zealous  friend. — II.  426 
and  note. — The  French  zelateur,  mean- 
ing, literally,  one  who  is  zealous  about 


anything.  Thus  in  the  Memoires  of 
Martin  du  Bellay,  we  find  this  word 
used  in  much  the  same  sense  as  the 
English  form  is  by  Elyot  :  '  Que  com- 
bien  qu'ils  creussent  fermement  que  les 
propos  scandaleux  semez  a  1'encontre 
d'eux  n'eussent  lieu  ne  foy  parmy  les 
gens  de  bien,  et  qu'ils  fussent  tenus  a 
tels  qu'ils  deuoient  estre,  c'est  a  S9auoir 
bons  zelateurs  du  bien  et  augmentation 
de  la  Chrestiente,  dequoy  pouuoient 
assez  faire  foy  les  offres  souuent  par 
eux  faictes  pour  resister  centre  le  Turc. ' 
— Fo.  99  b,  ed.  1569.  The  English 
form  is  used  by  Sir  Thomas  Wriothes- 
ley,  in  a  letter  to  Cromwell  from  Brus- 
sels, in  1539,  and  is  evidently  merely 
the  translation  of  the  French  word,  as 
the  passage  in  which  it  occurs  is  part 
of  the  report  of  a  speech  which  was 
obviously  in  that  language  :  '  "  I  assure 
you,"  quod  she,  "  thoughe  I  say  it  to 
your  self,  I  like  you  as  wel  as  any  man 
that  ever  I  knewe,  in  any  suche  credite 
with  his  maister,  estimation,  and  place, 
as  you  be  in ;  and  I  knowe  that  you 
have  been  ever  a  zelatour  of  this  old 
amytie  ;  wherfor  I  require  and  pray  you 
not  to  say  me  naye  in  this  request."  ' — 
State  Pap.,  vol.  viii.  p.  185. 


APPENDIX    A. 

TABLE  OF  OBSOLETE   WORDS  FORMED  FROM  THE  LATIff. 


Abhor   (from    a 

thing) 

Abhor  reo 

Abiecte 

Abjectus 

Adminiculation 

Adminiculatio 

Adolescencie 

Adolescentia 

Aggregate 

Aggregatus 

Allect 

A  I  lee  to 

Allectyue 

A  11  ec  twits 

Amoue 

Amoveo 

Annect 

Annecto 

Applicate 

Applicatus 

Assentation 

Assentatio 

Assentatour 

Assent  at  or 

Circumscription 

Circumscriptio 

Coarcted 

Coarctatus 

Compacte   (  = 

composed) 

Compactus 

Comprobate 

Comprobatus 

Concinnitie 

Concinnitas 

Condisciple 

Condiscipulus 

Confins 

Confinis 

Conglutinate 

Conglutinatus 

Cruciate 

Cruciatus 

Decerpt 

Decerptus 

Demulced 

Demulsus 

Deprehende 

Deprehendo 

Dispergement 

Disparaga- 

mentum 

Dissimule 

Dissimulo 

Domestical 

Domesticus 

Enforme 

Informo 

Entrelude 

Interludium 

Erogate 

Erogatus 

Erogation 

Erogatio 

Excerpe 

Excerpo 

Excogitate 

Excogitatus 

Exhibition    (  = 

stipend) 

Exhibitio 

Expende 

Expendo 

Exquisite  (  =  re- 

condite) 

Exquisitus 

Extincte 

Extinctus 

Fastidious 

Fastidium 

Fatigate 

Fatigatus 

Fecis 

Faces 

Fucate 

Fucatus 

Humecte 

Humecto 

Illecebrous 

Illecebrosus 

Illect 

Illecto 

Importable 

Importabilis 

Incende 

Incendo 

Infame 

Infamo 

Infarced 

Infercio 

Infude 

In/undo 

Ingenerate 

Ingeneratus 

Ingourgitation 

Ingurgitatio 

640 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


Inquiet 
Instinction 
Laude 

Inquieto 
Instinctus 
Laus 

Prevent  (  =  anti- 
cipate) 
Prouecte 

Prcevenire 
Provectus 

Leuigate 
Maculate 
Obfuscate 
Obsessed 
Odible 

Lcevigatus 
Maculatus 
Obfuscatus 
Obsessus 
Odibilis 

Radycate 
Reboyle 
Repugn 
Respect 
Simulachre 

Radicatus 
Rebullio 
Repugno 
Respectus 
Simulachrum 

Ordinately 
Ornate 

Ordinatim 
Ornatus 

Turment 
Unhabill 

Tormentum 
Inhabilis 

Ostent 

Ostento 

Ventilate 

Ventilatus 

Pale 

Palus 

Voluptuositie 

Voluptuositas 

APPENDIX. 


641 


APPENDIX    B. 

TABLE  OF  OBSOLETE   WORDS  FORMED  FROM  THE  FRENCH. 


Admonest 

Admonester 

Departe     (  =  di- 

Aduaunt 

Vanter 

vide) 

Dtpartir 

Agreue(  =  to  ag- 

Despeche 

Despecher 

gravate) 

Aggreutr 

Digne 

Digne 

Aigre 

Aigre 

Discourage 

DScourage 

Alay 

Allayer 

Discrepance 

Discrepance 

Appayse 

Appaiser 

Dissease    (=  to 

Approper 

Approprier 

annoy) 

Desaisir 

Asprely 

Asprement 

Doulce 

Doulce 

Attemptate 

Attentat 

Edifie 

Edifier 

Auoutry 

Avulterie 

Eye,  at  the, 

a  Fail 

Auoyd 

Voider 

Endomage 

Endommager 

Baratour 

Barateur 

Enforce 

Ejforcer 

Bargenette 

Bergerette 

Engine 

Engin 

Eatable 

Eatable 

Enseignement 

Enseignement 

Bayne 

Bain 

Entrelase 

Entrelasser 

Bordell 

Bordcl 

Esbaied 

Esbahi 

Burgen 

Bourgeonner 

Esbatement 

Esbatement 

Buten 

Butin 

Espial 

Espion 

Cautele 

Cautelle 

Exploite 

Exploicter 

Cesse 

Cesser 

Expulse 

Expulser 

Compromit 

Compromettre 

Faict 

Faict 

Congrue 

Congru 

Fardelle 

Fardel 

Conjuration 

Conjuration 

Featly 

Faitement 

Couche 

Coucher 

Fraunches 

Franchise 

Couenable 

Cowvenable 

Galyarde 

Gaillard 

Counterfaict 

Contrefaict 

Carded 

Carder 

Counterpoint 

Contrepoint 

Gesseron 

Jaseran 

Defalcate 

Defalquer 

Gestes 

Gestes 

Defende   (  =  for- 

Giues 

Giez 

bid) 

Defendre 

Crutch 

Grugef 

Deinzin 

Deinz 

Habile 

Habtie 

Deliver  (  -  agile) 

Dttivrt 

Habilitie 

Habilett 

II. 

T  T 

642 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


Hache 

Hache 

Pye 

Pie 

Harborow 

Herberger 

Rebecque 

Rebec 

Harnes 

Harnois 

Recomfort 

Rtconforter 

Haulte 

Hault 

Redoub 

Radouber 

Haunte 

Hanter 

Relent 

Ralentir 

Hauour 

Avoir 

Remorde 

Remordre 

Haye 

Haie 

Renome 

Renom 

leopardie 

Jeu  parti 

Reprinse 

Reprise 

Imbataile 

Embatailler 

Resplendish 

Resplendir 

Impechement 

Empeschement 

Rode 

Rade 

Inpreignable 

Imprennable 

Route 

Route 

Insolubles 

Insolubles 

Saulf 

Sauf 

Irous 

Ireux 

Seele 

Siller 

Irrecuperable 

Irrecuperable 

Semblable 

Semblable 

Layser 

Loisir 

Semblaunte 

Semblant 

Maistrie 

Maistrie 

Sengles 

Sengles 

Maynure 

Main  ovre 

Sophisme 

Sophisme 

Meigre 

Maigre 

Sophisticate 

Sophistique 

Missprision 

Mesprison 

Sourded 

Sourdre 

Mountenaunce 

Montance 

Spice 

Espece 

Norisery 

Nourricerie 

Spousaylles 

Espousailles 

Numbles 

Nombles 

Squynce 

Squinance 

Operatrice 

Operatrice 

Suscitate 

Susciter 

Parsonage  (  = 

Table      (=  pic- 

body) 

Personage 

ture) 

Table 

Pauion 

Paitane 

Tache 

Tache 

Paynym 

Paienime 

Testar 

Testiere 

Perler 

Parloir 

Tracte  (of  time) 

Traict 

Perse 

Percer 

Traicte 

Petites 

Petites 

treat  of) 

Traicter 

Popiniay 

Patiegai 

Trayne 

Trainer 

Possede 

Posseder 

Turgion 

Tordion 

Pounced 

Poin$onner 

Ure 

Uevre 

Poyse 

Pois 

Utter  (  =  to  sell) 

Outrer 

Prease 

Presse 

Valour  (  =  value) 

Valeur 

Prepense 

Pourpenser 

Visage  (  =  to  con- 

Propise 

Propice 

front) 

Visaget 

Puissaunce 

Puissance 

Voluptie 

Volupte 

Purpose 

Proposer 

Zelatour 

Zelateu? 

