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LIBRARY  OF 
WELLES  LEY  COLLEGE 


PURCHASED  FROM 
Sweet  Pond 


Westminster  Commentaries 
Kptted  by  Walter  Lock  D.D. 

IKELAND   PROFESSOR  OF  THE    EXEGESIS 
OF  BOIiS  BOBIPTUfiiC 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 


N, 


i 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 


WITH   INTRODUCTION  AND  NOTES 


BY 

S.   E.   DRIVER,  D.D. 

BEOrCrS  PR0PES80R   of  HEBREW   AND   OAK0!»   OF  CHRTPT  CHTTRCH,   OXFORD, 

HON.   D.LITT.    CAMBRIDGE    AST)   IIUBLIN,    HON.    D.D.    GLASGOW   AND   ABERDJiEN, 

EXAMINIilO   CHAPLAIN   TO   THE   LATE   BISHOP   OF  SOUTHWELL, 

FELLOW   OF  THE  BBITISH  ACADKMY, 


TENTH    EDITION 


METHUEN  &  CO.  LTD. 

36   ESSEX   STREET  W.O. 

LONDON 


First  Published January  IQ04 

Second  Edition March     igo4 

Third  Edition October    jgo4 

Fourth  Edition May         iqos 

Fifth  Edition Sept.         igo6 

Sixth  Edition March     IQ07 

Seventh  Edition Augitst    igog 

Eighth  and  Revised  Edition     .     .     .  January  igii 

Ninth  Edition April       igij 

Tenth  Edition January  igi6 


^loic'lO 


PREFATORY  NOTE  BY  THE  GENERAL  EDITOR. 

THE  primary  object  of  these  Commentaries  is  to  be  exe- 
getical,  to  interpret  the  meaning  of  each  book  of  the 
Bible  in  the  light  of  modern  knowledge  to  English  readers. 
The  Editors  will  not  deal,  except  subordinately,  with  questions 
of  textual  criticism  or  philology  ;  but  taking  the  English  text 
in  the  Revised  Version  as  their  basis,  they  will  aim  at  com- 
bining a  hearty  acceptance  of  critical  principles  with  loyalty  to 
the  Catholic  Faith. 

The  series  will  be  less  elementary  than  the  Cambridge  Bible 
for  Schools,  less  critical  than  the  International  Critical  Com- 
mentary, less  didactic  than  the  Expositor's  Bible  ;  and  it  is 
hoped  that  it  may  be  of  use  both  to  theological  students  and  to 
the  clergy,  as  well  as  to  the  growing  number  of  educated  laymen 
and  lay  women  who  wish  to  read  the  Bible  intelligently  and 
reverently. 

Each  commentary  will  therefore  have 
(i)    An  Introduction  stating  the  bearing  of  modern  criticism 
and  research  upon  the  historical  character  of  the  book,  and 
drawing  out  the  contribution  which  the  book,  as  a  whole,  makes 
to  the  body  of  religious  truth. 

(ii)  A  careful  paraphrase  of  the  text  with  notes  on  the 
more  difficult  passages  and,  if  need  be,  excursuses  on  any  points 
of  special  importance  either  for  doctrine,  or  ecclesiastical  or- 
ganization, or  spiritual  life. 

But  the  books  of  the  Bible  are  so  varied  in  character  that 
considerable  latitude  is  needed,  as  to  the  proportion  which  the 


VI  yOTE 

var!::is  rrxrt=  shr^i!^  h:M  to  each  other.  The  General  Editor 
'c~lll  ilrrcire  1.7  zZ.Lr\yoTiT  to  secure  a  general  nniformity  in 
sc^-j^  iwi  chjir\i.:er:  l:ui  the  exact  method  adopted  in  each 
oae  and  the  final  respoosilMlitT  f(»r  the  statem^its  made  will 
rest  witii  the  indrndiial  ooDtribotors. 

By  penmsskm  of  tibe  Ddesates  of  the  Oxford  UniTersity 
Press  Bnd  of  the  Syndics  of  the  Csonbridge  UniTersity  Press 
tbe  Text  used  in  this  Soies  of  Commeotanes  k  the  Kerised 
Vasoo  <rf  the  Holy  Scriptures. 


THIS  Commentanr  will  be  foond  to  differ  in  some  respects 
from  the  iHreTioas  Tohmies  <rf  the  series,  but  the  drfereoces 
are  of  a  kind  wfaidi  arise  neoeaaarily  from  the  snbject-matter  of 
the  btK^ 

Greater  attentkn  is  paid  to  matters  of  arehs^ology,  ancient 
feistory,  and  modem  sdcDe^  especially  in  estimating  the  histo- 
rical and  scientific  ralne  ai  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  book ; 
and  more  notioe  has  been  taken  c^  literarv  criticism  and  of 
the  analjss  at  the  sonroes  oat  of  whidb  the  book  has  been 
oonqrased. 

Both  of  these  points  hare  been  found  necessary;  for  the 
Book  ci  Genesis  tooches  scienc-e,  archaeology,  and  history  at 
■MKe  poiniB  than  anj  other  book  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 
it  is  iiuiiliil  that  in  a  Gommentary  for  edacated  readers 
these  poinlB  dioiild  be  fredy  Hhistzated  and  discussed.  Much 
study  has  also  been  bestowed  during  recent  years  on  the  literary 
analyas  of  the  boc^  and  manj  ocMicfaiskMis  hare  been  reached 
which  hare  commended  thems^es  to  a  laige  number  of  scholars, 
mm!  diese  it  woold  be  nnfur  to  withh<^  from  the  general 
reader. 

Thoe  is  too  anodier  reason  why  a  fuller  treatment  of  such 
sobiectB  has  been  foimd  neoesnry  in  the  present  Tolume  than,  for 
tiMrty»w-«»^  in  the  CSommentary  on  Job.  That  book  also  touches 
mai^  pointB  of  scioice,  bctt  they  are  there  presetted  in  a  form 
obvioasfy  poetical ;  here  the  Horm  is  a{^)arently  that  of  sober 


NOTE  .       vn 

history,  and  the  book  has  often  been  treated  as  though  it  were 
a  manual  of  scientific  fact  and  of  exact  history.  But,  as  such, 
it  must  be  submitted  to  the  ordinary  tests  which  apply  to 
scientific  and  historical  knowledge.  That  must  be  the  first 
step  in  the  interests  of  truth  and  in  the  reverent  attempt  to 
define  Inspiration,  whatever  considerations  we  may  feel  have 
afterwards  to  be  added  to  supplement  it.  The  scientific  student 
is  therefore  fi-ee  to  say,  or  rather  bound  to  say,  at  times,  in  the 
light  of  modem  knowledge,  '*  This  is  not  science,  its  value  must 
be  found  elsewhere  " ;  and  the  historical  student  is  free  to  say, 
or  rather  is  bound  to  say,  "This  is  pre-historic;  this  has  not 
adequate  contemporary  support ;  if  I  found  it  in  another  litera- 
ture, I  should  not  venture  to  build  upon  this  as  ascertained 
fact ;  the  value  of  the  book  must  be  fotmd  elsewhere."  Such 
a  frank  discussion  will  be  found  in  this  Conmaentary.  There 
will  also  be  formd  a  very  strong  insistence  on  the  evidence 
which  the  moral  and  spiritual  tone  of  the  book  offers  of  its 
InspiratioiL 

These  are  the  two  surest  starting-points.  There  are  other 
points  that  lie  beyond.  Thus,  while  the  editor  of  this  Com- 
mentary has  urged  various  historical  arguments  ipp.  xliiL  ff"., 
ML )  in  support  of  the  general  trustworthiness  of  the  patriarchal 
narratives,  many  readers  may  feel  that  one  or  all  of  the 
following  considerations  strengthen  his  position.  i\)  The  extra- 
ordinary truthfulness  to  human  nature  and  to  Oriental  life 
creates  an  impression  in  favour  of  such  trustworthiness ;  ( 2 1  the 
consistency  of  this  book  with  the  subsequent  history  and  re- 
ligious thought  of  later  Judaism  helps  to  confirm  this  impression ; 
(3)  the  fact  of  Inspiration,  once  admitted  on  the  higher  level  of 
moral  and  spiritual  tone,  may  weU  carry  its  influence  over  into 
details  of  fact,  and  turn  the  balance,  when  otherwise  uncertain, 
on  the  side  of  trustwonhiness.  For  the  truest  historian  is  not 
the  accumulator  of  the  largest  number  of  ascertained  facts, 
but  the  best  interpreter  of  the  spirit  of  the  age  which  he 
describes,  he  who  is  best  able  to  pick  out  the  thread  of  purpose 
in  the  tangle  of  details.  In  other  words,  the  ultimate  decision 
on  the  value  of  the  book  has  to  be  based  on  its  context,  and  on 
its  connexion  with  the  whole  of  Holy  Scripture. 


VIIT  NOTE 

These,  however,  are  considerations  which  will  appeal  differ- 
ently to  different  minds  :  the  first  steps  necessary  are  a  careful 
test  of  the  book  by  the  ordinary  canons  of  scientific  and  historical 
investigation,  and  a  tracing  of  the  clear  marks  of  a  higher  spirit 
in  its  religious  tendency.  It  is  because  both  of  these  steps 
are  taken  so  steadily  and  securely  here,  that  I  feel  that  this 
Commentary  will  meet  a  very  real  need  of  the  present  day. 

WALTER  LOCK. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 

THE  present  Commentary  is  an  expansion  of  lectures  which 
I  have  given  for  some  years  past  to  students  reading  for 
the  School  of  Theology  at  Oxford.  Its  aim  is  firstly  to  explain 
the  text  of  Genesis,  and  secondly  to  acquaint  readers  with  the 
position  which,  in  accordance  with  our  present  knowledge,  the 
Book  holds,  from  both  a  historical  and  a  religious  point  of  view. 
The  most  recent  English  Commentary  upon  Genesis,  of  any 
considerable  size,  appeared  in  1882 ;  and  since  then  many  dis- 
coveries have  been  made  which  have  a  bearing  upon  the  Book, 
much  fresh  light  has  been  thrown  upon  it,  and  new  points  of 
view  have  been  gained,  from  which,  if  its  contents  and  the  place 
taken  by  it  in  the  history  of  revelation  are  to  be  rightly  under- 
stood, it  must  be  judged.  It  has  been  my  endeavour,  while 
eschewing  theories  and  speculations,  which,  however  brilliant, 
seem  to  rest  upon  no  sufficient  foundation,  to  place  the  reader, 
as  far  as  was  practicable,  in  possession  of  such  facts  as  really 
throw  light  upon  Genesis,  and  in  cases  where,  from  the  nature 
of  the  question  to  be  solved,  certainty  was  unattainable,  to 
enable  him  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  probabilities  for  himself 

In  the  explanation  of  the  text,  while  I  have  not  been  able 
entirely  to  avoid  the  use  of  Hebrew  words,  and  of  technical 
expressions  belonging  to  Hebrew  grammar,  I  have  endeavoured 
so  to  express  myself  that  the  reader  who  is  unacquainted  with 
Hebrew  may  nevertheless  be  able  to  follow  the  reasoning,  and 
to  understand,  for  instance,  why  one  rendering  or  reading  is 
}>reierable  to  another.    The  margins  of  the  Revised  Version — 


X  PREFACE 

where  they  do  not  merely  repeat  the  discarded  renderings  of  the 
Authorized  Version — very  frequently  contain  renderings  (or 
readings)  superior  to  those  adopted  in  the  text:  hence  they 
always  deserve  careful  attention  on  the  part  of  the  reader ; 
and  though  the  instances  in  which  this  is  the  case  are  not  so 
numerous  in  Genesis  as  in  some  of  the  poetical  and  prophetical 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  I  have  made  a  point,  where  they 
occur,  of  indicating  them  in  the  notes.  Hebraists  are,  moreover, 
well  aware  that,  superior  as  the  Revised  Version  is  to  the 
Authorized  Version  in  both  clearness  and  accuracy,  it  does  not 
always,  either  in  the  text  or  on  the  margin,  express  the  sense  of 
the  original  as  exactly  as  is  desirable ;  and  I  have  naturally, 
in  such  cases,  given  the  more  correct  renderings  in  the  notes. 

The  field  of  knowledge  with  which,  at  one  point  or  another, 
the  Book  of  Genesis  comes  in  contact  is  large ;  archoeology, 
ancient  history  and  geography,  modern  travel  and  exploration, 
for  instance,  all  in  their  turn  supply  something  more  or  less 
substantial  to  its  elucidation.  Naturally,  where  the  subjects 
are  so  varied  and  wide,  and  the  period  concerned  so  remote 
from  that  at  which  we  at  present  live,  points  of  interest  or 
difficulty  occur,  which  I  should  have  been  glad  to  explain  or 
discuss  more  fully  than  my  limits  of  space  permitted  me  to  do, 
and  on  which  therefore  I  have  been  obliged  to  content  myself 
with  brief  statements  of  fact  or  probability,  as  the  case  might 
be^ ;  I  have,  however,  in  such  cases  nearly  always  added  references 
to  some  standard  work  in  which  the  reader  will  find  further 
information  or  discussion.  I  have  found  Hastings'  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  and  the  Encyclopcedia  Biblica  particularly  useful 
for  this  purpose ;  but  naturally  other  works  have  often  been 
referred  to  as  well.  I  have  in  some  cases  multiplied  references 
in  the  hope  that  readers  who  might  not  have  access  to  one  book 
that  was  mentioned  might  be  able,  if  they  desired  it,  to  refer  to 
another. 

^  See,  for  instance,  many  of  the  notes  on  eh.  x. 


PREFACE  XI 

The  critical  and  historical  view  of  the  Book  of  Genesis — which 
extended  to  Scripture  generally,  appears  to  me  to  be  the  only 
basis  upon  which  the  progressive  revelation  contained  in  the 
Bible  can  be  properly  apprehended  \  and  the  spiritual  authority 
of  the  Bible  ultimately  maintained — has  been  assumed  through- 
out :  but  a  minute  discussion  of  critical  questions  has  not  seemed 
to  me  to  be  necessary  ;  and  I  have  confined  myself  as  a  rule 
to  brief  statements  of  the  general  or  principal  grounds  upon 
which  the  more  important  of  the  conclusions  adopted  rest. 
There  are  of  course  some  points,  on  which — the  data  them- 
selves being  ambiguous,  or  slight — divergent  conclusions  may 
be,  and  have  been,  drawn :  in  such  cases  I  can  only  say  that 
I  have  endeavoured  to  decide  as  well  as  my  knowledge  and 
judgement  permitted  me. 

The  Commentaries  in  the  present  series  are  not  intended  to 
be  homiletic  or  devotional ;  but  I  have  always  endeavoured,  as 
occasion  offered,  to  point  out  the  main  religious  lessons  which 
the  Book  of  Genesis  contains,  and  the  position  taken  by  it  in  the 
history  of  revelation.  There  are  parts  of  the  Book  in  which, 
judged  by  the  canons  of  historical  method,  it  must  be  evident 
that  we  are  treading  upon  uncertain  ground :  but  that  in  no 
degi-ee  detracts  from  the  spiritual  value  of  its  contents  ;  and 
the  presence  in  the  writers  of  the  fjurifying  and  illuminating 
Spirit  of  God  must  be  manifest  throughout.  In  view  of  the 
many  problems  which,  to  modern  readers,  the  Book  of  Genesis 
suggests,  it  will  be  a  satisfaction  to  me  if  I  may  have  succeeded 
in  making  my  volume  a  contribution,  however  slight,  to  that 
adjustment  of  theology  to  the  new  knowledge  of  the  past,  which 
has  been  called  a  *  crying  need '  of  the  times  ^ 

Among  the  Commentaries  upon  Genesis  which  I  have  con- 
sulted, I  feel  bound  to  record  my  special  indebtedness  to  that 

1  Compare  the  paper  read  by  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  at  the  Bristol 
Church  Congress,  1903  {Guardian^  Oct.  21,  1903,  p.  1590). 

2  The  Guardian,  Dec.  19,  1900,  p.  1784.  „ 


XTI  PREFACE 

of  August  Dillmann,  an  admirable  scholar,  whose  writings  were 
always  distinguished  by  learning,  ability,  and  judgement.  It  has 
been  translated  into  English;  but  it  can  hardly  be  said  to  be 
well  adapted  to  the  ordinary  English  reader,  as  it  contains  much 
technical  matter,  which,  though  interesting  and  valuable  to 
special  students,  is  superfluous  for  the  general  reader,  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  it  does  not  always  contain  the  kind  of 
information  which  an  English  reader  would  expect  to  find  in 
a  Commentary.  I  have  only,  in  conclusion,  to  acknowledge  my 
obligations  to  the  Warden  of  Keble  College,  the  editor  of  the 
series,  who  has  taken  much  trouble  in  reading  all  the  sheets, 
and  who  has  on  many  occasions  given  me  the  benefit  of  his 
judgement,  and  offered  suggestions  to  which  I  have  very  grate- 
fully given  effect. 

S.  R  D. 


Christ  Church,  Oxford, 
October  6,  1903. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SEVENTH  EDITION. 

The  present  edition  does  not  differ  in  any  substantial  respect 
from  the  preceding  ones :  I  have  only  been  obliged  to  make 
some  small  alterations,  due  to  the  advance  of  knowledge,  in 
certain  matters  relating  to  chronology  and  archaeology.  In 
consequence  of  the  discovery  in  1907  of  a  cuneiform  chronicle 
shewing  that  the  Second  Babylonian  dynasty  was  in  part  con- 
temporary with  the  First  (see  the  note  in  the  Addenda  on 
p.  156),  the  date  of  the  First  dynasty,  and  with  it  that  of  its 
sixth  king,  Hammurabi,  have  had  to  be  lowered ;  and  I  have 
now,  throughout  the  volume,  altered  the  date  of  Hammurabi  to 
B.C.  2130 — 2088.  For  the  reasons  stated  partly  on  p.  xxix  n., 
and  partly  in  the  note  on  this  page  in  the  Addenda,  I  am  also 
now  persuaded  that  the  astronomer  Mahler's  date  for  Ramses  II, 
B.C.  1348 — 1281,  which  has  been  adopted  by  Professor  Sayce, 
rests  upon  mistaken  data,  and  that  he  must  be  placed 
c.  1300 — 1234  B.C. :  the  probable  date  of  the  Exodus  becomes  thus 
c,  1230  B.C.  I  have  moreover  revised  the  Chronological  Table 
(opposite  p.  i  of  the  Introduction),  in  accordance  with  the  latest 
and  best  authorities  ;  and  I  have  added  two  notes  in  the 
Addenda  (on  p.  xxxiii,  and  p.  156  respectively),  which  I  hope 
may  help  readers  to  understand  the  difficulties  of  early  Egyptian 
and  Babylonian  chronology,  and  explain  to  them  the  reasons  for 
the  differences  between  the  dates  that  have  been  proposed  for 
the  early  periods  of  Egyptian  and  Babylonian  history.  I  have 
also  made  some  other  additions  to  the  Addenda.  Apart  from 
the  standing  correction  in  the  date  of  Hammurabi,  the  other 
principal  changes  in  the  body  of  the  work  will  be  found  on 
pp.  xxix,  XXX,  IL  5 — 9,  xxxiii,  xlviii  last  line,  and  xlix,  11.  1 — 3 
and  n.  2  (correction  of  the  error  in  the  supposed  early  occur- 
rence of  the  name  Ahe-ramu),  34  n.  2,  52  n.  5,  90,  128  (note 
on  x.  22),  137  with  n.  3  (the  site  of  iJ-sagil),  156,  229  (the 
date  of  Ramses  II),  347  (the  date  of  Ramses  II,  and  of 
the  Hyksos).    Except  in  two  or  three  strongly  conservative 


XIV        PREFACE  TO  THE  SEVENTH  EDITION 

quarters,  in  which  the  need  of  adjusting  some  of  the  current 
views  regarding  the  Old  Testament  to  the  enlarged  knowledge 
of  modern  times  has  not  yet  made  itself  felt,  the  Commentar}^ 
in  the  five  and  a  half  years  that  have  elapsed  since  it  first 
appeared,  has  been  most  favourably  received  ;  and  the  appre- 
ciation elicited  by  it  has  been  to  me  a  gratifying  indication  that 
the  line  taken  in  it  is  a  sound  one,  and  that  my  endeavour  to 
present  the  Book  of  Genesis  as  it  ought  to  be  read  in  modern 
light  has  not  been  altogether  in  vain. 

S.  R.  D. 
June  24,  1909. 

PREFACE  TO  THE  TENTH  EDITION. 

The  unexpected  death  of  Dr  Driver  in  1914  has  prevented 
any  further  revision  of  this  Commentary,  as  he  has  left  no 
materials  available  for  the  purpose.  It  is  however  worth 
mentioning  that  since  the  ninth  edition  appeared  Dr  Driver 
published  a  revised  edition  of  his  Introduction  to  the  Lite- 
rature of  the  Old  Testament  (9th  Ed.  1913)  and  in  the 
Addenda  to  that  volume  (pp.  xxvi — xxxiii)  will  be  found  a  few 
notes  bearing  on  Genesis,  and  particularly  his  last  and  fullest 
discussion  of  the  controversy  about  the  value  of  the  Names  of 
God  as  a  clue  to  the  sources  of  the  Pentateuch.  He  there 
refers  with  approval  to  articles  in  the  Expositor  by  Dr  Skinner, 
since  republished  in  book  form  {^The  Divine  Names'  in  Genesis, 
Hodder  and  Stoughton,  1914) :  and  also  to  the  Appendix  in 
the  Rev.  D.  C.  Simpson's  Pentateuchal  C^'iticism  (Hodder  and 
Stoughton,  1914),  which  was  written  at  Dr  Driver's  suggestion 
and  had  the  benefit  of  his  revision. 

The  ninth  edition,  of  which  this  is  a  reprint,  consequently 

represents  the  final  form  of  this  Commentary.     The  progress  of 

Old  Testament  Criticism  and  of  Oriental  archaeological  studies 

will  doubtless  modify  particular  statements  in  it,  but  the  wide 

range  of  Dr  Driver's  knowledge,  the  accuracy  of  his  scholarship 

and  the  sanity  of  his  judgment  cannot  fail  to  secure  a  permanent 

value  for  all  his  work. 

WALTER  LOCK 
November,  1916. 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Addenda     ............  XVII 

Principal  abbreviations  employed L 

Note  on  the  Chronology LIU 

CHRONOLoaicAL  Table LIV 

Introduction 

§  1.    Structure  of  the  Book  of  Genesis,  and  Characteristics  of 

its  component  parts i 

§  2.    The  Chronology  of  Genesis xxv 

§  3.    The  Historical  Value  of  the  Book  of  Genesis : 

a.  The  prehistoric  period  (chaps.  L — xi.)    .        .        .  xxxi  t- 

b.  The  patriarchal  period  (chaps,  xii. — l.)          .        .  xliii 
§  4.    The  Religious  Value  of  the  Book  of  Genesis   .        .        .  Ixi  <- 

Text  and  Commentary 1—401 

Additional  Notes 

The  Cosmogony  of  Genesis 19 

The  Sabbath 34 

On  the  narrative  11.  4'> — iil  24    ......        .  51t.^ 

The  site  of  Paradise     .........  57 

The  Cherubim 60 

On  chap.  iv. ...  7^ 

On  Enoch 78 

On  the  figures  in  chap,  v 79 

On  the  Names  in  chaps,  iv.  and  v.,  and  their  possible  Babylonian 

origin 80 

The  Historical  Character  of  the  Deluge     .....  99 

Noah's  judgement  on  his  three  sons Ill 

Nimrod  and  Labylon 122 

The  Tower  of  Babel 136 


XVI  CONTENTS 

PA6K 

Ur  and  the  Hebrews 142 

On  Melchizedek 167 

The  Vale  of  Siddim  and  the  Dead  Sea.     The  probable  site  of 

the  Cities  of  the  Kikkar 168 

The  Historical  Character  of  the  narrative  contained  in  Gen.  xiv.  171 

The  Angel  of  Jehovah 184 

Circumcision 189 

The  destruction  of  the  Cities  of  the  Kikkar     ....  202 

Lot 205 

The  Sacrifice  of  Isaac 221 

The  Cave  of  Machpelah 228 

The  'Hittites'  in  Hebron 228 

The  Ishmaelite  Tribes 243 

Stone-worship 267 

Gilead  and  Laban 290 

Jacob's  struggle  at  Penuel 296 

On  the  sites  of  Mizpab,  Mahanaim,  Penuel,  and  Succoth        .  300 

The  narrative  of  Jacob's  dealings  at  Shechem  (chap,  xxxiv.)  .  306 

Famines  in  Egypt.    The  date  of  Joseph 347 

Land-tenure  in  Egypt 374 

The  Character  of  Joseph 400 

Excursus  I.    The  Names  of  God  in  Geuesis    .      .       ,       .402 

Excursus  II.    On  Gen.  xlix.  10  ('Until  Shiloh  come')      .  4io 

Index 4i6 


ADDENDA. 

p.  xxviii.  The  attempt  which  is  sometimes  made  to  harmonize  the  Biblical 
narrative  with  an  earlier  date  for  the  first  appearance  of  man  than  B.C.  4157, 
by  denying  that  the  genealogy  iu  Gen.  v.  supplies  any  basis  for  a  chronology, 
does  patent  violence  to  the  terms  used.  Had  indeed  the  language  of  Gen.  v, 
been  simply  that  A  begat  B,  and  B  begat  C,  &c.,  it  might  have  been  conceiv- 
able, as  in  Mt.  i.,  that  links  were  omitted :  but  when  the  age  of  each  patriarch 
at  the  birth  of  his  first-horn  is  expressly  stated,  such  a  supposition  is  mani- 
festly out  of  the  question, 

P.  xxix  n.  The  date  c.  1300 — 1234  for  Ramses  II  is  supported  by  the  fact 
that,  if  Thothmes  III  is  rightly  assigned  to  B.C.  1501 — 1447,  the  known  regnal 
years  of  the  intervening  kings  require  an  interval  of  at  least  26 -l- 8 -f- 36 -i- 25 -F 
34-1-2-1-21  =  152  years  between  them  (Breasted,  Hist,  of  Egypt,  1906,  p.  599). 

P.  xxxiii.  Egyptian  chronology  rests  upon  four  principal  bases:  (1)  the  list 
of  31  dynasties,  with  the  numbers,  and,  in  most  cases,  the  names  of  the  kings  in 
each,  and  the  years  which  they  reigned,  drawn  up  by  Manetho,  a  priest 
of  Sebennytus,  c.  280  B.C.  The  Egyptian  history  of  Manetho  has  perished: 
but  his  list  is  quoted  by  Africanus,  Eusebius,  and  (in  part)  by  Josephus. 
(2)  Native  lists, — all  either  partial,  or,  unhappily,  mutilated, — the  principal  of 
which  are  the  Turin  papyrus,  the  Tablets  of  Abydos,  Sakkara,  and  Kamak, 
and  the  Palermo  Stone,  first  published  in  1906^  (3)  The  highest  years  of 
kings  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions.  These  notices  are  naturally  not  of  a 
character  to  yield  a  complete  chronology:  but  they  yield  minimum,  dates 
for  the  reigns  of  many  kings,  and  often  supply  us  with  the  means  of  checking 
or  correcting  other  statements.  (4)  Astronomical  occurrences  assigned  iu  the 
inscriptions  to  the  reigns  of  particular  kings,  the  dates  of  which  can  be 
determined  by  astronomical  calculation.  The  Egyptian  calendar  year  con- 
sisted of  365  days;  and  began  on  1  Thoth  (properly,  our  July  19),  the  day  ou 
which  the  dog- star,  Sirius  or  Sothis,  rose  with  the  sun  in  the  morning.  But 
the  year  thus  annually  marked  by  the  rising  of  Sothis  with  the  sun  is  virtually 

^  See  a  synopsis  of  Manetho's  list,  as  quoted  by  different  ancient  writers,  and  of 
the  first  three  of  the  native  lists  mentioned,  in  Sayce's  Egypt  of  the  Hebrews 
(^1902),  pp.  287  ff.  The  Palermo  Stone  dates  from  the  5th  dynasty,  and  is  of 
importance  as  shewing  how  carefully,  even  at  this  early  date,  the  annals  of  every 
king  had  been  kept,  probably  from  the  time  of  Menes.  For  an  account,  and  trans- 
lation, of  the  inscription,  see  Breasted's  Ancient  Becoi'd$  of  Egypt  (Chicago,  1906), 
i.  51  ft. 


XVIII  ADDENDA 

identical  with  the  astronomical  year  of  (approximately)  365|  days :  hence  in 
the  Egyptian  calendar  year  a  quarter  of  a  day  was  dropped  every  year ;  every 
four  years,  therefore,  the  calendar  reached  the  end  of  the  year,  and  began 
the  next  year,  one  day  too  soon,  so  that  the  new  year  began  a  day  before  tlie 
one  on  which  Sirius  rose  with  the  sun;  and  as  this  process  continued,  the 
calendar  new  year,  and  with  it  the  calendar  months  of  the  Egyptian  year,  all 
began  earlier  and  earlier,  till  after  1460  years  they  had  shifted  back  an  entire 
year,  and  all  began  a  year  too  soon.  The  rising  of  Sothis  with  the  sun  co- 
incided with  1  Thoth,  the  calendar  New  Year's  Day,  in  b.o.  4241/0—4238/7, 
2781/0—2778/7,  1321/0—1318/7:  if,  therefore,  we  found  a  statement  that  the 
'  heliacal '  rising  of  Sothis  took  place  in  a  given  year  (say)  30  days  later  than 
1  Thoth,  we  should  know,  in  virtue  of  what  has  been  said,  that  that  year  was 
30  X  4  =  120  years  after  one  of  these  dates  b.o. 

