MewCentury
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Daniel
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THE NEW-CENTURY BIBLE
Noiu Complete
GENESIS, by the Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett, Litt.D., D.D.
EXODUS, by the Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett, Litt.D.. D.D.
LEVITICUS AND NUMBERS, by the Rev. Prof. A. R. S. Kennedv, M.A.,
D.D.
DEUTERONOMY and JOSHUA, by the Rev. Prof. H. WiiEEi-ER
Robinson, M.A.
JUDGES AND RUTH, by the Rev. Principal G. W. Thatcher, M.A., B.D.
I AND II SAMUEL, by the Rev. Prof. A. R. S. Kennedy, M.A., D.D.
I AND II KINGS, by the Rev. Principal Skinner, D.D.
I AND II CHRONICLES, by the Rev. W. Harvey-Jellie. M.A., B.D.
EZRA, NEHEMIAH, AND ESTHER, by the Rev. Prof. T. WiTTON Davies,
B.A., Ph.D., D.D.
JOB, by Prof. A. S. PeAke, M.A., D.D.
PSALMS (Vol. I) I TO LXXII, by the Rev. Prof. Davison, M.A., D.D.
PSALMS (Vol. II) LXXII I TO END, by the Rev. Prof. T. Witton Davies,
B.A., Ph.D., D.D.
PROVERBS, ECCLESIASTES, and SONG OF SOLOMON, by the
Rev. G. CURRIE Martin, M.A., B.D.
ISAIAH I-XXXIX, by the Rev. Prof. OwEN C. Whitehouse, M.A., D.D.
IS.\IAH XL-LXVI, by the Rev. Prof. Owen C. Whitehouse, M.A., D.D.
JEREMIAH (Vol. I), by Prof. A. S. Peake, M.A., D.D.
JEREMIAH (Vol. II), AND LAMENTATIONS, by Prof. A. S. Peake,
M.A., D.D.
EZEKIEL, by the Rev. Prof. W. F. LOFTHOUSE, M.A.
DANIEL, by the Rev. Prof. R. H. Charles, D.D.
MINOR PROPHETS : Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, by
the Rev. R. F. Horton, M.A., D.D.
MINOR PROPHETS: Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai,
ZechARIAH, Malachi, by the Rev. Canon Driver, Litt.D., D.D.
MATTHEW, by the Rev. Prof. W. F. Slater, M.A.
MARK, by the late Principal Salmond, D.D.
LUKE, by Principal W. F. Adeney, M.A., D.D.
JOHN, by the Rev. J. A. McClymont, D.D.
ACTS, by the Rev. Prof. J. Vernon Bartlet, M.A., D.D.
ROM.WS, by the Rev. Principal A. E. Garvie, M.A., D.D.
I AND II CORINTHIANS, by Prof. J. Massie, M.A., D.D.
EPHESIANS, COLOSSIANS, PHILEMON, PHILIPPIANS, by the
Rev. G. CURRIE Martin, M.A., B.D.
I AND II THESSALONIANS, GALATIANS, by Principal W. F. Adeney,
M.A., D.D. *
THE PASTORAL EPISTLES, by the Rev. R. F. Horton, M.A., D.D.
HEBREWS, by Prof. A. S. Peake, M.A., D.D.
THE GENERAL EPISTLES, by the Rev. Prof. W. H. Bennett, Litt.D.,
D.D.
REVELATION, bv the Rev. Prof. C. Anderson Scott, M..\., B.D.
THE NEW-CENTURY BIBLE
DANIEL
34
Ihe Xdininn?A Geo^-OTiTxifftl Iiiitatnte
T.C.&E.C
CopTriglit - JaJmBartboLameir & Co-
Ediiibur^li.
Vf/
General Editor :
Principal Walter F. Adeney, M.A., D.D.
tH (f ooft of ©anief
INTRODUCTION
REVISED VERSION WITH NOTES
INDEX AND MAP
/ EDITED BY
R. H. CHARLES, D.Litt., D.D.
fellow of merton collegh
fellow of the BRITISH ACADEMY
NEW YORK: HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMERICAN BRANCH
EDINBURGH : T. C. & E. C. JACK
The Revtsed Version is printed by permission of the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction :
§ I. Historical antecedents of Book of Daniel : its
pseudonymous character : originally unilingual,
but subsequently bilingual; its various ver-
sions ....... ix-xiii
§ 2. Points in common between Prophecy and
Apocalyptic ...... xiii, xiv
§ 3. Why did Apocalyptic become Pseudonymous in
Judaism? xiv-xvi
§ 4. The Ethical Character of Apocalyptic . xvi-xix
§ 5. Problems connected with the bilingual character
of the Book of Daniel. Written originally as
a whole in Aramaic .... xix-xxvi
§ 6. The Versions xxvi-xxxi
§ 7. All Authorities go back to a Glossed Text xxxi, xxxii
§ 8. Textual Authorities of the Book of Daniel and
their Relations represented in a Genealogical
Table ..... xxxii, xxxiii
§ 9. Date of the Book .... xxxiii-xxxvii
§ 10. Chronological Tables .... xxxvii-xli
§ II. Theology xli-xliii
§ 12. Bibliography xliii-xlv
Revised Version and Commentary . . . 1-144
Index . 145-152
MAP
Syria, Assyria, Babylonia, &c.
THE BOOK OF DANIEL
INTRODUCTION
§ I. Historical antecedents of Book of Daniel :
ITS pseudonymous character : originally
unilingual, but subsequently bilingual :
its various versions.
In the dosing years of the Syrian domination of
Palestine, Antiochus Epiphanes sat on the throne of Syria.
With his struggles with Egypt and other powers we are
not here concerned, but only with his dealings with the
Jews. His ambition was to hellenize the various provinces
and peoples in his great Empire. In this aim he met with
little opposition except in Judea, and even there he secured
without difficulty the support of the hellenizing High
Priests. Thus the High Priest Jason, a creature of
Antiochus, who had superseded his brother, the faithful
High Priest Onias III, set up a Greek gymnasium in
Jerusalem, to join in the games of which the very priests
abbreviated the sacred services of the Temple. Through
his agency also contributions were sent for the celebration
of the festival of Heracles at Tyre. Jason was succeeded
by Menelaus, who had secured the High Priesthood by
the promise of a huge sum of money to Antiochus, a sum
which he was unable to raise save through plunder of the
Temple treasury. For rebuking this treacherous act,
Onias III, referred to above, paid for his fidelity with his
life. In 170 B.C., while Antiochus was warring in Egypt,
the rumour that he had fallen encouraged the exiled Jason
to make an attempt to recover the High Priesthood, This
attempt led to much bloodshed in Jerusalem, and Antiochus
on his return treated the Jews with the utmost severity.
Multitudes of men, women, and children were put to
the sword, and thousands were sold into slavery. This
B
X THE BOOK OF DANIEL
visit of Antiochus closed with his seizure of the last
treasures of the Temple. Thus the Jews suffered from
without as well as from within, but the cup of their sorrow
was not yet full. Two years later Antiochus marched
with a vast force into Egypt with the intention of making
the kingdom of the Ptolemies a province of his own
Empire. But when his plans seemed on the eve of fulfil-
ment he was met by envoys from Rome, who required
him, on the penalty of joining issue with the Republic
itself, to withdraw at once from Egypt. Enraged and
embittered Antiochus turned homeward, resolved now to
devote all his power to the hellenization of Judea. With
this object in view he forbade the observance of the Sabbath
and the practice of the rite of circumcision. The sacrifices
of the Temple were done away with, and every form of
Jewish worship and ceremonial. The sacred books were
destroyed, and the Temple dismantled and laid waste.
The walls of the city were overthrown, and a fortress
erected commanding the Temple enclosure. But the
culminating horror of this awful time was yet to come. On
the 15th of December, 168 B.C., a heathen altar was
planted on the site of the great altar of burnt offering, in
honour of Olympian Zeus. On the 25th of the same month
the profanation of the sacred precincts was consummated
by the sacrifice of swine on the altar. Furthermore, every
city and village was required to build temples and raise
idolatrous altars on which swine were to be sacrificed
daily.
At last the anguish of the faithful Jews became unen-
durable and an insurrection burst forth at Modein, under
the leadership of Mattathias and his five stalwart sons.
All that were zealous for the Law and the Covenant
speedily joined them, and amongst these notably the
Hasidim, or the league of the pious ones. This small body
of Jews met with many marvellous successes. Notwith-
standing, in the face of the vast forces of Syria, the Jews
could repose no hope in their own powers. If they were
INTRODUCTION xi
to succeed it could not be in reliance on the arm of flesh.
Now it was just at this crisis, this hour of mingled hope
and despair, that the Book of Daniel * appeared with its
sword-edge utterance, its piercing exhortation to endure
in face of the despot, and its promise, full of Divine joy,
of near and full salvation. No dew of heaven could fall
with more refreshing coolness on the parched ground, no
spark from above alight with a more kindling power on
the surface so long heated with a hidden glow. With
winged brevity the book gives a complete survey of the
history of the kingdom of God upon earth, showing the
relations which it had hitherto sustained in Israel to the
successive great heathen empires of the Chaldaeans, Medo-
Persians, and Greeks — in a word, towards the heathenism
which ruled the world ; and with the finest perception it
describes the nature and individual career of Antiochus
Epiphanes and his immediate predecessors so far as was
possible in view of the great events which had just
occurred. Rarely does it happen that a book appears as
this did, in the very crisis of the times, and in a form
most suited to such an age, artificially reserved, close
and severe, and yet shedding so clear a light through
obscurity, and so marvellously captivating. It was natural
that it should soon achieve a success entirely corresponding
with its inner truth and glory. And so, for the last time
in the literature of the Old Testament, we have in this
book an example of a work which, having sprung from
the deepest necessities of the noblest impulses of the age,
can render to that age the purest service ; and which by
the development of events immediately after, receives with
such power the stamp of Divine witness that it subse-
quently attains imperishable sanctity ^'
The pseudonymous character of this book has been
a source of great trouble to many, but to the student who
is acquainted with the facts of the time, it is obvious that,
* Ewald, V. 305 (translated by Stanley).
B 2
xii THE BOOK OF DANIEL
if the book were to realize the end it aimed at, it could
not have been otherwise than pseudonymous. Owing to
the Law having achieved an absolute and exclusive
supremacy, the calling of the prophet had ceased to exist,
and there was no room for a religious teacher, except in
so far as he was a mere exponent of the Law. From this
it followed that all real advances to a higher theology
could appear only in works of a pseudonymous character.
Accordingly, when a man of God felt that he had a message
to deliver to his people, he was obliged to cast it in this
form. And thus it was that the brilliant visionary to whom
we owe the Book of Daniel issued under the name of an
ancient worthy this book of transcendent worth not only
to his own, but to all after ages (cf. § 3). It has taught to
mankind many imperishable lessons, and of these there
is none nobler than the confession of the three youths,
* There is a God, whom we serve, who is able to deliver
us , . . and he will deliver us out of thine hand, O King :
but if not ... we will not serve thy gods nor worship the
golden image which thou hast set up ' (iii. 17, 18).
The Book of Daniel was most probably written in
Aramaic, and parts of it subsequently translated into
Hebrew (cf. § 5). In these cases the Aramaic original was
superseded by the Hebrew. At a very early stage of its
history glosses were introduced into the text (cf. § 7).
Not long after the book assumed a bilingual character
and was glossed, it was translated, possibly about 145 B. C,
into Greek. This Greek Version, known as the Septuagint,
has been preserved to us in a single Greek MS. of the
eleventh century, but happily it was translated into Syriac
about the year A. D. 617.
In the meantime, probably in the first century B. c, a
second Greek translation was made from the bilingual
text under the guidance of the older translation. But by
this time the bihngual text had undergone severe disloca-
tions in chapters iv-vi. Accordingly, since all versions
save the oldest LXX Version are derived from this later
INTRODUCTION xiii
form of the bilingual text, they all attest the same disloca-
tions in these chapters. But to return : this second Greek
Version has not survived independently but only in quo-
tations of the first century and the early decades of the
second century A. D., and in the version of Theodotion:
of which it appears to have formed the basis (cf. § 6).
The Version of Theodotion, which belongs to the second
century A. D., approximates closely to the Massoretic text,
but implies in many passages a purer form of the Semitic
text. The Peshitto and Vulgate Versions were made
from a still later form of the Semitic text than that used
by Theodotion *.
§ 2. Points in common between Prophecy and
Apocalyptic ^
The forms of the prophetic experiences as beheld by the
inner eye, or heard by the inner ear, as well as their literary
expression, must take their character largely from the
spiritual and literary standards of the time. This psychical
experience of the prophet was generally one of sight or of
sound ; that is, in the psychical state he either saw certain
things or heard certain things. Now the things so seen
or heard he could grasp only so far as his psychical powers
and the spiritual development behind him enabled him to
do so ; that is, in the case of a heavenly vision he could
at the best only partially apprehend its significance. To
the things seen he perforce attached the symbols more or
less transformed that these naturally evoked in his mind,
symbols that he owed to his own waking experience or the
tradition of the past ; and the sounds he heard naturally
^ In this Introduction many critical questions are perforce
inadequately dealt with, since a fuller treatment would necessi-
tate the employment of Semitic on a large scale. The present
editor hopes to edit a fuller commentary later.
2 In the above section I have only mentioned a few of the
characteristics common to Prophecy and Apocalyptic. For
a detailed comparison sec the second edition of my £"sc/m/o/o^^,
1913, in loc.
xiv THE BOOK OF DANIEL
clothed themselves in the literary forms with which his
memory was stored.
And yet, however successful the prophet might be in
setting forth his visionary experiences, he laboured, as we
have pointed out, under a double disadvantage. His
powers of spiritual perception were generally unequal to
the task of apprehending the full meaning of the heavenly
vision, and his powers of expression were frequently
unable to set forth the things he had apprehended.
Now these visions and trances belong both to prophecy
and apocalyptic. Furthermore, just as the prophet came
not unfrequently to use the words, ' Thus saith the Lord,'
even when there was no actual psychical experience in
which he heard a voice, but when he wished to set forth the
will of God which he had reached by other means, so the
term * vision ' came to have a like conventional use both in
prophecy and apocalyptic. It is of special importance to
remember this in connexion with chapter xi, which of
course is not to be taken as a literal vision. The Seer is
attempting to represent the course of events sub specie
aeternitatis. A like attempt on a larger scale will be
found by the reader in i Enoch Ixxxix-xc.
§ 3. Why did Apocalyptic become pseudonymous
IN Judaism?
The fact of a religious teacher issuing his work under
the name of another has been a source of profound
difficulty to most biblical students in the past and to
a large section at present.
If the book is really pseudonymous, the representatives
of these students would categorically declare that the
book is a forgery. It must be confessed that the grounds
which scholars have in the past adduced for the use of
pseudonymity by Jewish teachers have quite failed to
justify themselves at the bar of the ordinary conscience.
It is of no avail to state that such writers were wholly
devoid of literary ambition and were only concerned that
INTRODUCTION xv
their teaching should be accepted. No more will it avail
to argue that they were merely making use of a literary
form that was common throughout antiquity. If they
pursued the same lofty and religious aims as the older
prophets, as unquestionably they did, how is it that they
came not forward with their message in their own persons?
That they did not do so is certainly not that they
feared the fate that befell so many of the prophets and
that would assuredly have befallen them (cf. Zech. xiii.
3 sqq.). The religious leaders of the Maccabean period
had no such fear of death ; they were only too ready for
martyrdom as we know from actual history. The real
grounds, therefore, for pseudonymity must be found else-
where. Into these, which I have discussed at some
length in the second edition of my Eschatology^ I cannot
enter here. I will, however, for the sake of the reader,
summarize my results. ^
From the time of Ezra onwards, the Law made steady '
progress towards a position of supremacy in Judaism.
And just in proportion as it achieved such supremacy,
every other form of religious activity fell into the back-
ground. This held true even of the priesthood, which in
due course became subordinate to the teachers of the Law.
But in an infinitely higher degree was it true of prophecy.
When once the Law had established an unquestioned
autocracy, the prophets were practically reduced to the
position of being merely its exponents, and prophecy,
assuming a literary character, might bear its author's
name or might be anonymous. When a book of prophecy
brought disclosures beyond or in conflict with the letter of
the Law, it could hardly attain to a place in the Canon.
This was the case as we know with Ezekiel, which narrowly
escaped being declared apocryphal by Jewish scholars
(Shabb. 13 (^, Men. 45 a) as late as the first century of the
Christian era. The next claim made by the Law was
that it was all-sufficient for time and eternity, alike as an
intellectual creed, a liturgical system, and a practical guide
xvi THE- BOOK OF DANIEL
in ethics and religion. Thus theoretically and practically
no room was left for new light and inspiration or any fresh
and further disclosure of God's will ; in short, no room for
the true prophet— only for the moralist, the casuist, or the
preacher. How then from the third century b. C. onward
was the man to act who felt himself charged with a real
message of God to his day and generation ? The tyranny
of the Law, and the petrified orthodoxies of his time,
compelled him to resort to pseudonymity. And if these
grounds had in themselves been insufficient for the adop-
tion of pseudonymity, there was the further ground — the
formation of the Canon. When once the prophetic Canon
was closed, no book of a prophetic character could gain
canonization as such, nor could it gain a place among
the sacred writings at all unless its date was believed to
be as early as the time of Ezra. On this ground again
the prophetic type of man was forced to resort to pseudo-
nymity to obtain a hearing, and so to issue his work
under the name of one of Israel's ancient worthies of
a date earlier than Ezra or at all events contemporary
, with him.
i^
§ 4. The Ethical Character of Apocalyptic.
Prophecy has always been recognized as the greatest
ethical force in the ancient world. Such also was apoca-
lyptic in its time, and yet an attempt has recently been
made by advanced liberals to differentiate prophecy and
apocalyptic on the ground that apocalyptic and ethics are
distinct, and that ethics are the kernel and apocalyptic
the husk which Christianity shed when it ceased to need
it. How any scholar who was really acquainted with the
texts could make such a statement I cannot understand.
Apocalyptic was essentially ethical. To use the mixed
metaphor of St. Paul, it was rooted and grounded in
ethics, and that an ethics based on the essential righteous-
ness of God. In every crisis of the world's history, when
the good cause was overthrown and the bad triumphant,
INTRODUCTION xrii
its insistent demand was ever : ' Shall not the Judge of
all the earth do right ? ' and its uncompromising optimism,
its unconquerable faith under the most overwhelming
disasters was : * God reigns, and righteousness shall
ultimately prevail.' The words of a modern poet would
in some degree represent the mental attitude of the apoca-
lyptist, in his outlook on the apparent triumph of evil over
good, of falsehood over truth :
'Careless seems the great Avenger; history's pages
but record
One death-grapple in the darkness twixt old systems and
the Word ;
Truth for ever on the scaffold, wrong for ever on the
throne :
Yet that scaffold sways the future and behind the dim
unknown
Standeth God within the shadow keeping watch above
His own.'
The ethical element is the fundamental element in the
chief books of this literature. What else but an inex-
pugnable sense of truth and duty to truth inspire the
refusal of the three children in Daniel to fall down and
worship the image that the king had set up ? When the
king demands : ' Who is that God that shall deliver you
out of my hands ? ' mark the splendid heroism of their
reply : * There is a God whom we serve who is able to
deliver us from the burning fiery furnace, and he will
deliver us out of thy hand, O king. But if not, be it
known unto thee, O king, that we will not serve thy
g^ods, nor worship the golden image which thou hast set
up ' (iii. 17 sq.)-
Now let us turn to the apocalyptic books outside the
Canon.
What an expressive ethical statement is that in Jubilees
(xxi. 22) addressed to Israel !
'Beware lest thou walk in their ways
And tread in their paths.
xviii THE BOOK OF DANIEL
And sin a sin unto death against the Most High,
And so He deliver thee back again into the grip of thy
transgression.'
Or, turning to a different theme, let us hear what the
Testaments of the XII Patriarchs say of the faithful doer
of the word of God.
' Every man that knoweth the law of the Lord shall be
honoured,
And shall not be a stranger whithersoever he goeth . . .
For though there be a leading into captivity,
And cities and lands be destroyed,
And gold and silver and every possession perish,
The wisdom of the wise can nought take away,
Save the blindness of ungodliness,
Or the callousness that comes of sin.
Even among his enemies shall wisdom be a glory to
him,
And in a strange country a fatherland,
And in the midst of foes shall prove a friend.'
(T. Levi, xiii. 3, 7-8.)
Or again, in 2 Enoch (Ixiii. 2-3) : *As one year is more
honourable than another, so is one man more honourable
than another. This man on account of having possessions,
that man on account of the wisdom of the heart, another
on account of understanding, another on account of
purity, another on account of strength . . . but let it be
heard everywhere ; there is none greater than he that
feareth God.*
Or again, when the apocalyptist says of the unceasing
service of an order of heavenly beings: 'They rest not day
nor night ; for unto them thanksgiving is rest.'
There are numberless other passages showing the moral
depth and inwardness of this literature. What nobler
advice could the best ethical Christian teacher give to a
defeated rival than this : ' If a man is prospered beyond
you, do not be vexed, but even have recourse unto prayer
on his behalf, that he may be prospered to the full '
INTRODUCTION xit
(T. Gad. vii. i) ? Or again : * If any man seeketh to do
evil unto you, do him a good turn, and pray for him, and
so from all evil ye shall be redeemed of the Lord ' (T. Jos.
xviii. 2). Or again : * The holy man is merciful to him that
revileth him, and holdeth his peace ' (T. Bunj. v. 4).
Now it would be possible to fill many pages in setting
forth the teaching of apocalyptic on such ethical subjects as
conscience, courage, endurance, longsufifering, justice,truth-
fulness, temperance, singleness of heart, deceit, calumny,
folly ; on religious themes of an ethical character as love,
faith, works, forgiveness, compassion, humility, reverence,
covetousness, lust ; or on metaphysical themes influencing
ethics, as foreknowledge, freedom, determinism, heredity,
individualism, universalism ; but we have established our
thesis sufficiently for our present purpose ^
The ethical teaching on these subjects in apocalyptic
is a vast advance on that of the O.T., and forms the
indispensable link which in this respect connects the
OT. with the N.T.
§ 5. Problems connected with the bilingual
CHARACTER OF THE BOOK OF DaNIEL. WRITTEN
ORIGINALLY AS A WHOLE IN ARAMAIC.
I shall begin with a short statement of the facts. This
statement will be followed by a brief sketch of the various
theories which have been offered for the solution of
these problems. It is possible, indeed, that none of the
theories advanced is in itself adequate, and that it may
be necessary to invoke the joint aid of two or more of
them. For as the problem is complex it is possible that
the solution will be likewise complex.
I. The first notable difficulty in the Book of Daniel is
connected with its use of two languages. Thus chapters
i. l-ii. 4 a and viii-xii are written in Hebrew, and ii. ^b
' This section is reprinted from my Eschaiology"^, 1913? 190-
193. See Maldwyn Hughes, The Ethics of Jewish Apocryphal
Literature.
XX THE BOOK OF DANIEL
(from 'O king')-vii. 26 in Aramaic. The difficulties
occasioned by this diversity of language are somewhat
accentuated by the fact that in the first six chapters
Daniel is spoken of in the third person, whereas in the
latter six he is represented as speaking in the first. The
main difficulty, however, is connected with the change of
language, to which there is no corresponding change of
subject-matter. A like change of language is found in
Ezra iv. 8-vi. 18, vii. 12-26, but there this change can be
explained from the subject-matter.
How then is the change of language in Daniel to be
explained ? Are we to explain it as due to diversity of
authorship or origin, in the case of the sections in ques-
tion, and thus assume that these sections were originally
written in the language in which they have been trans-
mitted to us ? or, rejecting this hypothesis and assuming
the literary unity of the book, are we to believe that this
present difference of language is not original, but that the
book was first written in Hebrew, and that the loss of
certain chapters of the Hebrew original was subsequently
made good from the Aramaic translation ? or conversely,
that the book was first written in Aramaic and subse-
quently translated into Hebrew, and that the Hebrew
translation was in part destroyed and the missing portions
supplied from the Aramaic original ? or, finally, that the
present Hebrew renderings of chapters i. i, ii. 4 a, viii-
xii were deliberately substituted for their Aramaic origi-
nals in order to gain an entrance for the book into the
canon of the Holy Scriptures ; for Hebrew, of course, was
regarded as the sacred language.
H. The second notable difficulty connected with Daniel
centres in the wide divergence between the two Greek
Versions, the Versions of the LXX and Theodotion.
Where this divergence appears, which is the most trust-
worthy ? Here also full consideration must be given to
the theory that, whereas Theodotion's Version is based
directly on the text practically as it stands in the Bible,
INTRODUCTION xxi
that of the LXX is said by two recent scholars to have
been made from a Hebrew original throughout.
In the present connexion we can only enumerate the
theories that have been advanced to explain the diversity
of language in the text of Daniel.
I. Some scholars (Kliefoth, Dan, p. 44 ; Keil, Dan.
p. 14) were of opinion that Aramaic was the vernacular of
Babylonia, and was accordingly used in the sections
relating to that country.
But this theory cannot for a moment be sustained. The
cuneiform inscriptions prove that the language of Assyria
and Babylonia was indeed Semitic, but a Semitic language
distinct from Biblical Aramaic.
The latest connected inscription of this nature is that of
Antiochus Soter 280-260 B. C. Gutbrod (see Prince's Book
of Daniel^ p. ll note) is of opinion that this Semitic
language of Assyria was spoken until Hellenic times.
As a language of the learned it may have survived till the
second century B. c. In connexion with this theory we
may notice the popular but now discredited fallacy, that
the Jews forgot their Hebrew in Babylonia and spoke
' Chaldee ' on their return to Palestine— a discredited
fallacy we repeat ; for we know from Nehemiah that
Hebrew was the nominal language of the Jews in Jeru-
salem in 430 B. c. (Neh. xiii. 24).
Biblical Aramaic, misnamed * Chaldee,* was not brought
across the Syrian desert by the Jews, but they * acquired
gradually ' the use of it ' from their neighbours in and
about Palestine' (Driver, Dan, p. lix) after their return
from the captivityi^.
II. Other scholars seek to explain diversity oj language
by diversity of origin. Thus this theory finds its starting-
point and justification in the various attempts that have
been made to anEilyse Daniel into different independent
elements.
^ See Wright, Comparative Grammar^ 1890, p. 16; Kautzsch,
Gramm. dts Bibl. Aram., §§ i, a, 6.
xxii THE BOOK OF DANIEL
One of the most reasonable theories offered under this
head is that of Meinhold (in Strack-Zockler's Ktirzgef.
Komfne?itar, 1889). According to Meinhold chapters ii.
4 ^-vi were a piece of narrative written in Aramaic about
300 B.C. about Daniel and his history. These chapters
a writer of the Maccabean age accommodated to the needs
of his own time, and having prefixed i-ii. 4 « as an intro-
duction to ii. 4 ^-vii, he supplemented these with chapters
viii-xii, containing visions of his own composition with
special references to the persecutions of Antiochus, and
issued the whole as a bilingual work. Another form of
this theory is that enunciated by Dalman {Die Worie
Jesti, p. II, 1898), Dalman supposes that i-vi and vi-xii
existed independently. The former was written in Ara-
maic, giving an account of Daniel's experiences and those
of his companions at the court of Babylon. For a work
in which visions were interpreted to the kings of Babylon,
Aramaic, which was the li7igita franca of the whole East
at that time, was naturally considered suitable. The
second part of the book, vii-xii, was written in Hebrew,
as it recounts Daniel's own visions with their interpreta-
tion by an angel, who of course would use only the sacred
language. The redactor then took the two works in hand,
and translated i-ii. 4 a into Hebrew and vii into Aramaic,
and compressed into one whole the two halves which were
distinguished by their contents.
in. The third theory is that which commands the
assent of Driver, Behrmann, and Kamphausen, though it
is to be observed that Driver with his usual caution and
judgement does not absolutely commit himself to it, but
only terms it as * relatively the best ' among the explana-
tions offered. According to Kamphausen {Encyc. Bibl. I.
1005) 'the author has introduced the Chaldeans as
speaking the language which he believed to be custojuary
luith them : afterwards he continues to use the same
language on account of its greater convenience both for
himself and for his original readers, both in the narrative
INTRODUCTION xxiii
portions and in the following (seventh) chapter, the piece
in companionship to chapter ii ; for the last three visions
'{viii, ix, x-xii) a return to Hebrew was suggested by the
consideration that this had from of old been the usual
sacred language for prophetic subjects.' According to
Behrmann, the Chaldeans, that is the learned priestly
class among the Babylonians, are introduced as speaking
Aramaic in ii. 4 a in order to give a local colouring. The
Aramaic of our text, it is true, is Western Aramaic, but
the distinction between Western and Eastern Aramaic
does not, Behrmann says, come here under consideration.
But in i. 4 it is said that clever and chosen Jewish youths
required three years to learn the literature and tongue of
the Chaldeans. The tongue of this language could hardly
therefore be a form of Aramaic, but rather Babylonian,
a Semitic language very different from the Hebrew, or it
might be even the non-Semitic Sumerian preserved in
many of the marginal texts in the cuneiform script. That
Babylonian was an unknown language is stated in Jer. v. 1 5.
If, therefore, we may presume that our author was
familiar with his Jeremiah, and if, as Lenormant informs
us, he had ' an excellent knowledge of Eastern usages,*
we may reasonably conclude, first, that he does not con-
found Babylonian and Aramaic, and, secondly, that he
would be very unlikely to represent the Chaldeans as
speaking a language which according to this theory was
familiar both to Jew and Chaldean. The words ' in
Aramaic' in ii. 4 are therefore with Oppert, Lenormant,
Nestle, Prince, and Marti to be rejected as an interpola-
tion. Dr. Driver holds that this excision is probably
right.
On the above grounds, therefore, we are inclined at
present to conclude that the change of language in Daniel
did not originate with its author. From considerations of
a different nature we had previously shown that it was
impossible that this change could be explained by diversity
of origin.
xxvi THE BOOK OF DANIEL
deliberately undertaken with a view to its inclusion in the
Canon.
This view seems to accord best with the facts of the
case, but it requires to be substantiated by a much larger
body of evidence than has yet been adduced.
§ 6. The Versions.
The chief versions of the Book of Daniel are : (a) the
two Greek versions, i.e. the LXX and Theodotion, the
two Syriac versions ; (d) the Peshitto ; (c) that of Paul of
Telia ; and {d) the Vulgate.
(a) The Greek Versions. These two versions are of
great value for the reconstruction of the Text, notably
the former. As we are aware, the LXX unhappily is
preserved only in one very corrupt MS., i.e. the Codex
Chisianus, attributed by some experts to the ninth and
by others to the eleventh century. This MS. once
belonged to Pope Alexander VII, a member of the Chigi
family. It was not till more than a century after his
death that the editio princeps of this MS. was published
at Rome in 1772. Many editions have subsequently
appeared, the most recent of which is that of Dr. Swete,
who, to the great convenience of scholars, prints the
versions of the LXX and Theodotion on opposite pages,
and appends at the foot of the LXX version the
variants from the Syriac version of Paul of Telia. This
last version is of no slight interest. It was made by Paul,
bishop of Telia, in the years 616-617 from a hexaplar
text. Thus it attests the condition of the LXX text as
it existed at the beginning of the seventh century. As
regards the date of the LXX version of Daniel, it is
probable that it was made in the latter half of the second
century B. C. circa 145.
The date and relations of Theodotion's version of
Daniel are far from easy to determine. According to
Irenaeus, Theodotion was an Ephesian, but according to
INTRODUCTION xxvii
Epiphanius, a native of Pontus and a disciple of Marcion,
before he adopted Judaism, whilejeromereportsthathewas
probably a Jew who had espoused Ebionitic Christianity.
Epiphanius assigns the period of his activity to AureHus
Commodus. As this Commodus reigned from i8o to 192
A. D. and as Marcion flourished about 150, the version of
Theodotion, if we may trust Epiphanius, was written
towards the close of the second century A. D. The Paschal
Chronicle follows Epiphanius and ascribes the work of
Theodotion to the year 184 A.D.
The above date is very doubtful, and is in all probability
two or more decades too late. But even if we could
establish as early a date as 150, it would not materially
lessen the difficulties which embarrass the relations of
this version with that of the LXX. For we find that
a great variety of readings which are peculiar to Theo-
dotion as against the LXX are found already in quota-
tions from Daniel in the first century of the Christian Era.
Before entering, however, on this large question, we
should observe that prior to Jerome's time^ the Church
discarded the use of the LXX version of Daniel in favour
of that of Theodotion. How this came about Jerome
could not tell. The way for such radical action had
already been prepared by the action of Origen, whose
citations from Daniel, as Dr. Gwynn writes {Diet, of
Christian Biography,, iv. 974), 'agree almost verbatim
with the text of Theodotion now current,' a fact that
accords well with the announcement made by Origen, in
the ninth volume of his lost St?oviata, that he intended to
use this version. (Jerome on Dan. iv. 6.)
But Theodotion's version was used by several of the
Fathers before Origen's time. Clement of Alexandria
used Theodotion with occasional readings from the LXX
{Paed. ii. 8 ; iii. 3).
^ Praef. in Dan. ' Danielem prophetam iuxta LXX inter-
pretes ecclesiae non legunt, utentes Theodotionis editione ' (cf.
Contra, Ruff. ii. 33),
C 9
xxviii THE BOOK OF DANIEL
In North Africa Tertullian's [ob. 240) references to
Daniel are based mainly on the LXX version, though in
a few cases he cites Daniel according to Theodotion.
His contemporary Cyprian {ob. 258), Burkitt states, took
his citations from the Old Latin translation of Daniel
according to the LXX, which was already corrected
according to Theodotion's version. At an earlier date
Hippolytiis, the pupil of Irenaeus, adopted this version in
his Commentary on Daniel about A.D. 202 ^ Hippolytus
was here following in the footsteps of his master Irenaeus,
who was the first among the Fathers to quote Daniel
ix. 24-7 as a Messianic prophecy according to Theo-
dotion's version.
We have thus far only mentioned writers who lived
subsequently to the date usually assigned to Theodotion.
But the Theodotion type of text was clearly familiar to
writers of an earlier date. Thus in Hermas there is one
undoubted reference ( Vis. iv. 2. 4) to Theodotion's ver-
sion of Dan. vi. 22 and possibly two others {Mand. xii.
4. I — Dan. V. 6, vii. 28, iii. 19; Vis. i. i. 3 — Dan. ix. 20).
But the existence of Theodotion readings before the
time of Theodotion is still more clearly established by the
long extract Justin Martyr {ob. circa 165) gives in his
Dial, c, Tryph. xxxi from Dan. vii. This extract, while
fundamentally in agreement with the LXX, presents us
with five distinctively Theodotion words and phrases, and
at least as many readings peculiar to the LXX.
That this combination of the two distinct types is not
due to pure eclecticism or defective remembrance on the
part of Justin has been shown by Burkitt {Old Lati?i and
Itala^ pp. 223 ff. a\ since we find the same admixture in
the Latin version in Tertullian's reproduction of the same
passage. But earlier still, Clement of Rome (i Cor.
xxxiv. 6, circa A.D. 96) shows acquaintance {iKf^nov^yow —
LXX edepdirevov) with Theodotion in a citation from the
^ See Bratke, Das neu entdeckte 4. Buck des Dan.-Comm. von
Hippolyt., Bonn, 1891.
INTRODUCTION xxix
passage of Daniel just referred to, and Barnabas {Ep.
iv. 5) recalls Theodotion's rendering of Dan. vii. 24 more
closely than that of the LXX.
But still more memorable is the attestation given by
certain passages of the N.T. to the existence of a contem-
porary Theodotion text. Thus Rev. ix. 20 follows Theo-
dotion's rendering of Dan. v. 23, and the dependence
seems clear of xix. 6, on Theodotion's rendering of Dan. x. 6,
since the LXX has here a different phrase. A consider-
able amount of strong evidence in the same direction could
be advanced from the N.T.,and from the evidence taken
as a whole it is reasonable to conclude that there were two
pre-Christian Greek versions of the Book of Daniel, one
of which was the LXX and the other a revised LXX. For
the existence of two such versions we have a partial
analogy in the two Books of Esdras in the LXX. A
further and better analogy to the existence of two different
versions of the Book of Daniel, which in fact represent
in a minor degree two recensions of that book, may be
found in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, of which
there are two distinct Greek versions, one of which is
represented by three MSS. and the other by six.
If the scope of this work admitted of it, we should now
have to inquire : did these two versions go back to
different Semitic originals, or did the notable variations
between these two versions arise within the Greek itself?
But though we cannot advance here the detailed evidence
of the Semitic text and of the Greek versions, we can state
the conclusions arrived at from the above evidence.
These are, that if the Semitic text in its present form is
as old as the Christian era, or even as ancient as loo B.C.,
then there existed side by side with it another form of the
Semitic text, of which the LXX version in the Chigi MS.
presents us with a valuable, though corrupt rendering.
It is possible to prove that the vast majority of the cor-
ruptions in this version can be traced to a Semitic back-
ground.
XXX THE BOOK OF DANIEL
This statement holds in regard to chapters i-iii, vii-xii,
and its cogency has been recognized to a considerable
extent by all the foremost scholars.
But with regard to chapters iv-vi the case is different.
Here the foremost scholars have in most cases relinquished
the study of these chapters in despair. Thus Bevan
writes on p. 46 : * In chapters iii-vi . . . the original thread
of the narrative is often lost in a chaos of accretions,
alterations, and displacements.'
This same view is practically set forth by Behrmann on
pages XXX sq. of the introduction to his edition. Bludau
{Alexandrinische Uebersetziing des Buches Daniel^ p. 154,
1897) states as his opinion, after a critical investigation
of the LXX, that chapters iv-vi are to be named 'a re-
vision rather than a translation ', and that this verdict [is
quoted with approval by Marti in his edition, p. xix.
But with the above conclusions the present writer
cannot agree. A long sustained and minute study of the
text and versions has led him to conclude that it is just in
these chapters that the LXX makes its greatest con-
tribution to the reconstruction of the original text, par-
ticularly in chapter iv. The bulk of the evidence for
this conclusion cannot of course be given here, but some
of the grounds are enumerated in the short introduction to
chapters iv-vi, p. 37-39.
b. The Peshitto Version belongs to the same type of
versions as Theodotion, and therefore agrees for the most
part with the Massoretic text. Of course it diverges at
times from all known authorities, and in one case may
single-handed represent the original, i.e. xi. 41.
c. The Syriac Version of Paul 0/ Telia. This slavishly
literal rendering of Origen's Hexaplaric text was made at
Alexandria in the years 616-617 by Paul of Telia. It is
preserved in an eighth-century MS., and was published
by Bugati in 1788. This Syriac version is of great value
in the correction of the Codex Chisianus. In fact, in
many instances it attests an older and purer form of the
INTRODUCTION xxxi
LXX text. It retains the critical signs introduced by
Origen into the text, i.e. the asterisk, the obelus, and the
metobelus, which have as a rule been omitted or dis-
placed in the Codex Chisianus.
d. The Vulgate Version. This version was made in
the years 319-405. It is most closely related to the
Massoretic text and to Theodotion. Sometimes it agrees
with the Massoretic against Theodotion, and sometimes
conversely, whilst in others it seems to take an independent
line.
§ 7. All Authorities go back to a Glossed Text.
Though a comparison of the versions of the Semitic
text enables us to excise certain phrases as intrusions in
the text, there remains a number of passages which
have the support of all the authorities, but which a study
of the context forces us to recognize as interpolations.
It will be sufficient here to give a list of these passages,
which are dealt with as they occur in the Commentary.
Some of the passages branded as glosses or additions in
the list which follows are, it is true, omitted by one or
more of the versions, but a considerable number are
attested by all the authorities. The evidence will be
found in the notes on the respective passages.
Additions and Glosses in Daniel.
i. 2. ' to the house of his God ' — a gloss on ' the treasure
house of his God ' in next clause.
20-21. An addition.
ii. 4. * in Aramaic '—a gloss or a corruption of * saying.'
40. 'and as iron that crusheth all these.' A late
gloss. Theod. Pesh. and Vulg. omit.
iii. 23. An otiose repetition of 21 b.
iv. The order of the Aramaic and of all the versions
except the LXX is here secondary. Verses 6-9, a gloss
(om. by the LXX).
xxxii THE BOOK OF DANIEL
lo b-i2. Two dittographs, 'And the height . . . great'
' And in it was meat for all '
36. 'mine understanding returned to me' — an intru-
sion, being a repetition from ver. 34.
V. II. 'the king (I say) thy father' — an intrusion,
vi. 4. ' neither was any error ... in him.' A dittograph.
LXX and Theod. omit.
7. ' or man ' — rightly omitted by LXX.
12. ' or man '—rightly omitted by LXX.
15. Theod. omits 'assembled together unto the king
and ' — LXX omits clause — and transposes this verse
before 13.
vii. I. 'told the sum of the matters. Daniel spake
and said ' —(a gloss ?).
5. ' another ... a second ' — one word a gloss.
II. 'I beheld' — a gloss.
1 7. * which are four ' — a gloss,
viii. 21. ' [rough] he-goat.'
24. * but not by his own power '—repeated from ver. 22.
ix. 4-19. An addition to the text found in all the
authorities.
X. 4. ' which is Hiddekel '—an addition.
8. ' I retained no strength ' — an addition.
9. ' with my face '— LXX and Pesh. omit.
2i-xi. 2. Primitive dislocation with corruption of the
text and glosses,
xii. II, 12. Glosses.
§ 8. Textual Authorities of the Rook of Daniel
AND their Relations represented in a Genea-
logical Table.
We are now in a position to represent provisionally the
affinities of the lost and existing textual authorities of the
Book of Daniel.
INTRODUCTION
XXXUl
Aramaic (?) Archetype of the Book of Daniel, 165 b. c.
Glossed Text in Hebrew and Aramaic.
Semitic Text with
dislocation of order
in Chapters IV-VI,
(xst cent. B.C.).
Semitic Text in
and cent, a.d
LXX, circ. 145 B.C.*
Vulgate,
4th cent. A.D.
Revised LXX,
circ. A.D. I.
Peshitto,
2nd cent. a.d.
Version of
Theodotion,
circ. A.D. 160.
Massoretic Text,
circ. A.D. 700.
Tetraplaric Text,
circ. A.D. 220.
I !
Chigi MS., Syr. Version of
nth cent. Paul of Telia,
A.D. A.D. 616-617.
§ 9. Date of the Book.
As a result of modern research it is now generally
agreed amongst scholars that the Book of Daniel was
written in or shortly before 165 B.C. The chief reasons
for these conclusions are as follows : —
' This date is of course hypothetical It is a conclusion
from the fact that the Hellenistic Jew who wrote tlie 3rd Book
of the Sibyllines (circ. 140 B.c.i refers to the ten horns in
Daniel.
xxxiv THE BOOK OF DANIEL
I. There is no evidence in Jewish literature writtefi before
190 B.C. of the existence of the Book of Daniel.
1. The position of the book amongst the Hagiograplia
and not amongst the Prophetical works indicates that the
Book of Daniel was introduced into the Jewish Canon
after the collection of the Prophets had been closed, and
this was done apparently not earlier than the third
century B.C.
The Jewish Canon consists of three divisions: first the
Law or Pentateuch, the first formal collection of Jewish
sacred books ; secondly the Prophets, consisting of the
historical books, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings, and the
Prophets properly so called, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and
the twelve Minor Prophets.
The exclusion of Daniel from this second division is
sufficient to prove that the book did not exist when the
Canon of the Prophets was completed *. It is to be
observed also that even in the Hagiographa Daniel is
enumerated near the end after Esther.
2. The silence of Jesus the son of Sirach (^.190 B.C.)
touching Daniel may prove that Daniel was unknown to
him. This writer, in his list of Israel's worthies, chapters
xliv-1, mentions Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the
twelve Minor Prophets collectively, but says not a word
of Daniel. If Daniel had been known to him, with his
roll of achievements unparalleled in the O. T., the writer
could hardly have said, as in xlix. 15, that no one had
ever been born like unto Joseph.
3. The oldest testimofiies to the existence of Daniel belong
to the years 140-107 B.c.^
' Daniel's use of the phrase '■the books' in ix. 2 seems to
indicate that the prophetic canon was already closed.
2 In the oldest section of i Enoch, i.e. in xiv. 18, 19, 22,
xxi. 5, there are phrases which are found in Daniel vii. 9, 10, 16.
These may be absolutely independent of each other, or they
maj' spring from a common source. The same no doubt holds
true of I Enoch Ixxxix. 40 compared with Daniel xi. 16, 41.
INTRODUCTION xxxv
Sibylline s. In the third book of the Sibyllines, 388-400
{c. 140 B.C.), there is a manifest reference to Epiphanes
and the ten horns in Daniel vii. 7, 20, 24.
Testaments of the XII Patriai'chs. In this work, which
was written probably 109-107 B.C., there are several indu-
bitable references to the text of Daniel. See my edition,
p. 238. In I Maccabees {c. 100 B.C.), chapter ii. 59, 60,
the words assigned to the dying priest Mattathias make
mention of the miraculous deliverance of Daniel and his
three companions.
Thus from external testimony we conclude that the Book
of Daniel was written between 190-140 B.C. The rest of
the evidence as to the date rests on internal grounds.
II. First, the writer's ijtaccurate acquaintance with the
events of the exile and the immediately subsequent
history J secondly , his very accurate knoiuledge of the
third century B.C. and the first thirty-three years of
the second century B.C., for which he is accepted
by historical critics as a first-class authority; and
thirdly, the vague generalities which ??iark the tran-
sition of the nan'ative as it passes from the region of
history into that of prophecy about the years 167-165
B.C. These facts can hardly be explained unless on
the ass7cmptio?i that the book was written belwten the
years 167-165 B.C.
The above facts are manifest to eveiy unbiased student
of the work, and the proofs of these statements will be
found in the Commentary in connexion with the passages
concerned. It follows as a matter of course that the author
should have a more accurate acquaintance with the history
of his own time than with that of preceding centuries. If
the book were written at the time of the exile the most
accurate part of the book would be that which dealt with
events from the time of Nebuchadnezzar to that of Cyrus,
but this is just the part of the book which is least historical.
The most important inaccuracies are as follows : —
xxxvi THE BOOK OF DANIEL
(a) The transportation of Jehoiachim in the third year of
his reign : see note on i. 2.
(d) The use of the term Chaldeans, not in its ethnic
sense, but as denoting a learned class amongst the Baby-
lonians : see note on i. 4.
(c) The assumption that the court language at Babylon
was Aramaic : see note on ii. 4 ; but the text here may not
be original.
(^) The designation of Nebuchadnezzar as ' the king of
kings ' : see note on ii. 37.
(e) The use of the term * satraps ' : see note on iii. 2.
(/) The seven years' insanity of Nebuchadnezzar : see
introduction to chapter iv, p. 38.
(g) The representation of Belshazzar as son and suc-
cessor of Nebuchadnezzar : see introduction to chapter v,
pp. 48 sqq.
(A) The Median Empire of Darius, who is said to have
been the sole and independent ruler of Babylon before
Cyrus : see note on v. 31.
From the above facts it follows that our author had a
very inaccurate knowledge of the history of the Babylonian
period as it appears in the Cuneiform records, and that
for his knowledge of this period he was indebted to con-
temporary tradition in which the events of Babylonian
history often appear in a distorted form. Of the Persian
period his knowledge appears to be scant if not also un-
trustworthy : see note on xi. 2.
But when we come down to the Greek period, the case
is wholly different and our author becomes here an actual
historical source. This holds specially with the sections
that deal with the Egyptian campaigns of Antiochus
(xi. 25-39) and his persecution of the Jews. His repre-
sentation of Antiochus, who became to aftertimes the pro-
totype of the Antichrist, is of extreme value ; he recounts
the desecration of the altar of burnt offering (Dec. 15,
168 B.C. : he refers to the Maccabean revolt and, as he
designates it 'a little help,' xi. 34, he is acquainted with
INTRODUCTION xxxvii
the first Maccabean victories. He predicts the impending
death of Antiochus Epiphanes, but with details as to
place which conflicted with actual facts (see note on xi. 45).
The rededication of the Sanctuary, Dec. 25, 165 B.C., was
to him still in the future (see note on viii. 14).
The limits of the date are therefore easy to determine.
The book must, therefore, have been written before 165 B.C.
and after 167 B. c. ; for we cannot ascribe the victories
of Judas Maccabaeus over Apollonius and Seron to a later
date. These victories at all events must be in the back-
ground according to chapter xi. 34 ^
§ 10. Chronological Tables
I. Neo- Baby Ionian Kings and Notable Events.
B.C.
Nabopolassar — at first a viceroy of Babylon under
the sons and successors of Assur-bani-pal, but
subsequently the king and independent ruler
of Babylon on the destruction of the Assyrian
empire by the Medes .... 625-605
Nebuchadnezzar, as crown prince, defeats the
Egyptian forces at Carchemish (Jer. xlvi. 2) on
the Euphrates and recovers all Western Asia . 605
Nebuchadnezzar — king of the Chaldaeans (see note
on this term, p. 7) and of Babylon . . 604-561
Amel-Marduk, i.e. Evil-Merodach (2 Kings xxv. 27
sqq.), son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar 561-559
' Other facts point in the direction of a late date. An
exilic date for the book is excluded by its use of many words
derived from the Persian, these are referred to in notes on
i- 3. 5. ii- 5, 6, 9, 18, iii. 2, 21, 24, xi. 7, xi. 45.
But, furthermore, there are three words borrowed from the
Greek, see note on iii. 5. It is only natural to assume that
these did not obtain currency in the East till after the time of
Alexander the Great,
Finally, the fact, that our author was acquainted with the
Book of Jeremiah and 2 Chron. xxxvi, see note on i. i,
postulates a date not earlier than the third century B.C., while
the eschatology demands a still later period.
XXXVlll
THE BOOK OF DANIEL
B.C.
