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We were so early in the field comtating International 
Socialism that it was a whole decade before the first 
edition of our book, Socialism: The Nation of Father- 
less Children (1903), secured much of any notice, al- 
though it was highly commended by our then President 
Roosevelt, Samuel Gompers, His Eminence Cardinal 
O'Connell and other men vigorously interested in the 
relief of the masses as against the oppression of many 
masters of industry. Later editions were given a rather 
wide reading — 50,000 copies having been circulated. 

After we entered the world-war we thought, perhaps, 
the movement to run up the red flag over every capitol 
in the world had spent its projective force. But the 
Dictatorship of the Proletariat in Russia gave dire proof 
that its full fury had not until then broke loose in any 
nation and recalled to us an obligation to our country 
and our faith that could not in conscience be denied. 
In the days long gone, when we were neither Catholics 
nor reasoning rightly as to historic testimony, we were 
under that hallucination that sets many faces to look the 
wrong way for the right thing — equitable social rela- 
tionships. At length, being forced to the understanding 
that Marxians hold a philosophy quite at variance with 
sound principles and to practises contrary to moral re- 
quirements we withdrew early in nineteen hundred from 


the Socialist movement after a long and futile attempt to 
persuade the party to repudiate its socially disruptive 

Indeed it was not a blissful experience but it was 
wholesome at last to learn that the stability and peace 
of nations is based upon a recognition of what God 
intended the state to be, not upon any man-made scheme 
that departs from the Ten Commandments. 

We have come to know that the Encyclical of Pope 
Leo XIII — The Condition of the Working Class — 
written in 1891 gives the right direction to the efforts of 
those who would reconcile the two rival camps called 
capital and labor. To plant the Cross of Christ between 
the two armies is but the beginning of the work to save 
nations. So that we send forth — Bolshevism: Its Cure 
— in the hope that all those who love Old Glory better 
than the red flag will give heed to the essential differ- 
ence between those who would work the will of the 
Marxian destroyers and those who would give to our own 
dearly beloved Columbia what is due to her under God. 

A glance at our table of contents will reveal the struc- 
ture of the book, that it is grounded upon truth, natural 
and revealed, thus setting up the standards by which 
to make correct judgments. The contents will show how 
vast a field is covered by this movement, generally 
known as Socialism, that in its latest phases is now called 
Bolshevism. Since Socialism is alleged to be a philoso- 
phy of life that takes its rise in a so-called scientific un- 
derstanding of the economic relationships of man to 
man, it is our purpose to show the wide spreading activ- 


ities of this movement that it may never take on in this 
country its final phase of red ruin as in Russia. Our 
expectation is that robust Americanism will call a halt 
to this force of destruction before it tramples law and 
order under foot. It is not surprising that the public 
mind has long been and still is in a state of confusion 
as to what Socialism-Bolshevism is, for its subject mat- 
ter is truly too vast to be confined within a given sphere 
of social activity. Its meaning can be seen only by a 
synthetic view of things human for the simple reason 
that it contemplates a complete overthrowing of the 
Christian civilization that was builded upon the down- 
fall of the Pagan authority of Greece and Rome. Once 
again, it would have a state where God is unknown; 
where human will is responsible only to human author- 
ity; where justice is this to-day and that to-morrow. 

We begin by showing that the deep springs of its ac- 
tion lie in rebellion, in atheistic materialism; that its 
world force is drawn up in hostile array to Christian 
civilization; that its philosophy and its psychology 
vitiate every mind and every organization that gives 
it a sympathetic service, that within the four grand 
divisions of human society, namely, the domestic sphere, 
the social sphere, the political sphere and the economic 
sphere, no department escapes its mental and moral 

The two world powers of construction and destruc- 
tion are placed in contrast one to the other and the op- 
posing standards of Faith and Fatalism make it clear 
to logical minds that order as opposed to chaos rests upon 


the belief in Almighty God and in obedience to His 
commands. We show that the structure of human so- 
ciety is sound and yet sounder in so far as right-reason 
is obeyed and man's love for man is made manifest, and 
that, society is sick and yet sicker in so far as it takes 
Socialist remedies, since reconstruction upon solid prin- 
ciples is not its object but rather the complete destruc- 
tion of the private ownership of capital and the aboli- 
tion of the wage system. 

Having set down as philosophical opposites the Chris- 
tian principles of moral responsibility as against the So- 
cialist principles of irresponsibility, we pass to those 
of might as against right. Good and evil are affairs 
of the heart — one sound the other diseased — but might 
as against right is seen in the deeds of men. It is be- 
cause irreligion is now so common as to supply a great 
and growing host of men who are subject to a still fur- 
ther undermining of their morale that upon the domain 
of Caesar the Socialist-Bolsheviki can raise so great 
a tumult, here, there and everywhere. The perversity 
of their long time propaganda in undermining love and 
loyalty to our home-land is set forth at some length and 
brought up to date by citing their treasonable efforts 
during the world-war. We then pass on to the some- 
what obscure struggle between those who stand for right 
as against wrong upon the broad field of education and 
artistic culture. Here, indeed, their most insidious 
efforts are greatly rewarded. Their atheist philosophy 
is leavening the whole lump of so-called free thought 
with a Pagan view of things human as relentless as it 


is cruel. It is as truly a culture of sense perception 
as was that of degenerate Rome under the rule of Nero. 
When the facts are pointed out to them, we must assume 
that even those men and women who love God but lit- 
tle and their country much will take pause to consider 
that Godless education leads to an utter breakdown of 
patriotism and so to the necessary conclusion that once 
love of country is gone there is no binding force of loy- 
alty in any land. 

Having sketched their several modes of propagating 
their doctrine we come to the thing objectively — to 
Bolshevism itself ; which term is only another name for 
Socialism in operation upon a national scale. 

Here we show the so-called scientific tests by which to 
recognize the Socialist regime in Russia by its deter- 
mination to overthrow the principles of just govern- 
ment ; by denying the right of private property and by 
permitting only one class — the working class — to take 
part in its administration of affairs. 

Coming back to sane and lofty deeds of faith in God 
and loyalty to country we make final pause, knowing we 
have done what we could for God and fatherland. 

Well aware of the terrible indictment we bring against 
the Bolsheviki we have permitted them to convict them- 
selves by the use of their own data, quoting only such 
authorities as may not with truth be denied a national 
and international leadership amongst them. 

Here and there we have paid some little attention to 
a popular writer who, while preaching the selfsame 
philosophy that Lenin and Trotsky are practising, dis- 


claims all responsibility, as Marxians, for the horrors of 
the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia. It is our 
hope that such a one may come to see how ludicrously 
inconsistent such an attempt is in those who appeal to 
the principle of cause and effect for the facts in the 

To our many friends throughout the country who have 
sent us kind acknowledgments of the usefulness of our 
book — Socialism: The Nation of Fatherless Children 
— we recommend Bolshevism: Its Cure as practically 
adapted to give information and argument to educators, 
editors, writers and speakers, a fair view of the dangers 
to our country of Bolshevism, and a strong indication 
that one must look the right way for the right thing — 
Its Cure. 






" The Black International " 13 

The Red International 14 

ISM 28 

Civil Society 31 

Social Intercourse 32 

The Commercial Sphere 34 

The Domestic Sphere 37 

SocuLiSM Denies the Marriage Bond ... 66 

SocuLiSM Asserts Sex Freedom .... 67 

Socialists Advocate Free Love 70 

SocuLisM Promotes Easy Dfvorce .... 71 


The Hierarchy's Call 101 

Cardinal Gibbons 103 

Cardinal Farley 103 

Cardinal O'Connell 104 

War Itself 107 

" To Whom Shall We Go? " 115 



Children Cast Off the American Flag . . . 137 
Innocence and Guilt 139 


NAVY 149 

" SocuLiST Crippling of Warships " . . . . 166 

The Dick Military Law 167 

Citizen Army 178 



Making Perverts of Soldiers 186 

Soldiers Barred from Membership .... 195 

Experience in Coup D'Etat that Failed . . 199 

The Ballot Too Slow 202 


Inter-Collegiate Socialist Society .... 213 

Rand School 221 

Teachers' Bureau 226 

High Schools 230 

Young Peoples Socialist League .... 234 

Boy Scouts 236 

Socialist Sunday Schools 256 

Modern Schools 256 

Francisco Ferrer 256 

Ferrer Schools 277 

Public and Parochla.l Schools 280 


What is Bolshevism ? 302 

The Class Struggle 303 

Class-less Society 308 

The Socialist State 316 

Dictatorship of the Proletariat 321 

Demiocracy 326 

Paris Commune 329 

Soviets 337 

Expropriating the Expropriators .... 843 

Free Speech — Free Press 358 

Marital Relationship 364 

An Unaccepted Challenge 368 

All-Russian Constitution on Divorce . . . 372 

World Revolution 376 

Prophecy 383 

Violence 386 


Pope and Belgium 405 

The Pope and Italy 409 




THE members of the Catholic Church and its coun- 
terfeit organizations — Communism — Socialism 
— Bolshevism — are now coming to grips. Civiliza- 
tion may indeed be thrown back into chaos ere this evil 
association spends its force, but it is certain that so 
long as men shall live on earth the Church of Christ 
will be here to call sinners to repentance that they may 
spend their immortal life in Heaven. Of course, it is 
not sufficient for the support of civilization that citizens 
may merely know the action of these opposing forces 
but also, or rather, that there shall, at least, be found 
ten men to serve Caesar for the love of God. 

For half a century the world has been warned that 
life was becoming intolerable to those who stand for 
social justice as against the men who lust for power and 
riches. Pope Leo XIII sent out the warning and the 
true remedy. Socialism sent out the demand that pri- 
vate property should cease to exist because the Deca- 
logue was outworn. But the world would not listen, it 
went its way, while the tide of just resentment by those 
who love the right and hate the wrong crept higher! 


Meantime the cries of the masses for justice and mercy 
were mingled with the blasphemies that cursed God, 
whom they deny, and His Church that they know not. 
It was just prior to the world conflict that America was 
assured by the report o£ the President Emeritus of Har- 
vard, who had taken a swing around the world, at the 
hest of the Carnegie Foundation, that all was well — 
that war was afar off. 

But though the mills of God grind slowly, there comes 
the time when Eternal Justice is seen to have in keep- 
ing the fate of nations as well as the conscience of men. 

'No, we have no need to cite the horrors of the past 
four years of the world-war ; but rather the great need 
to fairly face the future that the Bolsheviki would pre- 
pare for the peoples of the earth. Otherwise our joy at 
the signing of the armistice by Germany on I^Tovember 
the eleventh, nineteen-eighteen, may be merely a passing 
event. For the underlying forces in human society that 
make for peace and war are as conspicuous to-day as 
they were before the dogs of war were let loose upon an 
unoffending neighbor. As Christ and Caiphas, right 
faces might in its effort to persuade men of good will 
to put into practise those just principles that are above 
the guarantee of an enduring peace between nation and 
nation — between man and man. But, above and below 
these national forces that have spent their blood and 
their treasure in offensive and defensive action, two or- 
ganizations of world-wide proportions — The Catholic 
Church and the International Socialist movement — 
have stood out so prominently during the recent conflict 


that men with ears heretofore closed to the sacred voice 
of the one as against the materialistic assertions of the 
other are coming to see that civilization itself is on the 
scales ready to be tipped over into chaos if the powerful 
and the rich will not return to those neighborly relations 
demanded by the Author of Nations. 

When the fatal shot struck down the heir to the throne 
of Austria, Pius X, knowing the temper of all Europe, 
implored in vain that they would stay their slaughter. 
But the din of war drowned out the voice of the Vicar 
of Christ and with the clash of arms came the death — 
broken-hearted — of this holy man seated upon the 
throne of the Fisherman : " Now I begin to think as the 
end is approaching, that the Almighty in His inexhaust- 
ible goodness wishes to spare me the horrors Europe is 
undergoing " — were the passing words of Pius X — 
" The children's Pope." 

When Benedict XV had ascended the pontifical throne 
his first Encyclical set forth the causes of the world-war 
and the remedies needed to compose differences : 

" Now when from the height of this Apostolic dignity, 
We can, as if at one glance, contemplate the course of 
hiunan events, and when We see before Us the miserable 
conditions of civil society We are affected with acute sorrow. 
And how could We, as the common Father of all men, not 
be sorely troubled at the sight of Europe, and, indeed, of 
the whole world — the most terrible and most painful spec- 
tacle perhaps that has ever been presented in the course of 
history? We warmly beseech rulers and Governments to 
consider the tears and the blood already shed and to hasten to 
restore to the people the precious blessings of peace. May 


the merciful God grant that, as on the appearance of the 
Divine Redeemer upon the earth, so at the beginning of Our 
duty as His Vicar, the angels' voices may proclaim ' Peace 
on earth to men of good will' (Luke ii, 14), and We pray 
that they may listen who have in their hands the destinies 
of States. Assuredly there are other ways and other methods 
by which justice can be done to injured rights. Let the 
belligerents, laying down their arms, have recourse to these, 
animated by good faith and intention. It is through love 
of them and of all nations and not from any motive of Our 
own that We speak. Let them not, then, permit Our friendly 
and paternal voice to be raised in vain. 

" But it is not merely the sanguinary war which darkens 
passions and troubles and embitters Our spirit. There is 
another furious war which eats at the entrails of modern 
society — a war which terrifies every person of good sense, 
because whilst it has accumulated, and wiU accumulate ruin 
amongst nations, it contains in itself the seeds of the present 
disastrous struggle. From the moment when the rules and 
practises of Christian wisdom ceased to be observed in 
States — rules and practises which alone guarantee the sta- 
bility and peace of institutions — these States necessarily 
began to tremble at their foundations, and there followed 
such a change in ideas and customs that, if God does not 
soon intervene, it appears as if the dissolution of human 
society is at hand. 

" The disorders that have arisen are : 

" 1st. Want of mutual love amongst men; 

" 2nd. Contempt for authority; 

" 3rd. Injustice in the relations between the different 
classes of society; 

" 4th. Material welfare made the only object of man's ac- 
tivity (as if there were not other and much more desirable 
blessings to be gained). 

" These, in Our opinion, are the four causes why human 


society is so greatly disturbed. It is necessary then that 
energy be exercised generally for the purpose of removing 
such disorders and restoring Christian principles, if the ob- 
ject is to put an end to discord and compose differences." 

The world knows that this appeal to those " who have 
in their hands the destinies of States " was not heeded. 
But, our Father Almighty has a way to compel a hear- 
ing. Like as the " Scourge of God " swept down upon 
a decaying Pagan culture so has Bolshevism risen like 
a high tide inundating the despotic lust of power that 
had for centuries held captive the right of the Vicar of 
Christ to rule over His children in Russia. Its flood 
swept over into the land of Luther where the false prin- 
ciple of Higher Criticism had long since ripened into 
the atheist assent that right is the creature of might. 
Then came the recognition by those in whose hands are 
the destinies of States that their foe within was a force 
that must be reckoned with and the hand of European 
suicide was stayed. Yet, not before our own America 
had played so glorious a part in the world conflict that 
— Columbia must henceforth be given a powerful voice 
in winning for the subject peoples their right to a self- 
determined government. 

As it should be, after a fall when self-will has left 
us bruised, battered and burnt, that reflecting upon the 
right and the wrong of the world conflict we are able to 
see the conduct of Christ and Caiphas as a warning 
that God is not mocked — that in His own good time, 
through the conflict of right with might, men come 
face to face with first principles. If nations will not 


correct the contempt for authority by an impartial ruling 
of justice ; if they will not institute the reign of equity 
upon the field of commerce, then that " furious war 
which eats at the vitals of modem society " will not stop 
at the eastern shore of the Atlantic, but set up its reign 
of terror on our own soil and overspread the world. 

Truly both reason and experience attest that He that 
is not with Me is against Me. So must we choose ! !Not 
as between Christ and Caesar, but between Christ and 
Caiphas — for we are bound to love and serve, at once, 
both God and Country. The time of reckoning seems 
not afar off. For the choice is not now between na- 
tional existence with God merely left out, but rather 
between national extinction and the restoration of 
Christian principles with their application to all the 
affairs of the classes and the masses. In one word, the 
choice of those who wield unjust power and exploit 
the poor with ill-gotten gains, is to make restitution or 
to be caught with all of us in the on-rush of the men 
who will not serve God, neither Country nor Master. 

The issue is clearly seen by those who with super- 
natural light observe the character building of men and 
of nations as they are ground betwixt the upper and 
nether millstone. Pope Leo XIII covered the whole 
ground of this irresponsible power and pointed out the 
necessity of Christian Democracy, if civil society were 
to survive the oncoming shock. As against this re- 
ligious power, of which the Bishop of Rome is the Liv- 
ing Visible Head, the opposing force, Communism 


— Socialism — Bolshevism is arrayed. We shall per- 
mit Vladimir Llitch TJlianoff — Nickolai Lenin — in 
Soviets at Work, to give the warrant for using Com- 
munism, Socialism, or Bolshevism as these three shades 
of meaning are required, since his dictum rests pre- 
cisely upon the principles of the Communist Manifesto 
that have since 1848 supplied the ground for what is 
generally known as " Scientific Socialism." 

" The Bolsheviks — formerly a faction within the Social- 
Democratic Labor Party, have recently changed their name 
to Communist Party to distinguish themselves from 4he other 
Social-Democratic groups. 

" The terms Bolsheviks and Mensheviks date back to 1903, 
when at a congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor 
Party a difference arose on a seemingly unimportant question 
(editorial supervision of the party organ), when upon a vote 
which decided the question there naturally was a majority 
and minority. Those who were with the majority were 
nicknamed Bolsheviks and those with the minority Menshe- 
viks, deriving their names from the Russian words Bol- 
shinstvo and Menshinstvo, meaning majority and minority 

Socialists know very well that to de-Catholicize the 
people means the de-Christianization of the world. But, 
to de-Christianize the world were the triumph of his Sa- 
tanic Majesty. Be it so! and they sing a hymn in 
honor of that first and greatest rebellion against the 
Giver of Life (the Rebel, Socialist weekly, Halletsville, 
Texas, Oct. 21, 1916) : 


By Covington Hall 

Mighty Spirit ! Lord of Light ! 
Beautiful and brave and bright! 
Rather than in Heaven crawl, 
Give me strength with Thee to fall ! 

Glorious, unconquered Chief, 
Warring on through years of grief. 
Give me strength to share Thy load, — 
Let me die on freedom's road! 

Rebel Leader, true as steel, 
Thou who hast refused to kneel, 
Hated by King, Priest and Slave, 
Give me strength to be as brave ! 

Mighty Spirit, strong and bright! 
Splendid Bearer of the Light ! 
Oversoul of liberty, 
Up the pathway of the free, 
Give me strength to follow Thee! 

From this dictum they argue, — thus only one world- 
force would remain, and that power would be under 
the control of Socialism. However, we may let the 
Chairman of the International Socialist Bureau (Emil 
Vandevelde) set forth their official opinion: 

" It is an indubitable fact that, notwithstanding appear- 


ances to the contrary, Europe is now de-Catholizing her- 
self. One might even go further with safety and say that 
she is de-Christianizing herself. Slowly but surely, with the 
irresistible movement of a geological subsidence, faith is 
waning among the industrial workers and even among the 
peasants. One may safely assert that about twenty years 
ago nearly every one held to some religious creed. Free- 
thinkers were few and to be found only in the middle class. 
Societies for promoting secular marriages and burials existed 
only in the larger cities. To-day we see them spreading and 
multiplying throughout the industrial centers and wherever 
mining and manufacturing are carried on. In Belgium, in 
France, in Germany, the workmen who follow no particular 
creed number hundreds of thousands — yes, millions — and 
as their hopes of a heavenly kingdom dissolve, other hopes 
assert themselves with a growing intensity. Wherever free 
thought penetrates, Socialism enters also. We know, it is 
true, many workmen who become Socialists without re- 
linquishing, or without totally abandoning their religious 
convictions ; but aside from ' yellows ' and ' blacklegs,' acting 
solely from mercenary motives, we neither know nor can 
conceive of any freethinking workman who is not at the 
same time a Socialist. 

" In the old world, — two gigantic coalitions are formed 
hy the elimination of intermediaries: The Blach interna- 
tional and the Red international. On the one hand all those 
who hold that authority should descend from above and who 
find in the Catholic Church the perfect expression of their 
ideal, the most flexible guardian of their class privileges; on 
the other hand are those who insist that authority shall come 
from the people, and who, by the logic of circumstances, can 
found their hopes on nothing but Social Democracy. 

" Between these two extremes Protestantism hesitates and 
Liberalism shifts from place to place. One may welcome 
or deplore the fact of this coming concentration of forces 


about the Catholic Church on the one side, and Social 
Democracy on the other. But, none can deny that this con- 
centration is inevitable, and that the future struggles will 
have to be fought out between these two armies. To those, 
therefore, who are interested in the social movement in 
Europe, we say : ' Observe, above all else, if you wish to 
consider only the essential factors, the political activities of 
the Roman Catholic Church and those of International 
Socialism.' " {New York Independent, Dec, 1904, Vol. 15, p. 

There is no modification of pronouncement by So- 
cialists here at home. — The Cross of Christ must yield 
to the red flag. So confidently do they predict that 
the " red international will down the black interna- 
tional " that the leading Socialist daily — the New 
York Call — presents its readers with a cartoon, well 
spread over a page of its paper, of their flag supplanting 
the Cross. A Socialist workman of giant proportions 
wearing a leather apron and a French Eevolutionary 
Liberty Cap is standing in front of the magnificent 
Cologne Cathedral — " The charnel house of dead men's 
bones, of ignorance and superstition " — hoisting the 
red flag above the Cross that tops the steeple. Bishops 
and priests with miter, croziers and money bags are 
running away in confusion. Tagging on to the cord 
about the Bishop's waist are the military officers. The 
legend beneath — " Down with the Black and Up with 
the Red!" For God and Caesar have been put to 

Tersely reechoing the words of the International So- 
cialist Chairman, the United States Congressman from 


Milwaukee — Victor L. Berger, member of the National 
Executive Committee of the Socialist party and editor 
of the Milwaukee Leader, when being interviewed by 
the Boston Herald said: 

" I predict that in the final summing up it will he a 
fight between the red and the Mack international." 

" Vlhat do you mean hy the black international? " 

" The Roman Catholic Church." 

Certainly Catholics are not in doubt about the issue 
of the conflict. As surely as God is not mocked; as 
surely as the Almighty weighs the slightest offense 
against His Majesty in the scales of exact justice and as 
surely as our Heavenly Father is merciful to repentant 
sinners, just so sure are we that the Gates of Hell shall 
not prevail against the Church of Christ: For, our 
Blessed Lord Himself has said so. 

Neither is there any doubt, humanly speaking, about 
the correctness of the Socialists' estimate as to the part 
Protestantism or Liberalism is playing in the world- 
conflict, as between the two opposing forces — one Cath- 
olic-universal, supra-national, the other non-national 
and world wide. As Protestant Christians hesitate to 
go to Canossa at the call of the Pope they are pushed on 
to so-called Liberalism, while Liberals shift from one 
unsound defense to another, finally taking their destined 
place in a blank denial of the supernatural. Thus they 
leave the brunt of the battle against the Lord God of 
Hosts to the army of Socialists, whose power for destru<^ 
tion none now may dispute. 

It is true, however, that individual Protestants and 


Liberals who love truth above all things and so are will- 
ing to paj the price of liberty within the Law are, in 
large numbers, finding their way — by the grace of 
God — back over a stony road to Kome. 

This were indeed a logical sequence, since nothing 
less than a rational explanation of the meaning of life 
will satisfy the demands of the human heart and mind. 
And, since apart from the supernatural revelation — 
within the keeping of the Catholic Church — no man is 
able to tell us how it is that a good God reigns over 
a bad world. So it is, then, in God's goodness, that to 
those who " knock " the meaning of life here and here- 
after is opened unto them. 

Socialism would supersede the Church. It explains 
the fact of life by a process of evolution that starts off 
with a " causeless cause " for the cosmos and brings 
conscious man forth from a non-conscious universe made 
up of mere matter and force. It explains that the 
meaning of life ends with death; save for such of his 
words and his deeds as react upon those left behind. 

How then, should a body of men dead both to the love 
and the fear of God conceive of the Catholic Church as 
other than a man-made institution whose " political 
activities " stand directly in the path of Socialism, the 
object of which is to create a " classless society"? A 
society not merely within this, that or another nation, 
but, rather, counterfeiting the Church militant on earth 
by their battle cry : — '' Working-men of all countries 
unite! You have nothing to lose hut your chains and 
a world to win." 


" The Black Intebnational " 

The history of the world attests to the truth that 
men have never ceased to recognize the Pope as the 
supreme head of that Living Organism — natural and 
supernatural — which is by the Socialists opprobriously 
designated the " Black International." There is no 
break in the Apostolic Succession. There are some 300,- 
000,000 persons of all races and climes who acknowledge 
allegiance to the Pope as their Spiritual Father — their 
authority and guide, on earth, in matters of faith and 
morals. From the beginning of the Christian era, 
Catholics have held that the power exercised by the 
Pope was originally conferred upon Simon, the Fisher- 
man; when in response to Simon's confession of super- 
natural faith, Christ our Lord said : '' Thou art Peter 
and on this Rock I will build My Church, and the 
Gates of Hell shall not prevail against It." In perpet- 
ual light Catholics have always held that as Christ's 
Church was to endure forever, as Christ was to be with 
His Church until the consummation of the world, as the 
Gates of Hell were not to prevail against it, consequently 
the power of Peter was to pass down to his Apostolic 
Successors through all the ages of time. This belief 
history substantiates first in the selection of Linus (67 
A. D.), Cletus (76 A. D.) and so on all down the centuries 
until time brings us to Benedict XV, the 259th successor 
of Peter, whose power of the Keys he exercises. This 
being so, Catholics, therefore, believe Pope Benedict XV 
to be the Chief Pastor of the universal flock as Peter 


was Chief Pastor of the Apostles, entrusted by Christ 
with the divine authority to teach all nations — " to ob- 
serve all things whatsoever I have commanded you." In 
a general way when we speak of the Pope we mean the 
Church itself — that Christian Organism within which 
abides the love, the light and the life of Christ, the 
Saviour of Mankind, established in the year 33 a. d. 

The Red Inteknatignal 

Socialists themselves proudly designate as the " Eed 
International " that society made up chiefly of repre- 
sentatives from groups organized sociologically, indus- 
trially and politically. The political groups are known 
variously as Social Democratic, Socialist, Socialist- 
Labor, Collectivist and Communist parties. Embrac- 
ing all the known shades of open and organized revolt 
against what is termed the Present Order, Capitalism, 
Wage-Slavery, etc., etc., the International gathers 
strength from decade to decade notwithstanding the fact 
that its course has been twice interrupted and reorgan- 
ized. Or, to use the Socialist phrase, " The point of the 
Revolution has been broken " for the second time. 

The first International, organized in London (1864) 
under the title — The International Workingman's As- 
sociation, called together about half a hundred delegates, 
representing six nationalities, with trade unionists in 
the ascendency. Many of the continental delegates were 
in exile in England with Karl Marx as the most not- 
able personage. 

The ostensible purpose of the London conference was 


to find means to prevent the importation of cheap labor 
from the continent into England ; to organize and assist 
wage-earners to obtain better economic conditions. Yet 
underlying these practical issues the real purpose of 
the leaders was " to afford a central medium of com- 
munication between workingmen's societies existing in 
different countries " for the propagation of their doc- 
trine of revolt against " class-rule." The trade union 
element brought forth a resolution under the leadership 
of Mazzini advocating harmonious and reciprocal re- 
lation between capital and labor. In opposition to this 
draft Marx declared for the " abolition of class-rule " 
and his resolution was carried although the English 
workingmen made up nearly one-half of the delegates 
assembled. So it was that Marx became the dominating 
figure at the initial gathering of the International, and 
Socialism started upon its world-wide career. 

So opposite were the practical aims of the trade union- 
ists from the demands of the Socialists, Anarchists, Com- 
munists on the Continent that the English workmen 
virtually withdrew from the organization. 

The affairs of the Red International were conducted 
through congresses held in different countries and 
through a General Council located in London, with 
Marx as German Secretary. The first of these con- 
gresses was held in Geneva — 1866. It was attended by 
about sixty delegates who were more " radical " than 
those assembled at London. 

By the time the second congress was convened at 
Lausanne, Switzerland, the full-fledged spirit of revolt 


had developed as expressed in the closing words of the 
President : 

" We want no more governments, for governments oppress 
us by taxes; we want no more armies, for armies massacre 
and murder us; we want no religion, for religion chokes the 

Upon the entrance of Michael Bakunin, a Russian, 
into the International Workingmen's Association at the 
congress of 1869 began a struggle between the Bakunians 
and the Marxians for supremacy. While holding the 
self-same atheistic philosophy, their methods for the 
realization of the " new society " very soon developed 
antagonism sufficient to " break the point of the Revolu- 
tion " and thus extend their cult of destruction under 
the segis of Socialism and Anarchism with Marx and 
Bakunin respectively in the lead throughout the world. 
The failure of the Paris Commune, which the Interna- 
tional is said to have inspired, added to the disruption 
of these two forces while the success of the Bakuninites 
in getting their program adopted at the Basle Congress 
(1869) added fuel to the flame; and plans were laid to 
drive the Russian revolutionist out of the International. 
The final clash came in 1872 with the Socialists in the 
lead, as the Anarchists had been deprived of their leader. 
The Marxians had succeeded in having Congress con- 
vene at The Hague. They knew that Bakunin would be 
unable to attend as he had been " exiled from both 
French and German territory, and being at the time a 
resident of Switzerland, he was unable to reach Holland 


without crossing one or other of the couptries named." 
(Report Int. Workers' Congress. The Leader Press, 
London, 1896.) Nor was this all, " The Committee of 
credentials which was packed by Marx's supporters " 
gave them the control of the congress by a majority of 
" three votes." Bakunin was expelled from the Inter- 
national. However, the lead was still so unsafe for the 
Marxians that it was " deliberately " decided that death 
to the organization was preferable to the non-Marxian 
control of the International. The General Council was 
thus transferred to New York, far away from Bakunin's 

Here in America the first International languished 
and died. Mr. F. A. Sorge, a life-long friend of Karl 
Marx, endeavored to keep the organization alive. He 
called a convention in Philadelphia for July 15, 1876. 
Ten delegates assembled to represent the working-class 
of America and one who claimed to represent a Social- 
ist group in Germany. So discouraged were they at 
the small attendance that the International was formally 
dissolved upon issuing a declaration that reads, in part, 
as follows : 

" Fellow Working-Men, The International convention at 
Philadelphia has abolished the General Council of the Inter- 
national Working-Men's Association, and the external bond 
of the organization exists no more. 

" The International is dead ! The bourgeoisie of all coun- 
tries will again exclaim, and with ridicule and joy it will 
point to the proceedings of the convention as documentary 
proof of the defeat of the labor movement of the world. 
Let us not be influenced by the cry of our enemies ! . . ." 


It were indeed a correct view that the defeat of the 
Socialist insurrection (Paris Commune 1871) had 
brought death to the first attempt at world-wide action 
in the interest of working-class rule and that its tomb- 
stone was set up in Philadelphia. After eighteen years 
had passed the bourgeoisie were made aware that al- 
though the International was dead, it still lives. It had 
learned something of politics in this interim, making its 
reappearance not so much as a workingmen's economic 
organization but rather with the emphasis upon political 
parties. The new series of the International Congresses 
of Socialists began in Paris in 1889. The Social Demo- 
cratic Party of Germany was easily in the lead. To-day 
a political party organization, more or less defined, 
exists in every nation. 

The Paris Socialist Congress (1900) established an 
International Socialist Bureau with Headquarters in 
Brussels. Thus the second Bed International entered 
upon its career. Through this Bureau the Secretaries 
of the various countries extended and expanded their 
propaganda. Several congresses were held as follows: 


Geneva 1866 Paris 1889 

Lausanne 1867 Brussels 1891 

Brussels 1868 Zurich 1893 

Basle 1869 London 1896 

Hague 1872 Paris 1900 

Philadelphia 1876 Amsterdam 1904 

Stuttgart 1907 

Copenhagen 1910 

Basle 1912 


Everywhere public opinion and governmental action 
was being influenced by Socialist propaganda. Its phil- 
osophy insists that it has found the key to the meaning 
of life and that it will, if not by ballot, then by bullet, 
settle once for all the injustices that are suffered by the 
proletariat by the abolition of private property — by 
the repudiation of the Ten Commandments and the 
Giver of them. So it was at the beginning of our 
century that " Red ruin and the breaking up of laws " 
was well on its way sweeping out what little belief many 
talented " after Christians " still cherished in the super- 
natural life, who together with atheist Jews — God save 
the mark ! — and a few renegade Catholics formed a 
force that had already become a powerful factor, here, 
too, in America in opposition to those right principles 
and sound institutions that are our proud inheritance as 
a free people. This was but a natural sequence, — that 
organized revolt should fan the fire of social discontent 
because of despotism, of autocracy ; because of the wan- 
ton use of public power by elected servants ; because of 
vast accumulations of wealth made by grinding the face 
of the poor ; because of a contempt for public authority 
that shielded the mighty while condemning the petty 
offender. In one word by the great revolt of four hun- 
dred years ago, the soil of murder and rapine was being 
mellowed by those nations and those men who arrogated 
to themselves the right of private judgment as against 
Divine Authority. Since nohlesse oblige had been 
largely exchanged for laissez faire. 

Upon the outbreak of the world-war the rational na- 


ture, implanted in the human race by Almighty God, 
asserted itself in the heart and mind of a multitude of 
Socialists sufficiently to call back the utter repudiation 
of love of country. Hence the Socialist International 
Bureau ceased to function. "Let weaklings go to the 
International, I go to Hindenhurg," said the editor of 
the Chemnitzer Volksstimme. Deserted by the action 
of the Social Democratic Party of Germany — their 
ideal political organization — in its support of the policy 
of the German government the hand of death slowly 
closed over the second Red International. To quote 
an American authority — A. M. Simons : 

" When the war broke out the Socialist International more 
than failed. It not only broke into as many factions as 
there were warring nationalities; its constituent members 
went over to the enemy and, in many cases, sought to use 
the very ties created by International Organization to serve 
the ends of the deadliest enemies of Socialism." (The New 
Review, Vol. 3, No. 17.) 

No less emphatic is the assertion of an international 
authority — Rosa Luxemburg : 

" The German Social Democracy handed its political 
resignation on August 4th, 1914. On that same day, the 
Socialist International collapsed. All attempts to deny this 
fact or to conceal it merely serve to perpetuate the conditions 
which brought it about." (New Review, N. Y., Aug. 1, 

Surely one who has the world for one's country has 
no country. Yet, it is quite one thing to profess this 


Internationalism and honor it by the motto — " The 
World is My Country " at the base of a statue on Com- 
monwealth Avenue as the citizens of Boston are doing, 
but quite another to carry this anarchistic opinion to its 
logical and treasonable conclusion as the minority groups 
of all the Socialist parties of the several countries are 
doing. If, however, we sow the wind shall we rightly 
expect to escape the whirlwind? 

The truth is that nations are not immune as is the 
Church against the assaults from the Gates of Hell. 
With the corollary that, although the life of the nation 
is but mortal, it, too, owes its existence to the Providence 
of God. Reasoning, then, with natural gratitude for it8 
deliverance, one might assume that the recent experience 
of the most innocent, perhaps, and surely the most af- 
flicted of all the nations in the world-conflict, would have 
been the last rather than the first to hail the advent of 
the third Red International. But, the great Rebel who 
first brought disorder into the world has still his fol- 
lowers. In spite of the glorious part taken there by a 
Prince of the Church, the Socialists of Belgium were 
the first to sound the toxin for a fresh onslaught through- 
out the world of Red Rebellion. Prom under the cap- 
tion " The International is Dead — • Long Live the In- 
ternational," we quote: 

" The First International vanished. An inglorious death 
met the second International. But the International still 
lives, still is the personification of the great watchword: 
* Workers of all countries, unite ! ' The first and second In- 
ternationals have gone, but now comes the third to once 


more sound the clarion call, the revolutionary red Third In- 
ternational ! " (" Socialiste Beige," Revolutionary Age, Dec. 
21, 1918.) 

Some three weeks later the Belgian Labor Party sent 
a committee to meet the Executive Committee of the 
French Socialist Party. Their purpose was jointly to 
send out a call for an International Congress to meet in 
Brussels. It was proposed that delegates should be 
chosen from " those members of the International Social- 
ist Bureau who represent the proletariat of the Allied 
Powers. This meeting would have for its object to ex- 
amine under what conditions it will be possible to recon- 
struct, upon the basis of sincerity and mutual confidence, 
the Socialist and Labor International." 

The French Socialists objected, since the Socialist 
parties of the sometime Central Powers were an integral 
part, indeed the larger part, of the International Social- 
ist Bureau, their delegates should not be excluded with- 
out a hearing. So that project was killed a-borning. 

From the news we are able to gather it now appears 
that not one but two Internationals will be established. 
One made up of " Social Patriots " the other of the 
Bolsheviki everywhere. Taking our cue in part from 
the leader of the Eussian Bolsheviki, we see some little 
hope of a return to sanity of groups of men who before 
the war were unconscious of their loyalty to their own 
country and too of the fundamental right of every man 
to own private property in capital. We shall permit 
Lenin to define the meaning of the " Social Patriot." 


" The Social Patriots are Socialists in words and patriots 
in fact, who agree to defend their fatherland in an imperial- 
istic war, and particularly this imperialistic war. These men 
are our class enemies. They have gone over to the bourgeois 
camp. The Social Patriots are the enemies of our class, they 
are bourgeois in the midst of the labor movement. They 
represent layers or groups of the working class which have 
been practically bought by the bourgeoisie, through better 
wages, positions of honor, etc., and which help their bour- 
geoisie to exploit and oppress smaller and weaker nations, and 
to take part in the division of capitalistic spoils." (" Task 
of the Proletariat in Our Revolution," Petrograd, Sept., 

The " Social Patriots " are those internationalists 
who met at Berne at the call of Arthur Henderson of 
England and Camille Huysmans, Secretary of the de- 
funct International Socialist Bureau of the second In- 
ternational ; and the congress was made up of Socialists 
and Trade Unionists. It was repudiated by Socialists 
of the country in which it assembled and generally by the 
Bolshevist element of the organized movement through- 
out the world. 

By what is said against it, rather more than by what 
it says for itself we gather our hope for a return to the 
normal activities of Trade Unions, and so a return to 
the world force that has in its keeping social health. 
The Social Democratic Party of Switzerland declared 
(February, 1919) : 

" We refuse to be represented at a conference where those 
morally responsible for the murder of Liebknecht and Rosa 
Luxemburg will sit beside Comrades who even in the next 


few weeks will fall, new sacrifices to the government Social- 

" We greet the Kussian revolution, and take up the battle 
cry of the Russian and German revolutionists, calling the 
proletariat to the world revolution." 

In our own country the Berne Congress was repudi- 
ated in a resolution adopted by the Central Executive 
Committee of the Eussian, Lettish, Ukrainian, Esthon- 
ian and Lithuanian Federations of the Socialist party of 
America, we quote from their report February 9, 1919 : 

" The Berne Congress favors a bourgeois League of Na- 
tions, instead of a Socialist League of revolutionary nations ; 
it is promoting a fraudulent bourgeois democracy instead of 
a proletarian revolution : it favors a Wilson peace of phrases 
instead of a Lenin peace of revolutionary deeds; it is a 
vipers' nest of Social Patriots and betrayers of Socialism." 

The Bolsheviki here will have none of the Berne Con- 
gress, yet there is no mistaking their intention to further 
the world revolution : 

" The last convulsive gasp of the International. Its corpse 
is now a stinking carrion. There must be a new Inter- 
national of revolutionary Socialism of the final struggle and 
victory." (Revolutionary Age, Boston, Feb. 22, 1919.) 

The uncompromising elements of the Socialist move- 
ment in Europe have listed the several divisions of their 
strength throughout the world ; have outlined their prin- 
ciples, program and aims and invited all their numer- 


ous national divisions to join in setting up the third 
International. The document is sent out by the Com- 
munist parties, known also as the Bolsheviki (Russia), 
Spartacus (Germany) or left wing Socialists (Scandi- 
navia, the Balkans and other countries). 

It is signed by the representatives of eight countries 
who are attached to the Foreign Bureau of the Bol- 
sheviki and countersigned by G. Tchitcherin, Russian 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 


1. The Central Committee of the Russian Communist 
Party (Lenin-Trotsky). 

2. The Foreign Bureau of the Communist Party of Poland 

3. The Foreign Bureau of the Communist Party of Hun- 
gary (Rudniovsky). 

4. The Foreign Bureau of the Communist Party of German 
Austria (Duda). 

5. The Russian Bureau of the Communist Party of Lett- 
land (Eosin). 

6. The Central Committee of Finland (Siirola). 

7. The Executive Committee of the Balkan Revolutionary 
Social Democratic Federation (Rakowski). 

8. For the S. L. P., American (Boris Reinstein). 

Since the Bolshevists know their own, we present 
their list in full. Upon a recognition of the program 
sent out these groups will be considered " full-fledged " 
members of the Third International : 

1. Spartacus Group (German), 

2. Communist Party (Bolsheviki-Russia). 


3. Communist Party (German- Austria). 

4. Communist Party (Hungary). 

5. Communist Party (Poland). 

6. Communist Party (Finland). 

7. Communist Party (Esthonia). 
9. Communist Party (Lettland). 

10. Communist Party (Lithuania). 

11. Communist Party ( White Russia). 

12. Communist Party (Ukrainia). 

13. The revolutionary elements of the Czech Social Demo- 
cratic Party. 

14. The " Narrow-Minded " Bulgarian Social-Democratic 

15. The Rumanian Social-Democratic Party. 

16. The licft Wing of the Serbian Social-Democratic 

17. The Left Social-Democratic Party, of Sweden. 

18. The Norwegian Social-Democratic Party. 

19. The group " Klassenkampen " (Denmark). 

20. The Communist Party (Holland). 

21. The revolutionary elements of the Belgian Labor Party. 
22 and 23. The groups and organizations and syndicalist 

movements in France, which in the main and on the whole, 
agree with Loriot. 

24. The Left Social-Democrats of Switzerland. 

25. The Italian Socialist Party. 

26. The Left element of the Spanish Socialist Party. 

27. The Left elements of the Portuguese Socialist Party. 

28. The British Socialist Party, particularly that tendency 
represented by MacLean. 

29. Socialist Labor Party (England). 

30. L W. W. (England). 

31. L W. W. of Great Britain. 

32. The revolutionary elements of the Irish Labor organi- 


33. The revolutionary elements of Shop Stewards (Great 

34. Socialist Labor Party (America). 

35. The Left elements of the American Socialist Party (the 
tendency represented by Debs and the Socialist Propaganda 

36. I. W. W. (America). 

37. L W. W. (Australia). 

38. Workers' International Industrial Union (America). 

39. The Socialist groups of Tokio and Yokohama (repre- 
sented by Comrade Katayama). 

40. The Young People's Socialist International. 

Surely here is a formidable force organized for de- 
struction and we confidently say that the Catholic 
Churcli which created our western civilization is the 
one power that can resist its advance and so preserve 
the human progress that has been made on earth since 
our Blessed Lord gave the charge to Peter, " Feed my 
lambs, feed my sheep." 



HAVING established the existence of a world force 
in active opposition to the Universal — the 
Catholic Church — the standards by which socialistic- 
fatalism opposes itself to faith, above and beyond the 
mere reaction of things material, may well be brought 
out to show how completely antagonistic Socialist theory 
and its practical application — Bolshevism — is to 
Christian principles and practise within organized so- 
ciety. The candid mind will admit that upon the do- 
main of the modem Csesar — the State — which may be 
marked off into its four grand divisions — the civil ; 
the social ; the commercial and the domestic spheres — 
may be clearly seen the impress of those Christian doc- 
trines, principles, practises and sentiments that after 
having conquered the ancient Pagan world erected the 
structure of civilization as we know it to-day, — with its 
ever restless desire to have God's will done on earth as 
it is in Heaven. 

In truth, Socialism itself in its negative way is a 
tribute to Catholicity. When it condemns the evils that 
afflict modern life it does so upon the basis of morality 
and in terms that correctly correspond to Christian 
thought and sentiment. Yet, this is utterly inconsistent 



with its basic doctrine that men are in no wise respon- 
sible for their individual conduct since their will is not 
free to choose the good from the evil. And, further- 
more, since good and evil are not absolute principles 
but rather mere attitudes of mind, one may indeed be 
relatively more or less " class-conscious " — that is all 
there is to morality I 

" Modern thought doesn't concern itself much about what 
is theoretically * right,' but instead about what is socially 
useful. The more you analyze a supposed * right ' the more 
you are led to see in it merely some one's concept of what 
ought to be. In other words, the notion of a ' right ' cannot 
be established on any natural or logical basis. It used to be 
supposed that the Almighty had granted to humankind cer- 
tain securities known as ' rights ' and after Rousseau's time 
it was supposed by many men that nature herself had 
definitely fixed them ; hence the term ' natural rights.' But 
both ideas have had to give way. What the world is now 
fighting for is the establishment of a social order in which 
every one finds opportunity for his fullest development." 
(Head of Information Department of Appeal to Reason, 
Girard, Kan., Dec. 28, 1918.) 

However, since right-reason forces the conclusion that 
the conduct of man — in the family, in his industrial 
relations and in political and social affairs — is de- 
pendent upon the principles, true or false, to which he 
pays allegiance, it becomes a matter of public safety to 
insist that free-will actions are moral or immoral as 
one's conduct conforms to the constitution natural to 
mankind: that is to say to God's law. The issue may 
be clearly seen by contrasting the view held by So- 


cialists as to the origin of man with the belief held by 
Catholics and competent men of science. " Matter in 
motion " is the irrational first cause for the former ; 
while the First Cause for the latter is our Omniscient 
Father — Almighty God. 

From the consequence that man is an entity in him- 
self — a distinct personality having free-will — he is 
morally bound to obey the law of his nature. His only 
right, therefore, lies in obedience, yet he has the power 
of disobedience. He has rights since God has given 
them — and responsibilities towards God, towards his 
fellow men and with regard to himself. He is com- 
manded to love his neighbors as himself. As, by his nat- 
ural constitution, the man and his neighbors dwell within 
civil society, we shall set forth some of the simple prin- 
ciples that perforce govern Christians and then, in con- 
trast to these principles of right-reason, show forth the 
notions of man's relationships as they are found in So- 
cialist propaganda here and abroad. ^Necessarily, as 
Christ's Vicar interprets the moral law for the govern- 
ment of Catholics and as their recognized Socialist au- 
thorities interpret their theory of the origin of man 
and his activity, as motived by a series of " class-strug- 
gles," there is all the difference between light and dark- 
ness ; between right and wrong in the opinions and senti- 
ments held by the one group and the other. What then, 
is the Catholic attitude towards the State of whatsoever 
form of just government ? 


CivEL Society 

By the command of the Lord-God, to render unto 
Caesar the things that belong to Caesar, patriotism be- 
comes a positive law — for Christians a religious obli- 
gation. Civil authority is not indeed personal. It does 
not reside in the official as an individual — as the doc- 
trine of the divine right of kings would make it out — 
but rather it belongs to that public entity — that moral 
body, the Commonwealth. The will of the nation like 
the will of the family, its unit, is cohesive. In it is the 
bond of the worth of the individual, with immortal life, 
and the bond of the worth of the family, the unit that 
makes up the mortal life of the country. In the will of 
the Commonwealth is, too, the bond of internal and ex- 
ternal peace for safeguarding the rights of its members, 
while it claims from them their duties towards their 

Patriotism, the supreme quality of this organic bond, 
demands the subordination of personal interests, of fam- 
ily kinships and of party loyalty in times of national 
stress. Not indeed for the glory of the State, primarily, 
but rather for the glory of the Author of ITations under 
whose providence and protection men are born to know 
God, to love God, and to serve Him as the sum and sub- 
stance of our life on earth. It was not our country that 
gave us our natural rights, but rather God who gave us 
our Country to protect our rights on earth. So it is that 
the supreme sacrifice of life itself, is rightly given to 
one's country for the love of God ; since the country we 


are morally bound to love and to serve was given to us 
by God for the protection of our life, liberty, property 
and family. Hence within, not without^ love and loy- 
alty to God reside love and loyalty to country. 

Conversely, patriotism will not permit of the use of 
public power for the extension of private fortunes ; nor 
for the promotion of individual honor save for disin- 
terested service rendered to the body politic. Hence 
the social organism functioning normally in times of 
peace demonstrates internal order. But in times of war 
organized force — moral and physical — is necessary 
for the defense of rights and the enforcement of jus- 
tice, that peace and security may return as in normal 
times. Yet, since the injury done to the whole race 
by the rebellion of our first parents has consequences 
of social as of personal disorder the virtue of patriotism 
by inspiring heroic deeds forms a noble guard of eternal 
vigilance of our country's honor — the price we pay 
for liberty ! All of us know that only ten men are 
needed to save a city. 

Social Intercouese 

The earth and the fulness thereof was given to man 
and since man must eat his bread in the sweat of his 
brow it consequently follows that each and every one of 
us, throughout all ages, should render due service to his 
own day and generation in return for the means of liv- 
ing — not indeed at a dead level, but of picturesque and 
interesting variety. For as some persons have one talent, 
others five and still others ten talents expressing qualities 


and intensities of an infinitely changing development it 
should be evident that the flux and flow of social classes 
are natural to the aggregation of families that make up 
a nation. For men are born equal in this — they are 
sons of God and heirs of Heaven. Although their ma- 
terial and intellectual advantages vary greatly, yet their 
moral opportunities are such that each individual soul 
may — by God's grace — find the path to eternal hap- 
piness. To love one another is the law and to work out 
our particular talents in the service of our fellow men 
is our opportunity to do unto others as we would have 
them do unto us. Yet, if to the highest we will not re- 
spond, God's justice sees to it that we pay to the last jot 
and tittle what we owe to others. Since, then, we are 
commanded every day to pray to be forgiven our tres- 
passes as we forgive those who trespass against us, woe 
be to those of us who do not in honor prefer one another 
by an exchange of courtesies that come as fittingly from 
the lowly as from the exalted, since the brotherhood of 
man is vastly more than a platitude. 

Resting upon Christian standards, social intercourse 
creates a public opinion that is at once sound and beau- 
tiful, and a multitude of activities are developed for 
cultural enjoyment, while freedom in the expression 
of tastes, rather than slavery to fashion, is given for the 
ornate or the simple life. With love and justice as the 
two pillars of social culture, what should hinder the 
classes and the masses from dwelling together in friendly 
relationship ? 


The CoMMKRCiAi Sphere 

There is no mistaking the individual right to the own- 
ership of economic wealth operated with a view to 
increase one's private property if the Decalogue is not 
out of date. Nor to the individual right of a permanent 
inheritance of lucrative property. Otherwise, the 
foundation were lacking for the sufficient reason that 
private property is necessary to the support of the fam- 
ily — the family being the unit of the state. Since buy- 
ing and selling is the ground floor of commerce the con- 
clusion is without flaw that civil society is conditioned 
upon the exchange of commodities and services for its 

But justice is the foundation of the world — it claims 
primary recognition in all the relations of man with 
man. So be it ! TJpon the words of our Blessed Lord 
Himself, wage-paying and wage-taking is based upon 
the principle of economic justice. Just a little study 
should make it clear that the reasons for the exchange 
of work for money is an act of social advantage, al- 
though the reasons of the employer for giving the wage 
may differ never so greatly from the reasons of the em- 
ployee who receives the wage. Yet, while the exchange 
of money for work gives the one and the other personal 
satisfaction, the basis of exchange is not personal advan- 
tage but rather it is equity. Measure for measure in 
economic value must by either party to the transaction 
be given and received, else injustice spoils the act by 
giving it the baneful character of robbing the one or 


the other. It is clear then that a right understanding 
of the principles involved in buying and selling and a 
rightful discharge of duties, on either side of the bar- 
gain, will satisfy men of good will. To the envious 
man, justice is not sufficient. The laborers who re- 
ceived their just wage — a penny a day — grumbled 
when at our Lord's injunction His steward gave a penny 
also to those who, having found no man to hire them, 
went to work at the eleventh hour. 

Moreover, no Christian disputes the principle that 
since all we have, and life itself, must be given in serv- 
ice to God it is mere common sense that the wealth a 
man has is held in trust. Consequently, the private 
property consumed in the production of more wealth 
must be used, ultimately, to promote the honor and glory 
of God. Noblesse oblige is not merely a chivalrous senti- 
ment, it is a Christian statute, applicable to the sphere 
of commerce. 

As for the wago-earner, his right to the life that God 
gave carries with it a right to the means of life. On 
this ground Pope Leo XIII sets forth the legislation 
that at the very lowest round of the wage scale a man 
shall receive money sufficient to maintain himself and 
his family in frugal comfort and, too, something to lay 
by for a rainy day or for the disabilities of old age. 
More than this ! If through no fault of their own the 
idle men in the market place begin work at the eleventh 
hour, justice requires that the necessities of living be 
supplied to them. If not by their neighbors, the capital- 
ists, then by the Commonwealth. 


Yet even justice were cold comfort to those who, as 
the street phrase has it, are down and out. The Sa- 
maritan who was beaten and robbed on his way to Jeri- 
cho may have been a saint or a sinner — we do not know. 
But, we do know that his condition called for succor. 
Furthermore, we know that those who passed him by 
" on the other side " were his neighbors, having the 
sternest obligation to be his keeper. Thanks be to God ! 
there came a man who gave the necessary aid with the 
measure of generosity heaped up to the brim and running' 

Let it not be said that although the wage-system is 
permanent in principle and in itself entirely just, that 
wage-earners are doomed to remain in that economic 
station for life, l^oi so, for men are ascending and de- 
scending the industrial ladder — from wage-earner to 
capitalist and from capitalist to wage-earner — every 
day in the year. 

No more can the principle of economic competition be 
separated from that of economic cooperation. For men 
cooperate and compete within a single industrial plant, 
yet they are in combination for the purpose of winning 
the competition prize — the market. Just as wp and 
down come together at the horizon so the two extremes 
of competition and cooperation meet on common ground, 
— each to correct the excesses of either. For under 
the providence of the Author of l^ations the Common- 
wealth is entitled to the best work of all its citizens, and 
like as the power and skill of a man's right hand is 
combined with the power and skill of his left hand 


in order to work out the design in his mind into a pro- 
duct for his own advantage, likewise — while keeping 
close within their mutual rights and duties — may our 
citizens work to the advantage of the body-politic while 
working also for their own advantage. 

The Church, the Commandments, the Gospels, and 
right reasoning make it clear that the capitalist has a 
right to his justly gotten gains; yet, it is also as clear 
that he has the power to get and to keep ill gotten gains. 
Also, the wage-worker has a right to the full value of 
his toil. Yet, the cry of the laborer that his just wage 
has been kept by fraud goes up to Heaven for redress. 
Even so! Since it shall profit a man nothing to gain 
the whole world at the loss of his soul, redress is surely 
on its way and woe be to those who carry rebellion in 
their hearts to their graves. 

The Domestic Sphere 

As commerce is the material foundation of civilized 
life, so is the family the natural — the moral — founda- 
tion of the social organism. Hence it is that the health 
of a nation may be known to be good by the freedom of 
its families from blasting and corrupting motives and 
influences. Catholics have but one voice as to the stan- 
dards that are necessary for the maintenance of family 
integrity. For the sufficient reason that the Church has 
but one voice on the matter — God's voice. Christians 
must then, of necessity, recognize marriage as divine in 
its origin while its purpose is natural to the existence of 
the human race. 


Within the marriage bond " these twain are one 
flesh " in a life union. 

Marriage is a state of life mutually entered into by 
one's own free-will consent. 

The formation of this moral body — the family — 
has two primary functions, — the propagation of the race 
and the mutual comfort and happiness of husband and 

Within the body politic man stands as the responsible 
head of the family; while within the precincts of the 
home woman has the leading responsibility. Thus, 
these twain, made one, perfectly complement each the 
other in the every-day duties and dignities that the ex- 
igencies of life bring to the family. 

The primary and chief duty of parents is that of rear- 
ing children in the love and fear of God ; that they may 
glorify their Father in Heaven. The parents' secon- 
dary duty is like unto their first: By education, fit- 
ting their children to love their neighbor as they love 
themselves and to pay due love to their country and 
due loyalty and obedience to Csesar — the authority of 
a nation that is rightly empowered to govern, upon the 
consent of the governed. Since the family government 
is prior to that of the Commonwealth and since the fam- 
ily is the necessary unit of the Commonwealth, God's 
commands lay the foundation of all government and are 
first to be obeyed — to the end that the sufferings of 
Christ shall accomplish their mission, namely, the re- 
demption of mankind. 

So it is that Christians hold ever in mind the super- 


natural character of the family relation — the gift by 
which parents in cooperation with Almighty God clothe 
the human soul with its physical body. Nor is it ever 
forgotten that our Divine Lord marked off with especial 
sanctification the entrance upon parental obligation, 
by His presence at the marriage feast at Cana — there it 
was that Christ worked His first miracle. 

From the fact that God has been driven out of So- 
cialist consideration and that even the First Cause of 
all creation is asserted to be a " causeless cause " the 
teachings of Socialism are at once seen to be irreconcil- 
able with the moral code of the Church. They have no 
sanction for their shifting standards of belief and con- 
duct save only the will of their " class-conscious " ma- 
jority; of which the Bolsheviki is a recent and rather 
overwhelming demonstration. 

But, Christian morality is plainly based upon positive 
law. One must believe in God, free-will, the Christian 
concept of the family, of the state, of private property 
and of individual moral responsibility as interpreted by 
the Pope for the government of Catholics. 

All this is lightly brushed aside by a puff of wind 
from the lips of their founders and leaders as " bour- 
geois morality " — something quite out of date. More- 
over, it is fiercely conceived to be their especial mission 
to oppose and to overthrow the entire structure of soci- 
ety ; while they await the oncoming of what the " evolu- 
tionary " future shall bring forth from the " womb of 
Capitalism." This negative, destructive attitude, is re- 
lied upon with as complete a fatalistic confidence as 


one may rightly have with a tried-out chemical formula. 
To change the " capitalist system " by destroying it, is 
the way to form that " new society " of their dreams. 
This is quite logical, for it rests upon a profoundly un- 
reasonable, if one may be allowed the term, premise, 
that all factors, be they spiritual, political, social or do- 
mestic, are but emanations from the economic class con- 
flicts between man and man. The negation of man's 
spiritual nature and the assumption that materialism is 
the cause of idealism sets forth the explanation of the 
Socialist method of propaganda. By doing nothing on 
the principle of construction they propose to translate 
their philosophy into act. 

There is no mistaking the essential meaning of Social- 
ist philosophy. Let us quote a classic of Karl Marx — 
a world authority : 

" The economic structure of society is the real foundation, 
on which rise legal and political superstructures and to 
which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The 
mode of production in material life determines the general 
character of the social, political and spiritual processes of 
life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their 
existence, but, on the contrary, their social existence deter- 
mines their consciousness." (P. 11, " Critique of Political 
Economy," N. Y., 1904.) 

IN^either common sense, world experience nor Chris- 
tian enlightenment can come to our aid in the interpre- 
tation of the premise here laid down by Marx: That 
the mode of production determines the spiritual pro- 
cesses of life : that " social existence " is the source of 


individual consciousness. Quite to the contrary one 
must have recourse to the Socialist discovery that the 
what and the why of life is confined to three score years 
and ten : that it is the " economic structure of society " 

— the relationships sustained by men in the production 
and exchange of commodities for individual profit — re- 
acting upon the " tool-using animal " that has induced a 
mass consciousness of which the individual partakes. 
But, angels and men defend us! The conscious prin- 
ciple — that which makes us each an individual soul, 
fit for immortal life, is what this latest heresy would 
rob the race of. Socialists would substitute for the 
image of God a mere by-product of the clash between eco- 
nomic classes. Something like the light struck by flint 
against flint is produced as economic class strikes against 
economic class — the combat being perpetual. This 
never ceasing strife polishes up the wits that have some- 
how come from " matter in motion " as the final cause 
of the human race. Something as the pebbles on the 
shore are polished by the thunderous ocean as the tide 
heaves in and out, so are the wits of the individuals — 
the cells of the social organism — sharpened as one set 

— the capitalists — fight in taking and holding from the 
other set — the workers — who likewise fight to hold 
and to keep the wealth that is produced. 

Their theory has it that from class-consciousness there 
shall evolve race-consciousness, when the fight has been 
fought to the finish. Then harmony shall reign, since 
a " classless society " will have but one interest — self- 
interest in improving its methods of production for the 


benefit of all its individuals — its cells. The end all 
and be all of life shall come. Let all eat, drink and be 
merry for to-morrow all die. Alas ! poor Yorick ! 
Why should a live cell speculate about a dead cell ? 

Surely not a little study is necessary to learn the 
meaning lying within the cumbersome language of the 
man, who above all others has laid down the dogmas 
of the Socialist cult. Yet, it is evident that Marx's 
followers the world over have mastered the irrational 
system of thought and are in general accord with their, 
German master. 

Throwing aside the moral obligation under which we 
all stand towards God, our fellow men, and towards our- 
selves as " meaningless and confusing " a leading Ameri- 
can authority — Morris Hillquit — sets down his al- 
legiance to the spurious principle that the one only fac- 
tor relative to moral enlightenment is the " purely so- 
cial factor." 

" The factors determining the degree and direction of 
moral development will be found in the philosophy of Karl 
Marx, who alone consistently introduced the spirit of Dar- 
winism into the study of social phenomena by substituting 
the economic interpretation of history and the resultant doc- 
trine of the class struggle in the more modern stages of social- 
development for the instinct of self preservation and the re- 
sulting doctrine of the struggle for existence in its lower 
stages." ("Socialism in Theory and Practice," pp. 51-52.) 

Denying the Decalogue, by ignoring it, with the as- 
sumption that standards for human conduct come up 
from time to time with the changing relations upon the 


field of commerce, Socialists now assume that the " mo- 
rality of the ruling class " is being overcome by the " new 
morality of the working class." Of course, the rational 
view is that since the Ten Commandments are the con- 
stant — the never changing moral law, they are as ap- 
plicable at an earlier stage of social development as at a 
later date in the history of the race. Yet, Mr. Hillquit 
follows up his fallacious argument by adding two up-to- 
date commandments, man-made. To quote (p. 63) : 

" The two historical slogans given to the modem socialist 
and labor movement by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, 
* the emancipation of the working-man can only be ac- 
complished by the working-men themselves ' ; and ' Working- 
men of all countries, unite, you have nothing to lose but 
your chains ; you have a world to gain ! ' may truly be said 
to be the main precepts of the new morality of the working- 

Plainly it is not this materialistic doctrine that at- 
tracts so many workers and holds them captive to^the 
Juggernaut car of the latest paganism. It is rather the 
stirring of the holy spirit of freedom within them that 
by impatience with the mills of God that grind so 
slowly, turns them away from the straight and narrow 
paths that must be trod by the light of reason. 

The Socialist platforms of our country are not so 
coolly, so brazenly atheistic^ in setting forth their fatal- 
istic standards of morality. Yet, the Godless basis is 
there, for it is the leaders who form the platform to at- 
tract the attention of the rank and file of the worldly 
ambitious and discontented men: of men with many a 


just grievance that should have been righted, and •would 
have been righted if there were to be found in every city 
and town within the dominion of Csesar ten men wholly 
determined that the law of Christ should be applied. 

The key note of the 1908 platform is struck dogmatic- 
ally : " Human life depends upon food, clothing and 
shelter " — to be sure ! Yet, this is the lesser half of 
the truth since human life depends absolutely upon the 
will of God. Indeed, since the necessities of life are, 
too, as truly God's free gifts to man as life itself, it is 
wholly gratuitous to assert that " Only when these 
things are assured is freedom, culture and higher de- 
velopment possible." It should be held in view that 
higher development, in the mind of the makers of this 
platform, has reference to the progress of the race to- 
wards the super-man — a sort of creature that may be 
expected to inhabit the earth, once the war of classes has 
climaxed in the " classless society." 

Then, too, reasoning rightly and consulting our ex- 
perfence, we see that a state of human freedom is en- 
tirely compatible with the work of getting one's bread 
and butter by whatsoever honorable means. Happily, 
a vast number of our American population may testify 
to their religious and civil liberty. Moreover, it is com- 
mon recognition that true culture is impossible upon 
the materialistic and animalistic foundation of human 
society, because of the supreme fact that man lives not 
by bread alone. Eor just as true courtesy is an out- 
ward evidence of one's conviction of the equality of 
human souls, so is a broad culture an outward expression 


of one's intellectual understanding that although men 
have a vast variety of natural gifts and genius in vary- 
ing degrees, the services of one particular class of work- 
ers are as essential to the well-being of our citizenry as 
another — be those services rendered by men of genius 
most highly developed — since Divine Economy rules 
over the acts of men en masse within the Common- 
wealth. This is the basis of the equality of man upon 
the domain of Caesar. Hence when God is left out of 
human reckoning the loss acts upon the intellect like the 
deadly fumes of gas. It creeps into the unwary mind 
poisoning those who are not immuned by their faith in a 
just foundation of things human. Despair is one of its 
noxious products. What would be the use to work 
against fate, if by fate both employer and employee 
were the mere sport of blind force ? 

Yet, this impossible task is the contract that Social- 
ism has taken upon itself. To quote further from the 
platform of 1908 : — " The capitalist class . . . is 
bound to exploit the workers to the very limit of their 
endurance and to sacrifice their physical, moral and 
mental welfare to its own insatiable greed." Just what 
rightful business the word " moral " has in this connec- 
tion no man can tell ! Yet the explanation is simple. 
Mankind is given a rational nature and however hard 
one may try to slink away from his conscious principle, 
it abides. The image of God is not to be blotted out at 
the behest of man : 

" So loBg as the light holds out to bum 
The vilest sinner may return." 


But not after! 

Knowing how difficult, aye impossible, it is for even 
those steeped in the poison of the " materialistic con- 
ception of history " to stick to their text, and conse- 
quently that the true records of the race are freely min- 
gled with their false principle of economic determinism, 
to the confusion of well-meaning men : that Socialist de- 
nunciation of the evils of the day — which in fact exist 
in a measure hardly to be exaggerated — seems to prom- 
ise to the lowly that they are about to bring them into 
their own ; knowing that the wrong cause is supported — 
not indeed to gain a mess of pottage for which they are 
willing to barter their souls — but with the expectation 
that social justice may be secured for all, we deem it es- 
sential to cover this fatalistic foundation of Socialist 
propaganda somewhat thoroughly. For it should be 
clearly seen for what it is — the fundamental negation 
of the rational constitution of the race. Hence directly 
contrary in its norm of conduct to those Catholic prin- 
ciples — those truths, and those alone, that shall save 
our beloved country from disaster. 

This is their touchstone : — " Class morality " has 
ruled individual morality out of the court of mankind, 
l^ow, since " class morality " is indeed something new 
under the sun we shall establish the fact of its place 
in this world movement and show how strictly its pre- 
cepts are adhered to throughout our western civilization. 

The " Socialist Bible " — Das Kapital — lays down 
the dogma that ramifies throughout every department of 
their scheme to set up a free society : 


" My standpoint from which the evolution of the economic 
formation of society is viewed as a process of natural history, 
can less than any other make the individual responsible for 
relations whose creature he socially remains, however much 
he may subjectively raise himself above them." ('* Capital," 
p. 15, Kerr edition.) 

First to make sure we have the genuine article — 
made, not by the working-man for the working-man, but 
by a highly gifted German-Jew, whose father had re- 
nounced his religious connections that he might prac- 
tise the profession of law — we quote from the plat- 
form of the Socialist party (1912) of our own country, 
the gist of " economic determinism." Having enumer- 
ated all the other agencies that go to make up the struc- 
ture of our body politic as " absolutely controlled " by 
the capitalist class, the " religions and moral agencies" 
are set down as the climax. Certainly we hold no brief 
for other religious bodies, but as obedient lay members 
of the Catholic Church we protest with all our mind, 
heart and strength that Her activities here on earth are 
neither " subsidized " nor controlled by the capitalist 
class. Not one of the 15,817 Parish Churches nor one 
of the 6642 Parish Schools, academies, colleges and 
universities is under the control of any group of capi- 
talists nor of any individual capitalist. It is God's 
word — Christ and Him Crucified — that is preached, 
for the love of souls. The Commandments and the Ser- 
mon on the Mount give the standards for Christian mo- 
rality ; while on every Sunday in the year the gospel les- 
son is set forth with the purpose of enforcing the prac- 


tical application of the law and the counsels of Christ 
to the every-day relations of life — personal, social, civil 
and domestic. From infancy to death Catholics are 
under the direct influence and in holy association with 
the Giver of Life — of Justice — of Love. 

However, one word aside from our main purpose may 
be said regarding the Socialist platform. Notwith- 
standing its utterly perverse basis there are many 
measures listed to which right-minded men may freely 
give assent. Measures that good citizens strive to have 
enacted into our statutes and enforced. But these 
measures do not follow as a consequence from the 
morally irresponsible doctrine of Socialism. Quite to 
the contrary they are grounded in Chrisian principles. 
One may look back to the days of the craft guilds — 
when society was directed by the Vicar of Christ — to 
see many of them, not merely advocated, but in practise. 
The shorter hour working day; better sanitary condi- 
tions in factories, mines and mills ; the abolition of child 
labor; better housing conditions; craft insurance; em- 
ployment for the unemployed ; reclamation of arid and 
swamp lands; etc., etc., are frankly used by Socialist 
parties for propaganda purposes. Socialist leaders 
know very well that once men have been attracted by 
measures to the advantage of the wage-earners and so 
induced to take the first step, by voting their ticket, they 
may be initiated later, "" and then, after we have made 
them members of the Socialist Party, we can talk to 
them inside our ranJcs, talk of the higher philosophies 
and of the logical consequences of our explanation of 


society and nature." (Ernest Unterman, OflScial Pro- 
ceedings S. P. Convention, Indianapolis, 1908.) 

