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THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

PRESENTED BY

PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND

MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID

AT TROITSA.

Part of the Flotilla (from left to right) :-H.M M.31; H.M. H.Bs. 1 and 2;

Hospital Carrier; H.M.S. "Hyderabad"; H.M. M.27; and H.M. S. B. 1.

On Sentry at midnight.

The Balloon of amazing fecundity, with four of her offspring.

FOR PRIVATE CIRCULATION ONLY

BOLOS & Barishynas

Being an account of the doings of the

Sadleir-Jackson Brigade, and Altham

Flotillay on the North Dvina during

:: the Summer, 1919 ::

Oft

ALDERSHOT

PRINTED BY GALE & POLDEN. Ltb.

WELLINGTON WORKS

6,267-2 1930

Digitized by tine Internet Arcinive

in 2008 witii funding from

IVIicrosoft Corporation

littp://www.arcliive.org/details/bolosbarisliynasbOOsingricli

A FOREWORD

Fob all the sins of omission and commission that this
little book reveals I crave forgiveness. With the
materials that came to my hand I have endeavoured
to weave a chronicle of the events that occurred on
the Dvina in the memorable summer of 1919. I
proffer my sincerest thanks to all those officers and
men who produced the narratives, without which it
would have been impossible to write this history.

To General L. de V. Sadleir-Jackson, C.B., C.M.G.,
D.S.O., Captain Edward Altham, C.B., R.N., Colonel
H. H. Jenkins, C.M.G., D.S.O., Colonel C. S. Davies,
C.M.G., D.S.O., Major A. E. Percival, D.S.O., M.C.,
and Captain S. F. Pickering, I am especially indebted
for their valuable help and guidance.

To the Editor of Blackwood's Magazine I am parti-
cularly grateful for permission to take extracts from
" The Little Adventure.*'

If this little book succeeds, as I hope it will, in
reviving the memory of the Dvina days to those who
served in North Russia, then indeed I shall feel that
my work has not been in vain.

G. R. SINGLETON-GATES.
London,

April 1Q20.

iw310535

CONTENTS

PAGX

CHAPTER I

How WE WENT TO RUSSIA 1

CHAPTER II

How THE Navy helped us 45

CHAPTER III
How WE WON A Great Battle 80

CHAPTER IV
How WE came Home to Devon ... 129

Roll of Honour 178

Wounded 177

Missing 181

Honours and Awards 182

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

At Troitsa

General L. de V. Sadleir- Jackson, C.B.,
C.M.G.,D.S.O

At Archangel

.. Pacini

\onlispiece

^page 8
24

Up the Dvina ...

Troitsa Beach

The Sunken Ship

The Mine Explosion

The Result

Our Prisoners

Capt. Edward Altham, C.B., R.N.

LiEUT.-CoL. H. H. Jenkins, D.S.O.

104

Lieut/Col. C. S. Davies, D.S.O

104

In England

120

In Russia

120

The Glorious Dead

173

BOLOS AND BARISHYNAS

CHAPTER I

HOW WE WENT TO RUSSIA.

Park Royal, N.W. Empty huts, deserted parade
grounds, overgrown lawns, occasional daffodils. There,
in the April sunshine and showers of peace year, the
Russian Relief Force was born.

Imagine the stupendous and inspiring drama of the
year of tragedy, 1914, re-staged in miniature.

The setting and the costumes are the same. The
same crowds invade the deserted camp. Out from
the obscurity of the streets of the cities and the lanes
of freshening country they come to this camp, set in
a suburb of London. From all borders, all counties,
all shires they come, strange in their dialects, strange
in their garb, strange in their first shyness. They hide,
as the race ever does, emotion and feeling.

Just a handful at first — perhaps twenty or thirty ;
but behind and around them one sees the ghosts of
the far-away days of early war. They materialize in
one's vision. The arts, the professions, the trades,
each pouring out its torrent of men, marching awk-
wardly, solemnly, clad in every variety of civilian
clothing.

Then, with a tremor and the queerest of pulsations
in the throat, one realizes the years that lie between.
The mind steals back to the fateful days that marked
for most the opening of the Great Adventure. One
remembers those familiar battlefields — Ypres, Festu-
bert, High Wood, Thiepval, Cambrai — on which that
drama was played out and where lie its actors.

These are the ghosts of the men who have passed —
the men whose splendid virility, whose promise of
fruitful manhood lies in the bosom of France.

x\nd it is here, in their silent and invisible presence
that the curtain rises on another drama.

Who are these men ? Perhaps to the outsiders'
eye they look much the same as the men of 1914.
They are still in mufti. Worn clothes, jackets in
which the pockets droop pitiably, collars devoid of
all ties, ties to which no collars give effect, baggy
trousers, boots thin and cracked. Derby hats of pre-
war vintage, caps of faded hues, even the " decayed
Homburg hat " — five years older and sensibly more
decayed. They still look anything but soldiers.

But there is a strangely perceptible difference. For
shoulders are straighter and broader, heads more
erect, an absence of slouching.

'' For 'e saw the set o' my shoulders,
An' I couldn't 'elp 'olding straight,
When me and the other rookies
Come under the barrick gate."

And in their eyes there is a look — a little of
hardness, a little of fatalism and much of humour —

the things that distinguish, to those who observe, the
man who went from the man who did not.

Why are they here ? What is it in the past that
calls them back — in the memories of shell -swept roads
at night, with hurrying, silent men and rattling
limbers — in the desolation of mud and wire seen from
some post by the cold light of flares — of the flies that
rise from some deserted trench as one walks down it —
of the scream and crash of the barrage — of red, gaping,
ghastly wounds and of Death.

What seek these men ? Is it the spirit of adven-
ture, dominant above all else ? Is it humanitarianism
that leads them to succour a nation in distress ? Is
it that they have probed the mirage of civilian life, and,
buffeted and bruised, they drift back to the old
familiar things ?

Only the inmost heart of the man can answer these
questions.

They are a motley crew. Here a late Major, with
the Distinguished Service Order ; he commanded a
battery of field guns at Ypres in 1917. There an ex-
Captain of Lovat's Scouts, with the Military Cross
and the Mons Star ; a late R.F.C. pilot ; many subal-
terns ; ex-sergeant-majors, with Distinguished Con-
duct Medals ; quartermaster-sergeants ; corporals —
but private soldiers all.

*****

The natural question that arises is, why such an
expedition to North Russia was necessary or ex-
pedient. The amazing events of the closing months
of 1918 — the downfall of German power, the armistice.

the Peace Conference — sufficed completely to occupy
the public mind, and few, if any, remembered that in
far-away Russia a handful of British troops had, since
May, 1918, kept Germany from acquiring and utilizing
the Murmansk Coast as a submarine base ; and,
further and far more important, had arrested the flow
of German troops to the Western Front at a most
critical juncture — namely, the conclusion of the Ger-
man offensive in the spring. From September, 1917,
German divisions had been transferred from Russia to
France and Belgium at an average rate of six per month.
But from the moment British troops landed, in June
to September, when the tide in France had turned
and the Germans were obliged, in spite of all risks, to
send reinforcements westward, not a single German
division was withdrawn from Russia. During this
period Hindenburg asked urgently for ten divisions
to be sent to him from this theatre, only to be told
that not one could be spared. The Germans could
not face the risk of a popular Russian rising.

The further query then arises as to why that British
force was not withdrawn after the signing of the
armistice in November, 1918. In the first instance,
the port of Archangel was freezing up. In the second,
the internal situation in Russia demanded the con-
tinuance of such a force in the north. An Allied front
protected the inhabitants of North Russia from the
spreading ravages of Bolshevism — an era of savagery
of which atrocities such as these are typical ; —

" In a property near Gomel, Bolsheviks broke
into a house where a mother and her four children

were dining ; they cut off the mother's head and
threw it in the soup tureen ; then the children*!,
one of which they put on each plate."

" The prisoners taken out to Machouk were

made to dig their own graves, and buried alive.

Axes were used to drive back into their living

tomb any who tried to escape."

No one — least of all a nation which so recently

engaged herself for a broken word — could abandon

a helpless people to such a fate.

Early, then, in 1919 the existence of a force in North
Russia was brought vividly to the realization of the
British public by the medium of the daily Press.
General Ironside, commanding at Archangel, indicated
in messages to the War Office, that the Bolshevik
forces opposing him were contemplating offensive
action, with a view to acquiring the North Russian
territory, thus far intact from their devastating in-
fluence. Help was needed. Reinforcements and relief
were two essentials for tired, worn-out men. Finally
the announcement of the formation of a Russian
Relief Force was made public. Officers and men,
serving and demobilized, poured into the War Office
and Scotland Yard, proffering their services in any
capacity. Thus the Russian Relief Force came into
being.

Its task was primarily to relieve the men who had
endured the rigours of the Arctic winter. But there
was a far greater, a far more inspiring task ahead.
The people of North Russia living under our protection
were every day gaining courage and heart, and every

day showed an increase of recruits to the Russian Army
which was in the process of formation by the local
governments under the direction of General Ironside
at Archangel and General Maynard at Murmansk.
British troops at these ports were training and equip-
ping these recruits, and turning them into complete
units. But in this connection it must be remembered
that it is the influence and example of British grit and
character that tells with all foreigners, and this was
the chief factor in heartening the Russians to stand
alone. It was estimated that in three or four months
the Russian forces would be able to take the field by
themselves. Then and then only could the British
troops withdraw.

Officers and men alike, once at Park Royal, became
impatient. They chafed at the delay of equipping the
force, the hesitancy, the vagueness of the expedition,
the lack of knowledge of the actual situation, the ignor-
ance of prevailing conditions. An unreasonable atti-
tude, possibly. But, having volunteered to go to
Russia, they wanted to go — at once. Equipping pro-
ceeded. A civilian brigade became a brigade khakied
and be-ribboned.

The wave of restlessness grew stronger. Men grew
tired of waiting, and when allowed on leave failed to
return. The roll of absentees grew.

The last week of April brought news of a projected
move to Sandling camp in Kent, and finally the Brigade
left Park Royal behind and settled in Sandling.

More equipping, efforts at training, all the necessary
and essential precautions and preparations for service.

All the fearsome inoculations for typhoid and cholera,
the rigours of gas chambers, the reawakening of the
spirit of discipline dormant in these men.

Finally, that last inspection and the presentation
of colours by General Lord Henry Rawlinson on the
22nd day of May. Then the amazing change of a month
became manifest. This was no brigade of recruits. All
the units were of the same character. Tanned by
the sun, hardened by service abroad, officers and men
alike left no doubt as to their efficiency.

A few days later, on the 27th and the last day of
May, the force left the sun-kissed county of Kent.

Over the ridge at SandHng came the morning sun,
catching the gorse and broom in a blaze of gold. Down
the long, stony tracks from the camps poured marching
bodies of laughing, jesting men, rifles over one arm,
kit-bags under the other, to the tune " Good-by — ee :
Don't sigh — ee," heard how many times on the roads
of France.

A station thronged with troops — a worried Railway
Transport Officer — a harassed station-master — a few
canteen workers — officers organizing entrainment.

Then a few shouted good-byes — a whistle — the train
moves — a mighty cheer of joy, and we are en route.

And so to Newcastle and Tilbury Dock, where the
majority of the absentees suddenly appear. Two more
arrive in what is apparently their private tugboat,
when the ship is already under weigh, while the third
and last — missing for some three weeks — is not dis-
covered until the following morning, when he is found
playing in his accustomed place in the band.

The Brigade at the period of embarkation was under
the command of Brigadier-General L. W. de Vere
Sadleir-Jackson, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. Infantry was
represented by two Service Battalions of the Royal
Fusiliers, the 45th and the 46th Battalions, commanded
respectively by Lieutenant-Colonel C. S. Davies,
D.S.O., of the Leicestershire Regiment, and Lieutenant-
Colonel H. H. Jenkins, D.S.O. , of the South African.
Infantry ; and the 201st Battalion of the Machine Gun
Corps, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel R. J. Clark,
C.M.G., D.S.O.

The other units in this force were the 55th Battery
R.F.A. (Captain G. P. Simpson, M.C., R.F.A.) ; the
250th Signal Company R.E. (Captain W. B. Wishaw,
M.C., R.E.); and the 385th Field Company R.E.
(Major H. Luby, D.S.O., M.C., R.E.).

The Brigade embarked at various ports — Leith,
Newcastle, and Tilbury — in the course of the final week
of May and the first week of June.

* * * * *

On shipboard all ideas, conversations, actions, run
in the deepest of grooves — even on a transport. But,
then, all voyages were ever the same. Ulysses, one
feels sure, drank gin in the smoke-room and joined in
the sweep on the day's run — and then, no doubt,
tampered, to his own ends, with the patent log.

After all the parades that the Army inexorably
demands shall be performed between sunrise and noon-
day there come the gathering of little groups, dis-
cussing, in the lounge, on deck, the Derby, the day's run,
the midnight sun, mines, the chances of rough weather.

Photo : Elliott & Fry] [London, W.

GENERAL L. de V. SADLEIR-JACKSON,
C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O.,

Who commanded the Brigade of his name on the Dvina.

The laughter of men comes up from the forewell
deck. In a ring of men two Marines engage in a rough-
and-tumble. Two Irishmen spar with the gloves.
The intensely critical spectators advise, remonstrate,
cheer and laugh. Their plaudits urge the combatants
to Trojan efforts.

Crack-kk-kk-kk-kk. From the stern comes the
vicious rattle of a Lewis gun. Packing cases make
wonderful targets at sea. But the shooting is too
good. They last but a few seconds, and then are
shattered to become the flotsam and jetsam of the rest-
less waters.

The dinner bugle goes. There is a rush on deck, a
falling in of men in orderly ranks. In an instant the
men disappear and the decks are silent and deserted,
save for an occasional sentry pacing to and fro, or an
orderly officer going to or coming from duties.

Divine service on a foggy Sunday morning. A short
sermon from the Senior Chaplain. "The sea is His
and He made it." A raucous " Hear, hear " from the
ship's siren. Sirens are most understanding instru-
ments. " But the enemy has held it for four years,"
goes on the reverend.

The siren shrieks twice in spirited protest. The
representative of H.M. Navy on board looks quizzi-
cally at the speaker, and turns his eyes seaward with
a smile. Then the ending, " Now to God the Father

More blasts from the siren, drowning for an instant
the sound of men's voices raised in hymnal praise — ■
then a hushed silence — a blessing — ^the hymn for His

Majesty — sharp words of command — quick movements
of men.

Divine Service is over.

Murmansk, mirages, and the midnight sun. Seven
days at sea, and the convoy anchors in the harbour
of the quaint northern port, under the stern of H.M.S.
Glory, with the seaplane carriers Pegasits and Nairana
and the hospital ship Garth Castle as company. And
overhead swings an observation balloon, a reminder
of less pleasant days in another area of war. Fears
of the proximity of a front are dispelled by the in-
timation that it is only a wireless balloon.

The photographic record of this expedition should
be, if ever compiled, a most comprehensive one. After
four years of prohibition, cameras are coming into their
own. Whereby the midnight sun must assuredly be
growing in lustre from pardonable pride. Never has
he been so vehemently discussed or so ardently photo-
graphed. Later the interest in the sun is temporarily
diverted by mirages of snow-covered cliffs and inverted
fishing smacks. But the sun is ever first favourite.

Early next morning up anchor, out from the har-
bour, and away. The temperature drops when we
enter the White Sea. Ice is sighted, and the vessels
pass through a fast-melting ice-floe. Eleven days out,
and on the morning of the twelfth we wake to view
the white walls, red roofs, and green and gold minarets
of Archangel.

^ Hn * * ifa

Archangel was depressingly uninteresting. Even
the presence of G.H.Q., in all its attendant glory, sur-

rounded by satellites in the shape of American, French,
Italian, and Russian Headquarters, failed to stir us
to enthusiasm.

Our arrival almost affected Russian impassivity. A
most elaborate ceremony awaited us. Under the
shadow of the great white cathedral, the infantry
battalions of the Brigade marched past the Russian
authorities, while the Brigadier received bread and
salt and an address of welcome. It was all very
splendid, and our first impressions of Russian troops
were appreciative of their bearing and their qualities.
Alas ! we were the more deceived. A final greeting
from the civilian White Guard, and we marched
away through the strangely primitive streets to our
barracks.

But the private soldier was not yet at home in
Russia. His comparatively wonderful French failed
him completely. Combien merely produced a more
pronounced vacuity in the face of the Russian vendor.
Though after twenty-four hours everyone knew the
utility of kharasho (all right) and dobra (good) ; and the
old familiar " finish " became a potent factor in con-
versation.

Dull as the base proved to be, there was some little
enlivenment, due to rumour. Bases were ever beset
by rumour, and North Russia was no exception. The
Bolsheviks were in flight, or they were advancing on
Archangel in seven-league boots ; or the Germans had
refused to sign the Peace terms, and hostilities had re-
opened ; or we were to be recalled to England at once,
or we were to expect no mails. They were all pure

B 2

fantasies, but as basic facts for vehement argument
in the Mess they were invaluable.

One Major of the 46th wanted to dash up country
at once. After three days of Archangel so did every-
one else. The Major had heard that the skies were
black with duck, and the lakes boiled with fish whose
penchant for dry fly surpassed that of any known
piscatorial variety. As he is amazingly expert at
casting, and his snipe record is known throughout
India, this restlessness on his part caused us no sur-
prise. We all had guns and rods. Valises of enor-
mous proportions contained more sporting accoutre-
ments than those needed for the prosecution of w^ar.
The potentialities of trout breakfasts and duck
dinners, viewed from the base, were enormous. What
developed must be revealed later.

At least, we had our river houseboat party in Peace
year. Admittedly space was limited and luxury at
a minimum. When a battalion of officers and men,
in addition to rations for fourteen days, occupies one
barge, surplus room is quite unknown. So for over
200 miles of the Dvina the whole Brigade fed the
Russian mosquito as that insect had never before
been fed. A mighty ukase must have gone forth to
all mosquito tribes in North Russia, for the pestilent
brutes attended the barges in their tens of thousands.
Patent remedies and deterrents merely acted as choice
cocktails. In desperation one man appealed to a
Medical Officer to be completely painted with iodine.
The Medical Officer sympathetically pointed out that
transport facilities were extremely limited, and the

War Office, though indulgent to a degree, could hardly
be expected to allow innumerable general service
wagons, loaded with iodine tubes, to follow the column.
So, with calm resignation, the man went back to his
bitten fate.

One of the advantages of twenty-four hours of day-
light rested in the fact that it seemed no imposition
to stop at two o'clock in the morning and order the
Brigade to bathe and breakfast. The Russian peasant
in the villages along the river always seemed to be
awake, no matter the hour. Bearded old men, in
faded red and blue blouses, would shyly gather and
quizzically regard the troops. Their womenfolk, much
less shy, would barter eggs and milk for our staple
diet of beef and biscuit. Butter we purchased at six
shillings a pound. One spirited Mess President even
produced cream cheese.

On the evening of June 21st a sports meeting was
organized on shore, and during a strenuous bout of
" wrestling on horseback " a sapper of the Field
Company had the misfortune to fall and fracture one
of his legs. First aid was rendered as efficiently as the
skill and means available would allow, and the patient
was taken back on to the R.E. barge. At this juncture
a large paddle steamer was observed approaching,
so the unfortunate man was hustled into the tug, with
a small party under an officer, in an attempt to inter-
cept the new vessel. Attempts to stop the elegant
steamer were frustrated at first. Finally, the tug
persistently lay in the other vessel's course, and the
latter came to a stop.

The officer discovered then, to his astonishment
and alarm, that he had held up the G.H.Q. ship
Retvizan, carrying the Commander-in-Chief and his
staff. The injured man had the time of his life during
his journey to Archangel on board her.

A solemn storasta (headman) of one village conducted
a battalion headquarters in state to his log cabin, to
the intense approval of his three daughters and the
serious diminution of his stores of tea. The Russian's
capacity for tea from a samovar is colossal. Every-
one aimed at being truly polite, but the strain of im-
bibing gallons of tea was enormous. Nothing was more
welcome than the warning of the tug's siren.

For five days and nights the barges moved slowl}'^
up the Dvina. The thrilling prospect of a Bolshevik
demonstration from the wooded banks was never
realized. In this amazing war, with a line of com-
munication of 300 miles, that danger was always im-
minent. But either the Bolshevik had departed from
our flank or we had awed him completely. First con-
tact with the enemy was after we had disembarked at
Bereznik and Ossinova, the advanced bases. Three
scouts, complete with the latest information regarding
the Bolsheviks, were captured at G.H.Q. At Bereznik
the Brigade was joined by a Russian battalion —
" Dyer's Battalion," of not inconsiderable fame. And
not only men, but women also. The Commanding
Officer, Royal Engineers, had among his sappers
several sturdy ex-Bolshevik women, and as Royal
Engineers they were quite useful. Striking evidence
of the adaptability of the Russian was shown when a

party of Bolo prisoners arrived at the advanced cage.
One of their number volunteered to guard them. He
was given a British forage cap, a rifle and small-arm
ammunition, and he proceeded to his duty with perfect
sangfroid. Admittedly, the late Bolsheviks were en-
joying what was probably their most substantial meal
for a fortnight ; yet the Gilbertian aspect of the situa-
tion remained. Later the guard and the guarded
fought in our Russian battalions against the Bolo,

Our arrival at Bereznik coincided with the departure
from the shores of Russia of the troops we had come to
relieve. It is well that the story of their endurance
has been made known. They have left behind their
quota of brave British hearts, and the Russian will
tend their resting-places.

It was at Bereznik also that the fame of the angling
Major spread throughout the land. By virtue of much
skill in casting an " orange quill " upon the waters,
the mess breakfasted daily on a variety of roach, a
delectable change from salt bacon. The catch one
morning was twenty-nine, and the Major, though
thoroughly soaked to the waist, was radiantly happy.

The next afternoon in the orderly-room the Adjutant
was aroused from his slumbers by a violent ringing of
the telephone.

" G.H.Q. to speak to Major Nightingale."

It was regretted that he was not in camp.

" Would you send for him immediately, please, for
the Commander-in-Chief ?"

Runners dashed hither and thither to discover an

officer who had so suddenly leapt into prominence.
In due course the Major arrived.

" The C.-in-C.'s compliments to Major Nightingale,
and where does he get his fish ?"

" In a lake beyond the village of Ossinova, sir."

*' Could we have a more definite location, please ?"

It was given.

Then : " And what is the time to fish ?"

" Oh ! the General should come down between the
hours of twelve and three in the morning, sir."

" Thank you." Br-rr-rr.

The General never appeared at the lake to fish with
the commando, though they looked expectantly for
him in the grey dawn of every morning.

Encouraged by our arrival, strengthened by our
presence, raised in moral by our enthusiasm, the loyal
Russian troops in the forward zone, led into attack by
British officers, captured two villages of considerable
importance, Troitsa and Topsa. The Bolshevik suf-
fered somewhat, for he lost several commissars, in-
cluding the chief of the Archangel district.

Our own force, not yet wanted for action, continued
training and idling in the warm July sunshine, when
suddenly we were plunged into stark tragedy. Mutiny,
butchery, the horror of revolution of the primitive,
raged among us. Russian troops, comprising " Dyer's
Battalion," upon whom so much careful work and
energy had been expended, and in whom we had all
such pregnant hopes, rose and foully butchered their
British and Russian officers, roamed through Topsa
and Troitsa, blazing indiscriminately with Lewis guns

and rifles, and then a wild revolutionary rabble, dis-
organized and awed by a few cool, steady British sol-
diery, fled into the woods and joined the Bolsheviks.

The daily Press of England has contained in its
columns so many misleading statements, so many false
conclusions with reference to this mutiny, that a short
retrospection into the formation of *' Dyer's Battalion "
is necessary.

Bolshevik prisoners and deserters, secured during
the winter months, had been incarcerated at Arch-
angel. Composed almost entirely of peasantry, these
men had been mobilized by the Bolshevik forces,
driven into an army of communists, and commissars,
forced to fight under the threat of instant death and
reprisals on their women and children, yet, withal,
held together from very fear. Their clothing was
poor, their rations of bread and dried fish totally in-
adequate. To these simple fearing peasantry came
strange rumours of good food, warm clothing prevalent
in the ranks of their enemies. They were warned often
of the " Anglo-French and Japanese American robbers
and executioners."*

Nevertheless, many of them came over to our lines,
or were captured in minor operations throughout the
long winter. By dint of reasonable treatment and
propaganda, there followed the inevitable reaction
against the Bolshevik creed. Their numbers were
sufficient to justify the proposal that they should be
turned into an armed force to support our weak forces

* I quote from an official order of the 6th Bolshevik army,
dated the 30th October, 1918.

against their late compatriots. This was actually-
done, and the 1st Battalion of the Slavo-British Legion
came into being.

The difficulty that existed at that time, and existed,
indeed, throughout all our work in North Russia, was
the question of the officer. So very few of the old
Tzarist army officers had escaped to the northern anti-
Bolshevik forces during the tragic months of revolu-
tion. All that had so escaped were serving with loyal
Russian troops. In officering the S.B.L., there were
two alternatives before the General Commanding —
either to have all British officers, or else create officers
from the shopkeeper and working class of Archangel.
The former plan was impossible, owing to the dearth
^f such officers. The latter, therefore, came into
operation, and, in addition, a few British officers, some
of the most able in the country, were attached to the
regiment to shape its destiny.

Unhappily, the Russian officer, in commanding men,
uses methods of a different character to our own.
They are harsh and tyrannical, using blows to enforce
obedience ; but, what is worse, they have no conception
of devoting themselves to the interests of their men,
feeding them, clothing them, ministering to their wel-
fare and comfort — attentions which bring their reward
in loyalty and devotion. On the contrary, these
officers, given power, authority, privileges, think of
nothing else. To exert these powers, to drink and be
merry, constitutes the day. The men must look after
themselves.

Thus, Bolshevik agents, introduced in the S.B.L.,

having full scope, spread their insidious doctrines,
reawakening the ideas that these ignorant peasantry
had put aside. No one suspected such a movement.
The native officers, who might have been cognizant of
the sowing of the seeds of revolt, were idling. They
had no interest in their men, in their thoughts or their
actions. The plans for mutiny, organized by an agent
who held the rank of sergeant, matured. And on the
morning of July 7th, as the sun rose, five British officers
were attacked in their billets and riddled with bullets
and rent with bayonets.

On board H.M.S. Humbert lying in mid-stream, the
sound of firing was thought to be someone trying a
machine gun, but as the noise persisted it became
evident that something in the nature of a " scrap "
was taking place in the village, and possibly that the
Bolos had sprung a sudden attack on the troops.

At about 3.30 a.m. a man came down on the beach
abreast the ship and began to walk into the river shout-
ing for help.

From a distance he appeared to be dressed in a dull
blue suit with a large red stripe down the left side.
It was thought he must be an escaped Bolo prisoner.

A boat was sent over to him, and he was then heard
to shout, " For God's sake, send a boat ; I am shot !"

The boat picked him up and took him on board the
Humber, and the doctor saw and attended to him,
and it was discovered that he was a Captain Barr,
who was attached to this so-called '' Loyal " Russian
regiment.

He reported that his men had mutinied and shot

their officers. Captain Barr was found to have many
bullet-holes in various parts of his body, and it was
estimated that he had been shot ten times. He was
dressed in blue pyjamas, and the red stripe proved to
be blood from a wound in the chest.

He had walked about two miles in this state, and was
thoroughly exhausted.

Lieutenant- Commander A. Johnstone, R.N., of the
Humber, relating the incident, said that to the ship's
company Captain Barr was a perfect marvel, in that
he had survived this horrible shooting, that he had
walked all that distance in the state in which he was
found, and for the wonderful stamina and pluck with
which he must have been imbued.

'' We all felt that he was one in a thousand, and it
was with great regret that we heard of his death, some
days afterwards, as he was being put on board a hos-
pital carrier at Archangel after a journey of 200 miles
down river — a journey which must have been a severe
test for anyone, even slightly wounded.

*' An attempt to describe our feelings of admiration
for this very gallant gentleman could only give a poor
idea of what those feelings were."

During the hours of turmoil Troitsa was a most un-
pleasant spot. Various elements of Brigade head-
quarters had moved up river, and at the moment of
disturbance were peacefully asleep in what is now
known as Mutiny Village. The noise of the firing
of rifles awoke Major Straker, Chief Intelligence Officer,
and Captain Pickering, Staff Captain. A momentary
glance from the windows revealed a few Russians

strolling aimlessly about in the grey light of dawn.
There being no accounting for what a Russian soldier
may or may not do, the awakened pair retired to
rest.

A continuance of the shooting and much shouting
occasioned another rising. Straker and Pickering
donned gum boots and British warms, awakened the
remainder, and departed to discover the raison d'itre
of these alarming sounds of battle.

" Q " Department, represented by a voluble Aus-
tralian Major, was visibly annoyed at being disturbed.
He pointed out with considerable vehemence that
mutinies came entirely under " G." " What the
hell has it to do with * Q ' and who the devil
woke me up ?"

The unheeding companions of the Major searched
in a frenzy in the half light for revolvers and boots.
There was a universal shortage of revolver ammunition,
and recriminations became more bitter and the search
for it more frenzied as the firing and the shouting grew
more intense.

Meanwhile Straker and Pickering, having reached
the street, called at the hospital fifty yards away,
seeking information. They discovered a Russian
medical officer, prostrate with fear and completely
ignorant of the reasons of the tumult. As the pair
emerged from the hospital, a horde of shrieking,
mutinous troops from " Dyer's BattaHon " surged round
them, menacing them with revolvers, bayonets, and
even Lewis guns. The complete absence of weapons
on Straker and Pickering undoubtedly saved their

lives at this critical juncture. Discretion bade them
yield to the mutineers, and wisely they did so.

The last seen of them for some considerable time
was their exit from the village, completely surrounded
by the howling mob. The obvious intention of the
Russians was to lead them to execution. Why they
hesitated will always be a mystery, for their epithets
were hardly of the nature to elevate the hopes of our
two heroes. What actually happened was that the
pair were incarcerated in a bath house, under guard
of two sentries with Lewis guns, one engaging the door,
the other the window.

Alternatives for escape were eagerly discussed.
Major St raker, with much glee, produced an army
pattern knife and proposed to stab the sentry on duty
at the window. The other sentry would then, naturally,
enter the door, upon which his head would be beaten
in by Pickering with an earthenware pail — the sole
toilet utensil of the bathroom. The drill of this was
rehearsed, but, unfortunately, the window sentry was
just beyond the reach of Straker's arm. The door
suddenly opened. The dread moment had come.
They were going out to die ! No ; it was merely
another pair of captives — Colonel Lowrie, of the
Marines, and a newspaper correspondent. The door
closed again. The council of war was now augmented,
and further deliberations as to the possibility of escape
took place.

The shriek of an approaching shell caused a cessa-
tion of talk. The burst was a hundred yards away.
This complication of matters was far from aiding the

calm consideration of plans for gaining freedom.
Another arrived. The splinters could be heard tearing
into the logs of the hut. The third shell tactfully
removed the roof of the bath-house, smothering the
assembled prisoners with debris.

The guard, resentful of this unreasonable treatment,
departed at a furious pace, and from the damaged
bath-house emerged four free men.

The experience of those who had remained in the
billet was hardly so harrowing. Bullets tore through
the woodwork and windows, resulting in everyone
conforming as much as possible to the floor.

The C.R.E., of monumental proportions, caused
some apprehension by his inability to entirely reduce
himself below the level of the window.

The sudden arrival of Straker and Pickering cheered
the beleaguered enormously. A few more shells came
over, and then the noise died away.