Nergal-Sharezer (Neriglissar), having assassinated
his brother-in-law Amel-Marduk, reigned 559-556
Labashi-Marduk, son of Nergal-Sharezer, reigned
only nine months, being murdered by his
nobles 55^-555
Nabuna'id, the last king of the Chaldaeans, who
was not a descendant of Nebuchadnezzar, but
the son of Nabu-balatsu-ikbi, seized the throne
and became king 555*538
Cyrus, king of Anshan (558), overthrows the
Median empire (550), becomes king of Persia
circa 547, takes Nabuna'id, and makes himself
master of Babylon, over which Belshazzar,
son of Nabuna'id, had been governor (?)
Cyrus thus becomes king of Babylon
Cambyses, his son, becomes king .
Conquers Egypt (which remains a
Persia till 332)
Darius I, Hystaspis, king of Persia
Xerxes (=Ahasuerus in O.T.)
Artaxerxes
Darius II, Nothus .
Artaxerxes II, Mnemon .
538
538-529
• • .529
province of
Artaxerxes III, Ochus .
Darius III, Codomanus .
Conquered by Alexander
II. The earlier Seleucidae.
The Empire of the Seleucidae over Syria
Babylon founded by Seleucus I, Nicator
Antiochus I, Soter .
Antiochus II, Theos
Seleucus II, Callinicus .
Seleucus III, Ceraunus .
Antiochus III, the Great
Seleucus IV, Philopator .
Antiochus IV, Epiphanes
• 525
521-486
485-465
465-425
423-404
404-359
359-338
336-331
. 331
and
312-280
279-261
261-246
246-226
226-223
222-187
186-176
X75-164
INTRODUCTION
XXXIX
III. The earlier Ptolemies. B.C.
Ptolemy I, Soter, became ruler of Egypt . 322-285
Ptolemy II, Philadelphus .... 285-247
Ptolemy III, Euergetes I . . . . 247-222
Ptolemy IV, Philopator 222-205
Ptolemy V, Epiphanes 205-182
Ptolemy [VI], Eupator 182
Ptolemy VI [VII], Philometor, sole king . 182-170
Ptolemy Philometor \ . . ... .^^ r^.
Ptolemy VII, Euergetes II ( ■'e-gmng conjomtly 17^164
Ptolemy Philometor, sole king . . . 164-146
IV. Events in Jewish history from the time of Jehoiakim
to the death of Antiochtis Epiphanes.
Jehoiakim rebels against Nebuchadnezzar. Judea
laid waste by the inroads of hostile nations
including the Chaldaeans (2 Kings xxiv. 1-4).
[According to 2 Chron. xxxvi. 6, 7 Nebuchad-
nezzar himself invades Judea, and carries off
Jehoiakim and some of the vessels of the
Temple to Babylon — a tradition thus existed
'^ as early as 300 B.C. which in part forms the
basis of Dan. i. i, 2]
Jehoiakim carried captive to Babylon with all the
sacred vessels of the Temple ....
Captivity of Zedekiah and destruction of Jerusalem
First return of exiles under Cyrus ....
Second return with Ezra .....
Conquest of Palestine by Alexander the Great
Struggle between Ptolemy I and Antigonus over
the possession of Palestine, which results in
Palestine becoming a province of Egypt for
nearly 100 years
The marriage of Antiochus II with Berenice, the
daughter of Ptolemy II (Dan. xi. 6)
B.C.
602
597
586
538
458
332
301
248
xl THE BOOK OF DANIEL
Fresh wars between Ptolemy III and Seleucus II B.C.
(Dan. xi. 7 sqq.) 246
Antiochus III makes himself master of Palestine
but is forced to retire from it through his
defeat at Raphia by Ptolemy IV . . 217
Conquest of Palestine by Antiochus 111 . . . 202
Despite the attempts of Egypt (200 B. c.) this con-
quest maintained (Dan. xi. 13 sqq.). . . 198
Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus III, married to
Ptolemy V (Dan. xi. 17) 197
Seleucus IV, acting on information given by Simon,
who was at strife with the H igh Priest Onias III,
attempts to make himself master of the Temple
treasures through his chief minister Heliodorus
(Dan. xi. 20) 176
Accession of Antiochus IV to the throne of Syria
(Dan. vii. 8, 11, 20, viii. 9, 23, xi. 21) . . 176
The High Priest, Onias III, leader of the Chasidim,
deposed by Antiochus, and his brother Jason,
the leader of the hellenizing Jews, appointed in
his stead 175
Jason deposed in favour of Menelaus and Onias III
murdered at the instigation of the latter (Dan.
ix. 26, xi. 22, I Enoch xc. 8, 2 Mace. iv. 33-5) . 171
Antiochus IV invades Egypt in a campaign, the
first stage of which ended with the victory
near Pelusium, and the second with the con-
quest of Egypt (Dan. xi. 25-7, I Mace. i. 16-
19). Jason having in the meantime reinstated
himself in Jerusalem by force, Antiochus on his
return from Egypt expels him, plunders the
Temple, and massacres many Jews (Dan. viii.
9^-10, xi. 28, I Mace. i. 21-28) . . . 170
Antiochus, making his second expedition against
Egypt, obliged to retire before the Roman
legate Popilius Laenas,and to give up his claims
on the country 169
INTRODUCTION xli
Jerusalem taken by surprise by Apollonius on the B. C.
Sabbath day, many Jews slaughtered or driven
into exile, and a Syrian garrison established in
the citadel. The complete suppression of the
Jewish religion ordered by Antiochus. The
observance of the Sabbath and circumcision
forbidden. Books of the Law burnt, the daily
sacrifice abolished, and a heathen altar, i.e.
' The Abomination of Desolation,' set up in
the Temple on the 15th of Chisleu (December)
168 (Dan. vii. 21, 24^, 25, viii. il, 12, 13^, 24,
25, ix. 26^ 27a, xi. 30^-35, xii. i, 7, il) . 169-168
The revolt of the Jews against Antiochus under
Mattathias and his sons (Dan. xi. 37, I Enoch
xc. 9 sqq., I Mace, ii) 167
The death of Mattathias. Judas his son defeats and
slays the Syrian generals Apollonius and Seron
(l Mace. iii. 1-24), and subsequently routs
Gorgias at Emmaus (I Mace. iii. 25-iv. 27), and
Lysias at Beth-Zur (i Mace. iv. 28-35) • 166-165
Recovery of Jerusalem, with the exception of the
citadel. The cleansing and rededication of the
Temple on the 25ih of Chisleu, three years and
ten days after its desecration. Successful inva-
sion of Edomites, Ammonites, Philistines, and
other Gentile nations (i Mace, v) . . . 165
Antiochus, owing to lack of money, attempts to
pillage a temple in Elymais in Persia, but is
beaten off by the inhabitants of the town, and
soon afterwards dies at Taboe in that same
country (Dan. vii. 11, 26, viii. 14^ 25, ix. 26^,
27^ xi. 45^, xii. 7, II, 12) ... .164
§ II. Theology.
Although this book is the forerunner and herald of
most subsequent apocalyptic developments, it is not by
any means the earliest. Its outlook, moreover, is in the
D
xlii THE BOOK OF DANIEL
main contined to this world. Its hopes are directed,
not to the after-world, with its retributions for the indivi-
dual, but to the setting up of a world-empire of Israel
which is to displace the heathen, to a Messianic kingdom
on earth. Accordingly, it extends neither promise nor
threatening to the individual as such^ but only to those
individuals who have in an extraordinary degree helped
or hindered the advent of this kingdom. To the former,
the martyrs, the great saints, and teachers (xii. 2^ it
holds forth the blessedness of a resurrection to life ; to the
latter, the Jewish apostate, it proclaims a resurrection to
shame and everlasting contempt, i.e. to Gehenna. As
for the majority of the nation, who are neither over-much
righteous nor over-much wicked, their lot is of no concern
to the kingdom, and Sheol remains their eternal abode.
Sheol, which is called the land of dust ixii. 2), retains its
O.T. heathen character as a non-moral region. It thus
possesses a peculiar character in our author. It is the
inter7}iediate abode of the very good and of the very bad
in Israel, and the eterttal abode of the rest of Israel and
of all the Gentiles. The eschatological outlook of the
individual is very imperfectly conceived, or at all events
very imperfectly delineated. For we might ask, are the
risen righteous to live for ever in the Messianic kingdom ?
The supernatural character of the kingdom would point
to this (cf. vii. 17, 18), and yet the description in vii. 17,
where the continued existence of * the peoples, nations,
and languages' as subject to this kingdom is difficult to
reconcile with the immortality of the individual righteous
upon the earth, though it is quite reconcilable with the
eternity of the Messianic kingdom.
We have, however, overlooked the manner in which the
kingdom is to be introduced. It is to be catastrophic.
When evil reaches its culmination, and the need of the
saints is greatest (vii. 21, 22, xii. i), when the Antichrist
in the person of Antiochus Epiphanes is warring down
the saints, God Himself will intervene, and the throne of
INTRODUCTION xliii
judgement be set up (vii. 9}, and the world powers over-
thrown (vii. II, 12), and the kingdom of the saints shall
be set up, which shall break in pieces and consume all
the kingdoms of the world and make them subject (ii. 44),
and all the surviving nations shall serve them. It is to
this kingdom that the righteous, of whom we have already
spoken, shall rise.
The writer of this book uses the be)ief in the angelic
patrons of the nations to explain the national reverses,
and likewise the delay in the establishment of the Mes-
sianic kingdom. Persia has its angelic guardian (x. 13,
20), and likewise Greece (x. 20), while the patron angel
of Israel is Michael (x. 21, xii. i).
The writer's use of this conception implies that the
real successes and reverses of Israel are already achieved
in heaven according to the varying fortunes of the angelic
encounters. It is difficult to reconcile this conception
with that of the triumphant kingdom of the saints and
the final judgement executed by God in chapter vii. 26.
Attention might be called to the following points : The
trequent condemnation of idolatry in chapters iii and v, the
rules as to clean and unclean food (i. 8-16), the giving of
alms and good works (iv. 27), the Bath-Kol (iv. 31), or voice
from heaven (iv. 28), the three hours of prayer (vi. lo).
§ 12. Bibliography.
During the first eighteen centuries of the Christian era
the authenticity and integrity of the Book of Daniel were
assumed as a matter of course, except in the twelfth Book of
Porphyry's Treatise against the Christians (KaTaXpia-Tiafiov).
Porphyry was a neo-l'latonic philosopher, and lived about
the years A.D. 233-304. One division of this work was
intended to prove that the Book of Daniel was written by
a Palestinian Jew in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes.
He pointed out that the prophecies of Daniel are a correct
record of events till the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, but
from that date onwards they were simply guesses. This
D a
xliv THE BOOK OF DANIEL
theory of Porphyry was in the opinion of his contemporaries
and of subsequent generations so successfully refuted by
the counter-treatises of Jerome, Methodius, Eusebius of
Caesarea, and Apollinaris, that it was not fully revived
till the nineteenth century. In the eighteenth century
Sir Isaac Newton in a work on Daniel and Revelation
expressly states that to reject Daniel's prophecies ' is to
reject the Christian religion.' It is true, however, that
Collins {The Scheme of Literal Prophecy consideted, 1726)
argued for the Maccabean date of the book, but apparently
for the time without 'result.
The first serious work to do justice to the historical
problems of the book was that of Bertholdt {Datneliieu
ubersetzt tmd e?'kiarf ) . His hypothesis, however, ofseveral
distinct authors drew upon him the adverse criticism of
Gesenius, Bleek, and DeWette, who, however, accepted the
Maccabean date.
Since the time of the last-mentioned works practically
all the foremost scholars have maintained the unity of
the work, and at the same time its Maccabean date.
The upholders, of course, of ecclesiastical tradition
laboured hard to maintain the asserted early date of
the work. The chief writers of this class during the
nineteenth century were Hengstenberg, Havernick, Auber-
len, and in our own country Pusey. These and subse-
quent scholars, not only of this school but of their oppo-
nents, laboured under a complete misapprehension of the
nature of the Apocalyptic. This appears in all their
works, as the following passage from Pusey typical of the
orthodox school amply proves : ' The Book of Daniel . . .
is either divine or an imposture. To write any book
under the name of another, and to give it out to be his,
is, in any case, a forgery, dishonest in itself, and destruc-
tive of all trustworthiness. But the case as to the Book
of Daniel, if it were not his, would go far even beyond
this. The writer, were he not Daniel, must have lied on
a most frightful scale, ascribing to God prophecies which
INTRODUCTION xlv
were never uttered. ... In a word, the whole book would
be one lie in the name of God.' See § 3.
But the ultra standpoint of Pusey was not maintained
by all the so-called defenders of Daniel, and a whole
series of writers adopted an intermediate course, and
sought to reconcile the statements of the text with the
results of historical criticism. The latest representative of
this school has been C. H. H. Wright.
The chief Commentaries for the last sixty years have
been : F. Hitzig (in the Kgf. Handb.), 1850 ; H. Ewald in
Die Proph. des AB.s"^ (1886), iii. 298 ff. (in transl. , v.i 52 ff.);
E. B. Pusey, Daniel the Prophet^, 1869; Keil, 1869;
O. Zockler, 1869 ; Fuller in the Speaker's Commentary y
1876; Meinhold, 1889; Bevan, 1892 (very original);
Behrmann, 1894; Farrar {Expositor's Bibie), 1895;
Prince, 1899; Driver {Cambridge Bible), 1900 (very
learned) ; Marti, 1901 ; Jahn, Das Buck Daniel nachder
Septuaginta hergestellt, 1904 — a suggestive but very
extravagant work ; C. H. H. Wright, Daniel audits Critics
and Daniel and his Prophecies, 1906.
Special treatises and articles : Cornill, ' Die siebzig
Jahrwochen Daniels' in Theol. Stud. u. Skizzen, 1889;
Kamphausen, Das Bitch Daniel und die neuere Ge-
schichtsforschung, 1893 ; Von Gall, Die Einheitlichkeit
des Buches Daniely 1895.
The Versions : Bludau, Die Alexandrinische Uber-
setzung des Buches Daniel und ihr Verhdltniss zwn
Massorethischefi Text, 1 897. This is a valuable contribu-
tion. A very much slighter work with a few good sugges-
tions is Riessler^s Das Buch Daniel, 1899
Besides the above works the reader will find valuable
material in the O. T. introductions of Driver, Cornill,
Konig, &c. A very full bibliography covering the whole
field is to be found in C. H. H. Wright, Daniel and its
Critics, pp. xviii-xxxvii.
THE BOOK OF DANIEL
REVISED VERSION WITH ANNOTATIONS
4 DANIEL 1. 3
a salem, and besieged it. And the Lord gave Jehoiakim
king of Judah into his hand, with part of the vessels of
chadnezzar, did not die till the fourth year of Jehoiakim (Jer. xxv.
1, xlvi. a), the title here is used proleptically.
2. This verse is in part interpolated. The contextual evidence
is against tlie originality of the phrase (i) 'to the house of his
god ' (see note inloc), or rather against that of (2) ' to the house
of his god and the vessels.' The Syro-hexaplaric Syriac marks the
latter as an addition : the Chigi MS. might be quoted in favour
of either view, but really supports Syr.**. Hence the textual evi-
dence here supports the contextual evidence. But accordingly
as we accept (i) or (3) the resulting form of the text will vary
considerably. Let us with Marti (and Driver) consider (i) first.
(i) If only the words * to the house of his god' are interpolated
then the text is defective, for the last clause, which should be trans-
lated 'and as for the vessels he brought (them) into the treasure
house of his god,' implies that the text originally contained a refer-
ence to the captives (some of whom are actually specified in
vcr. 3) and the booty carried off by Nebuchadnezzar. Hence the
verse should be rendered as follows, the clause in brackets being
of course a purely hypothetical restoration (by Ewald; : ' And the
Lord gave Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand {and the noblest
of the land) and part of the vessels of the house of God ; and he
carried them into the land of Shinar. And as for the vessels he
brought (them) into the treasure house of his god.' The last
clause of this verse tells what the king did with the vessels of the
Temple: the next two verses give the king's commands with
regard to some of the noblest of the captives.
(a) If the larger phrase is an interpolation the problem is less
complex. We should then translate: 'And the Lord gave
Jehoiakim king of Judah into his hand, and part of the vessels of
the house of God ; and he carried them into the land of Shinar,
^and) he brought them into the treasure house of his god.' In
this case the writer concerns himself wholly with the overthrow
of the king and the deportation of the sacred vessels to Babylon,
as I Esdras i. 40, 41, 45, 54, ii. 10, vi. 18, a6, a Chron. xxxvi. 7,
although other captives and booty must have been taken. These
parallel accounts undoubtedly support this shorter form of the
text.
tli« Lord, i. e. Adonai. This designation of God is used only
here and in ch. ix. 3 (note).
with part of tlia vessels. Nebuchadnezzar raided the
Temple three times : first in Jehoiakim's reign, when he took part
of the vessels (a Cliron. xxxvi. 7"^, as in our text ; secondly, in
Jehoiachin's reign (a Chron. xxxvi. 10); and finally in Zedekiah's
DANIEL 1. a JJ
the house of God ; and he carried them into the land
of Shinar to the house of his god : and he brought the
reign (ibid, xxxvi. 18-19). In a Kings xxiv. sq. there is no
mention of the king taking the sacred vessels of the Temple in
Jehoiakim's reign, though his plundering of the Temple and Jeru-
salem in Jehoiachin's reign is recounted at length in xxiv. ia-i6.
the house of God. This is the usual name for the Temple in
post-exilic writers, but it is once applied to the sanctuary in
Shiloh (Judg. xviii. 31). In the earlier books the expression
* house of Yahweh ' was always used. Our text avoids the use
of this divine name, as do other late books.
carried them. If we retain the words 'the vessels' in the
following clause, the pronoun here must embrace not onlj' the
vessels, but the captives and all the booty taken by Nebuchad-
nezzar. If we refer it only to the Temple vessels we cannot
explain the words * the vessels ' in the next clause. Instead of
'the vessels ' we should have expected only 'them.* Moreover,
these words are placed in the most emphatic position in the
clause, ' and as for the vessels he brought, &c.' If, then, the words
' the vessels ' are original and in their original position, this clearly
implied that something other than vessels, i.e. captives. &c., was
dealt with in the preceding clause. But, if with Syr." and the
LXX we reject them, then the pronoun refers only to the sacred
vessels.
into the land of Bhinar. Shinar, or rather Shin'ar, is
mentioned eight times : Gen. x. 10, xi. a, xiv. i, 9, Joshua vii. 21,
Isa. xi. II, Zech. v. 11, Dan. i. a, and stands for Babylon in the
O.T. It has not, however, been found in the Inscriptions.
Various attempts at its identification will be found in the Bible
Dictionaries. The word is an archaism. In the LXX the words
' to Babylon ' are inserted. They may be an explanatory gloss (?).
In exilic times and later writers spoke of Babylonia as ' the land
of Babylon,' Jer. li. 29, or 'the land of the Chaldeans,' Ezek. xii.
13. The LXX here reads ' to Babylon, to the land of Shinar,'
and Syr.^ ' to Babylon.'
[to the house of his ifod.] This phrase was omitted in the
LXX, as is clear from the evidence of the LXX and the Syr.**.
The context also is against its genuineness, as Marti and Driver
recognize, though the latter admits it to be possible. The captives
and the booty in general were not placed in the heathen temple.
Marti takes the phrase to be a gloss on the words 'the treasure
house of his god ' in the next clause, which was subsequently
transposed wrongly into its present position. See note on * the
treasure house of his god.*
and he brought the vessels. Read ' and as for the vessels
6 DANIEL 1. 3,4
3 vessels into the treasure house of his god. And the king
spake unto Ashpenaz the master of his eunuchs, that he
should bring in certain of the children of Israel, even of
4 the seed royal and of the nobles ; youths in whom was
he brought (them) ' — that is, if we follow the Massoretic text.
But it is best to read with the LXX: 'and he set them up' {kuI
anT]pfi(raTo avTo). The Greek verb in the LXX occurs three times
in I Esdras i. 41, ii. 10, vi. 18 in this very same connexion. The
parallel passages in the O.T, to these passages are respectively
2 Chron. xxxvi. 7, Ezra i. 7, v. 14.
into the treasure house of his g'od. The statement in our
text is confirmed by Ezra i. 7, v. 14, i Esdras i. 41, ii. ib, vi. 18 : but
the Oxford Hebrew Lexicon states that in 2 Chron. xxxvi. 7 hekal
is to be rendered * palace ' and not * temple.' But the LXX
renders it naos ( = ' temple '), and carries with it the entire tradi-
tion connected with the question.
3-5. Nebuchadnezzar commands Ashpenaz to have educated
for the king's service certain youths; of the Jewish captivity, belong-
ing both to the royal family and the nobility.
3. spake unto, rather * commanded,' as in ver. 18, The
Hebrew word is Hterally * said.'
Ashpenaz. So also Theodotion, In Jos. Anf, x. 10. 2 the
name appears as ' Aschanes' ('Ao'xaj'T^s). No explanation of this
name has yet been given by Ass3'riologists. It is probably corrupt.
The LXX gives ' Abiesdri ' {'AfiitaSpi). The d is here parasitic, as
in ' Esdras.' Hence ' Abiezer,' which is preserved in Syr.*^, is the
form presupposed by the LXX.
master of his eunuchs. The expression rab san'sim here
instead of say sarisitn, 'prince of the eunuchs,' as in verses 7, 11,
is characteristic of later Hebrew. Eunuchs were employed in
Oriental courts as the chief officers of the king. But the word
saris does not always mean eunuch. We might compare the title
'Rabsaris' in a Kings xviii. 17.
children of Israel. We should probably with the LXX
read * children of the princes of Israel.' Theod. presupposes a
text that is a corruption of the original of the LXX.
even of the seed royal. This rendering 'even of the seed
royal ' implies that both the members of the royal family and
the nobles were Israelites, which seems right.
nobles. The Hebrew parfniint, found elsewhere in the
O.T. in Esther i. 3, vi. 9, is probably a Persian loan-word : cf.
/ratama ^ 'first' : and the Sanskrit prathavna. rrpoJTos is akin
philologically to these words.
DANIEL 1. 5 7
no blemish, but well favoured, and skilful in all wisdom,
and cunning in knowledge, and understanding science,
and such as had ability to stand in the king's palace;
and that he should teach them the learning and the
tongue of the Chaldeans. And the king appointed for 5
4. no blemish. The perfection here asserted is physical, as
in Lev. xxi. 17. Such perfection could not belong to eunuchs.
cunning'. This is simply an archaism for ' knowing.'
science. The word madda' is borrowed from the Aramaic,
but is found also in Chronicles and Ecclesiastes.
learning*. Render ' literature,' as also in i. 17. The
Hebrew is sepher. Both Greek versions render ypafifxaTa.
the tongue of the Chaldaeans. The term 'Chaldaeans'
(^Hebrew, Kasdim : Greek XaXSaioi) has two meanings in Daniel.
1°. // has an ethnic significonce in v. 30, ix. i. The Chaldaeans
are frequently referred to in the Inscriptions from the ninth
century onwards. They lived originally to the SE. of Babylonia
proper in the land of Kaldu, bordering on the Persian Gulf
Strabo xvi. i. 6\ Being a vigorous nation they pressed steadily
inland into Bab3'lonia, and despite their repeated defeats by the
Assyrians they so far gained the upper hand as to make a tem-
porary- conquest of Babylon under Merodach-baladan in 721. For
the next hundred years the Chaldaeans and Assyrians were
constantly at war and it was not till the reign of Nabopolassar
1,625-605), the father of Nebuchadnezzar, that the Chaldaean
dynasty was firmly established in Babylon. This dynasty held
the throne till the conquest of Babylon under Cyrus in 538 B. c.
For this ethnic use of the term compare Isa. xliii. 14, xlviii. 14,
20, Jer. xxi. 9, Ezek. xxiii. 14, 15, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 17.
2°. // denotes a caste of wise men in i. 4, ii. 2, 4, 5, 10, iv. 7,
V. 7, II, and probably in iii. 8. As the Chaldaean became syno-
nymous ethnically with the Babylonian from the time of Nabo-
polassar, so after the Persian conquest the term began to be
a designation of the Babylonian literati and a synonym for
soothsayer, magician, astronomer, and astrologer. Of this meaning
of the word there is not a trace in the Inscriptions : it is first
found in Herod, i. 181, 183 (fifth century B. c). In Strabo xvi.
I. 6 (first century e.g.) the Chaldaeans are mentioned in both
meanings of the term : first as a tribe living in the ancient home of
the race on the Persian Gulf, and secondly as a class of learned
men who lived in a certain quarter reserved for them in Babylon
and devoted themselves to the study of astronomy. A fuller
account is given in Diodorus Siculus ii. 29, which describes them
as priests, wise men, diviners, astrologers, and magicians. But
S DANIEL 1. 6, 7
them a daily portion of the king's « meat, and of the wine
which he drank, and that they should be nourished three
years ; that at the end thereof they might stand before
6 the king. Now among these were, of the children of
7 Judah, Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah. And
* Or, dainties
though this meaning of the term Chaldaean was comparatively
late in origin, the practice of divination and astrology, such as our
text refers to the Chaldaeans, belongs to the earliest antiquit}'.
That the study of dreams and their interpretation had been
elaborated as early as 3000 b. c. has been shown by King {Hist, oj
Sumer and Akkad, 1910, pp. 124, 266). In 2800 b.c. divination
by oil was practised, and the observation of omens in the later
Sumerian period. * The texts relating to soothsaying and exor-
cism are so exceedingly numerous as to form the chief component
of the whole Babylonian religious literature ' (Zimmern in
Hastings, DRE., ii. 316). Thus the Chaldaean wise men of Babylon
simply took over the functions of the priestly soothsayers, diviners,
and astrologers which had been practised in Babylonia from
prehistoric times. On the names given to the various members
of this caste see the note on ii. 2.
5. a daily portion of the kiug''s meat (or 'dainties'). A
yearly portion is mentioned in 1 Kings x. 25, 2 Chron. ix. 24. The
word rendered 'dainties' is a Persian loan-word, patibaga, signi-
fying 'portion,' 'offering,' from the Ssinskrit praii-bhdga. This
word was transliterated into Greek as Tror/iSa^ty, which, according
to a fragment of Dinon's Persica (c. 340 B.C.), preserved in
Athenaeus xi. 503, consisted of a meal of barley or wheaten cakes
and wine.
three years. According to Plato, A/k. i. § 37, the education
of the chosen youths under the royal teachers began at the age
of fourteen. For the previous seven years they had been trained
to ride and hunt. At the age of seventeen they entered the king's
service (Xen. Cyr. i. 2%
they luigrht stand before the king, i. e. serve him. Cf.
ver. 19, Deut. i. 38, &c. But the text of the LXX seems pre-
ferable : ' that he might present them before the king.' Not until
they had been approved by the king were they admitted to his
service.
6-7. These verses introduce the four young nobles of the
tribe of Judah with whom the following narratives are mainlj'
concerned.
6. Daniel. Three other Daniels are mentioned in the OT. :
DANIEL 1. 8 9
the prince of the eunuchs gave names unto them : unto
Daniel he gave the ?iame of Belteshazzar ; and to Ha-
naniah, <?/ Shadrach ; and to Mishael, ^ Meshach ; and
to Azariah, of Abed-nego. But Daniel purposed in his 8
i" the Patriarch in Ezek. xiv. 14, 20, xxviii. 3, who, from his
juxtaposition with Noah and Job, cannot be the Daniel of our
narrative who was a mere boy at the time of the Exile ; a° a son
of David, i Chron. iii. i ; 3° a certain Levite, Ezra viii. 2,
Neh. X. 6.
Mishael. This name (see Exod. vi. 22, Lev. x. 4), which
signifies 'who is what God is,' is identical in meaning with
Michael.
7. It was not unusual for the names of individuals to be changed
on the occasion of some change in their position or circumstances.
See Gen. xli. 45, Ruth i. 20, a Kings xxiii. 34, xxiv. 17, and
especially Acts xiii. 9.
he gave. Better omit with the two Greek versions.
Belteshazzar. This name, which recurs in ii. 26, iv. 8, 9,
18, 19, V. 12, x. 1, is not to be confounded with Belshazzar in v. i
(where see note) as is done in the LXX, Theod., and Vulgate.
Belteshazzar ^ balatsu-usnr, 'protect his life.' The wrong vocali-
zation led to the finding of the name of Bel in this proper name.
See iv. 8,
Shadraoh. This name is said by F. Delitzsch to be the
equivalent of Shudur-aku, 'the command of Aku,' i. e. the moon-
deity Sin. Jahn thinks that it is corrupt for ' Marduk.'
Meshach. The explanation of this word by F. Delitzsch is
not very probable. He regards it as a hybrid word partly of
Hebrew and partly of Babylonian origin, Mi-sha-Akju, ' who
is what Aku is.' With this we might compare Mishael in ver. 6.
Abed-nego, a corruption of ' Abed-nebo,' 'servant of Nebo.'
The more usual form would be 'Amel-Nebo,' but 'Abed' or
' Abd ' is found, as a glance at the index in Schrader's A'^7'.'
will prove. Bevan notes that long after the Christian era ' this
name was borne by heathen Syrians (^Cureton's Atjcient Syriac
Docuntents, p. 14 of the Syriac text, line 5).
8-16. Loyalty of Daniel and his companions to their religion,
and their consequent superiority physically to the other youths
that were being educated with a view to the king's service.
8-10. The loyalty of Daniel and his companions was shown in
their observance of the laws of their religion regarding clean and
unclean meats. The need of this loyalty was felt to be of supreme
moment in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, who was exerting
all his power to hellenize the Jews. To eat of unlawful food in
lo DANIEL 1. 9, 10
heart that he would not defile himself with the king's
meat, nor with the wine which he drank : therefore he
requested of the prince of the eunuchs that he might not
9 defile himself. Now God made Daniel to find favour
and compassion in the sight of the prince of the eunuchs.
10 And the prince of the eunuchs said unto Daniel, I fear
my lord the king, who hath appointed your meat and
your drink : for why should he see your faces worse
liking than the youths which are of your own age ? so
such circumstances was as sinful as idolatry itself. Hence the
faithful had to abstain from the food of the heathen, not only
because the Levitical laws as to clean and unclean animals were
not observed by the heathen in the selection and preparation of
their food, but also because the food so prepared may have been
offered in sacrifice to idols (Exod. xxxiv. 15, Acts xv. 29, xxi. 25 :
also V. 4 in our text, Deut. xxxii. 38). Thus the observance of these
laws, though seen later to be only of temporary obligation, became
an arliailns ecclesiae siantis aitt cadeniis under Antiochus Epiphanes
(i Mace. i. 47, 48, 62, 63, 2 Mace. vi. i8sqq., vii. i\ Hence in
our text Daniel and his friends confined themselves to vegetable
products But generally in heathen surroundings these laws were
rigidly carried out by the faithful Jew ; cf. Tobit i. 10, 11, Judith
xii. I, 2, Vita loseph. 3. In this last passage it is told how certain
priests that were sent to Rome limited their food on religious
grounds to figs and nuts.
8. purposed in his heart. Cf. Isa. Ivii. i, 11.
9. Ood made Daniel to find . . . compassion, &c. Practically
the same diction is found in i Kings viii. 50. Neh. i. n, Ps. cvi. 46.
This verse explains the kindness of the Chief Eunuch.
10. for why. The Aramaism here (cf. Ezra vii. 23 and the
Syriac dalmd) should be rendered ' lest ' as in the two Greek
versions.
worse liking". The Hebrew word zo'aphtm is used elsewhere
in the O.T. in the sense of mental dejection (Gen. xl. 6. Prov. xix. 3,
2 Chron. xxvi. I9^. So also the cognate adjective i Kings xx. 43.
Theod. renders it here by aKv9pojira. (cf. Matt. vi. 16). But the LXX
and Josephus, Aut. x. 10. 2, presuppose a different Hebrew word
altogether, and possibly rightl}'.
aye. The word gil is borrowed from the Aramaic and corre-
sponds to the Hebrew dor. It is found in the Samaritan of
Gen. vi. 9, xv. 16 and in the Talmud.
DANIEL 1. 11-17 II
should ye endanger my head with the king. Then said n
Daniel to ^ the steward, whom the prince of the eunuchs
had appointed over Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and
Azariah : Prove thy servants, I beseech thee, ten days; 12
and let them give us ^' pulse to eat, and water to drink.
Then let our countenances be looked upon before thee, 13
and the countenance of the youths that eat of the king's
meat; and as thou seest, deal with thy servants. So he 14
hearkened unto them in this matter, and proved them
ten days. And at the end of ten days their countenances 15
appeared fairer, and they were fatter in fiesh, than all the
youths which did eat of the king's meat. So " the steward 16
took away their meat, and the wine that they should
drink, and gave them pulse. Now as for these four 17
* Heb. Hammelzar. ^ Or, herbs
endangfer my head. The word hiyycb is late Hebrew or
Aramaic, and occurs only here, since Ezek. xviii. 7 is regarded as
a corruption.
11. Then said Daniel to the steward, &c. The word ' melsar'
rendered ' steward ' occurs only in this chapter. No satisfactory
explanation of the word has yet been given. If the text is ori-
ginal the steward is a subordinate official set over Daniel and his
companions. Rut the LXX reads here Abiesdri. and thus identi-
fies the person here mentioned with the chief of the eunuchs in
verses 3, 11, 18. It presupposes also a different vocalization of
the verb, and reads as follows : 'Then said D. to Abiesdri, the
chief of the eunuchs, wlio was set over, &c.'
12. ten : a round number : cf. ver. 20, Zech. viii. 23.
pulse, i.e. vegetable food,
13. meat, rather ' dainties.' See ver. 5.
15. fatter in fiesh. This expression is used in Gen. xli. 2 of
the fat kine in Pharaoh's dream.
16. the steward. See ver. 11.
took away . . . and gave, rather ' continued taking away . . .
and giving.' See Driver, Hebrew Tenses, § 135. 5.
17-19. At the end of the three years Daniel and his three
companions, who are found to be superior in knowledge and
wisdom to the other youths that were educated with them, are
appointed to serve upon the king.
E
12 DANIEL 1. 18-20
youths, God gave them knowledge and skill in all learn-
ing and wisdom : and Daniel had understanding in all
18 visions and dreams. And at the end of the days which
the king had * appointed for bringing them in, the prince
of the eunuchs brought them in before Nebuchadnezzar.
19 And the king communed with them; and among them
all was found none like Daniel, Hananiah, Mishael, and
30 Azariah : therefore stood they before the king. And in
* Heb. said.
V?. knowledge. The same word is rendered * science ' in
ver. 4,
in all learning. Better * in all literature ' (cf. ver. 4) or in
all kinds of books.
wisdom. As Driver observes, 'wisdom is used here, in a
concrete sense, of an intelligently arranged body of principles, or,
as we should now say, science. The term must be understood as
representing the popular estimate of the subjects referred to ; for
the '' wisdom " of the Chaldean priests, except in so far as it took
cognizance of the actual factsof astronomy, was in reality nothing
but " a systematized superstition." '
in all visions, rather ' in all kinds of visions.' These words
serve to introduce the narrative that follows.
18. Not only the four Jewish youths but all the young men
that had been trained for the king's service were brought before
the king.
19. communed, literally 'talked' or 'spake.'
stood they before the king, i. e. became his personal ser-
vants : cf. ver. 5.
20-21. These verses come in haltingly after the last words of
ver. 19, which forms the natural close of the introduction of the
book, ' therefore stood they before the king.' Marti rejects them
as a later addition on the ground that ver. 20, ignoring v. 19**,
resumes the subject of v. 19*, and introduces to the detriment of
the context an explanation of v, 19^ which is really an anticipation
of that which first comes to light in chap. ii. It is a disturbing
addition ; for if the king had found the Jewish youths ten times
wiser than all the sages of Babylon he would naturally have con-
sulted them before the wise men of Bab^'lon. and not have waited
till, in ii. 16, they volunteered their help. Even if he had con-
sulted the Babylonian sages first as a matter of policy, he would
not, when they proved helpless, have failed to consult the Jewish
DANIEL 1. 21—2. I 13
every matter of wisdom and understanding, concerning
which the king inquired of them, he found them ten
times better than all the magicians and enchanters that
were in all his realm. And Daniel continued even unto 21
the first year of king Cyrus.
And in the second year of the reign of Nebuchad- 2
youths who were ten times wiser than they. Hence our author,
who represents the king as giving orders for the destruction of all
the wise men, Daniel and his companions being amongst the
number in ii. 12-13, could not have written i. 20-ai. Such an
order could onl^' have been issued when the chiefest of the wise
men of Babylon had failed.
20. of wisdom and understanding*. So LXX, Theod., and
Vulg. The Hebrew reads * of the wisdom of understanding.'
ten times. Cf. Gen. xliii. 34.
magicians and enchanters. See note on ii. 2. Nearly all
the Hebrew MSS. omit the 'and,' but it is found in the LXX,
Theod., and Vulg.
21. continued even unto. The Hebrew = * was unto ' is very
unusual. Since Daniel was living in the third year of Cyrus,
according to x. i, it is clear that the words here must be inter-
preted in the sense that Daniel lived at the court until (Heb. 'ad)
the first year of Cyrus, and that no notice is taken of his time
beyond that date; cf. Win Ps. ex. i, cxii. 8, &c. Ewald suggests
that the words ' at the king's court ' have been lost. The words
seem to imply that Daniel lived to the beginning of the new era
initiated by Cyrus, who permitted the Jews to return to Palestine
(Ezra i. i, v. 13, vi. 3). If, as it appears, i. 20-21 are a later
addition, the glosser may have already found in xi. i the words
'in the first year of Cyrus ' (so LXX and Theod.), and from thence
drawn his data (Barton).
the first year of king" Cyrus. The year designed here is
the first year of Cyrus' reign as king of Babylon in 538 B.C., the
seventieth year after the date of Daniel's captivity.
Cyrus. In Hebrew the word is Koresh, in Persian Kiirn-s/i,
in Babylonian Kufdsh.
ii. This chapter has a didactic purpose. As in chapter i the
Jews are exhorted to be true to the Law, even to its ceremonial
requirements, so in this chapter they are encouraged to hold fast
to the national hope of the Messianic kingdom. To justify their
belief in this expectation the superiority of the wisdom of the Jews
above that of the heathen is shown in the incidents connected
E 2
14 DANIEL 2. i
nezzar Nebuchadnezzar dreamed dreams ; and his spirit
with the king's dream and its interpretation. The wisdom thus
triumphant is shown to spring from the direct revelation of the
God of the Jews, and His supremacy above all gods is accordingly
acknowledged by the king. In the dream the succession of the
world empires is foreshadowed, and, as these had risen in the
order foreshadowed in his dream and its interpretation, the Jews
were assured of the certainty of the coming kingdom.
The narrative in many respects recalls Gen. xli. In both
accounts a heathen king is visited by a dream which alarms him :
in both he sends for his magicians, but they prove helpless : in
both a youthful Jew, who ascribed his wisdom wholly to the help
of this God, gives the true interpretation, and is raised to the highest
honours. For similarities in point of diction, cf. verses i, 2, 30.
1-2. Troubled by a dream Nebuchadnezzar summoned his wise
men to make known to him the dream he had dreamed, and also
its interpretation.
1. in the second year. The events that follow are said to
have occurred in the second year of Nebuchadnezzar. In order
to bring this statement into harmony with that of the ' three
years * in i. 5, 18 various hypotheses have been advanced. 1°. Jose-
phus (Ant. X. 10. 3' explains the two years as Uwo years after
the sack of Egypt.' 2°. Hengstenberg and others assume that in
i. I and Jer. xxv. i Nebuchadnezzar was reigning conjointly with
his father Nabopolassar, and that the second year in the text is
the second year after Nabopolassar's death. 3°. Ewald, Marti,
and others suppose that ' ten * dropped out after * two,' as in
Joshua xxiv. 12, and that thus the original text was ' in the twelfth
year.' 4**. Driver ingeniously defends the text. * There is not,
perhaps, necessarily a contradiction here with the *' three years "
of i. 5, 18. By Hebrew usage fragments of time were reckoned
as full units : thus Samaria, which was besieged from the fourth
to the sixth year of Hezekiah, is said to have been taken " at the
end " of three years (2 Kings xviii. 9, 10) ; and in Jer. xxxiv. 14
"at the end of seven years" means evidently when the seventh
year has arrived (see also Mark viii. 31, &c.). If, now, the author,
following a custom which was certainly sometimes adopted by
Jewish writers, and which was general in Assyria and Babylonia,
" postdated '' the regnal years of a king, i.e. counted as his first
year not the year of his accession but the first full j'ear afterwards
(see Art. Chronology in Hastings' BD., i. 400), and if further Nebu-
chadnezzar gave orders for tbe education of the Jewish youths in
his accession year, the end of his "three years" of i. 5, 18 might
be reckoned as falling within the king's second year.'
dreamed dreams. For the use of the plural where a sin-
DANIEL 2. 2 15
was troubled, and his sleep brake from him. Then the a
king commanded to call the magicians, and the en-
chanters, and the sorcerers, and the Chaldeans, for to
gular is meant we may compare iv. 5, vii. i, &c., 'visions of my
(his) head.' Theod. and the Vulg. render it by the singular, but
the LXX has the plural. On oneiromancy or divination by dreams,
see Eticyc. Bib., i. 11 18; Hastings' DRE., iv. 776.
Ms spirit was troubled. This expression, v^hich recurs in
ver. 3, is suggested by Gen. xH. 8.
his sleep f brake f from him. The Hebrew here literally
means ' his sleep was done for him.' Twice the niphal of the
verb 'to be ' is found elsewhere as here, i. e. in viii, 27, Mic. ii. 4,
but in both cases the text is doubtful. Both the LXX and Theod.
support the Massoretic here : 6 {/nros avrov kyevero air' avrov.
But it is open to question whether this was the original reading
of the LXX, since Syr.\ which is a rendering of it, and Sym-
machus read aniarri air' avrov — the actual words found in vi. 18
in Theod., where we have the Aramaic equivalent of what evi-
dently stood originally in the Hebrew here, even to the idiomatic
use of the preposition ' for him.' Hence we should, with Behr-
mann and others, read nad'^da = dneaTT], ' departed,' as in vi. 18,
Gen. xxxi. 40, Esther vi. i. 'For him,' literally, 'in regard
to him.'
2. to call the magicians. Here, as in the preceding sentence,
the diction of Gen. xli. 8 is used.
the magficians, &c. There are six words used in our text
as designations of magicians or diviners.
i". Chaldeans S five times alone, i. 4 (probably in a general
sense\ ii. 4, 5, 10a, iii. 8, and five times in conjunction with other
terms, ii. 2, 106, iv. 7, v. 7, 11. See note on i. 4.
2°. wise men 2, eleven times alone, ii. 12, 13, 14, 18, 24 (twice),
48, iv. 6, 18, V. 7, 8, and twice in conjunction with other terms, ii.
27, V. 15. . . . ,
3^ enchanters 5, eight times, and always in conjunction with
other terms i. 20, ii. 2, 10, 27, iv. 7, v. 7, 11, 15. This is probably
a Babylonian loan-word : in Ass3'rian dWpu, which according to
Zimmern {KAT.^ 590, note i) means ' the purifier.' This word is
not found elsewhere in the O.T.
4°. magicians^, once alone, iv, 9; and six times in conjunction
with other terms, i. 20, ii. 2, 106, 27, iv. 7, v. 11. This word,
which is of doubtful etymology, is used in Genesis and Exodus of
Egyptian magicians.
i6 DANIEL 2. 3, 4
tell the king his dreams. So they came in and stood
3 before the king. And the king said unto them, I have
dreamed a dream, and my spirit is troubled to know the
4 dream. Then spake the Chaldeans to the king ^ in the
* Or, in Aramaic
5**. determiners \ four times, ii. 27, iv. 7, v. 7, 11. The meaning
of this term is quite uncertain other than that it denotes a class
which predicted the future. The R.V. renders it 'soothsayers.'
6*'. sorcerers^, only once in ii. 2 : elsewhere in the O.T. five
times as verb or noun.
Of the above terms the magicians, enchanters, and Chaldeans
occur most frequently together, ii. 2, 10, iv. 7, v. 11. A comparison
of all the passages in which the above six terms are found shows
that they are used rather vaguely, and Lenormant's attempt to
identify some of them with certain classes of diviners in Babylon
is regarded as a complete failure.
3-11. The wise men required to tell the dream and its inter-
pretation. They replied that they were ready to interpret the
dream if the king recounted it to them, but that they could not
do both.
3. The king had not forgotten his dream, but had determined
to test his wise men by requiring them to tell both the dream and
its interpretation. Behrmann mentions an exact parallel to our
account in Ibn Hisham's Leben Mohanimeds (ed. Wustenfeld,
p. 9sq.), where a certain king of Yemen made this twofold
demand on his wise men. They replied : ' Tell us the dream
and we will declare unto you its interpretation.' Then said he :
*If I tell you the dream I cannot rely on your interpretation ; for
he, who knows not the dream before I communicate it to him,
does not know its interpretation.
4. Then spake ... in the Syrian lanefuage. For * in the
Syrian language' it is better to read 'in Aramaic' The use of
the word * spake ^ ' here is very unusual. If that which is said
is given, 'amar = ' said ' is regularly used. Hence Marti, following
Haupt, suggests that * and said * ' should be restored after the
words * to the king,' and that this phrase was displaced b}' * in
Aramaic •\' But it is possible that in the latter word we have
simply a misreading by some scribe of the former, the misreading
being suggested by the fact that Aramaic did follow. In any case
the words ' in Aramaic ' should be bracketed as an intrusion. If
they did not originate as I have suggested, then the explanation
* jnw. " D'::\rDO, Assyr. kaMpu. ^ nnT.
DANIEL 2. 5 17
Syrian language, * O king, live for ever : tell thy servants
the dream, and we will shew the interpretation. The 5
king answered and said to the Chaldeans, ^ The thing is
gone from me : if ye make not known unto me the
* Ch. ii. 4-vii. 28 is in Aramaic.
** Or, The ivord is gone forth from mc
of Oppert, Lenormant, and others should be accepted that 'in
Aramaic ' is a gloss, added as in Ezra iv. 7 to designate the idi<;m
of the chapters that follow. This was the language in which
ii. 4-vii. 28 were originally composed and this language was re-
tained.
If the text meant to affirm (as it does in its present corrupt
form) that Aramaic was used at court in official communications,
the narrative in ch. vii would have been resumed in Hebrew,
whereas it is continued in Aramaic. Jerome popularized in his
Contntentaty this erroneous view that the wise men spake in
Aramaic. Thence arose the false designation of Biblical Aramaic
as ' Chaldee.' Biblical Aramaic belongs to the North Semitic
branch, which was subdivided into (i) Eastern Aramaic or Syriac,
which was used by the Christian Syrians, and is found in modified
forms in the Babylonian Talmud and the sacred books of the
Mandaeans. (2) Western or Palestinian Aramaic, which is found
in Daniel ii, 4-vii, Ezra iv. 8-vi. 18, vii. 12-26, the Assuan Papyri,
the Jewish Targums, and Palestinian Gemara.
The wise men of Babylon would have addressed the king in
Babylonian or Assyrian, which is declared in Jer. v. 15. Isa.
xxviii. II, xxxiii. 19 to be unintelligible to a Jew. Western
Aramaic hid displaced Hebrew wholly as the popular language
in the second century b. c.
O king-, live for ever. The usual mode of saluting Oriental
kings. Cf. I Kings i. 31, Neh. ii. 3, Dan. iii. 9, v. 10, vi. 6. It
had already been used at the Assyrian Court and subsequently
prevailed amongst the Sassanidae.
6. Tho thingf is jfone from me, i. e. the matter has left my
memory. This misrenderlng, found already in Theod. (o A070?
dTT* Ijjiov &iT(fTTrj and the Vulgate), is now generally regarded as
wrong. The clause was omitted in the original LXX, but in
Origen's text is supplied from Theod. between an asterisk and
a metobelus. This rendering proceeded in the view that ^acaci
was a dialectical variety oVazal. Two explanations are offered :
I®. According to Noldeke {KATr 617) azda is a Persian word
meaning 'sure,' 'certain.' In this case we should render : 'The
word from me is sure,' i. e. 'what I say will certainly be carried
out.' Cf. iii. 14. 2°. According to Andreas (^Martl's Grammar,
1 8 DANIEL 2. 6-9
dream and the interpretation thereof, ye shall be cut in
6 pieces, and your houses shall be made a dunghill. But
if ye shew the dream and the interpretation thereof, ye
shall receive of me gifts and rewards and great honour :
therefore shew me the dream and the interpretation
1 thereof. They answered the second time and said. Let
the king tell his servants the dream, and we will shew the
8 interpretation. The king answered and said, I know of
a certainty that ye would *gain time, because ye see
9 ^Uhe thing is gone from me. But if ye make not known
* Aram, buy the time.
^ Or, the word is gone forth from me: that if ^c.
p. 51) azda is a Middle-Persian word meaning 'news,' 'intelli-
gence.' In this case the rendering would be : ' the word from me
is news,' i. e. proclaimed. The former appears to be more
satisfactory.
ye shall "be cut in pieces, i. e. dismembered limb from limb.
Cf. iii. 29 where the same phrase recurs and the LXX has ha-
fi.(Xt(r$TjaeTai, 2 Mace. i. i6 /^ff^t] ttoirjaavTis, Jos. Ant. xv. 8. 4
fifXiarl di€\6vT(s -npovOiaav Kvaiv. The word for ' limb ' Jiaddani)
is Persian, i. e. andam, in Zend haiiddnta. By means of this
punishment the condemned was deprived of the rights of burial.
See passage just quoted from Josephus.
be made a dungfhill. Cf. iii. 29, Ezra vi. 11. By this punish-
ment the greatest disgrace was inflicted on the memory of the
persons executed. Cf. 2 Kings x. 27, Ezra vi. ir.
6. rewards. This is a rare word — found only elsewhere in
V. 17. It is derived from the Persian according to Andreas in the
Glossary in Marti's Grammar.
7. the interpretation. Better with Theod., Pesh., and Vulg.
read 'its interpretation.'
8. would g-aiu time: lit. 'would buy time.' The LXX and
Theod. render Kaipbv vfj-eh e^ayopd^erf, and the same phrase is
found in Eph. v. i6, Col. iv. 5. But the sense is different. In our
text the object is to temporize and defer the fatal moment : in
St. Paul to utilize the present to the full.
the thing- is gone from me. Rather ' the word from me is
sure.' See note on ver. 5.