APPENDIX  643 


APPENDIX    C. 

NOTE,  page  61. 

IN  ORDER  to  ascertain  as  far  as  possible  whether  any  formal  record  of 
Prince  Henry's  committal  to  prison  existed  in  the  Archives  of  the  Public 
Record  Office,  the  Editor  requested  an  experienced  Record-Agent  to 
search  the  Controlment  Rolls  for  the  whole  of  the  reign  of  Henry  IV. 
After  a  most  careful  and  thorough  investigation  Mr.  John  Me  Donagh 
reported  to  the  Editor  in  November,  1876,  as  follows  :  '  I  have  completed 
an  inspection  of  the  Controlment  Rolls  of  the  Queen's  Bench  for  any 
notice  of  the  committal  of  Prince  Henry,  but  without  result.'  So  far  the 
Editor's  anticipations  were  realised,  but  even  still  stronger  corroboration 
of  the  opinion  he  had  ventured  to  express  was  soon  forthcoming.  The 
Editor  was  not  aware,  until  long  after  the  note  was  printed,  that  any  pre- 
vious explorer  had  travelled  over  the  same  dry  and  arid  tract  on  a  similar 
mission.  By  a  strange  coincidence,  however,  just  as  the  last  sheets  of 
The  Governour  were  passing  through  the  press,  he  learned  that  Mr.  F. 
Solly  Flood,  ex-Attorney  General  for  Gibraltar,  had  many  years  previously 
and  with  a  totally  different  object,  undertaken  precisely  the  same  inquiry. 
That  gentleman,  having  occasion  to  investigate  the  law  of  habeas  corpus, 
desired  to  consult  the  earliest  precedents  of  committal  for  contempt,  and 
for  that  purpose  examined  with  the  greatest  possible  care  and  minuteness 
these  same  Controlment  Rolls  of  Hen.  IV.  Mr.  Flood  informs  the 
Editor  that  he  was  unable  to  discover  any  trace  whatever  of  any  entry  on 
the  Rolls,  of  the  Prince  having  been  committed  to  prison,  and  adds  that 
it  was  impossible  that  any  such  entry,  if  it  existed,  could  have  escaped  his 
notice.  As  the  result  of  his  researches  Mr.  Flood  had  arrived  at  the 
conclusion  that  the  story,  as  applied  to  Hen.  V.  when  Prince  of  Wales, 
was  devoid  of  foundation,  and  was  really  an  anachronism  originating  in 
the  misapplication  of  the  entry  on  the  Rolls  of  33  and  34  Ed.  I.  referred 
to  in  the  note.  That  two  persons,  working  quite  independently  of  each 
other,  and  investigating  the  subject  from  two  totally  different  points  of 
view,  should  arrive  at  precisely  the  same  conclusion,  was,  to  say  the  least, 
a  remarkable  fact,  and  the  Editor  was  glad  to  find  the  opinion  he  had  all 
along  entertained,  supported  by  such  an  eminent  legal  authority. 

Mr.  Flood  moreover  called  his  attention  to  a  circumstance  well  de- 
serving of  comment,  but  which  has  not  hitherto  been  noticed  by  any  pre- 

TT  2 


644  THE  GOVERNOUR. 

vious  writer.  Elyot's  widow,  as  we  have  seen,  married  Dyer,  the  illus- 
trious Chief  Justice  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  and  author  of 
'  Dyer's  Reports.'  '  So  very  learned  a  man  is  not  likely,'  says  Mr.  Flood 
in  a  letter  to  the  Editor,  ( to  have  been  unacquainted  with  the  writings  of 
his  wife's  first  husband,  with  whom  he  probably  had  been  personally 
acquainted.  Now  Dyer  is  the  earliest  known  writer  who  has  dealt  with 
the  law  of  contempt,  and  it  is  inconceivable  that  he  should  have  omitted 
all  notice  of  Henry's  committal  by  Gascoigne  if  he  had  believed  the  story 
to  which  Elyot  had  given  currency.  But,  not  only  is  he  silent,  but  in  his 
famous  charge  to  the  Grand  Jury  in  the  ninth  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
he  labours  to  show  that  contempt  of  court  should  be  punished  according 
to  the  course  of  the  common  law.  He  says,  "Your  third  point  is  de  con- 
temptibus.  We  read  of  a  contempt  done  to  this  Court  in  the  two  and 
twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  VI.,  when  a  squier  belonging 
unto  the  king's  court  did  beat  here  at  Westminster  an  attorney,  for  being 
against  him,  and  earnest  in  his  client's  cause.  He  was  indicted  here 
in  this  place  for  it,  found  guilty,  and  paid  4O/.  fine."  I  have  found 
numerous  instances  of  flagrant  contempts  in  facie  Curies  dealt  with 
according  to  the  course  of  the  common  law  by  impannelling  a  jury 
instanter,  and  on  examination  of  these  cases,  and  the  Year  Books  and 
other  old  books  and  records,  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
punishment  by  summary  process  of  contempt  committed  by  a  stranger 
in  facie  Curice  was  not  resorted  to  till  long  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV. 
The  earlier  committals  for  contempt  committed  in  facie  Curice  are  ad 
respondendum.  If  Henry  of  Monmouth  had  been  so  committed  the 
entry  would  appear  more  than  once,  namely  on  the  Coram  Rege  and 
Controlment  Rolls.  If  committed  in  pcenam  the  fact  must  also  have  been 
entered  on  the  Coram  Rege  and  Controlment  Rolls.  It  is  on  neither.' 


APPENDIX.  645 


APPENDIX    D. 

NOTE  d.,  page  179. 

THE  quotation  which  Sir  T.  Elyot  himself  attributed  to  Plutarch  should 
apparently  have  been  referred  to  a  much  more  modern  authority,  Eras- 
mus. The  latter,  in  the  course  of  some  remarks  upon  flatterers,  in  the 
book  from  which  Elyot  has  frequently  quoted,  says  :  '  Qua  quidem  in  re 
magnopere  conducet  si  qui  deprehensus  fuerit  hoc  agere,  ut  alloquiis  et 
obsequiis  illiberalibus  Principis  animum  ad  ea  sollicitet  quae  parum  digna 
sunt  principe,  is  in  aliorum  exemplum  public^  det  pcenas,  etiam  capitis, 

si  delicti  modus  hoc  postularit Si  in  poenis  mali  dati  rationem 

convenit  expendere,  plus  Isedit  rempublicam  pestilens  adulator  qui 
primam  illam  principis  setatem  tyrannicis  opinionibus  corrumpit  et  inficit, 
qukm  qui  publicum  aerarium  expilarit.  Qui  principis  monetam  adulte- 
rant, in  hunc  exquisitis  suppliciis  animadvertitur  :  et  propemodum  pre- 
mium est  iis  qui  principis  animum  corruperint.' — Institutio  Principle 
Christiani)  p.  76,  ed.  1519. 


646  THE   GOVERNOUR. 


APPENDIX    E. 

NOTE  a.,  page  243. 

As  the  works  of  Pontanus  are  not  always  accessible,  the  passage  re- 
ferred to,  which  occurs  in  the  treatise  De  Magnanimitate,  is  given  in  the 
original  Latin,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  compare  it  with  the  account 
of  the  same  incident  given  by  Valla,  and  form  his  own  opinion  as  to  the 
probable  source  from  which  Sir  Thomas  Elyot  derived  his  knowledge  of 
the  story  : 

'Ferdinandus  idem  qui  aliquot  post  annos  regnavit  in  Hispania 
Citeriore,  quae  nunc  pars  in  Aragonia  est  et  Catalonia  divisa,  mortuo 
Rege,  superstite  in  incunabulis  filio,  qui  de  more  gentis  Regno  succe- 
debat,  quique  propter  infantiam  Regni  principibus  ac  populis  despectui 
jam  esset,  cum  ipse  ob  egregias  animi  dotes  in  sui  admirationem  proceres 
ulterioris  Hispaniae  ac  populos  traxisset  omnes,  sollicitatus  a  plerisque 
quod  regnum  sibi  assumeret.  Itaque  ut  erat  non  minus  prudens  quam 
Justus,  cupiditatumque  humanarum  victor,  multorum  animos  nunc  spe 
nunc  blanditiis  ut  quemque  affectum  noverat  honeste  moderanterque 
aliquantum  cum  protraxisset,  ubi  tandem  opportunum  visum  est,  convo- 
catis  de  more  pi\)ceribus  ac  populorum  procuratoribus,  in  publico  ulterioris 
fere  totius  Hispaniae  conspectu,  expectantibus  ferme  cunctis  Regem  ut 
seipsum  declararet,  prodiit  in  medium,  editoque  a  suggestu  infantulum 
regio  ornatum  cultu,  atque  impositum  humero  alteque  suolatum  ab  omni- 
bus conspici  ut  posset  ostentans,  En  Regem,  inquit,  O  Hispaniae  principes 
liberarumque  urbium  oratores  ac  delecti  viri.  Nosier  hie  Rex  est,  hunc 
veneremur,  hunc  colamus,  huic  fidem  servemus,  qui  mos  Hispanorum  est 
gentis  adversum  Reges.  Atque  his  dictis  collocatum  regio  in  solio  infan- 
tulum, ipse  primus,  ut  moris  est,  ad  pedes  ejus  procumbens  et  veneratus 
est  ilium,  et  in  verba  ejus  juravit,  utque  idem  cuncti  facerent  exemplo  suo 
adegit.' — Opera,  torn,  i,  fo.  260,  ed.  1518. 