The danger was over. The shelling from the guns
at Topsa had commenced the rout of the mutineers.
How and why those particular shells arrived when they
did was only revealed later. General Grogan, in his
pyjamas, when the outbreak commenced, had made a
reconnaissance of Troitsa, and, finding it in the hands
of the mutineers, decided to shell the village.

A Russian battery was at the time billeted close
by, and, as was only to be expected, they joined, not
in the mutiny, but in the general pandemonium of
firing. With the aid of the C.R.A. (Major Burdon), an
attempt was made by the General to shell Troitsa.
No one could interpret his wishes to the Russian

battery commander, owing to ignorance of the language.
This commander, moreover, had very strong views of
his own as to the best spot at which to fire. Resultantly
the shells went well over the village. Finding gesticu-
lation a failure, the C.R.A. pulled the gunner aside
and laid the gun on a house in Troitsa. Signs to the
gunner to fire appeared to be understood. Whereupon
he proceeded to turn the handles, arid pointed
the gun elsewhere, expressing his opinions in voluble
Russian.

The C.R.A. again interfered, relaid the gun, and the
pantomime was repeated. So it continued till the
Russian Brigadier arrived. He awed the gunners, and
finally, to their chagrin and the cheers of the assembled
British staff, the first shell departed on its way to the
village of Troitsa.

The effect of this shelling was immediate. Mutineers
dispei'sed in every direction. Hastily organized bodies
of signallers and the Royal Army Service Corps assisted
in the pursuit. The Navy then arrived in the form of
a landing party from H.M. Monitor 31. Those
scoundrels who escaped capture fled to the woods.

The news of the outbreak reached Brigade Head-
quarters at Ossinova by wireless, with a request for
troops to be sent up. Colonel Jenkins, with " C "
Company (Captain Blackburn, M.C.) and the Head-
quarters Company of the 46th Royal Fusiliers, were
embarked with rations, stores, and vast quantities of
small-arm ammunition on board the river steamer
Retvizan, at that time in use by the Commander-in-
Chief.

AT ARCHANGEL.

General Sadlcir-Jackson receiving an Address of Welcome from the

Civil Authorities at Archangel on the Arrival of the Brigade. General

Ironside, the Commander-in<-Chief, is standing to the right rear of

General Jackson.

UP THE DVINA.

How we proceeded up the mighty Dvina from the Base. Note the

Men on the Roof of the Barge and the Pile of Wood Fuel in the

Stern of the Tug.

General Ironside, looking worried and not a little
sad, journeyed with the troops. A five hours' run, and
Troitsa was reached.

Calm had been restored some considerable time,
but the reinforcements were welcome, especially as
the Bolshevik himself was becoming particularly
active.

The landing parties of sailors and marines, who had
formed a line of defence, were the greatest hosts imag-
inable. The sailor loves to go ashore for a " scrap,"
but he does like particularly to mix up with the
soldier men

Eventually the line was consolidated, and fears of
another outbreak were dispersed by the disarming of
all Russian troops ; and a telegram was dispatched to
Bahkaritza, near Archangel, to disarm a second bat-
talion in training there. The ex-Bolos were subse-
quently turned into labour companies.

In such wise was the patient work of a winter
completely and utterly destroyed. In their inmost
hearts the loyal Russians were not sorry. They
regretted the butchery of British officers, but the
mutiny itself they regarded as the natural and in-
evitable outcome of the whole effort. They merely
shrugged their shoulders as if to say, "We told
you so."

From such officers and men as these General Ironside
with indefatigable patience and forbearance, tried to
create a fighting unit. He failed, and the Russians
sneered. Possibly posterity in North Russia, if it is
ever civilized sufficiently, will recognize that effort as

an heroic attempt by a gallant gentleman to make a
people save themselves. For such it was.

The Bolshevik, at times capable of considerable fore-
sight, made the most of the mutiny, which he had him-
self engineered. He attacked with a show of force on
the Troitsa bank (the right bank) of the Dvina, and
drove the Russian troops into the forest, which ex-
tended between Troitsa itself and the River Selmenga,
a tributary of the Dvina. A combined British and
Russian attack the next morning cleared the situation,
and the Bolo retired to the far bank of the Selmenga,
where he remained till the inception of the crushing
defeat he received in August.

The remaining companies of the 46th Battalion
Royal Fusiliers and the 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers
arrived in the next few days. The latter battalion
took over the defence of the left bank, while the former
remained on the Troitsa (right) bank. Journeying up
river was a dreadful concern, and entailed much travail
in loading and unloading barges, owing to the complete
absence of piers capable of having barges moored
alongside.

The chief trial in moving units was the question of
baggage. Before the Brigade left England, gum boots
thigh had been issued in bulk. Each battahon had
over a thousand in huge packing cases, and whitherso-
ever the battalions went the gum boots thigh went
with them. The men grew to loathe the very mention
of gum boots thigh. The Quartermasters dreaded to
examine a case, for fear of seeing one of the accursed
things. We had been led to expect great swamps.

There may have been in the spring ; but as the summer
was tropical, the swamps had disappeared. The
gum boots thigh, however, remained. They were a
pestilence and a plague among us. Humbly we begged
to be allowed to return them to Ordnance. But the
reluctance of that department to issue what is necessary
is as nothing to its unwillingness to receive back into
its fold all superfluous things.

The men therefore continued to suffer from aching
backs, and the Quartermasters grew more and more
morose. Finally the strain grew intolerable. We
sailed away one afternoon, and left our thousands of
gum boots behind us on the Dvina beach. Backs
became straight, and the Quartermasters praised the
High Gods on Olympus, who control the destinies of
army dumps.

How some of the unit's transport came by road is
a story worth telling. The case of the Engineers is a
typical one. On receipt of orders to move to Troitsa
by road, the company was at Bereznik. Stores and
kits were packed and sorted out, the absolute mini-
mum being put aside to accompany the unit by road,
the remainder being destined to remain behind and
come up by barge later.

On July 5th ponies and Russian country carts were
drawn from the A.S.C., and such stores as were to
accompany the column loaded up. Of the country
carts much might be said. Heath-Robinson, in his
wildest flights of imagination, never pictured such
memorials of dilapidation. One collapsed completely

C 2

shortly after leaving the A.S.C. lines, and of the re-
mainder not one possessed a complete tyre.

What did duty therefore usually consisted of a few
bent pieces of very corroded hoop-iron attached to the
rim or felloe by string. The felloe, in the majority
of cases, had pieces 10 to 12 inches in length missing
therefrom, the gap being bridged by the aforesaid
hoop-iron, the whole providing a very excellent ex-
ample of interdependability. The several pieces of
metal doing duty as a tyre depended entirely upon the
felloe to complete the gaps therein and maintain it
roughly — very roughly — in circular form, while the
several pieces of timber constituting the felloe relied
entirely upon the tyre to perform a like service for
them, the whole being entirely dependent on the string
to maintain any form of connection between it and the
spokes. However, the worst of the carts were patched
up as well as the time and circumstances permitted,
and by late afternoon the column moved off on its
journey to Troitsa.

For the first 15 versts or thereabouts the journey
was along a sandy track through the forest, and here
transport difficulties really commenced. The sand was
so loose that the carts, all overladen, sank almost to
the axles, and as each was drawn by one Russian pony
progress was slow and difficult, and in many places
had to be assisted by parties of sappers. About mid-
night the column entered a large clearing in the forest,
the track here crossing a deep ravine down which the
carts, with wheels " spragged," had to be handled
one at a time and man-handled up the other side.

during which they usually shed all or part of their
loads. Eventually the ravine was crossed and the
column moved on, arriving at Priluk about 1.30 a.m.
on July 6th, the last hour of the march being done
in pouring rain. At Priluk billets were obtained, and
within half an hour of arrival everyone had settled
down to obtain such sleep as mosquitoes and other
members of the insect world, which abound in Russian
houses, permitted.

Later in the morning the weather cleared and
afforded a much-desired opportunity for drying boots
and clothing, and at 3 p.m. the column moved on.
The second day's journey led through many villages
situated in a large cultivated clearing in the forest.
During this day's trek two carts, in spite of all
efforts to maintain them as a composite whole,
completely disintegrated, and their loads had to be
distributed over the remainder of the already over-
loaded vehicles.

At about 2 a.m. on July 7th Pless was reached,
where the unit billeted and later obtained good bathing.
Four o'clock in the afternoon saw the march resumed,
and during it the forest was re-entered, with the im-
mediate result of the collapse of another cart. In the
early hours of the 8th Kurgomin was reached. Here
a signal officer existed, and for the first time since
leaving Bereznik communication was obtained with
Headquarters. Here, also, information was received
of the mutiny of Dyer's Battalion, of the S.B.L.,
and of the fact that the two companies of mutineers
were still at large in the forest. Tactical positions

were immediately selected and the blockhouses de-
fending Kurgomin manned.

The knowledge that six British officers had been
murdered by the mutineers caused everyone to *' see
red," and the greatest of all hopes was that the two
companies of mutineers might come within reach of
Kurgomin that night. The presence of the pioneer
platoon of Dyer's Battalion complicated matters some-
what, but arrangements were made to deal with any
possible disturbance they might create. In justice,
however, it must be said that they appeared to feel
the defection of their battalion very deeply, and
that they were under suspicion as a consequence
thereof. There was no sign of the mutineers, however,
and at 1.30 p.m. the final stage of the journey was
commenced. Rain had been falling in torrents since
about 10 a.m., and transport troubles increased.
Shortly after leaving Kurgomin two more carts col-
lapsed, fortunately near a village where civilian trans-
port was requisitioned to replace them ; while shortly
afterwards another two " went west." These were
replaced by carts requisitioned at Topsa, and at 9 p.m.
Troitsa was reached.

Relieving the Russians in the line was a strange and
humorous study in psychology. The native troops
spoke in hushed whispers, officers crept about like
ghostly shades, and an eerie silence reigned over the
line. The British soldier is easily seduced to silence
in a silent land. While the Russians were actually
with us in the line, we spoke in hushed whispers and
crept about like ghosts.

The dawn came, and we were alone, holding the line.
There must be fires, there must be wood for fires,
there must be tea and bacon and fried biscuit and rum.
Then the noise began. Trees were felled and came
crashing down in the forest amid the cheers of the
men. Raucous voices shouting for matches, insistent
voices claiming bacon, the crackling of wood in the
fire, sounds of chopping from every direction, soldiers
alternately laughing and cursing.

The Bolshevik intelligence reports which subse-
quently came into our possession revealed that this
period was one of considerable mystification to his
commanders. They had been opposed by British
before, but these British were so strange. They held
gala fetes in the wood. Perhaps a celebration before
battle. From that time onward nervousness that was
never allayed nor stilled reigned at the Bolshevik head-
quarters.

At last we were at the war. A quaint war indeed,
possessing little, if any, of the characteristics of the
fighting in France. One novel element was the
proximity and the association with the naval forces.
The gunboats and the monitors, the coastal motor boats
and the seaplanes, all became our very good friends.
Later they served us loyally and well.

The flotilla was under command of Captain Edward
Altham, C.B., R.N., whose flagship was the river
steamer Borodino. H.M.S. Hyderabad^ one of the
" hush " ships of the war (now, alas ! sold to the ship-
breakers), H.M.S. Humber, H.M.S. Cicala^ and Monitors
31, 33, and 27 lay in the river near Troitsa.

Nor must one forget the Royal Air Force, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Lancelot Tomkinson, with its
planes on Seaplane Island, and the observation balloon
of amazing fecundity. But more of that later.

The sailormen were enchanted with our brass bands.
They came ashore and rode our mules, and we went
abroad and distilled sweet music for them while they
mixed us gin. Night on the Dvina was like a night
in port when the Admiral dines in state — lights from
all the vessels of war twinkling across the waters of the
river, and the sound of London's music diffusing in
the air. Night was never dark, but remained that
strange half light in which all things seemed part of
a mirage, and the harshness of material things was toned
to a wonderful softness.

Naval Transport Officers and Beachmasters estab-
lished themselves on the Troitsa sands. They guided
the destinies of the beach with unerring precision.
When work was at a minimum, they endeavoured to
make the beach of pristine splendour by employing
Russians to pick up stray paper.

Almost any night, between midnight and three in
the morning, their slumbers were rudely disturbed by
loud crashes and voluble oaths. Their tents were
often in jeopardy. But the wise men in bed merely
turned over, muttering curses on the Navy for dining so
well at Brigade.

Life in the line during the hot scorching days of
July was amusing and pleasant. Flies and mosquitoes
of enormous proportions worried us a little. War
itself was intensely spasmodic. When the enemy grew

really nervous, the air grew thick with bullets, which
tore through the tree-tops and into the bark ; but no
one was ever hit. The general defensive policy of the
Bolo was, upon alarm, to fire off everything and any-
thing along his whole line, till his supply of ammuni-
tion ran short.

Occasional raids were made into his line, at which
moment he would leave his dwelling with indecent
haste for a safer refuge in the almost impenetrable
forest. A few deserters, hungry, wretched, ill-clad,
wandered into our lines. Sometimes straying sheep
did the same, and strayed no more.

Bolshevik propaganda came to be circulated in
some mysterious manner amongst the troops. They
suggested that our men, being workers, should unite
with the Russian workers, slay their officers, slay the
capitalist, take control in their own hands. The men
read the appeals with amusement and dismissed them
with contempt. So much for this propaganda.

A dull morning gave Monitor 31 a chance for a real
sensation. The vigilance of the officer of the watch
resulted in the discovery of a spar floating down stream
with an attached twig, to which was tied a letter
The letter was hurriedly translated. The contents
resulted in tremendous activity on land and water.
Cipher messages and urgent priority calls disturbed
the serenity of the morning. Amazing events were
imminent. Liberty arose in hopefulness, stretched
herself after her unconscionably long slumbering in
Russia. The next morning she went to sleep again.

Nothing had happened, and nothing would happen.
So here is the letter : —

" Greetings to our dear brothers from the Red
Trenches !

" We acquaint you with the condition of the
mobihzed men from the Samara region. All
mobilized and even volunteers refuse to fight for
the Commune, and the mobilized even more so.
Soon, very soon, we will bayonet our commissars
and commanders. Our comrade, the chief of the
Communists, Trotsky, has disappeared, no one
knows where. Now the game of the Communists
is played out. Soon there will be an end to the
Commune.
" Long live Liberty I

" Now, dear brothers, don't shoot at us. We
are all enemies of the Soviet rule. We are kept
in the trenches against our will, where we are
forced with whips and the threat to be shot.

" They thought to enlarge their area, but they
won't go far with the help of the mobilized, and
even the volunteers, who are against them. In the
rear the mobilized are shouting, ' Down with the
Commune ! Long live the National Assembly !'
At the aeroplanes only Communists fire.

" Long live a free Russia ! Long live the
National Assembly !

" With kind greetings to our dear brothers.
We are not your enemies, but brothers.

(Signed) " 1st Ijinimo Pechorsky Regt."

One can understand the communists firing at the
aeroplanes, for daily the villages held by the enemy
behind the line were heavily bombed, with most suc-
cessful results. Whenever an enemy gunboat dared to
fire, she was immediately bombed by a seaplane. In
some cases direct hits were obtained on gunboats by
means of bombs, and the enemy fleet would decrease
in size till our seaplanes showed a tendency to desist.

The Bolo fleet was commanded by an ex-bluejacket
in the Russian Navy, and the officers under him were,
with a few exceptions, ex-officers in the old navy,
who merely served in the Red fleet to save their families
from being tortured.

At times the Bolo gunboat shooting was good. But
on the whole the work of the Red fleet was innocuous.

Its chief use was to provide everyone with fish from
the river. A morning's bombardment by the Bolo
resulted in swarms of small boats on the river — from
the ships, the troops, and the villages — all gathering
in the stunned pike and bream, and even salmon
trout. The maidens of the hamlets (barishynas), in
their primitive craft, were always the first to put off,
and they always secured the largest fish.

Far more potent than the alarms of the Bolo were
the allurements of the barishyna. Till the skilful hand
of autumn painted the trees with russet and gold, the
barishyna was the splendid daring splash of colour in
a green and brown land.

The summer sun tanned all our faces and arms,
and the limbs and feet of the women, for boots and
stockings they wore only on feast days. Through the

dust of the roads and the mud and slush of the tracks
they walked barefoot. Yet there was never a barishyna
bareheaded. Kerchiefs of crimson, magenta, pink,
yellow and green, with brilliant markings of all these
and every other colour, were bound round their heads
and tied in careless knots beneath their chins.

Their clumsy bodices and skirts, faded by the
scorching sunshine, retained nevertheless their early
splendour of colour. Girls with bodices of green,
skirts of red, and aprons of yellow, surmounted by
queer brown faces, with heavy features and laughing
blue eyes, passed one on the road, and smiled a greet-
ing of the day. Loose limbed and ungainly, they
walked and they worked like men. They loaded and
unloaded stores from the barges at Troitsa beach. The
tactful expletives of the beachmaster, in atrocious
Russian, resulted in stupendous feats being accom-
plished by his gangs of women labourers. They
handled mighty cases of rations ; they carried the
huge planks for the new preesten (pier) ; they moved
great stores of ammunition, bombs and shells. And
they never murmured. They worked and smiled and
pondered long on the mad English, who unloaded
barges and then loaded them again, who had more
sugar than they could eat, and who wanted more
eggs than Russian hens were capable of laying. But
these young women grew to be very wise and shrewd.
These English had much, therefore they could pay
much. Once, in the dim early days of intervention
in Russia, one tin of bully beef would produce ten eggs
in exchange, a pound of sugar a chicken or vast quanti-

ties of potatoes. But the barishynas became profiteers.
Finally one egg cost a tin of beef or half a pound of
sugar, plus an hour's argument. The milk, that was
once fresh and pure, they adulterated with Dvina
water, and unblushingly vouched for its purity.

They drove the droskies and took rations to the
Hne, where ofttimes their men folk would not venture.
One convoy of eighteen men and two women per-
sistently refused one morning to leave for the line.
The road was heavy from sudden rains. The Bolo
shelled the path intermittently. Sitting on their
droskies, the male peasants refused to budge. The
two women held a conference. The harassed D.A.D.S.
and T., Major Watson, was contemplating the use of
force, when one of the women stepped forward and
jeered in voluble Russian at her cowardly male com-
panions. She and her comrade would go for the
English soldiers, even though all the others refused.
The Russians, wincing beneath a woman's sneers,
capitulated. Finally, led by the two Amazons, the
convoy left for, and eventually arrived at, its destina-
tion.

All branches of H.M. Service that employed labour
preferred women to men. They were more cheerful,
more willing, and the tendency to form Soviets of
grousing was not so strong as with the male peasant.
Certainly the women tired of work before the men, but
the other compensations of willing endeavour and
cheerfulness of spirit made them the more popular.

Their consciences, however, developed considerable
elasticity during the campaign. In the ample folds

of their skirts and bodices they found room for tins
of condensed milk, sacks of flour and of sugar. The
latter article was their chief downfall. It was selling
among the peasants for fifty roubles (North Russian
Government rouble is equivalent to twenty-five Eng-
lish shillings) a pound, and when women were working
on the ration barges, the sight of sugar was always too
great a temptation for them. Their penitence on being
discovered at petty larceny was amazing. With loud
protestations and many tears, they fell upon the earth
and kissed the feet of their detector. What course is
there for a British officer in such a predicament ?
Punishment was out of the question, admonition was
restricted to the use of three or four words, and sym-
pathy (inherent in the soldier) usually overcame the
first feelings of annoyance.

But there were moments in the campaign when
sympathy did not assume the ascendant. The execution
of the ringleaders of the mutiny in " Dyer's Battalion ''
was a pitiless business. The only sadness in British
hearts was for those soldier friends who had been
killed as they slept because they chose to accept a
great trust. It was an amazing scene. Lines of
troops formed three sides of a square. They were
the remnants of "Dyer's Battalion," a battalion of
Russian infantry, and Captain Allfrey's company of
the 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers. The fourth side
of the square was completed by twelve wooden posts.
Twelve Lewis gunners from *' Dyer's Battalion " com-
posed the firing party. Each had a gun and a drum
with five cartridges inserted.

The twelve ringleaders of the mutiny — one or two
recklessly defiant, the majority broken in spirit and
fearsome of death — were marched on to the parade
and tied to the twelve bare wooden posts. They were
blindfolded. Their sentences were read out.

The crack-kk-kk of the guns broke the tense silence.
So perished those who had encompassed the deaths of
gallant men who had tried to aid them, and the curtain
fell on one of the greatest tragedies of the Dvina.

Certain Russian battalions at this stage in the
campaign arrived, to afford our troops a short relief
from the line. Drafts of officers of the Russian Army,
who had been prisoners in Germany, and who had been
refitted at the training camp at Newmarket, Cam-
bridge, had lately joined these battalions.

The Colonel of one of the North Russian regiments
visited the 46th Royal Fusiliers battalion headquarters.

For over two hours the general run of the line, the
scheme of defence, and the method of relief, were
explained to him. He expostulated and questioned
till the assembled British officers grew weary. It was
then after midnight. The relief should have been
completed six hours before. Through his interpreter,
he informed us that he was very tired. Could he rest
in the village till the following day, and then proceed
with the relief ?

Further argument ensued. Finally, in wearisome
desperation, his wish was acceded to. Next morning
before ^ a.m. the relief was cancelled, and the whole
battalion was ordered across the river to the left bank.

The indefatigable N.T.O. of Troitsa was ordered to
convey them across the river.

" Can you be ready in an hour ?" asked the Brigade.

*' We will try. How much baggage is there ?"

" Oh, practically nothing but fighting equipment —
Lewis guns and so on. They are going straight into
the line," was the reply.

*' Right-oh ! Send them down."

One hour later a barge lay along side the preesten.

Six hours later the battalion arrived on the beach
from a village not three thousand yards away, with
forty droskies conveying their fighting equipment.

One hour later, after tremendous effort, the whole
of the battalion, plus fighting equipment, was crammed
on board the barge. Tired, thirsty, pouring with
perspiration and not in a particularly good temper,
the wretched N.T.O. asked the Russian battalion
commander if that was all.

" No, no ! The drosky with our piano has not
arrived yet."

Eventually the battalion arrived on the left bank.

The Russian soldiery themselves were entirely bored
with the whole proceedings. Their general attitude
was one of complete disinterestedness. Yet once in-
stalled in the line, they found an urgent necessity to
visit the Y.M.C.A. canteen. Less rifle or any warlike
weapon, they left the line, and, unless discovered by a
British soldier, remained away half a day or more.

During the closing stages of the campaign use was
made of Colonel Carroll's cavalry, composed of Russian
officers and men, with a British Colonel and a few

§^

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British cavalry officers. There was small opportunity
to test their fighting ability as cavalry, and they
were used as mounted infantry. Their ponies were
amazingly hardy and capable of remarkable endurance,
despite the large weight carried, varying from 16 to
18 stone. The type of man was superior to the in-
fantry. He was cleaner, possessed of slight self-
respect, and with a respect for his officers.

The artillery, of which a small force served with
the Brigade, was in every way superior to the other
arms.

But the most untractable fellow of all was the
Russian river pilot. The Dvina, towards the end of
July, became abnormally low. The light fall of snow
during the previous winter partly accounted for this,
in conjunction with the unusually dry summer.
Navigation in the channel of the river became ex-
tremely difficult. Craft aground for a few hours
frequently caused the channel to alter. This entailed
constant rebuoying.

The proposal to raise the height of the water in the
river by means of a dam was shown to be unfeasible.
The action of the river upon meeting an obstruction was
to " silt up " on the down-stream side of the obstruc-
tion, and to " scour " a deep hole on the up-stream
side. The result was that a fresh " bar " was created
on the down-stream side, and the depth of the channel
was not altered.

The unique feature of the whole of the Dvina cam-
paign was that all stores, rations, and small-arms

ammunition had to be conveyed from the base to the
line by this changeable river.

The numbers of light draught craft were inadequate
to meet requirements, owing to large numbers having
been removed the previous autumn by the enemy.

The problem of maintaining efficient communica-
tions, which had to be faced, in view of an offensive
being contemplated up the Dvina River, was a con-
siderable one. Statistics for the past twenty years
showed that the river fell consistently until about
August 7th, after which a rise could be expected, until
the beginning of September, when a further fall would
be probable. Bearing in mind the light snowfall
of the previous winter, a low river was to be
anticipated.

The country on both banks of the river is spruce
and silver beech forests, and comes close to the water's
edge ; the undergrowth is thick, but not impassable.
The forests contain a great many marshes, many of
which are 6 feet deep and over. In summer it may be
assumed that infantry can move through the forest
with difficulty. Pack animals are possible in some
parts ; pack artillery and cavalry could only get through
in few places. For wheeled vehicles (except country
carts) the country is practically impassable.

Country carts with loads of 400 pounds could get
through in places.

Villages with clearings of about 1 square mile
existed along the banks of the river about every
7 versts. Speaking broadly, the peasants were apa-
thetic as to which side occupied the villages ; if they

had any feelings at all, their sympathies were pro-
Bolshevik.

The Russian pilots, moreover, developed an amazing
penchant for grounding barges. There was never a
barge that eventually reached Troitsa that had not,
during its progress up river, been aground for twelve,
twenty-four, or even forty-eight hours.

The ration barge, at one period, stuck fast on the
Kurgomin bar. The whole Brigade was in need of
rations. Consequently all the stores on the barge had
to be offloaded into small carbus barges, and then taken
down to a deeper pool (Red Bank pool). Bolo prisoners,
stripped naked, were used to push the carbuses from
the bar into the deep water. The supplies were then
loaded on to tugs and conveyed down the main channel
to the forward supply depot.

The officer in charge of this particular barge had a
peculiarly unpleasant time. He was stranded on the
sandbank for four continuous weeks. The loneliness
finally told on his nerves. In desperation, he left the
barge and lived in the forest on the bank, in a camou-
flaged house, composed of tarpaulins. This was chiefly
due to his barge having been bombed in error by one
of our own aeroplanes. A few days later his Russian
escort to the Bolo prisoners deserted. He then retired
to the barge, which he placed in what he termed a
state of defence, with three Vickers' guns he had dis-
covered in the forest. He had no knowledge of how to
fire them, but as he had no belts and no small-arms
ammunition for them, even that knowledge would
have been of little use.

D 2

The evolutions of the motor boat owned by the
D.A.D.S. and T. was another amazing sight on the
river. The two peasants in charge were completely
ignorant of motors. Furthermore, they knew nothing
of the river, and when operating the boat watched
neither the sandbanks nor the crafts they were ordered
to make for. They usually ended up quite 300 yards
past the barge they were bound for. Upon touching
a sandbank, the sole remedy of the so-called engineers
was to go ahead, hoping thereby to get over. The
usual result was that the vessel went high and dry.

The D.A.D.S. and T. lost his temper ; the Russians
grew sullen, and the final result was that the D.A.D.S.
and T., his batman, his interpreter, and the Russian
engineers, all stripped naked, would persuade the
grounded craft to float again.

One morning the launch performed extraordinary
feats. Attempts were made to go ahead. Nothing
happened, except that the vessel drifted down-stream
with the current. Upon an inquiry being made, the
engineer quietly pointed out that he had dropped his
two propellers in midstream some time during the
previous evening !

CHAPTER II

HOW THE NAVY HELPED US.

" Liaison " is a French word. But the process of
carrying out the duties appertaining to the word is
fraught with interest and dehght. Liaison between
the Navy and the Army on the Dvina was amazingly
close. It is seldom that the Silent Service speaks.
But a Naval description of the above-mentioned process
should go down to posterity.

Being in ignorance of the exact meaning of the
term, the Navy, upon being ordered to go ashore and
perform liaison duties with the Army, saluted, turned
about, and proceeded ashore.

Thus they continued in their recital : —

" On our way to the quarters we were to occupy
we encountered various army officers in stages of un-
dress. These appeared to be friendly. So far, good.
Our quarters consisted of a loft with very indifferent
flooring. If we trod on the plank nearest to the front
door, we upset the lime-juice in the opposite corner
of the room. Similarly, each plank trodden upon
upset something at a distance. Some planks were
higher than others. This meant that they sank more.
But they all upset something. The roof existed in
places.

" The quarters had a great many good points, how-
ever, which far outweighed the bad ones. To start

with, if you spilt anything, there was no need to
worry about it making a mess of the drawing-room
carpet. It was certain to drop on the sheep which
Hved in the stables underneath. If we wanted to
regard the weather, there was no need to go out into
the street. A clear view of three-fourths of the sky
could be obtained from the armchair by merely tilting
the head back slightly. At night one always knew
at once if it started to rain. And in the morning our
valet had only to walk twice across the drawing-
room to sweep its floor as clean as a whistle. Again,
when we were awakened at 3 a.m. by a cat, there was
nothing to prevent opening fire on it with a '450.

" There were great points in those quarters. We
spent several very good days' duck shooting. Then

we were rung up and asked why the we weren't

doing liaison, and why we had sent in no information
to the ship. Also, why the ! ! !

" We placed our receiver back on its hook, hung our
revolver on the telephone bell, and sat down to think.

" We came to the conclusion that liaison must mean
— (1) To dress as a naval officer ; (2) to challenge every-
one who passed. We could think of no other points
in which we had failed in our duty. The Army's
idea of the Navy is universally acknowledged as being
that they are a strange race of creatures who wear
baggy trousers, which they hitch up at frequent in-
tervals, exclaim ' Yo ! ho !' at more frequent intervals,
drink rum, and swear horribly. We had a pair of
baggy trousers j we got a belt which necessitated hitch-
ing them up ; and we put in an urgent request for rum.

In view of having all these points in our favour, we
considered that we might dispense with the ' Yo !
ho's!'

" The question of information was easily disposed
of by ringing up the Intelligence Officer and inviting
him to dinner. His arrival coincided with that of
the rum. We obtained a mass of quite unreliable
information from him, and sent it on to the ship, who
were not in a position to judge of its worth. The
sentries were meanwhile busily challenging all passing
officers, who advanced with one accord to be recog-
nized. Having been recognized and introduced, they
remained. The departure of all Army officers syn-
chronized exactly with that of the last of the rum.

" We inquired of several of them what the meaning
of * liaison ' was. The most coherent answer was to
the effect that it was ' Getting matey with the Army,
old bean.' We therefore asked other officers to dine,
and on one occasion two of them set off together for
their quarters some fifty yards away. They were
found next morning sleeping peacefully in the middle
of a potato patch in H.Q. village (distant roughly
five miles). On our return to the ship shortly after-
wards we were informed that the liaison was very
good."

But the Silent Service did more than liaison work
on land : they managed the 60-pounder guns. The
history of the 60-pounders, the one baptized and the
other just a heathen, must be fully told. It opens
with the embarkation of the 5-ton 60-pounder on
H.M.S. Oil Drum II. The Royal Engineers, with many

Russian soldier assistants, succeeded after much cursing
and " neyte dobras " to load the gun. The Levic then
towed the Oil Drum as far as Gunners' Bridge, where
the Services proposed to land the 60-pounder.

In Russia, however much the Services propose,
native tugs and the skippers thereof invariably dis-
pose. The Levic, with true Russian nonchalance,
became too exhausted to tow the Oil Drum close into
the shore. Lengthy consultations ensued. It was
decided to pull the Oil Drum inshore by ropes, which
were duly affixed — work at which Lieut. Davis, of
beach fame, proved remarkably assiduous. Then the
strain began.

This sudden spasm of effort aroused the torpid
Levic. She made an expiring effort, which, instead
of producing a favourable result, merely caused poor
Davis's ropes to become fouled in some of the numerous
angles of the Oil Drum. With quiet and dignified grace
the vessel turned over, and the 60-pounder slid into
sixteen feet of Dvina water, where it disintegrated
into its various component parts.

The gun, however, was not abandoned, but by means
of divers and cranes, and the skill of the Royal Navy,
was fished up and put together again. As a reward
for their good work, the Navy were permitted to drag
the gun from Luby's Landing some thousand yards,
use it, and drag it back again.