9. But if. These words (di hen) introduce the explanation of
the last clause in ver. 8, and should be rendered ' that if : i.e.
' the word from me is sure that, if &c.'
DANIEL 2. 10-14. 19
unto me the dream, there is but one law for you : for ye
have prepared lying and corrupt words to speak before
me, till the time be changed : therefore tell me the
dream, and I shall know that ye can shew me the inter-
pretation thereof. The Chaldeans answered before the 10
king, and said. There is not a man upon the earth that
can shew the king's matter : forasmuch as no king, ^ lord,
nor ruler, hath asked such a thing of any magician, or
enchanter, or Chaldean. And it is a rare thing that the n
king requireth, and there is none other that can shew it
before the king, except the gods, whose dwelling is not
with flesh. For this cause the king was angry and very 1 3
furious, and commanded to destroy all the wise men
of Babylon. So the decree went forth, and the wise men 13
were to be slain ; and they sought Daniel and his com-
panions to be slain. Then Daniel returned answer with 14
counsel and prudence to Arioch the captain of the king's
* Or. be he never so great and powerful, hath &c.
there is but one law for you, i.e. your punishment is
inevitable. Omitted by the LXX and Theod. The word for law
[dath) is Persian.
prepared, or 'agreed together.'
10. no king, lord, nor ruler. The Massoretic can also be
rendered as in the margin. The LXX presupposes a different
text : * no king nor prince.'
11. rare, or 'difficult.' The LXX here gives a duplicate
rendering of the Aramaic word, l^apvs Hal enido^os.
requireth. Should be * asketh,' as in ver. 10.
12-16. The king gives orders that all the wise men should be
slain. The execution of this command is adjourned on the request
of Daniel, who with his companions was regarded as belonging
to the guild of wise men, and who promises to meet the king's
demands if he is granted time.
13. the decree went forth. Theodotion's rendering is to
hoyfxa t^fjXOe, which is almost identical with St. Luke's diction in
Luke ii. i.
14. returned answer with . . . priidence. Cf. Prov. xxvi. 16
for the same phrase in Hebrew.
Arioch. An ancient Babylonian name of the Sumerian period,
20 DANIEL 2. 15-19
guard, which was gone forth to slay the wise men of
'5 Babylon; he answered and said to Arioch the king's
captain, Wherefore is the decree so urgent from the
king? Then Arioch made the thing known to Daniel.
16 And Daniel went in, and desired of the king that he
would "-appoint him a time, ^and he would shew the king
the interpretation.
17 Then Daniel went to his house, and made the thing
known to Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, his com-
18 panions : that they would desire mercies of the God of
heaven concerning this secret; that Daniel and his
companions should not perish with the rest of the wise men
19 of Babylon. Then was the secret revealed unto Daniel in
* Or, give htm time ^ Or, that he might
but not of the later (i. e. Nebuchadnezzar's) period, according to
Sayce. It is found in Gen. xiv. i, whence probably it has been
borrowed both here and in Judith i. 6. It is said to be derived
from Eri-Aku, 'servant of the Moon-god.'
captain of the king's gfaard. This expression is found in
Gen. xxxvii. 36, xxxix. i, 2 Kings xxv. 8 sqq., Jer. xxxix. 9 sqq.
The word here rendered 'guard' or 'guardsmen' originally
meant 'slaughterers' or 'butchers' (i.e. of animals). Some
trace of this may remain in i Sam. ix. 23, 24, where, as in Arabic,
it has the signification of ' cook.' In the present passage the LXX
and Theod. follow this meaning, and render apxif^ayfipos — a ren-
dering found also in Jubilees xxxiv. 11, xxxix, 2.
15. urgent. Rather 'harsh.' The LXX renders mKpuis,
Theod. dvaibrjs.
16. and he would shew. Better render as in margin, and
compare ii. 18 for the same idiom.
17-23. In answer to the prayers of Daniel and his companions
the secret is revealed to him in a vision of the night, and thanks-
giving is offered by him in a hymn for the mercy vouchsafed.
18. the God of heaven. Cf. vv. 19, 37, 44; Ezra i. a, v. 11,
la, VI. 9, Neh. i. 4, 5, ii. 4, 20, 1 Enoch cvi. 5 (cf. xiii. 4), xiii. 4,
Tob. x. II, Judith v. 8, vi. 19, Rev. xi. 13, xvi. 11. This phrase
is found in Gen. xxiv. 7, but after the Exile it became a favourite
designation of God owing to the growing transcendence of Jewish
thought regarding God. See note on iv. 26.
secret. Raz is a Persian loan-word.
DANIEL 2. ao-ai 21
a vision of the night. Then Daniel blessed the God of
heaven. Daniel answered and said, Blessed be the name 20
of God for ever and ever : for wisdom and might are
his: and he changeth the times and the seasons: he 21
19. vision of the ni^ht. Cf. Isa. xxix. 7.
20-23. We liave here Daniel's hymn, consisting of a tristich
(ver. 20), a tetrastich (ver. 21), a tristich (ver. 22), and a tetras-
tich (ver. 23). I have arranged the R.V. accordingly :
20. Blessed be the name of God
For ever and ever :
For wisdom and might are his :
21. And he changeth the times and the seasons :
He removeth kings, and setteth up kings :
He giveth v^isdom unto the wise,
And knowledge to them that know understanding.
22. He revealeth the deep and secret things :
He knoweth what is in the darkness,
And the light dwelleth with him.
23. I thank and praise thee, O thou God of my fathers,
Who hast given me wisdom and might,
And hast now made known to me what we desired of thee ;
For thou hast made known unto us the king's matter.
20. The first two lines of this stanza agree almost verbally with
Pss. xli. 13, cvi. 48, and the third with Job xii. 13. These lines
constitute most probably a familiar liturgical formulae.
answered and said. These words are used of the beginning
of an address or hymn, as in iii. 9, 14, 16, &c.
the name, i.e. the revelation or manifestation of God.
for ever and ever. Better as in Ps. xli. 13 (R.V.), 'from
everlasting to everlasting.'
wisdom and might are his. The wisdom and the might of
God arc the theme of the lines that follow. In ver. ai* ^ the
exhibition of God's might is represented, and in ai*"*, aa the in«
stances of His wisdom. These divine attributes are in ver. 23
delegated to Daniel to meet the present difficulty, though it is
difficult to see how the divine might is exercised by Daniel here.
Apparently the MSS. varied here. See note on ver. 23.
21. The times of the world are in the hands of God, and all
power and all wisdom come from Him.
the times and the seasons. Better render with LXX and
Theod. {naipovs ical xpwi/ous) * the seasons and the times.' Cf. vii.
12 ; also Acts i. 7 xp^^^''^ V Kaipoi, i Thess. v. i.
2a DANIEL 2. 23-25
removeth kings, and setteth up kings : he giveth wisdom
unto the wise, and knowledge to them that know under-
22 standing: he revealeth the deep and secret things: he
knoweth what is in the darkness, and the light dwelleth
23 with him. I thank thee, and praise thee, O thou God
of my fathers, who hast given me wisdom and might,
and hast now made known unto me what we desired of
thee : for thou hast made known unto us the king's
34 matter. Therefore Daniel went in unto Arioch, whom
the king had appointed to destroy the wise men of
Babylon : he went and said thus unto him ; Destroy not
the wise men of Babylon : bring me in before the king,
and I will shew unto the king the interpretation.
25 Then Arioch brought in Daniel before the king in
haste, and said thus unto him, I have found a man of the
children of the captivity of Judah, that will make known
removeth king's, and setteth up kings. Possibly the two
Greek versions are right in omitting the second ' kings.' Hence
'removeth and setteth up kings.'
gfiveth wisdom. Cf. Sir. i. i.
know understanding. Cf. Pro v. iv. i.
22. revealeth the deep . . . things. Cf. Job xii. 22,
the light dwelleth with him. Cf. i John 1. 7, iTim. vi. 16.
23. God of my fathers. Cf. 2 Chron. xx. 6, Deut. i. 21, &c.
Daniel closes his hymn with a thanksgiving to the God who, un-
changed among all the changes and chances of the world's history,
had always been the Defender and Saviour of His people.
Cf. 2 Chron. xx. 6-12.
wisdom and might. Here the LXX reads 'wisdom and
understanding,' which certainly suits the context better. If the
LXX is right the corruption could be explained as due to ver. 20''.
24-30. Daniel is brought at his own request by Arioch into
the king's presence, and declares his readiness to make known
the dream and its interpretation.
24. went in ... he went and said. We should, with ten
Hebrew MSS., the two Greek versions, and the Vulgate, omit
either the first or the second 'went,' and read simpl}' 'Therefore
Daniel went in unto Arioch . . . and said.'
25.' captivity. Better 'exile.' Cf. v. 13. vi. 13
DANIEL 2. 26-28 23
unto the king the interpretation. The king answered 26
and said to Daniel, whose name was Belteshazzar, Art
thou able to make known unto me the dream which
I have seen, and the interpretation thereof? Daniel 27
answered before the king, and said, The secret which the
king hath demanded can neither wise men, enchanters,
magicians, nor soothsayers, shew unto the king ; but 28
there is a God in heaven that revealeth secrets, and he
hath made known to the king Nebuchadnezzar what
shall be in the latter days. Thy dream, and the visions
27. On the terms 'enchanters, &c.,' see note on ver. 2.
soothsayers. Better render 'determiners.' See note just
referred to.
28. in the latter days, ht. ' in the end of the days.' The
meaning of this phrase, which occurs fourteen times in the O.T.,
varies according to the outlook of the writer. In Gen. xHx. i,
Num. xxiv. 14, Deut. xxxi. 29 (iv. 30), Dan. x. 14 it is used of
various crises in Israel's history from the settlement in Canaan
onwards down to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. In other
passages, as in Ezek. xxxviii. 16, Hos. iii. 5, Isa. ii. 2 ( = Mic. iv. i),
Jer. xlviii. 47, Dan. ii. 28, &c., it refers to events and periods still
in the future connected with the Messianic age. This biblical
phrase recurs in the Zadokite Fragments vi. 2, viii. 10, 2 Bar. x. 3,
XXV. I. Other forms of this phrase are 'the end of the ages,'
T. Lev. xiv. i, 2 Bar. lix. 8, 'the last days,' 4 Ezra xiii. 18, ' the
consummation of the time(s),' 2 Bar. xiii. 3, xix. 5, xxi. 8, xxvii. 15,
xxix. 8, XXX. 3, lix. 4, 'the time of the end,' Dan. xii. 4, 'the
end,' Dan. vii. 26, 'the end of the first age.' 4 Ezra vi. 7, 'the end
of this age,' 4 Ezra vii. 113.
The above phrases, the number of which could be easily in-
creased, exhibit different nuances according to the context in
which they occur, but have all an eschatological meaning.
28'*. This sentence seem to be in the wrong place. The words
' Thy dream, and the visions of thy head upon thy bed, are these '
form an immediate introduction to ver. 31 sqq., and should be read
after ver. 30, They are omitted b3' the LXX.
visions of thy head. Cf. iv. 5, 10, 13, vii. i, 15. The head
is the scat of the seer's vision, but thoughts spring from the heart.
Cf. ver. 30.
29. Before the king fell asleep his thoughts were dwelling on
what should come to pass after him. In the dream that followed
the future was revealed.
24 DANIEL 2. 39-35
29 of thy head upon thy bed, are these : as for thee, O king,
thy thoughts came into thy mind upon thy bed, what
should come to pass hereafter : and he that revealeth
secrets hath made known to thee what shall come to
30 pass. But as for me, this secret is not revealed to me
for any wisdom that I have more than any living, but to
the intent that the interpretation may be made known
to the king, and that thou mayest know the thoughts of
31 thy heart. Thou, O king, sawest, and behold a great
image. This image, which was mighty, and whose bright-
ness was excellent, stood before thee ; and the aspect
32 thereof was terrible. As for this image, his head was
of fine gold, his breast and his arms of silver, his belly
33 and his thighs of brass, his legs of iron, his feet part of iron,
34 and part of clay. Thou sawest till that a stone was cut out
without hands, which smote the image upon his feet that
35 were of iron and clay, and brake them in pieces. Then was
the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver, and the gold, broken
thy thongrhts came into thy mind. Since the words ' into
thy mind ' have to be supplied, it is probable that the text is here
defective. S/liqvt ( = * came up ') nowhere else stands for ' came
up into the mind.' Hence, as in the Hebrew phrase in Isa.
Ixv. 17, Jer. iii. 16, &c., the Aramaic phrase should be restored.
Cf. 4 Ezra iii. i •' cogitationes meae ascendebant super cor meum ' :
Acts vii. 23.
30. As Joseph in Gen. xli. 16, so Daniel declares that the
power of interpretation comes not of his own wisdom but
from God.
31-35. The king's dream.
31. excellent. This word has here, as in v. 12, 14, the meaning
of ' pre-eminent,' * surpassing.'
34. cut out. Restore after these words * from a mountain,'
with LXX, Theod., and Jos, A)it. x. 10. 4. Cf. ver. 45.
35. The great image collapses into dust, which was carried
away like the chaff of the summer threshing-floors, till not a trace
of it could be found.
the iron, the clay. The order seems wrong, though it is
supported by the LXX and the Vulg. Better read with Theod. :
DANIEL 2. 36-39 25
in pieces together, and became like the chaff of the
summer threshing-floors ; and the wind carried them
away, that no place was found for them : and the stone
that smote the image became a great *^ mountain, and
filled the whole earth. This is the dream ; and we will 36
tell the interpretation thereof before the king. Thou, 37
O king, art king of kings, unto whom the God of heaven
hath given the kingdom, the power, and the strength,
and the glory ; and wheresoever the children of men 38
dwell, the beasts of the field and the fowls of the heaven
hath he given into thine hand, and hath made thee to
rule over them all : thou art the head of gold. And 39
after thee shall arise another kingdom inferior to thee;
and another third kingdom of brass, which shall bear
* Or, rock.
' the clay, the iron.' This is the order in ver. 45 according to the
LXX, Theod., and the Vulg. The order of all the authorities in
ver. 3a supports this restoration. Hence the Massoretic is to be
corrected accordingly in ver. 45.
no place was found. Cf. Rev. xx. 11.
36-45. Interpretation of the dream.
3*7. king" of kings. This was the usual title of the Persian
kings; cf. Ezra vii. 12. It is applied to Nebuchadnezzar in
Ezek. xxvi. 7, though according to Prince it was not the customary
Babylonian form of address. The Assyrian title was * great king ' ;
cf. Isa. xxxvi. 4,
unto wliom the God of heaven hath given, &c. As already
in ver. 21 our author declares that all kings owe their sovereignty
to God. Cf. Jer. xxv. 9, xxvii. 6, xxviii. 14, Isa. xliv. 28, xlv. i.
38. the beasts of the field . . . hath he given. Derived from
Jer. xxvii. 6, xxviii. 14.
39. The second and third kingdoms, which are here briefly
referred to, are the Median and Persian. According to the view
of our author Darius ^ the Mode ' (v. 31, ix. i, xi. r) received the
kingdom on the overthrow of Belshazzar. How long he reigned
we are not told, but on his death he was succeeded by Cyrus
'the Persian ' (vi. 28, x. i\ The Median kingdom is said in this
verse to be inferior to the Assyrian and in viii. 3 to the Persian.
26 DANIEL 2. 40-44
40 rule over all the earth. And the fourth kingdom shall
be strong as iron : forasmuch as iron breaketh in pieces
and subdueth all things : and as iron that crusheth all
41 these, shall it break in pieces and crush. And whereas
thou sawest the feet and toes, part of potters' clay, and
part of iron, it shall be a divided kingdom ; but there
shall be in it of the strength of the iron, forasmuch
42 as thou sawest the iron mixed with ^miry clay. And as
the toes of the feet were part of iron, and part of clay, so
the kingdom shall be partly strong, and partly ^> broken.
43 And whereas thou sawest the iron mixed with » miry
clay, they shall mingle themselves cwith the seed of
men ; but they shall not cleave one to another, even
44 as iron doth not mingle with clay. And in the days
* Or, earthenware '' Or, brittle '^ Or, by
40. The Macedonian empire. Tiiis kingdom is symbolized b3'
iron in reference to its power under its founder Alexander. Its
division into several kingdoms and the relative strength and
weakness of these are symbolized by the mingling of iron and
clay.
forasxnucli as iron breaketh in pieces . . . shall it break
in pieces and crush. There can hardly be a question as to the
text here being corrupt. First of all the clause * and as iron that
crusheth all these' is to be removed as a disturbing gloss. It is
not found in Theod., Vulg , and the Peshitto. Next a comparison
of the LXX here, which ends with the words 'all the earth,'
with vii. 23 makes it highly probable that these words are original.
For the details of the following restoration the reader is referred
to the present Editor's larger Commentar}'. The reconstructed
text would read: 'And the fourth kingdom shall be strong as
iron : for as iron breaketh in pieces and shattereth all things,
so shall it break in pieces and crush the whole earth.'
41. and toes. Omitted by the LXX.
a divided kingdom. These words refer to the dismember-
ment of Alexander's kingdom among the Diadochi. See xi. 5 note.
43. This verse refers to the marriages between the Seleucidae
(i. e. the iron) and the Ptolemies (i. e. the clay). Cf. xi. 6, 17,
44. in the days : i. e. of the Seleucidae, more particularly of
Antiochus Epiphanes (175-164 b. c.) during whose reign the
advent of the kingdom was expected by our author.
DANIEL 2. 45, 46 27
of those kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom,
which shall never be destroyed, nor shall the sovereignty
thereof be left to another people ; but it shall break in
pieces and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall
stand for ever. Forasmuch as thou sawest that a stone 45
was cut out of the mountain without hands, and that
it brake in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver,
and the gold ; the great God hath made known to the
king what shall come to pass hereafter : and the dream
is certain, and the interpretation thereof sure. Then the 46
nor ... to another people. The kingdom is to belong to
the Jews for evermore.
45. the iron, the brass, the clay. Read : 'the clay, the iron,
the brass.' See note on ver. 35.
a g'reat God. The R.V. wrongly renders ' the great God.'
Our author is here addressing a heathen king and speaks from his
standpoint.
the dream is certain. Daniel concludes with a solemn
affirmation of the truth of the dream and its interpretation after
the manner of Apocalypses. Cf. viii. 26, xi. 2, xii. 7, Rev. xix. 9,
xxi. 5, xxii. 6.
46-9. The king recognizes the superiority of the Jewish
religion, bestows high honours on Daniel, and exalts his three
companions at Daniel's request.
46. That the homage rendered to Daniel by the king was not
simply such as was paid to Haman in Esther iii. 2 is clear from the
command *to offer an oblation and sweet odours' to Daniel. As
Bevan well remarks, * Nebuchadnezzar at the feet of Daniel
represents the Gentile power humbled before Israel (cf Isa. xlix.
23, Ix. 14).' We have a good parallel in the legendary account
of Josephus (Ani. xi. 8. 5), according to which Alexander the
Great prostrated himself before the Jewish high priest, and justified
himself in so doing in the words: ' I do not adore him, but that
God who hath honoured him with His high priesthood.' Jerome
writes : * Non tam Danielem quam in Daniele adorat Deum, qui
mysteria revelavit ' (BehrmannX The words 'bowed down to'
are ambiguous in themselves ; but, as we have already observed,
the close of the verse represents Daniel as accepting divine honours
in contrast to the action of the Apostles in Acts xiv. 13-18. And
yet the king's homage though ostensibly offered to Daniel was in
reality paid to Daniel's God, as ver. 47 declares.
28 DANIEL 2. 47-49
king Nebuchadnezzar fell upon his face, and worshipped
Daniel, and commanded that they should offer an obla-
47 tion and sweet odours unto him. The king answered
unto Daniel, and said, Of a truth your God is the God of
gods, and the Lord of kings, and a revealer of secrets,
48 seeing thou hast been able to reveal this secret. Then
the king made Daniel great, and gave him many great
gifts, and made him to rule over the whole province of
Babylon, and to be chief governor over all the wise men
49 of Babylon. And Daniel requested of the king, and he
appointed Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, over the
affairs of the province of Babylon : but Daniel was * in
the gate of the king.
* Or, at the king's court
fell upon Ms face. ' A mark of respect — whether to God, as
Gen. xvii. 3, or to man, 2 Sam. ix. 6, xiv. 4.' — Driver.
worshipped Daniel. The word used here for worship is used
in iii. 5, 6, 7, 10, 1 1, 15, 18, &c. But, as Driver points out, it is used
in the Targums *of obeisance done to a human superior (as 2 Sam.
xiv. 33, xviii. 21,28, xxiv. 20); so that it does not necessarily
imply the payment of divine honour.'
sweet odours: lit. 'quietings,' ' soothings.' — Theod. cuwSm?.
Only here and in Ezra vi. 10 is it found used absolutely instead of
the usual sacrificial expression 'odour of a sweet smell' = 6afir)v
(vojSins, as in Gen. viii. 21, Lev. i. 9, 13, &c.
47. the God of gods, and the Lord of kings. This is the text
implied by the LXX but not quite by the Massoretic, which should
rather be rendered as in the A,V. * a God of gods and Lord of
kings,' or ' a God over gods and Lord over kings ' (see Kautzsch,
Grammatik d. Bibl. Aram., p. 146). The Targum on Ps. cxxxvi. a
gives the equivalent of the LXX here. This indefinite title recurs
in xi. 36, which may be contrasted with the definite title in
Deut. X. 17.
48. chief governor : lit. * the chief of the deputies.' The word
'deputy,' i.e. segan, recurs in iii. 2, 3, 27, vi. 6. It is found also
in the Hebrew in the form 5a^«« — both forms being borrowed
from the Assyrian.
49. This verse serves to introduce ch. iii.
was in the gate of the king, i.e. remained at court. Cf.
Esther ii. 19, 21.
DANIEL 3. I, 2 29
Nebuchadnezzar the king made an image of gold, 3
whose height was threescore cubits, and the breadth
thereof six cubits : he set it up in the plain of Dura,
in the province of Babylon. Then Nebuchadnezzar the 3
king sent to gather together the satraps, the deputies,
iii. The object of this chapter is to encourage the Jews not
to acknowledge in any way any heathen reh'gion, but to hold fast
at all costs to their own, the truth of which has been established
in chap, ii, and to prefer death to apostasy. In such circumstances
their confession and action were to be those of the three youths :
* There is a God, whom we serve, who is able to deliver us . . . and
he will deliver us out of thine hand, O king: but if not. . .we
will not serve thy gods' (17-18).
1. The LXX, Theod., and the Pesh. begin this verse with the
words ' In the eighteenth year ' (i.e. of Nebuchadnezzar). This
would be the year before Jerusalem was taken (2 Kings xxv. 8).
As this date recurs in the LXX at the beginning of chap, iv, and
as they can hardly follow thus upon each other, Jahn suggests
that these two chapters originally formed part of independent
writings.
an image of gold . . . threescore cubits. The image was
not necessarily of solid gold. The golden altar in Exod. xxxix. 38
was merely covered with gold (Exod. xxx. 3). Such colossal
statues were rather affected amongst Orientals. Herodotus
(i. 183) speaks of a great golden statue of Zeus in the temple of
Belus in Babylon, and Nestle {Marginalia, p. 35) reminds us of
the mention in Ammianus Marcellinus of a colossal golden statue
erected by Antiochus Epiphanes in the temple of Daphne at
Antioch.
plain of Dura. Though three localities are mentioned in the
tablets bearing the name Duru (Delitzsch, Paradies,p. 216), and
several Babylonian cities had names compounded with Dur, the
plain of Dura has not been identified. Driver calls attention to
Oppert's suggestion that one of the many mounds — called Mounds
of Dura — near to a small river called the Dura, which falls into the
Euphrates about six miles below Babylon, may have formed the
pedestal of a colossal image.
2. satraps. The form in the Old Persian is khshatra-pawan,
* warden of the realm,' of which the Aramaic 'ahashdarpan and
the Greek aaTpdTrrjs are corruptions. The title is a Persian one
(cf. Ezra viii. 36, Esther iii. 12, &c.) and not a Babylonian, and
is accordingly an anachronism here.
deputies. See ii. 48.
F 2
3© DANIELS. 3-5
and the governors, the »* judges, the treasurers, the coun-
sellors, the ^ sheriffs, and all the rulers of the provinces,
to come to the dedication of the image which Nebuchad-
3 nezzar the king had set up. Then the satraps, the
deputies, and the governors, the * judges, the treasurers,
the counsellors, the ^sheriffs, and all the rulers of the
provinces, were gathered together unto the dedication of
the image that Nebuchadnezzar the king had set up ;
and they stood before the image that Nebuchadnezzar
4 had set up. Then the herald cried aloud, To you it is
5 commanded, O peoples, nations, and languages, that at
what time ye hear the sound of the cornet, flute, harp,
* Or, chief soothsayers ^ Or, lawyers
gfovernors. Aramaic pehah, from the Assyrian paj}dti. The
word is of frequent occurrence also in Hebrew, especially in the
post-Exilic books.
judges. Aramaic ^ adargdzar, a Persian loan-word = andarza-
ghar, 'counsellor.' But E. Meyer thinks it means 'general in
chief.' The marginal reading of R.V. * chief soothsayer," implies a
different derivation.
treasurer. Aram, g^dabar. This word is taken by some
scholars to be a secondary form of gizbar, 'treasurer' (Ezra i. 8,
vii. 2i). According to Graetz it is a scribal error for hadddbar,
which occurs in vss. 24 (see note), 27, iv. 36, vi. 7.
counsellors. Aram, d^thabar, from the Old Persian ddtabara,
from ddt, * law' and bar = ' law bearer.' This word has, as Driver
observes, been found recently by Hilprecht in the Nippur inscrip-
tions of the time of Artaxerxes I and Darius II.
sheriflfs. Aram, tiphtdyd. According to Andreas this should
be corrected into denpetayye = Middle Persian denpet, ' chief reli-
gious official,' If this is right, the above rendering must be
corrected. Behrmann compares the Old Persian word adipati,
* chief official.' The marginal reading in R.V. 'lawyers' is based
on the very improbable view that it is connected with qftd, 'to
advise,' of which mufti is the participle,
4. peoples, nations, and languagres. Cf. 7, 29, iv. i, v. 19.
vi. 25, vii. 14 : Rev, v, 9, vii. 9, &c.
5. cornet, lit. ' horn.' The word keren is used here and in 7,
10, 15, and in Syriac in the same sense as the Hebrew shophar.
flute. Aram, mashrokitha, from sh/rak, 'to hiss.'
DANIEL 3. 6-8 3r
Sackbut, psaltery, » dulcimer, and all kinds of music,
ye fall down and worship the golden image that Nebu-
chadnezzar the king hath set up : and whoso falleth not 6
down and worshippeth shall the same hour be cast into
the midst of a burning fiery furnace. Therefore at that 7
time, when all the peoples heard the sound of the cornet,
flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, and all kinds of music, all
the peoples, the nations, and the languages, fell down
and worshipped the golden image that Nebuchadnezzar
the king had set up. Wherefore at that time certain 8
Chaldeans came near, and brought accusation against
* Or, bagpipe
harp. Aram, kith'ros (or kitharis according to Kamphausen)
is the Greek KiOapis.
sackbut. Aram, sabb^ka, which is identical with the Greek
ffan^vKT], though whether the borrowing was done by the Greeks
or by the Semites is uncertain. The sackbut was a triangular
four-stringed instrument. Athenaeus ^iv. 175 d) states that it was
a Syrian invention.
psaltery. Aram, psanierin, i. e. ipaKTfjpiov : also in 7, to, 15.
This ' was a stringed instrument, of triangular sl)ape, like an
inverted A. It differed from the ciihara (as Augustine repeatedly
states) in having the sounding-board above the strings, which
were played with a plectrum and struck downwards' (Driver).
dulcimer. In marg. 'bagpipe.' Aram, sumponydh, i.e. the
Greek avpLcpcuvia. This instrument is mentioned again in 10 but
omitted in 7. * It was probably a goat-skin bag with two reed
pipes, the one used as a mouthpiece to fill the bag, . . , and
the other employed as a chanter-flute with finger holes' (Encyc.
Bib. III. 3230), Bevan (p. 41' has observed that the avficpcvvia. as
the name of an instrument, is peculiar to late Greek and that it is
specially mentioned by Polybius xxvi. p. 1151, ed. Hultsch' as
a favourite instrument of Antiochus Epiphanes, while Nestle has
adduced another passage from Polybius xxxi. 4), which states
that the king used to dance to the sound of the bagpipe (rfji
avfjxpcuviai irpOKaKovfitvijs . . . aipxfiTo).
8-12. The three Jewish youths accnsed of not falling down
before the image.
8. brought accusation. The phrase in the original is peculiar :
it literally means : * ate the pieces of.' It means : 'to denounce'
and then * to slander.' It was in use throughout the entire Semitic
32 DANIEL 3. 9-14
9 the Jews. They answered and said to Nebuchadnezzar
10 the king, O king, Hve for ever. Thou, O king, hast
made a decree, that every man that shall hear the sound
of the cornet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, and dulcimer,
and all kinds of music, shall fall down and worship the
11 golden image : and whoso falleth not down and wor-
shippeth, shall be cast into the midst of a burning fiery
12 furnace. There are certain Jews whom thou hast ap-
pointed over the affairs of the province of Babylon,
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego ; these men, O king,
have not regarded thee : they serve not thy gods, nor
13 worship the golden image which thou hast set up. Then
Nebuchadnezzar in his rage and fury commanded to
bring Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego. Then they
14 brought these men before the king. Nebuchadnezzar
answered and said unto them. Is it of purpose, O Sha-
drach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, that ye serve not my
world; for it is found in the Tel-el-Amarna letters : in the Syriac,
where ''dkhel karzd (i. e. * eater of pieces ') is the rendering of
V ^id0o\o5, and in the Koran.
12. have not reg-arded thee. The Aramaic here is peculiar.
If the meaning universally assigned to it by scholars is right, then
to /Vw must be given a signification, i.e. 'deference,' 'respect,'
which it bears only here and in vi. 13. But if we turn to the
Greek versions and the Vulgate we find that they presuppose
a different text, i. e. 'they have not hearkened to thy command.'
For the detailed criticism of this passage and of vi. 13, and the
reconstruction of the text, see my larger Commentary.
thy gods. We should, with Q^ri, read 'thy god,' as in
14, 18, iv. 8.
14. Is it of purpose? To obtain this sense we must suppose
w^^rr to be a Hebraism equivalent to rm^ (Num. xxxv. 20, 22) =
'iying in wait,' which is derived from the rare root m:? (see
Lexicon). The initial n would then be the interrogative. But
it is better with Bevan, Behrmann, and Driver to take it as
a corruption of xr.sn = ' is it true ? ' This word is already found
in ii. 5, 8. C(. Theod. ft dK-qdivs.
my god. So the Erfurter MS. Cf. iv. 8. Other MSS.
'my gods.'
DANIEL 3. 15-17 33
god, nor worship the golden image which I have set up?
Now if ye be ready that at what time ye hear the iound 15
of the cornet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery, and dulcimer,
and all kinds of music, ye fall down and worship the
image which I have made, ivell-. but if ye worship not,
ye shall be cast the same hour into the midst of a burn-
ing fiery furnace ; and who is that god that shall deliver
you out of my hands ? Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed- 16
nego, answered and said to the king, O Nebuchadnezzar,
'"^ we have no need to answer thee in this matter. ^ If it 17
be so, our God whom we serve is able to deliver us from
* Or^ we are not careful
^ Or, Behold., our God ^c. Or, If our God whom we serve be able
to deliver us, he will deliver us from . . . and out of thine hand,
O king
15. well. For like aposiopeses after conditional sentences cf.
Exod. xxxii. 32, Judges ix. i6sqq.
who is that god ? Rather ' what god ? ' or ' is there any
god?' See Kautzsch, Graiitm., p. 155.
16. we have no need to answer, &c. The three youths refuse
to discuss a question which must be left to God Himself.
17. If it be so . . . to deliver us. The king has asked : ' Is
there any god who can deliver you ? ' To this question this verse
should supply the answer, but in such a way as to harmonize
witli ver. 16 where the youths have refused to debate the question.
Hence ver. 17 should explain ver. 16 while answering ver. 15,
and hence further, we should expect ver. 17 to begin with * for '
or some sucli word. * We have no need to discuss this matter ;
for the God whom we serve either will or will not save us.' Deeds
not words will answer the question. If this is the meaning of
the context, it is clear that the words 'if it be so' cannot be
right, and that it is the true sense is confirmed by the four
versions, LXX, Theod., Pesh., Vulg., all of which begin ver. 17
with ' for.'
But almost all modern scholars (and R.V. in marg.), following
the Massoretic punctuation, give a different rendering of ver. 17 :
* If our God, whom we serve, be able to deliver us, He will
deliver us,' &c. Against this form of the text there are, I think,
two objections. 1°. It can hardly be that such strong champions
of their God would for a moment admit that He was unable to
deliver them, and that to a heathen king. They could admit the
34 DANIEL 3. .8-21
the burning fiery furnace ; and he will deliver us out
18 of thine hand, O king. But if not, be it known unto
thee, O king, that we will not serve thy gods, nor worship
19 the golden image which thou hast set up. Then was
Nebuchadnezzar full of fury, and the form of his visage
was changed against Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-
nego : therefore he spake, and commanded that they
should heat the furnace seven times more than it was
30 wont to be heated. And he commanded certain mighty
men that were in his army to bind Shadrach, Meshach,
and Abed-nego, and to cast them into the burning fiery
21 furnace. Then these men were bound in their hosen,
their '^tunics, and their mantles, and their other garments,
* Or, turbans
possibility of His not saving them, but not His inabilitj' to save.
2°. If we may reason from other passages, when Uthai forms one idea
with a participle, they should not be separated by any intervening
words as they are in this passage. If this conclusion is just, then
the above translation is inadmissible. Further, from i", it follows
that even if it were admissible, it is inappropriate.
We must, therefore, fall back on the versions for the original
text. These (see my larger Commentary) clearly require the
following : ' For there is a God, whom we serve, who is able to
deliver us.' This forms a fitting answer to the king's question :
' Is there any God who can deliver you 1 ' They answer first that
there is such a God, and that it is the God whom they serve.
18. But if not: i.e. 'but if He will not deliver us.'
tliy gods. Read ' thy god ' as in iv. 8. Bel was the special
patron deity of the king.
19-27. The deliverance of the three youths front the burning
fiery furnace.
19. full of. Render ' filled with.'
21. hosen . . . tunics . . . mautles. Better render ' mantles
. . . trousers . . . hats.' For a discussion of these words see Driver :
for the evidence of the versions which is very confused see my
larger Commentar3\
hosen: sarbal rather means 'mantle.' Such is its meaning
in the Talmud.
tunics : patiish rather means ' trousers.' Theod. gives -mpi-
KVijfitaiy the LXX rd vnobrjfiaTa avrwv.
DANIEL 3. 33-26 35
aiid were cast into the midst of the burning fiery furnace.
Therefore because the king's commandment was urgent, 22
and the furnace exceeding hot, the flame of the fire slew
those men that took up Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-
nego. And these three men, Shadrach, Meshach, and 33
Abed-nego, fell down bound into the midst of the burn-
ing fiery furnace. Then Nebuchadnezzar the king was 24
astonied, and rose up in haste : he spake and said unto
his counsellors, Did not we cast three men bound into
the midst of the fire ? They answered and said unto
the king. True, O king. He answered and said, Lo, 25
I see four men loose, walking in the midst of the fire,
and they have no hurt ; and the aspect of the fourth
is like a son of the gods. Then Nebuchadnezzar came 26
mantles. Rather : ' hats.' The LXX gives napas, Theod.
Tiapais. In post-Biblical Hebrew karbal denotes a covering for
the head.
23. This verse is an otiose repetition of 21''. It is omitted
by the LXX. If it is original, it should probably be read after
22, omitting the words : ' these three men . . . Abed-nego.'
On the other hand, some clauses seem to have been lost in the
Aramaic, which would explain Nebuchadnezzar's astonishment.
Accordingly von Gall, Bludau, and Rothstein have suggested that
verses 46-50, 24, as they appear in the Greek addition in LXX
and Theod., stood originally in the Semitic. After v. 23 the LXX
and Theod. add a passage of 67 verses, i. e. 24-90 ; vv. 24-45
the prayer of Azarias : a descriptive passage 46-50 telling of the
destruction of the executioners, the descent of the angel, the
doxology uttered by the three j'ouths 52-6, and the hymn known
as the Benedict te 57-90.
That something is lost seems quite clear. The lost passage on
which 46-50, 24 are based dealt with what the king saw : i. e. an
angel ('the fourth is like a son of the gods,' ver. 25 : ' His angel,'
ver. 28) descending into the furnace : the three youths set free
from their bonds and walking unhurt in the furnace.
24. astonied. Rather 'startled" or 'alarmed.'
counsellors. Aram, haddaherin is peculiar to Daniel, ver. 27.
iv. 36, vi. 7. The etymology is uncertain.
25. loose. The fire had merely destroyed their bonds.
a son of the gods : i. e. an angel. Cf. Gen. vi, 2, Job i. 6.
36 DANIEL 3. 27-29
near to the * mouth of the burning fiery furnace : he
spake and said, Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, ye
servants of the Most High God, come forth, and come
hither. Then Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, came
37 forth out of the midst of the fire. And the satraps, the
deputies, and the governors, and the king's counsellors,
being gathered together, saw these men, that the fire
had no power upon their bodies, nor was the hair of
their head singed, neither were their hosen changed, nor
28 had the smell of fire passed on them. Nebuchadnezzar
spake and said, Blessed be the God of Shadrach, Me-
shach, and Abed-nego, who hath sent his angel, and
delivered his servants that trusted in him, and have
changed the king's word, and have yielded their bodies,
that they might not serve nor worship any god, except
29 their own God. Therefore I make a decree, that every
people, nation, and language, which speak any thing
amiss against the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-
nego, shall be cut in pieces, and their houses shall be
made a dunghill : because there is no other god that
* Aram. door.
26. Most Higrh God. Cf. iv. 2, v. i8, 21. The title ' Most
High' is found in iv. 17, 24, 25, 32, 34, vii. 25. This title was
used by Jews and also by heathen speakers ; cf. Isa. xiv, 14,
Tob. i. 13, I Esdras ii. 3, vi. 31, Mark v. 7, Acts xvi. 17. It is
very frequent in i Enoch, Test. Twelve Patriarchs, Jubilees, Ass.
Moses.
27. The gradation is obvious : the hair is not singed, the
flowing mantles not hurt, and even the smell of fire had not passed
on them.
hosen. Rather 'mantles,' Cf. ver. 21.
28. Doxology of the king.
29. His decree of toleration.
I make a decree. Cf. iv. 6, Ezra iv. 19, 21, &c
people, nation, and languagre. Cf. ver. 4, 7.
out in pieces . . . dunghill. See ii. 5, note.
DANIEL 3. 30—4. I 37
is able to deliver after this sort. Then the king promoted 30
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, in the province of
Babylon.
Nebuchadnezzar the king, unto all the peoples, nations, 4
iv. There are two forms of this chapter. In the Masso-
retic text, which is followed by Theodotion, the Vulgate, and the
Peshitto, the entire narrative is given in the form of an edict or
letter of Nebuchadnezzar to all his subjects. It begins with a greeting
to 'all the peoples, nations, and languages that dwell in all the
earth,' and proceeds to state the king's desire to make known to
ihem the signs and wonders that the Most High had wrought
upon him (1-3). He then recounts a dream which troubled him,
and tells how he summoned the magicians, enchanters, Chaldeans,
and soothsaj'ers to make known its interpretation (4-6), and that
when they failed^ Daniel was brought before him 7-8). To him
the king set forth his dream (9-18), which Daniel forthwith inter-
preted (19-27). Within a year the dream was fulfilled, and the
king driven forth to live with the beasts of the field (28-33).
At the end of seven times the king's reason returned unto him,
and he was restored unto his kingdom, and so he praised and
honoured and extolled the God of heaven (34-37).
Turning now to the LXX we observe first of all that there is
nothing in it corresponding to the first three verses in the Masso
retic, which transform the next thirty-four verses into an edict.
This chapter begins simply, in the LXX, with the words : 'And
in the eighteenth year of his reign Nebuchadnezzar said : I Nebu-
chadnezzar was at rest in mine house ' : then follows in the same
narrative form the next thirty-three verses. At their close comes the
edict as a result of the king's spiritual and psychical experiences,
in which are embodied verj' many of the phrases in iv. 1-3.
A close study of the texts and versions has forced me to con-
clude that the older order of the text is preserved in the LXX
and not in the Aramaic. The complete evidence for this conclusion
will be found in my larger Commentary. Here I will shortly
indicate a few of the chief grounds without going into details.
1°. The LXX in chap, iv follows the analogy of the preceding
chapter, which first gives an account of Nebuchadnezzar's experi-
ences in relation to the three Hebrew children, and then appends,
as their natural sequel, the king's edict against idolatry at the close
of the chapter. The analogy of chap, iii, therefore, supports the
general form into which the matter is cast in chapter iv.
2°, But not only is the order in the LXX the more reasonable
and confirmed by the analogy of chapter iii. but traces still sur-
vive in the Massoretic which show that it is a secondary form
38 DANIEL 4. i
and languages, that dwell in all the earth ; peace be
or recast of a text which observed tlie same order as the LXX,
that is, a narrative of thirty-four verses followed by a royal edict;
for in verses 19, 28-33 the narrative form prevails in which the
king is spoken of in the third person. The redactor has here
forgotten to transform these features of the narrative form into
that of the edict form. Plenty of analogies for such acts of
editorial carelessness exist elsewhere.
3°. The LXX shows its superior text in omitting verses 6-9,
which recount the king's summons of all the wise men to inter-
pret his dream, and their failure to do so, and then finallj' the
appearance of Daniel, to whom the king narrates his dream.
The LXX, on the other hand, by omitting all mention of the wise
men and representing the king as at once sending for Daniel in
verse 18, puts the action of the king in a reasonable light. For
considering the knowledge which the king had gained of Daniel's
powers as an interpreter of dreams, and Daniel's subsequent high
position in the court, it seems unnatural that he should be sum-
moned last of all. Here again the order of the LXX seems more
original. But this is not all. A comparison of these four verses
\'\v. 6-g with ii. 2-7 tends to show that the former are secondary
to the latter. In chapter ii the king requires the wise men to tell
him both the dream and its interpretation, since the king had
forgotten his dream. But though in this chapter, according to
ver. 7, the king remembered his dream, for in vv. 10-17 he recounts
it at length, yet in ver. g, if the text is trustworthy, the king
requires Daniel to tell him his dream and its interpretation. If
the text is correctly transmitted the passage is secondary. If the
passage is original it must be emended.
The source of the historical statements in this chapter. It is now
generally agreed that there is nothing to be found in the inscriptions
or in ancient history relating to Nebuchadnezzar's insanit}'. On
the other hand, it is no less certain that the author of this chapter
was following a popular tradition, another form of which is preserved
by Eusebius {Praep. Evang. ix. 41) from the Ass\'rian history of
Abydenus, who lived about a.d. 200'. 'This also have I found
concerning Nebuchadnezzar in the book of Abydenus On the
Assyrians. Megasthenes (floruit circa 300 b.c.) relates that Nebu-
chadrezzar became mightier than Herakles and made war upon
Libya and Iberia ; having conquered these countries he trans,
ported some of their inhabitants to the eastern shores of the sea.
Afterwards, as the Chaldaean story goes, when he had ascended
the roof of his palace, he was inspired by some god or other and
' The following passage is taken from Bevan, p. 87 sq.
DANIEL 4. a 39
multiplied unto you. It hath seemed good unto me to 2
cried aloud, " O men of Babylon, lo I, Nebuchadrezzar, announce
to you the future calamity, which neither Bel my ancestor nor our
queen, Beltis, can persuade the Fates to avert. There shall come
a Persian, a mule, who shall have your own gods as his allies,
and he shall make you slaves. Moreover, he who shall lielp to
bring this about shall be (the son) of a Median woman, ^ the
boast of the Assyrians. Would that, before his countrymen
perish, some whirlpool or flood might seize him and destroy him
utterly ! or else that he might betake himself to some other place,
and might be driven through the desert, where is no city nor track
of men, where wild beasts seek their food and birds fly hither and
thither, would that among rocks and mountain clefts he might
wander alone ! And as for me, may I. before he imagines this,
meet some happier end ! " When he had thus prophesied he
suddenly vanished.'
This is clearly a popular legend of Babylonian origin referring
to the overthrow of the Babylonian empire by Cyrus ' the mule,'
and the part borne therein by the son of the Median woman, i.e.
by Nabunaid, the last of the Babylonian kings.
Bevan points out that the resemblances between the narrative
in Daniel and in Abydenus cannot be accidental. In both King
Nebuchadnezzar is on the roof of his palace : in both a divine
voice makes itself heard (in the former work to the king, in the
latter through him) : and, finally, the doom pronounced in both is
similar though its object diflfers. But neither form of the story
is borrowed from the other, though that of Abydenus is more
primitive, while that in Daniel has been transformed to serve a
didactic aim.
The object of chapter iv is not, as that of iii is in part, to
admonish the Jews against idolatry, but to .show the sheer help-
lessness of the heathen powers over against the true God.
However irresistible the power of Antiochus might seem to the
Jews, our author teaches through the lips of the great King
of Babylon, that the mightiest monarch who resists the will of
God has no more power than the meanest of mankind, and can in
one moment be reduced, not merely to the position of the latter,
but even to that of the brute. The obvious lesson involved is that
the Jews are not to fear the power of Antiochus Epiphanes ; for
that God rules, and that nothing can fall out but what He permits.
As the pride of Nebuchadnezzar was humbled, so would be that
of the Syrian king.
iv. 1. peace "be multiplied unto you. Cf. vi.25, i Pet. i. 2,
a Pet. i. 2. In Ezra v. 7 we have the formula ' all peace.'
^ So emtnded by Von Gutschmidt.
4o DANIEL 4. 3-7
shew the signs and wonders that the Most High God
3 hath wrought toward me. How great are his signs !
and how mighty are his wonders ! his kingdom is an
everlasting kingdom, and his dominion is from genera-
tion to generation.
4 I Nebuchadnezzar was at rest in mine house, and
5 flourishing in my palace. I saw a dream which made
me afraid ; and the ^ thoughts upon my bed and the
6 visions of my head troubled me. Therefore made I a
decree to bring in all the wise men of Babylon before
me, that they might make known unto rne the inter-
7 pretation of the dream. Then came in the magicians
* Or, irnaginaiions
2. sig'ns and wonders. Cf. Deut. iv. 34, Isa. viii. 18 ; arj/iua
Kai Tfpara in the N.T. as in Mark xiii. 22, Rom. xv. 19.
Most High God. See iii. 26.
3. This verse is a stanza of four lines —
How great are his signs !
And how mighty are his wonders ! &c.
his kingdom . . . generation. A variant of the doxology in
Ps. cxlv. 13. Cf. vii. 14^*, 18''.
4-9. The king's alarm over his dream which none of the wise
men could interpret. The LXX omits 6-9. See Introd. to
chapter above.
4. flourishing. This word, which is properly used of a tree,
was possibly suggested by Ps. xcii. 13, 14, where, as here, it is
used figuratively of persons. It is used indifferently of the
prosperity of the righteous, Ps. Iii. 8, or of the wicked, Ps.
xxxvii. 35.
5. thoughts. The word harhorittf thoughts ' or 'imaginations,'
is found here only in the O.T. In the Targums and the Talmud
it is used specially of evil thoughts.
visions of my head. Cf. ii. 28.
troubled. Rather * alarmed.' This word is of frequent
occurrence in our text.
6. Here, as in ii. 2, the wise men are summoned.
7. On these classes see note on ii. 2. In 6-7 the same ideas as
in ii. 2 are repeated with a modification. The king here tells his
dream : cf. verses 10, 13.
DANIEL 4. 8, 9 41
the enchanters, the Chaldeans, and the soothsayers :
and I told the dream before them ; but they did not
make known unto me the interpretation thereof. But 8
at the last Daniel came in before me, whose name was
Belteshazzar, according to the name of my god, and in
whom is the spirit of the holy gods: and I told the
dream before him, sayings O Belteshazzar, master of the 9
magicians, because I know that the spirit of the holy
gods is in thee, and no secret troubleth thee, tell me
the visions of my dream that I have seen, and the inter-
8. But at the last. This rendering is very doubtful, but so is
the text, though Marti accepts it. Theod. and the Syriac simply
give ' until.' Michaelis and Bevan change the point and render
' and yet another,' Behrmann : 'and (so it was) till another.'
the name of my god : i.e. Bel. See note on i. 7.
in whom is the spirit, &c. Imitated from Gen. xli., 38
'a man in whom the spirit of God is.' Cf. verses 9, 18, v. 14.
the holy gfods. The king speaks as an idolater. Contrast
Joshua xxiv. 19. This expression was probably in common use in
Syria since it occurs in the inscription of Eshmunazar, king of
Sidon of the third or fourth cent. B.C.
and I told the dream before him. It is not improbable that
the word 'dream' is here an intrusion, seeing that it is omitted by
Theod. (all MSS. excepting A). In that case we should render
* and I said before him ' This reading would remove the glaring
inconsistency that otherwise arises between this verse and the
next, where the king requires Daniel to tell him the dream, which,
according to the present Massoretic text, the king has just told
Daniel. By so reading we are relieved from the necessity of
supplying ' saying,' as in the R.V.
9. master of the maeficians. Cf. ii. 48.
no secret troubleth thee. Cf. Ezek. xxviii. 3.
tell me the visions of my dream . . « and the interpreta-
tion thereof. This is a peculiar statement seeing that the king
himself tells his dream in the next verse. Theod. inserts aKovaov
before the first clause ; then we have : 'Hear then the visions, &c.
and tell me its interpretation.' Behrmann takes the expression as
a hendiadys, i.e. 'the interpretation of my dream visions,' while
Giesebrecht, by an emendation of the word for visions, arrives at
the following rendering : ' I will recount my dream and do thou
tell me its interpretation.'