APPENDIX.  647 


APPENDIX    F. 

NOTE  f.t  page  326. 

THE  following  passage  from  Aristotle  should  be  substituted  for  the  one 
printed  in  the  note  :  *O  \ikv  yap  rryerai  irpoaipovpcvoS)  vop-ifov  act  8elv  rb 
irapbv  r)8v  SIWKCIV'  6  5'  OVK  oierai  pev,  duuKci  dc.-  Arist  Eth.  Nic.  lib.  vii. 
cap.  3,  (4). 


INDEX 


TO 


THE     SECOND     VOLUME. 


ABE 

A   BETTOR,  derivation  of  the  word, 
£\     419,  note  b 
Abbreviate,  derivation  of  the  word,  393, 

note  a 

Abstinence,  definition  of,  305 
Adherent,  derivation  of  the  word,  407, 

note  b 
Adolescency,   definition  of  the   word, 

26 
^milius,  Paulus,  derived  no  pecuniary 

benefit  from  his  victory  over  Perseus, 

3H 

/Esop,  the  Fables  of,  full  of  instruction, 

400 
Affability,  the  virtue  of,  39 ;  the  visible 

effects  of,  45 
Affection,  remarks  on  the  word,  433, 

note  a 
Affranius,  verses  of,  translated  by  Elyot, 

367 

Agasicles,  apophthegm  of,  108,  note  b 

Agesilaus,  (qu.  Agasicles?)  the  benevo- 
lence of,  108  ;  apophthegms  of,  208, 
260 ;  his  offer  to  lead  an  army  into 
Asia,  291 

Aggregate,  to,  used  as  an  active  verb, 
360,  note  d 

Ailly,  Pierre  d',  author  of  a  treatise  on 
Conceptus  et  Insolubitia,  230,  note  b 

Alexander,  the  Great,  his  want  of  affa- 
bility, 47  ;  his  uncontrollable  anger, 
57  ;  rebuked  by  Philip,  ill;  his 
generosity,  113  ;  mimicked  by  his 
servants,  177;  his  courage  evinced 
by  his  fighting  bareheaded,  292  ;  and 


ANT 

the  wife  of  Darius,  313  ;  his  confi- 
dence in  his  physician,  322  ;  rebuked 
by  Androcides,  348  ;  and  Apelles, 
story  of,  403 

Alexander  of  Pherse,  his  unjust  suspi- 
cion, no 

—  Severus,  see  Severus 

Ambition,  disastrous,  of  certain  Roman 
generals,  298  ;  why  it  is  so  injurious 
to  the  state,  301 

Ambitus,  Lex,  of  the  Romans,  297 

Ambrose,  Saint,  on  patience,  278 

America,  apparently  not  reckoned  a 
continent  by  Elyot,  329,  note  d 

Anarchy,   the   evils  of,   demonstrated, 

211 

Androcides,  his  letter  to  Alexander  the 
Great,  348 

Androclus,  and  the  lion,  story  of,  169 

Anger,  characteristics  of,  described,  55 

Animals,  good  qualities  of,  praised,  re- 
gardless of  their  stock,  37  ;  surpass 
men  in  gratitude,  167  ;  exhibit  proofs 
of  instinctive  habits  of  obedience,  210 ; 
order  preserved  amongst,  referred  to 
by  ancient  writers,  210,  note  a ; 
certain  qualities  innate  in,  364 

Antigonus,  King  of  Macedonia,  coura- 
geous answer  of,  291 

Antiochus,  King  of  Asia,  his  self-re- 
straint, 314  ;  his  moderation,  329 

Antoninus,  Marcus  Aurelius,  the  Em- 
peror, (qu.  Alexander  Severus?)  per- 
mitted liberty  of  speech,  45  ;  his  affa- 
bility, 53  ;  his  tolerance  of  criticism 


650 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


ANT 


C^ES 


165  ;  his  curiosity  to  know  the  public 
opinion  of  himself,  184 ;  his  treat- 
ment of  the  children  of  Cassius,  281  j 
why  called  the  Philosopher,  380 

Antoninus  Pius,  how  he  received  a  re- 
buke from  his  host,  54  ;  benevolence 
of,  107  j  his  character  for  liberality, 
114 

Antonius,  Marcus,  insult  offered  to,  after 
death,  by  Marius,  58 

Apocrypha,  the  term,  when  first  applied 
to  the  uncanonical  books  of  the 
Bible,  389,  note  c 

Apparel,  majesty  displayed  in  suitable, 
17  ;  Act  to  regulate,  19  note  a  j  when 
permitted  to  be  sumptuous,  22 

Apprentice,  of  the  law,  a  barrister  called, 
in  the  i6th  century,  19 

Approbate,  an  obsolete  word,  397, 
note  a 

Architas,  and  his  bailiff,  story  of,  332 

Aristotle,  his  definition  of  a  liberal  man, 
91  ;  of  liberality,  112;  of  friendship, 
122;  of  justice,  186  ;  (qu.  Cicero?) 
opinion  of,  as  to  rulers  setting  the 
example,  207  ;  his  division  of  courage 
into  five  kinds,  271,  note  c;  of  a 
valiant  man,  272  ;  of  magnanimity, 
289 ;  of  continence,  305  ;  of  tempe- 
rance, 325  ;  how  he  distinguishes  be- 
tween incontinence  and  intemperance, 
326  ;  of  memory,  368  ;  \\isDeAnima- 
libus  Histories,  388,  note  a 

Arras,  cloth  of,  so  called  from  the  town 
in  France,  23,  note  a ;  made  for 
Henry  VIII.  by  John  Mustyan,  23, 
notes. 

Arrogance,  of  men  in  authority,  its 
effects  upon  bystanders,  40 

Articles,  seven,  to  be  committed  to 
memory  by  persons  in  authority,  2 

Ashmole,  Windsor  Herald  temp.  Chas. 
II.,  quoted,  200,  note 

Asia,  accounted  the  third  part  of  the 
globe,  329 

Athens,  prosperity  of,  as  long  as  liberty 
of  speech  was  permitted,  108  ;  the 
thirty  tyrants  of,  109 

Attaints,  the  legal  process  of,  Elyot's 
intention  to  treat  of,  in  another  work, 
249  ;  described,  249,  note  a 

Audacity,  definition  of,  263 

Augustus,  Octavius,  the  Emperor, 
his  piercing  eye,  16;  seldom  spoke 


without  notes,  16  ;  the  innate  majesty 
of,  1 6 ;  anecdote  of,  illustrating  his 
unvindictive  nature,  54  ;  his  magna- 
nimity to  Cinna,  74  ;  his  tolerance  of 
liberty  of  speech,  282 ;  sumptuous 
banquet  given  by,  336  ;  his  frugal 
habits,  337 ;  profited  by  his  studies 
at  Athens,  380 

Authentic,  derivation  of  the  word,  394, 
note  c 

Authority,  involves  loss  of  liberty, 
209  ;  men  in,  learning  despised  by, 
in  the  sixteenth  century,  302 


BABYLON,  the  greatness  of,  241 
Baldasine,  Belinger,  story  of,  439 

Bardaxinus,  Berengarius,  probably  the 
real  name  of  Belinger  Baldasine, 
439,  note  c 

Bargains,  fraud  practised  in,  221 

Bartolus,  divided  nobility  into  three 
kinds,  29,  note  b 

Beneficence,  definition  of,  90 

Benefit,  vulgarly  called  a  good  turn, 
90 

Benevolence,  definition  of,  89 ;  the 
divine,  93  ;  consists  in  justice,  96 

Benignitas,  explanation  of  the  term, 
27 

Beroaldo,  Philip,  his  version  of  Boc- 
caccio, 132,  note  c 

Bible,  the,  historical  books  of,  389 

Blood,  nobility  compared  to,  30  ;  cor- 
rupted, consequences  of,  30 

Boccaccio,  Decameron  of,  story  of  Titus 
and  Gisippus  taken  from,  132  note  c 

Bracciolini,  Poggio,  on  the  fall  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  357,  note  c 

Bribery,  why  good  men  are  averse  from, 
309 ;  of  a  governor,  Burke 's  remarks 
on,  310,  note  a 

Brutus,  and  Cassius,  the  fate  of,  245 

Bullinger,  the  Reformer,  on  the  ne- 
cessity of  observing  oaths,  234,  note  b 


CAESAR,  Julius,  his  arrogance,  47  ; 
cause  of  the  conspiracy  against, 
49  ;  reputed  father  of  Brutus,  49  ; 
character  of,  51 ;  his  merciful  dis- 
position, 60,  73,  282  ;  his  industry  as 
a  pleader,  275 ;  his  ambition,  the  cause 
of  his  death,  299 


INDEX. 