To use the gun the seamen had to observe their
shooting. This they did naturally from a church, as
we were at war. In far-away peaceful France one

never used a church as an observation post ! (Well,
hardly ever !)

With much doubt as to the strength of the R.E.
ladders, and more vituperation as to the way they were
rigged, the observers eventually reached a glorified
dovecot at the top of the church steeple, complete with
two holes for entry and exit of doves or purposes of
observation. Various telephones, most of them ap-
parently out of order, and a heated corporal endeavour-
ing to buzz up, completed the party.

If one moved a foot to the right, one fell down the
ladder. A foot to the left the floor was apparently
solid, but in reality was a most ingenious trapdoor of
the best baronial type of six hundred years ago. The
corporal explained that the R.E. had run out of nails,
and had gone to Archangel to get a packet, the Ord-
nance Department having none.

" Well, there you are, old thing ! In front of the
village and over to the left you see a yellow sand-
bank. There's a trench all along the top of it, and
that cutting in the middle is a road coming down it.
On the left of the cutting there's a black slit. That's
a M.G. post. Now go right, about 800 yards. You
see a clump of trees and a bank with a cemetery on
top just to the right of it. There's a M.G. in a block-
house on the edge of the bank close to the trees, and a
trench running round the back of the trees to the
village, and various blockhouses and trenches along
the cemetery to the right." The speaker was the
military liaison officer.

" Right you are. We'll have a lap at the M.G. post

on the left of the cutting at 15.00 hours. It's easy to
see, and clear all round, and my observing officer doesn't
know this place yet, so we may as well register there
as anywhere."

Three o'clock sees the party once more in the dove-
cot. The landscape is just the same, with the addition
of a herd of cows and an old man wandering down in
front of the cutting. Frantic buzzing on the tele-
phone.

" Is the 60-pounder ready yet ?"

" Another five minutes."

" Tell the CO. that he should hurry up as much
as possible."

The cows wander down to the water, drink, and very
slowly return, the old man leading the way. At this
moment the gun reports ready.

" All right. Got your range and deflection ?
Right-o ! Fire !"

The tower rocks slightly, and a colossal cloud of
black smoke arrives about 100 yards behind the last
cow. Inside three seconds the old man is a bad last,
and the cows are half-way to the woods, with their
tails pointing to the skies. Much chuckling among
the doves.

"Up 400. Fire!"

Another cloud, behind the cutting this time.

" Down 200. Fire !"

Right at the foot of the cutting.

" That's splendid. Right at the bottom of the
bank and within twenty yards of the post. Give her
five rounds rapid."

The first drops at the bottom of the blockhouse,
and each succeeding one goes about 200 yards farther
over than the last. The fifth round drops about
twenty-five yards in front of a house in the village.
The smoke clears away ; an old woman comes
out of the house, takes in her washing, and goes in
again.

It is explained in vehement tones to the gunlayers
to keep to the same target, and not put the sights up
after each shot. The gunners explain back in most
indignant tones that their sights are perfectly set, and
are not moved without orders. Furthermore, that
the gun jumps badly. Back-chat ensues on the sub-
ject of hanging rum breakers on it to keep it down,
" Were they going to Bisley next year ? What did
we know about 60-pounders, anyway ?" — a most un-
fortunate sally, as they knew quite as little.

Eventually one more round at the same target,
same range and deflection.

" Fire !"

A beautiful cloud rises up some 300 yards to the right
of the target, and right on top of the M.G. position in
the cemetery.

" Rapid fire !"

" How many rounds ?"

" All you've got."

And away go some eight rounds, each about 100
yards longer than the last, with pleasing ghmpses of
Bolos running like redshanks between the bursts.
Ammunition runs out, and everyone goes home to
laugh.

52
Extract from next day's communique ; —

" Our naval 60-pounders bombarded cemetery
position yesterday with great accuracy, causing
Bolo to run from his trenches."

But the sailormen did not always have 60-pounders
to blaze off at the Bolo. Later in the campaign they
descended to 12-pounders, admittedly naval ones.
Even with those they made matters warm for the
enemy.

On the river the Navy had its own trouble. Mines
were a terrible trial. The whole river was sown with
them, and during the early days after the outbreak of
the mutiny in Dyer's Battalion the Sword Dance and
the Fandango were blown up. One man was killed
in the former, and one officer and seven other ratings
in the latter.

The enemy endeavoured to float mines down the
river on to the flotilla off Troitsa, and a net defence
was therefore constructed and laid across the river
up stream.

In securing one of these mines which was floating
down towards a hospital barge, Lieut. R. H. Fitz-
herbert-Brockholes, R.N., and three ratings were
blown up.

Perhaps it is as well, as this is a record, to detail
the happenings in connection with the flotilla on the
Dvina.

The four gunboats (H.M.S's. Cockchafer, Cicala,
Cricket, and Glow-worm) and H.M.'s Monitors " M. 23 '*
and " M. 25 " had wintered at Archangel and, after

being reconditioned, proceeded up river as soon
as the heavy ice had run early in May, and from then
onwards the flotilla continued in support of the Army
until the river was blocked by our mines immediately
before evacuation.

The flotilla, then under command of the late Com-
mander Sebald W. B. Green, D.S.O., R.N., assisted
in the retaking of Tulgas on May 18th.

On June 3rd Captain Edward Altham, C.B., R.N.,
who had come out ahead of the naval reinforcements,
arrived up river and took command of the flotilla.

At this time hopes were entertained of assisting the
Russians to reach Kotlas and join hands with Koltchak.
In view of this and the necessity for keeping the
shallow-draught gunboats in reserve, it was necessary
to employ the deeper-draught monitors as much as
possible.

H.M.S. Humher and H.M. Monitors " M. 27,'*
" M. 81," and " M. 88," arrived from England early
in June and joined the advanced flotilla. The
gunboats were sent in pairs to refit at Archangel.

On June 19th a more extensive operation was under-
taken, with the object of capturing the high ground
between Topsa and Troitsa, and the flotilla co-operated
with Graham's Brigade, bombarding heavily prior to
the attack, and countering the fire of the enemy ships,
of which a number were armed with heavy long-range
guns.

H.M.S. Cockchafer (Lieut.-Commander Quintin B.
Preston-Thomas, R.N.) did particularly good work in
getting up the narrow Kurgomin channel within a

mile of Topsa when that place was taken, and materi-
ally assisted in repulsing a counter-attack which
threatened the success of our undertakings.

H.M.S. Glow-worm (Commander S. W. B. Green,
D.S.O., R.N.) was actively engaged with the enemy
ships in the main river.

KM.S. Humber, H.M's. "M.27" and " M.38 " also
assisted in this operation which marked the first
definite stage of the advance, and materially im-
proved our tactical positions.

This brought the ships to the edge of the enemy
minefield, and for the next week minesweeping had
to be carried out under most difficult conditions.
The river water was so thick, it was impossible to see
any appreciable depth, even from a seaplane.

Instead of being able to sweep in comparative safety
on the rise of tide as at sea, the river was, of course,
tideless and falling. It was necessary to explore
channels with small steamboats, clear mines where
discovered, buoy them, and then send up the heavier-
draught tunnel minesweepers to sweep up the heavier
and deeper moored mines.

The whole of the work had to be done within range
of the enemy flotilla, and the minesweeping craft were
daily under heavy fire from his guns, and at times even
came under direct machine-gun and rifle fire.

By June 27th a passage had been swept to Troitsa,
and H.M.S. Cricket (Lieut. Ion W. G. White, R.N.),
with Brigadier-General F. W. H. Walshe, Brigadier-
General General Staff, and the Senior Naval Officer
River, on board, ran through a heavy barrage from

the enemy guns and arrived off that place, where the
high cliffs provided some measure of protection.

The following day, the enemy ships having been
driven back by our gunboats' fire, the remainder of
the flotilla and transport moved up to Troitsa, which
from then onwards was our advanced base and Brigade
Headquarters.

On July 7th, when the mutiny broke out in Dyer's
Battalion, and the 4th North Russian Rifles became
affected, fifty seamen, under Commander Frank G.
Bramble, R.N., and a small Royal Marine detachment,
under Lieut. Clive M. Sergeant, R.M., were landed at
the General Officer Commanding's request, to assist
in securing our position until the arrival of more
British troops.

The enemy, who was evidently fully conversant
with the situation, seized the opportunity to attack.

The night of July 7th-8th the situation was critical,
as British reinforcements had not arrived. The Russian
troops were disaffected, or in no heart to fight, and the
enemy's gunboats were pressing hard in support of his
shore advance on the right bank.

Very valuable assistance had been rendered by the
seaplanes, bombing and machine-gunning, but by the
forenoon of July 8th they had " run out," and had to
be given a brief rest and overhaul.

The situation about this time was that the enemy
were reported within 1,200 yards of the flotilla anchor-
age and seaplane base, with the Russians slowly re-
tiring.

The auxiliary craft and seaplanes were therefore

moved back, and H.M.S. Humher, which had been
covering Topsa during the mutiny, came up-river and
embarked the Senior Naval Officer.

A telephone cable was run to the shore to keep
n close touch with the General Officer Commanding
(Brigadier- General L. W. de V. Sadleir-Jackson, C.B.,
C.M.G., D.S.O.), who had by now taken over the
command.

H.M, " M. 38 " was hit by a heavy shell, fortunately
without casualties, and continued in action. H.M.
" M. 27 " did useful service with her triple 4-inch
mounting.

H.M.S. Cicala (Lieut. E. T. Grayston, R.N.R.),
who had been heavily engaged as advanced gunboat,
developed defects due to the continual firing at high
elevation, and was relieved by H.M.S. Cricket.

The latter ship came under heavy machine-gun fire
from the woods in the vicinity of Selmenga, but
replied to it with her own machine guns, and moved
farther up-river — the channel leading away from the
wooded bank — and continued to engage the enemy
ships.

That afternoon H.M.S. Cricket was hit on the water-
line with a heavy shell, and had to come down-river
and secure alongside the repair barges, as there
appeared to be a risk of the ship sinking.

The gap had to be filled promptly to prevent the
enemy profiting by his success. H.M.S. Humher
(Lieut. -Commander Andrew Johnstone, R.N.) slipped
cable and telephone and proceeded up-river full speed
until stopped by her deeper draught. The fire of her

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twin 6-inch turret was so effective that, with the
further assistance of seaplanes' bombing, the enemy
flotilla's fire was silenced, and it w^ithdrew.

That evening a counter-attack was organized to be
carried out by the Russian troops, and four heavy
bombardments were carried out by the monitors, but
very little progress was made, the Russians showing
little inclination to fight.

As there were still no signs of the British troops,
the naval paddle- steamers and Borodino (Senior Naval
Officer's ship) were dispatched to assist in bringing
them up, and on the morning of July 9th they arrived,
and the position was stabilized.

In the course of the minesweeping operations in-
volved in the advance, H.M. tunnel minesweepers Sword
Dance (Lieut. Alan K. McC. Halliley, R.N.) and Fan-
dango (Chief Boatswain Thomas J. Vosper, R.N.) were
mined and sunk, with the loss of one rating killed in
the former, and one officer and seven ratings in the
latter.

Over forty mines were swept up or recovered.

None can tell the story of the trials and tribulations
of the Naval Service better than themselves, and it is
left to one of the flotilla officers to describe some of
their experiences.

"We were unfortunate," he says, " in missing the
capture of Topsa, having been sent down to Archangel
to have the mountings of our two Mark VII 6-inch
guns altered so as to give them an increase of range,
without which we were unable to compete with the
Bolo gunboats, which up to that time outranged us

by about 1,500 yards. Indeed, they had actually
shelled us out of our anchorage at Gunner's Bridge
without our being able to make an effective reply.

" By chipping away a part of the mounting, the
elevation of the gun could be increased, and an addi-
tion of 2,600 yards given to the range, which gave a
maximum range of 16,100 yards.

" We arrived back at Gunner's Bridge on June 23rd.
It had formerly been a somewhat unsafe spot, when the
Bolo overlooked it from the cliffs of Troitsa, but now
it seemed a pleasant rural retreat, as calm and peaceful
as the Thames at Marlowe.

" However, the very first night — if one can speak
of ' night ' at that time of the year, when three hours
of twilight separate sunset from sunrise — our dreams
of peace and quiet were rudely dispelled by a Bolo
plane which dropped a couple of bombs between us
and the bank, the closer one giving the ship a nasty
jolt, and spattering the forecastle with splinters.

'' A few days later we reliey.ed H.M.S. Cicala in the
advanced position, about fivt^ miles farther up. There
our job was to support H.M. Mine-sweepers Step-Dance
and Fandango, which were operating at the bend of
the river below the high red bluff of Troitsa. H.M.S.
Sword Dance had been blown up by a mine a few
days before, and the wreck lay a couple of cables astern
of us, with her upper works and square stern sticking
out of the water.

"On the starboard side was a small flat island, covered
with scrub, and behind that a broad meadow, with
pine forests at the back. These pine forests effectually

screened us from the enemy. From a little distance
the green-painted gunboat was hardly to be distin-
guished against the background.

" Had it not been for the restless activity of the
' Dancing Class,' as the Quartermaster always an-
nounced them, we should have enjoyed perfect peace ;
but as soon as they got under weigh the trouble always
started. Whenever the Quartermaster announced,
* The '* Dancing Class " weighing, sir,' everyone swore
softly or sighed resignedly, according to temperament.

" The Bolos had that corner spotted to a nicety,
probably from the tall green spire of the church at
Yakolevskoe, a little village about seven miles farther
up on the left bank.

" Whenever H.M.Ms. Step-Dance and Fandango^ pre-
ceded by the two little ' searching ' steamboats, showed
themselves beyond the bend of the river, it was only
a matter of seconds before a lofty column of spray and
a distant boom told that the Bolo was busy. But
nothing could discourage those sweepers. Time after
time the sweep would part, and they would manoeuvre,
slowly and deliberately, in the narrow mine-infested
channel, without the slightest regard for the shells
falling all round them, join up a new sweep, and carry
on. One square hit from a 5.9 would have meant
practical annihilation, and they frequently escaped only
by a matter of a very few yards.

** The gunboat would then advance close under the
bank to a position just short of the point and open
fire, with the object of diverting the enemy's attention,
usually with a success which, I have no doubt, should

£ 2

have been a source of great satisfaction to us. He
seemed to think we were in the meadow before men-
tioned, and used to * savage ' it thoroughly, and then
thoughtfully search the river. Our shooting from this
position was, of course, all indirect fire, the spotting
being done by the observation post on Troitsa Bluff
or by a seaplane.

** As the sweepers cleared the channel farther up, it
was necessary for us to follow close astern of them and
come out into the open at the bend of the river, where
one looked up a long, straight vista — high red cliffs
on the left, and low meadowland and sandbanks on
the right, and terminated in the hazy distance by a low-
lying neck of land, over which you could see the smoke
of the Bolo gunboats as they moved to and fro.

" Under these circumstances, the chief distraction
of those not actually employed in fighting the ship
was to stand by with a landing-net to scoop in the dead
fish which drifted past, killed by the shell bursts ahead.
There were a great number of them, chiefly pike and
bream, and both were excellent eating — a blessed relief
from the eternal bully beef and tinned salmon. The
excitement was sometimes intense as a good specimen
came drifting down — men rushing from one side to
the other, uncertain which side of the stern it was
going to pass. Sometimes it would drift past just
out of reach of the long pole ; or else, just as it was
about to be netted, it would suddenly wake up, give
a flip with its tail, and dive gleefully into the depths.
One really Heath-Robinson incident occurred. A
stoker, assisted — or, rather, hindered — by an excited

crowd of his pals, all shouting advice at the same time,
was craning out over the rail, trying to land a par-
ticularly fine pike with a little net (made from a
' sweat-rag ') on the end of a pole about 10 feet long,
when suddenly — ' Whiz ! Plonk ! Bang !' — a 4-inch
shell landed as nearly as possible in his net ; in fact,
between the net and the ship's side. Anyhow, it
scorched the paint and scored the side with splinters.
Expecting to find a horrible scene of carnage, I jumped
down on to the main deck. There wasn't a soul to be
seen — only the pale face of the late fisherman peering
doubtfully round the corner of the engine-room casing.
Though they all got a pretty drenching, not one was
touched, and five minutes afterwards they were all
fishing as enthusiastically as ever.

" On June 27th, as the Senior Naval Officer of the
river had promised to secure for the General a much-
desired landing-place for troops in Troitsa Bay,
which was under direct observation of the enemy gun-
boats, and well within their range, H.M.S. Cricket was
told off to advance and drive them back out of range.
H.M.S. Cricket and H.M.S. Cicala were the only two
ships at that time which had the necessary range, and,
unfortunately, H.M.S. Cicala's foremost gun was out
of action. We had therefore only one 6-inch gun to
oppose four or five Bolo gun-boats, not to mention
land batteries at Selmenga and Seltso on their respective
sides of the river.

" We opened fire at 10 a.m. in support of the mine-
sweepers which were clearing the last of that par-
ticular mine-field. The day was a perfect one for a

river picnic — dead calm and blazing hot, with a clear
blue sky and a few fleecy clouds reflected in the glassy
surface of the river. With the bright red cliffs on the
left and the cool green meadow and pine woods on
the right, it made a very pretty picture.

" As the Bolo shells came whistling overhead or
exploded with an ear-splitting crack on the water
ahead, astern, and on either side, and the splinters
came dropping out of the blue — * p-fit, p-fit ' — knock-
ing up little white spurts of spray, the crashing report
of our own 6-inch gun shook the ship like a jelly, and
the hot, acrid cordite smoke dried one's mouth and
throat, and the blazing sun beat down on the iron
decks. How one longed to get into those cool green
woods, and burrow into the bushes away from it all !

" Hour after hour it went on, steadily and with
deliberation. As the Bolo found our range, we shifted
slowly from place to place, keeping carefully in the swept
channel, and giving a wide berth to the left bank,
where the ugly spiked heads of a number of large sea
mines were just visible on the surface.

" About 4 p.m. the time came to make a dash round
the corner into Troitsa Bay. We switched on full
speed and forged ahead against the strong current,
using every ounce of steam to get as quickly as possible
through the spot where the enemy was putting down
a barrage on the narrow channel between the bank
and the mines. As the ship gathered speed, making
rapid fire with the forward 6-inch gun, a shell crashed
down on our quarter, missing the stern by a few yards ;
it must have barely cleared the mast-head in its de-

scent. Next a great pillar of spray shot up ahead,
directly in our track, followed in a few seconds by
another in the same spot, now a few yards short of
our bow, and as we steamed through the black swirl
a shower of spray and splinters descended on the decks
and all around.

" What an eternity we seemed dragging our length
through that spot !

" By all the rules of the game, the next should have
landed fair and square on the quarter-deck, but he
didn't get it off in time — he probably had a missfire —
and the few extra seconds allowed us to get clear, as
the next one, faultless for direction, burst well astern.
Swerving to port, we ran into the little bay, where we
were either invisible to the enemy or else well camou-
flaged against the background. He still continued to
put them down in the same place, and searched the
lower side of the bay, evidently using the ruined belfry
of Topsa Church as his aiming mark. But they all
passed harmlessly over us. Here we anchored — and
a soldier swam out to have a ' look-see !'

" The object was not yet accomplished, however,
as the enemy was still within easy range of the spot
where it was desired to establish the landing-stage.

" H.M. Monitor ' M. 33 * now came up, and we
replenished ammunition from her, and again advanced,
reaching by about 8 p.m. a position about three miles
farther up, which remained the ' advanced position '
until the capture of Seltso, a couple of months after-
wards.

"By that time the entmy had become discouraged,

and we ceased fire at 8.30 p.m., and Troitsa Bay
remained the Naval and Military Advanced Base until
the evacuation.

" On the night of the mutiny of Dyer's Battalion —
July 7th — after a prolonged stay in the advanced
position, during which we had frequent petty tiffs
with the Bolo, we returned to Troitsa Bay at 6 p.m.
for a * stand-easy.'

** At 3 a.m. orders were received for the landing-
party, comprising every man who could be spared, to
stand by ; but it did not land, as at 4 a.m. we were
ordered to open rapid fire on the woods on the right
bank with 3-inch shells at 4,000 yards. It was just
getting daylight, and a hasty evacuation was taking
place of the hospital on the edge of the wood, from
which came the steady clatter of machine-gun fire of
the advancing Bolos. Russian soldiers could be seen
retreating in quick time out of the wood — while a
section of twenty sailors, with machine guns over their
shoulders, were marching in ; wounded were being
carried down on stretchers to a barge alongside the bank,
and the seaplanes drawn up on the beach were being
hastily cranked up. It was a scene of great animation,
viewed from the comparative safety of the gunboat.

" The enemy gunboats, however, soon began to take
a hand in the business, and we therefore advanced, in
company with H.M. ' M. 33,' to engage them, and a
pretty hot action followed. We took up a position close
under the cliffs of the right bank, where continuous
machine-gun fire still resounded through the woods,
but at a good distance inland. The enemy seemed to

have got our position well marked off, and was getting
unpleasantly close. We therefore shifted our position
and closed the range. Just as we passed under the
stern of H.M. ' M. 33,' a cloud of black smoke shot up
from her amidships, and it was evident she was hit. She
was not badly damaged, the shot having only destroyed
the ward-room, sparing the wine store, as the captain
cheerfully informed us as we passed. Together we
continued the action for another half-hour or so,
shifting from place to place, and the enemy, according
to his usual tactics, ceased fire and retired behind his
river bank. However, he was soon out again, and
several more small strafes occurred ; but about 10 a.m.
he packed up, and we were able to get some breakfast.
Between 11 a.m. and 12 noon we were again ordered
to fire on positions on the right bank, where his artillery
was annoying the troops, and by 12.15 p.m. all was
quiet, and we anchored in the usual advanced position.

"As we had received reports that the enemy had
retired to his original position, on the far bank of the
Selmenga stream, we looked forward to a quiet after-
noon, and possibly a little sleep ; in fact, most of the
men were below, ' getting their heads down,' when
at 1 p.m., without the slightest warning, a perfect storm
of machine-gun and rifle fire broke out from the woods
on the bank, at a range of about 50 yards. The few
on deck scuttled for cover, or froze like rabbits behind
anything handy.

*' For what seemed a very long time, but was prob-
ably only a few minutes, the enemy had it all his own
way, the bullets beating on the side and upper works

with a deafening clatter, like the noise of an automatic
riveter, sweeping across the deck and lashing the
water into foam on the lee side. We were at anchor,
and it was perfectly obvious that no one could have
reached the forecastle alive to slip the anchor, nor
could as much as one round have been got off from the
guns, as the crews are entirely exposed, and must have
been wiped out in a few seconds ; and the machine
guns on the engaged side were equally unprotected.
However, a couple of Lewis guns were got across from
the disengaged side and poked round corners, and were
soon adding to the general din.

*' In a few minutes H.M. ' M. 27,' anchored some
distance astern of us, opened fire with salvos of triple
3-inch. This diversion enabled us to slip our anchor
and shift to the other side of the river, where we again
anchored. During the next few days about 250 dead
Bolos were found in the wood.

" In the ship there were only two men wounded,
which was extraordinary good luck, as the upper works,
bridge, and funnels were riddled with bullet-holes — I
counted 150 and then gave it up — and several had gone
straight through the plating of the ship's side.

" During the afternoon continuous sniping went on
from the bank. You had only to put your head
above the hatch or show yourself for a moment on
deck, and a bullet would come across. There was one
persistent gent — evidently an officer of Dyer's Bat-
talion, as he was wearing khaki and a Sam Browne belt
— who seemed determined to do some one in. He
could be seen constantly dodging from cover to cover.

Our gunner had a long argument with him with a
Lewis gun, but the duel ended without a score.

" At 4 p.m. the enemy gunboats opened fire again,
and the same weary business went on. By 4.15 p.m.
they had got our range, and began to get unpleasant,
and we therefore weighed and advanced up the river
towards Seltso as far as we dared, on account of the
mines, which had not been swept any further. In this
position we were receiving the fire of the batteries
at Selmenga on the right bank, from a battery of 3-inch
guns at Seltso on the left bank, and from the Bolo
gunboats ahead, as well as numerous small stuff that
came buzzing about in an impertinent way from Lord
knows where. Speaking for himself, the writer began
to get the ' scatters,' because the beastly things came
from all directions, and there was no ' lee ' anywhere,

" I have heard men say that they have never
' ducked.' Well, to my mind, there are two occasions
on which one * ducks.' Firstly, when the projectile
goes so close that you just hear the whizz and bang ;
it is impossible to say which comes first. This is
merely a reflex action — involuntary, and not to be
attributed to funk. The second is when the splinters
fly and you ' duck ' behind any cover that may be
handy, which is only common sense. The man who
has never ' ducked ' has never had a shell close enough
to him.

*' It became quite obvious that we could not con-
tinue to dodge them for long, and at 4.40 p.m. a
5.9-inch shell hit us amidships on the starboard side
under the water line. The shock was hardly greater

than that given by a shell bursting in the water close
to the ship, but the deluge of water on deck and the
oil-fuel gushing from the ship's side left no room for
doubt.

" The ship then took a sharp list to starboard, and
was evidently sinking, so the only thing to do was to
retire and endeavour to beach her out of range. We
therefore started to turn in the narrow channel, and
got the after gun into action. Unfortunately, the
additional draught given by the list and the amount
of water in the ship caused us to ground on a sand-
bank— directly under the cliffs where we had been so
badly shot up earlier in the day and the woods were
still ringing with machine-gun fire. As we stuck on
the bank, broadside on to the enemy, he fired faster
than ever, correcting his range to within yards. The
next ten minutes were excessively unpleasant.

" It was with enormous relief that we saw the bow
gradually paying off and the ship moving again.

" Once afloat, we legged it down river, firing our
after gun, and the enemy shots following — ahead,
astern, and on both sides — ^the water creeping up and
up, in spite of the pumps, till the engines were heaving
round in three feet of water. In ten minutes or so
we reached Troitsa Bay, a few hundred yards beyond
the enemy's extreme range, a few minutes before the
fires were put out and everything stopped. And
such was the end of a perfect day !"

In connection with the work of the naval forces
one might mention the work of the Mercantile Marine,

who played their part — and at times an unpleasant
part — in the campaign.

The Walton Belle before the fateful year of 1914 was
a paddle-steamer at Margate. Eventually she arrived
in the Dvina, and in an emergency was used to convey
supposedly loyal Russian troops to deal with a diffi-
cult situation at Onega. The vessel was manned by
unarmed mercantile marine ratings. The Russian
troops were thoroughly equipped, and armed with
rifles and Lewis guns.

On arriving at Onega, at that time in the hands of
the Bolshevik mutineers, the First Lieutenant, with
two men, went ashore, and with a Lewis gun cleared
the village in the vicinity of the docks. The loyal
Russians, armed to the teeth, could not be induced
to follow. Belaying pins and other persuasive weapons
finally resulted in a few going ashore. The First
Lieutenant, being then in possession of several Bol-
shevik prisoners, finding the Russians unwilling to
follow, abandoned his attack. He realized, and very
wisely, that it was hardly possible to capture the
town with two other ratings.

The Bolsheviks, having now recovered from their
first alarms, counter-attacked, and the Walton Belle
escaped from Onega under heavy shell and machine-
gun fire.

On the voyage back to Archangel the four or five
Bolo^ prisoners succeeded in disarming their guard,
threw a bomb at the Captain, and proceeded to clean
up the ship. They completely subdued the 200
heavily armed Russians. The situation was entirely

in favour of the Bolsheviks till it was taken in hand by
one of the mercantile marine ratings, who appeared
on deck with a shot-gun and blew the heads off two
of the mutineers, one with the right barrel and the
other with the left. t

This subdued the state of turmoil till the port was
reached. Considerable excitement was created by her
arrival. SOS signals were being fired, and Lewis
guns and rifles were being discharged on the unfortu-
nate paddle-steamer.

A boarding party from H.M.S. Fox finally subdued
the excited and mutinous Russians, and it is not to
be wondered at that the men from the Fox did not
discriminate in the meting out of punishment to both
the Bolshevik and the so-called loyal Russian.

Naval transport officers were always being fixed up
with things. The story is told of a certain R.A.F.
officer who superintended the loading of a barge. The
river was at this time extraordinarily low. A N.T.O.
arrived to find the deck of the barge piled high with
cases of every description.

" Why the hell have you put all this stuff on deck ?'*
inquired the N.T.O. '' Is it all full down below ?"

R.A.F. Officer : " No. I haven't put anything down
below."

N.T.O. : " Why not ?"

R.A.F. Officer : " Well, you see, they told me there
wasn't much water in the river, so I put all the stuff
on deck to keep the barge from being loaded too deep
and drawing too much water !"

Collapse of N.T.O.

The following was received almost daily from the
First Lieutenant, Borodino : —

" How many harishynas can you let me have
to-morrow, old boy ?"

N.T.O., to Beach Officer : " Fix the First Lieutenant,
Borodino, up with a few women to-morrow, will you ?"

Scene : N.T.O.'s office. Confusion worse confused.
Telephones ringing. Interpreters arguing with car-
penters. N.T.Os. harangueing harishynas. Beach
Officer cursing Russians.

N.T.O., arriving : " Hello ! What's all this about ?"

Chorus : " Davis has lost his horse."

The harishynas had been employed during one after-
noon loading a Carbus with small -arms ammunition.
The loading was completed at 6 p.m.

At eight the next morning the N.T.O. was informed
that the Carbus was full of water. A tug was sent
alongside to pump it out. At ten o'clock the N.T.O.
himself went down to the beach, and found the Carbus
still full of water, and the tug still pumping hard.

He ordered the tug to beach the Carbus. This was
done, the Carbus coming right up on the beach, and it
was discovered that the bottom of the barge had
dropped out in the night, and the tug had been attempt-
ing to pump out the Dvina !

Over the telephone : — N.T.O. : " Can you send the
quickest and most comfortable launch you have to
Seltso to pick up Prince Morousi ?"

N.T.O. to interpreter : " Send the Coffin to Seltso
for Prince Morousi, will you ?"

The difficulty of the fresh meat-supply was more

easily solved by our naval friends than by ourselves.
Our consciences were not so elastic. Cattle and sheep
strolled about in a most tantalizing manner in all parts
of the line, save *' No Man's Land." Animal sagacity
may have been responsible for their avoidance of that
area, yet they gathered in large numbers on the river
banks. The natural result was a distinct difference
in naval and military diets.

Only once in the campaign did we secure a cow.
One with suicidal tendencies, weary of the dull mono-
tony of Russian life, succeeded in strangling itself in
an intricate mass of barbed wire. Whatever the
motives actuating the animal happened to be, its self-
sacrifice was most deeply appreciated by all neighbour-
ing messes. The event, however, brought forth copious
tears from the unfortunate peasant owner (a war
widow). Compensation eventually matured in the
shape of a new cow, a gift which resulted in the kissing
of the feet of any British officer who ventured in or
near the gratified woman's dwelling. But it was not
always as easy to deal with the Russian peasant.
Selling surplus horses fell to the lot of the D.A.D.S. and
T., Major Watson. To call the populace together, one
warns all the storastas (headmen). The time and place
of the sale are notified. Large numbers of bewhiskered
Russian peasants gather at the appointed time. The
first horse is displayed. The peasant desiring to pur-
chase asks what price the seller is willing to accept.
The latter names a price double that which he expects
eventually to receive.

The peasant walks away and ponders on the matter.

2 ^

2 3
a g

O ^

After some meditation he returns and offers about half
what he is prepared to give.

*' No, no," the seller answers.

A long explanation is at once commenced by the
prospective buyer, in which he points out the unfortu-
nate weather that has been experienced, the failure of
the crop, the abnormal size of his family — anything
that will conduce to the consideration of a reduction
in price. The actual price asked is never queried. But
the explanations of misfortune multiply.