42 DANIEL 4. 10-13
10 pretation thereof. Thus were the visions of my head
upon my bed: I saw, and behold a tree in the midst
11 of the earth, and the height thereof was great. The
tree grew, and was strong, and the height thereof reached
unto heaven, and the sight thereof to the end of all the
12 earth. The leaves thereof were fair, and the fruit thereof
much, and in it was meat for all : the beasts of the field
had shadow under it, and the fowls of the heaven dwelt
13 in the branches thereof, and all flesh was fed of it. I saw
in the visions of my head upon my bed, and, behold,
10-17. In this dream of the king the imagery is clearly borrowed
to a considerable extent from Ezek. xxxi. 3-14, where the glory
of the Assyrian is h'kened to that of a cedar in Lebanon, in the
boughs of which all the fowls of heaven made their nests and
under the branches of which all the beasts of the field brought
forth their young, and under the shadow of which dwelt all great
nations. This great tree, like that in the king's vision, was
suddenly destroyed. Behrmann and Driver compare the dream
of Xerxes recorded in Herod, vii. 19, in which he saw himself
crowned with a shoot of an olive tree, the boughs of which cover
the whole earth.
lO^-lQ. These verses form, as Marti has recognized, two
strophes of four lines each. But two dittographs call for excision,
which become obvious on the arrangement of the passage in verse :
' I saw, and behold a tree in the midst of the earth,
[And the height thereof was great] :
The tree was grown and had become strong,
And the height thereof reached unto heaven,
And the sight thereof to the end of all the earth.
The leaves thereof were fair and the fruit thereof much,
[And in it was meat for all]
The beasts of the field had shadow under it.
And the fowls of heaven dwelt in the branches thereof,
And all flesh was fed by it.'
Here line 2 of the first stanza is a dittograph of line 4, and line a
of the second stanza is a dittograph of line 5, borrowed from ver. 21.
But it is just as possible that this line is original in both these
verses, and that line 5 in ver. 12 is an intrusion.
12. the beasts of the field . . . the fowls. Cf. Ezek. xxxi. 6.
DANIEL 4. 14-17 43
a watcher and an holy one came down from heaven.
He cried aloud, and said thus, Hew down the tree, and 14
cut off his branches, shake off his leaves, and scatter his
fruit : let the beasts get away from under it, and the
fowls from his branches. Nevertheless leave the stump 15
of his roots in the earth, even with a band of iron and
brass, in the tender grass of the field ; and let it be wet
with the dew of heaven, and let his portion be with the
beasts in the grass of the earth : let his heart be changed 16
from man's, and let a beast's heart be given unto him ;
and let seven times pass over him. The sentence is by 17
the decree of the watchers, and the ^ demand by the word
* Or, tnaiter
13. a watcher. Cf. 17, 23. This word 'ir is rendered €7^17-
7o/)osinTheod. The term is of frequent occurrence in i Enoch, where
it designates two classes i" the archangels : 2° the fallen angels.
See I Enoch i. 5, note, Jubilees iv. 22, viii. 3. x. 5, 2 Enoch xviii. i.
It is used in the sense of * angel ' also in S3'riac.
This term recalls the word shonicrim, ' watchmen,' used in
Isa. Ixii. 6. These 'watchmen ' are not prophets, but heavenly
beings commissioned by God to put Him in remembrance of the
walls of Zion.
an holy one. This designation denoting an angel— cf. viii. 13,
Job V. I, XV. 15, Ps. Ixxxix. 5, 7, Zech. xiv. 5 — is very frequent in
I Enoch, where see note on i. 9.
14. The words of the watcher form a stanza of four lines.
15. The hope of a restoration is indicated through the stump
being left in the ground. It is secured by a band of iron and brass
to prevent its removal (Marti).
This verse likewise forms a stanza of four lines. In it the
change is made from the symbol to the thing symbolized.
16-17. These two verses form three stanzas of three lines each.
16. This verse is to be understood of the king only. The
heart here denotes, of course, ' the intellect.' Cf. ii. 28'', note.
A * heartless ' man, according to the Hebrews, was a foolish man,
Cf. Jer. V. 21.
seven times : i. e. seven years as in LXX and Joseph. Ant.
X. ID. 6. Cf vii. 25, xii. 7, Rev. xii. 14.
17. the decree of the watchers. In ver. 24 it is said to be
•the decree of the Most High.' In the O.T. the angels form
G
44 DANIEL 4. iR-20
of the holy ones : to the intent that the living may know
that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and
giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over
18 it the lowest of men. This dream I king Nebuchad-
nezzar have seen : and thou, O Belteshazzar, declare
the interpretation, forasmuch as all the wise men of my
kingdom are not able to make known unto me the
interpretation; but thou art able, for the spirit of the holy
gods is in thee.
19 Then Daniel, whose name was Belteshazzar, was
astonied for a while, and his thoughts troubled him.
The king answered and said, Belteshazzar, let not the
dream, or the interpretation, trouble thee. Belteshazzar
answered and said, My lord, the dream be to them that
hate thee, and the interpretation thereof to thine adver-
20 saries. The tree that thou sawest, which grew, and was
a kind of heavenly council (cf. Ps. Ixxxix. 5, 7, Job i. 6, 12,
ii. I, 6). This idea was carried in later Judaism to extravagant
and even blasphemous lengths, which not only represents God as
doing nothing without consulting this council (so Sanh. 38**,
quoting this passage of Daniel), but also states that, when God
intended to make Hezekiah the Messiah, this council successfully
opposed His intention (Sanh. 94*'. In Sanh. qS** it is said
that, when God wished to admit the descendants of Nebuchad-
nezzar into the Jewish Community, the angels of service would
not suffer it.
the demand by the word of the holy ones. Rather 'the
word of the holy ones is the matter in question.'
18. the spirit, &c. Cf. ver. 8.
19. for a while. The Aram, k^sha'a stands in Onkelos, Num.
xvi. 21, for k^rega' : cf. also Exod. xxxiii. 5 (^Onk.\ It may
mean, therefore, ' for a moment.' In later times it came to mean
an hour.
The king* answered . . . trouble thee. This clause is
omitted by the LXX and Theod.
to thine adversaries. Cf Ovid, Fasti iii. 494 * hostibus
eveniat.'
20-21. Repeated with remarkable effect from 11 -12. The
verse form is here preserved.
DANIEL 4. 21-27 45
strong, whose height reached unto the heaven, and the
sight thereof to all the earth ; whose leaves were fair, and 21
the fruit thereof much, and in it was meat for all ; under
which the beasts of the field dwelt, and upon whose
branches the fowls of the heaven had their habitation :
it is thou, O king, that art grown and become strong : 22
for thy greatness is grown, and reacheth unto heaven,
and thy dominion to the end of the earth. And whereas 23
the king saw a watcher and an holy one coming down
from heaven, and saying. Hew down the tree, and destroy
it ; nevertheless leave the stump of the roots thereof in
the earth, even with a band of iron and brass, in the
tender grass of the field ; and let it be wet with the dew
of heaven, and let his portion be with the beasts of the
field, till seven times pass over him ; this is the inter- 24
pretation, O king, and it is the decree of the Most High,
which is come upon my lord the king : that thou shalt be 25
driven from men, and thy dwelling shall be with the
beasts of the field, and thou shalt be made to eat grass
as oxen, and shalt be wet with the dew of heaven, and
seven times shall pass over thee ; till thou know that the
Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it
to whomsoever he will. And whereas they commanded -^6
to leave the stump of the tree roots ; thy kingdom shall
be sure unto thee, after that thou shalt have known that
the heavens do rule. Wherefore, O king, let my counsel 27
23. Cf. 13-16.
26. And whereas they commanded to leave. Better with
the LXX and Theod. read 'and whereas they commanded (or
"it was commanded") : Leave.' The analogy of ver. 23 where
tlie direct command is preserved, supports this restoration of the
text.
the heavens. This term here designates 1°. the inhabitants
of the heavens, i. e. the watchers who had shared in the decree
(yer. 17, so Behrmann and Marti^, or 20. it is with Bevan and
G2
46 DANIEL 4. 38-30
be acceptable unto thee, and «• break off thy sins by right-
eousness, and thine iniquities by shewing mercy to the
poor ; if there may be ^ a lengthening of thy tranquillity.
All this came upon the king Nebuchadnezzar. At the
end of twelve months he was walking c in the royal palace
of Babylon. The king spake and said, Is not this great
Babylon, which I have built for the royal dwelling place,
by the might of my power and for the glory of my
* Or, redeem ^ Or, as otherwise read, an healing of thine error
'^ Aram. upon.
Driver to be taken as an expression of reverence for God —
a meaning which is not elsewhere found in the O.T. In this
sense it is found in i Mace. iii. 18, 19, iv. 10, &c., and in the
Pirke Aboth iv. 7, 17.
27. The dream is a prediction, but the threatened evil can be
surmounted by repentance.
27. break off, or ' redeem,' as in margin R.V. This meaning
is found in the kindred root paraJc in Hebrew in Ps. cxxxvi. 24,
Lam. v. 8. The counsel here tendered agrees with the Jewish
teaching in Sir. iii. 30, 31, Tob. iv. 7-11, and the Pirke Aboth
iv. 15 * He who performs one precept has gotten to himself an
advocate and he who commits one transgression has gotten to
himself one accuser.' Rabbi Aqiba said (Baba Bathra 10^) that
God left the feeding of the poor to the faithful in order that the
latter might be saved from the judgement of hell thereby. The
teaching of the Pirke Aboth was repeated by R. Eleazar b. Jose —
a pupil of Rabbi Aqiba (Baba Bathra 10*).
rig'hteoiisness. This expression denotes here 'good works,'
and at this date almsgiving was the chief of these. Even SiKaioavvTj
came to mean ' almsgiving,' as we see from Matt. vi. i, where the
true text is 'righteousness,' and 'alms,' the right interpretation,
has made its way into a great number of the later MSS. As the
chief Hebrew virtue, ' righteousness,' was in the course of time
degraded into the mere act of almsgiving, so the chief Christian
grace, namely djairTjj caritas, ' charity,' incurred the same fate.
a lengrthening* of thy tranquillity. By a slightly different
punctuation of the two words in the text, Ewald arrived at the
following rendering which is that ot the margin in the R.V., 'an
healing of thy error.'
28-33. The fulfilment of the dreams.
30. the royal dwelling place. Rather 'a royal dwelline:
place,*
DANIEL 4.31-35 47
majesty ? ^Vhile the word was in the king's mouth, there 3»
fell a voice from heaven, sayings O king Nebuchadnezzar,
to thee it is spoken : the kingdom is departed from thee.
And thou shalt be driven from men, and thy dwelling 32
shall be with the beasts of the field ; thou shalt be made
to eat grass as oxen, and seven times shall pass over thee;
until thou know that the Most High ruleth in the king-
dom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will. The 33
same hour was the thing fulfilled upon Nebuchadnezzar :
and he was driven from men, and did eat grass as oxen,
and his body was wet with the dew of heaven,, till his hair
was grown like edi^QS^ feathers, and his nails like birds'
claws. And at the end of the days I Nebuchadnezzar 34
lifted up mine eyes unto heaven, and mine understanding
returned unto me, and I blessed the Most High, and
I praised and honoured him that liveth for ever ; for his
dominion is an everlasting dominion, and his kingdom
from generation to generation : and all the inhabitants 35
of the earth are reputed as nothing : and he doeth accord-
ing to his will in the army of heaven, and among the
31. fell a voice from heaven. This voice, called by the later
Jews a Bath-kol 'daughter of a voice,' is referred to in the Test.
Levi xviii. 6 (see note). Test. Jud. xxiv. 2, Matt. iii. 17, Mark i. 11,
Luke iii. 22. In the case of the Bath-kol a voice was heard but
nothing seen. See Weber, y»fl^. Tlieol., 194 sq., Jew. Encyc.^ ii.
588-592.
34. the days, i.e. the seven 'times' of verses 16, 23, 25. 32,
lifted up imne eyes unto heaven. Bevan draws attention to
the interesting parallel in the Bacc/iae of Euripides (1265 sqq.),
where Agave in her madness looks up to heaven and has her
reason restored. See also Susanna, ver. 9.
him that liveth for ever. Cf. xii. 7, Sir. xviii, i, i Enoch v. i
his kingdom, &c. Cf. ver. 3.
35. This verse forms a stanza of four lines.
are reputed as nothing. Rather ' are as persons of no
account' (Bevan).
the army of heaven. This is the Aramaic equivalent of the
4S DANIEL 4. 36, 37—5. i
inhabitants of the earth : and none can ^ stay his hand,
36 or say unto him, What doest thou ? At the same time
mine understanding returned unto me ; and for the glory
of my kingdom, my majesty and brightness returned unto
me ; and my counsellors and my lords sought unto me ;
and I was established in my kingdom, and excellent
37 greatness was added unto me. Now I Nebuchadnezzar
praise and extol and honour the King of heaven ; for all
his works are truth, and his ways judgement : and those
that walk in pride he is able to abase.
5 Belshazzar the king made a great feast to a thousand
* Aram. sU-ike.
Hebrew ' host of heaven ' — a phrase which embraces all the
superhuman powers and is used sometimes of the angels and
sometimes of the stars.
stay his hand, lit. 'strike his hand.' This expression is
found in tlie Targ. of Eccles. viii. 4'', and in the Mishna and later
Jewish literature.
What doest thou ? Cf. Isa. xlv. 9.
36. mine understanding returned unto me. This claus?
seems an intrusion; for it has already occurred two verses earlier,
where it is said: 'Mine understanding returned unto me and I
blessed, &c.' There it comes in rightly. By the recovery of his
reason the king is enabled and desirous to praise God, and thus
he does in verses 34-35. On this confession follows his restora-
tion to his kingdom. Hence it seems best to omit it here.
majesty. The corresponding Hebrew word is used of the
majesty of God or of a king.
counsellors. See iii. 24, 27.
37. This verse sums up the teaching of the entire chapter.
V. The Historical Difficulties of this Chapter.
This chapter deals with events about which two very different
accounts are given. The first and trustworthy account (i°) is
to be found in the inscriptions and comes probably from the hand
of a contemporary historian or annalist : the second (2") is that
which is recorded by Herodotus and Xenophon, with which in
some of its most salient features the story in our text agrees.
1°. The main facts recorded in the inscriptions can be given in
a few words. Cyrus, who became king of Anshan in 549 and
DANIEL 5. I 49
of his lords, and drank wine before the thousand.
was called ' king of Persia ' in 546 or earlier, in the year 538
attacked Babj'lon. He overthrew the army of Nabuna'id at Opis
(Babylonian Upe) on the Tigris in Tishri ( — October)^, captured
Sippar on the Euphrates on Tishri 14, and on the i6th his general
Gubaru entered Babylon without striking a blow, and took Nabu-
na'id 2 prisoner. On Marchesvan 3 (= Oct. 27 Cyrus made his
entry into Babylon, and on the nth (-Nov. 4) Gubaru slew the
king's son in a night assault.
Further, in inscriptions of the first twelve years of Nabuna'id's
reign Belsarusur ( = ' Bel protect the king'), 'the king's son,' is
several times mentioned. Later only the king's son is mentioned
without the proper name. AVhether the king's son mentioned in
the later years is Belsarusur [i. e. Belshazzar of our author) is not
quite certain.
2". Herodotus (i. 188 : cf. i. 74, 77), who names the last king
Labynetus (Aa/3i;i'77Toj = Nabuna'id), appears to have regarded him
as the son of Nebuchadnezzar (see KAT.,p, 288). He represents
(I. 191) Cyrus as diverting the waters of the Euphrates and enter-
ing Babylon by the river bed, while the inhabitants were cele-
brating a festival. In Xenophon's Cyropaedia (vii. 15-31) a
similar account is given, though here the city is surprised by
Gobryas and Gadates.
Now if we compare the account in our text with i'' and 2" it is
clear at a glance that it agrees most with 2". With i" it has
practically nothing in common but the name Belshazzar 2. For
while our text represents Belshazzar as the son of Nebuchadnezzar
and actual king, for several years, of Babylon, the inscriptions
make him to be the son of Nabuna'id * and never to be king.
* So with Meyer, ZATW., 1S9S, p. 340sq.,\ve must read for July,
since September has already been reached two lines earlier.
'^ According to Berosus TJoseph. c. Apion. i. 20), whose account
agrees more with the inscriptions than with Herodotus.
^ Observe the contrasting statements. In the inscriptions Bel-
shazzar is only the king's son, making a desperate resistance in some
fastness of the city, after the city as a whole had been surrendered
and Nabuna'id taken prisoner. In a night attack shortly after Cyrus's
arrival this fastness was stormed and Belshazzar slain. But in our
text Nabuna'id is not mentioned and Belshazzar is king. There is
nothing to suggest that the greater part of the city is in the jiands of
the enemy. On the contrary Belshazzar makes a great feast, sum-
mons to it a thousand of his lords, calls for the services of the
enchanters, the Chaldeans, and the soothsayers, and institutes Daniel
as a ruler of one-third of the kingdom.
* Nabuna'id was no relation of Nebuchadnezzar, according to the
50 DANIEL 5. a
2 Belshazzar, whiles he tasted the wine, commanded to
Further, whereas our text represents Babylon as being captured
by force, the inscriptions state that it was surrendered peaceably
to the general of Cyrus.
On the other hand our text agrees with the tradition recorded
both in Herodotus and Xenophon that Babylon was taken in the
night, zvhile the inhabitants were celebrating a/east'^. Further, if as
it appears, Herodotus believed Labynetus (i.e. Nabuna'id) to have
been a son of Nebuchadnezzar, we have here an approximation
to the statement in our text that Belshazzar was the son of
Nebuchadnezzar.
It is strange that the author of our text should have represented
Belshazzar (in v. 2) as the son of Nebuchadnezzar ''', seeing that
in a Kings xxv. 27, Jer. Hi. 31 the actual son and successor of
Nebuchadnezzar i. e. Evilmerodach , = Amel Marduk in the in-
scriptions is mentioned.
The Purpose. From the above brief statement it follows that
our author accepted the current popular account of the fall of
Bab3'lon, not concerning himself with its historicity, and recast
it to suit his own didactic purpose. These materials which
referred to a king or prince of Babylon our author has used with
a view to the present crisis. If Belshazzar was overthrown, in
part at all events, for his profanation of the vessels brought to
Bab3'lon from the Temple, what would befall the king who (like
Antiochus Epiphanes) offered heathen sacrifices on the very altar
of God in the Temple ?
1-4. Belshazzar'' s feast , and his profanation of the Temple vessels.
1. Belshazzar: i.e. Bel-sar-nsiir, 'Bel protect the king.' Cf.
Nergal-sharezer (Jer. xxxix. 3, i.e. Nergal-Sar-usur, • Nergal
protect the king!' In the LXX and Theod. this name and
Belteshazzar (i. 7) are represented by one and the same word
BaXraadp.
the king. In none of the inscriptions does Belshazzar
appear as king but only as the king's son, though it is a matter of
statement of Abydenus in Eus. Praep. Ev. ix. 41. 3 npoarjKovTaoi
ovSev). In a Babylonian inscription he states his position thus:
' Nabuna'id, king of Babylon, the chosen of Nebo and Marduk, the
son of Nabu-balatsu-ikbi, the wise prince am 1.'
^ This idea in the popular account may have arisen from a miscon-
ception of the joy with which the Babylonians received Cyrus, as
Marti suggests..
^ In Joseph {Ant. x. 11. 2) Baltasar is represented as succeeding
Labosordachus (i.e. Labashi Marduk, son of Nergal-§ar-usur''i and
identified with Nabuna^id.
DANIEL 5. 3, 4 51
bring the golden and silver vessels which Nebuchadnezzar
his father had taken out of the temple which was in
Jerusalem ; that the king and his lords, his wives and his
concubines, might drink therein. Then they brought 3
the golden vessels that were taken out of the temple of
the house of God which was at Jerusalem ; and the king
and his lords, his wives and his concubines, drank in
them. They drank wine, and praised the gods of gold, 4
and of silver, of brass, of iron, of wood, and of stone.
inference and not of demonstration that in the inscriptions the
king's son who was slain after the taking of Babylon was Bel-
shazzar.
drank wine before. It was usual for oriental kings to feast
either alone or with a few persons (Athenaeus iv. 145). Hence
the present feast seems to have been against the etiquette of the
time. On tlie other hand the Babylonians according to Curtius
(v. i) had a reputation for debauchery. See also note on next
verse.
2. golden and silver vessels. See i. 2 note.
his father. If we compare this statement with its reitera-
tion in II, 13, 22 we cannot escape inferring that our author took
Bclshazzar to be a son of Nebuchadnezzar. Of course there is
just the possibility that Nabuna'id — Belshazzar's father — married a
daughterof Nebuchadnezzar with a view to strengthen his position.
In that case Belshazzar would have been a grandson of Nebuchad-
nezzar, and, as we know from O. T. usage, the word ' father '
could be used in the sense of grandfather (Gen. xxviii. 13, xxxii.
9), or great-grandfather (i Kings xv. ir, Num. xviii. 1,2). But if
Nabuna'id did marry a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar we should
liave expected some reference to this alliance in the inscriptions.
See Introd. to this chapter, note*.
his wives and his concubines. Cf. Cant. vi. 8. According
to Herod, v. 18, it was the custom for women to appear at feasts
among the Persians. Cf. also Xenophon, Cyr. v. ii. 28, Curtius
V. I, 38.
3. the g-olden vessels. Read * the golden and the silver
vessels,' with Theod. and the Peshitto. Cf. ver. 2.
4. After the words ' they . . . praised the gods of gold, and of
silver . . . and of stone,' the LXX adds ' but the eternal God they
praised not who hath power over their spirit.' The contrast
between the idols made with hands and the eternal God from
whom all life comes is full of force, and probably original, and the
52 DANIEL 5. 5-7
5 In the same hour came forth the fingers of a man's hand,
and wrote over against the candlestick upon the plaister
of the wall of the king's palace : and the king saw the
6 part of the hand that wrote. Then the king's "■ counte-
nance was changed in him, and his thoughts troubled
him ; and the joints of his loins were loosed, and his
7 knees smote one against another. The king cried aloud
* Aram, brightness.
internal evidence and that of the I. XX is confirmed by the fact
that the two statements are found together in ver. 23 in the
Massoretic and all the Versions.
5-12. The marvellous writing on the wall, and the alarm of the
king and his guests.
5. part of the hand. Rather 'palm of the hand.' The text
seems, as Bevan points out, to imply that the hand appeared above
the couch where the king was reclining.
6. was changed in him. Both the text and the translation are
wrong. For shenohi read sheno 'dlohi or shanain 'diohi, with Bevan.
The sense will be the same in either case : ' his countenance was
changed for him,' or ^upon him.' We have then the same idiom
that is found in vi. 18. In fact it is not necessary to translate the
prepositional phrase in English.
loins. The loins were the seat of strength : of. Deut. xxxiii.
ri, Ps. Ixix. 23.
7-8. There is something wrong about the text here. As it
stands the wise men appear twice on no intelligible grounds
before the king. Thus in ver. 7 the king addresses them as
already present, and tells them the gifts that he would give to the
successful interpreter of the mysterious writing. But ver. 8
begins as though no such event had taken place, and reads ' Then
came in all the king's wise men.' In the LXX this awkwardness
is avoided. According to it the king first of all summoned the wise
men to interpret the writing. These came in in due course, but
were unable to interpret the writing Then the king issued a
proclamation setting forth the rewards that would be conferred on
the man, whoever he might be, who made known the writing to
the king. The wise men are not summoned ; for the invitation is
now general. The wise men again enter to try their skill, but
again fail.
It is obvious that we have here in the LXX a rational order of
events. It is moreover supported by Josephus. For a detailed
study of the question I must refer to my larger Commentary.
DANIEL 6. 8-10 53
to bring in the enchanters, the Chaldeans, and the
soothsayers. The king spake and said to the wise men
of Babylon, Whosoever shall read this writing, and shew
me the interpretation thereof, shall be clothed with
purple, and have a chain of gold about his neck, and
shall * be the third ruler in the kingdom. Then came 8
in all the king's wise men : but they could not read the
writing, nor make known to the king the interpretation.
Then was king Belshazzar greatly troubled, and his 9
countenance was changed in him, and his lords were
perplexed. Now the queen by reason of the words of 10
* Or, rule as one of three
7. enchanters, &c. See note on ii. 2.
purple. The successful wise man was to be clothed with
purple — a privilege which gave him a royal dignity among the
Persians, Esther viii. 15, and the right of being called the king's
friend (i Mace. x. 20, 6a, 64, xi. 58, &c.\
chain of g-old. Cf. the gift of Pharaoh to Joseph (Gen. xli.
42) ; of Cambyses to the Ethiopians in Herod, iii, 20 ; and of the
younger C3TUS to Syennesis (Xen. Anab. i. 2. 27). According
to the last writer iCyr. xiii. 5. 18) such chains could only be worn
when presented by the king. Thus they formed a kind of order.
shall be the third ruler. This translation is inaccurate, as
also in 16, 29. The word here translated * third' is not found
elsewhere as the ordinal. The proper word is telithai. Driver
takes it to be connected with ' tilta or iulta, which both in the
Targums and in the S^'riac denotes a third part. . . . Hence
the literal rendering appears to be " shall rule as a third part in the
kingdom " . . . " rule as one of three '" '— i. e. one of the three chief
ministers. Cf. quotation from Esdras below. He quotes the LXX
here in support of this rendering : hcQi]airai avrw k^ovaia tuv
rpiTuv fifpovs Tiyy liaaiXelas. Marti adducing i Esdras iii. 9 ot
Tpds ficyiffTcives t^s IlfpcriSos) suggests that we should read taliat —
trmmvir. Wright takes this to mean that the place offered was
to be third after Nabuna'id and Belshazzar, but this explanation
requires us to suppose that Nebuchadnezzar was not the father
but the grandfather of Belshazzar.
10. According to the LXX (ver. 9) the king summoned the
queen.
the queen. That this queen was the queen mother is to be
inferred from the facts, first that she is not included among the
54 DANIEL 6. n, la
the king and his lords came into the banquet house : the
queen spake and said, O king, live for ever ; let not thy
thoughts trouble thee, nor let thy countenance be
changed : there is a man in thy kingdom, in whom is
the spirit of the holy gods ; and in the days of thy father
light and understanding and wisdom, like the wisdom of
the gods, was found in him : and the king Nebuchad-
nezzar thy father, a-the king, 7 sav, thy father, made him
master of the magicians, enchanters, Chaldeans, and
soothsayers ; forasmuch as an excellent spirit, and know-
ledge, and understanding, interpreting of dreams, and
shewing of dark sentences, and dissolving of doubts,
* Or, thy father, O king
wives of the king (ver. 2;, and secondly that she speaks apparently
from personal knowledge of the events of Nebuchadnezzar's reign
(ver. ii}. In Israel and Judah the queen-mother enjoyed great
influence : see i Kings xv. 13, 2 Kings x. 13, xxiv. 12 : Herodotus
mentions in this respect Amestris fix. 109), and also Nitokris the
wife of Nebuchadnezzar (i. 185-188), who was notable for her
cleverness and wisdom.
O king, live for ever. Cf. ii. 4.
11. in whom is the spirit. See iv. 8 note.
wisdom, like . . , the gods. Cf. 2 Sam. xiv. 20.
the king, I say, thy father. These words, if otherwise
the present form of the text is correct, are an intrusion. Theod.
omits them.
made him master of the magicians. See ii. 48.
12. interpreting . . . dissolving. These two words are
participles in the text, but by a. change of punctuation can be
transformed into infinitives, i.e. nouns, as the R.V. has done with-
out, however, giving notice to that effect in the margin. We
should, further, with Marti, either insert an * and * before ' inter-
preting' or an * in ' : thus 'understanding in the interpreting of
dreams,' &c.
shewing of dark sentences. The Hebrew form of this
Aramaic phrase to be found in Judges xiv. 14, 15, 19. The R.V.
rendering is obscure. Better * declaring of riddles' or ^ of what is
hidden.' The Hebrew synonym (which is also etymologically
the same) means 'hard questions' in 1 Kings x. i, 'problem ' or
'enigma' in Ps. xlix. 4.
DANIEL 5. 13-17 55
were found in the same Daniel, whom the king named
Belteshazzar. Now let Daniel be called, and he will
shew the interpretation.
Then was Daniel brought in before the king. The 13
king spake and said unto Daniel, Art thou that Daniel,
which art of the children of the captivity of Judah, whom
the king my father brought out of Judah ? I have heard 14
of thee, that the spirit of the gods is in thee, and that
light and understanding and excellent wisdom is found
in thee. And now the wise men, the enchanters, have been 15
brought in before me, that they should read this writing,
and make known unto me the interpretation thereof:
but they could not shew the interpretation of the thing.
But I have heard of thee, that thou canst give interpreta- 16
tions, and dissolve doubts : now if thou canst read the
writing, and make known to me the interpretation
thereof, thou shalt be clothed with purple, and have
a chain of gold about thy neck, and shalt ^ be the third
ruler in the kingdom. Then Daniel answered and said 17
* Or, rule as one 0/ three
dissolving' of doubts. This rendering is wrong. Bevan
has rightly taken the noun to mean ' magic knots,' although
unaware of the parallel in i Enoch viii. 3 where we have the
Greek equivalent, i. e. eTraoibuv Xvr-qpiov ' the resolving of enchant-
ments.' In I Enoch xcv. 4 we have * anathemas which cannot be
reversed.' Theodotion's rendering of our text confirms this view,
\voJv avvSeafxovs.
13-17. Darnel comes before the king.
13. Art thou that Daniel? We should, as the pronoun is
emphatic, render 'art thou Daniel?' The 'that' is a mistrans-
lation.
captivity. Better ' exile.' Cf. ii. 25, vi. 13.
16. dissolve doubts. Read 'resolve knots.' See ver. 12.
shalt be the third ruler. See on ver. 7.
17-24. Before interpreting the v^rriting Daniel reminds the
king of the pride of Nebuchadnezzar his father ; that, notwith-
56 DANIEL 5. 18-22
before the king, Let thy gifts be to thyself, and give thy
rewards to another ; nevertheless I will read the writing
unto the king, and make known to him the interpreta-
18 tion. O thou king, the Most High God gave Nebuchad-
nezzar thy father the kingdom, and greatness, and glory,
19 and majesty : and because of the greatness that he gave
him, all the peoples, nations, and languages trembled
and feared before him : whom he would he slew, and
whom he would he kept alive ; and whom he would he
20 raised up, and whom he would he put down. But when
his heart was lifted up, and his spirit was hardened that
he dealt proudly, he was deposed from his kingly throne,
21 and they took his glory from him: and he was driven
from the sons of men ; and his heart was made like the
beasts, and his dwelling was with the wild asses ; he was
fed with grass like oxen, and his body was wet with the
dew of heaven : until he knew that the Most High God
ruleth in the kingdom of men, and that he setteth up
2 2 over it whomsoever he will. And thou his son, O
standing the warning of his fate, he too has been uplifted by pride
and has challenged the power of the God of heaven by his pro-
fanation of the sacred vessels of the Temple.
17. Let thy gifts be to thyself. . . another. These words,
which conflict with ver. 29, are omitted by the LXX.
18. the king-dom, &c. Cf. iv. 36.
19. whom he wonld he slew, &c. Cf. i Sam. ii. 7, Ps. Ixxv.
7, Sir. vii. 11, Tob. iv. 19.
20. his gflory. The Massoretic reads ' (his^i glory.' We
should probably, with the Peshitto, read 'his glory.' Tiie R.V.
wrongly represents the * his ' as in the text.
21. This verse summarizes statements made in iv. 25, 32, 33.
the wild asses. These animals are here named specially
because they are the wildest and shyest of creatures (Job xxxix.
5-8). The king was to avoid all contact with mankind as much
as they. But there is something to be said for the reading of the
solitary MS. which gives 'adarayya^' flocks' instead of 'aradayya
' wild asses.' Cf. iv. 15, 25. There is no special need here for
intensifying this feature of the punishment.
DANIEL 5. 23-26 57
Belshazzar, hast not humbled thine heart, though thou
knewest all this ; but hast lifted up thyself against the 33
Lord of heaven ; and they have brought the vessels of
his house before thee, and thou and thy lords, thy wives
and thy concubines, have drunk wine in them ; and thou
hast praised the gods of silver, and gold, of brass, iron,
wood, and stone, which see not, nor hear, nor know:
and the God in whose hand thy breath is, and whose are
all thy ways, hast thou not glorified : then was the part 24
of the hand sent from before him, and this writing was
inscribed. And this is the writing that was inscribed, 25
'^ MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN. This IS the interpre- 26
* That is, Numbered, numbered, weighed, and divisions.
23. of silver, and gold. Read, with Theod., 'of gold and of
silver.'
which see not, &c. The unreasonableness of idolatry is
here as often elsewhere dwelt on : cf. Deut. iv. 28, Isa. xliv. 9,
Ps. cxv. 5, 6, cxxxv. 16, Rev. ix. 20. The Epistle of Jeremy has
this subject for its theme.
thy breath. Cf. Acts xvii. 25.
and whose are all thy ways, hast thou not g^lorilied. AH
the varied activities of life are alike dependent on Him. Theod.
connects the preposition and suffix differently : * and all thy ways.
Him thou hast not glorified.'
24. part of the hand. Read ' palm of the hand.'
25-28. The writing and its interpretation.
25. This verse has been variously interpreted, but no interpreta-
tion seems as yet definitive, i". The usual one is that Mene,
inene, tekel, upharsin, means 'Counted, counted, weighed and
pieces.' Against this it is to be observed that tekel and p^res cannot
mean 'weighed' and 'divided,' as the interpretation in verses 27,
28 demands. These words in their present form are substantives.
Further the explanation in 26-28 takes no account of the repeti-
tion of mene SLud simply replaces upharsin hy pe res. From these
facts it is inferred that no very close connexion exists between
the inscription and its interpretation, and that, as Bevan has
suggested, the words themselves were not arbitrarily invented by
the author but borrowed from some other source. In that source
they must have already stood in some relation to the events in
the text, else our author would hardly have used them in his
58 DANIEL 5. 36
tation of the thing : mene ; God hath numbered thy
account, since the interpretation in 26-28 is a real tour deforce^
resorted to in order to give them a meaning in regard to the
present crisis,
a". Owing to these difficulties many modern scholars, including
Noldeke, Bevan, Driver, and Marti, have accepted the explanation
put forward by Clermont-Ganneau {Journal Ast'aiique, ' Mane,
Thecal, Phares,' 1886), who points out that this inscription consists
simply of the names of three weights. Thus w/«^'is the Aramaic
equivalent of the Hebrew mdneh, which was borrowed by the
Greeks and written fiva, Latin, ntina. T^kel is the Aramaic form
of the Hebrew shekel. Parsin is the plural oi pifres in ver. 28.
The peras in the Mishnah and other Jewish writings is the desig-
nation for half a mina. Thus the inscription is — a mina^ a mina,
a shekel and half a mina. The strange order of the coins in this
inscription has led to the suggestion that the mina— the greatest
weight — refers to the great king Nebuchadnezzar, the shekel
( — one-sixtieth of a mina), to Belshazzar, and the two half-
minas to the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians arising out of
Nebuchadnezzar's kingdom. In this view the words formed a
current saying which described in a humorous way the history
of Babylon and its overthrow. Finally Haupt and Prince remark
that the first mene is to be taken as a participle = * counted '.
Thus we should have ' it was counted, a mina, a shekel and two
half-minas.'
3". Still another explanation is offered by Winckler in KAT.,
341. According to Winckler it is obvious that in the text, 'a
mina, a mina, a shekel and half a mina,' the word 'shekel' is an
interpolation. We have then aj minas which represent 2^ years,
on the expiration of which Cambyses, who is the Belshazzar
that desecrates the Temple vessels, shall die. According to
Winckler the chief incidents attributed to Belshazzar were origin-
ally recounted in connexion with Cambyses. For 2] years more
— such is the real meaning of ' a time, times and half a time' in
vii. 25, xii. 7 — worship in the Temple was suspended. These
fractions originated in the method of reckoning time by lustres or
periods of five years, which in a subsequent redaction of the
book was displaced b}' the later method of reckoning by weeks of
years. See KAT., 284 sq.
4". Not improbably the text itself is wrong, and the Versions are
right, i. e. mane, tekel, pares. Thus, according toTheod.and the Vul-
gate in V. 25, according to LXX in the title to the chapter, the
inscription was written : mane, tekel, pares. The reading of the
Massoretic {upharsin, i.e. « ' and,^ parsin 'half minas' or' Persians')
would then be explained as an explanatory marginal gloss^ which
DANIEL 5. 27-31 59
kingdom, and brought it to an end. tekel; thou art 27
weighed in the balances, and art found wanting. " peres ; 28
thy kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and
Persians. Then commanded Belshazzar, and they 29
clothed Daniel with purple, and put a chain of gold
about his neck, and made proclamation concerning him,
that he should ^be the third ruler in the kingdom. In 30
that night Belshazzar the Chaldean king was slain. And 3'
Darius the Mede received the kingdom, being about
threescore and two years old.
* That is, Divided ^ Or, rule as one of three
simply meant 'Persians,' which subsequently displaced the original
peres or rsiihtr pares (as in Versions). Moreover the interpretation
in 26-28 presupposes this to be the inscription, and likewise the
account of Josephus, .^w/". x. 11.3. The three words would then
refer to Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, and the Persians, and the
relative merits of the first two exhibited by the comparison of the
mina and shekel. Each word had thus a double signification.
Mane (so Versions, though it should be read mand) would mean
* mina,' but would suggest nicne, ' numbered ' : hence the days of
Belshazzar are numbered; iekei means 'shekel,' but points to
tekel ' weighed ' — hence ' thou art weighed,' &c. ; pares (i. e. paras)
means 'Persian' and suggests peres (= divided): 'thy kingdom
is divided and given to the Persians.* Perhaps it would be better
to take pares in the Versions as a mistake for peras = ' half a
mina.' The inscription would then run : mane, tekel, peras, i. e,
' mina, shekel, half a mina,' where peras (= ' half a mina') would
be a comment on Belshazzar as a worthless son of a great father,
and would likewise suggest paras ' the Persians.'
29. the third rtiler. See note on 7.
31. Darius the Mede. Our author clearly believed (i) that
Darius was the sole and independent sovereign of the Babylonian
Empire, and (2) that his reign intervened between the Babylonian
and Persian dynasties.
1". Darius is not conceived as a vassal king, but as an inde-
pendent sovereign ; for he enjo} s the title of king (vi. 3, 7, 8, 9,
12, 13, &c.) : as sole ruler divides the vast empire into 120 satra-
pies (vi. i^, and as absolute despot sentences all the rulers of these
satrapies to death by a single decree (vi. 24). When he dies he is
succeeded by Cyrus the Persian (vi. 28). That our text, therefore,
regards Darius the Mede as the sole and absolute king of the
H
6o DANIEL 6. i
6 It pleased Darius to set over the kingdom an
hundred and twenty satraps, which should be through-
Babylonian empire cannot be questioned. In this respect, there-
fore, even if it were proved that Cyrus made Gobryas his general
king of Babylon and gave him the name of Darius, it would be
impossible to reconcile the conception of Darius in our text with
that of a vassal king such as this Gobryas.
a". According to our author a Median king reigned between
the Babylonian and Persian sovereignties. This is the natural
meaning of vi. 28 (cf. ix. i, 2, xi. i with x. i). But (a) this
view is against Isa. xl-xlviii (post -exilic'',, where Cyrus is repre-
sented as having been God's agent in overthrowing Babylon, and
becoming its king. No Median dynasty intervenes. In Ezra
v. 13 he is called ' king of Babylon,' though elsewhere more
frequently ' king of the Persians,' aChron. xxxvi. 22, Ezra i. i. &c.
{b i Neither Berosus nor any ancient writer knows anything of
a Median sovereignty after the fall of Babylon, (c) In the annals
of Nabuna'id and the Cyrus cylinder Cyrus is the immediate
successor of Nabuna'id on the throne of Babylon.
In short, no room can be found in the sacred records for Cyrus
in the reign of Darius, and none for Darius in the reign of C3'rus
in the secular records, so far as our present knowledge goes.
The idea that a Median king ruled over the world after the
overthrow of the Babylonian kingdom is probably to be traced,
as Bevan has suggested, to two facts. The first of them is that it
was known that a Median empire had existed before the Persians
had established their supremacy. The second is to be traced to
our author's study of O.T. prophecy, where it was foretold that
the Medes would conquer Babylon : Isa. xiii. 17, Jer. li. 11, 28.
That these prophecies had been fulfilled in default of any know-
ledge to the contrary was a natural supposition on the part of our
author.
received tlxe king>doin : i. e. from God. Cf. 28, ' given to the
Medes and Persians.'
vi. In iii. 1-30 the aim of our author was to direct his people
how to act in their relations to a heathen religion and to admonish
them not to acknowledge or share in its worship, but rather to
prefer death to apostasy. In this chapter it is his aim to enforce
the duty of observing their own religion. And since during the
exile this observance could not extend beyond acts of private and
personal worship, it is just this side of the Jewish religion that has
to be brought forward here, and it is the necessity of emphasizing
this side that obliged our author to introduce certain unlikely or
incredible features into his story, such as the king's issuing such
DANIEL 6. 2-6 6i
out the whole kingdom ; and over them three presidents, 2
of whom Daniel was one ; that these satraps might give
account unto them, and that the king should have no
damage. Then this Daniel was distinguished above the 3
presidents and the satraps, because an excellent spirit
was in him ; and the king thought to set him over the
whole realm. Then the presidents and the satraps sought 4
to find occasion against Daniel as touching the kingdom ;
but they could find none occasion nor fault ; forasmuch
as he was faithful, neither was there any error or fault
found in him. Then said these men, We shall not 5
find any occasion against this Daniel, except we find it
against him concerning the law of his God. Then these 6
a preposterous edict as that in the text and his failure to consult
the chiefest and wisest of his great officers before issuing such an
edict. These and other such features, however, appear no longer
unreasonable when they serve to manifest Daniel's faithful observ-
ance of his religion in private. By such a story or parable our
author sought to encourage his countrymen, who under the
persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes were precluded in the main
from all acts of public worship, to be true and hold fast to the life
of private devotion, even as Daniel had done.
1-2. Darius appoints 120 satraps with three presidents, of
whom Daniel was chief.
1. an hundred and twenty satraps. On 'satraps' see iii. 2.
According to Herodotus iii. Sgsqq., the kingdom was divided into
20 satrapies, and this was first done under Darius H vsLaspis. In
Esther i. i, viii. 9, i Esdras iii. 2, Add. to Esther ii. i, v. i there
were 127 provinces. Tiie number in our text may have been
suggested thereby.
2. presidents. The Aram, word, which is found also in the
Targums, is said to be from the Persian sarak ' chief from sar
' head.'
3. excellent spirit was in him. Cf. v. 12.
4. as touching the kingdom, i. e. in his administration of his
official duties in contrast to his observance of his religious duties
(ver. 5).
neither was there any error ... in him. This clause
should be exercised as a dittograph. The LXX and Theod. omit.
6. law. The same dath is here used for law as in ii. 9, 13, 15,
H 2
62 DANIEL 6. 7
presidents and satraps » assembled together to the king,
7 and said thus unto him, King Darius, Hve for ever. All
the presidents of the kingdom, the deputies and the
satraps, the counsellors and the governors, have consulted
together ^to establish a royal statute, and to make a strong
* Or, came tttmultuously (and so in vv. ir, 15)
^ Or, that the king should establish a statute, and make &c.
vi. 8, 12, 15. Here, as in Ezra vii. 12, 14 sq., it denotes the
Jewish law.
6. assembled tog-ether : Aram, hargtshu, R.V. marg. 'came
tumultuousl}'.' The best modern scholars support the latter
rendering — adducing the Aramaic of the Targums on Ruth i. 9,
Ps. xlvi. 6, and the Hebrew in Ps, ii. i. This word occurs
again in vi. 11, 15. But the translation 'came tumultuously ' is
not suitable to the context either in vi. 6 or in vi. 11. In the
former verse, where the presidents and satraps are approaching
the king with a view to securing a favour, such a manner of
approach would be unseemly. They wish to secure the king's
assent to a law which they are secretly directing against Daniel.
Here the LXX renders TrpuarjXOoaav, which elsewhere in this
book is always a rendering of keribu as it is also in Thcodotion.
The Peshitto actually gives this Aramaic word. Hence it is not
at all improbable that keribu stood originally in the text, and that
we should render : ' Then these presidents . . . drew near to the
king.'
Now turning to vi. ii we observe how hopelessly unsuitable
the words ' came thronging ' or ' tumultuously ' are in such a con-
nexion. The presidents and other great officers of the king have
succeeded in getting a law enacted against Daniel. Their next
object is to detect Daniel in the act of breaking this law. What
writer would in such a case represent them as ' flocking tumul-
tuously ' to Daniel's house. Here again the Versions come to our
aid. The LXX, Theodotion, the Peshitto, and Vulgate give the
rendering 'kept watch' or ' spied upon.' Now this meaning of
hargishu is actually found in the Jerusalem Targum of E.xod. ii. 3
and in Hebrew in the Mishna of the Jerusalem Talmud. Hence
we should without hesitation render : ' Then these men kept
watch upon and found Daniel praying.' On vi. 15 see note.
*7. All the presidents. Is this misrepresentation made delibe-
rately in order to lead the king to believe that Daniel had taken
part in this appeal to the king?
the deputies and the satraps, &c. See note on iii. a.
to establish a royal statute. The R.V. margin here is best
'that the king should establish a statute.' The officers of the
DANIEL G. 8-10 63
interdict, that whosoever shall ask a petition of any god
or man for thirty days, save of thee, O king, he shall be
cast into the den of lions. Now, O king, establish the S
interdict, and sign the writing, that it be not changed,
according to the law of the Medes and Persians, which
^altereth not. Wherefore king Darius signed the writing 9
and the interdict. And when Daniel knew that the 10
writing was signed, he went into his house ; (now his
windows were open in his chamber toward Jerusalem ;)
and he kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and
* Aram, passeth not aivay.
king could not do so themselves : the king does so in vi. 9. The
difficulty is due to the subject of the infinitive being placed at
the end of the clause.
or man. These words are omitted by the LXX and appar-
ently rightly. For that no man should be allowed for thirty daj^s
to make a single request of any of his neighbours is too extravagant
to be taken seriously. The text is concerned only with prayer
directed to a god. This is clear from ver, 8, where Daniel's
enemies admit that they can find no occasion against him save in
the law of his God.
save of thee, O king-. For thirty days the king would be
honoured as a god.
den of lions. The Assyrian and Persian kings kept lions in
enclosures for hunting purposes,
8. which altereth not. Cf. Esther i. 19, viii. 8.
10. now his windows, &c. More literally : ' now he had in
his chamber windows opening.'
windows. These were of the nature of lattices : cf. Prov.vii. 6.
his chamber. Aram, 'illitheh : cf. the Greek virtpcLov. The
chamber was an apartment raised on the flat roof of the house :
cf. Acts X. 9 km TO baifxa. Such a chamber was specially used for
prayer, mourning, and acts of devotion : cf. Isa. xxii. i, Ps. cii. 7,
Acts X. 9, Judith viii. 5 It was such a chamber that was built on
the roof for Elisha by the Shunammite, 2 Kings iv. 10.
toward Jerusalem. The custom of turning to the east
became usual, no doubt, from the Exile onwards. Cf. Tob. iii. 11,
I Esdras iv, 58, Berakli. iv. 5, 6, Authority for turning to
Jerusalem was to be found in i Kings viii. 44, towards the Temple
in viii. 35, 48, Cf. Ezek. viii, 16 sqq., Ps. v. 7, xxviii. 2.
Uiree times a day. Cf. Ps. Iv. 17, 2 Enoch li. 4. These
64 DANIEL 6. 11-13
prayed, and gave thanks before his God, as he did afore-
11 time. Then these men assembled together, and found
Daniel making petition and supplication before his God.
12 Then they came near, and spake before the king con-
cerning the king's interdict ; Hast thou not signed an
interdict, that every man that shall make petition unto
any god or man within thirty days, save unto thee, O
king, shall be cast into the den of lions? The king
answered and said, The thing is true, according to the
law of the Medes and Persians, which «^altereth not.
13 Then answered they and said before the king, That
Daniel, which is of the children of the captivity of Judah,
^ Aram, passetit not aivay.
three liours were at the time of the morning burnt-offering, in the
afternoon when the evening meal was offered— the ninth hour:
cf. ix. 21, Ezra ix. 5, Judith ix. i, Acts iii. i, x. 30. and at sunset ;
Berakh. iii. 3, iv. i.
before his God. As Dalman {The Words of Jesus, 209-13)
points out, it was the practice of the later Jews to speak, pray, or
confess before God rather than to Him. Likewise a man was said
to blaspheme or sin before God, i.e. against Him. This was due
to their sense of reverence. And as divine honours were in part
paid to oriental monarchs this usage was extended to them. Thus
men spoke not to the king but before him. Cf. ii. 9, 10, 11, 27, 36,
V. 17. In vi. 22 Daniel affirms that he has done no wrong before
the king. But the above usage was carried still further, and
actions were said to have been done or left undone before God,
when the actions in question were those which God Himself
either did or did not do. Thus in Luke xii. 6, the words 'not
one of them is forgotten in the sight of God ' means God does not
forget one of them. Even volition might not be directly predicated
of God : in Malt xviii. 14 the text, literallj' rendered, is : 'it
is not a thing willed before {OfXrjfxa (finpoaOfv) your Father which
is in heaven.' That is, God does not will that. Or again in Matt.
xi. 26 ' so it was well-pleasing in thy sight.'
11. assembled togfether. Read 'kept watch on' or 'spied
upon.' See note on ver. 6.
12. or man. We should omit these words as in ver. 7 (see
note) with the LXX.
DANIEL 6. 14-18 65
regardeth not thee, O king, nor the interdict that thou
hast signed, but maketh his petition three times a day.