The explanation is indeed crucial. Yet, it is in sub- 
stance given at the conclusion of the Practical Measures 
of the platform, 1912. 

" Such measures of relief as we may be able to force from 
capitalism are but a preparation of the workers to seize the 
whole power of government, in order that they may thereby 
lay hold of the whole system of industry and thus come to 
their rightful inheritance." 

The working class is thus taken under the tutelage of 
Socialists who propose to initiate them in that see of 
their political power by which every mother's son has 
his private property in capital, well gotten or illy gotten, 
taken from him. Thus it is clear that treason and theft 
are held to be the " class morality " by which workmen 
may come into " their rightful inheritance." Yet, since 
it was '' the introduction and spread of salad-oil " that 
has put agnosticism almost if not quite at a respectable 
par with the Church of England (Engels — " Socialism 
Utopian and Scientific ") who knows but that uy will be 
down and right will be lejt even in our own day ? Es- 
pecially as Prof. Charles Zueblin (Conference on Social- 
ism, Chickering Hall, Boston) has lent the great weight 
of his dictum to them in making down up and up down : 
" The International Socialist movement does more to 
preach unflinching morality than any other organization 
in the world." 

Surely from this time on chaos should be order. 


Hold ! We are saved by material intervention ! Since 
Jane Addams — " Nevs^er Ideals of Peace " makes it 
certain that : 

" The Socialists are making almost the sole attempt to 
preach a morality sufficiently all embracing and international 
to keep pace with material internationalism which has 
standardized the threads of screws and the size of bolts." 

Who will now have the least possible doubt that the 
" standardization " of the threads of screws and the size 
of bolts will work even a greater regeneration in the 
morals of the race than the spread in the use of salad 
oil ? It alone, reduced English churchmen and agnos- 
tics to one dead level, almost, why then put a limit to 
the effectiveness of a truly mechanical device ? Again ! 
This " scientific knowledge " is having a wider circula- 
tion than is given by Miss Addams' book by itself. The 
Socialists know their own when they see it. Besides 
being the one and only authority on the " philosophy of 
life " they know who are and who are not Christians. 
Quite consistently they use in " War : What For ? " — a 
book well calculated " to drain the recruiting stations 
and thin the ranks of soldiery " — this identical quo- 
tation with the introduction — " Listen again — to the 
hest-Tcnown and the test-loved Christian woman in the 
United States, Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, 

A newer ideal with a vengeance ! — a morality that 
finds its sanction in material progress, and if it would 
be up to date, must keep pace with international pro- 


duetions. A morality that has quite stripped itself free 
from God's law — that is never new, never old, but ever 
ready for application to whatsoever changes the genius 
of race may bring about, for the material well-being of 
mankind. Alas ! When women join in spreading 
darkness for light — a process as old as the hills upon 
which his Satanic Majesty first tempted men to their 
eternal damnation — it is time for the most prejudiced 
against the Catholic Church in the interest of their 
country, if not for the love of the faith, to sweep their 
spirit in the dead of the night. 

No, the Socialist party platform is not a commentary. 
One must go to their leaders to learn what in fact is be- 
neath the planks of the platform. Long ago, Wilhelm 
Liebknecht — an international authority, said in " So- 
ciaism : What It Is and What It Seeks," " the agita- 
tors, the journalists and the learned of the party must 
give the commentary/' Quite so! Especially since 
the platforms are largely shaped to attract raw recruits, 
rather than to give an adequate idea of what the party 
really stands for. Who, save the veteran followers of 
Marx, Engels, Hillquit, Debs and Berger, in the State 
of Ohio, could tell what their platform of five words 
calls for? "The World for the Workers" (1918). 
Yet, after all is said their grand objective is as vague as 
these five words to the novice. Stated in their own 
^ terms their positive objective is necessarily obscure. 
The " expropriation " of the capitalist class — thq tak- 
ing of land and capital now in private hands and making 
them collective property to be administered in a " class- 


less " society, cannot be intellectually grasped since a 
" classless " society is irrational, therefore meaningless. 
This basic objection has never been fairly faced. When 
the leaders are asked how their principles are to be 
successfully carried out, they ring a multitude of 
changes all pitched in the classic key given by Marx: 
" We are not making cook-shop receipts for the future 

Why, then, should one bother about the immorality of 
Socialist standards if their objective is irrational ? Let 
their movement come to naught. The answer is, that 
men are not deprived of their active principle because 
they hold immoral notions, nor because their aims are 
not rational, neither because the foundation of their 
movement is false. The danger is in the fact that al- 
though the Socialist movement is incapable of construc- 
tion it is quite capable of destruction. Besides 

— and this is the pith of the whole matter 

— if their propaganda did not rotate around a 
body of truth it could not gather a destructive force of 
any social consequence. What lover of economic justice 
does not respond to the demand of the wage-earners for 
their just share in the advantages of the wealth they 
produce ? What lover of civil liberty does not desire to 
see men free within the restrictions of a just 
government ? Borrowing these great principles from 
Christian morality and citing their flagrant abuses in 
our modern society, gives a holy fire to the words of these 
false prophets, enabling them to lead a multitude of un- 
critical men the wrong way for the right thing. It 


was ever thus ! — having incited the mob, it cries out 
" Crucify Him ! Crucify Him ! " If we would see 
what disaster, what horror, a little truth, with a deal of 
error, can do let us look at Russia. There the majority 
of the Socialist movement — the Bolsheviki — attempt- 
ing to carry out their ideal program for creating a 
classless society gives us a spectacle that tells its own 

Our obligation is plain — right relations and condi- 
tions bring peace within the Commonwealth. 

But, since the generality must be convinced that the 
stability of our country is menaced we shall do what 
we can for its safety by permitting Socialist authorities 
to set forth their own doctrine in their own way. No 
possible denunciation of their perverse principles could 
be as conclusive, to those who are able to appreciate the 
full meaning of their statements. 

Running true — but far ahead — of its Protestant 
origin by its denial of the authority of Christ's Vicar 
to regulate the conduct of kings with regard to the in- 
herent rights of their peoples and with regard to their 
moral conduct one towards another. Socialism repudiates 
moral authority altogether. Thus reducing the power 
of what is right below the level of the power of might. 
Hence the majority may work its own human will. 

Because of their utter repudiation of absolute author- 
ity the study of Socialism obliges one to give chief con- 
sideration to what is denied rather than to what is af- 
firmed, in order to view their standards of thought and 
conduct from the proper perspective. 


Socialism Denies the Existence of God — Therehy 
repudiating the first principle of morality. 

" When science began to establish the fact of the mechani- 
cal origin of the universe " it " threw the theological creator 
out of his own creation." (Ernest Unterman, " Science and 
Kevolution," pp. 158-159.) 

" Socialism knows the absence or impairment of the belief 
in God is one of the most powerful factors for its (Social- 
ism's) extension, because the priests of all religions have 
been, throughout all phases of history, the most potent allies 
of the ruling classes in keeping the masses pliant and sub- 
missive under the yoke by means of the enchantment of 
religion, just as the tamer keeps a wild beast submissive by 
the terrors of the cracks of his whip." (Enrico Eerri, 
" Socialism and Modern Science," p. 63.) 

Socialism denies that man is made in the image of 
God — Therefore, he is devoid of divine attributes. 

" In the image of himself (man) he created Him (God) ; 
not vice versa." (August Bebel, " Woman and Socialism," 
p. 438.) 

" It is no longer God and Man, nor even Man and God, 
but Man only, with God an anthropomorphic shadow, related 
to man not as his creator, but as created by him. God and 
Man are not ' two ' but in reality ' one.' " (Arthur Morrow 
Lewis, " Evolution Social and Organic," p. 133.) 

Socialism denies belief in religion — Thereby re- 
pudiating all moral standards for thought, word and 

" Keligion is the opium of the people. It is the striving of 


the people for an imaginary happiness. It springs from a 
state of society that requires an illusion." (Karl Marx, 
" Critique of the Philosophy of Law by Hegel.") 

Reporting to the National Socialist Party Convention, 
Indianapolis, May 12-28, 1912 (Proceedings, p. 247- 
248) the Executive Committee of the ISTational Lettish 
organization urges opposition to Christian morality: 

" The ethics of Socialism and religion are directly opposed 
to each other. Christianity teaches brotherly love for all. 
Socialism discriminates among social classes. It (Socialism) 
preaches the class struggle among those whose interests are 
opposed. . . . the Church puts the stamp of approval (good) 
or disapproval (bad), according to some superhuman ethics, 
dictated by a being unknown to mankind." 

" While large masses of the people are completely in 
ignorance about the most elementary parts of natural science 
it is an easy task for the Church to beguile the workers 
and to make them intellectual cripples. Once they have 
become such, they gladly accept the spiritual crutches ex- 
tended to them by the servants of the Church. . . ." 

" Our members ought to be enlightened about the evolu- 
tion of the universe, development of mankind, and other 
important matters of natural science in order that any kind 
of superstition may be eliminated from midst our ranks." 

This self-same hostile attitude towards religion is 
taken in every country. The British Socialist Party 
Manifesto (1911) that is "issued not as the view of an 
individiml hut as the accepted manifesto of the Socialist 
party on the subject of Socialism and Beligion," begins 
by quoting Karl Marx that religion is a mere " reflex 
of the real world " and that the " mystical veil," religion, 


will be " stripped off " when we shall have " a society 
of freely associated men." The Manifesto then pro- 
ceeds in its own language : 

"It is, therefore, a profound truth that Socialism is the 
natural enemy of religion.. Through Socialism alone will 
the relations between men in society, and their relations to 
Nature, become reasonable, orderly, and completely intelligi- 
ble, leaving no nook or cranny for superstition. The entry 
of Socialism is consequently, the exodus of religion." 

Socialism denies the claims of the old Jewish theory 
and the claims of the religion of Christ that morality 
and ethics are fundamentally based upon religion — 
the relations of man to his Maker. 

"Morality and ethics have nothing to do with organized 
religion. The contrary is asserted only by weak-minded 
persons and hypocrites." (August Bebel, " Woman and 
Socialism," p. 321.) 

Socialism, denies eternal principles — the necessity 
of universal standards. 

" There never could be and there cannot be a standard of 
moral principles suitable to all times and conditions." 
(Philip Eappaport, Chicago, 1913, "Looking Forward," p. 

" Truth is relative, not absolute. There are no absolute 
standards of right and wrong." (Joseph Cohen, " Socialism 
for Students," p. 120.) 

So easily — by mere denial — is God, Revealed re- 
ligion and the Ten Commandments ruled out of reckon- 


ing by the followers of those who pose as having the 
only rational view of life, in retrospect and in prospect. 
Upon their imperial a^is of denial. Socialists proceed to 
lay down the law. Surely the universal practise 
amongst men of judging this good and that bad must 
be accounted for. Consequently they had better begin 
with the customs of savage tribes. Why ? Oh ! because 
— the knowledge we have of these peoples is our latest 
acquisition. Is it not plain that our earliest records, 
both inspired or secular, were written by civilized 
peoples. Thus the less we know the more Socialists as- 
sume to know about the infancy of the race. 

With neither spiritual light nor human intelligence 
to begin with — albeit God's perfect creation to the 
contrary — men must await their time to " learn to 
produce food in abundance " before " the practise of 
man-eating and killing its own members becomes im- 
moral." ("Socialism in Theory and Practise" — 
Hillquit, p. 53.) Ergo, this the proof that moral stand- 
ards are evolutionary — not eternally fixed. Moreover, 
to give good measure and some thrown in, it is taken for 
granted that cannibalism was the common " moral " 
practise during the infancy of the race. Of course, one 
must naturally be given a lower standard from which to 
evolve upward. Yet, since both history and science are 
agreed that cannibalism has been found only in isolated 
instances as a food supply, and then amongst degen- 
erate tribes, somehow the underpinning of Socialist 
" morals " has dropped out altogether. Happily our 
native Americans have rather a clean record : 


" Cannibalism simply for the sake of food could hardly be 
said to exist (among Indians), but, as a war ceremony or 
sacrifice following a savage triumph, the custom was very 
general, particularly on the Texas coast and among the Iro- 
quoian and Algonquian tribes of the east." (Professor James 
Mooney, U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, 
D. C, p. 750, Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 7.) 

If not history, nor science, then a little logical think- 
ing should be of service to those who are wont to con- 
demn the evils of our day with the principles set forth 
by the Ten Commandments — the natural law im- 
planted in each and every one of the human race. For 
they have but to view their own inconsistency by con- 
trasting the principles with which they win sympathy, 
from those who defend the oppressed, and the fatuity 
with which they set out their hope for a " free society." 
Evidently it has not yet occurred to these doctrinaires 
that if there were no static force, there would be nothing 
by which to recognize the opposite — dynamic force. 
And, thus, to reason, the moral law necessarily holds 
as against all pressure against it by its opposite — im- 
moral force. Yet, if neither history, science nor logical 
thinking, from a basic ground that satisfies human 
reason, finds favor, there remains conscience. It per- 
sists — calling men back to the natural law of their 
being. And at the end of life there is the Judgment. 
'No, hell is not paved with good intentions, and the law 
is not far away from any one of us. 

" Quidquid fit eontraconscientiam, sedificat ad gehennam " 
— The rule and measure of duty is not utility, nor expedience. 


nor the happiness of the greatest number, nor State con- 
venience, nor fitness, order and the pulchrum. Conscience is 
not a long-sighted selfishness, nor a desire to be consistent 
with oneself; but it is a messenger from Him Who both in 
nature and in grace, speaks to us behind a veil, and teaches 
and rules us by His representatives. Conscience is the Vicar 
of Christ, a prophet in its informations, a monarch in its 
peremptoriness, a priest in its blessings and anathemas, and 
even though the eternal priesthood throughout the Church 
could cease to be, in it the sacerdotal principle would remain 
and would have sway." (The Fourth Lateran Council of 
the Catholic Church, A. D. 1215.) 

Seeing that their denials would sweep away the foun- 
dation of things rational, let us now turn the tables and 
see what Socialists set forth as their positive doctrine. 

Socialism asserts man's origin from the brute creation, 

"Darwin dealt the metaphysical concept of Nature the 
heaviest blow by his proof that all organic human beings, 
plants, animals, and man himself, are the products of a 
process of evolution going on through millions of years." 
(Frederick Engels, " Socialism Utopian and Scientific," p. 

" Neither as a thinking man nor as a moral being is man 
essentially different from the animal" (p. 119). "Probably 
man is not sprung from the highest type of apes, the man 
apes, which are tending to die out, but from a lower species 
of four-handed animals" (p. 75). (Karl Kautsky, "Ethics 
and the Materialist Conception of History.") 

Not to call upon religious experience for testimony, 
the objection is, that neither science nor common knowl- 


edge upholds this dictum of no essential difference be- 
tween mankind and the animals. Just to the contrary, 
since " animals do not think" Animals have not the 
positive art principle; man is so endowed. When ani- 
mals build it is according to a design that they work 
out by instinct. It is God's wisdom, of which they 
partake non-consciously, that guides them. When ani- 
mals are domesticated, the will of man dominates their 
acts to that degree which makes them useful to him. 
Man is the " tool-using animal " for the sufficient reason 
that he has reason plus instinct. Animals use sub- 
stances and forces negatively — they act in negative 
obedience — with perfect conformity — to the law of 
their being. On the contrary, man uses substances, ob- 
jects and forces positively; knowingly he carries out his 
own positively created designs. God gives the animals 
— all things of natural creation — which by his intui- 
tion man sees to be good for his purposes. By his free 
will man selects this and that. Having created his 
designs out of that immaterial stuff that the human mind 
alone is capable of using, the man proceeds to work up 
the things he has appropriated, from the natural store- 
house, into utilities. So it is that by universal experi- 
ence an immeasurable gulf has ever been known to lie 
between the brute creation and the human race. 

Not only do Socialists hold this gross error — that 
man is different only in degree, not in kind, from the 
animals — as against the common testimony of all the 
ages but they will not yield even to the world's most 
reputable and renowned scientists in the matter. Even 


though " newspaper " science still flatters this ignorant 
assumption it should be the common knowledge of criti- 
cal minds that the great biologists hold the undivided 
opinion that there is no data extant to prove the so- 
called Darwinian evolutionary theory of man's animal 
descent. Yet, since the fact is that " a comprehensive 
grasp of the Socialist philosophy implies a Tcnoxvledge of 
Darwinian theories" ("Evolution Social and Or- 
ganic," p. 41, A. M. Lewis), the conclusion is that both 
the one and the other is quite out of reason, since tbey 
are in unity. 

Together with other of the world's greatest authorities 
on this matter may be found the names of many priests 
and Catholic laymen. Eev. H, Muckermann, S. J., pro- 
fessor of biology, thus concludes an article (Catholic 
Encyclopedia, Vol. 5, p. 670) : 

" There is no evidence in favor of an ascending evolution 
of organic forms. For there is no trace of even a merely 
probable argument in favor of the animal origin of man. 
The earliest human fossils and the most ancient traces of 
culture refer to a true Homosapiens as we know him to-day." 

With one prominent exception, it may fairly be said 
that the leading men of science hold the views quoted 
from Fr. Muckermann. That one exception is rather 
a camouflage, than an endorsement of the theory of 
man's origin from the ape. For it was the misfortune 
— or mayhap fortune — of Ernest Haeckel to be dis- 
credited at the college of Jena — by his German as- 
sociates in science — for using flctitious diagrams of the 


" missing link " in the interest of a blood connection be- 
tween the man and the monkey. 

In his brilliant and scholarly book — " The Oldest 
Riddle and the Newest Answer " (London, 1904) — a 
reply to Haeckel, John Gerard, S.J., F.L.S., gives a list 
of Continental scholars " all of whom either reject Dar- 
winism altogether, or admit it only with fatal reserva- 
tions." Viz : 

Blanchard, Wigaud, Wolff, Hamann, Pauly, Driesch, Plate, 
Hertwig, Heer, Kolliker, Emier, Von Hartmann, Schilde, 
Du Bois-Eeymond, Virchow, Rageli, Schaafhauser, Fechner, 
Jakob, Huber, Joseph Raiike, and Van Bauer. An equally 
long list of American scholars could be named. Let us 
quote from two. Dr. N. S. Shaler, professor of geology at 
Harvard University, once an advocate of the Darwinian 
theory of evolution says: "It begins to be evident to 
naturalists, that the Darwinian hypothesis is still essentially 
unverified. Notwithstanding the evidence derived from the 
study of animals and plants imder domestication, it is not 
yet proved that a single species of the two or three millions 
now inhabitating the earth had been established solely, or 
mainly by the operation of natural selection." 

" Professor Arthur Keith in ' The Antiquity of Man,' 
speaking of the latest discovery — the Neanderthal Man, 
observed: 'When we come to review critically the facts 
relating to the earlier discoveries, made in England, Prance 
and Italy, we were compelled to admit that men of the 
modern type had been in existence long before the extinction 
of the Neanderthal type.'" 

But Socialists are not to be turned back from their 
confidence in the novelty of Darwinism merely because 
twenftieth-century scientists repudiate its claims. Their 


mechanical theory renders them science-proof. Neither 
the lack of data nor the force of argument is of any avail. 
" If science has departed from Socialism so much the 
worse for science.'^ Did not Marx discover the science 
of life ? — that " mind is matter in motion " ? What 
then care they what other people think or say. The 
agnostics who still question whether or not God exists 
are quite too pink and white for their red blood. Only 
in their most ideological mood is the word soul employed 
and then, of course, it has completely changed its mean- 
ing. In the " Evolution of Man " — a book most in- 
dustriously circulated, one lecturer alone disposing of 
two entire editions — an appeal is made from the depths 
of his human " soul," since all are brothers, never to 
step on a beetle : 

" And from the depths of the human soul, . . . still an- 
other voice whispers into my inner ear. ... It is that other 
simple message which tells us : ' Thou shalt not torture any 
animal uselessly; thou shalt not wantonly break any flower, 
for they, too, are distant relations in the great flow of life, 
they, too, are still your brothers in the unfathomable recesses 
of nature. Helpless stands that flower, or that glittering 
little beetle before you, just like a trembling little child. 
But the child grows up into a man, and who knows what 
this flower or that beetle may become some day, or what 
may have become of others like them, millions of years ago ! " 
(P. 12, William Bolsche.) 

Assuming the chemical and mechanical origin of the 
universe : Socialism denies free will. 

Blotting out free will is simple enough by their 


method — dogmatism resting on desire. The stubborn 
facts that attest the freedom of man's will are brushed 
airily to one side in their desire to prove what is not so 
— the absence of an intelligent First Cause. 

Failing first of all to distinguish between the organic 
and the inorganic: failing again to make the vital dis- 
tinction between the animal acts and the rational acts 
of the individual man, Socialists argue that the free 
will of man postulates acts without causes. In other 
words they deny self-determination to the soul. And 
this is but carrying atheism to its logical conclusion. 
If, indeed, a " causeless cause " rests behind all phe- 
nomena there is, of course, no intelligent cause any- 
where to be found, neither within nor without. Now 
this argument proves too much, for the fact of the mat- 
ter is that the rational view is compelled by the human 
experience of all the ages to acknowledge, that within 
an environment where cause and effect act and react 
according to the reign of physical, material and animal 
law the human mind, at will, can interject acts free 
from the determination that results from mere material 
causes. That is to say, man is endowed by his positive 
art principle with the capacity to create within creation 
a material phenomena that is easily distinguished from 
the works of nature herself and, too, he is able to create 
a psychology that is morally good or bad. So it is 
against universal experience and right-reason that 
Socialists assert that: 

" The Marxist absolutely denies the freedom of the will. 


Every human action is inevitable." (" Socialism, Positive 
and Negative," p. 65, Eobert Rives La Monte.) 

" The will does not choose of itself, as was supposed by 
the inventors of free will, that product of the impotency of 
the psychological analysis not yet arrived at maturity." 
("Essays on the Materialistic Conception of History," An- 
tonio Labriola, p. 206.) 

" The admission of the Free-will is out of the question " 
(Enrico Ferri). 

The admission of free will certainly would be out of 
the question if Socialists could first blot out the exist- 
ence of God, and, then, the fact of civilization itself. 
For the mind reasoning rightly asserts the existence of 
Supreme Intelligence and the fact of civilization proves 
human intelligence in the construction of every city 
and town where within certain limits free choice is 
shown. Enrico Ferri proceeds: 

"Free will would imply that the human will, confronted 
by the choice of making voluntary a certain determination, 
has the last decisive word under the pressure of circumstances 
contending for and against this decision: . . ." (P. 65, 
" The Positive School of Criminology," Chicago, 1913.) 

The retort scientific is — it has ! It may be left to 
Robert Blatchford to put their fatalistic doctrine into 
the mouth of the soap-boxer to be passed on with speed 
to the army of the Revolution: 

" If our heredity and our environment be good, we must 
act well, we cannot help it; if they be ill, we must act ill, 
we cannot help it. Suppose a tramp has murdered a child 
on the highway, has robbed her of a few coppers and has 
thrown her body into a ditch : Do you mean to say that 


tramp could not help doing that? Do you mean he is not 
to blame — not to be punished? Yes, I mean to say all 
these things and if all of these things are not true, this book 
is not worth the paper it is written on." (" Not Guilty.") 

Yet, since " IsTot Guilty " wears the habit of a man 
and uses rational words, he should be expected to know 
that the words good, bad and true have no significance 
if men have not the choice of being true or false to the 
law of their being — the choice of being good or bad. 

Socialism Denies the Marriage Bond 

Here we come to the crux of the whole subject-matter 
under observation — for the dissolution of civilization 
is the price of Socialism — of Bolshevism. At length, 
after all these Protestant years since the blasting of 
the marriage bond became the cause of a state religion 
by human will established, it is now alleged that a scien- 
tific sanction has been formed for a " free society." 

Just as one lie leads to another in bolstering up a 
bad cause, so one social assault upon the moral constitu- 
tion of civil society leads to another, in the attempt to 
maintain the corrupt position at first taken. It is, 
then, clear enough that those who would give license free 
reign over law, with headlong course should run to their 
goal — the death of decency. So it is not until the 
Socialist attack upon private property has been pushed 
home to its source that it is seen for what it essentially 
is — the point at which to stab human society in its 
vitals. Once the vast majority of the units that go to 
make up the Commonwealth shall have been disrupted. 


it is certain that civilization were sick unto death. Yet, 
it is as certain that one guard may be employed by a 
nation — and one only — a return to the Ark of the 
Covenant. For God made these twain one flesh by the 
bond of marriage and He established the right of private 
property for the secure maintenance of the family. 

Socialism Asserts Sex Freedom 

Socialist " science " reverses the will of God and gives 
to private property the role of setting up the had practise 
of one man one wife. In " The Origin of the Family " 
— a classic that is accepted by all of the authoritative 
Bolshevist writers the world over — the economic origin 
of the family usurps the place of the family of divine 
origin. The book was written out by Friedrich Engels 
from notes left by Karl Marx. The argument runs its 
course to the proposed emancipation of women. Not, 
however, without the self-same inconsistencies that per- 
force accompany their every phase of doctrine. " The 
modern monogamous family " came into existence from 
the fact that in the earlier period of the struggle for 
existence the man being the stronger — for no known 
reason — naturally held a superior economic position. 
Following up this advantage over the woman, she was 
held in subjection at the pleasure of the male until the 
practise gradually became somewhat general. For 
some unknown reason, men were caused by their desire 
to favor their own offspring by bequests of property 
at death. Thus the accumulation of wealth, in the days 
of primitive production, laid the foundation for our 


present " capitalist society " ; within which we are but 
cogs in an economic wheel that moves everybody along 
with it in spite of ourselves. The reason being that 
we are not yet sufficiently class conscious to throw off 
the right of private property, together with the rest of 
our obligations under the Ten Commandments. 

However, the argument proceeds to a climax, near at 
hand. Since the means of producing the necessities of 
living are now so highly developed that woman's work 
is very nearly, if not quite, as efficient as man's work, 
the conclusion is absolute that the period in time is 
now upon us for the introduction — by fate — of eco- 
nomic equality and with it comes the emancipation of 
woman from the burdens of the family, while, of course, 
the man is scotfree. 

Great is Diana! Because Socialism embraces the 
whole philosophy of life, minus a heavenly home, it 
will, forsooth, have no marriages on earth. It's all 
very well for Christians to talk of the individual being 
the unit of the society in the Kingdom of God and of 
the family being the unit of the society on earth, but 
since Socialists deny tribute to Csesar there shall be no 
families on earth. 

The transition is staged to take place upon " the ir\r 
troduction of the whole female sex into the public in- 
dustries" ('^The Origin of the Family," p. 89.) 
The consequence is certainly momentous : — '' With the 
transformation of the means of production into collective 
property the monogamous family ceases to he the eco- 
nomic unit of society." No doubt about it for this 


dogma rests upon the ipse dixit of Engels and Marx. 
Socialists know just what will happen if not just when. 
Are not Engels and Marx the men and is not Eosa the 
woman who from the preeminence of the class-conscious 
have scaled the dizzy heights of race-consciousness, be- 
fore all others ? To be sure, Engels and Marx are 
long since dead, but Rosa, poor Rosa, the mob has just 
taken her life. So it shall be that from the degrading 
economic dependence of her home — the very throne of 
the mother — women en masse shall be sometime free 
to tend a modern machine instead of the baby. Eor the 
care and education of " legal and illegal " (p. 91) chil- 
dren become a public matter. 

There is, indeed, some doubt as to what manner of 
man the race shall become with the purely animal in- 
stinct of sex love as the one and only condition of mat- 
ing and parting. But, at all events this is the method 
by which the race shall arrive at the freedom-well of 
the super-men. They have no need nor no longing to 
go home. At any rate, 

"A positive cessation of fondness or its replacement by a 
new passionate love makes a separation a blessing for both 
parties and for society. But, humanity will be spared the 
useless wading through the mire of a divorce (court) case." 
(" Origin of the Family," p. 99.) 

Really it is so simple — no marriage, no divorce. 
We should be entirely willing to await developments. 
To quote : 

" What we may anticipate about the adjustment of sexual 
relations after the impending downfall of capitalist produc- 


tion is mainly of a negative nature and mostly confined to 
elements that will disappear. But what will be added ? That 
will be decided after a new generation has come to ma- 
turity : . . ." (" Origin of the Family," p. 109.) 

Socialists Advocate Feee Love, 

Socialist philosophy regarding the relation of the 
sexes is not a mere speculation as to future conduct and 
results. It has a practical application as to the viola- 
tion of the Christian law of marriage here and now and 
a quarrel with the binding force of the legal tie. No 
one of the great international authorities has stated the 
case more frankly than the distinguished Englishman, 
Ernest Belf ort Bax. To quote : 

" A man may justly reject the dominant sexual morality : 
he may condemn the monogamic marriage-system which ob- 
tains to-day; he may claim the right of free union between 
men and women; he may contend he is perfectly at liberty 
to join himself, either temporarily or permanently, with a 
woman; and that the mere legal form of marriage has no 
binding force for him." (" Outlooks from a New Stand- 
point," p. 114.) 

This is the cold and cruel craft of a brilliant mind 
gone wrong. Its appeal is to the vicious judgments of 
men, inducing them to throw off their marital obliga- 
tions on the ground of animal freedom. Utterly re- 
nouncing the duty of self-purity in the man; utterly 
repudiating the right of the wife in the one flesh of 
these twain; utterly ignoring the right of organized 
society that its units shall be kept sound in the interest 


of public, moral and physical health. This is bad 
enough ! But, the lurid warmth of the appeals to 
women for a generous self-sacrifice is much more telling 
in the corruption of the family. The New York Call 
(Oct. 20, 1918) in its home section, " Woman's Page," 
urges women themselves to throw off religious restraints 
and conventions in the interest of economic, political 
and social freedom. The matter is taken from Edward 
Carpenter's " Love's Coming of Age " (Chicago, 1903). 
Here is the call to universal death and dauMiation. God 
forbid a response thereto ! 

" There is no solution, except in the freedom of woman — 
which means, of course, also the freedom of the masses of 
the people, men and women, and the ceasing altogether of 
economic slavery. There is no solution which will not in- 
clude the redemption of the terms ' free woman ' and ' free 
love' to their true and rightful significance. Let every 
woman whose heart bleeds for the sufferings of her sex 
hasten to declare herself, and to constitute herself, as far 
as she possibly can, a free woman. Let her accept the term 
with all the odiiun that belongs to it; let her insist on 
her right to speak, dress, think, act, and, above all, to use 
her sex as she deems best ; let her face the scorn and ridicule ; 
let her ' lose her own life,' if she like ; assured that only 
so can come deliverance, and that only when the free woman 
is honored will the prostitute cease to exist." 

Socialism Promotes Easy Divokce 

In their dramas, novels, short stories and in their 
so-called scientific works, from their professorial chairs, 
from their lecture halls and on the street comers Social- 
ists have outrun every other evil force in the world that 


makes for easy divorce. But, when their speaking is 
oflBcial, in the ward-room, the Legislature, the halls of 
Congress, their vote follows their talk in favor of any 
and every measure that would lessen the integrity of 
the state. Where, for the nonce, the Socialist majority 
— the Bolsheviki — are in political control, the license 
to deny marital obligation, at will, is enacted into the 
statutes. Let us set forth the proof in their own words 
of class-conscious confidence : 

" The dissolution of the marriage relation will become 
as purely a personal and private affair as is the assumption 
of the relation now." ("Puritanism," Clarence Meily, p. 

Philip Eappaport is presumed to be an expert upon 
this phase of Socialism. In " Looking Forward " — a 
very popular setting forth of the doctrine so ponderously 
promulgated in " The Origin of the Family " — the 
soap-boxers find their arguments in language that they 
can convey to the audience that run together on the street 
corners : 

"Moral or religious scruples against divorce generally 
should not prevail. These are matters of conscience entirely 
foreign to the nature of a valid civil contract, and entirely 
within the province of individual judgment." (" Looking 
Forward," p. 119.) 

Here may be seen the principle of private judgment 
no longer in its green but in its rotten ripe fruit. To 
continue : 


"Divorce, although always an individual problem, would 
not be a social problem at all, if it were not made one by 
superstition, bigotry and intolerance." (" Looking For- 
ward," p. 133.) 

Reason here is truly fled to brutish beasts, as one 
cannot touch the subject of divorce save the rights of 
parents are brought into personal conflict relative to the 
mutual privileges and obligations one has vested in the 
other. It was no mere sentimental boast, but rather a 
profound understanding of the human constitution, that 
Shakespeare puts into the mouth of Portia : 

"With leave, Bassanio; I am half yourself. 
And I must freely have the half of anything 
That this same paper brings you." 

Then, too, divorce is a family, rather than an indi- 
vidual, question, relative to the natural right of the 
children to the care and command of their parents, 
before they attain to the use of free-will. Moreover, 
divorce is a social question, since a conflict necessarily 
ensues between the authority of parents and the author- 
ity of organized society. Parental authority over their 
children, being conditioned upon life itself, is prior to 
the authority of the commonwealth over its citizens. 
Consequently parents have no natural right to abrogate 
their authority in favor of the state nor has the state 
the social right to usurp the authority to care for and 
command these children. Obviously, again, the state 
has not the moral right to give over the children to the 
one or the other of their parents, since the children have 


the right to the joint care of both their parents. The 
conclusion is rational — divorce acts against the natural 
rights of the individual, the family and organized so- 
ciety by breaking up the stability of the marriage bond. 
Yet, after all, it is not so much right argument that 
is needed to overcome Socialist propaganda when it 
takes on the sentimental phase as it is that sense of 
purity that abhors what is evil. Chastity is not so much 
in reason as in emotion. Not so much in right- 
thought about God as in right-relation with God. 
However, it seems necessary to permit Socialists to 
bespeak their own subversive doctrine relative to family 

" If the marriage-tie could be easily dissolved, there would 
be an unceasing endeavor to keep alive the holy flame of 
love once existing, and the blissful state of wooing would 
never come to an end. I am firmly of the opinion that the 
best means to accomplish a reduction in the number of 
divorces is to make divorce very easy." (" Looking For- 
ward," p. 12.) 

" In their chapter * Socialism Triumphant ' William Morris 
and Ernest Belfort Bax (joint authors 'Socialism: Its 
Growth and Outcome,' Chicago, 1909, p. 226) resume that 
under Socialism ' a new development of the family would take 
place, on the basis, not of a predetermined life-long business 
arrangement, to be formally and nominally held to irrespec- 
tive of circumstances, but on mutual inclination and affec- 
tion, an association terminable at the will of either party.' " 

Speaking of the " liberal " divorce laws, for which 
the Socialists fought unitedly in the Chamber of 


Deputies, Jean Jaures {" New York Independent " 
August 20, 1908) is quoted, saying: 

" They were free to make the marriage and should in 
the same way be free to unmake it. In fact, just as the 
will of one of the parties could have prevented the marriage, 
so the will of one should be able to end it. The power to 
annul should, of course, be all the stronger when' both 
parties desire it." 

After some forty-odd years of restless propaganda 
theory has passed into fact. In Russia the Bolsheviki, 
as the Socialists are popularly called, have, alas, come 
into their own. The Russian Socialist Federated Soviet 
Republic has enacted legislation for that most distracted 
country. The Decree of Divorce issued by the Council 
of Peoples Commissaires, Section N'o. 1, reads " Di- 
vorce shall he granted upon application made by either 
or both parties/' 

From the foregoing citations it should be certain that 
Socialism prosecutes its scheme witli determination 
against the very heartbeat of civil society. Nor should 
this be a wonder — that rebellion against the whole 
order of creation should run to the extreme limit of 
its evil power in the destruction and corruption of 
human society. One more quotation from this enemy 
of God and men shall suffice to set forth their standards 
and their purpose that finds its only sanction in the 
shifty sands of blind force. 

" Socialist philosophy proves conclusively that the realiza- 
tion of the positive political and economic ideals of socialism 


involves the atrophy of Religion, the metamorphosis of the 
Family and the Suicide of the State." (" Socialism Positive 
and Negative," p. 89.) 

Since it is before the bar of God's justice that all 
human schemes, good and bad, receive their acid test — 
it is to the Pope that we shall go for those standards 
relative to the family from which mankind may not 
depart with impunity. 

" Truly it is hardly possible to describe how great are the 
evils that flow from divorce. Matrimonial contracts are 
by it made variable ; mutual kindness is weakened ; deplorable 
inducements to unfaithfulness are supplied; harm is done 
to the education and training of children; occasion is af- 
forded for the breaking up of homes; the seeds of dis- 
sension are sown among families; the dignity of womanhood 
is lessened and brought low, and women run the risk of being 
deserted after having ministered to the pleasures of man. 
Since, then, nothing has such power to lay waste families 
and destroy the mainstay of kingdoms as the corruption of 
morals, it is easily seen that divorces are in the highest 
degree hostile to the prosperity of families and States, 
springing as they do from the depraved morals of the people, 
and, as experience shows us, opening out a way to every 
kind of evil doing in public alike and in private life. 

" The constant and watchful care of the Church in guard- 
ing marriage, by the preservation of its sanctity, is so well 
understood as not to need proof. That the judgment of 
the Council of Jerusalem reprobated licentious and free 
love (Acts XV, 29), we all know; as also that the incestuous 
Corinthian was condemned by the authority of blessed Paul 
(I Cor. V, 5). Again, in the very beginning of the Christian 
Church were repulsed and defeated, with the like unremit- 
ting determination, the efforts of many who aimed at the 


destruction of Christian marriage, such as the Gnostics, 
Manicheans, and Montanists ; and in our own time. Mormons, 
St. Simonians, Phalansterians, and Communists. 

"In like manner, moreover, a law of marriage just to all, 
and the same for all, was enacted by the abolition of the 
old distinction between slaves and free-born men and women ; 
and thus the rights between husbands and wives were made 
equal; for, as St. Jerome says, 'with us that which is un- 
lawful for women is unlawful for men also, and the same 
restraint is imposed on equal conditions.' The self-same 
rights also were firmly established for reciprocal affection 
and for the interchange of duties ; the dignity of the woman 
was asserted and assured; and it was forbidden to the man 
to inflict capital punishment for adultery, or lustfully and 
shamelessly to violate his plighted faith. 

" It is also a great blessing that the Church has limited, 
as far as is needful the power of fathers of families, so that 
sons and daughters wishing to marry are not in any way 
deprived of their rightful freedom; that, for the purpose of 
spreading more widely the supernatural love of husbands and 
wives, she has decreed marriages within certain degrees of 
consanguinity or aflBnity to be null and void; that she has 
taken the greatest pains to safeguard marriage, as much as 
possible, from error and violence and deceit; that she has 
always wished to preserve the holy chasteness of the mar- 
riage bed, personal rights, the honor of husband and wife, 
and the security of religion. 

"Lastly, with such power and with such foresight of 
legislation has the Church guarded this divine institution, 
that no one who thinks rightly of these matters can fail 
to see how, with regard to marriage, she is the best guardian 
and defender of the human race ; and how withal her wisdom 
has come forth victorious from the lapse of years, from the 
assaults of men, and from the countless changes of public 
events." ("Christian Marriage," Pope Leo XIIL) 



PATRIOTISM? That all-embracing motive that 
unites the natural virtues in a supreme love for 
the body-politic as a moral entity: That civic passion 
from v^hich proceeds devoted service to one's country 
in times of peace : That self-sacrifice that prompts one 
to give his all for his home-land in times of war. So 
it is that within the scope of Pagan glory, patriotism 
stands full orbed. Heroic deeds done for love of coun- 
try ever count first above all earthly gifts of wealth, 
honor, power or fame. Men born of such mothers as 
Volumnia hold above all earthly treasure — above all 
earthly joy — the gift of one's blood for one's country. 

Volumnia — " I tell thee, daughter, I spring not more in 
joy at first hearing he was a man-child than now in first see- 
ing he had proved himself a man," 

Virgilia — " But had he died in the business, madam ; how 

'Volumnia — " Then his good report should have been my 
son; I therein would have found issue. Hear me profess 
sincerely: had I a dozen sons, each in my love alike and 
none less dear than thine and my good Marcius, I had rather 
had eleven die nobly for their country than one voluptuously 
surfeit out of action." 

Virgilia — " His bloody brow ! O Jupiter, no blood ! " 

Volumnia — ^ Away, you fool ! It more becomes a man 



than gilt his trophy; the breasts of Hecuba, when she did 
suckle Hector, looked not lovelier than Hector's forehead 
when it spit forth blood at Grecian sword, contemning." 

But when to the natural virtue of patriotism Religion 
lends her vision, men arise and sign a pledge with 
David : 

" If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand be for- 
gotten. Let my tongue cleave to my jaws if I do not remem- 
ber thee: If I make not Jerusalem the beginning of my 
joy. (Psahn 136.) 

Even in the exalted mood of patriotism, David 
tempers his pledge — Jerusalem shall be the beginning 
of his joy since God is the end, the completion of all 
joy. Thus it is a very practical matter of e very-day 
duty to inculcate the virtue of patriotism and to practise 
it, since God is the Maker of Man and the Author of 

The Catholic Church has ever held her children in 
duty bound to cherish and to love the country in which 
they live and receive such enjoyments as this mortal 
life affords. Pope Leo XIII — " On the Chief Duties 
of Christians as Citizens " — places patriotism as a 
strict obligation, natural and supernatural. Thus at 
once is separated and united the domain of Csesar, to 
whom we must pay tribute, with our duty towards God : 

" The natural law enjoins us to love devotedly and to 
defend the country in which we had birth, and in which 
we were brought up, so that every good citizen hesitates 


not to face death for his native land." (Encyclical Letter, 
Jan. 10, 1890.) 

Accepting, then, the principle that patriotism of the 
highest flame is motived by religion, we may logically 
expect as we run down to lesser faith to find lesser 
patriotism in those " after-Christians " who have re- 
placed Catholicism with a sort of natural religion. But 
when we shall have come down to the perversity of a 
materialistic philosophy, there, indeed, patriotism is al- 
together excluded, for it has no support in natural law 
or in supernatural sanction. Yet, withal, God is not 
mocked — for men are men. 

Love of country finds no place in the philosophy of 
Socialist doctrinaires. Patriotism is a sentiment culti- 
vated by the bourgeoisie in their own interest and so of 
no binding force. Adherents to modem class-struggle 
are guided by " The Socialist Declaration of Indepen- 
dence " — The Communist Manifesto — given to the 
world by Karl Marx and Erederich Engels in 1848. 
This. Manifesto by a method of negation prompts its 
advocates to unpatriotic thought and action. To quote : 
" The worJcing men have no country. We cannot take 
from them what they have not got " is its argument in 
answer to the proposition that " The Communists are 
further reproached with desiring to abolish countries 
and nationalities." The document proceeds to make it 
certain that it is the world supremacy of the proletariat 
that is the aim, to which the Manifesto is the guide. 
This view holds sway the world over with the followers 


of the red flag. " Aside from its historic and political 
significance, the Communist Manifesto will remain a 
conspicuous monument in the literature of the world; 
as long as thoughts possess a sense and words have a 
sound" (Editor '' Die Gleichhert," the Radical Re- 
view, N. Y., July, 1917). 

However democratic the form of government, their 
revolutionary aim is ever in view — The World for the 
Workers. Socialists in our own country are no excep- 
tion. The Communist Manifesto dominates the party 
policy of the Socialist and the Socialist Labor parties 
of the United States. Eugene V. Debs, four times 
presidential candidate of the Socialist Party, during an 
address in Tremont Temple, Boston (Oct. 26, 1915) 
scorned the very idea of patriotism in the working class ! 

" Talk about men of Europe fighting for patriotism and 
love of their country? The workingman in any part of the 
world never had a country to fight for." 

The Socialist Labor Party, never in the rear as to 
revolutionary pronouncements, makes its voice heard 
through Arthur E. Eeimer — Candidate for President 
— in a " Working-Class Message on Preparedness " 
(The Weekly People, N. Y., Dec. 25, 1915). 

" At the risk of being called traitors the Socialist Labor 
Party does not consider any country under capitalist rule 
worthy of defense. We say, and we say without fear of 
contradiction and in the face of the opposition that naturally 
will confront the Socialist Labor Party, that there is no 
country, including the United States, a capitalist country, 
that is worthy of the working class spilling its blood for it." 


Only a few days later than this Christmas Day 
repudiation of loyalty to their country the National 
Executive Committee of the Socialist Labor Party (Jan. 
2, 1916) passed a resolution endorsing the sentiments 
of its presidential nominee. It was officially declared: 

" The working class should not consider any country under 
capitalist rule worthy of defense no matter what the cir- 
cumstance may be." 

This were quite enough to prove that the Marxian 
dogma — " Workingmen have no country " — is relied 
upon by both Socialist parties as the solid ground for 
treasonable utterance. Yet, we shall, from a mass of 
evidence select additional matter taken from a critique 
of John Spargo relative to the St. Louis Emergency 
Convention by the Socialist party leaders. This con- 
vention sent out its report against the participation of 
our country in the European war and " mass action " 
was threatened against our government. Mr. Spargo 
was a member of " The Committee on War and Mili- 
tarism." Objecting to the " Majority Report " Mr. 
Spargo says of his former comrades: 

" At least six members expressed themselves as being ut- 
terly opposed to any action by the workers in defense of the 
nation : ' The workers have no country ; it is a capitalist's 
country, whether they are governed by Czar Nicholas or 
Woodrow Wilson, or whether the government is republican 
or monarchial, is a matter of complete indifference to the 
class-conscious workers,' ' Suppose we were invaded by Ger- 
many or by Mexico, why should we care? Instead of fight- 
ing them we should welcome the invaders as our brothers ' — 


these statements which I wrote down at the time fairly 
indicate the point of view of the most influential element 
in the Committee. Later, the spokesman of the group fought 
for hours against the use of such phrases as * our government ' 
consistently adhering to their theory that the working-class 
can have no country and no government. They opposed 
the inclusion in the program of action specific collectivist 
measures, on the ground that such measures would, if 
adopted, ' help the capitalists to win the war.' They op- 
posed the inclusion of a proposal to work for the humani- 
tarian treatment of prisoners and the observance of lawful 
and humane methods of war, on the ground that such action 
would ' make war more tolerable.' " (" Americanism and 
Social Democracy," N. Y., 1918, pp. 280-281.) 

Surely, these then comrades of Mr. Spargo gave strict 
adhesion to the doctrine of the Communist Manifesto. 
What was Socialism in times of peace should, to them, 
be Socialism in times of war. But to Mr. Spargo this 
was a time " when a fella needs a friend." So being 
anxious to take Marx with him out of the Socialist 
Party since his own war sentiments were almost unani- 
mously outvoted, Mr. Spargo ascribes to Marx's youth- 
ful enthusiasm his 1847 declaration that " workingmen 
have no country." He argues that later in life Marx 
" advocated policies which implied the abandonment of 
his youthful generalizations." Assuming this to be 
a correct view — for which we see no substantial evi- 
dence whatsoever — the fact remains that, save here 
and there, a man has seceded from this time-worn 
treason, the party followers of Marx, especially in our 
own country, have abandoned not one iota of their anti- 
patriotic attitude towards integral nations. Capitalism 


is world-wide, ergo Socialism shall be world-wide! 
This issue has ever served as the touchstone that dis- 
tinguishes reform from revolution, — the Socialist from 
the reformer. 

However, far be it from our purpose to insist upon 
the consistency of Socialists towards their doctrines. 
This were utterly impossible since their principles are 
void of a rational foundation, while men are perforce 
rational beings. Operating from a false premise as to 
human nature their acts are, at times, necessarily at 
variance with their doctrine. Their philosophy denies 
free-will but since Socialists are gifted by God with 
a rational nature, they are sure to operate upon the 
assumption that free-will is an attribute of human 
nature. They affect to reject reform altogether, but 
their " present demands " are largely made up of 
measures taken from reform platforms. Again, Social- 
ists raise up their voices in favor of self-determination 
of India, not because they would admit that Indian 
workmen have a country, but as a means of propaganda 
against England — a capitalist government. 

Whether or not Marx penned his shibboleth against 
patriotism in the unreasoning exuberance of youth, the 
Socialist party still adheres to its treasonable intention : 

" As an American Socialist party, we pledge our fidelity to 
the principles of international Socialism, as embodied in 
the thought and action of the Socialists of all nations. The 
chief significance of all national boundaries, and of so-called 
patriotisms which the ruling class of each nation is seeking 
to revive, is the power which these give to capitalism to 


keep the workers of the world from uniting and to throw 
them against each other in the struggles of contending 
capitalist interests for the control of the yet unexploited 
markets of the world, or the remaining sources of profit." 
(Chicago Platform.) 

This international pledge — to carry into practise the 
dogma that workmen have no country — was kept by 
many who held elective office in national assemblies. 
Karl Liebknecht's " lone vote " was accounted an heroic 
act, since in obedience to the mandate of the Inter- 
national Socialist Congresses he had voted against the 
war credits. Eugene V. Debs sings his praise edi- 
torally : 

" When Earl Liebhnecht stood up in the German reichstag, 
solitary and alone, even among his own Socialist colleagues, 
and voted against the war credit of five hillion marks to pro- 
long the international butchery which has been going on 
these past several months, he proved himself a true repre- 
sentative of the Socialist movement and a genuine revolu- 
tionary hero worthy of the commendation of Socialists 
throughout the world." (" Kip Saw," St. Louis, Feb., 1915.) 

This same dogma was strictly obeyed by Ramsey 
MacDonald when he " opposed in Parliament the in- 
flation of British armaments, as all members are pledged 
to do in their respective countries." (London Socialist 
Review.) So, too, was this dogma enacted by more than 
one thousand members of the Independent Labor Party 
in England, who in consequence were put behind the 
bars during the war. It was this underlying assump- 
tion that all government must be broken down in favor 


of working class rule that caused the revolt of Lenine 
and Trotsky against a legitimate Constituent Assembly 
in Russia: That urged on the Socialist conspiracy to 
break down the morale of the Italian Army that brought 
about the disaster at Caporetto: That, no doubt, 
tempted Erederich Adler to murder the Prime Minister 
of Austria. It was this degraded view — that " work- 
ing men have no country " bred in the bone of Jean 
Longuet — a grandson of Karl Marx — which led him 
to oppose self-defense of France. In our own Congress, 
Meyer London, has the unenviable record of refusing 
to vote for army and navy appropriations after our 
country entered the world war in the interest of demo- 
cratic government. 

Reasoning rightly the internationalism proposed by 
Socialists is not what the true sense of the word con- 
notes. The term assumes a relationship between two 
or more integral bodies of men. That is to say the 
moral integrity of nations is recognized by the fact of 
the relationship that binds them together either in law 
or in action whereas the view of a world society held 
by Socialists blots out individual nations. It were more 
to the point to insist that Socialism is anti-national 
rather than inter-national. Indeed, it may be seen that 
in doctrine and in practise Socialism is national only 
in the sense that it makes use of governments to break 
down nations ; for it is within national limits that eco- 
nomic classes are permitted to exist and defended by 
public opinion, law and force. Their inflated and dis- 
tended vision takes in a one-class administration of this 


world's economic goods; and the means to this dizzy 
objective is a proletarian dictatorship in country after 
country until a classless society of economic equality 
may take on world proportions. To quote the Comr 
munist Manifesto on this point: 

" The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from 
them what they have not got. Since the proletariat must 
first of all acquire political supremacy, must rise to he the 
leading class in the nation, must constitute itself the nation, 
it is, so far, national, though not in the bourgeois sense of 
the word." 

Brought down to the concrete it is clear that Socialism 
is national only so far as it makes use of the instruments 
of a given country — its press, platform, election ma- 
chinery, its popular opinion, etc., to gain " political 
supremacy " that it may further a world-wide revo- 

" Shall we place the integrity and safety of this fatherland 
created by the bourgeoisie over the interests of the inter- 
national Socialist revolution ? " 

is the question scornfully asked by Nikolai Lenin, Prime 
Minister of Russia, in his Moscow Communication of 
Aug. 20, 1918, in his defense for the signing of the 
Brest-Litovsk treaty. His action is his answer — No. 
In the nature of things, Socialists are obliged to carry 
on their propaganda within the confines of existing 
States. But evidence is manifold that it seeks to make 
the state " die out." This being so a necessary con- 


elusion is that Socialist parties are not political parties 
in any proper sense of the word. Their object is not 
to carry on the affairs of the nation — not to reform the 
methods of government for the good of the Common- 
wealth; their object is frankly treasonable — the over- 
throw of civil society, which they dub the " Capitalist 

The St. Louis Emergency Convention of the Socialist 
Party (April, 1917) declared: 

"The Social revolution not political office is the end and 
aim of the Socialist Party. No compromise, no political 

The World War put the human nature of the Socialist 
to the touchstone, the virtue of patriotism being the issue. 
Then it was that the natural love of country flared up 
in the breasts of Socialists who had forgotten their God 
and had for years dabbled in treason. Many men who 
used to be Revolutionary Socialists lined up with the 
governments of their country ; voted the war credits and 
accepted executive positions of great responsibility, quite 
contrary to the mandates of the International Socialist 
Congress that they had sworn to defend. So it is that 
by the scourge of war God brings men back to a sense 
of their duty to Csesar as Christ our Lord whipped those 
who traded in the Temple into a sense of their duty 
towards Jehovah — their Eather in Heaven. 

For instance Emile Vandervelde, Chairman of the 
Socialist Bureau, having in charge the affairs of the 
second red international, came to our country as an 


especial envoy of the King of Belgium. During his 
mission in America, Vandervelde kept deliberately away 
from association with his fellow Socialists here, much 
to their chagrin. Yet, during this time, over in Bel- 
gium his comrades were singing L'International : 

The International Party 
Shall he the human race! 

Notwithstanding, they were firing bullets into their 
German comrades. 

In France, Jules Guesde and Marcel Sembat accepted 
portfolios in the Cabinet of Briand and Millerand: 
both of whom had previously been driven out of the 
Socialist party because they had accepted positions in 
" a bourgeois government," 

Scheidemann and his fellow Deputies, with one ex- 
ception, turned their backs upon their time-tried propa- 
ganda shibboleth — Not a man and not a dollar for 
military purposes — and lined up with the Kaiser — 
voting the war budgets. The exception was Liebknecht. 
Later he headed the Spartacus group — those who were 
Internationalists first and Germans afterwards. Mr. 
Scheidemann defended himself and his followers in a 
letter to the New Yorher VolTcszeitung (Socialist 
daily, Sept. 10, 1914) ; '^ We Social Democrats have 
not ceased to he Germans because we joined the Socialist 

But the sacrifice of nationality is precisely the price 
that Socialist principles exact from every comrade — 
that he shall leave his homeland and make the world 


his country. Hence the retort is apt: You ceased to 
be Germans when you joined the International — you 
ceased to be International when you responded to the 
call of the German fatherland. When you depart from! 
the teaching of Marx you cease to be Socialists. So, in 
fact, it was that the great Social Democratic Party of 
Germany renounced the Revolution for Reform. 
Surely the mills of God grind slowly — but at length 
the grist comes out in favor of the nature of man — 
in favor of common sense. When a man with malice 
aforethought chooses the world for his country, he be- 
comes an outlaw, — a man without a country, a traitor 
to his government, — a man deliberately outside the 
moral constitution of human society, — a recreant to 
his race, for the race is made up of nations. This is 
simple common sense, for God gave man his nature 
and the nations of the earth are by Him established. 
Because of the protection of the State the rights of men 
are maintained and their duties done. 

JN^o, those Socialists who rediscovered their patriotism, 
in whatsoever country, were not let off easily by their 
sometime comrades in the International. It was the 
same in the countries of the Allies and in America as 
it was within the central empires, wrath was freely 
expressed. The American Socialist^ official organ of 
Socialist Party (Chicago, Dec. 12, 1914) vents forth 
its bitter woe through the pen of Oscar Ameringer — 
lecturer and pamphleteer: 

" A tidal wave of patriotism swept the countries, and tore 
the best and clearest heads into the mad rush. German 


Socialists shouted *Hoch der Kaiser.' Herve, the unter- 
rified foe of war yelled * Vive le Czar * ; Sambat and Guesde 
joined the French cabinet with Millerand the Renegade. 
Vandervelde becomes royal minister and peddles atrocity 
tales in England and America without finding time to call 
on a single prominent comrade on his journey and without 
visiting ihe headquarters of the party in a neutral country, 
as happened here in Chicago. Gorki, Maeterlinck, Haupt- 
mann, Wells, Sudermann, Anatole France, Kropotkin, 
Haeckel turn violent patriots." 

The conclusion, here, should be that it was just be- 
cause these men had the " best and clearest heads " 
amongst the Socialist groups, that they came back to 
sanity, by rendering unto Caesar what is due to Caesar, 
since each man in his respective country obeyed his 
country's mandate. However, it was left for John R. 
McMahon — who has written extensively for party press 
— to come a little nearer to the issue. In strict con- 
formity with his false philosophy he reverses the order 
of things natural, by making the return of the prodigal 
son a crime. To quote: 

" Socialism in Europe is guilty of a monstrous crime. 
It has swallowed its principles, spat upon brotherhood, be- 
trayed the class it professes to represent, everlastingly dis- 
graced the red banner of internationalism. It has sur- 
rendered to the enemy; it has joined with enthusiastic 
abandon the capitalistic and dynastic butchers who are turn- 
ing Europe into a people's killing bed. 

" These are severe charges for a Socialist to make against 
Socialists. I make them, and I know that hundreds of my 
comrades in this country are making them in their hearts, 
though they may not have yet publicly expressed them. 


" Troelstra, leader of the Dutch Socialists, says that after 
the war the international movement will have to be re- 
constructed. He is right. Socialism will have to vivisect 
from itself its shining apostles in many lands — Vander- 
velde of Belgium, Guesde of France, several Englishmen and 
Austrians, Deputy Haase and a large number of his fellow 
Judases masquerading as Socialists in the German Reich- 
stag. And the rank and file of the Socialist army must be 
purged of perhaps half its members, who are perfectly 
good patriots and butchers with a sickly tendency toward 

" All our news from Europe is censored. Is it not possible 
that cunning military authorities have invented the patriotic 
spasms of Gustave Herve, the fatherland drivel of Germany, 
the motherland whine of England, and that appeal of German 
Socialists (God save the name!) to Italian and Dutch com- 
rades to " come on in, the blood is fine " ? Let us assume 
that these things have been invented, that the military au- 
thorities are writing and publishing the Socialist news- 
papers and Socialist manifestos of Europe. Assume so 
much, and yet we can hardly doubt the equally monstrous 
facts that Vandervelde, a leader of the international party, 
took a job in the war cabinet of Belgivun, that Jules Guesde, 
the once venerable revolutionist of France, became a war 
minister of the French republic, and that English Socialism's 
best word to the combatants (excepting Keir Hardie's stal- 
wart but vain protest) has been to use the bayonet on our 
foreign comrades — gently. 

"Millions who had been singing 

The International Party 
Shall he-the human race! 

took up the refrain of ' Deutschland iiber AUes ! ' ' Allons, 
enfants de la Patrie! ' and ' God Save the King! ' " (Inde- 
pendent, N. Y., Oct. 12, 1914.) 


From another element in the melting-pot of Socialism 
we select a statement from a prominent writer — 
William Morris Feigenbaum. {New York Call, June 
4, 1916.) 

"Internationalism is a structure that we strove long and 
manfully to build up. Internationalism was a structure that 
meant much to millions. But the time of war came. The 
trumpet blew. The flag waved. The cheap and shoddy Em- 
peror made a claptrap speech about the sword being forced 
into his hand. And millions of Socialist voters goose-stepped 
after Hindenburg, as if they had never considered them- 
selves Comrades of the French and the Belgians and the 
English! And the French and the Russians and the Aus- 
trians were as bad." 

With the exception of a few leaders, here, who, under 
the pressure of loyalty to country, resigned from party 
membership, the entire body of the organized Socialist 
movement of the United States was hostile to the "war 
Socialists " of Europe. A vigorous propaganda was 
initiated to hold American Socialists back to the treason- 
able principles of the International as against the 
natural promptings of love and duty that calls sound 
men to the defense of their country and so gives them 
that heroic distinction that all delight to honor. 

As it began to appear certain that our country would 
enter the conflict, the New York Call offered prizes 
for the best terse statements " concerning war and the 
Socialist attitude towards it." Evidently many men 
put despicable words on paper in answer to the Call's 
request for a terse statement of what in the nature of 


things must prove to be disloyalty. Charles A. Maurer, 
editor of the Reading (Pa.) Labor Advocate was found 
to have filled the Call's highest expectations and so won 
the first prize for his answer: 

" In the event of sudden declaration of war against this 
country what should the Socialists do? 

" Answer : If war should be declared by this country, then 
the Socialists should refuse and advise all workers to refuse 
to enlist and fight conscription to the last ditch. Also agi- 
tate strikes in industries everywhere." (New York Call, 
June 26, 1916.) 

It was so long a time since God had been in fashion 
with the governments of the world that Socialists were 
surprised to find that patriotism should have so much 
blood. They had persuaded a multitude of men to 
abandon the thought and the practise of religion; to 
deny the family as a moral entity; to deny the hope 
of justice to the working class so long as the state de- 
fended the right of private property in productive capi- 
tal ; to deny even the integrity of nations — that it was 
their confident assumption that within their camp 
patriotism was dead. 

But, when the war drum sounded that ever-living 
principle was found stirring to action even in the 
breasts of their materialistically minded comrades ; then, 
it was that every effort must be put forward for killing 
the " Patriotic bee " that was buzzing in the workman's 
bonnet. Thus it was so much the extension of their 
propaganda as the saving of their own force that oc- 
cupied the movement for a time. In answer to the ac- 


cusation that Socialism undermines patriotism the New 
York Call boasts: 

" So it does, and is proud of it, if by patriotism is 
meant that mawkish sentiment which causes a man for the 
sum of $15 a month to get out and get himself killed in 
defense of a country of which he owns not a single foot and 
can never hope to own any. If a wage slave is paid only 
enough to live on anyhow, what difference to him does it 
make whether his boss is a Britisher or a Chinaman?" 
(Sept. 25, 1912.) 

But the accusation stands! As patriotism is not a 
" mawkish sentiment " nor is it a part of patriotism 
to live contentedly as a " wage-slave." Besides, 
whether or not a man owns land — and many of our 
best citizens are not land owners, it is his privilege and 
his duty to aid in forming a correct public opinion, by 
a defense of his faith and his fatherland. Moreover, 
he may so place his vote as to be Sure that his convictions 
will be wrought out into the warp and woof of a good 
government. It is all a matter of right-thinking and of 
courageous action in this our own free land. 

In the Anti-Military edition of the World (Socialist 
Weekly, Oakland, California, Vol. 2, p. 181) Selig 
Schulberg avers : 

" The Socialist must understand that as long as a wage 
slave has a patriotic bee buzzing in his bonnet, he is in no 
shai)e to understand what is meant by International Social- 

"It is our imperative duty to murder the patriotic bees, 
and the sooner we accomplish this the sooner will this and 


the coming generation of mankind enjoy the entire product 
of their toil." 

It has long been the Socialist policy to pull down the 
honor of those great patriots who spent their fortune and 
their blood that lovers of liberty might here build up 
a nation free from oppression and greed. Erom two 
of their foremost authorities we shall take testimony : 

"No part of American history has been so completely 
buried beneath a mish-mash of patriotism and humbug as 
the Revolution of 1776. 

" A very superficial examination of the annals of this 
period will reveal evidence enough to show that, even ac- 
cording to orthodox historians, the ' fathers of their coun- 
try' were a rather select circle of smugglers and land 
thieves." (Arthur Morrow Lewis, " Vital Problems of Social 
Evolution," pp. 92-93.) 

Ernest Unterman says : 

" An American workingman who celebrates the fourth of 
July is like a French workingman who celebrates the 18th 
Brumaire of Napoleon Bonaparte, or a Russian workingman 
who celebrates the victory of the Romanoffs. He is cele- 
brating the victory of his oppressors" (p. 128). Mr. Unter- 
man declares that Washington was a liar and a thief (p. 
116) ; Jefferson, Franklin and Hamilton, unscrupulous land 
grabbers (p. 117) ; Lafayette a haughty aristocrat (p. 118) ; 
Steuben a despot and Hancock a smuggler (p. 117, " The 
World's Revolutions," Ernest Unterman). 

In practise as in theory Socialist leaders insist, as 
against the force of common sense, in carrying out the 


teachings of their masters — Marx and Engels. The 
recent action of the Socialist members of the New 
York Board of Aldermen in voting for the Victory 
Arch — in honor of the soldiers who so loyally and 
valiantly defended the honor of our country and our 
flag — under Generals Foch and Pershing — at first 
glance seems to be an exception. It is not ! These un- 
lucky wights, who in a fit of stupor voted for the Victory 
Arch, were haled before a joint meeting of the six 
Central Committees of the Socialist Party of Greater 
IsTew York, assembled in the People's House to review 
the work of their seven aldermen. Their apology is as 
ludicrous as it is pitiful: 

"Personally," said Alderman Algernon Lee, "I can say 
that no greater favor can be done me than by relieving me 
of my job as alderman. It is hard, unpleasant work, and 
there is other Socialist work that I would far rather do. 
I will say, for me and all my colleagues, that we all heartily 
regret that vote as a vote for something that tends to incul- 
cate a chauvinistic and jingo spirit; and if it had not been 
for the circumstance that the vote was sprung on us in a 
minute, without warning, and that I, for one was fagged out, 
that I had been 36 hours without sleep, that I was in a daze, 
I assure you that I for one would have vot^d no, and would 
have told the Comrades to do likewise." 

It surely is a satisfaction to note that under the 
influence of well poised men those of unbalanced thought 
come back to the normal. Even as these Socialist 
aldermen, who, by a long course of perverse reasoning 
and teaching believe themselves to be fully persuaded 


that the self-sacrifice and heroic courage of patriots is 
the means of inculcating " a chauvinistic and jingo 
spirit," are cured for the nonce of treason. 

There is no doubt that many a man striving to up- 
hold the natural virtues for love of country is now^ well 
aware that the vicious propaganda of Socialism in our 
country — in all countries — is cause for positive alarm. 
He, too, though from a very different point of view, 
needs to get more than an occasional glimpse of that 
safe and sound state of the truly Catholic mind. Yet, 
merely a glimpse gives such an one pause. The wonder 
grows! Is it after all the truth that Almighty God 
has given into the keeping of the Catholic hierarchy 
of the world — under the headship of the Pope of Rome 
— the known cure for national evils? So the case 
stands! Help us. Lord, or we perish! But it is true. 
Honest men have but to see for themselves that the 
Church has set forth the practical application of the 
Ten Commandments to every-day life within the scope 
of civil society. Besides, there are sane examples of 
the brotherhood of man — here and there — within in- 
dustry and commerce. With regard to the family as 
the unit of the Commonwealth, the example of Catholics 
throughout the world is the one truly righteous element 
in civilization since the Church is the defense of the 
inviolability of the marriage bond as God ordained it. 

The conclusion is perfect — a closer knowledge of the 
one true religion would go far to induce men of good- 
will no more to follow after strange gods. 


Personally, we rejoice in the truth that makes men 
free: in being followers of Christ under the banner of 
our dearly beloved leader, Boston's great Archbishop — 
Cardinal O'Connell : in the privilege that was ours some 
twelve years ago to hear His Eminence deliver his elo- 
quent address on that ideal patriot — Joan of Arc — 
that bespoke Socialism as it is : 

" Amid the new and strange doctrines which . . . Social- 
ism has begotten in our own time none is falser, none more 
inhuman, none more vicious and dangerous in its effects 
and conclusions than that foolish and degrading theory by 
which the sentiment of patriotism is flouted and denied. By 
its endeavors to tear out from the human heart all its inborn 
sentiments of reverence for rulers and for law it seeks to 
kill in humanity its natural love for home and all that is 
expressed by that sacred word. To them nothing is sacred, 
neither God nor his altars, nor his ministers, nor home, nor 
native land, nor wife, nor family. For Socialism, according 
to its accredited teachers, would wipe out forever from human 
life, all the sweet consolations as well as all the noble duties 
which these human relations have ever inspired in the normal 
man. No fatherland, no banner, no fireside, no altar, no 
ruler, no God. Thus are summed up all the damnable nega- 
tions of this Satanic doctrine, which overturns with one fell 
blow all the holiest principles of himian life. No wonder that 
where the voice of these prophets of evil is listened to and 
obeyed the disorder of hell reigns." 

Most certainly, the world-wide unity of Catholics in 
defense of faith, patriotism and purity against blas- 
phemy, treason and adultery, has brought down upon 
Holy Catholic Church the venom of anti-patriots. 