The buyer retorts that the offer is absurd, and walks
away. Eventually the peasant returns and makes a
fresh offer, which is again rejected. This performance
continues, being repeated and repeated, sometimes
prolonged for several hours, till the Russian makes a
fair offer for the animal, which is promptly accepted.
Time is nothing to the Russian ; to-morrow is as good
as to-day. It is evident that a particular buyer means
to secure a particular horse, and the only method of
sale is to be untiringly obstinate, till he eventually offers
a reasonable figure. And the Russian is an expert at
judging horses and their value.

The Russian peasantry is extraordinarily supersti-
tious. The one curious example that came directly
under my notice was in connection with the pigeon,
though at the actual time I was ignorant of its signifi-
cance.

We had been shooting duck on the left bank of the
river in the early morning. Returning to Mutiny Vil-
lage, a number of pigeons were seen, feeding in the
track ahead. The possibility of ownership deterred us

from disturbing and shooting them. Inquiries among
the villagers produced the welcome news that the birds
were no one's property and were wild. Proposals to
shoot them, however, met with a copious flow of tears
from one peasant woman, who pitifully entreated us to
allow the birds to live. All attempts to discover a
reason for this sudden outburst merely resulted in more
tears and cries of anguish. A few mornings after the
same peasant woman was observed feeding the so-
called wild pigeons with dried peas. The incident
passed from our minds.

Months afterwards I learned the explanation. The
Russian peasantry, though outwardly most devout and
religious, retain nevertheless several remarkable super-
stitious beliefs. One of the most prevalent is that on
death the soul of the departed passes into, and for three
weeks remains in, the body of a pigeon. The bereaved
relatives and friends, ignorant of the identity of the
possessed pigeon, feed for the allotted time all pigeons
in the village, in the earnest hope that they may give
sustenance to the particular pigeon containing the soul
of the departed.

The death of that pigeon means the complete death
of the soul — why, I have never been able to discover.
The peasant woman of many tears and signs had had
the misfortune, in the attack on Troitsa, to lose her
son and her infant babe through shell fire. Hence the
tears and protestations, a singular example of the per-
sistence of an ancient superstition.

There was one famous house, Dobra-Ville. Some
of the Navy made it their permanent residence, and

they shall tell the story of the wondrous house-
hold :—

" The owners of Dobra-Ville were rather naturally
the Dobras, whose real name was Gregorian-Jugoff,
and their offspring was legion. These good folk occu-
pied one room, and some of them slept in the barn
behind, which was also shared by a horse, a prehistoric
rowing boat, and a multitude of small insects.

" When we first arrived they rather kept to them-
selves, and we didn't feel very kindly disposed towards
any Russians, as it was shortly after the mutiny of the
Slavo-British Legion at Troitsa. However, after we
had settled down a bit and had managed to draw our
rum ration, they thawed somewhat and became quite
affable, and presumably concluded that we were quite
harmless creatures with kind and generous faces,
though a trifle mad.

" Within a month or so they picked up quite a fair
knowledge of the English tongue, and blossomed out
with such words as ' Hiyah,' ' Sleepum,' ' Shovofski,'
* Rum,* ' Gin,' ' Goddam,' ' Bloffine,' and one or two
others. We, of course, had the pull over them, as we
had ' Dobra,' with ' Niet ' and ' Orchin ' to juggle with.

" Amongst our neighbours were the ' Niet Dobras,'
who owned an empty wooden house close to us from
which we frequently removed wood for our galley
fires. In order to stop this, Mrs. Niet Dobra boarded
in the spaces we had made in that side of the house
next to us, whilst she kept her eye on the doorway
which was on her side. This naturally did not hinder
us, and Mrs. N. D. is probablv still fuming and wonder-

F 2

ing how her wood continued to vanish without anybody
using the door.

" Mrs. Dobra was very partial to rum and gin, and
we often used to give her a tot or two, for which she
would get her eldest daughter, Anna, to do some of
our washing. One evening she blew into the mess
during dinner, just as we had come to the end of some
plum duff, and was given about three fingers of gin
in a cup, but the good old soul wouldn't drink it unless
her host had an equal tot, which he did ; but we under-
stand that he prefers it at ' bitters time ' and with a
drop of water.

" Our CO. was a noisy sort of a cove, and had the
job of blowing up monitors that couldn't get down
river on account of their deep draught, and other de-
molition jobs. T.N.T. bombs were dismantled and
used, in conjunction with other explosives, for this,
the empty brass sticks being thrown away into the
refuse pit. Now, the refuse pit was a favourite haunt
of the village urchins, who got a certain amount of
nourishment from empty Maconochie tins and such-
like, and great was their joy when they discovered
these brass tubes, which they sucked all day long
despite our antics, gesticulations, and bad language.

" Eventually we got an interpreter to tell Mrs. D.
that T.N.T. , though sweet to taste, wasn't really a good
diet in the long-run. Mrs. D., who had Metia, her
youngest infant, in her arms, went into her room and
produced a perfectly good Stokes bomb detonator and
instantaneous fuze, which she said Metia had been
sucking, and was that also poor diet ?

" One of the great social events of Malaya Zinovic-
vskaya was the ^malinky' handicap races. All the
youth and beauty were rounded up, fallen in, and handi-
capped according to size, and then raced for chocolates.
These races were very popular, as everyone got prizes
sooner or later. On one occasion we raced the ' ba-
rishynas,' and the winner, a beautiful fairy of some
20 odd stone or thereabouts, threw her arms around the
officer — a confirmed misogynist, by the way — who was
stationed at the finish with a box of chocolates.

*' A good many of us were very keen on getting hold
of Russian needlework, embroidery, and the like, and
a few such things were picked up ; but the pick of the
bunch were the shawls, bed-covers, dresses, and various
bits of embroidery that Mrs. Dobra had made herself
for Anna, her eldest daughter. This, as Mrs. Dobra
explained, comprised Anna's trousseau, and therefore
she couldn't possibly give away separate pieces of it,
but that if one of us would only marry Anna, then we
could have the lot.

" We didn't have the time or opportunity to do any
shooting, but a good deal of slaughter was done
amongst the cockroaches with which Dobra- Ville
abounded. These insects live and multiply in the
cracks of the beams in summer, but die off in the
winter. The peasants, when the extreme cold begins
to set in, leave all the doors and windows of their
houses open for a couple of days or so, what time they
put up at their neighbours. This effectually kills all
the cockroaches until the summer comes again.

"The best time for a cocker hunt was in the evening,

when they came out of their cracks in swarms. Various
methods of attack were used ; some used to go round
with a hatchet, others with candles dropping grease
on them, but the best method was to squirt neat Lysol
into the cracks with a bilge squirt ; failing Lysol,
Pyrene Avas a good substitute. When the hunting was
good, one man with a bilge squirt would get a bag of
about a hundred in ten minutes."

There was once an observation balloon. Always it
swung above our heads through the twenty-four hours
of the day. Sometimes there was an observer in the
basket, more often not. The cinema operator once
made it his home for a few hours. Kite Balloon barge
was moored near Sea Plane Island, and one warm
August morning there was an appalling revelation.
The sausage still swung in the air, glittering in the
brilliant sunshine. But on the yellow sands of Sea
Plane Island lay a baby balloon. Rumour spread
around the force. The marriage of a famous English
beauty was as nothing to the stir caused by the
fecundity of the hitherto respected observation
balloon.

But worse was to follow. The next dawn another
one had appeared. As the balloon had not descended
to earth during the night, it was manifest that this
latest creation had dropped from the skies.

The third morning dawned. Another balloon child.

The fourth morning. Another.

The fifth morning. Yet another.

Then the productivity of the balloon ceased. Per-
haps it was as well. The strain was growing intoler-

able. The climax came when the mother of the babes
collapsed one day on Sea Plane Beach, but even to her,
after her arduous labours, there came a resurrection —
but it cost the lives of all her children — and we knew
them no more.

CHAPTER III

HOW WE WON A GREAT BATTLE.

The original plan of the Russian Relief Force had
been most clearly defined. Granted favourable cir-
cumstances and attendant good luck, it was proposed,
in co-operation with the naval flotilla, to make a
lightning advance down the Dvina River as far as
Kotlas, effect a junction with the then victorious armies
of Admiral Koltchak, hand over the northern line to
the Russians, start them on a combined movement
towards Petrograd, and then to evacuate via Arch-
angel ere the freezing up of that port. We had enter-
tained, whilst training in England, visions of seeing
Petrograd and even Moscow. One month of the Dvina
saw the demise of all those dreams. The scheme as
enumerated above was admittedly an ambitious one,
requiring no small amount of dash and vigour on the
part of both of His Majesty's services, as Kotlas is
some 450 miles from Archangel.

Three main factors contributed to the abandonment
of the plan — Koltchak's failure, the Russian troops,
and the sudden outcry in the British Press for an
immediate withdrawal. Experience has shown that
the Russian troops rarely, if ever, conserve all the
advantages they gain in a successful attack. Once
the enemy is routed, the pursuit begins, according to
all precepts of war. But there must come a stage when

the advance goes beyond the limit of supphes, unless
the services responsible are amazingly rapid.

The Russians in a successful attack invariably over-
stepped the mark, exhausted themselves, ran out of
supplies, and, on account of the distances covered by
the operations, placed their lines of communication
in jeopardy. Then the enemy, falling back on his
bases and able to bring fresh troops into action, not
only checked any further progress, but began to recover
lost ground. Koltchak retreated rapidly, and all
hopes of reaching Kotlas vanished.

At the same time strong pressure was being exercised
through certain channels in England for an immediate
withdrawal of all troops from North Russia. Evacua-
tion in the face of the enemy, particularly when the
enemy is cognizant of the movement, is a difficult
proceeding.

Armchair critics — and there were many such in
England at that time — fail to realize the terrific respon-
sibilities involved in bringing away troops from a
theatre of operations in face of the enemy.

If the demagogues, who at this period were shrieking
" Evacuate Russia " to the Government of the country
had even for twenty-four hours been present on the
Dvina, it is possible that, despite all their stubbornness
and ignorance, they might have realized the difficulties
of the situation, and possibly the folly of leaving North
Russia to herself.

In addition to these reasons, however, there were
others more immediately concerning the forces engaged
on the river. The enemy had laid considerable mine-

fields. The absence of rise and fall of tide made
sweeping a particularly dangerous operation. Heavy
losses had already been incurred in clearing the river
from Tulgas to Troitsa, and the operation had extended
over seven days.

Behind the enemy's minefields lay his flotilla. He
had not suffered greatly, and having no mines to deal
with, his way of retreat was free. On the British side
there was no railway. The river was amazingly low,
and transport by water could not be relied upon.
Roads were bad, bridges unequal to the stream of heavy
artillery, and teams of heavy horses did not exist.

All these difficulties made the prospect of a rapid
advance doubtful. In withdrawing, other equally
important factors had to be considered. Hundreds
of loyal Russians had been living in the security
of the British protection for many months. To
leave them to their probable fate on our evacuation
was unthinkable. It was proposed (and eventually
arranged) to give them an opportunity of leaving the
country first, and to this end shipping and river trans-
port had to be collected and utilized. The condition
of the river militated against this work to a great degree.
Finally, it became necessary to evolve a very extensive
plan for evacuation, the first move in which came into
operation on August 10th.

It was vital to strike a blow at the enemy's forces
opposing us. There was much comment and criticism
in the Press as to whether this blow was or was not
offensive action and nothing else. In order to obtain
freedom of movement for an operation so delicate as

a complete evacuation, it was necessary seriously to
cripple the enemy's fighting force. That was done.

The mining of the river, in order to obstruct and
delay appreciably the subsequent advance of the Bolo
flotilla, was necessary, particularly as it would enable
as many ships of the British flotilla to get down the
river as soon as the depth of water permitted.

The question of the Russian troops who would remain
and, it was hoped, safeguard Archangel was not lost
sight of. Elaborate plans for the holding of successive
lines were drawn up.

These, therefore, were the problems confronting us
at the commencement of August. The plans for a
complete evacuation having been adopted, the details
were carefully worked out, and the first stage, that
of an offensive, culminated on August 10th in a most
amazing victory for the British and Russian arms.

The first event that really happened to convince
everyone of the possibility of an attack was the forma-
tion of the Trinity of Sectors. No. 1 Sector was the
left bank ; No. 2, the naval forces ; and No. 3, the right
bank. Written in plain English, it all looks very
simple, but in reality it was most complex. In order
to provide Sector Commanders, the two oflicers in
command of the 45th and 46th Royal Fusiliers were
made O.Cs. Nos. 1 and 3 respectively, and the Seconds-
in- Command of each battalion manfully carried on.
But O.Cs. of sectors must have adjutants and staff
captains, and telephones and orderlies, and offices and
maps, and Army Forms and pencils and pens. Eventu-
ally on each bank a miniature G.H.Q. was formed

with all its attendant paraphernalia. The difficulty
then arose as to where the sector finished and where
the infantry battalions began. The elements con-
tained in the sector commands, apart from the infantry,
were very small. Complete disassociation from the
infantry was therefore impossible, and many weary
days were spent discovering which command should
deal with this form and which command with that.

It all worked out easily, however, for after yards of
official correspondence one sector adjutant dashed into
the battalion adjutant with a polite query as to why
the he didn't deal with it ; and after a five-
minute word battle normality reigned again, and the
work of the Army progressed.

A new game was introduced at this period — ciphers.
It was most fascinating for those who played it cor-
rectly. Brigade Headquarters blossomed out into a
Cipher Officer, complete with subordinates and an
office. Elaborate codes, calculated to puzzle even the
most brilliant of Bolsheviks, were circulated amongst
all and sundry. Figure codes are all very well in their
way, but unfortunately army signallers have a strongly
developed penchant for writing 8's like O's, and 7's
like 4's.

In the sanctum sanctorum sanctissimi of the cipher
office long messages would be coded and sent buzzing
forth on all the wires to the three sector officers.
They were invariably labelled " Urgent — Priority."
Even the most hardened of adjutants winces a little
at that superscription. When the message is delivered
by a breathless orderly at 3.30 a.m., as most of

the cipher messages seemed to be, the wincing becomes
almost an attack of ague. With grim faces and set
teeth, and hands tightly gripping a pink message
form, sector adjutants could often be seen at dawn,
with their pyjamas half hidden beneath British
warms and gum-boots, wending their way to their
quiet offices, there to elucidate the mystery of the
" Urgent — Priority."

One would imagine that difficulties now vanished.
On the contrary, they increased. There happened to
be two ciphers, and one never knew which was in
operation. Therefore from the following —

75003 65298 17326 85943

would be produced something like this —

OFTRR SMEZT XOPHA MNMLL,

which, of course, one immediately comprehended ; so
the other code was tried with a similarly intelligible
result.

Exasperation invariably led the puzzled decoder to
utilize the telephone, with these results. Half an
hour's delay in getting connected.

" Is that Brigade H.Q. ?"

" Yes."

" No. Sector speaking. I want the Cipher

Officer."

" He's in bed."

" Can you send for him ?"

" It's a long way."

" Yes, but it is important. Send for him at once.
It is about a cipher message."

Another hour or so passes, while the WTetched sector
officer waits in his soHtary office. Then a buzz.

" Hullo, is that the Sector ?"

" Yes."

'' Well, the Cipher Officer says if it is about that
message sent out last night, it doesn't matter. It's
not important. The morning will do. Ring up in
the morning, and he will give you the message in
clear."

Is it any wonder that even sector officers at times
used bad language ? But there I it deceived the Bolo,
and that was the chief thing.

To thoroughly appreciate the formulation of the
plan of attack, one must digress a little and describe
the actual position of the opposing forces. The Bolos
were holding a line astride the Dvina. It was well
entrenched and heavily wired with substantial knife
rests. Here and there in most advantageous positions
he had strong blockhouses, built of logs, which were
ever and always of the greatest nuisance. On the right
bank he held the south bank of the Selmenga River,
and on the left bank his line ran in front of Nijni
Seltso. The flanks of the position extended into the
forest about two miles on either side of the river. In
depth the position stretched back on the right bank
as far as Ivanovskaya, on the left to the Kodema
River, about ten miles in each case. On the former
bank the villages running in order from the front to
the rear were Selmenga, Gorodok, and Borok, and
Ivanovskaya ; and on the latter bank, Nijni Seltso,
Sludka, Lipovets, and Chudinova, and finally Puchega.

The enemy strength was approximately 6,000
officers and men, 18 guns, and plenty of trench mortars
and machine guns. In addition, he had his naval
flotilla with all its guns. Our forces were considerably
less. The G.O.C. had under his command at the
inception of the attack 2 British infantry battalions
(45th and 46th Royal Fusiliers), neither up to strength,
2 machine-gun companies (201st Machine Gun Com-
pany), 1 R.E. company (385th Field Company), and
1 Russian Brigade, less 1 battalion. The Russian
battalion strength was approximately 300 bayonets.

Of guns there were thirteen 18-pounders, one 18-
pounder (Mark IV), four 4*5 howitzers, two 15*5 mm.
howitzers, two 60-pounders (manned by seamen), and
one section 3*7 Mountain Artillery.

It was intended to utilize the services of the Russian
cavalry and two more sections of the 3*7 Mountain
Artillery, but the state of the ground in their sphere
of operations was so bad that it rendered them useless.

The plan of attack on land after many discussions
devolved into a very deep flanking movement on each
bank of the river. The only question that arose was
the feasibility of the infantry being able to march
round the Bolo flank. The maps issued to the force
generally ignored all features of the ground. The
huge Selmenga forest was not shown at all. Maps of
large scale and accuracy had therefore to be con-
structed, and elaborate reconnaissance had to be made
round the enemy's flanks and behind his lines. The
success of the patrols was amazing. Russian peasants
who had spent their lives in the forest and knew every

track and footpath were brought into service. Dressed
in British uniform, they looked most awkward and
incongruous, yet they were wonderful guides. Led
by these men, small British patrols penetrated miles
behind the Bolo lines ; and when all the information
was collated, and added to the very valuable material
gained by Major Straker, the Chief Intelligence Officer,
maps of absolute accuracy were drawn, and it was upon
these made-at-home maps that the whole action was
fought.

There was terrific apprehension on the right bank
when Sergeant Whammond, M.C., and some of his patrol
failed to return after having been spotted from the
Bolo flank and fired upon. But the sergeant was too
old a hand in the bush game to get lost at such a
mere trifle, and he rolled up with his men two days
after, a little grubby and unshaven, but with a happy
smile and a notebook full of most wonderful informa-
tion.

For his patrol work he subsequently received the
award of the M.M. and D.C.M., and no one in the
force deserved a decoration more than he did.

Efforts were also made to mystify the Bolo's inteUi-
gence department by sending British troops to work
on forest roads miles away from the forward zone.
In this connection a humorous story is told of the
march from Troitsa to Verknaya Reka of " D " Com-
pany of the 46th Royal Fusiliers.

A detachment of gunners accompanied the infantry.
Whatever the peaceable folk of the village imagined
our plans to be no one ever discovered, though they

CAPT. EDWARD ALTHAM, C.B., Royal Navy,
Who commanded the Naval Flotilla on the Dvina.

were sagacious enough to make the troops comfortable
in billets and not to profiteer on eggs. At one of the
halts on the way out a weary gunner flung down his
equipment on the hind-legs of his mule. The animal
immediately let out, as mules sometimes do. With
great suddenness, the gunner was flung some yards by
the kick he received, and finally landed in a sitting
position on the other side of the road.

He gazed at the now quiescent mule in a half-
apologetic manner.

" You ! It's a pity they didn't fit you with

Phillips's military rubber heels," he said, and then
fainted. It required two water-bottles of what was
at that time precious fluid to bring him back to con-
sciousness.

Transport ! Transport ! Transport ! Such was
the perpetual cry on the days immediately preceding
zero. Someone truly remarked that the entire Dvina
force had gone " drosky mad." Never before in the
history of North Russia has there ever been such a
collection of droskies, drivers, and ponies. The
official account of the D.A.D.S. and T. is worth giving
here : —

" To obtain this transport," he says, " compulsory
hiring of all transport was ordered from all villages on
both banks of the river from Prilotski on the north
bank and Navolok on the south.

" The requisitioning parties left Beresnik on the
morning of August 6th, and by the morning of August
8th the transport began coming in rapidly at the

rendezvous Topsa Church and the village of Zarvadie
for north and south banks respectively.

" On August 7th, being " Y " day, all the transport
in Topsa and Yako parishes was requisitioned.

" The total number of horses available (after return-
ing sick and young horses) by the compulsory hiring
was just over 1,100, which was distributed roughly
900 to units, and with the balance I established a pool
of 100 on either bank to guard against any unforeseen
demands.

" No payment in money was made for this transport ;
each peasant was given

1 funt of flour,
I „ sugar,
2S >> tea,
for every day worked with the force, the period reckon-
ing from the day of leaving their village to the day of
return. The peasants appeared to be quite satisfied
with this payment in kind."

But official reports give little idea of the humour
and possibly the tragic side of this great concourse of
droskies. Whole families, almost generations, of
drivers arrived. Old bearded men and wizened old
women, their sons and daughters in the prime of life,
their grandchildren in their teens — all rolled up with
their droskies. And such droskies ! Old ones,
decrepit from age, held together by string and wire ;
new ones glistening in the sunshine from fresh paint ;
droskies that creaked as they moved, and others that
just fell to pieces.

There was not one that had not half its capacity

occupied by a sack of feed. The driver filled almost
the remaining portion of space, so that its load was
limited. The extent of the conversation between the
British and the drivers was " Scurry and Scoffem " on
the Russian side, and on the other side " Dohra and
Kharasho.''

There they were, four or five hundred of them,
horses, carts, and drivers, crammed into an open space
behind Brigade Headquarters. Weather conditions
hardly improved the state of the assembled multitude,
for rain fell heavily during their congregation. But
their imperturbable natures were unaffected by rain.
The wise ones merely retreated into the marquee
provided for them, and the foolish ones remained
outside, paring and eating the inevitable raw turnip,
and getting wet. Reasons for this gathering of
droskies did not bother them very much. Poor
simple creatures as they were, all they knew was that
they had been ordered to come for the armies. It was
the war, and in war they must expect anything. If
they had happened to be in Bolshevik territory, it
would have been the same, except, perhaps, they might
not have been paid in precious food. Still, "" Nichevo.''

Finally they were all assembled, and eventually in
pouring rain despatched to the areas of concentration,
there to undergo the most trying of all experiences.

Rain and the opening of a British offensive seem to
be synonymous terms. Their amalgamation is trace-
able to the early days of warfare in Belgium. Ypres
witnessed many attacks, it seemed always in the rain.
On« always expected it to rain the morning before

G 2

zero, and to continue till one was relieved after the
attack was over and the Boche line won. Surprise
and annoyance, therefore, were tempered by familiarity
when it began to rain a few days before zero day on the
Dvina. It was the surest indication of the proximity
of a British attack.

Living in a forest, beneath a rude shelter of branches,
twigs and leaves, has its advantages when all is fair,
but during heavy and consistent rain it leaves much
to be desired. Zero minus one day was a terrible
strain for everyone. It poured unceasingly, and the
mud squelched higher and higher round one's ankles.
By the evening the whole of the assembled force was
thoroughly wet through.

Groups of men huddled round miserable smoky fires,
voicing their contempt of Russia, rain, wet clothes,
soaked biscuits, damp small-arms ammunition, war,
Bolos — anything and everything.

The day had been occupied in issuing battle rations,
extra small-arms ammunition, picks, shovels. Very
lights, SOS rockets, bombs, and all the paraphernalia
the unfortunate soldier has to carry into a well-
formed battle. The only things not carried were
mosquito nets and their rings.

On both banks of the river at the point of concentra-
tion these scenes were enacted. The Bolshevik was
in blissful ignorance of these preparations. Bombing
and shelling of his guns and headquarters had been
stopped a fortnight previously. A desultory shell was
sent over occasionally, but the general impression
amongst the Bolos at this period was that we were

hastily packing up our goods and chattels, prepara-
tory to running away and leaving the whole country
to their tender mercies. Alas ! they were the more
deceived. The Russian troops were concentrated
from Morjegerskaya under cover of darkness, and only
brought up to the forward area at the last moment.

There were three separate columns of troops on each
bank, each with a separate objective, though the whole
attack was to commence at a given hour — 12 noon
on August 10th. Each column was self-contained.
Everyone had wireless and signal arrangements com-
pleted. On the left bank (No. 1 Sector) there was the
Seltso column (Captain G. C. de Mattos, M.C.), whose
objective was the Bolo positions at Seltso and Nijni
Seltso ; the Sludka-Lipovets column (Major S. G. F.
Shepherd, M.C.), to capture the two villages named ;
and the Chudinova column (Captain F. G. Cavendish,
M.C.).

On the right bank (No. 3 Sector), commanded by
Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Jenkins, D.S.O., the columns
were — the Selmenga column (Captain Wass, M.C.),
whose object was to carry out a holding attack in rear
of the Bolo front line ; the Gorodok column (Major
A. E. Percival, D.S.O., M.C.) ; and the Borok column
(Major Nightingale, M.C).

Then the Navy (No. 2 Sector) was all in readiness
also to take its part in the action. They had a taste
of the battle before anyone else. In the afternoon
of the 9th H.M. " M. 33 " was at anchor in the " ad-
vanced position," and was lying there in readiness
for anything that might come along, when the Bolos

opened fire on her with two 4 •2-inch guns mounted
on the Selmenga Road. Their shooting was watched
with some interest, as, although they were putting
their shells rather wide of the mark at first, they were
obviously getting nearer to their target.

Their observation was so good that in a few minutes
they had hit " M. 33," who immediately started to
get under way for the purpose of moving out of the
line of fire. She managed to do this all right, but not
until she had been hit again by a shot which caused
damage, necessitating her retirement to the flotilla
anchorage.

She was relieved in her duties by another Monitor,
which went up and anchored in the position where the
Bolos had been making such good target practice ; but
the Bolo seemed to have satisfied himself with having
registered accurately on the spot, or perhaps our sea-
planes had begun to attend to them too closely !
Suffice it to say that the new arrival in the " advanced
position " was allowed to lie undisturbed by any war-
like demonstrations on the part of the enemy.

At about 3 a.m. on August 10th the ship's company
of the " duty " ship was awakened from a peaceful
sleep by the explosion of an enemy shell which, coming
out of the fog which had settled down, had fallen
about 15 yards from the captain's cabin. This was
followed shortly by another shell, which fell 5 yards
away. Then ensued a somewhat hot bombardment,
in which the enemy shells fell literally all round the
ship, missing her by mere inches.

This was getting too warm for the bravest, and so

the ship got under way and trundled up river to a
spot rather nearer the enemy, but hidden from him
by the bank of fog, whence she could observe the con-
tinued and accurate shooting of the enemy on to the
spot where she had been laying, until the fog lifted
and the enemy discovered that he had been expending
his ammunition on the surface of the river.

The only chance of success for the land forces was
the element of complete surprise. If we could suc-
cessfully move around the flanks and concentrate with-
out the enemy's knowledge, then success was assured.
On the enemy's left flank (No. 1 Sector) a very lengthy
approach march had to be faced. So long was it that
the columns had to commence it on August 8th.
At six o'clock in the evening, therefore, the columns
moved off from Yakolevskoe, and the following day
at noon, after having rested, an advanced guard was
sent on to cover the R.E. section, who had been given
the task of improving the forest tracks, so as to make
it passable for pack animals.

The remainder of the column left their halting-
place (2nd Mill) at four in the afternoon of the 8th,
and proceeded with the march. On the morning of
" Y " day a Bolo deserter was brought in by the out-
posts. To the jubilation of everyone, he said that the
enemy knew absolutely nothing of the turning move-
ment actually in operation, or of any attack being
contemplated by us. Marching on " Y " day was a
great strain for all the troops. Tracks were almost
impassable. Most of the loads of the pack animals
had to be man-handled for considerable distances.

An officers' patrol (Captain Henderson, Lieut. Penson,
and two other ranks) investigated the country south-
west of Sludka, with the object of deploying Major
Shepherd's column for attack. They found a sad
state of affairs. The forward track was extremely
marshy, and in all probability troops would not be
able to cross — certainly not pack animals. As the
3*7 mountain guns were being carried in this fashion,
the report was far from pleasing. The more everyone
saw of the ground, the greater became the depression.
Nevertheless the forming up positions were finally
reached by all the columns on the left bank, though
everyone was wet through, tired out, and not too happy.
The columns on the right bank had neither the
formidable march nor the insurmountable difficulties of
their comrades to face. The march did not begin till
nine o'clock on the night of the 9th, and the only real
obstacle was the Selmenga River, which had to be
forded. The approach to the river was down a very
steep bank. Swamps were bad, and the pace was
therefore exceedingly slow. The fording of the river
for the leading troops was simple and not at all un-
pleasant. But half-way through the column the ford
was much deeper as the result of many hundreds of
feet passing over it. So deep did it finally become
that the Russians wanted to remove their boots and
socks, and coercive measures had to be applied before
they would dash across. But after four hours of con-
siderable apprehension, for the noise of crossing seemed
terrific, the whole force had passed over, and moved
on towards the forming up positions.

On the approach march no sign had been seen
of the enemy, but one could hear his guns, which
were busy firing into our defences at Selmenga,
in total ignorance that we were behind him. All
that now could be done for the next few hours
was to rest and keep the force concealed as much
as possible. All ranks and animals badly needed
this rest, as they had been marching for eight hours,
and it had been impossible to off-load the pack animals
en route. All column commanders, tired as they un-
doubtedly were, took the opportunity to reconnoitre in
front of them, with a view to selecting their assembly
positions. By 11 a.m. all columns were in their
assembly positions.

All things considered, the assembly of the troops
was a marvellous operation. To pass completely round
the two flanks of the enemy, without even arousing
the slightest suspicion, was an amazing feat. Tribute
must be paid to the discipline of all ranks. Smoking
was prohibited for some considerable time, talking was
discouraged, and fires were forbidden. Everyone was
wet through, yet spirits were high ; and, as one of the
sector commanders wrote after the battle, " all diffi-
culties were overcome by the splendid keenness of all
ranks, whose one object was to have a good show."

During the night a slow mustard gas shell bombard-
ment of the Selmenga defences was indulged in, with
an occasional tear gas shell thrown in. The Bolo had
not had the interesting experience of gas up till then,
and, having only a very poor respirator, he suffered
considerably.

So at 12 noon on the 10th the attack began. In

dealing generally with the attack, it is simpler to narrate

the events and then deal with the action in each sector

separately. Events therefore transpired as follows : —

1245 hours. — Report from Russians that Nijni

Seltso had been captured. This was incorrect.
1820 hours.— Report from O.C. " I " Sector that

Kotchinka and Chudinova were captured.

Major Shepherd's column was advancing on

Sludka.
1348 hours. — Artillery fire called for on Borok

(No. 3 Sector), and this was given by H.M.S.

Humber.
1414 hours. — First objective at Borok captured.
1450 hours. — Column Commander Seltso attack

reports " attack on Seltso repulsed, and am

reorganizing."
1458 hours. — Gorodok reported captured, with

many prisoners and guns.
1500 hours. — New attack on Seltso ordered by

G.O.C. for 1820 hours.
1539 hours. — Artillery fire asked for on Borok.

Given by naval guns. Selmenga column reports

enemy still in front line.
1600 hours. — Concentrated bombardment of Sel-
menga defences.
1800 hours. — Nijni Seltso still in Bolo hands.

Hurricane bombardment opened upon it.
1915 hours. — Enemy fled from Seltso, surrendering

in large numbers. Pursuit was pushed vigor

ously.

2200 hours. — Enemy holding Selmenga defences
counter-attacked Gorodok ; attack repulsed ;
400 enemy killed and captured.