Then the king, when he heard these words, was sore 14
displeased, and set his heart on Daniel to deliver him :
and he laboured till the going down of the sun to rescue
him. Then these men assembled together unto the king, 15
and said unto the king, Know, O king, that it is a law
of the Medes and Persians, that no interdict nor statute
which the king establisheth may be changed. Then the ^6
king commanded, and they brought Daniel, and cast him
into the den of lions. Now the king spake and said unto
Daniel, Thy God whom thou servest continually, he will
deliver thee. And a stone was brought, and laid upon 17
the mouth of the den ; and the king sealed it with his
own signet, and with the signet of his lords; ^ that nothing
might be changed concerning Daniel. Then the king 18
went to his palace, and passed the night fasting : neither
were ^' instruments of music brought before him : and his
* Or, that there might he no change of purpose "^ Or, dancing girls
13. reg-ardeth not thee. Read ' obeyeth not thee' as in
iii. 12 (see note).
maketh Ms petition. Add with the LXX and Theod. * to
his God.' Cf. verses 10. ir.
15. This verse comes in here awkwardly. In the preceding
verse the text presupposes Daniel's adversaries as present before
the king. What then is to be made of this verse which begins :
'Then these men assembled together'? Something seems wrong.
We might perhaps with Theodotion omit the words 'assembled
together unto the king and '. This certainly removes the difficulty.
But the order and possibly the form of the text in the LXX are
probably to be preferred, which omits the above clause and trans-
fers this verse before ver. 13. The text of the LXX, which
diverges greatly here, is in part supported by the account in
Josephus. See my larger Commentary for details.
17. his own signet. Seals were used throughout the ancient
world. See Art. 'Ring' in the Encvc. Bib. and 'Seal' in
Hastings' BD.
18. instruments of mxisic. The real meaning of the word
66 DANIEL 6. 19-24
19 sleep fled from him. Then the king arose very early in
the morning, and went in haste unto the den of lions.
20 And when he came nearunto the den to Daniel, he cried
with a lamentable voice : the king spake and said to
Daniel, O Daniel, servant of the living God, is thy God,
whom thou servest continually, able to deliver thee from
21 the lions? Then said Daniel unto the king, O king, live
33 for ever. My God hath sent his angel, and hath shut
the lions' mouths, and they have not hurt me : forasmuch
as before him innocency was found in me; and also
33 before thee, O king, have I done no hurt. Then was
the king exceeding glad, and commanded that they
should take Daniel up out of the den. So Daniel was
taken up out of the den, and no manner of hurt was
found upon him, because he had trusted in his God.
24 And the king commanded, and they brought those men
which had accused Daniel, and they cast them into the
den of lions, them, their children, and their wives ; and
the lions had the mastery of them, and brake all their
bones in pieces, or ever they came at the bottom of
the den.
dahawan is unknown. Theodotion and the Peshitto render it
' foods,' Ibn Ezra ' stringed instruments,' Saadi, * dancing girls.'
It is perhaps best, with Marti and Prince, to regard dachawan as
corrupt for I'henan = 'concubines' (v. 2, 3, 23V
But it is possible that the text is here simply corrupt, and that
for 'ji-jn n"? pm we should with the LXX and Josephus read
"jS'n '"^V mn 'ii = ' he grieved about Daniel.' Dahawan would
then be a vox nihili.
20. the living- God. Cf. Deut. v. 26, Joshua iii. lo, &c.
22. before thee. See note on ver. 10.
24. accused. See iii. 8, note.
had the mastsry of them, or ' fell upon them," as in the
Targums on 2 Sam. i. 15, and in the corresponding Hebrew in
Esther ix. i according to many scholars.
or ever: a reduplicated form of ' ere' = ' before.'
DANIEL 6. 25-28-7. I 67
Then king Darius wrote unto all the peoples, nations, 25
and languages, that dwell in all the earth ; Peace be
multiplied unto you. I make a decree, that in all the 26
dominion of my kingdom men tremble and fear before
the God of Daniel : for he is the living God, and stedfast
for ever, and his kingdom that which shall not be
destroyed, and his dominion shall be even unto the end :
he delivereth and rescueth, and he worketh signs and 27
wonders in heaven and in earth ; who hath delivered
Daniel from the power of the lions. So this Daniel 28
prospered in the reign of Darius, and in the reign of Cyrus
the Persian.
In the first year of Belshazzar king of Babylon Daniel 7
25-28. The edict of the king. This edict is composed almost
wholly of turns and phrases found in the earlier chapters, and the
essential thought of the historical section of the book is here set
forth in metrical form.
25. Cf. iv. I.
26. I make a decree. So iii. 29.
tremble and fear. This phrase has been used in reference
to Nebuchadnezzar iri v. 19.
26'*-27. The text should probably be arranged as follows :
* For he is the living God,
And he abideth for ever :
And his kingdom is one that cannot be destroyed,
And his dominion is everlasting :
He delivereth and rescueth,
And worketh signs and wonders
In heaven and in earth,
Who hath delivered Daniel
From the power of the lions.'
26. his king'dom, &c. Cf. ii. 44, iv. 3, 34 b, vii. 14, 27.
27. delivereth and rescueth. Cf iii, 28, 29.
sigTis and wonders. Cf. iv. 2, 3.
from the power. This general expression recalls llic more
definite one in i Sam. xvii. 37 'from the claws of the lion.'
VII-XII. The Visions of Daniel.
vii. The vision in this chapter is parallel with that in chapter ii.
68 DANIEL 7. i
» had a dream and visions of his head upon his bed :
* Aram. saw.
The four world kingdoms followed by a fifth— that of the Saints —
are the subject of both, the four kingdoms being symbolized by
the four parts of the great image in ii and the four beasts in vii.
Three questions call for consideration. These are i°. The four
world empires. 2". The ten horns. 3". The three horns plucked up.
The Four World Empires. Only two interpretations that gained
the suffrages of the centuries immediately following the publication
of Daniel have any claims to consideration here.
1°. The first, of which only a few, but undubitable, traces
survive, identified the fourth kingdom with the Greek empire,
the other, which is attested in the first century of the Christian
era, but probably originated earlier, identified it with the Roman
empire. It goes without saying that, if the latter had been first
in the field, the former could never have gained a hearing after
the close of the second century B.C. ; for then the Roman and not
the Greek empire was all powerful in the East. This first inter-
pretation, which is also the true one, passed out of currency just
because history had failed to confirm it. In this, as in other
instances of unfulfilled prophecy, the faithful applied themselves
anew to the study of the prophecy in question, and so a fresh
interpretation of the four kingdoms was issued, which discovered
in the fourth kingdom the empire of Rome.
Since this is a simple statement of historical fact, it will be
unnecessary to enter here on the vagaries of mediaeval and
modern hermeneutics on this chapter. It will be sufficient to
give briefly the evidence for the above statements.
(a) According to the older and true interpretation the four
kingdoms were (i) the Babylonian, (2) the Median, (3) the
Persian, (4) the Greek or Macedonian. The identification of the
Selucidae or Greek rulers of Syria with the fourth kingdom first
appears, though in a veiled form, as befits the character of the
work, in the Sibylline Oracles, iii. 388-400. This portion of the
book, which was written not later than 140 b.c, refers to the ten
horns of our text.
388 * One day there shall come unexpectedly to Asia's wealthy
land
A man clad with a purple cloak upon his shoulders,
Savage, a stranger to justice, fiery ; for he hath exalted
himself
Even against the thunder, a mortal as he is. And all Asia
shall have an evil yoke,
And the drenched earth shall drink large draughts of blood.
DANIEL 7. r 69
then he wrote the dream and told the sum of the matters.
But even so Hades shall attend him utterly destroyed.
By the race of those whose family he wishes to destroy
395 By them shall his own family be destroyed.
Yet after leaving one root, which the Destroyer shall cut off
From among ten horns, he shall put forth a side shoot.
He shall cut down the warrior parent of the purple race,
And fhe himself at the hand of his grandsons shall perish
in a like fate of warf :
400 And then a parasite horn shall have dominion.'
(Translated by Lanchester in Charles'
Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha^ ii. 385-86.)
In these verses we have the interpretation put on the ten horns
of the fourth kingdom. It may not, it is true, agree exactly with
any modern identification of the ten 'horns' or kings, but it is at
one with them in regarding the ' horns ' as kings of the Greek
empire. In the Sibj'llines 'the man clad with a purple cloak' is
Antiochus Epiphanes. The race, which Antiochus Epiphanes
wished to destroy, was that of his brother Seleucus IV, Philopator.
But the son of the latter, Demetrius I (162-150 B.C.), shall put to
death the 'one root' which Antiochus left, i.e. Antiochus V,
Eupator (164-162 B.C.), or, in the words of the Sibyl, 'shall cut
(him) off from among ten horns.' Demetrius I was in turn slain
by ' the side shoot,' i. e. Alexander Balas, who claimed to be a son
of Antiochus Epiphanes, and reigned from 150 to 146 B.C. He
was slain by Demetrius II and Ptolemy VI, Philometor (i Mace,
xi. 1-19), and not by the former and Antiochus VII as the
Sib3'llines state. The parasite horn is Trypho, who had his ward
Antiochus VI removed and reigned in his stead from 142 to 137 B.C.
The text of the Sibyllines is not free from corruption.
Again, 4 Ezra xii. 10-12 (a.d. 80-120), which interprets the
fourth kingdom of the Roman empire, quite clearly states that
this interpretation is not the interpretation which the angel gave
to Daniel, i.e. that which identified the Greek empire with the
fourth kingdom, and which till Rome became mistress of the East
had been the accepted one. The passage in Ezra runs: xii. 10
'And he said unto me: This is the interpretation of the vision
which thou hast seen, 11. The Eagle whom thou sawest come
up from the sea is the fourth kingdom, which appeared in vision
to thy brother Daniel, 12. But it was not interpreted unto him as
I now interpret it unto thee or have interpreted it.'
This interpretation was still prevalent in the third century a.d. ;
for it was recognized by Porph3'r3' a.d. 233-304), and in the fourth
by Ephrem Syrus (a.d. 300-350).
Median
empire.
70 DANIEL 7. 2
2 Daniel spake and said, I saw in my vision by night, and,
According, therefore, to the authentic interpretation of Dan. ii,
vii, and viii the symbols are to be identified as follows :
Chap. ii. The vii. The four beasts. ) -d u 1
_j . •_ „ Babylonian
great image. femnire
The golden head = Lion with Eagle's wings. j "
Silverbreastand = Bear with three ribs in its mouth"
arms ( = first and shorter horn of ram
in viii).
Brass belly and = Leopard with four wings (--) p
thighs. second and higher horn of ram L
^ ...V ^ f empire,
in viii). I *^
Iron legs, feet = Beast with iron teeth and ten horns \
and toes, part- among which arose a little horn [ ^ ,
ly iron, partly (= goat with one horn followed ^ .
clay. by four horns out of which arose "
a little horn in viii). /
{b) The second interpretation, which arose on the failure of the
first and identified the Roman empire with the fourth kingdom,
is found in the N. T. In Rev. xiii the first monster, which
emerges from the sea with seven heads and ten horns, is the
Roman empire. Again, in the ' Little Apocalypse' in Mark xiii
( = Matt, xxiv = Luke xxi), the author of this Apocalypse clearly
regarded Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11 as referring to the Roman
empire (see Mark xiii. 14).
If we turn from the N.T. to early Jewish and Christian litera-
ture, we are justified in supposing that the author of the Assump-
tion of Moses (a.d. 7-3O; interpreted the fourth kingdom of Rome ;
for in viii-ix of this work there is an account of the calamities
endured under Antiochus Epiphanes. That is in the past so far
as the writer is concerned. Then as regards the future, he predicts
the overthrow of Rome by Israel, ix. 8.
' Then thou, O Israel, shalt be happy
And thou shalt mount on the necks and wings of the Eagle
And they shall be endedf:'
where the last two lines should probably be read as :
'And thou shalt go up against the Eagle
And its necks and wings shall be destroyed.'
But, however this may be, there can be no doubt as to the
passage in 4 Ezra xii. 11-12 {c. a.d. 120) where the writer
clearly implies that the angel in Dan. vii. 17-19, 23 sqq. mis-
interpreted Daniel's vision by identifying the Greek empire with
the fourth beast. The same view is to be found in Ep. Barn. iv.
4-5 {c. A.D. 100-120), and in Hippolytus (c, a.d. 220), and in the
Talmud —Aboda Zara r^
DANIEL 7. 2 71
behold, the four winds of the heaven brake forth upon
Some modern scholars have advocated this view, but it is wholly
untenable. The former view is now accepted practically by the
whole world of scholarship.
2*^. the ten horns. The ' ten horns ' represent ten kings (cf.
ver. 24), and not ten kingdoms as in viii. 8, where the ^ four
horns ' stand for four kingdoms. Now, since after these ten horns
there arises another horn, the 'little horn,' and since this little
horn is Antiochus Epiphanes, it follows that the ten preceding horns
are kings. But owing to the paucity of our information it has
not yet been determined definitely who these ten kings are. They
have been taken to represent the successors of Alexander by
many scholars ; and so we have (i) Seleucus I, Nicator (312-280
B.C.) : (2) Antiochus I, Soter (279-261) : (3' Antiochus II, Theos
(261-246) : (4) Seleucus II, Callinicus (246-226) : (5) Seleucus III,
Ceraunus ^226-223 : ^6 Antiochus III, the Great (222 187) : (7)
Seleucus IV, Philopator ^186-176): (8) Heliodorus : (9, Plolemy
VII, Philometor (182-146): (10) Demetrius I, Soter. These last
ihree had all stood in the way of Antiochus Epiphanes and had
either directly or indirectly suffered at his hands in his efforts
to secure the throne and establish his power. But as Hitzig,
Kuenen, Bevan, and others urge, the list should begin with
Alexander, since the fourth beast represents the Greek supremacy.
Hence they begin the list with Alexander the Great and reckon
the last three as (8) Seleucus IV, Philopator : (9) Heliodorus :
(10) Demetrius I, Soter.
3°. the three horns plucked up. Of the ten horns three were
to be 'plucked up' (ver. 8), overthrown (ver. 26), or 'put
down ' (ver. 24^, by the eleventh horn, i. e. Antiochus Epiphanes.
These were most probably the last three in the list of ten just given.
Antiochus Epiphanes would appear to the Jews, as may be
inferred from our text, to have instigated the removal of Seleucus
Philometor by Heliodorus. The latter, we know, he crushed
through the help of his friends Attains and Eumenes of Pergamum.
The grounds are less cogent with regard to Demetiius Soter. It
is true that he was the rightful heir of the kingdom, but he was
kept out of his inheritance by Antiochus. He could hardly,
therefore, be said to have reigned before Antiochus or to have
been slain by him. On these grounds, it has been objected that
Demetrius Soter cannot be rightly included in the above list.
Instead of Demetrius Soter as the tenth king it has been suggested
by von Gutschmidt that the last of the three horns was not this
Demetrius but a brother of his, who was executed by the orders
of Antiochus according to John of Antioch (Muller, Frag. Hist.
Grace., iv. 558, quoted by Bevan). If we accept this suggestion
the last three princes satisfy fairly the conditions of the problem.
7a DANIEL 7. 3, 4
3 the great sea. And four great beasts came up from the
4 sea, diverse one from another. The first was hke a Hon,
vii. 1. In the first year of Belshazzar. The historical narra-
tives are now at an end and a series of visions begins herewith.
The first of these goes back to a date earlier than that of chap. v.
had. Literally ' saw ' as in marg.
then he wrote the dream. From ver. a onwards through-
out the book Daniel speaks in the first person unless in x. i.
told the snm of the matters. . . . spake and said. These
words may be a gloss. They are omitted by Theodotion : their
omission restores the text to order. From the preceding words
we learn that Daniel wrote down his visions. We are therefore
to regard what follows as a transcript of the original account of
his visions. But the words told . . . said represent Daniel as Hot
only writing an account of his visions but also as subsequently
recounting them orally. The LXX omits with Theodotion saving
the clause ' the sum of the matters.' Instead, therefore, of 'he
wrote . . . and said ' we should probably read : ' he wrote the
dream (and) the sum of matters,' i.e. a summary account of the
vision.
2-8. The /our beasts.
2. in my vision by night. The LXX, Theod. and Pesh. read
as in vii. 7, 13 'in the visions of the night.'
four winds of the heaven. Cf. viii. 8, xi. 4, Zech. ii. 6, vi. 5.
brake forth upon the great sea. So the R.V., but this would
naturally require b? or a before sea instead of *f. Hence Ldv}'
and Bevan suggest that the verb should be taken transitively
as in the Targums : ' stirred up the great sea.'
the great sea. This is usually the Mediterranean (Joshua
ix. i). But not improbably it has a mythological meaning here :
cf. Isa. li. 10, Ps. Ixxiv. 13 sq. as Marti suggests.
3. oame up from the sea. Cf. Rev. xiii. i, Ezra xi. i, xiii. 3.
4. Babylon is compared here to a lion in regard to its might
(cf. Jer. xlix. 19, 1. 17), and to an eagle because of its swiftness
(cf. Jer. xlix. 22, Hab. i. 8). Its distinguishing characteristics
belong naturally to the animal world. But after a time these
animal characteristics disappear, and the Babylonian kingdom
becomes so to speak humanized in the person of its head, i.e.
Nebuchadnezzar ; for there is obviousl}' an allusion here to the
experiences in chap, iv, Nebuchadnezzar being here, as in ii. 38,
identified with the kingdom of Babylon. The beast's heart (iv. 16)
was removed from him and his understanding restored (iv. 34, 36),
so here the creature that represents Babylon receives the heart
(i.e. the intelligence) of a man, and like him is made to stand
upon its feet.
DANIEL 7. 5-7 73
and had eagle's wings : I beheld till the wings thereof
were plucked, and it was lifted up from the earth, and
made to stand upon two feet as a man, and a man's
heart was given to it. And behold another beast, a 5
second, like to a bear, and ^it was raised up on one
side, and three ribs were in his mouth between his teeth :
and they said thus unto it. Arise, devour much flesh.
After this I beheld, and lo another, like a leopard, which 6
had upon the back of it four wings of a fowl ; the beast
had also four heads ; and dominion was given to it.
After this I saw in the night visions, and behold a fourth 7
beast, terrible and ^powerful, and strong exceedingly;
* Or, as otherwise read, it raised up one dominion
^ Or, dreadful
It must be confessed that the above explanation is rather forced,
but this is owing to the combination of two really incongruous sets
of ideas,
5. The Median Empire appears in the form of a bear. As the
bear is inferior in strength to the lion, so the Median Empire was
inferior to that of Babylon (ii. 39).
another ... a second. One or other of these two words is
a gloss. The former is omitted by Theod. and the Pesh. : the
latter by the LXX and the Vulgate. The text in verse 6 supports
the LXX and Vulgate.
it was raised np on one side. So some MSS., LXX, and
Theod. The Massoretic reads 'it had raised up one side.' The
difference is immaterial so far as the meaning goes, which is far
from obvious. Perhaps the words point to its inferiority in respect
to the first kingdom (ii. 39).
three ribs were in his mouth. These words may point to
the ravenous nature of the beast — an idea suggested (Bevan) by
those passages of the prophets in which the Medes are summoned
to ravage Babylon (Isa. xiii. 17, Jer. Ii. ir, 28).
they said. Simply an Aramaism equivalent to * it was said.'
6. upon the back of it. Rather * on its sides.' The four wings
are regarded as indicating the might of the Persian Empire as
extending to the four quarters of the earth, and the four heads as
symbolizing the four Persian kings (xi. a).
7-8. The fourth beast, i.e. the Gretk Empire.
74 DANIEL 7. f?, 9
and it had great iron teeth : it devoured and brake in
pieces, and stamped the residue with his feet : and it
was diverse from all the beasts that were before it ; and
8 it had ten horns. I considered the horns, and, behold,
there came up among them another horn, a little one,
before which three of the first horns were plucked up by
the roots : and, behold, in this horn were eyes like the
9 eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking great things. I be-
7. it was diverse from all, &c. These words give the impres-
sion created in the oriental mind by the conquests of Alexander.
While the preceding empires had left local customs untouched,
the Greek Empire overthrew the older civilization and transformed
it radically. It did its task with thoroughness : * it devoured and
brake in pieces, and crushed the residue with its feet.'
it had ten horns. These are ten kings — most probably
successors of Alexander on the throne of Antioch. See Introd.
to this chapter. For the horn used as a symbol of a king, cf. verse
24, viii. 5, 8% 9, 21, I Enoch xc. 9, or a dynasty of kings viii. 3, 6,
7, 8^ 20, 22.
8. another horn, a little one. Cf. viii. 9. The * little horn '
is Antiochus Epiphanes. He was 'little* to begin with, but soon
achieved such power that three of the first horns were overthrown
by him. Antiochus was not the lawful heir (xi. 21).
three of the first horns. These were most probably i^.
Seleucus IV (Philopator\ who was murdered by his minister
Heliodorus ; 2°. Heliodorus, who soon after his usurpation was
overthrown by Attains and Eumenesof Pergamum ; 3'*. Demetrius
I (Soter), who was the son and lawful heir of Seleucus IV (Philo-
pator). But see Introd. to this chapter.
eyes like the eyes of a man. These imply the faculty of
keen observation and therefore of intelligence. Cf. viii. 23.
a mouth speaking" g'reat thingfs. Cf. Ps. xii. 3, ' the tongue
that speaketh great things,' Obad. 12, Rev. xiii. 5. These words
are very suitable to Antiochus Epiphanes, who was to 'speak
marvellous things against the God of gods' (xi. 36). Cf. i Mace,
i. 24, where it is said that after robbing the Temple of all its
treasures he 'spake very presumptuously.' His conduct is de-
scribed in analogous terms in 2 Mace. v. 17, 21.
and he made war with the saints. These words should be
added to verse 8, with the LXX. This forms the crowning sin of
the little horn, and the context requires it. Besides it is found in the
like contexts in verses 21, 25. On the violent measures taken by
Antiochus Epiphanes against the Jews, cf. 25, viii. 10-14, 24-25.
DANIEL 7. 9 75
held till thrones were " placed, and one that was ancient
* Or. cast down
9-14. Divine judgement of the heathen poivers. As in 1-8 Daniel
saw on the earth in a vision of the first year of Belshazzar the
four kingdoms that would successively hold the world in thrall, so
here at their close his vision is carried from earth to heaven and
he learns in the final judgement of God the right explanation of
the course of the world's empires and their history. At this
judgement which he foresees in his vision the thrones were set for
the heavenly powers, the assessors of the Judge, and the Almighty
Himself appeared seated on a throne of fire and encompassed with
myriads of angelic beings. The books were opened, and the fourth
beast was slain because of the horn that spoke great things, and
the other three beasts had their dominion taken away. Then
there came in the clouds of heaven a being like a son of man, and
to him was given an everlasting dominion and a kingdom that
should not pass away.
9-10. We have here two stanzas of three lines each.
9. thrones were placed: i.e. for the angelic assessors. On
the expression cf. Ps. cxxii. 5, ' thrones for judgement.' Here,
as in iv. 17, the heavenly powers take part with God in the
judgement.
one that was ancient of days : lit. 'one aged in days.' This
means simply an aged being. The same expression, as Driver
points out, occurs in the Syriac version of Wisdom ii. 10 for ' an
old man ' and in Sir. xxv. 4 for ' elders.' The Hebrew equivalent
occurs in Gen. xxiv. i. Marti compares it with the expressions ' the
first and the last,' Isa. xliv. 6, 'He that sitteth (enthroned) of
old,' Ps. Iv. 19, and 'the Eternal One,' i Bar. iv. 10, 14, 20. But there
is no element of eternity in the phrase in our text. Hence it is
an extraordinary expression to apply to God, and accordingly
if we take into account the fact that throughout this and all other
Jewish apocalypses every reference to or description of God is
couched in terms of the utmost reverence, we must find it difficult
to accept the phrase as original in its present form. If this is so
it is not improbable that instead of ' one aged in days' the text
originally read 'one like an aged being' or ' man.' This would be
the true apocalyptic form of expression, resembling that in Ezek.
i. 26, where the exceeding reverence of the seer's words should
be observed. I, therefore, suggest that K^^'attik yomin = 'one like
an aged being' was an apocal^'ptic designation of God in Aramaic.
When this designation was once accepted, the next stage in its
development would be possible, i. e. to drop the comparative
particle and therewith the apocalyptic form of the expression and
transform the indefinite expression into a definite : i. e. instead of
I
76 DANIEL 7. lo
of days did sit : his raiment was white as snow, and the
hair of his head like pure wool; his throne was fiery
10 flames, and the wheels thereof burning fire. A fiery
* like an aged being ' we should have * the aged being ' (vii. 13, 2a).
We have an exactly similar development in the case of 'like a son
of man ' (Dan. vii. 13) and 'the Son of Man ' (i Enoch xlvi. a, &c.).
The latter expression has no meaning apart from its development
out of 'like a son of man.' The phrase 'an aged being' denotes
simply, as above said, an old man. But the apocalyptic phrase
'like an aged being' affirms at once a likeness and an unlikeness.
The likeness consists in the dignified appearance of an aged man,
the unlikeness in the fact that the Being so described is not a
human but a supernatural being. In apocalyptic visions, where
men or nations are symbolized by animals, supernatural beings are
symbolized by men.
his raiment was white as snow. The Massoretic punctua-
tion requires ' his raiment was as white snow.'
the hair of his head like pure wool. The suggestion of the
context is that the hair was white. Hence unless we assume that
wool is white, which of course it sometimes is, the comparison is
not a good one. The LXX has here ' the hair of his head was
spotless as white wool.' This reading has the support of 1 Enoch
xlvi. I, Rev. i. 14. See detailed criticism in my larger Com-
mentary.
his throne was flery flames, &c. We might compare i Enoch
xiv. i8-2a with verses 9-10 of our text.
* And I looked and saw therein a lofty throne :
Its appearance was as crystal,
And the wheels thereof as the shining sun,
And there was the vision of cherubim.
19 And from underneath the throne came streams of flaming
fire
So that I could not look thereon.
20 And the Great Glory sat thereon
And His raiment shone more brightly than the sun,
And was whiter than any snow . . .
22 The flaming fire was round about Him,
And a great fire stood before Him,
And none around could draw nigh Him.
Ten thousand times ten thousand (stood) before Him,
Yet He needed no counsellor.'
the wheels thereof burning' fire. Cf. i Enoch xiv. 18
quoted above, Ezek. i. 15 sqq.
10. A flery stream . . . came forth f^om before him. Cf. Ps.
DANIEL 7. ri-13 77
stream issued and came forth from before him : thousand
thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times
ten thousand stood before him : the judgement was set,
and the books were opened. I beheld at that time n
because of the voice of the great words which the horn
spake ; I beheld even till the beast was slain, and his
body destroyed, and he was given ^ to be burned with
fire. And as for the rest of the beasts, their dominion 12
was taken away : yet their lives were prolonged for a
season and a time. I saw in the night visions, and, 13
* Aram, to the burning of fire.
xcvii. 3, 'a fire goeth before Him,' also 1. 3. On 'from before'
see note on vi. 10.
thousand thousands, &c. Cf. Deut. xxxiii. 2, i Enoch i. 9,
xiv. 22, xl. I, Ixxi. 8, 13, Jude 14, 15.
stood before: i.e. were in attendance.
the judgement was set. * The judgement nere ^ those who
judge, just as in Jer. xxiii. 18, Ps. Ixxxix. 7 'council' (i. e. sod)^
•those who deliberate' (Bevan).
the books were opened. Cf. Exod. xxxii. 32 sq. , Ps. Ixix.
28, Isa. iv. 3, I Enoch xlvii. 3 (where see full note on this subject),
Jubilees xxx. 20 sqq., Luke x. 20, Hebrews xii. 23, Rev. iii. 5,
XX, 12.
11. The fourth beast is destroyed once and for all, because of
the blasphemies of Antiochus Epiphanes (ver. 8) ; for then the
guilt had become full (viii. 23).
I beheld 2*^. This repetition is uncalled for. It is probably
a gloss, for it is omitted by Theod. and also by the LXX as we
learn from the Hexaplaric Syriac.
he was given to be burned with fire. This is the final
place of punishment — a place of fire as i Enoch x. 6, xviii. 11,
xxi. 7-10, where the fallen angels were cast. These passages are
older than our text. In xc. 24-27, which may have been written
contemporaneously with our text, the same place of torment is
referred to.
12. The three remaining beasts are not destroyed forthwith as
the fourth beast. These heathen powers survive the loss of their
dominion, as nations, not as kingdoms. In chapter ii the four
kingdoms are destroyed simultaneously.
13-14. These verses form a stanza of six lines. Verse 13
consists of a distich of two double lines, verse 14 is a tetrastich :
I 2
78 DANIEL 7. 14
behold, there came with the clouds of heaven one like
unto a son of man, and he came even to the ancient of
14 days, and they brought him near before him. And there
was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, that
all the peoples, nations, and languages should serve him :
his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not
pass away, and his kingdom that which shall not be
destroyed.
' And there was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom,
That all the peoples, nations, and languages should serve him :
His dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass
away,
And his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed.'
came with the clouds of heaven. See following note. Cf.
Mark xiii. 26, xiv. 62, Rev. i. 7, xiv. 14, 15, 16. Owing to this
verse the Messiah was sometimes designated ' the Cloud Man.'
like unto a son of man. In apocalyptic visions, where men
are symbolized by beasts, angels and supernatural beings are
symbolized by men. This symbolism will be found on a large
scale in i Enoch Ixxxix-xc. If, therefore, the expression is to be
taken strictly, it undoubtedly suggests a supernatural being, or
a body of such beings. Since the beings thus referred to are,
according to the interpretation of the angel, the people of the
saints of the Most High (verses 18, 22, 27), we are to infer that
the faithful remnant of Israel are to be transformed into heavenly
or supernatural beings, as in i Enoch xc. 38 (i6r b. c), and in
later apocalypses, which expect an everlasting kingdom upon
earth.
That this is the meaning of the words is clear from the clause
that follows, 'came with the clouds of heaven.' This clause
undoubtedly implies superhuman authority and state.
How this passage gave risesubsequently to the Messianic designa-
tion can readilj' be understood from what precedes. The writer of
the Parables of Enoch (i Enoch xxxvii-Ixxi) was the first student of
Daniel vii, so far as existing literature goes, to interpret * one like
a son of man ' in this passage as relating to an individual. The
moment he did so, he rose to the conception of a superhuman
Messiah, while following the natural method of interpreting the
vision.
the ancient of days. See verse 9, note.
they brought him. This expression in Aramaic is simply
equivalent to the passive : ' he was brought,' as in verse 5.
DANIEL 7. 15-18 79
As for me Daniel, my spirit was grieved in the midst 15
of '^my body, and tiie visions of my head troubled me.
I came near unto one of them that stood by, and asked [6
him the truth concerning all this. So he told me, and
made me know the interpretation of the things. These 17
great beasts, which are four, are four kings, which shall
arise out of the earth. But the saints of the Most High ig
* Aram, the sheath.
15-28. The interpretation of the vision.
15. in the midst of my body: lit. 'in the midst of the (or
"its") sheath.' The original n;i: ui is generally regarded as
corrupt for r^y^ p2, ' on account of these things.' The LXX reads
kv rovTois, which supports the above restoration.
16. one of them that stood by. This is taken to mean one of
the angels in attendance on God (ver. 13). This angel gives at
first a short and summary answer (17-18), and afterwards a full
interpretation in answer to Daniel's request for further information.
In the visions of the earlier prophets God Himself spake to the
prophet (Amos vii, viii, Isa. vi, Jer. i, &c.), but in Zech. i. 7-vi. 8,
Daniel, i Enoch, Test, xii Patriarchs, Jubilees, 2 Baruch, 4 Ezra,
the part of the interpreter is discharged by an angel. In Ezek.
xl-xlviii we have a combination of both methods, and this section
accordingly marks the period of transition from one method to the
other.
17-18. The angel's reply forms a tetrastich.
17. These great beasts, which are four, &c. The words 'which
are four ' are omitted by the LXX. They are certainly unneces-
sary ; for the seer knows perfectly well the number of the king-
doms. But further the words 'shall arise out of the earth' are
certainly corrupt. According to vii. 3 they arise out of the sea :
cf. Rev. xiii. i, 4 Ezra xi. i. By a careful stud}' of the LXX and
Thcod. we arrive at the following text : * these great beasts are
four kingdoms, which shall be destroyed from the earth.' See
my larger Commentary.
kings. The word here stands for ' kingdoms.'
18. the saints . . . shall receive the king'dom : i. e. from
God. Cf. verse 27. Though the phrase ' kingdom of God ' is not
found in Daniel, yet we have here substantially the thought for
which it stands. Furthermore the thought here is not ' the
divine sovereignty' — the meaning now all but universally given to
this phrase 'kingdom of God' in the N.T. and in Rabbinic
writings, but 'a divinely organized community.' This is clear
also from verse 14.
8o DANIEL 7. 19-2 a
shall receive the kingdom, and possess the kingdom for
19 ever, even for ever and ever. Then I desired to know
the truth concerning the fourth beast, which was diverse
from all of them, exceeding terrible, whose teeth were of
iron, and his nails of brass ; which devoured, brake in
20 pieces, and stamped the residue with his feet ; and con-
cerning the ten horns that were on his head, and the
other horn which came up, and before which three fell ;
even that horn that had eyes, and a mouth that spake
great things, whose look was more stout than his fellows.
21 I beheld, and the same horn made war with the saints,
22 and prevailed against them; until the ancient of days
came, and judgement was given ^to the saints of the
* Ot.for
Since the term for ' saints ' (kaddishin) here is used specially of
angels in iv. 13 and not that used universally in the Psalms {hasid),
it is clear that the author expressly chose this term in order to
indicate the heavenly origin of the kingdom and its members as
opposed to that of the gentile powers. 'The saints of the Most
High' (22% 25, 27) are spoken of simply as * saints' in 21, 22^.
And as being heavenly in its origin it is likewise of everlasting
duration. In verse 14 the sovereignty of the saints is described in
terms that are elsewhere used of the sovereignty of God Himself :
cf- iv. 3, 34, VI. 26.
19-22. DanieVs request for further information.
19. Cf. verses 7-8.
nails of brass: not mentioned before.
20. even that horn that had eyes : rather • and as regards
that horn, it had eyes and a mouth,' &c.
look (or 'appearance') was more stout, &c. The small
horn (ver. 8) grew quickly to a great size (viii. 9',.
fli-a2. A recapitulation of 8-12, 13-14. The only addition is
the clause * and prevailed against them ' ; for on verse 8 it has been
shown that the clause ' and it made war with the saints ' belonged
originally to the text of that verse.
21. prevailed against them : till the intervention of the Most
High. Cf. next verse.
22. the ancient of days: here the apocalyptic form of the
expression (see verse 9") is dropped as in verse 13.
judgfement was g'iven to (or rather ' for '^ the saints. The
DANIEL 7. 23-25 81
Most High ; and the time came that the saints possessed
the kingdom. Thus he said, The fourth beast shall be 23
a fourth kingdom upon earth, which shall be diverse from
all the kingdoms, and shall devour the whole earth, and
shall «• tread it down, and break it in pieces. And as for 24
the ten horns, out of this kingdom shall ten kings arise :
and another shall arise after them ; and he shall be diverse
from the former, and he shall put down three kings.
And he shall speak words against the Most High, and 25
shall wear out the saints of the Most High : and he shall
think to change the times and the law ; and they shall
* Or, thresh it
saints do not judge, but God alone is Judge. Ewald, followed by
most scholars, has restored n^td'^iti nrr before :i-i\ Hence we should
read ' the judgement (was set and dominion) was given to the
saints.' Cf. vii. lo^ 14, 26, 27.
the time came : i. e. the time fixed by God as the limit of
the heathen rule. Cf. Luke xxi. 8 o Kaipds rjyyiicfv.
23-27. The fuller answer of the angel in metrical form. Verse
23 forms a tetrastich with an initial long line.
*The fourth beast shall be a fourth kingdom upon earth,
Which shall be diverse from all the kingdoms,
And shall devour the whole earth,' &c.
Verse 24 forms also a tetrastich of which the words ' the ten
horns ' form the title. Verse 25 is also a tetrastich. See in he.
Verse 26 is a tristich, while verse 27 seems to be composed of two
tristichs (Marti).
24. The ten horns are ten kings.
he shall be diverse, &c. : the eleventh king shall be diverse
from the ten not only in removing his three predecessors but in
his blasphemies against the Most High and his persecution of the
saints.
25. 'And he shall speak words against the Most High,
And shall wear out the saints of the Most High :
And he shall think to change the times and the law,
And they shall be given,' &c.
wear out (or 'away') : cf. Isa. iii. 15, i Chron. xvii. 9.
the times and the law : Antiochus attempted to suppress
the religious festivals of the Jews and the law : cf. i Mace. i. 44-
49. 'Times' here are set times for religious observances, like
Church seasons.
Sa DANIEL 7. 26-38—8. I
be given into his hand until a time and times and half
26 a time. But the judgement shall sit, and they shall take
away his dominion, to consume and to destroy it unto
27 the end. And the kingdom and the dominion, and the
greatness of the kingdoms under the whole heaven, shall
be given to the people of the saints of the Most High :
his kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions
28 shall serve and obey him. ^ Here is the end of the
matter. As for me Daniel, my thoughts much troubled
me, and my ^ countenance was changed in me : but
I kept the matter in my heart.
8 In the third year of the reign of king Belshazzar a
* Aram. Hitherto. ^ Aram, brightness.
a time and times and half a time : a ' time ' here means
a year. See iv. 16 note. Hence this period during which the
Jewish religion was to be suppressed was three and a half years.
This was the traditional limit assigned to the kingdom of the
Antichrist. Here this period begins in 168 and terminates in
165 B. c. See note on viii. 14.
26-27. At the close of the three and a half years the judgement
will take place, and the kingdom of the saints be established,
which embraces every country under heaven and not merely the
fourth kingdom.
26. judgement shall sit: cf 10'^, 11'^, 22,
they shall take away his dominion : an Aramaism for ' his
dominion shall be taken away.' The R.V. should have used the
passive here as they have done in verse 12.
unto the end : cf. vi. a6.
27. his kingdom . . . obey him. Read 'its kingdom . . .
obey it.' The pronoun refers not to God but to the saints.
28. thoughts . . . troubled me : cf. iv. 19, v. 6, 10.
changed in me. Read 'changed upon me' or simply
* changed.'
Z kept the matter in my heart: cf, LXX iv. 25, T. Lev.
vi. 2, viii. 19, Luke ii. 19.
Chap. viii. The vision of the victory of the Greek over the
Median and Persian Empires, and of the persecution of the
Jews, and the suspension of the Temple worship by Antiochus
Epiphanes.
DANIEL 8. 3 83
vision appeared unto me, even unto me Daniel, after
that which appeared unto me at the first. And I saw in 2
the vision ; now it was so, that when I saw, I was in
Shushan the ^ palace, which is in the province of Elam ;
and I saw in the vision, and I was by the river Ulai.
* Or, castle
The aim of this chapter is to give fuller disclosures concerning
those parts of the vision in chapter vii with which our author is
mainly concerned. Although the vision is dated from the third year
of Belshazzar it contains no reference to the Babylonian Empire.
The two Empires of Media and Persia are represented under
a single figure and dismissed in a few clauses in order the more
speedily to deal with his main subject, the Empire of the Greeks.
After recounting briefly the conquests of Alexander (5-8), he
hastens on to relate the history of Antiochus Epiphanes, his per-
secution of the Jews, and his suspension of the worship in the
Temple.
1. In the tliird year. See vii. i note,
at the first : i. e. previously as in vii.
2. The seer is carried in a vision to Shushan, as Ezekiel was
carried to Jerusalem, Ezek. viii. 3-xi. 24, xl. 2sqq.
Shushan the palace Tor R.V. marg. 'castle'). This is the
regular description of Shushan in O.T. : Neh. i. i ; Esther i. 2, 5,
ii. 3, 5, 8, &c. The word for ' castle ' or ' citadel,' i. e. bimh, is late
Hebrew from the Assyrio-Babylonian bititi, and found elsewhere
only in i Chron. xxix. i, 19, Ezra vi. 2, Neh. ii. 8, vii. 2. This
citadel of Shushan, i. e. Susa, was celebrated in ancient times for
its strength (Herod, v. 54\ It is distinguished from, the city in
Esther iii. 15. Shushan was in later times probably the capital of
Elam. The first Susa with its palace was destroyed by Assur-
bani-pal (668-626 b.c). To this Susa there is no reference in the
O.T. It was refounded by Darius Hystaspis (521-485 B.C.), and
according to Xenophon {Cyrop. viii. 6. 22") 'was the winter
residence of the Persian kings, the rest of the year being spent
by them at Babylon and Ecbatana' (see Encyc. Bib. iv. 4499 sq.).
It would appear, therefore, that, during the period to which our
text would refer the reign of Belshazzar, there was no ' palace '
or 'citadel' at Susa, and that the city itself was in an evil con-
dition, if not entirely ruined.
Elam. Shushan is here said to be in Elam, but in Ezra iv. 9
it seems to be distinguished from it.
the river Ulai. The word for 'river,' 'ubal, is found only
here and in 3, 6. It is a phonetic variation ofyubal in Jer. xvii. 8.
84 DANIEL 8. ?,-5
3 Then I lifted up mine eyes, and saw, and, behold, there
stood before the river a ram which had two horns : and
the two horns were high ; but one was higher than the
4 other, and the higher came up last. I saw the ram
pushing westward, and northward, and southward; and
no beasts could stand before him, neither was there any
that could deliver out of his hand ; but he did according
5 to his will, and magnified himself. And as I was con-
sidering, behold, an he-goat came from the west over
The Ulai is the Eulaeus on which, according to Pliny ^H. N. vi. 135),
Susa was situated, though Herodotus (i. i88, v. 49, 52' places it
on the Choaspes. Three rivers flow from the north near Susa
into the Persian Gulf: the Kerkha ( = the ancient Choaspes) ; the
Abdizful (= the Coprates) which falls into the Karun (=the
Pasitigris) ; and the Eulaeus, 'a large artificial canal . . ., which
left the Choaspes at Pai Pul, about 20 miles N.W. of Susa, passed
close by the town of Susa on the N. or N.E., and afterwards
joined the Coprates ' (Driver).
3. The seer beholds, in the form of a single ram, the kingdoms
of Media and Persia, the ram being a well-known symbol of might
and dominion. But though these two nations can thus be repre-
sented by one animal, since they are regarded as akin to each
other, their diversity is brought forward. The ram has two
horns : the stronger which came up later represents Persia, while
the earlier and weaker stands for Media. Cf. ii. 39 for a like
distinction.
4. The eastern conquests of the Achaemenidae were of no
interest to the Jew, and are therefore not mentioned.
according' to his will: i.e. his caprice. Cf. xi. 3, 16, 36,
Esther ix. 5.
mag-nified himself: there is a nuance of arrogance and
insolence in the word : cf. Ps. Iv. 12, Jer. xlviii. 26.
5-7. An he-goat (= the Greek Empire) attacks the ram and
overcomes it. This goat had a notable horn between its eyes, i.e.
Alexander the Great (verse 21).
5. an he-g'oat. The Hebrew here reads 'the he-goat,' but
the two Greek versions rightly omit the definite article. If the
article were right it would represent the ' he-goat ' as well known,
although appearing now for the first time in the vision. The
word for he-goat is late Hebrew (cf. Ezra viii. 35, 2 Chron. xxix. 21),
and probably borrowed from Aramaic. As a symbol of a chief or
DANIEL 8. 6-8 85
the face of the whole earth, and a touched not the ground :
and the goat had a notable horn between his eyes. And 6
he came to the ram that had the two horns, which I saw
standing before the river, and ran upon him in the fury
of his power. And I saw him come close unto the ram, 7
and he was moved with choler against him, and smote
the ram, and brake his two horns ; and there was no
power in the ram to stand before him : but he cast him
down to the ground, and trampled upon him ; and there
was none that could deliver the rani out of his hand.
And the he-goat magnified himself exceedingly : and 8
when he was strong, the great horn was broken ; and
instead of it there came up four notable /lorm toward
•^ Heb. tione touched the ground.
ruler the term ' he-goat ' is to be found in Isa. xiv. 9, xxxiv. 6, but
it is the classical Hebrew word that is used there.
touched not the ground: i. e. without touching the ground.
To arrive at this rendering a slight change in the text (which is
really translated in the margin) is needed.
a notable horn: lit. ' a horn of conspicuousness.' Cf. some-
what analogous expressions in 2 Sam. xxiii. 21, *a goodl3' man'
(lit. 'a man of appearance'), i Chron. xi. 23. This horn is
described as a 'great ' one in viii. 8, 21.
This '■ notable horn ' is Alexander the Great, who crossed the
Hellespont in 334 B.C., overthrew Darius Codomannus at Issus
i" 333> traversed Palestine, reduced Egypt, and finally crushed
Persia at Arbela in 331. After further victorious campaigns in
the far East and in India, he died of fever in 323 B.C.
6-7. The complete overthrow of Persia by Alexander.
7. trampled: cf. vii. 7, 19, where however, a verb from a
different Semitic root is used.
8. Death of Alexander and the division of his empire into four
kingdoms. Cf. xi. 4.
fonr notable horns : lit. conspicuousness of four.' This is
supposed to mean ' four conspicuous ones.' Though this expres-
sion differs from that in verse 5, the same meaning must perforce
be attached to it. But the context hardly justifies such a meaning.
According to verse 22, the four kingdoms were not ' notable.'
86 DANIEL 8. 9, 10
9 the four winds of heaven. And out of one of them came
forth a little horn, which waxed exceeding great, toward
the south, and toward the east, and toward the glorious
10 land. And it waxed great, even to the host of heaven ;
Hence we should follow the LXX, and with Graetz and other
scholars read P"nnK instead of p'^trr, i. e. ' four other ones.' The
corruption could arise from verse 5.
On the death of Alexander his empire became the cause of
endless rivalries and wars amongst his generals, which raged
for over twenty years before a final settlement was arrived at
through the battle of Ipsus in 301. By this settlement Egypt was
confirmed to Ptolemy in the south ; Asia Minor to Paphlagonia
and Pontus to Lysimachus in the north ; Seleucus received Syria,
Babylonia, and other eastern provinces, as far as the Indus in the
east ; and Cassander Macedonia, and Greece in the west These
four new kingdoms rose on the ruins of Alexander's empire, and
are symbolized by the ' four horns.'
9-14. The ^little horn,'' i. e. Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), 175-164 B.C.
Cf. I Mace. i. 10, Joseph. Ant. x. xi. 7.
9. Our author passes over without mention all the Seleucidae
from 301 to 1 75 B.C. His sole concern is with Antiochus Epiphanes,
whom he regarded as the last and greatest enemy of the Jews and
their faith.
a little horn. These words are not a rendering of the text,,
which, if it is Hebrew, is literall}' 'a horn from being little.' But
the text is most probably corrupt and should be emended. By
omitting one letter fvvith Graetz) we arrive at the usual Hebrew
for 'a little horn,' or, by a change of two letters (with Bevan),
we get ' another horn a little one.' The latter is most probably
right, as it has the support of vii. 8. The two Greek versions
presuppose quite a different adjective.
toward the south: i.e. Egypt: cf. xi, 25 sqq., i Mace,
i. 16-19.
toward the east : i. e. Elymais to the east of Bab3'lon,
invaded by Antiochus in the last year of his life: cf. i Mace,
i'i- 31, 37, vi. 1-4.
toward the glorious land. Cf. xi. 16, 41. In Ezek. xx.
6, 15 Palestine is called 'the glory of all lands,' in Zech. vii. 14
'the pleasant land;' in i Enoch Ixxxix. 40 'a pleasant and
glorious land.' Cf. also Jer. iii. 19.
10. As Bevan remarks, in this verse * the relation of Antiochus
to the Jews is more clearly defined. Here, as in chapter xii, the
heavenly character of Israel, as distinguished from the nations of
the earth, is specially emphasized. The ''host of heaven" repre-
DANIEL 8. 11,12 87
and some of the host and of the stars it cast down to the
ground, and trampled upon them. Yea, it magnified n
itself, even to the prince of the host ; and ^ it took away
from him the continual hirnt offerings and the place of
his sanctuary was cast down. And ^the host was given 12
* Another reading is, tJie continual burnt ofifering was taken
away from hitn. ^ Or, an host was given to it against the ^c.
Or, an host was set over the &c.
sents the people of God.' Marti, on the other hand, thinks that
the casting down of ' some of . . the slars ' is a symbolical descrip-
tion of Antiochus' attempt to put down all the native religions
in the countries under his rule and to substitute the religion of
Hellas. But in i Enoch xlvi. 7 'the stars of heaven' denote the
righteous Jews. Elsewhere 'the host of heaven' in the O.T.
means the stars or the celestial beings in attendance on God. See
Driver in Hastings' D.B., ii. 429 sq.
Our text refers to the persecution of the Jews by Antiochus
and possibly to the murder of the high priest Onias HI, who is
referred to more definitely in i Enoch xc. 8.
11-13. These verses form one of the most difficult passages in
Daniel, owing to the corruptions in the text. It is possible by
means of the Versions, especially the LXX and Theodotion, to
recover the original for the most part. Without them in fact this
is impossible. But the present work does not admit of the critical
examination of these Versions, and accordingly we shall only make
a partial use of them in dealing with the Massoretic text.
11. prince of the host: i. e. God.
took away from hini. Cf. xi. 31. The Q^rt (see margin
R.V.) reads 'by it the continual burnt offering was taken away.'
These words refer to Antiochus' suspension of the Temple
services: cf. i Mace. i. 41-54, 59, iv, 52.
the contimial burnt offering. Cf. xi. 31. The word 'burnt
oftering ' is not expressed here. The full expression {'dia/h
tnmtd is found in Exod, xxix. 42, &c., but owing to familiar
use it came to be spoken of simply as haitdtnld, ' the continual,'
in later Judaism in the Mishna, as it is in Daniel, but not else-
where in the O.T.
the place of his sancttiary was cast down. The Temple
was not destroyed by Antiochus, but it was ' laid waste ' (i Mace.
i. 39), and 'trodden under foot' (op. cit. vi. 45"^, and in part over-
thrown {op. cit. iv. 48).