We Carry the Original, Getitthie Gospel 
Goods Guaranteed to Prodnce Anesthesia 
Among the Masses» So That the Victims 
Can Be Skinned in^ Times of Peace, or 
Made to ^oot Ea^ Other in Times of 

The Patronage (^ the &nling Classes of AB 
Nationis Religiously Solicited 

llF*Begtilarly Ordained Representatives in 
Brcry Country 


Washington, D. Cr, 



Boosted by the Press.. ^pit, Politicians and 
Other Plutocratic Agencies Subsidized 
for the Purpose of Moulding Public 

Money-Making Wars Systematically Started 
With the Least Possible Suspicion on the 
Part of the Homswoggled People 

tfTh* Professor Is a 8elf-Mad» Authority on the Inter, 
pretatlon of the Rules Regulating CJvlllzed War- 
fare. Those Financially Interested In Wars, 
Anil Who Desire Hts Services, Will Please 
Notify Hlmr In Advance How They Wish Theae 
Rules Interprotcd 


Apologizing for its vileness the above presents exhibits 
that appeared in the Melting Pot (St. Louis, June, 
1916) an atheist — Socialist — anti-patriotic monthly 
that goes out highly recommended by Eugene V. Debs, 
agitator-superior ; Margaret Sanger, the " queen " of 
the birth control propaganda, and other leading radicals, 
to create a vile public opinion consonant with the filth 
that it spews forth. 

It was our country's entrance into war 'that brought 
out into the open public view, the sharply opposing doc- 
trines of the Pope and Socialism as they apply to the 
authority and domain of Caesar. Catholics to the last 
man, woman and youth were precisely and ardently 
loyal. While all those who are guided by the teachings 
of modern Socialism to regard the international revolu- 
tion as their means and a classless society as the' end 
all and be all of human effort, were at best anti-patriotic, 
at worst treasonable. 

Immediately, after war was officially declared the 
hierarchy of the Catholic Church in the United States 
addressed to President Wilson the determination of 
Catholics to stand true to our country, our government 
and our flag. 

The Hierarchy's Call 
" Standing firmly upon our solid Catholic tradition and 
history from the very foundation of this nation, we reaffirm 
in this hour of stress and trial our most sacred and sincere 
loyalty and patriotism toward our country, our Government, 
and our flag. Moved to the very depths of our hearts by 
the stirring appeal of the President of the United States 


and by the action of our national Congress, we accept whole- 
heartedly and unreservedly the decree of that legislative 
authority proclaiming this country to be in a state of war. 
We have prayed that we might be spared the dire necessity 
of entering the conflict. But now that war has been declared, 
we bow in obedience to the summons to bear our part in it, 
with fidelity, with courage, and with the spirit of sacrifice, 
which as loyal citizens we are bound to manifest for the 
defense of the most sacred rights and the welfare of the 
whole nation. Acknowledging gladly the gratitude that we 
have always felt for the protection of our spiritual liberty 
and the freedom of our Catholic institutions under the 
flag, we pledge our devotion and our strength in the main- 
tenance of our country's glorious leadership in those pos- 
sessions and principles which have been America's proudest 
boast. Inspired neither by hate nor fear, but by the holy 
sentiments of truest patriotic fervor and zeal, we stand ready, 
we and all the flock committed to our keeping, to cooperate 
in every way possible with our President and our national 
Government, to the end that the great and holy cause of 
liberty may triumph, and that our beloved country may 
emerge from this hour of test stronger and nobler than 
ever. Our people now, as ever, will rise as one man to 
serve the nation. Our priests and consecrated women will 
once again as in every former trial of our country, win by 
their bravery, their heroism, and their service, new admira- 
tion and approval. We are all true Americans, ready, as 
our age, our ability, and our condition permit, to do what- 
ever is in us to do, for the preservation, the progress, and 
the triumph of our beloved country. May God direct and 
guide our President and our Government, that out of this 
trying crisis in our national life may at length come a 
closer union among all the citizens of America, and that an 
enduring and blessed peace may crown the sacrifices which 
war inevitably entails." 


Cakdinai. Gibbons 

Cardinal Gibbons, in patriotic words, delivered a 
memorable address from the pulpit of his Cathedral in 
Baltimore the Sunday after our country was officially 
declared to be in a state of war: 

" The primary duty of a citizen is loyalty to country . . . 
exhibited by an absolute and unreserved obedience to hia 
country's call . . . manifested by solemn service, not by 
empty declamation. ... In the present emergency it be- 
hooves every American citizen to do his duty, to uphold the 
hands of the President and the Congress in the solemn ob- 
ligations that confront us, to pray that the Lord of Hosts 
may inspire them to such measures as will redound to the 
glory of our country, to righteousness of aim and conduct 
and to the future permanent peace of the world." 

Cakdinai. Tailley 

From the pulpit of his See in New York, Cardinal 
Farley solemnly declared on that same fateful Sunday : 

" Our President and our national Representatives having 
spoken, our response to the voice of authority which they 
embody will be to rally around our flag with complete ful- 
ness of devotion, with loyal hearts and sturdiest arms, to 
place all that we have and all that we are, at the service of 
our country. We will not shrink from any sacrifice in her 
behalf. We will render to her what our Catholic faith and 
teaching both sanction and sanctify. No demand on our 
citizenship will go unanswered or find us other than true 
Americans, true children of the Church, which never was 
found wanting in any crisis of our country." 


Caedinal. O'Connell 

On that same Easter Sunday (1917) at his See in 
Boston, Cardinal O'Connell lifted up his voice : 

" God and our Nation ! Let us lift to Heaven the cry. 
Let the love of true freedom — blessed, God-given freedom, 
vs^hich above all other lands our country has cherished and 
defended — let that be the thrilling power that will quicken 
our pulses into a still greater love of America than we have 
ever known till now. Whatever we can do in honor and 
justice, that we must in conscience do to defeat our enemy 
and make our Flag triumphant." 

Ah ! dear Lord ! what a contrast is the enlightened at- 
titude and action of Catholics to the lack of understand- 
ing of things human and the perverse conduct of 
Socialists ! The Emergency Convention of the Social- 
ist Party ('St. Louis, April 7, 1917) sent out its report 
signed by the Committee on war and militarism : 

Kate Richards O'Hare, Chairman. 

Victor L. Berger. 

Job Harriman. 

Morris Hillquit. 

Dan Hogan. 

Frank Midney. 

Patrick Quinlan. 

C, E. Euthenberg. 

Maynard Shipley. 

George Spiess, Jr. 

Algernon Lee, Secretary. 

To quote in part : 

" The Socialist party of the United States, in the present 
grave crisis, solemnly reaffirms its allegiance to the principle 


of internationalism and working class solidarity the world 
over, and proclaims its unalterable opposition to the war 
just declared by the government of the United States. 

" The Socialist party of the United States is vmalterably 
opposed to the system of exploitation and class rule which is 
upheld . and strengthened by military power and sham na- 
tional patriotism. We, therefore, call upon the workers of 
all countries to refuse support to their governments in their 
wars. The wars of the contending national groups of capi- 
talists are not the concern of the workers. The only struggle 
which would justify the workers in taking up arms is the 
great struggle of the working class of the world to free 
itself from economic exploitation and political oppression as 
against the false doctrine of national patriotism. We uphold 
the ideal of international working class solidarity. In sup- 
port of capitalism, we will not willingly give a single life or 
a single dollar; in support of the struggle of the workers for 
freedom we pledge our all. 

" Our entrance into the European conflict at this time 
will serve only to multiply the horrors of the war, to increase 
the toll of death and destruction and to prolong the fiendish 
slaughter. It will bring death, suffering and destitution to 
the people of the United States and particularly to the work- 
ing class. It will give the powers of reaction in this country 
the pretext for an attempt to throttle our rights and to 
crush our democratic institutions, and to fasten upon this 
country a permanent militarism. 

" We recommend to the workers and pledge ourselves to 
the following course of action: 

" 1. Continuous, active, and public opposition to the war, 
through demonstrations, mass petitions, and all other means 
within our power. 

"2. Unyielding opposition to all proposed legislation for 
military or industrial conscription. Should such conscrip- 
tion be forced upon the people, we pledge ourselves to con- 


tinuous efforts for the repeal of such laws and to the support 
of all mass movements in opposition to conscription. We 
pledge ourselves to oppose with all our strength any attempt 
to raise money for the payment of war expense by taxing 
the necessaries of life or issuing bonds which will put the 
burden upon future generations. We demand that the 
capitalist class, which is responsible for the war, pay its 
cost. Let those who kindled the fire furnish the fuel. 

" 3. Vigorous resistance to all reactionary measures, such 
as censorship of press and mails, restriction of the rights of 
free speech, assemblage, and organization, or compulsory 
arbitration and limitation of the right to strike. 

" 4. Consistent propaganda against military training and 
militaristic teaching in the public schools. 

" 5. Extension of the campaign of education among the 
workers to organize them into strong, class-conscious, and 
closely unified political and industrial organizations to en- 
able them by concerted and harmonious mass action to 
shorten this war and to establish lasting peace. 

" 6. Widespread educational propaganda to enlighten the 
masses as to the true relation between capitalism and war, 
and to rouse and organize them for action, not only against 
present war evils, but for the prevention of future wars 
and for the destruction of the causes of war." 

These declarations were adopted by a vote of 140 of 
the less than 200 delegates who attended the Emergency 
Convention of the Socialist Party, in the Planters' 
Hotel, St. Louis. This action of the convention was 
endorsed by a referendum vote of 11,041 to 782 of their 
organized Socialist membership throughout the country. 
Surely it was with great speed that the enemy over- 
sowed the good seed of patriotism with the cockle of 
treason. The very next day after war was declared, 


before any other organization had spoken, Socialism 
declared against patriotism. While the first to pledge 
loyalty to our flag, wheresoever it should be borne, was 
the entire body of Catholic citizens — through the voice 
of the American hierarchy. 

War Itself ^ 

The consequences that come from publishing broad- 
cast this action of the Emergency Convention as news 
and still more from putting it, as a text book, into the 
hands of thousands of aggressive agitators is quite be- 
yond our concrete view. Yet, it is safe to say that to 
its poison should be traced many an assault upon patriot- 
ism. It is not to war per se that Socialism objects: 
ITot at all ! Its " unalterable opposition to the war 
just declared by the government of the United States " 
is upon the assumption that " the only struggle which 
would justify the workers taking up arms is the great 
struggle of the working class to free itself from eco- 
nomic exploitation and political oppression against a 
false doctrine of national patriotism." 

In simple words — as national patriotism is the one 
and only kind of patriotism ever known to mankind 
throughout the ages, Socialism will have none of it, 
simply because it is an integral part of human nature, 
for they have made over human nature after a pattern 
all their own. Surely, no man can fancy a monkey 
to have patriotic emotions — and this animal basis is 
the ground upon which Socialists estimate the actions of 
men. They will fight ! yes ! Not for the principle of 


the self-determination of nations but for the very self- 
same reason that the " capitalist class " sets on the dogs 
of war — the spoils. " InternationalisTn! — the only 
war in which workers should enlist is the class war." 
This is the instruction given by Arthur Le Sueur — 
member of the Socialist party Ex. Com. January, 1916. 
It is for Socialism that " we will mount the barricades 
and fight like tigers," is the urge of Morris Hillquit, 
than whom no man has a louder voice in the party. In 
his honor the New York Call (May 14, 1917) one 
month after our country entered the war, put his battle 
cry into rhyme with the refrain : 

" And fight our fight on the barricades ! " 
All over our home-land in manifold detail, their argu- 
ment proceeds against the justice of our cause in defense 
of American right or American honor. This war " is 
a crime against the people of the United States and 
against the nations of the world." Against this special 
pleading, in the interest of a classless society that must 
be established by a proletarian dictatorship such as that 
of Lenin and Trotsky — the world knows that our sac- 
rifice of blood and treasure was freely made for no 
selfish ends, no indemnities or compensation, no desire 
for military glory or dominion. ' No, the " crime " is 
not ours as a nation! The crime lies at the door of 
Socialism as our courts amply testify. 

Yet, it is not a crime to seek foreign markets. itTot 
alone is buying and selling as old as the history of man 
— but to the sanction of universal practise and common- 
sense there is added the sanction of the old law, and 


the old law itself is further extended in the instruction 
given bj our Lord Himself as the Gospels will testify. 
So it is most commendable enterprise to carry the 
products of industry — the knowledge of science and art 
into a far country and to return home laden with a 
just exchange in material wealth. The flag must in- 
deed go with trade, since national honor must be ob- 
served by our citizens who sell, and national honor 
must be paid by those with whom we trade. Economic 
justice is the basis of the exchange of material goods for 
material goods; which results to the mutual advantage 
of buyer and seller, and without commerce civilization 
were void. It is true, alas! that the ground of equity 
has too often been betrayed by international transactions, 
especially with primitive peoples. But Catholics have 
no quarrel with those who seek justice. Indeed, in- 
justice is their cause of quarrel and greatly it has been 
waged throughout all the Christian centuries, in the 
especial interest of the oppressed and the poor. To be 
sure it is this betrayal of the equities involved in trade 
that often leads to war between nations. But, this 
issue is not yet pushed home. When the state commits 
a crime against its neighbor state, it is men who perform 
the unlawful acts. So the crime of the state is the 
personal sin of the men engaged in undoing their neigh- 
bors of other countries. Hence the denial of the 
brotherhood of man is the real issue under consideration. 
How ridiculously inconsistent, then, for Socialists to 
inveigh against the exploitation of the poor by the rich 
since all such indignities and crimes rest upon a belief 


in the Fatherhood of God, not upon the animal origin of 
man that Socialists profess. We shall trust to the 
Holy Father's opinion that the nations of the European 
war were " all equally guilty." Yet, that fact does not 
argue against the defense of their several national lives 
when the conflict is on, partly inherited from other years 
of strife and partly induced by unworthy motives that 
appeal to the selfish interests of rulers. Surely, if in 
a personal quarrel one has been the most to blame, one 
must defend his life when the fight comes on. ISTor 
does it mitigate against the part our country so honor- 
ably played in preventing the " suicide " of all Europe, 
for a looker-on is bound to step in to prevent the death 
of the under dog. ^N^ow this is but another way of 
saying that the Socialist way to prevent " crime " is 
the way to commit crime. Namely — the extinction of 
organized society. They would let nations " die out " 
in favor of those men who claim the world for their 

Yet, here we come to the crux of the whole matter, 
and its evils are as broad as they are long. The " dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat " would swallow up the 
identity of nations in the International, where might 
is right and the supreme state would swallow up the 
authority of God, and so rest human rights upon human 
will. ISTo, Catholics will give to Caesar what belongs to 
Csesar, and to God what belongs to God. So it is simple 
enough — whether the Catholic be in high station or in 
low station there is but one Supreme Giver for him, 
and it U as simply ^^ with human nature as it is — that 


the Pope is the one person on earth having the power to 
keep in order those who acknowledge their Maker, be 
they emperors, kings, premiers or presidents. 

Th© Socialist Party threatened to conduct " a con- 
tinuous active, public opposition to the war " using all 
means within its power: 

1. The party would oppose all attempts to raise 
money by the sale of bonds: 

2. It would support " mass-action " in opposition to 
conscription if it were voted into law by the govern- 

3. It would set up " vigorous resistance " to any 
form of censorship of press or speech. It would like- 
wise oppose governmental efforts to limit strikes ; to en- 
force compulsory arbitration of industrial disputes dur- 
ing the war ; it would strive against military training in 
schools. At the same time the Socialist Party pledged 
itself to extend with greater vigor a campaign to or- 
ganize " class-conscious " industrial unions. That is to 
say the form of union now operated by the I. W. W. 
and the Russian Bolsheviki. 

We assume there is no especial cause to believe that 
foreign monies entered into the make-up of the Emer- 
gency Convention report. Yet, that it gave comfort to 
the enemy there can be no doubt. The secret of Social- 
ist action, if it be a secret, lies in their basic mission — 
the destruction of Christian civilization. They find 
honor in perversity and glory in treason. Seymour 
Steadman, member of the l^at. Ex. Com. of the Socialist 
Party, when defending his comrades for a violation of 


the Espionage Act, before Judge Landis, plays the part 
of prophet : 

" Their children in the years to come would consider the 
St. Louis majority report the most comTprehensive statement 
of the cause of war ever penned." 

Perversity does not even spare the little ones! What a 
bond of dishonor to bear. How blessed are the children of 
noble sires who give them counsel : " Let all the ends thou 
aimst at be thy country's, thy God's, and truth's." 

That report was hardly out-run by the anti-patriotic 
traitors elsewhere within the confines of our country 
and it may be doubted if any European state at war was 
so badly plagued by a document, put out in the open, 
more unpatriotic, incendiary or treasonable. Is it, 
then, any wonder that when the determination of the 
report was translated into personal action, that Debs, 
Berger, Germer, Tucker, Engdahl, Kruse, Fraina, Kate 
Richards O'Hare, Mrs. Phelps Stokes and the hundreds 
of others are under indictment or convicted for violation 
of the Espionage Act? But an indictment is a badge 
of honor, something to boast of. Art Young, the car- 
toonist sets out this distinction pictorially in Max East- 
man's Magazine (the Liberator, l^ov., 1918). In a 
half open door a sergeant-at-arms threatens the new- 
comers and below the picture is this legend: 

Are you a Socialist? 


Show your indictment. 

In acknowledging the compliment — of being a good 
Socialist, " because he can show his indictment " — be- 


fore an audience of 10,000 people assembled in the Coli- 
seum in Chicago (Nov. 17, 1918) by William Bross 
Lloyd, the Chairman, Victor L. Berger responded " I 
can show four indictments of about sixty counts. I was 
not indicted because I had committed any crime. — / 
was indicted because I stood for Socialism, that was the 
only reason/' The audience applauded to the echo; 
seeming not to know that the " reason " was quite suf- 

Socialists flaunt their indictments all over the country 
as a proof of having waged a good fight in the interest of 
free speech. The assumption is that whatever furthers 
their cause may by right be said, be it never so wrong. 
But, it is the license of speech not free speech that wins 
them converts. One has the right to do only what one 
ought to want to do. That ought ties every man fast to 
the Ten Commandments, that are utterly repudiated by 
the followers of Marx as being of use, perhaps, during 
the infancy of the race, but now hopelessly out of date. 
Power to do wrong we all have, and it is with their power 
that Socialists mean to establish a " dictatorship of the 
proletariat " on the ruins of Christian civilization which 
they are pleased to term " capitalism." They mean to 
run the red flag up over the dome of the capitol build- 
ing at Washington — over every national capitol in the 

Curiously enough, what is sauce for the goose is not 
sauce for the gander — no, this legend will not fit, for 
if one should expect consistency from Socialism it would 
be a proof that he himself had given over the rock of 


right-reason for the shifty sand of now-you-have-it-and- 
now-you-don't. Freedom of the press and free speech 
when Socialists are in control confuses and poisons the 
mind of the populace. Yet, it is in the name of liberty 
that Socialists protest against the right of free speech 
being cut off in time of war. While a violation of the 
espionage law brings for them nothing but approval 
from their comrades. With one voice they all agree 
with Morris Hillquit's telegram to those who were con- 
victed for defying this war regulation : 

"The conviction is an act of frank and brutal class 
justice. It is a deliberate challenge to the Socialist move- 
ment — the Socialists will take up the challenge." 

There should be no doubt about their determination 
to do so, for it is their purpose to carry the class war 
into every department of organized society. They 
know, that when they strike at patriotism they lay the 
ax at the very roots of national life. Socialists are 
afraid of nothing for they have blinded themselves to 
the existence of God. While the consequences of dis- 
loyalty to their country is their most fruitful means of 
perverse propaganda. 

The conclusion is perfect — if Americans desire Co- 
lumbia to gloriously live her thousand years, her rich 
sons must accept the responsibility of their stewardship. 
They must do justice and love mercy in dealing with 
the laborers who are ever worthy of their hire. The 
right relation of man to man comes first, the volume of a 
just profit second. 


The wage earners — the little ones of Christ — are 
much more sinned against than sinning. They have the 
Gospel preached to them and they sense that politicians 
plot against their rights where statesmen should guard 
them. They know that a gamble for gold reduces their 
rightful standard of living and submerges thousands 
upon thousands below the level of decency. 

" To Whom Shall We Go ? " 

The Catholic Church ever true to the teaching of her 
Founder stands for patriotism — for peace not for war. 
The Church knows and she teaches the peace promised 
by Christ to men of good-will. National good-will is 
then the condition of unity within and a strong right 
arm of defense against bad-will from without. If, in- 
deed, lust for power and greed for wealth would give 
place to justice and to right, then truly we might " beat 
our swords into plowshares and our spears into pruning- 
hooks." Catholics are well taught that the state has 
rights that must be respected as the laws of God. If, 
then, all other means shall have failed, the state may re- 
sist by war encroachments upon her rights and upon her 
borders. The state may go out to maintain, by force 
of arms, what concerns her vital well-being as a com- 
monwealth. " By me kings reign and lawgivers de- 
cree just things." (Prov. viii, 15.) Surely it was 
no accident that during the World War the glorious up- 
standing of all other patriots gladly gave place to that of 
Cardinal Mercier : 


" God will save Belgium, my Brethren, you cannot doubt it. 

" Nay rather, He is saving her. 

" Across the smoke of conflagration, across the stream of 
blood, have you not glimpses, do you not perceive signs of 
His love for us? Is there a patriot among us who does not 
know that Belgium has grown great? Nay, which of us 
would have the heart to cancel this last page of our national 
history? Which of us does not exult in the brightness of 
the glory of this shattered nation? When in her throes 
she brings forth heroes, our Mother Country gives her own 
energy to the blood of those sons of hers. Let us acknowl- 
edge that we needed a lesson in patriotism. There were 
Belgians, and many such, who wasted their time and their 
talents in futile quarrels of class with class, of race with 
race, of passion with personal passion. 

" Yet, when on the second of August, a mighty foreign 
power, confident of its own strength and defiant of the faith 
of treaties, dared to threaten us in our own independence, 
then did all Belgians, without difference of party, or con- 
dition, or of origin, rise up as one man, close ranged about 
their own king, and their own government, and cry to the 
invader : * Thou shalt not go through.' 

" At once, instantly, we were conscious of our own patriot- 
ism. For down within us all is something deeper than per- 
sonal interests, than personal kinships, than party feeling, 
and this is the need and the will to devote ourselves to 
that more general interest which Rome termed the public 
thing. Res puhlica. And this profound will within us is 

" Our country is not a mere concourse of persons or of 
families inhabiting the same soil, having amongst them- 
selves relations, more or less intimate, of business, of neigh- 
borhood, of a community of memories, happy or unhappy. 
Not so; it is an association of living souls, subject to a 
social organization to be defended and safeguarded at all 


costs, even the cost of blood, under the leadership of those 
presiding over its fortunes. And it is because of this general 
spirit that the people of a country live a common life in 
the present, through the past, through the aspirations, the 
hopes, the confidence in the life to come, which they share 
together. Patriotism an internal principle of order and of 
unity, an organic bond of the members of a nation, was 
placed by the finest thinkers of Greece and Rome at the 
head of the natural virtues. Aristotle, the prince of philoso- 
phers of antiquity, held disinterested service of the City — 
that is the State — to be the very ideal of human duty. 
And the religion of Christ makes of patriotism a positive 
law; there is no perfect Christian who is not also a perfect 
patriot. For our religion exalts the antique ideal, showing 
it to be realizable only in the Absolute. Whence, in truth, 
comes this universal, this irresistible impulse which carries 
at once the will of the whole nation in one single effort of 
cohesion and of resistance in face of the hostile menace 
against her unity and her freedom? Whence comes it that 
in an hour all interests were merged in the interest of all, 
and that all lives were together, offered in willing immola- 
tion? Not that the State is worth more than the individual 
or the family, seeing that the good of the family and of 
the individual is the cause and reason of the organization 
of the State. Not that our country is a Moloch on whose 
altar lives may lawfully be sacrificed. The rigidity of ancient 
morals and the despotism of the Caesars suggested that false 
principle — and Modern Militarism tends to revive it — that 
the State is omnipotent, and that the discretionary power 
of the State is the rule of Eight. Not so, replies Christian 
theology. Right is Peace, that is, the interior order of a 
nation, founded upon Justice. And Justice itself is absolute 
only because it formulates the essential relation of man with 
God and of man with man. Moreover, war for the sake of 
war is a crime. War is justifiable only if it is the necessary 
means for securing peace. St. Augustine said : * Peace 


must not be a preparation for war. And war is not to be 
made except for the attainment of peace.' In the light of 
this teaching, which is repeated by St. Thomas Aquinas, 
patriotism is seen in its religious character. Family in- 
terests, class interests, party interests, and the material good 
of the individual take their place, in the scale of values, 
below the ideal of patriotism, for that ideal is Right, which 
is absolute. Furthermore, that ideal is the public recognition 
of Right in national matters, and of national Honor. Now 
there is no Absolute except God. God alone by His sanctity 
and His sovereignty, dominates all human interests and 
human wills. And to afl&rm the absolute necessity of the 
subordination of all things to Right, to Justice, to Truth is 
implicitly to affirm God. 

" When, therefore, humble soldiers whose heroism we praise 
answer us with characteristic simplicity, ' We only did our 
duty,' or 'We were bound in honor,' they express the re- 
ligious character of their patriotism. Which of tis does not 
feel that patriotism is a sacred thing, and that a violation of 
national dignity is in a manner profanation and a sacrilege ? " 
(Patriotism and Endurance, Xmas, 1914-) 





OUR well beloved Red, White and Blue is the sym- 
bol of those primary attributes of justice that, 
woven into the warp and woof of our country, secure to 
all its citizens their God-given rights ; Freedom of con- 
science and of worship; equality before the law; pro- 
tection of property. Our flag symbolizes — not indeed 
the perfect country for that is in Heaven, not on earth, 
but the best that man has produced in his desire to es- 
tablish a government where the oppressed of the earth 
shall freely make their home. 

" Blest with victory and peace, may the heaven-rescued land 
Praise the Power that hath made and preserved us a nation. 
Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just, 
And this be our motto, ' In God is our trust/ 
And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave 
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." 

The red flag symbolizes a revolt against God as the 
Author of men and of nations. It definitely repudiates 
the authority of Caesar. In place of the principle of 
justice, as the foundation of the state, it floats — as 
the basic law of human society — a series of variable no- 



tions amongst men, caused by the changing modes of 
producing wealth for profit, and the consequent changes 
in economic classes, as century after century rolls on. 
The red flag symbolizes the power of an irresistible force 
— the irresponsible power that brought Capitalism to 
this age; the irresponsible power that shall bring the 
proletariat to the economic throne in the age to come. 

" Then raise the scarlet standard high 
Beneath its folds, we'll live and die. 
Though cowards flinch and traitors sneer, 
We'll keep the red flag flying here." 

From the time when modern Socialism launched its 
world-wide campaign upon the authority of the Com- 
munist Manifesto, the followers of Marx and Engels 
have vociferously preached the base notion that " work- 
ingmen have no country/' From that day to this the 
red flag has been the arch enemy of all those emblems 
that stand as symbols of national integrity — be the form 
of government despotic, theocratic, oligarchical or demo- 
cratic. The task of the workingmen is to win the world 
for their country. Why not? Since these puny men 
have wiped God out of His world, why should they not 
undertake the lesser task of razing all nations to the 
ground and of planting the red flag over the universal 
ruin of what was once the nations of the earth? In- 
deed, it is easy enough to justify this assault against 
nations by the tests of their philosophy. Man is not to 
them gifted by God with a rational nature. No, their 
irrational assumption is that the rational faculties have 


been — by the experiences of time, super-added to the 
animal faculties. The animal faculties being the " nat- 
ural " endowment. If, then, one is so irrational and 
illogical as to accept this theory of the existence of the 
human race, one may insist that it is his environment 
that made — that makes — man. Furthermore, if one 
admits that rational faculties have been added by animal 
experiences why not pile unreason on unreason and con- 
ceive the super-man to be on the road waving the red 

It was in France (1848) that the national emblem 
— the tri-colored banner — was first assailed by Social- 

"Down with the flag of kings! of crime. 
Hurrah for the red — symbol of freedom ! " 

But our own starry banner is not less obnoxious than 
the banner of France to the men with the red flag. Eu- 
gene V. Debs, — than whom no man, in John Spargo's 
view, has done nobler service " to keep the altar fires of 
Revolution bright " cries out — 

"All hail the Labor Day of May! 
Raise high this day the blood-red Standard of the Revolu- 
The banner of the Workingman ; 

The flag, the only flag of Freedom." 

(P. 305, "Debs: His Life, Writings and History.") 

When taken to task for raising aloft the red flag in- 
stead of our own red, white and blue banner. Socialists 
set forth internationalism — the world-country — as the 


meaning of their symbol. Forsooth! Bed is their 
color because " the hlood of all peoples is red," {" Mod- 
em Socialism," C. H. Yail, p. 13.) Profound indeed! 
Blood is red, but red blood is not a distinctively human 
characteristic since the blood of the brute creation is 
just as red as human blood. Yet, this assumed reason 
is quite in line with the philosophy that knows no dis- 
tinct line of demarcation between the human and the 
brute creation, for Socialists are cock-sure to a man that 
they are merely a higher form of animal — brother to 
the ape. Yet, since science knows very well the dif- 
ference between the blood corpuscles of the ape and the 
man; this popular satisfaction rests upon mere igno- 
rance. Further still, since the " missing link " has 
not been found and since there is not the slightest pros- 
pect that it shall ever be found this assumption that sat- 
isfies a multitude of men rests upon something other 
than ignorance — there is a species of ill will in it. 
Here is the core of the matter — ill will, l^ow, after 
these seventy years of propaganda and experiment, the 
Bolshevikist reign of terror in Eussia shows the world 
what in fact is the quality of the power that is sym- 
bolized by the red flag. Surely it manifests destruc- 
tion upon a colossal scale. Indeed no, the objection to 
the banner of these modem revolutionists is not based 
upon its color. To encroach upon the ground of the 
mystic, it is because red in the hands of passion signi- 
fies the force of the color; red in the hands of reason 
signifies the form of the color. The form of red is fire 
under rational control; the force of the red being fire 


under irrational control. One fire is constructive, the 
other destructive. To put it into the vernacular, we 
expect little of the man who " sees red." The red flag 
in the hands of the man of Morocco would be a demon- 
stration of loyalty to their country ; in the hands of Har- 
vard men the red flag shows love for their Alma Mater. 
So it is that, for very different reasons, we may say 
with the Editor of the Class Struggle (N. Y. Dec. 
1918) that 

" The fight against the red flag is — not merely against 
a symbol, but against the aggressive and revolutionary char- 
acter of our movement." 

Precisely, not against the color of the flag, but against 
the intention of the movement to float their symbol over 
every national capitol in the world as a sign of Social- 
ism Victorious. It is against this destructive force that 
our quarrel is being waged. 

Above all others Daniel De Leon may be trusted to 
push their conclusions to the limit, for he holds ever in 
mind the organization of the Catholic Church as the 
model per contra for a world-wide Sociali&t empire. To 
be sure, De Leon's is a material heaven here on earth and 
it is his perverse conviction — since God is a myth — 
that the Catholic Church is merely a man-made political 
institution with the purpose of ruling from Rome the 
whole world in the interest of the hierarchy. De Leon's 
flag, he is pleased to believe, is the extreme opposite 
— not the papal flag of the few holding in slavery the 
many, but the red flag that shall lay low the priests and 


capitalists, thus bringing spiritual slaves and wage 
slaves to the top of the heap, or rather as the vision 
scans a dead level there vs^ould be no top. Meantime De 
Leon stages the probable coming to grips of the " Red " 
with the "White and Yellow." We quote from The 
Bed Flag and the White and Yellow (produced in the 
Weekly People Feb. 13, 1913, and reproduced March 
8th, 1919). 

" There have been now and anon legislative attempts aimed 
at the exclusion of the Red Flag from public displays and 

" The Red Flag makes no bones of its purpose. Its purpose 
is the overthrow of the existing capitalist order of society, 
and the substitution of the same with the Socialist or Indus- 
trial order. 

" It is not the Red Flag of Socialism alone that is to-day 
proclaiming Revolution in the land. The White and Yellow 
Flag of the Ultramontane Papal Polity is doing the same 

" It matters not to the Socialist that the Papal-proposed 
Revolution in the land is one that Socialism will oppose 
tooth and nail ; it matters not to the Socialist. 

" Legislation against the Red Flag savors, accordingly, of 
treason to the Spirit and the Letter of the organic law of 
the land; hence, of treason to the American Flag itself, the 
folds of which protect whatever amendment to the Consti- 
tution, whether 'Red' or 'White and Yellow.'" 

Poor De Leon! What a courageous spirit gone 
wrong. Of that race who wander over the face of the 
earth without a country because they could not and 
would not distinguish between the Ruler of the King- 


dom of Heaven when He came to earth in fulfihnent of 
His promise to the Jews, and the national kingdom over 
which Csesar then reigned. De Leon was a most aggres- 
sive foe of the Church of Christ. Throughout his long 
career he persisted in ignoring the Cross of Christ as 
the symbol of the Universal Church — seeing only the 
White and Yellow symbol of the Pope's jurisdiction over 
that piece of territory where the government of Christ's 
Church carries out the Command : — " Go and teach ye 
all nations; teaching them to observe all things whatso- 
ever I have commanded you." As Washington, D. C, is 
the seat of the Federal Government of these United 
States so is the Papal flag the emblem that locates the 
territory from which those individuals throughout the 
world are governed who acknowledge the authority of 
the Pope in matters of faith and morals. It is no mere 
accident that Marx, Engels, De Leon, Berger, Hillquit 
and Trotsky — men without a country — should be 
leaders in propagating internationalism, since interna- 
tionalism is intended to destroy nations. Moreover, it 
was in this country, under De Leon as the master mind, 
that leaders of the Bolsheviki of Russia were trained. 
That our free country offered the greatest license in 
propagating treason is not a mere accident. Our lead- 
ing citizens have long since harrowed the soil of dis- 
loyalty — all unwittingly no doubt. Cities have erected 
monuments to those who offensively boast — The World 
is my country. This is now the cry of the rebellion 
against all government — the cry of the man who would 
have murdered the French premier, — Clemenceau. 


Because the reasoning of Socialism is never upon the 
solid ground of God first, ourselves next, and all things 
else third, its imagery is ever lacking in balanced pro- 
portion — in common sense. 

" There are many men and women to-day who are earnestly 
and fervently patriotic in the bourgeois sense. ' The Star 
Spangled Banner' makes them thrill with emotion. They 
will shed tears over the story of the true-hearted lad who left 
his sweetheart to obey his country's call, and died while try- 
ing to save the colors. Every Socialist knows that all these 
stories and songs are some of the means that the ruling class 
uses to cultivate a feeling of national patriotism, and that 
so long as such a feeling exists among many people their 
supremacy is safe. 

" In the Socialist school a feeling of international patriot- 
ism will be aroused. The children will be made to feel that 
the workingmen of all nations are brothers. They have a 
common enemy — capitalism. They have a common aim — 
its overthrow." (N. Y. Worher, March 7, 1908.) 

So it is that the red flag — " international patriot- 
ism " — seeks to sv^allow up the Star-Spangled Banner 
— " national patriotism." Yet, since " national patriot- 
ism " is the only kind of patriotism there is in the 
world — the standard by v^hich we love another country 
like unto our ov^n — and since " international patriot- 
ism " means nothing at all save a base counterfeit of the 
love of the Cross of Christ, it is necessary sharply to dis- 
tinguish religion from patriotism. 

Embraced within the love of God is love of country, 
but with God left out, love of country has no com- 
pelling force. Patriotism is in its essence national, 


hence the man who chooses the world for his country has 
no country, therefore, he is lacking the standards by 
which to love any country. For since God is the Au- 
thor of nations a man under God's authority must love 
another nation like unto the love he gives his own and it 
goes without saying that his country like his life is his 
own. If his country is not defended, it is proof that 
he loves neither the one nor the other. But a man's love 
for his own and other countries does not wipe out the 
fact of other nations any more than it wipes out the in- 
dividuality of our neighbor because we are commanded 
to love our neighbor as ourselves. This, however, is 
what Socialist philosophy attempts to do. Their " so- 
cial organism " means a crawling, sprawling humanity 
in which the individual soul, in the image of his Maker, 
is not reckoned with. — This is their essential denial of 

Now that — which is above, beyond, around and be- 
neath the love of a man for his flag is rightly symbolized 
by the Cross of Christ. But the followers of Christ are 
men and women with individual souls, since neither fam- 
ilies nor nations are members of the Church suffering, 
the Church militant, the Church triumphant. But, 
while the person is the unit under the Cross of Christ — 
the banner of God — the family is the unit under the 
Red, White and Blue. Religion is by Socialism clev- 
erly counterfeited. Having denied the individual soul, 
it would wipe out families and nations together with 
private property and it is this bizarre vision of the world, 
as a herd of tool-using animals that prompts the imagery 


that is stimulated at the sight of the red flag. They 
see red when " international patriotism " is contem- 
plated, for therein is neither religion nor patriotism ; the 
one spiritual, the other moral, has no place in their ma- 
terialistic scheme. 

We hold no brief for the defense of " capitalism " 
when the term connotes the grinding of the face of the 
poor — the using of public power for private gain and 
glory. We shall do what we can to put under the Red, 
White and Blue those practises that Pope Leo has 
named Christian Democracy. But, all may be sure 
that " Revenge is mine, I will repay saith the Lord " 
and that He will reward and punish according to exact 
justice. Meantime, we rejoice greatly that love and 
obedience to our flag is being strengthened by the fer- 
vent emotion that wells up in the heart at hearing of gal- 
lant deeds and of noble sacrifice. Ah ! to see our coun- 
try's flag afloat in a foreign land! How it makes the 
tears of joy to flow. 

The Czar of the Milwaukee movement can at all times 
be found with the anti-patriots. Any insult to the 
American flag is justified : When Clarence S. Darrow 
— a lawyer of the Tolstoyian — anarchistic type — 
was denounced in the public press for his refusal to rise 
when the band played the Star-Spangled Banner, in one 
of the leading hotels in Seattle, it was Victor Berger who 
upheld the affront, in a signed editorial: 

" The flag fetish is silly when it is not hypocritical. 
And it is hypocritical when it is not silly. 


"I would personally just as soon get up when the band 
plays ' Hiawatha ' or * Hail, Hail, the Gang's all Here ' as for 
' The Star Spangled Banner.' * Hiawatha ' stands for a good 
time, ' The Star-Spangled Banner ' stood for Hell in Colo- 
rado and stands for the same in Pennsylvania and other 

Like outrages with the intent to wound and injure 
the patriotic spirit are not uncommon and they are fre- 
quently violently crass. A mild sensation was sprung 
in labor circles when the President of the A. F. of L. was 
charged with having addressed a meeting while standing 
on the flag. Mr. Gompers defended himself. He de- 
clared his respect and honor for our national emblem 
and explained that the flag was draped around not across 
the table on which he stood. This occasion was made 
much of in the New York Call (Feb. 10, 1912). We 
present the last half of an article under the caption 
'' Respect the Uniform; Honor the Flag " (italics ours). 

" ' At least honor the flag ! ' they cry in desperation. 
* Honor the flag which stands for freedom, equality and fra- 
ternity ! ' 

" yfhat iiagf The American flag? The Stars and Stripes? 
The flag which floats over every hell hole of mine and mill 
and prison? The flag which floats over station house and 
barracks whence issue police and soldiers to hatter down and 
murder workers exercising their constitutional rights of free 
speech and free assemblage? Honor the flag which you our 
masters, have changed from a flag of liberty into a symbol 
of the crudest exploitation and vilest oppression of the new 

" If I had been Samuel Gompers when he was reproached 
by the capitalists for placing his foot on the American flag, 
I should have answered: 


"'Yes, I TRAMPLED ON IT, and, more than that i spit 
UPON YOUR FLAG, not mine. I loathe the Stars and Stripes, 
once the symbol of liberty for all, but now the stripes repre- 
sent the bloody stripes left by your lash on the back of the 
worker, and the stars the bullet and bayonet wounds in his 
breast, to hell with your flag ! ' 

" There is and can be but one flag for which an intelligent 
working man can have any respect, the flag of humanity, 
the red flag of the working-class. It stands for justice, for 
equality of opportunity, for the abolition of war, the end of 
oppression and exploitation, for carefree childhood, for glo- 
rious, unfettered manhood and womanhood, and for honored 
and protected old age. 

" When the red flag flies above our homes and our nations, 
we shall honor it and love it. But, until it does we refuse 
to recognize or respect any flag which is merely the symbol of 
and protects some national section of international capital- 
ism, down with the scars and stripes! run up the red 
flag of humanity ! " 

The lady-reds seem to see red redder than the mere 
man-reds. We have before us Rose Pastor Stokes' de- 
fense of the revolutionary emblem. While, indeed, it 
makes the conventional radical argument that the red 
flag is red because its red color testifies to the common 
red blood of humanity — and so, of course, in Socialist 
thought, the red blood of the man and the brute mingle 
in a common brotherhood — the red of Mrs. Stokes' 
language gives out a most destructive fire. However, it 
is quite the tendency of the lady-reds to run into poetry 
when their fiag is reprobated. On the occasion when in 
the Great and General Court of Massachusetts a ban was 
placed on the Socialist banner The Women's Day Edi- 


Hon of the N. Y. Call (Feb. 28, 1915) was inspired to 
" come back " with a piece of vice printed in the fierce 
garb of what should be the form of poetry. The pen of 
Katherine Richmond sets down eight stanzas. We pre- 
sent the last: 

" And on Massachusetts' priest-damned shore. 

Where the Red Flag is denied. 
When Liberty's clarion call is heard 

The rulers are defied; 
And in the fights for freedom. 

Which by rebel slaves is led. 
In the hearts of the brave and dauntless 

Bums bright the Flag of Bed." 

Should it not give pause to many a candid mind upon 
learning that the red enemy of our fatherland is the 
red red enemy of our faith ? Both are struck at once. 
Back of the ordered freedom of our fatherland is the 
faith that holds to the Rock of Ages. Yet, should it 
not give one courage to realize that so long as men enough 
acknowledge the moral law to be the foundation of all 
just government; so long as men enough acknowledge 
God as the Author of the Ten Commandments just so 
long shall Columbia's flag wave over a free and mighty 
people whom Socialism is powerless to corrupt ? 

Indeed, it is an especial compliment — aye an especial 
call — to Catholics that they should bear the brunt of 
the attack. No, not as capitalists, nor as a " police force 
for the capitalist class," but as the stoutest defenders of 
God's authority in all the world. Eor it is true that 
Pope and people — one and all — reprobate the red flag 


of disorder — of rebellion — of " The Ee volution." 
No fear of the curse of the red flag ladies ! It will not 
avail to blast the faith of the good priests nor to blast the 
rockbound coast of the Old Bay State. Here the 
Church blossoms like a rose under the vigilant care of 
our well beloved Cardinal Archbishop. And, many a 
man not bom in the faith comes to that Prince of the 
Church — William Cardinal O'Connell — for the ade- 
quate explanation of the phenomenon — " An All-Eed 

Louise Bryant (Six Months in Russia) tells of a day 
when Russia was reddest. The occasion was the burial 
of a man like a dog. — The " Red Burial " in Moscow. 
The " Red Square " was hung in red. Great red ban- 
ners were flung to the breeze with " inscriptions about 
the revolution." Nothing but good red revolutionary 
blood coursed through the veins of the workmen and 
peasants there present. The bourgeoisie and the aristo- 
crats were absent — murdered or in hiding. Ah, it was 
glorious! The fate of the empire in the hands of the 
red revolutionists ! *' All the churches and all the 
shrines were closed. How impressive it was ! No cere- 
mony, no priests; everything so simple and so real." 

The lady reds are rather chronic press letter writers. 
The Secretary of the Navy, some time since, gave them 
occasion to " strike back " because of his denunciation of 
the red flag in an address delivered at Seattle, Washing- 
ton. From all over the country came letters of protest. 
We comment upon one of these open letters for two 
reasons, first to show that the red flag has replaced the 


Cross of Christ as the symbol of their hope and again 
to note the persistency with which those of radical cul- 
ture use, falsely, a quotation from the Encyclopedia 
Britannica. Mrs. Charles Edward Russell (Chicago, 
Aug. 2, 1913) whose husband upholds the red flag in 
Russia as " the universal bond — of world-wide hope " 
deprecates the " peculiar inappropriateness in denounc- 
ing an emblem of Christianity " which the red flag is by 
inference said to be. The Hon. Josephus Daniels is re- 
ferred to 

" The Encyclopedia Brittanica in an article on Socialism 
you will find this statement : * The ethics of Socialism are 
closely akin to, if not identical with, the ethics of Christian- 

" Consequently there is a peculiar inappropriateness in de- 
nouncing an emblem of Christianity before an organization 
such as the Young Men's Christian Association." 

If, however, our Secretary of the Navy, or any one 
of the Socialists, should take the trouble to look up the 
reference he could not but find that the Encyclopedia 
Britannica is not the authority for the quotation that 
Mrs. Russell employs, namely " The ethics of Socialism 
are closely akin to, if not identical with the ethics of 
Christianity." Yet, because their propaganda has so 
frequently, during the past thirty years, used this quota- 
tion apart from its proper setting, there is no doubt that 
many " slave minds " who camp together with their 
" class conscious " comrades really believe that the Bri- 
tannica gives its sanction to this making of black white. 
Thus confidence in what is not so rings these changes 


innocently ; others for tactical reasons. However, there 
are Socialists who repudiate and reprobate the notion 
that the red flag and the Cross of Christ symbolize ethics 
that are " akin or identical." Desiring an interna- 
tional authority one may consult the Commonweal 
(London, Vol. 4, N^o. 116) on the matter; the Editor 
of the Comrade (N. Y. May, 1903) states the case 
plainly : " We do not in most cases believe it. We 
repeat it because it appeals to the slave mind of the 
world. The very basis of Christianity is a denial of the 
basic principles of Socialism,." " Socialism Christian- 
ized would be Socialism emasculated and destroyed." 
Of course, the " slave mind " is the mind that rests se- 
curely upon reason enforced and enlightened by reve- 
lation. In a word natural revelation and supernatural 
revelation controls the Christian mind, holds it to law 
and order. Erom this combination of life and light 
comes the sage and the seer. 

Indeed, we are not defenders of the Encyclopedia 
Britannica. On the contrary we are well aware that its 
too frequent perversion of Catholic principles and his- 
tory make it an unreliable guide on things Christian. 
Yet, its statement relative to the content of the Socialist 
propaganda is quite to the issue. There is a little 
fringe of folk, at the outskirts of the movement who still 
cling sentimentally to Christian precepts, without being 
aware of the logic of its doctrine ; while the multitude of 
its followers are controlled in their thought by the lead- 
ers who insist upon the frankest and most outspoken 
materialistic conception of history. 


We submit that the quotation in full will not permit 
Mrs. Eussell to run up the red flag as anything like a 
fair substitute for the Cross of Christ : 

"It is needless to say that the theories of socialism have 
been held in connection with the most varying opinions in 
philosophy and religion. A great deal of the historic social- 
ism has been regarded as a necessary implicate of idealism. 
Most of the prevailing socialism of the day is based on the 
frankest and most outspoken revolutionary materialism. On 
the other hand, many socialists hold that their system is a 
necessary outcome of Christianity, that socialism and Chris- 
tianity are essential the one to the other; and it should be 
said that the ethics of socialism are closely akin to the ethics 
of Christianity, if not identical with them." (Page 206, Vol. 
22, 9th Edition Encly. Britannica.) 

We know only too well many persons void of the 
Living Faith — who, distraught because the world, the 
flesh and the devil seem to them to be in almost complete 
control of the body-politic, clutch at the red flag as the 
symbol of hope. Yet, there is no use of going the wrong 
way for the right thing. Nor is there any wisdom in 
letting the pest of Socialism run its course to the end 
when the cure is in the Cross of Christ. But the evi- 
dence shows that the red flag is still in its ascendant. 
Mr. Albert Rhys Williams — a sometime Congrega- 
tional minister, now authorized agent of Lenin-Trotsky 
" to manage the Bolsheviki bureau of information in the 
United States " — when appearing before the Senate 
Committee investigating this propaganda Mr. Williams 
was questioned about the red flag by Senator Overman 


(Feb. 21, 1919). His jaunty answer was: ''It ex- 
cites some people. 

" If you suppress it, they will find some other symbol. In 
Germany they suppressed the red flag and so they adopted the 
red flower and all the Socialist women began to wear red pet- 
ticoats and they held up a few inches of the outer skirt so 
everybody could see the color of the petticoat. I think there 
is entirely too much hullabaloo about the red flag." 

No doubt, the suppression of the symbol by a mere 
force leads to a still more determined effort to float the 
red flag over the Stars and Stripes. But is there no hope 
since the suppression of their symbol leads to still more 
determined perversity to establish internationalism on 
the ruins of nations — the one following the other in 
rapid cycles ? Yes, undoubtedly, there is, namely — a 
readjustment of our national affairs — political, eco- 
nomic, domestic and social — upon the principles laid 
down by the foimders of our government. Here is the 
necessity for instruction in ethics and morals — we 
must think straight and act straight if we desire the 
blessings of the commonwealth. But primarily, the 
education of ethics and morals is the office of the Church 
— " Going, therefore, teach ye all nations, teaching them 
all things whatsoever I have commanded you." Then 
it comes to this : The rank and file of the red flag fol- 
lowers are like unto the little children of the poor who 
are ground down by the ricb — more sinned against 
than sinning. Their leaders know what they do, not 
so with the rabble. Our Blessed Lord prayed : " Fa- 
ther, forgive them for they Tcnow not what they do." 


How is it, then, if our country would rid us of propa- 
ganda under the red flag, that our nationally accredited 
agents — John Spargo, A. M. Simons, Louis Kopelin, 
Charles Edward Russell and Alexander Howat — the 
Socialist Commission to Europe, may receive from Sec- 
retary of State Lansing commendation ? " You have 
done a great service not only to your country, but to hu- 
manity." — " The Mission took part in the presentation 
of a red flag to General Garibaldi, the grandson of the 
revolutionist, by the Trieste Socialists, now in Paris." 
(The New Appeal, Oct. 5, 1918.) 

Children Cast Off the American Flag 

The evil effect of the Red Flag propaganda has de- 
scended from their fathers and mothers upon the school 
children. In proof we shall cite but two of the many 
instances that our data recounts. 

" Oscar Whiting, ten years old, a pupil in the Reed public 
school, Camden, N. J., was suspended because he refused to 
salute the American flag. 

" It seems the lad has failed to salute the flag since the 
opening of school, the teachers failing to observe the infrac- 
tion of the rules. His detection was due to an indignation 
meeting of the other pupils. The pupils reported the matter 
to Miss Holl and she asked the boy why he had not saluted 
the colors. 

" * My parents are Socialists,' he replied, ' and have told me 
not to salute the flag.' 

"'Why not?' Miss Holl asked. 

" ' I don't know,' the youth said. ' They told me not to take 
my hat off to a flag unless it was all red.' 


" The boy was sent home. At the noon hour he returned 
accompanied by his mother. She demanded that Miss Holl 
admit the lad, but the principal refused. The mother became 
so insistent that it was necessary for the teacher to call a 
policeman." (The Live Issue, Vol. 1, No. 37, N. Y.) 

The open rebellion of a thirteen year old girl was 
proudly sent broadcast by the Radical Review (N. Y., 
July, 1918). The incident took place in the public 
schools of Salt Lake City, Utah. It was required that 
the pupils should salute our flag and recite : 

"I pledge allegiance to my flag and to the republic for 
which it stands. One nation indivisible, with liberty and jus- 
tice for all." 

This Lena Eyler refused to do. In answer to the in- 
quiry of the principal of the Franklin Grammar School, 
the girl cast off the American flag and defended the red 

" I owe nothing to the American flag. It no longer stands 
for the noble principles in which it was conceived. If I must 
salute a flag it will be the red flag of Socialism because I 
think it stands more truly for liberty and justice than the 
Stars and Stripes." 

The writer goes on to say : 

"What the bourgeois school of Salt Lake City deprives 
Lena Eyler of Socialist tuition must substitute. The scepter 
of Education is passing from the Bourgeois to the Proletariat. 
The pure flame that bums in that child's breast must not be 
suffered to consume itself. Fanned with the fan of So- 
cialist fulness of information, that flame is rising, lambent 
through the length and breadth of the land." 


Surely, were the scepter of education with " Socialist 
fulness " in the hands of a Godless school system our 
Sodom and Gomorrah were at hand. But is it not the 
handwriting on the wall that Socialism is informing the 
world of its intention to make all education Godless un- 
der their banner of savage blood red ? 

Innocence and Guilt 

It is true that every man is at once innocent and 
guilty — since a man is a liar if he says he is not a 
sinner. Yet, there is a vast — an impassable — gulf 
between those who love God and fear Him and those 
who deny God and deny sin. The very creed of Social- 
ism forbids the love of God and the fear of God. — God 
has no existence in their dogmas, the Ten Command- 
ments were fit only for the servile infancy of the race. 
It is only by holding in mind this underlying premise of 
their movement that an intelligent view of their protes- 
tations of the superiority of their intentions over the pur- 
poses of men who are indeed guilty of extortion and 
usurpation can be seen. When Socialists boast of be- 
ing " open and honest " they express that desperate 
courage that is like to the fight of the rat in the comer. 
Socialists make one — but one — use of Christian prin- 
ciples, — they serve mightily for the condemnation and 
the confusion of others. As for using Christian prin- 
ciples in the search for their own sins ! — perish the 
thought, there is no God. This being so — we shall set 
forth their purpose to supplant the cross of Christ with 
the red flag and of taking possession of the nations of 


the earth under the sign of the red flag. May-Day — 
our Blessed Mother's Day — is their time for grandiose 

In the May-Day issue of the Chicago Daily Socialist 
(1912) Morris Hillquit delivers himself in a signed 

"Friday, the militant hosts of Socialism and labor will 
march in proud procession to the inspiring tune of the 
* Marseillaise ' or the ' Internationale,' carrying the defiant 
emblem of their hopes and their challenge — the red flag of 

" As Usual also a savage howl of mingled rage and fear will 
go up from the capitalist press, the capitalist pulpit and the 
capitalist government. The parasites of all nations have a 
morbid aversion to the red color. Their guilty conscience in- 
terprets it as a symbol of carnage and bloodshed. 

" We Socialists glory in the red flag as the symbol of kin- 
ship of all that bears human countenance; we revere it as an 
augury of world-wide peace, harmony and brotherhood, we 
cling to it as the inspiring standard in the great international 
fight against corruption, exploitation and oppression. We are 
proud of the red flag. Our allegiance to it is open and honest. 

" But how about you, apologists of the existing system ? 
You, who taunt us with our flag and flaunt into our faces the 
Stars and Stripes? What claim do you have to the emblem 
of American independence, democracy and justice ? 

" The Stars and Stripes are not YOUR emblem ! You 
have long pawned the stars to the trusts and monopolies and 
your stripes for the stripes of the prison garb. Your true 
emblem is the black flag of the pirate. 

" Since the fight of Socialism is a fight to re-establish 
equality, democracy and social justice in this country, the 
Socialists alone uphold the true purity and honor of the 


Stars and Stripes. Since the fight of Socialism is at the 
same time a fight for the entire human race, the red flag 
supplements the Stars and Stripes. When Socialism will 
win its battles, both emblems will flutter together from all 
huts and palaces, gaily proclaiming in their multiform colors 
that mankind is free." 

Let us discriminate : — When the term " parasite " 
is used to express the acts of those men who are respon- 
sible for political and economic abuses, we accept it as 
fitting. So, too, when the term " existing system " is 
used to denote those trusts and monopolies that flourish 
as the wicked on earth, we accept it as fitting. But when 
the word parasite is used by Socialists, the term is so 
all-embracing as to leave nobody in the country with a 
decent regard for the economic and political rights of 
others, — neither is there left a great body of men who 
loyally stand for their country and their God. These 
are they who defend our country with their strength, 
their life and their money. These are they to whom the 
Most Reverend Patrick J. Hayes, D. D., Archbishop 
of New York, at Solemn Military Mass, Battery Park — 
Memorial Hay, 1918 — addressed these words: 

" Here to this very ground, the gateway of America, seek- 
ing a haven of refuge, a land of opportunity, have come 
legions of immigrants. America looked out upon the At- 
lantic, with a cry of welcome to all, saying ' Enter ye in.' 
To-day she stands on this same consecrated ground and 
bids these new sons of hers, many, sons by adoption, to go 
forth across the waters over which your forefathers or 
yourselves have ventured and not to return until you have 
planted the glorious Stars and Stripes upon the citadel of 


darkness that liberty and civilization may not perish from 
the earth." 

'No, not for these — priest and people — is it a 
" guilty " conscience, but rather it is history and ex- 
perience that forbids them to conclude that " carnage 
and bloodshed " is what our flag symbolizes. They 
know that the red flag symbolizes desecration of re- 
ligion, degradation of the family, confiscation of prop- 
erty, murder and rapine together with the overthrow of 
government. It were as sensible to expect the lion and 
the lamb to lie down together in peace, — that the as- 
sassin and his victim will dwell together in love, as to 
expect the Red flag and Old Glory to flutter in har- 
monious union. 

All ! But the hypocrisy of the mental picture of the 
red flag supplementing the Stars and Stripes! Is not 
the Stars and Stripes the full orbed sum of human lib- 
erty — the promise of social prosperity and security if 
we will but work it out? We know that it was not to 
" supplement " the tri-color of France that the red flag 
was raised aloft by the Commune of 18Y1. Far from 
it. The red flag was run up on the Hotel de Ville to 
supplant the banner of France ; while the German enemy 
was thundering at Paris gates the Socialist enemy was 
taking possession within : When the Allies defeated the 
Germans — the Liebknecht-Luxemburg group — that 
are praised so highly by their American comrades ran 
up the red flag on the Eoyal Palace of Berlin not to 
" supplement " but to supplant the flag of Germany. 


When the Bolsheviki overthrew the Constituent As- 
sembly, the red flag went up on the Winter Palace of 
Petrograd not to " supplement " the first democratic flag 
of Russia, but to supplant it with the Dictatorship of 
the Proletariat. To come home — when a motion was 
made at the Washington State Convention (1912) of the 
Socialist Party to have Old Glory displayed together 
with the red flag, the delegates defeated the resolve by a 
vote of two to one. Lacking the power, Socialist poli- 
ticians talk of supplementing our symbol of liberty with 
theirs of license ; having the power they haul down na- 
tional banners and run up the International flag of des- 
potism — the color of blood. 

The diplomatic " Comrade " " Hillquit," is not so 
frank as is Ernest Belfort Bax of England — an inter- 
national authority — his frankness, not his doctrine, is 
to be commended when he says : 

"Hasten the day . . . when the working classes of the 
civilized world will, with one consent, finally abandon the 
national flags of their masters, and range themselves under 
the banner of Socialism. . . ." (Social Democrat, London, 
Vol. 8, No. 7.) 

" The day " has come, but not gone, in Russia as there 
are yet alive many who are not slaves to the will of 
Lenin-Trotsky. For ourselves, the question is — Shall 
we hasten the Socialist day ? Or, shall we say — They 
shall not pass? 

Abroad and at home the will to crush nations under 
the wheels of the Socialist juggernaut may be seen by 
what they do. When the deliberations of the first Inter- 


national Socialist Congress (Geneva 1866) were over, 
a red flag fete brought the occasion to an end. A steam- 
boat on Lake Leman was chartered for an excursion. It 
was gaily decorated and a band provided inspiriting 
music. All the home and foreign delegates were aboard. 
The flags of many nations floated from the ropes run- 
ning to the mast head, and it was significantly bare. 
The band struck up the Internationale as the steamer 
glided smoothly out into the lake. Then came a mighty 
shout from hundreds of throats, " Hurrah for the Bed 
Republic/' and up went the red flag to the topmost 
place. Ah ! was it the red flag of Switzerland with the 
white cross ? ^o, not so, it was minus the cross. It 
was the blood red flag that symbolized the power that 
should lay low the flag of every nation under the sun. 
It was the red flag that pronounced the sentence — !N^o 
God, No Master. It was the threat of nationality 
wiped out of a world without religion. 

We have had in our own country a fantastical scene 
but with the same meaning. A Socialist clergyman — 
Bouck White, whom Eugene V. Debs has ordained as 
" the only Christian minister " in I^ew York, has 
brought the Geneva fete quite up to date. Having de- 
livered a sermon in " The Church of Social Revolution " 
on " The Idolatry of the Flag " ; and delivered himself 
of the accusation that " patriotism is a relic of the dark 
ages " ; that " the American flag — has come to be the 
pavilion of property rights," Mr. White hied himself to 
the back yard. Behind the church, together with his 
comrades, the gentlemen proceeded to the ceremony of 


melting all the nations down to dregs in a huge iron pot. 
One after another the flags of the several nations of the 
earth were placed in the pot — our sacred emblem in full 
view. There was a flash of brimstone and devouring 
flames, leaping high, that reduced them all to nothing- 
ness. Ah! how great and glorious is the use of me- 
chanics following after the materialist conception of 
history. Lo, and behold ! The red flag of Interna- 
tionalism waves above the hot pot. The feat is roundly 
applauded and the blasphemous " amen " is sounded. 

Let no sensible man think that this contumacious act 
of their pastor was resented by his Socialist flock. 
Quite to the contrary: 

*^ The congregation of the church, however, stands squarely 
behind its pastor in the position he has taken. This was 
made evident by the discussion that followed the sermon. 
Professor Imbert, of the department of history of Columbia 
University, arose to say that he agreed with everything that 
Bouck White had said and that half the boys under him 
at the university held the same views. In the event of 
the matter being forced to an issue, he said, they were willing 
to go to any lengths with White." (New York Gallj March 
27, 1916.) 

Bouck White was brought before the court for thus 
insulting our flag and given a well deserved term in the 
penitentiary. The judge expressed regret that the law 
did not permit him to give the offender a longer sen- 
tence. Desecrating the flag was merely a huge joke to 
the Socialist daily of New York. It bemoaned the event 
since : 


"Dear Comrade BoucTc White languishes in jail hecause 
he could not resist the temptation to make a little flag soup 
in his hack yard." {Call, Sept. 3, 1916.) 

Surely, it is superfluous to note that this man who 
engages in crass and familiar chat about our Blessed 
Lord being the greatest Socialist rebel on record, was 
as unrepentant when he left the jail as he was when he 
entered therein. For it should be well understood that 
whether the event be gay at Geneva, or treasonably comic 
as the burning of flags in a pot in the back yard of a 
church or as bloody red as the Bolsheviki regime in 
starved and desolate Russia, their aim and end is one 
and the same the wide- world over: To substitute the 
force of the Marxian red flag for one and all national 
banners for which patriots give up their lives. 

No, we do not fear. We know as well as anybody the 
onrush of dangers. But we know America's best de- 
fense. Our glorious banner shall be seen floating ma- 
jestically in the breeze in all its brilliant beauty a thou- 
sand years after this latest heresy reduced to a physical 
combat has been beaten back through the Gates of Hell. 
This our well beloved Columbia is in our Blessed Moth- 
er's care; and we know that so long as the Catholic 
Church inculcates the love of the flag in the hearts of 
her children Old Glory is safe. 

"Up to the breeze of the morning I fling you, 
Blending your folds with the dawn in the sky; 

There let the people behold you, and bring you 
Love and devotion that never shall die. 


Proudly agaze at your glory, I stand 
Flag o' my land ! Flag o' my land ! 

Standard most glorious. Banner of beauty! 

Whither you beckon me there will I go ; 
Only to you, after God, is my duty; 
Unto no other allegiance I owe. 

Heart of me, soul of me, yours to command, 
Flag o' my land! Flag o' my land! 

Tom Daly." 

Love of our flag is quickly, generously and proudly 
translated into deeds of heroic valor that never die. 
Whether or not the words are the same, there is the self- 
same straightforward promise of loyalty to the Gov- 
ernment when it is declared by Congress and ratified 
by the signature of the United States that we are in a 
state of war, there comes from every priestly Shepherd 
of his flock as came in these plain words of 

Archbishop George W. Mundelein, of Chicago 

" And now that it has begun, none of us can tell how 
long it will last, what the cost in human life may be and 
what sacrifices all of us must bring. But one thing is 
certain, and I speak for myself, for 800 priests and 1,000,000 
of Catholics, the moment the President of the United States 
affixed his signature to the resolutions of Congress, all dif- 
ferences of opinion ceased. We stand seriously, solidly and 
loyally behind them. They have perhaps information that 
is hidden from us; they may know that danger threatens 
this nation from more than the one quarter towards which 
we are all looking. But in any case they are the elected 
representatives of the people; this is a government of the 
people and by the people. We have chosen them and into 


their hands we have given the reins of government and by 
their decisions we must abide, otherwise we would prove un- 
worthy of the blessing of a free democracy. And so in this 
hour of crisis I pledge the loyalty of our Catholic people to 
our flag. I say this not in a burst of enthusiasm, carried 
away by the excitement of the moment or just as an empty 
figure of speech. For by our acts we will be judged, not by 
words. Soon will many of our young men leave home to step 
into the ranks of the army or navy. The old Church that 
looked after them at home will follow them, too, to the bat- 
tlefield. God knows that we need priests sorely, but we will 
economize our forces here that they may go with the soldier 

Catholics are taught to render to Caesar what belongs 
to Caesar — to love and to honor their flag if need be 
unto death, for God has commanded it. Catholics are 
taught to render to God what belongs to God — to take 
up their cross following after our Blessed Lord into 
the bliss of our Heavenly Home. 


NOT merely a national view but rather a world 
view is necessary to encompass the meaning of 
Socialist propaganda, for the simple reason that its aim 
is the undoing of nations in the interest of the Interna- 
tional. It is not readjustment, not even reorganization 
within the commonwealth, nor is it a league of nations 
for the better protection of individual and national 
rights that it seeks. Yet, it may fairly be said that it is 
because a remedy has not yet been applied — although it 
was long since found and designated Christian Democ- 
racy by Pope Leo XIII — in defense of the hewers of 
wood, in defense of the smaller and weaker nations 
against the imperialistic designs of larger and stronger 
nations that Socialism stalks over the earth with the 
stride of seven leagued boots. 

They want to expropriate the expropriators — a class- 
less society. 

We want that the several classes in society shall deal 
justly one with the other. 

They want the land and capital now in private hands 
confiscated by the proletariat of the world. 

We want that private property shall be maintained, 
that employers shall produce, transport and exchange 



commodities on the basis of equity and that wage earn- 
ers shall receive the full value of their toil. 

They want a dead level of mediocre folk with the in- 
dividual as the unit of the animalistic herd. 

We want an infinite variety of home life that corre- 
sponds to the multitudinous gifts, high and low with 
which mankind has been endowed. 

They want the monogamic family to make its exit 
upon the entrance of the whole female sex into the public 

We want the Christian home to be that central place 
on earth most like to heaven above. 

They want to corrupt the army and navy that the na- 
tion may be without defense from their intrigues within 
and from their assaults without. 

We want to maintain the army and navy as a bulwark 
of strength against disorder at home and a sure guard 
against aggressions from abroad. 

]^ow, since Socialism takes advantage of every op- 
portunity to discredit and to undermine the vocation 
of the soldier and the sailor and to inoculate them 
with disloyal thoughts and to incite them to treasonable 
acts, we believe it a patriotic duty to set forth the facts 
in proof of this menace, that threatens to break the mo- 
rale of our army and navy. 

We do not come to the defense of war for the glory 
of war — though we would not take away one iota of 
honor from those who give their blood at the call of their 
home-land. What we mean to do is so to extend the 
voice of the Vicar of Christ that his sound reasoning, 


relative to armed force, may win the admiration of well 
intentioned men, all unaccustomed to the voice of the 
Church. Then we may be sure that such will give tlieir 
aid in driving from our midst those opinions and senti- 
ments that make for desolation. 

As all should know the Catholic Church has but one 
voice — since Truth is Truth with nothing added and 
nothing taken away. Yet, just because Truth is ab- 
solute men may bespeak it in a multitude of forms yet 
never change its meaning. The Great Doctor, St. Au- 
gustine, in reviewing this matter makes the reflection : 

" If Christian discipline condemned all wars, the Gosx)el 
would have given this counsel of salvation to the soldiers 
who asked what they should do, that they should throw 
away their arms and withdraw themselves from the military 
service altogether. But it says to them, *Do violence to 
no man, calumniate no one, and be content with your wages,' 
St. Luke iii, 14. Surely it does not prohibit the military 
service to those whom it conunands to be content with their 
wages." (Epirthe V. Ad Marcelium, C 2, 15 n.) 

Our Lord's commendation of the Centurian : " I 
have not found so great faith in Israel." (Matt. VIII, 
5-10) surely takes cognizance of the fact that the Cen- 
turian has soldiers under him who go there or come 
here at his commands. Here there is not slightest sug- 
gestion that this oflScer should abandon the military 
service. Again, another soldier — " Cornelius, a cenr 
turian of that which is called the Italian band," is re- 
ferred to by Christ as " a religious man, and fearing 
God — " (Acts X, 1-2.) It certainly were unreason- 


able to assume that this appreciation would have been 
given to one who followed a vocation against the divine 

The great Apostle, St. Paul, says (Heb. xi, 32-34) : " The 
time would fail me to tell of Gedeon, Barac, Samson, 
Jephthe, David, Samuel and the prophets: Who by faith 
conquered kingdoms, wrought justice, obtained promises, 
stopped the mouths of liars, quenched the violence of fire, es- 
caped the edge of the sword, recovered strength from weak- 
ness, became valiant in battle, put to flight the armies of 

This then is and ever has been the doctrine of the 
Christian Church, that the armed force of the nation is 
not alone proper but necessary. That, therefore, the 
vocation of the soldier may be followed with honor by 
the most religious of men. 