2302 hours. — Borok captured, with 80 prisoners.

Such was the bald outline of the first day's action
ending at midnight. It was not known till three in the
morning that Sludka and Lipovets had also been
captured, though the O.C. No. 1 Sector, Colonel
Davies, D.S.O., and some of his staff were missing.

This amazing victory can only be appreciated by
dealing with the definite actions in each sector, and
that I propose to do at once.

The Navy.

The naval flotilla, as keen as any 1914 volunteer to
take part in a real battle, commenced serious work
on the Bolo defences at 20 minutes past 11 on zero
morning.

H.M.S.'s Humber, M.27, M.31, and M.33 were en-
gaged. Seaplanes assisted in bombing and spotting.
The kite balloon, working from its barge, was moved
up close to the ships to assist in spotting and recon-
naissance.

H.M.S.'s Humber and Cicala devoted special atten-
tion to the enemy gunboats. So effective was the fire
that the Bolos turned tail and fled. The gunboat
disappeared from view with a heavy list, a matter for
much jubilation amongst the British gunnery men.

Coastal motor boats were busily watching for any
possible chance to help, and when a party was spotted

100

on the left bank the tiny craft tore up river and dis-
persed the already nervous Bolos with their Lewis gun
fire.

When trouble was announced at Borok, the Navy
soon set to work and banged shell after shell into the
village. The result of that shoot was exceedingly
beneficial to the infantry, who were not having too
pleasant a time in front of Borok. All through the
afternoon the guns of the Navy dropped shells on to
points selected for special treatment. They enjoyed
the hurricane bombardment of Seltso amazingly.

H.M.S.'s Humber, M.27, and M.33 bombarded in
conjunction with the shore artillery, and Nijni Seltso
was taken. Subsequently fire was lifted 500 yards
and another 37 minutes' bombardment carried out,
the latter part being very intensive. Seltso was taken
that evening.

As one naval officer described it, "A pleasing sight
was to see Seltso on fire, the whole sky glowing a
beautiful red. I suppose this was an everyday sight
to the Army, but I must confess it impressed us vastly,
as it seemed such a fitting climax."

But the Navy's work did not end with mere shooting.
The coastal motor boats had another little adventure
when the attack on Seltso took place, and their Lewis
guns did good work amongst the fleeing Bolos.

During these operations the flotilla also co-operated
with the Army ashore.

Thirty-five seamen under Lieutenant M. S. Spalding,
R.N., and thirty-nine Marines under Lieutenant C. M.
Sergeant, R.M.L.I., were landed to reinforce at the base.

101

Twenty seamen under Lieutenant R. P. Martin,
R.N., manned two 60-pounders, one of which had been
rescued from the bottom of the river. The 60-
pounders were actively employed during the bombard-
ments ; the marines subsequently assisted to garrison
Seltso, and the seamen were at Yakolevskoe.

An extensive enemy minefield was discovered off
Seltso, and a passage cleared for transport up to Nijni
Seltso. While sweeping this, one of the steamboats
was mined and Lieutenant C. E. McLaughlin, R.N.,
was killed. This officer, with the late Lieutenant
Fitzherbert-Brockholes, R.N., had been employed in
the advanced mine-sweeping steamboats on every
occasion, and had rendered very gallant service. In
view of the fact that no farther advance was intended,
mine-sweeping was stopped, as the risk outweighed
the convenience of water transport.

The enemy's mines precluded sending minelaying
craft above Seltso, but fifteen small " whisker " mines
which the enemy had floated down river were caught
and prepared for service, taken up by road on country
carts, and laid in the river off Lipovets. Subsequently
eight small horned mines were pulled out of the enemy
minefield, and similarly transported and laid at night
above Puchega.

These lines effectively prevented the enemy ships
coming down and attacking our base at Troitsa during
the evacuation and after our own ships withdrew.

The work was carried out with much enterprise and
ability under Lieutenant-Commander (T.) Arthur J. L.
Murray, O.B.E., R.N., who was, unfortunately.

102

njured subsequently by the premature explosion of a
mine pistol while rendering an enemy mine safe.

Seaplanes did not have such a happy time. Mist
and rain interfered considerably with their operations.
So bad were the conditions on " Y " day that no flights
were possible. On the morning of the 10th one Short
seaplane crashed near Topsa, but fortunately the pilot
and observer were unhurt. It was all due to having
lost their way in the mist. Nevertheless, the spotting
for the flotilla proved of some service, though it was
tricky work. The old friend, the observation balloon,
held its head high all the time. It was useful in giving
early information of enemy movements.

It was also a most effective guide to a party which
had lost its way in the forest subsequent to the opera-
tions of August 10th, and was lit up by searchlight at
night for this purpose.

Naval observation positions were established on
both banks, as near the front line as possible, and con-
nected by telephone with the S.N.O.R. and Battalion
Headquarters. They were of the utmost value in
keeping the flotilla informed of the position of our front
line, enemy movements, and for spotting. They fre-
quently came under very heavy fire on being located
by the enemy.

The Left Bank.

The attack on the left bank was a prolonged one.
The Bolo put up a strong resistance in some quarters,
and the Seltso column had a bad time at first, though,
as we have seen, they later captured the town.

103

Marshes and swamps had effectively held up all the
mountain artillery and cavalry, and the infantry them-
selves were very tired when the attack opened at noon.
The Seltso column at that time was 500 yards south-
east of its objective.

An ill fate awaited the column commander, Captain
G. C. de Mattos, for within a few minutes of the
launching of the attack he was killed, and the command
devolved on Captain H. L. Sumner, of the Light Trench
Mortar Battery. A heavy and an accurate fire was
poured into the British troops from machine guns in
blockhouses, and rifles in the Bolshevik entrench-
ments. The position was such that Captain Sumner,
when he took command, deemed it advisable — and
wisely so — to withdraw, reorganize, and attack again.
The enemy even had the temerity to launch a strong
counter-attack, which hardly improved the position
of the Seltso column. The G.O.C., having become
possessed of this knowledge, realized that the column
was unable to reach its objective, owing to its having
been severely handled, and, as the element of surprise
no longer existed, he ordered the commander of this
column to reorganize and get in touch with Colonel
Davies, O.C. No. 1 Sector, and not to attempt another
attack. Meanwhile, he ordered from the reserve the
remainder of the battalion (one company of which had
failed to take Nijni Seltso) into a position of readiness
north and south of Nijni Seltso.

It was impressed upon everyone the necessity of
capturing Nijni Seltso, and the new attack was
launched at 1820 hours.

104

Guns of all calibres on both banks, all machine guns,
and every available gun the ships could bring to bear,
opened up a hurricane bombardment on Nijni Seltso,
from 1800 hours to 1820 hours. The whole of the guns
lifted 500 yards at 1820 hours, and fired a protection
barrage until 1900 hours.

Many fires were started in Seltso and the enemy's
defences, and blockhouses were frequently hit.

The enemy opened a brisk machine gun and rifle fire
against the attacking infantry, and the attack appeared
hung up. At 1850 hours the O.P. Officer at Brigade
Command Post reported the enemy retiring from
Nijni Seltso. The guns lengthened range 300 yards ;
the guns of the ships were fired on the exits of Seltso ;
machine guns were switched so as to cut off retreat.
The reserve was ordered to pursue. The response to
this order was rapid. The enemy at once ceased
fighting, and surrendered in large numbers, many
fleeing into the woods, large bodies making for the fore-
shore, where they came under fire from the machine
guns on the island north of Seltso. The pursuit was
pushed vigorously with the reserve and a battery of
artillery.

Thus Seltso fell into our hands. But it was not
taken without heavy losses on our side, from the
column commander downwards. Many officers and
men, however, distinguished themselves, and a few
of the awards are worthy of special notice.

In face of heavy fire, No. 130153 Private J. Hunter,
of the 45th Royal Fusiliers, manoeuvred his Lewis gun
into position. He was wounded while doing so. Un-

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105

daunted by this, he continued at duty, opened fire
on the enemy, and continued firing till his gun was
hit and put out of action. He then secured an aban-
doned enemy gun and fired that till he was ordered
to withdraw. Hunter was subsequently awarded the
Distinguished Conduct Medal for his gallant action.

Another award in the Seltso fight was a bar to
the Military Cross conferred on Temporary- Lieutenant
Llewellyn Wynne Jones, M.C., Royal Welsh Fusiliers,
attached 45th Royal Fusiliers, for conspicuous gallantry
and devotion to duty during the attack. He per-
sonally scouted the defences prior to the attack, and
during the action, though in danger of being sur-
rounded, he withdrew his men, bringing out all the
casualties.

A Distinguished Conduct Medal was also awarded
to 129534 Private R. Lees, 45th Royal Fusiliers, for
conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty in bringing
back an abandoned Lewis gun under exceptionally
heavy rifle and machine-gun fire.

The Sludka-Lipovets column had much better luck.
Their first obstacle was the village of Kochimaka, but
the enemy did not show much fight, and it was soon
taken.

On arrival there, however, the troops were met with
heavy fire from the gunboats and barges at a range
of 300 to 500 yards. These were engaged with machine-
gun and rifle fire, and they hoisted the white flag.
Unfortunately, there were no boats to send out board-
ing parties, and after a few minutes all naval craft
again opened fire. Had only two field guns managed

106

to get across the marshes these gunboats and barges
would have surrendered.

Ten minutes after zero this column had another
two villages to its credit — Jitna and Kochamika.
Here, at the latter place, they bagged a Bolo anti-
aircraft gun. The village of Zaniskaya was the next
to fall, and at 1.50 p.m., only two hours after zero,
they triumphantly entered Sludka. But calamity
descended even on this column, for ten minutes later
the column commander. Major Shepherd, was killed
on the main road in front of Zaniskaya.

It was a direct hit by a shell on the Column Head-
quarters, and besides the O.C. eight other ranks were
killed, and Captain Ficklin, G.H.Q. Liaison Officer,
was wounded.

Major Mayne, 201st M.G.C., then assumed command
of the column. Ficklin had an exciting time subse-
quently, for, after having been convoyed through
Sludka, he was thrown into the marshes by the Bolo
stretcher-bearers, as were several other wounded, when
Bolos from the wood opened fire on the wounded
convoy. The Bolo stretcher-bearers then disappeared.
The escorting Russian troops bolted, and escorting
British formed a line on the river side of the marsh.
After crawling about the woods, he eventually found
the 45th Royal Fusiliers transport, who brought him in.
Other wounded thrown into the marsh did the same.

The wood the whole of this time was full of unarmed
Bolos and our Russians, the former surrendering, or
trying to, and the latter refusing help and trying to
escape.

107

The column then went hard at it for Lipovets, and
at half-past four in the afternoon that town fell into
our hands. The men of "A " Company, 45th Royal
Fusiliers, were fortunate in discovering the Bolshevik
commander of Lipovets in his headquarters, and both
he and his staff were speedily despatched. Already
over 580 prisoners had been taken, and more were
drifting in as the minutes rolled by.

The column was now very short of ammunition,
and, hearing that the attack on Seltso had failed.
Major Mayne, the commander, held a conference of
officers to decide on their plan of action. Eventually
it was agreed not to attack Seltso, but to flank it by
moving through forest paths to the 1st Mill. The
men were practically exhausted, and had had no food
that day, having sacrificed their rations for the purpose
of carrying more ammunition.

Bolo prisoners brought in at this time confirmed the
news that Seltso was strongly held, and the British
guns could be heard bombarding it.

Leaving the Lipovets — Seltso road, the column,
with all the wounded and prisoners, took to the forest
tracks.

The Bolos in the forest attacked at 3.20 a.m., but
were driven off by the rearguard, thus enabling the
column to cross the river over a single plank bridge —
a most difficult and dangerous operation.

The Bolo prisoners at this time made a general
stampede, throwing away material which had been
given them to carry.

The column then re-organized and moved to the

108

1st Mill, fighting hard the whole way. At 7 a.m.
the whole column had reached its final position, but
Seltso had finally fallen and the tumult had ceased.

Losses in men had been considerable in this column
as well, particularly when the enemy gunboats fired on
Zaniskaya after its capture. They did very great
execution, as the bank here was 30 feet high, and our
men had to get on top and be seen before they could
take on the gunboats, which the men attempted to
do with Lewis guns and trench mortars, but apparently
without hurting them.

The chief award in this action was that of the Dis-
tinguished Service Order to Captain Harry Heaton,
M.C., 19th Durham Light Infantry, attached 45th
Royal Fusiliers : —

'* On August 10th, 1919, during attacks on
Kochamika, Sludka, and Lipovets, he was com-
manding the battalion. He personally led his
troops in all these attacks, and showed con-
spicuous gallantry and efficiency throughout under
heavy fire, taking all objectives.'*

Great gallantry was also shown at that critical time
by another of the 45th Royal Fusiliers officers. Lieu-
tenant Harris Rendall, O.B.E., M.C., of the Royal
Scots Fusiliers. He was subsequently given a well-
deserved bar to his Military Cross.

The official story read thus : —

" His skilful handling of his platoon was largely
responsible for the gaining of all objectives. By
opening fire on the enemy's river craft he saved

109

the column a large number of casualties. Two
steamers and a gunboat put up the white flag."
Other bars to Military Crosses given that day were
the two following : —

Lieutenant Robert Ramsay, M.C., 1st Royal High-
landers, attached 45th Royal Fusiliers : —

" For conspicuous gallantry and good leadership.
He, as adjutant to the column, when his command-
ing officer was killed, took command until the
next senior officer could be informed. He was
practically cut off with the whole of Column
Headquarters when the enemy landed a party of
sailors. He managed to extricate headquarters
and keep up constant communication with the
forward attacking companies."

Lieutenant John Hubert Penson, M.C., Royal
Engineers : —

" For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty
on August 10th, 1919. He guided the Sludka-
Lipovets Column for three days, and brought it
to within 400 yards of the enemy's position un-
observed. Again, on August 10th, the column,
having decided to withdraw from Lipovets owing
to shortage of ammunition, he guided it out under
heavy fire."
The first officer to arrive in Sludka was Lieutenant
Edward Leopold Sutro, 4th Royal Fusihers, attached
45th Royal Fusiliers, who was awarded the Military
Cross for gallantry and good work. He was in com-
mand of the leading platoon, and gained all his objec-

110

tives. He moved on Sludka, and was the jBrst officer
to arrive there. He was largely instrumental in the
capture of 350 prisoners.

Some of the Distinguished Conduct Medals awarded
are also worthy of special notice. They included the
following : —

129963 C.S.M. E. Almey, 45th Royal FusiHers.

" For great gallantry and determination. He
led a small party of men against a machine gun
which was firing on the right flank of Sludka, and
captured the gun with 50 prisoners."

129545 Private J. P. Mason, 45th Royal FusiHers.
" For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to
duty. On two occasions, whilst No. 1 of Lewis
gun, he engaged enemy gunboats, and, although
heavily shelled, he kept firing till he silenced the
enemy fire."

133029 Private N. M. Brooke, 45th Royal Fusiliers.
" During the attack on Kochamika and Sludka,
August 10th, 1919, he showed great gallantry and
skill in ascertaining the enemy's positions, and
under heavy fire came back with reliable informa-
tion, enabling his platoon to advance without
casualties. He materially contributed to the
success of a difficult operation."

130228 Private H. L. Sharpe, 45th Royal Fusiliers.
'* For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to
duty on August 10th, 1919, in dressing and evacu-
ating wounded under heavy rifle and machine-gun

Ill

fire. He set a very fine example to those with
him."

129173 Lance-Sergeant W. D. Fox, 45th Royal
Fusiliers.

*' For great pluck and devotion to duty on
August 10th, 1919. He was in charge of a small
party that became detached from the main body.
He, with an officer, was in charge of 250 prisoners
and some 20 men. For two and a half days this
party was in the forest without food, and was
being constantly harassed by the enemy."

43159 Corporal C. Kilby, 201st Machine Gun Corps.

" For great gallantry and good work on August

lOth-llth, 1919. At Sludka on August 10th he

covered the withdrawal of the machine guns to

another position by remaining behind and sniping

the enemy. At the Sheika crossing on August

11th he collected a party of men, formed a line

on river bank, and covered the crossing of the

remaining troops."

These few examples I have quoted are sufficient to

show the spirit and determination of the troops, the

spirit that always brings victory to the arms of Britain.

The Chudinova Column, in command of Captain

Cavendish, M.C., succeeded in reaching its objective

without the extreme trouble experienced by the other

columns. His orders were to take the village and then

join the reserve, and report to O.C. No. 1 Sector. He

was wounded whilst doing do. These two companies

of Russians remained in Chudinova for a short time,

112

and then retired along the road they had come. The
situation was, however, straightened out by other
troops shortly afterwards.

The exciting feature of the action on the left bank
was the loss of the Sector Commander, Colonel Da vies,
with some of his staff. The party was cut off by the
enemj^ who were moving from Kochamika to Sludka,
and were unable to rejoin any column for the remainder
of the operation.

They were only saved by the observation balloon.
Their adventures were amazing. About 2.30 p.m.
the Colonel decided to join Shepherd's column at
Sludka. As they moved along the crest of the hill,
under shrapnel fire from a Bolo gunboat, a column was
seen to be leaving Kochamika. A runner was dis-
patched to discover their identity. They proved to
be civilians evacuating. The O.C. and his party con-
tinued to move towards Sludka, when they bumped
a party of Bolo Marines. The enemy allowed them
to come within 50 yards before he opened fire with
rifles and machine guns. But his fire was so erratic
that no one was hit, though everybody disappeared
with amazing alacrity. The party consisted of the
Colonel, Captain Booth, Captain Knock (Chaplain to
the 45th Royal Fusiliers), Lieutenant Penson, and two
runners.

A council of war ensued, and much shouting in
Russian being heard, Penson went forward to interpret
it. He failed to return. In an effort to rejoin the
force they had left, the small party marched north.
They were fired on. So they went east. Fired

113

on again. They went west, with the same cheer-
less result. Added to these pleasant interludes was
the rain, which was now descending in torrents.
Three privates of the North Russian Regiment then
joined the party. They were also lost, and shortly
after three Bolos surrendered. One of them volun-
teered to guide the party back to Yakolevskoe. The
rough route was checked by the compass, but a huge
marsh was encountered, and in the midst of it Bolo
trench mortar shells commenced to descend.

About nine o'clock, tired out, wet through, hungry
and desolate, the three officers decided to rest for the
night on a small wooded island in the marsh.
The Bolo prisoners, most anxious to please, soon
produced a fire, and dried the socks of the three
Britishers. One of the Russian soldiers also arrived
with hot tea and biscuits. All through the night one
officer was on watch — first the Colonel, then the padre,
then Booth.

Rifle fire disturbed them at five o'clock in the
morning. It continued at intervals, and so tracks
were made for some high ground lying to the north-
west. Once there, the firing broke out with renewed
vigour, punctuated by shouting in Russian and cries
in EngHsh of " Come on !"

Near midday a track was struck in which fresh hoof-
prints were visible and a telephone wire was in exist-
ence. The question was as to whether the evidences of
life were British or Bolo. Going north along the track,
blood-stained bandages and food were discovered.
The Russians were convinced they were left by the

114

Bolos, and in proof of their contention a violent scurry
ensued, both the prisoners and the Russians knocking
over the officers and diving into the thick bush. Their
only comment when they were gathered together
again was " Plenty Bolo."

In the confusion the padre and three others were
separated from Colonel Da vies and Captain Booth.
The former party were lucky, for they fell in with a
small party of the 45th Royal Fusiliers. A party was
at once sent out to discover Colonel Da vies, but they
were unsuccessful. Colonel Davies and his men were
busy looking for the vanished padre, but neither found
each other, and the chaplain eventually arrived at
Yakolevskoe about ten o'clock on the night of the
11th.

The O.C, with Booth, one Bolo, and two Russians,
moved in a north-westerly direction from the point
where they had lost Knock. Advice in the words
*' Scurry ! scurry !" was freely given by one of the
Russians ; but as the marsh was almost up to their
knees, progress was limited to the rate of one mile
per hour.

Dinner was served at half-past nine. It consisted
of sweetened water and army biscuit. But rifle shots
disturbed this meal also, and a hasty retreat was made
from the welcome fire that had been set going. Dark-
ness came down, and a halt for the night was called.
Sleep was out of the question. It was raining heavily
and was extremely cold. As soon as dawn came the
weary men moved on into another huge marsh. But
their trials were coming to an end. While struggling

115

in the marsh, with eyes Hfted to heaven, the Colonel
spotted the observation balloon far off, swinging high in
the grey sky.

" Booth, look at that !"

Captain Booth gurgled with joy, and took a bearing
with indecent haste. So relieved were the wanderers
that they sat down to breakfast. All they had left
was water and biscuit, and that was the last of the
food.

Booth then climbed a very tall tree, and succeeded
in locating both Yakolevskoe and Troitsa, and tracks
were made for the former village. The remaining
small rivers were crossed in luxury — the tame Bolo
carrying both officers over on his back. They had
only one more exciting experience. A British naval
sentry in the blockhouse line put a couple of shots
close to them while they were walking wearily down
the road to Yako. Their language soon convinced
him they were British.

The jubilation at headquarters at the arrival home
of the long lost sector commander and Booth can
hardly be described. The Russian who had stayed
with them joined in the celebrations by repeating con-
tinuously, " War finish, plenty scoffem." Needless to
say, he was given vast quantities of food. Booth took
the Bolo to the rear in a Ford car, much to his astonish-
ment, which increased considerably when he was
handed over to the prisoners' cage.

Amazing rumours had been current in the force as
to the fate of the party. Colonel Davies had been
reported killed, Booth wounded and, in company with

116

Knock, in the hands of the Bolos. The Intelligence
Branch had even taken the precaution to wire G.H.Q.
that they had plenty of Bolo Battalion Commanders
and Commissars in the prison cage, ready for im-
mediate exchange.

Thus the observation balloon, despite its somewhat
shady past, proved the salvation of both Colonel
Da vies and Captain Booth. But it is dangerous to
mention the word " marshes " to either of them.

The Right Bank.

The action in No. 3 Sector, commanded by Lieut. -
Colonel H. H. Jenkins, D.S.O., was entirely successful.
The ground, though very wet, was not so impassable,
and the Bolshevik only showed real fight at the village
of Borok.

The Selmenga column had to deliver a holding attack
against the enemy dispositions in the forward defences,
which ran down to the south bank of the Selmenga
River. So successfully did Captain Wass, M.C.,
manoeuvre his command into position, that one of his
platoon commanders — a sturdy South African, Lieu-
tenant Alex. Smith, D.C.M. — managed to creep within a
few hundred yards of the Bolo field guns, and he had
the indescribable pleasure of listening to the raucous
commands of the battery commander (his subsequent
victim), and hearing the crash of the gun firing on the
trenches, in which the British no longer adopted a
defensive attitude.

Despite the efforts of this column, however, the
enemy managed to slip through the cordon, and sue-

117

ceeded in reaching Gorodok. Their fate on arriving
there must be left to the narrative dealing with the
operations of that column. Captain Wass contented
himself with mopping up the forest, and found quite
a few Bolos, all suffering from the effects of gas.

Tear gas troubled the enemy considerably. The
prisoners were all affected by it, and in their lachry-
mose condition, they voiced bitter anguish, believing
themselves to be blinded for life.

The Gorodok column, under Major A. E. Percival,
D.S.O., M.C., had a wonderful time. They had
attached to them two companies of the l/3rd North
Russian Regiment, under Captain Posnikoff, M.C.
These Russians distinguished themselves, and brought
forth the admiration of all the British troops engaged
in the attack.

A close reconnaissance showed that there was a
commanding ridge about halfway between the wood
and the village, which would have to be the objective
of the first bound, and the artillery and Stokes guns
were detailed to fire on this ridge for five minutes to
cover the advance. During the reconnaissance a Bolo
sentry could be seen walking up and down the ridge
about 300 yards from the British position.

Considerable difficulty was experienced by the right
attack in finding a suitable joining-up ground, owing to
the extremely marshy nature of the ground and the
close proximity of a battery of enemy guns. By clever
handling, however. Captain de Miremont, D.S.O., M.C,
succeeded in getting his troops into position, and at zero
hour (12 noon) all was in readiness for the attack.

118

The battery and Stokes guns fired well, one section of
the latter succeeding in getting off forty rounds in a
little over a minute, and the infantry could be seen
moving forward to the ridge. The attack from this
quarter was evidently a complete surprise, the sentries
appearing to be too much taken aback to take any action,
and little difficulty was experienced in capturing the
first objective, though it was a strong position, well
protected with wire and defended by machine guns.

With fine dash and no hesitation, both assaulting
columns immediately moved on to the village, 500 yards
distant, and so rapid was the advance that it was
necessary to stop the artillery fire at zero plus five
minutes. Several of the enemy put up a stout resist-
ance in the village, especially towards the western end,
where " D " Company, 46th Royal Fusiliers, had some
house-to-house fighting ; but by bold use of their
Stokes gun section, which advanced close behind the
attacking troops, under Lieutenant W. P. Culbert,
and opened fire on the houses, they were soon able
to overcome the resistance, and by 1 p.m. the whole
village was reported clear, with the capture of about
800 prisoners. A large number of the enemy had fled
in disorder across the plain between the village and the
Dvina River, the majority of whom escaped to Borok,
though a few were shot down by Lewis guns and rifle
fire.

At 1.15 p.m. a platoon went to Leushinskaya, which
proved to be unoccupied, and was seized without
resistance.

At about this time Captain de Miremont, having

119

mopped up the west end of the village, despatched one
platoon, under Lieutenant A. C. Jones, to seize a
battery of 4'2-inch guns, which was in action on the
edge of the forest. A desperate fight for the guns
ensued. Lieutenant Jones making three separate
attempts to capture the guns, but being on each occasion
met by fire at point-blank range. When this battery
was eventually captured later in the day, it was found
to have been manned by a crew of German gunners.

Lieutenants Culbert and Jones both received Military
Crosses for their work that day.

The troops were organized in a defensive position,
with a view to dealing with the large number of the
enemy who were known to have been cut off in the
Selmenga positions, and who were expected to make an
attempt in the course of the afternoon to fight their
way back through our lines. At about 8.45 p.m. these
troops appeared emerging from the forest in large
numbers in extended order, and immediately came
under our Lewis gun and rifle fire, one section of the
24(lst Light Trench Mortar Battery co-operating.

The Bolo line was the most perfect target imagin-
able. Terrific execution was wrought in their ranks.
They advanced just a few yards, and then their spirit
was broken. The whole line turned and ran. Re-
organizing in the forest, they went round to the north
side of the village, where they again came under fire from
the posts on that side, and were also taken in enfilade
fire from an outlying Lewis gun post. This was too
much for the enemy, who were now thoroughly dis-
organized, the majority of them throwing down their

120

arms and surrendering, while others ran off into the
forest, some of whom were afterwards rounded up.

During the night and following morning small groups
of the enemy continued to come in from the forest.
The total number of prisoners captured by this column
was approximately 750, while at least 40 of the enemy
were killed (1 Regimental Commander and 2 Battalion
Commanders were included among the prisoners).

As the whole attack was an absolute surprise, the
booty secured was most pleasing. It included 9 guns,
16 transport- carts, 16 machine guns, 5 trench mortars,
900 rifles, 70,000 rounds S.A.A., 500 shells, 200 Stokes
shells, 30 telephones, and a large quantity of secret
documents, orderly-room papers, etc.

Yet the total casualties to the whole Gorodok
column only numbered 12 (3 killed and 9 wounded).

The success of the operation was due primarily to
the element of surprise, the attack being carried ouc
at the enemy's meal-hour, and our troops being in the
village before the alarm could be given ; to the great
dash and spirit shown by all troops, British and
Russians alike, who, splendidly led by most enter-
prising officers, pushed forward without a check to the
final objective, sweeping aside all opposition on the
way ; and to the splendid co-operation of all arms —
artillery, Stokes guns, Lewis guns, and rifles--especi-
ally of the Stokes guns.

Pleasure was general at the subsequent news that
Major Percival, D.S.O., M.C., had been awarded a
bar to his D.S.O. for the day's work. No one deserved
it more.

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121

A few of the many other awards should be given

here.

The Military Cross.

Temporary Captain Clive Featherstone, 1st South
African General List (formerly 241st Trench Mortar
Battery and 46th Royal Fusiliers).

" He was in command of a light trench mortar
battery during the attack on Gorodok on August
10th, 1919. He showed great gallantry and skill
under heavy fire in getting his guns close up
behind the infantry after the first objective had
been taken, and greatly assisted the infantry in
the capture of the second objective."

Lieutenant Charles Dawson Moorhead, Manchester
Regiment, attached 46th Royal Fusiliers.

"During the attack on Gorodok on August
10th, 1919, he displayed great gallantry and initia-
tive. During the enemy counter-attack, though
wounded, he continued to command his men, and
showed great energy and skill in the handling of
his platoon."

Bar to Distinguished Conduct Medal.

130560 Sergeant T. G. Goodchild, D.C.M., 46th
Royal Fusiliers.

" During the attack on Gorodok on August 10th,
1919, he displayed great courage and determined
leadership. During the enemy counter-attack he
held on with seven men and drove the enemy back.
He twice attacked a battery of artillery, and finally

122

captured four field guns and twenty-one prisoners,
two trench mortar guns, and a large quantity of
shells."

The Distinguished Conduct Medal.
180525 Sergeant H. F. Gascoigne-Roy, 46th Royal
Fusiliers.

" During the attack on Gorodok on August 10th,
1919, he displayed great gallantry and able leader-
ship under very heavy fire. He captured, with
the aid of one section, 85 of the enemy. During
the whole attack he did splendid work."

129059 Corporal A. W. Card, 46th Royal Fusihers.
"He showed conspicuous gallantry during the
enemy counter-attack on Gorodok on the after-
noon of August 10th, 1919. He rushed his section
into position in a remarkably short time under
heavy fire, assisted his gun teams in their work,
and set a fine example to all troops in the
vicinity."

129407 Sergeant G. H. Templeman, 46th Royal
Fusiliers.

" During the attack on Gorodok, August 10th,
1919, he displayed great gallantry and initiative
in maintaining communication under difficult con-
ditions. During the approach march he succeeded
in laying lines throughout, and on reaching the
assembly position quickly opened up communica-
tion. As the attack proceeded he established
forward stations under fire."

128

The only serious opposition on the right bank was
that shown to the advance of the Borok column, com-
manded by Major Nightingale, M.C., of the 46th Royal
Fusiliers. The sentries in the Bolo entrenchments
were on the alert, and the moment the advance was
begun fire was opened upon the oncoming troops.
Trouble arose from the machine guns in the left rear,
and these had to be dealt with. The first objective
was a line outside Borok village itself. In advancing
to this line, two officers became casualties, Lieutenant
Taylor being killed, and Lieutenant Curtis being
wounded in the eye.

The latter's splendid work before that is shown by
the Gazette notice of the award to him of the Military
Cross.

" 2nd-Lieutenant Walter Stopford Constable Curtis,
Somerset Light Infantry, attached 46th Royal
Fusiliers.

" For gallant and determined leadership. He
led his platoon in the attack on Borok on August
10th, 1919. He organized an attack on a strong
enemy position on the banks of the Teda River,
and outflanked it. He was wounded whilst leading
the final assault up the hill, but his platoon cap-
tured the position, enabling the remainder of the
company to proceed towards the first objective."

The enemy had very well dug trenches and an excel-
lent field of fire, enabling him to hang on for some con-
siderable time. Eventually he was dislodged, and the
advance to the second objective, the other side of

124

Borok, was commenced. The attack was held up this
time, owing to the necessity for lengthening the range
of our own guns. Communication with Sector Head-
quarters was bad at this period, and various delays
ensued. Borok was eventually occupied completely
shortly after 3 p.m., 102 prisoners taken, 2 field guns,
and large quantities of battle transport and stores.