651 


CAL 


DAN 


Calchas,  the  diviner,  441 

Carneades,  the  philosopher,  his  remarks 

on  flattery,  181 
Cassius,   the  children  of,   how  treated 

by  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  281 

—  Dion,  a  Latin  translation  of,  pub- 
lished in  1 526,  292,  note  b 

Catiline,   not   to   be   reckoned   among 

valiant  men,  269 
Cato,  the  Censor,  apophthegm  of,  286 

—  of   Utica,    his  conduct    on    his   re- 
jection for  the  consulship,  285  ;  his 
steadfastness,    324 ;    anecdote   attri- 
buted to   him  probably  by   mistake 
for     the    Emperor   Claudius,     379, 
note  a 

Charity,  definition  of,  89 

Cheke,  Sir  John,  A  Remedy  for  Sedition 

erroneously  attributed  to,  40,  note  a 
Children,  accustomed  to  swear  in  the 

1 6th  century,  253,  note  b 
Chilo,   author  of  the  maxim  Nosce  te 

ipsum,  203 
Chrysostom,  Saint,  on  the  inconstancy 

of  friends,    321,  note  b  ;   the    Opus 

Imperfectum     attributed      to,     321, 

note  b  ;  his  work  De  reparations  lapsi, 

370 
Churches,    ought    to   be   adorned,    in 

honour  of  God,  194 
Cicero,  a  passage  in,  wrongly  attributed 

to  Aristotle  by  Elyot,  and  to  Plato  by 

Patrizi,  207,  note  a;  his  remarks  on 

fraud,    214,    215,   222;  his   story  of 

Labeo,  the  deceitful  arbitrator,  218 
Cincinnati^,  Quintius,  the  Dictator,  34 
Cinnamus,  kingofParthia,  story  of,  241 
Claudian,    Elyot's    translation    of,    9 ; 

quoted  by  King  James  I.,  9,  note  a; 

not  translated  until  1817,  n,  note  b 
Claudius,  Emperor  of  Rome,  his  hasty 

temper,  59 

Cleopatra,  Queen,  her  wager,  348 
Clicthove,    a  Flemish   theologian,    his 

treatise  De  vera  Nobilitate,  26,  note  a ; 

his  definition  of  nobility,  29,  note  c 
Codes,  Horatius,  an  example  of  valour, 

265 
Codrus,  king  of  Athens,  his  patriotism, 

IO2 

Coinage,  English,  debased  in  the  i6th 

century,  36,  note  d 
Commodus,    Emperor   of    Rome,    his 

devilish  impatience,  282 


Commons,  House  of,  held  only  morn- 
ing sittings  in  the  i6th  century,  341, 
note  b 

Compendious,  derivation  of  the  word, 
399,  note  a 

Concoction,  the  word,  used  for  diges- 
tion, 340,  note  c 

Condign,  derivation  of  the  word,  413, 
note  a 

Congregation,  derivation  of  the  word, 
398,  note  a 

Constancy,  or  stability,  commended,  320; 
of  women  in  the  i6th  century,  320 

Consultation,  the  definition  of,  427 ; 
what  is  requisite  for,  436 

Context,  derivation  of  the  word,  392, 
note  a 

Continence,  the  definition  of,  305,  312 

Contract,  ceremony  observed  by  Turks 
in  ratifying,  247 ;  breach  of,  inade- 
quate punishment  for,  in  England,  in 
the  1 6th  century,  248 

Conversant,  to  be,  remarks  on  the 
phrase,  417,  note  a 

Coriolanus,  Marcius,  his  self-denial,  305 

Cormorant,  etymology  of  the  word,  345, 
note  d 

Coronation,  of  kings,  why  ordained  to 
take  place  in  public,  197 

Costume,  for  lawyers,  what  would  be 
held  ridiculous  in  the  i6th  century, 
18  ;  indicative  of  the  wearer's  charac- 
ter, 20 

Counsel,  the  definition  of,  427  ;  the 
three  requisites  of,  430 

Counsellors,  the  various  qualities  and 
dispositions  of,  437 

Courteously,  derivation  of  the  word, 
411,  note  a 

Courts  of  Law,  used  to  sit  only  in  the 
forenoon,  in  the  i6th  century,  341 

Covenants,  should  be  distinguished  by 
simplicity,  220 

Credence,  the  definition  of,  226 

Cruelty,  the  most  odious  of  vices,  73 

Curius,  Marcus,  his  self-denial,  306 

Curtius,  Marcus,  his  patriotism,  103 

Cyrus,  king  of  Persia,  anecdote  of,  illu- 
strating his  benevolent  disposition, 
104 


DANEAU,  Lambert,    author  of  a 
treatise  De  Vestal  honnestt  dts 


652 


THE  GOVERNOUR. 


BAR 


FAI 


Chrestiens  en  leur  accoustrement,  21, 
note  g 
Darius,  king  of  Persia,  apophthegm  of, 

3°3 
David,  his  loyalty  to  Saul,  237  ;  the 

warlike  character  of  his  reign,  352 
Decii,  the,  although  plebeians  by  birth, 

ought  to  be  called  noble  for  their 

valour,  36 
Decoration,    of   a   nobleman's   house, 

should  be  in  harmony  with  the  rank 

of  the  owner,  22 
Default,  derivation  of  the  word,  413, 

note  c 
Defence  of  good  women.   The,  Elyot's 

book,  79,  note  b 
Derision,  derivation  of  the  word,  422, 

note  a 

Desperation,  what  it  is,  271 
Despite,  derivation   of  the  word,  380, 

note  d 
Detraction,  the  vice  of,  described,  418; 

derivation  of  the  word,  418,  note  b  ; 

how  represented  by  Apelles,  422 
Devil,  malice  of  the,  Patristic  view  of, 

93,  note  b 
Diocletian,    his     persecution     of    the 

Christians,  7  ;  his  abdication  of  the 

Empire,  300 
Dionysius,   king  of  Sicily,  reduced  to 

teach   in  a  school,  43  ;  his  mistrust 

of  his     own    daughters,    no  ;    the 

servants  of,   mimicked  Plato's  pecu- 
liarities, 177 
—  of  Halicarnassus,  confounded  with 

Diodorus  Siculus,  356,  note  a 
Distemperature,  derivation  of  the  word, 

405,  note  a 
Doctrine,  the  word  employed  by  Sir 

T.  Elyot  to  denote  learning,  377 
Dogs,  the  faithfulness  of,  168 
Doric  order,  traces  of  the,   in  Sicily, 

1 02,  note  a 
Dress,  extravagance  in,  denounced  by 

the  clergy  in  the  i6th  century,  21, 

note  g 

Dugdale,    his   Origines,    similarity  be- 
tween, and  The  Governour,  18,  note  a 


T?  CCLESIASTICUS,  book  of,  er- 
1~\     roneously  said  by  Elyot  to  have 

been  written  by  Solomon  for  his  son 

Rehoboam,  354,  note  f 


Edgar,  King,  his  challenge  to  the  king 
of  Scotland,  293 

Edmonds,  Clement,  a  writer  of  the 
1 6th  century,  51,  note  a 

Egyptians,  their  method  of  punishment 
for  perjury,  251 

Elijah,  called  Helias,  98 

Elyot,  Sir  Thomas,  erroneously  called 
Sir  John,  24,  note  b ;  an  instance  of 
his  tact,  107,  note  a ;  his  intention 
to  write  another  volume,  189,  249 

Emperors,  Roman,  who  encouraged 
learning,  8  ;  who  were  distinguished 
for  moderation  in  dress,  21  ;  who 
were  not  really  liberal,  115 