From  the  18th  dynasty  onwards  there  is  little  diflFerence  in  the  dates 
arrived  at  by  different  modern  Egyptologists,  two  fixed  points,  consistent 
with  each  other,  being  capable  of  determination  by  astronomical  calculation^. 
(1)  A  papyrus  states  that  in  the  9th  year  of  Amen-hotep  I,  the  2nd  king  of  this 
dynasty,  Sothis  rose  with  the  sun  on  the  9th  of  Epiphi,  i.e.  308  days  after 
1  Thoth:  4x308  —  1232;  the  9th  year  of  Amen-hotep  I  was  thus  1232  years 
after  2781/0 — 2778/7,  or  (taking  the  earliest  of  these  alternatives)  was  1549 
B.O.,  and  his  first  year  was  1557  B.C.  (2)  In  a  document  dating  from  tlie  reign 
of  Thothmes  III,  the  festival  of  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sirius  is  said  to  have 
taken  place  on  the  28th  of  Epiphi,  i.e.  19  days  later  than  in  1550/49 — 1547/6. 
As  4  X  19  =  76,  the  year  refezTed  to  will  have  been  76  years  later  than  1550/49 — 
1547/6,  or  1474/3—1471/0.  One  of  the  years  1474/3—1471/0  fell  consequently 
during  the  reign  of  Thothmes  III,  which  by  means  of  notices  respecting  the 
appearance  of  the  new  moon  is  fixed  more  closely  to  B.C.  1501 — 1447.  This 
date  for  Thothmes  III  will  make  the  18th  dynasty  begin  c.  1587  B.C. 

Manetho's  reporters  give  confused  and  discrepant  accounts  of  the  state- 
ments respecting  the  five  dynasties  preceding  the  18th:  but  according  to 
Josephus  he  stated  that  for  511  years  before  the  18th  dynasty,  Egypt  was 
ruled  by  the  foreign  invaders  called  the  Hyksos:  these  (Petrie^)  were  partly 
contemporary  with  native  Egyptian  dynasties,  and  they  were  preceded  by  the 
453  years  of  the  13th  dynasty:  thus  Petrie  makes  the  12th  dynasty  end 
B.C.  2565,  and  (adding  the  213  years  assigned  to  it  by  the  Turin  papyrus) 
begin  B.c.  2778.  But  a  document  (one  of  the  Kahun  papyri)  discovered  in 
1899  contains  a  statement  that  in  the  7th  year  of  Usertesen^  III  of  this 
dynasty,  the  festival  of  the  heliacal  rising  of  Sothis  fell  on  the  15th  of  Phar- 
muthi,  or  225  days  after  1  Thoth:  4x225  =  900;  the  7th  year  of  Usertesen 
was  consequently  900  years  after  B.C.  2781/0 — 2778/7,  or  B.C.  1881;  his  first 
year  was  thus  1887  B.C.;  and  the  dynasty  ruled  (adding,  before  and  after 
Usertesen,  the  regnal  years  known)  b.o.  2000 — 1788,     It  follows  from  this 

^  Comp.,  with  what  follows  on  this  subject,  Breasted,  Ancient  Records  of  Egypt, 
i.  25 — 48  (with  a  table  of  dynasties,  and  dates  of  reigns),  221 — 3. 

»  History  of  Egypt,  i»  (1903),  p.  204  f. 

8  Or,  as  the  name  is  now  read  (Meyer,  p.  245),  Senwosrtt  (the  prototype  of 
'  Sesostris '). 


ADDENDA  XIX 

lower  date  for  the  12tli  dynasty,  that,  if  it  be  correct,  Manetho's  511  years 
for  the  Hyksos  must  be  far  too  great;  accordingly  those  who  accept  it  allow 
for  the  whole  of  the  loth  to  the  17th  dynasties  only  about  200  years  (b.c.  1788 
—1580),  and  for  the  Hyksos  only  c.  1680—1580. 

Such  is  the  explanation  of  the  great  diveigence  between  Petrie  on  the  one 
hand,  and  Meyer  and  Breasted  on  the  other,  as  regards  the  date  of  the 
12th  dynasty.  The  cogency  of  the  astronomical  argument  is  admitted  by 
Petrie:  the  correctness  of  the  Sirius  datum  in  the  12th  dynasty  is,  he  points 
out,  confirmed  by  two  independent  testimonies  from  monuments  in  Sinai 
{Researches  in  Sinai,  \QOQ,  pp.  168 — 170):  but  Meyer  and  Breasted's  reduction 
of  the  length  of  the  13th  to  the  17th  dynasties,  he  argues,  does  great  violence 
to  the  combined  testimony  of  Manetho  and  the  Turin  papyrus,  Manetho 
assigning  to  this  whole  period  1590  years,  and  the  Turin  papyrus  so  far  sup- 
porting him  that  it  gives  the  names  of  100  or  more  kings  belonging  to  the 
13th  and  14th  dynasties  (ibid.  171 — 6).  Petrie  accordingly  now  (p.  175)  has 
recourse  to  the  other  possible  alternative  of  reckoning  Usertesen's  7th  year 
as  900  years,  not  from  the  Sothic  period  which  began  2781  B.C.,  but  from  the 
previous  Sothic  period  which  began  (see  above)  4241  B.o.  He  thus  gives  now 
{I.e.)  as  the  date  of  the  12th  dynasty  b.c.  34.59 — 3246,  and  as  the  date  of 
Menes  b.c.  5510.  Against  such  a  high  date  Meyer  and  Breasted  argue  that 
Manetho's  figures  are  not  trustworthy.  The  sixty  kings  of  the  13th  dynasty 
had  only  short  reigns,  the  early  Hyksos  were  partly  contemporary  even 
with  the  13th  dynasty,  and  the  sparsity  of  monuments  belonging  to  the  13th 
— 17th  dynasties  is  unfavourable  to  the  supposition  that  the  period  was  such 
along  one  (see  Meyer,  Aeg.  Chron.  60 — 65,  Nachtrdge,  31 — 39,  Gesch.  d.  Alt? 
I.  il  276 — 286,  293).  The  future  must  shew  which  of  these  three  divergent 
chronologies  will  ultimately  be  found  to  accord  best  with  the  available  data. 

For  the  purposes  of  the  present  note,  it  is  not  necessary  to  pursue  the 
subject  of  Egyptian  Chronology  further:  those  who  desire  fuller  information 
may  be  referred  to  Petrie,  Hist,  of  Egypt,  i.^  (1903),  145—7,  200—5  (on  the 
Hyksos  period),  248 — 254  (the  date  of  Merenptah,  p.  251,  modified  in  iii.  p.  2), 
ii.  25 — 34  (for  p.  32,  comp.  Meyer,  Nachtrdge,  p.  43f.;  and  on  the  other  side, 
Petrie,  Sinai,  pp.  177—181),  iii.  pp.  vi— viii;  Budge,  Hist  of  Eg.  (1902),  i. 
Ill — 161;  Ed.  Meyer's  masterly  treatise  Aegyptische  Chronologie  in  the 
AhhandJimgen  of  the  Berhn  Academy,  1904,  with  the  Nachtrdge,  ibid.,  1907  ; 
Breasted's  invaluable  Ancient  Records  of  Egypt,  Historical  Documents  from 
the  earliest  times  to  the  Perdan  conquest,  collected,  edited,  and  translated 
icith  Commentary  (5  vols.;  Chicago,  1906),  i.  25—48,  221—3 ;  Petrie,  Re- 
searches in  Sinai  (1906),  pp.  163—181 ;  Meyer,  Gesch.  des  Altertums\  i.  ii. 
(1909),  pp.  28—38,  cf.  53—56,  95—102,  276—286,  293  ;  more  briefly.  Breasted, 
Hist,  of  Egypt  (1906),  pp.  13  f.,  21—23,  with  Table  of  Dynasties,  pp.  597  flF. 

Pp.  xlii  n.  2,  24  «.  2  (second  paragraph).  I  rejoice  to  see  substantially 
the  same  criticisms  made  independently  by  the  Rev.  G.  S.  Streatfeild  on  pp. 
15 — 17  of  his  pamphlet  cited  below  (p.  Ixviii). 

P.  xlix.  On  the  supposed  occurrence  of  the  name  Yahweh  in  Babylonian, 
see  the  recent  discussions  of  Rogers  in  his  Relig.  of  Bah.  and  Ass.,  especially 
in  its  relations  to  Israel  (New  York,  1908),  pp.  89  flf.,  and  of  Langdon  in  the 


XX  ADDENDA 

Expositor,  Aug.  1910,  p.  137  f.,  both  of  whom  agree  that  it  does  so  occur. 
Assyriologiats  are  not,  however,  agreed  that  it  is  read  rightly  in  all  the 
passages  that  have  been  alleged  :  see  further  below,  p.  XL  1 1. 

P.  xlix  n.  2.  It  is  interesting  to  find,  in  the  list  of  places  in  Palestine 
taken  by  Shishak  (c.  B.C.  930),  one  (No.  71— 2),  which  is  considered  now  by 
Egyptologists  to  correspond  to  a  Semitic  D13N  bpn,  '  Field  of  Abram '  {hcUcal 
being  an  Aramaic  word,  the  one  found  in  ' Akel-dzm^' =  W2ri  ^pn,  and  also 
occurring  eight  times  besides  in  the  same  list) :  see  Breasted,  in  Amer.  Joum. 
ofSem.  Lang,  xxi  (1904),  p.  36,  Hist,  of  Eg.,  p.  530 ;  and  cf.  Spiegelberg, 
Aegypt.  Randglogsen  zum  AT.,  1904,  p.  14,  and  Meyer,  Die  Israeliten  und 
ihre  Nachharstamme,  1906,  p.  266.  If  the  critical  view  of  the  dates  of  the 
Pentateuchal  sources  is  correct,  this  will  be  the  earliest  occurrence  of  the 
name  Abram  :  the  site  of  'Abram's  Field,'  it  maybe  reasonably  presumed,  was 
at  or  near  Hebron  (cf  below,  on  xiii.  IS). 

Pp.  xlix — liii.  See  further,  on  the  true  bearings  of  archaeology  on  the 
O.T.,  the  excellent  and  lucid  article  of  Stanley  A.  Cook  in  the  E.tpositor, 
June,  1906,  esp.  pp.  529  ff.,  534 ff.,  where  it  is  shewn,  among  other  things,  that 
the  idea,  still  current  in  some  quarters,  that  archaeology  has  overthrown  many 
of  the  conclusions  of  hterary  and  historical  criticism,  is  based  simply  upon 
a  misconception  of  the  facts.  Similarly,  Prof.  A.  S.  Peake,  in  an  instructive 
and  discriminating  lecture  on  'The  Present  Movement  of  Biblical  Science' 
(published  in  Inaugural  Lectures  hy  Members  of  the  Faculty  of  Theology  of 
Manchester  University,  1905,  edited  by  A.  S.  Peake),  p.  31,  after  referring 
to  the  many  services  rendered  to  Biblical  science  by  archaeologj',  says,  'But 
while  archaeology  has  done  all  this,  it  remains  true  that,  so  far  as  Old 
Testament  scholarship  is  concerned,  it  has  not  confirmed  a  single  position 
doubted  by  sober  criticism.'  To  the  same  eflfect,  also,  with  many  pertinent 
illustrations,  Prof.  W.  H.  Bennett,  in  an  article  on  'Archaeology  and  Criticism* 
in  the  Contemporary  Review  for  April,  1906,  pp.  518  flf. 

P.  lii.  Whether  the  Egyptian  name  quoted  really  contains  the  name 
'Joseph,'  experts  appear  to  be  more  and  more  doubtful  (Spiegelberg,  Ra^id- 
glossen,  p.  13  n.;  cf.  Meyer,  op.  cit.  p.  292):  W.  M.  Miiller  now  adopts  as  its 
Semitic  equivalent  Yashuh-el  (see  Juurn.  of  Bihl.  Lit.  1909,  p.  31 ;  and  c£ 
EncB.  ii.  2582,  n.  1  end). 

P.  Ivi,  footnote.  Readers  of  the  Dean  of  Canterbury's  TTie  Bihle  and 
Modern  Itivestigation,  should  be  aware  that  Dillmanu's  views  are  seriously 
misrepresented  in  it.  The  Dean,  namely,  seeks  to  shew  there  (pp.  30 — 47)  that 
Dillmann,  the  man  of  '  strong  sense  and  historical  capacity '  (p.  33),  arrived  at 
far  more  conservative  conclusions  with  regard  to  the  historical  character  of 
the  Pentateuch  than  Prof.  G.  A.  Smith  and  myself  had  done.  But  the  Dean 
has  misread  Dillmann.  So  far  as  Genesis  is  concerned,  Dillmann  does  not 
'accept  the  historical  truth'  of  the  patriarchal  nan-atives  (p.  42),  in  the  sense 
in  which  any  ordinary  reader  would  understand  the  expression.  It  is  true,  he 
argues  against  the  opinion  that  these  narratives  rest  upon  no  foundation  in 
fact;  but  the  historical  substratum  which  he  finds  in  them  is  almost  entirely 
tribal,  the  Aciuid  personal  element  which  he  recognizes  in  them  is  very  small: 
not  only  Lot  and  Ishmael,  but  aI»o  Isaac  and  his  descendants  are  the  personi- 


ADDENDA  XXI 

fications  of  tribes^:  in  Abraham  there  is  an  indeterminate  personal  element, 
but  most  of  the  details  about  him  are  due  either  to  popular  'Sage,'  or  to  the 
narrators.  Thus  the  details,  even  of  such  a  chapter  as  Gen.  xxiii.  (P),  are 
the  'free  composition  of  the  narrator'  {Genesis,  p.  296);  J  in  particular  con- 
tains numerous  examples  of  the  free  expansion  or  development  of  a  traditional 
nucleus;  and  the  many  conversations  in  his  narratives  ('e.g.  Gen.  xviii. — six., 
xxiv.,  xliii. — xliv.,  and  elsewhere ')  can  be  only  regarded  as  peculiarly  his  own 
work*.  Dillmann's  Theologie  des  AT.s,  published  posthumously,  represents 
probably  to  some  extent  an  earlier  stage  of  his  conclusions  on  the  subject;  but 
even  here  (p.  77)  his  view  is  that  the  traditions  about  the  patriarchs,  which 
were  'first  written  down  in  the  post- Mosaic  and  prophetic  age,'  have  been 
'greatly  transformed  and  idealized  under  the  influence  of  the  Mosaic  and  pro- 
phetic religion,  that  in  particular  tribal  history  has  been  largely  recast  into 
family  history,  and  that  it  is  now  for  us  very  difficult,  and  in  fact  impossible, 
to  distinguish  the  actual  facts  from  the  ideal  truth  which  has  been  put  into 
them.'  None  of  the  conclusions  thus  reached  by  Dilhnann  can  be  said  with 
any  truth  to  be  more  conservative  than  mine  (pp.  xliv — xlvii,  Iv — lix) ;  and 
the  opinion  that  any  of  the  principal  patriarchs  represent  tribes  I  have 
expressly  rejected  (p.  Ivii).  See  further  a  paper  in  the  Expository  Times, 
March,  1906,  pp.  282  fi".,  where  I  have  shewn  further,  by  citation  of  Dillmann's 
actual  words,  that  his  views  with  regard  to  the  sources  of  J,  E,  and 
Deuteronomy,  the  dates  of  J  and  E,  and  the  historical  character  of  the 
representations  of  P,  &c.,  so  far  from  being,  as  alleged,  more  conservative 
than  mine,  are,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  the  same. 

P.  3,  on  i.  1,  With  a  language  as  largely  unknown  in  England  as  Hebrew 
is,  it  is  possible  for  an  amateur  or  theorist  to  perform  extraordinary  feats. 
Thus  Mr  Fenton,  in  a  work  called  The  Bible  in  Modern  English,  translates 
the  first  verse  of  Genesis  in  this  way,  *  By  Periods  God  created  that  which 
produced  the  Solar  Systems;  then  that  which  produced  the  earth.'  To  say 
nothing  about  the  rest  of  this  rendering,  what,  we  may  ask,  would  be  thought 
of  a  Latin  scholar  who,  having  before  him  the  words  In  principio,  gravely 
informed  his  readers  that  principium  was  a  plural  word,  and  meant  'periods'  ? 
Yet  this  would  be  an  exact  parallel  to  what  Mr  Fenton  has  done.  Other  parts 
of  the  Old  Testament  are  translated  in  the  same  fashion :  thus  Dt.  xxxiii.  20 
*  Let  the  horseman  (!),  Gad,  be  blest!'  and  Daniel  becomes  (Daniel  iv.  9)  'Chief 
of  the  Engineers '  (! ). 

P.  24  n.  2  (cf.  p.  xlii  n.  2).  It  is  extraordinary  how  anyone  can  seriously 
regard  Mr  Capron's  book  as  containing  a  real  solution  of  the  problems  raised 
by  a  comparison  of  the  Bible  with  science.     In  confirmation  of  the  position 

1  Commentary  on  Genesis,  in  the  last  ed.  of  1892,  p.  218  i.  (cf.  pp.  316,  403). 
In  the  English  translation,  vol.  ii.  p.  3  bottom,  the  sentence  beginning  with  '  As ' 
should  read  :  '  As  in  the  case  of  Lot,  Ishmael,  Esau,  and  their  sons,  it  is  sufficient 
to  regard  them  [i.e.  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  p.  3  bottom']  as  ideal  personal  names,  taken 
from  particular  groups  within  the  limits  of  the  nation,  or  from  the  whole  at 
different  stages  of  its  development.' 

^  Comm.  on  Ntnn.,  Dent.,  Jos.  (in  Dillmann's  final  discusBion  of  the  oomposition 
of  the  Hexateuch),  p.  629. 


XXII  ADDENDA 

taken  in  the  two  notes  referred  to,  the  Dean  of  Christ  Church  (Dr  T,  B. 
Strong)  permits  me  to  print  the  following,  as  it  appears  to  me,  eminently 
sound  criticism : — '  It  seems  to  me  that  there  are  serious  and  fundamental 
objections  not  only  to  details  in  Mr  Capron's  book,  but  to  the  whole  method 
of  it.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  plain  upon  the  surface  that  Mr  Capron  has  put 
upon  the  author  of  Genesis,  whoever  he  was,  a  purpose  which  cannot  have 
been  before  him.  He  is  trying  to  extract  from  the  book  a  scientific  intex'pre- 
tation  of  the  world  in  a  modern  sense.  Now  the  scientific  interpretation  of 
the  world  in  a  modern  sense  is  a  comparatively  late  product,  and  may  be  said 
to  have  developed  out  of  a  condition  in  which  the  religious  and  scientific 
aspects  of  the  world  were  fused.  The  writer  of  Genesis  ascribes  the  origin  and 
conduct  of  the  world  to  God,  and  so  far  as  that  explains  why  the  world  came 
into  existence  it  may  be  said  to  have  the  germ  of  the  scientific  explanation 
in  it.  But  the  scientific  explanation  strictly  so  called  belongs  to  a  later  stage 
of  the  history  of  the  human  mind  than  the  author  of  Genesis. 

'Secondly,  Mr  Capron  hopes  to  find  Genesis  anticipating  the  form  of  philo- 
sophy in  which  he  himself  appears  to  believe,  namely  the  philosophy  of  Herbert 
Spencer.  Here  he  seems  to  me  to  be  unconsciously  doing  the  author  of 
Genesis  a  serious  wrong.  The  philosoj^hy  of  Herbert  Spencer  is  not  in- 
fallible, and  is  already  sharply  criticized.  Precisely  therefore  in  proportion 
as  Mr  Capron  has  success  in  finding  this  philosophy  in  Genesis  he  involves 
Genesis  in  all  the  risks  of  refutation  and  modification  which  beset  the 
Spencerian  philosophy.  If  Genesis  is  shewn  to  speak  in  terms  of  Herbert 
Spencer,  and  Herbert  Spencer  should  then  prove  unsatisfactory,  he  involves 
Genesis  in  his  ovra  collapse;  and  this  is  particularly  unreasonable,  as  there  is 
no  clear  evidence  that  the  author  wished  to  set  foi'th  Spencerianism. 

'  Once  more,  the  position  can  be  maintained  only  by  violent  exegesis.  No 
one  could  seriously  maintain  that  the  words  e.g.  of  the  Creation-story  natur- 
ally have  the  meaning  which  Mr  Capron  puts  upon  them.  In  other  words  he 
starts  with  the  interpretation  he  wants  to  extract  from  them,  and  forces  them 
into  harmony  with  it.  This  is  a  method  which  has  been  pursued  before  in 
the  history  of  interpretation,  but  which  is  now  completely  discredited.  It  is 
in  fact  a  modem  form  of  the  Alexandrine  method  of  allegorical  interpretation, 
such  as  we  find  in  Philo  Judaeus.  In  Philo's  day  a  prevalent  philosophy,  which 
he  himself  tliought  satisfactory,  was  a  kind  of  syncretism,  combining  elements 
of  Stoicism  and  Platonism.  This  philosophy  Philo  felt  bound  to  extract 
somehow  from  the  Pentateuch.  He  was  applying  to  the  Old  Testament  the 
method  which  the  Greeks  were  applying  to  Homer.  But  though  his  appli- 
cation of  his  principle  is  highly  ingenious,  no  one  in  the  world  supposes  that 
it  was  successful.  The  whole  of  it  disappears  when  it  is  recognized,  as  it  must 
be,  that  the  author  did  not  mean  that  or  anything  like  it.  Mr  Capron  appears 
to  be  doing  a  similar  thing  in  the  interest  of  the  philosophy  of  Spencer  with 
a  similar  lack  of  success.' 

P.  24  n.  3.  Canon  Bonney  has  reaffirmed  recently,  in  greater  detail,  the 
opinion  here  expressed  by  him  respecting  the  irreconcilabiUty  of  Gen.  i,  with 
science,  in  an  article  in  the  Church  Family  Neicapaper,  Oct.  9,  1908,  p.  862. 
Prof.  Hull,  in  the  article  which  Canon  Bonney  here  criticizes,  only  reconciles 


ADDENDA  XXIIl 

them  bv  disrejrarding  all  tbe  points  in  which  they  differ!  Prof.  Hull  confines 
himseli  virtually  to  pointing  out  (what  is,  of  course,  perfectly  true)  that 
Genesis  affirms,  and  nature  exhibits,  the  realization  of  a  divine  plan  in  the 
development  and  structure  of  the  physical  universe ;  but  that  is  something 
very  different  from  proving  that  the  order  of  events,  as  described  in  Genesis, 
and  as  taught  by  science,  is  the  same. 

P.  26.  Dr  McCosh,  in  his  Religious  Aspect  of  Evolution,  pp.  93  ff.,  who 
has  been  recently  brought  forward  as  an  'authority'  for  the  harmony  ot 
Genesis  i.  with  geology,  simply,  as  he  himself  expressly  avows  (p.  93),  follows 
Guyot,  Dana,  and  Dawson,  especially  Guyot,  whose  attempted  reconciliations 
have  been  sufficiently  dealt  with  on  pp.  22 — ?5  of  the  present  volume.  The 
correspondence  exhibited  by  liis  table,  pp.  96 — 98,  is  as  illusory  as  that 
exhibited  by  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson's  Tables  (below,  p.  23  note),  and  contains  the 
misstatements  which  in  one  form  or  another  are  inseparable  from  all  such 
'harmonies.'  Thus  science  does  not  teach  that  'there  must  have  been  light 
nourishing  plants  before  the  sun  was  condensed'  (see,  on  the  contrary,  the 
quotation  from  Prof,  Pritchard,  below,  p.  25  note),  or  that  the  moon  was 
'  thrown  off'  from  the  earth  after  the  appearance  of  vegetation  upon  it  (on 
the  contrary,  when  the  moon  was  thrown  off,  the  earth,  or  at  least  the  outer 
envelope  of  it,  must  have  been  molten,  *  twenty-seven  miles  in  depth  going  to 
its  [the  moon's]  formation':  see  Prof.  Sollas,  The  Age  of  the  Earth,  p.  8);  and 
Gen.  i.  16,  17  speaks  not  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  as  'becoming  visible'  on 
the  Fourth  Day,  but,  as  plainly  as  language  can  do,  of  their  being  '  made '  and 
'set'  in  the  heavens  on  that  day  (below,  p.  25).  And  Romanes'  remark,  quoted 
on  p.  99  from  a  review  {Nature,  Aug.  11,  1881,  p.  334),  that  the  order  in  which 
the  flora  and  fauna  are  represented  as  appearing  in  Genesis  agi*ees  with  the 
evidence  of  science,  must  have  been  made  in  forgetfniness  of  the  facts ;  for  it 
is  contradicted  by  what  is  taught  in  every  geological  manual  (Dana,  Dawson, 
Geikie,  &c. :  see  below,  p.  22,  &c.,  and  the  quotation  from  Prof.  Bonney, 
p.  24,  note  3).  Professors  Dana  and  Dawson,  it  should  be  remembered,  are 
the  only  men  of  scientific  eminence  who  have  even  attempted,  during  recent 
years,  to  harmonize  Gen.  i.  with  the  teachings  of  science ;  and  it  is  disin- 
genuous to  quote  them  as  authorities  for  their  agreement  without  at  the  same 
time  acquainting  the  reader, — who  certainly  would  not  otherwise  suspect  what 
they  were, — with  the  methods  by  which,  respectively,  the  supposed  'reconcilia- 
tion' was  accomplished  by  them.  The  'accuracy'  which,  in  a  passage  that  has 
been  recently  quoted.  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  extols  in  Genesis,  is  in  reality  non- 
existent; it  is  obtained,  partly  by  ignoring  or  obscuring  the  facts  which 
conflict  with  it,  and  partly  by  forcing  upon  the  words  of  Genesis  senses  which 
they  do  not  bear.  Thus,  in  addition  to  what  has  been  pointed  out  below 
(pp.  23,  25),  Sir  John  Dawson  understands  the  '  deep '  of  ».  2  not,  as  probably 
every  other  reader  has  always  understood  it,  of  an  abyss  of  water,  but 
non-natui-ally  of  a  'vaporous  or  aeriform  mass'  enveloping  the  earth,  which 
ultimately  became  the  atmosphere  ;  and  v.  3  is  interpreted  by  him  not  of  the 
first  beginning  of  light,  but  ot  the  intensification  oi  previously  existing  light 
by  the  concentratiou  of  the  luminous  matter  which  emitted  it,  to  form  the 


XXIV  ADDENDA 

sun  {Origin  of  the  World,  &c.  pp.  105,  113,  120  f.).  Surely,  if  Gen.  i.  wei'e 
really  accurate,  it  would  bear  its  accuracy  upon  its  face :  it  would  not  have  to 
be  wrung  from  it  by  means  of  exegetical  tours  deforce,  such  as  are  unheard  of 
in  the  interpretation  of  any  other  literature  (cf.  below,  p.  24  (4),  with  nn?-'  \ 
and  p.  25).  Enlightened  Roman  Catholic  scholars  admit  the  truth  candidly: 
see  Pere  Lagrange,  Revue  Bibl.  1896,  p.  381  ffi  (on  Gen.  i.),  esp.  p.  388  f ; 
Minocchi,  La  Genesi,  1908,  p.  22  fil 

Nor,  it  may  be  worth  adding,  is  it  correct  to  say,  at  least  without  material 
qualifications,  that  Gen.  i.  agrees  with  science  in  placing  the  creation  of  light 
before  the  formation  of  the  sun.  For  according  to  Gen.  i.  light  was  created 
(».  3)  after  water  already  existed  upon  the  earth  {v.  2) :  according  to  science, 
however,  light  was  already  given  out  by  the  luminous  gaseous  nebula, — if  not, 
also,  by  many  other  nebulae  as  well, — which  ultimately,  after  untold  ages  had 
passed,  was  condensed  into  the  bodies  forming  the  solar  system.  If,  therefore, 
it  is  stated  that  Genesis  agrees  with  science  in  placing  the  creation  of  light 
before  the  formation  of  the  sun,  truthfulness  demands  that  it  should  be  stated 
at  the  same  time  that  it  also  dis&grees  with  science  in  placing  its  creation 
after  the  formation  of  the  earth,  with  water  upon  it ;  whereas  in  fact,  according 
to  science,  light  existed  unnumbered  ages  before  the  primitive  nebula  could 
have  condensed  to  form  either  the  earth  or  water. 

It  will  be  understood  that,  as  is  pointed  out  at  greater  length  below 
(pp.  26  ff.),  this  and  other  disagreements  with  science,  though  their  existence 
ought  not  to  be  denied,  in  no  way  detract  from  the  religious  value  of  the 
cosmogony  of  Genesis,  or  obscure  the  clearness  with  which  it  gives  expression 
to  such  general  truths  as  those  of  an  ordered  sequence  in  the  process  of 
creation,  and  of  stages  moving  upwards  towards  man. 

A  word  may  perhaps  be  permitted  on  the  subject  of  '  Evolution.'  Evolu- 
tion may  be  true  or  false,  or  partially  true  and  partially  false :  but  in  either 
case  it  is  not  taught  in  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis :  the  language  used  in  this 
chapter  does  not  suggest,  whether  directly  or  indirectly,  either  a  transition 
from  vegetable  to  animal  life,  or  a  transition  from  one  species,  whether 
vegetable  or  animal,  to  another.  For  a  statement  of  what  appears  to  him  to 
be  the  right  attitude  for  the  theologian  to  adopt  towards  this  principle  of 
science,  the  writer  may  be  permitted,  perhaps,  to  refer  to  the  first  of  his 
Sermons  on  the  OT.  (1892),  on  'Evolution  compatible  with  Faith.' 

P.  34  n.  2.  Out  of  356  tablets  belonging  to  the  period  of  the  first  Bab. 
dynasty,  examined  bv  Mr  Johns,  5  are  dated  on  the  7th  day  of  the  month, 
6  on  the  14th,  8  each  on  the  21st  and  the  28th,  and  only  2  on  the  19th.  As 
the  average,  after  deducting  39  for  the  first  day  of  the  month,  would  be  about 
11,  there  seems  thus  to  have  been  at  this  period  in  Babylonia  a  marked 
abstention  from  secular  work  on  these  five  days,  especially  on  the  19th.  In 
the  8th  and  7th  centuries,  on  the  contrary,  out  of  356  dated  documents,  40 
are  dated  on  the  first  of  the  month,  12  on  the  7th,  11  on  the  14th,  16  on  the 
21st,  11  on  the  28th,  and  only  2  on  the  19th:  in  this  period,  the  only  day 
marked  by  such  abstention  was  the  19th  (Johns,  Exp.  Times,  Sept.  1906, 
p.  567;  cf.  Dec.  p.  141).    In  the  neo-Babylouian  period  contracts  appear  to 


ADDENDA  XXV 

have  been  signed  as  frequently  on  the  19th  day  of  the  month  as  on  the  other 
days  (Schiaparelli,  Astronomy  in  the  OT.  1905,  pp.  176 — 8,  with  statistics 
respecting  2764  tablets  dating  from  b.c.  604 — 449).  Out  of  2554  tablets 
examined  by  R.  D.  Wilson  {Princeton  Theol.  Rev.  Apr.  1903,  p.  246),  and  for 
which  therefore  the  average  would  be  85,  54  are  dated  on  the  7th  of  the 
month,  88  on  the  14th,  180  on  the  "21st,  67  on  the  28th,  and  only  8  on  the 
19th:   but  it  is  not  stated  to  what  period  or  periods  these  tablets  belong. 