12. Text corrupt.
an host (R. V. marg.) was given over to it, &c. This is
8S DANIEL 8. 13,14
over /o it together with the continual bitrnt offering
through transgression ; and it cast down truth to the
13 ground, and it did its pleasure and prospered. Then
I heard a holy one speaking ; and another holy one said
unto that certain one which spake, How long shall be
the vision coficerni?ig the continual burnt offering, and
the transgression that maketh desolate, to give both the
14 sanctuary and the host to be trodden under foot ? And
said to mean : an army of Israelites were given over into the
power of the horn, together with the continual burnt offering,
owing to the apostasy of the Hellenizing Jews. Driver renders :
' a host was appointed against the continual burnt offering with
transgression,' i. e. Antiochus had recourse to violent measures
and established an armed garrison in Jerusalem in order to suppress
the sacred rites of the Jews. Marti and von Gall omit the initial
word 'host' (wrongly claiming the support of the Greek versions
for so doing), and with a change of a letter arrive at the following
rendering : ' and the transgression was laid on the continual burnt
offering, and truth cast to the ground, and it did and prospered.'
This sense is excellent and is supported by i Mace. i. 54, 59,
according to which a small altar was reared on the altar of burnt
offering in the Temple, and a sacrifice (probably of swine) offered
thereon (t Mace. i. 47).
cast down truth : i. e. the true religion.
did its pleasure and prospered. Cf. verse 24, a Chron.
xxxi. 21. See note on xi. 32.
13-14, Dialogue between two angels overheard by Daniel,
through which he receives information without asking any question
as in Zech. i. 12.
13. The words following ' vision,' as Driver points out, must be
taken in apposition as indicating the contents of the vision.
Hence : ' How long shall be the vision ? the continual burnt
offering, and the transgression that maketh desolate, the giving
both the sanctuary and the host,' &c.
There are many inherent difficulties in the text, but with the
help of the Versions we arrive at the following text which meets
all the difficulties : ' How long is the vision to be, while the daily
burnt offering is taken away (cno added with LXX and Theod.),
the transgression that maketh desolate set up, and the sanctuary
and the service trodden under foot?' See note on verse la.
DANIEL 8. 15 89
he said ^ unto me, Unto two thousand and three hundred
evenings a7id mornings ; then shall the sanctuary be
b cleansed.
And it came to pass, when I, even I Daniel, had seen 15
the vision, that I sought c to understand it ; and, behold,
there stood before me as the appearance of a man. And 16
^ According to the ancient versions, unto him.
^ Heb. justified. "^ Heb. understanding.
14. unto me. Read with the Versions : ' unto him.'
two thotisand and three hundred evenings and mornings.
This peculiar method of reckoning 1,150 days is due to the fact
that the seer regards the suppression of the evening and morning
sacrifices as the chief outrage offered by Antiochus to religion.
Accordingly he counts up the omitted sacrifices, i.e. fl.300 ^
1,150 days.
This time determination is of importance in settling the date of
our author's work. It is clear from the preceding two verses that
he wrote after the erection of the heathen altar on the altar of
burnt offering on the 15th of Chisleu, i68 B.C., and before the
dedication of the new altar on the 25th of Chisleu (= Dec), 1653.0.
(see I Mace, i. 54, iv. 52 sq.) ; for the period between these two
amounts only to 3 3'ears and 10 days. Now, if we reckon the
year at 360, 364, or 365 days, three years and ten days will amount
to 1,090, r,i02, or 1,105 days respectively, i. e. in all cases less than
the predicted 1,150 days. Hence, we conclude that the book was
written before the dedication of the new altar, since otherwise
the period of 1,150 days would be unintelligible. This is the view
also of Kuenen, Wellhausen, and Kamphausen. The 1,150 days
is therefore a bona fide prediction.
With this period of the suspension of the daily sacrifice we are
not to confound the three and a half years (vii. 25, xii. 7), during
which the entire persecution was to last. Yet see ix. 27.
the sanctuary be cleansed. Better read 'justified,' as in
R.V. marg. After the lapse of the above period the Jewish
sanctuary will come into its rights, be vindicated.
15-18. The appearance of Gabriel.
15. as the appearance of a man. We have in ' as the appear-
ance of the apocalyptic form of expression already found in
Ezek. i. 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, viii. 2, &c. He is called * the man
Gabriel' in ix. 21. The word used for man, geber, is evidently
chosen as a play on the word ' Gabriel' ■= 'man of God.' It is
worth observing here that though geber = ^vqp^ the LXX here
90 DANIEL 8. 16-18
I neard a man's voice between the batiks ^Ulai, which
called, and said, Gabriel, make this man to understand
'7 the vision. So he came near where I stood; and when
he came, I was affrighted, and fell upon my face : but
he said unto me. Understand, O son of man ; for the
1 8 vision belongeth to the time of the end. Now as he was
renders the entire phrase is opaais dv$pwirov. This fact in itself
(cf. the renderings in vii. 13 and viii. 16) should be sufficient to
put scholars on their guard against laying too much weight on the
variations in the renderings of ' Son of Man ' in i Enoch.
16. a man's voice. Since the voice so described is heard in
a vision it is not improbable that the words signify ' an angelic
voice ; ' for in a vision an angel is described as a man : cf. x. 5.
between the banks of Ulai. Apparently we must supply
the words ' the banks of.' Cf. 2. The voice was heard above the
river : cf. xii, 6 sq.
Gabriel. Gabriel is the first angel to be mentioned expressly
by name in the O.T. In ix. 21 he explains to Daniel Jeremiah's
prophecy of the seventy years. In i Enoch ix. i, xx. 7, passages
which are most probably older than our text, he is one of the four
and seven archangels respectively.
17. came near. The two Greek versions and the Vulg. read
* came and stood near.'
fell upon my face. On the appearance of angelic visitants
the seer falls on his face through fear : cf. Ezek. i. 28, iii. 23,
xliii. 3, Rev. i. 17.
son of man. A natural designation of a human being by an
angelic one : cf. Ezek. ii. i, 3, 6, &c. This designation has nothing
in common with the Messianic one, ' Son of Man.'
for the vision belongeth to the time of the end. Cf. verse
19. Hab. ii. 3, ' For the vision is yet for the appointed time, and it
hasteth toward the end.' Gabriel bids the seer to give heed to
the vision, inasmuch as it dealt with no less a crisis than the final
one of the world's history. For the writer this was the age of
Antiochus. Time was then to give place to the kingdom of the
Eternal. In our text we have the expression ' time of the end,'
viii. 17, xi. 35, 40, xii. 4, 9 (cf. 2 Bar. xxix. 8, lix. 4}, * the end,'
ix. 26, xii. 13 (vii. 26), 4he appointed time of the end,' viii. 19.
The O.T. expression * in the end of the days' is the oldest
eschatological expression. See Volz, Jiidische Eschatologte, p. 189.
18. On hearing the voice of the angel Daniel loses conscious-
ness : cf, X. 9. Not till the angel touches him is his consciousness
DANIEL 8. 19-21 91
speaking with me, I fell into a deep sleep with my face
toward the ground : but he touched me, and set me
a upright. And he said. Behold, I will make thee know 19
what shall be in the latter time of the indignation : for it
belongeth to the appointed time of the end. The ram 20
which thou sawest that had the two horns, they are the
kings of Media and Persia. And the rough he-goat is 21
* Or, where I had stood
restored : cf. x. 10, 16, 18, i Enoch Ix. 3, 4, 4 Ezra v. 14, 15,
Rev. i. 17.
set me uprigfht : lit. ' made me to stand in my standing
place.' The words 'in my standing place' (cf. x. 11) represent
a late Hebrew idiom found only in 2 Chronicles and Nehemiah
outside Daniel. The classical Hebrew would be ' in mj' place '
(i Sam. xiv. 9), or ' on my feet' (Ezek. ii. 2).
19-26. GabrieVs explanation of the vision.
19. the latter time of the indignation, or better, 'the last
time,' &c. The word 'indignation' is the technical tenn for the
wrath of God, which Israel and Judah had incurred, according to
the teaching of the pre-exilic prophets. This wrath has manifested
itself in Israel's subjection to the nations. After the exile it was
expected to come to an end in the immediate future, but this
consummation was ever deferred till in the time of our author the
faithful did not hope for its close till the final judgement, and the
advent of the kingdom of the saints. According to our author
the Divine wrath was to be fully satisfied during the persecution
of Antiochus (xi. 36}. On the accomplishment of the wrath of
God cf. Isa. V. 25, X. 25.
20. the king's of Media and Persia : 1. e. the kingdoms as in
vii. 17.
21. the rough he-goat. In the original this is an extraordinary
compound expression. First comes hasjaphir^ a late Hebrew
word — probably a loan-word from Aramaic (see verse 5, note),
which means 'the he-goat.' Then we have haiia'ir, which is
classical Hebrew for ' the he-goat,' but is rendered by ' the rough *
in the R,V., which is of course a possible rendering. Perhaps it
would be best, as Driver suggests, to omit the latter word ns an
explanatory gloss. Otherwise we might regard hassa'ir as a
corruption of ha'issifii, the text implied by the two Greek versions,
Pesh., and Vulg. In either case, therefore, we should simply
read ' the he-goat.'
K
92 DANIEL 8. 22-34
the king of ^ Greece : and the great horn that is between
22 his eyes is the first king. And as for that which was
broken, in the place whereof four stood up, four kingdoms
shall stand up out of the nation, but not with his power.
33 And in the latter time of their kingdom, when the
transgressors are come to the full, a king of fierce
countenance, and understanding dark sentences, shall
24 stand up. And his power shall be mighty, but not ^ by
* Heb. Javan. *• Or, with his power. See verse 22.
kiugf of Greece. Here melech ( = ' king ') stands for ' kingdom,'
but for ' king ' in the next sentence.
the first king : i. e. Alexander the Great.
22. stand up, or ' arise.' Here, as in late Hebrew (cf. viii, 23,
xi. 2, 3, 4, xii. I, 3, Ezra ii. 63, Neh. viii. 5), 'dniad is used in the
sense of ' arising,' ' coming on the scene,' like the early
Hebrew kt'tw.
out of the nation. The text, which reads 'out of a nation*
should with the two Greek versions be emended into ' out of his
nation.'
not with his power. None of the four kingdoms (see note
on verse 8) which were to arise on the division of Alexander's
empire would be of like power.
23. their king'dom. The four kingdoms were to come to an
end with the death of Antiochus.
when the transg'ressors are come to the fall. The Versions
presuppose a slightly different text : * when the measure of
transgressions is come to the full.' Some interpret these words
as referring to Israel's transgressions, others as referring to those
of the heathen.
of fierce countenance. This expression is borrowed from
Deut. xxviii. 50.
understandingr dark sentences (cf. v. 12). The sense,
rather, is that he was skilled in ambiguous expression. The same
idea is partly to be found in xi. 21, where he is said to have
' obtained the kingdom by flatteries.'
24. but not by his own power. This rendering implies that
Antiochus would be strong by the permission of God. It would
be better to render 'not by his power,' i. e. but by his intrigues.
But Marti may be right in regarding this phrase as a repetition
from verse 22. Theod. omits.
DANIEL 8. 25, 26 93
his own power ; and he shall ^ destroy wonderfully, and
shall prosper and do his pleasure : and he shall * destroy
the mighty ones and ^ the holy people. And through 25
his policy he shall cause craft to prosper in his hand ;
and he shall magnify himself in his heart, and in their
security shall he ^ destroy many : he shall also stand up
against the prince of princes ; but he shall be broken
without hand. And the vision of the evenings and 36
mornings which hath been told is true : but shut thou
* Or, corrupt ^ Heb. people of the saints.
shall destroy wonderfally. Bevan, followed by Marti,
regards the text here as corrupt, and emends ynshttfi, * shall
destroy,' mio yasiah, 'shall utter monstrous things' They com-
pare xi. 36 and vii. 8, 20.
24-25. he shall destroy the mighty ones and the holy people.
25. And through his policy he shall cause craft to prosper in
his hand. By a comparison of the LXX, Graetz, Bevan, Marti,
and others rightly emend the above into : * He shall destroy the
mighty ones (i. e. his political foes). 25. And against the holy
people (i. e. his religious foes) shall his policy be directed, and he
shall cause craft,' &c.
25. magnify himself in his heart. Cf. 4, 8, ir. The text
could mean also ' devised great things.'
in their security shall he destroy many. Antiochus will
take them while off their guard. But bUlalvah can also be
rendered * unawares.' The text probably refers to the treacherous
attack on Jerusalem recounted in r Mace. i. 29, 30, where the
Greek word i^aniva is used, which Greek word is twice in the
LXX of Dan. xi. 21, 24 a rendering oi b^sahah,
prince of princes : i. e. God. Cf. verse ji The princes are
the angelic chiefs. Cf. xii. i, 'Michael the great prince,'
also x. 20.
broken without hand: i.e. by Divine intervention. Cf.
ii. 34. According to Polybius xxxi. 2, Antiochus died suddenly at
Tabae in Persia in 164 e.g., a few months after the rededication of
the Temple, 25 Chisleu, 165. See note on xi. 45.
26. vision of the evenings, S:c. Cf. verse 14.
is true. Cf. x. i, xi. 2, xii. 7, Rev. xix. 9, xxi. 5, xxii. 6.
shut thou up the vision. This vision, which is placed by
the seer in the third year cf Belshazzar, relates really to the time
of Antiochus. It is to be * sealed,' i. e. kept secret. This com-
K 2
94 DANIEL 8. 27—9. i
up the vision ; for it belongeth to many days to.co7ne.
27 And I Daniel fainted, and was sick certain days ; then
I rose up, and did the king's business : and I was
astonished at the vision, «■ but none understood it.
9 In the first year of Darius the son of Ahasuerus, of the
* Or, hut there was none to make it understood
mand is intended to explain how this revelation made to Daniel
appeared first in the days of Antiochus. Cf. xii. 4, 9. Besides,
the seer declares that only the wise of that period would be able
to understand it. Cf. xii. lo. On the idea of reserving a revela-
tion for a distant age cf. i Enoch i. 2, civ. 13, and contrast
Rev. xxii. 10. In 4 Ezra xiv. 46 the secret books are committed
to the keeping of 'the wise.' The idea of 'sealing' is found in
Isa. viii. i6, but in a figurative sense.
belongeth to many days to come : i. e. refers to the distant
age. The same Hebrew phrase already occurs in Ezek. xii. 27.
Cf. viii. 17, 19, x. 14 of our text.
27. fainted. This word, which occurs here and in ii. i and
Mic. ii. 4 (where it is corrupt), is unexampled in this sense
elsewhere in O.T. It is omitted by the LXX, and is manifestly a
dittograph of the following word.
none understood it. Since the vision was sealed up, i. e.
withheld from Daniel's companions, it cannot refer to them. Since
it was fully explained to Daniel according to 16, 19, it cannot be
said of Daniel that he did not understand the vision. Various
explanations are offered : Meinhold takes it to mean that no one
perceived that Daniel had had a vision — a remark that would be
superfluous after the command to seal up the vision. Marti,
following Bevan, regards the phrase as defective for ' I did not
understand,' and thinks that Daniel did not understand the com-
mand to seal up the vision, seeing it belonged to a distant age.
ix. In the closing verses of the preceding chapter Daniel is
told that the vision he had just seen related not to his own time
but to a distant future (viii. 26). This statement astonished
Daniel (viii. 27), seeing that, like his contemporaries, he was look-
ing forward to the speedy advent of the deliverance at the close
of the 70 years definitely promised by Jeremiah (xxix. 10, xxv.
II}. Accordingly, the seer is represented in the present chapter
as engaged on this very question (ix, 1-2). If the promised
deliverance belongs to the far distant future, how is Jeremiah's
prophecy of the 70 years to be fulfilled ? In his bewilderment he
has recourse to prayer, and asks that the right interpretation of
this prophecy may be revealed to him (ix. 3). And before he had
DANIEL 9. 2 95
seed of the Medes, which was made king over the realm
of the Chaldeans ; in the first year of his reign I Daniel a
understood by the books the number of the years, whereof
ceased praying (ix. 21) the angel Gabriel came to him and showed
him that the 70 years were not 70 literal years but 70 weeks of
years (ix. 22-24). In 24-27 a detailed interpretation of the 70
weeks of years is given. The 70 weeks are divided into three
periods: 7 + 62+1. The first period, i.e. 49 years, will extend
from the going forth of the word till the time of Joshua the high-
priest, 586-538 B. c. During the second period of 62 weeks, i. e. 434
years, the city will be rebuilt. At the close of the last period will
begin the 70th week of tribulation, when an anointed one will be
cut off, religion forsaken, sacrifice and oblation cease to be offered,
the abomination that maketh desolate set up, till at last the
desolater is destroyed (verses 24-27).
Into this chapter has been incorporated the only large inter-
polation in the Book of Daniel, i.e. verses 4-19. For the grounds
on which this conclusion is drawn see the notes in he. This
section deals with subjects with which neither the present context
nor the rest of the book is concerned.
1. Darius. See note on v. 31.
son of Ahasuerus. Ahasuerus is a transliteration of the
Hebrew u:Tnu:rT« — Achashwerosh (cf. Ezra iv. 6, Esther i. i sqq.),
which in Greek took the form of Xerxes. Xerxes I, who
reigned from 485 to 465 B.C. was the son of Darius Hystaspis
(521-485 B.C.) and not the father.
2. Daniel is represented as reflecting on Jeremiah's prediction
of the 70 years' exile. The author of our book was profoundly
conscious that this prediction had not been fulfilled except in a
very minor degree. Since, however, no such prophecy could fail,
he necessarily concluded that it had been misinterpreted and
therefore needed to be interpreted afresh. This new interpre-
tation is given in the vision in 24-27. The probability that this
reinterpretation was suggested by a comparison of Lev. xxvi.
18 sqq. (where it is said that the Israelites are to be punished
seven times for their sins) and Jen xxix. 10, xxv. 11 does not
invalidate the reality of the vision nor the possibility that this
reinterpretation was actually received in a vision. For the mind
of the seer necessarily works with materials at hand, however it
may draw on other sources.
understood by the books. Better render ' observed in the
books.'
by the books. The books here are the sacred books, i.e. the
Scriptures. The phrase implies the formation of a definite col-
96 DANIEL 9. 3
the word of the Lord came to Jeremiah the prophet, for
the accomplishing of the desolations of Jerusalem, even
3 seventy years. And I set my face unto the Lord God,
*to seek by prayer and supplications, with fasting, and
* Or, to seek after prayer If c.
lection of O.T. books, but how extensive this collection was
cannot be determined from the present statement. That the
threefold division of the O.T., the Law, the Prophets, and the
Hagiographa, already existed in some form we know from
the Preface to Sirach.
the word of the Lord, i.e. *the word ofYahweh.' Since
verses 4-20 did not belong originally to the text, as we shall see
presently, this would be the only verse in Daniel where the
divine name Yahweh would be used. Von Gall excises it on this
ground and compares 23, 25 for the use of * word ' or * the word.'
Marti would let it stand on the ground that the writer is using a
citation from Jeremiah.
came to Jeremiah . . . seventy years. Cf. Jer. xxv. 11-12,
xxix. 10.
3. set my face. For the same phrase see 2 Chron. xx. 3,
xxxii. 2, and compare vi. 14 of our text.
Lord God. The word Adonai ( - Lord) is found also in i. 2,
and frequently in ix. 4-20.
to seek by prayer. The Hebrew is literally 'to seek prayer.'
Cf. Zeph. ii. 3.
with fasting*, i. e. as a preparation for the reception of a
revelation ; cf. Exod. xxxiv. 28, Deut. ix. 9, Esth. iv. 6. In these
verses we have the only considerable interpolation in Daniel, as
von Gall has recognized. Some of the grounds for excising these
verses as an addition are : 1". They betray the hand of an inter-
polator since they are unnecessary repetitions of verses 3 and 2r.
2°. The conclusion of the chapter takes no account of the subject
of the prayer, which supplicates for forgiveness and deliverance,
but passes on at once to the explanation of the prophecy of
Jeremiah. 3". The prayer contains clear evidence of having been
written in Palestine and not in the Exile. Thus in ver. 7 it
speaks of those ' that are near and that are far off in all the
countries whither thou hast driven them.' Those ' that are near '
are obviously the Jews in Palestine as opposed to those ' that are
far off in all the countries.' Again in ver. 16, * Because for our
sins and for the iniquities of our fathers, Jerusalem and thy
people are become a reproach to all that are round about us,'' the
words in italics show that the prayer was written by a resident
DANIEL 9. 4-6 97
sackcloth, and ashes. And I prayed unto the Lord my 4
God, and made confession, and said, O Lord, the great
and dreadful God, which keepeth covenant and mercy
with them that love him and keep his commandments ;
we have sinned, and have dealt perversely, and have done 5
wickedly, and have rebelled, even turning aside from thy
precepts and from thy judgements : neither have we 6
in Judaea. In i and 2 Baruch analogous phenomena are found.
4". The name Yahweh is found in these verses but not elsewhere
in Daniel, except in ver. a, where it was inserted probabl}' by the
hand that added 4-19. 5°. The pra3'er asks for the immediate
advent of the kingdom. But, according to Jeremiah's prophecj',
Daniel knew that his deliverance could not come for * many days
to come,' viii. 26, i.e. a distant future. 6". A critical comparison
of 4-19 with Neh. i. 5 sqq., ix. 6 sqq., i Baruch i. 15 sqq., shows
that repeatedly the verses in Daniel agree word for word with
those in the passages just mentioned, that the writers o-f these
passages have not borrowed from each other but from existing
liturgical forms, which each writer adapted more or less fully to
his own requirements.
On the above grounds, which could be added to, it is to be
concluded that 4-19 is an addition to the text like the Prayer of
Azariah and the Three Children, but an earlier one.
4. made confession. Cf Neh. i. 6, ix. 2, 3, where this
expression occurs in like contexts.
O Lord, the great and dreadful God ; . . commandments.
Occurs as a whole in Neh. i. 5 and in part in Neh. ix. 32. It was
clearly a current liturgical form. The ultimate source is to be
found in Deut. vii. 9. The particle rendered * O ' is a strong
expression of entreaty, ' Ah, now.' It is found in Neh. i. 5 in the
same connexion where the R.V. renders it *I beseech thee.'
love him . . . his commandments. Read ' Love thee . . .
thy commandments ' with LXX, Theod., and Vulgate. Cf. the
next verse.
5. have sinned . . . done wickedly. The ultimate source of
these words is i Kings viii. 47. In due time they found their
way into current liturgies. Thus they occur exactly as in our
text in I Bar. ii. 12, and in a closely related form in Ps. cvi. 6.
even turning^ aside from thy precepts. This is a miSr
translation for ' and turned aside from thy commandments.'
Cf. Deut. xvii. 20, Ps. cxix. 102.
G. Two classes are here distinguished, the nobility embracing
the kings, princes and fathers, and the people of the land. This
98 DANIEL 9. 7-9
hearkened unto thy servants the prophets, which spake
in thy name to our kings, our princes, and our fathers,
7 and to all the people of the land. O Lord, righteousness
belongeth unto thee, but unto us confusion of face, as at
this day ; to the men of Judah, and to the inhabitants of
Jerusalem, and unto all Israel, that are near, and that are
far off, through all the countries whither thou hast
driven them, because of their trespass that they have
8 trespassed against thee. O Lord, to us belongeth con-
fusion of face, to our kings, to our princes, and to our
9 fathers, because we have sinned against thee. To the
latter phrase came in later Judaism to denote the uncultured
laity. The term ' fathers ' here does not mean forefathers but
leaders.
hearkened unto thy servants the prophets. Cf. i Bar, i.
21. The words are a reminiscence of Jer. xxvi. 5 ; cf. vii. 25,
XXV. 4, &c.
to our king's, our princes, and our fathers, and to all the
people of the land. Cf. ver. 7. This clause is drawn from Jer.
xliv. 21, where the order differs slightly. Cf. Neh. ix. 3a, 34,
1 Bar. i. 16, ii. i, for similar enumerations.
7. rig-hteousness belong'eth unto thee, but unto us con-
fusion of face, as at this day. These words are exactly as they
stand here in i Bar. i. 15, ii. 6. The second phrase is found in
Ps. xliv. 15, Jer. vii. 19, a Chron. xxxii, 21.
to the men of Judah, and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem.
This combination is peculiar to Jeremiah (eight times) and 2 Kings
xxiii. a (■= 2 Chron. xxxiv. 30) in the O.T. outside the present
passage. It appears in i Bar. i. 15.
that are near, and that are far off. From Jer. xxv. 26.
in {better tlian 'through') all the countries whither
thou hast driven them. From Jer. xvi. 15, xxiii. 3, 8, &c. This
clause is reproduced in i Bar. ii. 4, 13, 29.
their trespass that they have trespassed ag'ainst thee.
The word ;;;«'«/ means treachery or disloj'alty rather than
* trespass.' The clause is found in Lev. xxvi. 40, Ezek. xvii. ao,
xviii. 24, &C.
8-9. These two verses are expansions of the introductory
clauses in ver. 7.
8. to us . . . confusion of face. Cf. ver. 7 note.
to our king's, &c. Cf. ver. 6 note.
DANIEL 9. 10-12 99
Lord our God belong mercies and forgivenesses ; ^ for we
have rebelled against him ; neither have we obeyed the lo
voice of the Lord our God, to walk in his laws, which
he set before us by his servants the prophets. Yea, all n
Israel have transgressed thy law, even turning aside, that
they should not obey thy voice : therefore hath the curse
been poured out upon us, and the oath that is written in
the law of Moses the servant of God ; for we have sinned
against him. And he hath confirmed his words, which he 12
■■ Or, though
9. forgivenesses. Cf. Neh. ix. 17 'a God of forgiveness.*
10. The various elements of this verse can be traced to Exod.,
Deut., and Jeremiah. Thus the clause * obeyed the voice of the
Lord our God' is found in Deut. iv. 30, ix. 23, xxviii. i, 2, 15,
Exod. XV. 26, xix. 5, Jer. xliv. 23, &c. For * to walk in his laws '
cf. Exod. xvi. 4, Lev. xxvi. 3, Jer. xxvi. 4, and for ' which is set
before us' cf. Deut. iv. 44, Jer. ix. 13, xxvi. 4, &c. But as has
already been suggested the immediate source of the words is most
probably current liturgical formulae. Cf. Neh. i. 7, ix. 14, and
especially i Bar. i. 18, ii. 10. A comparison of these passages
with Jer. xxvi. 4 leads one to suggest that the text is defective, and
that we should read : ' neither have we obeyed the voice of the
Lord our God to walk in his laws that he set before us by {his
servant Moses, nor have we obeyed the words of) his servants
the prophets.' The loss of the restored clause could easily be
explained by hofnoioteleuton. If we do not accept the above
addition, then instead of * to walk in his laws that he set before us
by his servants the prophets,* we might simply read * to walk in
his law that he set before us by his servant Moses.' That Moses
was mentioned in this verse is most probable from ver. 11.
11. even tumingf aside. A mistranslation for ' and have turned
aside.' Cf. ver. 5.
tlie curse . . . and the oath. Cf. Num. v. 21, Neh. x. 29.
the curse . . . that is written in the law of Moses. Cf.
Deut. xxix. 20, * All the curse that is written in this book shall lie
upon him.' Cf. i Bar. i. 20.
poured out. This expression is used of anger in Jer. xlii. 18,
xliv. 6, 2 Chron. xii. 7, xxxiv. 25, &c.
12. Cf. I Bar. ii. i, 2.
hath confirmed his words. The clause is found also in
Neh. ix. 8 and i Bar. ii. i, 24.
loo DANIEL 9. 13-15
spake against us, and against our judges that judged us,
by bringing upon us a great evil : for under the whole
heaven hath not been done as hath been done upon
13 Jerusalem. As it is written in the law of Moses, all this
evil is come upon us : yet have we not intreated the
favour of the Lord our God, that we should turn from our
14 iniquities, and ^have discernment in thy truth. Therefore
hath the Lord watched over the evil, and brought it upon
us : for the Lord our God is righteous in all his works
15 which he doeth, and we have not obeyed his voice. And
now, O Lord our God, that hast brought thy people forth
* Or, deal wisely
judg'es. A general term for rulers as in Ps. ii. 10, but in the
parallel passage in i Bar. ii. i the term is used of the Judges in
Israel that preceded the Kings.
for under the whole heaven hath not been done, &c. For
an expanded form of this expression cf. 1 Bar. ii, 2. For like
expressions cf. Exod. ix. 18, x. 6, xi. 6.
13. As it is written, &c. Cf. Deut. xxviii. 15, xxx. i,
I Bar. ii. 7.
have . . . not intreated the favour, &c. Cf. i Bar. ii. 8.
The phrase is a familiar O.T. one. Cf. Jer. xxvi. 19, Exod.
xxxii. II.
14. Cf. I Bar. ii. 9-10.
watched over the evil. Cf, Jer. i. la, where the same
construction occurs, and cf. xliv. 27, * I watch over them for evil.'
Our text means that God is vigilant in bringing about his threatened
evil.
Qod is rig-hteous. Cf. Jer. xii. i, Ezra ix. 15, and on these
and the following words cf. Neh. ix. 33, r Bar. ii. 9-10.
15-19. Prayer for deliverance.
15. This verse is made up of clauses borrowed ultimately from
Jer. xxxii. 20, 21. The first clause is from ver. 21, and the second
from ver. 20. i Bar. ii. 11 reproduces more literally the same
passage of Jeremiah, but observes the same order in the clauses
as in our text, and similarly, but less literally, Neh. ix, 10. This
fact can be best explained by assuming an intermediate common
source for Nehemiah, Daniel, and i Baruch.
brong-ht thy people forth . . . hand. Cf. Deut. vi. 21,
ix. 26. Jer. xxxii. ai.
DANIEL 9. 16, 17 101
out of the land of Egypt with a mighty hand, and hast
gotten thee renown, as at this day ; we have sinned, we
have done wickedly. O Lord, according to all thy » right- 16
eousness, let thine anger and thy fury, I pray thee, be turned
away from thy city Jerusalem, thy holy mountain : because
for our sins, and for the iniquities of our fathers, Jerusalem
and thy people are become a reproach to all that are
round about us. Now therefore, O our God, hearken unto 17
the prayer of thy servant, and to his supplications, and cause
thy face to shine upon thysanctuary that is desolate, for the
* Heb. righteousnesses.
Efotten thee renown. Cf. Isa. Ixiii. 12, 14 and the passages
referred to in Jer. and Neh. above.
16. thy rig-hteousness (marg.), i. e. acts or deeds of righteous-
ness as Judges v. 11, i Sam. xii. 7.
let thine ang^er , , . he turned away. Cf. Num. xxv. 4,
I Bar. ii. [3.
thy holy mountain. Cf. Isa. ii. 2 sq., Ps. ii. 6, xv. i.
iniquities of our fathers. Cf. Neh. ix. a, i Bar. iii. 5, 7,
8. The phrase is found in the earlier books, Lev. xxvi. 39, Jer.
xi. 10.
a reproach to all that are round about us. Cf. Ps.
xliv. 13, Ixxix. 4. These words are spoken from the standpoint
of a Jew resident in Judea ; see note above on 4-19. The taunts
came from their heathen neighbours tlie Edomites, Ammonites,
and others. It is worth remarking that in i Par. ii. 4, iii. 8, this
phrase is appHed by the Jews in Palestine to the Jews in exile.
17. hearken unto the prayer. Cf. Neh. i. 6, i Kings viii. 28,
hearken unto the prayer . . . supplications. Cf. i Bar.
ii. 14.
cause thy face to shine. Cf. Num. vi. 25, Ps. Ixxx. 19.
This petition is the counterpart of * let thine anger ... be turned
away ' in the preceding verse.
desolate. The word shametn is used of Mount Zion in
Lam. V. 18, and recalls shotnem in viii. 13. Cf. ix. 27, xi. 31,
xii. II.
for the Lord's sake. This abrupt transition to the third
person in the midst of a series of petitions in the second is very
harsh, and suggests a corruption in the text, and the evidence of
the ancient versions turns this probability into a practical cer-
tainty. Accordingly we should cither with the LXX 'iviK^v tuv
I02 DANIEL 9. 18-20
18 Lord's sake. O my God, incline thine ear, and hear;
open thine eyes, and behold our desolations, and the city
which is called by thy name : for we do not ^ present our
supplications before thee for our righteousnesses, but
1 9 for thy great mercies. O Lord, hear ; O Lord, forgive ;
O Lord, hearken and do ; defer not ; for thine own sake,
0 my God, because thy city and thy people are called by
thy name.
20 And whiles I was speaking, and praying, and confessing
my sin and the sin of my people Israel, and presenting my
* Heb. cause to /all. See Jer. xxxvi. 7.
SovXcuv (Tov, hiaiTora read * for thy servant's sake, O Lord ' (com-
paring Isa. Ixiii. 17 — * return for thy servant's sake '), or with
Theod. and the Vulgate ' for thine own sake, O Lord.' This
latter, which recurs in ver. 19, has probably the support of
1 Bar. ii. 14.
18. O my God . . . "behold. These clauses are borrowed
literal!}' from 2 Kings xix. 16 ( = Isa. xxxvii. 17) save that instead of
'O m^' God' the source has *0 Lord' (i.e. mn>). The same
words from 2 Kings are repeated in i Bar. ii. 16, 17, but there
the divine title Yahweh is preserved. But not improbably we
should read ' O Lord ' in our text also, since the LXX attests it
desolations. Cf. Isa. Ixi. 4.
the city which is called by thy uauie. The Hebrew is
literally : * over which thy name is called.' This phrase recurs
in the next verse. Cf. Deut. xxviii. 10, 2 Sam. xii. 28, Isa. iv. i,
Amos ix. 12, Jer. vii. 10. There is a parallel to our text in
I Bar. ii. 15, 26.
present our supplications "before thee — lit. ' cause to fall
. . , before thee.' This expression is found only in Jeremiah in
the O.T. Cf. xxxviii. 26, xlii. 2, 9, xxxvi. 7. "With ' do not pre-
sent . . . our righteousness' compare the close parallel in i Bar.
ii. 19.
19. hear , . . forgive. A reminiscence of i Kings viii. 30,
34, 36, &c.
20. This verse serves to connect 4-19 with the context. On
ver. 3, ver. 21 followed immediately. In 20 we have a summary
of the added prayer. It is composed of phrases which have
alreadj' occurred in 4-19. Thus for Spraying and confessing'
cf. ver. 4 ; for * presenting my supplication ' cf. ver. 18 ; * for the
holy mountain of my God' cf. ver. 16.
DANIEL 9. 2 1-23 103
supplication before the Lord my God for the holy moun-
tain of my God ; yea, whiles I was speaking in prayer, the ai
man Gabriel, whom I had seen in the vision at the begin-
ning, * being caused to fly swiftly, ^ touched me about the
time of the evening oblation. And he f' instructed me, 22
and talked with me, and said, O Daniel, I am now come
forth to make thee skilful of understanding. At the begin- 23
ning of thy supplications the commandment went forth,
* Or, being sore wearied ^ Or, came near unto nte
'^ Or, made me to understand
21. Resumption of the original text.
Gabriel. See viii. 16.
being caused to fly swiftly. In the margin we have the
alternative rendering 'being sore wearied' (lit. 'being wearied by
weariness'). The divergence of rendering is due to the possibility
of deriving the participle from different verbs — nir 'to fly' or
F1S" *to be weary.' But the cognate noun (F^i" —'weariness')
which accompanies it is susceptible of only one sense. Hence
the rendering in the text appears to be unjustified. The versions
are in favour of the idea of flying. Thus the LXX has to-xh
<pep6fj.(uos, Theod. ireTufxevos, Vulg. cito volans. As against the
idea of flight, it is to be observed that the O.T. nowhere else
(except in xii. 6?) represents angels as having wings. The first
undoubted passage in Jewish literature is i Enoch Ixi. r, and even
there the angels are not naturally winged but only adopt wings
for a special purpose. The idea of wings was in due course
taken from the winged Seraphim and Cherubim and assigned to
angels generally.
the time of the evening oblation. See note on vi. 10.
22. he instructed me. Better with the LXX and the
Peshitto read ' he came.' So Bevan, Driver, and others.
Gabriel's sole communication refers to the seventy weeks, but
in no single respect to the subjects of the praj'er in 4-19.
23. At the beginning of thy supplications. In I.sa. Ixv. 24
the promise of an immediate answer to prayer is given.
the commandment went forth. The text here should be
rendered 'a word went forth,' i.e. the divine declaration con-
tained in 24-27. The same expression {dabar) recurs at ihe close
of the verse where again the K.V. ' consider the matter ' is to be
corrected into ' consider the word.*
I04 DANIEL 9, 24
and I am come to tell thee ; for thou art ^ greatly beloved :
therefore consider the matter, and understand the vision.
24 Seventy weeks are decreed upon thy people and upon thy
* Or, very precious Yich. precious things.
greatly beloved. As the margin shows, the Hebrew is
literally 'precious things.' But, with Theod. and the Vulg., we
should prefix ^ish and read 'man of desirableness,* i. e. 'man
greatly beloved' as in x. 11, 19.
consider the matter. Read 'consider the word.' Seethe
last note but one. The two expressions 'word' and 'vision'
mean practically the same thing, denoting its twofold relation in
regard to God and in regard to man.
24-27. The seventy weeks of years.
24. This verse lays down the principle that the seventy years
foretold by Jeremiah are to be understood as seventy weeks of years.
i. e. 490 years, and that these years concerned God's holy city and
people. This is clear from ver. 2 where Daniel is said to have
observed in the Scriptures that the seventy years of Jeremiah had
reference to the desolations of Jerusalem. But since the seer did
not understand how this prophecy could be fulfilled in relation to
the humiliation of Jerusalem, he sought illumination through a
vision (ver. 3). In answer to his prayer Gabriel is sent, who
explained the years as meaning weeks of years. The notion of
a week of years was already familiar to the Jews, since the word
could denote either the seventh day or the seventh year (Lev.
XXV. 2, 4\ But the word 'week,' which here means a week of
years, has not this sense elsewhere in the O.T. It occurs, how-
ever, with this meaning some hundreds of times in Jubilees (before
100 B. c.) and in the Mishna (Sanh. v. i) and the Talmud. But the
way had been prepared for the statement in our text by 2 Chron.
xxxvi. 21, ' Until the land had enjoyed her sabbaths ; for as long
as she lay desolate she kept sabbath, to fulfil threescore and ten
years ' (cf. Lev. xxvi. 34, 35). Here the idea of seventy years and
of Sabbatical years are brought together.
As the present text stands this verse should be written in verse
as follows : —
' Seventy weeks are decreed upon thy people and upon thy holy
city,
To finish the transgression and to make an end of sins,
And to purge away iniquity and to brirsg in everlasting righteous-
ness,
And to seal vision and prophet, and to anoint a most hoi}' place.'
But if the writer intended to write in verse, something seems
wrong. The phrase 'tlia transgression' is not Darallel with
DANIEL 9. 24 105
holy city, ^ to finish ^* transgression, and ^ to make an end
of sins, and to '^make reconciliation for iniquity, and to
bring in everlasting righteousness, and to seal up vision
■• Or, io restrain ^ Or, the transgression
'^ Another reading is, to seal up. ^ Or, purge anay
'sins.' 'The transgression' is the heathen worship established
in the Temple; cf. viii. 12, 13, 23. The proper parallel to * to
make an end of sins' occurs in the beginning of the next line —
' to purge away iniquity.' Not impossibly, therefore, these two
phrases belonged to line 3. In that case, we should transpose ' to
bring in everlasting righteousness' to the preceding line. Now
a study of the LXX suggests that instead of ' to bring in ever-
lasting righteousness ' we should read ' to set up (rr?) everlasting
righteousness,' which in this case would mean * to set up the
righteous worship for ever,' which had been overthrown by
Antiochus Epiphanes. Thus this phrase would be the counter-
part of ' to set up the transgression ' in viii. 13, xii. 11. Next, if
we are right in taking ' to seal vision and prophet ' as meaning ' to
ratify and confirm the vision,' then this phrase should come at
the close of the verse.
Thus lines two, three, and four would read :
* To finish the transgression and to set up everlasting righteous-
ness,
And to make an end of sins and to purge away iniquity,
And to anoint a most holy place and to seal vision and prophet.*
Taken thus the action in the verse is clear and progressive.
Towards the expiration of the seventy years the heathen worship
in the Temple will be brought to an end, the true worship of God
restored : then sin and iniquity will be purged away, the Temple
rededicated and the vision of the prophet fulfilled.
This restoration is, of course, hj'pothetical, but it has much in its
favour in that by a simple rearrangement of the clauses we arrive
at a text which gives an admirable meaning in harmony with the
rest of the book. In my larger Commentary this passage will be
dealt with exhaustively.
to make an end of sins. So the Hebrew margin {Q^ri) and
54 MSS. The Hebrew text {K'tib) and Theod. have ' to seal up
sins,' which is explained as 'restraining sins.'
to make reconciliation for. Since the context here refers
to God, we should render Ukappir as in the margin, 'to purge
away.' If the context referred to the priest, we should translate
' to make reconciliation for.' The meaning of the verb differs
according to its subject,
•verlasting" rigliteonsness. This expression, which doeSs
io6 DANIEL 9. 25
35 and ^prophecy, and to anoint ^ the most holy. Know
therefore and discern, that from the going forth of the
commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem unto
c the anointed one, the prince, shall be ^ seven weeks :
and threescore and two weeks, it shall be built again,
* Heb. prophet, ^ Or, a most holy place '^ Or, Messiah,
the prince Or, an anointed one, a prince ^ Or, seven
2veeks,and threescore and two weeks : it shall be ifc.
not occur elsewhere, is taken to mean the eternal righteousness
of the Messianic Kingdom. But another meaning is possible.
See note above.
to seal up vision and prophet, (So Hebrew and marg.
R.V.). Rather: 'to seal vision and prophet,' i.e. to con-
firm the vision of the prophet. Cf. John iii. 33, vi. 27. The
metaphor is taken from affixing a seal to a document to attest its
genuineness (i Kings xxi. 8). The LXX and the Syr. Hexaplaric
Version read avvTfKfaOrjvai to. updfMiTa — a fact which shows that
the LXX read not onnb but cnnb, i. e. * to fulfil the vision.' This
sense is decidedly better. The LXX omits * and prophet.'
25-27. The resolution 0/ the 'jo years into periods of'], 62, and i.
25. the gfoingf forth of the commandment. Read ' word,'
as in ver. 23. The text refers to the word of God spoken by
Jeremiah (xxx. 18, xxxi. 38 sq.).
The date implied by these words should be 604 b. c. (i. e. from
Jer. XXV. II sq. combined with xxv. i), or 596 B. c. (from Jer.
xxix. 10). But the writer does not think of these dates but
makes the destruction of Jerusalem the point of departure, i. e.
586 B. C.
to restore and to "build, i. e. to bring back exiles and build ;
cf. Jer. xxix. 10. Bevan proposes, by a change of punctuation in
one letter, to read * to rcpeople and build.'
unto the anointed one. Read * unto an anointed one.'
The prince here referred to is, as Eusebius, Gratz, Bevan, Marti,
and others hold, the high-priest, Lev. iv. 3, 5, 16, vi. 15, — ' the
anointed priest.' The word ' prince ' is applied to the high-priest
in ver. 26 and xi. 22. The first seven weeks, therefore, come to
a close with the restoration of the Jewish worship {circa 538)
under Jeshua the son of Jozadak Ezra iii. 2), the first high-priest
after the return from the Exile, Hag. i. i, Zech. iii. i. Others
think that Cyrus is here meant, but this is less likely.
Thus the seven weeks extend from 586 to 538 B.C.
threescore and two weeks, i.e. during this period. On
this period see note on verses 26-27.
DANIEL 9. 26 107
with street and moat, even in troublous times. And 26
after the threescore and two weeks shall the anointed one
street and moat. Rather emending ynn into pn with
Bevan and the Peshitto we should render ' with square and
street.' The first word (lim) should not be rendered 'street.*
It means simply 'a broad place.' The two words are found in
parallelism in Prov. i. 20, vii. 12, Isa. xv. 3.
even in troublous times. The text here is corrupt and
these words do not belong to this verse but to the beginning of
the next. The right text has been preserved in the LXX nal nard.
cvvT(\ciav Kaipwv = ZT^'sri yp2"i (so also the Peshitto), the first
word of which is corrupted in the Massoretic into pii'3. Hence
we should here read ' and at the end of the times ' and transfer
this clause to the beginning of the next verse, as Bevan, followed
by von Gall, Marti, and others, has pointed out.
26-27. ^^^ Seventh Week — 171-164 B.C. Since the seventh
week must embrace the years 171-164 a difficulty arises as to the
terminus a quo of the 62 weeks. In the notes on the preceding
verse we found that the first seven weeks came to a close in the
year 538 b. c. But from 538 to 171 b. c. there is an interval not of
434 years (i. e. 62 weeks of years) but only of 367. In other words,
there is an error of 67 years. Some scholars have thought to
surmount this difficulty by making the first seven weeks of the 6a
weeks to run parallel with the first seven weeks of the 70 weeks,
i. e. 586-538 B.C. But this interpretation fails to explain the
anomaly. Of the other explanations off'ered the best is that
supported by Graf, Noldeke, and Bevan, which is that the author
of Daniel followed a wrong computation. The materials for an
exact chronology from the destruction of Jerusalem, 586 B.C. to
the establishment of the Seleucid period in 312 B.C., were not at
the disposal of a Jew living in Palestine, nor apparently of any
Jew. For Schiirer {Gesch. des Jild. Volkes^,lll. iZg sq. '. Eng.
Transl. II. iii. 54') has shown that dates covering this period which
are given by professed historians of Judaism, such as Josephus
and the Egyptian Jew Demetrius {Jlornit ante 200 e.c), are un-
trustworthy in the way of excess, as in our text, and that the
excess in Demetrius is almost exactly that in Daniel. Thus the
latter reckons 573 3'ears as having elapsed between the Captivity
of the Ten Tribes (722 B.C.) and the accession of Ptolemy IV in
222 B.C. The true interval is here over-estimated by 73 years.
From these facts Schiirer reasonably concludes that Daniel is
here following the chronology current in his time on these
matters.
26. the threescore and two weeks. See the preceding note.
the anointed one be cut off. Read * an anointed one, &c.'
L
To8 DANIEL 9. 26
be cut off, and * shall have nothing : and the people of the
prince that shall come shall destroy the city and the sanc-
tuary ; and ^his end shall be with a flood, and even unto
* Or, there shall be none belonging to hint
''Or, the end thereof
The anointed one is the high-priest Onias III, who was removed
from the high-priesthood in 175 B.C. by Antiochus Epiphanes for
a bribe of 440 talents of silver offered by Menelaus the brother of
Onias, and was assassinated according to 2 Mace. iv. 35-37 at the
instigation of the same brother in 171 b.c. This murder of the
lawful high-priest evidently made a great impression at the time.
It is referred to also in i Enoch xc. 8, where see my note.
and shall liave nothing' (i. e. V7 »'«"i). This is the ques-
tionable rendering of an uncertain text. Neither the LXX nor
Theod. supports it. The former implies i2rNi and should be
rendered 'and he shall cease to be' : the latter implies '•o "vi ]'hi
= *and that without judgement.'
and the people of the prince that shall . . . sanctuary.
The text as it stands would refer to the forces of Antiochus
Epiphanes, who made a sport of Jerusalem, setting it on fire and
laying low its houses and walls (i Mace. i. 31, 32, 38). The
word 'am (cr) would in this case mean soldiers as in a Sam.
X. 13, &c. But this text obliges us to take n':3 'prince' in a
different sense from what it has in vcr. 25 where it refers to the
Jewish high-priest. This difficulty, of course, is not a great one
but it is of weight that one MS. and the five chief versions are
against this text. Instead of D? they presuppose cr. Further,
the verb n'H^^ (=' shall destroy') should, with Bevan, Marti,
and others, be punctuated nnir"_ = 'shall be destroyed.' Thus
we have ' and the city and the sanctuary shall be destroyed
together with a prince,' i.e. Onias III. With the supercession
and death of Onias III began the ruin of the city and sanctuary
through the Hellenizing parties in Jerusalem.
the prince that shall come . . . and his end shall be.
The LXX presents a better form of text. Instead of i^^i N::n we
should read ypn Nr with the LXX i:al rj^fi tj avvriXda, 'and the
end shall come,' * The end ' here is the last period of affliction ;
cf. viii, 17, 19.
the end shall come with a flood (emended translation).
These words introduce the seventieth and last week, with which
the first clause of the next verse also deals.
with a flood. Cf. Nah. i. 8, * with an overrunning flood, &c.,'
Jer. xlvii. 2. The word recurs in xi. 22. It is used here figura-
DANIEL 9. 27 109
the end shall be war; desolations are determined. And 27
he shall make a firm covenant with many for one week :
and ^ for the half of the week he shall cause the sacrifice
and the ^ oblation to cease : and ^ upon the wing of
* Or, I'tt the midst of ^ Or, tneal offentig
*^ Or, upon the pinnacle q, aoominations shall be &c.
tively of the destroying flood of war. The war is that of Antiochus
against the Saints.
desolations are determined. Rather * that which is deter-
mined ot desolations.' Marti conjectures that this clause is a
dittograph of the closing words of the next verse. This is
possible. It may be a gloss on the preceding clause.
27. he shall make a firm covenant with many. There are
undoubted difficulties connected with this rendering which pre-
supposes Antiochus Epiphanes to be the subject of the verb. If
the interpretation of the preceding verses is correct, then An-
tiochus has not hitherto been referred to in 24-26. In the next
place in the only other passage, Ps. xii. 5, where the verb ("i'Z:rt)
occurs in the hiphil as here, it means 'to be strong' or 'show
oneself strong.' And finally the word 'covenant' is not used
elsewhere in this sense in Daniel, where it means practically
' religion ' or ' the practice of religion.' Various emendations have
been proposed. Bevan suggests lEin"!, and renders: 'and the
covenant shall be annulled for the many,' i.e. there shall be
a period of general apostasy. Marti develops a conjecture of
Gratz and reads lirni 'and the covenant (i.e. the practice of
religion) shall come to end for the many.'
and for the half of the week, &c. This clause and the rest
of the verse deal with the second half of the last week, which
embraces the period from the 15th of Chisleu 168 to the 25th of
Chisleu 165 B.C. (see i Mace. i. 54 and iv. 52 sq.}, during which
period (see viii. 14) the Temple services were suspended. But this
period does not coincide with the three and a half j'ears, vii. qg,
xii. 7, during which the entire persecution vi^as to last. This
period may have begun with the expedition of Apollonius against
Jerusalem earlier in 168 '^i Mace. i. 29, 2 Mace. v. 24\ On the
two different periods given in xii. ii, 12, see notes in loc.
cause ... to cease. With the LXX and Theod. we should
read niii" instead of n^r:;'] and translate 'the sacrifice and the
oblation shall cease.' The sacrifice and oblation include all
kinds of sacrifice bloody and unbloody. Cf. i Sam. ii. 29, iii. 14,
Ps. xl. 7.
upon the wing' of ahominations. This unintelligible phrase
L 2
no DANIEL 9. 27
abominations shall come one that maketh desolate ; and
even unto the consummation, and that determined, shall
ivrath be poured out upon the ^ desolator.