As we reflect, we give honor to the soldier — Wash- 
ington — who, under God, formed us a nation. So 
it is that the issue admits of no equivocation. Every 
citizen must stand for the integrity of the army and 

But Socialists will not ! They reject the law of God 
and the love of country as a binding force, while na- 
tional integrity has no place in their philosophy. Na- 
tional Integrity is a bulwark that they mean to pull 
down, by a propaganda that never slumbers nor sleeps. 
Since it is over the dead body of the nation that So- 
cialism climbs into its own, we may not expect a sur- 
cease until its ill directed energy is spent. The date of 
that time is for liberty lovers to fix. 

It must be kept in mind that however rebellious men 


are, fundamental principles cannot be ignored. God 
is not mocked. Consequently it is certain that Social- 
ism will give proof — though in a negative way — 
that loyalty is necessary to their scheme of a " new so- 
ciety." To corrupt our soldiery is right since it ad- 
vances the revolution. But, once a government is in 
the hands of the Marxians, loyalty to death is demanded 
of their soldiery. Here then, is the key by which to 
understand the issue we are confronted with — here is 
the proof that although loyalty is scorned as an obliga- 
tion to Caesar, under God, loyalty is now in Russia de- 
manded unto death by those men who have set up a pro- 
letarian dictatorship there as the first step in the con- 
quest of the world. We quote : — 

The Oath of Enlistment of Soviet Soldiers 

1. Son of the People, worker and citizen of the Russian 
Socialist Federated Soviet Eepublic, I enroll in the Workers' 
and Peasants' Army. 

2. Before the working class of Russia and the whole world 
I swear: to respect my position as soldier; to conscienti- 
ously undergo my military training; to safeguard the in- 
terests of the Army and the People, and to defend them 
with my heart's blood. 

3. I swear to submit strictly to revolutionary discipline, 
and to obey without question the orders of my chiefs, desig- 
nated by authority of the Workers' and Peasants' Govern- 

4. I swear to commit no action detrimental to the repu- 
tation of the free citizens of the Russian Soviet Republic; 
I swear to consecrate myself, in thought and in action, to 
our ideal of the emancipation of all the working classes. 

5. I swear, that at the call of the Workers' and Peasants' 


Government, I will risk my life to defend the Soviet Republic 
against whatever dangers there may be, from wherever it 
may come, and that I will give whatever I have of strength 
and of life for the defense of the Soviet Republic, of Social- 
ism and of the brotherhood of the people. 

6. Let me be delivered to the contempt of the People and 
the severe punishment of the laws of the Revolution if I 
violate the oath ! (" Revolutionary Age," Boston, March 29, 

We purpose now to exhibit piece after piece of testi- 
mony in support of our conviction that Socialists would 
corrupt the army and navy. Thousands of copies of a 
crude book — " War, What For ? "— by George R. Kirk- 
patrick (Vice-presidential nominee, Socialist Party — 
1916) were sent forth to " drain the recruiting stations 
and thin the ranks of the soldiery." 

Every occasion is made an opportunity of belittling a 
soldier's life. " Soldiers are potential strike-breakers." 
(New York Call, June 3, 1916.) 

"The American Militia is made up of young whipper- 
snappers, mostly sons of capitalists who go into it for fun 
and the purpose of killing strikers when they turn out." 
(Pamphlet, Daniel De Leon.) 

" Policemen, sheriffs and marshals are the same as soldiers, 
Bo far as you are concerned," that is to say, the hirelings of 
the capitalist class are ever enemies of the working class." 

PerTiaps the most widely circulated single attack upon 
the soldier was written by Jack London — the famous 
or infamous author. His estimate of the soldier has 
been printed in nearly every one of their English Ian- 


giiage papers, on circulars and postcards, and spread 
broadcast throughout the world. We present it as pub- 
lished in the Buffalo Socialist (Sept. 20, 1913) to- 
gether with the Editor's introduction : 

"During the Perry Celebration one of the features was 
a grand military display. Men paraded in all kinds of fancy 
uniforms, and the best bands that could be procured were 
in the procession. Soldiers, sailors, artillery and quick-firing 
guns were toted through the streets, not only for the amuse- 
ment of the visitors, but for the purpose of inspiring un- 
thinking youths who might be deceived into joining these 
institutions of multiplied murder. For the benefit of the 
young men of this city we reprint Jack London's * Good 
Soldier.' Cut it out and paste it up in a conspicuous place. 

(By Jack London) 

"Young Men: The lowest aim in your life is to be- 
come a soldier. The good soldier never tries to distin- 
guish right from wrong. He never thinks; never rea- 
sons ; he only obeys. If he is ordered to fire on his fellow 
citizens, on his friends, on his neighbors, on his relatives, 
he obeys without hesitation. If he is ordered to fire 
down a crowded street when the poor are clamoring for 
bread, he obeys, and sees the gray hairs of age stained 
with red and the life tide gushing from the breasts of 
women, feeling neither remorse nor sympathy. If he is 
ordered off as a firing squad to execute a hero or bene- 
factor, he fires without hesitation, though he knows the 
bullet will pierce the noblest heart that ever beat in hu- 
man breast. 

"A good soldier is a blind, heartless, soulless, mur- 
derous machine. He is not a man. He is not a brute. 


for brutes only kill in self-defense. All that is human 
in him, all that is divine in him, all that constitutes 
the man has been sworn away when he took the enlist- 
ment roll. His mind, his conscience, aye, his very soul, 
are in the keeping of his officer. 

" No man can fall lower than a soldier — it is a depth 
beneath which he cannot go. Keep the boys out of the 
army. It is Tiell. 

"Down with the army and the navy. We don't need 
killing institutions. We need life-giving institutions." 

" Our Gene," — the genial Debs is not to be outrun by 
the most celebrated amongst socialist authors: 

" The workingman who turns soldier becomes the hired 
assassin of the capitalist master. He goes on the murderers' 
payroll at fifty cents a day under orders to kill anybody, 
anywhere, at any time. This is the vile abject thing we 
call a soldier. Lower than the slimy, dripping depth to 
which this craven creature crawls neither man nor beast 
can even sink in time or eternity." (^Army and Navy Jour- 
nal, Dec. 25, 1916.) 

The occasion when, by our then President Roosevelt, 
colored troops were discharged for rioting, and other 
conduct imbecoming to members of the National Guard, 
at Brownsville, Texas, supplied an unwonted opportu- 
nity for displaying contempt for soldiers, who volun- 
teer their services in defense of our country. It was 
taken full advantage of. We quote excerpts from state- 
ments made by National Committeemen of the Socialist 
Party, giving reasons for their vote upon a pending mo- 
tion to condemn President Roosevelt's action. (S. P. 
Official Bulletin, Vol. 3, No. 5.) 


Wells Le Fevre (Arkansas) 

"I vote no. — We might as well ask for 'justice' from 
the soldier's gun as for the soldier. When he enlisted he 
surrendered all his rights and became a part of an infernal 
machine for a more infernal purpose." 

Comrade Woodside (Colorado) 

"For my part I would like to see the entire army dis- 
honorably discharged." " They are the lackeys of capitalism 
and as such ready at all times to do their dirty and criminal 

A. J. Pettigrew (Florida) 

"I vote no. — Not because I don't want justice done, 
but because soldiers are not the instruments of justice." 

A. L. Smith (Louisiana) 

" His motive spells treason and could come from none but 
a traitor." " That base and iniquitous wretch known as a 
soldier." " The soldiers' business is to kill — to kill what ? 
People. What kind of people? Working people. Did you 
ever know of soldiers killing any other kind ? " " It should 
be clear that these beasts are not members of our class — 
the working class." 

J. E. Voss (Tennessee) 

"We cannot see how a Socialist can put himself in the 
same class as a lot of uninformed murderers — not con- 
scripted, but voluntary — whose sole mission is to protect 
capitalists' interests and shoot down the working class pro- 


W. H. Mills (Texas) 

" The Soldiery, whatever their color, are the murderous 
mercenaries of predatory and repressive capitalism. Their 
mission is to murder the working class — " 

Alf. WagenknecM (Washington) 

" It truly seems to me that every time the capitalist class 
does anything to disorganize its own forces, no matter how 
it does it, it is to our benefit. These soldiers, formerly 
servants of the class opposed to us, may now, after a few 
more knocks in the real slave market, become what we are." 

Rohert Bandlow (Ohio) 

" In voting ' no ' — it is to emphasize that in the class 
war these negro soldiers are upholding the system which 
accentuates the misery of the proletarian. The Socialist 
Party is not called upon to meddle in the affairs of the 

F. L. Swartz (Pennsylvania) 

"I would hail the day when the President of the United 
States and the plutes' representatives of the whole world 
would give all their soldiers dishonorable discharges." 

Referring to the " reasons " given by these Socialist 
I^ational Committeemen for upholding disobedience, dis- 
loyalty and treason as the real duty of the soldiers as 
against their alleged duty to keep fellow workingmen in 
poverty and to kill them, "Victor L. Berger, in his own 
paper, makes this comment : The statements " accomr 


panying the votes of the National Committeemen of the 
Socialist Party give some idea of the prevailing opinion 
of progressive working people on the subject of govern- 
ment soldiery." 

Yet, it is their purpose by the spread of treasonable 
literature to win these " dastards," these " reptiles," 
these " cowards," these lowest characters imaginable to 
their glorious cause — Socialism, the religion of the 
working-class. Surely, such were quite fitting associ- 

Their means are like in character to their ultimate 
aim. There is no beating about the bush, for the hope is 
boldly expressed that mutiny in the army and navy 
shall become an order of especial use in the confiscation 
of capital. The Socialist Voice (Oakland, Cal.) sent a 


It went the rounds. All over the country there was a 
vigorous ringing of charges upon its forceful phrases: 
*' There is such a thing as mutiny/' Yes, " gen- 
eral mutiny simultaneous with a general strike/' Since 
" The Socialist Party frankly avows its intention 
of appropriating the means of production/' it is certain 
that '' the army and navy must be turned into a state of 
ferment/' The way to do this is to deluge the soldiers 
and the sailors " with good class conscious propaganda 
and the results will be astonishing." At Socialist com- 
mand, the guns shall be turned upon the capitalist class 
— For there is such a thing as mutiny. 


It was somewhat astonishing that this circular should 
have been published in the Christian Socialist (Chicago, 
May 15, 1907). We give some paragraphs taken there- 

"Do you realize that there exists in the United States 
to-day two of the most feudalistic institutions in the world? 
We refer to the United States Army and the United States 
Navy. The discipline in these two institutions is such as 
to render them the most powerful and at the same time 
the most servile tools . of the capitalist class. It is simply 
appalling to contemplate the damage these two institutions 
could do the working class in case the present revolution 
assumed a violent aspect. 

" This Is Not a Theory, Bui an Oft' Demonstrated Fact. 
The murder, by the artillery of the men, women and children 
in the Southern Philippines, — the brutal slaughter of 
the French proletarians during the Paris commune, the 
Nevska Prospect butchery, and others too numerous to men- 
tion, all indicate that the policy of the capitalist class is 
a policy of bloodshed and murder. 

" It has long been recognized that the rulers and capital- 
ists, synonymous terms, have exalted private property above 
human life — . This has been proven so often as to render 
illustrations superfluous. Now, the Socialist party frankly 
avows its intention of appropriation of the means of pro- 
duction. There is no beating about the bush; we, the work- 
ers, want full product of our labor, and we propose to get 
it; we further realize that we can never get it under the 
present system. To change the system implies the taking 
over of the means of production and using them for the 
common good instead of the good of the few, as at present. 
Do you think the capitalists will like this? Do you think 
they will tamely submit to the taking of their property by 
legal or extra legal means? Is it possible that they who 


own the courts, the legislature and the executive powers 
of government will make no effort to use these powers to 
protect their sacred property? If you think they will sub- 
mit without a struggle, you are — pardon the frankness — 
an idiot. 

" Suppose, for instance, the Socialist vote of this country 
became a menace — and it will no doubt become a serious 
menace — to the capitalist class. Would the ' constitution ' 
keep them from disfranchising the worker? Not much! 
Then here, as in Russia, the only weapon left the workers 
would be a general strike, hacked up hy an armed revolution; 
and in that case our only hope of winning will be to have 
the Army and the Navy in such a state of ferment that 
they will cast their lot with the workers instead of being 
loyal to their present masters. 

"Would it not be a humorous piece of poetic justice to 
turn the guns of the capitalists against them? And it can 
be done, because it has teen done more than once. 

" There is a greater per cent, of class-conscious sailors and 
soldiers than of proletarians, but as yet they are unconscious 
of the class-consciousness. But let the Socialists deluge 
them with good class- conscious propaganda, and the results 
will be astonishing, especially to our masters — for nothing 
astonishes a socialist. So long as the Army and the Navy 
are loyal to the capitalist class, it will be well-nigh impos- 
sible to introduce the cooperative conunonwealth ; hut 
armies are not loyal to their masters; there is such a thing 
as a mutiny! 

" Take Russia, for example. Could the revolution have 
made such progress had it not been for the mutinies of the 
raw troops and the sailors ? And if * oppressed Russia ' can 
successfully conduct an anti-military campaign of socialist 
agitation, why shouldn't 'free America'? In the United 
States Army every enlisted man must be able to read English ; 
we can easily reach them ; they have no delusions about 


our 'Little Father' (Theodora I), because they are wise to 
him. The United States Government — always imcompetent 
and impotent — will be powerless to stop our propaganda. 

" Many other prominent socialists, including the editor of 
many socialist papers, have already endorsed the idea and 
not a single socialist, so far, has condemned it. 

" With ' the men behind the guns ' on our side, we have 
nothing to fear, for courts, kings and military dictators 
are powerless when they have no guns to back up their de- 
cisions ; and ' God ' is but a royal alias for a ' standing 
army.' All it requires is the properly directed effort on our 
part, and we can have a general mutiny simultaneous with 
the general strike." 

It is their brag that " not a single Socialist paper con- 
demned " this appeal to treason. We may be sure that 
this Circular Letter presents a rather plausible picture 
to those men who have for long forsworn their allegiance 
to their country. Their shibboleth — 'No God, no coun- 
try — expresses their case consistently. Almighty God 
is not merely imhnown. He is " a royal alias," to Whom 
the Socialists on guard pay scorn instead of honor ; while 
they are constantly on the watch to corrupt men behind 
the guns. 

Thus the case stands — a world-wide Bolsheviki prop- 
aganda that rises like a tidal wave to engulf nations 
made weak because of political injustice and economic 
oppression. Hence this question is pertinent — what 
effect should Socialist propaganda have upon the great 
capitalists of our country ? To say nothing in the inter- 
est of their souls' salvation, and if from no higher mo- 
tive than enlightened self-interest they should be, be- 


cause they can be, the first to make an effective move 
towards social justice by a readjustment in industry — 
commerce — finance. 

Liberty is in the air fanning the flame of justice that 
men may be free before the law and that equity shall be 
done in the market of the world. This is merely another 
way of remembering that men are made in the image 
of God and that not forever will they submit to a viola- 
tion of their inborn rights, political and economic, by 
the might and the greed of the few. Especially now 
since with the aid of a little true history they hark back 
to the echo of the past — to the guilds of the middle ages 
within which master and men settled their differences 
not by might or crooked wisdom but by the even tones 
of the voice of the Church. Then, wage-earners were 
not treated as a mere commodity-labor — to be bought at 
the lowest prices and furnished with the meanest accom- 
modations. But rather they were an elemental part of 
that Christian society — that Brotherhood of Man — 
that was engrafted, by the Church of Christ, into the 
affairs of a Pagan and barbarous world. When these 
guilds, of culture and of craft, were despoiled by the 
hand of an apostate priest and a wicked king, the best 
and the bravest were sent to the rack and the scaffold 
while the defenseless multitude were ground in the dust. 
Slowly, since God is good and the spirit of man is free, 
a readjustment so vast as to be planned by no man's hand 
is bringing, once more, the people into their own. By 
the genius of men the bounties of God are now set so 
free that the necessities, aye the elegancies of living 


are seen to be suflBcient for all. Truly it is not a dearth 
of material goods but the arrogant spirit of the rich that 
straps on the back of the poor a burden too great for men 
to bear. 

Evidently the conclusion is plain — The captains of 
industry — commerce — finance must choose between 
self-reformation or the deluge. Yet, the wisdom of God 
is in no man's hand ; while the innocent ever suffer with 
the guilty. 

So much for this phase of Socialist-Bolsheviki 'propa- 
ganda in our country. What does the scribe tell of the 
preparation of the soil for the revolution over seas? 
There is the self -same determined attempt to undermine 
the loyalty of the army and navy in every country in 
which there has and is an active Socialist movement. 
Marx and Engels heavily oversowed the sentiment of 
national loyalty with the cockle of international bravado 
and much of it has ripened into rank fruit throughout 
Europe. With confidence Victor Grayson (Wigand, 
Eng. Sep. 23, 1907) expresses the view that Socialist 
propaganda is taking effect: 

"I am looking to the time when the British soldier will 
emulate his brother of the National Guard of France and, 
when asked to fire upon the People who are fighting for 
their rights, will turn his rifle in the other direction. We 
are making a Socialist of Tommy Atkins by propaganda 
work in the Army." 

Bernard Shaw's voice is still more powerful. By 
tongue and pen he has long served the cause of the 


revolution, by breaking down faith in God ; love of coun- 
try ; the integrity of the family and the belief in private 
property. His estimate of the soldier is given in " John 
Bull's Other Island " : 

" The Soldier is an anachronism of which we must get 
rid — military service produces moral imbecility, ferocity, 
and cowardice. — For permanent work, the soldier is worse 
than useless; such efficiency as he has is the result of de- 
humanization and disablement. His whole training tends 
to make him a weakling." 

L'Humanite, the leading Socialist daily published 
in Paris, gives out an interview with Bernard Shaw that 
is characteristic: 

"If war should eventually come to England, the English 
Socialists should not hesitate to advise the sabotage of the 

Asked if such advice would likely be carried into effect, 
Shaw said : 

" We may reasonably hope so. The British navy has be- 
come indoctrinated with the new ideas. You must know 
that there is neither a destroyer nor a cruiser that does 
not carry with it on each cruise new revolutionary pamphlets, 
that the crew of the Jupite, a warship of the first class, was 
disbanded some years ago because there were at least a 
hundred anti-militarists among them." 

Army and Navy Journal makes it the subject of an 
editorial (May 6, 1911): 


" SociAjjsT Crippling of Waeships " 

" The frequent inexplicable disasters to Erench warships 
which have so often been held up as a want of naval seaman- 
ship are now, since the discovery of sabotage, attributed 
to these cowardly miscreants who cripple a ship in such 
a way that it becomes helpless at a critical moment and 
either goes on the rocks, founders, or is the victim of a 
mysterious explosion in the boiler rooms. A few months 
ago the sights of the big guns of H. M. S. Irresistible were 
thrown overboard, and this disabling of the armament was 
ascribed to members of the crew, although the perpetrators 
coidd not be found. The fact that so serious an expression 
of mutinous discontent came at a time when the Socialists 
boast that the Royal Navy is honeycombed with their theories 
is sufficient to arouse inquiry as to where such agitation 
will stop." 

It is by holding in mind the philosophy of Socialism 
that one is enabled to understand why the deeds of 
" these cowardly miscreants who cripple a ship in such 
a way that it becomes helpless at a critical moment " 
are works of heroic virtue in the view of those who ar- 
rogate to themselves the mission of creating the " new 
society." The Chicago Daily Socialist (May 25, 
1909) exultantly announces that "Socialists Mar Ship 
Launching." It tells with pride of the occasion in 
Brest, France, where Socialists singing " L'lnterna- 
tional," prevented the battleship Danton from leaving 
the stocks and rejoices that " a strong Socialist spirit 
prevails among the employees " of the works. The 
source of these disasters to French battleships is coolly 
pointed out — the new revolutionary pamphlets, so in- 


dustriouslj circulated by the comrades, first created the 
" Socialist spirit " and this same spirit finds its outlet 
in sabotage. Without a doubt, the battleship lena was 
deliberately set on fire by this spirit that animated the 
Socialist sailory. 

From Norway came the news, through their leading 
Socialist Daily (New York Call, Sept. 20, 1911), that 
nearly two hundred soldiers were court-martialed and 
sentenced in Christiania " for breaking the military 
code." The comment following encourages others to do 
likewise : 

" There ia, however, no doubt that the Socialist propaganda 
is immediately responsible for the revolt." — and that " the 
Socialist agitation among the Soldiers continues unabated." 

Although the spirit of revolt is carried by Socialist 
propaganda into the military system of every country in 
Europe it shall be sufiicient to show their efforts to 
undermine loyalty, somewhat in detail, here at home. 

The Dick Mllitaby Law 

Ever alert to further their cause the Dick Military 
law was made a storm center of agitation, long before it 
was put into operation. The ground upon which their 
argument rings its fruitful charges is the fear that when 
the day comes — as come it must — for the class con- 
scious proletariat to " mount the barricades and fight 
like tigers " a well ordered and loyal army may be 
sufficiently strong to put down the Revolution. Hence, 
the Socialist duty is to weaken the defensive arm of the 
nation. Their agitators have no scruples as to the 


means to be employed since the norm of their philosophy 
sets it down that what furthers the cause is moral and 
what retards the cause is immoral. In 1908 their most 
proficient propagandists began to center opposition upon 
this and that provision of the Dick Military Law. 
Resolutions, newspaper articles, essays and editorials by 
the hundreds have been written against the law, while it 
has been made the theme of thousands of lectures and 
soapbox talks. The 'Na.t Com. of the Socialist Party 
(Oct., 1917) endorsed the plan for a 

" National campaign of protest against '{he so-called Dick 
Military Law and advises all divisions of our party organiza- 
tion to hold meetings for education and protest . . ." 

Their Official Bulletin (Oct., 1907) in ringing tones 
advises the comrades to conduct meetings with " the 
same vigor as characterized the Moyer-Haywood meet- 
tings " which contributed in no slight degree to the 
discharge of the murder case against their idol — " Big 
Bill " Haywood. In voting yes upon the proposed 
campa-ign the ISTational Committeeman of Lousiana, Van 
Brook, says: 

"In regard to protest against the 'Dick Military Bill' 
will say I do not see how any Socialist could well vote 
against repealing this infamous bill, when considering the 
power it gives the dominating class over the rights of the 
laboring class." 

The Pennsylvania l^ational Committeeman, James 
Maurer, agrees : " I cannot think of any better work 
for us Socialists than to hammer their fiendish plot to 


pieces." The Ohio National Committeeman, Divine, 
rejoices that the Toledo Central Labor Union was lined 
up to protest " ere this motion was made." 

In passing it is but just to say that very few of the ^ 
trade union bodies were inveigled into adopting resolu- 
tions in protest to this law, by the Socialist agitators 
within their unions. These bodies were somewhat in- 
formed by the action of the American Federation of 
Labor, as it had reported adversely about this time upon 
a resolution against the Dick Military Law at one of its 
national conventions. 

Perhaps it should not be surprising, since none are 
so blind as those who refuse to see, that even men from 
Missouri had not demanded to be shown what in fact 
the provisions of the Dick Law are. Surely there had 
been time enough for thought for investigation. But 
evidently no candid examination of the proposed bill was 
made, although it was thoroughly discussed in Congress 
and throughout the country, before its passage. Nor 
has there been an honest attempt to understand its con- 
tent since its passage in 1903, for denunciation waxed 
hot and furious up to the time of our entrance into the 
world war. Which, of course, supplied Socialism with 
a much more fruitful source of treasonable propaganda. 
From a multitude of data we select quotations to show 
how vehement Socialist opposition is to an eflficient mili- 
tary system. The meaning is clear, since their only 
hope is in a " Red Guard." 

In the Socialist State convention of Missouri (Jeffer- 
son City, Sept. 13, 1910) it was " Resolved, that we 


demand the repeal of the so-called Dick Military Law 
which, by order of the President of these United States, 
makes possible conscript soldiers of free citizens, and is, 
therefore, against the spirit and character of a free 
democratic country." Of course, all good citizens know 
that this declaration is as false as it is unpatriotic. Be- 
sides, if lovers of democracy are not ready to give their 
lives in defense of a free country, surely there is no 
security for the blessings of peace. 

The Socialist Party in Convention (1904) declared: 
" By the Dick Militia bill liability to compulsory service 
has been imposed upon every male citizen between the 
ages of 18 and Jf5, and that merely at the caprice of the 
President." (Page 165, Proceedings, S.P., Nat. Com., 
May 4, 1914.) 

The American Socialist — National oflScial organ 
of the Socialist Party (Chicago, Aug. 15, 1914) con- 
fuses their readers by asking : " Do you know that 
under the Dick military law every able-bodied male 
citizen of the United States over 18 and under 45 is a 
member of the National Guard ' Reserve Army,' and can 
be legally summoned to military service by the president 
without the authority of Congress? And do you know 
that this is a greater military power than the head of 
any other government on earth is given ? Do you know 
that the working-class of the United States is up against 
the most cunning group of capitalists in all the world ? 

These leaders should have known, but perhaps they 
did not, that what they call "the nigger in the wood- 


pile " namely, that universal liability to military service 
for every able-bodied man within specific age did not 
come into existence together with their mental excite- 
ment. As a matter of fact this section of the law is as 
old as our Eepublic itself. It is the provision under 
which President Lincoln called out our troops during 
the Civil War and President McKinley during the 
Spanish- American War. This section, the law of May 
5, 1792, enacted during the Washington administration 
reads : 

ROLLED IN THE MILITIA." (Section 1625, Revised 

But why should facts be regarded by Socialist propa- 
ganda? Their mission is to create what is rationally 
unthinkable — " a classless society." Yet the Ameri- 
can Socialist would have the comrades : 


" This outrageous law was sneaked through both 
houses and signed by Theodore, the best friend the trusts 
ever had." — (International Socialist Review, Sept., 
1910.) Yet current history testifies that the matter was 
several times up before the 57th congress, during which 
time copies of the bill had been placed in the hands of 
leading military authorities and had received their 
unanimous approval. 



" So you see, brother workingmen you belong to what is 
virtually the Standing Army of the United States, and are 
liable to the call of the President at any moment. You 
may be called upon to go down to Mexico and protect Ameri- 
can property, though in your ' Own United States ' you are 
not permitted to possess any," says the editor of the Com- 
monwealth. (Everett, Washington, Aug. 28, 1913.) 

If its readers were to think they might realize that 
sound opinion takes neither one extreme or the other; 
and if they were to read, a little history on this point 
they might realize that American citizens have ever been 
subject to call. 

" Think " how irresponsible Socialist speech is ! 
Yet, there is no proof that they evolved from the monkey 
as they delight to believe. " Our Gene " Debs says : 

" Your time may come in America. Every man from 18 
to Jf5 years is a soldier whether you Tcnow it or not. The 
Dick military law was parsed in a surreptitious manner. 
You are not to he consulted as to whether you are killed or 
not." (The California Social Democrat, Los Angeles, Feb. 
13, 1915.) 

Even the headlines are enough food for thought for 
these makers of proletarian society : 


The Plutes Put this Over on You During Roose- 
velt's Reign; Through the Aid of Senator Dick 
— Accordingly; You are Forced to Go to War; 
If They So Desire " 

(New England Socialist, Dec. 8, 1915.) 


While the exclamation " Every American Wage-Slave 
a Soldier! " sets many an embryo Bolshevik on fire for 
his cause; so it is an easy matter to keep up a con- 
tinual agitation for what is imagined to be freedom 
from " capitalist rule." 

Yet, after all, the multitudes who follow after their 
Socialist leaders are, in truth, more sinned against than 
sinning. They are God's little ones, the little brothers 
of those who are given great talents for organization, 
for the production of wealth on a vast scale. It is 
because this brotherhood has been so flagrantly denied 
in these our days of luxurious living that invites this 
Scourge of God to cleanse the State. Since it were 
better to have a millstone hanged about one's neck than 
to offend one of the little ones. 

However, quite to one side from the perverse spirit 
cultivated by such opposition to a good law, it illustrates 
clearly a characteristic of Socialist propaganda. The 
flattery of ignorance plays an immense role in gathering 
together this force of revolt. The Socialist leaders boast 
that there are no leaders in the movement ; the followers 
of the leaders boast no less loudly that Socialists have 
no leaders ! All the while leaders strive to hold leader- 
ship and to gain leadership. So a chief means of bring- 
ing converts into camp is the flattery of the 
working-class by their leaders that they are destined to 
create a free society. And the self-flattery of the rank 
and file that they have no leaders since they have in- 
stituted the referendum vote. To this double and 
twisted ignorance and bad faith is added the taunt of 


the leaders that the workers follow like slaves after their 
capitalist masters. On the other hand the workers hold 
the lash of suspicion over their leaders — the fear that 
thej will go over to the capitalist class in obedience 
to self-interest, the strongest motive that Socialist 
philosophy acknowledges. All the while mistrust 
breeds mistrust in the sanity of things human. Truly 
the blind lead the blind, since it is safe to say that 
ninety-nine out of the hundred take their opinions from 
their spokesmen. Not merely with regard to the Dick 
military law, but upon all questions presented by those 
who threaten the stability of government throughout 
the world. Thus it is, while leaders deny, and are 
denied, leadership, they flatter their followers and mount 
up to the dizzy throne of irresponsible power. It is 
said, with much truth, that all the Bolsheviki leaders of 
Eussia got their training on the East Side of New York 
City. No need to question further — why all this pro- 
test for all these years against the Dick Military Law ? 
It is merely a commonplace event in working for Social- 
ism since " there is such a thing as mutiny." It is 
something to fulminate against — an opportunity to 
indoctrinate wage-slaves with the spirit of class-con- 
scious revolt against law and order. 

We shall place in contrast the arguments that led up 
to this act of the 5Yth Congress. For a well-regulated 
militia had been the ambition of every President from 
Washington to Roosevelt, under whose administration 
the Dick Military Law was enacted. 


President Washington (1 IQJi.) : 

" The devising and establishing of a well-regulated militia 
would be a genuine source of legislative honor and a perfect 
title to public gratitude." 

President Jefferson (1808) : 

"For a people who are free, and who mean to remain so, 
a well-organized and armed militia is their best security. 
It is, therefore, incumbent on us at every meeting to revise 
the condition of the militia, and to ask ourselves if it is 
prepared to repel a powerful enemy at every point of our 
territories exposed to invasion. Some of the States have 
paid a laudable attention to this subject; but every degree 
of neglect is to be found among others." 

President Lincoln (1861) : 

" The recommendation of the Secretary (of war) for the 
organization of the militia on a uniform basis is a subject 
of vital importance to the future safety of the country and 
is commended to the serious attention of Congress." 

President Roosevelt (1901) : 

" Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The organi- 
zation and armament of the National Guard of the several 
States — should be made identical with those provided 
for the regular forces. The obligations and duties of the 
guard in time of war should be carefully defined. — It 
is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of im- 
pending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements 
have not been made long beforehand." 

It was our experience made in the Spanish-American 


War (1898) that forced upon the attention of the 57th 
Congress the utter inadequacy of the old statutes of 
1792. During the process of mobilization some of the 
volunteer regiments were found practically without 
arms or equipment. We have need only to say, that 
the consequences of the Dick Military Law have made 
of our military force one harmonious whole — a bul- 
wark of national security. 

Even so, the impudence of Socialist propaganda knows 
no bounds. In " 'War, ^hai For? " (p. 171) a book 
that Eugene V. Debs calls " an immortal achievement," 
the author — some time vice-presidential nominee of the 
Socialist Party, declares that he " has urged capitalist 
editors all over 

" The United States to publish the Dick law. He has of- 
fered to pay for space at liberal advertising rates in which to 
print ten to one hundred lines of this law. He has not 
succeeded in finding a capitalist editor who would thus reveal 
the treachery of his class lurking in this law. This law is 
a rough-ground sword against the rousing, rising working- 
class in the United States, a law more important to the work- 
ingclass than any other law passed since the middle of the 
nineteenth century." 

This unblushing effrontery passes at par as an un- 
answerable argument — a spur to urge Socialists on to 
do what they can to promote the spirit of mutiny within 
and to do what they can to prevent American citizens 
from joining either the army or the navy. It is fair 
to conclude that the letter from our then Secretary of 
War correctly expressed the mind of the country and 


that his view of the Dick military bill, then pending, 
has been realized. 

" I am confident that when it is enacted and put into 
force the organization and regulation of the citizen soldiery, 
upon whom our country must in the main rely in its future 
wars, will be far more efficient than it has ever been before, 
and that it will give to the United States at a minimum of 
expense a defensive power greater than could be obtained 
by the expenditure of a million dollars annually in main- 
taining a larger standing army, and I am also confident 
that it will greatly promote the practical importance, the 
dignity, and efficiency of the National Guard throughout 
the United States. 

" Sincerely yours, 
" (Signed) Elihu Root, 
"Secretary of War." 

Here again, we point out the proof that the repudia- 
tion of principles legitimate to organized society is 
merely a means to the overthrow of Christian civiliza- 
tion. As has been seen, conscription is assumed to be 
an outrage — a crime — when it is used in the protec- 
tion of a nation — of our own country. But, when it 
is used in the interest of the world revolution then it 
is a commendable means of securing complete power by 
the working class. In Russia — as they imagine, the 
first of all the nations to fall under the sway of the 
red flag — conscription is now not a reprobate principle 
but rather " an honor given only to the toilers." We 
quote from The Fundamental Law of the Constitution 
adopted at the 5th All-Russian Congress of Soviets 
(July 10, 1918) : 


" For the purpose of securing the working class in the 
possession of the complete power, and in order to eliminate 
all possibility of restoring the power of the exploiters, it is 
decreed that all toilers be armed, and that a Socialist Red 
Army be organized and the propertied class be disarmed. 

"For the purpose of defending the victory of the great 
peasants' and workers' revolution, the Russian Socialist 
Federated Soviet Republic recognizes the duty of all citizens 
of the Republic to come to the defense of their Socialist 
Fatherland, and it, therefore, introduces universal military 
training. The honor of defending the revolution with arms 
is given only to the toilers, and the non-toiling elements 
are charged with the performance of other military duties." 

Citizen Abmy 

In the nature of the case one must look for the cause 
of Socialist action to principles that are in direct op- 
position to those that have ever and shall ever, prompt 
men to acts of loyal and disinterested service to their 
country. Otherwise one may not understand the mo- 
tives of the men who work for the Revolution. It is 
no slight matter constantly to hold in mind a false 
concept of human nature — that the individual and the 
race is utterly void of an innate consciousness of right 
and wrong. Yet, this must be done to gage correctly 
the Socialist assumption that a series of class-struggles 
has controlled the actions of men up to the days in 
which we live. That the pending class-struggle is final, 
because it is expected to climax in the overthrow of 
the capitalist class of the whole world by the working 
class. During the transitional period, a proletarian 
dictatorship — such as that of Lenin in Eussia — shall. 


upon the ruins of private property operated for profit, 
establish an administration of industry by a classless 
society. It should thus be seen that the Socialist vision 
reduces the moral force of religion to the status of super- 
stition and that it would reduce the military force to 
impotency by converting the soldiers to its perverse 
vievs^ of all things human. 

The citizen army has long been a topic for the Social- 
ist orator. He has appealed to popular sympathy on 
the ground of lessening the burden of taxation due to the 
maintenance of large standing armies in continental 
Europe, and at once to the hope of his comrades of 
arming the workers for revolt. One after another their 
international congresses have declared for the " citizen 
army." At Stuttgart (1907) it was resolved: 

" The Congress sees in the democratic organization of 
armies, as expressed in the so-called 'citizen armies,' in 
place of standing armies, a good guarantee against war- 
like attacks of one nation by another, and against the exist- 
ence of national differences." 

This resolve was not meant to apply directly to the 
United States or to Great Britain, countries which 
have no standing armies in the Continental sense," as 
the Chairman of the Committee on Militarism reported, 
it was rather meant to express the objective of Socialists 
in general, as a means to an end. 

In our own country, they generally use the " citizens' 
army " — " Every man a citizen, every citizen a sol- 
dier " — to connote the Swiss military system. In 


"Socialism in Theory and Practise" (p. 30) Morris 
Hillquit sajs : " The military system of Switzerland is 
the Socialist model of existing military organizations." 
What was dubbed " the pistol resolution " came be- 
fore the convention of the American Federation of Labor 
regularly, year after year. Victor Berger, a delegate, 
was its author: 

"Eesolved, By the twenty-fifth annual convention of the 
American Federation of Labor, that we declare our inten- 
tion, and hereby instruct all affiliated bodies, to hold abso- 
lutely aloof from all connection with the militia, until the 
military system in vogue in Switzerland, or a similar system, 
is adopted in the United States." 

To be sure, Mr. Berger's resolution was defeated time 
after time, as it was presented, yet, it was deemed a 
victory for Socialism ! Did it not give Comrade Berger 
an opportunity to advise workingmen " to hold aloof 
from all connection with the army ? " Did not his bril- 
liant talk furnish copy for the press ? 

Among Socialists it is a common practise to hold 
the militia up to scorn before audiences, in their news- 
papers, pamphlets and books, as a strike-breaking in- 
strument of the capitalist class. Whether or not the 
community was justified in calling for the protection of 
the militia during a strike makes not the slightest dif- 
ference, since Socialism does not thrive upon sincerity. 
Undoubtedly, the militia has at times been unduly used 
to break the backbone of strikes. But such occasions 
have been few compared to those where wholesale 


skughter of life and destruction of millions of property 
■would have resulted had not an armed force been on 
guard. The Lawrence, Mass., strike of 1912 is a case 
in point. We were privileged to witness the good work 
of the old Massachusetts Ninth. But for its presence, 
Haywood, Ettor, Giovanatti and the followers of the 
" No God, no master " element would have laid waste 
the city and sent thousands of persons, unprepared, to 
death. There should be no mistaking their intention. 
The International Socialist Review (Feb., 1912) re- 
ports an address by Mr. Haywood in Cooper Union, 
New York City, delivered under the auspices of the 
Socialist Party that typifies their revolutionary senti- 
ments : 

"I despise the law (tremendous applause and shouts of 
* No ! ') and I am not a law-abiding citizen. (Applause.) 
And more than that, no Socialist can be a law-abiding citi- 
zen. (Applause.) When we come together and are of a 
common mind, and the purpose of our mind is to over- 
throw the capitalist system, we become conspirators then 
against the United States Government. And, certainly it 
is our purpose to abolish this government (Applause) and 
establish in its place an industrial democracy (Applause). 
Now, we haven't any hesitation in saying that that is our 
aim and purpose. Am I correct? (Tremendous applause.) 
Am I absolutely correct when I state this as being the posi- 
tion of the Socialist party not only in New York, but in 
the United States and of every nation in the world? (Ap- 
plause.) " 

To make emphatic Mr. Haywood's declaration, his 
address was commended editorially by the International 


Socialist Review. " To those who want to put an end 
to capitalism, and who wonder whether the Socialist 
Party members really mean what they say when they 
call themselves revolutionists." 

To make assurance doubly sure that " Big Bill " 
spoke the Socialist mind " straight out in meeting " the 
Emergency Convention (1917) five years later, de- 
clared : "^ The end and aim of the Socialist party is 
revolution/' The means to the end is set out in the 
Bolsheviki Call for an International Communist Con- 
gress (Jan., 1919) : 

" The first task of the proletariat consists to-day of the 
immediate seizure of government power, substituting in its 
place the power of proletariat." 

" The fundamental condition of the struggle is the mass 
action of the proletariat, developing into open armed attack 
on the governmental powers of Capitalism." 

The expectation has been that a citizen army would 
supply the guns for this " mass action " against what- 
soever armed force should come to the defense of civil 
society resting on the natural rights of men, which 
Socialism denies. In their fervescent imagination the 
Rock of Ages has been blasted once for all. Conse- 
quently any defense of the principles of the Decalogue is 
but an ignorant and vicious attempt to hold on to a 
passing order in the evolution of the race from the ape 
to the superman. The State Constabulary which in 
Pennsylvania has been wisely set up to police the rural 
districts and to relieve the militia from the disagreeable 


duty incident to the protection of life and property in 
times of strike is put in the category with the militia 
— mere murderers for the capitalist class. It is alleged 
not to exist for the maintenance of peace and order, but 
rather it " is one of the instruments of class rule." 

Their case is simply this — no defense of any kind 
is acceptable for the protection of civil society that 
recognizes and exercises the right of private property as 
natural to the human constitution. What is wanted is 
the Red Guard to aid the proletariat in getting posses- 
sion of private capital and to defend its confiscation once 
it has by " right of might " come into their hands. 

Of course, the citizen army is no new thing, it existed 
in Jamestown and in Plymouth many years before its 
adoption in Switzerland. Besides it is advocated by 
many persons for reasons quite contrary to those pro- 
posed by the followers of Marx, Engels, Hillquit and 
Berger. Their idea is that " each soldier should retain 
his firearm with at least two hundred rounds of 
ammunition, furnished by the government, in his 

The Socialism of To^ay (K Y., 1916, p. 614), 
written by four persons of distinction amongst their 
comrades (William English Walling, J. G. Phelps 
Stokes, Jessie Wallace Hughan, Harry W. Laidler), 
frankly states that " Socialists always have in mind the 
great revolutionary possibility in putting arms in the 
hands of every citizen." 

The same subversive motive prompts the British 
Socialists to advocate a citizen army. We quote from 


Brougham Villiers of the Independent Lahor Party. 
(The Socialist Review j London, Jan.-March, 1915.) 

" Only perhaps, when the citizen army is defended on the 
ground that it in time of revolution a professional army 
would fire on the people, while a citizen army would refuse 
to do so, does the propaganda have any relation to other 
Socialist ideas." 

" The idea seems to be that the people will some day rise 
in mass against their oppressors and demand the downfall 
of capitalism — . Probably in such a case an alarmed 
capitalist government would proclaim martial law and order 
out the soldiers to suppress the rising. Soldiers accustomed 
to barrack discipline would be more likely to obey than those 
of a ' citizen ' army, but there is no certainty either way. 
There have been mutinies against intolerable orders among 
all sorts of troops, while even the slackest militia discipline 
may be enough." 

The report of the debate on militarism and national 
defense by the 30th conference of the Social Democratic 
Party of Great Britain records the point that the 
Socialists of the Paris Commune — 1871 — were able 
to make their stand because the people had been armed. 
Arguing therefrom it was concluded that, as the people 
have the direct right of insurrection, with a citizen army 
in every country, free from military law : '' Every 
man would be trained in the use of arms, and when 
the time comes for them to shoot, every man would he 
able to decide which way he was going to shoot." 

Truly, good plans will not work! In Switzerland 
more than one opportunity had come for the proletariat 
to decide which way to shoot. They decided against 
the Socialists' way to shoot. Whereupon the 1915 Con- 


gress of the Swiss Socialists refused further support 
to the citizen army. Now these mutinous grapes hang 
so high that they sour in the sun. After all, rifles in 
every man's home would be of little use in an insur- 
rection where Capitalists have the use of the govern- 
ment's machine guns. So it works out that " antagon- 
ism to all systems of national armament " is proposed. 
After much discussion over the " concoctions dished out 
by Berger " year after year in advocacy of the Swiss 
military system the 1916 convention of the Socialist 
Party resolved : " The proletariat of the world has but 
one enemy, the capitalist class, whether at home or 
abroad. We must refuse to put into the hands of this 
enemy an armed force even under the guise of a ' demo- 
cratic army,' as the worlcers of Australia and Switzer- 
land have done." 

No, this does not denote a return to loyalty — to 
sanity. It rather indicates that this womout mode of 
propaganda is being replaced by newer pieces of sedi- 
tion. Miss Jane Addams aids greatly in spreading one 
under the ironical title: " Newer Ideals of Peace " (p. 
232 ). What, indeed, would take place should the prole- 
tariat refuse to fight as a capitalist army ? " That, the 
government can not put the whole population in prison, 
and if it could, it would still be without material for 
an army, and without money for its support, is an almost 
irrefutable argument. We see here (passive resistance 
put into practise) at least the beginnings of a sentiment 
that shall, if sufficiently developed, muke war impossible 
to an entire people." 


The Russian Bolsheviki are using another — a much 
more forceful but not more disloyal — method of up- 
setting the stability of nations. No doubt it will soon 
be communicated for use in our own free America: 
With the demand for a Red Guard under the dictator- 
ship of their four times Presidential nominee — Eugene 
Victor Debs. 

Making Pervekts of Soldiers 

The demand for a propaganda directed especially to 
the Army and Navy was pressed in the 1908 National 
Convention of the Socialist Party and it became more 
insistent at the Convention of 1912. Delegate John 
Spargo, submitted a resolution that met with unanimous 
approval of the body: 

"Propaganda in the Army and Navy 

" Whereas, In the class struggle the military is often the 
first and always the last resort of the ruling class; and 

" Whereas, The army, the navy, the militia and the police 
offer a fertile field for the dissemination of Socialist teach- 
ings; and 

" Whereas, The growth of Socialist thought among the 
armed defenders of capitalism tends to reduce the power of 
the ruling class to rule and outrage the working class, and 
thus to end the oppression and violence that labor suffers, 

" Be it Resolved, That the N. E. Committee be instructed 
to secure the services of such a comrade or comrades as 
have made a special study of war and militarism, and that 
such comrade or comrades prepare special appropriate leaflets 
to distribute among soldiers, sailors, militia and police. 

" Resolved, That the N. E. Committee publish such leaflets 


and pamphlets and offer for sale through the usual channels, 
and that in addition an organized effort be made for the 
distribution of such leaflets among all the armed defenders 
of capitalist-class rule and among all military organizations 
and all government homes for disabled soldiers and sailors." 
(Indianapolis, May 16, 1912.) 

Incidental to the adoption of this resolution, the 
discussion of a bill just passed by the Massachusetts 
legislature, making it a criminal offense " to talk anti- 
militarism," brought forth information as to what had 
already been done contrary to the Massachusetts law. 
We quote data from widely separated sections of the 
country : 

From California, Delegate Ered. C. Wheeler : 

" Recently in speaking with a sailor on one of the battle- 
ships, he told me there were 74 Socialists upon that one 
battleship and that they had a circulating library there 
and that literature (Socialist writings) was being circulated 
there and on other ships." 

Erom Washington, Delegate Kate Sadler : 

"I am in favor of our propaganda reaching not only 
the sailor but the soldier. I have lived in a navy yard 
town on the Pacific coast by the name of Brennerton. . . . 
We have had applications for membership in that local from 
the sailors, and we try as far as we can to organize the 
boys and have them organize a local upon their battleships. 
At one navy yard there is an organization of 100 members 
of the Socialist party. There is no ground so ripe for 
Socialism as upon the battleships. I have been upon them 
almost every Sunday afternoon, talking in my small way, 


and I have found the field ripe. Down in Vancouver, 
Washington, I have sold more literature to the army boys 
than I have to the citizens of Vancouver. Therefore, I am 
willing that we should throw this back in the teeth of the 
Legislature of Massachusetts." 

Erom Rhode Island, Delegate James P. Reid : 

" I rise to speak upon this resolution. The Socialist .move- 
ment needs this propaganda. In our state I recall, not very 
many weeks ago, something of the arguments made on a 
bill in the Rhode Island Legislature, appropriating $95,000 
for an armory and for an armed guard for Rhode Island. 
In answer to the objections to the bill a member read a 
tirade against Socialism lasting one hour and a half. The 
point I want to make is this, that he brought those points 
conclusively out. He said, ' Gentlemen, I appeal to you to 
support unanimously this proposition, which is for the de- 
fense of this glorious country. There is an important factor 
that we must consider. We need a national guard; we need 
a national militia. We need it to suppress that organized 
band of traitors. Dr. Reid, Bill Haywood, John M. Work ' — 
and he enumerated a lot more of conspirators — ' and to save 
the country.' The capitalists are on their job. They know 
what they need. It is simply force that they need, and they 
will use it. I appeal to you to pass unanimously this reso- 
lution, and show the capitalist class that the Socialist party 
are also on to their job. (Applause.) " (Proceedings, Nat. 
Com., S. P., Indianapolis, May 16, 1912, p. 85.) 

Long before the law was written the unwritten law, 
resting upon the spirit of revolt, had prompted strenuous 
attempts at perverting the soldiers. The Appeal to 
Reason — at one time having a paid up subscription of 
about 400,000, not to mention its enormous bundle 


order circulation — had so offended as to cause an in- 
vestigation to be made by the Navy League. Nothing 
could have so stimulated the Appeal; it gave an excuse 
to prod its volunteer army " to get busy." " Tends to 
Treason " was proudly flaunted as the headline of an 
article telling of the investigation (Feb. 10, 1912). 
Words were not enough ! — a picture of a soldier, sitting 
on a log in camp with his rifle resting on the ground, 
oblivious to all else, reading the Appeal, told the whole 
story at a glance. The members of the Agitation 
League had for three years been sending " five copies 
of our paper each week to all reading rooms connected 
with American army posts in the United States and its 
possessions and to such permanent addresses of marines 
as we could secure." Hereafter, the comrades were 
advised to send sealed packages of papers. " They dare 
not proceed against us on the ground of treason — be- 
cause it is not treason to ask men to vote the Social- 
ist iicTcet. . . . Our readers will send the Appeal 
to the soldiers and sailor hoys in spite of the Army 
and Navy League. These gold braids may shout 
treason until they are black in the face! On with the 

The official organ — Weekly Bulletin — reports suc- 
cess : '' Reliable information is at hand that Socialist 
literature is more freely circulated than ever on the war- 
ships of Uncle Sam. On a number of ships copies of 
Kirkpatrick's book are going the rounds and being read 
with interest." 

Meanwhile, the exhortation went out to probable 


recruits : " Don't enlist for Mexican campaign until 
you have read — War, What For ? " It is needless to 
suggest that this book incites to treason. 

In the story of an Ex-soldier, Now Socialist we give 
one of many incidents in proof of the demoralizing 
effects of this propaganda. We quote from ^'^ An Army 
Patriot Gets Wise/' (Anti-Military Edition the 
World, Socialist weekly. ) 

" I wish to write a few lines of personal experience. 

"I soldiered in the artillery branch of the regular army. 
Have been under Generals Funston, Moore and MacArthur. 
Am now a militant Socialist and a member of the G. A. S. P., 

* Grand Army of the Socialist Party.' 

" Once on a time a fool notion led me to enlist in the 
artillery corps of the regular United States army. 

" Prom history and experience I learned armies were 
weapons of working class intimidation at home and robbery 
and exploitation abroad. 

" Before I enlisted I had ' Socialistic leanings ' of the 

* public-ownership ' type. Before I was discharged I had 
Socialist convictions of the Marxian type. 

" One night, on Grant avenue in San Francisco, I heard 
a soap-boxer discuss real Socialism. Though wearing my 
army uniform, I elbowed through the crowd, close to the 
feet of the speaker. His talk was a revelation to me. I 
asked questions concerning the economic view of the 

" On my return to the Presidio military reservation, filled 
with enthusiasm (the real life, at last!) and carrying big 
bundles of Socialist propaganda literature and anti-military 
pamphlets, I started to convert the army. 

" Several officers tried to have me court-martialed on 
a charge of treason. The plot failed only because I had 


a friend (an artillery captain) who stood by me and helped 
defend me from the 'gentlemen by act of Congress.' 

"I was a happy man when I received my discharge from 
the military tyranny. I am for absolute Socialism now, 
either through force or agitation. 

"Arthur Egos, 
" Secretary Local Watsonville Socialist Party of California." 

The same tactics are in force in Europe, though not 
in some instances so brazenly pursued. We have before 
us a copy of the Coming Nation (Girard, Kansas, June 
17, 1911) telling of the secret processes by which the 
Young Socialist Guards spread propaganda amongst the 
Belgian soldiers. La Caserne (The Barracks) accuses 
the Fatherland with lying and advises Socialist read- 
ing as a corrective for the patriotism of the capitalist 

" They tell us that the army is necessary to safeguard 
our country " — " Educate yourself " — it is " the capitalists 
for whom alone armies are necessaries. Read much and 

It was then generally believed that no European war 
of consequence could take place, on the assumption that 
loyalty to their command was too nearly extinct in the 
armies. Eobert Hunter — an author of international 
fame — voiced this opinion freely in " The Joke of 
Militarism." It was thought certain that the armies of 
Germany, France, England and elsewhere were so thor- 
oughly imbued with " class consciousness " that in case 
of war the soldiers would " Round about face " and 
shoot their officers and then their economic rulers. 


The " Joke " went throughout the Socialist press. It 
reads in part as follows: 

" There may be another great international war some time. 
I doubt it. 

" The German emperor does not fear the English or the 
French, or any other nation one-thousandth part as much 
as he fears his own people. 

" The French rulers are more afraid of the French people 
than they are of the English or German armies. 

" The American government has nothing to fear from any 
other nation on earth. It knows perfectly well that if war 
breaks out, it will be because it has incited war by its own 
provocative action. 

" All these gigantic armies gathered at the borders of 
the nations, looking fiercely across imaginary lines, are pre- 
pared for one order — ' Roundabout face ! March on your 
own kindred ! ' 

" Since the days of the Commune the nations of the world 
have been preparing, not for international wars, but for 
civil wars." (Anti-Military Edition, the World, Oakland, 
Calif., Mar. 12, 1909.) 

This pose was likewise taken in our own country. 
It was all a matter of " patriots getting wise." With 
a flourish of pride their press reported the haling into 
court of one of their national lecturers — Lena Morrow 
Lewis — for defaming the men in the khaki and the 
blue. As a rule " the scum of society join the army and 
navy " : 

"But there are exceptions to this; there are good men in 
the army, and these are getting their eyes open. If it ever 
comes to a crisis in this country they will probably follow 


the example of German soldiers and refuse to shoot down 
the working class of their own or any other country." 

The assumption of a round-about-face in case of war 
was, in fact, made in Germany and from there it over- 
flowed to the rest of the Socialist world. August Bebel, 
speaking to his German constituency (1911), boasted: 

" Our rulers think that the same enthusiasm will reveal 
itself in a future war as in 1870. (A voice : ' Not likely.') 
I should think so. They have made their calculation with- 
out the host, and the host are we! And we are growing 
mightier every day, like the ancient Christians. ... I do 
not believe that we shall ever get a Socialist Csesar, but 
that we are getting more and more Socialist soldiers is known 
to all the sparrows on the roof. The gentlemen above us 
may find this unpleasant, but this is so. We have whole 
regiments, whose brigades from the big towns — they are all 
Socialists. Inquire among the engineers among the artillery, 
go wherever intelligence is needed, and you will find — all 

It was, however, Bebel who had counted without his 
host. Eor unlike Christians, ancient or modem. Social- 
ists make their calculations upon a false human nature. 
We shall grant that there is such a thing as mutiny. 
But the opposite characteristic in human nature is the 
normal one. In this case, the natural virtue of patriot- 
ism — that sets love and defense of country next below 
love and defense of God — was not reckoned with. 
Hence, while Socialist agitation does arouse the spirit 
of hatred and revolt to a pitch before unknown, as the 
Russian Bolshevist terror far outruns that of the terror 


of the French Revolution, there is no danger that ever 
the sanity of men can be so submerged as to effect a 
" general mutiny simultaneous with a general strihe " 
throughout the v^^orld. It is then to human nature as 
it is in truth, made in the image of God, but injured 
through the fall of man — that Europe was saved from 
complete suicide in the recent war. We may thank God 
alone for the return to right-reason by vast numbers of 
men who in Germany, Austria, Erance, Italy and Eng- 
land had been taught by Socialist propaganda to right- 
about-face and fire upon their officers rather than to 
shoot at the proletariat of the opposing armies. For the 
Marxian hope of a world dictatorship of the proletariat 
collapsed when the German Social Democrats rallied to 
the support of their government in 1914 — once again 
the point of the revolution was broken. The Inter- 
national staggered and fell. 

But, it left in its wake horror beyond human imagi- 
nation; Russia was beaten flat to the ground. The 
Socialist power to destroy should be a warning to those 
in our country who grind the face of the poor and by 
their wealth corrupt our free citizenry. For such 
destruction of hope spreads that despair that made in 
Russia a most fertile soil for the propaganda of Social- 
ism to strike root and pass on into the logical deeds of 

It should be kept in mind by us all, that the scheme 
of the " dictatorship of the proletariat," hatched in 
Germany by Karl Marx, was worked out into its practi- 
cal application by Daniel De Leon here in our own 


America. Moreover, it was in New Work, after having 
been instructed by keen minds utterly void of Christian 
culture, that the Trotskys learned how to do the deed. 

Soldiers Babked from Membebship 

It is the unwritten law of the Socialist movement that 
soldiers, especially those who volunteer, shall be refused 
membership in their organizations. This general per- 
suasion has been tested upon many occasions, generally 
with the result that the unwritten law was enforced. 
In answer to the Socialist Labor Party local of San 
Antonio, Texas, regarding the admission of soldiers into 
their organization, the National Secretary — Paul Au- 
gustine, replied: 

" While there is no constitutional provision against it, 
still there is an unwritten law that denies soldiers and 
militiamen admission into the party. In countries where 
the workers are forced into military service, the status of 
such applicants takes on a different color, but here where 
service is purely voluntary it is different." 

The State Constitution of the Socialist Party of New 
Jersey provides that " no voluntary member of the State 
Militia shall be eligible for membership/' The Social- 
ist Party of Connecticut has a similar provision; with 
the addition " that any party member now belonging to 
the militia must resign at the end of his term of service 
or be expelled from the Socialist party." The Socialist 
Party of the State of New York rejected the application 
for membership by a soldier (Call, Oct. 11, 1911). 


Many other divisions of the national movement have 
taken like action. Dr. Charles E. H. Graeb was unani- 
mouslv expelled from the Socialist Party of Colorado 
upon his refusal to resign from the ISTational Guard. 
Charles Stevenson was unanimously ordered from his 
seat on the political party town committee of Clinton, 
Mass. So vigorously is this policy carried out that 
the entire local of the Socialist party of Waltham, Mass., 
was expelled, by the Massachusetts State Committee, 
for its refusal to recall one of its members — also a 
member of the militia — who had been elected to a city 
office. The National official organ — The Worker, 
New York, editorially endorsed the suspension in no 
uncertain words. 

" When a local so flagrantly violates party discipline in so 
important a matter as that of the attitude of the party toward 
the militia," the action of the State Committee should be 
upheld by all loyal Socialists. 

In discussing this event, the New YorTc Call answers 
an inquirer: 

" It is not proper, according to Socialist principles, for 
any workingman to join the army or navy. Both of these 
are the tools of the ruling class and used to advance their 
own interests. The working class has nothing for which 
to shed its blood. Profit is the only god which still demands 
life as a sacrifice." 

Erom testimony to be found in the New Yorh Call 
(Feb. 12, 1917, only two months before we entered the 
world war) it may be seen that love of country and vol- 


untary enlistment in defense of American principles was 
regarded as an offense to the Socialist party by its mem- 
bers. Following the decisions of their National admin- 
istration to " call out members joining the army " it was 
reported : 

" In general meeting Socialist members of Manhattan de- 
cided yesterday to reaffirm the position taken by the national 
organization to expel all members voluntarily enlisting in 
the Army and Navy." 

One week later, the Brooklyn division of Socialists an- 
nounced their hostility to our country : 

" In general meeting of the Socialists of Brooklyn it was 
definitely decided that all members of the local will be 
automatically expelled from the party if they join any mili- 
tary organization." (Call. Feb. 19, 1917.) 

Even the exclusion, from their membership, of 
soldiers and sailors, did not satisfy the most numerous 
division of the Socialist Party of Boston. Their rejec- 
tion of members went much further. To quote New 
York Call 1917) : 

" The Boston Lettish Branch 2 at its regular meeting 
in February adopted unanimously the following resolution; 

" Every member of this organization, of either sex, will 
be expelled if they join voluntarily the army, navy, militia 
or any other military organization, including the govern- 
ment's Eed Cross, military hospitals or any private organiza- 
tions which are supporting military operations." 

This question addressed to the American people seems 
pertinent: Since no public comment appeared resent- 


ing this repudiation by Boston Socialists of the duties 
of citizenship; with its assault upon humane action, 
shall we conclude that we are living in a fool's paradise 

— waiting for the Bolsheviki to overwhelm our civili- 
zation ? 

The case is worse yet, for the same hostility that is 
manifested by the Socialist movement to membership in 
the army and navy is also manifested in those trade 
unions that are dominated by Socialist psychology. Es- 
pecially is this the case in the Hebrew trade unions; 
they are dyed-in-the-wool Red. It is a satisfaction to 
note that although at one time the Socialist members 
in the United Mine Workers' Union — 400,000 strong 

— succeeded in getting the upper hand in its manage- 
ment — and legislated against membership in the 
militia — this great union has since returned to the 
American standard of trades' unionism. Yet, it left 
behind all too many who still rejoice that its most 
famous member — John Mitchell — was compelled to 
withdraw from the ISTational Civic Eederation because, 
forsooth, that body advocated harmonious relationship 
between employers and employees. 

Not so with the I. W. W. ! no repentance for folly 
and disloyalty by those who with blasphemy and anarchy 
flaunt the motto — No God, No Master. Right reason 
was challenged at the first convention of The Industrial 
Workers of the World (Chicago, June 27, 1915) and 
nothing since has changed their defiance of law and 
order. Among the organizers of the I. W. W. appear 
the names of the most noted Socialists of that time — 


Daniel De Leon, Eugene V. Debs, William D. Hay- 
wood, " Mother " Jones, A. M. Simons, Ernest Unter- 
man, Frank Bohn, David C. Coates, and others of 
national importance. We quote from resolutions 
adopted : 

" Whereas, The present form of capitalism is increasing 
organized violence to perpetuate the spirit of despotism ; and 

" Whereas, The result of this spirit will be the further 
degradation and oppression of the working class; therefore, 
be it 

" Resolved, That we condemn militarism in all its forms 
and functions, which are jeopardizing our constitutional 
rights in the struggle between capitalists and laborers ; and be 
it further 

" Resolved, That any person joining the militia or accept- 
ing position under sheriffs and police powers or as members 
of detective agencies or employers' hirelings in times of 
industrial disturbance, shall be forever denied the privilege 
of membership in this organization." 

During the discussion a more daring breach of civil 
faith was proposed. It was argued that if every mem- 
ber of organized labor were also a member of a militia 
company, armed with the best weapons known, a coup 
d'etat would result and " such outrages as occurred in 
Colorado recently would never occur again in our 


Delegate David C. Coates, Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions — brought forth objections to this 
plan for getting control of superior weapons. Experi- 


ence had shown that the plan proposed was not feasible : 
About " five years ago we deliberately planned to cap- 
ture the militia of Colorado " — 

" We succeeded, I say, so far that just as soon as the 
next administration came into power they disbanded 
every one of our companies of militia; that is what they 
did. And they disbanded them for no other reason than 
that they were members of organized labor and unfit to 
do duty to the State of Colorado under such circum- 
stances (Applause). That is going to be your experi- 
ence if you try to capture the militia/' 

Further experience in attempting to subvert the 
armed force was made in St. Louis. The story is re- 
lated in " The Socialist Party Official Bulletin " (No. 
12). The plan was to turn the Sheriff's posse from its 
legitimate purpose — the keeping of the peace — to the 
aid of Socialist propaganda during a strike. The result 
was a complete demoralization of the Sheriff's force; 
with the dead men as the evidence of the seditious under- 
taking. Moreover, it was the Socialists themselves who 
told the vicious tale while boasting of the credit due to 
their clever comrade Hoehn. So it was that when next 
election time came that the leader in this untoward 
event — G. A. Hoehn — editor of Labor and of the Ar- 
beiter Zeitung — was pictured in an illustrated circular 
— sent broadcast — as a deputy sheriff standing with a 
gun over the prostrate body of a strike victim. 

The entire Socialist element of St, Louis came to 
" Comrade Hoehn's " defense. His was the virtue, not 
the crime, of the occasion. An official statement was 


unanimously adopted at " the most largely attended 
meeting ever held by the Socialist Party of St. Louis," 
repelling the alleged libel and asserting that the de- 
moralization of the sheriff's forces was " to the credit 
of Comrade Hoehn." Quotations from the official state- 
ment that was intended to refute the arguments made in 
the circular letter against their leader, will clearly show 
the perverse state of the Socialist mind. 

" To all this misinformation we answer : 

" 1. That Hoehn was a voluntary member of the posse and 
courted the subixEna in pursuance of a deliberate plan to 
assist the strikers. 

" 2. That said plan was first submitted to members of 
the strikers' committee, who, fearful of the consequences 
of the radical proposition by Comrade Hoehn, could not be 
induced to recommend it favorably to their union. 

" 3. Hoehn, failing to secure an organized carrying out of 
his plan, did as an individual what he had sought to have 
2,000 or more strikers do along with him. 

"4. Now, what was the plan? Simply to get the 3,000 
riot guns into the hands of undoubted friends and adopt 
such tactics as would have made for real ' law and order.' 
Unquestionably this would have been called ' treason and 
conspiracy' against the state, but this did not daimt Com- 
rade Hoehn. 

" 5. Hoehn would rot in jail before he would do voluntary 
or involuntary service as a sheriff's deputy against the 

" 6. Hoehn was — discharged after a somewhat exciting 
time in the barracks. 

" 7. To the credit of Comrade Hoehn, let it be known 
that the agitation carried on by him and a few union men 
during the short time of two days so demoralized the sheriff's 


forces that all companies on the floor occupied by Hoehn's 
company were dissolved after wholesale dismissals. Had the 
strike committee been bold enough to adopt Hoehn's plan 
the history of the strike might not now include a massacre 
of defenseless workmen." 

It is too true that neither conspiracy nor treason 
daunt those who officially declare that " The Social 
Revolution, not political office, is the end and aim of the 
Socialist Party." But, while the Emergency Conven- 
tion by the Socialist party may, even in war time, be 
trusted to say what it means in the open it should be a 
marvel that our country is so tolerant as to permit 
treason and conspiracy to flourish year after year in 
the bright light of day. 

In passing, it is our privilege to note that credit is 
due to the Street Railway Men's Union of St. Louis for 
their resistance to the appeal to take a part in this 
treacherous conduct, especially since the labor movement 
of their city was, and still is, dominated by Socialist 

The Ballot Too Slow 

Impatience ever was the tag of men lacking wisdom ! 
It is contended that the process of controlling the State 
and by its power the command of the armed force by 
" the dropping of pieces of paper in a ballot box " is 
altogether too slow. It contents those Socialists who 
believe themselves to be the fate-elected agents to over- 
throw the capitalist state — gently, sweetly, slowly as 
the glacier transformed the surface of the earth — by 


the gradual capture of every official position and so on 
one fine day set up that one-class society where the 
super-man shall dwell in perfect harmony with super- 
man. These are of the pink tea, the parlor variety, but 
for the red-reds their battle cry is " Not Evolution but 

Besides, the Marxians have seen very many of their 
at first madly in earnest comrades tamed down when 
their experience has brought them face to face with 
the actual realities — the responsibilities of parlia- 
mentary bodies. Surely, common sense is the last thing 
that Socialism thrives upon. So it is that Marxian im- 
patience, grounded in unreason, and Marxian resent- 
ment at the returning sanity of members who are elected 
to political responsibility, leads to the formation of 
the I. W. W. and other labor bodies who logically put 
into practise their anarchistic principle of " direct ac- 
tion." Under the whip of Hot Haste an article ap- 
peared in the Intei^national Socialist Review (April, 
1908, pp. 610-611) from which we quote the author — 
Maurice E. Eldridge : 

" The tactics employed by the Socialist party at present 
aims at the capturing of the powers of government through 
political action, — and if this policy is to be adhered to, 
the capitalists are really in no immediate danger of losing 
control of the industrial and political situation. But suppose 
the Socialist party with its half a million votes should 
change its tactics and begin secretly to organize military 
companies. We have many party members who have had 
military training either in the regular army or militia of 
the country or of some European country, and it is certain 


that a nvimber of first rate strategists could be quickly de- 
veloped. There is already a sufficient number of party 
members in many of the industrial centers of America, if 
they were properly organized and instructed, to swoop down 
upon the military garrisons that are situated in the out- 
skirts of cities, surprise the sleepy sentinels on guard, pour 
into the barracks where the soldiers sleep and capture the 
gun racks. If properly planned and executed, the battle 
might be won without the giving of a single shot. Away 
from the industrial centers of the country there are not 
half a dozen regiments of soldiers and these would stand but 
a small chance against a half million determined rebels." 

There were a few of these " determined rebels," who 
had sworn allegiance to the United States army, that 
determined to follow the orders of their intellectual su- 
periors — the scribes of the Socialist press. The latest 
act of disloyalty ever gives the signal for bettering the 
instruction to " determined rebels," wherever they are 
found. So there is an endless round of propaganda, 
swirling down to the center of destruction, inciting dis- 
obedience, desertion, and rebellion, not stopping at mur- 
der where it will spread the poison of the revolution. 
John Kenneth Turner, George Allen England and other 
ideological scribblers of note flooded their press with 
the maltreatment of five Socialist soldiers who had been 
court-martialed and sent to prison at Fort Stevens. All 
this commotion was under the spur of loyalty to the 
cause; yet, in the meantime, subscriptions to their 
papers were gathered. The articles complain that 
" Comrade Coifman," one of five had only preached the 
" Socialist interpretation of war." " He preached anti- 


patriotism, and anti-militarism " — while in the army. 
Since Socialists have abrogated the Decalogue how in- 
nocent is this defense. But, the self-confessed guilty 
party is equally innocent in his own mind. We quote 
from an interview given by Private Waldo H. CoflFman. 
(Appeal to Reason, April 19, 1913.) 

" What's the good of being in the army unless it is to 
stir up trouble? No man that's a man can join the army 
and expect an honorable discharge." 