Encumbrance,  derivation  of  the  word, 
429,  note  b 

England,  condition  of,  in  the  i6th  cen- 
tury, described,  81 

Entertain,  etymology  of  the  word,  411, 
note  b 

Enunciative,  derivation  of  the  word, 
390,  note  b 

Epaminondas,  king  of  Thebes,  his  self- 
denial,  307 

Epistles,  the  Pauline,  &c.  form  an  epi- 
tome of  history,  393 

Epitome,  the  word,  remarks  on,  394, 
note  b 

Equality,  of  all  men,  in  certain  respects, 
206 

Erasmus,  recommends  the  reading  of 
history,  9,  note ;  his  hints  to  preachers 
to  adapt  their  discourse  to  their 
hearers,  17,  notes.',  his  description  of 
nobility,  26,  note  b ;  his  remarks  on 
slavery,  206,  note  a ;  his  Institution 
of  a  Christian  Prince,  commended  by 
Elyot,  280 

EvyeVem,  signification  of,  29 

Eustathius,  quoted  by  Elyot,  probably 
from  a  MS.  copy,  360,  note  b  ;  his 
work  not  printed  till  1542,  360, 
note  b 

Experience,  the  definition  of,  383 

Examiner,  the  word  not  used  prior  to 
the  1 6th  century,  410,  note  b 


FAB  I  US,  Maximus,  the  dictator,  the 
character  of,  273  ;  the  modera- 
tion of,  328 

Faith,  definition  of,    226 ;  neglect   of, 
in  the  i6th  century,  227  ;  as  an  oath, 


INDEX. 


FAN 

antiquity  of,  252,  note  e  ;  the  founda- 
tion of  justice,  258  ;  how  necessary 
to  a  Governor,  259 

Fantasy,  derivation  of  the  word,  384, 
note  e 

Ferdinand  I.,  king  of  Aragon,  an  ex- 
ample of  fidelity,  242 

Feme,  a  writer  of  the  i6th  century,  his 
definition  of  a  gentleman,  27,  note  c ; 
of  nobility,  29,  note  d ;  probably 
acquainted  with  The  Governour,  31, 
note  a 

Fides,  various  meanings  of,  225 

Filastre,  Guillaume,  author  of  la  Toison 
d'  Or,  288,  note  a 

Flatterers,  various  kinds  of,  described, 
176  ;  ought  to  be  put  to  torture,  179  ; 
compared  to  crows,  181  ;  description 
of  some  subtle,  183 

Flower-beds,  shape  of,  in  the  i6th 
century,  443,  note  a 

Fortitude,  definition  of,  263  :  the  prin- 
cipal properties  of,  272 

Fortune,    mutability   of,   examples  of, 

43 

Fraud,  the  insidious  character  of,  215  ; 
most  repugnant  in  the  sight  of  God, 
216  ;  definition  of,  217  ;  perpetrated 
by  Q.  Fabius  Labeo,  218  ;  on  the 
Gibeonites,  219  ;  pious,  221,  note  c 

Friend,  a,  styled  the  other  I,  130 

Friends,  noblemen  ought  to  take  care 
in  choosing,  175 

Friendship,  uncommon  in  the  world, 
owing  to  covetousness  and  ambi- 
tion, 120;  as  defined  by  Aristotle, 
122  ;  by  Cicero,  122  ;  by  Elyot,  125  ; 
between  whom  it  seldom  subsists, 
125  ;  between  whom  it  most  com- 
monly subsists,  127  ;  cannot  be  evil, 
logically  demonstrated,  163  ;  the  in- 
constancy of,  Ovid  on,  164  ;  how 
affected  by  good  or  evil  fortune,  172 

Froude,  Mr.,  his  exaggerated  view  of 
the  prosperity  of  England  in  the  i6th 
century,  81,  note  d 

Frugality,  the  word,  originally  used  in 
a  more  extended  sense,  336,  note  a 

Furtherance,  an  Anglo-Saxon  word, 
412,  note  a 


,    the  country  of  En-gedi 
called,  236,  note  b 


HEN 

Galen,  his  advice  to  physicians  to  note 
the  diet  of  patients,  405 

Gardens,  of  the  i6th  century,  443 

Garrison,  derivation  of  the  word,  353, 
note  a 

Gentilis,  Albericus,  distinguished  nobi- 
lity from  dignity,  38,  note  a 

Gentleman,  origin  of  the  term,  27; 
etymology  of  the  word,  as  given  by 
Selden,  27,  note  b ;  definition  of, 
given  by  Feme,  27  note  c  ;  a,  story 
of  the  shoemaker  who  wished  to  be 
taken  for,  255,  noteb 

Gentleness,  origin  of  the  term  in  Eng- 
lish, 27 

Geson,  meaning  of  the  word,  22,  note  b 

Gluttony,  attributed  to  the  Normans, 
by  Harrison,  335,  note  b  ;  preva- 
lence of,  in  the  i6th  century,  338, 
note  a 

Gorgon,  as  described  by  poets,  expla- 
nation of,  56 

Gospel,  etymology  of  the  word,  391, 
note  b 

Gospeller,  the  word,  used  ironically, 
212,  note  b 

Governors,  the  duty  of,  207  ;  the  duty 
of,  to  set  a  good  example,  208  ;  the 
office  of,  resembles  that  of  a  phy- 
sician, 404 ;  practical  suggestions 
for,  407 

Gun,  antiquity  of  the  word,  254,  note  a 

HABIT,    i.e.    dress,  derivation   of 
the  word,  418,  note  a 
Hadrian,  the  Emperor,  the  moderation 

of,  331 

Hannibal,  the  conduct  of,  towards  the 
Saguntines,  cannot  be  accounted  pro- 
wess, 269 ;  his  stratagem  to  escape 
from  the  Romans,  274 
Heliogabalus,  the  Emperor,  the  gluttony 

of,  345 

Helots,  why  made  drunk  by  Lacedae- 
monians, 340 

Henry  V.,  story  of  his  committal  to 
prison  when  Prince  of  Wales,  61 

Henry  VII.,  and  the  Earl  of  Oxford, 
story  of,  193,  note  a 

Henry  VIII.,  his  royal  residences,  24, 
note  a,  25,  note,  192,  note  b 

Hentzner,  Paul,  his  description  of 
England  in  the  i6th  century,  24, 
note  a,  25  note  a,  I2O  note  c 


654 

HIG 
Higden,  the  author  of 

53*** 

History,  die  reading  of, 
by  King  James  L  and  Erasmus,  8, 
mete  g;  called  by  Cicero,  the  fife 
of  Memory,  384;  etymology  of  the 
word.  385  ;  the  functions  of,  386  ; 


THE  GOVERXOUR. 


LAW 


Greek  and  Roman,  not  fictitious  as 
some  suppose,  394;  referred  to  by 
die  Fathers  of  die  Church,  395  ;  not 
rejected  by  General  Councils  of  die 

Church,  39» 

Homer,  OL  xL  362-366,  EryoPs  me- 
trical translation  of,  14 ;  his  use  of 
die  number  nine,  361,  note  c 

Honour,  proof  that  God  desires  out- 
ward and  visible  signs  of,  195  ;  what 
it  is,  198  ;  the  term  how  abased  by 
ambitious  men,  303 

Horse,  gratitude  of  die,  167 

Humanity  defined,  88  ;  origin  of  the 
term  as  applied  to  studies  at  die 
University,  88,  note  c 

Humbert,  a  writer  of  die  I3th  century, 
52,  »*feb 

Hntcheson,  the  philosopher,  views  of, 
anticipated  by  Elyot,  94, 


TMAGEof  Covenant*,  Tke,  written 
2     by  Elyot,  reference  to,  179,  JMfed, 

184,  notec 
Images,   the  word,   probably  impfied 

stained  glass,  24,  note  a 
Imbosed,  die  word,  meaning  of,  56, 


Impalement,  die  mediod  of,  practised 

in  Turkey,  248 
Inconstancy,  characteristic  of  women, 

320 

Ingratitude,  described  by  Seneca,  166 
Inns  of  Court,  dieir  regulations  as  to 

dress,  18,  nott  b;  students  of,  used 

silver  plate  in  the  i6th  century,  25, 


Instinct  of  animals,  210 

Instruments,  legal,  difficulty  of  devising 
efficacious,  in  England,  261 

Intelligence,  meaning  of  the  word  in 
die  i6di  century,  373 

Iiiternperance,  evil  consequences  of,  339 

Interludes,  270 

Intimation,  derivation  of  die  word,  410, 
«,-.v  : 


fcai,  Jesse,  d»e  father  of  David,  called, 
3,  noteb 


JAMES  I.,  King,  recommends  die 
reading  of  history,  9  note ;  recom- 
mends suitable  company,  175,  note  a 

Jews,  how  influenced  by  religious 
ceremonies,  196 

John,  of  Salisbury,  quotes  Clandian  in 
his  Polytroticns,  9,  note  a;  also 
Virgil,  210,  note  a 