Unfortunately, a most gallant officer, Captain Harry
Driver, D.S.O., M.C., of the Bedfordshire Regiment,
lost his life, being hit in the stomach by a machine-
gun bullet. His death was universally regretted.

>i( 4( * 4: *

Thus ended the blow delivered at the Bolshevik
forces opposing us. The results were most serious for
him. He had lost out of his 6,000 effectives at least
3,700 killed, wounded and missing. Hundreds of
Bolos were lost in the woods, and, being without food,
must have perished from exhaustion.

In guns and equipment his losses were enormous.
We captured 18 guns, 50 machine guns, 2,600 rifles,
7 trench mortars, 12 horses, 17 carts, 60 telephones,
and thousands of rounds of gun and rifle ammunition.

In short, he was entirely crushed as an offensive or
as a force at all on the Dvina, for those remnants which
remained were thoroughly disorganized and cowed.

The success of the operation was due to the loyal
and whole-hearted co-operation of all arms of the
Army, the sister service, the magnificent fighting quali-
ties of the troops, and the fine and skilful leading by
the regimental officers.

The pluck and endurance of the British infantry was

125

wonderful. The troops were without food for twenty-
four hours before the attack, owing to all pack transport
having to be abandoned ; but despite this, and though
dead tired and soaking wet, the dash and spirit with
which they attacked was beyond all praise.

It is interesting to conclude this chapter with the
Bolshevik account of the battle. I regret that a
brother journalist should be at such variance with
myself over so simple a matter as a battle, but I can
only say that my account is truthful, while his
has some evidences of colouring about it, for I have
never yet known British soldiers throw away rum, nor
heard of anyone who has.

The article in question was translated from the Bolo
paper. Our War, the organ of the Political Department
of the Northern Army, dated September 5th, 1919.

On August 10th the enemy started an offensive on both
banks of the Northern Dvina. As usual, the White
Army Mob did not act openly, hut did a dirty trick in
trying to outflank our troops.

In most cases an outflanking movement is always
calculated to have a moral effect. That is rather a nasty
thing, as men are nervous and demoralized.

The White Guards thought they had already gained a
victory, but they were badly mistaken. The Comrades

of Headquarters of N Rifle Brigade, situated IJ

versts from the outflanking column of the enemy, saw
that it would be bad if the enemy broke through and
developed his success. Therefore, at once, everyone
belonging to the Political Department of the N

126

Region Brigade Headquarters Commandants troops
rapidly armed themselves, under the leadership of the
Commander of Headquarters, Comrade Antropov, and
counter-attacked the enemy, who was in great strength,
at least eight companies, with machine guns, bomb-
throwers, and mine-throwers.

At the same moment the comrade sailors of the North
Dvina Flotilla opened a deadly artillery fire on the
advancing enemy. The White Army, thinking that our
brave fellows counter-attacking them formed part of our
reserves, hesitated and started a rapid and disorderly
retreat ; then our heroes, rapidly forming a cavalry unit,
pushed forward and followed the White Man. Seeing
this, the White Guard, in a panic and shouting " Cavalry,"*^
fled into the wood, throwing away their rifles and ammuni-
tion, equipment, and a lot of bottles of rum.

The enemy ran for all he was worth into the woods,
where he perished in swamps ; while our heroes, not
losing a man, took quite a few villages which previously
were held by the Whites. A handful of heroes, with the
help of the flotilla artillery, dispersed eight companies
of White troops, and prevented them from advancing for
three days, until the arrival of reinforcements.

On the same day and time happenings of a similar
character took place on the right bank of the river, the
enemy trying to outflank our troops here also. He
tried a deep out-flanking movement with three columns,
about 2,500 men strong, fully equipped, and even with
mountain artillery. One of the outflanking columns,
protected by the forest, appeared in front of our barbed

127

wire and trenches^ which were occupied by dismounted
cavalry of N Division.

The cavalry was carrying out its duties very in-
attentively, and allowed the enemy to surround the
regiment ; hut this regiment, fighting heroically, broke
through and escaped past the advancing enemy. At this
time still smaller numbers of heroes arrived to our

assistance — namely, the A.S.C. details to N Brigade,

at their head their chief. Tabor, and Commissar Klinin.
This handful of heroes threw themselves fearlessly against
the enemy, marched 10 versts, and occupied the village,
where they dug in. The enemy, thinking them to be
our reinforcements, did not dare to continue his advance,
satisfying himself in sending out a squadron of planes
which bombed our heroes with bombs, mines, and gas
bombs.

Afterwards the enemy began firing at this village with
heavy artillery. Regardless of this all our supply
heroes held the village. In this way two small parties
gave the Ginger Englishman and the White Guard Filth
a sound thrashing, so that these oversea pigs do not dare
to show their noses up to now. That is what happens
if one does not lose control and gives a good hiding to
rude blackguards.

Let them not think that with their low down fianking
movements they can conquer us. No ; great is the power
and might of the soldiers of the Red Army.

Comrades ofth^Red Army, take an example from your
heroes and learn from them !

They did splendid work, and proved that, besides the
knowledge of using the pen and supplying troops with

128

baked bread, in a critical moment^ regardless of their
lives they can throw themselves into an attack against
superior forces of the enemy and make them run away
in panic.

With more of this kind of fighter it would not take long
to deal with the Filthy White Guard dirt.

Honour and Glory to those heroes of Brigade Head-
quarters Department of Supplies.

[FROM THE EDITOR.]

Ecrtremely glad for the correspondence of Comrade
Gidrassow, who tries to draw the picture as it was.

This kind of correspondence is most important. Only
in this way we can learn the reasons of our defeat, and in
future take preventive steps.

It is not possible, it seems, to sit in the trenches like
moles in a hole and wait till the Englishman comes and
in one blow cuts us in two.

Something else is needed.

We know the places where flanking movements are
impossible.

Comrades, the organization of communication with the
rear of the White Guard warns u^ against being out-
flanked.

Be on your guard, and think how to win.

CHAPTER IV

HOW WE CAME HOME TO DEVON.

To leave out from this chronicle the deeds of the
other branches of the service during the Dvina battle
would be unthinkable. In their particular spheres of
activity, their efforts were imbued with the same
determination as were the efforts of the infantry.
Engineers, signallers, supply corps, all auxiliary ser-
vices, contributed to the general success only by their
grit and pertinacity.

The 385 Field Company, Royal Engineers, under
Major Luby, D.S.O., from the date of their arrival at
Troitsa, were kept appallingly busy. Roads and
preestens were made at Troitsa and Yako, and heavy
bridges were built at Knrgomin, Savina, Kulgas, and
Yako. Civilian working parties were continuously
employed by the Engineers. The R.E. encampment
on Troitsa beach was by far the most famous spot
for the beautiful barishynas to foregather. At times
there were hundreds of women and girls there, waiting
for employment on any type of manual work at
20 roubles a day. And they did work, putting their
menfolk to shame.

Owing to the fall of the river, much of the artillery
used in the operations in June had been stranded.
This was all salved and brought into action. The
work was of considerable difficulty, as in some

129

130

cases the guns were in very inaccessible places, on
barges in shallow, unnavigable water. Special rafts
had to be built to carry 60-pounders and 155-mm.
howitzers, and the work of getting the guns to the
rafts often necessitated man-handling them with tackle
up slopes and over sandy islands. Several long bridges
had to be built for these guns, and there was con-
siderable difficulty in getting up the material necessary
for the work.

An Ordnance dump was salved in " Jerusalem '
pontoons down a channel so shallow that it would not
permit of any boat drawing more than a foot of water
to pass.

A small barge was salved from up a creek by dam-
ming the creek and pumping water into it with a
Merryweather pump. This barge has been most valu-
able for carrying stores, etc., in shallow water.

The night of August 9th saw one section in the line
and one in reserve on each bank of the Dvina, with
orders, on the right bank, to repair and make good the
bridge over the Selmenga River, destroyed by the
Bolo in his retreat, and, on the left bank, to make good
the forest track around the Bolo flank.

The forward section on the right bank spent the night
of August 9th-10th in the line, and at midday on
August 10th, after the barrage had lifted, an officer
with a small party of sappers, and covered by an
infantry patrol, proceeded to reconnoitre the bridge.
A sunken road led to the river bank, and the passage
of this was made without mishap ; but on emerging
on to the bank a heavy fire was opened on the party

181

from the opposite bank of the river, which rendered
a close examination of the bridge impossible. The
party withdrew, and in doing so one of the covering
party was killed.

Repeated attempts throughout the day to reach the
bridge were unsuccessful, owing to opposing fire, until
about 4.30 in the afternoon, when the bridge was
reached and the necessary arrangements made for
repairing it.

The section arrived at the site at about 7 p.m., and
by 10.30 p.m. the bridge was ready for the passage of
transport.

The section bivouacked for the night of August 10th-
11th at Selmenga, and in the early morning of August
11th pushed on to the village of Gorodok. Here billets
were obtained, and clothes, boots, etc., dried — a much-
needed state of affairs. On the morning of August 12th
the section moved on again to Oserodok, where billets
were obtained, the officers pushing on to Borok and
making a reconnaissance of the surrounding forward
area. Here roads and tracks were improved, and
bridges prepared for demolition.

The right flank column was unable to get the trans-
port out of the forest owing to the marsh, and so No. 2
Section went into action from then as infantry.

Having become separated from the 45th Royal
Fusiliers, they entered Kochamika about 3 p.m.,
and, seeing some men preparing to land from enemy
ships in the river, engaged them with Lewis gun fire.
A monitor then came down river from the direction
of Puchega and drove them out with shell fire. The

132

section then retired to Sludka, and, having avoided a
party of between 50 and 60 Bolo Marines, who had
landed between Sludka and Zaniskaya, moved into
Sludka and found it empty, the 45th Royal Fusiliers
having killed or captured all the occupants. The
section then pushed on to Lipovets, where it joined
the 45th Royal Fusiliers, arriving there at 6 p.m.
From then on it moved with the battalion, but had
practically ceased to exist as a separate unit, owing to
having become separated in the fighting. The various
units finally reassembled at the camp near Head-
quarters, village Yako, by the evening of the 11th.

No. 4 Section and 2nd Labour Company, S.B.L.,
moved up to Nijni Seltso on the capture of that village
at 7 p.m., in order to repair the bridge over the River
Sheika if required. It was not possible to get to the
bridge until 3 a.m. on the 11th, and it was then found
to be in good repair, and fit to carry field guns. The
section and S.B.L. remained billeted in Nijni Seltso
until the 12th, and then returned to the village of
Yakolevskoe.

The Machine Gunners.

The 201st Battalion M.G.C. was broken up into
groups and attached to the various columns. On the
left bank the two sections were in command of Major
R. St. G. Mayne, who subsequently took over the
Sludka column when Major Shepherd was killed. The
progress of the machine gunners was retarded greatly
by the heavy marshes. Tripods and guns were carried
on Russian ponies till a point was reached when all
material had to be man-handled, though it was hoped

188

the ponies would cross later. Only two guns per section
were taken from this point, and all extra men were
employed in carrying belt-boxes.

For about 4 versts the track led through long strips
of very deep marsh, with small patches of forest, a
single slippery plank crossing the marsh.

The attack was made on Kochamika and Jitna,
and they were soon taken. Four guns pushed on to
the river bank, and below them were seen many paddle
steamers and barges and two gunboats. The four
guns opened fire on their targets, and were engaged by
a 6-inch gun in reply.

The attack was moving on Sludka, and the four
guns followed. About this time Major Mayne took
over command of the column. After Sludka had been
taken, and Lipovets, the guns moved on to the latter
village.

At the passage, on the 11th, of the Sheika River,
as the machine guns were crossing, fairly heavy fire
was opened by the Bolos in rear.

The guns crossed and were mounted, and fire was
opened. The Bolo fire was soon silenced, and the rest
of the column crossed safely. About 50 dead Bolos
were afterwards counted at this point, all killed by
machine-gun fire. Bolo fire was opened again, but was
silenced by the machine guns.

The guns covered the retirement of the infantry
from this point, being gradually withdrawn after the
wounded had been cleared. Fire was continually
opened by the Bolos, but each time it was silenced.

The behaviour of Major Majme, Lieutenants Harrison

134

and Armstrong, during these operations was especially
fine. Their energy and initiative in getting the guns
to the assembling point, their coolness under fire, and
their successful efforts in bringing in all their wounded,
are all worthy of the highest praise.

Corporal Kilby showed great coolness in his effort
to help and bring in the wounded ; and Corporal Norton
and Lance-Corporal Parry handled their guns through-
out the operations in a very skilful manner.

Lieutenant Fricker was in command of the section
co-operating with the attack on the other bank. The
trek was very difficult in places, and progress was
slow. One gun was posted to form a protective block ;
the other guns remained in reserve, and later were
moved up to take up positions to cover Gorodok.

Several times they were able to open fire on parties
of Bolos. Later the guns moved on to Borok. Though
this section had little firing to do, they showed great
cheerfulness and energy in overcoming the difficulties
of the country.

Other groups of Russian and British guns, under
Captain Webb, Lieutenants Powell and Harvey, per-
formed most useful barrage work. The Russian
companies showed great keenness, and their moral
improved very much after the first few belts. Their
chief difficulties were inability to estimate the rate of
fire, and forgetfulness to oil up and refill.

The Signal Company.

The plight of the force in action without wireless
would have been pitiable indeed. Fortunately, when

185

all other means of communication failed, the wireless
worked with seemingly renewed vigour, and at no time
was there a cessation of communication.

For the month previous to the operation the 250th
Signal Company, R.E., was employed on laying a
telephone system on strong poled routes, and clearing
the area of stray lines. This system was pushed as
far forward as possible, and the benefit was reaped
during the operations. These lines required but little
maintenance, and thereby released more men for work
in connection with the forward operations.

The difficulties, almost insurmountable at times, of
laying cable can be more readily appreciated after
reading the account of the trials of the section on the
left bank : —

" The difficulties encountered in maintaining com-
munication during these operations were almost super-
human, owing to the conditions of a country covered
with dense forests and intersected by large areas of
bog and morass. The only path to the forming up
lines was by means of a narrow track. The natural
difficulties were intensified by the weather, which was
extremely bad, and demanded the greatest physical
effort from men and animals.

*' The cable used for line communications was D8
and D2, carried on pack animals. Each animal was
able to carry two miles of D3 single and half a mile of
D2 single. The cable-laying parties went forward with
the advanced guard of the infantry, as otherwise the
column of infantry and transport, confined to a narrow

186

track, would have interfered with the work, and com-
munication would have been delayed.

" On the first day the cable was laid out by means
of a barrow drawn by a pony, but this method was
subsequently abandoned owing to the narrowness and
roughness of the track, which was often blocked by
fallen trees and exposed roots, as well as stretches of
bog and deep mud.

" On the second and subsequent days the cable was
laid by hand, a stick being used for a spindle. This
proved to be a most effective method, as it was possible
to make slight detours into the forest to avoid bad
places, and it also involved less physical exertion than
the attempt to control a heavy barrow bumped over
uneven ground of a most poisonous description.

" The pack animals carrying the cable accompanied
the cable-laying party, and were always kept about
100 yards in advance.

" The cable-laying party consisted of six men, work-
ing in frequent shifts, two men carrying the drum and
one man pulling off the cable. A short distance behind
this party followed a building party of three men with
long crook-sticks, putting the cable high up on to
trees out of reach of the traffic and horsemen.

" During the second day the Seltso column branched
off, and an exchange was established at the infantry
post there, on to which the line back and the two lines
forward were led. A party of three infantry signallers
was left here.

" On the third day an impassable bog was reached,
over which it was found impossible to take either

187

pack animals or heavy drums of cable, especially as
this was the first of a series of similar obstacles. The
line was therefore continued by D2 cable, the drums
being man-handled.

" The previous method of laying out the cable was
found satisfactory, but made easier by using the
lighter cable.

" At this point it was found equally impossible to
get the wireless set farther. The wireless station was
therefore erected on the edge of the bog, and a tele-
phone left at the station ' T-ed ' into the cable Hne
forward. By this means communication was main-
tained the whole time from battle headquarters until
the attack was launched, and subsequently until after
Sludka was taken.

" Telephonic communication would have been main-
tained between Force Headquarters and the attacking
columns during the whole of the operations but for the
fact that units bringing up the rear of the column cut
down the trees on which the cable was laid, in order
to repair and make good the track across bogs and bad
places, making it impossible to keep the lines intact
over such considerable distances and with the small
personnel available. Touch was lost with the wireless
station when the supply of cable ran out, and the party
was surprised and cut off by the counter-attack by the
Bolo marines.

" The wireless was in touch at every stage in the
operations except whilst on the move."

138

The Artillery.

The gunners had most extraordinary obstacles to
contend with. Everything seemed to be against
them — ground, weather, and observation.

The artillery programme for preliminary bombard-
ment was carried out, with the exception of the chemical
bombardment by 18-pounders, which was much cur-
tailed by serious breakdowns. One gun went out of
action from a broken valve. This was partially recti-
fied by a wooden substitute, but for the rest of the day
this gun could only fire slowly.

Although the artillery bombardments were quite
simple, the result reflected great credit on all units
concerned.

The Royal Navy had only taken over the 60-pounders
a few days previously, and had little or no previous
experience of this or any other land gun ; while the
Mark IV 18-pounders only arrived from the base on
the morning of the 9th, and could not be got into action
till 8 p.m. The personnel was found by the Divisiona
Ammunition Column, none of whom had ever seen
this equipment before, assisted by three men who had
accompanied the guns from base.

The 2nd S.B.L. Battery had never been in action
before, and were required to man five guns with per-
sonnel for four ; and the 2nd Russian Battery manned
five guns with personnel for four. This battery had
been divided into two sections on opposite sides of the
river for some months until a few days before the
operation.

189

Much arduous work was cheerfully performed by all
ranks in preparation of the operations, and the work
of the artillery was, without question, the one potent
factor that aided the infantry to gain so decisive a
victory.

The chronicle of the work of the guns would be in-
complete without a description of the naval 60-pounders.
Here it is : —

" On August 1st we landed as a naval detachment
to man a 60-pounder field gun. We consisted of three
officers, a doctor, and eighteen men taken from the
crews of H.M.S. Humber and H.M.M. " M. 27."

" The gun provided was a fairly old one, and having
some time been immersed in the Dvina River, had not
benefited much by the experience. Still, it was a gun,
and what else mattered ? We landed at 9.30 a.m. on
Luby's Landing, and found our gun being ' assembled '
near the beach. It was ready for removal by 6 p.m.,
and was taken that night to Yako Church village.

" To move the gun sixteen Russian ponies were sup-
plied, and about thirty Russians, and a most amusing
spectacle the removal must have been — much dust,
much noise, and the detachment panting in the rear,
trying to keep up with the procession.

" On arrival at Yako we were billeted in houses
near the gun, and, with the exception of swarms of
flies, were really quite comfortable.

" From the 2nd to the 4th of August we were busy
building a platform. Luckily, we were given Lieu-
tenant L. A as Liaison Officer, and everything was

ready by the morning of August 4th. We had our

K 2

140

first shoot in the afternoon — quite a humorous affair,
as in aiming at one machine gun post we accidentally
hit another that no one knew anything about.

" From August 4th to 9th we had several minor
' hates ' ; not that we boasted of having done much
execution, but we learnt a good deal in experience,
and became accustomed to the idea of aiming at a post
behind in order to hit something in front. I am afraid
our drill gave the Liaison Officer ' the dry heaves,'
but we managed things in our own curious way, and
somehow made the piece work.

" On the 7th we shifted the gun and the billets to
North Post Wood in readiness for the battle to come.
In spite of the flies, we were sorry to say good-bye to
our Mrs. Dobra in Yako, and the change to tents was
not greatly appreciated, especially as the rain had come.

" On August 9th five more men arrived, and also
another gun. This piece had not been in the Dvina
River, and, what was better still, was completely
equipped with every accessory one could imagine.
The hoisting of the gim on shore was a critical business,
and it was only due to the presence of mind shown by
the Russian crane-workers that the gun did not fall
on top of the roof of a hospital barge. That it did
land safely was certainly not our fault !

" Having got it ashore, the next thing was to get
it to North Post Wood. We had many horses and
many men, but 5 a.m. on August 10th saw us stuck,
with still two miles to go. Luckily, a company of
Russians turned up about 6 a.m., and we just managed
to get the gun into position in time.

141

"At 11 a.m. we commenced a furious bombardment
of the Bolos, and the next hour was really hard work.
We ceased fire at noon, whilst the infantry attacked,
and did not open fire again until later on in the day,
when, the first attack having failed, the second attack
was in progress. Our target from 4.30 p.m., on and
off until 7 p.m., was a section of road along which the
Bolos were expected to retreat. After 7 p.m. we had
no further targets, and we understood that the action
had been successful, though certain of the enemy posi-
tions had to be cleared up.

" After the Battle of Seltso we remained in North
Post for one week more, and we all had a splendid time.
No Bolos, but plenty of duck !"

The Royal Abmy Service Corps.

We have seen how the D.A.D.S. and T. supplied
both banks with enormous quantities of transport.
But he and his staff did infinitely more. Although the
troops were in possession of iron rations for the follow-
ing day — zero plus one — the D.A.D.S. and T. (Major
Watson) pushed rations forward during the night of
August 10th- 11th, and also sent the Supply Officers up
to get in touch with the Officers Commanding Columns.

On the right bank the convoy left at 9 p.m., and
Lieutenant Nicholson reported at 4.30 a.m. on the
following day that the rations had been safely delivered.
He also took up with his convoy twenty carts of small -
arms ammunition, which were also handed over.

With the left bank it was extremely hard to keep in
touch and to get information as to the exact location

142

of the several columns. It was not until 9.80 a.m. on
the 11th inst. that 2nd-Lieutenant Jones reported that
all was correct.

If the infantry found the passage difficult, the trials
and tribulations of the Supply Officers, with columns of
droskies laden with rations, can hardly be imagined.

Strictly speaking, the scope of this work includes
only the operations on the Dvina front above Troitsa.
Yet I have been led to include in this chapter a short
account of the operations entered into by the details
of the Sadleir-Jackson Brigade. These details were
composed of 150 of the 45th Royal Fusiliers, 100 of
the 46th Royal Fusiliers, and 80 of the 201st Battalion
M.G.C. They arrived at Archangel on July 12th,
expecting to be sent straight to the forward area.
The low state of the river prevented this, however.
One of the officers of the details has kindly supplied
the narrative of events which follows :—

" Four days passed before any more news was forth
coming, and then it was to the effect that some of us
might be sent to another front. This news was
welcome, as, although all wanted to join their own
battalions, it was agreed anywhere was preferable to
the Base and its frequent rumours of mutiny and
assassination.

" On July 16th O.C. M.G.C. details had orders to
embark at Sobornia Quay in charge of his own and the
46th Royal Fusiliers details.

*' We were to quell a mutiny, protect ' staffs,' hold
an important point on the railway line, and do a
hundred other small jobs. We left the quay for

143

Archangel preesten, and, taking train there, proceeded
to Oboyerskaya, the Headquarters of the Vologda
force, under Brigadier-General Turner, C.M.G., D.S.O.

" Arriving here at about 4 a.m., and acting on pre-
vious instructions, we reported to one Staff Captain,
to hear the following from the inside of a mosquito
curtain :

'''Oh! 150 men, 8 M.Gs. Well, I don't know
what you are to do. Will you look in about ten
o'clock.' And this after we had heard tales which
put the Indian Mutiny in the shade !

" However, after a day here something did happen,
for on July 19th it was reported that two days later
the Bolos proposed to attack, and, aided by friends in
the Russian units, carry all before them, and decapitate
all British officers.

" On receiving this news, the Staff acted at once, and
decided to withdraw the companies in the line, as these
were reported to be pro-Bolo. This was done on the
20th, and the companies withdrawn were disarmed by
' Harcourt's Force,' as the details were now called.
Many of these men were ultimately shot.

" The Bolo carried out his proposed attack, and cap-
tured six block-houses. These six were behind our
front system, and consequently the troops there were
cut off. At the same time the railway line was blown
up in two places to prevent our armoured train from
going up to bombard the enemy from close range.
Machine gunners were sent out to drive off and keep
away this demolition party, which they did until the
line was repaired. Immediately that was done fifty

144

46th Royal Fusiliers and a * Young Soldiers ' Russian
Company went through to counter-attack the Bolo.

" A little earlier than this about a hundred 45th
Royal Fusiliers had arrived, and had been sent forward
to prevent the enemy from penetrating farther. This
they did successfully until relieved by the counter-
attacking party. The attack was carried out at dawn,
and easily adjusted the situation, capturing a few
prisoners and gaining touch with the forward positions.

" This was the first occasion upon which we had
worked with Russian artillery, and, not having an
interpreter on the spot, the arranging of the barrage
was funny in the extreme. Most of it was done by
fixing the clock hands at the minute fire was wanted,
and then by hand demonstration showing the battery
commander that he was to fire like hell. The hand
was then moved to zero, and after repeated ' Neito
boom ! — boom !' we told him that he was to cease fire.
Except for the rate of fire, the barrage was a fair
success.

" Harcourt's Force then took over part of the line,
and were favoured with a heavy attack that night.
This was quite safely driven off without any casualties
being sustained by the defenders.

" On the 23rd a small patrol which went out to
look for signs of the enemy found about 300 of them
in a ' slashing ' about one and a half versts from our
position. This was passed to the rear with a request
that we might be allowed to go out and clear the party
off. It was refused, as the ' powers that were '
decided to send a party composed of the 45th Royal

145

Fusiliers, Australians, and some of the Australian
section 201st M.G. Battalion, from behind to drive
them off. A little later a prisoner was caught by us
who verified the patrol report, but put the enemy at
500 strong.

" The new party, eighty strong, went out about mid-
day, and by working down each side of the slashing
where the enemy were drew level with them, and then
closed in and by sheer pluck and audacity drove them
away in a colossal rout, killing about thirty and bring-
ing a few prisoners back.

" This successful operation ensured a quiet night, as
the party were out to drive us right out of our positions
and back towards Archangel. With this minor opera-
tion, the situation became normal, plus the great
advantage that the moral of the Russian troops was
well up.

" British patrolling became very active. We went
behind his lines almost daily, saw all his working
arrangements, counted trains and transport, traced
telephone wire, and invariably ' snaffled ' prisoners.
These prisoners were alltaken without trace, as at this
time our 'planes were dropping propaganda in the
Bolo areas, telling them how to come over to us and
be happy. Later on we found out that the Bolo was
unable to account for the disappearance of these men,
and took great care that news of a ' desertion ' was not
spread among units. It is interesting to note that one
prisoner taken carried the only revolver in a certain
battery from which a prisoner was much wanted, and
was out collecting mushrooms for the day's food.

146

" Frequent patrols were sent out into the forest on
either side of the railway to clear up rumours of enemy
raiding parties. These patrols had very strenuous
days, as it was nothing to have to penetrate 15 versts
and go through wide expanses of heavy bog. Several
of the patrols were away forty-eight hours or more,
and none less than twenty-four.

" In between times portions of the Unes of com-
munication were taken over by the details of either
the 45th or 46th Royal Fusiliers, aided by the 201st
M.G. Battahon details, and later by " C " Company
of that Battalion.

" Several schemes were submitted to Headquarters
for raids upon the enemy's lines of communication.
These had all been carefully planned and considered,
and although approved, it was impossible to carry
them out at the time.

" About July 20th rumours of a Russian offensive
on the railway were heard, but, strange to relate, we
were told that we would not be allowed to help. The
way in which the news was received can be left to
imagination ; but our spirits went up later, when,
after requests to Headquarters, General Lord Raw-
linson, during a visit, stated that he had decided to
allow us to take a part.

" The role we were to play was that of a flanking
party. Our objectives were all the enemy's gun
positions, and, if possible, at least one armoured train.

" The attack was timed to take place at 5.30 a.m.
on July 29th, and on the day previous to this we
started to trek through the forest to an assembly

147

position behind the enemy's hnes and in towards his
guns. At dawn the following morning we were to
work close up to them and carry them by storm at
5.15 a.m., fifteen minutes before zero time. As our
objectives were widely distributed, two Russian com-
panies from the B.N.R.R. were given to us, one being
allotted to the Australian detachment (45th Royal
Fusiliers details), under Major May, and one to Major
Harcourt's force (46th Royal Fusiliers details and
" C " Company 201st M.G. BattaUon). While the
main forces were taking the large positions, a small
party from the Australian detachment was to attack a
railway gun on a siding. On zero morning guides led
the forces forward, but, unfortunately, took them all
to the wrong places. Major Harcourt's force, which
should have attacked the large positions from the
right front with Major May and the small party to the
south of it, found itself at zero minus 20 minutes near
the railway siding position, with the other parties still
farther south. As it was too late to correct things at
this time. Major Harcourt's force decided to attack
the siding position and carry that, and then push
north to the remaining howitzers, field guns, and
mountain guns, relying upon the sound of their
attack to bring the other parties up.

" This was started, and after a brisk fight against
five machine guns and about eighty men, one 6-inch
gun and one ' pom-pom,' five machine guns, and sixty
men were captured. This force then reorganized and
started to move north for the other positions, when
Major May's force came up and went on their right.

148

The main positions were very soon being attacked,
and were carried after a very short fight.

" The mountain guns were taken a few minutes after
this by Harcourt's force. The haul at this time was
eight guns, five in working order, eight machine guns,
and about 180 men. About thirty enemy were killed
or wounded. Our casualties were three killed and
eight wounded, including Major May.

" The party which was to have taken the gun siding
position found itself some distance to the south of
these happenings, and in between the two attacks
above encountered an armoured train, which they
succeeded in driving off, inflicting heavy casualties,
and suffering none.

" As orders before the attack warned us to be ready
to advance on Emtsa, a village about 6 versts for-
ward, the whole party, less two platoons who garrisoned
the captured positions, were collected, and waited
ready for orders to advance. These never came,
however, as the Russians took longer than they ex-
pected to be clear of their objectives, and when they
did come forward to us decided to attack Emtsa
themselves. The time we were compelled to waste
here lost Emtsa for us on that day.

" After this our role as attacking troops ceased.
We held the position we had taken until September 9th,
when we started to move back to the base for embarka-
tion."

As a result of the complete demoralization of the
Bolo, life became fairly pleasant in the captured
villages once we had settled down. Two or three days

149

were expended in cleaning up the captured area, and
the transporting to the forward area of blankets and
clothing and stores, badly needed by everyone. To
be able to get a change of clothing and to have a real
blanket to sleep in was akin to being billeted in
Brussels direct from Ypres.

The villagers viewed us with mingled surprise and
pleasure. Naturally, upon our first arrival they
welcomed us with exceeding glee. Had we not beaten
the Bolsheviks ? Had we not large supplies of food
to exchange for their ridiculously scraggy chickens ?
But their joy faded a little when authority was
exercised. Firstly, the storastas were assembled and
warned that villagers were suspected of hiding Bol-
sheviks. Vigorous denials and head-shakings followed
the allegation. But the following morning produced
many camouflaged soldiery, who found their way with
much ease to the various headquarters, and after
interrogation were sent to join their incarcerated com-
panions. The rounding up of the rifles and ammuni-
tion was not such an easy matter, and dealing with the
captured Bolo horses was even more difficult. Every
peasant, not unnaturally with an eye to the future,
carefully secreted a rifle or two and ammunition.
Such weapons were always handy things to have about
the house, particularly in days of incessant strife.
Very reluctantly the warnings of the storastas to deliver
up these weapons were obeyed, and the pile for
destruction grew higher. But with the horses the
question became abstruse in the extreme.