Mr. Turner takes consolation from the event as mark- 
ing off a notable step towards their goal: 

" When Socialism becomes an issue at any army post, it 
may be properly said to mark an era in the advance of the 
movement in this country. ... I believe that there is just 
now being presented to the United States its first notable 
instance of a Socialist struggle inside the very dead-line 
of the capitalistic citadel. I refer to the case of Waldo H. 
Coffman, who is being prosecuted at Fort Stevens, Ore., for 
the crime of thinking — and talking — Socialism." 

This irresponsible attitude towards thinking and talk- 
ing was acclaimed as the acme of wisdom by hundreds 
who think treason is loyalty, so perverse is their mental 
attitude. Fifty-one citizens of Sedan, Kansas, signed a 
letter of protest that was sent to Washington, — com- 
plaining that " soldiers are being persecuted for their 
open avowal of and propaganda work for Socialism, in 
the military post at Fort Stevens " (N. Y. Call, July 
29, 1913). Never did the cockle, sowed over the wheat, 
grow so desperately fast: 


" The gage of battle has been thrown down. 

" Will you submit to this dastardly outrage ? 

" Is freedom of thought to be wiped out in this free land 
of ours? 

"We have snatched up the gage of battle and stand forth 
for the conflict. 

" We will reveal the cruel, barbaric militarism in a series 
of articles. 

" Don't miss a word. 

" Let all respond. 

" Send in your bundle orders." (Appeal to Reason, April 
19, 1913.) 

The records of the court-martial and conviction 
shovred that the five Socialist soldiers had reviled their 
officers in language too foul to print ; they had referred 
to the death of Vice-President Sherman in a disrespect- 
ful and shocking manner ; they declared that in case of 
war they would " sneak off " ; they had assisted privates 
to desert ; they had declared the flag of the United States 
to be an emblem of slavery ; they talked of the dynamit- 
ing of the Los Angeles Times' Building and the re- 
sultant loss of life and property as proper and just. 

These deservedly convicted men were the subject of 
issue after issue of the Socialist press. Their " class- 
conscious " deeds fired the dizzy brains of many men 
with a lurid hate of authority and set up a raving desire 
to abrogate law and order — forsooth, in the interest 
of human advancement. So laudable is desertion, in 
their morbid view, that " The Deserter " is put into 
verse by S. A. De Witt {'N. Y. Call Aug. 17, 1913) 
to make men " dare to break their pledge." These two 


columns surely lead over the brink of despair. We 
quote the last two stanzas : 

'Tis not enough that armored hulls are built, 
With money coined from human flesh and soul, 
And armies armed and clothed and housed and fed, 
For which we pay in rent and tax and toll: 
'Tis not enough that they will brazen lie. 
And teach our youth to glory in their ships — 
That armaments are bought to guard the flag 
To which they swear allegiance with their lips: 
To guard our flag and native land, they say : 
Their flag and land — not ours — therein the Lie — 
But we are dupes, and easily forgive — 
Aye, even when they teach and falsify. 

But God! to buy from any man his years, 
And make him serve and bind him to his task. 
When brain and heart and life in pain rebels — 
And God is silent ! — then tear off the mask — 
And lo ! there is no God — 'tis vain to ask ! 

There should be not the slightest doubt about the fact 
that treason has ever been the open policy of the Social- 
ist movement in this country. The Socialist Party 
officially recommends as a " masterpiece of revolution- 
ary literature " War, What For? — From this mine of 
" mental dynamite " we quote (Preface p. 7, Lafayette, 
O., 1910): 

" The working class men inside and outside the army are 

" They do not understand. 
" But they will understand. 


" And When They Do Understand, their class loyalty and 
class pride will astonish the world. They will stand erect 
in their vast class strength and defend — Themselves. They 
will cease to coax and tease ; they will make demands — 
unitedly. They will desert the armory; they will spike 
every cannon on earth; they will scorn the commander; they 
will never club nor bayonet another striker; and in the legis- 
latures of the world they will shear the fatted parasites 
from the political and industrial body of society." 

Since no one will presume to question the world-stand- 
ing of Karl Kautsky as an authority on Socialism it 
shall suflSce to set out his academic manner of corrupting 
the armed forces of every country under the sun. To 
quote : " Militarism can only he overthrown hy render- 
ing the military itself faithless to the rulers." 

We submit that upon the evidence we have presented, 
no man can deny that out of their own mouth Socialism 
stands self-convicted of the sustained determination to 
be disloyal to the State: That the data herein pre- 
sented is sufficient to convict Socialists of propagating 
doctrines and defending acts that encourage disobedi- 
ence to and defi-ance of rightful command : That sabot- 
age, desertion and mutiny is counseled and applauded: 
That these are the gravest crimes that can be committed 
against the state. Is not this course a personal insult 
to loyal men — soldiers — marines and police — who 
stand ready when need calls and give up their lives that 
peace with liberty may be the lot of all ? Is not this 
a case that every sober-minded man should make his 
own that all members of this nation may go about their 
affairs in safety and security? Should not every man 


now make his choice as between human reason — love 
and justice — and that of murder, rape and chaos? 

But to whom shall we go ? 

Ah ! those who do not know may well be directed to 
the Socialists themselves. They know, and by their 
implacable hatred of the Pope they inform all the world 
where the leader in the world is that shall calm the 
bold winds and the raging sea of human passion. 

Is it any wonder that Socialists hate the Catholic 
Church ? She holds, ever has held and ever shall hold, 
that the denial of God's authority sets up the reign of 
might over right. When men forget God a despotic will 
holds the whip of tyranny over the many and fear, not 
justice, keeps the peace where men are slaves. 

But Socialists would have the multitude — the great 
majority and the few — forget God. They would set 
up a one-class rule — the might of the many against 
the might of the few. Since God is denied nght is de- 
nied. What then, in logic, should hinder the bare- 
handed might of the few, from fighting to the death of 
civilization itself ? Nothing ! Nothing save the Bride 
of Christ who holds even-handed justice between the 
classes and the masses. 

By the Sacrament of Confirmation, Catholics are sol- 
diers of Christ, they are anointed that they may have 
courage, as against the world, the flesh and the devil, to 
obey their Royal Captain. And, the whole world has 
heard His command. For the Will of Almighty God is 
that every man shall render unto God what belongs to 
God and to Csesar what belonjrs to Ctrsar. Therefore, 


Catholics defend neither the despotism of the full-handed 
few nor the anarchy of the hare-handed many. Their 
part is loyally to serve and to defend their country in 
those things proper to the will of their country, for 
service and sacrifice to one's country falls within the 
full orbed duty of all mankind — to obey the First Com- 
mandment and the second that is like unto the First. 
This is the open secret by which the Church sends her 
sons forth to battle with the courage of a David: the 
faith of the Centurian of the Gospel : the inspiration of 
Blessed Joan of Arc. It is this spirit that shines out 
in splendor through that son of the Holy Church — 
Generalissimo Foch — to whom all the sin-sick world, 
to-day, does honor. True patriot! So simple in his 
piety as to kneel in the dust to receive the Benediction of 
the Most High God : So simple in his purpose that lit- 
tle children are his best soldiers in prayer : So modest 
in victory : — " Monseigneur, do not thank me hut Him 
to Whom victory alone belongs." All hail to those men 
who fight by the light of those principles that made the 
" unperturbable Foch " the ideal soldier ! 



IN no department of organized society is the propa- 
ganda of Socialism more active than in that of edu- 
cation. From university down to kindergarten their 
agents are tearing av^^ay the ground of right-reason, 
namely: God the Creator first, next the individuality 
of my immortal soul, then all things else, the three 
basal dimensions of thought. All the while they are set- 
ting up an ideology that passes as the current philosophi- 
cal coin with all those who have lost the Catholic poise 
of mind and heart, " 'tis pity, 'tis, 'tis true," but these 
are the multitude. So it is that a false ideology is sup- 
planting those true ideals that in fancy create and in 
fact help to establish, a heaven on earth, for their 
roots are deep down in the soil of a God-given morality. 
It was the founder of Socialism — Katl Marx — who 
pitched the key of its theory : " The Reformation was 
the work of a monk; the Revolution will be the work of 
a philosopher." Truly the " monk " had set up his 
own will as his own authority and too as the 
authority of all those who would bow down to 
his will. Powerful princes who had long wanted 
their own way as against God's will openly 

accepted the " monk's " will as their authority. 



This union between the rebellious monk and the dis- 
solute princes led to a long and bloody defense of their 
spiritual rights and their property rights by the peas- 
ants with the consequent loss of their economic freedom 
and the corruption and confusion of their faith. Quite 
logically, from such vicious premise, when Marx's 
" philosopher " arrived upon the scene, some three hun- 
dred years later, he found a rotten-ripe soil for extend- 
ing and expounding the effect of the " Reformation " 
to that of " Revolution." Indeed, the philosopher has 
long since been busy in the colleges of our country, and 
we have reason to know that his task is rather near 
completion. In a word that task is " Blasting at the 
Rock of Ages " — a designation given to it by Harold 
Bolce (1910) in an able article in the Cosmopolitan. 

Colleges Making Soculists 

" Out of the curricula of American colleges a dynamic 
movement is upheaving ancient foundation and promising 
a way for revolutionary thought and life. Those who are 
not in close touch with the colleges of the country will 
be astonished to learn the creeds being fostered by the 
faculties of our great universities. In hundreds of class 
rooms it is being taught daily that the decalogue is no 
more sacred than a syllabus; that the home as an institu- 
tion is doomed; that there are no absolute evils; that im- 
morality is simply an act in contravention of society's stand- 
ards; that democracy is a failure and the Declaration of 
Independence only spectacular rhetoric; that the change from 
one religion to another is like getting a new hat; that moral 
precepts are passing shibboleths; that conceptions of right 
and wrong are as unstable as styles of dress; that wide stair- 
ways are oven betii'een social levels, but that to the climber 


children are incumbrances; that the sole effect of prolificacy 
is to fill tiny graves^ and that there can be and are holier 
alliances without the marriage bond than within it. These 
are some of the revolutionary and sensational teachings 
submitted with academic warrant to the minds of hundreds 
of thousands of students in the United States. It is time that 
the public realized what is being taught to the youth of 
this country." 

The nine years since the time when Mr. Bolce passed 
several weeks in attendance at the lectures in one after 
another of more than one hundred universities and col- 
leges have gradually raised the wind to the threatening 
violence of the whirlwind. Yet, there is no serious at- 
tempt to provide students with the rational necessity for 
a First Cause, to say nothing of giving them the unan- 
swerable proof of the existence of the Lord-God, however 
many theories to the contrary men may hatch up. 

The taught have become teachers of irreligion and 
antipatriotism in such large numbers that the radical 
proletarian forces have trained leaders and to spare. 
Of this there is ample proof. 

Inteb-Collegiate Socialist Society 

College men and women organized this society in Kew 
York (1905) with Jack London, president; J. G. 
Phelps Stokes and Upton Sinclair, vice-presidents; 
Harry W. Laidler, secretary. The form of the organi- 
zation is made up of student and alumni chapters. The 
body declares : " for the purpose of promoting interest 
in Socialism among college men, graduate and under- 



graduate, through the formation of study clubs in the 
colleges and universities, and the encouraging of all le- 
gitimate endeavors to awaken an interest in Socialism 
among the educated men and women of the country." 
Up to the spring of 1916, the Inter-Collegiate Socialist 
Society had organized chapters in seventy-one universi- 
ties and colleges. Fourteen Alumni Chapters were then 
established in centers of population. We present the list 
of officers and chapters : 

Officers Intercollegiate Socialist Society 


Executive Committee 

Florence Kelly, 

Louis B. Boudin, 


N. Y. U. Law 

First Vice-President, 

H. W. L. Dana, Harvard 

Evans Clark, 

Arthur Gleason, Yale 


Jessie W. Hughan, Barnard 

Second Vice-President, 

Nicholas Kelly^ Harvard 

Vida D. Scudder, 

Freda Kirchwey, Barnard 


Darwin J. Meserole, 


N. Y. U. Law 

Mary E. Sanford, 

Winthrop D. Lane, Michigan 


George Nasmyth, Cornell 


John Spargo 

Harry W. Laidler, 

Helen Phelps Stokes 


Caro Lloyd Strobell^ Vassar 

Norman M. Thomas, 


Executive Secretary, 

Alice K. Boehme 

Chas. Zueblin, Northwestern 

Sectional Committee 

New England 

Far West 

Emily G. Balch 

M. Louise Hunt 

Vida D. Scudder 

E. A. Maynard 



Middle West 
Dr. G. Lippmann 
Ibwin St. John Tucker 

Southern Atlantic 
Wm. F. Cochran 
Mary Eaoul Millis 

Student Council 

Devere Allen, Oberlin 

Robert W. Dunn, Yale 

Clara Eliot, Keed 

Ammon a. Hennacy, 

Madeline Hunt, Vassar 

Ohio State 

G. E. Cunningham, Beloit 

Hilmar Eauschenbusch, 

Harry L. Janeway, Kutgers 


J. Liebstein, C. C. N. Y. 

A. Rickles, Washington 

Broadus Mitchell, 

Johns Hopkins 

Colleges and Un 

iversity Chapters 

1 Albion 

21 Grinnell 

2 Amherst 

22 Hamline 

3 Bernard 

23 Harvard 

4 Bates 

24 Howard 

5 Beloit 

25 Illinois 

6 Berkeley Divinity 

26 Indiana 

7 Brown 

27 Iowa 

8 California 

28 Iowa State 

9 Carnegie Institute 

29 John Marshall Law 


30 Johns Hopkins 

10 Chicago 

31 Kansas Agricultural 

11 Cincinnati 

32 La Crosse Normal 

12 City College (N. Y.) 

33 Los Angeles Osteopathic 

13 Clark 

34 Mass. Inst. Technology 

14 Colorado 

35 Miama 

15 Columbia 

36 Michigan 

16 Cornell 

37 Middle Tenn. Normal 

17 Dartmouth 

38 Minnesota 

18 East Tennessee Normal 

39 Nevada 

19 Emory and Henry 

40 New York 

20 George Washington 

41 New York Dental 



42 New York Law 

43 North Carolina 

44 North Dakota 

45 Oberlin 

46 Ohio State 

47 Ohio Wesley an 

48 Pennsylvania 

49 Pittsburgh 

50 Princeton 

51 Eadcliffe 

52 Randolph Mason 

53 Richmond 

54 Rutgers 

55 Simmons 

56 Simpson 

57 South Carolina 

58 Springfield 

59 Syracuse 

60 Temple 

61 Trinity 

62 Union Theological 

63 Utah 

64 Valparaiso 

65 Vassar 

66 Virginia 

67 Washington (Wash.) 

68 Washington-Jefferson 

69 Washington and Lee 

70 Wisconsin 

71 Yale 

Alumni Chapters 

1 Buffalo 8 Portland 

2 Central California 9 Schenectady 

3 Chicago 10 South 

4 Cleveland 11 St. Louis 

5 Detroit 12 Springfield 

6 Los Angeles 13 Washington 

7 New York 14 Wilkes-Barre 

The I-C. S. S. publishes a magazine of general inter- 
est to its members and it has issued several books and a 
number of pamphlets. Its roster carries the names of 
leading socialist lecturers. It is recorded that in 
1915-16 John Spargo, Eose Pastor Stokes and Harry 
Laidler had delivered addresses in one hundred and 
twenty colleges to 30,000 students with 12,000 other 
persons in attendance. They had lectured to 80 classes 
besides speaking to more than a score of College bodies. 


Besides the three persons mentioned, the principal lec- 
turers of the Society are Scott Nearing, J. G. Phelps 
Stokes, William English Walling, Victor Berger, Flor- 
ence Kelly and Bouck White. So active is this college 
propaganda, that when John Spargo announced to the 
public his resignation from the Socialist Party (May 30, 
1917) he was not left without a responsive field for 
his efforts. Mr. Spargo assured the public that 
" Through the Inter-Collegiate Socialist Society and 
such other channels as are open to me, free from So- 
cialist Party control, I shall continue to expound Social- 
ist principles, as I have done for many years past." 
There is no doubt about the colleges of the country be- 
ing a fruitful field for Socialist cultivation. However, 
Mr. Spargo has made himself a prime favorite with the 
near Socialists — who come ever nearer — as well. 

In reflecting upon the growth of Socialist propaganda 
in the highest institutions of learning one should call 
to mind the secularization by the Carnegie Foundation 
of so many of what was once denominational seminaries 
for graduating Protestant ministers. Since it is but 
logical that when God is taken out of the college curricu- 
lum. Socialism is most easily put in. 

Of course we do not assume that this was Mr. Andrew 
Carnegie's deliberate intention. Not at all, yet it is 
plain from the gentleman's own words that he has no 
serious objection to Socialism if only it will but delay 
its coming until the old Scotch laddie has been paid back 
in full limelight for the millions that he has put into 
persuading directors to regard their foundations as 


scraps of paper — all in the interest of that self-same 
philosophy that Marx's " philosopher " is spreading 
abroad. Neither do we assume that should the millions 
" come back " that restitution would be made to the 
persons and to the state for the blow-hole-armor-plate- 
tariff-manipulated-cheap-labor-profits that built up 
those many million roots of evil. However, one should 
not expect overmuch from those who are taught by the 
soap-box philosopher especially if they were robbed of 
the ground of justice and the light of love by the 
" monk " who brought about the Reformation. 

Certainly, patience is one of the cardinal virtues, but 
patience comes not from brute force, not from the action 
and reaction of matter in motion as Mr. Carnegie as- 
sumes. It comes together with the rational mind of 
men and it is perfected by the practise of the true 

" Socialists should reflect," — says Mr. Carnegie, " he- 
cause it requires a, change in human nature, a change 
quite as great as that involved in the evolution of the 
man-ape into the savage or the savage into civilized 
man." (Page 136 " Problems of To-day," N. Y. 1908.) 
Indeed " Socialists should reflect," since it is Mr. Car- 
negie's privilege to play the role of Marx's " philoso- 
pher " in these piping days, that the source of all things 
human — one may not add divine — is a " burning 
mass of matter " that comes from nowhere. That since 
it was after eons of time when the beast appeared, with- 
out cause, from which man finally evolved, even Social- 
ists should be contented, for some time to come, with the 


de-Christianizing of institutions of learning. At any 
rate, the Scotch iron master lays out a wide and shal- 
low program for the activities of the Inter-Collegiate 
Socialist Society. 

One is perforce reminded of Mr. Carnegie's proto- 
type Stephen Girard — the founder of the Godless Gi- 
rard College — for the perversion, it were blasphemous 
to say education — of poor little white orphans. In 
arguing the bequest that was conditioned by forbidding 
the teaching of religion ; by forbidding any ecclesiastic, 
missionary or minister to step foot within its gates, be- 
fore the Supreme Court (Feb. 1844) Daniel Webster 
said the will gave evidence of " sheer ribald, low, vul- 
gar, deism and infidelity." — " I deny that in the eye of 
equitable jurisprudence, this devise be a charity at all." 
" I maintain, that neither by juridical decisions nor by 
correct reasoning on general principles, can this devise 
or bequest to the City of Philadelphia be regarded as a 
charity." " This devise is no charity at all. It is no 
charity, because the plan of education proposed by Gir- 
ard is derogatory to the Christian religion; tends to 
weaken men's reverence for that religion, and their con- 
viction of its authority and importance, and therefore, in 
its general character, tends to mischievous and not to 
useful ends." " I have considered this proposition, and 
am ready to stand by it." 

Evidently the " philosopher " has worked a swift 
change since by " bettering the instruction " we now 
have many Godless Colleges instead of but one. Yet 
since God is not mocked, every sober-minded man may 


agree with the great Webster in his closing words before 
the Supreme Court: 

" In my opinion, if Mr. Girard had given years to the 
study of a mode by which he could dispose of his vast 
fortune so that no good could arise to the general cause 
of charity — no good to the general cause of learning — no 
good to human society — and that which would be most 
productive of protracted struggles, troubles and difficulties 
in the popular councils of a great city, he could not so 
effectually have attained this result as he has by this de- 

The soap-box Socialists are very angry with Mr. 
Carnegie, they charge him with the responsibility for 
the killing of his workmen during the Homestead strike, 
but Marxian " philosophers " know that financial in- 
ducement to de-Christianize colleges is all to their ad- 
vantage. They know that denying God logically leads 
to the defiance of all legitimate authority and this is a 
long step on the way to the " Eevolution." If only 
ten Tfien would consider this whole proposition and stand 
to the issue ! the Carnegies — Rockefellers and a host 
of other clever manipulators of men's minds and of our 
statutes could be brought to book and made to turn back 
into the public treasury those many millions — that 
should be restored to workmen and their families for 
their cry hath entered into the ear of the Lord-God of 
Saboath — instead of being used -to corrupt our seats 
of learning and the popular mind, then the tide of Bol- 
shevism might be kept low — far away from the shores 
of our country. 


Surely we are at the parting of the ways. Genuine 
education leads to God, not away from Him. We know 
that in the Middle Ages the application of Christian 
principles builded a civilization that in the main showed 
forth right industrial relations between man and man; 
and we are confident that the application of the prin- 
ciples set forth by Pope Leo XIII, Pius X and the reign- 
ing Pontiff Benedict XV to this our time would go a 
long way towards reconciling a situation that has be- 
come well nigh intolerable. 

Rand School 

Dull is the ear that has not heard the mutterings of 
the on-coming storm; or may be it is that sort of de- 
light in the intoxication of the senses that prompted the 
exclamation : After me the deluge ! At all events fol- 
lowing close upon the heels of the reports telling of the 
horrors of the Lenin-Trotsky reign of terror, came the 
placid announcement that the Russian Socialists had 
established a school to teach Bolshevism. The press of 
our country knowingly editorialized upon this assimied- 
to-be-new-venture as though its domestication here were 
utterly unknown. Not a reference was made to the 
flourishing schools teaching the self-same doctrines in 
our midst. Not a hint of having heard the calling of the 
thunder that broke into storm over in the despotic land 
of the Czar. To be sure, the Marxian prognostication 
had proved at fault since even the Revolution should 
have followed the law of economic materialism and so 
break out first in that country most highly developed 


industrially — but what is a law to the lawless ? How- 
ever, the Eand School recently received due notice from 
the Federal Court. The American Socialist Society — 
the incorporated body under whose auspices the Rand 
School is conducted — was fined $3,000 (March 21, 
1919) for unlawfully obstructing the recruiting and en- 
listing service of the government during the war by 
the publication and circulation of treasonable litera- 
ture. This official rebuff is like to a drop of water in 
the full bucket, for the offense of the Rand School is in- 
grain. Its reprehensible teaching is constant, not 
merely an incidental lapse in moral conduct. This 
School of Social Science on the East Side of N^ew York 
is of degrading origin. Its sire was Infidelity, its dam 
Rebellion, and its multiplying fund is all for the Revo- 
lution. Its financial foundation grew out of the " So- 
cialist Marriage " of a one-time Congregationalist min- 
ister — George D. Herron — and the daughter of a rich 
woman who had financed a chair of " Applied Christian- 
ity " in a middle west college, from which Dr. Herron 
presided. At this time Mrs. and Miss Rand made 
visits to the home of the Herrons. At length Dr. Her- 
ron left his wife — the mother of his five children, who 
consented to a divorce, the financial consideration ($60,- 
000) was disbursed by the mother of the " Socialist 
bride." Replying to the charge, of the college faculty, 
of conduct unbecoming to a minister, the Professor of 
Applied Christianity defended himself in terms identi- 
cal with those used by the Bolsheviki of to-day, — " I do 
not believe the present marriage system is sacred or 


good " — " men and women must be free from interfer- 
ence of legal and ecclesiastical force." " If it is a free 
land, — or a free religion, or a free family, or a wholly 
free society, we shall find it on the other side of socialism 
or along the socialistic way." 

Evidently, this second mother-in-law of Dr. Herron 
had made progress in degeneracy since even her sort of 
" applied Christianity " no longer suited her pleasure. 
To Dr. Herron, Mrs. Kand bequeathed $200,000 for 
the purpose of establishing a school " to teach social 
science from the standpoint of international Socialism " 
— Christianity was thrown in the discard. 

At the death of Mrs. Eand, Mrs. Herron No. Two 
added a contributary fund. The American Socialist 
Society (Eand School) was incorporated by George D. 
Herron, Morris Hillquit and Algernon Lee; these gen- 
tlemen are also its Directors. The school opened (1906) 
with some 250 students. This year (1919) a regis- 
tration of 6,000 students is claimed. Also another 5,000 
in its correspondence classes. It has a large corps of 
socialist and radical professors, many of them from 
universities and colleges in and about New York City — 
Columbia supplying a large quota. We give a list. 

Prof. Franklin H. Giddings, Prof. D. S. Muzzey, Prof. 
Charles A. Beard, Columbia; Prof. Wm. Noyes; Prof. I. A. 
Hourwich; Prof. Vida D. Scudder, Wellesley.; Dr. Emily 
Green Balch, Wellesley; Charlotte Perkins Stetson Gill- 
man; William N. Leiserson; George K. Kirkpatrick; Al- 
gernon Lee; Robert W. Bruere; John Spargo; Morris Hill- 
quit; Benjamin C. Gruenberg; Florence Kelly; Scott Near- 


ing; Laura Gannet, Columbia; Benjamin B. Kendrick, Co- 
lumbia; David P. Barenberg; Joseph Schlossberg; Judge 
Jacob Panken; Bertha M. Mailly; Helen L. Sumner; Prof. 
Lester Ward; Prof. Charles F. Zueblin; Louis B. Boudin; 
Lucien Sanial; James H. Maurer; Max Schonberg; S. E. 
Beardsley; Benjamin Glassberg; A. J. Fichandler; A. J. 
Shiplacoff; Prof. J. A. Dewey; James O'Neal; Dr. John B. 
Andrews ; Prof. Williard Fisher ; Julius H. Cohen, and Louis 
Lochner, formerly Mr. Ford's Secretary. 

The Rand School cleverly dismisses, as an out-v^orn 
notion, the theological seminary. It announces that it 
is spreading abroad a new faith. A faith limited to 
this world, dealing only with the things of sense. Its 
seductions, in this regard, are not to be despised since 
together with its vicious reflections upon the doctrines 
of the Church, it discounts the motives of the priests. 
Meanwhile it uses Christian imagery to bring to the 
Socialist movement those having the spirit of self-sacri- 
fice for the love of God which is in exact contradiction 
to the enlightened self-interest that is the best intention 
that can be mustered in the camp of the radicals. We 
quote : 

" The Kand School is — not a theological seminary, but 
a sociological seminary. In it men and women prepare 
themselves to be the evangelists of a new faith, to point 
the wretched and unhappy to a World to Come, not down 
from Heaven, but up from and out of the Hell of Poverty; 
to show them Labor hanging on the cross now, but soon 
to be the Eedeemer of the world; they are to go forth, not 
to fat parishes and prosperous careers, but to hardship, maybe 
to martyrdom." (N. Y. Call, Jan. 25, 1919.) 


Turning to the aims of the Rand School its key note 
is struck — Socialists are to be equipped for the strug- 
gle of " emancipation." Emancipation from what ? 
Why, to be sure, from the Law and the Gospels. From 
the constitution natural to the human race — from the 
knowledge of Almighty God, from humanity, marriage, 
liberty, property. We dare say that our own forefath- 
ers most carefully worked out the natural law given by 
God into a program for the government of a nation, 
therefore it is clearly the intention of the Rand School 
to instruct its students how most readily to overthrow 
our institutions and to set up — " along the Socialist 
way " — a " Dictatorship of the Proletariat " such as 
that in Russia: 

Its Aims 

To teach the Social Sciences from the standpoint of 
Marxian Socialism. 

To train workers for the Socialist and Labor movements, 
organizers, speakers, writers, investigators, etc. 

To supply the Socialist movement with information to 
equip it in its struggle for emancipation. 

To afford the worker an opportunity for cultural educa- 

This school gives an irreligious and unscientific twist 
to the sociological data gathered through its research 
department and this matter is sent out to hundreds of 
thousands of persons through the books and pamphlets 
it circulates ; and through the agency of the many meet- 
ings held under its auspices. In a word the Rand 
School is the center for the American Bolshevist educa- 


tional activities. 'Not a few of its post-graduates are the 
masters of the sometime lands of the Czar. 

Teachers' Bureau 

The views of Bolshevism has been making its way 
through the veins of our public school system for some 
ten years. Those public school teachers who belong 
to the organized party have banded themselves together 
in the " Socialist Teachers' Bureau " to promote their 
baneful cause. The purpose of the Socialist Teachers' 
Bureau was set out in its report to the l!^ational Con- 
vention of the Socialist Party (1912 — proceedings p. 
207) : " The purpose of the Bureau is to enable So- 
cialist teachers to get in touch with Socialist members 
of School Boards. Also by having a complete list of 
Socialist teachers on file in the N^ational Office — to 
circularize and keep in touch with all matters pertain- 
ing to their particular line of work. At the present time 
we have on hand applications for positions from 49 
teachers and inquiries regarding the securing of Social- 
ist teachers to fill 20 vacancies." 

" The National Office does not guarantee positions, 
nor does it guarantee good faith upon the part of either 
applicant. It simply helps to bring the teacher and the 
position together, rendering service free of charge. It 
does this because of the ever growing demand of school 
directors for Socialist teachers for positions and of So- 
cialist teachers for positions in which they can teach 
unhampered by the prejudice of capitalist-minded school 


To " safeguard " both teachers and organizations, all 
applicants for positions are cautioned that they must 
enclose proof of a " paid up membership " in the party. 
The report is signed by the names of well known 
women within the Socialist movement of the country: 

Meta Berger (Chairman, Milwaukee School Board) 

Winnie E. Branstretter 

Grace D. Brewer 

Ella Carr 

Lena Morrow Lewis 

May Wood- Simons 

LueUa Twining 

Caroline A. Lowe. 

The National oflBce of the Socialist Party acts as the 
clearing house for the Socialist Teachers' Bureau. In 
the Party Builder (July 26, 1913) it seeks to spread 
its doctrine: 

WANTED — Fifty positions with Socialist school boards 
for red card Socialist teachers. Apply National Socialist 
Teachers' Bureau, 111 N. Market street, Chicago. 

The State organizations of the party are actively 
carrying out the program of the National Organization 
by placing their members in public school positions. 
The far west has been rather successful in this venture. 
The following announcement signed by the Secretary 
of the Socialist Party of Tacoma, Wash., appeared in 
several of their publications: 

" School teachers who are Socialists are wanted in the 


state of Washington. Fully 100 can be placed at salaries 
from $60 a month upward. The recent school elections in 
Washington resulted in surprising victories for the Socialists, 
who ascribe their unexpected success to the vindictive at- 
tacks that have been made upon Socialism during the past 
year or two by prominent clericals and open shop capitalists. 
The people are studying the question, and the Socialists 
made the frank announcement that if they won in the elec- 
tions Socialism would be taught in the public schools." 
(Milwaukee Leader, May 28, 1913.) 

The Socialist Party of the Lone Star State advertises 
in the cause of promoting its doctrine within the public 
school system: 

WANTED — Correspondence with boards of trustees de- 
siring Socialist teachers, and teachers wanting such schools. 
(The Behel, HalletsviUe, Texas, July 10, 1915.) 

The Party Builder (Chicago, May 23, 1913) records 
its success and announces its expectation of doubling its 
opportunity for teaching the young idea how to shoot 
with Socialist weapons: 

Teachers' Bureau — Woman's Department 

" The increased number of Socialists elected to school 
boards increases the possibility of placing Socialist teachers. 
Last year we were able to place about 25 first-class Socialist 
teachers in positions where they could train the minds of 
young people toward the ideals of Socialism, thus counteract- 
ing the capitalistic tendencies toward false patriotism, racial 
prejudice, individual competition and snobbishness. 

" We are now preparing a list of teachers for the school 


term of 1914-1915 and will no doubt be able to double last 
year's record." 

In addressing the New Jersey Committee of the party 
on education, Dr. Maud Thompson spoke clearly the 
Socialist mind as to the expediency of using the public 
school system in their general scheme of propaganda, 
if it is to be captured. To quote : 

" The Socialist philosophy implies a whole new system 
of education. It will be an education fitted to develop 
workers and thinkers, and not, as now, adapted to one class 
only. But at present Socialists can work for this new kind 
of education only through the established school system. 
It would be impossible, even if it were desirable, for Social- 
ists to establish institutions to compete with the public 
schools." (The N. Y. Call, Aug. 25, 1911.) 

One may be certain that " this new system of edu- 
cation " sets forth the perversion of modesty in the calm 
tones of a mind utterly corrupted. In the magazine 
section of the New York Call (March 9, 1919) Dr. 
Thompson covers a page with words on " Modesty " not 
fit to print. There is put into the mouth of a twenty- 
seven months' old baby questions unbecoming in a four- 
teen year old girl. 

The text goes on to explain that the mother's " won- 
derful and beautiful piece of news " never had to be 
explained to this child who " a year or two later began 
to take an interest in the structure of its own body." 
How heavy must be the mill-stone that hangs about 
the necks of those mothers and those women doctors who 
corrupt the minds of innocent and helpless little ones ? 


High Schools 

Since the Socialist party is not a political party but 
rather a complete " scheme of life " it has the unique 
distinction of being the first political organization to 
hold a national convention for the purpose of inoculating 
the public schools with its doctrines. The Milwaukee 
Leader (Sep. 3, 1913) reports the convention held in 
the city of Chicago where plans were laid for furthering 
the Socialist cause. Since the president of the Teachers 
Federation of Chicago, Mrs. Ida M. Furman — took a 
prominent part, one must conclude that Socialist propa- 
ganda has made, at least, sympathetic inroads amongst 
the teachers of American children. 

In discussing the question " How the Socialists ivould 
Revolutionize the Schools," the editor of the World, 
J. E. Snyder (Oakland, Calif. Eeb. 14, 1919) has 
worked the issue down to the practical expulsion of God 
with Labor set up as the abstract idol for worship. 

" Well, to begin with, we would have the class conscious 
workers in control of the school board, and that school board 
would have to know and acknowledge the class struggle, the 
materialistic conception of history and economic deter- 

" The sentences, paragraphs and compositions for use in 
the grammars, will all' be carefully selected and will teach 
for labor's advancement instead of celebrating the dead 
morals and worse deeds of capitalism. The literature of the 
world is full of wonderful passages of revolutionary and 
constructive compositions. The orations of the social rebels 
will furnish many inspiring sentences. 


" Reading will be the most carefully guided of the studies. 
It will be so taught, that children will read from, shall we 
say, the age of three? So interesting will the lessons be 
that no lesson will be anything but a delight. Every lesson 
will be judged as to truth and relation to Labor. The 
curiosity of childhood will be given absolute liberty to look 
into all the hidden mysteries of man and the universe. No 
institution will be so secret, sacred and mysterious, but that 
he shall go in and explore to his heart's content. No priest 
or preacher of doctrines of faith will meet him at the 
door of knowledge and put goblins in his brain, fear in his 
heart and hatred in his soul. The limitlessness of the in- 
wardness and outwardness of the universe will be early dis- 
covered by him. Life, full orbed, will be sought for with 
the delight of a real freeman and Labor will be sought as 
the most glorious expression of life." 

It should not be doubted bj any one who would save 
our country from the thraldom of the " dictatorship of 
the proletariat " that this is just what the Socialist in- 
tention is with regard to the public schools. Neither 
should it be doubted that not a little of this will to sub- 
jugate the public schools to their purpose is already car- 
ried out. Of course it is a sound reflection that the 
safe place to educate children is the parochial school. 
There morals are not " dead," but known as the mani- 
festations of the love and the law of God. There 
is the liberty to learn that the priest is the chosen one 
to bring the knowledge that Christ is the light, the life 
and the way to eternal happiness. There grammar, 
reading and composition, all go to show that education 
has for its purpose the drawing forth of embryonic tal- 


ents into practises and products for the good of one's 
self and one's neighbor for the glory of God. 

The Inter-High School Socialist League organized 
four or five years ago in the Eand School, IT. Y., by 
George R. Kirkpatrick, H. Schoenberg, John Spargo and 
others, is already bearing a large crop of corrupt fruit. 
Its object as stated was " to develop the educated prole- 
tarians " — " to promote an intelligent interest in So- 
cialism, to stimulate friendship, to elevate a general, 
social intercourse and to carry on a systematic propa- 
ganda among high school students/' Through the col- 
umns of the N. Y. Tribune (Feb. 18, 1919) Assistant 
Superintendent of the High Schools of 'New York, Dr. 
John L. Tildsley warns the public that the evil results 
of Socialist propaganda can be seen in the compositions 
of the pupils and in their sympathetic remarks relative 
to the Bolsheviki and the Marxian philosophy. Con- 
versely the same evil influence may be frequently seen 
in their antagonistic attitude towards American insti- 

In its issue of March 10th, 1919, the New Yorh Call 
prints several letters from high school boys exulting 
over the Bolshevist activities. They delight in hissing 
and applauding at the wrong time those gentlemen who 
at the lunch hour address them on Bolshevism: 

"You should not feel insulted when it is charged that 
the Bolsheviki came from your section. You did not in- 
vite them to your midst, and should be glad they are gone." 

"No, dear doctor, we are not insulted; we feel rather 
complimented. But we are sorry they are gone, for they 


would aid U3, if here, in our fight for democracy in the 
social, economic and educational systems of the United 

" So," Dr. Simmons continued, " people who incline toward 
Bolshevism have not read the vicious ideas upon which the 
Bolshevik government is based. Their platform is the * Com- 
munist manifesto,' by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, 
bearing the label, * Made in Germany.' Let me read part of 
it to you : ' The communists openly declare that their ends 
can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing 
social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a com- 
munistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose 
but their chains. They have a world to win. Workingmen 
of all countries unite ! ' " 

That was a bad selection for Reverend Simmons for a large 
section of the audience (by habit, I suppose), burst into ap- 
plause at these words. 

Other letters tell the same tale in other ways. It 
is asserted that there is not a class in school that has 
not a few " ardent supporters of Socialism." The boys 
take occasion during the " current topics " period to 
propagate their doctrine, since a little " talk once in a 
whille does much to convert many boys." They boast 
that " Practically every day a boy is brought before the 
disciplinarian for being a Bolshevist." The men in 
the Party are urged to give these " Socialist buds " 
plenty of culture that they may teach their fellow pupils 
the way of Marx and Engels. 

Evidently the School Superintendent realizes the 
danger of this propaganda to the body politic. But Dr. 
Tillsdale's proposal of " a course of civics to fight the 
Reds " is far behind the adequate remedy. It is not 


civics but rather morals that is needed. But since the 
worldly-wise have long since banished the Living Foun- 
tain of morals from the public schools what should in 
reason be expected but a lawless dispensation ? Surely 
it is sound, common sense to believe that nothing less 
than the whirlwind shall follow the sowing of the wind. 
If indeed there were nothing but fear — since Venge- 
ance is Mine saith the Lord — as a motive, that is suf- 
ficient to defend the presence of religion in the schools. 
But Catholics have a motive vastly higher — it is, how- 
ever, no negation of the first — for the maintenance of 
their parochial schools. ISTamely, joy in the love of 
God and the delight to do Him honor. Under the white 
light of science and the supernatural light of love. So- 
cialism is quickly seen to be what it is — the enemy of 
right and justice, the enemy of liberty and democracy. 

Young Peoples Socialist League 

The Y. P. S. L. is another wide open door through 
which Bolshevism enters the class room. Turning the 
initial letters of their title into Yiddish, they sound 
" Yipsel," which has become a name they love to con- 
jure with the world over. These young persons, born 
of a race without a country, are determined to reduce 
the inhabitants of every nation under the sun to the 
same desolate fate. 

Their organization is international and it is much 
more consequential in European countries than it is 
here. Karl Liebknecht was one of the founders of the 


society, which had a steady growth in Germany, Aus- 
tria, Switzerland, Italy, the Scandinavian countries, 
and Russia later fell into line. Their chief character- 
istic is that they are not chained to the past. 

Without a country and without religion, these young 
Hebrews fling to the winged winds even the restraints of 
the traditions and customs round about them. They 
see only the present, not in the moral-historical light of 
the past, but only in the materialistic view of the present 
generation. Their intellectual restlessness is mistaken 
for a genuine desire to study. They agitate — they act. 
In Russia the " Yipsels " are said to form the most ac- 
tive groups of the Bolsheviki. In the Spartacan revolts 
in Germany, the Yipsels are credited with forming the 
backbone of resistance against the moderate Socialists. 

The latest reports at hand for the United States 
(1918) gives 147 Leagues, with a membership of 4.951 
young men and women. Their Xational Secretary — 
William F. Kruse — reports that the Yipsels distributed 
350,000 pieces of literature during the year; in addi- 
tion to the circulation of its official organ — a monthly. 
The Yipsels have the official endorsement of the party. 
At the St. Louis Emergency Convention (1917) its ac- 
tivities were highly recommended : 

" It has been clearly shown that one of the most fertile 
and promising fields of Socialist propaganda lies among the 
youth of the working-class, since their minds are less ham- 
pered by prejudice and ignorance; and once brought into 
our movement, their longer potential period of service makes 
them of greater value to us than any others." 


The Year Book of the Rand School (1916, p. 155) 
gives the international affiliations of the Yipsels : 

" It is to be said to the credit of the young socialists of 
Europe that they have shown as fine an anti-militarist spirit 
as have any European Socialists in either of the warring or 
neutral countries." 

The Yipsels on our side of the Atlantic were not to 
be outdone in self-disgrace. Their ISTational Secretary 
lays down the counsel that an official " should know what 
Socialism is, and how to practise its ethical basis in his 
own dealings with his comrades, and he must he a dis- 
ciple of Liebknecht and Debs rather than Scheidemann 
and Spar go." 

Since Mr. Kruse has just been sentenced for twenty 
years' imprisonment for his treasonable conduct while 
we were in war, he is now the hero per se of the Yipsels. 
No. All the others are out of jail, propagating Social- 
ism with increased vigor. Plainly the moral that 
should adorn this tale is not the advocacy of vocational 
training under Federal control but rather the introduc- 
tion of the knowledge of God as the right foundation of 
the intellectual training of the youth of our country. 
Then the ethical basis of Catholicity shall be known for 
what it is — the science of right thinking. 

Boy Scouts 

The Boy Scout investment of our country is a most 
commendable organization for making boys useful, 
healthful, obedient, chivalrous, patriotic and reverent. 


Happily it lays down a religious foundation for their 
character building, since " its policy is that the re- 
ligious organization or institution (Catholic, Protestant 
or Jewish) with which the Boy Scout is connected shall 
give definite attention to his religious life." In a book- 
let — " Boy Scout Training under Catholic Leadership," 
Rev. Augustine F. Hickey, Supervisor of the parochial 
system of schools in the Diocese of Boston, gives a lucid 
and inspiring view of the significance of the movement. 
We present these paragraphs of the matter, together with 
the Scout Oath and the Scout Law referred to in Fr. 
Hickey's text: 

The Significance 

The Boy Scouts of America represent a nationwide move- 
ment for the betterment of the American boy. Educational 
in its spirit and purpose, this movement aims to develop 
self-reliance, initiative, resourcefulness and the spirit of 
service in growing boys. Membership in the organization 
and active participation in the attractive scout program bring 
to the boy opportunity for clear thinking, a broadening of his 
interests, the formation of good habits and the inculcation of 
virtues essential to good character. The Scout Movement 
appreciates and understands the sentiments and interests 
which belong to the boy. These interests are met and satis- 
fied by a program of activities so varied and so broad that 
the true scout is always moving forward, becoming keener 
in his capacity for observation and deduction and growing 
stronger as desirable habits are woven permanently into his 

The Appeal 

The genius of scouting lies in its appeal to the boy. Scout- 
ing makes a boy eager to learn. The Scout's recreation is 



the Scout's education. Scouting has proven an excellent 
solution of the much discussed boy problem. The activities 
which every normal boy craves are utilized in scouting for 
the making of a sturdy and manly boyhood, the brightest 
promise of an honorable and loyal citizenship. Yet scouting 
is not play. Scouting is serious work. Scouting awakens a 
sense of personal responsibility and stirs up in heart and 
mind the spirit of earnest devotion to duty. The Scout 
promises on his honor to do his duty to God and to his coun- 
try, to obey the scout law, to help other people at all times 
and to keep himself physically strong, mentally awake and 
morally straight. The scout is trustworthy, loyal, helpful, 
friendly, courteous, kind, obedient, cheerful, thrifty, brave, 
clean and reverent. 

" Be Prepared," is the scout motto. For what ? '' For a 
good turn daily and for every emergency " is the answer. 
Parents, teachers, leaders of boys have begun to see the 
movement in its clear light. They are recognizing in scout- 
ing a distinct contribution to the happiness and welfare of the 
boy of to-day and to the community and civic prosperity of 


On my honor I will do my 

best : 
To do my duty to God and 

my country, and to obey 

the Scout Law; 
To help other people at all 

times ; 
To keep myself physically 

strong, mentally awake, 

and morally straight. 


A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 
A Scout 


is trustworthy, 
is loyal, 
is helpful, 
is friendly, 
is courteous. 
is kind, 
is obedient, 
is cheerful, 
is thrifty, 
is brave. 
is clean, 
is reverent. 


Perhaps no stronger contrast between loyalty to our 
country and disloyalty to our country could be shown 
than by placing the vices recommended to boys by the 
Bolsheviki in contrast to the virtues that Father Hickey 
commends to his boy scouts. Clarence Meily ("Puri- 
tanism," p. 20, Chicago, 1911) scorns any code of right 
conduct as " surely absurd " ; while to follow such a 
code is nothing less than " monstrous." 

" One of the latest and most thoroughly characteristic 
measures devised for the propagation of these virtues is the 
' boy scout ' movement ; where, under pretense of getting the 
pale, anemic children of the city workers out into the woods 
and fields, the old anesthetics of loyalty, reverence, obedience, 
and the rest are duly administered. For the proletarian, 
each particular one in the long catalogue of the servile vir- 
tues — patience, humility, contentment, loyalty, reverence, 
obedience, respect for law, the hope of reward after death — is 
a most contemptible, demoralizing and destructive vice. 
Each one is the dastardly betrayal of every interest, whether 
of person or of class, which the worker can possess. Every 
instinct of self-preservation, of love of family, of class soli- 
darity, demands the repudiation of this base, treacherous 
and ridiculous ethic. For the worker, not patience but a con- 
suming impatience with wrong and injustice, not humility 
but defiance, not contentment but burning discontent, not 
loyalty to the employer or constituted authority, but loyalty 
only to class interest, not reverence but insolence, not obedi- 
ence but rebellion, are the true virtues." 

Let no man think that this is merely a personal opin- 
ion, since this outrageous concept of Christian virtues is 
the comroou view of the Bolsheviki everywhere? In 


" War, Y^hat For ? " a full page picture presents a beau- 
tiful, robust Boy Scout flat on his bands and knees lick- 
ing the spurred boot of a military ofiicer. In the back- 
ground is a shrewdly smiling face, half priest and half 
gormand, the figure is marked with a dollar sign on his 
vest. The priest-capitalist is gloating over the servile 
training of the boy that prepares him for keeping the 
future " hired hands " subject to capitalist exploitation. 
A legend is spread down a scroll invisibly supported. It 
gives orders to Boy Scouts and is signed by Rev. O. B. 
Goode, Chaplain. At a glance instruction is given to 
despise those virtues necessary to the building of a 
manly character. But this is not enough to satisfy the 
author of this " anti-war classic." On page 233 he 
quotes for purposes of blasphemy and outrage from a 
report of a Boy Scout meeting: 

" The Church was beautifully decorated with flags — Gen- 
eral Campbell presided and presented messages of good will 
and good wishes from the President of the United States, 
from Colonel Fred Grant — and from many other influential 

" How interestingly consistent — ' Good will and good 
wishes ' from the presidential chairman of the executive com- 
mittee of the capitalist class in America: thai is the National 
Government, — ' good will, and good wishes ' to the seducers 
of small boys to serve as fist and tusk for the ruling class. 

" The ' Boy Scout ' movement is the latest manifestation 
of this christened and kerosened cunning to seduce the in- 
nocent small boys for the blood-and-iron embrace of Mars and 
Mammon. Mothers, take notice. Be warned. Defend your- 


The Socialist party knows its own, — " Mary 
O'Reilly "-^ a Chicago Socialist public school teacher 

— is the author of a leaflet written to discredit the Boy 
Scout Movement and to promote the sale of War, What 
For? Surely it is no marvel that hundreds of thou- 
sands of these leaflets have been scattered broadcast by 
the Socialist Party. But is it not a marvel that for 
thirty long years this organization — the purpose of 
which is to overthrow not the political party in power 
but to uproot the very foundations of the nation itself 

— should be permitted to hold the honorable status of a 
political party within our borders and to spread the doc- 
trine of revolt against lawful authority up to the full ca- 
pacity of its treasonable power. 

Fortunately the time seems not far distant when those 
on each side of the issue will come to intellectual grips, 
Americanism versus Bolshevism is the question. At 
any rate the number and the present activity of the de- 
fenders of Americanism is greater than in the past. 
Meantime, Socialists are not less active. Of course it 
is not the mere fact of organizations of boys that is at- 
tacked but rather the Boy Scouts are attacked because 
the principles and practises of this organization make 
it a strong defense against the propaganda of red- 
revolution amongst school boys. 

This matter was taken up at the National Convention 
of the Socialist party (Indianapolis May 12-18, 1912), 
upon the report of the Woman's Department of the or- 
ganization. In Bridgeport, Conn., and in other places, 
an anti-Boy Scout organization was formed. The re- 


port relative to the attempted description of the Boy 
Scouts in St. Louis is of especial moment since the 
Socialists there have a notable standing in revolutionary 
circles because of their success — noted in the chapter 
Would Corrupt the Army and Navy — in causing the 
sheriff's posse to disband under the leadership of the 
editor of St. Louis Labor — G. A. Hoehn. We quote 
from Proceedings S. P. Convention (1912, p. 205) : 

" St. Louis has an organization of boys which they have 
named the Universal Scouts of Freedom. They are organized 
by wards, as a part of the work of the ward branches (of the 
Socialist party). Through their efforts one corps of Boy 
Scouts was induced to disband. They also made their in- 
fluence felt by supporting Union Labor in the stand it took 
against permitting the Boy Scouts to take part in the parade 
on the occasion of President Taft's visit to St. Louis." 

Incidentally it seems advisable to note that Socialists 
have for many years been in control of organized labor 
in St. Louis. Consequently a mixture of blasphemy — 
treason and degeneracy is the psychology within which 
the " Universal Scouts of Freedom " have been trained 
for just such enterprises as that of insulting the Presi- 
dent of our United States. Any copy of their official 
organ — Labor — will give ample proof that these 
poor boys are but carrying out the program made up for 
them by their Bolshevist elders ? 

Happily the Boy Scout Movement is flourishing. Its 
trops — 34r8,8Y4 strong — needs no defense. There is 
nothing but satisfaction with its work and gratitude for 
its aid. Everybody knows what the boys did to win the 


war; by selling bonds, and war saving stamps; by the 
distribution of literature; by gardening and food con- 
servation activities ; by their nation-wide census of black 
walnut timber for making gun stocks and aeroplanes ; for 
their Red Cross work and many other services too nu- 
merous to mention. But after all the most precious gift 
to our country from the Boy Scouts is the positive assur- 
ance we have that manly boys are in the making of manly 
men, upon whom the nation can depend for loyalty, 
efficiency and courage. Boys who bow in reverence 
and adoration before God, who salute with love and with 
pride our Star-Spangled Banner are like Cornelia's jew- 
els — a priceless inheritance. 

Socialist Sunday Schools 

In their official Year Book — 1916 — Socialists state 
very clearly their purpose in maintaining Sunday 
Schools. Namely, "to make their children realize the 
class struggle and their own part in that struggle." In 
other words the Socialist Sunday School has no relation 
whatsoever to the teaching that is connected by these 
three words used in order. There is no intention of 
educating children in the knowledge of God — neither 
as the First Cause nor as the Creator of all mankind. 
No thought of teaching the Moral Law that abates not 
one jot or tittle of justice, though mercy is dispensed as 
sweet as the cool of the woods at dawn. No idea of giv- 
ing instruction above a crass self-interest in things ma- 
terial and sensible. The " Socialist Sunday School " 
is to supplement the work of the public school sinc& 


the instruction there tends to " prejudice the children " 
in favor of " the competitive idea as applied to industry 
and all other walks of life." As the day of the v^eek for 
teaching the class struggle to the children is Sunday it 
necessarily carries a suggestion of religion even to the 
most atheistic of minds. Then, too, there are those who 
still have at least a sentimental longing for an outward 
expression of the worship of God. This interior urge to 
bespeak the relation of the immortal soul to its Creator 
leads frequently to very ridiculous ceremonies that are 
pathetic indeed. 

The Arbeiter Eing (Workmen's Circle) a Jewish 
fraternal, beneficial propaganda society, having some 
600 branches with over 71,000 members, mostly in and 
around ^ew York City, has been foremost in organizing 
Socialist Sunday Schools. These schools are estab- 
lished in many cities of our country and they are now 
being chartered by the Yipsels. 

The Rand School has a special course for training 
teachers for these schools. In an article by ISTicholas 
Kline — author, " A Primer of Socialism for Chil- 
dren " — published in the Little Socialist Magazine 
(Lawrence, Mass., Vol. 1, 'No. 1) the information is 
given that Cincinnati has the largest Socialist Sunday 
School to date. It is known as the Arm and Torch 

"This school does not aim to teach theology or religion. 
It confines its work toward bringing a new aspect into the 
ideas of childhood giving the child a new hope in life. 


" Children are taught to respect everybody, but to bow 
down to none. They learn to sing, recite and play. They 
also learn a great deal about what Socialism means, and why 
we must have a Socialist Republic to be real happy. The 
fundaments of politics are taught, and the boys and girls 
are encouraged not to play with swords, toy guns, etc." 

Quite in keeping with the Materialist Conception of 
History there is not the slightest hint that — God, the 
maker and ruler of the world, is in His Holy Temple. 
But there is a broad hint that the teaching of patriotism 
is excluded, for the symbols of the art of defense — toy 
guns and swords — are not admitted to their sympathy. 
The " great deal " the children learn about Socialism 
tells them that the Arm and Torch signifies the Revo- 
lution that shall sweep among " Capitalism," but since 
capitalism means to them the principles and the insti- 
tutions of our country, these little ones are taught loyalty 
to rebellion and treason to their country. A system of 
merits is used that places the red-star-of-rebellion above 
all other marks : 

" It may interest our readers to know that when a child 
attends three Sundays in succession, his name is placed on 
the ' Honor Roll,' and a silver star is affixed next to his 
name, after six Sundays he gets a gold star; and after twelve 
Sundays of regular unbroken attendance a red star; a large 
number have the Red star. Every pupil having a red star, the 
high mark, is given a copy of the Child's Primer of Socialism. 

Lesson XXIV very well illustrates how class-hatred is 
taught — the method by which the " child's vision is 


widened ; " that innocent boys and girls may take in the 
" class struggle " and their part in that struggle : 

" Here is a man with a gun ; he is in the troop. You see 
he has a nice suit on. Does he work? No, the man with 
the gun does no work. His work is to shoot men who do 

" Is it nice to shoot men ? Would you like to shoot a man ? 

" This man eats, drinks, wears clothes, but he does no work. 
Do you think that this is nice? Yes, this is nice for the Fat 
Man, but bad for the Thin so he owns the man with the gun. 
When the Thin man will have the law on his side, there 
will be no more men with guns. 

" Who makes the gun ? The man who works. 

"Who makes the nice suit? The man who works. 

" Who gets shot with the gun ? The man who works. 

" Who gets the bad clothes ? The man who works. 

" Is this right ? No, this is wrong ! 




The Little Socialist (July, 1909) does not find it dif- 
ficult to reduce the principle of rebellion to the under- 
standing of children : 

" We should not have any rulers. We should not allow any 
one to govern us. So long as we fear any one, so long that 
one will be a bully and a tyrant." 

This general order for disobedience to authority — 
parental, civic, moral — is followed up in Oct., 1909, by 


more specific instructions. The children should follow 
the example of the Quakers 

"who would not swear or support the government . . . for 
the flag does not stand for justice and freedom for all . . ." 

Editorially, in the same issue, the children are in- 
structed to despise and to insult not only the flag, but the 
President of the United States. Also to set up a juven- 
ile court to condemn diplomatic acts ; and to speak impu- 
dently to their teacher: 

" Taft grasped the Czar of Kussia's hand. We hope none 
of you shook hands with Taft. Tell your teacher you despise 
Taft for being friendly to a bloody tyrant." 

Certainly a prolific crop of degenerate citizens should 
be expected. Especially when atheism, treason and in- 
solence are followed up by the false history that teaches : 

" Washington was a contemptible and unscrupulous liar." 
(The Little Socialist, Feb. 10, 1910.) 

A rather original way of bringing children under the 
psychology of the hatred of patriotism is that of using 
as a border on their banners this acrostic : 












No, this defamation of our country is no new thing, 
it has proceeded, here at home for forty years without let 
or hindrance, otherwise how should it be that Bolshev- 
ism is to-day a menace throughout the whole world. 
The Seattle Socialist (April 10, 1904) reports with 
much malicious satisfaction, an incident that should have 
attracted the attention of those who were responsible for 
the maintenance of law and order at the time. The 
Children's Club was being entertained by the Woman's 
Socialist Union of Omaha. On the walls hung a picture 
of our then President Roosevelt. Pointing to the por- 
trait a ten year old girl cried out " There's the man who 
wouldn't receive Mother Jones." Immediately the 
place was in an uproar. " Take it down," the young- 
sters shouted : " We don't want that bad man here." 
The portrait was taken down in disgrace and one of 
" Mother Jones " hung in its place. " It was an in- 
spiring moment; the audience joined the children in 
long continued applause." It was explained that : 

" The women teach the children the principles of Socialist 
economy, and of course no child who has learned anything of 
the emancipating mission of the Socialist party would want 
the picture of Roosevelt to occupy a place of honor at an 
entertainment given by children of the working class. Every 
child had been taught, and was able to explain, that it re- 
quires human labor power to produce wealth, and that Roose- 
velt upholds the present capitalist system whereby his class 
— the Capitalist class — lives by exploiting the working 

This incident was exploited by their press. Victor 
Berger's paper rejoiced: "The incident speaks vol- 


umes for the manner in which these children have been 
taught their truths of Socialism." 

Not only is perverted economics taught, but also his- 
toric incitement to support their false contentions in 
Joyne's Socialist Catechism for children : 

Question : " How are forms of government changed, 
so as to re-adjust them to the economical changes in the 
forms of production which have been silently evolving 
in the body of society ? 

Answer : By means of a revolution. 

Question : Give an instance of this ? 

Answer : The French Revolution of 1789." 

Perhaps no better view of this rank hot-house va- 
riety of psychology that is perverting the minds and 
morals of many thousands in the Socialist Sunday 
Schools than to quote from a long list of questions made 
up by Dr. Paul Luttinger for working class children, 
ages from five to fifteen, " all Caucasians of Jewish and 
German descent." 

" Should children obey their parents ? " 

" What is better a boy or a girl ? " 

" Since when do workingmen exist ? " 

" Why do people get married ? " 

"Who is greater Mayor Gaynor or Tolstoy!" 

" Do fairies and magicians really exist ? " 

" What kind of a school is this ? " 

" Are Dumas novels good to read ? " 

"Who was Jean Valjean; why are all the girls crazy 
for him?" 

" Supposing the air would become water, could we live 
in it?" 


" Is it true that we were monkeys ? " 
" Is God sitting on the clouds ? " 

This Socialist Doctor assumes that " discipline is not 
necessary." The " free school " where children are 
permitted to teach themselves — to do their own think- 
ing — " is the antidote of those institutions that follow 
in the footsteps of Ignatz de Loyola." The free school 
is " built on the impregnable foundation of the child's 
individuality." Whatever individuality should mean, 
since " God is a myth," is certainly outside the purview 
of common-sense. But the means employed of freeing 
the child from the authority and respect for his parents 
is clearly adapted to establish self-conceit and arro- 
gance in the mind of the child. Said this adept in 
spoiling children : 

"I never fail to ask, rain or shine, year in, year out. It 
runs something like this : ' Now, children, did anything 
happen this week which puzzled you? I do not mean any 
problems in arithmetic, but something to which your teacher 
answered that you were too young to understand it, or to 
which your papa or mamma answered : " Don't bother me ! " 
If you have such a question, don't be afraid to ask it. We'll 
discuss it together.' It is rare to receive no response at all. 
There are always, at least, three or four inquiries, and while 
they are not all very interesting, there are many that call 
forth very lively discussions." 

To comprehend the debasing character of these 
" lively discussions " one must hold in mind that the 
doctrine taught rests upon the premise that " religion is 
a fantastic degradation of human nature" (Marx). 


Consequently it follows that " Socialism must conquer 
the stupidity of the masses in so far as this stupidity 
reveals itself in religious observances " (Liebknecht). 
Bebel puts the matter in a word " we wish — in re- 
ligion, atheism." Resting back with blind confidence 
upon their crass ignorance as to the domain of material 
science and as to the genuine findings of science these 
men and women who tear with tooth and claw the divine 
image in the souls of these little ones blandly assert that 
since modern science has clearly proved that there is 
nothing left for Deity to do, there is clearly no reason 
to believe in God and surely no reason to fear, to love or 
to worship God. 

A dozen years ago there was exhibited in a Socialist 
weekly — The Worker (July 20, 1907) six essays from 
children all under the age of thirteen years. The sub- 
jects treated were Killing and Stealing, The Social Or- 
ganism — Fatalism — Race Consciousness, The Class 
Struggle; while one boy and one girl wrote upon What 
Socialists Want. From all these prodigies one conclu- 
sion must be drawn — there is beyond and above the 
Social organism — Nothing. Should there be any won- 
der that the " East-side " has supplied so many agents 
to carry out the Lenin-Trotsky regime in Russia ? Es- 
pecially when one reflects that long before these mon- 
strous little essays appeared here, the red-international- 
ists abroad were educating, or rather perverting the 
minds and hearts of 59,225 children listed in their So- 
cialist Sunday Schools? 

These disorderly minds that have in charge the chil- 


dren of the Socialist Sunday Schools employ the medium 
of song to carry forth their evil influence. Some time 
since a foremost superintendent of Socialist Sunday 
Schools — Kendrik P. Shedd, Rochester, IST. Y., re- 
ported a visit to his city by George R. Kirkpatrick. 
After his address that actually sizzled — " George has 
hot stuff to hand out in his talks " — the Socialist Sun- 
day School children sang in honor of the author of that 
dastardly book — " War, What Eor ? " We give the 
first and the last verses : 

In this here song we sing of war, war, war, war. 
We know too well what it is for, for, for, for. 
In war the workingmen they kill, kill, kill, kill, 
So that the rich their coffers fill, fill, fill, fill. 
I never would a soldier be, be, be, be. 
Unless it were to make men free, free, free, free! 
If they will call me traitor if I won't be shot, 
I'd rather be a traitor than a patriot. 

Mr. Shedd wishes that " George's broad smile " could 
be sent along with the words, especially during the sing- 
ing of the last verse as 

" that is the one that always wins the greatest applause of 
all, and we Young People ought to know, for we have sung 
it to many audiences during the past three years. Read it 
over again and think. It has a peculiar meaning." (N. Y. 
Call May 13, 1913.) 

Erom the excerpts given of the bad art employed in 
demoralizing the native common-sense of these children, 
one may readily imagine that the debates arranged for 


them are absurd ; their dramas vicious in tone and that 
their parodies upon our national anthems should be rep- 
rehensible under the law. Yet, not content at treating 
with contempt and treason things that loyal men hold 
dear, these Socialist Sunday Schools lay violent hands 
on things holy. The Daily Express of Coventry, Eng- 
land (Feb. 4, 1911) reports the "baptism" of a four 
months old baby — Gladys Rose Wood — in " the cause 
of the red-revolution." The ceremony took place in Jus- 
tice Hall — the meeting place of the British Socialist 
Party. First came a " hymn " to make rich men trem- 

" Then Mr. Julian Tayler arose, and signed to a little girl 
in the audience — Ethel Bates. Ethel, who could not have 
been more than seven, went on the platform, above which 
hung revolutionary messages. She took the baby in her armsj 
and, kneeling on one knee, recited some lines to the child. 
Next Tayler took the child in his arms, and, after stating 
that there would not be any ritual about the ceremony, wel- 
comed the child into the Socialist movement, and pinned a 
red token — the symbol of the social revolution — on her 

" * I name the child Gladys Rose Wood,' said Tayler, * and 
I am glad to welcome it into the ranks of Liberty, Equality, 
and Fraternity.' 

" Tayler proceeded to compare the ceremony with a Church 
baptism, and went on to say : — * We want our children to 
grow up into free-thinking men and women, untrammeled by 
priests or the Church.' " 

Surely this was a logical preparation for thrusting 
into the hands of children a banner bearing the motto, 
" There is no God," to be carried through the streets 


for tlie purpose of gathering recruits for the camp of 
the Bolsheviki. But the question arises, has civil so- 
ciety divorced itself from the knowledge that God is the 
author of nations ? Are the men in the seats of the 
mighty prepared to suffer the deluge? It is certain 
that baptism by water and the Holy Ghost inducts 
the child into the Living Organism of the Catholic 
Church, but it is also as certain that it makes of him a 
loyal giver to Caesar of those things that belong to 
Csesar. While this blasphemous dedication of the child 
to the " social revolution " makes at once of the little one 
an enemy of God and a traitor to her country. Blessed 
Jesus! save these little ones from being despoiled, by 
their owm parents, of their right to liberty and happiness 
here and of heaven hereafter ? 

Because the Ten Commandments — the natural law 
graven in the heart of every man — stand as a granite 
wall between the Socialists and their goal, their peevish 
minds are ever provoked to rid themselves of these 
mandates from the hand of Almighty God. 

Ridicule may indeed laugh out of court what is un- 
sound. More than this, it can, as the Socialist arch- 
priest of ridicule — George Bernard Shaw — well 
knows, silence in the timid the defense of the good and 
the true. So it is with a facetious audacity, so bold 
in its wickedness as almost to pass the belief of self- 
respecting men that Socialists set forth a red-decalogue 
all on their own materialist foundation. Of course, 
with the proviso that human life is an evolutionary 
product from the lowest form of life and has no better 


source than fire mist and the nebula theory that is so 
delightfully rotary in its round and ever larger round 
upward and onward forever — from nowhere to no- 
where. Forsooth ! Socialism's very own ten com- 
mandments " express the higher theology of the new 
day." Besides it is ever so much nicer and more holy 
than any revelation from God that Moses could have 
had wit enough to make during the infancy of the race. 
One of these unspeakable red-decalogues had its origin 
in the United Kingdom for use in their hundreds of 
Socialist Sunday Schools. In our owa country the 
Socialist Sunday School is conducted with a dash. To 
" monstrous difficulties and horrible opposition " they 
answer " Ish Ka Bibble ! " 

" But," says another, " you are atheistic ; you do not teach 
the Bible ! " No, brother, except as a piece of literature 
which has played its irajwrtant role in the world. In our 
school we don't scare little children with big fish stories, nor 
do we make them rave in their childish sleep from ill-consid- 
ered talk of hell fire and damnation ! 

" But you don't teach Jesus ! " Yes, just as we would 
teach Socrates or Darwin or Susan B. Anthony or Debs, or 
any other mortal who has had a philosophy of living and 
has led a commendable life. 

Besides they have some " Don'ts " to counteract the 
effect of those Christian 

" Sunday schools that deal in dope and chloroform, let us 
have Sunday schools that teach children about working class 
emancipation and inspire them with the spirit of intelligent 
rebellion and international brotherhood and solidarity." 


MoDEEN Schools 

Some ten years ago New York City became the center 
of a national movement to establish the Modern School 
— Ferrer Schools as they are popularly termed. These 
schools are now established in several places throughout 
the country. The parent school was founded by 
Leonard D. Abbott, William Thurston Brown, Hutch- 
ings Hapgood, Charles Edward Russell, Jack London, 
Upton Sinclair, Emma Goldman, Eose Pastor Stokes, 
Alexander Berkman, J. Phelps Stokes, William Durant 
and other Socialist-anarchist-radicals of national promi- 
nence. Since the Modern Schools were established to 
perpetuate the work and to honor the memory of Fran- 
cisco Ferrer, who was executed in Barcelona, Spain, it 
is appropriate that we set down something of this man 
whose taking off put the radicals of all the world in an 

Francisco Fekrer 

In the year 1909 trouble arose on the frontier of the 
Spanish possessions in Africa with the Moorish Moun- 
taineers. To defend Spanish interests, reserves were 
called to the colors in Barcelona. This official act was 
the signal for Socialist agitators to stir up the populace 
against permitting the government to send troops to the 
battle front. Under the leadership of Senor Maura, the 
ministry insisted that the interests of Spain be pro- 
tected and troops were sent to Melilla. Agitation, in 
revolt, had by now proceeded so far that the demand 
for " mass action " was answered by strikes. Disorder 


followed upon disorder. During the first night tele- 
graph and telephone lines were cut, gas and electric 
lighting plants destroyed and cars were overturned. 
The fray was bloody, policemen were shot, firemen and 
civilians stoned and wounded. The next day, July 27, 
1909, martial law was declared, thus turning all the 
powers of the government in Barcelona over to military 
officials. In conspicuous places throughout the city 
were posted proclamations containing the military code, 
adopted by a liberal Parliament in 1890. 
We cite two sections of the code: 

Article 3. Jurisdiction of offenses affecting public order in 
any political or social sense comes under my authority; and 
the authors of them can be tried by summary court-martial. 