P.  34  n.  3.  In  a  recently  discovered  lexical  tablet,  the  word  slmpattu, 
'sabbath,'  is  used  in  explanation  of  the  Sumerian  Ud-huia-kam  (the  '15th 
day,'  i.e.  the  day  of  the  full  moon):  see  Zimmern,  ZDMG.  1904,  pp.  199  flf.  See 
a  translation  of  the  tablet  in  Pinches,  OT.  in  the  light  of  the  hist,  records 
and  legends  of  Ass.  and  Bab.^  (1908),  p.  527:  it  explains  different  expressions 
in  which  the  word  Ud  ('day ')  occurs. 

Both  Zimmern  (p.  201)  and  Pinches  (p.  27  f.)  are  of  opinion  that  though 
one  of  the  characters  is  mutilated,  shapattu  occurs  also  in  the  fifth  of  the 
Creation-tablets.  Line  14,  viz.,  as  given  below  (p.  29),  is  followed  by  five  lines, 
of  wliich  the  last  four  are  addressed  to  the  moon ;  and  the  fourth  of  these  is 
read  by  Zimmern  and  Pinches  as  here  rendered  (the  rest  in  Unguad's  trans- 
lation, in  Gressmann's  Texte  u.  Bilder  zum  AT.  1909,  i.  20): — 

'  He  exalted  him  monthly,  without  fail,  in  a  tiara : 
"At  the  beginning  of  the  month  shalt  thou  rise  over  the  land, 
With  horns  shalt  thou  shine,  to  determine  six  days : 
On  the  seventh  day,  [shew  thou]  a  half-tiara, 
On  the  [sa]bbath  thou  shalt  be  equal  [in  both]  halves,"' 

'Sabbath'  will  here  denote  the  14th  (or  I5th)  day  of  the  month. 

P.  51  ff.  See  further,  on  Gen.  iii.,  the  very  full  discussion  in  Tennant,  77ie 
Sources  of  the  Doctrines  of  the  Fall  and  Original  Sin,  1903  (including  the 
history  of  these  doctrines  in  later  Jewish  and  Chiistian  hands). 

P.  52  n.  4.  Bat  see  R.  C.  Thompson,  as  cited  in  the  Exp.  Times,  Nov. 
1903,  p.  50  f.,  who  contends  that  no  sacred  garden  is  here  referred  to  at  all. 

P.  72.  With  the  views  respecting  Cain  here  referred  to,  conip.  Foakcs- 
Jackson,  The  Biblical  History  of  the  Hebrews  (1903),  pp.  7,  363  f 

P.  106.  The  fact  that  the  Babylonian  narrative  of  the  Flood  exhibits 
agreements  with  both  J  and  P  has  been  used  lately  as  an  argument  for 
impugning  the  critical  conclusion  that  the  Biblical  narrative  is  composite.  It 
is  difficult  to  take  this  argument  seriously.  The  critical  view  is  (p.  107)  that 
the  story, — with  of  course  such  Babylonian  features  as  were  included  in  it, — 
was  current  in  Palestine,  that  it  was  committed  to  writing  in  two  sliglitly 
different  forms,  and  that  excerpts  from  the  two  texts  thus  produced  were 
combined  to  form  the  existing  Biblical  narrative.  If  the  Biblical  narrative 
arose  in  this  way,  the  marvel  surely  would  be  if  hoth  its  component  parts, — 
derived,  as  ex  hyp.  tliey  both  are,  from  a  story  containing  Babylonian  features, 
— did  not  exhibit  resemblances  with  the  Babylonian  narrative. 

P.  Iu7  f.  Siiss's  discussion  of  the  Babylonian  story  of  the  Flood  is 
accessible  now  to  English  readers  in  the  English  translation  of  his  Face  of 
the  Earth  (1904),  i.  20—40  (esp.  pp.  30  ff.),  57,  63—65,  69,  71  f.     See,  however, 

D.  6 


XXVI  ADDENDA 

also  the  criticism  of  Sollas,  77te  Age  of  the  Earth,  p.  316,  who  points  out  that 
in  view  of  the  now  known  elevation  of  the  point  at  which  the  Zab  enters  the 
Assyrian  plain  above  the  sea, — some  600  ft., — no  recorded  combination  even  of 
a  cyclone  with  an  earthquake  could  have  driven  a  storm-wave  even  remotely 
as  far ;  it  would  not  have  driven  it  up  the  Tigris  even  as  far  as  Bagdad 
(154  ft.  above  the  sea).  If,  therefore,  this  is  the  true  explanation  of  the 
Babylonian  Flood-story,  there  must,  in  so  far  as  5asisadra's  ship  is  repre- 
sented as  grounding  on  JJisir,  be  considerable  exaggeration  of  the  facts. 

P.  125.  Interesting  additions  to  our  knowledge  of  the  Hittites  have  been 
made  lately  by  the  excavations  of  Prof.  Winckler  in  1906 — 7  at  Boghaz-keui, 
the  old  capital  of  the  Hittites,  in  the  modem  province  of  Angora,  the  ancient 
Cappadocia.  Here,  in  what  seem  to  have  been  the  archives  of  the  ancient 
Hittite  kings,  an  extensive  collection  of  cuneiform  inscriptions,  expressed  in 
partly  the  language  of  Babylonia,  partly  the  native  language  of  the  country, 
has  been  discovered,  giving  much  information  about  the  history  and  political 
condition  of  the  Hittites  and  neighbouring  peoples,  and  also  testifying  to  the 
brisk  political  correspondence  carried  on  at  this  distant  period  between  the 
Hittite  kings  and  other  nations,  including  even  Egypt,  in  Babylonian.  It  is 
striking  evidence  of  the  wide-reaching  influence  of  Babylonia  in  the  ancient 
world,  to  find  Cappadocia  and  Egypt  corresponding  in  its  language  and 
script  Among  other  notable  discoveries  made  at  Boghaz-keui  were  portions 
of  the  Babylonian  version  of  the  famous  treaty,  concluded  by  Ramses  II 
with  the  Hittites  in  his  21st  year,  c.  1280 — 1270  B.C.,  of  which  previously  only 
the  Egyptian  text  had  been  known.  See  the  Mitteilungen  der  Deutschen 
Orient-Gesellscha/t,  No.  35  (Berlin,  Dec.  1907). 

P.  131,  note  on  x.  29, 1. 8.  This  identification,  which  was  originally  Lassen's, 
is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  'algum,'  and  the  Heb.  words  for  ivory,  apes,  and 
peacocks,  are  apparently  Indian :  see  Max  Miiller,  Lectures  on  the  Science  of 
Language,  first  series,  ed.  1864,  pp.  208  ff.  (who  accepts  it).  It  is  objected 
(Keane,  The  Gold  of  Ophir,  46  f.)  that  Ahhira  is  not  the  name  of  a  people,  but 
means  simjily  a  region  where  the  Ahhirs,  a  widespread  caste  of  'cowherds,' 
were  settled.  Still  Ptolemy  mentions  a  district  Aberia  in  precisely  the  same 
locality:  and  Josephus  {Ant.  viii.  6.  4)  identified  2(o(f)€ipa  [lxx.  for  'Ophir'  has 
in  1  K.  ix.  28  Sw^^pa]  with  Chryse  (i.e.  Malacca),  'which  belongs  to  India.' 

P.  131  n.  4,  on  x.  29,  Ophir.  It  should  have  been  stated  that  Prof.  Keane, 
though  he  identifies  Ophir  with  Dhofar  on  the  S.  coast  of  Arabia,  considers 
that  the  'gold  of  Ophir'  was  found  in  Mashonalaud,  and  only  brought  to 
'Ophir'  as  an  emporium.  Dr  Carl  Peters  discusses  the  question  of  Ophir 
at  great  length  in  his  Eldorado  of  the  Ancients  (1902),  pp.  289 — 369.  Peters, 
however,  distinguishes  between  the  Ophir  of  Gen.  x.  29  and  the  Ophir  of 
Solomon,  whence  the  gold  came :  for  the  Ophir  of  Gen.  x.  29  he  follows 
(p.  293)  the  view  adopted  by  Glaser  (below,  p.  131  n.  4),  npun  grounds  developed 
with  much  learning,  but  not  cogent,  that  it  was  on  the  Arabian  coast  of  the 
Persian  Gulf;  the  Ophir  of  Solomon  he  finds  (p.  341  f.)  in  Ma.<<honaland  between 
the  Zambe.si  and  tne  Sabi.  There  certainly  were  anciently  v.rv  extensive 
g'ld-workmgs  in  Maslionaland,  as  Bent  {2'he  Ruined  Cities  of  Maslionaland, 


ADDENDA  XXVII 

1892),  ftwd  especially  Hall  and  Neal  {The  Ancient  Buina  cf  Rhodesia,  1902), 
have  abundantly  shewn.  It  is  contended  by  Peters  that  the  ruins  of  the 
great  Zimbabwe  (  =  ' House  of  Stone')  and  other  places  in  Rhodesia  are  of  a 
character  shewing  that  they  were  constructed  by  Phoenicians  and  Sabaeans 
(pp.  353  flf.,  364;  cf.  Keane,  The  Gold  of  Ophir,  pp.  160  ff.  [but  see  below, 
p.  XLII]).  Keane  places  even  the  Havilah  of  Gen.  ii.  11  in  Rhodesia,  the 
Pishon  being,  seemingly,  the  Zambesi  (p.  192);  and  supposes  Tarshish  to  have 
been  the  seaport  Sofiila  (20°  S.).  The  grounds  on  wliich  these  positions 
rest  require  to  be  carefully  tested:  but  as  it  is  not  affirmed  by  either 
of  these  writers  that  the  Ophir  of  Genesis  was  in  Mashonaland,  a  con- 
sideration of  their  arguments  lies  beyond  the  scope  of  the  present  com- 
mentary. The  hypothesis  of  two  Ophirs  should  clearly  be  only  a  last  resort. 
In  view  of  the  connexion  in  which  Ophir  stands  in  Gen.  x.,  '  the  burden  of 
proof,'  as  Mr  Twisleton  said  long  ago  (Ophir,  in  Smith,  DB.  ii.  1S63,  p.  640), 
'lies  on  anyone  who  denies  Ophir  to  have  been  in  Arabia':  at  the  same  time 
difficulties  undoubtedly  arise,  partly  from  the  apparently  Indian  origin  of  the 
Heb.  words  referred  to  above,  partly  from  the  fact  that  Arabia  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  a  country  capable  of  producing  gold  in  such  quantities  as 
Solomon  (even  allowing  for  some  hj^jerbole)  appears  to  have  obtained  from 
it  (1  K.  ix.  28;  cf.  x.  14  ffi).  Hence  the  view  that  Ophir,  though  in  Arabia, 
was  an  emporium  for  gold  brought  to  it  from  elsewhere;  though  even  so,  as 
Palestine  was  a  comparatively  poor  country,  it  is  difficult  to  think  what  com- 
modities Solomon  would  have  had  to  offer  in  exchange  for  the  gold  obtained 
by  him,  and  the  inference  has  accordingly  been  drawn  that  the  Israelites 
must  have  mined  the  gold  themselves  (Keane,  p.  57  f.)-  This  inference,  it 
correct,  would  seem  to  imply  that  it  was  procured  from  some  country  other 
than  Arabia.  See  further  EncB.  s.v. ;  Budge,  Hist,  of  Egypt,  ii.  132 — 4; 
Glaser,  Zwei  Publikationen  [those  of  Keane  and  Peters]  iiher  Ophir  (1902). 

P.  138.  It  is  conjectured  by  Prof.  Sayce  {Exp.  T.  Feb.  1907,  p.  232  f) 
that  ^Eher  is  from  ibira,  a  'commercial  traveller'  (from  eheru,  to  cross  over), 
and  denoted  originally  the  trader  who  *  crossed '  the  Euphrates  from  its  W. 
to  its  B.  bank.  The  conjecture  rests  upon  a  slender  basis:  for  ihira  is 
apparently  an  extremely  rare  word,  occurring  only  on  two  lexical  tablets  as 
a  Sumerian  gloss  on  the  Ass.  damkaru,  'merchant.'  Deut.  xxvi.  5  lends  no 
support  to  the  conjecture:  for  'wandering'  (RVm.)  does  not,  as  Prof.  Sayce 
seems  strangely  to  suppose,  mean  'travelling'  like  an  itinerant  commercial 
agent,  but  *  wandering '  like  one  who  has  lost  his  way,  and  is  on  the  point 
of  perishing  (see  1  S.  ix.  3,  Ps.  cxix.  116,  Jer.  1.  6,  where  the  same  word, 
lit.  perishing,  is  used  of  a  '  lost '  animal). 

P.  156  n.  4.  Babylonian  chronology  for  all  the  earlier  period  of  the 
history  is  founded  upon  the  tablet  published  first  by  Mr  Pinches  in  1884, 
containing  a  list  (A),  unfortunately  mutilated  in  parts,  of  the  kings  from  the 
First  dynasty  to  the  7th  cent.  B.C. :  by  the  side  of  each  king's  name  is  given 
the  number  of  years  of  his  reign,  and  at  the  end  of  each  dynasty  tlie  sum  of 
the  years  of  reign  of  all  the  kings  of  that  dynasty.  The  kings  of  the  First 
dynasty  are  all  missing  from  this  tablet ;  but  they  could  happily  be  supplied 

62 


XXVIII  ADDENDA 

from  another  (B),  which  had  been  published  by  Mr  Pinches,  four  years  pre- 
viously, in  1880,  and  which  contained  a  list  of  the  kings  of  the  First  and 
Second  dynasties ^  These  lists  may  be  read  most  conveniently  in  Records 
of  the  Past,  second  series,  vol.  i.  pp.  13 — 19;  in  E'B.  ii.  286 — 9;  and,  cor- 
rected and  supplemented  from  other  sources,  in  Gressmann,  Altorientalische 
Texte  und  Bilder  zum  AT.  (1909),  i.  103—5;  or  Meyer's  Gesch.  d.  Alter- 
tum^,  I,  ii.  (1909),  on  the  chart  opposite  p.  334.  The  data  contained  even 
in  list  A  do  not  enable  us  to  determine  directly  the  dates  B.o.  of  the  earlier 
Babylonian  dynasties :  but  help  is  afforded  in  doing  this  by  statements  made 
by  several  of  the  later  Bab.  and  Ass.  kings  of  the  intervals  which  had  elapsed 
between  certain  of  the  earlier  kings  and  themselves.  Unfortunately,  however, 
these  statements  are  not  all  consistent  with  each  other,  and  do  not  con- 
sequently lead  to  the  same  results.  (See  a  synopsis  of  the  statements,  and 
a  discussion  of  the  problems  to  which  they  give  rise,  in  Rogers'  Hist,  of  Bab. 
and  Ass.  1900,  i.  312 — 348.)  There  is  however  a  general  agreement  among 
Assyi-iologists  that  the  Third,  or  Kasshite  dynasty  (see  on  Gen,  x.  8),  which 
is  said  in  the  list  to  have  remained  in  power  for  576  years,  began  about 
B.C.  1760  (Rogers,  1782).  The  First  dynasty  is  said  in  the  list  to  have 
lasted  304  years,  and  the  Second  368  years;  upon  the  assumption,  therefore, 
which  seemed  to  follow  naturally  from  the  manner  in  which  the  list  was 
arranged,  that  these  dynasties  were  consecutive,  the  First  dynasty  was 
generally  supposed  to  have  begun  c.  2440  B.C.  (Rogers,  2454).  In  1907,  how- 
ever, Mr  L.  W.  King2  published,  from  the  tablets  stored  in  the  British 
Museum,  a  chronicle  shewing  that  the  Second  dynasty  did  not  fdlotc  the 
First,  but  was  partly  contemporary  with  both  the  First  and  the  Third, 
Ilima-ilu,  the  first  king  of  the  Second  dynasty,  being  a  contemporary  of 
Samsu-iluna  and  Abi-eshuh,  the  7th  and  8th  kings  of  the  First  dynasty, 
and  Ea-gamil,  the  last  king  of  the  Second  dynasty,  being  contemporary  with 
Bitiliash, — or,  as  the  name  is  now  read,  Kashtiliash, — to  all  api)carance  the 
3rd  king  of  the  Third  dynasty.  The  discovery  of  this  chronicle  of  course 
modified  the  dates  which  had  commonly  been  assumed  previously  for  the 
First  dynasty,  and  with  it  the  date  of  its  6th  king,  ijammurabi. 

Here  is  a  list  of  the  kings  of  the  first  three  Babylonian  dynasties,  with 
the  dates  assigned  to  them  by  Ungnad^,  the  scholar  who,  with  Thureau- 
Dangin*,  has  been  the  latest  to  discuss  them.  The  principal  chronological 
statements  made  by  various  later  kings  are  appended  in  footnotes:  it  will  be 
seen  that  they  do  not  all  lead  to  consistent  results : — 


1  The  names,  and  lengths  of  reign,  of  the  kings  of  the  First  dynasty  are  also 
now  known  independently  from  chronicles  that  have  been  discovered  siuce. 

2  Chronicles  of  Early  'Bah.  Kuu/s,  1907,  ii.  1  fl.     See  pp.  22—24. 

3  Orieiitalistische  LiW-ratur-Zeitung,  1908,  p.  13  f.  (cf.  1907,  p.  638) ;  and  in 
Gressraann's  Texte  u.  Bilder  (1909),  quoted  above,  i.  103  f.  Thureau-Dangin  diSers 
from  Ungnad  only  iu  giving  for  the  Third  dynasty  b.o.  1761 — 1186  (so  also  Meyer) 
instead  of  e.g.  1757—1182. 

*  Journal  des  Savants,  1908,  pp.  190  S.  (with  Table,  p.  199J ;  and  in  Z.fUr  Ass. 
1908,  pp.  176  S.  (with  Table,  p.  1«0). 


ADDENDA 


XXIX 


First  Dynasty. 

1.  Sumu-abu  (14 1),  b.c.  2232—22199. 

2.  Sumu-la-el  (36),  2218—2183. 

3.  Zabum  (14),  2182—2169. 

4.  Abil-Sin  (18),  2168—2151. 

5.  Sin-muballit  (20),  2150—2131. 

6.  Hammurabi  (43),  2130-20883. 

7.  Samsu-iluna  (38),  2087—2050. 

8.  Abi-eshu'  (28),  2049—2022. 

9.  Ammi-ditaaa  (37),  2021—1985. 

10.  Ammi-zaduga  (21),  1984—1964. 

11.  Samsu-ditana  (31),  1963—1933. 

11  Kings.     [300]  years. 

Third  Dynasty 
(The  Kasshites). 

1.  Gandash  (16^),  b.c.  1757—1742. 

2.  Agum  I  (22),  1741—1720. 

3.  Kashtiliash  (22),  1719—1698. 

4.  Ushshi  (8),  1097—1690. 


Second  Dynasty 

(of  the  Country  of  tbe  Sea,  i.e.  Lower 

Babylonia). 

1.  Ilima-ilu  (60^),  b.c.  2085—20266. 

2.  Itti-ili-nibi  (55),  2025—1971. 

3.  Damki-ilishu  (36),  1970—1935. 

4.  Ishkibal  (15),  1934—1920. 

5.  Shushshi  (27),  1919—1893. 

6.  Gulkishar  (55),  1892— 1838'. 

7.  Peshgal-daramash     (50),      1837— 

1788. 

8.  Adara-kalama  (28),  1787—1760. 

9.  Ekur-ulanna  (20),  1759—1734. 

10.  Melamma-kurknra  (7) ,  1733—1727. 

11.  Ea-gamil  (9),  1726—17188. 

11  Kings.     368  years. 


1  The  regnal  j'ears  of  the  kings  of  this  dynasty  (as  far  as  Ammi-ditana)  are 
supplied  not  from  List  P>  (the  figures  in  which  are  inexact),  but  from  a  recently 
discovered  Chronicle  of  the  First  dynasty,  based  upon  two  contemporary  documents 
dating  from  the  reign  of  Ammi-zaduga  (see  King,  Letters  and  Inscriptions  of 
Hammurabi,  iii.  (190u),  pp.  213  ff.,  where  the  Chronicle  is  printed  at  length). 

2  Contemporary,  according  to  Chronicle  K  (King,  Chronicles,  i.  14;  Gressmann, 
i.  107),  with  '  Ilu-shumma,  kiiig  of  Assyria.'  Now,  Irishum,  *  priest  of  Asshur,'  and 
'son  of  Ilu-shumma,'  according  to  Shalmaneser  I  (c.  1300  c.c),  restored  a  temple 
159  years  before  Shamshi-Adad,  who  did  so  again  580  years  before  Shalmaneser 
himself:  according  to  Esarhaddon  (b.c.  680 — 668),  Irishum  restored  the  temple 
126  years  before  Shamshi-Adad,  who  did  so  again  404  years  before  Shalmaneser  I 
(King,  i.  121  f.).  If,  then,  this  Ilu-shumma — who  is  also  elsewhere  called  'patesi 
(priest-khig)  of  Asshur'  (Mittnl.  d.  Orient-Gesellschaft,  Nos.  20,  p.  28,  26,  p.  54) — 
is  the  same  as  'Ilu-shumma,  king  of  Assyria,'  the  contemporary  of  Sumu-abu,  the 
date  of  Sumu-abu  will  be,  according  to  Shalmaneser  I,  c.  2100  b.c,  and  according 
to  Esarhaddon,  c.  1900  b.c. 

*  Lived,  according  to  Nabu-na'id  (b.c.  559 — 539),  700  years  before  Buruaburlash 
(1399—1365  B.C.  :  see  below,  No.  19),  i.e.  c.  2100  b.c.     See  Rogers,  i.  317. 

*  The  regnal  years  in  this  dynasty,  as  given  in  List  A.  The  names  and  regnal 
years  enclosed  in  square  brackets  are  not  preserved  on  the  tablet,  but  are  supplied 
from  other  sources  (cf.  Meyer,  op.  cit.,  chart  opposite  to  p.  334).  See,  for  some 
differences  in  the  dates  and  arrangement  of  Nos.  19 — 28,  Langdon,  Exp.  Times, 
July,  1909,  p.  456  f. 

^  The  regnal  years  in  this  dynasty,  as  given  in  List  A. 

*  Waged  war  with  Samsu-iluna  and  Abi-eshu'.  See  the  words  of  the  Chronicle 
shewing  this  in  King,  ii.  20  f.,  or  Gressmann,  i.  107. 

■^  Reigned,  according  to  a  boundary-stone  dated  the  4th  year  of  Bel-nadin-apli 
(c.  1125  B.C.),  696  years  before  Nebuchadnezzar  I  (c.  1100  b.c),  i.e.  c.  1850  b.c. 
See  Rogers,  i.  316. 

8  An  older  contemporary  of  Kashtiliash,  the  Kasshite.  The  words  of  the 
Chronicle  are  (King,  ii.  22  f. ;  Texte  u.  Bilder,  i.  107),  'Ea-gamil,  king  of  the 
Country  of  the  Sea,  [marched]  against  Elam.  After  him  (i.e.  after  his  death, 
Thureau-Dangin),  the  Kasshite,  Ulam-Buriash,  brother  of  Kashtiliash,  assembled 
his  army,  and  conquered  the  Country  of  the  Sea.' 


XXX  ADDENDA 

6.    Abi-rattash  (-),  1689  [—1670]. 

6.  Tazzigurmash  (-),  [1669—1650]. 

7.  Agum  n  (-)  [1649—1620]. 

8-15.    [The  names  of  8  kings  missing : 
c.  1619—1430.] 

16.  [Karaindash,  1429— 1415?] 

17.  [Kadashman-harbe,  1414— 1405  V] 

18.  [Kurigalzu  I,  1404—1400.] 

19.  [Burnaburiash,  1399-1365*.] 

20.  [Karahardash,  1364.] 
213.  [Nazibugash,  1363.] 

22.  [Kurigalzu  II]  (32?),  1362—1331. 

23.  [Nazimaruttash]  (26),  1330—1305. 

24.  [Kadashman-Turgu]    (17),   1304— 

1288. 

25.  Kadash[man-harbe]    (6?),    1287— 

1282. 

26.  Kutur-Eim  (8?),  1281—1274. 

27.  Shagarakti-shuriash    (13),    1273— 

1261*. 

28.  Kashtiliash  (8),  1260—1258. 

29.  Ellil-nadin-shumi  (6mo.),  1252. 

30.  Eadashman-hai'be  (6  mo.),  1251— 

1250. 

31.  Eamman-shum-iddina  (6),  1249 — 

1244. 

32.  Eamman-shum-UBur   (30),    1243— 

1214. 

33.  Meli-shipak  (15),  1213—1199. 

34.  Marduk-ablu-iddina    (13),    1198— 

1186. 
85.     Zamama-shum-iddina  (1),  1185^. 
36.    Bel-nadin[-abi]  (3),  1184—1182. 
36  Kings.    576  years,  9  mo. 

The  Second  dynasty,  it  is  supposed,  reigned  in  Babylon  itself  during 
the  176  years  that  intervened  between  the  First  and  Third  dynasties. 

Poebel  {Z.  fur  Ass.  1908,  pp.  162  fif.:  see  the  Table,  p.  175)  agrees  with 

^  In  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  corresponds  with  AmenhStep  III  (b.c.  1414 — 1383). 
Called  Eallimasin  by  Petrie,  aud  Winckler  {KB.  v.  1 — 13) ;  Knudzton  (Die  el- 
AiiKirna-Tafeln,  1907,  pp.  60  ff.)  reads  the  name  as  it  is  given  here. 

^  In  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  corresponds  with  Amenh6tep  IV  (b.c.  1383 — 1365, 
Petrie). 

"  Contract-tablets  dated  in  the  reigns  of  Nos.  21 — 28  exist  (Meyer,  I.e.). 

*  Said  by  Nabu-na'id  to  have  lived  800  years  before  himself,  i.e.  c.  b.c.  1350 
(Rogers,  i.  318).  This  date  is  not  consistent  with  the  one  given  in  the  next  note: 
"Ungnad  is  guided  by  that  date,  Poebel  by  this  (so  also  Radau  and  Langdon). 

e  Waged  war  with  Ashur-dan,  king  of  Assyria.  Ashur-dan  reigned  60  years 
before  Tiglath-Pileser  I  (Rogers,  i.  326),  who,  Sennacherib  says  (Rogers,  i.  320), 
reigned  4i8  years  before  himself  h.o.  705 — 681),  i.e.  c.  1110  B.C.,  so  that  Ashur- 
ilan's  date  would  be  c.  1170  B.o. 


ADDENDA  XXXI 

Thureau-Dangin  and  Ungnad  in  the  place  which  he  assigns  to  the  Second 
dynasty,  relatively  to  the  First  and  Third  dynasties,  i.e.  he  supposes  the 
First  and  Third  dynasties  to  be  separated  by  the  same  interval ;  but,  as  he 
takes  Nabu-na'id's  800  years  for  the  interval  between  Shagarakti-shuriash  and 
himself  as  exact,  he  places  that  king,  and  with  him  the  whole  Kasshite 
dj'nasty,  80  years  earlier  than  Thureau-Dangin  and  Ungnad  do,  making  it 
begin  1841  B.C.,  and  assigning  correspondingly  higher  dates  to  the  First 
dynasty  (b.c.  2300—2000),  and  to  Hammurabi  (b.c.  2198—2155). 

King  (i.  101—113)  and  Meyer  {Gesch.  d.  Altertums\  i.  ii.  (1909),  pp.  339, 
340 — 1 ;  cf.  the  Table,  p.  585),  urging  the  facts  that  the  kings  of  the  Second 
dynasty  are  called  not  kings  of  Babylon,  but  kings  of  the  'Country  of  the  Sea' 
(i.e.  Lower  Babylonia),  and  also  that  no  inscriptions  of  the  Second  dynasty 
have  been  found  in  or  near  Babylon,  eliminate  the  Second  dynasty  altogether 
from  the  succession  of  Babylonian  dynasties,  and  make  the  Third  dynasty 
follow  immediately  after  the  First.  The  date  for  the  First  dynasty,  according 
to  these  scholars,  is  thus  b.c.  2060 — 1761,  and  for  Hammurabi,  b.c.  1958 — 1916. 
This  date,  it  is  pointed  out,  agrees  with  that  which  would  follow  for  Sumu-abu 
(c,  2100)  from  the  statements  of  Shalmaneser  I  (p.  XXIX  n.).  As  llima-ilu,  the 
first  king  of  the  Second  dynasty,  synchronizes  with  Samsu-iluna,  the  Second 
dynasty  will  now  begin  c.  1910  B.C.,  and  end  (King)  368  years  afterwards, 
i.e.  c.  1542  B.O. :  Kashtiliash,  the  contemporary  of  Ea-gamil,  is  thus,  according 
to  King,  not — as  it  seems  natural  to  suppose — the  third  Kasshite  king  of 
that  name,  but  an  at  present  otherwise  unknown  king,  who  lived  after  the 
7th  Kasshite  king,  Agum  1 1.  Meyer,  on  the  contrary,  arguing  that  368  years 
is  an  improbably  long  period  for  a  dynasty  of  11  kings,  reduces  it  to  200 
years:  beginning  c.  1910  B.C.,  it  thus  ends  c.  1710  B.C. ;  and  Kashtiliash,  the 
contemporary  of  Ea-gamil,  is  the  third  Kasshite  king  of  that  name.  In 
making  the  Third  dynasty  continuous  with  the  First,  King  thus  abandons 
the  synchronism  of  Ea-gamil  with  Kashtiliash ;  Meyer  retains  this  syn 
chronism,  but  reduces  all  the  reigns  of  the  kings  of  the  Second  dynasty. 
We  must  await  future  discoveries ;  but  meanwhile  the  view  of  Thureau-Dangin 
and  Ungnad  seems  to  do  better  justice  to  the  data  we  at  present  possess. 
[Meyer  now  (1913),  upon  fresh  astronomical  data,  agi-ees  with  it.] 