Peasants sauntered round the horse lines with an

150

apparently indifferent air. In reality they were
viewing the animals with a view to claiming them as
lost property. One, more bold than the rest, suggested
to a transport officer that a mistake had been made.
In rounding up the animals he had under his charge,
his men, quite by accident, had included the rightful
property of the aforesaid peasant. It was not for him
to suggest that it was intentional, but under the cir-
cumstances— the state of his crops, his large family and
their great needs — might his horse be returned by the
all-powerful and just English officer ?

Though thoroughly versed in Russian cunning, the
transport officer, ^ suspecting nothing, accepted the
plausible story, and the peasant rode away in glee on
an animal that had probably never been owned either
by him or any of his widespread relations. An hour
later the transport officer realized his blunder. Fifty
Russian peasants regretted that his men had rounded

up their horses. It was not for them to suggest

etc., but the crops etc. ! ! !

There was one way only out of the maze of inquiries
and pleadings. It was to recall the original peasant
who had succeeded in his story. His copious tears on
having to yield up his newly acquired horse were a
tremendous satisfaction to his fifty compatriots, who
had failed in their strenuous efforts. Taken generally,
however, the peasantry in the captured villages were
distinctively friendly. I think it was chiefly inspired
by visions of gifts of flour, tea, and sugar, but
it was nevertheless welcome after the Bolshevik
displays by peasantry in some of the villages behind the

151

line. Such gifts — and they were manifold — were wise
policy, however. We had before us an evacuation,
and the villagers nnight have been troublesome. More-
over, it left behind us a good impression.

The Bolshevik forces had apparently disappeared
altogether, save for a few of the stalwart heroes of the
Brigade Headquarters of the Department of Supplies.
On both banks the advance had been pushed a little
farther — on the left to beyond Puchega, and on the
right to beyond Ivanovskaya. The Russian cavalry
came up and helped to establish the forward positions,
giving complete security for the process of evacua-
tion of stores, which was being commenced in the rear.
The base at Bereznik had been almost cleared by this
time of its stores, and the barges and war craft should
have been congregated at Troitsa. Despite the
appalling rain that had fallen, however, the river had
only risen a few inches, and the same difficulties of
navigation were being met with. The work of loading,
nevertheless, proceeded slowly, while the troops in
the line looked forward to the day when the first move
backwards was put into operation.

Psychologically, our attitude had changed as a
result of the big fight. We had performed our relief.
We had given the Bolo a nasty jar, and now we wanted
to get home as soon as possible. Everyone was very
much in the dark about evacuation, though the arrival
of General Lord Rawlinson to co-ordinate the with-
drawal had produced a feeling of optimism.

Speculation was rife as to the day we should shake
the sands of Troitsa from our feet. But many stranger

152

things were to transpire before then, of which we had
no inkHng. The first was the formation of the mounted
infantry. Company Commanders asked for volunteers
who could ride horses. The number was legion.
Some rode, some bobbed up and down in the saddles,
some merely fell off, while the remainder showed a
strange hesitancy about mounting.

One of the volunteers from " C " Company, 45th
Royal Fusiliers, was brought in front of the Company
Commander, who questioned him as to his previous
experience ; but no information was forthcoming
except that on one occasion he had acted as the
Colonel's groom for a week.

The officer, thinking he would test the soldier on
technical grounds, asked him if he had ever heard of
thrush.

The soldier's face assumed an expression of blank
amazement, and with a rich Irish brogue he replied :
" Do you mean a bird, sir ?"

He was not sent to the mounted infantry branch.

A review of the troops engaged in the fighting was
held on Troitsa heights by General Lord Rawlinson,
and the flags that had so bravely fluttered to the soft
breezes of Kent, were unfurled on parade. The Naval
detachment made a brave show that review day.

After the attack of August 10th Seltso became quite
a habitable hamlet, and " C " Company, 45th Royal
Fusiliers, became the occupants. However, the quiet
aspect of the village was somewhat disturbed one day
early in September by the sudden influx of able-
bodied civilians.

158

The officers of the company immediately met in
conference to decide who the suspected civihans were.

Several contentions were put forward, the most
prominent being that the suspects were Bolo agents
who had filtered through our line and were endeavour-
ing to recruit sympathizers. Suspicions rose very
high when about sixty young men were discovered in
an empty house, and immediately a strong guard with
fixed bayonets and bombs was placed around the
house.

Similar happenings were reported from other villages,
and amazement ran high. The explanation was
simple, yet at the same time fraught with seriousness.
The Russian authorities had returned all the mobihzcd
men from Puchega and villages farther East. Subse-
quently, without doubt, many of these were responsible
for giving to the enemy up-to-date and first-hand
information of the disposition of the British forces.
At the time, however, they were an annoyance.

So the month of August dragged, or seemed to drag,
along. Towards the end of it the Navy grew busy.

Thirty mechanical mines and thirty large horned
mines were laid in the Dvina between August 28th and
September 2nd. On September 9th ten mechanical
mines and twenty horned mines were laid in the Vaga
River.

It is of interest to note that the enemy had not swept
the advanced lines of mines until September 19th,
over a week after our evacuating Troitsa, and it appears
unlikely that his ships got through the main minefields
before the ice had set in.

1^4

With the mining of the river, the rise of water,
brought about by the August rains, stopped, and it
was obvious the psychological moment had come to
get as many ships of the flotilla down as possible. By
August 30th all the sliips had passed down except
H.M. M.25, M.27, and the yacht Kathleen, which were
of too deep draught.

This had called for exceptional efforts, as it entailed
removing heavy guns, mountings, ammunition, and
stores, and in some cases even the main engines, to
lighten the ships sufficiently.

The Intelligence branch now began to supply us with
interesting news — namely, that the Bolshevik had
brought up considerable reinforcements, including the
Finnish Red Guards — and was proposing to drive
" the ginger Englishmen " clean into the sea. This
alarmed none.

But on the afternoon of September 6th, about
four o'clock, two Bolo battalions began an advance
against the outposts on both banks. A strong attack,
supported by considerable artillery fire from his
flotilla, was opened against the piquet line on the
eastern outskkts of Puchega.

The conformation of the ground, and the ease with
which the outposts could be outflanked from the south,
caused them to fall back fighting across the Kodema
River. In this action two other ranks were wounded,
and two other ranks were apparently cut off and
captured.

The receipt of this grave news resulted in two naval
12-pounders being moved from Yakolevskoe to

155

Chudinova, and an 18-pounder was also sent up. There
were no teams available, so drosky ponies were used
instead. The harness was borrowed from the 45th
Royal Fusiliers, deficiencies being made good with odd
bits of string, etc.

None of the ponies had worked in a team before,
and as the normal method employed by the Russian
pony to extricate a load stuck fast in the mud is first
to retreat as fast as the harness will allow, and then to
plunge forward, the state of chaos when a team of
eight employs these tactics on a pitch dark night can
be left to the imagination.

Each peasant tried to give his own horse as little
work as possible, but by arming each man with a
stick to beat the pony in front, this difficulty was
partly overcome.

Some idea of the roads can be gathered from the
following data. Seltso to Lipovets is about three
miles ; the time taken with a team of eight (and four
spare) and a platoon of " D " Company was exactly
six hours ; nearly half the distance was accomplished
by man-handling.

At every short halt the Russian drivers would set
up cries of " Sleepem " and " Scoff em," and when the
Bolo on our arrival greeted us with a few shells, the
harness was simply flung down, and our transport
vanished before anyone realized what had happened.

On the morning of the 7th large parties of the enemy
advanced and occupied Kodema, but they suffered
somewhat when our guns shelled the village and we
destroyed the bridge over the river. Security for the

L 2

156

subsequent retreat on Seltso, in the process of evacua-
tion, was gained on this bank, and for a while events
quietened down.

On the left bank there had been similar demonstra-
tions on the part of the Bolos. About six o'clock on
the 6th the enemy, 40 strong, were observed drifting
into Ivanovskaya. A party of 20 Mounted Fusiliers
and 1 platoon were organized to attack the enem}^
at dawn. The hostile attack was feeble, and effected
nothing. At 2.30 p.m., September 7th, the counter-
attack was delivered against Ivanovskaya.

The enemy made fair resistance at first, but was
eventually driven out and pursued into the woods.
Forty-five prisoners were captured, and 17 enemy
corpses were counted. Prisoners stated the wounded
exceeded 40. Two more battalions were reported at
Nijni Toima.

In this wise began our evacuation troubles.

The Bolsheviks who had had the temerity to enter
Kodema experienced a rude awakening the next
morning. Two platoons under Captain Fowkes, of the
45th Fusiliers, crossed the river during the night of the
7th, and at three o'clock in the morning delivered a
bayonet assault on the enemy holding the village.

Seventeen of them were killed, and the remainder
of the " gallant heroes " fled at their utmost speed to
Puchega, and the British troops returned after this
hour's good work. A mounted patrol spotted at the
same time a column of the enemy about 300 strong
moving in a north-westerly direction, and subsequently
plans were made to attack it.

157

At 12.30 a bayonet attack was made, followed by
a pursuit by one platoon and a troop of mounted Fusi-
liers. The bayonet attack was completely successful,
81 of the enemy being killed, and 99 prisoners captured,
in addition to 3 machine guns on wheels.

Quantities of rifles, equipment, and ammunition were
captured and destroyed. The British casualties during
these operations amounted to one other rank wounded.

On the other bank the enemy was even more active
on this day. Five hundred of the Red Guards attacked
the outposts at Ivanovskaya, but the men of the 46th
Royal Fusiliers repulsed them, killing 30, including
10 officers, and numerous wounded. They retired and
attempted to dig in, with considerable interruptions
owing to artillery fire brought to bear on them from
Chudinova.

These attacks by the enemy on the 6th, 7th, and
8th had hardly been profitable to him. The ground
he had gained was a mere fraction, and as we had
intended to give it up in any case, his occupation of
it could hardly be termed a gain. His casualties had
been 163 killed, 200 wounded, 2 officers and 146 other
ranks prisoners. The British casualties were 1 other
ranks killed and 10 other ranks wounded.

Before and during these exciting days the Navy
had been busy evacuating the vessels of the flotilla.
The sand-bars across the Dvina proved considerable
obstructions, and strenuous efforts were made to clear
them. Dredging and the explosion of a large number
of depth charges were resorted to with some success,

158

for H.M. M.25 was got over two bars, and H.M. M.27

across another. Then the river began to fall again.

H.M.S. H umber managed to get down after an event
almost unprecedented in the annals of the naval
service.

Science has not developed sufficiently as yet to
solve the problem of how to steam a ship drawing
6 ft. of water or more through water which is only
5 ft. or less deep.

The sailor men in the Humber had to get their ship
away ; but how ? Eventually the order was given :
" Lighten ship." Everything that was not essential
was taken out of the vessel. Her draught was still
too great.

In the Humber, however, there was scope for some
ingenuity and resource. This particular ship was
armoured, having on each side a belt of 3-in. armour
running fore and aft, and projecting 2J ft. below the
water-line. It was estimated to weigh 70 tons.

Seventy tons of dead weight was no mean item
under the circumstances, and it was decided that this
should be removed. Easier said than done. It may
be well to observe that those who build ships with
armoured sides are in the habit of securing the plates
by means of large screw bolts passing through the
ship's side and screwed into the armour-plates, and they
are fixed so securely in order that they may not be
removed till the day when the ship falls to pieces from
old age or under the strokes of the shipbreaker.

In the Humber each armour-plate weighed about
three tons and was secured by six bolts. In order to

159

get at the boltheads it was compulsory to get into the
wing compartments, which were divided into spaces
8 ft. by 3 ft. by Ij ft., just enough room for a small
man to get into, but not big enough for him to work in.

The men on board were inspected, and the smallest
men were mustered. Special large spanners had to
be made, and with these and huge hammers the staff
of armour-plate removers began their work.

It took forty-eight hours to get the first plate off,
and it fell into the Dvina River with a mighty splash.
After a few days at this new and diverting game the
men managed to get two and even three plates off
each day, and finally, after a fortnight, the whole of
the plate was lying at the bottom of the river.

The Humber then proceeded merrily down stream.

The day before the force actually left the Troitsa
line was a most exciting one. The night of the 8th-9th
passed very quietly ; but at seven o'clock on the 9th
the Bolo flotilla opened a heavy bombardment on
Ivanovskaya, and at eight o'clock two battalions of
the Finnish Red Guards delivered a most determined
assault from the north, south, and west of the village.

Ivanovskaya was only held by a small detachment
of mounted men of the 46th Royal Fusiliers, under
Lieutenant Luke Green, M.C. A desperate fight
ensued. Our men came to hand fighting with the
enemy, and Lieutenant Green distinguished himself in
a titanic battle with three Bolos. They suffered,
though Green's small party (" Green's Horse," as we
called them) were by this time completely cut off from
Borok, which Captain de Miremont's company was

160

holding ; they succeeded in fighting their way back,
with the loss of two killed and eight wounded and
missing. A D.S.O. was subsequently awarded Lieu-
tenant Green for his cool and skilful withdrawal from
this dangerous position.

The Bolo at the same time attacked Borok, but here
our forces were in considerable strength, and he was
successfully repulsed. Obviously the enemy had good
and able leaders, for the tactics and determination
shown were distinctly good.

Similar hostile movements were reported from the
left bank of the Dvina.

At 10 a.m. a seaplane reported 300 fresh enemy
troops arriving at Puchega. At 11.30 a.m. Kodema,
Sludka, and Chudinova were heavily shelled by the
enemy's flotilla and land batteries. Casualties
amongst civilians were inflicted in Sludka. At
2.30 p.m. the enemy recommenced a heavy bombard-
ment on the Kodema defences, but no infantry attack
materialized.

An 18-pounder was brought into action from
Li po vets against the enemy holding the eastern banks
of the Teda River, and the shelling was accurate and
effective.

Later in the day events quietened down, but at
G.H.Q. matters were moving. General Sadleir-Jackson
and Captain Altham, reviewing the situation, con-
sidered it tactically unsound to hold on to the Troitsa
line under the circumstances. It was proposed to
extend the date of evacuation from Troitsa to the
15th instant by G.H.Q. at Archangel. Attempts

161

were still being made to get H.M. Monitors 27 and 25
off sandbars, and, having in mind the tired state of the
troops, who had been fighting hard for three days,
and the necessity for considerable detachments, the
two officers decided to fall back during the night of
the 10th, embark at Troitsa and Yakolevskoe, and
move down river to a new line in front of Shushega
on the left bank and Pless on the right. Orders to
this effect were therefore issued.

All through the night the embarkation went on.
Barges had previously been loaded with baggage, and
the auxiliary units proceeded down river early in the
day.

A few of the villagers gathered to see us finally
depart. All bridges and pontoons had been blown up
as the infantry withdrew from the forward positions,
and it was early morning when the last of the men
embarked. Perhaps the last act in leaving Troitsa
was the firing of the preesten. The beach had been
denuded, and anything left behind was set alight.

The preesten was soaked in oil and set ablaze, and
as the last of the convoy left the area, where we had
succeeded in so great a victory, the flames leapt high
into the air. It seemed a great tragedy to leave the
ground we had fought for to the enemy, but it was
imperative. All we left behind of material value was
the white cross on Troitsa heights that marked the
resting place of our dead comrades.

Shushega and Pless were uninteresting places, though
it was essential to hold the line here till September 17th.
Small parties marched from Troitsa to the new line,

162

leaving well in advance of the river convoy, collecting
all available transport from the villages en route.
Such action was necessary because of the final evacua-
tion from the new line, and further to obstruct the
Bolo if he advanced. He did advance, and during the
course of the stay at Pless and Shushega he gained
contact with our advanced patrols. Even here he
suffered, several of his scouts being killed. He
attempted no serious attack, however.

Valiant efforts were still being made to float H.M.
Monitors 25 and 27, but they were unsuccessful, and
finally, after removing everything of value and leaving
but the bare shells, the two ships that had served us
so well were blown up in a most thorough fashion.

Finally, on September 17th, the convoy recommenced
the journey down river, releasing, to their great joy,
all the droskies we had commandeered, who promptly
proceeded to their homes, probably to be remobihzed
by the advancing Bolos.

The Russians, who were holding a line in rear,
actually sent an urgent message begging us to hold the
line (Pless — Shushega) as the last of our troops were
embarking, although they had had ample time and
warning to take over the line.

" C " Company of the 45th Royal Fusiliers was left
behind at Shushega to protect the left bank, and as
all means of withdrawal had been previously destroyed,
it was arranged that the company should be conveyed
by small boats to an island in the River Dvina, from
where they were to be picked up by fast-moving tugs
and rejoin the battalion on the barge.

163

About 5 a.m. on the morning of the evacuation the
O.C. " C " Company decided to test the scheme for
the evacuation in small rowing boats, by taking a
couple of N.C.Os. in a boat procured from the Starosta.
The outward journey was accomplished in good time,
and after a look round the island the return journey
was commenced ; but the difficulties began. After
being stuck in mid-stream for two hours and having
struck innumerable sandbanks, the party in disgust
decided to abandon the boat and walk home, which
they did under the eyes of the whole of " C " Company.
Everyone seemed to enjoy the position except the O.C.
" C " Company and his two partners, who were soaked
in icy cold water up to the waist.

At 10 a.m. the evacuation was to be complete, and
at 9 a.m. the O.C. " C *' Company was informed by
the Brigade Major that a tug was coming along to
pick up the Company. At 9.30 a.m. the tug duly
arrived, dragging behind it six rowing boats, and the
evacuation began at once, the harishynas rowing the
troops from the shore to the tug.

At 10.15 a.m. the evacuation was completed, three
bridges being blown sky-high simultaneously with the
withdrawal.

The Company Commander, along with his standard-
bearer, were the last of the 45th Royal Fusiliers to
leave the left bank of the Dvina.

Trouble awaited the convoy at Bereznik, the con-
fluence of the Vaga and the Dvina. The British force
holding on the Vaga had handed over to the Russians,

164

but an attack by the Bolo succeeded, and they were
able to advance to the mouth of the river.

As the last vessels came down river, machine-gun
fire was opened upon them from the left bank of the
Dvina. Fortunately, we had a gun barge, under
Captain Milton, R.A., and the two 18-pounder guns
got to work. General Sadleir-Jackson had a narrow
escape when he came down to investigate in a coastal
motor boat, for a bullet passed two inches above
his head and through the glass screen of the tiny
craft.

An armed naval launch and coastal motor boats
were also dispatched to counter this, and a Royal
Marine detachment under Lieut. Sergeant, R.M.L.I.,
landed and dispersed the enemy machine gunners,
killing three of them.

The casualties in this attack, the final attack by
the Bolo, were eleven, the men being hit on one of the
barges which the enemy fired upon.

The remainder of the passage down river was un-
eventful, save for a delay due to grounding of several
barges in the shallow and intricate channel off Khobo-
ritza.

The A.S.C. ration barge, with Major Watson and
his staff on board, had a thrilling time at this bar, in
company with the barge containing the 46th Royal
Fusiliers. The latter were lucky, however, for after
being hung up for two days all the infantry were
removed on tugs and lighters, and the barge aban-
doned. Not so the ration barge. That remained with
the staff. In fact, according to one of the officers on

165

board, the whole voyage down river after Troitsa was
a chapter of accidents.

** When the barge (N.T. 252) started on the first
morning of the evacuation there was a gale of wind
blowing, and no sooner had the tug commenced to
tow than the barge took charge of the tug. Another
tug, to evade being crushed against the preesten^
manoeuvred into position between N.T, 252 and its
tug, and succeeded in getting the tow-rope round its
propeller shaft. After crashing into the hospital
barge, the N.T. 252 gracefully finished up by bumping
the ammunition barge, amidst loud curses from naval
officers and Russian skippers.

'* After about a couple of hours' hard work, the rope
round the shaft was disentangled, and we continued
on our way, only to perform similar evolutions on two
further occasions. The first of these resulted in the
tug being pulled some quarter of a mile out of its course,
finally going to ground on a sandbank, but not so badly
that it could not pull itself off. The next time we
merely proceeded broadside on down-stream, collecting
all the navigating lights as we went, and once again
trying conclusions with an ammunition barge, until
finally we came to rest at our right anchorage. The
next few days were really quite uneventful, chiefly
owing to the fact that we did not move. Then, on
September 15th, we started again, and everything
went well for a couple of days.

" September 17th was a glorious day, and in the
afternoon the whole barge company was basking in the
sunshine, when all of a sudden there was a bump and

lee

a jolt, and we discovered that both our tugs and
ourselves were hard and fast on a sandbank. The
Russian pilots had taken the wi'ong channel, it ap-
peared. To make matters worse, the Russian bargee,
seeing that we were going aground, dropped the anchor
before the weigh was off, with the result that the barge
sat on the anchor, and a foot of it, including the barb,
went through the side of the boat.

" The usual S.O.S. was sent out, but nothing hap-
pened, all and sundry being fully occupied in getting
themselves off similar sandbanks. Water was coming
in rapidly, so a coffer dam was constructed and filled
up with lard. This had the effect of making it fairly
watertight, and with the continuous use of hand-
pumps the water was kept down. Nothing further
happened for two days, when an effort was made with
two paddlers to pull us off the sandbank. Although
they succeeded in moving the barge, we did not get
clear of the bank.

" By about midday on September 19th the whole of
the other craft had disappeared, and we were left
alone on the bar. At about 8 p.m. on this day we were
hailed out of the night from a tug, and were informed
that a paddler would come to take us off in the early
hours of the following morning. About 11 a.m. we
saw a tug appearing, but unfortunately it was only
able to get to about 200 yards from us. The Naval
Transport Officer hailed us, and informed us that the
paddler would be up at any moment. Some two hours
later the paddler appeared, steaming slowly up stream,
but on reaching the lower end of the bar something

167

obviously went wrong ; she turned completely round
and grounded on the bar. It afterwards transpired
that she had dropped her rudder. The Naval Transport
Officer now went back in his tug and towed her into
deep water about one mile away from us on the
opposite bank across the island. The Naval Transport
Officer then came back with his tug and a couple of
rowing boats, and we started transferring our kit by
means of rowing boats to the Naval Transport Officer's
tug, lying in deep water. He, in his turn, conveyed
the stores to the paddler. Unfortunately, it was
blowing a gale, and the rain was descending in torrents.
Apparently this dismayed the occupants of the rowing
boats, for after the first journey they disappeared
altogether. The wind had also blown the Naval
Transport Officer's tug on to the bar, so communica-
tion was at an end.

" The morning of September 20th dawned. The
barge was still fast aground, and the gale and rain
continued. Not a sign of life was visible on the river
or on the banks, till at dusk we attracted the attention
of a small boy in a rowing boat by firing near him with
a rifle. The wretched boy was lighting the lamps on
the navigation buoys. He was ordered to produce all
available boats from the surrounding villages at dawn
the following morning. Dawn arrived, with an in-
crease in the velocity of the wind and the intensity
of the rain. There was no sign of a boat anywhere.
About eight o'clock the weather cleared, however, and
four small rowing boats arrived. The transference of
personal kit commenced in dead earnest.

168

" This was a tedious business, as the boats could
only tal^e a small load, and the journey comprised,
first a row across the river to the island, then the stores
had to be man-handled across the island, and thence
again by row boats across another stretch of the river
to where the paddler was lying. However, all was
completed by about 12.20 p.m. Even now we were
without any means of getting on, as although we could
make steam, we required the assistance of another tug
to keep us on our course. The Naval Transport Officer's
tug was still hard aground, so we waited. Presently
a tug was sighted going up stream, and on being hailed
replied that in about an hour it would have finished
the job it was on, and would tow us down to Siskoe.
Having had previous experience of the Russian idea
of time, a boarding party was sent on board, with
instructions to bring the tug back at once. The tug
returned well within the hour, and down stream we
proceeded. After having gone about ten versts, we
came across another tug, and as this was, so its captain
informed us, proceeding to Archangel, and was, more-
over, a stronger tug, we dispensed with our present tug
and took this new one.

" All went well for a couple of hours or so, when
suddenly the tug's main steam-pipe burst. There were
no casualties. We were now in the position of having
one paddler that would steam but would not steer,
and one tug that would steer but would not steam.
We accordingly hitched the two together and pro-
ceeded on.

" We arrived at Ust Pinega at about 1.30 a.m. on

169

September 23rd, only to find that the Russian Naval
Transport Officer had received instructions to place
the skipper of our tug under arrest for absence from
duty somewhere up-river. After much argument we
managed to convince him that he must proceed to
Archangel for repairs to the steam pipe, so at about
6 a.m. we were allowed to proceed, and an additional
tug, containing some eighty Bolo prisoners, was also
tacked on. Our procession now consisted of three
tugs in line. At about 10 a.m. we met two coastal
motor boats that had come up river to look for us.
Shortly afterwards a monitor and a seaplane also
signalled us. Without further mishap we made Head-
quarters at about 3 p.m. on September 23rd."

The R.A.S.C. barge and personnel therefore was for
four days the complete rear guard to the whole force,
which shows that it is not only in the Bolshevik army,
but in our own, that the department of supplies can be
heroes. I should like to have Comrade Gidrassow
describe this stirring event, particularly as he would
have undoubtedly laid stress on the following incident
that happened while the N.T. 252 was aground.

All supplies had been handed over to the Russians,
less a small amount of rum, which the D.A.D.S. and T.
had been instructed to destroy, if unable to carry
away. In pursuance of his instructions, Major Watson
was busy breaking the bottles over the side of the barge.
Hearing yells from below, he glanced over, to behold
two natives in a small boat, catching the contents of
the bottles in their mouths. The fact of glass descend-
ing with the spirit failed to deter them.

110

A short stay was made by the convoy at Lyavlya,
where a hne was held till September 27th. We were
supported there by H.M. Monitors 31 and 33, who had
re-armed at Archangel, until the final evacuation.

H.M. Monitor 26 was stationed off Bakharitsa, and
H.M.S. Fox off Archangel.

The final evacuation on September 27th was con-
ducted in perfect order, the monitors falling back on
H.M.S. Fox after all river transports had cleared, and
preceding that cruiser out of harbour.

The majority of the Brigade travelled home on the
ss. Kildonan Castle. The trip was wonderful, and we
dropped anchor at Plymouth, from whence all ranks
were demobilized.

Of all the many congratulatory messages, the only
one I shall quote is that of His Majesty King George V.
to the Force ; —

" To General Lord Henry Rawlinson.

" On completion of the evacuation of the AUied
troops from North Russia, I desire to congratulate
you and all ranks under your command on the suc-
cessful manner in which this difficult operation has
been accomplished.

" I wish to express my appreciation of the skill
displayed by the commanders, and the courage,
discipline, and power of endurance of all ranks.
These qualities have enabled the forces both at
Archangel and Murmansk to be withdrawn from
their advanced positions in contact with the enemy,
transported over great distances to their bases, and
embarked with practically no loss of life.

"It is especially gratifying to me to note that
the withdrawal has been carried out in such a
manner as to leave the loyal Russian forces in a
faA^ourable position for continuing an active and

resolute defence.

" George, R.I."

So ends this short chronicle of our efforts in North
"^Russia. Since we left that country the Bolo has
overrun the land and captured Archangel. With the
political aspect of the situation we are not concerned.
Suffice it to say that certain things were asked of us,
and those things we performed.

The officers and men of the Relief Force and the
flotilla have parted and gone their various ways into
all parts of the world to their homes and their work.
That was inevitable. In the words of Candide, the
greatest of all philosophers, " II faut cultiver notre
jardin.''

But the memories of the days and the nights of
Troitsa, and of the loyal comradeship of the Dvina,
will never fade.

THE END.

M 2

THE GLORIOUS DEAD.

'There's some corner of a foreign field
That is for ever England . . . . "

ROLL OF HONOUR

1st July. 1919, to 30th September. 1919.

They shall not grow old

As we that are left grow old.

Age shall not weary them

Nor the years condemn

At the going down of the sun

And in the morning

We will remember them."

178

THE NAVY.

OFFICERS.

Lieutenant R. H. Fitzherbert-Brockholes, R.N.
Mr. Trevor Livesay, Gunner (T.), R.N.
Lieutenant J. Gk)ndr6, R.A.F.
Lieutenant Cyril E. McLaughlin, R.N.
2nd-Lieutenant Claude M. Lemoine, R.A.F.
Surgeon-Lieutenant Rowland Thursfield, R.N.
Lieutenant Thomas L. MacFarlane, R.N.V.R.
Captain Dugald MacDougall, R.A.F.
Commander Sebald W. B. Green, R.N.

MEN.

Leading Seaman John Sexton ...

Able Seaman Thomas M. Cheeseborough

Aircraftsman 1st Class Henry W. Scudder .

Engine Room Artificer William W. Dennison

Mechanician Charles F. Warren

Able Seaman James Webb

Able Seaman John W. Buss

Stoker 1st Class Walter Alexander

Stoker 1st Class Alfred H. Eels

OfRcirs' Steward 2nd Class Charles W

Able Seaman Stanley Chisman

Able Seaman John R. McCoy ...

Able Seaman Leonard Glanville

Able Seaman Sidney Hill

Leading Seaman Alexander Keith

Stoker 1st Class John McCrae ...

Armourer's Crew Harold Sykes

Able Seaman Edward H. Coate

Able Seaman Henry Wright ...

Able Seaman Lancelot W. H. Smith

Officer's Steward 2nd Class Joseph Ayres

Signalman Thomas W. Farmer ... J

Leading Seaman George Dawes ... .1

.Leading Seaman Robert G. Cleveland J

OFF. NO.
J.24832

J.85493
227344
279982

J.19636

J.2144

311118

Nelson L.4055

S.S.7701

J.90427

S.S.8798

195605

K.22922

J.55280

J.16309

J.25323

J.14515

L.625

,33401

12434

16266

^5>5p

174

Yeoman of Signals Patrick Casey
Able Seaman VVilliam G. Leadbetter ...
Able Seaman Ernest Snellgrove
Able Seaman Frederick Murray

227466
J.20444
J.43244
J.44493

THE ARMY.

OFFICERS.
45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
Major S. le F. Shepherd.
Captain G. C. de Mattos.
Lieutenant J. C. Zigolmala, O.B.E.
Lieutenant A. V. CoUedge.
Lieutenant Lord Settrington.
Lieutenant A. C. Pearse, M.C.

46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
Captain H. Driver, D.S.O., M.C.
Lieutenant G. Jacob, D.C.M., M.M.
Lieutenant W. N. C. Taylor.

R.A.M.C.
Lieutenant G. H. Middleton.

OTHER RANKS.
45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

128930 R.S.M.
128947 Cpl.

130934
129220
130256
130269
130253
131583
131035
129126
129617

Pte.

G. T. Garnham, M.M.
S. Hill.
W. Hinson.

E. Gallagher.
G. Robinson.
P. Gledhill.

F. E. Jones.
E. Kelly.
C. Cruise.
W. S. Broadbent.
C. Martin.

^^B

175

130806

•te.

C. Barry.

130143

T. McLaclilan.

130197

W. Cree.

181122

R. Power.

131555

R. Slade.

130061

C. Wren.

131015 L./Cpl

F. Salisbury.

129796

Pte.

J. Bell.

128952

S^.

J. Bettany.

129176

Pte.

J. Fulbrook.

129594

R. Logan.

131476

»5

J. S. ^"rotter.

130807 L./Cpl

J. Lawton.

128979

L. G. Robertson.

131207

Pte.

W. E. Wright.

129217

))

J. O'Neill.

131599

A. Hare.

128970

Sgt.

P. E. Petter, D.C.M

128960

Cpl.

E. R. Nash, M.M.

181223

Pte.

G. Scott.

46th ]

Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

129880

Sgt.

E. Jackson.

131804

Pte.