Article 4. Persons publishing notices or directions in any 
form whatsoever tending to disobedience of military orders 
will be considered as guilty of sedition; as well as those 
who make attempts against freedom of labor, or cause im- 
pediment or destruction of railroads, street car lines, tele- 
graph or telephone lines, or any other conductor of elec- 
tricity, or water mains or gas pipes. 

Whereupon, faced with the drastic measures neces- 
sary to restore order bedlam broke loose, for the Social- 
ists of Barcelona had the desperate courage to put the 
Hillquitian war cry into action — they actually 
"mounted the barricades and fought like tigers." As 
it was not supposed that churches, schools and convents 
would be attacked, the banks, postoffice and other public 
buildings were well guarded to invite attack. Evidently 
these authorities had yet to learn that it is a Marxian 


dogma that the church is but a camouflaged police force 
for capitalism. As a matter of fact churches, schools, 
day-nurseries, kindergartens and other charitable insti- 
tutions of defenseless women were assaulted, burned and 
otherwise destroyed. Thus began " bloody week," the 
excesses of which have, perhaps, since been equaled by 
the Bolsheviki in Russia. The outrages put the pen to 
blush. We quote from the late Andrew J. Shipman, 
Esq., New York City, an authority of the highest in- 
tegrity on the Barcelona rebellion. Mr. Shipman was 
in Spain during this time and he remained throughout 
the trial of the ring-leader: 

" It is sickening to tell of the savagery of the mob. Even 
the dead nuns were dragged from their coffins, and paraded 
with revolting and obscene orgies, and then thrown into the 
gutters. Clerical teachers in the schools were stripped, tor- 
tured, and shot. Even little children were not spared. 
Churches that had stood as monuments from the days of the 
Crusades were destroyed; while everything valuable was 
plundered from them and from schools and religious houses. 
They even stole the clothes and petty jewelry of the girls in 
the boarding-schools." 

Francisco Eerrer was arrested as the " author and 
chief of the rebellion " — as the man who " instigated 
and directed the uprising." During the trial Eerrer 
was proved to have been in active collusion with the 
rioters for the first three days, and then to have dis- 
appeared from the city. When captured he was away 
from his usual place of abode and minus his wonted 
full beard. Being questioned, Ferrer claimed to be 


making a walking tour through Cataluna, on his way 
home from the Esperanto Congress to which he was a 

Ferrer's picture is absent from the group of delegates 
to the Congress that was photographed at Tibidabo; 
and when examined as to his knowledge of Esperanto, 
proved to be ignorant of the language. 

Seventy witnesses, Republicans, Liberals, Anarchists 
and Labor leaders gave evidence in conclusive proof 
of the complicity of Ferrer in the riotous demonstra- 
tions. An able lawyer defended Ferrer but not one 
witness was put on the stand to refute the charges 
brought against him. The trial was held in open court 
and lasted twenty-eight days; press representatives 
from many countries being in attendance. Ferrer was 
found guilty of rebellion and treason. He was sen- 
tenced to be shot in compliance with Article 238 of 
Spanish law — the sentence being confirmed by the 
Captain-General and approved by the Ministry. 

Upon the execution of Ferrer the Socialist-Anarchist- 
Atheist-Radical leaders throughout the world sounded 
their toxin calling upon the mob to vent its ire, not 
upon those who uphold unjust practises and work 
iniquity in industry, commerce and finance, but more 
especially upon the very prop and pillar of civil society 
— the Christian religion. They know very well, to de- 
Catholicize Europe is to de-Christianize the world; to 
de-Christianize the world is to open the flood gates of 
disorder — and disorder is Socialism's opportunity. 

Rome was naturally, or rather unnaturally, the point 


of attack ! Troops were called out to protect the Span- 
ish Embassy, the Quirinal and the Vatican; Pius X, 
the priests, the sisters and all things Catholic were re- 
viled while the mob paraded the streets, shouting, 
" Down with re-action ! " " Down with the Jesu- 
its!" "Down with Merry del Val!" "Long 
live Ferrer ! " In Paris rioting followed the 
Socialist-Anarchist meetings; there were 1,000 
persons crying " Vive Ferrer ! " " Abas la Cal- 
cotte ! " and singing " L'Internationale." In Trieste 
(Austria-Hungary) after a meeting addressed by the 
Socialist Deputies thousands of these protestants made 
their way through the streets creating such a tumult 
that " all the theaters and cafes were compelled to close." 
The demonstration in Brussels lasted one whole week; 
processions marched through the streets with draped red 
flags shouting " Down with Alfonso ! " " Vengeance 
for Ferrer ! " Their efforts to reach the Spanish Em- 
bassy were repulsed by the soldiers. An exciting scene 
was created by the Socialists in the Municipal Council 
at Boulogne-sur-Seine (France) by an unsuccessful at- 
tempt to change the name of a public square to " Place 
Ferrer." In Brussels, sixty Belgian Free-thought 
Societies, made up of Socialists and Anarchists, un- 
veiled a marble slab in Ferrer's honor in the Grand 
Palace. Later a nude male figure lifting high a torch, 
" the symbol of the triumph of light over darkness," was 
dedicated to Ferrer's honor at Place Sainte Catherine, 
Brussels. On this eventful occasion messages were read 
from the radicals of many nations in praise of " the 


hero " who had braved the power of medieval darkness. 
The Barcelona City Council protested against the erec- 
tion of this statue, declaring it to be an insult to 

Through the recommendation of the National Office 
of the Socialiast party, protest meetings were held 
throughout our own country. The New York Call 
(Vol. 2, No. 261) editorially asked for — "one or two 
million signatures — to a petition demanding the ex- 
pulsion of the Spanish Ambassador and the severance of 
diplomatic relations with Spain, as a protest against 
the murder of Ferrer." 

The radicals of New York filled Carnegie Hall to 
the doors to " Show Passionate Indignation " and to 
hear Charles Edward Russell, Joshua Wanhope, Henry 
Frank, Edward F. Cassidy, Leonora O'Eeilly and 
others " denounce in the strongest terms the Catholic 
Church " for its part in the murder of Ferrer. Mr. 
Eussell climaxed the impassioned speech on this oc- 
casion, attacking the Catholic Church and advocating 
revolt : 

" You say that I am preaching a revolutionary doc- 
trine. Yes, it is a revolutionary doctrine and I preach 
it. What doctrine hut revolution should a man preach 
in the face of a monstrous tyranny f " (N. Y. Call, Oct. 
20, 1909.) 

A letter from Rabbi Stephen S. Wise was read ex- 
pressing regret at being unable to be present at the 
Carnegie Hall gathering since " I am entirely in sym- 
pathy with the meeting." Dr. Wise's letter concludes : 


"I bespeak the sympathy of the meeting to-night, not 
only for the family of Professor Ferrer, but for the heroes 
in Russia and other lands who are seeking to make their 
countries free. And may the martyrdom of Ferrer move us 
to safeguard anew the precious boon of freedom, which is 
the very life of our American democracy." 

We shall give the Eabbi the benefit of the assumption 
that his sympathy " for the family of Professor Ferrer " 
is meant for the family that he deserted, not for that 
of his first " free union " nor for the family of his 
second mistress — Soledad Villaf ranca. 

We give an excerpt from the New York Call's Oct. 
24, 1909 — very sympathetic report of the parade in 
honor of Ferrer by some Italian and other radical 

" Up Fifth Avenue past the palaces of the rich and 
the hated spires of that church the hands of whose priests 
are red with the blood of Francisco Ferrer. Their red 
banners draped in blade were lowered in contempt as 
they passed St. Patrick's Cathedral, and then burst from 
hundred of throats passionate cries in many tongues of 
' Down with the Church/ ' Down with the Jesuits,' ' Ab- 
basso St. Patrick's, ' ' Eviva Ferrer,' ' hong live the 
Revolution.' " 

In Boston, Prof. Charles Zueblin, Edwin D. Mead 
and other of the elegant Nevs^ England radicals joined 
with the Socialist party in proclaiming that a great 
light in the world had been put out by the lingering 
powers of darkness. In Chicago Arthur Morrow Lewis 
and the ^National Secretary of the Socialist Party led 


the anti-Catholic orations. In Milwaukee, Victor 
Berger was heard; while in San Francisco Ferrer 
was given a standing among the red-flag martyrs of 
the world by Austin Lewis and Selig Schulberg. In- 
deed no Socialist body was too poor to do Ferrer honor. 
In Lancaster, Pa., they " placed the seal of approval to 
the plan of Prof. Ernest Haeckel of Germany to erect 
a Ferrer School right before the Pope's eyes, in the 
Plaza of St. Peter, on the opposite side of the street in 
front of the Vatican in Rome, as a testimonial of the 
work of the great martyr." 

For a little time little differences were forgotten, 
to be sure, both Socialists and Anarchists seek a " free 
society." One would use the vote and let the " State 
die out " ; the other would take the shorter route and 
blow the State to smithereens. That either means of 
arriving at their aim is inconsequent has not dawned 
upon the one or the other. For they have not yet com- 
prehended the truth that so long as this old globe is 
inhabited by mankind the Catholic Church shall be here 
to give that happiness on earth that passeth understand- 
ing, by bringing forgiveness, to repentant sinners. 

Emma Goldman — the most gifted of Anarchists — 
gave to the world her views upon the platform in 
Mother Earth. We quote from the November, 1909, 
issue : 

"Never before in ike history of the world has one man's 
death so thoroughly united struggling manlcind." 

"Never before has one man's death called forth such a 
universal cry of indignation." 


"Never before has one man's death so completely torn the 
veil from the sinister face of the hydra-headed monster, the 
Catholic Church." 

" Before the awakened consciousness of mankind the world 
over the Catholic Church stands condemned as the instigator 
and perpetrator of the foul crime committed at Montjuich. 
It is this awakened consciousness which has resurrected 
Francisco Ferrer." 

However, since Mother Earth was unstinted in its 
praise of Czolgosz, the murderer of President Mc- 
Kinley, we submit that candid-minded citizens should 
find in Miss Goldman's foul denunciations something 
in favor of the Catholic Church. 

Alexander Berkman was outside of prison walls 
when he paid tribute: 

" Ferrer's martyrdom has called forth almost universal in- 
dignation against the cabal of priest and ruler that doomed a 
noble man to death. 

" The martyrdom of Ferrer will not have been in vain if 
through it, the Anarchists — as well as other radical elements 
— will realize that, in social as well as in individual life, 
conception precedes birth. The social conception which we 
need, and must have, is the creation of libertarian centers 
which shall radiate the atmosphere of the dawn into the life 
of humanity." (Mother Earth, Nov., 1910.) 

Eose Pastor Stokes not alone paid with her voice and 
her pen tributes to Ferrer, she gave to the schools — 
monuments to his name — her money. " Last year 
we echoed Ferrer s cry, 'Long Live the Modern School! ' 
This year we are helping the Modem School to live! 


His soul is marching on. How wonderful it is! " Yes, 
truly, though it is not less debasing than it is wonderful 
that in our own free America — the land of her adop- 
tion — that " Dear Rose " may be kept constantly in the 
lime-light by her advocacy of Ferrer Schools, the red 
flag, birth-control and treason, any one of which should 
be sufficient to exclude Mrs. Stokes from public view. 

Before a California audience {The World, Oakland, 
March 28, 1919) William Thurston Brown depicts the 
" freedom " of the Ferrer School at Stelton, N. J., and 
makes it his mission to " force " this freedom upon 
the public schools of our country. As this freedom 
permits the pupils of Stelton, who " enter into the spirit 
of the Russian revolution " to " educate themselves " 
authority is expelled from the school room. Of course 
this is logical, since if man comes from the troglodyte 
authority comes from nowhere. 

Upton Sinclair modestly informs his admirers that 
it took " twenty-five years " to compile his little volume 
—'' The Profits of Religion" (Pasadena, Calif., 1918) 
in which he reprints old crass calumnies against the 
Catholic Church to delight the darkened mind. It 
seems to matter little to " Uptie " that many of these 
falsehoods were plainly refuted centuries before his 
booklet was written in which he does praise to his 
" friend " after that dear friend had separated him from 
his first wife. Mayhap it was to advertise his Socialist 
freedom ? However that may be, this I-I-I-I gen- 
tleman did put one new falsehood together with an old 
one — on the principle that two negatives make one 


positive — and thus at once " Uptie " traduces Christ's 
Church, spreads the propaganda of irresponsibility, and 
makes a name and money for himself by his defense of 
Ferrer. Just as the Catholic Church '' Burned Gio- 
daho Bi-uno for teaching that the earth moves around 
the sun — that same Churchy in the name of the three- 
headed God, sent out Francesco Ferrer to the firing 
squad; if it does not do the same thing to the author of 
this book, it will be solely because of the police/' (p. 

Some twenty-five minutes of honest seeking after his- 
toric truth would be time enough to put to rout the 
fraud and falsehood gathered in twenty-five years, that 
Bruno was burned for the astronomical opinions that he 
held. The Catholic Church is now and ever has been 
the Patron of Science. It was Copernicus who made 
the scientific discovery that the earth moves around the 
sun — Copernicus was a priest. Just a little of the 
money made out of the profits of Mr. Sinclair's ir- 
religious little book, that took twenty-five of his pre- 
cious years, if put into a reliable book relative to the 
matter would give proof that Copernicus was honored 
at Rome for his discovery; that it was a Prince of the 
Church — Cardinal Schonberg — who urged Coper- 
nicus to publish his scientific discoveries for the benefit 
of the world ; that his book was dedicated to Pope Paul 
III and that the great Father Copernicus retired upon 
a benefice provided by the Pope. Then, again, if 
" Uptie " had that gift implored by Bobbie Burns, he 
might see that it is quite one thing to write scandalously 


about the Catholic Church and vaingloriously about 
himself in his sunny Pasadena home and quite another 
to spur men on to riot, since Ferrer's act was deemed 
consequential enough to waste shot upon. 

UpUe^ Uptie sat on a wall 

Uptie, Uptie had a great fall 

All the king's oxen and all the Tcing's men 

Cannot put Uptie together again. 

From the many editorials, that appeared during the 
years that this sensation was fresh, we select excerpts 
from two that are fairly representative of the spirit 
with which the atrocious Ferrer was upheld and the 
animus that was directed against the Catholic Church ; 
notwithstanding the fact that the Church of Christ had 
nothing to do with his trial or his execution. 

" Ferrer was killed by order of the Spanish Movement and 
with the approval of all the exploiters of the Spanish people 
and of the Catholic Church" (Call, Oct. 13, 1910.) 

"Many will remember the date, October 12, 1909, that the 
Spanish government, urged by the Catholic Church, pro- 
nounced the death sentence upon Francisco Ferrer because 
he dared to preach the truth as he believed it." The Minne- 
sota Socialist, Minneapolis, Sept. 26, 1913. 

The division of the Socialist movement known as the 
" Industrial Workers of the World " shall be called 
upon, otherwise the most fecund of the diatribes against 
the Church would be left out. This organization sprang 
quickly into the lists of Ferrer's idolaters. After many 
where-ases anent " Bloody Mary " and other historic 


perversions, the officers give Ferrer's last words as a 
rich legacy that spells emancipation — " Aim straight ; 
Long live the Modem Schools " — and then 

" Resolved, That the Industrial Workers of the World shall, 
in the spirit of the murdered scholar, herald among the work- 
ers the mission of a united working class. One in the spirit 
of education and organization, whose fruition will be a so- 
ciety unfettered by wealth or church; a society that shall 
make impossible the murder of any individual at the behest of 
a tyrannical priest by an illiterate soldiery, the hirelings of 
an imbecile king. 

" Priest and King ! How long, Workers, shalt thou tol- 
erate their crimes? 

" T. J. Cole, 
J. J. Ettor, 
H. L. Gaines, 
Francis Miller, 
Thos. Whitehead, 

General Executive Board. 
Wm. E. Trautman, 

General Organizer. 
Vincent St. John, 

General Sec.-Treas. 
The Industrial Worher, Spokane, Wash., Dec. 15, 1909. 

Besides the I. W. W. the United Hebrew trades adds 
its full strength to the Socialist left wing. In the 
needle industry alone it has some 300,000 men and 
women who conceive themselves to be victims of the 
competitive capitalist system and resolve to free them- 
selves through representatives of their own " party and 


class " who shall have been educated, thoroughly, in 
the principles of the modern school. In estimating the 
volume of the disruptive and destructive force of these 
organized wage-earners it should be held in view that 
this body of men and women have none of those fond 
traditions of nationhood that other races have to temper 
somewhat their rage when it is lashed into a fury by 
artful demagogues. Yet they have the vote by which 
to get control of our government for the determined 
purpose of confiscating all the capital in private hands 
as the basis for the complete overturning of our con- 
stitution and institutions. 

Even the American Federation of Labor, that has 
never denied the inherent right of a man to operate 
private property for a legitimate profit, came very near 
committing the monstrous error of officially classing 
Ferrer with our own greatest Americans — Washington 
and Lincoln — who stood to the issue that the people of 
this nation might be free. It is to the credit of the 
Fraternal delegate to the A. F. of L. — Father Peter 
E. Dietz — that the contemplated action of the Execu- 
tive Council of that body did not come to evil fruition 
at the Toronto Convention in 1909. 

Ah ! yes, there is rhyme galore as this Anarchist- 
Socialist group have the most language to spare. 
Mother Earth sets forth a Song of Solidarity by Bayard 
Boyesen, formerly an instructor in Columbia Univer- 
sity, dedicated reverently to the memory of Ferrer who 
was " murdered by the House of Bourbon and the 
Church of Rome." 


" But the rocks shall split asunder ; 
Let kings and Pope beware 
When brave men rise and thunder 
* For Freedom and Ferrer ! ' " 

The Social Democratic Herald (Milwaukee) aspiring 
to the wreath of fame puts history, prophecy and blas- 
phemy into these words: 

" One sad October morn, at the stroke of six, 
In this very fortress of Montjuich, 
There stood erect before that wall of shame, 
(Wrought by a boy, Alfonso is his name, the last king 

of Spain) 
A man of fame, the pride of Spain; 
He never bowed to king nor pope 
And guided people in their hope, 
He must then fall before that wall. 
For so ordained the Holy See 
And the beast who a king would be ! " 

Mr. Eunsonshall in the New Yorh Call speaks his 
little piece to show their groveling lust for earthly 
power : 

" Four shots rang out, and Ferrer fell ; 

* So perish Anarchy,' they cried, 
' So die each hated infidel.' 

The warm Earth answered, ' Ye have lied ' ; 
And Liar Priest, and Liar King, 

And Liar minion swine of Spain, 
Within our hearts your doom we sing. 

And vengeance seek for Ferrer's pain; 
So let it fl&me, that worthy name." 


Then, too, -the Melting Pot shall speak out its ven- 
omous mind for it makes history quite regardless of 
truth. Indeed, this one excerpt alone was sufficient 
to tell what it is that gives motive to the Socialist move- 
ment taken as a whole — hatred of truth — of God. 

Those who imagine that the spirit of the bloody Inquisition 
is gone from the Koman Church, who think that Rome would 
not still murder heretics wherever it had the power, need 
but only turn to four short years ago this month — October, 
1909 — and recall the martyrdom of Francisco Ferrer, the 
great Spanish educator, whose only crime was that he ad- 
vocated a system of public schools in Spain free from the 
control of the Catholic priests. The law of Spain forbids 
any schools where the Roman Catholic religion is not taught. 
This law Francisco Ferrer wanted repealed. He was tried 
for treason against the King and the Holy Church. He was 
convicted, sentenced to death, and was shot on October 13, 
1909. The pope was appealed to by nearly every scholar in 
Europe, as well as by Ferrer's own family. One word from 
the Vatican would have saved Ferrer's life. THE POPE 
REMAINED DUMB — and one more damnable crime, one 
more bloody butchery, was chalked up to the account of the 
infamous Church that has cursed the earth for centuries. 

Remember — the accusers of Ferrer were ALL Roman 
priests — his only crime was his advocacy of free, secular 
schools — the government of Spain, with a cowardly pup for 
a king, killed Ferrer because the Roman Church, which is 
the State religion of Spain, wanted Ferrer killed. Wouldn't 
you like to have this outfit rule America? Aren't they a fine 
lot to tell you that Socialism is wicked? (St. Louis, Mo., 
Oct., 1913.) 

We have but to recall the important facts in this 


case to satisfy all those to whom truth and reason 

First. — The Catholic Church neither directly nor 
indirectly had anything to do with Ferrer's arrest, 
conviction and death. Not a priest or any one con- 
nected with the Religious Orders of Spain appeared 
against Ferrer. On the contrary, the Church did offer 
him the consolation of religion, which he refused to the 
end. Moreover, Pope Pius X did appeal to King Al- 
fonso for clemency to Ferrer. It was by the govern- 
ment decided that for " reasons of state " the full 
penalty should be paid by the " chief instigator " of 
the revolt. 

Second. — The Ferrer Schools of Barcelona had been 
as freely permitted to work disruption in Spain as the 
Ferrer and the Rand Schools of New York City are 
still permitted to train men and women, boys and girls, 
for the overthrow of American principles and American 
institutions. As we have said before, not a few of 
these sometime students are now amongst the " Dic- 
tators of the Proletariat " in Russia. As a matter of 
fact, there were forty-two Ferrer schools unrestrictedly 
working their wicked will in Barcelona at the time 
their founder inspired the mob to insurrection in that 
hopeless city. There was, at this time, plenty, and 
more of license for the operation of these modem 
schools and there was not a lack of honest educational 
opportunities in this province of Spain as we shall show 
upon the authority of Mr. Andrew Shipman, whose 
reliability is above question. We quote: 


" The statistics of Barcelona for the year 1909 show the fol- 
lowing results : public schools, 860 ; private church schools 
conducted by religious communities, 268 ; private schools con- 
ducted by Catholic laymen, 564 ; Protestant schools, 22 ; Ferrer 
* laic ' schools, 43. This does very well for the city and 
province of Barcelona, containing a total population of 1,052,- 

It has been said that the schools of Spain still leave 75 
per cent of the people illiterate. Those are the statistics 
of 1860 — fifty years ago. According to the census of 1900 
(before Ferrer ever began his schools), Spain had 25,340 pub- 
lic schools, with 1,617,314 pupils, and 6,181 private schools 
with 344,380 pupils, making a total of 31,521 schools with 1,- 
961,694 pupils, out of a population then of 18,618,086 — 
somewheres approaching the same average as the State of 
New York at that date had in her public schools. And this 
is excluding high schools, seminaries, and the ten universities. 
And Spain has largely increased her educational facilities in 
the ten years since 1900." 

One point in passing should be noted, namely that 
all children in the Statistical Census of illiteracy in 
Spain are included, while our own Statistical Reports 
exclude children below the age of ten years. 

Third. — Ferrer was convicted of treason. That he 
was guilty of treason there is Socialist testimony in 
amplitude. Yes, truly they have reversed the moral 
code given by God to man. They use loyalty for 
treason ; glory for shame. But this blind use of words 
does not change the character of their intentions. 
Treason was the International pronouncement at the 
Stuttgart Congress. The order was given in explicit 
terms — " to war upon war." That it was followed 


out in Barcelona is well known by all the International- 
ists. The WeeUy People (N. Y., Oct. 23, 1909) in 
an editorial ''The Assassination of Ferrer" rejoices 
in the Spaniards' loyalty to the revolutionary cause. 
" The Anti-Militarist Resolution promulgated by the 
International Socialist Congress became the rallying cry 
of all honorable and enlightened elements in Spain." 

In his annual report the National Secretary of the 
Socialist party (^S'. P. Official Bulletin, Jan., 1910) 
commends the Socialists of Barcelona — they acted in 
accordance with the recommendations contained in the 
resolutions adopted by the International Congress at 
Stuttgart covering this very subject — " war." 

" Better insurrection than war! " became their slogan 
and the International Socialist Bureau (Brussels) 
praised the Ferrerites for their " loyalty " in a stirring 
appeal issued to the Spanish Socialists. This docu- 
ment was published in all the Socialist papers of our 
country. Splendid! The Socialists in Spain have 
risen in open insurrection against war in Morocco : : 

Socialists Did Duty 

" During this shocking state of affairs, the Socialists have 
done their duty to the end without flinching. The inter- 
national party owes them a debt of gratitude and sympathy. 
They have made war against war at the peril of their lives. 
They have carried out the resolution of our congress and for 
that reason we ourselves must support them in their acts. 
Let us proclaim so loudly in these times when reaction, 
bearing in mind the history of the Commune, is trying by its 
false news and censure, to transform victims into criminals 


and criminals into victims. (Chicago Daily Socialist, Aug. 
18, 1909." 

The last clause of the Stuttgart resolution was in- 
troduced by Rosa Luxenburg, delegate from Poland 
and N. Lenin, delegate from Eussia. It was re-enacted 
at the Basle International Congress. Socialists are 
pledged — " to employ all their forces for utilizing the 
economical and political crisis created hy the war, in 
order to arouse the masses of the people and to hasten 
the downbreak of the predominance of the capitalist 

Surely, " loyalty " to this mandate had, during the 
war with Morocco, prompted the Socialists of Spain to 
use all their forces to " war upon war," and the results 
were most successful. That the practise of treason was 
spreading to other countries may be seen in the fact 
that just at the beginning of the world-war (Sept., 
1914) the Social Democratic Party of Russia sent out 
an official document signed by S. Zimowjen and 'N. 
Lenin declaring their members to be in duty bound to 
war upon war. " The Basle Resolution, which repeats 
the words of the Stuttgart Resolution, means that, in 
case of an outbreaJc of war, all Socialists shall he obliged 
and in duty bound to malce use of the economic and 
political crisis brought on by the war to stir up the 
masses and bring about the social revolution." 

Thus it was sentimentally clear to their perverted 
view of honor that Perrer had become a martyr by 
taking advantage of a state of war in his own country 


to stab Spain in the back. Eerrer had been " loyal " 
to the Socialist mandate. But this mandate is treason 
to any just government in the world. Suppose, as an 
instance, that during the time our troops were defend- 
ing the honor of America on the fields of France and 
Flanders, that Morris Hillquit, Victor L. Berger, Kate 
Richard O'Hare, Dan. Hogan, Frank Midney, Patrick 
Quinlan, C. E. Ruthenberg, Maynard Shipley, George 
Spiess, Jr., Job Harriman and Algernon Lee — the pro- 
posers of the St. Louis Emergency Convention resolu- 
tion on war — aided by Emma Goldman, Alexander 
Berkman with their anarchist following — " to hasten 
the downbreak of the capitalist class " had acted upon 
the aphorism " better insurrection than war " and car- 
ried out their program of " mass action," inducing their 
poor deluded comrades to mount the barricades and 
fight like tigers; to destroy 22 churches; 14 convents; 
20 schools and colleges ; 19 oflBce buildings and private 
houses; kill 102 persons; seriously wound and maim 
312 others; to enter the vaults and carry off 32 dead 
bodies of nuns through the streets of New York ; as 
did the Ferrerites in their " war upon war " in the City 
of Barcelona, what then? Would that city if under 
martial law have given a pink tea to the instigators of 
the internecine str.if e ? No, surely we should have done 
in America what was done in a much less serious at- 
tempt at the " downbreak of the capitalist class " in 
Chicago in 1886. This miniature attempt at the revo- 
lution to abolish private capital and the wages system 
by throwing bombs into Haymarket Square should be 


fruitful in its lesson. The death toll was six police- 
men and about sixty persons were injured. From the 
court records it may be seen that the conviction of 
the " Chicago Martyrs " — August Spies, Albert Par- 
sons, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Adolph Fisher, 
George Engel and Louis Lingg was not for throwing the 
bombs, it was for doing just what the Ferrer-Eand et 
al schools are doing throughout the country. It was 
not this actual presence at Haymarke't Square during 
the riot that brought about their conviction but rather 
the disloyal and treasonable statements found in their 
speeches and writings that sent them to death. The 
Court of Chicago clearly states the case of translating 
violent principles into action: 

"He who inflames people's minds, and induces them by 
violent means to accomplish an illegal object, is himself a 
rioter, even though he take no part in the riot. ... If he 
set in motion the physical power of another, he is liable for 
its result. If he awake into action an indiscriminate power, 
he is responsible." 

FEEEtEB Schools 

Surely, at this point the question is again pertinent 
— just what are these violent principles taught at the 
Ferrer schools in so popular a way that even children 
become easily imbued with them. They are in sub- 
stance the self-same anti-religious, anti-patriotic, anti- 
family doctrines that lie as the immoral and inethical 
base of the many sided movement connoted by the gen- 
eral term Socialism. For a concrete statement we 


present a few excerpts from the Third Reader of the 
Barcelona Modern Schools — a Ferrer text book : 

" Don't get excited for the sake of the flag ! It is nothing 
but three yards of cloth stuck on a pole." 

" The words ' country,' ' flag,' and ' family ' are no more 
than hypocritical echoes of wind and sound." 

"Industries and commerce are names by which merchants 
cover up their robberies." 

" Marriage is prostitution sanctified by the Church and 
protected by the State." 

" The family is one of the principal obstacles to the en- 
lightenment of men." 

Surely, words are lost in pity for God's little 

Their leading teacher — William J. Durant, gives 
an outline in' The Modern School'" (Vol. 1, No. 1) 
of the Eerrer schools. Durant out Luther's Luther. 
To be sure Luther discovered the Bible accidentally, 
though there were up to the time he was educated five 
hundred editions of it, thirty of which were in his own 
language — German. But then a public library is 
much bigger than a Bible and " the turning point in 
Durant's life came when he discovered that there was 
such a thing as a public library/' 

Erom Spencer's " Eirst Principles," step by step Du- 
rant walked right into the first place in the Eerrer 
schools of America. His pupils study " Homo Sexual- 
ism " and " Sex and Religion." To enforce the teach- 
ing of the school — since the difference between science 


and art is that science is knowing the method and art 
is to do the deed — the teaching of Ellen Key — the 
Swedish feminist — is studied and she herself is given 
to the girl students as their model since Ellen Key " is 
the most consistent of women, inasmuch as she lives her 
ideals in her own life." 

For the babies the Montessori system is recommended, 
and the Ferrer schools are far and away ahead of any 
others of this class since they are most logically anarchis- 

Without religious light; without the ground of 
reason ; without the norm of common sense these teachers 
boast that they teach without dogmatism, then they set 
up the stupid dogma that " children must be free to 
educate themselves." Some may dance when others 
want to study, for their spirits should not be repressed. 
Little boys may fight in the school rooms even though 
the side-walk is a better place to have it out as to 
which one shall first dance with Maria. Perish the 
thought — initiation may not be suppressed at the risk 
of limb or life, any boy or girl could jump out of the 
window if he or she decided to do so. IN'either the 
child's mind nor its body shall be cramped — the school 
is positively libertarian. 

Of course, nothing is right and nothing is wrong, 
but then these " teachers " discuss what is right and 
what is wrong with the children but the children are 
never forbidden anything and they are never punished 
in any way for anything. 



Socialists are energetically taking advantage of 
every opportunity to control the education of children 
throughout the country and this is only another way of 
saying that they would drive out of every school cur- 
riculum whatsoever induces love of God and loyalty to 
country. They base their opposition on the assumption 
that both religion and patriotism are unscientific: 

"I know of no school to which your children may be sent 
where some superstitions are not taught. In the public 
schools, where the ordinary superstitions taught in sectarian 
schools are not taught, some superstitions the child must 
receive. The superstition of the glory of war, the freedom 
of our land, patriotism narrowed down to the blind love of 
one country against other countries, and several other such 
superstitions. The only place I know of for your children 
or anybody's children where these and other superstitions 
are unlearned and beautiful truth is learned is in the So- 
cialist Sunday schools." (Rose Pastor Stokes — Editor 
Woman's Dep. New York Call, Sept. 7, 1908.) 

N^ot content with the fact that the popular Darwinian 
theory has vitiated the text books of the modern world 
to the extent that animalism is the cult profused by the 
so-called educa?ted, with its utter disregard for the soul, 
even the life of the race, as may be seen in the propa- 
ganda of birth control and its kindred abominations, all 
of which reaches down to the schools in the form of 
sex hygiene et al., the Socialists want still further to 
carry the demoralization of animalism into the every- 


day life of school children. The city platform of Oak- 
land, Calif., Socialist Party (Jan., 1919) first calls 
for a class-conscious Soviet government and then calls 
for this practical step towards their aim : " We de- 
mu7\d a complete revolution in the text hooTcs and in- 
structions and that working class 'principles hecome the 
new order of education." Thus it is that decent words 
— " working class " — are made to do duty in describ- 
ing principles that are vicious. 

The Socialists of Queens County, N". Y., declared: 

" That the party ^ organization go down on record as favor- 
ing compulsory public school education." (Call, April 24, 

The New York State Platform — adopted hy the 
Socialist Party in Convention assembled in Albany, 
July 2, 1916 — declared for "Compulsory school at- 
tendance for all children up to the age of 18." 

The influence of religion must be weakened, is the 
burden of the official pronouncement of the Socialist 
Party of Great Britian under the caption of Socialism 
and Religion: 

" The sophistication df the children's brains with super- 
stition and hypocritical capitalist codes prevents millions from 
ever understanding their position in the world." 

l^obody is better qualified than Clara Zetkin — a 
Spartacide leader in Germany — to send the cry of the 
doctrinaries around the world: 


"Cast religion out of the schools! It has no hiisiness 
there, neither from ethic nor pedagogic reasons." 

They know, from long experience, that, indeed, ma- 
terialism is the handmaid of revolution. They know, 
too, that religion out-of-the public schools is the precur- 
sor for closing the private schools where religion is 
taught. This point is well established. It was set 
down succinctly in the Erfurt platform (1891) and the 
Erfurt platform has been the model for all the Socialist 
political programs since that time. The self -same word- 
ing of the plank has been used in the platforms of 
Socialists in our own country. "^ Secularization of the 
schools. Compulsory attendance at the public schools." 

The late Wilhelm Liebknecht, one of the most in- 
fluential leaders of the German Social Democratic Party 
— may be trusted to have amplified its exact intention 
in his Socialism: What It Is and What It Seeks to 
Accomplish. This passage '' means that the church, 
that religion should have nothing to do with the school." 
" It means that the attempt of Catholics, Protestants and 
others to hold and malce their control firm over the in- 
tellect " must he frustrated. This is open. Too open, 
since it is low grade politics to play at the game 
of now-you-see-it-and-now-you-don't. When the discus- 
sion was on, it was objected as an infringement upon 
parental rights — that by compelling all children to 
attend public schools where religious training was for- 
bidden — it was in fact a prohibition upon religious 


The Social Democratic Herald (June 21, 1913) — 
Victor Berger's paper — replied : " But compulsory 
schooling has nothing to do with the right of the people 
to be religious or to inculcate their religion." True, the 
right no man — no state — can take away since no man 
gave it. The right is secure with God, but it is not safe 
with Darwinism in the saddle ; with Socialists in power 
it would be quite impossible for parents to exercise 
their natural right to educate their children in compli- 
ance with the dictates of their conscience. For witness 
we call upon the Lenin-Trotsky regime to testify. 
Surely no discussion is necessary to the same conclusion 
that in our mixed population of various religious beliefs, 
with sixty millions of our people non-affiliated with any 
church, that the teaching of religion in our public 
schools, as now maintained, is quite impossible if the 
right of religious conviction is to be respected. Yet, 
because the general public has stupidly and wickedly 
acquiesced in the notion that those who demand Godless 
education for children shall have it all their own way 
with the public schools, we have now to face the growing 
demand that no parents shall be allowed to educate their 
children under religious auspices even in private schools. 
A pretty kettle of fish ! We must, of course, assent that 
such irresponsible parents as will not safeguard the in- 
telligence of our future citizenry by their voluntary 
education shall be made to do so. Besides, all will no 
doubt agree that cooperation through State agencies in 
the education of children is advisable for too many 
reasons here to enumerate. But there should be mother- 


wit enough within the hody politic to safeguard uni- 
versal education in the interest of the State. Just 
here is the crux of the whole matter and the sound con- 
clusion must be that since moral education is the 
necessary base of citizenship and since religious in- 
struction alone supplies the foundation of moral-char- 
acter the Commonwealth itself should safeguard the 
basal right of parents to educate their children under 
religious auspices for its own protection. Hence the 
complementary conclusion is that Godless schools should 
be limited strictly to those hapless little ones whose 
infidel and atheist parents demand such a crippling of 
the school curriculum. 

The issue is coming on apace and the Commonwealth 
must meet it. Shall natural rights be maintained upon 
the field of education or shall those who deny natural 
rights rule our schools? 

The Socialist mind may be seen in a text book written 
by John Spargo, for it is officially circulated by the 
Socialist party. Its sense is that the Socialist regime 
would forbid the existence of private schools — of re- 
ligious schools — and that this one-class society would 
take over the role of " the natural protector of the 

" Whether the socialist regime could tolerate the existence 
of elementary schools other than its own, such as privately 
conducted kindergartens and schools, religious schools, and so 
on, is questionable. Probably not. It would probably not 
content itself with refusing to permit religious doctrines or 
ideas to be taught in its schools, but would go further, and. 


as the natural protector of the child, guard its independence 
of thought in later life as far as possible by forbidding re- 
ligious teaching of any kind in schools for children up to a 
certain age. Beyond that age, religious education, in all 
other than the public schools, would be freely permitted. 
This restriction of religious education to the years of judg- 
ment and discretion implies no hostility to religion on the 
part of the State, but neutrality. Not the least important of 
the rights of the child is the right to be protected from in- 
fluences which bias the mind and destroy the possibilities of 
independent judgment in later life, or make it attainable only 
as a result of bitter, needless, tragic experience." (" Social- 
ism: A Summary and Interpretation of Its Principles.") 

This is indeed an excellent laboratory specimen of 
the crookedness in thought and expression that is com- 
mon to those who speak and write in the defense of 
their cause. Of course, the fault here lies deeper than 
thought and speech, since its fundamental lack is a 
moral vision. Having denied God — the First Cause 

— the source from which moral principles are come, the 
parents are coolly raped of their natural rights in their 
children. Then the moral fruit of parental obligations 

— instructing their children to know God, to love God, 
and to serve Him — is made to be an immoral obliga- 
tion on the part of the Commonwealth, since its im- 
portant part is to prevent religious instruction to chil- 
dren. Out of despoliation, despotism and bigotry the 
Spargonian twist of mind makes that blameless and 
at times most desirable product — civil neutrality. We 
are tempted to echo " Can you heat it? " 

In studying the educational prospects under the red 


regime we should hold in mind that it is to be established 
upon the will of men, whereas our form of government 
has its sure foundation upon the will of Almighty God. 
To the question relative to the control of children by 
their parents in the Socialist republic Erank M. East- 
wood replies in his " Question Box " : 

" Nohody hnows. A few Socialist writers seem to think 
that children would he the wards of the state, hut a greater 
numher are opposed to it. Just what will he is a matter that 
the people of that time rmist decide." 

Again : 

" Would parochial schools be allowed in the Cooperative 
Commonwealth ? 

" It is not for an individual of to-day to say just what 
would be allowed in a society that is not yet organized, but 
there is nothing in the principles of Socialism that conflicts 
with the idea of parochial schools or any other schools con- 
ducted for the purpose of teaching special branches such ag 
would not likely be taught in a public school. All such 
things as this would, however, depend upon the will of the 
majority, which would rule under Socialism in fact as it 
now does in theory." 

Nowhere in Socialist philosophy is there any warrant 
for the conviction that the majority, or the minority 
for that matter, is under an obligation imposed by the 
moral law — God's law to rule according to the natural 
rights of beings human. ISTor should this cause sur- 
prise. Going no further back than the animal life 
exhibited within the created universe for the source of 


authority, it necessarily rests upon physical force — 
upon might. Thus it is that right as an absolute prin- 
ciple and wrong as a denial and departure from what 
is right is quite beyond and above the comprehension 
of these modern, scientific, class conscious, revolution- 
izers of the world. The " right of might " has been 
set up in Russia, the Commissioner of Education, A. V. 
Lunacharsky, in his report of the All-Russian Teachers 
Congress disposes of all doubts on the matter as to in- 
tention : 

" At the session of the Government Commission for Public 
Education, in connection with a petition of the church meet- 
ing, the question of parochial schools was taken up. The 
Government Commission decided that the educational in- 
stitutions of the church shall pass over to the administration 
of the local Soviets for public education. Private initiative 
may be permitted to found courses for religious instruction, 
but these shall have no right to include in their programs 
general educational subjects." 

Moreover the deed is done ! — Even before the five 
senses of the child have coordinated in mental vision 
at the age of about seven years, these absurdly dogmatic 
folk who deny dogma — and dogma is only a terse state- 
ment of a basic principle, that relates the individual 
to his Creator — deny that the parent has an inalienable 
right to the child and insist upon " its right to doubt, to 
investigate, to grow strong in wisdom by the exercise of 
its mental processes." Louise Bryant — an American 
Bolshevist apologist — gives her testimony " In Six 


Months in Russia " that the one-class Godless school 
is the one only school permitted : 

"Every child in Russia now attends public school. All 
private institutions are abolished. Not only the children in 
prison, in reform schools and in orphan asylums now must 
go to public schools, but also the children of the aristocracy 
must attend these same schools." 

Only a little knowledge of the world's human his- 
tory is sufficient to see that there is nothing new under 
the sun. The usurpation of the natural rights of 
parents was well worked out with the code of Lycurgus 
and put into every-day educational processes of the 
children of Sparta during the regime of his one-class so- 
ciety in pre-Christian days. Of course it did not last 
long, even with the Pagans, since a merciful Providence 
has a way of righting the wrongs of the race when men 
set up their dogmatic wills quite to the contrary of God's 

However, Pagans of our day are now masters of the 
masses and the classes. To be sure Lenin and Trotsky 
did not wait for a plebiscite relative to the inclusion or 
the exclusion of religious instruction in schools. ISTo, 
usurping the power of the Ten Commandments, the 
rights of civil society and the authority of parents, 
forthwith, at the point of the machine-gun, they con- 
fiscated institutions of learning, denied the natural 
rights of children and sent them all to their schools 
where no " superstitions " are taught ; where God is a 
myth, patriotism is a farce, workmen have no country, 


the flag a rag fetish, self-expression the law, and self- 
sacrifice that blunder worse than a crime. From now 
on Bolshevism will undertake the task of showing that 
" the power of the Vatican, the Pope, rests upon the 
ignorance of the masses," that the influence of the 
Church shall " disappear," that education under Cath- 
olic control is what Karl Marx said it was when writing 
in laudation of the Paris insurrection of 1871 — intel- 
lectual " stultification by the priest." 

From the evidence submitted it should be deemed 
no threat but a rather mild caution to say that we had 
better make haste to encourage religious instruction in 
the schools, upon an equitable basis, unless our country 
is ready to accept Debs, Berger, Stokes, Spargo et al as 
the " natural protectors " of American children. 

At any rate Catholics are not guilty ! They have not, 
they are not and they will not teach their children that 
Darwinian doctrine, brought to its perfection and to its 
Waterloo in the world-war, that might is supreme over 
spirit. Though all the other institutions, that should be 
seats of truth not of error, should teach " psychology 
without a soul " the Catholic philosophers know that 
it is a first principle of recognition that the identity of 
a thing — a being — is established by contrast, rela- 
tive and ultimate. That if all there were to deal with 
were phenomena, it could not be known for lack of an 
ultimate contrast, there would be nothing to stand in 
contrast to the created cosmos by which to establish 
that which we know as force and matter. But with God- 
Pure Spirit, Light and Life — as Creator, then phenom- 


ena may be sure and known up to one's attained capa- 
city to conceive of material substances in part and the 
physical universe as one whole. Then too, in this ulti- 
mate contrast there is a First Cause — a Perfect Cause 
— alone sufficient to account for the moral conscious- 
ness of man and for his creative art-principle. 

Speaking in the large, the world may be sure that 
three hundred million Catholics throughout the world 
will maintain their God-given right to obey \h.e mandate 
of the Canon Law of their Church : 

"Parents are hound hy the most serious obligation to pro- 
cure as far as possible the religious, moral, physical, and 
civil education of their children, and to provide also for their 
temporal welfare." 

Any correct history relative to the subject will show 
that to the Catholic Church is due the credit for intro- 
ducing the free public school system. Centuries before 
Guttenburg invented the printing press (1438), long 
before material less expensive than vellum was common 
in book-making free schools were attached to Catholic 
Churches. So far back as the second century of the 
Christian era (180 a. d.) academies were maintained 
to teach divine revelation and Christian experience. 
Hence dogma and experience were in polarity, there- 
fore these ancient Christians knew both the deductive 
and the inductive principles involved in education, 
whether or not these terms were used. So it was that 
absolute principles, objective reality and sound philoso- 
phy formed the three dimensions of education ; - — in 


contrast then, as now, to the Pagan notion that pragma- 
tism will suffice as a foundation of truth. 

In 529 Ai. D. the Council of Vaison commanded the 
priests of Gaul to take boys into their households and 
instruct them in their faith, science and art. It is con- 
cluded by reputable historians that this decree was in 
fact the beginning of the parochial school system. 

Lhiring the eighth century the Bishop of Metz first 
established schools in Cathedral cities and then expanded 
the system to include nearly all those places where there 
were Churches. Besides religious instruction, reading, 
writing, grammar, rhetoric, psalmody and dialectics 
were taught. 

There is no doubt about the edict for free education 
more than seven hundred years ago. The third Lateran 
Council (1179 a* d.) issued a decree that shows educa- 
tion to be a supreme care of the Chief Pastor and more- 
over it shows that democracy — the rights of the poor 

— is ever in balanced proportion to the authority vested 
in Ecclesiastics. We quote : " That every Cathedral 
Church have a teacher who is to teach poor scholars and 
others, and that no one receive a fee for permission to 

In " The Fairest Argument," Rev. John Noll, LL.D. 

— Editor of Our Sunday Visitor — devotes many 
pages to showing the marvelous educational work done 
by the Church throughout the centuries. Much of the 
testimony is taken from non-Catholic friends, who, as 
historians, are in admiration of the efforts of Holy 
Mother Church to enlighten the people. 


Ireland liad seven Universities in the sixth century, 
Germany had 40,000 elementary schools before Luther 
w^as born, he, himself, was educated in one of them. 

Florence with 90,000 population had an attendance 
of 12,000 in the Catholic schools of the thirteenth cen- 

Before the " Reformation " Catholics had established 
seventy of the leading universities of Europe, they have 
added forty-six since that time, which makes a present 
total of one hundred sixteen. Taken together the 
Protestant sects have established but thirty-one univer- 
sities since the religious authority of the Vicar of Christ 
was thrown off in Germany and in England. 

On the American continent the University of Peru 
was first to be founded at Lima, 1551. Of course it was 
Catholic. It had flourished nearly half a century be- 
fore the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth Rock. 

Our own record is like to that of all the Christian 
centuries, everywhere, the first public school within the 
boundaries of the United States was founded by the 
Catholics at St. Augustine, Fla., in the yedr 1600. 
Thus the Church has a clear title as pioneer upon the 
field of universal education — secular and religious, for 
there is more than ample proof that from the year 33 
when Christ selected Peter as His Vicar on earth that 
the command to teach all nations has been faithfully 
carried out. 

Having studied the uprise and the dovTufall of em- 
pires and of republics our own Washington saw clearly 
that without religious instruction morality cannot be 


maintained and conversely without morality no nation 
can be maintained. This conviction was clearly stated in 
the quaint language of the day and a wise warning given 
to the future generations by the Father of our Country 
in his farewell address which we should prize as a rich 
jewel in our national legacy : 

" Let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality 
can be maintained without religion; whatever may be con- 
ceded to the influence of refined education on minds of pe- 
culiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to ex- 
pect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of re- 
ligious principles." 

Catholics have not to plead guilty : for religious prin- 
ciples have never been excluded from their homes nor 
from their schools. They hear and they obey the in- 
struction that God has given and they know that " Jus- 
tice exalteth a nation; hut sin maheth nations miser^ 
able" (Proverbs 14, 34). Without God as the author 
of nations justice were a principle unknown and un- 
knowable. With God as the ultimate cause of every 
nation under the sun, with Christ the Messiah and Re- 
deemer of all mankind, the central figure of history we 
have a rational explanation of human society that sat- 
isfies the normal requirements of human judgment and 
conduct. It is true that without supernatural revela- 
tion the human mind is enabled, by its natural gifts, to 
reach the necessity for a First Cause. But this convic- 
tion leaves all rational processes minus the explanation 
of goodness and of sin in the world. The utmost the 


First Cause will yield is the positive and the negative 
action of the human will — that is free-will to do or 
not to do a specific thing. If, however, plus the Eirst 
Cause there is supernatural revelation with regard to 
the creation of man and the fall of our first parents ; also 
plus the historic testimony of Christ and Him Crucified, 
then the normal mind rests securely upon its compound 
of natural and supernatural revelation. By reason and 
experience things natural-scientific are made known to 
us, by supernatural revelation things — spiritual — be- 
yond our reason and experience are made known to us. 
Therefore it is plain that things spiritual are wedded 
to things physical as closely as body and soul are wedded 
together. That they are not to be separated save by 
a destruction of mortal life in the one case and by the 
death of the soul in sin in the other is self-evident. This 
is the reason that Catholics insist upon secular instruc- 
tion under religious auspices and quite sufficient it is. 
It is surely within bounds to say that a demonstra- 
tion of self-sacrifice quite equal to the highest quality 
of patriotism this side of death is witnessed in the pa- 
rochial school system of our country. Merely to note 
that the instruction given by Christian brothers and nuns 
— the many thousands of men and women who leave 
the world and its allurements to give a life service for 
the love of God — is reasonably superior to that given 
as a commercial transaction, we call attention to the 
contributions of Catholics in dollars and cents for the 
support of their school. The sum runs into millions an- 
nually. Besides the full support of their own schools 


Catholics suffer patiently the injustice of paying their 
pro rata tax to support the public schools. 

In 1918 there were 1,593,406 children attending 
5,748 Catholic parish schools. In the Report of the 
U. S. Census of Education (Table 16, Vol. 2, p. 18, 
1912) it is estimated that in 1910-1911 the annual cost 
per capita in the average common school was $34.71 per 
pupil. At this rate — though as a matter of fact the 
cost since then has greatly increased — the annual sav- 
ing to the several states v^ould be $55,317,150.91. 
Moreover it has been thought a conservative estimate 
that in 1911 it would have cost over $100,000,000 to 
erect and equip school buildings to accommodate those 
Catholic children educated in parochial schools. 

Just now — at the conclusion of the world war — 
when the patriotism of Catholics of every tongue spoken 
in our country has been shown in supreme devotion to 
American ideals — there should be a general recogni- 
tion of the civic value of education under Catholic aus- 
pices, since those who have been taught to render unto 
God what belongs to God give freely what they owe to 
Caesar — their life, blood, service and money. 



VERY many attempts have been made to put into 
practical operation Socialist ideals by the estab- 
lishment of cooperative colonies, but incapacity, jeal- 
ousy, dishonesty and immorality have disrupted nearly 
every one of them. In 1871 an attempt was made, on a 
larger scale, to socialize a civil community — Paris — 
by the capture of the seat of the French government. 
After having added some fresh pages of horror to his- 
toric record these insurrectionists were forced to capitu- 
late. But this defect did not halt the propaganda of 
the followers of Marx and Engels, who some seventy 
years ago determined upon a world conquest. But re- 
cently came the opportunity to attempt a Paris Com- 
mune on a national scale. In the once despotic land of 
the Czars has come not what the dream so fondly dreamt 
of happy cooperation but instead its real self, that like 
an obsession has driven men's minds from truth as 
Hagar was driven into the wilderness, there to perish. 
One may as well attempt to separate the fame of Marx 
and Engels from their doctrine as to separate Socialism 
and Bolshevism. 

If only shoemakers would stick to their last! The 
National Security League informs the public that its 



" efforts will not be directed against socialism " but 
rather against the doctrine of Lenin and Bolshevism, 
thus their program is to separate what is in the nature 
of things inseparable. The Liberator (Feb., 1919), 
better educated in its own evolutionary philosophy than 
is the National Security League, sharply taking issue 
replies : " the doctrines of Lenin are the doctrines of 
revolutionary Socialism the world over." When ex- 
perts agree, what novice shall have the temerity to say 
that they know not their own testimony? 

" Lenin is after all nothing but an ordinary Socialist, with 
the ordinary Socialist program of social revolution every- 
where throughout Europe as his object." (Editorial N. Y. 
Call, May 14, 1917.) 

"I think it would be ridiculous to suppose there was no 
German money in the Bolshevist movement — but — Re- 
member, Trotsky and Lenin are preaching to-day the doc- 
trine they were preaching fifteen years ago." (Bessie Beatty, 
" Red Heart of Russia," p. 133.) 

Lincoln Steffens, who is keenly aware of the diver- 
gence in thought and method between socialist propa- 
ganda and its anarchist counterpart, gives, in his in- 
troduction to Trotsky's book — " The Bolsheviki and 
World Peace," K Y., 1918 — to the author a clear cut 
title : " Leon Trotsky is a Socialist; an orthodox Marx- 
ian Socialist." 

Evidently it requires more study and reflection to get 
the logical sequence between those socialists who vio- 
lated the espionage act during the war and those who 
by wielding the power of the Red Guard defy right and 


justice in Russia, than some of our Federal Judges 
have taken the trouble to give. When addressing the 
Federal Court at Cleveland recently, the Judge ex- 
pressed amazement at " the remarkable self-delusion 
and self-deception of Mr. Debs, who assumes that he is 
serving humanity and the downtrodden." This is in- 
deed a sympathetic and comprehensive view of that 
full-fledged fanaticism, that fanaticism that obsesses 
not a few of those who did what they could to promote 
treason after our government declared the United States 
to be in a state of war, and Mr. Debs is assuredly one 
of those who were not mentally sobered by the tragedy of 
the times. However, the self-delusion and self-decep- 
tion of Mr. Debs passes over into fanaticism at a much 
higher tension than that which statesmanship gives the 
unwarranted occasion for. Mr. Debs fancies himself 
not merely a righter of wide-spreading economic wrongs 
in America, but rather a savior of the world. He blas- 
phemously conceives his mission to be in evolutionary 
complement to that of our Blessed Lord's — the latest 
in the direct and mechanical development of time — 
from Moses to Jesus, to Marx, to Debs. He views him- 
self as above and beyond the law ; as the maker of a new 
order. Confidently, Debs declared his position — " I 
despise the law." And then he calls upon his followers 
for '' mass action " by which the new society shall come 
into its own here as it has done in Russia. Socialism 
in Russia — save to those who " see red " — gives just 
a little glimpse of the disorders of hell. Our Lord and 
Savior Jesus Christ came and gave to Peter the keys 


that he might open the door of Heaven to those who 
wash away their sins in the Blood of the Lamb. Not 
time nor men change the law, neither does the unrepen- 
tant sinner break through the happiness here or heaven 

But the Judge mistakes the issue, if not the man, with 
which he is dealing, when, to the prisoner before the 
bar, His Honor says the principles you enunciate are 
" anarchy pure and simple and not in conformity with 
any of the works on Socialism that I have read." Un- 
fortunately, we must conclude that the Court has but a 
very slight acquaintance with the written or the spoken 
word that has long since been digging at the foundation 
principles of American institutions, at sane government 
everywhere. Aye! at the very foundation of civil so- 
ciety since the Ten Commandments are accredited with 
no more power than a syllabus. Even a little attention 
to the matter that floats down the stream of popular dis- 
content should have informed the Court that the four 
times presidential candidate has not renounced his al- 
legiance to his Socialist doctrine and that Debs is not 
in self-contradiction when he declares: 

" From the crown of my head to the soles of my feet 
I am Bolshevist and proud of it." 

It bodes ill for the clarity of public opinion that 
such organizations as the ISTational Security League at- 
tempt the impossible task of fighting Bolshevism and 
excusing Socialism. The foremost leaders of the two 
Socialist parties of our country know very well that 
this latest designation of the movement is in reality but 


a nick-name, and the rank and file of the entire member- 
ship are in no doubt about the correctness of using 
Socialism and Bolshevism interchangeably. In the 
opening paragraph of The Proclamation On Russia 
(Bolshevist Eussia) adopted by the Socialist Party 
(Aug. 11, 1918) the world progress of their movement 
is clearly stated: 

"Since the French Revolution — there has been no other 
advance in democratic progress and social justice comparable 
to the Russian Revolution — the Russian people have estab- 
lished an advanced form of democracy — a Socialist Govern- 
ment — Economically, and socially, as well as politically, the 
Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic is a govern- 
ment of the workers, by the workers, and for the workers." — 
" The Socialist Party of America declares itself in accord 
with Revolutionary Russia and urges our government and 
our people to cooperate with it — ." 

The Socialist Labor Party likewise officially declares 
its unity with Bolshevism. The Editor of the Weekly 
People, Olive M. Johnson, says: 

" We celebrate the anniversary of the Bolsheviki (Nov. 7, 
1918) not as an honor from another nation but as an integral 
part of the International proletariat." 

A special magazine One Year of Revolution (N". 
Y., Nov. 7, 1918) was issued to do honor to the Eus- 
sian Socialist Federated Soviet Eepublic on its first an- 

Louis C. Eraina, one of the leading propagandists of 
Bolshevism in America, pays tribute to the doctrine and 
to a leader : 


"Lenin — An Appreciation 

" Marx was the master of the Revolution in theory. Lenin 
is the master of the Revolution in action. But as Marx 
the man of theory, had great capacity for action, so Lenin, 
the man of action, has great capacity for theory. 

" Marxism is the theoretical instrument of the proletarian 
revolution ; it is upon the basis of Marxism that Lenin builds. 
And the great achievement of Lenin is the restoration of 
Marxism to its real character as an instrument of revolu- 
tionary action." 

Of Trotsky the editor of the N. Y. Volkeszeitung, 
Ludwig Lore, gives testimony, while he was in New 
York (1916-1917): "Every one of his speeches he- 
came a discttssion of scientific Socialism^ a profession 
of faith in the theories of Marx." 

One piece of testimony taken from across our north- 
ern border shall suffice to show that Canadian Socialists 
gladly acknowledge that the Bolsheviki are nearer their 
goal than they themselves are. We quote from Gordon 
Nelson, Editor, Labor News (Hamilton, Ont.) (N. E. 
Leader, Jan. 18, 1919) : 

" The only difference between the mass of the Bolsheviki 
and the mass of the people elsewhere is that the Bolsheviki 
are class-conscious, intelligent students of conditions as they 
exist to-day and as they will exist under a cooperative com- 
monwealth. . . . The Bolsheviki are the architects of the so- 
cial order, the seers and heralds of the new age. Bolshevism 
is the instrument of the workers for abolishing the old order 
and establishing the new." 

Surely we have given testimony sufficient to satisfy 
the candid mind that Socialism is Bolshevism — that 


Bolshevism is tHe incomplete practise of the Commun- 
ist Manifesto given to their follov^ers by Marx and 
Engels — the founders of so-called " Scientific Social- 
ism." Moreover, we submit that those vv^ho hold to a 
contrary opinion are quite misled as to the mind and the 
purpose of this world movement that seeks the over- 
throw of all existing governments in the interest of 
what they are pleased to term a working class society. 

What Is Bolshevism ? 

Bolshevism is precisely what Pope Leo XIII said it 
was so long ago as 1878 when overlooking the moral 
confines of the world from his watch-tower at Rome he 
warned civilized peoples — Catholics and non-Catholics 
alike — of that movement that was gathering its forces 
for an assault upon religion, the family, upon private 
property and organized society. The well beloved Leo 
made it plain that the wicked aims of Socialism are the 
logical outcome of that rebellion four hundred years ago 
against the spiritual authority of the Vicar of Christ. 
The doctrine of private interpretation of the word of 
God weakened into liberalism, atheism, indifferentism, 
animalism and materialism ; together with the decline 
of faith there was an increasing despotism of rulers, a 
swelling arrogance of the rich and growing disregard 
for the rights of the poor, in a word a steep declination 
towards Paganism. 

What then is Bolshevism ? It may well be an omen 
— the presage of a modem Scourge of God. A blind 
leading of the blind in an almost universal reaction 


against political tyranny, commercial extortion and so- 
cial iniquity. It is an attempt to remedy existing evils 
by enforcing greater evils upon a long-suffering and sin- 
ful public. Giving its promise of more of this world's 
goods and greater leisure for enjoyment, it seeks to unite 
the power of the working class under a dictatorship that 
shall conquer the capitalist class and grind to powder 
the " capitalist-system " with its complement the " wage- 

The Class Struggle 
The present " class-struggle " between capitatlist mas- 
ters and wage slaves, at which stage in human evolution 
we are now supposed to be, is about to climax ; and it is 
predicted, confidently, that a " class-less society " shall 
emerge from the world conflict and thus form the ma- 
terialist foundation that shall support the race of super- 
men. Then, happily, there shall be an end of human 
nature as it is and as it was ; — with the result that hu- 
man pain and misery shall be at an end. For the pur- 
pose of looking at this delusion — a class-less society — 
we shall briefly examine its antecedent cause— that un- 
real thing the class-struggle. The necessity for so doing 
may not to the novice be apparent. But if one would 
be a member of the Socialist Party he must subscribe to 
the dogma of the class-struggle, even though only a few 
of the comrades — the intellectuals — know its real 
import. This dogma, stated or implied, is found in all 
the Socialist platforms. It was first promulgated by 
Marx and Ep^^lg jn the Communist Manifesto. As 


expanded by the doctrinaries of to-day it reads ; " The 
history of all hitherto existing society is the history of 
class struggles." 

" Socialism is the workers' side of the class struggle. Un- 
less it acknowledges its class character, Socialism is like 
the play of Hamlet without the melancholy Dane, like a ship 
at sea without a chart." (Joseph E. Cohen, " Socialism for 
Students," p. 47.) 

The elder Liebknecht (Wilhelm) one of the pioneers 
ranking next to the founders of the movement makes it 
certain that nothing less than one conflict after another, 
through all human history, in which the less fit ceases 
to survive v^ill suffice for the adequate cause of the So- 
cialist movement, to quote: 

" Pity for poverty, enthusiasm for equality and freedom, 
recognition of social injustice and a desire to remove it, is not 
socialism. Condemnation of wealth and respect for poverty, 
such as we find in Christianity and other religions, is not so- 
cialism. The communism of early times, . . . and as it has 
at all times and among all people been the elusive dream of 
some enthusiasts, is not socialism. 

" In all these appearances is lacking the real foundation of 
capitalist society with its class antagonisms. Modern social- 
ism is the child of capitalist society and its class antagonisms. 
Without these it could not be." 

The class-struggle is then the natural power that 
drives men to act in getting their food supply just as 
fatalistically as the mill-wheel is driven by the flow of 
water from above the dam against it. To these latest 
makers of human nature there are but graded steps from 


the mechanical to the animal and but another flight from 
the animal to beings capable of reason. In fact, the 
Darwinian theory of the struggle for existence in the 
animal world has been borrowed, then extended and 
made to apply to the sociological relationship of men 
upon the fields of industry, commerce and finance. In 
other words, the big capitalists eat up the little ones 
thus leaving the few with all the wealth and the many 
with no property. In the final struggle, the fiercest of 
all, the many eat up the few, leaving but one class in 
existence — the working class. 

Indeed this is a delightfully simple explanation of 
life, its one fault being that all biologists know it to be 
false. However, as Socialists have learned to respect 
aeither truth nor knowledge they assume that class antag- 
onisms, from ameba to man, account for the changes 
in the political, juridical and in the moral systems of 
the race. Thus easily is human nature and the funda- 
mental principles that govern human society gotten rid 

Enrico Eerri is the Socialist authority on this phase 
of the theory of the class-struggle. We quote from So- 
cialism and Modem Science (p. 74) : 

"Darwinism has demonstrated that the entire mechanism 
of animal evolution may he reduced to the struggle for exist- 
ence between individuals of the same species on the one hand, 
and between each species and the whole world of living be- 

"In the same way all the machinery of social evolution has 
been reduced by Marxian socialism to the law of the Struggle 
between Classes." 


Indeed! but since the one class society is about to 
make its appearance, is not the time overdue when only- 
one species of animal were to be seen ? 

It was this absurd theory of the class-struggle that led 
La Salle and other of the earlier Socialist leaders to 
preach the Iron law of wages. This was the rallying 
cry that brought the Social Democratic Party of Ger- 
many into existence and into power. It was assumed 
that in the struggle between the capitalist and the work- 
ing class for mastery over the tools of production that 
wages must gradually, yet inevitably, fall to the lowest 
subsistent level — just enough to supply the wage earn- 
ers with bread without butter and to permit them to 
propagate their species. 

Of course, since the iron law of wages will not work 
it has long since been abandoned by the supposedly 
serious spokesmen of the movement. Although from the 
chatter of their popular propagandists one must con- 
clude that this law is still their stronghold. 

Through their organization into trade unions work- 
men themselves know that by trade agreement, collec- 
tive bargaining, conciliation and arbitration boards they 
have assuaged the conflicts between themselves and 
their employers. The standard of living has been ele- 
vated, hours of labor shortened, wages increased and 
working conditions bettered in mines, mills and factor- 
ies. Thus the historic facts show that the wage-earners 
have moved in the opposite direction from that pre- 
dicted under the theory of the class struggle. 

However, the class-struggle theory has done deadly 


work, it has instilled into millions of minds the vicious 
notion that workingmen have no country. Fully to ac- 
cept the class-struggle is to wipe out love for and obedi- 
ence to one's country. Louis B. Boudin is a Marxian 
authority on this phase of the question, beyond dispute. 
From "Socialism and War" (N. Y. 1916, pp. 216- 
217) we quote: "The theory of the Class Struggle is 
in absolute and irreconcilable opposition to the national- 
istic theory of patriotism, — while its practise makes the 
practise of patriotic virtues utterly impossible." 

"It is primarily a historical theory, an attempt to explain 
the progress of mankind and the means whereby this progress 
is brought about. As such it denies the role ascribed to race 
and nationality as factors of human progress by the national- 
istic theory, and considers these entities mere incidents in the 
evolution of mankind, brought forth at a certain stage of this 
evolution bound to disappear with it." 

Surely, to the understanding of Bolshevism one must 
bring an understanding of the class-struggle, since Bol- 
shevism is an attempt to carry the class-struggle on to its 
final result — the classless society. Nothing could bet- 
ter illustrate the perversity of human willfulness than 
this attempt to carry into practise a doctrine that is, by 
the facts in the case, contradicted in every one of its 
basic elements. The doctrine of the class-struggle de- 
clares for the elimination of the middle class; but the 
middle class is not being eliminated. It demands the 
absolute increase of the working class ; but the working 
class is not increasing in numbers relatively. It de- 
mands the centralization of all productive capital into 


the hands of the few ; but statistics show a much wider 
distribution of productive wealth than was the case at 
the time Marx and Engels laid down the dogma of the 

Class-less Society 

The next step in the process of making laws for the 
social organism to follow is taken as dogmatically by 
Marx as any that we have recorded. The future thus 
stands revealed — as against the same thought of the 
whole world — in his : " Poverty of Philosophy " ; while 
around this perversity of right-reason his satellites have 
ever since hovered like the rim of a wheel around its 
axis. To quote: 

" The essential condition of the emancipation of the work- 
ing class is the abolition of all classes." 

" The working class will substitute, in the course of its 
development, for the old order of civil society an association 
which will exclude classes and their antagonism, and there 
will no longer be political power, properly speaking, since 
political power is simply the official form of the antagonism 
in civil society." 

In the vernacular this means that when the last fight 
is over the politicians shall be the sole survivors. They 
shall be the sole possessors of the capital of the world, 
perish the thought that the production of wealth shall 
take place save for use. Every nation under the sun 
that is then permitted to shine shall have died out, since 
politics shall be no more forever and a day. The home 
shall be everybody's and nobody's for the family shall 


cease to exist because the children all belong to the state. 
Although the state is dead, because it still shall live, 
long live the state. Be pleased to believe, whether you 
like it or not, that this edict has gone forth and that no 
hot or no cold discussions as to whether Marx meant the 
poverty of philosophy or the misery of philosophy shall 
hinder this old globe from working out the blind destiny 
of man as the exact reproduction of the discovery of So- 
cialism, by its founders. 

Next in dogmatic authority to Karl Marx comes 
Frederick Engels. We quote from his " classic " " So- 
cialism Utopian and Scientific," 

" The Proletariat seizes the machinery of the state and 


But by 80 doing, it extinguishes itself as proletariat; by so 
doing it extinguishes all class distinctions and class con- 
trasts; and along with them the State as such. The society 
that existed until then, and that moved in class contrasts, 
needed the state, i. e., an organization of whatever class 
happened at the time to be the exploiting one, for the pur- 
pose of preserving the external conditions under which it 
carried on production; in other words, for the purpose of 
forcibly keeping the exploited class down in that condition of 
subjectioH — slavery, bondage or vassalage, or wage-labor, 
which the corresponding mode of production predicated." 

". . . Soon as no longer there is any social class to be kept 
down; soon as, together with class rule and the individual 
struggle for life, founded in the previous anarchy of pro- 
duction, the conflicts and excesses that issued therefrom have 
been removed, there is nothing more to be repressed, and 
rendering necessary a special power of repression — the State. 
The first act, wherein the State appears as the real represen- 
tative of the whole body social — the seizure of the means of 


production in the name of society — is also its last inde- 
pendent act as State. The interference of the State in social 
relations becomes superfluous in one domain after another, 
and falls of itself into desuetude. The place of a government 
over persons is taken hy the administration of things and the 
conduct of the processes of production. The State is not 
* abolished ' — rr dies out." 