P.  156  n.  5.  It  is  considered  now  that  Kudur-mabuk  had  two  sons  ;  and 
that  Arioch  is  to  be  identified  not  with  Rim-sin,  but  with  his  brother  Arad-sin, 
'Arioch'  corresponding  to  Eri-agu,  the  Sumerian  equivalent  of  Arad-sin. 
I  quote  from  a  letter  received  from  Dr  Stephen  Langdon,  Reader  of  Assyrio- 
logy  in  the  University  of  Oxford: — 'The  fact  that  Kudur-mabuk  had  two 
sons,  Eri-'^agu,  and  Rim-^agu^  or  Rlm-^^^Sin,  was  discovered  by  Bezold 
some  years  ago,  and  established  by  Thureau-Dangin  in  his  Die  Sumerischen 
u.  Akkadischen  Inschriften  (1907),  p.  210,  note*.  Arad-^^^'Sin  is  Semitic  for 
the  Sumerian  Eri-^agu.  Arad-^^^Sin  in  Semitic  means  "Servant  of  Sin" 
(the  Moon-God) :  and  in  Sumerian  Eri-^agu  means  "  Man  of  the  Crown " 

^  ^agu  stands  for  ^^^siragu,  the  Sumerian  for  '  God  of  the  Crown '  (agu  meaning 
'crown,'  and  being  the  Sumerian  name  of  the  Moon-God,  and  dinoir  being  the 
determinative  of  'God') :  it  is  thus  the  Sumerian  equivalent  of  the  Semitic  »'"*Sin, 
the  'Moon-God.'    'Eim-Siu'  means  the  'Wild-ox  (DiO)  of  the  Moon-God.' 


XXXII  ADDENDA 

(i.e.  of  the  Moon-God);  the  two  names  are  thus  equivalent  in  meaning  to  each 
other ;  and  Eri-^agu  is  just  the  Sumerian  name  of  Arad-'*"Sin,  the  elder  son 
of  Kudur-mabuk.  The  Elamite  mahuk  seems  to  replace  lagomar  in  the 
equation  Kudur-mabuk  =  Kudur-lagomar.  It  appears  to  me  that  Kudur- 
mabuk  of  the  Larsa  inscriptions  (mostly  Sumerian)  is  identical  with  the  Biblical 
Kudur-lagomar  ("  Chedorla'omer").' 

The  inscriptions  which  were  formerly  all  regarded  as  relating  to  Rim-sin 
are  now  referred  partly  to  Arad-sin,  and  partly  to  Rim-sin.  See  Thureau- 
Dangin,  op.  cit.  pp.  211 — 221  (where  six  inscriptions  of  Arad-sin  are  translated, 
and  six  of  Rim-sin i);  and,  for  the  history,  Ed.  Meyer,  Gesch.  des  AUertums\ 
I.  ii.  (1909),  pp.  650—556. 

Here  are  two  of  the  inscriptions,  as  translated  by  Thureau-Dangin  : — 

(Brick  A,  from  Mukayyar=Ur.)  'To  Nannar,  his  king,  Kudur-mabuk, 
adda  of  the  land  of  Martu,  son  of  Simti-shilhak,  when  Nannar  had  received 
his  prayer,  built  the...?...  of  Nannar,  for  his  own  life,  and  for  the  life  of 
Arad-sin,  his  son,  king  of  Larsa.' 

(Brick  B,  also  from  Mukayyar.)  *  Arad-sin,  the  mighty  man,  whom  as  a 
righteous  shepherd  (king)  En-lil  (Bel)  has  appointed,  who  cares  for  Ur,  king  of 
Larsa,  king  of  Shumer  and  Akkad — son  of  Kudur-mabuk,  the  adda  of 
Yamutbal,  am  I.  That  I  might  enlarge  Ur,  and  have  an  exalted  name,  have 
I  humbly  prayed  ;  Nannar,  my  king,  has  heard  me :  a  great  wall,  which,  like 
a  lofty  mountain,  cannot  be  undermined,  which  shines  like  the  glow  of  terror, 
have  I  built  him.  May  his  city  be  firmly  established !  This  wall,  "  Nannar 
makes  sure  the  soil  of  the  land  "  is  its  name.' 

In  a  third  inscription  Arad-sin  speaks  of  himself  as  onewho  fulfils  the  decisions 
of  Eiidu,  restores  Lagash  and  Girsu^,  and  renovates  the  city  and  the  land;  and 
says  that  when  the  God  of  the  new  moon  had  let  him  behold  his  favourable 
sign,  and  commanded  him  to  rebuild  and  restore  his  temple,  he  had  built  the 
temple  in  which  the  god  delighted,  for  his  own  life,  and  for  the  life  of  Kudur- 
mabuk,  his  father  and  begetter. 

It  seems  that  Kudur-mabuk  appointed  first  his  son  Arad-sin  king  in  Larsa, 
and  after  Arad-sin's  death  his  other  son  Rim-sin 3.  Both  speak  of  the  various 
temples  which  they  had  built.  Arad-sin  states  that  he  has  enlarged  Ur,  and 
surrounded  it  with  a  strong  wall,  and  restored  Lagash,  and  boasts  that  he  has 
been  appointed  a  '  righteous  shepherd'  of  the  god  EUil  of  Nippur,  and  that  he 
executes  the  decisions  of  Eridu  (i.e.  of  the  god  Ea,  whose  temple  was  in 
Eridu:  below,  p.  52).  Rim-sin  seems  to  have  extended  the  kuigdom  of 
Arad-sin.  He  not  only  calls  himself  'shepherd  of  the  whole  land  of  Nippur,' 
and  boasts  of  his  care  for  Eridu,  Ur,  Larsa,  and  Lagash,  but  also  says  that 
Anu,  EUil,  Ea,  and  all  the  great  gods  have  given  Uruk  (Erech)  into  his 

^  These  translations  supersede  the  more  tentative  and  incomplete  translations 
of  seven  of  these  inscriptions  given  in  1892  by  Winckler  in  KB.  iii.  1,  pp.  93—99. 

2  The  Tiixevos  of  the  Temple  of  Lagash  (Meyer,  p.  653). 

8  'Arad-sin  in  all  his  inscriptions  mentions  his  father  Kudur-mabuk  as  still 
alive.  Rim-sin  names  him  twice  only :  in  his  other  inscriptions,  in  which  he  does 
not  mention  him,  his  own  name  has  the  divine  determinative ;  probably,  therefore, 
Arad-sin  died  before  his  father;  Rim-sin  succeeded  him,  and  after  his  father's  death 
assumed  divine  honours'  (Thureau-Dangin,  p.  210 a.^). 


ADDENDA  XXXIIl 

hands,  and  tliat  he  has  built  a  temple  there.  He  also  mentions  other 
successes. 

It  will  be  interesting  if  Dr  Langdon's  identification  of  Chedorla'omer 
with  Kudur-niabuk  should  be  confirmed.  It  is  remarked  by  Mr  Ball  {Exp. 
Times,  Oct.  1907,  p.  41)  that  the  name  of  the  deity  LagamcU  (no  doubt,  the 
same  as  Lagamar)  occurs  in  a  number  of  proper  names  on  some  tablets  of  the 
First  dynasty,  recently  acquired  by  St  John's  College,  Oxford. 

P.  157  n.  3.  The  uncertainty  of  the  reading  arises  from  the  *  polyphony'  of 
the  cuneiform  script,  i.e.  from  the  remarkable,  but  well-established  fact  that 
the  same  character  may  denote  diflFerent  sounds^.  In  the  three  inscriptions 
referred  t(?,  the  name  which  has  been  supposed  to  correspond  to  Chedorla'omer 
is  written  iu  characters  which,  read  phonetically,  would  give 

(1)  KU-KU-KU-MAL 

(2)  KU-KU-KU-MAL 

(3)  KU-KU-KU-KU- 

The  last  character  in  (3)  is  obliterated.  Mr  King,  having  stated  these 
facts,  continues,  'The  three  names  are  said  to  be  identical,  and  to  be  a 
fanciful  way  of  writing  Chedorla'omer.  Assuming  that  (3)  is  to  be  restored 
from  (2),  which  is  by  no  means  certain,  we  get  two  forms  of  the  name,  one 
beginning  with  KU  written  three  times,  the  other  with  it  written  four  times. 
As  the  character  has  also  the  value  dur,  and  Kudur  is  a  well-known  com- 
ponent of  Elamite  names,  the  second  occurrence  in  each  name  is  probably  to 
be  transliterated  dur,  so  that  the  names  can  be  reduced  to  Kudiir-ku-mal,  and 
Ku-dur-ku-ku-mal.  In  order  to  get  the  names  more  like  that  of  Chedor- 
la'omer, it  was  suggested  by  Mr  Pinches  that  the  character  in  question  had  on 
its  third  occurrence  the  value  lah  or  la^,  and  the  names  were  transliterated 
by  him  as  Ku-ditr-lay-mal  and  Ku-dur-la^-gu-mal,  the  former  being  de- 
scribed by  him  as  "  defectively  wi'itten."  But  there  is  little  justification  for 
assigning  the  new  value  lah  or  lag  to  the  character  used  ;  and,  though  Ku- 
dur-ku-ku-mal  is  styled  a  king  of  Blara,  there  is  no  reason  for  supposing  him 
a  contemporary  of  Hammurabi.  He  might  have  occupied  the  throne  at  any 
period  before  the  4th  century  B.C.  Although  however  Chedorla'omer's  name 
has  not  yet  been  identified  in  any  Babylonian  inscription,  there  is  no  reason  at 
all  why  it  should  not  be  found  in  one.'  Mr  King  then  proceeds  to  point  out 
(cf.  below,  p.  157  f.)  'that  Chedorla'omer  is  in  form  a  purely  Elamite  name, 
Kudur-Lagamar,  and  that  a  joint  expedition,  such  as  that  described  in 
Gen.  xiv.,  might  have  taken  place,  consistently  with  what  we  know  of  the 
politics  of  the  age,  in  the  early  part  of  Hammurabi's  reign.  Thus  it  would 
not  be  surprising  if  the  name  Chedorla'omer  should  be  found  as  that  of  a 
king  of  Elam  in  an  inscription  of  the  Old  Babylonian  period.  Up  to  the 
present  time,  however,  no  such  discovery  has  been  made.'  Corap.  Johns  in 
the  Expositor,  Oct.  1903,  pp.  282 — 7,  who  after  a  discussion  of  the  names  of 
all  the  four  kings  from  the  East  concludes  (p.  286),  '  The  cuneiform  originals 
suggested  for  the  names  in  Gen.  xiv.  are  therefore  only  ingenious  conjectures. 
They  may  all  be  right,  but  as  yet  not  one  is  proved.' 

^  See  Evett's  New  Light  on  the  Bible  (1892),  pp.  119  ff.,  462—4. 


XXXIV  ADDENDA 

P.  172f.  Prof.  Sayce  has  reverted  to  the  subject  of  Gen.  xiv.  in  the  Exp. 
Times  for  Aug.  1 906,  pp.  498  fif. ;  but  his  article  contains  nothing  which  renders 
it  necessary  for  me  to  modify  anything  that  I  have  written  upon  it.  The 
names  of  Chedorhi'omer's  allies  being,  no  doubt,  Babylonian,  they  would 
naturally  be  derived  through  some  channel  or  other  from  a  Babylonian 
source  ;  but  no  evidence  has  at  present  been  adduced  sufficient  to  shew  that 
they  were  derived  directly  from  a  cuneiform  document  of  Hammurabi's  age, 
still  less  that  the  Heb.  text  of  Gen.  xiv.  is  a  translation,  or  paraphrase,  of  a 
cuneiform  original.  Prof.  Sayce's  conclusions  simply  do  not  follow  from  the 
premises,  or  data,  which  he  uses. 

P.  173.  It  is  stated  by  Prof  Sayce  expressly,  and  by  Dr  Orr^  and  Prof. 
A.  T.  Clay2,  ^^y  implication,  that  Noideke's  arguments  against  the  historical 
character  of  the  narrative  of  Gen.  xiv.  have  been  refuted  by  archaeology.  The 
statement  supplies  such  an  object-lesson  of  the  methods  on  which  the  opponents 
of  criticism  not  unfrequently  rely,  that  it  may  be  worth  while  to  explain  here 
the  grounds  upon  which  it  rests.  Here  are  Prof.  Sayce's  words  {Monumental 
Facts,  1904,  p.  54;  cf,  though  without  Noldeke'sname,  iJ/owwrneni*,  p.  161  f.): — 
'In  1869  the  great  Semitic  scholar,  Professor  Noldeke,  published  a  treatise  on 
the  "Unhistorical  character  of  Gen.  xiv."  He  declared  that  "criticism"  had  for 
ever  disproved  its  claim  to  be  historical.  The  political  situation  presupposed 
by  it  was  incredible  and  impossible ;  at  so  distant  a  date  Babylonian  armies 
could  not  have  marched  to  Canaan,  much  less  could  Canaan  have  been  a 
subject  province  of  Babylonia.  The  whole  story,  in  fact,  was  a  fiction  based 
upon  the  Assyrian  conquest  of  Palestine  in  later  days.  The  names  of  the 
princes  commemorated  in  it  were  etymological  inventions :  eminent  Semitic 
scholars  had  already  explained  those  of  Chedorlaomer  and  his  allies  from 
Sanskrit,  and  those  of  the  Canaanitish  princes  were  derived  from  the  events 
in  which  they  were  supposed  to  have  borne  a  part.'  And  then  he  goes 
on  to  declare  trium^^hantly  (p.  55)  how  the  progress  of  archaeology  has  refuted 
all  these  statements. 

It  will  probably  surprise  the  reader  to  be  told  that,  of  the  series  of 
arguments  thus  attributed  to  Prof.  Noldeke,  while  the  one  about  the  names 
is  attributed  to  him  with  partial  correctness  (though  in  so  far  as  it  is  stated 
correctly,  it  has  not  been  refuted  by  archaeology),  the  other  arguments  were 
never  itsed  by  him  at  all\  Prof.  Noldeke,  in  the  articles  referred  to,  does  not 
say  a  single  word  about  the  political  situation  presupposed  in  Gen.  xiv.  being 
incredible  and  impossible,  or  about  the  impossibility  of  Babylonian  armies  at 
such  a  distant  date  marching  to  Canaan,  or  of  Canaan  being  subject  to 
Babylonia.  On  the  contrary,  what  he  does  say  is  this^:  'Cliedorlaomer,  king 
of  Elam,  appears  clearly  in  vv.  5,  9,  17,  as  the  over-lord  of  the  others  (the 
"Oberkonig").  The  fact  that  we  know  nothing  about  such  a  widely-extended 
hegemony  of  the  people  of  Elam*  is  no  reason  whatever  for  rejecting  this 

^  Problem  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  411. 

2  Light  on  the  OT.  from  Babel  (Philadelphia,  1907),  pp.  125—7. 

3  TJntersuchungen  zur  Kritik  des  AT.s  (1869),  p.  159  f. 

*  Prof.  Sayce  writes  'Babylonia':  but  this  is  quite  beside  the  mark;  the 
narrative  itself  gives  Elam,  not  Babyluuia,  the  politioal  supremacy. 


ADDENDA  XXXV 

statement;  we  know  far  too  little  of  the  ancient  history  of  Western  Asia  to  do 
that.'  So  far  from  denying  the  wide  dominion  of  the  Eastern  power,  Prof. 
Noldeke  thus  expressly  declares  that  there  are  no  reasons  for  questioning  it! 
After  commenting  on  the  perverseness  of  following  Josephus  in  substituting 
'Assyrians'  for  the  'too  obscure  Elamites,'  he  goes  on  to  say,  'What  Ellasar 
was  we  do  not  know;  but  naturally  our  ignorance  of  the  kingdom  can  form  no 
argument  against  the  correctness  of  the  narrative.'  And  in  a  footnote  he 
expressly  rejects  the  explanation  of  Amraphel  from  Sanskrit  (he  mentions 
no  such  explanation  of  any  of  the  other  names),  on  the  ground  that  Indian 
names  are  not  likely  to  have  been  current  in  Babylonia.  The  idea  that  the 
narrative  is  a  fiction  based  upon  Sennacherib's  expedition  against  Judah  is 
mentioned  by  him  (p.  172);  but,  in  spite  of  Prof  Sayce's  statement  to  the 
contrary,  only  to  be  rejected !  The  one  grain  of  truth  in  Prof  Sayce's  long 
indictment  is  that  of  the  names  of  the  five  Canaanite  kings,  which  are  given, 
Bera'  and  Birsha' (suggesting  the  idea  of  'evil'  and  'wickedness'),  and  perhaps 
Shin'ab  and  Shem'eber  as  well,  are  formed  artificially;  but  this  (N.B.)  is  not 
asserted  of  the  name  of  any  of  the  four  kings  from  the  East. 

The  fact  is,  Noldeke's  arguments  on  Gen.  xiv.  have  not  been  refuted,  or 
even  touched,  by  archaeology.  In  all  that  he  said  about  the  four  kings  from 
the  East,  the  hegemony  of  Elam,  the  historical  possibility  of  a  kingdom  of 
Ellasar,  &c.,  he  expressed  himself,  though  writing  forty  years  ago,  with  such 
sound  historical  insight  that,  while  he  left  room  for  all  the  then  unexpected 
discoveries  which  have  since  thrown  such  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  further 
East,  not  one  of  these  discoveries  has  afitected  the  truth  of  what  he  said. 
The  historicity  of  some  at  least  of  the  four  kings  from  the  East  has  been  made 
probable  by  archaeology  :  but  that  Noldeke  did  not  deny.  The  wide-extended 
nile  and  influence  of  Babylonia  in  ancient  times  has  been  proved  by  archaeology ; 
but  that  also  Noldeke  did  not  deny.  He  did  question  the  historicity  of  the 
five  kings  of  Canaan;  but  this  has  not  been  proved  by  archaeology.  Prof 
Sayce  has  simply  not  mentioned  Noldeke's  real  arguments  at  all.  Nor  are 
they  mentioned  by  Dr  Orr  or  Prolessor  Clay.  Noldeke's  real  arguments^  are 
all  based,  not  upon  the  impossibility  of  Babylonia  at  such  a  time  ruling  or 
sending  expeditions  as  far  as  Canaan,  or  upon  the  other  premises  imaginatively 
ascribed  to  him  by  his  critics,  but  upon  the  internal  improbabilities  of  the 
route,  and  certain  other  details,  of  the  expedition  itself  (of  the  kind  indicated 
below,  p.  17 If).  These  arguments  are  forcible,  and  difficult  to  meet  except 
by  the  concession  that  the  details  criticized  are  not  reported  with  literal 
exactness;  certainly  archaeology  has  as  yet  done  nothing  to  meet  them. 
Archaeology  has  met  the  arguments  which  Noldeke  did  not  use :  it  has  not 
met  the  arguments  which  he  did  use.  Noldeke  never  questioned,  as  Prof. 
Sayce  declares  that  he  did,  the  general  possibility  at  this  time  of  an 
expedition  being  sent  from  the  far  East  into  Palestine:  his  argument  con- 
sisted in  pointing  out  various  historical  improbabilities  attaching  to  the  details 
of  a  particular  expedition ;  and  archaeology  can  overthrow  this  argument 
only  by  px'oduciug  evidence  that  this  expedition,  tcith  the  details  as  stated  m 

»  Ibid,  pp,  160—173. 


XXXVI  ADDENDA 

Gen.  xir.,  actually  took  place.    And  this  up  to  the  present  time  (Mar.  1913) 
archaeology  has  not  done.    [See  further  pp.  XLVIII,  XLIX.] 

Dr  Orr  (pp.  411 — 413,  531  f.)  expresses  himself  very  confidently  that  the 
narrative  of  Gen.  xiv.  is  not  a  'Midrash.'  The  present  writer  has  not  main- 
tained that  it  is.  But  in  spite  of  the  archaeological  facts  which  Dr  Orr  has 
amassed  in  support  of  his  position,  a  historian  as  conversant  with  antiquity  as 
Ed.  Meyer,  writing  in  1909,  has  no  hesitation  in  giving  it  that  character 
(Gesch.  d.  Alt.-,  i.  ii.  551  f.).  It  may  be  inferred  that  the  argument  founded 
by  Dr  Orr  upon  the  facts  is  not  as  cogent  as  he  would  desire  it  to  be. 

P.  180.  It  has  been  argued  lately  that  the  patriarchs  'lived  under  the  law 
of  Hammurabi^,'  and  moreover  that  the  laws  implied  in  the  narratives  of 
Genesis  are  those  actually  current  in  the  patriarchal  age,  and  such  as  no  post- 
Mosaic  writer  could  have  imagined  or  invented.  Supposing  this  conclusion  to 
be  sound,  it  would  not  be  inconsistent  with  the  position  taken  in  the  present 
volume,  in  which  it  is  maintained  that  the  patriarchal  narratives  contain  a 
genuine  historical  nucleus  (pp.  Ivii,  Iviii,  143).  The  conclusion  is,  however,  a 
very  doubtful  one.  The  resemblances  appealed  to  are  not  sufficiently  distinc- 
tite  to  prove  what  is  alleged.  Most  of  the  parallels  that  have  been  adduced 
are  too  slight  to  merit  any  attention  (e.g.  Hammurabi's  code,  §  108  and  Gen. 
xlvii.  16,  §  117  and  xlvii.  19,  §  185  and  xv.  3 :  the  law,  also,  of  §  8,  prescribing 
death  as  the  penalty  for  theft  from  a  temple  or  palace,  is  surely  not  needed  to 
explain  the  words  either  of  Laban  in  xxxL  32,  or  of  Joseph's  brethren  in  xliv.  9). 
"What  at  first  sight  appears  to  be  a  stronger  case  is  supplied  by  §  146,  which 
prescribes  that  if  a  man's  wife^  has  given  him  a  concubine,  and  the  concubine 
afterwards  bears  children,  and  makes  herself  equal  with  her  mistress,  because 
she  has  borne  children  her  mistress  may  not  sell  her,  she  may  reduce  her  to 
bondage  (lit.  put  fetters  upon  her),  and  count  her  among  her  women-slaves: 
she  may  only  be  sold  (§  147)  if  she  has  not  borne  children.  Comp.  Gen.  xvi. 
2,  6,  where  Sarah  gives  Abraham  a  concubine,  Hagar,  who,  when  she  finds  that 
she  has  conceived,  is  arrogant  towards  her  mistress,  who  then  'deals  hardly' 
with  her  (also  xxx.  3,  where  Rachel  gives  Laban  a  concubine).  The  action  of 
Rachel,  and  even  that  of  Sarah,  can,  however,  be  quite  naturally  explained 
without  calling  in  Hammurabi's  law.  The  custom  of  having  concubine-slaves, 
— to  say  nothing  of  other  countries, — was,  and  stiU  is,  common  in  the  Semitic 
East;  it  is  implied  for  Israel  in  the  law  of  Ex.  xxi.  7 — 9;  and  it  prevails 
among  the  Arabs  to  the  present  day.  A  custom  so  widely  diffused  as  this), 
and  attested  for  Israel  itself  by  Ex.  xxi.,  obviously  does  not  require  the  code  of 
Hammurabi  to  explain  it.  Even  moreover  though  it  were  true  that  Sarah 
could  not  sell  Hagar,  the  operation  of  Hammurabi's  law  would  not  be  neces- 

*  See,  on  Hammurabi,  p.  156  n.  4,  with  the  references. 

'  'If  a  man  has  married  a  wife,'  ice.  So  Peiser,  Harper,  and  others.  Mr  Johns, 
however, in  §§  144 — 7  renders  '&  votary'  for  '  a  uije,'  and  adheres  to  that  rendering : 
the  sign  used,  he  tells  me,  never  has  the  value  of  aiiatu,  "a  wife,'  and  can  only  be 
80  read  upon  the  assumption  of  an  error  on  the  part  of  the  engraver.  In  its  actual 
wording,  therefore,  Hammurabi's  law  will  apply  not  to  wives  in  general,  but  only 
to  married  "votaries' ;  though  it  is  possible,  as  Mr  Johns  suggests,  that  its  intention 
is  to  extend  to  married  votaries  a  provision  already  in  force  for  other  married 
women. 


ADDENDA  XXXVIl 

sarily  presupposei  In  Mohammedan  countries,  a  concubine-slave  who  has 
borne  children  to  her  master  is  entitled  to  her  freedom,  if  not  immediately, 
yet  at  her  master's  death:  if  he  has  not  already  the  four  wives  allowed  by 
Mohammedan  law,  he  generally  marries  her;  if  he  does  not  do  this,  though  he 
may  continue  to  employ  her  as  a  slave,  he  cannot  sell  her;  at  least,  if  he  does 
so,  it  is  accounted  a  disgrace  to  him^  The  feeling  against  selling  a  concubine- 
slave  who  has  given  her  master  a  child  is  thus  not  peculiar  to  Hammurabi's 
code;  and  the  argument  that  would  prove  the  patriarchs  to  have  lived  under 
Hamnmrabi's  law  would  prove  Mohammedans  to  live  under  it  likewise. 
Probably  indeed  both  Hammurabi  and  Moliammed  merely  codified  an  already 
existing  Semitic  custom.  There  is  nothing  however  in  Gen.  xvi  which  im- 
plies that  Sarah  could  not  sell  Hagar.  Saiah  naturally  resented  her  slave- 
girl's  behaviour,  and  took  measures  of  her  own  to  reduce  her  to  submission, 
so  that  she  fled :  there  is  nothing  to  suggest  that  she  desired  to  sell  her,  so 
that  we  are  not  entitled  to  say  that  she  acted  as  she  did,  because  the  law  did 
not  allow  her  to  sell  her:  in  fact,  the  words  (x'vi.  6)  'do  to  her  that  which  is 
good  in  thine  eyes,'  imply  that  she  was  at  liberty  even,  if  she  pleased,  to  sell 
her.  In  no  case,  therefore,  is  the  hypothesis  that  the  patriarchs  lived  under 
the  law  of  Hammiirabi  required  for  an  explanation  of  the  facts. 

P  180  n.  1.  On  the  supposed  N.  Arabian  'land  of  Musri,'  of  which 
Winckler  and  others  have  recently  made  so  much,  see  now  also  the  criticism 
of  Ed.  Meyer,  Die  Israeliten  und  Hire  Nachbarsldmme  (1906),  pp._  455  fiF. 

P.  225.  Prof.  Sayce  {Exp.  T.  June,  1907,  p.  419)  says  that  Wrh^  N*C'3  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  Babylonian  ishshak  ildni,  'viceroy  of  the  deified  king,' 
patesi  or  ishshak  being  a  title  borne  by  the  governors  of  Babylonian  provinces 
and  subject  cities  down  to  the  end  of  the  Hammurabi  dynasty.  It  would 
be  Interesting,  if  true,  to  find  that  Abraham  held  an  ofBcial  position  under 
Hammurabi,  as  governor  of  a  province  or  city:  at  the  time  of  Sarah's  death 
he  had,  according  to  the  chronology  of  Genesis  (see  p.  xxvi),  lived  in  or  near 
Palestine  for  52  years  ;  and  it  would  be  still  more  interesting  if  we  could  dis- 
cover in  what  part  of  the  country  his  official  residence  was.  But  it  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  UThn  X"'tJ*J  is  also  perfectly  good  Hebrew  for  'prince  of 
God':  so  Prof.  Sayce's  explanation  is  in  no  case  necessary. 

With  regai'd  to  the  rest  of  this  article,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the 
various  words,  or  expressions,  occurring  in  Gen.  xxiii.,  stated  in  it  to  be  similar 
to,  or  borrowed  from,  those  current  in  Babylonia,  are  also  one  and  all  perfectly 
good  Hebrew  ;  and  hence  their  occurrence  in  this  chapter  is  no  evidence  that 
it  was  based  {ib.  p.  421  f-)  upon  early  Babylonian  documents.     This  is  shewn 

1  Cf.  Burckhardt,  Arabia,  i.  341,  312  (in  Mecca) ;  Snouek-Hurgronje,  Mekka,  ii. 
134  f.;  Hughes,  Diet,  of  Islam, -p-p.  59,  597;  Kohler,  Rechtsvergleichende  Studien, 
p.  15  f.  (cited  by  S.  A.  Cook,  The  Laws  of  Moses  and  the  Code  of  Hammurabi,  p.  168). 
See  also  the  quotation  from  Lane  in  the  note  on  Gen.  xvi.  1  (where,  like  Sarah, 
the  wife  herself  gives  the  husband  his  concubine). 

The  contract-tablet  from  the  12th  year  of  Hammurabi,  translated  by  Pinches 
(OT.  in  the  light,  dx.  p.  185),  though  not  bearing  directly  upon  Gen.  xvi.,  is  of 
interest,  as  illustrating  at  least  what  might  happen  in  Babylonia  :  a  husband  and 
wife  jointly  buy  a  daughter  from  her  father,  to  be  the  wife's  slave,  and  the  husband's 
concubine ;  if  she  disowns  her  mistress,  she  may  be  sold. 


XXXVIII  ADDENDA 

below  (p.  230)  with  regard  to  several  of  the  expressions  used ;  and  it  could  bo 
shewn  with  equal  readiness  of  the  others.  Thus  keseph  mdle\  'fiiii  price 
Qxi.  full  silcer).^  may  correspond  to  the  Bab.  kaspu  gamirtu,  'full  price';  but 
1  Ch.  xxi.  22,  24  are  evidence  that  the  expression  is  likewise  good  Hebrew, 
and  also  that  it  could  be  used  in  Hebrew  as  late  as  the  time  of  the 
Chronicler,  c.  300  B.C.  The  endeavour  to  shew  that  the  Heb.  text  oivv.  17,  18 
is  a  translation  of  a  Babylonian  sale  of  land  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  drawn 
up  in  the  age  of  Hammurabi  is  anything  but  convincing:  no  parallel  at  all 
resembling  it  is  quoted;  and  Pinches  (071  in  the  light,  &c.  p.  238),  after 
quoting  two  examples  of  contracts  for  the  sale  of  land  belonging  to  that  age, 
which  he  says  are  'types  of  hundreds  of  others  known  to  Assyriologists,' 
remarks  that  they  shew  'noteworthy  differences'  from  the  transaction  re- 
corded in  Gen.  xxiii. 