* Or, desolate
(ri;3 br) has been emended by van Lennep, Bevan, Kuenen,
Kamphausen, Driver, and others into "1:3 bi' =in its stead, i.e.
instead of the daily sacrifice. The whole clause then would run :
'and in its stead shall be the abomination.'
of abominations shall come one that maketh desolate.
A comparison of xi. 31, xii. 11 makes it clear that the reference in
the text is to the heathen altar set up by Antiochus (cf. viii. 12,
13), and that for dom'O □^sipc' we should read DO\ro yipc as
in xi. 31. We should thus render: 'And in its stead shall be
the abomination that maketh desolate.' The LXX and Theod.
presuppose 'and upon the holy thing (i.e. the Jewish altar) shall
be (set up) the abomination, &c.'
and even unto the consummation, &c. Rather, ' and that
until the consummation and that which is determined be poured
upon the desolator.' The phrase 'the consummation and that
which is determined, (which is really an hendiadys == ' the deter-
mined consummation') is taken from Isa. xxviii. 22.
I here append for the convenience of the reader the last three
verses emended and translated as above suggested.
25. Know therefore and discern that from the going forth of
the commandment to restore and build Jerusalem,
Unto an anointed one, a prince, shall be seven weeks ;
And for threescore and two weeks it shall be rebuilt with
square and street.
26. And at the end of the times, after threescore and two
weeks, shall an anointed one be cut off and that without judgement,
And the city and the sanctuary shall be destroj^ed together
with a prince,
And the end shall come with a flood and even unto the end
shall be war (that which is determined of desolations\
27. And the covenant shall come to an end for the many for
one week,
And for the half of the week sacrifice and oblation shall cease,
And in its stead shall be the abomination that maketh desolate,
And that until the consummation that is doomed is poured
out upon the desolator.
x — xii. These three chapters are to be taken closely together
as forming one whole. They give a survey of oriental history
from the beginning of the Persian period down to the time of the
writer. The account grows steadily in definiteness and fullness
DANIEL 10. I, 2 III
In the third year of Cyrus king of Persia a thing was 10
revealed unto Daniel, whose name was called Belteshazzar ;
and the thing was true, even a great warfare : and he under-
stood the thing, and had understanding of the vision. In 3
those days I Daniel was mourning three whole weeks.
as it advances towards the close of the reign of Antiochus Epi-
phanes, when suddenly it leaves the region of history and enter;
on that of prophecy. Chapter x forms an introduction or pro-
logue to xi. a^'-xii. After a brief allusion to Cyrus and his
successors xi. 2^\ and to Alexander xi. 3, 4*, and the division of
his empire xi. 4'', there comes an account of the Seleucidae and
Ptolemies xi. 5-20, growing in fullness as it nears the time of the
writer and finally entering into a detailed history of the wars of
Antiochus Epiphanes with Egypt xi. 21-30, 40-45, and the suffer-
ings of the Jews under his rule xi. 3o''-39. Here our author
passes from the domain of history and predicts the death of
Antiochus, xi. 45^ Thereupon the w^orst of the final wars sets in
for Israel, from which thej' are delivered by Michael: the resur-
rection follows and the age of blessedness for the faithful.
X. 1. In the third year of Cyrus. This is the latest date in the
book. The LXX reads 'in the first 3'ear of Cyrus.' The latter
may be a later correction owing to the introduction of i. 20-21
(see note in loc).
king* of Persia. This title was used of Cyrus only before
his conquest of Babylon. After that event the title of Cyrus and
the other reigning members of the Achaemenidae was ' king of
Babylon,' 'the king,' ' the great king,' 'the king of kings,' &c.
(^Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the O.T., p. 546«.). After
the fall of the Persian empire the title king of Persia was used of
its kings in order to distinguish them from their Greek successors.
a thing-, or ' a word ' : cf. ix. 23.
unto Daniel. Daniel is here spoken of as the third person :
cf. vii. I.
Belteshazzar. See note on i. 7.
the thing- . . . warfare. Rather the word is true and a
hard service,' that is it involves great hardship. On this use of
sab'a, cf. Isa. xl. 2, Job vii. i, xiv. 14.
understood.. . understanding of. Better perhaps 'observed
the word and gave heed to.'
2. The ground for Daniel's mourning and fasting are not men-
tioned as in ix. 3, but from ver. 12 it is clear that it was his
concern for the future destinies of Israel. For the vision that
follows the fasting as in ix. 3 is a preparation.
three whole weeks. The Hebrew is lit. ' three weeks,
112 DANIEL 10. 3-5
3 I ate no pleasant bread, neither came flesh nor wine in
my mouth, neither did I anoint myself at all, till three
4 whole weeks were fulfilled. And in the four and twentieth
day of the first month, as I was by the side of the great
5 river, which is ^ Hiddekel, I lifted up mine eyes, and
looked, and behold a man clothed in linen, whose loins
* That is, Tigris.
days' : cf. Gen. xli. i, Deut. xxi. 13, a Sam. xiii. 23, xiv. 28,
Jer. xxviii. 3,
3. pleasant bread. This is the opposite to * bread of affliction,'
Deut. xvi. 3. The clauses * ate ... in my mouth ' appear in an
expanded form in Test. Reuben, i. 10.
neither did I anoint myself. In fasting all luxury was
avoided, and so anointing which was of this nature. The omission
of anointing ' was a sign of mourning, the resumption of the
practice a sign that mourning was over, 2 Sam. xii. 20, xiv. a,
Judith X. 3 : cf. Is. Ixi. 3, Eccl. ix. 8' {Encyc. Bib., i. 173).
4. the first month, that is Nisan, or as it was earlier called,
Abib, Daniel, therefore, with his companions (ver. 7) kept this
fast in the month to which belonged the great festival of the
Passover (i, e. on the 14th day) and of the Unleavened Bread
(i5th-2ist; — 'bread of affliction,' which the Law prescribed
should be eaten, Deut. xvi. 3.
the great river [which is Hiddekel], I have, with
Behrmann and Marti, bracketed the explanatory clause as a
mistaken gloss. 'The great river' is, according to Gen. xv. 18,
the Euphrates, which is also called simply 'the river,' Gen. xxxi.
21 : cf. Isa. vii. 20. There can be hardly any doubt that it is the
Euphrates here also that is referred to. For Daniel and his com-
panions were resident in Babylon, and Babylon was on the banks
of the Euphrates, whereas the Hiddekel was at least fifty miles
distant. The Hiddekel is only elsewhere mentioned once in the
0,T., i. e. in Gen. ii. 14.
5-9. The appearance 0/ the heavenly messenger.
5. The vision follows the fast, as in 2 Bar. v. 7 (see note in my
edition), ix. 2, xii. 5, xxi. i, xlvii. 2, 4 Ezra v. 20, vi. 35, ix. 26 sq ,
xii. 51.
lifted up mine eyes. Cf. viii. 3.
and looked, and behold. On this and kindred forms of
apocalyptic expression see the note on iv. i in my Commentary on
Revelation.
a man clothed in linen. The phrase is probably from
Ezek. ix-. 2, 3, &c. That the linen garment represents the angelic
DANIEL 10. 6-8 113
were girded with pure gold of Uphaz : his body also was 6
like the beryl, and his face as the appearance of lightning,
and his eyes as lamps of fire, and his arms and his feet like
in colour to burnished brass, and the voice of his words
like the voice of a multitude. And I Daniel alone saw 7
the vision : for the men that were with me saw not the
vision ; but a great quaking fell upon them, and they fled
to hide themselves. So I was left alone, and saw this 8
great vision, and there remained no strength in me : for
my comeliness was turned in me into corruption, and
body as composed of light (cf. Ps. civ. 2) is pointed out by Gress-
mann {Ursprutig der israel.-jiid. Eschatologie, 344 sqq.).
pure gold of Uphaz. The text of the LXX, though corrupt,
points to the original form of the text, i. e. * fine gold of Ophir ' ;
cf. Job xxviii. 16 ; Isa. xiii. 12 ; Ps. xlv. 9. So Ewald conjectured
without the help of the LXX. The word Uphaz is found else-
where only in Jer. x. g, but there it is probably a corruption of
Ophir : so Targ., Pesh., and some MSS. of LXX.
6. This verse was used by the writer of Rev. i. i4''-i5.
beryl. The Hebrew word is tarshish and is said to be the
chrysolite (so the LXX) or the topaz. See Bible Dictionaries, in loc.
his face as the appearance of lightning. Cf. Rev. i. 16,
* His countenance was as the sun shineth in his strength.'
his eyes as lamps of fire. Cf. Ezek. i. 13 (R. V. marg.),
* In the midst of the living creatures was an appearance . . . like
the appearance of torches.'
his feet like in colour to burnished brass. From Ezek,
i. 7, * They (i. e. the feet of the Cherubim) sparkled like the colour
of burnished brass.'
voice of a multitude. Cf. Isa. xiii. 4, xxxiii. 3.
7. Daniel alone saw the vision ; cf. Acts ix. 7, xxi^. 9.
fled to hide themselves. The Hebrew is peculiar here,
Nnnnn. We should expect "n'?. Both the Greek versions pre-
suppose n'jnna — * in alarm ' or ' in haste.'
8. With the effect of the appearance of the angel on the seer
cf. viii. 17.
there remained no strength in me. Cf. i Sam. xxviii. 20.
my comeliness was turned in me into corruption. Cf.
V. 9, vii. 28. Instead of * in me' ("•'??) read 'upon me' or else
omit the words. They represent a sort of dative of advantage or
disadvantage; cf. ii. i, v. 9, vii. 28. The word 'corruption,' as
114 DANIEL 10. 9-13
9 I retained no strength. Yet heard I the voice of his
words ; and when I heard the voice of his words, then
was I fallen into a deep sleep on my face, with my face
10 toward the ground. And, behold, a hand touched me,
which ^ set me upon my knees and upon the palms of my
11 hands. And he said unto me, O Daniel, thou man
greatly beloved, understand the words that I speak unto
thee, and stand upright ; for unto thee am I now sent :
and when he had spoken this word unto me, I stood
12 trembling. Then he said unto me. Fear not, Daniel ; for
from the first day that thou didst set thine heart to under-
* Or, set me tottering upon ifc.
Driver points out, is from the same root as that rendered * marred '
in Isa. Hi. 14 (also of the countenance).
and I retained no strength. This clause is, as Behrmann
suggests, most probably a gloss borrowed from ver. 16. It is a
^veaker repetition of the earlier clause in this verse — ' there
remained no strength in me.'
9. then was I fallen into a deep sleep, &c. Cf. viii. 18.
Daniel loses consciousness on hearing the voice.
on my face [with my face]. With the LXX and the Pesh.
the words I have bracketed are to be excised. Cf. viii. 17, 18.
10. Some scholars identify the angel in verses 10 sqq. with the
angel in verses 5-6 : others regard them as distinct.
set me upon my knees. The Hebrew here is literally :
'caused me to totter on my knees.' This is a very outre' ex-
pression and describes a no less outr^ result attending on the
touch of the heavenly hand. It is not justified by Amos iv. 8.
Since the Greek versions differ the text seems corrupt. The
LXX and Theod. read ^7€t/3e = * awaked.' Now since Daniel is
in a heavy sleep, this word is most appropriate. In the next
verse Daniel is set upon his feet. If the Greek versions are right
we should probably omit the words ' upon my knees and upon
the palms of my hands.'
11. man greatly "beloved. See ix. 23.
stand upright. Cf. viii. 18, Ezek. ii. 1,4 Ezra v. 15.
trembling: the same word as in Ezra x. 9.
12. set thine heart. A late idiom occurring elsewhere only
in Chronicles (twice) and Ecclesiastes (five times).
to understand, i. e. Israel's destiny.
DANIEL 10. 13-15 IIS
stand, and to humble thyself before thy God, thy words
were heard : and I am come for thy words' sake. But the 13
prince of the kingdom of Persia withstood me one and
twenty days ; but, lo, Michael, one of the chief princes,
came to help me : and I ^ remained there with the kings
of Persia. Now I am come to make thee understand what 14
shall befall thy people in the latter days: for the vision is yet
for matiy days. And when he had spoken unto me accord- 15
"• Or, was not needed
humble thyself. This expression relates to the various
forms of self-denial accompanying a fast, as in Ezra viii. 21.
The cognate noun means 'fasting' as in Ezra ix. 5 and the
Mishna.
13. prince of the king'dom of Persia. The doctrine of
angelic patrons of the nations appears first distinctly in our text;
cf. verses 20, 21, xi. i, xii. i. How the idea arose does not
concern us here, but it appears in Sirach xvii. 17, Deut. (LXX)
xxxii. 8, and the number of these angels was said to be seventy
according to the seventy nations mentioned in Gen. x. But whereas
Sirach and Jubilees xv. 32 speak of God as the immediate ruler of
Israel, contemporary and later authorities designate Michael as
the patron of Israel. The destinies of these nations and their
angelic patrons were closely interwoven, and no nation was
punished before the fitting judgement was meted out to its
angelic patron ; cf. Isa. xxiv. 21. See my editions of i Enoch '^,
pp. 200 sq., Jub. XV. 32 note.
Michael. This angel is the patron of Israel. So also in
r Enoch xx. 5, Test. Levi v. 6, Test. Dan. vi. 2 though in the
last two passages a still higher role is assigned to him. See also
Rev, xii. 7, Jude 9.
I remained there with the king's of Persia. The text is
corrupt here, and that presupposed by the LXX and Theod.
should be adopted. Hence for \-i-irii3 we should read vmmn
and supply tc after '?^^^*. Our text then would run : ' I left
him alone there with the prince of the kings of Persia.' So
Meinhold, Behrmann, and Marti. The guardian angel of Israel
does not contend with the kings of Persia but with their guardian
angel.
14. to make thee understand. Cf. viii. 16, ix. 23.
what shall befall thy people in the latter days. Based on
Gen. xlix. i.
the vision is yet for many days. Rather: 'there is yet
a vision for the days,' i. c. there is yet another vision relating to
ii6 DANIEL 10. 16-18
ing to these words, I set my face toward the ground, and
16 was dumb. And, behold, one like the similitude of the
sons of men touched my lips : then I opened my mouth,
and spake and said unto him that stood before me, O my
lord, by reason of the vision my sorrows are turned upon
17 me, and I retain no strength. For how can the servant
of this my lord talk with this my lord? for as for me,
straightway there remained no strength in me, neither was
18 there breath left in me. Then there touched me again
the last days. The LXX and Theod. imply a change of
punctuation in one of the words : 'the vision is yet for days,' i. e.
it relates to a distant period ; cf. viii. 26.
15-xi. 2*. DanieVs conversation with the angel.
16. The dumbness which came upon DanieJ in ver. 15 is here
removed.
one like the similitude of the sons of men. Not therefore
a man, but an angel.
touched my lips. By this act Daniel is enabled to speak
with the angel ; cf. Isa. vi. 7, Jer. i. 9.
my sorrows are turned upon me. On the phrase cf.
I Sam. iv. 19. In Isa. xxi. 3 the same noun is used of the prostration
of the seer caused by the vision.
retain no strength. Cf. ver. 8. We have here a late
Hebrew idiom, not occurring elsewhere in the O.T. except in
X. 8, xi. 6, and four times in Chronicles.
17. how can the servant of this my lord talk with this my
lord? Better take the first 'this' with 'servant' where it has
a contemptuous force as in i Sam. x. 27, and the second 'this'
with ' lord' with a honorific meaning as in Gen. v. 29(Behrmann
and Marti). The sense then is ' how can so mean a servant of
my lord talk with so great a one as my lord ? '
straightway there remained no strength in me. Since
Daniel had already been deeply conscious of his weakness, the
sense is not quite satisfactory. Moreover, the Hebrew phrase
(nnvo) translated 'straightway' means 'from nov^ on* and can
only properly be used of the present. Hence if we retain it we
should translate : 'from now there remaineth (or 'will remain '\
&c.' Since, however, the LXX here reads ■fjaBlvrjaa = \-iro, the
text would mean : ' I shook : there remained.' Other emendations
are proposed.
18. touched me again. Cf. 10, 16.
DANIEL 10. 19-21 117
one like the appearance of a man, and he strengthened
me. And he said, O man greatly beloved, fear not: 19
peace be unto thee, be strong, yea, be strong. And
when he spake unto me, I was strengthened, and said,
Let my lord speak ; for thou hast strengthened me.
Then said he, Knowest thou wherefore I am come unto 20
thee? and now will I return to fight with the prince
of Persia : and when I go forth, lo, the prince of ^ Greece
shall come. But I will tell thee that which is inscribed ai
* Heb. Javan.
one like the appearance of a man. Cf. ver. 16, viii. 15,
Ezek. i. 13, 14, &c. This angel also touched the seer and
strengthened him in 16*, and here appears to be distinct from the
great angel described in 5-6, who addressed Daniel in 11^, 12-14,
and whom Daniel addressed in 16*^, 17, and who again addressed
Daniel in verses 19-ai.
19. he said. See the preceding note.
greatly beloved. Cf. ver. 11.
be strong', yea, be strong-. Since the LXX, Theod., Pesh.,
and Vulg. presuppose two different words here the text may be
incorrect. If so we might with five Hebrew MSS., the LXX,
and Theod. read 'be strong and of a good courage'; cf. Deut.
xxxi. 7, 23, Joshua i. 6, &c.
20. now will Z return to fight with, &c., i.e. to resume the
conflict with the prince of Persia (see ver. 13 .
when I go forth, lo, the prince of Greece shall come, i. e.
when I have done with the war against Persia, that with Greece
will then begin. The Hebrew verb for *go forth' here may be
used in the sense of * when I am free from ' or * done with ' as in
I Sam, xiv. 41, Eccles. vii. 18 (Marti). Or with the two verbs
in our text we might compare 2 Kings xi. 5, 7 where they are
used of departure from and entry on the duty of keeping watch.
2i-xi. 2. There are here obvious dislocations of and additions to
the text. First of all 21'' should follow imn)ediately on 20 : * When I
go forth, lo, the prince of Greece shall come, and there is none that
holdeth with me against these but Michael your prince.' Next
as regards 21^ this clause ' but I will tell thee that which is
inscribed in the writing of truth' should stand at the beginning of
xi. 2 instead of the clause which appears there * and now will I
shew thee the truth.' These last words are an addition to the
text, a repetition of x. ai% which becomes necessary through the
transposition of that clause.
ii8 DANIEL 11. I, 2
in the writing of truth : and there is none that * holdeth
11 with me ^ against these, but Michael your prince. And as
for me, in the first year of Darius the Mede, I stood up to
confirm and strengthen him.
3 And now will I shew thee the truth. Behold, there
shall stand up yet three kings in Persia ; and the fourth
shall be far richer than they all : and when he is waxed
* Heb. strengtheneth himself. ^ Or, concerning these things
But the chief difficulty lies in xi. i. The date in the words 'in
the first year of Darius the Mede, I stood up to confirm and
strengthen him ' does not suit an account of the wars in heaven
amongst the angelic princes, but as Robertson Smith, Behrmann^
Marti, &c., have pointed out, has been wrongly introduced into
the text here after the analogy of vii. i, viii. i, ix. i, x. i. The
LXX and Theod. tried to escape the difficulty by correcting
Darius into Cyrus. Next the LXX shows that the phrase ' and as
for me ' is not original and both the LXX and the Pesh. represent
the speaker as receiving help and not as giving it — in other words,
the latter half of xi. i read * stood up to confirm and strengthen me/
I cannot enter more fully here into the criticism of this passage,
but will now give the text as most probably it stood originally.
2o'^-xi. 2. ' When I go forth, lo, the prince of Greece shall
come, 21^ and there is none that holdeth with me against these,
but Michael your prince, xi. i^ who standeth up to confirm and
strengthen me. 2. But I will tell thee that which is inscribed in
the writing of truth. Behold there shall stand up yet, &c.'
xi. s'^-xii. 4. The revelation given to the seer. See p. 1 10 sq. for the
summary. 2**. The four kings. Our author seems to know only
four Persian kings; see vii. 6. Who are these four kings?
Since Cyrus is still reigning, he is necessarily included in the
four. Cyrus, therefore, is the first of the four. It is no less clear
that the fourth referred to in this verse is Xerxes who invaded
Greece. But who are the second and third. The second appears
to be Cambj'ses (529-522 b. c.) and the third Darius Hj'staspis
(522-485 B.C.). In this case the usurping Pseudo-Smerdis would
be omitted. But Bevan and others think that the four kings
mentioned in Ezra iv. 5-7 are here referred to, but in the order
Cyrus, Darius Hystaspis, Artaxerxes, Xerxes, these being the
only four names of Persian kings that occur in the O. T., which
was most probably the principal source of information accessible
to the writer. The reckoning of Xerxes as the successor of"
Artaxerxes would thus be one of the historical errors of the book^
DANIEL 11. 3-5 119
strong through his riches, " he shall stir np all against
the realm of ^ Greece. And a mighty king shall stand up, 3
that shall rule with great dominion, and do accord-
ing to his will. And when he shall stand up, his 4
kingdom shall be broken, and shall be divided toward
the four winds of heaven ; but not to his posterity, nor
according to his dominion wherewith he ruled ; for his
kingdom shall be plucked up, even for others beside
these. And the king of the south c shall be strong, and 5
* Or, all tills shall stir up the realm ^ Heb. Javan.
^ Or, shall be strong ; but on& of his princes shall be &c.
shall stir up all against, &c. The Hebrew is here most
unusual, and is without the support of any of the versions. But
though the original form of the text is uncertain the sense intended
is clear. The text refers of course to Xerxes' expedition against
Greece, which ended in his defeat at Salamis, 480 b. c.
the realm. We should perhaps with Theod. and the Pesh.
read 'the kingdoms.' This would give a truer description of
Greece. Though the LXX diverges from both readings it practically
supports the latter.
3. Alexander the Great (336-323 B. c).
do according' to his will. Cf. 16, 36, viii. 4.
4. when he shall stand up. "nor^ is here certainly to be
emended, with Graetz, according to the parallel passage in viii.
8, into 101*1-3 ' when he became strong.' The point of the writer
is that the moment Alexander achieved his greatest success he
was cut down.
shall be broken . . . toward the four winds of heaven.
Cf. the similar language in viii. 8 about Alexander. On the four
kingdoms that rose on the ruins of Alexander's empire see the
note on viii. 8.
not to his posterity. Alexander, the posthumous son of
Alexander by Roxana his wife, and Herakles, his illegitimate son
by his mistress Barsine, were both murdered some thirteen years
after the death of Alexander.
nor according^ to his dominion, &c. Cf. viii. 22.
even (better 'and') for others beside these, i.e. 'the
dynasties which arose in Cappadocia, Armenia, and other countries
during the century and a half that followed upon the death of
Alexander ' (Bevan). The ' these ' above mentioned are Alex-
ander's generals.
5-20. The Ptolemies and the Seleucidae before the time of
120 DANIEL 11. 6
one of his princes ; and he shall be strong above him, and
have dominion ; his dominion shall be a great dominion.
6 And at the end of years they shall join themselves together ;
and the daughter of the king of the south shall come to the
king of the north to make «^an agreement : but she shall
* Or, equitable conditions
Antiochus Epiphanes — the two dynasties which contended for
the possession of Palestine, which was dominated mainly by the
former during the third century B.C. In 198 B.C. it passed under
the control of the Ptolemies at the battle of Paneion.
5. king^ of the soutli, i.e. the king of Egypt, Ptolemy I, son
of Lagus, one of Alexander's ablest generals, who secured Egypt
on the partition of Alexander's empire and ruled it as satrap from
322 to 306 B.C., when he assumed the royal title. He reigned as
king from 306 to 285 b. c.
one of his princes, i.e. Seleucus Nicator I, who was originally
satrap of Babylon, 321-316 b. c. ; was deprived of his satrapy by
Antigonus, but recovered it by the aid of Ptolemy in 312 b. c. The
era of the Seleucidae, which was used subsequently by the Jews,
was determined by this event. In 306 b. c. Seleucus assumed the
title of king.
one of his princes ; and he shall be strong*. Better read
with LXX and Theod. 'one of his princes shall be strong.'
shall be strong* above him, i.e. Seleucus will be stronger
than Ptolemy. After the decisive victory over Antigonus at
Ipsus (301 B.C.) Seleucus received vast accessions of territory, and
his empire became the most powerful of those which had been
formed out of the dominions of Alexander.
6. Ptolemy II, Philadelphtts, 285-247 B.C., and AniioduiS II,
Theos, 261-246 B.C. Antiochus I, Soter, the son and successor of
Seleucus I, is here left out of account.
About the year 248 b. c. Ptolemy II gave his daughter Berenice
in marriage to Antiochus II on the condition that he should put
away his wife Laodice and deprive his two sons, Seleucus and
Antiochus, of the right of succession. On the death of Ptolemy
two years later, Antiochus II divorced Berenice and took back
Laodice. The latter, distrusting the constancy of Antiochus,
poisoned him and procured the murder of Berenice, her child and
attendants.
but she shall not retain the strength of her arm. This
would mean that Berenice would not ultimately prevail against
Laodice. Better with Graetz, Bevan and others render ' but this
support shall not retain strength.' Cf. 2 Chron. xiii. 20.
DANIEL 11. 7, 8 121
not retain the strength ot her arm ; neither shall he stand,
nor his arm ; but she shall be given up, and they that
brought her, and he that begat her, and he thatstrengthened
her in those times. But out of a shoot from her roots shall 7
one stand up in his * place, which shall come ^ unto the
army, and shall enter into the fortress of the king of the
north, and shall deal against them, and shall prevail : and 8
also their gods, with their c molten images, and wiih their
goodly vessels of silver and of gold, shall he carry captive
* Or, Ojfficg ^ Or, against '^ Or, princes
neither shall he stand, nor his arm. Here Theod. and the
Vulg. appear to be right. For irnii we should read iyiT * his
seed.' Thus we have * neither shall his seed stand,' i. e. ' endure,'
referring to the children of Antiochus by Berenice.
she (Berenice) shall he given up. This meaning of p:n
is unexampled. The true text of viii. 12 does not support it nor
any other passage. We should probably read 'rn:n 'she shall
be rooted up.' This harmonizes well with the metaphor in the
preceding clause. We should observe also that the same metaphor
is used in ver. 7.
they that hrouefht her, i.e. her suite.
he that begfat her. The extraordinary nn'<>n should with
von Gall and Marti be emended into rrib' = ' her son.'
he that strengthened her. Better ' he that got possession
of her,* i.e. her husband.
7-9. Ptolemy III {Euergetes 7), 247-222 B.C., and Sehucus II,
Ca/linicus, 246-226 B.C. Ptolemy III, with a view to avenging the
murder of his sister Berenice, invaded the northern kingdom,
seized Seleucia, the port of Antioch, and overran the greater part
of Syria and Babylonia, and returned to Eg\'pt with an immense
booty. Two years later Seleucus Callinicus invaded Egypt but
sustained an overwhelming defeat and returned with only a hand-
ful of his troops (240 b.c).
7. one, i.e. Ptolemy III, brother of Berenice.
shall come unto the army, i.e. take the command of his
forces against Syria. But this is unlikely. We should expect
rather ' shall come with an army ' as in ver. 13. Better, as in the
margin, render : ' shall march against the (Syrian) army.'
8. According to Jerome Ptolemy brought back to Egypt the
statues of the Egyptian gods carried off by Cambyses 280 years
122 DANIEL 11. 9-ir
into Egypt ; and he shall ^ refrain some years from the king
9 of the north. And he shall come into the realm of the king
10 of the south, but he shall return into his own land. And
his sons shall war, and shall assemble a multitude of great
forces, b which shall come on, and overflow, and pass
through : and ^ they shall return and war, even to his
11 fortress. And the king of the south shall be moved with
choler, and shall come forth and fight with him, even with
the king of the north : and he shall set forth a great multi-
' Or, cotttmue more years than ifc. ^ Or, and he
*= Or, he
earlier. On this ground his subjects conferred on him the title
Euergetes.
refrain . . . from, i.e. from attacking. Cf. Gen. xxix. 35,
2 Kings iv. 6. But some scholars support the rendering in the
margin,
9. See note on 7-9.
10-12. The next ten verses deal mainly with the times of
Antiochus III the Great. When Seleucus Callinicus died, his
elder son, Seleucus Ceraunos, became king, but after a reign of three
years (226-223 b. c. ) was murdered during a campaign in Asia
Minor. He was succeeded by Antiochus III the Great, 223-187
B.C. Antiochus, soon after his accession, attacked Palestine, then
subject to Egypt, and in the course of two campaigns conquered
the greater part of it. But in 217 b. c. Ptolemy met Antiochus at
Raphia and defeated him with great loss. Palestine was then
reannexed to the empire of the Ptolemies.
10. Ms sons shall war, i. e. Seleucus Ceraunos and An-
tiochus III.
shall come on. Thirteen MSS. and the LXX give the reading
'shall attack him,' i.e. the king of Egypt.
overflow, and pass through. From Isa. viii. 8.
shall return. Either into winter quarters in Ptolemais, or,
after wintering in Ptolemais, to the campaign against Ptolemy in
217 B.C.
his fortress. Probably Gaza, the strongest fortress of Pales-
tine on the south. Driver calls attention to the play on Gaza
(nt;) in the word for fortress (mro).
11. he shall set forth a great multitude, <&c. These words
are taken in two ways. ' He (Antiochus, shall raise a great
multitude and it shall be given into his (Ptolemy's) hands.' This
DANIEL 11. 1.-14 123
tilde, and ihe multitude shall be given into his hand. And 12
the multitude shall « be lifted up, and his heart shall be
exalted : and he shall cast down tens of thousands, but
he shall not prevail. And the king of the north shall 13
return, and shall set forth a multitude greater than the
former ; and he shall come on at the end of the times,
even ^^years, with a great army and with much substance.
iVnd in those times there shall many stand up against the 14
king of the south : also the children of the violent among
•' Or, be carried aivay ^ Or, for
is the preferable rendering. The other is: 'he (Ptolemy) shall
raise a great multitude and the multitude shall be put under his
command.'
12. And the multitude shall he carried away (marg.), that
is, the army of Antiochus. Another possible rendering is that in
the text : 'And the multitude shall be lifted up' or 'lift itself up'
to attack. In this latter case the army would be that of Ptolemy.
But the former rendering is to be followed.
his heart, i.e. Ptolemy's. This circumstantial clause can
also be referred to Ptolemy's army: 'its courage being raised.'
shall cast down, &c., i.e. at Raphia.
shall not prevail. Ptolem^^ after his victory at Raphia,
recovered Coele S3'ria, but failed to follow up his success. Owing
to his effeminate and dissolute character, favourable terms were
granted to Antiochus.
1316. In 205 B.C., twelve years after the battle of Raphia,
referred to in the preceding verses, Ptolemy Philopator died,
leaving only one son, aged five years, who succeeded his father as
Ptolemy Epiphanes, 205-181 b.c. Antiochus seized on this
opportunity of attacking Egypt and formed a league with Philip
of Macedon for this purpose. After varying fortunes Scopas, the
general of Ptolemy, recovered possession of Judaea in 200 B.C.,
but two years later was utterly ciushed at Paneas (Caesarea
Philippi), and forced to take refuge in Sidon, where he was
besieged and taken captive.
13. shall return, and shall set forth. Better: 'shall again
raise.'
shall come on. As in ver. 10 we should, perhaps, with the
LXX read 'shall attack him.'
14. shall many stand, &c., i.e. Antiochus, Philip of Macedon,
and the many insurgents throughout the provinces of Egypt.
the children of the violent among* thy people, &'c. Schlatter
M
124 DANIEL 11. 15-17
thy people shall lift themselves up to establish the vision ;
15 but they shall fall. So the king of the north shall come,
and cast up a mount, and take *a well fenced city : and
the arms of the south shall not withstand, neither his
chosen people, neither shall there be any strength to
16 withstand. But he that cometh against him shall do
according to his own will, and none shall stand before
him : and he shall stand in the glorious land, and in his
17 hand shall be destruction. And he shall set his face to
* Or, the fenced cities
{ZATIV,, 1894, 145- 151) is most probably right, as Marti points
out, in identifying the ' violent among the people ' with the
Tobiadae and their followers. Ptolemy alienated the affections
of the Jews by supporting Joseph, the head of this family, by
a garrison in Jerusalem. This family got hold of the high-priest-
hood and robbed the nation by their endless taxation and exactions.
Without intending it they contributed by their conduct *to
establish the vision,' i. e. to bring about the end foretold, and to
compass their own destruction.
15^. shall . . . cast up a mount (i.e. a mound) and take a well
fenced city. This is Sidon, where Scopas with 100,000 men had
taken refuge, and which Antiochus captured.
a well fenced city. Theod., the Pesh., and Vulg. read * well
fenced cities.'
i5''-i6. Complete overthrow of the Egyptian suzerainty over
Syria.
15*'. neither his chosen people ... to withstand. Better
' neither shall his chosen people have any strength to withstand.*
This involves the omission of a vav, but the same sense is attain-
able without any change.
16. But he (Antiochus) that cometh against him Ptolemy),
stand in the glorious land, i.e. in Palestine. See note on
viii. 9,
and in his hand shall be destruction directed either against
the Jews or the Egyptian garrisons in Palestine. If for nb^") we
read n^p^ the text runs ' with all of it in his hand.'
17. he shall set his face, i. e. design, make it his aim ; cf. Gen.
xxxi. 21, a Kings xii. 17.
to come with the Btrenfifth, &c. This means that Antiochus
will march his entire forces against Ptolemy.
DANIEL 11. iS 125
come with the strength of his whole kingdom, ^ and ^' up-
right ones with him ; and he shall do /lis pleasure : and he
shall give him the daughter of women, ^ to corrupt her ;
but dshe shall not stand, neither be for him. After this i'
shall he turn his face unto the ® isles, and shall take
* According to the ancient versions, and shall make equitable
conditions with him: and he shall give ^c. ** Or, equitable
conditions *^ Or, to destroy it ^ Or, // •= Or, coastlands
and shall make eciuitable conditions (or better ' an agree-
ment' ; cf. ver. 6) with him (marg.). So, in accordance with the
LXX, Theod., and the Vulg., we should emend nuri-i "iDi"" D'ld
(='and upright ones with him, and he shall do') unto DnM"Di
nfr' I'D?.
shall gfive him the daughter of women. When Antiochus
was obliged to abandon his designs on Egypt owing to the inter-
vention of Rome, he made an alliance with Ptolemy and gave him
his daughter Cleopatra in marriage, with the provinces of Coelc
Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine as a dowry. This marriage was
carried out in 194-193 b.c.
to destroy it (marg.), i.e. Egypt. The real motive of
Antiochus in giving his daughter to Ptolemy was to gain a footing
in Egypt which he could turn to his own purposes when occasion
arose. The rendering in the text 'to corrupt her,' i.e. to bring
about her ruin, gives no tolerable sense ; for Cleopatra adopted
the cause of her husband, advised him to maintain his alliance
with Rome and lived happily in Egypt.
but it (marg.) shall not stand, neither he for him. This
is the later Hebrew form of the clauses in Isa. vii. 7, xiv. 24, where
cip is used. lO? is used in this sense here and in Esther iii. 4,
Eccles. ii. 9. The plan of Antiochus will not succeed.
18. The historical facts behind this verse are shortly as
follows. In 197 B.C. Antiochus made an expedition into Asia
Minor. This expedition was attended with great success and
most of the cities made their submission to him. In the same year
he made himself master of the Thracian Chersonese, and in 192
effected a landing in Greece. But here his successes came to an
end. In 191 his forces were routed by the Romans at Thermopylae,
and in the following year he sustained such an overwhelming
defeat at Magnesia that he had to submit to the most humiliating
conditions dictated by the conqueror.
turn his face, i.e. towards the West, to the islands and
coastlands of the Mediterranean.
M 2
126 DANIEL 11. 19-2T
many : but a "^ prince shall cause the reproach offered by
him to cease ; yea, moreover, he shall cause his reproach
19 to turn upon him. Then he shall turn his face toward
the fortresses of his own land : but he shall stumble and
20 fall, and shall not be found. Then shall stand up in his
^^ place one that shall cause an exactor to pass through the
glory of the kingdom : but within few days he shall be
21 c destroyed, neither in anger, nor in battle. And in his
* Or, captain ** Or, office *^ Heb. broken.
a prince. Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the Roman general at the
battle of Magnesia.
tlie reproach offered by him, i.e. the defiant attitude taken
by Antiochus towards the Romans. Antiochus offered hospitality
to Hannibal and told the Romans that they had no more business
with his doings in the East than he had with theirs in the West.
yea, moreover. This rendering cannot be defended. The text
is corrupt, and needs to be emended.
cause his reproach, &c., i. e. at Magnesia.
19. In order to raise the vast fine imposed on him Antiochus
retired to the fortresses of the East. After plundering the temple
of Bel in Elymais he and his followers were set upon by the
inhabitants of the place and slain 187 e.g.
20. Seleucus IV, Philopaior, 187-175 B.C. This king impressed
himself on the memories of the Jews by his attempt to rob the
Temple through the agency of Heliodorus. The full account is
given in 2 Mace. iii. 1-40.
glory of the kingdom. Cf. ver. 16. Babylon is designated
'the glory of kingdoms ' in Isa. xiii. 19.
shall be destroyed. Seleucus is the first of the three horns
mentioned in vii. 8 of our text. Appian speaks of his death as due
to a conspiracy headed by Heliodorus.
21-45. Antiochus IV, Epiphanes, 175-164 B.C. This Antiochus
was the son of Antiochus the Great and the brother of the late
king. For fourteen years he had been a hostage at Rome in
accordance with the treaty concluded by the Romans with his
father. At the request of Seleucus IV the Romans released
Antiochus and took in his stead Demetrius the son of Seleucus.
While Antiochus was on his waj' home, Seleucus was murdered
by Heliodorus. By the help of Eumenes, king of Pergamum, and
Attains, Antiochus seized the throne, which legitimately belonged
to his nephew Demetrius.
DANIEL 11. 22, 23 127
* place shall stand up a contemptible person, to whom
they had not given the honour of the kingdom : but
he shall come in time of security, and shall obtain the
kingdom by flatteries. And with the arms of a flood 22
shall they be swept away from before him, and shall be
broken ; yea, also the prince of ^ the covenant. And after 25
the league made with him he shall work deceitfully : for
he shall come up, and shall become strong, with a small
* Or, office '' Or, his covenant
21. a contemptible person. Cf. vii. 8 where he is called
' the httlc horn.' The term here may be applied to him in
derision of the title he assumed, Epiphanes (i. e. ©cos fmc{>avr]s)
* God manifest.'
to whom they had not given, &c. He was not the legitimate
heir. See note above.
in time of security. Cf. 24, viii. 25.
by flatteries. After his accession, as we learn from a recently
discovered inscription, Antiochus made himself so popular that
the people of Antioch recorded a vote of thanks to Eumenes and
Attalus for their share in procuring his accession to the throne.
22-24. Events in Syria during the years 175-170 B.C.
22. with the arms of a flood, &c. Rather < the arms of the
flood.' But as Bevan remarks this ' would be a singularly in-
appropriate designation for the armies defeated by Antiochus.'
Hence for fl^pri he reads f^t^rr, and thus instead of * with the
arms of a flood . . . before him ' wc have ' forces (i. e. of Heliodorus
and other domestic enemies of Antiochus) shall be utterly over-
whelmed before him.'
the prince of the covenant, i. e. the Jewish high-priest
Onias III, who was removed from his office by Antiochus in
T75 B.C. and was murdered at Antioch in 171. See note on
ix, 26.
23. Antiochus outwitted all his friends and confederates.
shall come up. This is taken to mean ' shall rise to power,'
but there is no parallel for such a use. In fact the present text is
unsatisfactory. The LXX presupposes quite a different text and
Theod. renders the next verb (ci^r) by vntpiaxvcrei avrovs. If the
latter is right we should add cn^'jr after ci'r, which word could go
then excellently with both verbs ; ' shall be superior to and stronger
than they.'
with a small people. Apparently the partisans of Antiochus.
128 DANIEL 11. 24, 25
24 people. In time of security shall he come even upon
the fattest places of the province ; and he shall do that
which his fathers have not done, nor his fathers' fathers ;
he shall scatter among them prey, and spoil, and sub-
stance : yea, he shall devise his devices against the strong
25 holds, even for a time. And he shall stir up his power
24. In time of security shall he come even. The vav
translated * even ' here should, perhaps, with Theod. be transposed
to the beginning of the verse: 'and in time of security he shall
come.'
come even upon the fattest places of the province, lit. ' of
a province.' What the reference is is not clear. It is generally
explained of Galilee or Lower Egypt, but, as Bevan objects, to
describe either 'as "the fattest parts of a province" would be
a strange figure of speech.' He proposes, therefore, to render :
' assail the mightiest men of each) province.' Cf. Isa, x. 16, Ps.
Ixxviii. 31 for this use of '20^"0. The general sense agrees with
viii. 25 *in (their) securit3' he shall destro3' many' and viii. 24
*he shall destroy' the mighty ones.' By his intrigues Antiochus
would remove his chief opponents in each province.
he shall do that which his fathers have not done . . . fathers'
fathers. If these words stand alone they may refer to Antiochus'
attempts to Helienize his subjects and put down all religions but
his own. But if they refer to what follows they may be explained
of Antiochus' prodigal generosity. Cf. i Mace. iii. 30, 'the gifts
which he used to give aforetime with a liberal hand, and he
abounded above all the kings which were before him.' This
characteristic is marked by Livy xli. 20 'regius erat animus in
urbium donis et deorum cultu.' Then follows a list of his acts of
munificence.
among' them, i.e. his adherents. For this vague use of the
plural compare ver. 7.
prey, and spoil, and substance. Cf. i Mace. i. 19 ' he took
the spoils of Egj'pt.'
devise his devices agfainst the strong* holds, i. e. of Egypt,
such as Pelusium — ' the Gate of Egypt,' Livj' xlv. 1 1. Cf. i Mace,
i. 19, * got possession of his strong cities in the land of Egypt.'
But Antiochus' projects were not limited to the conquest of indi-
vidual cities. He wished to be king of Egypt (i Mace. i. 16).
for a time. Cf. verses 27, 35.
25-28. 170 B.C. Antiochus' first Egyption campaign in which
he defeated Ptolemy Philomctor near Mount Casius, captured
DANIEL 11. 26 129
and his courage against the king of the south with a great
army ; and the king of the south shall war in battle with
an exceeding great and mighty army : but he shall not
stand, for they shall devise devices against him. Yea, 26
they that eat of his ^ meat shall ^ destroy him, and his
army shall overflow : and many shall fall down slain.
* Or, dainties ^ Heb. break,
Pelusium, the key of Egypt, and with Ptolemy in his suite
proceeded to Memphis. Pretending to act in the interests of the
latter, Antiochus made himself master of Egypt. In the meantime
the Alexandrians had made Ptolemy's brother king under the title
Ptolemy Physcon. Antiochus next besieged Alexandria, but after
many ineffectual efforts to capture it withdrew to Syria on the
approach of three Roman envoys who had been appointed by
the Senate to put an end to the war. On his return Antiochus
plundered the Temple in Jerusalem : i Mace. i. 20-34, a Mace.
V. 11-21.
We have thus adopted the view of Wellhausen {Israel, und
Jiid. Gesch}^ 1897. P« 246 «.) who maintains that Antiochus made
only two Egyptian campaigns, the third, that of xi. 40, 41, being
an unfulfilled prophecy. So also Mahaffy {Empire of the Ptolemies,
p. 494 sq. who contends that what are commonly regarded as
two distinct campaigns of 170 and 169 b. c. are in reality two
stages in one and the same campaign. Driver favours this view
but points out that since the persecuting edict belongs to the
year 168 b.c, Antiochus' attacl^ on Jerusalem must have taken
place in 170 b. c. owing to i Mace. i. 20, 29, 54.
25. king- of the south, i. e. Ptolemy VI, Philometor.
with a great army. On Antiochus' army cf. i Mace. i. 17.
he shall not stand, for they shall devise, &c. Ptolemy
Philometor could not maintain the contest owing to the treachery
of his followers. Antiochus defeated him near Pelusium and got
possession of the border fortress of Pelusium by dishonourable
means (Polyb. xxviii. 7, 16).
26. they that eat, <5:c. Possibly Eulaeus and Lenaeus whose
ill-omened advice Jed to Ptolemy's attempt to reconquer Syria.
Ptolemy fell under their influence after the death of his mother
Cleopatra in 174 b.c.
shall overflow. For n^ir* we should (cf. ver. 22 read
F)t2^ _ < shall be swept away,' i. e. Ptolemy's army. The text
would have to refer to that of Antiochus.
many shall fall down slain. Cf. i Mace. i. 18, 'and man}'
130 DANIEL 11. 27-30
27 And as for both these kings, their hearts shall be to
do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table : but it
shall not prosper ; for yet the end sliall be at the time
28 appointed. Then shall he return into his land with great
substance ; and his heart shall he against the holy cove-
nant ; and he shall do his pleasure^ and return to his own
29 land. At the time ap[)ointed he shall return, and come
into the south; but it shall not be in the latter time as it
30 was in the former. For ships of Kittim shall come against
fell down wounded to death,' which words are used of the hanie
events.
27. their hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall
speak lies at oae table. When Antiochus conquered Ptolemy
Philometor the Alexandrians raised his brother, under the title
Plolemy Physcon, to the throne. Antiochus thereupon took
Philometor under his protection, Antiochus on the one side pro-
fessing that he did so solely in the interest of Philometor, and
Philometor, on the other hand, professing that he believed in his
uncle's disinterestedness.
it shall not prosper, i. e. the subjugation of Egypt, which
shall not take place until * the time appointed.' See ver. 43.
But * the end ' in the text may refer not to this matter but to
Antiochus' death.
28. Antiochus' attack on Jerusalem at the close of his first
Egyptian campaign.
with great substance, i.e. 'the spoils of Egypt ' (i Mace,
i. 19).
the holy covenant, i. e. the Jewish religion ; cf. ix. 27,
note.
29-39. Antiochus^ second Egyptian Campaign 168 b. c. and his
persecution of the Jews. This campaign was directed against the
two brothers— Ptolemy Philometor and Ptolemy Physcon — who
were now reconciled.
29. At the time appointed, i.e. in the counsels of God. Cf.
ver. 27.
it shall not be in the latter time, &c. That is, this campaign
shall have a very different issue from the former. On the Hebrew
idiom cf. Josh. xiv. 11, i Sam. xxx. 24.
30. ships of Kittim. Cf. Num. xxiv. 24. Originally the
word Kittim denoted a town in C^-jirus, then generally the inhabi-
tants of Cyprus (Gen. x. 4, Isa. xxiii. i, 12). Later it was used
of the isles and coasts of the Mediterranean. Thus in the Rook of
DANIEL 11. 31 131
him ; therefore he shall be grieved, and shall return, and
have indignation against the holy covenant, and shall do
his pleasure : he shall even return, and have regard unto
them that forsake the holy covenant. And arms shall
stand on his part, and they shall profane the sanctuary,
even the fortress, and shall take away the continual burnt
offer'uv^^ and they shall set up the abomination that
Jubilees and in i Mace, it means the Macedonians, while in our
text it clearly designates the Romans, The allusion here is to
C. Popiiius Laenas and his fellow envoys, who summarily required
Antiochus to leave Egypt.
therefore he shall be grieved. Better ' and he shall be
cowed ' — cf. Ps. cix. r6, Ezek. xiii. 2a, or perhaps with Belirmann
' and they shall threaten him ' (lit. ' he shall be threatened ' ;. This
latter sense is found in Syriac, and the LXX and Vulg. support
this rendering.
he shall even return. Translate 'and he shall return,' i. e.
to Antioch.
regard imto them that forsake the holy covenant. On
his return to Antioch, Antiochus kept up communication with the
apostate Jews. These, under the leadership of Jason, the renegade
high-priest, strove to hellenize the nation. See i Mace. i. 11- 15,
2 Mace. iv. 7-17, Assumption of Moses viii. r-5.
31. arms shall stand on his part. Rather 'armies — i.e.
troops, cf, 15, 22 — (sent) from him shall stand up.' On the forces
brought by the chief collector of Antiochus named, according to
2 Mace. v. 24, Apollonius, see i Mace. i. 29,
they shall profane the sanctuary, even the fortress.
The Temple at this period had fortifications— hence called the
stronghold — as we may infer from their being afterwards rebuilt,
according to i Mace. iv. 60, vi, 7.
shall take away the contintial burnt offering. A similar
statement is found in viii. 11.
they shall set up the abomination that maketh desolate,
i. e, the heathen aUar that was built on the altar of burnt offering.
This was done according to i Mace, i. 54, on the 15th day of
Chisleu (December), and on the 25th day of the same month
according to i. 59, they offered heathen sacrifices on this altar
which had been built on the altar of God, With regard to the
peculiar expression 'abomination that maketh desolate ' (cp.:rp yjr^p
ix. 37, xi. 3T, co-r y^pc viii. 13, xii. 11 (vrc)). Nestle, ZATW..