In the Communist Manifesto (1848), which holds the 
distinction of being the " supreme classic " of Socialist 
literature, the class-less society is predicted to come 
into existence together with the freedom of the working 
class from capitalist oppression, we quote : 

" When, in the course of development, class distinctions 
have disappeared and all production has been concentrated 
in the hands of a vast association of the whole nation, the 
public power will lose its political character. Political power, 
properly so called, is merely the organized power of one class 
for oppressing another." 

For a further pronouncement upon the revolution in 
ideas we cull this from the Origin of the Family, Private 
Property and the State (Engels and Marx) : 

" We are now rapidly approaching a stage of evolution in 
production, in which the existence of classes has not only 
ceased to be a necessity, but becomes a positive fetter on pro- 
duction. Hence these classes must fall as inevitably as 
they once arose. The state must irrevocably fall with them. 
The society that is to reorganize production on the basis of 
a free and equal association of the producers, will transfer the 
machinery of state where it will then belong: into the Mu- 
seum of Antiquities by the side of the spinning wheel and 
the bronze ax." 


Although the picture of the classless society is never 
absent from the Socialist literati who dip into the future 
much further than the human eye can see and hold to 
common sense, we shall cite only a few of their fervid 
imaginings that are set down as positively as any- 
master chemist would state the result of the simplest 
laboratory process. On Nov. 7th, 1917, the Bolsheviki 
set up the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, 
under the Premier Nickolai Lenin with Leon Trotsky 
as minister of war. Then, from all over the world, went 
up the cry from their comrades — Socialism is here ! 
Never again can Socialism be called an idle dream of 
long-haired men and short-haired women ! Truly, with 
the usurpation of the democratic power of the Constitu- 
ent Assembly, by Lenin and Trotsky, Socialism passed 
from proposal into action — into Bolshevism, the so- 
cialization of private property in Russia together with 
all that may be implied with despotic power in the hands 
of men who practise the doctrine of moral irresponsibil- 

No wonder there are those who attempt to separate 
Socialism from Bolshevism ! Since August Bebel, 
ranking highest after the founders of this proletarian 
cult, says in Woman and Socialism (p. 435) he is con- 
fident that, '' With the abolition of private property and 
class antagonism, the state, too, will gradually pass out 
of existence." 

Bebel is practised in the art of destruction, not alone 
does he throw the state overboard, but religion and the 
family are sent to the bottom of the deep sea, in the 


same books. Philip Eappaport is as confidently expect- 
ing the classless society : " From its inception to this 
day, the state has been, and still is a class institution. 
It could not and cannot he anything also. It owes its 
creation to the existence of classes, it will last as long as 
classes exist and will disappear whenever they cease Jo 
exist/" (" Looking Forward," p. 180.) 

No doubt, that the state is dependent upon classes; 
no doubt that it shall last as long as classes exist, — that 
is to say until the end of the world, which God may 
wipe out quickly, it is so wicked. But the point for 
sane men to consider is the doing away with the political 
and economic injustices that peace may come to earth. 
Arthur Morrow Lewis carries the matter back to its first 
principles ("Vital Problems in Social Evolution," p. 
T8) even while he denies the very ground of reason since 
he dismisses the first cause as non-existent. Thus his 
passion for the revolution excludes from his view Al- 
mighty God whom rational minds must first take cog- 
nizance of, together with the state that is absolutely 
necessary to civil society. Mr. Lewis unhappily lacks 
the simple, yet fundamental knowledge that since God's 
government over man is first, constant and final, the state 
is His agency to protect the natural rights given to the 
individuals of the human race by Him who made all 
things in heaven and in earth. We quote : 

" Just as God, whom nobody has seen or felt is a fig- 
ment of the religious brain, so the state with its laws, 
its soldiers and police, is a mirage of the political im- 
agination! " 


But there comes a time for reckoning. In tHe lives of 
men it is for eternity, in the lives of nations it is for 
time. It may be hoped that the violence with which 
one despotism has been thrown off by another, more 
horrible in every aspect, in the alleged attempt to set 
up a one-class society in Russia, shall have the effect of 
bringing many minds back to the normal — there are 
cheering signs that it shall be so. Certain it is that 
the state is being battered from within as never before in 
the history of the world. Yet the facts show that while 
the Bolsheviki are, by their international comrades, ex- 
pected to set up a classless society, — even now while 
the dictators of the proletariat are killing off the Czar, 
the royal family, the nobility and the bourgeoisie — 
these same class-conscious haters of classes are creating 
fresh classes — to carry on the state? If not, it is to 
give Russia over to the control of a foreign government. 

To await the slowly gasping state to end its life is 
rather too sluggish a process for American Idealists, the 
slower going Germans may, of course, permit the politi- 
cal state to die out. But Robert Rives La Monte will 
hasten the end of all government over persons. The 
state shall, instanter, end its own life. 

"It is thiLs seen that, according to the teaching of 
historical materialism, the State is destined, when it 
becomes the State of the working class, to remove its own 
foundation — economic inequality — and thus, to com- 
mit suicide." (" Socialism: Positive and Negative," p. 

The distinguished doctrinaries are not without the 


backing of their multitude. The Socialist platform 
(1916) demands a classless society — "a complete tri- 
umph of the working class as the only class that has the 
right or power to he." 

The Socialist Labor Party platform (1912) is not 
less emphatic in its convictions, but it is more highly 
" scientific " since it does not commit the error of using 
a moral word — " right " — since neither moral words 
nor deeds belong to a category consonant with material- 
istic atheism upon which the whole movement is 
founded : 

" The Political State, another name for the Class State, is 
worn out in this, the leading capitalist Nation of the world, 
most prominently. The Industrial or Socialist State is throh- 
hing for hirth. The Political State, heing a Class State, is 
government separate and apart from the productive energies 
of the people; it is government mainly for holding the ruled 
class in subjection. The Industrial or Socialist State, heing 
the denial of the Class State, is government that is part and 
parcel of the productive energies of the people." 

"As their functions are different, so are the structures of 
the two States different. The structure of the Political State 
contemplates territorial representation only; the structure of 
the Industrial State contemplates representation of industries, 
or useful occupation only." 

" The program of the Socialist Labor Party is Revolution 
— the Industrial or Socialist Republic, the Social Order where 
the Political State is overthrown; where the Congress of the 
land consists of the representatives of the useful occupations 
of the land; where accordingly, a government is an essential 
factor in production — " 

From the time of this penning, the furor for making 


the world fit for democracy flattered the notion of a class- 
less society. Socialists made much of it with never a 
thought of making democracy fit for the world. Since, 
of course, the rage had not gone so far as to demand a 
complete surrender of private property — of class dis- 
tinction in economics, socialists and near-socialists 
goaded it on with rare skill. They considered it an 
impertinence for any nation under the sun, even 
our own Columbia, to hold up its head. They were em- 
phatic — the state must die out, commit suicide, or at 
best go to the old curiosity shop. The new order — 
in their minds — " throbbing for birth " was sure to 
bring in the Marxian society. Ah, but that word state ! 
It still persists! By their reckoning it should connote 
nothing more than a " mirage of political imagination." 
Long ago they discarded what is ever self-evident to no- 
ble statesmen — that as religion lays the just foundation 
of human society, the state is an aggregation of families 
forming a moral body with a physical territory. That 
the proper functions of the state are to safeguard the 
natural rights of its family units, and that the right 
to own and to operate private property, for the material 
advantage of buyer and seller, is the binding force that 
keeps the structure intact. The failure of the Bolshe- 
viki to leave the " bourgeois " term state behind them, 
even while these villains plunder in the name of democ- 
racy, should remind those not wholly under the spell 
that since reason is a natural function of the human race, 
men refuse to be one hundred per cent, irrational. To 
do full justice, this is darkly known to them, as their 


ground had been shifted a little before the practical 
diflSculty of the Bolsheviki in getting rid of the term 
came on. With his latent talent for Talmudic dispu- 
tation highly evolved Mr. Hillquit came to the rescue 
of common sense, only just so far as the word goes. 
Indeed, his we is really an ex-cathedra pronouncement: 

" The Socialist society as conceived by modern Socialists 
differs, of course, very radically from the modern state in 
form and substance. — It is not the slaveholding state, nor the 
feudal state, nor the state of the bourgeois, — it is a Socialist 
state, but a state nevertheless, and since little or nothing can 
be gained by inventing a new term, we shall hereafter desig- 
nate the proposed organized Socialist society as the Socialist 
State." (" Socialism in Theory and Practice," p. 100.) . 

The Socialist State, 

Even so, — state it was, state it is and state it shall 
be — but, although their language swings back to the 
normal now and again, their aim has not departed from 
the revolution. To Lenin and Trotsky came the bloody 
distinction of applying their doctrine on a national scale. 
They " seized the machinery of the state — by means of 
a revolution," took possession in the name of the pro- 
letariat and immediately proceeded, by taking possession 
of the national wealth and that in private hands, to 
abolish political and economic classes. 

The ground upon which this reign of terror is predi- 
cated may now be presented. The Constitution of the 
All-Russian Congress of Soviets will tell just what is in- 
tended by wresting from owners all productive capital. 


land included, whether justly or unjustly acquired. We 
quote in part: 

" In order to put an end to every ill that oppresses human- 
ity and in order to secure to labor all the rights belonging to 
it, we recognize that it is necessary to destroy the existing 
social structure, which rests upon private property in the soil 
and the means of production, in the spoliation and oppression 
of the laboring masses, and to substitute for it a Socialist 
structure. Then the whole earth, its surface and its depths, 
and all the means and instruments of production, created by 
the toil of the laboring classes, will belong by right of common 
property to the whole people, who are united in a fraternal 
association of laborers. 

" Only by giving society a Socialist structure can the di- 
vision of it into hostile classes be destroyed, only so can 
we put an end to the spoliation and oppression of men by 
men, of class by class ; and all men — placed upon an equality 
as to rights and duties — will contribute to the welfare of 
society according to their strength and capacities, and will 
receive from society according to their requirements. 

" The complete liberation of the laboring classes from spo- 
liation and oppression appears as a problem, not locally or 
nationally limited, but as a world problem and it can be car- 
ried out to its end only through the united exertions of work- 
ingmen of all lands. Therefore, the sacred duty rests upon 
the working class of every country to come to the assistance of 
the workingmen of other countries who have risen against 
the capitalistic structure of society. 

" The working class of Kussia, true to the legacy of the 
International, overthrew their bourgeoisie in October, 1917, 
and, with the help of the poorest peasantry, seized the powers 
of government. In establishing a dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat and the poorest peasantry, the working class resolved 
to wrest capital from the hands of the bourgeoisie, to unite all 


the means of production in the hands of the Socialist state 
and thus to increase as rapidly as possible the mass of pro- 
ductive forces. 

" As soon as production shall have been consolidated 
in the hands of the working masses, united in a gigantic as- 
sociation, ... as soon as the old bourgeois state with its 
classes and class hatred, is definitely superseded by a firmly 
established Socialist society which rests upon universal la- 
bor, . . . then, along with the disappearance of class differ- 
ences, will disappear also the necessity for the dictatorship of 
the working classes and for state power as the instrument of 
class domination." 

Any doubt as to the calamitous legacy which the old 
International inflicted upon the race should be dispelled 
since it has now come into the world of things that 
are. From the utterly false ideology then set afloat 
two fundamental errors are selected as forming the 
false objective of Socialists the world over. First — 
the notion that the toil of the laboring class has created 
all the instruments of production and the wealth pro- 
duced; with the conclusion that all property should be 
held in common. Second — the notion that the state is 
an instrument by which the highest class has subjugated 
and exploited all below it ; the wage-earning class being 
the last class in revolt against the capitalist class as 
the climax in the evolutionary series. 

The notion that labor alone creates economic value 
is the absurd dogma around which Marx builds his en- 
tire — we had almost said — structure, but even theory 
is too strong a word — better a crazy tower of ponder- 
ous words. That the rational exercise of one's labor 


power in working out an economic design, is a prime 
factor in the creation of commodities, with the conse- 
quence that economic value is deposited within the 
merchandise, no sane man denies. But sane minds are 
equally insistent that other factors are as necessary to 
the creation of e<;onomic value. Only to hint at the 
necessity of distinguishing between labor and work — 
we point out that those, who by native genius and at- 
tained capacity, design and direct industrial, commer- 
cial and financial enterprises are two prime factors in 
the creation of wealth and so of economic value. Be- 
sides it is universally recognized that resident within 
natural objects, forces and substances, appropriated to 
the uses of civilized society, there is economic value. 
Also, that the Commonwealth itself, as the truly compe- 
tent maker of money, contributes — by facilitating ex- 
change — to the enterprise of wealth production and is 
therefore an essential factor in the creation of economic 
value. Herein is seen the monstrous injustice of the 
assertion that since all the economic value extant was 
" created by the toil of the laboring classes " it should 
be confiscated by them once the working class has con- 
trol of the state. 

'No less absurd is the notion that the organized power 
of civil society is merely a club that having, upon 
revolution upon revolution, passed from one class to 
another is now almost in the hands of wage-slaves, 
with which to knock and drag out the capitalist class, 
that hereafter proletarians shall inhabit the earth. So 
clearly has the mind of Pope Leo XIII seen the designs 


of Almighty God in creating the constitution natural 
to rational beings, by which, if they will but obey the 
moral law, provision is made for justice and equity, 
peace and plenty, to spread its benign rule over the face 
of the earth, that we shall quote from his Encyclical on 
" The Christian Constitution of the State " : 

" Man's natural instinct moves him to live in Civil society, 
for he cannot, in dwelling apart, provide himself with the 
necessary requirements of life, nor procure the means of de- 
veloping his mental and moral faculties. Hence it is divinely 
ordained that he should lead his life — be it family, social 
or civil — with his fellowmen, amongst whom alone his sev- 
eral wants can be adequately supplied." 

The experience of Defoe's " Eobinson Crusoe " serves 
well as a picture of human society about to become ex- 
tinct, not as a sound basis for viewing economics or poli- 
tics. Economic value was a thing unknown save for 
the exchange by members of organized society of the 
differing necessities of living. Which, as we have said 
elsewhere, takes place normally for reasons of mutual 
advantage in the possession of something different, as 
boots for dollars, upon a basis of equity. The individ- 
uals decide what they want more than what they have, 
and the state sets up economic value objectively in 
money, two functions of which is to measure value and 
set the price of commodities that the equities between 
all citizens may be safe-guarded. Robinson Crusoe also 
serves as a contrast between men under government and 
the pure liberty of a lone man on a desert island. 
Crusoe is indeed under the command of God, but he can 


render nothing to Caesar, since even the family — the 
unit of the state and the lowest terms to which human 
government can be reduced — is absent. It should be 
seen that whatever the form, aristocratic or democratic, 
government to be valid must, humanly speaking, be just, 
since in the nature of things the same divine law that 
governs the individual and the family gives sanction to 
the state, in safeguarding the life, freedom and prop- 
erty of its members. 


This being so — Rousseau to the contrary notwith- 
standing — rightly informed men reject in toto the no- 
tion that the power of the state is merely of human 
sanction. God gives to Caesar his power to rule wisely, 
not illy, over the peoples of nations. Hence Christians 
completely reject the Socialist-Bolshevist contention that 
the state is an arbitrary organization in the control of 
one class to subject to its will, to coerce another class for 
its economic advantage. Nevertheless it is their per- 
verse intention to follow an ideology that pictures two 
opposing and impossible schemes. Namely, a free so- 
ciety of persons — no law whatever over them, together 
with an authoritative administration over the production 
of all commodities by the entire community, that shall be 
absolute in its control : — Anarchy and slavery ! To 
this end the Bolsheviki destroyed the Constituent Assem- 
bly that was made up of various representatives of the 
various classes and the various political divisions of the 
sometime Russian Empire, then set up what they are 


pleased to style a " Dictatorship of the Proletariat." 
This phrase was coined by Marx and Engels to signify 
the rule of the working class on its " road to power," 
which simply means that during the period when land 
and capital are being confiscated and the life of the 
bourgeoisie wiped out that the power for red ruin must 
be in the hands, not of the people, but of a despot. Le- 
nin defends the dictum and carries out the Socialists' in- 
struction of more than one half century ago : 

" The historical experience of all revolutions, the universal 
historical — economic and political — lesson was summed up 
by Marx in his brief, sharp, exact and vivid formula: the 
dictatorship of the proletariat. And that the Kussian revolu- 
tion has correctly approached this universal historical prob- 
lem has been proved by the victorious march of the Soviet or- 
ganization among all the peoples and tongues of Russia." 
(« Soviets at Work," p. 31.) 

There should be no mistake on this point of Socialist 
doctrine, since this is The Revolution to be brought 
about in every country in the world — save Russia, 
where it is accomplished. Their constitution sets it 
down in no uncertain terms and it is the one doctrine 
that falls within the mental grasp of every one of their 
world-wide membership. The Revolution is the first 
step to be taken in the process of centralizing all private 
property into the hands of the one class society, and a 
dictator is necessary to carry out the Revolution. We 
quote from the Communist Manifesto: 

" The first step in the revolution by the working class is 


to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class; to 
win the battle of democracy. 

" The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, 
by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie; to centralize all 
instruments of production in the hands of the State, i. e., 
of the proletariat organized as the ruling class; and to in- 
crease the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible. 

" Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except 
by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property and 
on the conditions of bourgeois production." 

But Marx was too fully determined upon leadership 
to leave his followers without the translation of this doo- 
trine into its personal term. His Critique of the Gotha 
Program does this: 

" Between the capitalistic society and the communistic, lies 
the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into 
the other. This corresponds to a political transition period, 
in which the state cannot he anything else hut the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat." 

Yes, Marx is dead, but Lenin has been found quite 
equal to this task — rapine, bloodshed, rape and mur- 
der. Yet withal Lenin deems his dictatorship of the 
proletariat as something " too mild, quite frequently re- 
sembling jam rather than iron." In his booklet — " So- 
viets at Work " — more drastic action against the bour- 
geoisie is called for. Under his condemnation espe- 
cially falls these genteel and pale reds who do not relish 
following out to the letter their law in the Marxian Tal- 
mud. Lenin knows that " Dictatorship is a great word, 
and great words must not be in vain. A dictatorship is 


an iron rule, with revolutionary daring and swift and 
merciless in the suppression of the exploiters as well as 
the things, and the rule is too mild, quite frequently re- 
sembling jam rather than iron." 

Truly there is much in the point of view ; or rather in 
the fundamental principles upon which judgment is 
based. From the reports of the Socialists themselves, it 
would seem that the Russian dictatorship had acted 
swiftly and mercilessly in this revolution, that the activ- 
ities of the Red Guard are as much like " jam " as hor- 
ror and terror can be made. 

However, our concern, just here, is to make it evident 
that the doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat is 
taken as part and parcel of Socialism. Referring to the 
demonstration in Russia The Proletarian, a Socialist 
monthly published in Detroit (Jan., 1919), very frankly 
acknowledges the doctrine and as frankly expresses an 
opinion that sound minds will be glad to note, that not all 
its followers are ready to carry Socialism to its logical 
conclusion : " Here we have the classical statement of 
the Marxian class-struggle theory, showing its logical 
outcome to he a dictatorship of the proletariat. While 
practically all Socialists give this theory their tacit en- 
dorsement, it is doubtful if all who call themselves So- 
cialists realize its portent, and would put these princi- 
ples into actual operation." 

The RevolutioTiary Age (Boston, Dec. 7, 1918) tells 
what a proletarian dictatorship means and the reason 
why a truly democratic government is not to be toler- 


" The dictatorship of the proletariat is a recognition of the 
fact that only one class in society counts, the working class; 
that it is the mission of this class to end class rule by an- 
nihilating the basis of class rule — the bourgeois control of 
industry. In the reconstruction of society on a Socialist 
basis, the proletariat alone is the dynamic force; all other 
classes are necessarily opposed to Socialism, and counter- 
revolutionary. A Constituent Assembly, accordingly, by in- 
stituting a ' government of all the classes,' acts against the 
coming of Socialism; and while in this government 'Social- 
ist ' influence may be strong or even predominant, the gov- 
ernment will gradually become more and more bourgeois, 
since the retention of bourgeois democracy, of bourgeois con- 
trol of industry, of the parliamentary and other institutions 
of Capitalism will baffle proletarian action, will strengthen 
the control of the bourgeoisie, and the ' government of all 
classes ' becomes a government of one class — the predatory 
class of capital." 

Here, in a nutshell, is the principle upon which the 
repudiation of democracy in government takes place in 
the socialist mind — the open confession that the one- 
class society must rule by a dictatorship which is also the 
tacit confession that ere the one-class society has been 
established it shall be divided into dictators and the 
proletariat. Therefore, we make the point that this is 
but one of the many thousands of ways Socialists have 
of talking about an impossible regime — the classless 
society. Whatever it be called, free society or what not, 
this scheme of Marx has no chance of working since it is 
altogether against the human constitution that no man 
had a hand in making. Bad as was the old Russian des- 
potism it had the merit of some little concession to the 


nature that Almighty God graciously gave to men 
whereas Socialists have made human nature and the 
" Socialist State " all out of their own heads. 


To talk glowingly of democracy has ever been a strong 
point in Socialist propaganda ; it has brought many gen- 
erous minded recruits into its camp there to stay until 
this once-thought-to-be-great-cause turned to dust and 
ashes in the mouth ; for it was found to be the boastful 
and bestial opposite of all their hearts and minds had 
hoped to find. Quite contrary to their talk the spirit 
of Socialism is that of the first great rebel, who rather 
than be chief amongst the angels while obedient to Al- 
mighty God, took his choice and became supreme-over- 
lord amongst the devils in their rebellion against their 
Creator and Law Giver. This is the key to the secret 
that has baffled many, for the fact is that despotism, not 
democracy, has from the first characterized the practises 
of the movement within and now that it holds a mighty, 
but brief, power its spirit of unrelenting control is at- 
tested by the Bolsheviki in Russia whose deeds shock 
the world. Such is the profession of democracy that 
highwaymen might make while demanding your money 
with or without your life, so you choose. 

In defending " the first scientific Socialist revolu- 
tion," and its overthrow of the Russian democratic as- 
sembly that had dethroned the Czar, Bertram D. Wolfe, 
a correspondent to the N. Y. Call (Sep. 22, 1918), de- 
fends the dictatorship of Lenin-Trotsky against the 


comment of one who is not so red as a Marxian is ex- 
pected to be. We cite Mr, Wolfe's approval of the de- 
struction of a democratic government as being the gen- 
eral opinion of the Bolshevists in our country, — in fact 
the conviction of all who know and accept Socialism as 
it really is — a menace to Christian civilization : " You 
charge that they have abolished the Constituent Assem- 
bly. They have, and rightly. And if you were a scienr 
iific Socialist you would realize the elementary truth 
that the administration of industry required it. The 
Constituent Assembly was not elected by industries, but 
by ' districts ' or -political units. It included bourgeois 
and worker alike. But the task of Socialism was to 
abolish the bourgeois and abolish the social system that 
made him possible." 

An article on The Constituent Assembly and the Bol- 
sheviki published in the New International (N. Y. Feb. 
1918) "a Journal of Eevolutionary Socialist Recon- 
struction " treats of this matter in a manner that should 
satisfy the doubting Thomases amongst honest folk that 
democracy as a principle of government is quite foreign 
to the minds of these men who assume the wide world 
to be a stamping ground for their exploits : 

"All democracy is relative, is class democracy. The revo- 
lution in Rtissia recognizes no other class hut the proletariat 
and proletarian peasantry. Its democracy is also class de- 
mocracy, with this vital difference; thai while bourgeois ' de- 
mocracy ' perpetuates class tyranny, proletarian democracy 
annihilates tyranny. 

" The problem of parliamentary government is a crucial one 
in the proletarian revolution: Socialism cannot seize the 


ready-made machinery of the State and use it for its purposes. 
A new form of government must he organized by the revolu- 
tionary proletariat^ — as in Russia. 

" Years ago. Earl Marx indicated the function of a ' dic- 
tatorship of the proletariat' in the Social Revolution. It is 
precisely this dictatorship that is now making history in revo- 
lutionary Russia. The dictatorship of the proletariat refuses 
to recognize any ' rights ' of the nonproletarian class; it breaks 
completely with the institutions, ideology and superstitions of 
the bourgeois regime; it u^es dictatorial measures, the dicta- 
torship of a class, to promote and establish the revolution and 
the new society, in which dictatorship will be incompatible 
with the actuality of full and free democracy." 

If any are still in doubt that democracy is a shackle 
upon these exploits we shall call upon the Premier of 
Red Russia to speak for himself : " The word democ- 
racy cannot he scientifically applied to the Communist 
party. Since March, 1917, the word democracy is sim- 
ply a shackle fastened upon the Revolutionary nation 
and preventing it from establishing boldly, freely and 
regardless of all obstacles a new form of power — the 
Council of the Workmen's, Soldiers' and Peasants' Dep- 
uties — harbinger of the abolition of every form of aU'- 
thority." (^Nikolai Lenin, New International, l^ew 
York, April, 1918.) 

Of course it should not be expected that language 
such as this would be found in Socialist platforms. It 
would have a chilling effect and turn away recruits that 
flaming words for the fruits of democracy to be secured 
under Socialism Victorious bring into their line of battle. 
The full consequences of their doctrines are given inside 


when the novice has been entirely weaned away from 
what had been dear and decent. Democracy is indeed 
their word to conjure with ! But the distemper of their 
movement lies just behind its political demand for pro- 
portional representation. Surely, this is an appeal for 
the perfection of democracy as it is found in our own 
glorious home land ! Even the minority shall have its 
rights respected. Ah, yes, so long as Socialists are in 
the minority within the " bourgeois state " proportional 
representation is of great advantage in giving them the 
floor of the state and federal houses of government as a 
platform from which to make appeals to the generous 
impulse of the people — and our Heavenly Father knows 
that the powerful and hard hearted make heavy the lot of 
the poor. But once sufficient power is in their hands, ex- 
ultingly they cry out for a dictatorship all their own, as 
did John Reed : " Tine Bolsheviki believe in democ- 
racy of the working class and no democracy for anybody 
else." (Public Meeting, Manhattan Lyceum, N. Y., 
Thurs., March 6, 1919.) 

Paris Commune 

Concluding his introduction to Marx's Civil War in 
France — (N. Y. Labor News Co. 1902) with a ques- 
tion that he answers instanter Frederick Engels places 
the sanction of his prestige upon the Communards of 
1871 — who at the time when the loyal sons of France 
had just suffered defeat at the hands of the Prussians — 
took a traitor's advantage to inaugurate in Paris a sec- 
ond reign of terror : " Well, gentle sirs, would you like 


to know how this dictatorship looks? Then look at the 
Paris Commune. That was the dictatorship of the pro- 

But Marx, the elder, the more terrible father of the 
Bolsheviki, the author of the book, adds the sinister 
touch that casts out all expectation of learning the truth 
of this first Socialist experience from the defenders of 
atheism and anti-patriotism. We quote : 

" Workingmen's Paris, with its Commune, will be forever 
celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its 
martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the working 
class. Its exterminators history has already nailed to that 
eternal pillory from which all the prayers of their priest will 
not avail to redeem them." 

To add the voice of a philosopher to the voices of these 
scientific founders we present as substantial interna- 
tional authority Ernest Belfort Bax in an excerpt taken 
from a " Short History of the Paris Commune " (Lon- 
don, 190Y) : " The Commune of Paris is the one event 
which the Socialists throughout the world have agreed 
with single accord to celebrate. — The Commune is a 
landmark as being the first Administration manned by 
the working classes, having for its more or less coTiscious 
aim the reorganization of social conditions — trans- 
formation of a civilized society into a Socialist society." 

Taking this cue from their great leaders, socialists 
the v^orld over have ever since this carnage in Paris 
celebrated the 18th of March as the harbinger of the 
universal rule of the proletariat. N^ow there is added 
to this day of revelry that of the Yth of November the 


date of the blood-red triumph of Bolshevism in Russia. 
The Editor of Truth — gifted in concealing the truth — 
shall give with his lurid pen the threat of the world's 
future : " To-day the tables are turned, it is now our 
turn to rule. The fight of 1871 hut adds assurance to 
the victory of the workers in the coming years. We 
shall live to see the Commune of the World, the whole 
wide, wide world. All through the length and breadth of 
every nation will ring the same cry that rang through 
the streets of Paris, on that glorious March morning, in 
1871, Vive La Commune! " 

"Masters you murdered us in Paris, because we were too 
simple in our beliefs in your goodness. In 1871 we trusted 
you, in 1919 we despise you, because we Jcnow you for what 
you are. As in 1871, the French masters allied themselves 
with the Prussians, so in 1919 Allied capitalists ally them- 
selves with the Scheidemanns, so that they too might drown 
the workers in seas of blood. But the mistakes of the past, 
are but the signposts of the future. What we lost by our mis- 
takes in 1871, we shall gain by our Tcnowledge of same." (So- 
cialist official weekly, March 14th, 1919, Duluth, Mich.) 

Their experience of 1871, linked to that of 1919 is 
taken seriously as the precursor of the Commune of the 
wide world — with an extra wide thrown in for good 
measure — by the Revolutionary Age (Boston, Mar. 
15, 1919.) Its full front page would make it certain 
that Lenin has looked to the Paris Commune as his 
guide in setting up the dictatorship of the proletariat. 
But having Russia on the hip he has surely bettered 
the instruction of 1871. We quote : " The Paris Com- 


mune was the most natural expression of the proletarian 
revolution up to that time. 

" The contribution of the Commune to revolutionary theory 
and tactics consisted in developing a new type of state, by 
means of which the proletariat could accomplish its emanci- 
pation. The Commune annihilated the machinery of the 
old state — its army, its police and its bureaucracy, indepen- 
dent of and imposed upon the masses, the instruments of re- 
pression used by the state to coerce the working class; and 
the Commune, moreover, abolished legislative and executive 
functions as separate functions, these being united demo- 
cratically in the Commune. The Paris Commune demon- 
strated in actual practise that the first task of the militant 
proletariat is the conquest of power by the revolutionary pro- 
letariat — the annihilation of the old bourgeois state and the 
construction of a new proletarian state. On this head, N. 
Lenin wrote in April, 1917: 'As to the revolutionary or- 
ganization and its tasJc, the conquest of the power of the state 
and militarism: From the experience of the Paris Commune, 
Marx shows thai ' the working class cannot simply lay hold of 
the ready-made machinery of the state and wield it for its pur- 
poses. The proletariat must hreah down this machinery. 
We claim we do not need the bourgeois state machinery as 
completed in the democratic bourgeois republic, but the direct 
power of armed and organized workers. Such is the state we 
need. Such was the character of the Commune of 1871 and 
of the Soviets of Workmen and Soldiers of 1905 and 1917. 
On this basis we build.' The new proletarian state of the 
Paris Commune functioned as a revolutionary dictatorship of 
the proletariat, precisely as in Soviet Kussia in 1917-1919." 

Precisely, while the Paris Commune lasted, it was 
about two months, after the red flag was flung to the 
breeze from Hotel de Ville, it did register upon the an- 


nals of Socialist history the same quality of fury that 
is now wreaking its vengeance upon the poor, starved 
and beaten people of Russia. In these days of 1871 
while the mob infuriated by the atheistic spirit, pil- 
laged and desecrated the churches, the irresponsible 
holders of the government's power confiscated land and 
capital, repudiated debts, abolished rents, equalized pay 
for work, suppressed all newspapers that did not sup- 
port the cause of revolution, declared against religious 
education and destroyed priceless works of art. At least 
one hundred thousand lives were sacrificed to this unholy 
passion for a scheme of society that is against the dic- 
tates of reason and the love of God ; the property damage 
was estimated at $110,000,000. 

That atheistic-materialism is the basis upon which 
this event, that is " enshrined in the hearts of Social- 
ists," rests may be clearly seen we present two incidents. 
Having before him Abbe Deguerry, as an offender 
against the Marxian regime, the Judge of the Council of 
Discipline wanted to know what work he and his fellow- 
priests did ? " We teach the religion of our Lord Jesus 
Christ/' The Judge replied — " There are no Lords. 
We do not Jcnow any Lords/' To the Judge catechizing 
the Archbishop of Paris in the same manner, Monsi- 
gneur Georges Darboy answered : '' I am a servant of 
God" " Where does he live?" asked the Judge. The 
Archbishop gave answer : '^ Everywhere/' Then came 
the blasphemous order from the Court : " Send this 
man to the Conciergerie, and issue a tvarrant for the 
arrest of his Master, one called God, ivho has no perm^- 


nent residence^ and is, consequently contrary to law, liv- 
ing in a perpetual state of vagahoTidage." 

Both these priests paid the supreme sacrifice for Christ 
and Him crucified in the reign of the Revolution of 
1871. Together with a number of priests the Arch- 
bishop of Paris stood against a wall facing at close range 
twenty of the Red Guards — - who were enlisted for the 
purpose of killing at the command of the first " class 
conscious " Socialist dictator of the proletariat. The 
venerable Archbishop Darboy raised his hand in bene- 
diction while all the priests were praying. " Thai's 
your benediction, is it? " cried out one of the gunmen — 
" Now tahe mine," and with his taunt he gave the order 
for bullets to be sent through the body of the beloved 
Archbishop and his priests. Our then American Min- 
ister to Paris said of His Grace : " He was one of the 
most charming and agreeable of men and was beloved 
alike by rich and poor. He had spent his whole life in 
acts of charity and benevolence." 

The answer to the questions of the pure-minded Ab- 
bie Deguerry — " What have they to gain by hilling v^f 
What harm have we done to them f " will reveal the 
whole story, for these moral issues search to the inner- 
most motive of the Bolshevist movement. Those who 
are persuaded of the mere materialist origin of the race 
can have no possible use, in reason, for a priest, ^o 
useful work whatsoever could a priest find to do amongst 
a non-moral herd, never so much higher than the com- 
mon beasts of the field. If they are to carry out their 
cult of atheistic materialism into practise the knowledge 


of and the love of God must be wiped out of the mind 
and the heart of the people. This is what they will 
gain by killing priests and destroying the Church of 
Christ, in their diseased imagination. Given the dis- 
torted view of life that morality is and ever has been 
non-existent together with the possession of all capital 
extant and the power of the Red Guard to dictate the 
industrial life of the proletariat, the harm that priests 
can do is to spend the substance that is produced in the 
support of religious worship and to feed, clothe and 
shelter themselves, since no return whatsoever comes to 
the commonalty. Moreover, neither suicide nor mur- 
der is objectionable. The unborn, the infirm, the lame, 
the halt and the blind may, without compunction, be put 
out of the path trod by the super-man. It is said in a 
thousand variants — God is a vagabond and His minis- 
ters shall not eat up the wealth of a proletarian regime. 
Out with God ; out with religion, out with priests. 

As it was in 1871 so it is in 1919 that the slaughter of 
priests is defended, the one word " hoarding " is now 
sufficient to make their murder commendable. We 
quote the matter as it appeared in America's leading 
Socialist daily — New York Call (Apr. 3, 1919). 

"Pope and Lenin Exchange Wires 

"His Holiness Protests Killing Priests — Were Hoarding 
Food, Was Reply. 

" Rome, April 2. — The Osservatore Romano to-day pub- 
lished an interchange of correspondence between Pope Bene- 
dict and the Bolsheviki regarding alleged persecution of the 
Catholic clergy in Russia. 


Archbishop Silvestre of Omsk appealed to the Pope to issue 
an official protest, stating that 20 bishops and hundreds of 
priests had been murdered and mutilated, and a number of 
churches destroyed. 

The Pope sent a wireless to Premier Lenin, imploring him, 
in the name of humanity, to stop these excesses. Foreign 
Minister Tchitcherin replied that all Russians are equal and 
accused the priests of hoarding food. 

If our strictures anent the first dictatorship of the 
proletariat seem too severe it is certain that the well 
known opinion of Giuseppe Mazinni, an associate of 
Garibaldi, an eye-witness of the commune of Paris, an 
implacable enemy of the Catholic Church, cannot be 
prejudiced in our favor when speaking of bloody week 
of 1871. 

"A people was wallowing about as if drunk, raging against 
itself and lacerating its limhs with its teeth, while howling 
triumphant cries, dancing an infernal dance before the grave 
which it had dug with its own hands, killing, torturing, burn- 
ing, and committing crimes without sense, aim or hope. It 
reminded us of the most horrid visions of Dante's Hell." 

In spite of the historic facts in the case of 1871 and 
in face of the scandalous events of 1917 only here and 
there one of the leading Socialists of our country have 
recoiled from the logical application of their doctrine 
as seen in the Lenin dictatorship of Russia. The vast 
number of these " gentle sirs " have looked at the Paris 
Commune and that glimpse has satisfied them that the 
proletarian dictatorship is just what is wanted to dis- 
rupt Christian civilization. Surely they are correct 


since a more powerful solvent has not been found for jus- 
tice, equity, decency and morality. 

Premier Lenin called into practise " the brief, sharp, 
exact-formula " of Marx and it worked like a charm in 
realizing " the dictatorship of the proletariat and the 
semi-proletariat without which Socialism is not to he 
thought of." In Russia the political state — the class 
state is abolished and the classless society set up. This, 
the first industrial state, is made up of but one class, 
namely, the " urban and rural proletariat and the poor- 
est peasants," organized into local and provincial Soviets 
and federated in the All Russian Congress. We quote 
from the constitution of Russia adopted ^N^ovember 8, 

" The fundamental problem of the Constitution of the 
Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic involves, in 
view of the present transition period, the establishment of a 
dictatorship of the urban and rural proletariat and the poor- 
est peasantry in the form of a powerful All-Russian Soviet 
authority, for the purpose of the crushing of the bourgeoisie, 
abolishing the exploitation of men by men and of introducing 
Socialism in which there will be neither a division into 
classes nor a state authority. 

" The Russian Republic is a free Socialist Society of all 
the working people of Russia. The entire power, within the 
boundaries of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Re- 
public, belongs to all the working i)eople of Russia, united 
in urban and rural Soviets." 

So it is that with soviets-councils made up of repre- 
sentatives from the various factories and crafts, poorest 


peasants and the soldiers and sailors — very like the cen- 
tral labor bodies of our trade unions, rather than repre- 
sentatives from the several geographical divisions of 
cities as with our political government — that " a gov- 
ernment of things," as Engels termed it, is alleged to be 
under way with its industrial army under the command 
of a dictator. 

Ah, yes, this is the " free society " — in speech, but 
in fact a more complete enslavement of men than history 

Upon being asked — " How is a Soviet formed ? " Al- 
bert Rhys Williams — acknowledged representative of 
the Russian Bolsheviki official propaganda — made an- 

"Instead of electing men at the polls, they are elected in 
the shops and unions. For example, every 500 workers in a 
munition factory select a delegate. The shoe factory elects 
a delegate, as do the clothing shops, the brick yards, glass 
works, and all the other industries which happen to be in that 
city. The different unions do likewise. The regiments of 
soldiers and the sailors also elect their delegates ; likewise the 
teachers, the clerks, and the engineers who are organized." 
(" The Bolsheviks and the Soviets.") 

These local Soviets elect delegates to Provincial So- 
viets and thus indirectly to the All-Russian Congress 
of Soviets which meets twice a year. From this central 
body is elected an Executive Committee of 200 to ad- 
minister the affairs of the Socialist Federated Soviet 
Republic. The most important of the specific depart- 
ments made up from the Executive Committee of two 


hundred is the Council of the People's Commissaires. 

The basis of representation to the All-Russian Con- 
gress is so laid down that the vote of a Red Guard is 
equal to eight votes of the city proletarians; while the 
power of one of these city votes is equal to five of the 
poor peasants in the rural districts. Thus it may be 
seen that the Red Guard and the city proletariat may 
easily dominate the " first Socialist Republic of the 

Moreover the privilege of voting is given only to those 
who make a living by " labor that is productive and 
useful to society." Adhering strictly to the preverse 
opinion that the individual is without a soul, the animal 
origin of humanity is enforced by denying that Priests 
are useful to society, also that religious instruction is 
work, all ministers of God, monks and nuns, all religious 
educators and all persons who in whatsoever capacity 
assist in this most useful of all services given to mankind 
are listed together with the demented and mentally de- 
ficient who are in fact disqualified to perform the tasks 
of citizenship. Their constitution will show that the 
proletarians and the poorest peasantry are considered 
useful to a Socialist society. We quote from their Con- 
stitution adopted iNTovember 8, 1917: 

Section First: Concerning the Suffrage 

I. The right to vote and to be elected to the Soviets is en- 
joyed by the following citizens of the Russian Socialistic 
Soviet Republic of both sexes who shall have completed their 
eighteenth year by the day of the election : 

1. All who have acquired the means of living through la- 


bor that is productive and useful to society and are members 
of the trades associations, namely: 

(a) Laborers and employees of all classes who are em- 
ployed in industry, trade and agriculture. 

(b) Peasants and Cossack agricultural laborers who hire 
no labor. 

(c) Employees and laborers in the offices of the Soviet 

2. Soldiers of the army and navy of the Soviets. 

3. Citizens of the two previous categories who have to any 
degree lost their capacity to work. 

II. Tile following persons enjoy neither the right to vote 
nor to he voted for, even though they helong to one of the 
categories enumerated aiove, namely: 

(1) Persons who employ hired labor in order to obtain from 
it an increase in profits. 

(2) Persons who have an income without doing any work, 
such as interest from capital, receipts from property, and 
so on. 

(3) Private merchants, trade and commercial intermediar- 

(4) Employees of communities for religious worship. 
(Also Monk and Clergy of all denominations.) 

(5) Employees and agents of the former police, the gen- 
darmerie corps and the Okhrana ; also members of the dynasty 
that formerly ruled in Eussia. 

(6) Persons who have in legal form been declared de- 
mented or mentally deficient, and also deaf and dumb per- 

(7) Persons who have been punished for selfish or dishonor- 
able misdemeanors. 

Of course, with God out of reckoning, sins are no 
longer possible of commission, but somehow the faults 
that are left over from the time each man -had an in- 


dividual soul are even now quite sufficient to deprive 
men of their vote. On this point their " new " society 
is both state and church with a vengeance. At any rate 
" selfish and dishonorable " conduct is bad enough to 
call out a Ukas, now and again, which enables Lenin- 
Trotsky still further to centralize this " free " society 
into their own hands. Not alone have the bourgeoisie 
been completely disfranchised but those Socialists of the 
parlor variety have lost their rights. When in June, 
1918, the Mensheviki gained control of several local 
Soviets (thus in fact becoming the Bolsheviki) and sent 
delegates to the All-Russian Congress, these delegates 
were peremptorily thrown out of the government and 
the locals electing them were dissolved on the 26th day 
of July. 

An Englishman — Mr. H. V. Keeling — who had 
lived some five years in Russia — gives the method by 
which this " one-class " society came into being. Mr. 
Keeling, because of his lithographic work, was admitted 
to the Russian Printing Trade Union and remained 
for sixteen months under Russian rules. He explains 
that the population was divided into four categories: 
First — the manual workers ; second — the self-em- 
ployed clerical workers ; third — those who hire any- 
body from house servants to factory workers ; fourth — 
the idle rich, princes, aristocrats, courtiers and the like. 
The working out of this subdivision of the Russian 
people is also commented on : 

" The penalty for failing to please the Bolsheviki is to be 
degraded from the class in which you get some food to the 


class in which you get scarcely any. In the last few months 
there has not been anything like enough for the first class 
and scarcely anything for the others. Class IV, the former 
rich, I should say, has disappeared. 

" If you are not in the first class or are degraded from it 
you have to prowl about and try to get food secretly ; but this 
is a punishable offense, for which sometimes people may even 
be shot. People go to the country, taking anything they 
think the peasants will take in exchange for food and get a 
bag of flour or a few potatoes. But it is illegal to go out of 
town without a permit or to buy anything when you get there, 
so the Red Guards stop them and search them as they come 
back, and if they find anything confiscate it and often arrest 
the people and carry them off. 

" I saw a woman who had gone to the country and got 
thirty pounds of flour from her own native place for her chil- 
dren, who were starving. She was seized by the Guards at 
the station when she was trying to get back, and they took 
it from her, although she fell on her knees and implored 
them with sobs to let her keep only a few pounds. 

" Then when she found it was no use she threw herself 
under a train and was killed." 

The Russian statistics of 1917 give the information 
that 771 out of every 1,000 of the population are 
peasants while only 10-7 out of the thousand population 
are city residents. On this basis, since the city folk 
are kept in power by the vote, it is certain that the 
franchise is manipulated in favor of the minority. 
Upon being charged with this injustice it was coolly 
confessed and defended by Lenin in the New Inter- 
national (April, 1918) : 

"Just as 150,000 lordly landowners under Czarism domi- 


nated the 130,000,000 of Russian peasants, so 200,000 mem- 
bers of the Bolshevik Party are imposing their proletarian 
will on the mass, but this time in the interest of the latter." 

Granting that a benevolent despotism is in the interest 
of a people ascending the ladder of self-government to 
the height of civilization, it is certain that the honest 
despots would not rest their claim to the seat of power 
upon a world propaganda that has for sixty years been 
demanding industrial democracy upon the basis of uni- 
versal and equal suffrage. 


At last unsound words have been put into violent 
deeds, for the revolution in Eussia having expropriated 
the political bourgeoisie took the long-talked-of step, ex- 
propriated from the owners of private property all their 
land and capital on the assumption that the land natur- 
ally belongs to the government and that all capital in 
private hands has been taken in the form of " surplus 
value " from the proletariat, bit by bit in the past. 

Since the deed is done it may be interesting to know 
how it was done. 

During the academic stages of Bolshevism the ques- 
tion of the confiscation of capital and the remuneration 
for capital has been a prolific occasion for discussion, 
scientific and sentimental, in their press and on their 
platform. But when the power for action came into 
Bolsheviki hands the die was cast and confiscation 
became the law. For its authoritv this act rests se- 


curely upon the Communist Manifest which calls for 
the " abolition of property in land." In our country 
where the farming class is the largest amongst the 
manual workers and where vote getting has been con- 
sidered the high road to the revolution much discussion 
pro and con has taken place as to the expediency of 
stating the land plank in their platform in true Marxian 
fashion or to assure the farmers, who do not exploit 
laborers, that they may keep their land. Surely, com- 
promise on this false principle is a better vote getter, 
but since personal vanity delights in the daring of no 
compromise it is hard to get a decision and as hard to 
stick to it. Yet, the spectacular no compromise of the 
Socialist has done much to discredit rightful tactics 
with wage earners. Between our two dominant parties 
there is no difference as to the underlying principles 
upon which our nation is based; no dispute about 
natural rights coming from God; nor about this being 
a government of laws not of men ; neither about private 
property being a right inherent in the constitution of the 
human race. Consequently these two parties are in op- 
position only as to methods that shall best safeguard 
individual rights and opportunities and secure the well- 
being and perfection of the body politic. 

Compromise, therefore, is essential to getting things 
done harmoniously with the result of keeping either 
group from going to extremes. But braggadocio is 
much more to the liking of those who deal with false 
principles. When Lincoln Steffens interviewed his 
friend Debs for Everyhody's Magazine as to how Social- 


ists were to get possession of the trusts — Debs replied : 
" Take them." In his display editorial in the Appeal 
to Reason Fred Warren tells What I Believe: 

"I believe in the confiscation of the productive property 
of this nation by the working class. I do not believe in con- 
fiscating it by piecemeal. That would be foolish and illegal. 
The plan I favor is that the working class shall first capture 
the political powers of the state and nation and then the job 
can be done without the danger of getting cracked skulls and 
prison sentences." 

The Educational Director of the Eand School — Al- 
gernon Lee — is as emphatically Marxian if not so 
picturesque : 

" Confiscation presents itself as the simplest and most di- 
rect method. There is no reason why Socialists should be 
squeamish about mentioning confiscation as a historic i)Os- 

The issue is squarely met by the New York Call 
(Nov. 2, 1915) under the editorial caption: That 
Blessed Word, Confiscation: " Do we Socialists helieve 
in confiscation of private property f Most certainly we 

Indeed, no one of international distinction has ever 
denied the belief in what is now a consummated business 
of plunder in Bolshevik Eussia, the Decree on Con- 
fiscation and Nationalization of Land, adopted by the 
All-Russian Congress of Soviets (Nov. 8, 1917) leaves 
the nation without justice and the family without in- 
heritance : 


" The right of private ownership in land is abolished for- 
ever; land can neither be sold, nor bought, nor leased, nor 
mortgaged, nor appropriated in any other way. The whole of 
the land of the State, of the appanages, of the Crown, of the 
monasteries, of the churches, as well as majorats, lands in con- 
ditional possession, or endowed to persons, or concerns, pri- 
vately owned land and land belonging to public bodies, and to 
peasants, and so on, is herewith expropriated, without any 
compensation whatever, and it becomes the property of the 
whole people and is transferred for use to all who till it. 

" Those who have suffered from this expropriation are 
entitled to public relief, but only for the time which may be 
necessary to allow them to adapt themselves to the new con- 
ditions of existence. 

" The landlord's property in all land is herewith abolished 
without compensation. 

" The estates of the landlords, as well as the appanage lands 
and lands belonging to the monasteries, churches, with all 
their live and dead inventories, manor buildings, and imple- 
ments, pass into the control of rural Land Committees and 
District Councils of Peasants' Delegates, until the Constitu- 
ent Assembly. 

" Any damage wilfully caused to the confiscated property, 
belonging from now on to the whole people, constitutes a grave 
crime, punishable by the Eevolutionary Tribunals. The Dis- 
trict Councils of Peasants' Delegates are to take all the mea- 
sures required for the preservation of strict order while carry- 
ing out the confiscation of the estates of the landlords, for 
recording the size of the estates to be confiscated, for pre- 
paring a detailed specification of the whole confiscated prop- 
erty, and for the most stringent revolutionary protection of 
all the agricultural estates passing now into the hands of 
the people, with all the buildings, machinery, cattle, stores, 
etc., appertaining to them. 

" All Russian citizens, irrespective of sex, willing to till 


the soil with their own labor, or with the assistance of their 
families, or in company with other peasants, are entitled to 
receive land for use, and for the duration of time they are 
able to till it. No hired labor is allowed." 

Having nationalized the land, provision for its use 
was made by an " equal " distribution amongst the 
tillers ; the standard share being a plot that one man is 
capable of working with his own labor with many com- 
plicated modifications easy enough to work out on 
paper. Within the confines of the cities all real estate 
is confiscated by the very simple process of the collection 
of rent by the governmental agents. Even before this 
book goes to press we may expect tyranny, incompetency 
and dishonesty to have brought down this wordy struc- 
ture like a castle built with cards at the pufiF of the 
wind ; for a very genius at destruction is at work upon 
a hapless society that had long been under the rule of 
a man-made worship. Truly God is a jealous God — 
" Thou shalt have no gods before Me." A department 
was established to take possession of private property 
in the name of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet 
Republic. This " Supreme Council of National 
Economy " is granted complete control over production, 
distribution and finance ; it may confiscate, requisition, 
sequestrate and syndicate private industries without 
redress by the owners. This ruthless effort to " ex- 
propriate the expropriators " found its greatest difficulty 
with nationalizing the banks. But since a proletarian 
revolution is bound to rid the world of the bourgeoisie, 
Lenin proceeded to dispose of the Safe deposit boxes: 


"All monies kept in safe deposit boxes of banks must be 
paid into the current account of the holders in the National 
Bank. Gold Note: Gold, in money and ingots, will be 
confiscated and added to the gold fund of the entire nation." 

"Boxes belonging to persons (who oppose the auditing of 
them after being summoned) are subject to opening by the 
investigating commissions, appointed by the commissioners 
of the National Bank, and all the holdings found in them 
will be confiscated by the National Bank as the property of 
the people." 

National Debts Repudiated: 

" All state debts contracted by the regime of the Russian 
land owners and Russian bourgeoisie, enumerated in a docu- 
ment relating to this matter, are annulled as of December 
1, 1917. December coupons of the loans mentioned are not 
liable to payment. 

"In like manner are annulled all guarantees given by the 
officials of the old regime concerning debts of various enter- 
prises and institutions." 

" All foreign debts are repudiated absolutely and without 

" Short term bond and state treasury series remain intact. 
Interest on them will not be paid; but obligations to them 
shall be binding in the same way as credit notes." 

" Small propertied (poor) citizens possessing repudiated 
state notes of internal loans which are not in excess of 
10,000 rubles (nominal worth) will receive annually, from 
the state, compensation equal to the interest on their notes. 
[The U. S. Treasury value of a ruble (1918) equals twelve 
cents in gold. Thus the value of 10,000 rubles equals $1,- 

" Citizens possessing repudiated notes in excess of 10,000 
rubles will receive no compensation for the repudiation of 
their papers." 


"Dejwsits in state savings banks and interest on them are 
inviolable. All obligations on repudiated debts belonging to 
savings banks are convertible into debts (obligations) of the 
Russian Workers and Peasants Republic." 

" Cooperative societies, local self-governing and other 
benefit or democratic institutions which have holdings in 
repudiated debts will continue to be indemnified, in accord- 
ance with the rules worked out by the Supreme Council of 
National Economy, together with the representatives of 
such institutions, provided it is proven that these obligations 
were acquired prior to the publication of this decree." 

"All the work of liquidating these (State) loans is en- 
trusted to the commissioners of the National Bank, and all 
holdings found in them will be confiscated by the National 
Bank as the property of the people. Note: The investigat- 
ing commissions may, for weighty reasons, postpone the 
above liquidation." 

Industry and Commerce: 

Industrial establishments having been confiscated 
they are turned over to the workers who fix the hours, 
wages and otherwise regulate conditions of labor. The 
workers set the price upon their commodities, thus con- 
trolling the commercial relations of the people. It is 
a matter of common record that the former owners are 
compelled to act as directors of their sometime industrial 
plants, otherwise men capable of performing this work 
are not to be found. Here also, endless detail is set 
down for carrying out the provisions of this classless 
society. As an instance of the treatment meted out 
to foreign owners of capital we quote this decree of the 
Russian Socialist Republic which introduces the com- 
plete industrial slavery of all classes of workmen in the 


Russo Belgian Metallurgical Company that had refused 
to subject themselves to the socialization of their capital 
under the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

" The shafts, works, mines, all living and immovable prop- 
erty, on the lands of the Petrovky Metallurgical Works, the 
mines at Sofisk, Vyerovsk, Bungovsk, Narnevsk, also in 
Petrograd, as well as all other property of whatsoever de- 
scription, regardless of its nature and present location in 
Russia or abroad, belonging to the Russo-Belgian Metal- 
lurgical Company, shall be confiscated, and declared the 
property of the Russian Republic. 

" All office and technical assistants are obliged to remain 
at work for the discharge of their customary obligations. 

" For irresponsible desertion from their positions or for 
sabotage, the guilty parties will be handed over to the revolu- 
tionary tribunals." 

Foreign Trade: 

" No private citizen of Russia is permitted to engage in 
foreign trade, since it is nationalized for the benefit of one 
class — the proletarians. * The purchase and sale of products 
(raw materials, manufactures, agriculture, etc.) with foreign 
countries and private foreign commercial organizations are 
controlled directly by the Russian republic through specially 
organized organs. All foreign transactions not known to 
these organs are prohibited.' " 

The Socialist world rejoices for the scheme labori- 
ously worked out in the " Bible of the Working Class " 
which blasphemes Almighty God, cultivates treason and 
counsels robbery to the limit, is by the Russian dictator- 
ship under Lenin-Trotsky put into practise by depriving 


men of the exercise of their religious rights, by denying 
all but those at the lowest rung of the industrial and 
commercial ladder of their political franchise and by 
the wholesale confiscation of land and capital. No, 
certainly it was not by natural evolution but by forceful 
and bloody revolution that the change was brought 
about. But since their entire propaganda has ever been 
contradictory there is no possibility of holding them to 
their pronouncements, for if one will not work some 
other will. Marx had said so long ago as 1867 — in 
Capital — that the confiscation — the expropriation — 
of capital would come about like a law of nature. He 
foretold that an ever-growing oppression, slavery, mis- 
ery, and degradation would be the lot of wage-earners ; 
and simultaneously, because one great capitalist would 
send many employers down into the ranks of labor, the 
revolt of the working class would take place rather 
quietly since the " Centralization of the means of pro- 
duction and socialization of labor at last reach a point 
where they become incompatible with their capitalist 
integument. The integument is burst asunder. The 
knell of capitalist private property sounds. The ex- 
propriators are expropriated." 

But quite the contrary is true for the economic data 
of the years since 1867 is sure proof that industrial 
development did not take place as Marx had predicted. 
The conditions of the working class improved while dis- 
content in the hearts of those under Socialist influence 
grew: The middle class increased in number and 
financial power, relatively, yet many fell under the spell 


of the materialist conception of history: The capital- 
ists increased in numbers instead of devouring the larger 
half of their number, while not a few seemed utterly to 
forget that wealth is held in stewardship for their Master 
in Heaven. Thus it was that by a dwindling of re- 
ligious light in all classes; by a lack of the knowledge 
of genuine science, that revolutionists were enabled to 
leap over the expected stages in evolution and take pos- 
session of government and capital by the power of might. 
This quick route is euphonistically termed by Engels 
and echoed by Lenin " a leap from the kingdom of 
necessity to the kingdom of freedom." But justice 
makes the way of the transgressor hard ! so the whole- 
sale committing of sin, crime, debauch and lewdness 
enslaves together the innocent and the guilty in the 
sometime land of the Czars. But the end is not yet, 
the innocent suffer free from blame, praising God for 
their fire of purification while the penalty of guilt must 
be paid to the last jot and tittle. 

Internationally, we see no signs of the abatement of 
the demand for the " expropriation of the expropria- 
tors." The Commissairs of Russian Foreign Affairs 
addressed a letter to President Wilson (Oct. 24, 1918) 
suggesting the fitness of E. V. Debs as president of the 
Socialist State that is coolly predicted to take the place 
of our own glorious and free nation. 'Not content with 
the impudence of this advice the letter suggests that the 
world be turned over to the principle of plunder : 

" We propose that the League of Nations he based 
on the expropriation of the Capitalists of all nations." 


The same thought dominates the mind of the Ameri- 
can Socialists. In their call for the organization of a 
genuine revolutionary international it is proposed that 
representation be based upon a belief in the dictatorship 
of the proletariat as by carrying this belief into action 
there comes into their hands " the lever of immediate 
expropriation of Capital " (N. Y. Call, Mar. 20, 1919). 

Let no man think that these millions of our populace 
who are privileged to vote may be dissuaded from their 
aim because of its being contrary to the Commandment 
against stealing or against coveting our neighbors goods. 
" Fudge ! the decalogue again ! " The pert counselor of 
the proletariat replies, have we not been persuaded at 
our schools, colleges and universities that the Rock of 
Ages has been blasted ? Yet while chattering theories 
come and go and though sound judgment seems asleep 
upon the bench: 

" In vain we call old notions * fudge,' 

And bend our conscience to our dealing; 

The Ten Commandments will not budge, ' 

And stealing will continue stealing." 

There is no denying that the natural right of private 
property has been thoroughly established since God gave 
to Moses the Commandments; that it was enforced 
by our Blessed Lord throughout His ministry ; that the 
Church has ever upheld the principle ; that no civiliza- 
tion has ever been known where private ownership did 
not prevail. Even so, what should the Bolsheviki or 
the Mensheviki have to do with the law of God, the 


rightful interpretation of history or the stricture of 
common sense ? Surely, as doctrinaires — nothing. 
While members of the Constituent Assembly they forced 
through a declaration that " the right of privately owned 
land within the boundaries of the Russian Republic is 
hereby abolished forever." 

Since their philosophy deals only with things in time 
the word forever is logically outside the Socialists' vo- 
cabulary. The best judgments they have must be con- 
fined to a human nature infinitely inferior from what 
God gave to mankind, and confined to laws no better 
than the say-so of those leaders to whom they delegate 
authority. Besides it seems not to have occurred to these 
little gentlemen who have shifted upon their own puny 
shoulders omnipotent authority that this very decree 
leaves no room for the operation of their pet theory — 
Evolution. Forever is a word that takes its course up, 
down and beyond the boundaries of Russia or any other 
place that has been built in time wherein men dwell. 

In his renowned encyclical — Rerum l^ovarum — 
issued twenty-eight years ago — Pope Leo XIII lays 
down the Catholic law of property. His Holiness con- 
demns the basic proposal of Socialism that would abolish 
the use of private capital since rights given by God 
may not be denied or taken away without a violation 
of human nature itself ; this were against the individual, 
the family and society. Hence it must be utterly re- 
jected, since to declare private property abolished " for- 
ever " would most certainly injure those whom it is 
proposed to benefit: 


" It is directly contrary to the natural rights of mankind, 
and would introduce confusion and disorder into the Com- 
monwealth. The first and most fundamental principle, there- 
fore, if one would undertake to alleviate the condition of 
the masses, must be the inviolability of private property." 

The very opposite procedure from that taken by Bol- 
shevist Russia to centralize all productive wealth under 
state control is required to fulfil the obligation of man 
to man and the " Workingman's Pope " states it clearly 
and simply — " the great labor question cannot be solved 
save by assuming as a principle that private ownership 
must be held sacred and inviolable. The law, therefore, 
should favor ownership, and its policy should be to in- 
duce as many as possible of the humbler class to become 

Absolutism in Lahor: 

It is rather trite to say that there never was a time 
in the history of the world when slave labor was un- 
known, but the attempt to set an entire nation at work 
under the conditions of slavery is something new to our 
day and generation. In private industry the last word 
in efficiency is known as the Taylor system, where the 
basic analysis of mechanical motion during work has 
led to a dismissal of superfluous notions and so reduced 
the expenditure of human energy to the minimum. 
This system is the model set before Soviet Russia for 
piece workers to follow; not under an employer for 
whom a man may work or not as he chooses, but under 
the compulsion of the proletarian dictator who has the 
Red Guard to back up his authority. In America in 


a state of freedom it is one's private affair what work 
one engages in, but under the Soviets it is the most im- 
portant national affair what work a man is set to do 
since the economy of the Socialist State wholly sup- 
plants the private rights and preferments of all the 
people. The grim humor of it is that this enslavement 
of the masses " opens the road for emulation on a really 
large scale." In the Soviets at Work Nikolai Lenin 
admits the immediate necessity for the complete " in- 
troduction of obligatory labor service." But reflecting 
upon the inherent difficulty of reducing men — even 
those who have long lived under the milder despotism 
of the Czar — to a complete state of industrial degrada- 
tion the Bolshevist Republic orders that the system 
shall be introduced gradually and with " Caution." 
Evidently it is assumed that the loyalty of the prole- 
tariat to their dictator depends largely upon appeasing 
their wrath at the lot of " freedom " that has fallen to 
them and this is done by giving the order for " intro- 
ducing first of all obligatory labor service for the rich " 
(p. 19). However, since labor control has been intro- 
duced in all the industries and commercial transactions 
possible as a " law of the Soviets " the attendent diffi- 
culties admittedly call for : " A merciless campaign 
against those who violate this control or who are careless 
with regard to control/' 

Thus, is the dream of the Socialist realized! The 
" wage-slavery " of the old regime is abolished by the in- 
troduction of a greater variety of ills, under a system of 
complete national slavery that admits of no redress save 


that obtained by force. It is might against might striv- 
ing in utter darkness, where right is unknown, certainly 
it is the penalty paid for following false gods : " I 
am the Good Shepherd, I know Mine and Mine know 
Me." Against the love and justice that characterizes 
right relations between the owner of capital and his 
brother freeman, who exercises his will to work at a 
specific task for a just wage, is this abnormal scheme 
for absolutism in labor: 

" Our gains, our decrees, our laws, our plans must be se- 
cured by the solid forms of every-day labor discipline. This 
is the most diflBcult, but also the most promising problem for 
only its solution will give us Socialism. We must learn to 
combine the stormy, energetic, breaking of all restraint on 
the part of the toiling masses, with iron discipline during 
work, with absolute submission to the will of one person, the 
Soviet director, during work." 

"We have not yet learned this, but we will learn this." 

(Soviets at Work.) 

It gives us satisfaction and delight to present this 
excerpt from the Manual of Modern Scholastic Philoso- 
phy (pp. 288-289, Vol. 2) by that great Churchman and 
world-renowned patriot Cardinal Mercier in proof that 
the Good Shepherd gives light, scientific and moral to 
His own." 

"To require the State to be the owner of all land and 
capital, to have the entire management of the production and 
distribution of wealth, to preside over all the functions of 
social life, like the brain over organic life, is surely, if logic 
counts for anything, to desire that the individual should ab- 


dicate his own will and submit himself as completely as 
possible to the ruling of the State. Such a power and part 
cannot be given to the State without lessening in a propor- 
tionate degree the liberty of the citizen. Every collectivist 
who follows out his opinions to their logical conclusion must 
desire the effacement of the individual before the superior 
unit which is the community. If the State is the brain of 
the body politic, the individual is no more than a cell. A 
contradiction therefore exists between the collectivist ideal 
and the full ideal of liberty. 

"... The orderly and permanent working of machinery 
so complicated as that of the collectivist State would require 
nothing short of a discipline of iron. The officials appointed 
to organize the national production would have to be given 
absolute powers. The assessment of the wants to be satisfied, 
and accordingly of the things to be made, the allotment of 
labor, the distribution of products, would all have to depend 
on the supreme will of the State." 

Eree Speech — Free Press 

At first flush it seems that Socialists are truly in 
favor of the right to be heard by those who ought to 
listen, but this is not so. Eor there is no ought in all 
their philosophy, — no time when one ought to speak 
and no time when one ought to listen for the simple 
reason that to them morals are nothing more than the 
fashion in manners. Under the guarantees in our na- 
tional constitution, that has guided us wisely and pros- 
perously for more than seven generations, all our laws 
must have regard to the natural rights of all our citizens, 
and one of the nearest and dearest of these rights is 
what we know as free speech. Our right is to speak 
and to be heard, yet, within the limit of our human 


constitution. If we put the issue immediately to the 
touchstone we shall see that our right and our power are 
quite two different things. We have, it is certain, the 
power to speak evil, but not the right to do so, since 
our existence is conditioned upon the absolute authority 
of Him who created us and gave to us the law we ought 
to obey. Here then lies the crux of the whole matter 
between those who truly believe in free speech and those 
who use the term for or against the moral obligation it 
implies as a mere method of furthering their cause on 
a given occasion. The fact is that free speech fights 
give to the Bolsheviki the best opportunity to persuade 
the multitude that they are persecuted for advocating 
what is good for the working-class. So whether it be 
a plea to get Debs out of jail or a resolve against the 
curtailing of free speech under the espionage act the 
effect of demanding the right to speak freely and to be 
heard without hindrance is all to their advantage in 
making Socialist converts, since it is one of the loudest 
demands of freemen. But this principle is to God- 
loving and God-fearing men an inherent right, bringing 
the obligation to listen or to speak as occasion demands. 
Not so with those who accept the philosophy of historic 
materialism, which makes of this principle and of all 
moral principles the mere fashion of the times — some- 
thing useful to play upon in one case and something 
advantageous to suppress in another. 

We make no apology for saying that within the or- 
ganized Socialist movement the right of free speech has 
been constantly violated from the time of its first presi- 


dential campaign. Just as we write comes a complaint 
from the left-wing — which is a large division of the 
Socialist Party: 

" We are a very active and growing section of the Socialist 
Party who are attempting to reach the rank and file with 
our urgent message over the heads of the powers that be." 

" The oiBcial Socialist Party press is in the main closed to 
us; therefore, we cannot adequately present our side of the 

" Therefore we have decided to issue our Manifesto and 
program in pamphlet form, so that the rank and file may 
read and judge our case on its merits." 

Simultaneously, while denying free speech within, 
the Socialist Party itself is arranging 5,000 public 
meetings in protest against the imprisonment of Eugene 
V. Debs and Kate Richards O'Hare on the ground that 
these persons had the " right to bear testimony to truth 
as they saw it." Having mistaken treason for truth 
does indeed prevent these orators from spreading their 
lurid vision abroad by word of mouth, but unhappily 
by pen they still advocate a classless society on the 
ruins of the private ownership of capital. Much to her 
surprise Mrs. O'Hare finds class distinctions even 
amongst her fellow-convicts in the Missouri State Peni- 
tentiary. If only she would look deep enough to see 
that God gives different talents in differing degrees to 
His children she might find the absurdity of what she 

The Gospel injunction to do what they say but not 


as they do, applies perfectly to the issue of free speech. 
They say that the Eussian Bolsheviki believe that the 
press should be the expression of the people as well 
as the mouthpiece of the government. This is well, 
but what they do may be known by reading the Decree 
of the People's Commissaires, which forms a part of the 
Constitution of their new society. We quote: 

" The Workers' and Peasants' Government wishes to call 
the attention of the people to the fact that behind the screen 
of liberty lurks, in fact, freedom for the propertied classes 
to usurp unto themselves the power, without hindrance, poison 
and bring confusion into the minds of the masses. 

" Every one knows that the press of the bourgeoisie is one 
of the most powerful weapons of the bourgeoisie. Especially 
in a critical moment, when our power, the power of the work- 
ers and peasants, is only being strengthened, it is impossible 
to leave these weapons entirely in the hands of the enemy, 
at a time when they are not less dangerous than bombs and 
bullets. This is the reason why temporary and extraordinary 
measures were taken to cut off the stream of mud and slander 
of the yellow press which threatened to submerge the young 
victory of the people. 

" 1. The following organs of the press are subject to sup- 
pression : 

" (a) Those calling for open opposition to and disobedience 
of the Workers' and Peasants' Government. 

" (b) Those creating confusion by means of an open and 
slanderous distortion of facts. 

" (c) Those calling for acts clearly criminal. 

" 2. Suppression of organs of the press, temporary or per- 
manent, is to be dealt with through regulations of the Coun- 
cil of People's Commissaires. 