P.  239  n.  2.  Dr  Orr  (p.  107  n.  5)  says  that  Wellliausen  conjectures  'quite 
arbitrarily '  father  for  mother  in  xxiv.  67.  But  if  there  are  grounds  for  a 
conjecture,  even  though  they  may  be  insufficient  to  make  it  a  certainty,  the 
conjecture  cannot  justly  be  stigmatized  as  'arbitrary.'     Or  does  Dr  Orr  think 

that  the  syntax  of  10S  mt^  n^nxn  in  v.  67  is  so  ordinary  and  normal  as  to 
arouse  no  suspicion  that  'of  Sarah  his  mother'  is  a  gloss  %  And  how  comes  it 
that,  whereas  throughout  the  chapter  down  to  v.  56  the  servant's  'master'  has 
been  Abraham,  in  v.  65  it  suddenly  becomes  Isaac?  The  conjecture  that  a 
notice  of  Abraham's  death  once  stood  after  v.  62  would  at  once  explain  this 
change  in  the  person  denoted  by  '  master ' ;  and  if,  as  the  syntax  strongly 
suggests,  'of  Sarah  his  mother'  should  disappear  from  ».  67,  then  his  father 
(V2N)  would  naturally  be  read  for  his  mother  (I^N)  in  v.  67. 

P.  262.  Dr  Orr  (pp.  105  n.,  493  f.)  makes  very  light  of  the  chronological 
difficulty  discussed  in  the  note  on  this  page:  the  objection,  he  says,  'is  an  old 
one,  and  has  frequently  been  replied  to.'  No  doubt  it  has  been :  but  it  is 
necessary  sometimes  to  consider  the  value  of  a  'reply.'  Dr  Orr  implies  that 
if  Isaac,  at  the  blessing  of  Jacob  and  Esau  (Gen.  xx\  ii.)  were,  as  '  ordinarily 
assumed  and  as  the  remaining  data  combine  to  shew,  139  years  old,'  the 
difficulty  would  disappear.  Let  us  grant,  provisionally,  this  premise,  and  see 
how  it  works.  Esau,  we  are  told  (xxvi.  34  f ,  P),  was  40  years  old  when  he 
married  his  two  Hittite  wives,  who  were  a  'grief  of  mind'  to  his  father  and 
mother :  as  Isaac  was  60  at  the  birth  of  Esau  and  Jacob  (xxv.  26  f.,  P),  he 
would,  at  the  time  of  Esau's  marriage,  be  100.  Is  it,  now,  credible,  or  in 
accordance  with  human  nature,  that  a  parent,  apprehensive  (xxvii.  46,  cf.  xxvi. 
35)  lest  his  son,  aged  40,  should  imitate  his  brother  in  making  an  undesirable 
match,  would  wait  thirty-nine  years,  till  he  was  79,  before  taking  steps  to 
prevent  it  (see  xxviii.  1,  2,  6,  P)?  That  is  what  Dr  Orr's  explanation  credits 
Isaac  and  Rebekah  with  having  done. 

P.  325.  Dr  Orr  (p.  237  n.)  finds  nothing  but '  misplaced  ingenuity '  in  the 
supposition  that  two  discrepant  narratives  are  woven  together  in  chap,  xxxvii. 
Not  to  repeat  what  is  said  in  the  note  about  •  Midianites'  (not  '  the  Midiau- 
ites')  on  xxxvii.  28,  it  is  strange  that  he  sees  nothing  surprising  in  its  being  said 
by  {ex  hyp.)  one  and  the  same  writer  that  Joseph  was  sold  to  Potiphar  by 
'Midianites'  in  xxxvii.  36,  and  bought  by  Potiphar  from  'Ishmaelites'  in 


ADDENDA  XXXIX 

xxxix.  1 !  It  18  also  remarkable  that  in  the  text  of  the  same  page  he  seems  to 
think  it  quite  possible  that  the  '  narrator  of  the  life  of  Joseph '  may  have  found 
the  merchants  to  whom  Joseph  was  sold  described  '  in  one  of  his  sources  as 
Ishmaehtes  and  in  another  as  MidianitesM  But  how  does  this  supposition 
differ  in  principle  from  the  '  critical '  theory  which  he  thinks  so  baseless  ?  It 
is  simply  the  same  theory  in  other  words. 

P.  344,  on  'Abrek/  Spiegelberg  {Aegypt.  Randglossen  zum  AT.,  1904, 
pp.  15  ff.)  objects  to  the  explanation  of  Brugsch  and  Renouf  that  'thy  command 
is  our  desire '  is  neither  an  Egyptian  expression,  nor  suitable  in  the  mouth  of 
a  herald ;  and  explains  '  Abrek '  as  an  Egyptian  word  meaning  '  Give  heed ! ' 
'Attention!' 

P.  365  n.  Dr  Orr  (p.  366  f.)  again  tries  to  persuade  his  readers  that  the 
chronological  discrepancy  pointed  out  in  the  note  is  imaginary,  and  that  there 
is  really  no  diflBculty  in  the  chapter  whatever.  The  ditBculty  caused  by  the 
inclusion  of  Hezron  and  Hamul  disappears,  he  thinks,  entirely  upon  the 
'  ordinary  solution '  that  they  are  introduced  as  the  '  legal  representatives  and 
substitutes  of  Er  and  Onan,  who  are  said  to  have  died  in  the  land  of  Canaan.' 
But  in  the  first  place  this  supposition  is  artificial  and  arbitrary  in  the  ex- 
treme :  Perez  represented  Er  alone,  not  Er  and  Onan  (notice  the  terms  of 
xxxviii.  8);  and  secondly,  even  allowing,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  that  Hezron 
and  Hamul  did  represent  Er  and  Onan,  nothing  is  gained :  the  list,  as  it  stands, 
— and  Dr  Orr  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  it  in  any  other  form, — expressly 
purports  to  be,  not  a  list  of  Jacob's  descendants  as  such,  but  {vv.  8,  26)  a  list 
of  Jacob's  descendants  who  came  into  Egypt :  Hezron  and  Hamul,  therefore, 
even  though  they  appear  as  the  representatives  of  Er  and  Onan,  can  only  be 
included  in  it  because  they  came  into  Egypt.  The  chronological  difficulty 
(explained  in  the  footnote  on  p.  365)  thus  remains  exactly  as  before. 

It  is  impossible  to  discuss  the  whole  question  again ;  but  the  principal  in- 
consistencies may  be  briefly  placed  again  before  the  reader.  (1)  The  list 
purports  to  be  one  of  the  'children  of  Jacob'  (v.  8),  or  of  the  'souls  belonging 
to  Jacob  that  came  out  of  his  loins '  {v.  26),  who  '  came  into  Egypt ' :  Jacob, 
therefore,  ought  to  be  eo-cluded  :  but  in  v.  8  his  name  is  indnded.  (2)  The 
'sons  and  daughters'  of  Leah  are  said  in  v.  15  to  be  33  :  if  the  actual  names 
in  vv.  8 — 15  are  counted,  there  will  be  found  to  be  34,  or, — excluding  Er  and 
Onan,  who  are  said  to  have  died  in  Canaan,  and  who  consequently  cannot  have 
come  into  Egypt, — 32.  (3)  In  rv.  19 — 22  Manasseh  and  Ephraim  are  mcluded 
among  the  14  sons  of  Rachel,  who,  with  the  33  of  v.  15,  the  16  of  v.  18,  and 
the  7  of  V.  25,  make  up  the  70,  who  (Ex.  i.  5,  as  well  as  v.  27  end  here)  came 
down  with  Jacob  into  Egypt ;  in  v.  27*  they  are  plainly  excluded.  (4)  In 
V.  26,  after  the  whole  number  of  Jacob's  descendants  who  came  into  Egypt 
is  said  to  have  been  33  +  16+14  +  7  (i.e.  70),  it  is  suddenly  said  that  they 
were  66;  this  figure  being  raised  to  70  (p.  27)  by  the  addition  of  Manasseh 
and  Ephraim,  and  seemingly  Joseph  (who  have  all  been  mentioned  before), 
and  Jacob  (inconsistently  with  v.  26*).  There  are  thus  a  sei-ies  of  distinct 
and  separate  inconsistencies  in  the  list.  Clearly,  therefore,  it  presents  some 
'problem'  which  claims  solution.  Can  a  list  containing  so  many  inconsistencies 
be  throughout  the  work  of  one  hand?    Must  not  corrections  have  been  in- 


XL  ADDENDA 

troduced  into  it,  which  brought  with  them  these  inconsistencies?  I  have 
offered  one  solution.  I  do  not  say  that  it  is  the  right  one ;  and  shall  be  only 
too  happy  to  accept  a  better  one,  if  it  should  be  produced.  But  Dr  Orr 
renders  no  help.  He  says  that  the  omissions  which  I  suggest  'create  difficulties 
and  remove  none.'  But  they  do  remove  some  diflSculties,  as  will  be  seen,  if 
the  list  is  read  carefully  with  the  omissions  suggested.  And  they  do  not 
'create'  diflBculties,  though  they  leave  some  which  are  in  the  list  already:  for, 
in  the  list  itself,  the  sum  33  in  v.  15  can  be  harmonized  with  vv.  8 — 15  only 
at  the  cost  of  one  of  two  inconsistencies:  either  Er  and  Onan  must  be 
included  (though  they  were  never  in  Egypt),  and  Dinah  omitted  as  a  later 
insertion  (see  on  v.  15^);  or  (Dr  Orr's  alternative)  Er  and  Onan  must  be 
ea;cluded,  and  Jacob  and  Dinah  iwcluded,  which  implies  that  the  writer  of 
the  list  reckoned  Jacob  as  one  of  his  own  sons  (see  v.  15*")!  With  what 
justice  am  I  blamed  by  Dr  Orr  for  accepting  one  of  these  inconsistencies, 
when  he  himself  accepts  the  other?  According  to  Dr  Orr,  the  table  'is 
evidently  one  of  heads  of  families,  and  includes  in  its  enumeration,  not  only 
Jacob  himself  and  his  daughter  Dinah,  but  Er  and  Onan,  who  died  in  Canaan 
(represented  by  Hezron  and  Hamul),  and  Joseph's  two  sons,  who,  though  ex- 
pressly mentioned  as  born  in  Egypt  (v.  20),  are  embraced  in  "the  souls  that 
came  with  Jacob  into  Egypt,"'  But  this  view  not  only  misreads  the  table,  but 
removes  no  difficulty.  The  table  is  not  a  mere  list  of  heads  of  families ;  it  is 
a  list  of  heads  of  families  who  came  into  Egypt  (vv.  8,  26).  I  have  indeed 
suggested  myself  that,  in  its  original  form,  it  was  perhaps  a  list  of  Jacob's 
descendants, as  such,  'drawn  up  without  reference  to  the  migi'ation  into  Egypt, 
and  afterwards  not  quite  consistently  adjusted  to  its  present  place ' ;  but  Dr 
Orr  is  not  entitled  so  to  understand  the  list,  unless  he  excludes  the  clauses  in 
vv.  8, 26,  whicii  speak  of  the  migration  into  Egypt,  as  later  additions  (which  he 
does  not  do).  And  the  difficulties  about  Jacob  being  reckoned  as  one  of  his 
own  sons,  and  Hezron  and  Hamul  being  (according  to  the  chronology  of  JE) 
not  even  born  at  this  time,  remain  as  before,  unremoved  by  his  hypothesis. 

P.  383, 1.  16  f.  Kur,  to  dig,  is,  however,  an  uncertain  root  (Lex.  468^);  and 
it  would  form  not  m^kherdh,  but  m'khordh.  M^kherdh  must  come  from 
karar,  prob.  to  turn  round-,  hence  Dillm.  suggests  a  curved  knife,  or  sahre. 

P.  392,  on  xlix.  24^.  In  view  of  the  names  by  which  it  has  been  supported 
the  interpretation  of  this  difficult  clause  obtained  by  vocalizing  nj/~l  for  nUT 
ought  not  perhaps  to  have  been  left  unmeutioued.  Adopting  this  vocalization, 
Ewald(^/sf.i.  409),  Tuch,  and  Dilhnann  render  the  clause,  'From  there  (where 
is)  the  Shepherd  of  the  Stone  of  Israel,'  i.e.  from  heaven,  whence  the  Shepherd- 
God  ['  Shepherd's  God'  in  Ewald,  I.  c.  n.  2,  is  a  mistranslation]  (Gen.  xlviii.  15, 
Ps.  xxiii.  1,  Ixxx.  1),  revered  at  the  sacred  stone  of  Bethel  (ch.  xxviii.  21), 
stretches  out  His  hands  to  support  Joseph  in  the  battle.  The  'Shepherd  of 
the  Stone  of  Israel,'  if  this  reading  of  the  passage  is  correct,  will  thus  be 
virtually  a  synonym  of  the  '  God  of  Bethel '  (xxxi.  13).  Gunkel,  combining  this 
reading  with  that  of  the  Peshitta,  mentioned  on  p.  392,  renders  'By  tfie 
name  of  the  Shepherd  of  Israel's  Stone,'  understanding  the  expression  to 
mean  the  Divine  Shepherd,  who  was  regarded  (cf.  below,  pp.  267,  268)  as 
dwelling  in  the  sacred  stone  of  Bethel    But  Gunkel  allows  that  the  correct- 


ADDENDA  XLI 

ness  of  the  text  h  open  to  suspicion;  and  the  'shcph'^rrl'  of  a  'stone' 
certainly  implies  a  strange  combination  of  figures.  Prof.  G.  F.  Moore  {EncB. 
iii.  2977,  n.  14)  proposes,  'By  the  arm  {or  arms)  of  the  Stone  of  Israel' 
(yiTp  or  ^yitp  for  T\])'\  DB'O):  this  would  form  a  good  parallel  to  'hands'  in 
clause  c;  but  would  hardly  be  possible,  unless  the  '  Stone  of  Israel'  had  come 
to  be  a  mere  title  of  Yahweh,  the  figure  of  the  '  stone '  being  forgotten. 

Various  arguments  and  positions  adopted  in  the  present  volume,  in 
addition  to  those  referred  to  above,  are  adversely  criticised  in  Dr  Orr's 
The  Problem  of  the  Old  Testament  (1906):  but  I  find  no  occasion  to  alter 
substantially  anything  that  I  have  written  in  consequence.  On  particular 
points,  as  I  have  more  than  once  remarked  before,  there  is  scope  for  difference 
of  opinion,  on  account  of  the  insufficiency  or  ambiguity  of  the  data:  but  Dr 
Orr  does  not  appear  to  me  to  have  shaken  any  of  the  main  conclusions  reached 
by  critics;  and  in  liis  attempt  to  explain  the  facts  of  the  OT.  in  accordance 
with  what  is  virtually  the  traditional  view,  he  has  not  shewn  himself  more 
successful  than  his  predecessors.  There  is  nothing  substantially  new  in  his 
volume  :  critics  are  quite  familiar  with  the  objections  which  he  has  marshalled 
against  them  ;  the  present  writer,  at  any  rate, — and  he  cannot  believe  that  he 
stands  alone  in  this  respect, — has  examined  and  considered  them  again  and 
again,  and  has  always  found  himself  brought  to  the  same  conclusion  regarding 
them  :  they  are  not  cogent,  and  they  are  far  outweighed  by  the  numerous  and 
insuperable  difficulties  and  inconsistencies  attaching  to  the  traditional  view. 
Dr  Orr  does  his  best  to  explain  away  these  difficulties  and  inconsistencies, 
and  produces  probably  upon  many  readers  the  impression  that  he  has  done 
so  ^  but  those  who  have  learnt  not  to  rely  upon  confidently  expressed  asser- 
tions, but  to  examine  passages  and  arguments  for  themselves,  will,  it  is 
believed,  soon  discover  how  imperfect  his  explanations  are.  It  is  also  to  be 
remembered  that  divergence  of  opinion  among  critics  does  not  necessarily 
shew,  as  Dr  Orr  seems  often  tacitly  to  argue,  that  there  is  no  problem  to 
solve,  and  that  the  traditional  view  may  therefore  be  reinstated  :  it  may 
equally  be  an  indication  that  the  problem  is  complicated,  or  the  criteria  am- 
biguous, and  that  more  solutions  of  it  than  one  are,  with  our  present  know- 
ledge, possible  or  tenable.  Except  in  the  exact  sciences,  there  is  no  branch 
of  investigation  in  which,  from  the  causes  indicated,  divergences  of  opinion 
among  experts  are  not  met  with. 

With  regard  to  one  point,  the  fault  that  Dr  Orr  finds  with  me  (pp.  221, 
238)  for  suggesting  what  is  contrary  to  the  fact  in  saying  (below,  p.  xi)  that 
the  term  Jehovah  is  'uniformly'  employed  in  Gen.  xii.  10 — 20,  whereas  in 
fact  it  occurs  there  only  once,  I  may  say  that  my  intention  was  to  group 
together  ch.  xviii. — xix.  (mentioned  in  the  same  sentence)  and  xii.  10 — 20,  and 
to  say  that  in  both  together  (except  in  the  verse,  xix.  29,  specified  as  excluded) 
the  term  was  'uniformly'  employed  (which  is  correct).  In  so  far  as  the  words 
'in  the  similar  narrative'  before  '  xii.  10 — 20'  seem  to  suggest  (what  in  writing 
the  sentence  I  did  not  notice)  that  the  two  narratives  were  treated  by  me 
separately,  I  have  not  the  least  objection  to  omit  them.  The  correction  is 
a  verbal  one,  and  the  general  accuracy  of  the  statement  made  is  not  afifected 
by  it. 

D.  e 


ADDENDA   11. 

(Nov.  1910.) 

For  fuller  information  on  various  questions  discussed  in  the  present 
volume,  the  reader  may  now  consult  Dr  Skinner's  Genesis  (1910),  in  the 
*  International  Critical  Commentaries.' 

On  p.  XXVII,  above,  1.  5 — 6.  According  to  Randall-Maciver,  however 
{Mediaeval  Rhodesia,  1906,  pp.  vii— viii,  59  flf.,  85  f.,  92  f.,  99,  102),  the 
Zimbabwe  and  other  similar  buildings  in  Rhodesia  are  not  the  work  of 
ancient  peoples  from  the  East,  but  are  of  native  African  workmanship,  and 
are  not  earlier  than  c.  14 — 1500  a.d. 

P.  iii  flf.  On  the  composite  structure  of  Genesis,  comp.  Prof.  A.  A.  Sevan's 
essay  on  'The  Historical  Methods  of  the  OT.'  in  Cambridge  Biblical  Essays 
(1909),  pp.  1 — 19  (including  parallels  from  Arabic  authors). 

The  composition  of  Genesis  according  to  Eerdmans.  Prof.  B.  D. 
Eerdmans,  Kuenen's  successor  at  Leiden,  has  propounded  lately  a  theory  of 
the  composition  of  Genesis,  which,  as  it  is  now  sometimes  referred  to,  may  be 
briefly  described  here.  Critical  problems,  Eerdmans  considers  \  have  in  recent 
yeai's  atti-acted  so  much  attention  that  the  exegesis  of  Genesis  has  been 
neglected.  Hence  conclusions  have  been  reached  which  are  inconsistent  with 
a  sound  exegesis.  It  is  the  great  fault  of  Wellhausen  and  his  followers  that 
they  have  not  recognized  the  polytheism  of  Genesis.  Already  in  1893  Eerdmans 
saw  that  Elohim  in  the  'Book  of  the  Covenant'  (Ex.  xxi.  6,  13,  xxvii.  8,  9), 
must  mean,  not '  God,'  but  '  the  gods ' :  afterwards  he  became  more  and  more 
convinced  that  a  sound  exegesis  shewed  that  beliind  our  text  of  Genesis  there 
lay  a  background  of  polytheistic  traditions,  the  existence  of  which  had  become 
obscured  by  the  monotheistic  sense  imposed  upon  them  afterwards  through 
the  influence  of  Deuteronomy.  The  analysis  of  Genesis  into  J,  E,  and  P 
starts  with  the  assumption  that  Genesis  is,  and  substantially  always  was, 
monotheistic :  this  assumption  does  not  do  justice  to  the  original  sense  of  the 
narratives  in  it,  and  leads  consequently  to  false  results :  hence  the  analysis 
which  depends  upon  it  must  be  rejected.  Genesis  is  composite:  but  the  clue 
to  the  analysis  is  to  be  found  not  in  the  criteria  usually  followed  by  critics,  but 
in  exegesis.  Eerdmans  himself  however  starts  with  a  literary  clue.  He 
divides  the  Joseph-narratives  into  two  recensions,  one  an  Z9>"a^/-recension,  in 
which  Joseph's  father  is  called  '  Israel,'  the  other  a  e/acoJ-recension,  in  which 
he  is  called  'Jacob'  (cf.  below,  on  xxxv.  21,  xliii.  6  ;  and  LOT.  p.  19)''. 

1  Die  Komposition  der  Genesis  (1908),  pp.  1 — 2,  and  Preface. 
'  P.  70  f.   It  is  unnecessary  to  give  here  the  passages  referred  to  each  recension : 
they  will  be  found  in  Skinner,  p.  439. 


ADDENDA  II  XLIII 

With  each  of  these  narratives  is  connected  a  series  of  passages  fi'om  the 
earlier  parts  of  Genesis  (pp.  87 — 9).  The  Jacob-recension,  with  the  narratives 
belonging  to  it,  is  the  longer,  and  forms  the  fundamental  narrative  of  the  book, 
the  compiler  having  collected  various  legends,  and  combined  them  iuto  a 
history;  the  Israel-recension,  with  the  other  narratives  belonging  to  it,  was 
worked  in  aftenvards.  In  the  course  of  the  combination  of  these  two 
narratives  into  our  Genesis,  numerous  successive  expansions  and  redactional 
adjustments  were  introduced.  The  most  characteristic  feature  of  Eerdmans' 
theory  is,  however,  the  polytheism,  which  except  in  a  few  late,  post- 
Deuteronomic  additions, — such  as  ch.  i.  (in  its  present  form) ;  xv.  1 — 6  ;  xvii. 
(4  cent.  B.C.),  xxi.,  xxxv.  9 — 15, — he  considers  as  having  dominated  originally 
all  the  narratives  of  which  the  book  is  composed.  In  some  passages,  as  i.  26, 
XX.  13,  the  original  polytheism  is  still  apparent;  other  passages  consist  of 
legends  which  merely  recognize  Yahweh  as  one  among  other  gods,  as  ch.  iv., 
ix.  18 — 27,  xxii.,  xxvii.,  xxviii.  11 — 22,  xxix. — xxxi.,  xxxix.;  in  other  cases 
poljiiheistic  legends  have  been  transferred  to  the  one  God,  Yahweh,  a;8 
chs.  ii. — iii.,  vi.  1 — 8,  xi.  1 — 9,  xvi.,  xviii.— xix.,  xxiv.,  xxvi.  In  all  the  pre- 
Deuteronomic  passages  in  which  ElMra  occurs,  it  was  meant  originally  in 
a  polytheistic  sense  ('gods');  by  the  later  redactors,  it  was  understood  in 
a  monotheistic  sense  ('God'),  the  text  being  altered,  where  necessary,  to 
express  this  sense:  thus  (p.  75)  xiii.  10  'garden  of  Yahweh'  was  originally 
'garden  of  the  gods'  (LXX  6(6^),  and  (p.  71)  xix.  24  read  originally  'And  the 
gods  caused  fire  and  brimstone  to  rain  down  from  Yahweh ' :  Amos  himself  in 
iv.  11  meant  Elohim  in  the  same  sense.  The  theory,  it  will  be  apparent,  is  a 
bouleversetnent,  alike  of  the  current  critical,  and  of  the  traditional,  view  of 
Genesis.  But  it  is,  in  details, — to  say  nothing  of  the  polytheism  which  it 
postulates  in  Genesis, — much  too  complicated  and  arbitrary  to  be  probable ; 
and  though  Dr  Orr  ^  welcomes  warmly  its  rejection  of  the  Divine  names  as  a 
guide  to  the  analysis,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  even  this  position  can  be 
ultimately  maintained  apart  from  the  other  elements  of  the  theory  with 
which  it  is  so  intimately  connected.  For  criticisms  of  the  theory,  the  reader 
may  consult  Volz,  Theol.  Lit.-zeit.  1908,  col.  667 — 9;  Skinner,  Genesis, 
pp.  xliif,  439;  Holzinger,  ZATW.  1910,  p.  245 flf.;  cf.  A.  R.  Gordon, 
Expositor,  Sept.  1910,  p.  244  f. 

Pp.  iv,  xi,  xii.  As  we  have  just  seen,  Eerdmans  rejects  the  Divine  names 
in  Genesis  as  a  criterion  of  authorship ;  and  the  question  has  also  been  raised 
recently  in  other  quarters  what  their  value  is  for  analytical  purposes.  As  the 
subject  is  one  on  which  some  misconception  is  prevalent,  and  language  is 
sometimes  used  implying  that  the  varying  use  of  the  Divine  names  is  the  sole, 
or  at  least-  the  'chief,'  ground  on  which  the  analysis  of  even  the  entire  (!) 
Pentateuch  rests,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  say  here  a  few  words  about  it 
In  considering  the  question  two  cases  must  be  distinguished.  (1)  In  the 
separation  of  P  from  JE  in  Genesis,  it  must  be  remembered,  Elohim  is  but  one 

1  The  Life  of  Faith,  Sept.  29, 1909,  p.  1097  ;  cf.  The  Faith  of  a  Modern  Christian, 
p.  23  (both  with  several  misstatements  and  exaggerations  of  fact). 

2  Cf.  Di  Orr,  in  the  passages  referred  to  in  the  last  note. 


XLIV  .      ADDENDA  II 

out  of  more  than  30  phraseological  criteria  alone  (below,  pp.  viii — xi ;  comp., 
for  the  whole  Hex.,  LOT.  p.  131  flF.) — to  say  nothing  here  of  other  criteria 
(below,  pp.  vi — vii,  xxii — xxv),  which  point  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
passages  in  which  they  occur  are  by  a  different  writer  from  the  rest  of  the 
book.  And  if  we  take  into  account  the  entire  Hexateuch,  the  criterion  ceases 
with  Ex.  vi.  2  (p.  xi,  n.  1),  Yahweh  being  henceforth  employed  in  the  sections 
assigned  to  P  in  place  of  EloJiim.  Thus,  in  regard  to  the  separation  of  P  from 
the  rest  of  the  narrative  of  Genesis  it  is  not  Elohim  alone,  but  the  totality  of 
distinctive  features,  characteristic  of  a  certain  group  of  passages,  which  leads 
critics  to  assign  them  to  a  separate  source,  viz.  the  one  now  usually  called  '  P ' 
(comp.  p.  xi,  with  n.  1).  If  P  had  used  Yahweh  in  Genesis,  as  he  does  after 
Ex.  vi.  2,  the  grounds  fo**  the  separation  of  P  from  JE  would  have  been  sub- 
stantially not  less  strong  than  they  are  now.  But  '  Elohim '  alone  is  not  an 
absolute  criterion  of  P :  for  passages  in  which  it  is  not  accompanied  by  any  of 
the  other  features  just  referred  to,  are  not  assigned  by  critics  to  P  (see  p.  xi  f ). 

(2)  In  the  analysis  of  JE,  the  case  is  different.  In  'JB' — i.e.  in  the 
narrative  which  remains  in  Gen. — Nu.  after  the  separation  of  P — the  constancy 
with  which  in  certain  passages  Elohim  is  used,  while  Yahweh  is  used  in 
other,  often  contiguous  passages  (see  below,  p.  xi)  certainly  suggests  somewhat 
strongly  diversity  of  authorship ;  and  the  suspicion  thus  arising  is  confirmed, 
when  it  is  found  that  there  are  other  indications,  which  suggest  independently 
that  the  passages  of  JE  in  which  Elohim  is  used  are  by  a  different  writer  from 
those  in  which  Yahweh  is  used.  But  here  also  the  use  of  the  Divine  names  is 
not  an  absolute  criterion  of  authorship:  there  are  passages,  especially  in  the 
books  after  Genesis,  in  which  Yahweh  is  used,  which  have  been  assigned  by 
critics,  upon  grounds  other  than  the  use  of  the  name  Elohim^  to  E :  and  what 
is  said  below  (p.  xii)  is,  not  that  Elohim,  is  a  uniform  criterion  of  E,  but  that  it 
is  'preferred'  by  E,  though  'not  exclusively'  (p.  xiii).  And  a  'preference,'  if 
sufficiently  marked,  may  be  an  indication  of  authorship  (cf.  LOT.  p.  132  «.). 
In  view  of  the  smaller  number  of  criteria  distinguishing  J  and  E,  the  varying 
use  of  the  Divine  names  is  of  relatively  greater  importance  for  the  analysis  of 
JE  than  it  is  for  the  separation  of  JE  from  P ;  but  there  are  many  cases  in 
which  it  is  not  the  only  criterion  on  which  critics  rely  for  the  purpose. 

It  has,  in  addition,  been  maintained  recently  that  the  uncertainty  of  the 
Heb.  text  of  Genesis  makes  the  use  of  the  Divine  names  an  insecure  criterion 
for  the  analysis.  In  Gen.  i.  1 — Ex.  iii.  12,  according  to  Schlogl  {E.vp.  Times, 
XX.  563),  the  name  Yahweh  (alone)  occurs  148  times,  Elohim  (alone)  179 
times,  and  Yahweh  Elohim  20  times  (Gen.  ii. — iii.).  It  is  true,  now,  that, 
according  to  Redpath  {Amer.  Journ.  of  Theol.  1904,  pp.  295 — 8)  and  Eerdmans 
(p.  34  i.)  the  Sept.  has  in  some  50^  of  these  passages  a  different  Divine  name 
(e.g.  o  ^eo'f,  or  Kv'pioj  6  ^€09,  for  Yahweh) :  Mr  Wiener  {Essays  on  Pentateuchal 
Criticism,  1909,  pp.  14 — 40)  has  also  pointed  out  that  in  many  other  places  in 
Gen.  one  or  more  MSS  of  the  LXX  have  a  different  Divine  name  from  the  Heb 
text,  and  that  in  16  passages  (pp.  14  f.,  36  f.)  one  or  two  Heb.  MSS  (also  once 

^  Neither  B^dpath'a  nor  Eerdmang'  list  is  exact. 