W. Brown.

129843

B. Richardson.

130866

E. Pearman.

129315

T. Andrews.

130870

J. Aggie.

130320

W. Gallon.

129303

J. Sliney.

129587

F. Sexton.

129840

J. Wallace.

129213

J. Mahoney.

130850

A. Burrows.

133378

J. Cairns.

133354

J. Stoddart.

133306

Cpl.

J. Mulhall.

129393

te.

A. Doyle.

Royal Artillery.
Gunner Grade. Gunner Bridcutt

lliiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii

176

177

WOUNDED

THE NAVY,

OFFICERS.

Mr. Thomas J. Vosper, Chief Bos'n, R.N.
Lieutenant J. S. Prouse, R.A.F.
Lieutenant Rankin, R.A.F.

Lieutenant-Commander Arthur J. L. Murray, R.N.
Lieutenant Anthony H. G. Thorold, R.N.
Gunner Albert M. Wildbore.
2nd-Lieutenant A. J. Redman, R.A.F.
Midshipman Andrew W. E. Welchman, R.N.R.

MEN.

OFF. NO.

Ordinary Seaman Wilham H. Allwright ... J.62942

Officers' Cook 1st Class Wilham Davis ... L.5900

Ordinary Seaman R. Rawthorne.

Petty Officer Robert H. C. Etherington.

Able Seaman William Denning.

Sergeant-Mechanic Quantrell, R.A.F.

Able Seaman Denis Higgins ... ... ... J.4839T

Officers' Steward 3rd Class Harry Jennings ... L.11219
Engine - Room Artificer 4th Class Francis

Puckey M.15881

Stoker Petty Officer Stanley Bowden ... K.8442

Petty Officer William Withington 209115

Leading Telegraphist George A. Knight ... J.3316

Stoker 1st Class James Holden K.3198

Able Seaman Edward G. Robbins J.21087

Able Seaman Frederick Bedding J.32081

Able Seaman Harry Martin S.S.6655

Able Seaman Samuel T. Dark J.6562

Stoker 1st Class John R. Downes K.1860

Officers' Steward 3rd Class Herbert Hanlon ... L.8103
Able Seaman Stringer.

178

THE ARMY.

OFFICERS.

45th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers.
Captain F. G. Cavendish, M.C.
Lieutenant C. H. Fuller, M.C.
Lieutenant K. P. Smith.
Lieutenant G. J. Kirkcaldy.
Lieutenant H. J. Clapperton, M.C.
Lieutenant H. Q. Coles.
Lieutenant V. J. Wheeler, M.C.

46th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers.

Lieutenant H. M. Grant, M.C.
Lieutenant C. D. Moorhead.
Lieutenant J. B. Moffatt.
2nd-Lieutenant W. S. C. Curtiss.

OTHER RANKS.

45th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers.

129079

Sgt.

H. Heath.

131490

Pte.

T. Grange.

130775

»>

S. Hunt.

129737

j»

J. A. Dunn.

129913

Sgt.

J. Smith.

76843

Pte.

A. Davies.

130226

T. Reeves.

128946 L./Cpl.

, J. Hammond.

9012

Pte.

R. Golding.
B. GranvUle.

131536

Set.

130995 L./Cpl.

F. Farnsworth.

131062

Pte.

A. Jack.

130952

J. E. Taylor.

129066

Sgt.

G. Sawyer.

20842

«»

V. J. Bull.

181224 L./Cpl.

C. Keenan.

129136

J. Dolan.

130983

Pte.

E. H. Crutchley.

130184

>»

W. J. Cutts.

131573

>»

F. Docherty.

130158

»i

W. Little.

179

129072 L./Cpl.

C. E. Middleton.

130153

Pte.

J. W, Hunter.

131056

Sgt.

G. Staunton.

130866

Pte.

C. West.

129259

A. Girvan.

129961

J. White.

128939 L./Cpl.

S. Gale.

131144

Pte.

T. Grant.

129995 :

L./Cpl.

W. Wright.

129789

Pte.

W. Kennedy.

130019

C.S.M.

W. Borley.

131030 L./Cpl.

F. Eaves.

130841

Pte.

E. Gawne.

130941

Pte.

W. Lowe.

129991

Sgt.

W. GlanviUe.

129060

Cpl.

G. E. Coleclough.

129240

L./Cpl.

W. Wliitelaw.

129075

E. Lyons.

130207

Pte.

J. W. Hardy.

130186

D. Bown.

129201

H. Klebar.

131438

T. Roach.

131216

5»

A. Hutchinson.

130845

5»

D. Judson.

131022

A. H. Lane.

129006

Sgt.

L. Whitbread.

14319

Pte.

D. Capel, D.C.M,

129017

Sgt.

N. Sinnes.

129652

Pte.

F. Skidmore.

129025

„

A. Arnott.

131018

J. W. Bodman.

129002

j»

D. Murphy.

129085

H. G. Morris.

291663 L./Cpl

. E. A. Roberts.

131586

Pte.

W. Wakely.

131263

L. Woodcock.

128944

F. Brown.

123007

Purdue.

129937

G. Cressy.

133025

O. C. Anderson.

129640

W. Ross, M.M.

130936

L. Dunn.

46th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers.

131304 Sgt. J. McBeth.
180695 Pte. D. Lyons.

180

130469

Pte.

E. Nolan.

130694

W. N. Gough.

131640

E. Ninno.

129887

J. Park.

183213

»>

J. Adshead.

129261

A. Lonsdale.

131718

Sgt.

W. Adams.

131674

Pte.

H. Spinks.

131658

>»

F. Parker.

131089

j»

A. Harvey.

129717

»>

P. Clarke.

131425

))

W. Whiteman.

129872

M. Weldon.

131345

»i

R. Clarke.

133215

H. James.

181873

C. Holloway.

126772

J. Murphy.

130385

J. Chester.

130395 L./Cpl.

, C. Pettipierre.

129330

J. Gallaghur.

130339

Pte.

P. Hawkins.

131181

E. Collins.

181853

P. Kelly.

131788

S. Alcock.

129360

J. Bums.

181711

F. Morris.

131798

J. Redmond.

130560

Sgt.

T. Goodchild.

1314S4

Pte.

L. Ulyatt.

130416 L./Cpl.

J. Hursey.

129499

Pte.

J. Jones.

385th Field Company, Royal Engineers.
20234 Cpl. D. Logan.

181

MISSING

OFFICERS.

Royal Aih Force.

Lieutenant H. L. Marshall.
Lieutenant G. Lansdowne.

OTHER RANKS.

45th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers.

129626 Pte.
131063
128954
129662
131048
129956 Cpl.
131253 Pte.
131005
129086

128982 L./Cpl.
131264
131584 Pte.

A. Sweeting.
J. Wynne.

E. J. Preston.
N. E. Searle.
J. Mack.

A. England.

F. Swindon.
H. Stone.
P. Parker.
S. W. Bray.
F. Hamlett.
T. Todd.

46th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers.
131232 Sgt. W. J. McPhee.

131363
180430
181200

Pte.

D. Marks.
H. Farlowe.

E. Twiner.

Royal Army Medical Corps.

200119

22005

7878

220044

12756

220053

220143

200244

Pte.

J. W. Rhodes.
J. Ashton.

F. Brindle.

H. T. Cochrane.
B. Doyle.

G. Hopkins.
J. Harvey.
H. Wall.

182

HONOURS AND AWARDS

THE NAVY

BAR TO THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE ORDER.

Lieutenant-Commander Frank Arthur Worsley, D.S.O., R.N.R.

THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE ORDER.

Commander Hugh Beaumont Robinson, R.N.
Commander Frank George Bramble, R.N.
Lieutenant-Commander George Hoskins Irton Parker, R.N.
Lieutenant-Commander St. Andrew Oliver St. John, R.N.
Lieutenant-Commander Francis Leonard Back, R.N.
Lieutenant-Commander Arthur J. L. Murray, O.B.E., R.N.
Lieutenant-Commander Andrew Johnstone, R.N.
Engineer Lieutenant-Commander Cecil Simpson, R.N.
Lieutenant Alan Kerr McClintock Halliley, R.N.
Acting-Lieutenant Cyril Edward McLaughHn, R.N. (since killed).

BAR TO THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE CROSS.

Lieutenant Robert Hunter McNair, D.S.C., R.N.R.

Lieutenant Ernest William King, D.S.C., R.N.R.

Chief Gunner Daniel Patrick Joseph Enright, D.S.C., R.N.

THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE CROSS.

Lieutenant Hugh Babington, R.N. (since died).

Lieutenant George Ernest Coker, R.N.

Lieutenant Ion Whitefoord Grove White, R.N., Commanding

H.M.S. " Cricket."
Lieutenant Ralph Petterbridge Martin, R.N.
Lieutenant Meredith Stanton Spalding, R.N.
Lieutenant Thomas Johnson Jones, R.N.
Lieutenant Edward Templeton Grayston, R.N.R., Commanding

H.M.S. " Cicala."
Lieutenant Clive Melbourne Sergeant, R.M.L.I.

188

Sub-Lieutenant Basil Theodore Brewster, R.N.

Sub-Lieutenant Archibald Hugh Mafeking Dunn, R.N.

Chief Gunner David Heard Shepherd, R.N., Commanding

H.M.S. " Step Dance."
Mate Arthur Gunning Ingram, R.N.
Midshipman Andrew William EUot Welchman, R.N.R.

BAR TO THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL.

Vict. CP.O. John Patrick Canty, D.S.M., O.N. 342015.

THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL.

C.E.R.A. William Albert Brigden, O.N. 271661.

A.B. William George Denning, O.N. J30300.

P.O. Robert Henry Charles Etherington, O.N. J20004.

Leading Seaman George Fender, O.N. J33242.

A.B. John Jenkins, O.N. J21002.

E.R.A. 3rd Class Robert Charles Pengelly, O.N. M5254.

Leading Seaman George Frederick Tolliday, O.N. J983.

E.R.A., 2nd Class, John William Huxley, O.N. M3631.

Yeoman of Signals George William Smith, O.N. 232282.

A.B. William James Thompson, O.N. S.S. 5974.

Leading Signalman Arthur Charlton, O.N. J4467.

Leading Seaman John WilHam Footit, O.N. 213271.

Stoker, 1st Class, James Frankhn, O.N. K2915.

A.B. Albert Greenway, O.N. J21140.

Yeoman of Signals Hubert Allen Mitchell, O.N. 205067.

A.B. Wilham James Priest, O.N. J36620.

Signalman Alexander Christie Sinton, O.N. J25874.

P.O. Dennis William Smith, O.N. J15958.

P.O. Telegraphist Frederick Simeon Stuckey, O.N. J29.

A.B. Joseph Wilson, O.N. J35012.

P.O. Henry John Wood, O.N. J5518.

Leading Signahnan Arthur Ronald Worlock, O.N. J8472.

THE MERITORIOUS SERVICE MEDAL.

Signalman Charles Thomas Dean, O.N. J80568.
Signalman Douglas Leburn Simmonds, O.N. J13807.
P.O. Telegraphist William Smith, O.N. 224098.

MENTIONED IN DISPATCHES.

Engineer-Commander Francis Howard Lyon, D.S.O., R.N.
Lieutenant-Commander Quintin Bernard Preston-Thomas, R.N.

184

Lieutenant-Commander Henry Edward Kendall, D.S.O., R.N,

Lieutenant-Commander Victor Isaac Griffith, R.N.

Lieutenant-Commander Philip Graves Rouse, R.N.V.R.,

Lieutenant-Commander George Hoskins Irton Parker, R.N.

Lieutenant-Commander Francis Leonard Back, R.N.

Lieutenant-Commander Andrew Johnstone, R.N.

Lieutenant-Commander Kenneth Michell, D.S.C., R.N.

Engineer Lieutenant-Commander Cecil Simpson, R.N.

Lieutenant Cecil Courtenay Dickinson, D.S.O., R.N.

Lieutenant Roger Hubert Fitzherbert-Brockholes, R.N. (killed).

Lieutenant George Evelyn Paget How, R.N.

Lieutenant William Henry Fenn, R.N.

Lieutenant Leonard John Gates, R.N.R.

Lieutenant Frederick John Yuile, R.N.R.

Lieutenant Roland George Davies, R.N.V.R.

Engineer Lieutenant Frederick Arthur Hunter, R.N.R.

Captain F. R. G. Milton, M.C., R.F.A.

2nd-Lieutenant J. H. Lawrence- Archer, R.G.A.

Mate Walter Ambrose Ford, R.N.

Warrant Shipwright Daniel Wood, R.N.

Commissioned-Shipwright David James Dalyal Mackay, R.N.

Gunner William Arthur Vinnicomb, R.N.

Midshipman John Sills Charlton, R.N.R.

Midshipman Percival Baden Powell Mellows, R.N.R.

Midshipman Robert Ivor Jones, R.N.R.

Midshipman Patrick Aubrey Smith, R.N.V.R.

C.P.O. William Ernest Wright, O.N. 204333.

C.P.O. Frederick Austin, O.N. 187728.

A.B. William John Ayling, O.N. J2428.

Chief Armourer Albert Victor Brown, O.N. 343710.

A.B. Louis Thomas Burrows, O.N. J19752.

Officers' Steward, 1st Class, Herbert Channell, O.N. L.5909.

A.B. Ernest Gilbert, O.N. J27880.

C.E.R.A. Edgar Graham, O.N. 270999.

C.E.R.A. Robert Henry Harding, O.N. 270325.

Signalman Harry Hickingbotham, O.N. J39986.

Pte. John George Hudson, R.M.L.I., No. Po./12946.

Leading Seaman Francis George Martin Long, O.N. .112970.

Leading Seaman Edgar Morgan, O.N. 185675.

Joiner, 3rd Class, Arthur Oliver, O.N. M8877.

Leading Seaman George Olley, O.N. J26328.

A.B. Edwin Arthur Pharaoh, O.N. J78385.

Ch. Motor Mech. John Charles Prigmore, R.N.V.R., O.N. M.B.2276.

Sergt. Ernest Randell, R.M.L.I., No. Ch./1,5943.

A.B. Joseph Spragg Rhind, O.N. 192011.

Shipwright, 2nd Class, William John Stubbs, O.N. 345408.

A.B. Francis Trouten, O.N. J5780.

185

Pte. William James Watson, R.M.L.I., No. Ch./17098.

Armourer's Crew Herbert Angus Wright, O.N. M12645.

A.B. William Albert Bridger, O.N. J37486.

Leading Stoker Charles Lewis Davies, O.N. K19600.

Shipwright, 4th Class, Monteith Cyril Dean, O.N. M34559.

A.B. Francis John Dredge, O.N. J33540.

Shipwright, 2nd Class, John Galloway, O.N. M6441.

Cpl. Percy Mills, R.F.A., No. 292929.

A.B. Robert Benjamin Pattenden, O.N. J47685.

E.R.A., 2nd Class, Reginald James Timberley, O.N. 272249.

Signalman Alfred Weston, O.N. 227149.

Signalman Ernest Lambert Gardner, O.N. J33017.

A.B. Charles Harris, O.N. S.S.6484.

A.B. Thomas Jane, O.N. J19061.

Sergt. Alfred John Knowlson, R.M.L.I., No. Po./15263.

C.E.R.A. John Arthur Lyell, O.N. M1689.

Stoker P.O. Frederick James Santillo, O.N. K3030.

P.O. Harold Gordon Walker, O.N. 213553.

A.B. Horace Weedon, O.N. J13220.

A.B. Samuel Pugh Wood, O.N. J30038.

THE ARMY

THE VICTORIA CROSS.

No. 133003 Corporal A. P. Sullivan, Australian Imperial Forces,
attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.

ORDER OF ST. MICHAEL AND ST. GEORGE.
(C.M.G.)

Lieutenant-Colonel C, S. Davies, D.S.O., Leicestershire Regiment,

attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant-Colonel H. H. Jenkins, D.S.O., South African

Infantry, attached 46th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.

PROMOTIONS.

To BE Brevet Colonel.
Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel L. W. de V. Sadleir
Jackson, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., 9th Lancers.

To BE Brevet Major.
Captain J. W. G. Wyld, D.S.O., M.C., Oxford and Buckingham-
shire Light Infantry.

186

BAR TO THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE ORDER.

Major A. G. Patterson, D.S.O., M.C., King's Own Scottish
Borderers, attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.

Major A. E. Percival, D.S.O., M.C., the Essex Regiment, attached
46th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.

Major H. G. Harcourt, D.S.O., M.C., 201st Battalion M.G.C.

DISTINGUISHED SERVICE ORDER.

Major C. W. Burdon, Royal Artillery.

Captain F. G. Cavendish, M.C., 1st BattaHon Leinster Regiment,

attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusihers.
Captain H. Heaton, M.C., 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Captain J. C. Blackburn, M.C., West Yorks Regiment, attached

46th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Captain A. E. Wass, M.C., 4th Hussars, attached 46th BattaUon

Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant L. L. Green, M.C., Rifle Brigade, attached 46th

Battalion Royal Fusiliers.

BAR TO THE MILITARY CROSS.

Captain G. E. R. de Miremont, D.S.O., M.C., attached 46th

Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Captain W. Newbold, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Captain C. C. Foulkes, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant V. J. Wheeler, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant A. C. Pearse, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant L. W. Jones, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant S. H. Walker, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant J. H. Penson, M.C., R.E., attached 45th Battalion

Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant H. R. Oke, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
2nd-Lieutenant R. Ramsey, M.C., attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant S. S. Harrison, M.C., 201st Battalion M.G.C.

187

THE MILITARY CROSS.

Captain W. Newbold, attached 45th BattaHon Royal Fusiliers.
Captain C. V. Booth, attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Captain J. Vallance, R.A.M.C, attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Captain C. Featherstone, attached 46th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Captain and Quartermaster J. Scaife, D.C.M., attached 46th

Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Captain G. A. Webb, 201st Battalion M.G.C.
Captain J. J. Lauder, 55th Battery Royal Artillery.
Captain J. J. Magner, 156th Field Ambulance, R.A.M.C.
Lieutenant G. C. Scholfield, attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant E. L. Sutro, attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant C. H. Fuller, attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant J. Windsor, attached 45th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant V. J. Wheeler, attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant N. C. W. Flint, attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant F. L. Whalley, attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant W. Culbert, attached 46th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant C. E. Moorhead, attached 46th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant A. E. Jones, attached 46th Battalion Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant R. H. C. Perry, attached 46th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant T. S. Dumbreck, attached 46th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant H. C. Platts, 385th Field Company R.E.
Lieutenant J. B. Tinker, 250th Signal Company R.E.
Lieutenant C. D. Armstrong, 201st Battalion M.G.C.
Lieutenant C. L. Snodgrass, 201st Battalion M.G.C.
2nd-Lieutenant Hon. C. A. U. Rhys, attached 45th Battalion

Royal Fusiliers.
2nd-Lieutenant A. V. Saunders, attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
2nd-Lieutenant H. Q. Coles, attached 45th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
2nd-Lieutenant A. Matson, attached 46th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.
2nd-Lieutenant W. S. C. Curtiss, attached 46th Battalion Royal

Fusiliers.

N 2

188

BAR TO DISTINGUISHED CONDUCT MEDAL.

130560 Sgt. T. G. Goodchild, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
602411 „ A. E. Green, D.C.M., M.M., Royal Engineers.

DISTINGUISHED CONDUCT MEDAL.

129963 C.S.M.
133001 Sgt.

129603 ",
128976

133028 Cpl.
133005 L. Cpl.

133029 Pte.
129535
130228
129545
129644

14319

Pte.

130133
133039
133007
130825 Sgt.
129518
131232
129407
129059 Cpl.
192194
43159
345042 Sgt.

133054 Cpl.

129640 Pte.
128963
130074
128903

129964 Sgt.

129110 Cpl.

131434 Pte.

53580 Sgt.

192209 Pte.

193013

19393 L./Cpl,

17863 Pte.

E. Almey, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

W. J. Robinson, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

W. D. Fox, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

C. Hunter, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

E. P. Petter, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
H. Gipps, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
A. J. Lutterburrow, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
N. M. Brooke, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
R. Lees, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
H. L. Sharp, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. P. Mason, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. McGarry, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

D. Capel, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. W. Hunter, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
W. F. Quarrell, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Purdue, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
R. H. F. Gascoigne-Roy, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Whammond, M.C., 46th Bn. Royal FusiHers.
W. Gale, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
G. H. Templeman, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
A. W. Card, 46th Royal Fusiliers.
G. Murphy, 201st M.G.C.
C. Kilby, 201st M.G.C.
J. Edmunds, M.M., 55th Battery R.F.A.

BAR TO THE MILITARY MEDAL.

H. J. M. Spies, M.M., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
W. Ross, M.M., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
W. Wright, M.M., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

F. Daley, M.M., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
H. Taylor, M.M., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Jones, M.M., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
T. Socket, M.M., 46th Bn. Royal Fus.
J. Johns, D.C.M., M.M., 46th Bn. Roval Fus.
J. M. Ulyatt, M.M.

S. Stephenson, M.M., 201st Bn. M.G.C.
P. Smith, M.M., 201st Bn. M.G.C.
W. Jones, M.M., 201st Bn. M.G.C.
A. E. McKenzie, M.M., Royal Engineers.
J. Bradshaw, M.M., 155th Field Ambulance,

R.A.M.C.

189

129908 C.Q.M.

130038

Sgt.

129142

>»

129230

133063

129699

Cpl.

129376

130026

133092

130030

128960

»»

129927 L./Cpl

130323

129181

129157

»>

133018

>•

131297

133151

Pte.

133024

131589

130795

»>

130856

200123

131029

6430

129120

»»

129082

130120

128950

Sgt.

129130

130319

130679

229318

L/20589

131398

Cpl.

129308 ]

L./Cpl,

131715

130416

133338

138288

129776

Pte.

131675

»»

THE MILITARY MEDAL.

S. H. Hardisty, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
F. Durrant, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
W. Allington, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
W. Baulker, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Roche, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
A. Burns, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
C. W. McKay, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
W. J. H. Green, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

F. Wickens, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. M. Edwards, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
E. R. Nash, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

. D. Allen, D.C.M., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
W. Wilson, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

G. Baker, M.C., 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. E. Holloway, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
S. Cale, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Collins. 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
L. P. Mordant, 45th Bb. Royal Fusiliers.
M. Butler, 45th Bn. Royal FusiHers.
W. Hodson, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
A. McKenzie, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
L. F. Gooding, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
E. Tappin, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
E. Newell, R.A.M.C, attached 45th Bn. Royal

Fusiliers.
P. Hunt, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
A. N. Cherrett, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
G. Eaton, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
R. McNiven, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
R. Sheppard, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
A. Jones, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
P. Moran, D.C.M., 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
P. Hanlon, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
G. Brown, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Whammond, M.C., D.C.M., 46th Bn. Royal

Fusiliers.
V. Gerhardi, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
A. McRae, 46th Bn. Royal FusiHers.
. W. A. Cannell, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
C. Jerram, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Horsley, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
G. Little, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
J. Brogan, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
C. Ferguson, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
P. Mack, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

190

129429 Pte. E. C. Marriott, 46th Bn. Roval Fusiliers.
131303 „ J. W. Purvis, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
131623 „ H. McPherson, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
130641 „ C. Donovan, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
130440 „ W. Perkins, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
130433 „ J. Reilly, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
131829 „ M. Fearon, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
129737 „ S. Yeardley, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
131074 „ G. Went, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
131853 „ F. Kelly, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
130423 „ H. Jamieson, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
131084 „ A. Davis, 46th Bn. Royal Fusihers.

9788 Far. S./Sgt. .1. Druce, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
24750 Spr. R. H. Collyer, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
24991 ,, H. TomHnson, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
25839 „ C. Milford, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
344031 „ J. C. Pope, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
197119 „ R. H. Graham, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
253382 Dvr. C. W. Keane, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
602439 Pioneer G, Wheatlev, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
602427 „ F. G. Mansfield, 250th Signal Company, R.E.
113936 L./Cpl. R. Parry, 201st Bn. M.G.C.
1014 Cpl. A. L. Morton, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

J. Hubbard. 201st Bn. M.G.C.

J. Hilston, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

A. Dove, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

W. A. Clements, 55th Battery R.F.A.

G. F. Marshall, 55th Battery R.F.A.

P. V. Morrish, 385th Field Company R.E.

D. M. Hogge, Royal. Engineers.

F. Iveson, Royal Engineers.
T. G. Paul, Royal Engineers.

G. W. Leitch, Royal Engineers.
P. Cross, Royal Engineers.
J. Chinnery, 385th Field Companv, R.E.
C. H. Page, 385th Field Company, R.E.
G. Smith, 155th Field Ambulance.
W. R. Green, Royal Army Medical Corps.
J. R. Allon, 155th Field Ambulance, R.A.M.C.
H. J. Sprigge, 155th Field Ambulance, R.A.M.C
G. E. Honeywill, 15.5th Field Ambulance,

R.A.M.C.
220044 „ H. T. Cochrane, 155th Field Ambulance,
R.A.M.C.
94298 „ G. Gibbons, 155th Field Ambulance, R.A.M.C.

1797

Gdsm.

70922

Pte.

7887

Gdsm.

15111

Sgt.

39119

Bdr.

128824

Sgt.

602521

2/Cpl.

25381

Spr.

602743

328829

»>

144790

344852

344071

Dvr.

18418

S./Sgt.

1859

Pte.

130978

220000

220099

191

MERITORIOUS SERVICE MEDAL.

192107 Sgt. W. Brassey, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

28750 „ W. P. Warnock, 1st Oxford and Bucks L.I.

21253 „ E. A. Manning, R.A.S.C.

64027 Cpl. W. Baddams, 1st Oxford and Bucks L.I.

39974 „ L. Nock, 1st Oxford and Bucks L.I.

„ H. W. Hammersley, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
T. W. Minksley, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

MENTIONED IN DISPATCHES.

Brigade Headquarters.

Lieutenant-Colonel E. M. Browne, C.M.G., Royal Engineers.
Captain .J. H. Pickering, The Gloucester Regiment.
Captain S. R. W. Benedick, The Yorkshire Regiment.
Captain G. Darby, Royal Artillery.
Lieutenant C. N. Brownhill, Royal Artillery.

45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

R.Q.M.S. T. W. Brown.
C.S.M. A. Bishork, M.M.

46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Captain C. R. Williams, D.S.O., M.C.

Major C. G. W. Nightingale, M.C.

Lieutenant E. V. Burke-Murphy, M.C.

Lieutenant W. E. Gage.

Lieutenant C. Lloyd.

Lieutenant T. C. Clarke.

2nd-Lieutenant A. Smith, D.C.M., M.M.

C.S.M. W. W. Wodehouse.

C.S.M. C. Hardy.

C.S.M. R. Porter.

Cpl. P. Alexander.

L./Sgt. W. Gale.

C.Q.M.S. A. G. Nichol.

Sgt. J. Whammond, M.C, D.C.M., M.M.

Cpl. A. N. Smith.

Pte. H. Whittington.

Pte. P. Donnelly.

192

201st Battn. Machine Gun Corps.
Lieutenant P. D. Morrison.
R.Q.M.S. G. F. Bennett.
Sgt. R. Wilkinson.
C.Q.M.S. Setford.
Sgt. M. A. MacCorkindale.
Cpl. W. Scott.

Royal Field Artillery.
Captain M. D. Motion.
Lieutenant J. J. Lauder.

250th Signal Company, R.E.
Cpl. H. Perkin.
Sgt. T. Stannard.
Sgt. R. Fletcher.
Spr. F. G. Prior.

385th Field Company, R.E.
Captain W. G. Pearson.
Lieutenant H. K. Armytage.
2nd-Lieutenant A. L. Green.
T./C.S.M. L. Harvey.
Spr. W. J. Smith.
Spr. A. G. Lamb.

155th Field Ambulance.
Pte. W. Moore.
Sgt. J. Percy, D.C.M.
Sgt. R. Kearns, M.M.
Q.M.S. D. Parker.
Pte. W. Campbell.

R.A.S.C.
C.S.M. L. Makin.
S./Sgt. F. C. R. Pettyfer.
Sgt. R. Perry.

Interpreters.
A./Sgt. G. Edgar.
Sgt. J. Godfrey.

Vaga Column.
Lieutenant H. Gibbons.
Lieutenant W. L. Dibben, M.C.
Private W. Sparks.

198

RUSSIAN AWARDS

ORDER OF ST. GEORGE, FOURTH CLASS.

Brigadier-General L. W. de V. Sadleir- Jackson, C.B., C.M.G..
D.S.O.

SAINT ANNA, SECOND CLASS WITH SWORDS AND RIBAND.

Lieutenant-Colonel C. M. Browne, C.M.G., D.S.O., R.E.
Lieutenant-Colonel C. S. Davies, D.S.O. , 45th Bn. Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant-Colonel H. H. Jenkins, D.S.O., 46th Bn. Royal

Fusiliers.
Lieutenant-Colonel H. Pritchard-Taylor, D.S.O., M.C., R.A.M.C.
Lieutenant-Colonel T. E. Harty, D.S.O., R.A.M.C.
Lieutenant-Colonel Tomkinson, R.A.F.
Lieutenant-Colonel E. C. T. Minet, D.S.O., M.C., M.G.C.

SAINT ANNA, THIRD CLASS WITH SWORDS AND RIBAND.

Major G. H. Cammell, R.F.A.

Captain G. P. Simpson, R.F.A.

Captain W. B. Wishaw, R.E.

Captain J. W. G. Wyld, D.S.O., M.C., Oxford and Bucks L.I.

Captain G. R. Prendergast, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Captain J. C. Blackburn, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Major H. N. G. Watson, D.S.O., R.A.S.C.

Captain W. J. Knight, M.C., R.A.M.C.

Lieutenant C. N. Brownhill, M.C., R.F.A.

Lieutenant C. L. Snodgrass, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

SAINT STANISLAS, SECOND CLASS WITH SWORDS.

Major C. W. Burdon, R.F.A.
Major R. Luby, D.S.O., M.C., R.E.
Major H. G. Harcourt, D.S.O., M.C., 201st Bn. M.G.C.
Captain (Brevet Major) A. G. Paterson, M.C., K.O.S.B. (attached
45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers).

194

SAINT STANISLAS, THIRD CLASS WITH SWORDS.

Lieutenant J. C. Zigomala, Irish Guards.
Lieutenant A. Whalley, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.
Lieutenant W. Wheeler, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

CROIX SAINT GEORGES.

Howard, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Jenkins, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Pond, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Wilson, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

G. Easton, R.F.A.

R. G. Miles, R.G.A.
3149 S./Sgt. E. A. Carter, R.E. (Engineer Clerk).
ES/50646 T./Cpl. S. G. Staff, R.A.S.C.
155650 Cpl. H. E. Digby, R.A.M.C.

129068

Sgt.

130307

Pte.

181747

»>

131883

62536

Cpl.

45964

Gnr.

130213

C.S.M.

131086

Pte.

129155

Cpl.

131576

Pte.

25496

Sgt.

23215

Gnr.

37623

Bdr. F.

602456

Spr.

602424

Sgt.

2887

Spr.

192110

Sgt.

86986

Cpl.

192222

Pte.

192228

67959

MEDAILLE SAINT GEORGES.

Bowen, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

S. Morrison, 46th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Litkie, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

Bollanger, 45th Bn. Royal Fusiliers.

T. Parks, R.F.A.

R. Gloin, R.F.A.

. Fairweather, R.F.A.

H. J. Rose, R.E.

W. Hawkins, R.E.

A. Nimmo, R.E.

C. Oliver, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

C. Brown, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

E. S. Strangen, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

A. H. Bennett, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

W. C. Freshwater, 201st Bn. M.G.C.

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
BERKELEY

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Full text of "Bolos & Barishynas : being an account of the doings of the Sadleir-Jackson Brigade, and Altham Flotilla, on the North Dvina during the summer, 1919"

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