" 3. The present situation has a temporary character, and 
these measures will be changed upon the introduction of 
normal conditions of life. 

" 4. The printing of advertisements in periodicals and 
posters, as well as the issuing of advertisements to kiosks, 
offices, etc., is now a monopoly of the state." 

That these decrees have been rigorously put into 
practise is the testimony of many, we present that of 
a close student of the Eussian people and of the Bol- 
sheviki regime — Prof. Lucovic H. Groudys of Dor- 
drecht, Holland. 

" There is less freedom of speech than under the Czar. 
Only Bolshevik papers are allowed. There is no freedom of 
speech whatever. Merely suspicion brings death at once." 

Again, the inconsistency that marks the course of the 
international movement in all its dealings may be seen 
in a world event. While two millions of our boys were 
defending the honor of our flag on the fields of France 
and Flanders, the St. Louis Emergency Convention of 
the Socialist Party demanded tbe right for its spokesmen 
to talk treason at their pleasure on the pretext of de- 
fending free speech. Meantime, they were defending 
the Bolshevists for suppressing the voice of all opponents 
by confiscating their press and compelling their victims 
to run them in favor of the red rule whicb they ab- 

To push the matter home to a final issue, would the 
erection of a " classless society " — a Socialist State 
permit of free speech ? Not granting the possibility of 


a classless society the answer is safely no, a Socialist 
State would necessarily he a condition of industrial 
slavery for the multitude with several classes of officers 
under a supreme dictator. What use should this 
usurper of natural rights have for free speech? Cer- 
tainly not any ! 

Now that under the segis of the Banner of Christ 
the people have at last arrived to that state of democracy 
that permits of the right to speak that which is right 
in the right time and in the right place the Socialist 
regime in Russia should send the mind of all liberty 
lovers back to the source from whence it came, that 
we may protect its source and so the expression of that 
dearly bought freedom. Under the title Human Lib- 
erty (1888) His Holiness Pope Leo XIII gave to the 
world a guide for the defense of free speech and a free 
press : 

" We must now consider briefly liberty of speech and lib- 
erty of the Press. It is hardly necessary to say that there 
can be no such right as this, if it be not used in moderation, 
and if it pass beyond the bounds and end of all true liberty. 
For right is a moral power which — as we have before said 
and must again and again repeat — it is absurd to suppose 
that nature has accorded indifferently to truth and falsehood, 
to justice and injustice. Men have a right freely and pru- 
dently to propagate throughout the State what things soever 
are true and honorable, so that as many as possible may pos- 
sess them ; but lying opinions, than which no mental plague is 
greater, and vices which corrupt the heart and moral life, 
should be diligently repressed by public authority, lest they 
insidiously work the ruin of the State. The excesses of an 


unbridled intellect, which unfailingly end in the oppression 
of the untutored multitude, are no less rightly controlled 
by the authority of the law than are the injuries inflicted by 
violence upon the weak. And this all the more surely, be- 
cause by far the greater part of the community is either ab- 
solutely unable, or able only with great difficulty, to escape 
from illusions and deceitful subtleties, especially such as 
flatter the passions. If unbridled license of speech and of 
writing be granted to all, nothing will remain sacred and 
inviolate; even the highest and truest mandates of nature, 
justly held to be the common and noblest heritage of the 
human race, will not be spared. Thus, truth being gradually 
obscured by darkness, pernicious and manifold error, as too 
often happens, will easily prevail. Thus, too, license will 
gain what liberty loses; for liberty will ever be more free 
and secure, in proportion as license is kept in fuller restraint. 
In regard, however, to all matters of opinion which God 
leaves to man's free discussion, full liberty of thought and 
of speech is naturally within the right of every one; for such 
liberty never leads men to suppress the truth, but often to 
discover it and make it known." 

Maeitaj:. Eelationship 

N'ow that the doctrine of Marx and Engels, relative 
to the family, has been enacted into law by " the aboli- 
tion of private possession of women " and the " socializa- 
tion of women," and thence into practise, the ire of 
decent people is aroused and the propaganda of Social- 
ism is for the nonce staggering to regain its foothold 
within the body politic. ISTot a few within their own 
ranks have recoiled from the consequences of their doc- 
trine in practise. Yet one must expect that two atti- 


tudes, diametrically opposed, will be taken at once by 
the American Bolshevists in furtherance of their ob- 
jective — world revolution. This is no new experience 
for them and hypocrisy is the fine art of their states- 

It was vigorously practised upon our late Ex-Presi- 
dent, Theodore Roosevelt, not long since. Colonel 
Roosevelt had exposed their attitude on the family which 
may be found in every one of their classics dealing with 
the subject, but nowhere stated with more elemental 
frankness than in Socialism and the Family by H. G. 
Wells. We present an excerpt to refresh the mind of 
our reader upon the issue : 

" The Socialist would put an end to the uncivilized go- 
as-you-please of the private adventure family. Socialism, in 
fact, is the State family. The old family of the private 
individual must vanish before it just as the old water works 
of private enterprise, or as the old gas company. Socialism 
assails the triumphant egotism of the family to-day . . ." (pp. 
31, 32). 

" Now, what sort of contract will the Socialist State re- 
quire for marriage ? — Socialism says boldly the State is 
the over-parent, the outer-parent. People (under Socialism) 
rear children for the State and the future; if they do that 
well, they do the whole world a service, and deserve payment 
just as much as if they built a bridge or raised a crop of 
wheat; if they do it unpropitiously and ill, they have done 
the world an injury . . . 

" It follows that motherhood, which we still in a muddle- 
headed way seem to regard as partly self-indulgence and 
partly a service paid to a man by a woman, is regarded by 


the Socialists as a benefit to society, a public duty done. The 
State will pay for children born legitimately in the marriage 
it will sanction" (p. 64). 

Against the State as the over-parent and motherhood 
as a trade Colonel Roosevelt's articles in The Outlook 
had V directed attention to the necessity for maintaining 
the Christian family that civilization might not perish 
from the face of the earth. From all over our country 
the Bolsheviki came back at him in editorials, articles, 
leaflets and speeches. No, not with argument show- 
ing any other possible conclusion than that the family 
must die out once it is deprived of its natural support, 
namely, private property. But rather with abuse, for 
Roosevelt's well knovsm integrity had added great weight 
to his words that had struck a blow at their propaganda. 

Eugene V. Debs said it was " sickening and disgust- 
ing hypocrisy " on the part of Roosevelt to publish such 
" lies." Milwaukee's Mayor, Emile Seidel, declared it 
to be " claptrap utterance " published " with a cunning 
and deliberate purpose of creating a false impression." 
While Prof. A. W. Small of Chicago University, who 
may not be supposed a teacher of free love, was reported 
as declaring " Roosevelt's idea of the family is funny." 
The Chicago Daily Socialist named the author " Cock- 
roach Teddy," and the New York Call was convinced 
that Roosevelt " depended upon the spiteful scandal pub- 
lished by David Goldstein and Martha Moore Avery " 
for his " mass of foul lies " and his " abyss of filth and 
falsehood." Yet more than all of what was set forth 
by Colonel Roosevelt may be found in their classical 


literature on the subject and in the conduct of some of 
their international leaders, never one of these doctrines 
nor one of these leaders were ever discredited by their 
organization for betraying the standards of the Deca- 
logue intelligently or morally. Surely, it is not to be 
supposed that those who so rabidly assailed Colonel 
Roosevelt are innocently ignorant of their long preached 
doctrine ; now carried out in Russia by making the union 
and discussion of the sexes a mere matter of registra- 
tion. One must conclude that those who spread evil 
are doubled-tongued. This, too, is certain that the fall 
from Christian civilization is lower than the state of 
the ancient Pagans. The private possession of women 
and property in children may somewhat fittingly belong 
to the speech of those who have never known Jesus 
Christ and His Blessed Mother but never the degraded 
animalism that lies back of the twin evils, birth-control 
and motherhood as a trade. The " over-parent/' the 
breeding of children for the state, prepares the way, 
intellectually, for the action of the Soviet Council of 
Saratov in commandeering women for social use. In- 
deed this was the logical outcome, since from first to 
last not a doctrinaire amongst them but holds with Have- 
lock Ellis that " the reproduction of the race is a social 

The facts in the case were presented to the Senate 
Committee investigating Bolshevism by Rev. R. E. Sim- 
mons, the Methodist Episcopal minister, who formerly 
represented the Department of Commerce in Russia. 
Several other places followed the bestial example of 


Saratov, Luge, Kolpin, Vladimir, Hovlinsk, Kronstadt 
among them. Saratov has a population of some 200,000 
persons which by the decree of the Council — March 
15, 1918 — was practically reduced to a herd of cattle 
with a ranchman to enforce his will over them. The 
assurance that these vile doctrines were really put into 
practise so shocked the sense of public decency that the 
boldest proponents were silenced for the time and the 
doubled-tongued propagandists sent up a howl of protest. 
But their cry " Stop, thief ! " has been too often heard 
to throw steady folk off their guard. However, it seems 
rather opportune to state that our challenge on this issue, 
first sent out in 1903 and again in 1916, having been 
signed and sworn to before a Notary Public, the original 
sent to the ISTational Secretary of the Socialist Party, is 
yet awaiting a response, despite the fact that our chal- 
lenge was published in hundreds of papers throughout 
the country. Since its argument rests upon scientific 
rather than upon sentimental or moral ground we pre- 
sent it here : 


Boston, Massachusetts, 
468 Mass. Avenue 

November 16, 1916. 
National Office Socialist Party, 
Mr. Adolph Germer, Secretary, 

Chicago, Illinois. 
Dear Sir: Our association with the Socialist movement 
and our study of its doctrines, as set forth by its foremost 
exponents, have firmly convinced us that Socialism is funda- 


mentally hostile to the basic principles of Christian belief. 
Consequently no one can consistently accept the doctrines of 
the Socialist movement and those of the Christian Church at 
one and the same time. 

In our travels from city to city, lecturing under the aus- 
pices of Catholic societies, we frequently meet members of 
your organization, who, through ignorance of the philosophi- 
cal foundation of their party, or by their politic use of the 
Socialist now-you-see-it-and-now-you-don't-tactics have taken 
issue with us. They have gone so far as to say that our 
expose of Socialism is false; that Socialism is in fact the 
further development of Christian principles rather than a 
divergence from them. 

In order that this most vital issue may be made plain — 
in order that the line of demarkation that logically exists be- 
tween Socialism and Christianity may be clearly defined to 
the satisfaction of those who may be in doubt, we respectfully 
submit a proposal that this matter be tested out on this one 
phase of Socialism — the family. 

We shall present evidence to prove the following conten- 
tions before a competent committee to be decided upon by 
you and by ourselves at any date that may be mutually sat- 

1st. That Socialism assimies private property to have 
brought into existence the present form of the family — the 
monogamic family — one man, one wife and their children. 

2nd. That the Socialist theory of the present family as- 
sumes it to have evolved from the time when men and 
women lived in a state of promiscuity — when " all the 
women (in a tribe) belonged to all the men and all the men 
to all the women." 

We hold that the Socialist theory regarding the family 
rests upon these two propositions and that they are diametri- 
cally opposed to historic testimony and Christian teachings. 

It is a fact universally acknowledged that Christianity 


recognizes that Almighty God established monogamy when 
He created our first parents ; when He declared : " For this 
cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall 
cleave to his wife, and they shall be two in one flesh." Our 
contention is that the evidence of the world's greatest eth- 
nological authorities sustains the Christian doctrine that 
monogamy existed in the earliest known days of the race. 
That the investigations of these scientists prove that there 
is no evidence extant to substantiate the Socialist notion that 
promiscuity ever formed a general stage in the history of 
the human race. Their express understanding is that the 
race never could have outlived the degenerate condition of 
conjugal association from which Socialism assumes the 
family to have evolved. 

We hold that Socialism stands for loose marital associ- 
ation — " an association terminable at the will of either 
party " — thus doing away with the " interference " of a 
third party " — the Church or State. This is diametrically 
opposed to the Christian law which declares that a marriage 
once entered into and consummated is binding until death. 
Moreover an association terminable at will is contrary to the 
civic law which presumes marriage to be a life contract, sub- 
jecting the parties to the contract to its restraints, notwith- 
standing that the State has, since the days of the " French 
conflagration," permitted divorce. 

We shall present as evidence in proof of these fundamental 
differences (on the Christian side) the writings in the New 
Testament, the Catholic Encyclopedia, the proceedings of the 
Council of Trent, and the Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on 
Christian Marriage ; also some writings of leading Protestant 
Doctors. On the Socialist side we shall substantiate the in- 
dictment we bring with the writings of Morgan, Engels, Marx, 
Bebel, Bax, Morris, Rappaport, Meily and other recognized 
Socialist authorities whose writings on the family are cir- 


culated by Socialist organizations, not alone in this country, 
but throughout the world. We hold, with your International 
Representative, Mr. Morris Hillquit, that "the utterances 
and acts of such writers and representatives, unless formally 
repudiated by their party, must be considered as legitimate 
expressions and manifestations of the Socialist movement, 
and its defenders and opponents may properly refer to them 
in support of their contentions." 

As an evidence of our good faith we have placed on de- 
posit with the Federal Trust Company of Boston, the sum 
of one thousand dollars to be forfeited to the Red Cross 
Society in the event that the differences herein set forth 
are not proved to be fundamental to Socialism and to 
Christianity and that as a logical consequence no one can 
be adjudged an intelligent Christian and at one and the 
same time consistently support Socialism. 

No, they will not answer. They dare not answer. 
To answer before an audience not wholly or in part in- 
doctrinated with their point of view would retard their 
progress and that is the one thing not to be deliberately 
tolerated, — the one thing that their notion of morality 
will not permit. Kather the public mind is to be led 
off the scent, brazenly by giving the " lie " and cleverly 
by an easy remark : " There is no need to get excited 
over it," even though a " little remote group of An- 
archists in Odessa " did issue a decree socializing 
women. However severe it may seem the fact is the 
common-sense of those, especially the women, who really 
hold the Marxian view of marital relations are not re- 
silient to the moral law. Otherwise the defense by 
Louise Bryant of what is indefensible could not take 


place before an inquiring audience of 3,000 in Tremont 
Temple, Boston (Jan. 3, 1919). We quote: 

" Kussia is the only country in the world where they 
have solved the prostitution problem. When a woman ex- 
pects to be a mother she is given two months' rest with pay — 
that is one of the things the Soviets did — and in Russia 
they do not make any distinction between married and un- 
married mothers." 

This is only one of the thousands of statements made 
by men and women who have been emancipated along 
the Socialist way, as Prof. George D. Herron puts it. 
Yet, we are glad to learn that so loud is the protest 
from within and from without stricken Russia that the 
Commisar of Vladimir has appointed a committee of 
women to revise, or to report as to the advisability of 
abrogating, the decree. 

All-Russian Constitution on Divoece 

With the stroke of the pen Bolshevism puts asunder 
those whom God joined together. We quote: 

Decree on Drv^oRCE Issued by the Council of People's 

" The Russian Republic from now on recognizes civil mar- 
riages only. 

" Persons, desiring to enter into marriage, announce their 
intention verbally or in written form to the Department for 
Registration of Marriages and births." 

" Divorce shall be granted upon application made by either 
party or both parties. 

"Divorce applications shall be filed with the local courts. 
When application is made by mutual consent of both parties 


divorce shall be granted immediately by the registry office 
where marriage records are kept, and said office shall deliver 
to both parties a certificate testifying thereto. 

" When divorce is granted to parties declaring mutual con- 
sent, the two parties shall file a statement declaring the names 
by which they and their children, if any, shall be known in 
the future. When divorce is granted upon application by 
one party only, the divorced parties shall, provided they agree 
thereto, bear the names they bore before contracting mar- 
riage, and the judge shall decide what name the children shall 
bear. In case of disagreement, the final decision shall rest 
with the local jury." 

Even this license — marriage and divorce as a mere 
matter of registration — is regarded only as the thres- 
hold of a yet wider latitude. Bessie Beatty points out 
(Red Heart of Russia) that the " All-Russian decree 
regulating the lives of the people incline towards wide 
freedom." Evidently this inclination towards " wide 
freedom " has reached its uttermost limit in the stark 
mad decrees of Saratov and the other Soviets that have 
socialized women. Yet the Russian regime of lust was 
upheld by the YOO delegates at the Woman's Freedom 
Congress in New York City (March 1, 1919), when its 
Chairman, Crystal Eastman, proclaimed that the day of 
a like society is long overdue in our own country. " We 
will not wait for the Social Revolution to bring u^ the 
freedom we should have won in the 19th Century. Vol- 
untary motherhood is an ideal unrealized in this country. 
Women are still denied hy law the right to that scientific 
knowledge necessary to control the size of their fam- 


This was not an isolated utterance, but the tone of 
the Congress, for Anna Strunskj Walling was cham- 
pioned as she sang its praises and proclaimed herself 
to be a " romatic monogamist." These are the women 
who are making public opinion, who delight in spread- 
ing the information that in Russia " divorce is as easy 
to get as a cup of tea," and in following up this racy bit 
with the supposedly unanswerable argument that makes 
lewdness to be freedom : " Just before the vote on this 
decree one soldier arose and said that he thought the 
government should limit the number of divorces to three. 
Another soldier got up and denounced him, saying, 
' Why should we, who believe in freedom, tell any man 
how many times he should wed? ' So the discussion was 
dropped/'' (Louise Bryant " Six Months in Russia.") 

It is with a sense of deepest shame that we are forced 
to recognize altogether too much truth in what the 
Newarh Leader, Socialist weekly (March 15, 1919), says 
editorially as to our status relative to divorce : 

" The marriage laws of the Russian Republic differs from 
ours only in refusing to recognize the validity of a religious 
ceremony and allowing divorce at the will of the parties 
instead of after one of our lewd and sickening divorce trials." 

Truly, many others besides Catholics who hold to the 
Christian law of marriage may say this is not of our 
doing and that we know that in the last analysis this 
issue lies between the Church and Bolshevism for the 
reason that there is no middle ground upon which the 
power of reason may take its stand. This is but another 


way of saying that the acid test of the freedom of the 
sexes is within the law of Christ, not without, under the 
license of Bolshevism, whether partially restrained or 
left wholly without the curb of human intelligence and 
will, as in the case of Saratov. 

All this were worse than useless if it were not for 
the hope — aye, the expectation — that those American 
women who hold strictly to the conviction that Marriage 
is a Sacrament, because God made it so, will come to 
the rescue here in our own land against this scourge of 
so-called sex freedom. For it may not be successfully 
denied that the responsibility for the preservation of 
the family, and so of the nation, rests largely upon the 
attitude of women. Our statistics on divorce place us 
second only to Pagan Japan with a stride towards the 
Bolshevist decree that is mentally staggering — too ap- 
palling for speech. By almost complete returns the 
total number of divorces granted in the United States 
in 1916 was 112,036, or 112 per 100,000 of the popu- 
lation, as against 84 in 1906, 73 in 1900 and 53 in 

Moreover, Judge Eobert Grant has brought out the 
significant fact that 75 per cent of proceedings for di- 
vorce are initiated by women. Surely the patient Gri- 
seldas who by self-sacrifice gave an heroic example of 
the sanctification of the marrrage bond are much needed 
to-day to set the world right. This were at once a 
suffering for Christ's sake that brings its reward of 
glory eternal and a display of patriotism that is high 
above personal consideration. Surely, women are now 


commissioned by right-reason to lead men back to the 
knowledge that their worldly wisdom in setting up the 
divorce court for the protection of women has led to 
the exact opposite effect from what they destined to ob- 
tain. What God hath joined together, let no man put 

World Revolution 

Their first great conquest in Russia has given an 
incalculable impetus to their contemplated overthrow 
of national boundaries with the complete abolition of 
private property and so the extinction of the monogamic 
family, carrying with it the notion of a super-state di- 
recting the industries of the world, for use not for profit. 
At first glance this scheme seems like an inverted model 
of human society as it is, but there is a difference not 
to be measured in words. In the world as it is, there 
is a spiritual order and a material order through which 
the life principle acts. ISTow Marx himself says that 
his " scientific analysis " is' an inverted form of 
Hegelianism, he is correct. One is the top of Panthe- 
ism, the other is the bottom; and both together do not 
make human nature as it is. Hegel has material sub- 
stance a precipitation from the etheric sphere and Marx 
has material substance, the cause of all else within the 
sphere of what is human. So it is that God is nowhere 
in Hegelian or Marxian philosophy. Yet the truth is 
that within God's providence, nations and families work 
out their destinies in time, but individuals have an eter- 
nal destiny that time knows not. Socialism drops out 


the human constitution made by God and substitutes 
a material regime made by man. 

From the four quarters of the globe comes the propa- 
ganda for an all-perfect society, for the time when man- 
kind shall have evolved into superman because of eco- 
nomic equity. A battle cry for world-revolution forms 
the closing words of the Russian Constitution — Dec- 
laration of Rights and Duties for Toiling Humanity : 

" The Russian Socialist Republic of the Soviets calls upon 
the working classes of the entire world to accomplish their 
task to the very end, and in the faith that the Socialist ideal 
will soon be achieved to write upon their flags the old battle 
cry of the working people. 

"Proletarians of all lands unite! 

Long live the Socialist world revolution!" 

The means proposed to this end are characteristic. 
We quote from the Constitution adopted at the 5th AIl- 
Russian Congress (July 10, 1918) : 

"Being guided by the interests of the working class as a 
whole, the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic de- 
prives all individuals and groups of rights which could be 
utilized by them to the detriment of the Socialist Revolution." 

Thus coolly are rights set to one side by this egoistic 
scheme made by men in disregard of the constitution 
made for men by God. The universal betrayal of 
" rights " is emphasized by the head of the Moscow 
Soviet, X. Bucharin, when writing of the Program of 
the Communist Party (1918) : 


"It is the program of the liberation of the proletariat 
of all countries, because it is the program of international 
revolution. The overthrow of imperialist governments by 
means of armed revolt is the road to the international dicta- 
torship of the working class." 

It is a notion pretty firmly fixed that world, revolu- 
tion against the capitalist class must take place before a 
national revolution against private property is secure. 
Of course, this notion is well grounded, since by the 
rational animal common-sense is a hard thing to get rid 
of, entirely. In his introduction to Trotsky's book — 
" The Bolsheviki and World Peace " (K Y., 1918) — 
Lincoln Steifens suggests the ridiculous as the logical: 
" To Trotsky the Russian Revolution is hut one, the 
first of a series of national revolutions which together 
will become the thing he yearns for and prophesies." 

So also yearns Lenin. He takes himself seriously as 
interpreter of developing events. If only this thing — 
the complete abrogation of the natural law — would 
hurry up and usher in the classless society before his 
funny dictatorship on earth is over : 

" An unusually grave, difficult and dangerous international 
situation exists, a period of waiting for new outbursts of 
revolution in the West, which is painfully slow in ripening." 
(" Soviets at Work," p. 42, Eand School, N. Y., 1918.) 

With empiric disdain of human nature as it is under 
the control of an all wise Providence and guided by 
inane desire to show Marx as the latest and the greatest 
of all who dip into the future, in a letter to the American 


Workingmen sent from Moscow (Aug. 2, 1918) Lenin 
gives the history of things to be: 

"We know that it may take a long time before help can 
fcome from you, comrades, American Workingmen, for the 
development of the revolution in the different countries 
proceeds along various paths, with varying rapidity (how 
should it be otherwise!). We know full well that the out- 
break of the European proletarian revolution may take many 
weeks to come, quickly as it is ripening in these days. We 
are counting on the inevitability of the international revolu- 

" We are in a beleaguered fortress, so long as no other in- 
ternational socialist revolution comes to our assistance with 
its armies. But these armies exist, they are stronger than 
ours, they grow, they strive, they become more invincible 
the longer imperialism with its brutalities continues. Work- 
ingmen the world over are breaking with their betrayers, with 
their Gompers and their Scheidemanns. Inevitably labor is 
approaching communistic Bolshevistic tactics, is preparing 
for the proletarian revolution that alone is capable of pre- 
serving culture and humanity from destruction. We are 
invincible. The proletarian Revolution is invincible." 

The Bolsheviki of other countries are also as confident 
that the hour is struck for a world reckoning. Mayhap, 
this is so, but no solid argument can be found in reason, 
science or history for the conclusion that this reckoning 
is between wage-earners and capitalists to the extinction 
of industrial, commercial, social and intellectual dis- 
tinctions. Rather is the reckoning between the just and 
the unjust, between those who worship the golden calf, 
be they rich or poor and between those who worship God, 


be they rich, or poor. Thanks be to God ! man is not the 
Judge of the issue. However, the Swiss Social Demo- 
cratic Party speeds on the bloody cry: " We greet the 
Eussian revolution, and take up the battle cry of the 
Eussian and German revolutionists, calling the pro- 
letariat to the world revolution" (Swiss Socialist Con- 
vention, Jan., 1919). 

The Italian Socialist Party, too, proudly takes its 
part in world revolution. 'Not merely by resolutions 
declaring for " the establishment of a Socialist Eepublic 
and the dictatorship of the proletariat " (Dec. 12, 1918) 
but also by acting up to their party vote " not to join 
in homage to the representative of the United States." 
Just as in Massachusetts some fifteen years ago one lone 
Socialist seat was vacant when Prince Henry of Ger- 
many visited its Great and General Court so now when 
President Wilson entered the Chamber of Deputies upon 
his recent visit to Eome, the forty seats of the Socialist 
Eepresentatives were vacant. Yes, it may confidently 
be predicted that the Bolsheviki will be Bolsheviki to 
the end of their tether. 

Our reds are not less luridly red than those across 
the water, from crown to sole they are Bolshevik and 
proud to say so with their self-succeeding presidential 
candidate ; with hundreds of thousands of phrases they 
echo their party's voice '' The Social Revolution is the 
end and aim of the Socialist Party." That it is utterly 
impossible to comprehend the movement unless one real- 
izes that the urge of the social revolution is not nation- 


wide only but without limit embracing " the wide-wide- 
world." So the all-hail is given to the Kussian Soviet 
as the beginning of the much desired end by the official 
organ of the Socialist Party : 

"Eussia's revolution is not a domestic revolution, but es- 
sentially a world revolution. Therein lies not only its future, 
but also its present, inasmuch as it is impossible to under- 
stand our parties and their principles unless one realizes the 
sharp division between those men who see the revolution as 
a world-event and those who see it merely as a local and 
Russian event. 

" The difference between the Bolsheviki and all the other 
Russian parties lies herein. The Bolsheviki are the true in- 
ternationalists. They alone desire to see the revolution's 
ideas spread throughout the world." (The Eye Opener, 
Chicago, Feb. 16, 1918.) 

Their banners decorated with mottoes foreign to 
Americanism are carried through the streets of our cities 
and towns, loudly proclaiming: 

" Save the Soviets ! Next : The Socialists United 
States of the World." 

" Bolsheviki Forever." 

" Long live the Socialist Bevolution." 

" Three Cheers for the German Worker's Republic." 

" Lenin and Liebknecht." 

While congratulating cablegrams were sent in recog- 
nition of the Russian-German revolt as a part of their 
world-program ; one from Boston to Berlin we exhibit : 

" Greetings and pledge of solidarity on this day of your 


proletarian revolution, which will conquer, in spite of all. 
Revolutionary Russia and a definitely proletarian revolution 
in Germany are a call to action to the international pro- 
letariat." (Nov. 17, 1918.) 

In its issue of May 1, 1919, the New York Call 
flares forth a two column International May-Day Mani- 
festo of Revolt addressed particularly to the workers of 
the world : 

" The world revolution, dreamed of as a thing of the 
distant future, has become a live reality, — it has taken 
form, it strikes forward, borne by the despair of the masses 
and the shining examples of the martyrs, its spread is ir- 
repressible. The bridges are burnt behind the old capitalist 
society and its path is forever cut off. Capitalist society is 
bankrupt, and the only salvation of humanity lies in the up- 
rising of the masses, in the victory of the Socialist revolu- 
tion, in the renovating forces of Socialism." 

" Long live Socialism ! Long live the Socialist world 
revolution " echoed throughout the country by the hoarse 
cry of the masses in the streets and the cultivated tones 
of the classes in the halls of our cities. To the delight 
of the audience that filled Century Theater, of i*^ew 
York City (April 25, 1919), Prof. Scott N'earing lisped 
that as " against the proposal of a League of Nations, I 
suggest revolution/' At the same time unctuously pro- 
nouncing himself a " pacifist." 

With the experience of the Eussian revolution of 
1905 to guide his thought Alexander Trachtenberg, 
director of the Rand School Department of Research, 
address to the celebrants of the anniversary of the Rus- 


sian revolution (March 16, 1919) who crowded the 
Auditorium to the doors, was in strict accord with his 
fellows : 

"Before the Eussian revolution, Socialism had of neces- 
sity to be academic in its interest, it was not yet a living 
thing." But to-day, " it is not merely the Russian revolu- 
tion, as such, that we are interested in, but all forward look- 
ing men in every land see in it the guide and model of 
what their own revolution is to be, and who shaU be wise if 
we learn from these pioneers." 

Besides the prose written and spoken volumes of 
verse might be compiled from the product of those gifted 
with poesy who are engulfed in the maelstrom of de- 
structible imagination. This from Lillian Brown-Olf 
shall suflSce : 

Lusty Child of Revolution! 

Unperturbed by Custom's pall; 
Dauntless Spirit of Rebellion, 

Claim the world and conquer all! 


Not alone those first in power and influence but many 
second-rate men have gravely set the date for world- 
revolution. Marx, Engels, Bebel and De Leon 
definitely fixed the time when economic evolution should 
climax with revolution, like as Jupiter sprang from 
Saturn full armed into mortal ken so should Socialism 
be delivered from the womb of Capitalism. But one 
after another of these exceptionally gifted men passed off 


this physical globe long after the dates they set were 
left behind in old calendars. Alas, that false theories 
should distort the human mind, so turn the heart against 
its Maker, alas that the human will should revel in re- 
bellion ! 

The novelists add greatly to the expectation of the 
time when after the deluge of blood " all shall be better 
than well." In his " Iron Heel," Jack London sets off 
a bomb on the floor of Congress as the signal for the 
Commune of Chicago in 1918, that should make pale 
the Paris Commune in bloodshed, blasphemy, terror and 
plunder. London's prediction was up too early; so 
also Upton Sinclair's date is out of date. Sinclair's 
Industrial Republic gives a study of America ten years 
hence when the proletariat clapped the oligarchy in jail 
so easily that " Uptie " thought it " a charmingly simple 
process — I could do it all myself." Yet America is 
thought by many of the prophets to be a hard nut to 
crack. Even in a dream Louise Bryant makes it one 
hundred years before the long suffering comrades of 
Eussia and elsewhere may welcome American prole- 
tarians to the world society. The revolution had the 
fight of its life since there were forty-eight kings of 
our forty-eight states to dethrone and to send together 
with the entire capitalist class to the bow-wows. To 
send packing one Czar was easy, but getting rid of 
forty-eight takes a long time. 

However ridiculous the notion of a one-class society 
may be a prophecy regarding it is a sure way of arousing 
the ardor of those who have a will to power and for 


those who have lost hope in the toil and sweat of the 
day. The time is but near enough to be in easy reach 
of the imagination of most ordinary minds. Lenin has 
now set it fifteen years hence, and it is being soberly 
discussed in their press and from their platform. Rev- 
olution realized is surely a thing not to happen in a day. 
Albert Rhys Williams opines : " We have entered 
upon an era of wars that will last fifteen years — wars 
and the social revolution." (Liberator, 'N. Y., Dec, 
1918). The World, Oakland, Calif., Dec. 20, 1918) 
has been by newspaper science won over to the side of 
Lenin : 

" The aftermath of the great war just now in its closing 
agonies is an international Social Revolution and ' it will 
last for fifteen years/ is the prediction of Lenin of Russia. 
At first we doubted the correctness of this assertion, but 
after looking over the newspapers the past week we have about 
come to an agreement with Lenin." 

We have not the slightest delusion with regard to a 
classless society since our confidence is implicitly placed 
in the economic relations set down in the Decalogue that 
are so freely and so fully extended, expanded and ele- 
vated in principle by our Blessed Lord in His parables 
and prophecies. But since wars and rumors of wars are 
the result of disobedience to the will of Almighty God 
and since disobedience seems to be waxing with the 
many and waning with the few there can be little or 
no hope for peace until such time as rulers are ready 
to put their confidence in the Holy Father and ask Him 


to adjust their differences according to the love and law 
of human constitution. 


To take and hold private capital by physical force 
has been their intention ever since the Communist 
Manifesto (1848) was accepted as their creed by the 
Socialists-Communists-Bolshevists of all countries. We 
quote : 

" The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. 
They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by 
the forcible overthrow of all existing socil conditions. 
Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. 
The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They 
have a world to win." 

At the Hague International Socialist Congress Marx 
pointed out the violence of the Paris Commune (1871) 
as typical of what should be expected : 

" In most countries of Europe violence must be the lever of 
our social reform. "We must finally have recourse to vio- 
lence in order to establish the rule of labor. . . . The revo- 
lution must be universal, and we find a conspicuous example 
in the Commune of Paris, which has failed because in other 
capitals — Berlin and Madrid — a simultaneous revolution- 
ary movement did not break out in connection with this 
mighty upheaval of the proletariat of Paris." 

August Bebel second in intellectual rank only to the 
writers of the Communist Manifesto enlarges upon the 
necessity for physical violence and quotes Marx to en- 
force his authority : 


"We must not shudder at the thought of the possible 
employment of violence; we must not raise an alarm cry at 
the suppression of * existing rights/ at violent expropriation, 
etc. History teaches us that at all times new ideas, as a 
rule, were realized by a violent conflict with the defenders 
of the past, and that the combatants for new ideas struck 
blows as deadly as possible at the defenders of antiquity. 
Not without reason does Karl Marx in his work on ' Capital ' 
exclaim : 

" 'Violence is the obstetrician that waits on every ancient 
society that is to give birth to a new one; violence is itself 
a social factor.' " 

The Socialist revolt in Paris 1871 ; in Barcelona 
1909; in Russia 1917; in Berlin 1918; in Hungary 
1919 ; together with numerous attempts to instigate re- 
volt in other countries should be proof positive that its 
obstetricians do not expect peace at the birth of their 
free society. This is indeed simple — the tooth and 
claw philosophy permits the fittest to survive merely be- 
cause they have been able to devour those who would 
have eaten them. Robert Rives La Monte states their 
philosophy fully, though he has not been able to rid 
himself of the word moral as have those more expert in 
using terms properly belonging to the materialist con- 
ception of history: 

"As fast as they (the proletariat) become class-conscious 
they will recognize and praise as moral all conduct that tends 
to hasten the social revolution — the triumph of their class, 
and they will condemn as unhesitatingly as immoral all con- 
duct what tends to prolong the dominance of the capitalist 
class." (" Socialism, Positive and Negative.") 


This from Charles H. Kerr (" What to Read on So- 
cialism") Editor of the International Socialist Review 
is cast in language " scientific " : 

" As to the means by which the capitalist class is to be 
overthrown, the real question worth considering is what 
means will prove most effective — if on the other hand the 
working class could gain power by taking up arms, — why 

John Spargo has done not a little to prepare the So- 
cialist mind for violence : 

"I am not opposed to sabotage because of any love of 
law and order, or because of any regard for the rights of 
property. ... If the class to which I belong could be set 
free from exploitation by violation of the laws made by the 
master class, by open rebellion, by" seizing the property of the 
rich, or setting the torch to a few buildings, or by the sum- 
mary execution of a few members of the possessing class, I 
hope that the courage to share in the work should be mine. 
I should pray for the courage and hardness of heart neces- 
sary." (" Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism and Socialism," 
pp. 172, 173.) 

Mayhap, the gentle John who, happily, is not so red 
as he was, though still incapable of separating " tother 
from which," would not now so strictly defend violence 
up to murder. At any rate the fear of consequence 
weakened the lusty arm of the proletariat at their party 
convention of 1912, for they adopted a provision bar- 
ring from membership advocates of sabotage. But in 
1917, when the world-war was on, this timid resolve 
was by unanimous vote stricken from the Socialist Party 


constitution. Is there any other logical conclusion than 
that violence, petty violence, is a means to be employed 
by these class-conscious folk who vote that they may one 
day stab the State in the back with its own sword ? 

Ex-Congressman Victor L. Berger has played a great 
part in putting the idea of bullets in the heads of red- 
flaggers. Under the caption Should Be Prepared to 
Fight for Liberty at all Hazards was published a bold 
incitement to violence in the Social Democratic Herald 
(Milwaukee, July 31, 1909). It was re-published in 
nearly all the Socialist papers in the United States and 
Canada : 

"In view of the plutocratic law-making of the present 
day, it is easy to predict that the safety and hope of this 
country will finally lie in one direction only — that of a 
violent and bloody revolution. 

" Therefore, I say, each of the 500,000 Socialist voters, and 
of the two million workingmen who instinctively incline our 
way, should, besides doing much reading and still more think- 
ing, also have a good rifle and the necessary rounds of am- 
munition in his home and be prepared to back up his ballot 
with his bullets if necessary." 

Mr. Berger sees in militarism a means of putting 
guns into the hands of the working class; since their 
" emancipation " can hardly be brought about by 
speeches and pamphlets : " The capitalist class will not 
abdicate as easily as all that " — " When it comes to 
shooting, Wisconsin will be there/' 

In the meantime the spirit of violence waxes strong 
amongst the cultivated Bolshevists. Bross Lloyd, a 


Chicago millionaire, addressing a meeting in Milwau- 
kee City Auditorium (Sunday, June 12, 1919) in pro- 
test against the arrest and conviction of Victor L. Berger 
and other national officials of their party for treasonable 
conduct is reported to have given this wild advice to 
the multitude assembled : 

" You want to organize so that if you want every working 
man in Milwaukee at a certain place at a certain time with 
a bad egg and a rifle in his hand, you can have it. You 
want to get dynamite and machine guns. Have men with 
dynamite to blow up the banks. Have all this ready. The 
capitalists' organs tell us if you have this ready, you won't 
have to use it. Be a Bolshevist, and a Bolshevist in short 
is a man who don't give a damn whether school keeps or not, 
so long as the revolution goes on." 

Coolly imagine the effect of this intense excitement, 
nation-wide, breaking out into deeds when the Bolshev- 
ists shall attempt the lockout of the capitalist class and 
insist with physical force that all but those who work 
for wages shall abdicate their political rights and per- 
mit the dictator of the proletariat to rule ? But if they 
resist — " Eemember ! " 

" Socialists have profited by the history of the French 
Eevolution of 1792, the German and French crisis of 1848, 
and the Paris Commune of 1871." (Ernest Unterman, Int. 
Socialist Review^ Vol. 1, No. 7.) 

Certainly, we should realize that violence is looked to 
as a matter of course in the transition period from cap- 
italism to that impossible thing a one-class society. 


The Class Struggle (Dec, 1918, p. 623) bemoans 
the backwardness of the Bolsheviki in our country. 
They have not taken advantage of the opportunity con- 
sequent upon the indictments against their leaders to 
arise to the "^ glorious example " oi Frederich Alder who 
assassinated the Austrian Prime Minister in September, 
1916. The writer of this editorial — Mr. Ludwig Lore 
— plays a prominent part in promoting the spirit of 
violence. He was loudly applauded by 3,000 persons as- 
sembled at Hunt's Point, N. Y. (April 2, 1919) when 
he said : '' Bolshevism is nothing more than Revolur 
tionary Socialism.. Revolution here may he impossible 
now, hut revolution may he possible to-morrow." 

Mr. Debs has emitted fire and blood for many years. 
So violent were his threats and his calls for vengeance 
if the Court should convict his friend Haywood for 
the murder of Ex-Gov. Stunenberg that Mr. Haywood's 
lawyer warned the " Genial Gene " to keep quiet and not 
to come to Boise or " Big Bill " would slip the noose. 
One of the very many of Mr. Debs' lurid appeals for 
violence was in 1906. Under the title " Rise, Ye 
Slaves " he urged a million men to take up arms for " we 
have got to fight. If murder must he committed it is 
not the working class alone that will furnish the vic- 
tims this time." 

The postal authorities of Canada wisely confiscated 
the Appeal to Reason containing thi^ appeal to violence, 
although it was permitted to circulate broadcast in our 
own country. 

From Moscow (Aug. 20, 1918) the Premier of Eus- 


sia sent a Message to the American Worlcers. He re- 
calls with pride the words of Eugene V. Debs in an 
article entitled " Why Should I Fight/' In the name 
of his Soviet Republic, Lenin protests against the bru- 
tality of our government for convicting Debs of treason- 
able utterances, but he reflects : ^' Let them hrutalize 
true internationalists J the real representatives of the rev- 
olutionary proletariat. The greater the bitterness and 
brutality they show, the nearer the day of the victorious 
proletarian revolution." 

Lenin pays especial tribute to Debs for his inspiring 
attempts to arouse the masses to resist war with treason. 
We quote passages culled from Debs' speech in approval 
of the attitude of the Stuttgart International Congress : 

"If I were in Congress I would be shot before I would 
vote a dollar for such a war. 

" I have no country to fight for ; my country is the earth ; 
I am a citizen of the world. 

" I am not a capitalist soldier ; I am a proletarian revolu- 

"I am opposed to every war but one; I am for that war 
with heart and soul, and that is the world-wide war of the 
social revolution. In that war I am prepared to fight in any 
way the ruling class may make necessary, even to the bar- 

"No, they see no hope of even softening the fight to 
the finish by an appeal to religion. Socialist leaders are 
convinced materialists ; they have persuaded .their fol- 
lowers to discredit the motives of those who defend the 


honor and. glory of God. We quote from Delegate John 
W. Slay ton (Proceedings National Convention, Social- 
ist Party, Chicago 1908, p. 202). 

" If I had a congregation, and could make them believe 
that they who were producing the wealth of the world were 
in the situation in life that the Almighty Creator intended 
that they should be, do you suppose for a moment they would 
get up and resist the conditions they found themselves in? 
No, wouldn't they be perfectly satisfied, and couldn't my 
exploitation go on, and could I not lead them, even with 
their consent, if they believed they were occupying the posi- 
tion they were destined to fill? It stifles revolt. A man 
ceases to be a rebel and becomes like a young robin, willing 
to accept anything the old bird brings, whether worms or 
shingle nails." 

Yet there are those who look upon Socialists as much 
abused lovers of economic justice; who by peaceful 
means are trying to persuade us to accept what is good 
for us all. But it is certain that such do not know the 
malice in which the movement was conceived, the un- 
reason on which it is founded nor the temper of those 
who attempt to force their will against things truly hu- 
man and divine. We shall permit the National Ex- 
ecutive Committee Socialist Party (Chicago, Jan. 21, 
1919) to pronounce the final word in proof that Social- 
ism in its latest development — Bolshevism — is the 
ripest fruit upon that tree of rebellion against Almighty 
God that has yet been plucked for the destruction of 
mankind. Surely it is directed by Anti-Christ. " The 


Soviet government of Russia is so far the greatest 
achievement in the establishment of working class gov- 
ernment in the history of the world" 


OUT from the sacrilege and thunders of the world 
war the much maligned " Black International " 
• — the Catholic Church — comes unblemished and un- 
broken. Even now ere the clash of arms is heard no 
more, ere the wounds of battle are healed, ere homes are 
rebuilded or devastated lands restored to fertility, long, 
long before the hatred that strife engendered shall have 
passed away, all impartial minds shall have accorded the 
honor due to the Bishop of Rome as the one power on 
earth that with Christ-like singleness of purpose has 
labored impartially, benevolently, faithfully and chari- 
tably to serve mankind all the while endeavoring to get 
the warring nations to turn their swords into plow- 
shares. The enemy too has been ever active, ever alert 
to twist the words and deeds of the Pope against the 
Pope ; ever trying to win his spiritual children on either 
side of the line of battle from their allegiance to God 
with the pretense that the Church is a stumbling block 
in the path of universal peace and social progress. Not 
alone were the Socialists in their assault upon the in- 
tegrity of Christ's Vicar, but it is with this advance 
guard of his Satanic Majesty that we have now to do. 
As ever, in its battle with sin, the Pastor of Chistendom 



has kept the Bark of Peter to the course that Christ our 
Lord intended. 

The war came while Pius X was in the Papal Chair. 
His appeal to Emperor Francis Joseph to avert the 
clash of arms went unheeded, and the " Peasant Pope " 
died thanking God for calling him from the horror that 
he knew would follow the declaration of war. It was in 
God's good providence that this Pontiff, amongst the 
greatest, had prepared his children by " Restoring all 
things in Christ " for a severe test upon their faith. 

Upon the elevation of Benedict XV to the papal 
throne came an appeal from His Holiness to the con- 
science and reason of those who direct the affairs of na- 
tions : 

" We earnestly beg and implore them even now to turn 
their thoughts to the laying aside of their quarrels for the 
sake of the preservation of human society. Let them reflect 
that there is already too much of misery and grief linked 
with this mortal life, so that it should not be made still 
more wretched and sorrowful. Let them agree that already 
enough of ruin has been caused, enough of human blood has 
been shed. Let them hasten to open peace negotiations and 
join hands again. Thus will they gain from God glorious 
rewards for themselves and each one for his people; they will 
do the highest service to the cause of human civilization; 
and as for Ourselves, who in assuming this Apostolic office 
have to face the gravest difficulties arising from so seriously 
disturbed a state of affairs — let them know that they will 
thus do what is most pleasing and most highly desired by 
Us." (Sept. 8, 1914.) 

Alas, the world knows that this call from God also 
went unheeded! In November, 1914, Pope Benedict 


issued a memorable Encyclical laying down the four 
fundamental causes of war, while imploring the belliger- 
ent nations to lay down their arms and adjust their rival 
claims by Christian principles. But like Pharaoh they 
would not listen to God's call and sent their legions into 
a sea of blood to perish. 

It remains for the historian properly to chronicle the 
many great works of the Pope during those four years of 
terrific warfare; the counsels and consolations given; 
the protests and appeals issued, the marvelous benefits 
given without distinction, religious, national or personal. 
It is to His Holiness that the world is indebted for the 
humane repatriation of the non-combatants interned in 
belligerent countries. We have a record of 97,753 
Erench interned in Germany and Austria, and 10,581 
Germans, 3,105 Austrians interned in the countries of 
the Allies who were returned to the bosom of their fam- 
ilies in their native land from Oct., 1914, to March, 
1916, through the good offices of the Pope. The ex- 
change of prisoners unfit for military service, the trans- 
fer of wounded soldiers to neutral territory — Switzer- 
land ; the lightening of the burden of the prisoners in 
Germany ; the ranking as officers of Belgian and French 
priests captured by the Central Powers ; the observance 
of Sunday as a day of rest for all prisoners, — all these 
good measures go to the credit of the Holy See. By in- 
stituting bureaus of information at the Vatican, Vienna, 
Freiburg, Paderhorn and other places wounded and 
missing men were traced. The prisoners were put into 
communication with their relatives, so God alone knows 


the heart's-ease given to thousands of fathers, moth- 
ers, wives and sweethearts all over the world. Out of a 
purse greatly reduced because of the war, the Pope sup- 
plied the needs of many sufferers in Belgium, Poland, 
Serbia, Lithuania, Armenia and other countries. It 
was the Pope's appeals and strictures that gave pause to 
the destruction of world monuments and art treasures; 
greater still was the service of checking deportations 
and some of the drastic methods of warfare that shocked 
the sensibilities of mankind. Prospective benefits 
vastly greater were within reach of nations. If they had 
accepted the four fundamental principles for adjusting 
their differences there should have been a popular recog- 
nition that the Pope's rank is of supreme power for good 
in our wicked world. As it is the response to the over- 
tures of His Holiness has been something of a surprise. 
Millions of folk who heretofore had no glance of ap- 
proval for the work of the Church, have turned to give a 
steady look at the Pope as he spoke boldly and worked 
gladly for afflicted peoples in lands reddened with blood 
and stripped with fire and sword. Acknowledgments 
have come from governments, priests, persons of rank 
and from private individuals expressing heartfelt grati- 
tude for the Christlike service rendered by Pope Bene- 
dict XV. 

The most hopeful sign for world freedom is the re- 
turn of envoys to the Vatican. Fifteen nations who 
ignored and neglected this opportunity to secure a juster 
reign through the world have now accredited ministers to 
the Court of Pope Benedict XV, Great Britain being one 


of them. In illustration of the appreciation of the war 
work done we present an excerpt from the letter of Sir 
Henry Howard, Minister of Great Britain at the Vati- 
can, presented to Cardinal Gasparri, papal secretary of 
state, in the name of the English Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, to His Holiness Pope Ben- 
edict XV: 

" Having made known to the German government our 
acceptance of the proposition for the reciprocal transport of 
invalid prisoners of war, the Government of His Britannic 
Majesty wishes to express to the Holy See its most lively 
gratitude for presenting this project. It was inspired by 
the grand humanitarian principles of which His Holiness 
has given so many proofs during the war and the Govern- 
ment of Great Britain is convinced that the action so hap- 
pily accomplished by the Holy Father will be fruitful in bene- 
fits to the numerous British prisoners of war. In renewing 
the assurance of my highest consideration I desire to express 
to your Eminence my sincere gratitude and that of my 
Government for the unwearied good will you have manifested 
in the affair." 

If only the faithful were ahle to create a world opin- 
ion strong enough in justice to compel governments to 
accept the one path to ordered liberty, the apex of civ- 
ilization could be reached. Yet, although rulers could 
not bring themselves to accept the necessary basis of 
freedom — the Holy Father's Peace Proposal — Pres- 
ident Wilson, declining to think it would " lead to the 
goal he proposes," recognized it as high in motive: 

"Every heart that has not been blinded and hardened by 
this terrible war must be touched by this moving appeal of 


His Holiness, the Pope, must feel the dignity and power of 
the humane and generous motives which prompted it, and 
must fervently wish that he might take the path of peace he 
so persuasively points out." 

One thing should be certain as the outcome of this 
war: that only persons of crass ignorance of bad-will 
shall, in our day and generation, question the civic in- 
tegrity of those who acknowledge the Pope as their in- 
fallible guide in faith and morals. Every country has 
been given the proof that obedience to the Pope is a 
guarantee of loyalty to one's fatherland by Catholics: 
that a divided allegiance is foreign to Catholic doctrine. 
Truly may we point with pride to the 111,000,000 Cath- 
olics who were in the countries of the Allies and their 
associate and to the 57,000,000 who were in the countries 
of the Central Empires. We may with a full patriotic 
heart exclaim with His Eminence William Cardinal 

" The Catholic civil allegiance divided ? Why look across 
the sea, to where all Europe is in arms. Every Catholic is 
fighting loyally, giving his very life for his own country. 
And though some of these countries have merited little 
gratitude from any Catholic, still the very priests are in the 
trenches, each a defender of his native land. Where I ask 
of any honest witness of these facts under his very eyes, 
where is this divided allegiance ? And the Pope — is there 
any one in this country who, after this war, will ever dare 
to accuse the Pope of interference in civil affairs or of weak- 
ening the loyalty of citizens ? " 

Civic loyalty is no twentieth-century principle ; to the 


faithful it is bred in the bone. Followers of Christ are 
well instructed in the one principle that separates 
Church and State: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy 
God and Him only shalt thou serve ; Thou shalt render 
to Caesar what belongs to Caesar and to God what belongs 
to God. By a great and well beloved Doctor of the 
Church — St. Augustine — the matter has been illu- 
mined by an historic event: 

" Sometimes the powerful ones of earth are good and fear 
God; at times they fear him not. Julian was an Emperor 
unfaithful to God, an apostate, a pervert, an idolater. Chris- 
tian soldiers served this faithful emperor, but as soon as there 
was question of the cause of Jesus Christ they recognized only 
Him who is in heaven. Julian commanded them to honor 
idols and offer them incense but they put God above the 
prince. However, when he made them form into ranks and 
march against a hostile nation, they obeyed instantly. They 
distinguished the eternal from the temporal master and still 
in view of an eternal Master they submitted to such a 
temporal master." 

That there are those who will not see, is as certain as 
that the facts are before all eyes, that both Pope and 
people obeyed at once the law of God and of Caesar dur- 
ing the prolonged agonies of the war. Bolshevists need 
no instruction as to the strong defense against the spread 
of their propaganda and they use their devil-craft skil- 
fully. With a mask of blameless innocence they ask 
why the Church does not interfere with matters of state 
and stop the war? With the next breath they charge 
that the Pope is usurping the rights of the state, — that 


listening to Rome is treason to one's country. That 
scourge of letters — George Bernard Shaw — tells the 
Pope just what His Holiness should have done : 

" The Pope's clear duty last August was to excommunicate 
all combatants with bell, book and candle and tell them with 
a voice thundering through Christendom that they would all 
most certainly be damned for the sin of Cain unless they 
laid down their arms and submitted their dispute to the 
judgment of God through His Church." 

This glib joke is all of one piece with Shaw's most 
brilliant literary efforts to send human souls to their 
doom along with the battleships upon which he would 
have workmen practise sabotage. It is only a vulgar 
bit of advertising to keep himself and his wares in the 
limelight, per order of his master — Eebellion. For 
attacks no less vicious in that they are cast in serious 
form one may look to George D. Herron for a classical 
example. In his Menace of Peace (1^. Y. 191 Y, p. 84) 
this father of the Rand School enters into an elegant 
disquisition against the Pope. His Holiness is for- 
wardly admonished for having missed the one golden 
and commanding opportunity in centuries for proving 
the disinterestedness of the Father of Christendom for 
the children of earth. Ah ! occasion did not serve : 
The Pope was already engaged by an " univtiUen under- 
standing " (in the precious keeping of this betrayer of 
the marriage bond, this purveyor of scandal) with the 
Central Powers to defeat Italy for the hope of regain- 
ing the temporal power of the Papacy. Again the 


Pope's effort to bring the several nations to a considera- 
tion of those basic principles upon which a just and 
enduring peace may rest is called a German peace pro- 
posal. The cause of this alleged deed and double-dyed 
villainy at the Vatican is, forsooth, its knowledge that 
" if autocracy perishes in Germany, it will perish from 
the world." Dr. Herron wrote from Geneva but Pope 
baiting is all the same in New York. Louis C. Fraina, 
the sometime associate of Trotsky while in America, sub- 
tracts greatly from the well known fact, — that a glance 
at our own country shows to every honest searcher after 
truth, that the freer the democracy of the government 
the more the church flourishes. Mr. Fraina delivers 
himself of ignorance or malice or a combination of men- 
tal darkness, thusly in the New Review (N. Y., Sep. 15, 

" The Pope of Rome, by tradition and sympathy, is friendly 
to Austria and Germany. Their form of government appeals 
to his medieval conception of society, and his hatred of anti- 
clerical Italy and France is a necessity of Vatican politics. 
His conduct during the war has been distinctly pro-German, 
and any definite peace move he might make would be on 
behalf of Austria and Germany." 

If there were no such thing as vindictiveness one 
might believe these radicals to be capable of knowing 
a democracy when it is so perfectly exemplified in the 
Catholic Church, where every member is exactly equal 
in honor when receiving the Sacraments instituted by 
our Blessed Lord Himself. Nowhere else in human 


association is there an absolute equality in dignity. Our 
own equality before the law is based upon this innate dig- 
nity of the individual soul and this is in truth the ripe 
fruit of Christian culture established in civil govern- 
ment. Since to radical minds lawlessness is mistaken 
for law they are as certain that the Catholic Church is 
an autocracy as that Darwin proved man's animal origin, 
which is not true, and that Marx proved that religious, 
moral, psychical, social, political and idealogical phe- 
nomena is an evolution from man's economic activities 
in supplying himself with food, shelter and clothing, 
which is absurd. Of course their blind confidence that 
the Catholic Church is an autocracy does not change the 
nature of the institution within which the Holy Ghost 
resides that the Bride of Christ may never fall into 
human error. 

True the Catholic Church does not derive her power 
from the people who are within her fold, neither in the 
last analysis is the American government an expression 
of the will of its citizens. It is rather a fitting expres- 
sion of the human constitution set forth in the Decalogue. 
Since all men are endowed with certain inalienable 
rights we religiously boast that our government is one of 
laws not of men. Thus it is that the test of government 
comes, early or late, upon the one criterion — obedience 
to the natural law given by God. The whole history of 
the world freely tells the tale that injustice is the fruit- 
ful and the rightful cause of discontent and revolt — 
against the usurpation by the few of the rights of the 
many, so that men of good will have tolerated bad gov- 


emment only so long as they were powerless to effect a 

Within the Catholic Church — wherein the promise 
of our Blessed Lord abides, — that the gates of hell shall 
not prevail against her life to the end of the world — 
no men of good will are discontented with her govern- 
ment. The seven Sacraments are perfectly adminis- 
tered and perfectly suited to all persons of all climes, 
of all times without regard to condition, race, color, or 
class. Born of whatsoever people, of whatsoever sta- 
tion in life, once elevated to the See of Peter, the Su- 
preme Pastor of God's people is perfectly guarded and 
infallibly guided by the Holy Ghost. 

Like to every wicked prophecy that the downfall of 
the Papacy is at hand so also has this latest fallen — 
the German autocracy has been overthrown and the 
Pope is doing what our Lord intended: His Vicar is 
showing the people the way, the truth and the light. 

Pope and Belgium 

The law of Christ that the Pope executes on earth 
commands that impartiality and charity shall mark 
relations between the Vatican and nations, but nat- 
urally it is quite impossible for those who hold the 
doctrine, that truth is an attitude of mind, to conceive 
of the dignity and responsibility of the Holy Father's 
position. Socialists may jump to conclusions and is- 
sue condemnations without evidence as to the relative in- 
nocence or guilt of conflicting governments. Their 100 
per cemt good or their 100 per cent bad is determined 


bj the pronouncement of the Stuttgart Congress to-day 
or the Emergency Convention to-morrow — it all de- 
pends upon the opportunity, as presented to their im- 
agination, of what will advance the Revolution. Be it 
an arbitrary decision, in disobedience to God's com- 
mands or treason to Caesar, to cause civil war as a means 
to their end — the overthrow of the use of private cap- 
ital — it is as acceptable as a May morning. 

During the war the Bolsheviki condemned the Pope's 
attitude towards Belgium, when King Albert and Car- 
dinal Mercier expressed not alone complete satisfaction 
but reverent gratitude towards His Holiness not a word 
did they say to correct their error. However, the 
thought of their having contrition for the sin of slander 
were utterly superfluous. 

!Not before, but after the German Chancellor himself 
declared that " an injustice " had been committed by his 
government by the invasion of Belgium (though the act 
was justified as a war necessity in defense of the em- 
pire) did the Pope raise his voice in protest, thus teach- 
ing the world that injustice has no justification. That 
the Pope was the one and only ruler to protest against 
the invasion of Belgium is a most significant historic 
fact. Neither Sweden, ITorway, Denmark, Holland, 
Switzerland or Spain uttered a word, and to our shame 
Washington remained silent when the example of our 
great nation could have enforced the moral that might 
is not right. 

Surely the world may accept King Albert's statement 
at its full value and all but wilful clamor should be 


silenced by his words. We quote from the King's reply 
to the Pope's peace proposal (Jan. 2, 1918) : 

" At the outset of his message the Holy Father took pains 
to declare he had forced himself to maintain perfect im- 
partiality toward all the belligerents, which renders more 
significant the judgment of his Holiness when he concluded 
in favor of the total evacuation of Belgium and the reestab- 
lishment of its full independence, and also recognized the 
right of Belgium for reparation for damages and the cost of 
the war. Already in his consistorial allocution of January 
22, 1915, the Holy Father had proclaimed before the world 
that he reproved injustice, and he condescended to give the 
Belgian Government the assurance that in formulating that 
reprobation it was the invasion of Belgium he had directly 
in veiw." 

When to this official utterance of Belgium's king 
of his gratitude to the Pope we add the words of 
Cardinal Mercier, taken from his Christmas Pastoral 
(1914), honest men may weep because of the beauty of 
holiness seen in Belgium's well beloved Patriot-Cardinal. 
Under God, it so chanced that the Cardinal was in 
Rome at the elevation of Benedict XV to the papal 
throne, just after the declaration of war, we quote : 

" With a touching goodness our Holy Father Benedict XV 
has been the first to incline his heart to us. When, a few 
moments after his election, he deigned to take me in his 
arms, I was bold enough there to ask that the first Pontifical 
Benediction he spoke should be given to Belgium, already in 
deep distress through the war. He eagerly closed with my 
wish, which I knew would also be yours." 


Again, in a pastoral (April 25, 1915) Cardinal Mer- 
cier makes an explicit defense of the Pope against the 
ignominy that such men as Herron and Fraina would 
put upon the Shepherd of the Christian flock: 

" From the beginning of the war certain cunning, evil, and 
treacherous minds have persisted in encouraging the rumor 
that the late Pope, Pius X, and our Holy Father Benedict 
XV, gave help and moral approval to our enemies, and, 
through weakness, did an injustice to the rights of the Bel- 
gian people. These are calumnies, my Brethren — nothing 
but infamous cal\unnies. The simple, loving, generous heart 
of Pius X was incapable, I will not say of any cowardice, but 
of so much as the appearance of an accommodation with in- 
justice, even though it were triumphant. The truth is that 
the noble old man succumbed to the grief that overcame him, 
when he saw the European nations rent by murderous war, 
and Providence left him no time to express in public the 
holy horror these orgies of blood inspired in him. 

" As for our Holy Father, Pope Benedict XV, what could 
he do for the Belgians that he had not done? His very first 
Pontifical blessing was for us, and he charged me to bring it 
to you in his name. On two occasions he was good enough 
to send generous donations to Belgium, in spite of the poverty 
of his resources. In his fatherly goodness he addressed to 
us two letters of consolation designed for you. Add to this 
his resolute and noble Consistorial Allocution of the 22nd of 
January; his answers to the telegrams of the King and the 
•Government; that to M. Van den Heuvel; the support he 
:afforded us through his Apostolic Nuncio in Brussels . . ." 

Since Cardinal Mercier gives praise to the " fatherly 
goodness " of the Pope towards Belgium, Catholics in 
all the nations on both sides of the conflict are in admira- 


tion of His Holiness for being at once strictly impar- 
tial as between nation and nation and responding to the 
claims of justice as between nation and nation. Every 
good father understands this principle for thus it is that 
he means to deal with his sons. 

The Pope and Italy 

The assertion that the Pope had an " unwritten un- 
derstanding " with the Central Powers conniving at the 
defeat of Italy for the restoration of the temporal power, 
is as far from the truth as the story of the Pope's hos- 
tility towards Belgium ; only those utterly lacking in 
the knowledge of the integrity of the Papacy or those 
playing high stakes with the devil for world power 
would be guilty of the accusation. Of course, every 
Catholic worthy of that great title believes in the res- 
toration of the temporal power of the Holy See. To this 
no true patriot of any nation under the sun can right- 
fully object, since by temporal power is meant that the 
Pope should be free from the temporal rule of another. 
Territory all his own is necessary so that the Pope may 
rule over his spiritual kingdom in the whole world un- 
disturbed. Just as Washington, D. C, our Federal ter- 
ritory is independent of the jurisdiction of any State and 
so free from the jurisdiction of our 48 States, just so 
in idea is it that the spiritual government of the Pope 
should be territorially free from the restrictions of any 
nation. The war has made the necessity for papal free- 
dom plain to many persons who had not seen it before. 


While the Law of Guarantees affirms that Ambassadors 
of foreign nations at the Vatican shall have the same 
rights and immunities as the representatives of foreign 
powers at the Quirinal this is not enough. It is not that 
our Federal Government at Washington, D. C., has 
the same rights as Maine, Virginia and California but 
rather that Washington is independent of the right of 
these and all others of the 48 States in the adminis- 
tration of our Eederal powers. During the war the 
Ambassadors of the Central Empires withdrew from 
the Court of the Pope, not because Italy demanded it but 
as they believed " in order to safeguard their personal 
dignity and the prerogatives of their office." Upon the 
withdrawal of these envoys from the Vatican Benedict 
XV pointed out the injustice of the Pope's position : 

" This means to the Holy See the loss of a right which 
is its due, and of its nature belongs to it as a necessary 
guarantee of its freedom. . . . And what are We to say of 
the increasing difficulty of commimication between Us and 
the Catholic world, through which it has become no easy 
matter to form that complete and accurate judgment ou 
events which is of such importance?" (Allocution, Dec. 6, 

While the cabal — resting upon the " unwritten 
understanding " — was at its height the Italian gov- 
ernment itself may certainly be trusted to estimate 
adequately the status of Catholic loyalty in its king- 
dom. The Prime Minister in the Chamber of Deputies 
on the 24th of December, 1917, bespoke the public 
opinion of Italy in no uncertain tones : 


"I deplore the accusations of a general character made 
against high ecclesiastical personages — acciisations that tend 
to hurt the supreme spiritual authority — against priests 
and against the Catholic laity. Such accusations are unjust 
and offensive because, as the public are aware, the Italian 
clergy, both high and low, have given noble and beautiful 
proofs of Italian sentiments, and the great mass of the 
Catholics have known how to reconcile the dictates of faith 
with their duties toward their country." 

It should not be thought that there was a change of 
heart on the part of the Bolsheviki, even in Italy. There 
was merely a change of attack upon right and justice. 
Indeed the Socialism in Italy is of the extreme left 
wing type, where treason is accounted heroism. Beyond 
any treasonable acts we have thus far recorded the Ital- 
ians have carried out the counsel of the Stuttgart Inter- 
national Socialist Congress of 1907. After the Italian 
disaster at Caporetto (Oct.-Nov., 1917) the Bolsheviki 
attempted to lay at the door of the priests in the army 
the breaking down of the morale of the troops for which 
they, themselves, were responsible. They were con- 
fronted with the evidence of their treason by Deputy 
Marquis Centurione. He had been accused by the So- 
cialists in the Chamber of Deputies for spying upon 

We quote from Deputy Centurione's reply : 

" Yes, it is true I spied oA' the Socialists, being convinced 
that the responsibility for the Caporetto disaster rested upon 
them, and that they also incited the Turin riots. I dis- 
guised myself as a workingman in order to attend Socialist 
meetings. As the result of my work I can now state that 


the Socialists did prepare the Caporetto disaster. Conse- 
quently I formally charge with treason ex-Premier Giolitti, 
Deputy Falcioni, Under-Secretary in the last Giolitti Cabi- 
net; Socialist Deputies Sciorati, and Dogiovanni, Deputy 
Chiaraviglio [Giolitti's son-in-law], and Senator Panizzardi, 
Senator Cofaly, and Senator Frassati." 

However, there is testimony as strong from the Social- 
ists themselves that they are responsible for breaking 
down the morale of the troops at Caporetto. We in- 
stance the boasting of Arturo Giovannitti before 600 
college men and women at the Annual Convention of the 
Inter-Collegiate Socialist Society: 

" The retreat of the Austrians in 1918 occurred just a 
year following the retreat of the Italians. On the former 
occasion, everything had been prepared on the Italian and 
Austrian lines for a joint strike of the soldiers. However, 
shock troops had the night before the proposed strike been 
substituted for the Austrian troops in the Austrian lines 
and when the Italian troops laid down their arms they 
were confronted with the aggressive shock troops of the 
Kaiser." (The Inter-Collegiate Socialist, N. Y., Feb.-Mar., 
1919, p. 25.) 

As thoughtful men scan the horizon of life and look 
back over the testimony of nations past and gone, they 
see that loyalty to country rests securely upon the jus- 
tice of the State : that human justice is a basic manifes- 
tation of love for and obedience to Almighty God. 
So that it is plain enough that as religious teaching and 
practise are the sure guarantee of the safety of nations, 
the most deadly assault upon the country is that first 


leveled upon religion. What then but all hail to 
the Pope should be expected from those who love and 
would serve their native land? 

" Long live the Pope ! His praises sound 

Again and yet again: 

His rule is over space and time ; 

His throne the hearts of men : 

All hail! the Shepherd King of Kome, 

The theme of loving song: 

Let all the earth his glory sing, 

And heav'n the strain prolong," 

All to the contrary, notwithstanding, from the be- 
ginning of the world-war until the signing of the Armi- 
stice, the Pope with more than royal dignity has treated 
all the nations and all the races of whatsoever religions 
or political views more impartially than the best of fa- 
thers are able to treat their own sons, for the sufficient 
reason that the Holy Ghost abides within the Church. 
While upon the call of the Holy Father, millions of pe- 
titions to Almighty God in favor of justice at the Peace 
Congress was sent up by the faithful all over the world : 

"... in order that the fruit of the approaching congress 
may be that great gift from heaven, which is true peace 
founded upon the Christian principles of justice, it will 
be your care to announce public prayers in each parish of 
your respective dioceses in that form which you will con- 
sider timely, to implore for it the light of the Heavenly 

" As far as We, Ourselves, are concerned, representing, 
however unworthily, Jesus Christ, the King of Peace, We 


shall use all the influence of Our apostolic ministry so that 
the decisions that may be arrived at for the purpose of 
perpetuating tranquillity, good order and concord in the world 
may be accepted and faithfully followed everywhere by Cath- 
olics." (Dec. 1, 1918.) 

Catholics everywhere will follow the instruction of 
their Spiritual father, working faithfully and praying 
ardently for peace on earth. They know that there is 
no otherwhere to go save to Rome, to the Pope, to 
Christ's Vicar, to learn how precisely to apply God's 
law to every-day affairs. There on the throne of the 
fisherman is found the divine interpretation of the law 
of justice as it applies to the relations of nation to na- 
tion : There is made known what things belong to God 
and what things belong to Caesar. 

If forgetful of the love of God in the love of country, 
one may well take heed : 

Unless the Lord huild the house. 
They labor in vain that build it. 




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