Joshua,  good  faith  observed  by,  in  deal- 
ing with  die  Canaanites,  231 

Jupiter,  die  attributes  of,  362 

Jurats,  die  word,  used  as  synonymous 
with  jurors.  256,  note  a 

Juries,  miscarriage  of  justice  by,  in  die 
i6th  century,  256,  note  d 

Jary,  panel,  corruption  of,  in  the  i6th 
century,  248,  nofeb 

Justice,  defined  by  Aristode,  186  ;  by 
die  Civilians,  187 ;  commutative, 
187  ;  distributive,  187  ;  principally 
consists  in  honour  to  God,  189 ;  how 
regarded  in  popular  estimation,  213 ; 
principal  of  all  virtues,  214 


NIGHTS,  chains,  die  ornaments 
of,  199 ;  their  origin  explained 
by  Segar,  199,  note  b 
Know  thyself,  die  maxim,  212 
Knowledge,  derived  from  Sapience,  358 


LACTANTIUS,  die  works  of,  Sir 
Thos.  Elyot  acquainted  widi,  7, 
notec 
Ladies,  a  book  for,  Elyot's  expressed 

intention  to  write,  79 
Laelios,  his  non-election  as  consul,  286 
Lampridius,  wrongly  quoted  for  Capi- 


Language,  what  style  of,  appropriate  to 
men  in  authority,  16 

Lap,  to  lay  in  die,  a  common  ex- 
pression, 33 

Latini,  Branetto,  his  Livre  du  Tresvr, 
probably  known  to  Elyot,  371,  note  a 

Laws,  sumptuary,  disr  garded  in  Eng- 
land, in  die  i6th  century,  86 

Lawyers,  ridiculous  costume  for,  what 
would  be,  in  the  i6th  century,  18,  19 


INDEX. 


Uuces,  good  faith  onght 
to  be  observed  in,  232 

lillle  re^ud  for,  among  men 
,  in  the  loth  centny,  JOB  ; 

.      .  433 

Leasing,  what  it  is,  217 
Lewicke,  Edward,  his  Tafcw  «•/ 


Liberality  defined,  90;  Aristotle's  defi- 
mtion  of,  112,113;  most  be  its- 
played  far  a  good  iMipuig,  114; 
ought  to  be 

of  virtue,  118 

Of  f**KfJfnff 

204;  of  wffl,  the  birthright  of  all,  205 
Ltvia,  the  Empress  her  good  advice  to 

«__  m-umli—  -^1  /^   -       *          -*» 

Her  mtsngnn  Uctanns,  7» 
Lodgings,  the  tenn  applied  in  the  loth 
cenbnj  to  die  Royal  rrartmrr,  192, 


Loyalty,  derivation  of  die  word,  227, 
m&  a  ;  derived  from  (kith,  origin  of 
die  expression  •nVm»wn,  259* 


101 


MAC   COLL,   Mr,  Ins 
die    Ttma,    on 
in  Tmkey,  247,  flrtr  e 

433,  "-  '•'•  - 

coonry,  in  the  i6th 


<*288;cont- 

pored  to  a  garment,  290 
pJim|r»IiM'i^   ^imtir>»*  of  die    word, 

410,  jwtfra 

Majesty,  *VCmiM«  of,  12 
Major,  John,  a  writer  of  die  loth  ten- 

luiy,  2JO,  a^£r  b 
Min^  his  *  t*'"»  to  Eberty  of  uuJy  and 

soml,204 

derivation  of  dte  word,  434, 


C.,anddK 

of,  15;  thehonfcfcowdry  of,  58 
Martyr,    Christian,   faiirnfe  of,  279* 
of  a,   3«5; 
die,  swcarine  V,  in  the  ifidi 

•51 


trae,  consists  m  vntne,  jfjo 
Noble,  E-gfekcan  called,  36;  vhen 
fat  corned,   3^   ••>  c ;  vame  of, 
*m*.  Heary  YIEL,  36,  «rtr  d 
'-•-• thr  tnnomajirT  AiuiinM 


656 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


OAT 


PRE 


QATHS,  on  the  Gospels,  held  in 
little  esteem,  250 ;  corporal, 
finition  of,  250,  note  a  ;  the  virtue 
of,  among  the  ancients,  251  ;  repul- 
sive, in  use  in  the  i6th  century,  252, 
note  f ;  horrible,  in  vogue  in  the  i6th 
century,  252  ;  administered  in  legal 
proceedings,  how  observed,  256 

Obedience,  perfect,  how  procured,  12  ; 
due  to  governors,  209 

Obstinacy,  defined,  295  ;  origin  of  the 
word  discussed,  295,  note  b 

Occleve,  his  poem  a  translation  of 
a  work  by  Egidio  Colonna,  260,  note 

Officials,  zealous,  discouraged  by  pro- 
motion of  others,  who  are  inefficient, 
416 

Omitted,  passages,  in  subsequent  edi- 
tions of  The  Governour,  173,  184, 

259,  343,  349 
Operatrice,  derivation  of  the  word,  358, 

note  b 

Orestes  and  Pilades,  the  story  of,  130 
Orpheus,  his  account  of  the  Muses,  359 ; 

the  poems  of,  published  in  A.D.  1500, 

359,  note  e ;  explained  by  Elyot,  362 
Osorius,  his  treatise  De  Nobilitate  Civili, 

38,  note  b 
Ovid,  Ars  Am.  (iii.  501-504),  metrical 

translation  of  by  Elyot,  56 


PAINTING,  metaphor  taken  from, 
3i8 
Parsimony,  undue,  reprehensible  in  a 

nobleman,  344 
Patience,  what  it  is,  277  ;  how  it  is  to 

be  obtained,  279 
Patrizi.  the  De  Regno  et  Regis  Institu- 

tione  of,  the  Governour  modelled  on, 

I,  note  a  ;  held  that  man  is  superior 

to  the  brutes  in  touch  and  taste,  371, 

note  b 
Pavilion,  derivation  of  the  word,  236, 

note  c 
Peacham,  Henry,  a  writer  of  the  I7th 

century,    his     Compleat    Gentleman, 

quoted,  22,  note  a 
Penna,  Lucas  de,  an  Italian  lawyer,  35, 

note  a,  note  b,  38,  note  b 
Perjury,    prevalent  in  England  in  the 

1 6th  century,  228,  note  a,  257  ;   how 

punished  by  the  Egyptians,  251  ;  by 

the  Scythians,  ibid. 


Perugia,    the    Italian    state,     military 

service  conferred  nobility  in,  35,  note  b 

Perseus,  king  of  Macedon,  the  fate  of, 

43 

Pertinax,^Elius,the  niggardliness  of,  344 
Peruse,  the  word,  derivation  of,  a  puzzle 

to  etymologists,  406,  note  a 
Petilia,  the  people  of,  loyalty  of,  234 
Philip,    king    of    Macedon,    and    the 
soldier,    story  of,    51  ;  appeal  from 
the  decision  of,    story   of,    52 ;    his 
insobriety,  a  monastic  perversion,  52, 
note  b  ;    his   benevolence,    108  j  his 
rebuke  of  Alexander,  in 
Philo  Judasus,  reputed  author  of  Book 

of  Wisdom,  359 

Philosopher,  a  term  of  reproach,  380 
Phocion,  the  abstinence  of,  308 
Physicians,  unskilful,  445 
Pity,  vain,  definition  of,  81 
Placability,  definition  of,  55 
Plate,  engraved,  advantage  of,  26 
Plato,  the  philosopher,  the  scholars  of, 
mimicked    their    master,    178;    his 
opinion  that  the  world  is  the  temple 
of  God,  194  ;  his  courageous  answer 
to   king    Dionysius,    294  ;  his  con- 
duct to  his  servant,  332 ;  the  Timtzns 
of,    363  ;  the    Thecetettis  confounded 
with  the  Theages,  366  ;  the  doctrines 
of,   are  consistent  with  the  Catholic 
faith,  366 

Pliny,  the  Natural  History  of,  389 
Plotinus,  his  definition  of  temperance, 

326 
Plutarch,  his  correction  of  his  servant, 

332 

Policy,  the  word,  meaning  of,  215 
Polybius,    his   6th   book    unknown   to 

Elyot,  298,  note  a 
Polychronicon,    Higden  the  author  of, 

52,  note  b 

Pompey,  the  fate  of,  299  ;  his  behaviour 
to    the   concubines    of  Mithridates, 

3*4 

Ponder,  to,  derivation  of  the  word,  446, 

note  b 
Pontanus,  mentioned  by  Erasmus,  262, 

note  b  ;  the  works  of,  alluded  to,  287 
Pontius,  Caius,  the  Samnite,  saying  of, 

310 

Practise,  or  experience,  defined,  402 
Predestination,  origin  of  the  word,  100, 

note  d 


INDEX. 