ADDENDA  11  XLV 

four,  and  one*  fire  MSS)  agree  with  the  Greek  variant*;  and  aceording  to 
Schlogl  {I.e.)  '  other  texts ' — he  does  not  specify  either  the  passages  in  which 
the  yariants  occur,  or  the  '  texts ' ;  but  by  the  latter  he  presumably  means  the 
LXX,  and  MSS  of  the  LXX,  perhaps  also  other  versions  and  MSS  of  versions — 
have,  for  118  of  the  148  occurrences  of  Yahweh  in  Gen.  i. — Ex.  iii.  12,  either 
o  6eoi  or  Kvpioi  6  Beus.,  for  59  of  the  179  occurrences  of  Elohim.,  o  Ki'ptos 
or  Kv'pio?  o  ^ec5y,  and  for  19  of  the  20  occurrences  of  Yahxoeh  Elohim.,  either 
o  ^eof  or  o  KJptof.  Mr  Wiener,  now,  argues  that  in  all  these  cases  the  Greek 
variant  depends  upon  a  various  reading  in  the  Heb.  MS  used  by  the  translators, 
and  that  the  existence  of  these  variants  in  Heb.  MSS  renders  the  Massoretic 
text  so  uncertain  that  no  presumption  as  to  authorship  can  be  built  upon  the 
varying  use  of  the  Divine  names  in  it.  Schlogl  even  goes  further,  and  would 
correct  in  Gen.  1.  1 — Ex.  iii.  12  not  only  the  (118  +  19  =  )  137  passages  of 
the  Mass.  text  in  which  his  'other  texts'  have  Gnd  for  Yahweh  or  Yahtceh 
Elohim,  but  even  the  31  other  occurrences  of  Yah'ceh,  for  which  no  variant 
is  attested,  thus  eliminating  Yahtceh  from  Gen.  i. — Ex.  iii.  12  a  together  ! 

Schlogl's  violent  and  arbitrary  treatment  of  the  text  condemns  itself^;  and 
more  need  not  be  said  about  it.  With  regard  to  Mr  Wiener's  conclusion,  it 
will  be  evident,  after  what  has  been  said  above,  that,  even  if  it  were  granted, 
it  would  leave  untouched  what  is  after  all  the  most  important  element  in  the 
critical  analysis,  viz.  the  separation  of  P  from  JE.  But  in  fact  it  is  impossible 
to  gi*ant  it  If  every  variant — or  even  a  majority  of  variants — from  the 
Massoretic  text  to  be  found  in  the  LXX,  or  in  particular  ]\ISS  of  the  LXX, 
were  to  be  regarded  as  casting  doubt  upon  the  reading  of  the  Hebrew,  the 
number  of  doubtful  passages  in  the  OT.  would  indeed  be  extensive.  The 
Massoretic  text  has  a  claim  to  be  preferred  till  good  cause  has  been  shewn 
against  it.  For  though  the  Hebrew  variants  presupposed  by  the  LXX  or 
other  version  are  unquestionably  often  superior  to  the  readings  of  the 
Massoretic  text,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  they  are  as  unquestionably 
inferior.  Hence  before  a  variant  in  the  LXX  or  other  version  can  be  regarded 
as  casting  doubt  on  the  Massoretic  text,  it  must  be  shewn  that  it  really  comes 
into  competition  with  it :  in  particular,  it  must  be  shewn,  or  at  least  rendered 
probable,  (1)  that  the  variant  is  not  due  to  a  paraphrase  or  loose  rendering  on 
the  part  of  the  translator,  but  really  depends  upon  a  various  reading  in  the 
Heb.  MS  used  by  him;  and  (2)  that  this  variant  reading  in  the  Heb.  has 
substantial  claims  to  be  preferred  to  the  Massoretic  text,  as  being  the 
original  reading  of  the  Hebrew.  The  principal  grounds  upon  which  a  variant 
reading  presupposed  by  a  version  has  a  claim  to  be  preferred  to  the  Massoretic 

*  Sam.  agrees  with  the  Greek  variant  thrice  (twice  with  Heb.  support). 

*  It  seems  however  to  be  approved  by  Dr  Orr.  At  least,  Dr  Orr  quotes  with 
approval  {The  'Life  of  Faith,  Sept.  29,  1909,  p.  1097)  Schlogl's  concluding  words, 
*  It  is  consequently  quite  unscientific  to  determine  the  analysis  of  a  source  by  the 
names  of  God.'  But  the  word  'consequently'  shews  that  this  conclusion  is  a 
deduction  from  the  conclusion,  expressed  in  the  preceding  sentence,  that  (on  the 
grounds  mentioned  above) '  the  name  Yahweh  did  not  [originally]  occur  in  Gen.  i.  1 — 
Ex.  iii.  12':  any  one,  therefore,  who  does  not  accept  Schlogl's  premises  is  not 
entitled  to  quote  his  authority  for  a  concluisioa  based  upon  them. 


XLVI  ADDENDA  II 

test  are  its  yielding  a  better  sense,  and  its  being  preferable  for  philological 
or  grammatical  reasons i.  it  is  impossible  to  think  that,  with  at  most  two  or 
three  exceptions,  in  the  instances  adduced  by  Mr  Wiener  these  conditions  are 
satisfied,  or  that  there  is  any  reason  for  supposing  that  the  variants  contained 
in  them  cast  doubt  upon  the  readings  of  the  Massoretic  text.  A  variation  in 
a  Divine  name  makes,  as  a  rule,  no  appreciable  diflFerence  in  the  sense :  there 
may  be  an  isolated  instance,  here  and  there,  where  the  LXX  or  other  version 
has  a  name  wliich  may  be  held  to  agree  better  with  the  context  than  the  one 
in  the  Massoretic  text,  and  may  thus  be  regarded  as  the  more  original  reading: 
but  in  the  great  majointy  of  cases  in  which  there  is  a  divergence  between  the 
Massoretic  text  and  a  version  in  the  Divine  name  used,  there  is  no  sufficient 
reason  for  supposing  it  to  point  to  a  dififerent  reading  in  the  Hebrew  2. 

P.  xUx.  Other  occurrences  of  a  name  which  to  all  appearance  corresponds 
to  the  Heb.  Yahweh  have  recently  come  to  hght  in  Babylonian.  Thus, 
neglecting  some^,  the  reading  of  which,  for  one  reason  or  another,  has  been 
questioned  by  some  Assyi-iologists,  we  have,  from  the  Hammurabi  period, 
Ya-u-um-ilu  (already  cited  on  p.  xlix),  meaning  '  Ya-u  (Yahweh)  is  God,'  and 
Ya-ma-e-ra-ah*,  '  Yama — or,  as  m  and  w  readily  interchange  in  Babylonian, 
Yawa — is  the  moon';  from  c.  15—1400  B.C.  (in  the  Kasshite  period),  upon 
tablets  found  at  Nippur,  Frt-t*-ia-ni  (' Ya-u  is  creator '),  Fa- u-a  [  =  ' Jehu,' on 
the  Black  Obelisk  of  Shalmaueser,  B.C.  842],  Yaai-u,  Ya-a-u,  and  Yar<i-u-tum 
(with  the  caiitative  ending  -tum^) ;  and  from  Taanach,  in  Canaan  itself^ 
c.  1350  B.C.,  Ahi-yami,  i.e.  to  all  appearance  'Yah  is  a  brother  (or,  my  brother),' 
corresponding  to  the  Heb.  Ahijah  (Abiyahu).    There  is  however  no  evidence 

^  On  the  precautions  which  have  to  be  observed  in  deciding  whether  a  rendering 
found  in  a  version  may  be  regarded  as  a  safe  guide  for  the  correction  of  the 
Massoretic  text,  see  more  fully  Swete,  OT.  in  Greek,  pp.  444,  445;  or  the  present 
writer's  Notes  on  the  Heb.  Text  of  Samuel  (1S90),  pp.  xxxix — xl :  and  cf.  bis  Book  of 
Jeremiah  (1906),  p.  xxv.  For  examples  of  the  emendation  of  the  Mp-soretic  text 
with  the  help  of  the  ancient  versions,  see  also  the  two  last-mentioned  works,  passim. 

2  In  view  of  the  large  number  of  Heb.  MSS  known,  the  Hebrew  corroboration  of 
the  LXX  variants,  referred  to  above,  is  very  slight.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
agreement  of  the  Samaritan  text  with  the  Hebrew  on  this  point  in  all  but  (according 
to  Dr  Skinner)  eight  or  nine  cases,  counts  strongly  in  favour  of  the  general 
correctness  of  the  Hebrew.  See  farther  on  the  subject  Skinner.  Genesis,  p.  xxxvf., 
and  on  Dahse's  Textkritische  Materialien  zur  Hexateiichfrage  (1912 1.  see  Dr  Skinner's 
cogent  criticisms,  novc  appearing  in  the  Expositor  (from  April  1913). 

3  Including  Ya-'-ve-ilu  and  Ya-ve-ilu  (cited  below,  p.  xlix) :  see  Zimmem,  KAT.' 
(1903),  p.  468  n.;  Savce,  Expos.  Times,  Oct.  1910,  p.  41»;  Langdon,  Expositor, 
Aug.  1910,  p.  137.  See  also  the  Exp.  Times,  Dec.  1910,  p.  139  (on  the  lexical 
tablet  quoted  as  containing  the  name).  Yawum,  adiueed  formerly  by  Dr  Johns, 
is  now  doubted  by  him  (see  a  forthcoming  art.  in  the  PSBA.  1911).  Prof.  Sayce's 
principal  recent  statements  on  the  subject  will  be  found  in  the  Exp.  Times,  xviii. 
(1906—7),  26  f.,  xix.  424,  425,  xxii.  (Oct.  1910),  40  f. 

*  Johns,  Exp.  Times,  xv.  (1903 — 4).  560'':  cf.  Ranke,  Early  Bab.  Personal  Names 
of  the  Hammurabi  Dynasty  (in  Series  D,  vol.  iii.,  of  the  Bab.  Exped.  of  the  Univ.  of 
Pennsylvania),  1905,  p.  113 ;  Burnev,  Joum.  of  Theol.  Studies,  1908,  p.  343. 

5  So  Daiches,  Z.f.  Ass.  xxii.  (1908),  p.  134  (against  Sayce's  view  that  -tum  ia  a 
fern,  term.),  and  Lang  Ion  (verbally) :  for  examples  of  such  names,  see  Ranke,  p.  14  f, 

'  See  the  writer's  Schweich  Lectures,  p.  83. 


ADDENDA  II  XLVII 

that  the  *  Ya-u,'  mentioned  in  these  texts,  belono'ed  to  the  Babylonian  pantheon : 
and  Assyriologists  are  agreed  that  the  Babylonian  names,  in  which  'Yau' 
appears,  are  not  those  of  native  Babylonians,  but  names  borne  by  West- Semitic, 
or  '  Amorite,'  settlers.  The  occurrences  are  at  present  isolated :  but  they 
seem  sufficient  to  shew  that  there  was  a  West-Semitic  deity,  Ya-u,  known  as 
early  as  c.  2100  B.C.  Nothing,  however,  is  at  present  known  about  the  character 
and  attributes  associated  with  Ya-u.  And  even  though  future  discoveries 
should  shew  clearly  that  the  Heb.  name  '  Yahweh '  was  derived  from  *  Ya-u,' 
it  must  be  remembered  (cf.  below,  p.  409)  that  the  source  from  which  either 
this  or  any  other  divine  name  is  ultimately  derived  matters  little  or  nothing : 
the  question  of  importance  is,  What  does  the  name  come  to  mean  to  those 
who  use  it  ?  What  are  the  character  and  attributes  of  the  Being  whom  it 
actually  denotes  in  the  mouths  of  those  who  use  it?  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  ultimate  historical  origin  of  the  name  Yahweh,  all  that  concerns  the 
reader  of  the  Old  Testament  is  to  know  the  nature  and  the  character  and  the 
attributes  of  the  Being  whom  it  denotes  there.  And  these  he  must,  and  can, 
discover  from  the  OT.  itself  \ 

P.  106.  Prof.  Hilprecht  has  discovered  recently  a  fragment  of  yet  another 
Babylonian  version  of  the  Deluge  story,  which,  in  his  translation,  runs  thus 
[Expos.  Times,  May  1910,  p.  366):— 

1 thee 

2 1  will  loosen  ; 

3 it  shall  sweep  away  all  men  together: 

4 life  before  the  deluge  cometh  forth; 

5.     ...as  many  as  there  are,  I  will  bring  overthrow,  destruction,  annihilation. 

6 build  a  great  ship,  and 

7 total  height  shall  be  its  structure. 

8 it  shall  be  a  houseboat  carrying  what  is  saved  of  life. 

9 with  a  strong  deck  cover  (it). 

10 which  thou  shalt  make, 

11 the  beast  of  the  field,  the  bird  of  the  heavens, 

12 instead  of  a  number. 

13 and  the  family 

The  tablet  has  been  assigned  to  c.  2200  b.o.  The  inferences  which  have 
been  drawn  from  the  frngnient  are  far  in  excess  of  what  the  data  warrant.  In 
particular,  the  resemblances  with  Geu  vi.  20  (P),  which  have  been  found  in  it, 
depend  partly  upon  a  very  doubtful  explanation  of  kumminu  in  L  12,  rendered 
"  instead  of  a  number,'  and  supposed  in  its  second  part  to  correspond  to  the 
Heb.  m,in  (which,  however,  means  not '  number,'  but  kind),  and  partly  upon  a 
passage  not  in  the  Babylonian  text  at  all,  but  inserted  conjecturally  by  Prof. 
Hilprecht  himself  in  the  first  part  of  1.  12,  viz.  [and  the  creeping  things,  two 
of  everything].  See  the  criticisms  in  the  Expos.  Times,  Aug.  1910,  p.  504, 
Amer.  Journ.  of  Sem.  Lang.  July  1910,  pp.  303,  307  f.,  Journ.  of  the  Amer. 
Oriental  *Soc.  Dec.  1910,  p.  30 ff.,  and  by  Marti,  ZATfV.  1910,  p.  29SS. 

1  Ct  Rogers,  op.  cit.  p.  97. 


XLVIII  ADDENDA  II 

P.  172  f.  In  the  Churchman  for  Sept.  1910,  pp.  654—662,  Prof.  Sayce  has 
an  article  on  '  Abraham  in  the  Cuneiform  Inscriptions,'  in  which,  on  the  basis 
of  the  inscriptions,  he  draws  a  picture  of  Babylonia  and  Western  Asia  in  the 
period  of  Hammurabi,  working  into  it  some  of  the  Biblical  notices  respecting 
Abraham.  No  doubt  from  inadvertence,  he  does  not  always  sufiBciently 
distinguish  between  statements  based  upon  the  monuments,  and  those  derived 
fi'om  the  Bible,  so  that  an  unguarded  reader  might  easily  carry  away  the 
impression  that  a  good  deal  more  was  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  than  is 
actually  the  case.  In  spite,  therefore,  of  the  title,  'Abraham  in  the  Cuneiform 
Inscriptions,'  it  may  not  be  superfluous  to  remind  the  reader  that  no  mention 
of  Abraham  has  hitherto  been  found  in  the  inscriptions  ;  nor  does  Prof.  Sayce's 
article  bring  any  fresh  arguments  for  the  historical  character  of  the  expedition 
of  Chedorlaomer  and  his  allies,  mentioned  in  Gen.  xiv.  It  may  also  be  pointed 
out  that  the  explanation  (p.  661)  of '  prince  of  God'  in  Gen.  xxiii.  6  as  meaning 
'Viceroy  of  the  deified  [Babylonian]  king'  (cf.  above,  p.  XXXVII),  and  the 
translation  of  Ex.  xxii.  28  [Heb.  27],  'Thou  shalt  not  revile  the  elohim  (or 
Babylonian  king),  nor  cui-se  his  viceroy  among  thy  people,'  are  both  extremely 
problematical. 

On  p.  662  flf.  Prof.  Sayce  complains  that  in  my  criticism  (above, pp.  XXXIV 
— XXXVI)  I  have  done  him  an  injustice  in  not  quoting  Noldeke's  other  article 
{Z.fiir  wiss.  Theol.  1870,  p.  213  flF.),  which  he  had  referred  to  in  his  note.  I 
had  read  this  article  before  writing  the  criticism  in  question ;  and  only  did 
not  refer  to  it,  because  it  did  not  appear  to  me  to  express  a  view  materially 
different  from  that  expressed  in  the  article  which  I  did  quote.  In  the  extract 
from  the  second  article  given  by  Prof.  Sayce,  Noldeke  appears  to  me  to  concede 
and  deny  exactly  what  he  had  conceded  and  denied,  respectively,  in  his  first 
article  (cf.  the  extract  above,  p.  XXXIV— V).  Here,  put  briefly,  are  the 
points : — 

(1)  The  names  of  Chedorlaomer,  Amraphel,  and  Arioch  have  been  shewn 
by  archaeology,  with  great  probability,  to  be  historical.  Their  historical 
character  was  not  denied  by  Noldeke^. 

(2)  The  names  of  the  five  Canaanite  kings  were  regarded  by  Noldeke  as 
fictitious.  The  historical  character  of  these  kings  has  not  been  established  by 
archaeology. 

(3)  That  a  king  of  Elam  might  rule  over  the  land  of  the  Jordan  and  make 
a  military  expedition  to  it,  has  been  shewn  by  archaeology  to  be  possible.  The 
possibility  of  this  was  not  denied  by  Noldeke  in  either  article. 

(4)  The  historical  character  of  the  expedition  narrated  in  Gen.  xii\  was 
denied  by  Noldeke — not  upon  archaeological  grounds,  but — on  account  of  the 
internal  improbabilities  which  he  considered  it  to  exhibit.  Its  historical 
character  has  not  been  proved  by  archaeology. 

1  '  One  or  two,'  at  the  top  of  p.  664,  is  not  to  be  taken  literally  :  the  German 
expression,  '  ein  Paar,'  is  used  idiomatically  to  denote  a  small  number,  but  not  a 
number  limited  necessarily  to  two.  It  would  have  been  better  rendered  by  Dr  Orr, 
'a  few.'  In  the  passage  enumerating  the  names  which  Noldeke  considered  unhis- 
torical  (omitted  in  the  translation,  but  indicated  by  the  asterisks  in  line  2  of  the 
excerpt,  p.  663),  the  names  of  the  four  kings  from  the  East  are  not  included. 


ADDENDA  II  XLIX 

Prof.  Sayce  appears  not  to  have  sufficiently  noticed  the  words  '  as  narrated ' 
in  his  extract  from  Noldeke's  second  article  ('  The  expedition  of  the  kings 
cannot  have  taken  place  as  narrated'  [italics  mine]).  The  entire  dispute 
hinges  on  .these  words.  Noldeke  nowhere  denied  the  possibility  of  an  expe- 
dition into  Canaan  having  been  made  by  a  king  of  Elam  :  what  he  denied  was 
the  historical  character  of  this  particular  expedition,  with  all  the  details  as 
described  in  Gen.  xie.  His  arguments  on  this  point  may,  or  may  not,  in  Prof. 
Sayce's  opinion,  be  sufficient :  but  (what  is  the  point  at  issue)  they  have  not 
been  refuted  by  archaeology. 

Prof.  Sayce  also  finds  fault  with  me  for  implying  that  he  had  attributed 
falsely  to  Noldeke  the  derivation  of  the  names  of  Chedorlaomer  and  his 
allies  from  the  Sanskrit.  But  if  the  reader  will  refer  back  to  p.  XXXIV 
(where  the  entire  paragraph  is  quoted  verbatim),  I  think  he  will  agree  with 
nie  that  the  words  ('  eminent  Semitic  scholars  had,'  &c.)  imply  of  necessity 
(notice  'had,'  in  oblique  narration)  that  it  was  Noldeke's  own  view  which  he 
was  stating.  The  footnote  mentions  Renau's  name ;  but  in  terms  which  do 
not  in  the  least  suggest  that  his  opinion  was  not  endorsed  by  Noldeke. 

See  further  on  Gen.  xiv.  Dr  G.  B.  Gray's  discussion  iu  the  Expositor,  May 
1898,  pp.  342 — 6 ;  the  brief  but  exact  summary  given  by  W.  H.  Bennett, 
Genesis  (in  the  Century  Bible),  1904,  p.  185  f.;  S.  A.  Cook  in  Cambr.  Bibl. 
Essays  (1909),  p.  79  (where  it  is  remarked  that  'the  discovery  of  historical 
personages,  and  the  probability  of  an  invasion  of  Palestine  from  the  east,  do 
not  remove  the  internal  difficulties '  of  the  narrative),  and  in  the  Expositor, 
June  1906,  p.  538;  Barton,  'Abraham  and  Archaeology'  in  the  Journ.  of 
Bibl.  Lit.  1909,  p.  152  flf.;  and  the  fresh  and  independent  treatment  of  the 
question  by  Skinner,  Genesis  (1910),  pp.  271 — 6.  To  prevent  misconception 
I  may  add  that  what  I  deny  is,  not  the  historical  character  of  Abraham,  but 
the  fact  that  his  historical  character  has  been  proved  by  the  monuments ; 
and  while  I  have  great  difficulty  in  thinking  that  the  expedition  can  have 
taken  place,  with  the  details  as  stated  in  Genesis  xiv.,  I  have  never  denied 
(cf.  below,  p.  172)  that  an  expedition  without  such  of  these  details  as  are 
improbable,  though  not  at  present  in  any  way  attested  by  the  monuments, 
may  have  taken  place  at  the  time  in  question.  Nor  do  I  deny  that  Abraham, 
as  a  historical  character,  may  have  come  into  some  conflict  with  this  expe- 
dition :  1  only  maintain  that  at  present  our  sole  authority  for  supposing  this 
is  the  narrative  of  Gen.  xiv.  itself. 

Pp.  215,  224.  In  Babylonian  '  (the  god)  Four,'  and  '  (the  god)  Seven'  were 
names  of  the  moon-god,  suggested  of  course  by  the  four  quarters  of  seven  days 
each,  of  which  the  lunar  month  consists  :  hence  Winckler's  explanation  {Gesch. 
Isr.  ii.  39  n.,  44)  of  ' Kiriath-arba'  as  meaning  properly  'City  of  (the  god)  Four,' 
if  not  also  of  '  Beer-sheba,'  as  meaning  '  Well  of  (the  god)  Seven '  (see  on  this 
Bab.  deity,  Jastrow,  Rel.  Bab.  u.  Ass.  1905,  i.  173  £),  is  not  improbably  to  be 
preferred  to  those  here  adopted.  See  Buruey,  Journ.  of  Theol.  Studies, 
Oct.  1910,  p.  118  t 


LIST  OF  PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS  EMPLOYED. 

ART.    Fritz  Hommel,  Ancient  Hebrew  Tradition  (1897). 

BR.  {or  Rob.).  Edw.  Robinson,  Biblical  Researches  in  Palestine  and  the 
adjacent  regions:  a  Journal  of  Travels  in  the  years  1838  and  1852 
(ed.  2,  1856). 

CIS.     Corpus  Inscriptionum  Semiticarum  (Parisiis  1881  flF.). 

DB.  (except  when  preceded  by  'Smith').  A  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  edited 
by  J.  Hastings,  D.D.  (4  vols.,  1898—1902;  a  fifth,  supplementary  volume 
appeared  in  1904). 

Del  Franz  Delitzsch,  Neuer  Commentar  iJber  die  Genesis^  1887  (EngL  tr.,  in 
2  vols.,  Edinb.,  1888-9). 

Dillm.  {or  DL).  Aug.  Dillmann,  Die  Genesis  erkldrt,  ed.  3,  1892  (Engl,  tr.,  in 
2  vols.,  Edinb.,  1897).  Ed.  1  (1875)  appeared  as  the  third  edition,  for 
the  most  part  rewritten,  of  Knobel's  Commentary  (see  below). 

E.    See  p.  xii. 

EHH.     A.  H.  Sayce,  The  Early  History  of  the  Hebrews  (1897). 

EncB.  EncyclopoBdia  Biblica,  ed  by  the  Rev.  T.  K.  Cheyne,  M.A.,  D.D.,  and 
J.  Sutherland  Black,  M.A.,  LL.D.  (4  vols.,  1899—1903). 

EW.     English  Versions  (used  in  cases  where  A.V.  and  R.V.  agree). 

Exp.  Times.  Expository  Times  (a  monthly  periodical  on  Biblical  and 
Theological  subjects,  ed.  by  J.  Hastings,  D.D.;  T.  and  T.  Clark,  Edinb.). 

G.-K.  Geseniics'  Hebrew  Grammar,  as  edited  and  enlarged  by  E.  Kautzsch, 
Professor  qf  Theology  in  tlie  University  of  Halle.  Translated  from  the 
26th  German  edition  by  the  Rev.  G.  W.  Collins,  M.A.,  and  A.  E.  Cowley, 
M.A.  (Oxford,  1898). 

Gunk.     Hermann  Gunkel,  Genesis  icbersetzt  und  erkldrt  (1901). 

HG.     G.  A.  Smith,  Historical  Geography  of  the  Holy  Land  (ed.  4,  1896^. 

Holz.    H.  Holzinger,  Genesis  erkldrt  (1898). 

J.    See  p.  xii. 

KAT^  Die  Keilinschriflen  und  das  Alte  Testament.  Von  Bb.  Schrader 
(ed.  2,  1883).  Translated  under  the  title  The  Cuneiform  Inscriptions 
and  the  O.T.  by  Owen  C.  Whitehouse,  1885,  1888.  The  references  are  to 
the  pages  of  the  original,  which  are  given  on  the  margin  of  the  English 
translation. 

KA  71*  Die  Keilinschriften  und  das  Alte  Testatnetit.  Neu  bearbeitet  von 
Dr  H.  Zimmem  und  Dr  H.  Winckler  (1903).  Not  a  revised  edition  of 
KAT.\  but  a  completely  new  work.  Contains  a  very  large  amount  of 
fresh  material,  but  does  not  entirely  supersede  KA  T^ 

KB.  Keilinschriftliche  Bibliothek  (transliterations  and  translations  of  Baby- 
lonian and  Assyrian  inscriptions,  by  various  scholars,  under  the  editorship 
of  Eb.  Schrader).    Six  volumes  have  at  present  [1909]  appeared,  vols,  i — iij 


LIST  OF  PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS  LI 

(1889 — 92)  containing  inscriptions  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  kings,  vol.  iv. 
(189(5)  contract-tablets,  &c.,  vol.  v.  (1896)  the  Tel  el- Amarna  correspondence, 
and  vol.  vi.,  Part  i.  (1900-1)  niythological  p(jem3  (including  the  Creation- 
and  Deluge-epics).     Extremely  valuable. 

Knob,  {or  Kn.).     Aug.  Knobel,  Die  Genesis  erkldrt  (ed.  2,  1860). 

L.  (&  B.  The  Land  and  the  Book  ;  or  Biblical  illustrations  drawn  from  the 
manners  and  customs,  the  scenes  and  scenery  of  the  Holy  Land.  By 
W.  M.  Thomson,  D.D.,  forty-five  years  a  missionary  in  Syria  and  Palestine. 
Three  large  volumes,  Southern  Palestine  and  Jerusalem,  (1881),  being 
referred  to  as  L.  &  B.  i.;  Central  Palestine  and  Phoenicia  (18S3)  as 
L.  &  B.  n.;  and  Lebawm,  Damascus,  and  Beyond  Jordan  (1886)  aa 
L.  &  B.  rn.  There  is  also  an  edition  in  1  vol.  (718  pp.  small  8vo.,  1898, 
1901,  &c.),  the  title-page  of  which  differs  from  that  of  the  larger  edition 
only  in  having  'thirty  years'  instead  of  'forty-five  years.'  This  is 
apparently  a  reprint  of  the  original  edition  (in  2  vols.)  published  in 
1859  at  New  York.  Much — perhaps  most — of  the  matter  contained  in 
it  is  incorporated  in  the  3  vol  edition. 

Lex.  A  Hebrew  and  English  Lexicon  of  the  Old  Testament  based  on  the 
Lexicon  of  William  Gesenius.  By  Francis  Brown,  D.D.,  with  the 
co-operation  of  S.  R.  Driver,  D.D.,  and  C.  A.  Briggs,  D.D.  (Clarendon 
Press,  Oxford,  1906.) 

LOT.  S.  R.  Driver,  Introduction  to  the  Literature  qf  the  Old  Testament, 
1891,  ed.  8,  1909. 

Masp.  I.  G.  Maspero,  The  Dawn  of  Civilization.  Egypt  and  Chaldasa  (1894, 
ed.  4,  1901). 

Masp.  IL     G.  Maspero,  The  Struggle  of  the  Nations  (1896). 

Masp.  III.  G.  Maspero,  The  Passing  of  the  Empires  850  B.a  to  330B.O.  (1900). 
These  three  large  and  brilliantly-written   volumes  are    at  present  the 

standard  authority  on  the  ancient  history  of  Egypt,  Babylonia,  Assyria,  and 

neighbouring  countries. 

Mon.  A.  H.  Sayce,  The  'Higher  Criticism'  and  the  Verdict  of  the  Monu- 
ments (1894). 

NHB.    H.  B.  Tristram,  The  Natural  History  of  the  Bible,  ed.  2,  186a 

Onom.  Onomastica  Sacra,  ed.  by  P.  de  Lagarde,  1870,  ed.  2,  1887.  Contains 
Eusebius'  Glossary  of  the  names  of  places  mentioned  in  Scripture,  with 
descriptions  of  their  sites  (p.  207  ff.),  together  with  Jerome's  translation^ 
(p.  82  ff.).  The  references  are  to  the  pages  of  ed.  1,  which  are  repeated 
on  the  margin  of  ed.  2. 