1884, P« 248? suggests that this Hebrewphrase was a Jewish carica-
132 DANIEL 11. 32, 33
32 maketh desolate. And such as do wickedly against
the covenant shall he * pervert by flatteries : but the
people that know their God shall be strong, and do
33 exploits. And ^ they that be wise among the people
shall instruct many : yet they shall fall by the sword and
* Heb. make profane. ^ Or, the teachers of the people
ture of D'QiC ^1 * Lord of heaven ', a title occurring in Phoenician
and with the necessary change of the final consonant, in Aramaic
inscriptions. This phrase, which appears in i Mace. i. 54 as
^ZiXvy^a ipTjtiwafojs, was first applied to the heathen altar and then
probably to the image of Olympian Zeus beside it. For according
to Taanith iv. 6 ("iyrry c'^i* Torn) a statue of Zeus was set up.
For Douro we should read Dt2u.''rT.
32. such as do wickedly a^fainst the covenant* For this
use of the verb cf. ix. 5, xii. 10. These are in this view the
apostates mentioned in ver. 30. But there is much to be said for
Bevan's view that the words should be translated * those who
bring guilt upon the covenanted people,' as opposed to the phrase
in xii. 3 • they that turn many to righteousness.' This translation
is supported by the rendering adopted in R.V. of the verb in this
sentence. See next note.
shall he pervert. The Revisers here follow practically the
sense that this Semitic root has in Syriac, i.e. Gentile, Pagan,
Apostate. If this is right, it substantiates the meaning given to
the preceding clause by Bevan. For the writer would not speak
of apostatizing the apostates.
hy flatteries. Cf. i Mace. ii. 18.
the people that know their Ood shall be strong, i. e. stead-
fast. Cf. I Mace. i. 62. *■ Many in Israel were fully resolved and
confirmed in themselves . . . that they might not profane the holy
covenant: and they died.'
and do exploits, better render simply ' do,' in the sense of
acting with effect. This absolute use of the Hebrew verb has
occurred already viii. 12, 24, ix. 19, xi. 28, 30. This meaning is
found occasionally in the O.T., a Chron. xxxi. 21, Jer. xiv. 7,
Ezck. XX. 9.
33. they that be wise. These are not the teachers, but the
pious. They are strongly opposed to the Hcllenizing party, and
themselves constitute the Hasidacans referred to in r Mace. ii. 42,
vii. 13, 2 Mace. xiv. 6. Around them gathered the entire religious
force of the nation. On this party see i Enoch xc. 6-9.
shall instruct many, i.e. by their example and loj^alty.
yet they shall fall by the sword, &c. These persecutions
DANIEL 11. 34, ?.5 133
by flame, by captivity and by spoil, many days. Now 34
when they shall fall, they shall be holpen with a little
help : but many shall join themselves unto them with
flatteries. And some of ^ them that be wise shall fall, to 35
refine them, and to purify, and to make them white, even
•^ Or, ihe teachers
referred to later in Heb. xi. 36-38 are describee' more fully in
I Mace. i. 57, 60, 61, 63, ii. 31-38, iii. 41, v. 13, 2 Mace. vi. 10, 11,
18-31, vii.
34. a little help. The help here referred to is that of the
Maccabees. The rising of Mattathias and his sons assisted by the
faithful in ever growing numbers, and their early victories, are
described in i Mace. ii. 42 48, iii. 11, 12, 23-26, iv. 12-15, t>"t
to our author the greatest victories won by the arm of man are
only * a little help.' He looks for deliverance not from this source,
but from the Lord.
many shall join themselves unto them with flatteries.
These words are taken to indicate that many joined the national
cause from sheer terror, because of the ruthless severities practised
by Judas and his party. .See i Mace. ii. 44. iii. 5, 8, vi. 19, 21, 24,
vii. 6, 7, 24-32. But the context, as the following verses show,
is against the idea, that the Maccabees have as yet attained much
pKJwer. In ver. 35 it speaks only of martyrdoms on the part of
the faithful, and in ver. 36 only of Antiochus' success during the
time allotted to him. It would not, therefore, be natural to paj'
court to a cause still struggling for a very doubtful victorj'.
Accordingly I offer the following suggestion, based on the corrupt
but illuminating text of the LXX. The details cannot be given
here, but the restored text would run 'and there shall join them
many in the city and many in their several homesteads, i.e. the
country.'
35. some of them that be wise shall fall, i. e. some of the
leaders of the faithful shall suffer martyrdom or fall in the struggle.
This phrase rendered ' the wise ' (cf. xi. 33, xii. 3, 10' could just as
well be rendered ' the teachers,' i.e. those that maUe wise.as in ix.
22, and possibly in xii. 3. Where the text reads 'shall fall' the
LXX reads 'shall be wise' — a reading which presupposes ^asMw
(i'tdc') instead o( yikkasWIu (V'x'D')'
to refine them, rather, it is to be rendered * to refine amongst
them,' i.e. amongst the people at large, so Bevan and Driver.
But turning aside from the text %ve observe that the Versions
presuppose not active but middle or passive verbs, and in support
134 DANIEL 11. 36, ?,?
to the time of tlic end : because it is yet for the time
:,G appointed. And the king sliall do according to his will ;
and he «hall exalt himself, and magnify himself above
every god, and shall speak marvellous things against the
God of gods : and he shall prosper till the indignation be
accomplished; for that which is determined shall be done.
37 Neither shall he regard the gods of his fathers, nor the
of the text presupposed by them, it is noteworthy that the same
three verbs recur in xii. 10 in the passive. Into the details of this
critical question I cannot enter here, but it is possible that the
LXX is right, 'Some of the wise shall be wise with a view to
their being refined and purified and made white.' Cf. xii. 10.
for the time appointed. Cf. ver. 27.
36-39. These verses furnish a characterization of Antiochus,
his presumptuousness and impiety, and show how he set at
naught the various national religions, in order to establish the
cult of his own god.
36. accordingf to his will. This phrase has been used in
viii. 4 of the Persian Empire, in xi. 3 of Alexander, and in xi. 16
again of Antiochus.
magnify liimself. On this phrase cf. ver. 37 and Isa. x. 15.
above every g"od. On the later coins of Antioch there was
the inscription BASIAEHS ANTIOXOT ©EOT Eni*AN0Y2 ^- ' of
King Antiochus, God manifest,' and still later to the above
he added NIKH*OPOY = * bearer of victory,' a distinctive epithet
of the Olympian Zeus. See Driver ui loc. Such an assumption
of the divine names and dignity naturally caused him to be
regarded by the Jews as a monster of impiety.
speak marvellons thing's against the God of gods,' i. c.
unspeakable impieties (cf. vii. 8, 25) against the God of Israel,
cf. ii. 47.
till the indignation be accomplished. Cf. viii. 19 ; and
Isa. X. 25 from which latter passage the words are borrowed.
that which is determined shall be done, i. c. the divine
will must be carried out. The phrase as in ix. 27 is drawn from
Isa. X. 23.
37. Neither shall he regard the gods of his fathers. The
efforts of Antiochus to bring about uniformity in religion and
custom throusrhout his empire (cf. i Mace. i. 4i\ and his supreme
devotion to the Olympian Zeus led Iiim to discredit the local
deities, even those whom his fathers had worshipped. Amongst
these was the Greek Apollo, whose form, represented on the
coins of his fathers, and on his own coins at the beginning of his
DANIEL 11. 3?, .^9 ^35
desire of women, nor regard any god : for he shall magnify
himself above all. But in his " place shall he honour the 38
god of fortresses : and a god whom his fathers knew not
shall he honour with gold, and silver, and with precious
stones, and pleasant things. And he shall deal with the 39
strongest fortresses by the help of a strange god ; ^ whoso-
* Or, q^^cc ^' Or, whom lie shall acknowledge and increase
ivith glory or, shall increase glory
reign was subsequently wholly displaced by that of the Olympian
Zeus.
nor the desire of women. Probably the Phoenician deity
Tammuz, the equivalent of the Greek Adonis whose cult had
been popular in Sj'ria for centuries, especially among women
(Ezek, viii. 14). Cf. Milton, Paradise Lost, i. 446 ff.
Thammuz came next behind
Whose annual wound in Lebanon allured
The Syrian damsels to lament his fate
In amorous ditties all a summer's day ;
"While smooth Adonis from his native rock
Ran purple to the sea — supposed with blood
Of Thammuz, yearlj' wounded : the love tale
Infected Sion's daughters with like heat.
nor regurd any god. According to Polj'bius Antiochus had
plundered most temples within his reach, xxxi. 4, and his death
was due, as we know, to an unsuccessful attempt to rifle a temple
in Persia, See i Mace. vi. i, 4.
38. the god of fortresses. This is apparently Jupiter
Capitolinus, to whom Antiochus had erected a magnificent temple
in Antioch, and to whose temple he had sent golden sacred
vessels of great worth. Livy, Book xli. 20 ; also xlii. 6. His
fathers had recognized Zeus Olympius, it is true.
39. he shall deal with the strongest fortresses by the help
of a strange god. This apparently means that he will conquer
them by his help, but this sense is unsatisfactory, and the
Hebrew questionable. Hence Hitzig, Bevan and others change D?
into US and render 'he shall procure for the strong fortress the
people of a strange god.' The reference would here be to the
heathen colonists and soldiers settled by Antiochus in the fortified
cities of Judea and in Jerusalem, i Mace. i. 33, iii. 36. 45. With
the phrase 'people of a strange god' cf. Num. xxi, 29. and for this
136 DANIEL 11. 40
ever acknowledgeth hhn he will increase with glory : and
he shall cause them to rule over many, and shall divide
40 the land for a price. And at the time of the end shall the
use of the Hebrew verb and preposition cf. 2 Sam. xv. i, 1 Kings
i- 5.
whosoever acknowledg'eth him he will increase with
gflory, i. e. whosoever approveth of Antiochus' policy. The text
might also be rendered as in the margin, or again as follows '■ he
whom he recognizes he shall increase with glory.'
cause thenx to rule over many, &c. Rather ' the many.'
The appointment of apostates to supreme offices was one of
Antiochus' methods of government, cf. i Mace. ix. 25. * And
Bacchides chose out the ungodly men and made them lords of the
country.' The chief offices were sold for a price, cf. 2 Mace. iv.
8-10, 24.
40-45. Transition frotn history to prophecy. Three different
interpretations have been given to these verses. 1°. They have
been regarded as a recapitulation, and as giving a brief sketch
of the course of events, from about 171 B.C. to the death of
Antiochus. But the introductory words, * At the time of the end,'
excludes the assumption that we have here a recapitulation. The
present belongs to the time of the writer. The persecutions
described in ver. 35 are to last • to the time of the end.* That
time has now come. 2°. They have been taken as relating to
historical events, after those already mentioned, i. e. after the year
168 B. c. But our historical authorities know nothing of an
expedition against Egypt after this date. The chief events of his
reign in 167 u.c. are his institution at Daphne of the great series
of games, and his reception of the envoy of the Roman Senate,
whose suspicions he succeeded in placating. In the following
year, 166 b. c, he started on an expedition in the course of which
he perished. It is true that Porphyry, according to Jerome, does
speak of another expedition to Egypt, but the incidents recorded
by Porphyry, apart from one or two details, could all have been
drawn from the text of Daniel, and the mention of Antiochus
pitching his tent at Apedno, is due evidently to a misunder-
standing of a Hebrew word in Daniel xi. 45. 3°. Hence the third
hypothesis alone is tenable that this passage is not a description
of the past, but a forecast of the future. As Driver writes, ' the
author draws here an imaginative picture of the end of the tyrant
king, similar to the ideal one of the ruin of Sennacherib in
Isa. x. 28-32 : he depicts him as successful where he had
previously failed, viz. in Egypt ; while reaping the spoils of his
victories, he is called away by rumours from a distance ; and
then, just after he has set out on a further career of conquest and
DANIEL 11. 41-43 137
king of the south '^ contend with him : and the king of the
north shall come against him Hkea whirlwind, with chariots,
and with horsemen, and with many ships ; and he shall
enter into the countries, and shall overflow and pass
through. He shall enter also into the glorious land, and 4^
many countries shall be overthrown : but these shall be
delivered out of his hand, Edom, and Moab, and the
chief of the children of Ammon. He shall stretch forth 42
his hand also upon the countries : and the land of Egyj)t
shall not escape. But he shall have power over the 43
treasures of gold and of silver, and over all the precious
* Heb. push a/,
plunder, as he is approaching with sinister purpose the Holy City,
he meets his doom.'
40. at the time of the end. The period spoken of in ver. 35
has now come to a close.
the kinsTof the south, i.e. Ptolemy Philometor.
contend with. Literally ' butt at.' The same verb as in
viii. 4.
come . . , like a whirlwind, i. e. Antiochus will come against
Ptolemy like a whirlwind. For this use of the verb cf. Hab.
iii. 14.
overflow and pass through. This phrase has alread}' occurred
in ver. 10.
41. the g'lorious land. See ver. 16.
many countries shall be overthrown. Rnbboih, i.e. many
(fern.), we should clearly read tibboth — myriads, cf. xi. 12, with
de Wette, Bevan, Behrmann, and others. Hence we render
* myriads shall be overthrown.'
but these shall be delivered — Edom, Moab, Ammon, the
nations hostile to the Jews even at this period. Cf, i Mace. iv.
6r, V. 3-8.
the chief of the children. Instead of nnr-Ni we should with
the Pesh. and Gesenius-Biihl read nntMD = the remnant. Thus
we should have 'the remnant of the children of Ammon.'
42. 43. Conquest 0/ Egypt.
42. stretch forth his hand, i. e. seize. Cf. Esther viii. 7.
shall not escape. For this phrase cf. Gen. xxxii. 8.
43. This verse is at variance with what we know independently,
regarding Antiochus' financial position at this time. He was in
the greatest pecuniary straits.
138 DANIEL 11. 41, 45—12. T
things of Egypt : and the Libyans and the Ethiopians
44 shall be at his steps. But tidings out of the east and out
of the north shall trouble him : and he shall go forth with
great fury to destroy and ^ utterly to make away many.
45 And he shall plant the tents of his palace ^^ between the
sea and the glorious holy mountain ; yet he shall come to
12 his end, and none shall help him. And at that time shall
* Heb. fo devote many. ^ Or, between the seas at
the Libyans and the Ethiopians shall be at his steps, i. e.
follow him. These nations lived to the west and south of Egypt
respectively. Hence Egypt is represented as beset on all sides.
44. tidinffs out of the east. The same Hebrew word is used
for tidings which made Sennacherib retire (Isa. xxxvii. 7).
he shall go forth, i. e. from Egypt.
to destroy and utterly to make away. Literally 'to destroy
and to ban.' The LXX here is corrupt. But the corruption
points to the original order as being ' to ban and to destroy,' and
in this order these two verbs are found in a Chron. xx. 23.
45. shall plant. The verb y^: is used here only in the O.T. in
this sense instead of rrc:. It is very Ir*-^ Hebrew.
the tents of his palace. The word for palace {appedeii)
which is found here only in the O.T. but occurs frequently in
Syriac, is derived from the Persian apadana. This word was
misunderstood by Porphyry as being the name of a place.
between the sea and the holy motintain. Our text implies
that Antiochus died in Palestine between the Mediterranean and
Mount Zion, whereas he actually died at Tabae in Persia, 164 b.c.
It was a reasonable expectation on the part of the Jews, that their
greatest persecutor should fall amid the scenes of his greatest
crimes. According to viii. 25 he was to perish ' broken without
hand.' Moreover, the old eschatological expectations of the
prophets fixed on the neighbourhood of Jerusalem (Ezek.
xxxviii-xxxix, Joel iii. 2,Zech. xiv. 2 sqq,, i Enoch xc. 13-19) as
the scene of the conflict between the saints and the hostile
heathen powers or of the judgement of the latter by God.
xii. 1-3. These three verses form the close of the revelation of
the angel, and belong to what precedes. In fact xi. 40-45 and xii.
1-3 form a unity, being a description of the last times of all, i.e.
the destruction of the great heathen power, xi. 40-45, followed by
tumults and trouble throughout the world, out of which, however,
the faithful shall be saved. Then follows the resurrection of the
DANTEL 12. 2 139
Michael stand up, the great prince which standeth for the
children of thy people : and there shall be a time of trouble,
such as never was since there was a nation even to that
same time : and at that time thy people shall be delivered,
every one that shall be found written in the book. And
pre-eminently righteous, and of the apostates in Israel, and the age
of everlasting blessedness.
1. At that time, i.e. the period of the overthrow ofAntiochus.
Michael. . . the gfreat prince. See x. 13, 21.
which standeth for the children of thy people, i.e. * pro-
tects.' Cf.Estherviii.il.
a time of trouble, such as never was, &c. This phrase is
the standard description of the last times. Cf. i Mace. ix. 27,
Ass. Moses viii. i, Mark xiii. 19, Matt. xxiv. 21, Rev. xvi. 18.
So far as the phrase itself goes, it occurs in a non-technical sense
in Exod. ix. 18,24. The phrase 'time of trouble ' has already
occurred in Jer. xxx. 7. It refers here, of course, to the gathering
of all the Gentile powers against Jerusalem. Amongst these were
probably the Libyans and Ethiopians, mentioned in xi. 43.
thy people, i.e. the true Israel.
written in the hook, i.e. of life. The book of life as a
register of the actual citizens of the theocratic community on
earth. This expression was originally confined to temporal bless-
ings and to the living only in connexion with these. But in the
present passage the idea has been transformed through the in-
fluence of the new conception of the kingdom and distinctly refers
to an immortality of blessedness. This book has thus become
a register of the citizens of the coming kingdom of God whether
living or departed. For a full account of this and parallel phrases
see my edition of i Enoch xlvii. 3.
2. In Ps. xlix and Ixxiii there are probably the first intimations
of the individual immortality of righteous souls. In the very late
section, Isa. xxvi. 1-19, there is probably the first account of the
resurrection of the righteous. The righteous, of courseware Israelites
and they are raised to share in the blessedness of the Messianic
kingdom.
In Judaism the resurrection in its original form was the
prerogative of the righteous, but in our text this characteristic
has been abandoned, and both the preeminently righteous and the
pre-eminently wicked have part in the resurrection. The con-
ception of the resurrection has thus declined in our text into a mere
veliicle for bringing certain classes of the righteous and the wicked
to their deserts,
I40 DANIEL 12. 3
many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall
awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and
3 everlasting ^ contempt. And i> they that be wise shall
* Or, abhorrence ''Or, the teachers
many. It is to be observed that it is not said that all Israel,
but many in Israel shall be raised from the dead. These • many '
fall into two classes, the pre-eminently righteous, amongst whom
are undoubtedly included the martyrs and confessors, and the pre-
eminently wicked or the apostates. This is almost exactly what
we find in i Enoch xxii, where, however, the idea of Sheol is
in a higher state of development than that in our text.
sleep. Used of death as in Jer. li. 39, 57. It was one of the
commonest synonyms for death.
sleep in the dust. This expression as well as the following
word awake is found in the great resurrection passage in Isa.
xxvi. 19.
in the dust of the earth. This rendering, though it has the
support of some of the Versions, is not a translation of the text,
which literally translated is ' in the land of dust.' Bevan thinks
that we should expect a transposition of the words in the original.
Marti explains 'the dust' as defining the term 'earth,' i.e. earth
which is dust. Driver renders * the dusty earth,' which comes to
the same thing; but these are unsatisfactory. 'Aphar, i.e. dust,
can be used as a synonym of Sheol, cf. Job xvii. 16, xx. 11,
xxi. 26, Ps. XXX. 9. Hence we should simply render the text
as it stands, ' In the land of dust.' The Babylonian Hades,
which is the same as that of the ancient Hebrews, is described in the
Descent of Ishtar, as ' the dark house . . . the house from which he
who enters never emerges . . . where dust is their nourishment,
clay their food.'
shall awake. Isa. xxvi. 19, where the same verb is used in
the same sense.
everlasting* life. Here only in the O.T., but of frequent
occurrence in Apocalyptic literature, in the Targums, the Talmuds,
and other Jewish writings. It is found in i Enoch xv. 4, 6 which
is older than the present text.
shame (and) everlasting* contempt. The copula is not found
in the text, but it is probably right, as it is found in the two Greek
versions and in the Syriac. The word * contempt ' is found only
once besides in the O. T., i.e. in Isa. Ixvi. 24, * They shall be an
abhorring unto all flesh.'
3. This verse refers to the teachers and leaders of the faithful.
Amongst these would naturally be the martyrs and confessors of
Judaism, who with the teachers would be distinguished from the
rest of the faithful Israelites. Cf. i Enoch civ. 2.
DANIEL 12. 4, 5 T4t
shine as the brightness of the firmament ; and they
that turn many to righteousness as the stars for ever
and ever. But thou, O Daniel, shut up the words, and 4
seal the book, even to the time of the end : many shall
run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased.
Then I Daniel looked, and, behold, there stood other 5
two, the one on the brink of the river on this side, and
* Be hopeful ; for aforetime ye were put to shame through ill
and affliction ;
But now ye shall shine as the lights of heaven,
Ye shall shine and ye shall be seen,
And the portals of heaven shall be opened to you.'
Cf. also 4 Ezra vii. 97.
they that be wise. Cf. xi. 33, 35.
the brightness of the firmament. Cf. Exod. xxiv. 10.
turn many to rig-hteousness. Cf. Pirke Aboth v. 26, ' Who-
soever makes the many righteous, sin prevails not over him, and
whosoever makes the many to sin they grant him not the faculty
to repent.' This passage is clearly dependent on our text.
4. The augePs last cotnniission to Daniel.
shut up the words, and seal. The book was to be concealed
and sealed. With the former injunction cf. viii. 26.
to the time of the end. The entire book, as it is said in
viii. 17, 26, belongs to the time of Antiochus' persecution, when
the seals should be removed and the book understood. Contrast
Rev. xxii. 10.
many shall run to and fro. These words are generally
taken to mean, shall run to and fro in the book, i. e. shall diligently
study it, but, as Behrmann points out, the word would not
naturally mean an earnest study of the book, but a superficial
reading of it. The LXX here points to what was the true and
original meaning. The text both of this clause and the next is
very corrupt. I cannot do more here than add a translation ot
what appears to be the original text, reconstructed from the basis
of the Versions. Hence instead of ' many shall run to and fro,
and knowledge shall be increased ' read ' and many shall
apostatize and evils shall be multiplied upon the earth.'
5-7. Vision of the two angels, one of whom states the duration
of the troubles just foretold.
other two, i. e. in addition to the being who appeared to
Daniel in x. 5, clothed in linen, and who had imparted to him
the revelation in x. 11-14, 19 — xii» 4-
N 2
142 DANIEL 12. 6, 7
6 the other on the brink of the river on that side. And one
said to the man clothed in linen, which was above the
waters of the river, How long shall it be to the end of
7 these wonders ? And I heard the man clothed in linen,
which was above the waters of the river, when he held up
his right hand and his left hand unto heaven, andfjware
by him that liveth for ever that it shall be for a time, times,
and an half; and when they have made an end of break-
ing in pieces the power of the holy people, all these things
the river (ye^or). The word used here is elsewhere in the
O.T. the usual designation for the Nile. It is the same river that
is mentioned in x. 4, which, as we saw in the note on that passage,
is most probably the Euphrates.
6. And one said to the man. Cf. viii. 13.
the man clothed in linen: the same being as is described in
X. 5, 6.
these wonders, i.e. the things prophesied in xi. 31-36,
xii, I.
7. he held up his rigrht hand and his left hand nnto heaven,
and he sware. The lifting up of the hand and swearing is mentioned
in Gen. xiv. 22, Exod. vi. 8, Deut. xxxii. 40. Here both hands
are lifted up by the angel in the case of this most solemn oath.
him that liveth for ever. This was a familiar phrase of the
time, see note on iv. 34 where it has already occurred.
for a time, times, and an half, i.e. three years and a half.
Whether this period began with the mission of Apollonius or with
the erection of the heathen altar is doubtful. In any case it
defines the limit of the reign of the Antichrist ; see notes on vii. 25
and viii. 14.
and when they have made an end of breakingf in pieces
the power of the holy people, all these thingfs shall be
finished. We have here a fresh time determination, and it is
entirely vague, and apparently has no connexion whatever with
the definite time determination just given. The angel has just
declared with a most solemn oath that all will come to an end in
three years and a half. He could not have followed this definite
statement by one so entirely vague, and not even true to fact.
F'or the power of the holy people was not w^holly broken in pieces.
The fact that the Versions take different directions, shows that the
present Hebrew text is secondary. The way out of this impasse is
suggested by the LXX, which requires us to transpose two of the
Hebrew words, as Bevan has recognized. When this is done and
DANIEL 12. s-io 143
shall be finished. And I heard, but I understood not : S
then said I, O my lord, what shall be the " issue of these
things? And he said, Go thy way, Daniel: for the 9
words are shut up and sealed till the time of the end.
Many shall purify themselves, and make themselves lo
white, and be refined j but the wicked shall do wickedly ;
and none of the wicked shall luiderstand : but '' they that
' Or, latter Old ^ Or, the teachers
a slight change made in the pointing, we arrive at the followiiij:^
excellent text. *And when the power of the shatter, r of the
holy people should be finished all these things should be finished.'
'The shatterer of the holy peoi)lc * is of course Antiochus. The
angel proclaims with the most solemn oath that this oppressor is
the last of all the oppressors.
8. Daniel, as living at the time of Cyrus, is represented as not
understanding this time determination, and as therefore seeking
more explicit information. To the readers of the book in the
time of Antiochus the meaning of ver. 7 was of course quite clear.
This is the usual interpretation of these words, but it must be
confessed that it is not quite satisfactory that Daniel should again
ask 'what is the end of these things?' when he has already' been
told it repeatedly. The LXX suggests a better text.
what shall "be the issue of these thing^s? The word
rendered ' issue ' is better rendered in the margin ' latter end,'
and is in fact a synonym for the word translated 'end' in ver. 6
and ver. 9. In rendering the word 'issue' the Revisers attempted
to extract some meaning from a bad text.
9. The angel refuses to give any further explanation of the
things belonging to the end. They are not for the prophet but for
the readers of the distant future. The same view of prophecy is
expressed in i Pet. i. ro-12.
10. This verse repeats for the most part what has been said in
xi. 35, as to the time of the end being a period of trial and
probation. As this trial will refine and purify the faithful it will
only deepen and confirm the wicked in their wickedness.
none of the wicked shall understand, but they that he
wise shall understand. The wicked act blindly, but the wise
have understanding in the ways of the Lord. On the other hand,
it is quite possible that the words refer to the understanding
or the lack of understanding of the words of the prophets, and
particularly of the words of this prophet.
144 DANIEL 12. 11-13
1 1 be wise shall understand. And from the time that the
continual bur?it offering shall be taken away, and the
abomination that maketh desolate set up, there shall be
12 a thousand two hundred and ninety days. Blessed is he
that waiteth, and comcth to the thousand three hundred.
13 and five and thirty days. But go thou thy way till the end
be : for thou shalt rest, and shalt stand in thy lot, at the
end of the days.
ri, 12. In verse 9 the angel clg.irly refused to give Daniel an}'
further information on the period yet to elapse before the coming
of the kingdom. And j'et we find in these two verses two new
and di/Terent reckonings given which are in conflict with the one
already furnished in viii. 14. In viii. 14 it is stated that 1,150 days
should elapse, from the doing away with the continual burnt
offering, till the cleansing of the sanctuary. These two new
reckonings start from the same date, i.e. from the removal of the
continual burnt offering. Cf. viii. 14, ix. 27, xi. 31. Both verses
are, I think, without doubt to be taken with Gunkel and Marti as
glosses, that were added successively with a view to bringing the
text into accord with history by adjourning the date of the fulfil-
ment of the prophecy. As such, these glosses, therefore, must
have originated at the time. The period mentioned in ver. ii.
i.e. 1,290 da3's, is easy to explain. It obviously defines the dura-
tion of the 32 3'ears. If we insert in the 3^ j'ears (-^42 months
= 1,260 days. Cf. Rev. xi. 3, xii. 6) an intercalary month, we
have 43 months in the 3I years, and if we take these as consisting
of 30 da3's each, we arrive at the number 1,290. How 1,335 is to
be explained otherwise than on the ground of practical necessit}-,
I do not see. It amounts to 45 days, or i^ months more than
1,290 days.
11. The abomination that maketh desolate. Cf. viii. 13,
ix. 37, xi. 31.
13. The book closes with a word of comfort to Daniel.
thou Shalt rest, i.e. in the grave. Isa. Ivii. 2.
Shalt stand, i.e. 'shalt arise,' though the meaning of
resurrection, apparently attached to the word here, is not found
elsewhere.
in thy lot. The seer, as belonging to the pre-eminently
faithful, shall one day rise to share in the blessedness announced
by him.
end of the days. Cf. x. 14 where the phrase, though
different in the Hebrew, has practicallj' the same meaning.
INDEX
Abednego, 9, 28, 32-7.
Abiesdri, 1 1 n.
Abomination. See Desolate.
Abydenus {On the Assyrians),
38 n.
Additions in Daniel, xxxi,
xxxii.
Adonai, Lord, 4 n., 96 n.
Adonis, 'the desire of women,'
135".
Ahasuerus, 94.
Alexander's conquests. 74 n.,
85 (*a notable horn ').
Altar, heathen, set up by An-
tiochus in Temple, x, 88 n.,
89 n., no n., 131 n.
Ammon, 137.
Ancient of days = an aged
being, 75 ; an apocalyptic
form of expression, 75 n.
Angelic patrons of the nations.
115 n. ; explain delay in
coming of Messianic kingdom,
xliii. See Michael, Prince.
Angels, a heavenly council
;^heaven's), 43 n. ; army of
heaven, 47 n. ; holy one,
43 n., 88 ; watcher, 43 n., 45.
Angelus interpres, 79 n.
Antichrist, AntiochusEpiphanes
the prototype of, xlii.
Antiochus II, 120 n.
Antiochus III, the Great, 122
sq. n.; conquest of Cherso-
nese, defeated at Thermo-
pylae and Magnesia, 125 n.
Antiochus Epiphanes, ix, x, xi,
xxxvi, xxxvii, xlii, xliii, 50
n,, 69 sq. nn,, 71 n. ; * a little
horn,' 74 n., 86 n. ; assumes
divine titles, 134 n. ; attacks
holy people, 93 ; attacks
Jerusalem, ix, x, 130 n. ;
conquests, ia8, 129 ; descrip-
tion of, 92, 126 sq. notes ;
devotion to Olympian Zeus,
134 n. ; diverse from his pre-
decessors, 81 n. ', end of
'between the sea and the holy
mountain,' 138; but actually
died at Tabae in Persia, 138
n. ; generosity of, ia8 n. ;
in Egypt, 128 n. ; persecutes
Jews, 80, 81, &c, ; profanes
sanctuary, 131 n. ; suspends
temple worship, 82-3 n.
Apedno, 136 n.
Apocalypse, the Little, in Mark
xiii, 70 n.
Apocalyptic and Prophecy, xiii.
Apocalyptic, ethical character
of, xvi ; pseudonymous in
Judaism, xiv, xvi.
A pocalj'ptic forms of expression .
See Ancient of Days, Ap-
pearance of a Man, Son of
Man.
Apostates, Jewish, 131 n., 132.
Appearance of a man : an apo-
calyptic form of expression
for an angel Gabriel , 89 n.
Aramaic of Daniel, not the ver-
nacular of Babylonia,xxi, 17 n.
Aramaic original of Daniel, xii,
xix-xxvi, 16 n.
Aramaic of Ezra, xx, xxv.
Arioch, 19 n., 20, 22.
Ashpenaz, 6.
Assumption of Moses, 70 n.
Azariah, 8, 9, 11, 12, 20;
prayer of, 35 n.
Azda = sure, certain, 17 n.
146
DANIEL
Babylon, 19, ao, 2a, 28, 29, 37,
40, 46.
Babylonian Empire, 25, 70, 72 n.
Bagpipe (R.V. marg. for • Dul-
cimer', 31 n.
Barnabas, Epistle of, 70 n.
Baruch, First Book of, 97 sq.
notes.
Bath-Kol, xliii, 47 n.
Bear - Median Empire. 73 n.
Beast, the Fourth, burned with
fire. i. e. cast into final place
of punishment, 77 n.
Beasts, the four •= four king-
doms, 70 n.
Belsarusur, 49 n.
Belshazzar, 48 sqq., 50, 53, 57,
59, 67, 8a.
Belteshazzar, 9, 23, 41,44, 11 r.
Benedicite, the hymn, 35 n.
Berenice, wife of Antiochus II,
120 n.
Berosus, 3 n.
Bibliography, xliii-xlv.
Book, written in, 139.
Book of life, 139 n.
Books, opened, 77 n.
Books, the, i. e. Scripture, 95,
96 n.
Break off (or ' Redeem,' i. e.
= Heb. parak;, 46 n.
Canon, Jewish, divisions of,
xxxiv ; formation of, xv, xvi.
Captain of the king's guard,
20 n.
Chain of gold, 53 n.
Chaldaean king, 59.
Chaldaeans, 7, 15, 16, 17, 19,
31 » 53' 54» 95 ; a tribe, con-
quered Babylonia, 7 n. ; a
caste of wise men, 7 n., 15 n.
Chaldee, a misnomer for the
Aramaic of Daniel, xxi.
Children, The Three, 35 n.
Chronology :
Babylonian, xxxvii,xxxviii.
Jewish, xxxix-xli ; of Seleu-
cidae, xxxviii-xli; of Ptole-
mies, xxxix, xl ; errors in,
3 n., i3n., 107 n., irS n.
Clean and unclean, rules of,
xliii, 9, ion.
Clouds of heaven, 78 n.
Commentaries, xlv.
Consummation, no.
Continual burnt oflcriug, 87 n. ;
taken away by Antiochus,
87 n., 88, no, 144.
Cornet, 30 n.
Counsellors ,30 n.(-haddab6rin),
35 n-, 48. 62.
Covenant, he shall make firm.
(See proposed emendations ,
109 n.; them thai forsake,
131 n. ; such as do wickedly
against, 132 n.
Curse . . . and the oath, written
in the law of Moses, 99 n.
Cyrus, 13 n., 48 sqq. n., 67, t 1 1 ;
king of Persia, inn. ; takes
Babylon, 49 n.
Daniel, 8-13. 19-23. 28,41. 44,
55' 59-6r, 63 7, 70, 79, 82.
83, 89,94, 95. io3> iii» 113-
114, 141, 143.
Daniel, Book of, Additions and
Glosses in, xxxijXxxii; among
Hagiographa in Massoretic,
xxxiv ; antecedents, histori-
cal, of, ix-xi ; authorities,
textual, xxxii-xxxiii. See
also, Versions. Bibliography,
xliii-xlv ; Character, pseu-
donymous, xi-xii, xiv-xvi ;
Date, xxxiii-xxxvii ; Lan-
guage, original, xii, xix-xxvi;
Publication, occasion of, xi ;
Success, xi ; Theology, xli ;
Versions, xxvi, xxxi.
Daniel, homage paid to. See
Homage.
Darius, 59, 60, 62, 63. 67, 94, 1 18.
INDEX
147
Darius the Mede ,?«Gubarif .
59-6011.
Darins, * son of Ahasucius,' 94,
95".
Date, Scr Daniel.
Days, a tliousand two Jiundrcd
and ninc'l3', 144 n. ; a thousand
three hundred and five and
thirlN', 144 n. See Ancient,
Latter.
Demetrius, an Egyptian Jew,
error in chronology', 107 n.
Deputy'. 28 n., 29, 30. 36, 62.
Desolate. 88 ; abomination, that
niaketh, 88n.. iion., i3rn.,
144.
Determiners ^R.V. soothsayers),
16 n., 23. 41, 53, 54.
Dissolving of doubts, 55 n. See
Resolving.
Dulcimer, 31 n.
Dura, plain of, 29 n.
Dust of the earth = Sheol,i4on,
Edom, 137.
Egypt, loi, 122, 137, 138.
Elam. province of, 83.
Empires, the four, 25. 26 n. ;
= four parts of image, 25 ;
«=four beasts, 68 sq., i72sq.,
notes.
Enchanters, 13, 15 n., 19, 23,
41, 53; 54, 55-
End, of the times ;^so read for
'troublous times'), 107 n.;
time of, the, 90 n., 134, 136,
143 n., 144 n. See Consum-
mation, Latter Days.
Enoch, First Book of, 75-9,
notes.
Enoch, Second Book of, xviii
Ephrem Syrus, 69 n.
Eternity. See Immortality.
Ethical character of Apoca-
lyptic. See Apocalyptic.
Ethiopians, 138,
Eunuchs, 6n.
Eusebius, 38 n.
Evening oblation, time of, 103.
Evenings and mornings, two
thousand and three hundred,
89 n. ; vision of. 93 n.
Ezekiel, xv.
Ezra, Fourth Book ot, 69 n.
Fasting as a preparation for a
revelation, 96 n.; practice of,
112 n., 115 n.
Fathers «= leaders, 98 n.
Flood w war , 108 n.
Flute, 30 n.
Forgivenesses, 99.
Gabriel, 9011.. 103.
Gehenna, Resurrection of Jew-
ish apostates to, xlii.
Glosses in Daniel, xxxi, xxxii.
God, names of: Adonai, 4 n. ;
Yahweh,96n.; 'prince of the
host,' 8711.; prince of princes,
93 n. ; God of gods and Lord
of kings, 28n. ; God of heaven,
20 n., 21, 25, 27 ; Great and
dreadful God, &c., 96 ; Lord
God,96;Lordmy ('ourGod').
97, 99, loi, 102 ; Most High
God, 36 n., 40, 56; Most High,
44? 45, 47? 81.
God, 'before God,' 6411.; house
of, see Temple.
God, a strange, 135 n. ; of for-
tresses = Jupiter Capitoli-
nus (?), 135 n.
Gods, the holy, 41 n.
Governors. 3on.
Greece, 92, 117, 118.
Greek ; or Macedonian) Empire,
26n.; the fourth empire, 70 n.,
73-4, 84 n.
Greek. See Versions.
Gubaru, 49 n.
Haddabgrin, 35 n.
Hagiographa, Daniel placed
148
DANIEL
among, in Jewish Canon,
xxxiv.
Hananiah, 8, 9, 11, la, 20.
Harp, 31 n.
Hasidim, x.
Heathen, powerlessness of,
against God, enforced in ch.
iv, 39 n.
Heathen empires, xi ; how re-
lated to Israel, xi.
Heaven, army of ( = angels),
47 n. ; host of ( -^ the people
of God}, 86-7 n.
Heavens = God, 46 n.; or
heavenly powers, i, c. angels,
45 n-
Heavenly council of God, 43 n.
See Angels.
Hebrew, not original language
of Daniel, xxv.
He-goat = Greek Empire, 84 n.,
91 ; = Greece, 92.
Hellenizing policy. See An-
tiochus, High-priests.
Heracles, festival of, at Tyre, ix.
Herodotus' account of capture
of Babylon, 49 n.
Hiddekel, river, 112 n. (agloss\
High Priests, ix ; Hellenizing
policy of, ix.
Historical difficulties in ch. v,
48-50 n.; errors, ii8n.,i38n.;
statements in ch. iv. See
Sources.
History, transition from to
prophecy, in account of An-
tiochus Epiphanes, 136 n.
Holy people, i. e. Israel, 93,
142 ; * Shatterer of = Antio-
chus, 143.
Homage paid to Daniel, 27 n.
Horn, a little = Antiochus Epi-
phanes, 74 n., 86 n. ; a notable
= Alexander the Great, 85 n. ;
four notable (rather ' four
other') horns = the four king-
doms of the Diadochi, 85-
6n.; symbol of king, 74 n.;
of dynasty, 74 n.
Horns, the ten, 71 n.; the three
plucked up, 71 n.; Seleucus
IV, Heliodorus, and Deme-
trius I, 74 n.
Hosen, 34 n.
Host, read ' service,' 88 n.
Host, see Heaven. ' An host
was given over to it,' 87 n.
House of God = Temple, 5 n.
Hymn, of Daniel, ai n.
Idolatry condemned, xliii ; op-
position to enforced, in ch. iii,
29 n.
Immortality, of individual, not
clearly taught in Daniel, xlii,
139 n. ; of the Messianic
kingdom, xlii, 139 n.
nterpretation of the Book of
Daniel, xliii-xliv ; by Por-
phyry, xliii.
Interpretation of dreams de-
manded by Nebuchadnezzar,
]6 n., 40; given by Daniel,
25, 44 ; of visions requested
b}' Daniel, 79, 80, 89 ; given
by angel, 79, 80, 88, 91, loi,
114 sq.
Israel, 6, 98, 99, 102.
Jason, high-priest, ix.
Jehoiakim, 3. 4.
Jeremiah, 96.
Jeremiah's prophecy of the 70
years, 94 n. ; reinterpreted,
95 n.
Jerusalem, 3, 51, 96, 98, loi,
106; = the city called byname
of the Lord, 102 n.
Jews, 32.
Judah, 3, 4, 8, 22, 55, 64, 98 ;
captivity of, 22, 55, 64.
Judgement, Divine, on heathen
INDEX
149
powers, 75 n. ; final, by God,
xliii. See also Saints.
Judges, 30 n. ; =■ rulers, 100 11.
Kingdom. S^<? Messianic saints.
King's meat, 8 n.
Kittim. 130 n.
Land, the glorious, 86 11.
Language. See Hebrew, Ara-
maic.
Laodice, wife of Antiochus II,
120 n.
Latter days. 23 n. See End.
Latter time of the indignation.
91 n.
Law, X ; supremacy, xii. xv.
XV i.
Law, loyalty to enforced in
ch. i, 3 n.
Law of Moses. 99.
Law ' dath'), 19 n.
Leopard = Persian Empire, 73.
Libyans, 138.
Lion = Babylonian Empire of
Nebuchadnezzar, 72 n.
Maccabean date of Daniel, xliv.
Maccabean rising, x; *a little
help,' 133 n-
Macedonian Empire, 26 n. See
Greek.
Magicians, 13. 15 n., 19,23,41,
54-
Mantles, 35 n.
Mas.soretic, xiii ; variations
from LXX in ch. iv, 37, 38 n.
Mattathias, x, 133 n.
Mcde, Darius the, 59 n.. 118.
Medes, 59, 63, 64, 65. 95.
Medes and Persians, 59; law of,
63,64, 65.
Media and Persia, 91.
Median and Persian kingdoms,
25 n., 60 n.
Median Empire, 70 n., 73 n.,
84 n.
Megasthenes, 38 n.
Melsar, n n.
Mene. See Writing.
Menelaus, high priest, ix.
Meshach, 9, 28, 32-7.
Messianic kingdom, catastrophic
inauguration, xliii ; expected
on earth in Daniel, xlii ; hope
of. enforced in ch. ii, I3.i4n.,
79, 80; resurrection of mart3rs
and great saints to, xlii ;
supernatural character, xlii.
Michael, 115, 118, 139; the
angelic patron of Israel, xliii ;
115 n., 118, 139; one of the
chief princes, 115 ; the great
prince, 139.
Mishael, 8, 9, ri, 12, 20.
Moab, 137.
Moral teaching. S^^Apocalyptic.
Moses, 99, 100. See also ' As-
sumption.'
Music, instruments of, 65 n.
Musical instruments, 30, 31 n.
Nabunaid, 49 n. sqq.
Name, change of, 9n.
Nebuchadnezzar, 3, 12. 13, 23,
28-35,< 37, 44, 46-8, 51,
. 54, 56.
Nebuchadnezzar's second year,
14 n.
Nisan, the first month, 112 n.
Nobles (Part^mim), 6n.
Odours, sweet, 28 n.
Officials, administrative. See
counsellors, deputies, go-
vernors, judges, satraps,
sheriffs, 29, 30 n.; court. See
captain, eunuch, steward,
third ruler, wise men.
Onias III, high priest, ix.
Original language, see Ara-
maic ; bilingual text, different
theories to account for, xx-
'5°
DANIEL
xxv; due to diversity of origin,
xxi,xxii; fortunes of the pub-
lication, xxiv, xxv.
Palestine = the glorious land,
86 n.
Paneas, battle of. 123 n.
People, See Holy.
Peoples, nations, and languages,
30 n., sr. 36, 37>56, 67, 78.
Peras, 59 n.
Peres. See Writing.
Persia, 91, iir, 115,117. 118;
four kings of, Ii8n.
Persian, Gyrus the, 67.
Persian Empire, 25, 7on.. 73,84 n.
Persians, 59, 63. 6.^, 65.
Peshitto, xiii, xxx.
Pirke Aboth, 1 4 in.
Porphyry, 69 n.
Porphj'ry's Treatise agaiust the
Christians, xliii ; interpreta-
tion of Daniel, xliii-xliv.
Pra3'er, duty of private, 60 n.;
the three hours of, 63, 64 n. ;
turningto Jerusalem in, 63n.:
as a preparation for a revela-
tion, 96 ; in ix. 4-19 an in-
terpolation, 96, 97 n.
Pra3'er of Azarias, 35 n.
Prince = high-priest, 108 n.
Prince = angelic patron, 115 n.,
117; of Persia, 115; of Israel
(Michael),! 18; ofGreece,ii7.
Prince of princes. See God ;
of the host. See God.
Princes = angelic chiefs, 93 n.
Problems, bilingual. See He-
brew, Aramaic.
Prophecy and Apocalyptic, xiii.
Sec also History.
Prophet, psychical state of, xiii.
Prophets, 98 ; the servants t'f
God, 98, 99.
Psaltery, 31 n.
Pseudon3'mity,causesof, xv,xvi.
Ptolemies, the, xxxlx.
Ptolemy II and HI, 120 and 121 n.
Ptolemy Epiphancs, 123 n.
Ptolemy Philopator, 123 n.
Punishment, by dismember-
ment, i8n. ; by dishonouring
house, 18 n.
Purge away (R.V. ' make re-
conciliation for' , 105 n.
Purple, the roj'al dignity of
wearing, 53 n.
Pusey, xliv-xlv.
Queen-dowager, 53 n.
Ram with two horns = Empires
of Media and Persia, 84 n.
Raphia. battle of, 12a n.
Reconciliation, to make. See
Purge away.
Resolving of enchantments,55n.
Resurrection, onl3' of pre-
eminently righteous or
wicked, expected in Daniel,
xiii, 139 n., 144 n.
Revelation, preparations for,
96-7 n. ; include pra3'er,
fasting, wearing of sackcloth
and ashes.
Righteousness ■■ almsgiving,
46 n.
Righteousness, eternal = the
true worship of God, or the
eternal righteousness of the
Messianic kingdom, 105 n.
Roman Empire wrongly re-
garded as the Fourth Empire
of Daniel, 70 n.
Rules as to clean and unclean
food, xliii, 9, ID n.
Sackbut, 31 n.
Sacrifices discontinued, x.
Saints, war with, 74 n., 60;
judgement (rather dominion")
given to, 80-1; kingdom of,
79 n. ; heavenly in origin,
everlasting in duration, 80 n.
INDEX
15*
Sanctuary, cleansed. 89 n. ; de-
stroyed, 108 n.; trodden under
foot, 88 n.
Satraps, 29 n.
Scopas, 133 n.
Seasons. See Times.
Seleucidae, xxxviii, 71 n.
Seleucus Ceraunus, 122 n.
Seleucus II, 121 n.
Seleucus IV, 126 n.
Septuagint. See Versions.
Seventy years, in Jeremiah's
prophecy of the captivity, re-
interpreted as seventy weeks
of years, 104 n.
Shadrach, 9, 28, 32-7.
Sheol, in Daniel, a non-moral
region, intermediate abode of
very good and very evil i till
Resurrection) ; eternal abode
of rest of Israel and all Gen-
tiles, xlii; -dust of the earth,
or rather ' the land of dust,'
140 n.
Sheriffs, 30 n.
Shinar, 5.
Shushan, the palace, 83 n.
Sibylline Oracles, xxxiii n. ;
quoted, 68, 69 n.
Signs and wonders, 40
Sirach, xxxiv.
Son of Man, 78 n. ; a super-
natUEel being; an Apocalyptic
form of expression, 78 n.
Son of man = a human being
(Daniel), 90 n.
Soothsayers. See Determiners.
Sorcerers, 16 n.
Sources of historical statements
in chap, iv, 38, 39 n.
Stand before = serve, 8n.
Steward, ii n.
Symbolism of Apocalyptic vi-
sions, 76 n.
Syriac version of Paul of Telia,
XXX.
Syrian language, 16 n., 17.
Tamid. 87 n. See continual. ^
Tekel. See Writing.
Temple ^ House of God, place
of His (God's") sanctuary,
87 n.
Temple-services discontinued,
X ; treasures seized by An-
tiochus, X ; vessels removed
to Babylon, ^, 5.
Testaments of XII Patriarchs
xviii, x'x.
Third Ruler, 53 n.
Time. See Days, Evenings.
Time and times and half a lime,
82 n.
Times = years, 43 n.
Times and the law, i. e. the
religious festivals, &c., 8x n.
Times and seasons, ai n.
Transgression, the, = the hea-
then worship established in
the Temple, 105 n. Cf. 88,
92. See Desolate.
Transportation to Babylon, in
Jehoiakim's third year, 3 n.
Treasurers, 30 n.
Treatises and Articles, xlv.
Truth = the true religion, 88 n.
Tunics, 34 n.
Ulai, river, 83 n., 90.
Upharsin. See Writing.
Uphaz, ii3n.
Versions of Daniel : Greek, xii,
xxvi-xxx. See Septuagint,
xxvi-xxx ; Theodotion ; wide
divergence between LXX and
Theodotion, xx ; between
LXX and Massoretic in ch. iv,
37 n. ; Bibliography of, xlv.
Vessels. See Temple.
Visions, conventional use of
term, xiv.
Visions of Daniel, 67-144 ; first,
67 ; second, 82 ; third, iij.
Vulgate, xiii, xxxi.
152
DANIEL
Watcher. See Angels.
Week = lialfol the week, 10911.;
seven years, 104 n. ; the
Seventh and Last (of the
Seventy), 107 n.
Weeks. See Seventy.
Wisdom, 12 n.
Wise men, a class, 15 n., 19,
20; 22, 28, 40, 44, 52, 53;
classes of, 15 n.
Wise, they that be, 13a n., 133,
14I: 143-
Word of the Lord. 96.
Writing on the wall, 52 ; its
interpretation, 57-99 n.
Xenophon's account of capture
of Babylon, 49 n.
Yahweh, 96 n. See God.
Zeus, Olympian, Antiochus' de-
sotion to. 134 n.
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