657 


PRE 


PAT 


Prepense,  the  word,  derivation  of,  374, 

note 

Pride,  the  most  horrible  of  all  vices,  26 
Proclamations,     Royal,    equivalent    to 

Acts  of  Parliament,  85,  note  a 
Promotion,  of  good  men,  the  advantages 

ensuing  from,  284 
Propertius,  metrical  translation  of  some 

verses  of,  by  Elyot,  349 
Prudence,  compared  to  the  captain  of  a 

host,  376 
Punishment,    the    object    of,    97  ;    as 

described  by  Bentham,  97,   note  a  ; 

by  Blackstone,   ibid.  ;  by  Dr.  Whe- 

well,  ibid. 
Puritans,  Lord  Macaulay's  description 

of,    compared   with    Elyot's  of  flat- 
terers, 183,  note  b 
Puttenham,    George,    on    propriety  of 

speech,    16  ;  his  advice  to  courtiers, 

177 ;   his    account    of  Henry  VII., 

193,   note  a. 
Pyrrhus,  king,  his  placable  temper,  59  ; 

his  valour,  265 
P  ythagoras,  a  vegetarian,  342  ;  metrical 

translation    of    some   verses    of,    by 

Elyot,  363 
Pythias,  and  Damon,  story  of,  131 


QUOTATIONS       FROM      AN- 
^      CIENT   AUTHORS. 
"Ambrose,  Saint,  De  Officiis  (i.  6),  278 
Aristotle,  De  Animd,  373 
—  Eth.   Nicom.    (ii.    6)    112,   (ii.    7) 

325,  (iii.  7)  272,  (iv.    i)  91,    ii3, 
(iv.  2)  112,  (iv.  3)  289,  (v.  i)  1 86, 
(v.    2)    187,   (vii.    i)  305,   (vii.  3) 

326,  App.    (vii.    9)   327,    (viii.    i) 
122,  (viii.  3)  163,  (viii.  10)  427. 

—  Polit^  (v.  7)  258. 

Augustan  History,  46,  54,  184,  282, 

33 1  ,  344,  346 
Aulus   Gellius,    Nod.     Att.    (i.    26) 

333,  (v-  U)  171,  (xiii-  8)  367. 
Aurelius  Victor,  Epitome  (15),  107, 

(39)  301 

2  Chron.  (i.  10),  351 
Chrysostom,  Saint,  321,  370 
Cicero,  De  Amicitia  (5),    122,    165, 

(6)122,  (7)  123,  (8)  122,  (13)  123, 

(17)165,  (18)  123 

De  Legibns  (iii.  14),  207, 

De  Nat.  D,-or.  (ii.  12),  294 

II. 


Cicero,  De  Officiis  (i.  7)  95,  229,  258, 
259,  (i.  8)  126,  (i.  10)  219,  (i.  13) 
214,  215,  (i.  14)  92,  (i.  17)  121, 
(i.  19)  295,  302,  (i.  20)  290,  300, 
(i.  22)  432,  (i.  23)  269,  (i.  25)  55, 
97,  334,  445,  (i-  26)  329,  (ii.  7) 
106,  in,  (ii.  9)  106,  287,  (ii.  n) 
187,  (ii.  12)  1 86,  (ii.  15)  in,  117, 
(ii.  16)  118,  (ii.  20)  92,  213,  (ii. 
21)  311,  (ii.  22)  311,  312,  (ii.  24) 
258,  (iii.  5)  304,  (i".  ")  225, 
(iii.  13)  222,  (iii.  17)  222. 

—  De  Oratore,  (ii.  9)  384,  385. 

—  Epist.  ad  Div.  (vii.  12),  252. 

—  Tusc.  Disp.  (ii.  18),  272,  (iv.  10) 
280,    (iv.    13)   280,    (iv.    23)    272, 
(iv.    26)  351,    (v.  13)  370,   (v.   20) 
no 

Claudian   De  quarto    Consul.    (257- 

302),  10 

Curtius,  Q.  (v.  9),  272 
Diod.  Sic.  (i.  77)  251 
Dion.  Hal.  (i.  75)  356,  (ii.  18)  190 
Ecclesiastes,  (x.  17),  349 
Ecclesiasticus,     (viii.      17-19),    432, 

(xxiii.  n)  257,  (xxxii.  19)  432 
Erasmus,  Institutio  Principis  Chris- 

tiani,  4,  5,  179  App.,  281 
Eustathius,  Comment.,  ad  Homer.  360 
Eutropius,  (viii.  5),  46 
Galen,  De  sanitate  tuenJa,  338 
Herodian,  (i.  2),  53 
Herodotus,  (iv.  68)  251 
Hieronymus,   Vita  S.  Pauli  Eremitic, 

316 

Homer,  Iliad  (i.  69),  441 
-  Odyss.  (xi.  362-366),  14 
John  of  Salisbury,  Polycraticus,  1 08 
Josephus,  Ant.  Jud.  (xx.  3),  242 
Joshua  (ix.  1-27),  231 
Justin,    Historic,  (i.    10),    240,  (ii.  6) 

103,  (iii.  3)  102 
Justinian,  Instit.  (i.  I),  187 
I  Kings,  (x.  27),  354 
Lactantius,  (iii.  5),  401 
Livy,  Hist.  (xxv.  ii),  432 
Lucian,  De  Calumnia,  423 
Macrobius,  Sat.  (iii.  17),  348 
Matthew  (xxii.  35-40),  203 
Nepos,  Cornelius,  Epam.  (4),  307 
Ovid,  Ars  Amat.  (iii.  501),  56 

—  Tristia  (i.  9),  164 

Patrizi,  De  Regno  et  Reg.  Ins.  (iv.  9), 
303,    (iv.  II)    313,    (Jv.    20)    29-S, 


u 


658 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


PLA 

(vi.  18)  326,  (vi.  24)  328,   (vi.   26) 
340,  (viii.  6)  37,  (viii.  19)  46 
Plato,  Crat.  (8),  227,  (34)  227 

—  De  Rep.  (ii.  4),  215,  (ii.  13)  343 

—  in  Epist.  Grce. ,  284 

—  Laches  (10),  445 

—  Thecstettis  (7),  364,  366 

—  Timceus,  (41,  C.),  364 

Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.  (vii.  34)  286,  (viii. 
61),  169,  (xiv.  7)  349,  (xxxv.  36) 
404 

—  Junior,  Paneg.  (49),  106 
Plutarch,  Agesilaus  (23),  208 

—  Alexander  (21),  313,  (39)  113 

—  Apopht-h.  Lacon.,  55,  108,  260 

—  Reg.  et  Imp.,  52.  241,  314 

—  Cato  Major  (19),  286 
Minor  (33)  324,  (49),  285 

—  De  Adulat.  et  Am.   (i),  175,  (2) 
176,  (4)  176,  (7)  177,  (16)  181 

—  De  Educ.  Piter.  (8),  208 

—  Dio.  (20),  294 

—  labius  (6),  274 

—  Lycurgus  (n),  101 

—  Numa  (1 6),  252 

—  Pelopidas  (2),  292 

—  Phocion  (i 8),  308 

—  Pompeius  (36),  314 

—  Poplicola  (17),  267 

—  Pyrrhus  (22),  266 

Pontanus,     Opera,    243,    and    App. 

265,  269,  270,  282,  440 
Propertius,  (ii.  33),  349 
Proverbs,  (i.    5)    378,    (viii.    15-19), 

354,    (xi.    14)   297,    (xiii.    10)  296 
Psalms,  (iv.  4),  97 
Quintilian,  401 

Sallust,  Catil.  (i)  370,  (51)  437 
I    Sam.   (xvii.    34-37)    352>    (*xiv.) 