P.    See  p.  iv. 

Parad.  Friedrich  Delitzsch,  Wo  lag  das  Paradies?  (1881).  Important,  not 
on  account  of  the  theory  of  the  site  of  Paradise  advocated  in  it  (which  has 
not  been  generally  accepted  by  scholars),  but  on  account  of  the  abundant 

*  See  the  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography,  ii.  336. 


LII  LIST  OF  PRINCIPAL  ABBREVIATIONS 

information  on  the  geography  of  Babylonia  and  adjacent  countries  collected 

in  it  from  the  Inscriptions. 
Pesh.    Peshitta  (the  Syriac  Version  of  the  O.T.). 
PEFM.    Palestine  Exploration  Fund.    Memoirs  of  the  Survey  (l — ni. 

Western  Palestine;  iv.  Eastern  Palestine). 
PEFQS.     Palestine  Exploration  Fund.     Quarterly  Statement$. 
PSBA.    Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archoeology. 
R.     Redactor  (or  compiler).     See  p.  xvi  £ 

Rel.  Sent.    W.  Robertson  Smith,  Religion  of  the  Semites,  1889,  ed.  2,  1894. 
RVm.     Margin  of  the  Revised  Version. 
S.  &  P.    Sinai  and  Palestine  in  connexion  with  their  history.    By  A.  P. 

Stanley,  D.D.,  F.R.S.  (ed.  1864). 
Tuch.    Fr.  Tuch,  Gommentar  iiber  die  Genesis,  ed.  2,  1871. 
TW.    Tent  Work  in  Palestine.   By  C.  R.  Conder,  R.E.  (ed.  1887,  in  1  voL). 
ZA  TW.    Zeitschrift  fur  die  alttestamentliche  Wissenschaft  (from  1881). 
ZDP  V.     Zeitschrift  des  Deutschen  Palaestina-  Vereins. 

A  small  *  superior '  figure,  attached  to  the  title  of  a  book  (as  KA  T.\  or 
author's  name,  indicates  the  edition  of  the  work  referred  to. 

In  citations,  the  letters  »  and  ^  (or  a  and  h)  denote  respectively  the  first  and 
second  parts  of  the  verse  cited.  Where  the  verses  consist  of  three  or  four 
clauses  (or  lines)  the  letters  "»*>><='*  (or  a,  6,  c,  d)  are  employed  sometimes  to 
denote  them  similarly. 

A  dagger  (t),  appended  to  a  list  of  references,  indicates  that  it  includes  all 
instances  of  the  word  or  phrase  referred  to,  occurring  in  the  Old  Testament. 

It  has  been  found  difficult  to  preserve  entire  consistency  in  the  translitera- 
tion of  foreign  names ;  but  it  is  hoped  that  the  reader  will  not  be  seriously 
misled  in  consequence.  It  has  seemed  sometimes  worth  while  to  distinguish 
the  Hebrew  letters  which  are  commonly  confused  in  English  (as  h  and  h, 
t  and  /) ;  but  even  this  has  not  been  done  uniformly,  and  in  the  case  of  some 
very  familiar  proper  names,  not  at  all.  Where  distinctions  have  been  made, 
»  =  jj;  ^=^,  c;  gh  —  ^',  A  =  n,  f-',  ch  (in  Arabic  words)  =  «;.;  dh  =  i;  ^  =  p; 
f  or  f=>t;  f=l3. 


NOTE  ON  THE  CHRONOLOGY. 

The  ClivoTio^srical  Table  on  tlie  next  page  is  added  for  the  convenience  of 
readers.  Alternative  dates  are  in  some  cases  given,  in  order  that  the  reader  may 
be  aware  of  the  amount  of  agreement  and  diflFerence  between  different  authori- 
ties. References  to  the  principal  authorities  on  which  the  Table  is  based, 
together  with  some  explanation  of  the  grounds  for  the  differences,  will  be 
found  in  the  notes  in  the  Addenda;  those  for  Egyptian  chronology  in  the  note 
on  p.  xxxiii. ;  and  those  for  Babylonian  chronology  in  the  note  on  p.  156,  n.  4 
(add  to  those  here  mentioned  Hilprecht,  The  Babylonian  Expedition  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  ii.  (1896),  pp.  24,  43).  For  the  dates  included 
iu  the  Table,  authorities  earlier  than  those  mentioned  are  mostly  antiquated. 

The  First  Dynasty  of  Babylon'. 


LIST  OP  KINGS. 

CHBONICLB. 

B.«3.» 

Sumu-abu 

15  years 

14  years 

2232—2219 

Sumu-la-el 

35' 

n 

36     „ 

2218—2183 

Zabum 

14 

» 

14    „ 

2182—2169 

Abil-Sin 

18 

» 

18    „ 

2168—2151 

Sin-muballit 

30 

)> 

20    „ 

2150—2131 

Hammurabi 

55 

>» 

43     „ 

2130—2088 

Samsu-iluna 

35 

n 

38     „ 

2087—2050 

Abi-eshu' 

25 

» 

[?2]8     „ 

2049-2022 

Ammi-ditana 

25 

>» 

37    „ 

2021-1985 

Ammi-zaduga 

21 

)» 

10  [uuSuished] 

1984—1964 

Samsu-ditaua 

31 

11 

1963—1933 

304  years  300  years 

Assyria  does  not  come  into  prominence  during  the  period  covered  bj  the 
Table  ;  the  following  dates  may  however  be  mentioned : — 

B.O. 

Ushpia,  priest  of  Asshur,  builder  of  temple  in  the  *  city 

of  Asshur'  (see  on  Gen.  iL  14)       c  2300 

Ilu-shumma,  the   first   king^   of  Assyria   at   present 

(1909)  known  c-.  2225 

Shalmaneser  I,  the  builder  of  Calah  (Gen.  x.  10)         ...    c.  1300 
The  names  of  many  early  Assyrian  patesis  (priest-kings)  and  kings  have 
been  recovered  recently  in  the  course  of  the  excavations  by  the  Germans  of 
KaVat  Sherkat,  the  site  of  the  'city  of  Asshur.' 

1  From  King's  Letters  and  Inscriptions  of  Hammurabi,  iii.  (1900),  p.  lxx  f.  The 
first  column  gives  the  regnal  j'ears  of  the  several  kings  aceoidiug  to  the  List  01 
Ein^s  (B)  published  by  Mr  Pinches  in  1880  (above,  p.  XXVIII) ;  the  second  gives 
their  regnal  years  according  to  the  recently  discovered  Chronicle  of  the  First 
Dynasty,  which  is  based  upon  two  contemporary  documents  dating  from  the  reign 
of  Ammi-zaduga  (above,  p  XXIX,  n.  1). 

*  According  to  Thureau-Dangin  and  UngnaJ. 

s  L.  W,  King,  Chronicles  coiicerniufj  Early  Bab.  Kings  (1907),  i.  lib,  ii.  14. 
Elsswheie  he  is  styled  pa^Mi  (cf.  p.  XXIX,  n.  2). 


CaBffiO^kOLOGICAL   TART.K. 


i«tetf« 


Cta*ii««M*i«I 


I       SnMfei«KC] 


m.e.;  *c.  i 


DrrRODucnoy. 

I  1.     Tie  Strurturt  of  tie  Book  <f  Gmetu,  4 
it»  eompomemi  pmrU. 

The  Boc^of  Geaeds  is  ao  aDeil  from  die  title  gire&tt)  it  in  the 
Lxx.  Yet^fOHL,  derived  from  the  Gie^  renden^  of  iL  ^  9mr^  9  fitfii^m 

yereVews  oipaioS  al  y^      It  fixms  the  filSt  bcx^  IB  tihe  ffilllrflli, — 

as  the  titaaiyirfifde  foraied  by  tiie  PentBteodi  aad  the  Book 
is  nov  freqiiently  termed^ — the  genenl  okgect  of  vUdi  is  to 
in  their  CH^xn  the  fandunentiJ  instxtataane  c^  the  laaefitxih  theooacy 
(Le.  Ihe  aril  and  the  oaemonial  lav),  and  to  txaee  fi<a^  the 
paft  theeooraeaf  eresnts  vhidt  iasoed  nbiiBatefy  in  the 
of  Ifiad  in  Omaan.  ^le  Book  oi  Geneas  eonpnses  die  intndaciaiy 
period  of  this  histoy,  embcacing  the  fires  of  die  anoestocs  of  the 
Hebrevs,  and  ending  with  the  deadi  of  Josqih  in  ^^gjpt.  Hie  am 
d  the  boc^  is,  hoTeTcr,  more  dun  merdj  to  reeoont  the  ■wiiiiij 
<£  Isnelitadf:  its  aim  is,  at  the  same  dme^  to  describe  hov  the  earth 
itsdf  mas  onginaDj  prepared  to  became  the  habitatioB  of  man,  to  give 
an  oodine  of  die  earir  history  of  ■'mtind  npon  it^  and  to  Atem  hov 
Israel  mas  rdated  to  odier  natims,  and  hovitemoged  gEadaaDyinto 
s^iarate  and  distinct  existenoe  beside  diCB.  AoeoidEii^dienansdve 
opms  vith  an  account  of  de  creation  of  die  moid ;  the  fine  of  IsncTs 
ancesixHS  is  traced  back  beyond  Abraham  to  the  fiist  appeaonoe  of 
man  upon  d«e  eaidi:  and  the  idatka  in  vhich  the  natioBS  Act-jjuA^ 
from  the  second  fiitha  (^  humanity,  Xoah,  were  supposed  to  stand. 
both  towazds  one  another  and  toward  laadl,  b  infieatod  by  a  feunja- 
logical  scheme  (ch.  x.).  Ilie  enthe  bo(^  may  dms  be  dirided  into 
rsro  puts,  of  which  tie  nrst,  chs.  i. — xL,  presents  a  genezal  riew  of 

1  The  Book  of  Jc  dnee 

the  litetmzT  afSnhk^ 


ii  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

the  Ea/rhf  History  of  Mankind,  as  pictured  by  the  Hebrews,  including 
the  Creation  (ch.  i.),  the  origin  of  evil  (ch.  iii.),  the  beginnings  of 
civilization  (ch.  iv.),  the  Flood  (chs.  vi. — ix.),  the  rise  of  separate 
nations  (ch.  x.),  and  the  place  taken  by  the  Semites,  and  particularly  by 
the  Hebrews,  among  them  (xi.  10 — 26);  while  the  second,  chs.  xii. — 1., 
beginning  with  the  migration  of  the  Terahites,  comprehends  in  par- 
ticular the  History  of  Israel's  immediate  ancestors,  the  Patriarchs, 
viz.  Abraham  (xii.  1 — xxv.  18),  Isaac  (xxv.  19 — xxxvi.),  and  Jacob 
(xxxvii. — 1.). 

The  narrative  of  Genesis  is  cast  into  a  framework,  or  scheme, 
marked  by  the  recurring  formula,  These  are  the  generations  (lit.  be- 
gettings)  of\...  This  phrase  is  one  which  belongs  properly  to  a 
genealogical  system:  it  implies  that  the  person  to  whose  name  it  is 
prefixed  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  mark  a  break  in  the  genealogical 
series,  and  that  he  and  his  descendants  will  form  the  subject  of  the 
section  which  follows,  until  another  name  is  reached  prominent  enough 
to  form  the  commencement  of  a  new  section. 

The  formula  appears  ten  times  in  the  Book  of  Genesis :  viz.  ii  4'  (the 
generations  of  heaven  and  earth),  v.  1  (of  Adam),  vi.  9  (of  Noah),  x.  1  (of  the 
sons  of  Noah),  xi.  10  (of  Shem),  xi.  27  (of  Teral^),  xxv.  12  (of  Ishmael),  xxv.  19 
(of  Isaac),  xxxvi.  1,  of.  9  (of  Esau),  xxxvii.  2  (of  Jacob).  In  ii.  4*  it  is  applied 
metaphorically;  and  as  it  clearly  relates  to  the  contents  of  ch.  i.,  it  is  very 
possible  that  it  stood  originally  before  i.  1  (see  p.  19).  In  the  other  cases,  it 
introduces  each  time  a  longer  or  shorter  genealogical  account  of  the  person 
named  and  of  his  descendants,  and  is  followed  usually  by  a  more  detailed 
narrative  about  them. 

With  which  of  the  component  parts  of  Genesis  the  scheme  thus 
indicated  was  originally  connected  will  appear  subsequently.  The 
entire  narrative,  as  we  now  possess  it,  is  accommodated  to  it.  The 
attention  of  the  reader  is  fixed  upon  Israel,  which  is  gradually  dis- 
engaged from  the  nations  and  tribes  related  to  it :  at  each  stage  in  the 
history,  a  brief  general  account  of  the  collateral  branches  having  been 
given,  they  are  dismissed,  and  the  narrative  is  limited  more  and  more 
to  the  immediate  line  of  Israel's  ancestors.  Thus  after  ch.  x.  (the 
ethnographical  Table)  all  the  descendants  of  Noah  disappear,  except 
the  line  of  Shem,  xi.  10  if.;  after  xxv.  12 — 18  Ishmael  disappears,  and 
Isaac  alone  remains;  after  ch.  xxxvi.  Esau  and  his  descendants  dis- 
appear, and  only  Jacob  and  his  sons  are  left.  The  same  method 
is  adopted  in  the  intermediate  parts :  thus  in  xix.  30 — 38  the  relation 

1  Once  (v.  1),  'I'his  is  the  book  of  the  generations  of.... 


§  1]         COMPOSITE  STRUCTURE  OF  GENESIS  iii 

to  Israel  of  the  cognate  peoples  of  Moab  and  Animon  is  explained ;  in 
xxii.  20 — 24  (sons  of  Abraham's  brother,  Nahor),  and  xxv.  1 — 4  (sons 
of  Abraham's  concubine,  Keturah)  the  relation  to  Israel  of  certain 
Aramaean  tribes  is  explained. 

The  unity  of  plan  thus  established  for  the  Book  of  Genesis,  and 
traceable  in  many  other  details,  has  long  been  recognized  by  critics. 
It  is  not,  however,  incompatible  with  the  use  by  the  compiler  of 
pre-existing  materials  in  the  composition  of  his  work.  And  as  soon 
as  the  book  is  studied  with  sufficient  attention,  phaenomena  disclose 
themselves,  which  shew  that  it  is  composed  of  distinct  documents 
or  sources,  which  have  been  welded  together  by  a  later  compiler 
(or  '  redactor ')  into  a  continuous  whole.  These  phaenomena  are  very 
numerous ;  but  they  may  be  reduced  in  the  main  to  the  two  follo^ving 
heads:  (1)  the  same  event  is  doubly  recorded;  (2)  the  language,  and 
frequently  the  representation  as  well,  varies  in  different  sections. 
Thus  i.  1 — ii.  4'  and  ii.  4** — 25  contain  a  double  narrative  of  the  origin 
of  man  upon  earth.  No  doubt,  in  the  abstract,  it  might  be  argued 
that  ii.  4**  ff.  is  intended  simply  as  a  more  detailed  account  of  what 
is  described  summarily  in  i.  26 — 30;  but  upon  closer  examination 
differences  reveal  themselves  which  preclude  the  supposition  that  both 
sections  are  the  work  of  the  same  hand:  the  ord&t  of  creation  is 
different,  the  phraseology  and  literary  style  are  different,  and  the 
representation,  especially  the  representation  of  Deity,  is  different^ 
In  the  narrative  of  the  Deluge,  vi.  9 — 13  (the  wickedness  of  the  earth) 
is  a  duplicate  of  vi.  5 — 8 ;  vii.  1 — 5  is  a  duplicate  of  vi.  18 — 22, — with 
the  difference,  however,  that  whereas  in  vi.  19  (cf.  vii.  15)  two  animals 
of  every  kind,  without  distinction,  are  to  be  taken  into  the  ark,  in  vii.  2 
the  number  prescribed  is  two  of  every  unclean  animal,  but  seven  of 
every  clean  animal:  there  are  also  several  other  duplicates,  all  being 
marked  by  accompan)dng  differences  of  representation  and  phraseology, 
one  group  of  sections  being  akin  to  i.  1 — ii.  4%  and  displaying  through- 
out the  same  phraseology,  the  other  exhibiting  a  different  phraseology, 
and  being  conceived  in  the  spirit  of  ii.  4'' — iii.  24*.  In  xvii.  16 — 19 
and  xviii.  9 — 15  the  promise  of  a  son  for  Sarah  is  t^vice  described, — 
the  terms  used  in  xviii.  9 — 15  clearly  shewing  that  the  writer  did  not 
picture  any  previous  promise  of  the  same  kind  as  having  been  given  to 
Abraham, — with  an  accompanying  double  explanation  of  the  origin  of 
the  name  Isaac.  The  section  xxvii.  46 — xxviii.  9  differs  appreciably 
in  style  from  xxvii.  1 — 45,  and  at  the  same  time  represents  Rebekah 
*  See  particulars  on  p.  35  f.  ^  ^^g  jjjg  notes,  p.  86  ff. 

D.  d 


iT  rSTRODUCnON  [§  1 

as  influenced  by  a  different  motive  fix)m  that  mentioned  in  xrvii, 
42 — 45  in  suggesting  Jacob's  departure  from  Canaan'.  Further,  in 
xxviiL  19  and  xxxv.  15  we  find  two  explanations  of  the  origin  of 
the  name  Bethel:  in  xxxii.  28  and  xxxv.  10,  two  of  Israel;  in  xxxii.  3 
and  xxxiii.  16  Esau  is  described  as  already  resident  in  Edom,  whereas 
in  xxxvi.  6  £  his  migration  thither  is  attributed  to  causes  which  could 
not  have  come  into  operation  until  after  Jacob's  return  to  Canaan. 
In  short,  the  Book  of  Genesis  presents  two  groups  of  sections, 
distinguished  from  each  other  by  differences  of  phraseology  and  style, 
and  often  also  by  accompanying  differences  of  representation,  so  marked, 
so  numerous,  and  so  recurrent,  that  they  can  only  be  accounted  for  by 
the  supposition  that  the  groups  ia  which  they  occur  are  not  both  the 
work  of  iiie  same  hand- 

The  sections  homogeneous  in  style  and  character  with  L  1 — ii  4' 
recur  at  intervals,  not  in  Genesis  only,  but  in  the  following  books  to 
Joshua  inclusive ;  and  if  read  consecutively,  apart  from  the  rest  of  the 
narrative,  wiU  be  found  to  form  a  nearly  complete  whole,  containing 
a  systematic  account  of  the  onjines  of  Israel,  treating  with  particular 
fulness  the  various  ceremonial  institutions  of  the  Hebrews  (Sabbath, 
Circumcision,  Passover,  Tabernacle,  Sacrifices,  Feasts,  &c.),  and  dis- 
playing a  consistent  regard  for  chronological  and  other  statistical  data, 
which  entitles  it  to  be  considered  as  the  framework  of  our  present 
HexateucL  The  source,  or  document,  thus  constituted,  has  received 
different  names,  suggested  by  one  or  otner  of  the  various  characteristics 
attaching  to  it  From  its  preference,  till  Ex.  vi  3,  for  the  absolute  use 
of  the  name  God  ('Elohim ')  rather  than  Jehovah  ('Yahweh'),  it  has 
been  termed  the  Elohisfic  narrative,  and  its  author  has  been  called  the 
EU'hist;  but  these  names  are  not  now  so  much  used  as  they  were 
formerly;  by  more  recent  writers,  on  account  of  the  predominance  in 
it  of  priestly  interests,  and  of  the  priestly  point  of  view,  it  is  commonly 
called  the  priestly  narrative,  and  denoted,  for  brevity,  by  the  letter  P 
(which  is  also  used  to  denote  its  author). 

The  following  are  the  parts  of  Genesis  which  belong  to  P : — 

L  1 — ^iL  4»  (creation  of  bearen  and  earth,  and  God's  subsequent  rest  upon 
the  sabbath);  v.  1 — 2S,  30—32  the  line  of  Adam's  descendants  through  Seth 
to  Xoah>;  ri  9—22,  viL  6,  11,  LS— 16%  17»,  1^—21,  24,  viiL  1—2%  S*"— 5,  13», 
14—19,  ii.  1—17,  28—29  (the  story  of  the  Flood,;  i.  1—7,  20,  22—23,  31—32 
(list  of  nations  descended  from  Japhet.  Ham,  and  Shem) ;  xi  10 — 26  line  of 
Shem's  descendants  t<?  Terati;;  li  27,  31 — 32  (Abrabim's  family);  lii.  4*" — 5, 

1  See  p.  262. 


§  1]  THE  PRIESTLY  NARRATIVE  (P)  v 

xiii.  6,  ll** — 12*  (his  migration  into  Canaan,  and  separation  from  Lot);  xvi.  i* 
3,  15 — 16  (birth  of  I.-hmael);  xvii.  (institution  of  circumcision);  xix.  29 
(destruction  of  the  cities  of  the  Kikkdr);  xxi.  l**,  2'' — 5  ^birth  of  Isaac); 
xxiii.  (purchase  of  the  family  burial-place  in  Machpelah);  xxv.  7 — 11'  (death 
and  burial  of  Abraham);  xxv.  12 — 17  (list  of  12  tribes  desceiided  from 
Ishmael) ;  xxv.  19 — "20,  26''  (Isaac's  man-ia?e  with  Rebekah) ;  xxvi.  34 — 35 
(Esau's  Hittite  wives) ;  xxviL  46 — xxviii.  9  (Jacob's  journey  to  Paddan-aram) ; 
xxix.  24,  2S\  29,  xxx.  22'  (perhaps),  xxxi  IS**,  xxxiii.  18'  (Jacob's  marriage 
with  Rachel,  and  return  to  Canaan);  xxxiv.  1—2%  4,  6,  8 — 10,  13—18,  20 — 24, 
25  (partly),  27 — 29  (refusal  of  his  sons  to  sanction  intermarriage  with  the 
Shechemites) ;  xxxv.  9 — 13,  15  (change  of  name  to  Israel  at  Bethel);  xxxv 
22^—29  (death  and  burial  of  Isaac);  xxxvi  in  the  main  (Esau's  migration  into 
Edom ;  the  tribes  and  tribal  chiefs  of  Eiiom  and  Seir  ;  xxxvii.  1 — 2',  xli.  46 
(Joseph's  elevation  in  Egypt);  xlvi.  6 — 27,  xlvii.  5 — 6%  7 — 11,  27'',  28  (migration 
of  Jacob  and  his  family  to  EgyjH,  and  their  settlement  in  the  'land  of 
Rameses');  xlviii.  3 — 6,  7  (Jacob's  adoption  of  Ephraim  aitd  Manasseh); 
xlix.  1',  28'' — 33,  L  12 — 13  (Jacob's  final  instructions  to  his  sons,  and  his  burial 
by  them  in  the  cave  of  Mi%chpelah). 

For  convenience  of  reference,  and  also  in  order  to  enable  the  reader 
to  judge  of  the  character  of  the  source  as  a  whole,  a  synopsis  of  the 
parts  of  Ex. — Josh,  belonging  to  it  is  here  added : — 

Exodus  L  1—5,  7,  13—14.  ii.  23''— 25.  vi.  2— vil  la  vii.  19— 20*,  21''— 22. 
viii.  5 — 7,  IS**— 19.  ix.  8—12.  xl  9—10.  xiL  1—20,  28,  S7»,  40—41,4.3 — 51. 
xiii.  1—2,  20.  xiv.  1—4,  8—9,  16—18,  21',  21=— 23,  26—27',  2S«,  29. 
xvl  1—3,  6—24,  31—36.  xviL  1*.  xix.  1—2*.  xxiv.  15—18'.  xxv.  1— 
xxxi.  1S».     xxxiv.  29 — 35.     xxxv. — xL 

Leviticus  L — xvi.  xvii. — xxvi.  (these  ten  chapters  embodying  considerable 
excerpts  from  an  older  source,  now  generally  called,  from  its  leading  principle, 
the  '  Law  of  HoHnessy.     xxvii. 

Numbers  L  1— x.  28.  xiii.  1—17',  21,  25—26'  (to  Paran),  32».  xiv.  1— 2-, 
5—7,  10,  26—30.  34—382.  xv.  xvi  1»,  2='— 7',  ^7''— 11)',  (16— 17)^  18—24,  27', 
32^  35,  (36—40)3,  41—50.  xvii.  xviii  xix.  xx.  1'  (to  month),  2,  3'' — 4, 
6—13,  22—29.  xxi.  4'  (to  Hor\  10—11.  xxiL  1.  xxv.  6—18.  xxvi— xxxi. 
xxxii.  18—19,  28— 32^     xxxiii     xxxiv.— xxxvi. 

Deuteronomy  i  3.     xxxii.  48 — 52.     xxxiv.  P',  o^,  7 — 9. 

Joshua  iv.  13,  19.  v.  10—12.  vii  1.  ix.  15^  17—21.  xiii.  15—32.  xiv. 
1—5.  XV.  1—13,  20-44,  (45—47)',  48—62.  xvi.  4—8.  xvii.  P,  3—4,  7,  9«, 
9"=- 10«.  xviii.  1,  11—28.  xix.  1—46,  48,  51.  xx.  1—3  (except  '[andj 
unawares'),  6' (to j«irf^«7?^«i;),  7—9 ^     xxi  1 — 12.     (xxii  9— 34)». 

The  groundwork  of  P's  narrative  in  Genesis  is  '  a  series  of  inter- 


1  See  the  writer's  Introduction  to  the  Literature  of  the  Old  Testahient,  p.  43  r' 
(ed.  6  or  7.  p.  47  ff.). 
^  In  the  main. 

*  The  parentheses  indicate  lat^r  additions  to  P  (there  are  probably  others  as 
well;  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  indicate  them  in  the  presen;  svnopsis). 

*  With  traces  in  xxxii.  1—17,  20—27.  *  See  LOT.  105  (112). 

d2 


vi  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

connected  genealogiea — viz.  Ad&m  (v.  1 — 28,  30 — 32),  Noah  (vi.  9 — 10), 
Noah's  sons  (x.  1—7,  20,  22—23,  31—32),  Shem  (xi.  10—26),  Terah 
(xi.  27,  31—32),  Ishmael  (xxv.  12—17),  Isaac  (xxv.  19—20,  26"), 
Esau  (xxxvi.),  Jacob  (xxxv.  22'' — 26,  xxxvii.  2).  These  are  constructed 
upon  a  uniform  plan :  each  bears  the  title,  "This  is  the  genealogy  of..."; 
each  often  begins  with  a  brief  recapitulation  connecting  it  with  the 
preceding  table  (see  on  vi.  10) ;  the  method  is  the  same  thronghont. 
The  genealogies  are  made  the  basis  of  a  systematic  chronology;  and 
short  historical  notices  are  appended  to  them,  as  in  the  case  of  Abraham 
and  Lot,  xii.  4''— 5,  xiii.  6,  11''— 12*,  xvi  V,  3,  15—16,  xix.  29'  (Moore, 
EncB.  n.  1670  f.).  The  narrative  is  rarely  more  detailed,  except  in 
the  case  of  important  occurrences,  a^  the  Creation,  the  Deluge,  the 
Covenants  with  Noah  (ix,  1 — 17)  and  Abraham  (ch.  xvii.),  or  the 
purchase  of  the  family  sepulchre  at  Hebron  (ch.  xxiii.).  Nevertheless, 
meagre  as  it  is,  it  contains  an  outline  of  the  antecedents  and  patriarchal 
history  of  Israel,  sufficient  as  an  introduction  to  the  systematic  view 
of  the  theocratic  institutions  which  is  to  follow  in  Ex. — Nu.,  and  which 
it  is  the  main  object  of  the  author  of  this  source  to  exhibit.  In  the 
earlier  part  of  the  book  the  narrative  appears  to  be  tolerably  complete ; 
but  elsewhere  there  are  evidently  omissions  (e.g.  of  the  birth  of  Esau 
and  Jacob,  and  of  the  events  of  Jacob's  life  in  Paddan-aram,  pre- 
supposed by  xxxi.  18).  But  these  may  be  naturally  attributed  to  the 
compiler  who  combined  P  with  the  other  narrative  used  by  him,  and 
who  in  so  doing  not  unfrequently  gave  a  preference  to  the  fuller  and 
more  picturesque  descriptions  contained  in  the  latter.  If  the  parts 
assigned  to  P  be  read  attentively,  even  in  a  translation,  and  compared 
with  the  rest  of  the  narrative,  the  peculiarities  of  its  style  will  be 
apparent.  Its  language  is  that  of  a  jurist,  accustomed  to  legal  particu- 
larity, rather  than  that  of  a  historian,  writing  with  variety  and  freedom ; 
it  is  circumstantial,  formal,  and  precise.  The  narrative,  both  as  a 
whole  and  in  its  several  parts,  is  articulated  systemarically';  a  formal 
superscription  and  subscription  regularly  mark  the  beginning  and  close 
of  an  enumeration'.  Particular  words  and  expressions  recur  with 
great  frequency.  Sentences  are  also  cast  with  great  regularity  into  the 
same  mould:  as  Mr  Carpenter  has  remarked,  'when  once  the  proper 
form  of  words  has  been  selected,  it  is  unfailingly  reproduced  on  the 

1  E.g.  i.  S»,  8\  13,  19,  23,  SI";  v.  6—8,  9—11,  12—14  Ac;  xi.  10—11, 
12—13  i-c. 

*  'These  are  the  generations  of...'  (above,  p.  iL);  i.  5^  S*",  13  <fec. ;  x.  5  [see 
the  note],  20,  31,  32,  ssv.  13»,  16,  xixri.  29»,  30",  40*,  43"  &c.  (see  Wow,  p.  x., 
No.  26) :  cf .  also  ri.  22  (see  p.  ix.,  No.  12),  comp.  with  Ex.  vii.  6  *c. 