236 
Seneca,  De  Benef.   (iii    i)    166,  (iii. 

15)    260,    (iv.    19)    161,    (iv.    21) 

162 

—  De  Clement,    (i.  9)  78,  (i.  12)  80, 
(i.  19)  107, 

—  Epistol.,  (88)  378 
Stobaeus,  Eclog.,  363 

—  Florileg.,  52 

Suetonius,  Julius,  (43)  276,  (50)  49, 
(7o)  337,  (73)  282,  (75)  74,  (81 
5° 

—  Octav.  (35)  380,  (68)  54,  (74)  337 
(79)  16,  (84)  16 

Tacitus,  Hist.  (ii.  74),  299 


SCI 


Valerius  Maximus,  (ii.  10)  15,  (iii.  3) 
279,  (iii.  8)  322,  (iv.  i)  328,  329, 
330,  332,  (iv.  3)  306,  307,  314, 
(iv.  7)  132,  (v.  i)  60,  (vi.  2)  60, 
(vi.  5)  224,  (vi.  6)  233,  234  (ix.  2) 

58 

Wisdom,  (vi.)  3,  (ix.  4,  10)  359 
Xenophon,  Cyropced.  (viii.  2),  105 


RABINES,    theological    controver- 
sialists, so  styled  by  Elyot,  395 
Recompense,    derivation  of  the  word, 

412,  note  b 

Regalia,  the,  formerly  kept  at  West- 
minster, 197,  note\> 

Rehoboam,  character  of,  354 

Remedv  for  Sedition,  A,  wrongly 
attributed  to  Sir  John  Cheke,  40, 
note  a 

Repentance,  the  enemy  of  prudence, 
51  ;  the  folly  of,  325 

Repletion,  evil  consequences  of,  338 

Reprehension,  derivation  of  the  word, 

413,  note  b 

Richard  III.,  King,  probable  allusion 
to,  244,  note  a 

Rightwise,  an  oH  Saxon  word,  430, 
note  b 

Romans,  form  of  oath  used  by,  252 

Rome,  duration  of  the  power  of,  88  ; 
history  of,  limited  by  Elyot  to  a 
period  of  800  years,  88,  note  a  ;  an 
example  to  other  countries,  355  ;  de- 
cline and  fall  of,  357 

Romulus,  the  honour  he  paid  to  the 
gods,  190 ;  how  he  chose  the  Se- 
nate, 438 ;  always  consulted  them, 
356 

Rushes,  white,  used  instead  of  carpets 
in  the  i6th  century,  120 

Rusticity,  meaning  of  the  word,  309, 
note  b 


SAGUNTUM,  the  people  of,  loyalty 
of,  233 
Sapience,  the  authority  of,  declared  by 

Solomon,  354 

Saul,  his  disobedience,  2  ;  his  deposi- 
tion, 3 
Scsevola,  Mutius,  the  fortitude  of,  266  ; 

the  constancy  of,  322 
Scipio  Africanus  and  the  thieves,  story 


I-NDEX. 


659 


SCI 


TUB 


of,  14  ;  derived  no  pecuniary  benefit 
from  capture  of  Carthage,  311;  his 
behaviour  to  Indibilis,  314  ;  his  mo- 
desty, 328  ;  an  example  of  virtue, 
37.8 

Scipio,  of  Nasica,  his  rejection  for  the 
consulship,  286 

Sculpture,  at  the  Royal  Palace  of  None- 
such, in  Oxon,  in  the  i6th  century, 
24,  note  a 

Scythians,  iheir  punishment  of  the 
crime  of  perjury,  251 

Seals,  why  affixed  to  legal  documents, 
228,  note  b 

Segar,  Norroy  King  at  Arms  temp. 
Elizabeth,  quoted,  35,  note  b7  38,  note 
c,  199,  note  b 

Selden,  divides  nobility  into  three 
kinds,  29,  note  b  ;  his  etymology  of 
the  word  Gentleman,  27,  note  b 

Senate,  Roman,  removed  to  Constan- 
tinople, 356 

Seneca,  on  friendship,  161 

Septuagint,  its  influence  on  English 
orthography,  98,  note  b 

Serenus,  yKlius,  the  original  authority 
for  the  story  of  the  appeal  from  Philip 
drunk  to  Philip  sober,  52  note  b 

Severus,  Alexander,  the  Emperor,  story 
of,  attributed  to  Antoninus  Pius,  46, 
note  a  ;  his  liberality,  1 14  ;  con- 
founded with  Septimius  Severus,  114, 
note  c  ;  his  obedience  to  the  law, 
207  ;  story  of,  cannot  be  verified,  208, 
notes. ;  his  industry,  276;  his  modesty, 

330 

Similarity,  of  tastes,  promotes  friend- 
ship, 128 

Simplicity,  in  covenants,  is  justice,  220 

Sirach,  Jesus,  quoted,  6 

Slavery,  in  England,  in  the  i6th  cen- 
tury, 204,  note  e 

Smollett,  his  description  of  Alexander's 
statue,  177,  note  c 

Sobriety,  advantage  of,  340 

Socrates,  a  saying  of,  208  ;  diet  pre- 
scribed by,  343  ;  compared  himself 
to  a  midwife,  364 

Solomon,  his  prayer  for  wisdom,  351  ; 
called  Rex  pacificus,  354 

Soul,  the,  pre-eminence  of,  over  body, 
370  ;  divided  into  three  parts,  371 

Sourness,  derivation  of  the  word,  420, 
r  tc/i-  a 


Spenser,  the  poet,  his  Ruins  of  Rome 

compared  with  The  Gcwernonr,  355, 

note 
Star-Chamber,  Court  of,  at  whit  hour 

it  sat  in  the  i6th  century,  341,  noteb 
Starting  holes,  a  phrase  used  also  by 

Wilson,  100,  note  c 
Statutes  of  the  realm,  disregarded  in 

the  1 6th  century,  85 
Stoics,    saying  of,    with  regard  to  co- 

vetousness,  303 
Stubbes,  his  A  natomy  of  Abuses,  quoted, 

21,  22,  91,  338,  344,  346 
Subjects,  duty  of,  towards  their  rulers, 

209 
Sumptuary  laws,  the  nobility  txempted 

from,  350,  note  a 

Superstition,  of  Greeks  and  Romans,  197 
Sylla,  his  cruelty,  58  ;  horrible  results 

of  his  ambition,  298 


r  I  ^ABLE,  pleasures  of  the,  excessive 
J_       indulgence  in,  in   the   i6th  cen- 
tury>    335  >  the  delicacies  of,  in  the 
1 6th  century,  346,  note  c 

Tapestry,  use  of,  as  decoration  for 
houses  in  the  i6th  century,  23,  25, 
note,  192,  238  ;  Venetian,  said  to 
have  been  bought  for  Whitehall  by 
Henry  VIII,  238,  note* 

Tarquinius,  Superbus,  his  exile,  44 

Temperance,  what  it  is,  95 

Themistocles,  his  advice  to  the  Athe- 
nians, 224  ;  and  Aristides,  story  of, 
Hume's  view  of,  224  note  a 

Theophrastus,  his  History  of  Plants,  388 

Theopompus,  king  of  Sparta,  an  apo- 
phthegm of,  55 

Timochares,  story  of,  223 

Timorosity,  definition  of,  264 

Titus,  the  Emperor,  called  the  delight 
of  the  world,  380 

—  and  Gysippus,  story  of,  132 

Training,  effect  of,  on  animals,  365 

Trajan,  the  Emperor,  his  condescen- 
sion, 46  ;  his  industry,  276 

Travel,  derivation  of  the  word,  412, 
note  c 

Treason,  seldom  escapes  punishment, 
244 

Trust,  definition  of,  226  ;  the  word, 
first  used  in  a  legal  sense,  226,  note  c 

i  ubero,  the  continence  of,  306 


66o 


THE   GOVERNOUR. 


TUR 

Turks,  described  by  writers  of  the  i6th 
century  246,  note  a ;  their  punish- 
ment of  impalement,  247  ;  their  ob- 
servance of  faith,  246,  260  ;  except 
in.  their  dealings  with  Christians, 
261,  note  a 

ULYSSES,  an  example  of  majesty, 
13 

Understanding,  is  the  principal  part  of 
the  soul,  369  ;  .called  in  Latin  Intel- 
lectus,  373  ;  the  functions  of,  ex- 
plained, 374 

Uses,  the  statute  of,  why  passed,  261, 
note  .b 

VALIANT,    who    may   rightly  be 
called,  269 
Vegetative,    the  word,    derivation    of, 

371,  note 
Victor    Aurelius,     Epitome     of,      first 

printed  in  A.D.  1505,  300,  note  b 
Vives,  Ludovicus,  his  Instruction  to  a 
Christian  Woman,  78,  note  a 


w 


ATER-DRINKERS,    in    Eng- 
land in  the  i6th  century,  343  ; 


ZOP 

the  followers  of  Pythagoras   said  to 
be,  343  note 

Wilson,  his  remarks  on  incongruity  of 
language,  17,  note  b  ;  his  Art  of 
Rhetoric,  probably  alludes  to  The 
Governour,  441,  nofeb 

Wisdom,  the  Book  of,  3 

Witnesses,  to  deeds  and  charters, 
formerly  very  numerous,  229,  note  b 

Wolsey,  Cardinal,  his  arrogance,  40, 
note  a;  probable  allusion  to,  193, 
note  a  ;  contracted  with  Sir  T.  More, 
193,  note  b  ;  his  avarice,  303,  note  b  ; 
received  bribes,  309  note  c  ;  nick- 
named Le  Cardinall  Pacifick,  354, 
note  a 

Women,  advised  not  to  meddle  with 
politics,  79,  note  a 


•\7ERXES,  story  attributed  to,  by 
yX     mistake   for    Darius  Hystaspes, 
239,  note  a 


''/ENO,   the   philosopher,    story   of, 

L  278 

Zopirus,  the  story  of,  239 


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