§  1]  LITERARY  STYLE  OF  P  vii 

next  occasion*.'  In  descriptions,  emphasis*  and  completeness*  are 
studied;  hence  a  statement,  or  command,  is  often  developed  at  some 
length,  and  in  part  even  repeated  in  slightly  different  words \  There  is 
a  tendency  to  describe  an  object  in  full  each  time  that  it  is  mentioned*; 
a  direction  is  followed,  as  a  rule,  by  an  account  of  its  execution,  usually 
in  nearly  the  same  words".  It  will  now,  moreover,  be  apparent  that 
the  scheme  into  which  (p.  ii.)  the  Book  of  Genesis  is  cast,  is  the  work 
of  the  same  author, — the  formula  by  ^,  which  its  salient  divisions  are 
marked  constituting  an  essential  feature  in  the  sections  assigned  to  P. 
Here  is  a  select  list  of  words  and  expressions  characteristic  of  P, — 
most,  it  will  be  observed,  occurring  nowhere  else  in  the  entire  OT., 
though  a  few  are  met  with  in  Ezekiel,  the  priestly  prophet  (who  has 
moreover  other  affinities  with  P),  and  a  few  occur  also  in  other  late 
OT.  writings.  Only  words  and  expressions  occurring  in  Genesis  are 
cited;  the  list  would  be  considerably  extended,  if  those  characteristic 
of  the  parts  of  Ex. — Josh,  belonging  to  P  were  included  as  well'. 

The  dagger  (+),  both  here  and  elsewhere,  indicates  that  all  passages  of  the  Old 
Testament,  in  which  the  word  or  phrase  quoted  occurs,  are  cited  or  referred  to ; 
and  the  asterisk  (*)  indicates  that  all  passages  of  the  Hexateuch,  in  which  the 
word  or  phrase  quoted  occurs,  are  cited  or  referred  to. 

1.  God,  not  Jehovah,  Gen.  i.  1,  and  uniformly,  except  xvii.  1,  xxi.  l**,  until 
Ex.  vi  2,  3. 

It  is  the  theorj-  of  P,  expressed  distinctly  in  Ex.  vi  3,  that  the  name 
'Jehovah'  was  not  in  use  before  the  Mosaic  age  :  accordingly  until  Ex.  vi.  2 — 3, 
he  consistently  confines  himself  to  God.  J,  on  the  other  hand,  uses  Jth>rah 
regularly  from  the  beginning  (Gen.  ii  4^,  5,  7  &c.).     In  the  OT.  generally, 

^  Oxf.  Hex.  I.  125  (ed.  2,  p.  235).  Mr  Cai-penter  instances  the  use  of  the 
migration  formula,  Gen.  lii.  5,  xxxi.  18,  xxxvi.  8,  xlvi.  6,  and  the  description  of 
Maehpelah,  xxiii.  19,  xxv.  9,  xlix.  30,  1.  13:  cf.  also  xii.  4'',  xvi.  16,  xvii.  24,  25. 
xxi.  5,  xxv.  26^  xli.  46»;  Ex.  vii  7. 

2  Comp.  Gen.  i.  29,  vi.  17,  ix.  3. 

'  Notice  the  precision  of  description  and  definition  in  Gen.  i  24,  25,  26'',  28'', 
vi.  18,  20,  vii.  13—14,  21,  viii.  17,  18—19;  x.  5,  20,  31,  32,  xxxvi.  40;  xxiii.  17; 
xxxvi.  8,  xlvi.  6 — 7  ;  Ex.  vii.  19  Ac. 

*■  Gen.  ii.  2—3,  ix.  9—11,  12—17,  xvii.  10—14,  23—27,  xxiii.  17—20,  xlix.  29— 
30,  32 ;  Ex.  xii.  18 — 20  &.Q.  In  this  connexion,  there  may  be  noticed  particularly 
an  otherwise  uncommon  mode  of  expression,  producing  a  peculiar  rhythm,  by 
which  a  statement  is  first  made  in  general  terms,  and  then  partly  repeated,  for  the 
purp'ise  of  receiving  closer  limitation  or  definition:  see,  for  instance.  Gen.  i.  27 
'and  God  created  man  in  his  own  image  ;  in  the  image  of  God  created  he  him  -.  male 
and  female  created  he  them,'  vi.  14  (Heb.),  ix.  5,  xxiii.  11  'the  field  give  I  thee  &c. ; 
m  the  presence  of  the  sons  of  my  people  give  I  it  thee,'  xlix.  29'' — 30;  Ex.  xii.  4,  8, 
xvi.  16,  35,  xxv.  2,  11,  18,  19,  xxvi.  1;  Lev.  xxv.  22;  Nu.  ii.  2,  xviii.  18,  xxxvi.  11 — 
12  {Heb.),d-c. 

*  Comp.  Gen.  i.  7  beside  v.  6,  v.  12  beside  v.  11,  vui.  18  f.  beside  viii.  16  f. 

«  See  Gen.  i  6—7;  11—12:  •J4— 25 ;  vi  18—20  and  vii.  13—16;  viii.  16—17 
and  18—19  ;  Ex.  viii.  16—17;  ix.  S— 10  &c. 

7  See  LOT.  pp.  126—8  (ed.  6  or  7,  pp.  133—5). 


viii  INTRODUCTION  .  [§  1 

Jehovah  is  much  more  common  than  God ;  and  to  this  fact  is  due  no  doubt  its 
having  been  accidentally  substituted  for  an  original  God  in  the  two  passages, 
Gen.  xvii.  1,  xxi.  l^ 

The  statenieut  in  Ex.  vi.  3  that  God  appeared  to  the  patriarchs  as  El 
Shaddai  is  in  agreement  vnth  the  use  of  this  title  in  xvii.  1,  xxviii.  3,  xxxv.  11, 
xlviii.  3.  The  following  words,  '  but  by  my  name  Jehovah  I  was  not  known 
unto  them,'  are  additional  proof, — if  such  be  needed, — that  Gen.  xv.  7,  xxviii. 
13,  as  also  the  numerous  passages  in  Gen.  in  which  the  patriarchs  make  use  of 
this  name,  cannot  have  been  written  by  the  same  author. 

2.  Kind  (po):  Gen.  i.  11,  12  his,  21  his,  24  his,  25  ter,  vi.  20  ter,  7,  14 
quater ;  Lev.  xi.  14,  15,  16,  19  [hence  Dent.  xiv.  13,  14,  15,  18],  22  qualer,  29 ; 
Ez.  xlvii.  lot. 

3.  To  twarm  (p.K^):  Gen.  i.  20,  21,  vii.  21,  viii.  17;  Lev.  xi.  29,  41,  42, 
43,  46;  Ez.  xlvii.  9.  Fig.  of  men:  Gen.  ix.  7;  Ex.  i.  7t.  Once  in  J,  Ex. 
vii.  28  [hence  Ps.  cv.  30j. 

4.  Swarming  things  (1*1^) :  Gen.  i.  20,  vii.  21 ;  Lev,  v.  2,  xi.  10,  20  [hence 
DeuL  xiv.  19],  21,  23,  29,  31,  41,  42,  43,  44,  xxii.  5  [see  p.  12  n.]t. 

5.  To  he  fruitfid  and  multiply  (n3"l1  mc):  Gen.  i.  22,  28,  viii.  17,  ix.  1, 
7,  xvii.  20  (cf.  vv.  2,  6),  xxviii.  3,  xxxv.  11,  xlvii.  27,  xlviii.  4;  Ex.  i.  7;  Lev. 
xxvi.  9 :  also  Jer.  xxiii.  3;  and  (inverted)  iii.  16,  Bz.  xxxvi.  llf- 

6.  To  creep  (b'pn) :  Gen.  i.  21  (BVV.  moveth),  26,  28,  30,  vii.  8,  14,  21, 
viii.  17,  19,  ix.  2;  Lev.  xi.  44,  46  (EVV.  moveth),  xx.  25.    Also  Deut.  iv.  18* 

7.  Creeping  things,  reptiles  (t^'9^):  Gen.  i.  24,  25,  26,  vi.  7,  20,  vii.  14,  23, 
viii.  17,  19,  ix.  3  (used  here  more  generally  :  EVV.  moveth)*. 

8.  For  food  (n^DX*?) :  Gen.  i.  29,  30,  vi.  21,  ix.  3 ;  Ex.  xvi.  15  ;  Lev.  xi.  39, 
XXV.  6 ;  Ez  XV.  4,  6,  xxi.  37,  xxiii.  37,  xxix.  6,  xxxiv.  5,  8,  10,  12,  xxxix.  4t. 
(In  Jer.  xii.  9  n'?3N'?  is  an  infin.) 

9.  Generations  (nn^in>  lit.  hegettings) : 

(o)  in  the  phrase  These  are  the  generations  of...:  Gen.  ii.  4»,  v.  1  {TTiis  is 
the  hook  of  the  generations  of...),  vi.  9,  x.  1,  xL  10,  27,  xxv.  12  [hence  I  Ch.  i.  29], 
19,  xxxvi.  1,  9,  xxxvii.  2;  Nu.  iii.  1;  Ruth  iv.  18  f- 

(6)  in  the  phrase  their  generations,  hy  their  families:  Nu.  i.  20,  22,  24  &c. 
(12  times  in  this  chapter)  f. 

(c)  in  the  phrase  according  to  (S)  their  generations  {  =  their  parentage,  or 
their  ages):  Gen.  x.  32,  xxv.  13;  Ex.  vi.  16,  19,  xxviii.  10  (d);  1  Ch.  v.  7,  vii.  2, 
4,  9,  viii.  28,  ix.  9,  34,  xxvi.  31. 

10.  To  expire  (yi)):  Gen.  vi.  17,  viL  21,  xxv.  8,  17,  xxxv.  29,  xlix.  33; 
Nu.  xvii.  12,  13,  XX.  3  his,  29  ;  Josh.  xxii.  20t.  (Only  besides  in  poetry:  Zech. 
xiii.  8 ;  Ps.  Ixxxviii.  16,  civ.  29;  Lam.  i.  19 ;  and  8  times  in  Job.) 

11.  With  thee  {him  &c.)  appended  to  an  enumeration:  Gen.  vi.  18,  vii.  7, 
13,  viii.  16,  18,  ix.  8,  xxviii.  4,  xlvL  6,  7;  Ex.  xxviii.  1,  41,  xxix.  21  his;  Lev. 
viii.  2,  30,  X.  9,  14,  15,  xxv.  41,  54;  Nu.  xviii.  1,  2,  7,  11,  19  bis*.  Similarly 
after  you  {tfie.e  &c.)  appended  to  seed:  Gen.  ix.  9,  xvii.  7  his,  8,  9,  10,  19, 
XXXV.  12,  xlviii.  4  ;  Ex.  xxviii.  43 ;  Nu.  xxv.  13. 


§  1]  LITERARY  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  P  ix 

12.  And  Noah  did  {so);  according  to  &c. :  Gen.  vi.  22  :  exactly  the  same 
form  of  sentence,  Ex.  vii.  6,  xii.  28,  50,  xxxix.  32*",  xL  16;  Nu.  i.  54,  ii.  34, 
viii.  20,  xvii.  11  (Heb.  26) :  of.  Ex,  xxxix.  43  ]  Nu.  v.  4,  ix.  5. 

13.  This  selfsame  day  (ntn  DVH  DVJ?):  Gen.  vii.  13,  xvii.  23,  26  ;  Ex.  xii.  17, 
41,  61;  Lev.  xxiii.  14,  21,  28,  29,  30;  Dt.  xxxii.  48;  Jos.  v.  11,  x.  27  (not  P: 
probably  the  compiler) ;  Ez.  ii.  3,  xxiv.  2  his,  xl.  1  f. 

14.  After  their  families  (nn"'-,  DmnDB'D'p):  Gen.  viii.  19,  x.  5,  20,  31, 
xxxvi.  40  ;  Ex.  vi.  17,  25,  xii.  21  ;  Nu.  i.  (13  times),  ii.  34,  iii. — iv.  (15  times), 
xxvi.  (16  times),  xxix.  12,  xxxiii.  54;  Jos.  xiii.  15,  23,  24,  28,  29,  31  ;  xv.  1,  12, 
20,  xvi.  5,  8,  xvii.  2  Us,  xviii.  11,  20,  21,  28,  xix.  (12  times),  xxi.  7,  33,  40  (Heb. 
38) ;  1  CL  v.  7,  vi.  62,  63  (Heb.  47,  48 :  from  Josh.  xxi.  33,  40).  Once  in  J, 
Nu.  xi.  10;  and  once  also  in  one  of  the  earlier  historical  books,  1  S.  x.  21  f. 

15.  An  everlasting  covenant:  Gen.  ix.  16,  xvii.  7,  13,  19 ;  Ex.  xxxi.  16 ; 
Lev.  xxiv.  8;  cf.  Nu.  xviii.  19,  xxv.  13*. 

16.  Exceedingly  (iko  IKOl  [not  the  usual  phrase]):  Gen.  xvii.  2,  6,  20; 
Ex.  L  7;  Ez.  ix.  9,  xvi  13 1- 

17.  Substance,  goods  (t;'1D"l)'-  Gen.  xii.  5,  xiii.  6*,  xxxL  18^  xxxvi.  7,  xlvi.  6; 
Nu.  xvi.  32  end,  xxxv.  3.  Elsewhere  (not  P):  Gen.  xiv.  11, 12,  IGbis,  21,  xv.  14; 
and  in  Chr.  (8  times),  Ezr.  (4  times),  Dan.  xi.  (3  times)  f. 

18.  To  amass,  gather  (tfDl — cognate  with  'substance'):  Gen.  xii.  5,  xxxi. 
18  bisy  xxxvi.  6,  xlvi.  6  (RV.  had  gotten)  f. 

19.  Soul  (tJ'SJ)  in  the  sense  of  person:  Gen.  xii.  5,  xxxvi.  6,  xlvi.  15,  18, 
22,  25,  2G,  27  ;  Ex.  i.  5,  xii.  4,  16  (RV.  man),  19,  xvi.  16  (RY .  persons) ;  Lev. 
ii.  1  (RV.  any  one),  iv.  2,  27,  v.  1,  2  ;  and  often  in  the  legal  parts  of  Lev.  Num. 
(as  Lev.  xvii.  12,  xxii.  11,  xxvii.  2);  Nu.  xxxi.  28,  35,  40,  46 ;  Josh.  xx.  3,  9  (from 
Nu.  xxxv.  11,  15).  See  also  below,  No.  24  a.  A  usage  not  confined  to  P,  but 
much  more  frequent  in  P  than  elsewhere. 

20.  Throughout  your  {their)  generations  (D3^n'")ht>,  Dnht^) :  Gen.  xvii.  7, 
9,  12;  Ex.  xiL  14,  17,  42,  xvi.  32,  33,  xxvii.  21,  xxix.  42,  xxx.  8,  10,  21,  31, 
xxxi.  13,  16,  xl.  15;  Lev.  iii.  17,  vi.  11,  vii.  36,  x.  9,  xvii,  7,  xxi.  17,  xxii.  3, 
xxiii.  14,  21,  31,  41,  xxiv.  3,  xxv.  30  (Ai?);  Nu.  ix,  10,  x.  8,  xv.  14,  15,  21,  23,  38, 
xviii.  23,  xxxv.  29  f. 

21.  Sqjournings  (DniJO):  with  land.  Gen.  xvii  8,  xxviii.  4,  xxxvi.  7, 
xxxvii.  1  ;  Ex.  vi  4 ;  Ez.  xx.  38 ;  with  days.  Gen.  xlvii.  9  his.  Only  besides 
Pa.  cxix.  54  :  and  rather  differently,  Iv.  15  (sing.) ;  Job  xviii.  19  f. 

22.  Possession  (njriN):  Gen.  xvii.  8,  xxiff  4,  9,  20,  xxxvi.  43,  xlvii  11, 
xlviii.  4,  xlix.  30,  L  13 ;  Lev.  xiv.  34,  xxv.  10 — 46  (13  times),  xxvii.  16,  21,  22, 
24,  28 ;  Nu.  xxvii  4,  7,  xxxii  5,  22,  29,  32,  xxxv.  2,  8,  28 ;  Dt.  xxxiL  49  ;  Josh, 
xxi.  12,  41,  xxii.  4  (Deuterononiic),  9,  19  bis.  Elsewhere  only  in  Ezekiel 
(xliv.  28  bis,  xiv.  5,  6,  7  bis,  8,  xlvi.  16,  18  ier,  xlviii.  20,  21,  22  bis);  Ps.  ii  8 ; 
1  Ch.  vii  28,  ix.  2  (  =  Neh.  xi  3),  2  Ch.  xi.  14,  xxxi  If. 

23.  Tlie  co^^iiate  verb  to  get  possessions  (T^^53),  rather  a  peculiar  word : 
Gen.  xxxiv.  10,  xlvii.  27  ;  Nu.  xxxii  30,  Josh.  xxii.  9,  19t. 


X  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

24    Father' t  kin  (D'Oy), — a  peculiar  usage  (see  on  Gen.  xvii.  14): 

(a)  that  sold  (or  that  man)  shall  be  cut  off  from  his  father's  kin :  Gen. 
xvil  14;  Ex.  xxx.  33,  38,  xxxi.  14;  Lev.  vii.  20,  21,  25,  27,  xvii.  9,  xix.  8, 
xxiiL  29;  Nu.  ix.  13t. 

(6)  to  be  gathered  to  on^s  father's  kin:  Gen.  xxv.  8,  17,  xxx  v.  29,  xlix.  33 
(c£  on  V.  29) ;  Nu.  xx.  24,  xxviL  13,  xxxi.  2  ;  Dt.  xxxiL  50  bisf. 

(c)  Lev.  xix.  16,  xxi.  1,  4,  14,  15;  Ez.  xviii.  18 :  perhaps  Jud.  v.  14;  Hos. 
X.  14. 

25.  Sojourner  (EVV.),  better  settler  (nSJ'in):  Gen.  xxiii.  4  (hence  fig. 
Ps.  xxxix.  13,  1  Ch.  xxix.  15);  Ex.  xii.  45;  Lev.  xxii.  10,  xxv.  6,  23  (fig.),  36, 
40,  45,  47  bis;  Nu.  xxxv.  15  ;  1  K.  xvii.  1  (but  read  rather  as  RVm.)t. 

26.  The  methodical  form  of  subscription  and  superscription :  Gen.  x.  [5,] 
20,  31,  32,  xxv.  13%  16,  xxxvi.  29%  30%  40%  43%  xlvi.  8,  15,  18,  22,  25 ;  Ex.  i.  1, 
vi.  14,  16,  19,  25,  26 ;  Nu.  i.  44,  iv,  28,  33,  37,  41,  45,  vii.  17,  23,  29  &c.,  84, 
xxxiii.  1 ;  Josh.  xiii.  23,  28,  32,  xiv.  1,  xv.  12,  20,  xvi  8,  xviii.  20,  28,  xix.  8,  16, 
23,  31,  39,  48,  51  [cf.  Gen.  x.  31,  32],  xxi.  19,  26,  33,  40,  41 — 42.  (Not  a 
complete  enumeration.)^ 

27.  As  those  acquainted  with  Hebrew  will  be  aware,  there  are  in  Heb. 
two  forms  of  the  pron.  of  the  1st  pers.  sing,  'dni  and  'dnoki,  which  are  not  by 
all  writers  used  indiscriminately :  P  now  uses  'dm  nearly  130  times  {'dnoki 
only  once.  Gen.  xxiii.  4 :  comp.  in  Ezekiel  'dnl  138  times,  'dnoki  once, 
xxxvi.  28).  In  the  rest  of  the  Hexateuch  'dnoki  is  preferred  to  'dnl,  and  in 
the  discourses  of  Deut  it  is  used  almost  exclusively. 

28.  For  hundred  P  uses  a  peculiar  grammatical  form  (m*'ath  in  the 
constr.  state,  in  cases  where  ordinarily  me'dh  would  be  said) :  Gen.  v.  3,  6,  18, 
25,  28,  vii.  24,  viil  3,  li.  10,  25,  xxi.  5,  xxv.  7,  17,  xxxv.  28,  xlvii.  9,  28; 
Ex.  vi.  16,  18,  20,  xxxviii.  25,  27  ter;  Nu.  iL  9,  16,  24,  31,  xxxiii.  39.  So 
besides  only  Neh.  v.  11  (probably  corrupt :  see  Ryle  ad  loc),  2  Ch.  xxv.  9  QrS, 
Est.  i.  4.     P  uses  me'dh  in  such  cases  only  twice,  Gen.  xvii.  17,  xxiii.  1. 

29.  For  to  beget  P  uses  regularly  T'^in,  Gen.  v.  3—32  (28  times),  vi.  10,  xi. 
10 — 27  (27  times),  xvii.  20,  xxv.  19,  xlviii.  6  ;  not  1^%  which  is  used  by  J,  Gen. 
iv.  18  ter,  x.  8,  13,  15,  24  bis,  26,  xxii.  23,  xxv.  3. 

30.  For  the  idea  of  making  a  covenant,  P  says  always  D^■?^  {establish). 
Gen.  vi.  18,  ix.  9,  11,  17,  xvii.  7,  19,  21,  Ex.  vi.  4  (so  Ez.  xvi.  60,  62)  f;  not 
nD3  (lit.  cut,  BW.  make:  see  on  xv.  18),  as  in  Gen.  xv.  18,  xxi.  27, 32,  xxvi.  28, 
xxxi  44,  and  generally  in  the  OT. 

31.  To  express  the  idea  of  Jehovah's  being  in  the  midst  of  His  people,  P 
says  always  "^ma  (13  times:  Ex.  xxv.  8  &c.),  JE  anpi  (13  times:  Ex.  iii.  20  &c.). 

32.  Hebron  is  denoted  in  P  (except  Josh.  xxL  13)  by  J^iriath-arba^  (said 
in  Josh.  xiv.  15  =  Jud.  i.  10  [J]  to  have  been  its  old  name):  Gen.  xxiii.  2, 
xxxv.  27 ;  Josh.  xv.  13,  54,  xx.  7,  xxi.  11.     So  Neh.  xi  25  f. 


*  The  subscriptionB  in  J  are  much  briefer :  ix.  19,  x.  29,  xxii.  23,  xxv.  4. 


§  1]  LITERARY  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  P  xi 

The  following  geographical  terms  are  found  only  in  P : 

33.  Machpelah:  Gen.  xxiii.  9,  17,  19,  xxv.  9,  xlix.  30,  L  13  f. 

34.  Paddan-aram:  Gen.  xxv.  20,  xxviii.  2,  5,  6,  7,  xxxi.  18,  xxxiii.  IS'', 
XXXV.  9,  26,  xlvi.  15  ;  cf.  xlviii.  7  {Paddan  alone).  J  says  Aram-naharainiy 
Gen.  xxiv.  10 :  so  Dt.  xxiii.  4,  Jud.  iii.  8,  Ps.  Ix.  titled . 

Some  other  expressions  might  be  noted;  but  these  are  the  most 
distinctive.  If  the  reader  will  be  at  the  pains  of  underlirimg  them  in 
all  their  occurrences,  he  will  see  that  they  do  not  occur  in  the  Hexateuch 
indiscriminately,  but  that  they  are  aggregated  in  particular  passages, 
to  which  they  impart  a  character  of  their  own,  different  from  that  of 
the  rest  of  the  narrative'.  The  literary  style  of  P  is  very  strongly 
marked :  in  point  of  fact,  it  stands  apart  not  only  from  that  of  every 
other  part  of  the  Hexateuch,  but  also  from  that  of  every  part  of  Judges, 
Samuel,  and  Kings', — whether  the  strictly  narrative  parts,  or  those 
which  have  been  added  by  the  Deuteronomic  compiler ;  and  has  sub- 
stantial resemblances  only  with  that  of  Ezekiel. 

The  parts  of  Genesis  which  remain  after  the  separation  of  P  have 
next  to  be  considered.  These  also  shew  indications  of  not  being 
homogeneous  in  structure.  Especially  from  ch.  xx.  onwards  the 
narrative  exhibits  marks  of  compilation;  and  the  component  parts, 
though  not  differing  from  one  another  in  diction  and  style  so  widely 
as  either  differs  from  P,  and  being  so  welded  together  that  the  lines 
of  demarcation  between  them  frequently  cannot  be  fixed  with  certainty, 
appear  nevertheless  to  be  plainly  discernible.  Thus  in  xx.  1 — 17  the 
consistent  use  of  the  term  God  is  remarkable,  whereas  in  ch.  xviii. — 
xix.  (except  xix.  29  P),  and  in  the  similar  narrative  xii.  10 — 20,  the 
term  Jehovah  is  uniformly  employed.  The  term  God  recurs  similarly 
in  xxi.  6 — 31,  xxii.  1 — 13,  and  elsewhere,  particularly  in  chs.  xL — xlii., 
xlv.  For  such  a  variation  in  similar  and  consecutive  chapters  no 
plausible  explanation  can  be  assigned  except  diversity  of  authorship*. 
At  the  same  time,  the  fact  that  Elohim  is  not  here  accompanied  by 
the  other  criteria  of  P's  style,  forbids  our  assigning  the  sections  thus 

^  After  Ex.  vi.  2  Elohim  for  Jehovah  disappears;  but  a  nnmber  of  even  more 
distinctive  expressions  appear  in  its  place.  It  is  a  serious  mistake  to  suppose,  as 
appears  to  be  sometimes  done,  that  the  use  of  Elohim  for  Jehovah  is  the  only 
criterion  distinctive  of  P. 

2  For  pomts  of  contact  in  isolated  passages,  viz.  parts  of  Jud.  xx. — xxi.,  I  S. 
ii.  22^  1  K.  viii.  1,  5,  see  LOT.  p.  ISe  (ed.  7,  p.  143  f.). 

^  It  is  true  that  Elohim  and  Yahweh  represent  the  Divine  Nature  under 
difierent  aspects,  viz.  as  the  God  of  nature  and  the  God  of  revelation  respectively; 
but  it  is  only  in  a  comparatively  small  number  of  instances  that  this  distinction 
can  be  applied,  except  with  great  artificiality,  to  explain  the  variation  between  the 
two  names  in  the  Pentateuch. 


xii  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

characterized  to  that  source.  Other  phraseological  criteria  are  slight ; 
there  are,  however,  not  unfrequently  differences  of  representation, 
which  point  decidedly  in  the  same  direction  (e.g.  the  remarkable  ones 
in  ch.  xxxvii.).  It  seems  thus  that  the  parts  of  Genesis  which  remain 
after  the  separation  of  P  are  formed  by  the  combination  of  two 
narratives,  originally  independent,  though  covering  largely  the  same 
ground,  which  have  been  united  by  a  subsequent  editor,  who  also 
contributed  inconsiderable  additions  of  his  own,  into  a  single,  con- 
tinuous narrative.  One  of  these  sources,  from  its  use  of  the  name 
Jahvceh,  is  now  generally  denoted  by  the  letter  J ;  the  other,  in  which 
the  name  Elohim  is  preferred,  is  denoted  similarly  by  E;  and  the  work 
formed  by  the  combination  of  the  two  is  referred  to  by  the  double 
letters  JE.  The  method  of  the  compiler  who  combined  J  and  E 
together,  was  sometimes,  it  seems,  to  extract  an  entire  narrative  from 
one  or  other  of  these  sources  (as  xx.  1 — 17,  xxi.  6 — 31  from  E; 
ch.  xxiv.  from  J);  sometimes,  while  taking  a  narrative  as  a  whole 
from  one  source,  to  incorporate  with  it  notices  derived  from  the  other 
(as  frequently  in  chaps,  xl. — xlv.);  and  sometimes  to  construct  his 
narrative  of  materials  derived  from  each  source  in  nearly  equal  pro- 
portions (as  chaps,  xxviii.,  xxix.). 

The  passages  assigned  to  E  in  the  present  volume  are :  xv.  1 — 2,  5,  xx., 
xxi.  fr— 21,  22— 32>,  xxii.  1—14,  19,  xxviii.  11—12,  17—18,  20—22,  xxix.  1, 
15—23,  25— 2s»,  30,  xxx.  1—3,  6,  17—20^',  21—23,  xxxi  2,  4—18%  19—45, 
51—55,  xxxii.  1,  xxxiii.  18''— 20,  xxxv.  1—8,  xxxviL  5—11,  19—20,  22— 25», 
26'' ',  29—30,  36,  xL — xlii.  (except  a  few  isolated  passages),  xlv.  (with  similar 
exceptions),  xlvi.  1 — 5,  xlviii.  1 — 2,  8—22,  L  15 — 26. 

It  may  suflSce  to  indicate  the  principal  longer  passages  referred  to  J  : 
ii.  4*> — iii.,  iv. ;  the  parts  of  vi. — x.  not  referred  above  to  P  ;  xi.  1 — 9 ;  and 
(except  here  and  there  a  verse  or  two, — rarely,  a  few  verses  more, — belonging 
to  E  or  P)  xii.,  xiiL,  xv.,  xvi,  xviii. — xix.,  xxiv^  xxv.  21 — 34,  xxvi.,  xxviL  1 — 45, 
xxix  2 — 14,  xxix.  31 — xxx.  24  (the  main  narrative),  xxx.  25 — 43,  xxxii.,  xxxiii., 
xxxiv.  (partly;,  xxxni.  (partly),  xxxviiL,  xxxix.,  xliii.,  xliv.,  xlvi.  28 — 34,  xlvii., 
xlix.,  L  1— 11, 14. 

The  criteria  distinguishing  J  from  E  are  fewer  and  less  clearly 
marked  than  those  distinguishing  P  from  JE  as  a  whole;  and  there 
is  consequently  sometimes  uncertainty  in  the  analysis,  and  critics, 
interpreting  the  evidence  differently,  sometimes  differ  accordingly  in 
their  conclusions.  Nevertheless  the  indications  that  the  narrative  is 
composite  are  of  a  nature  which  it  is  not  easy  to  gainsay;  and  the 
difficulty  which  sometimes  presents  itself  oi  disengaging  the  two 
sources  is  but  a  natural  consequence  of  the  greater  similarity  of  style 


§  1]  CRFTERIA  DISTES^GUISHING  J  AKD  E  xiii 

subsisting  between  them,  than  between  JE,  as  a  whole,  and  P'.  At 
the  same  time  the  present  writer  is  ready  to  allow  that  by  some  critics 
the  separation  of  J  from  E  is  carried  further  than  seems  to  him  to  be 
probable  or  necessary:  no  doubt,  the  criteria  which  are  relied  upon 
exist;  the  question  which  seems  to  him  to  be  doubtful,  is  whether 
in  the  cases  which  he  has  in  view  they  are  sufficient  evidence  of 
different  authorship.  But  the  general  conclusion  that  the  narrative 
here  called  '  JE '  is  composite  does  not  appear  to  him  to  be  disputable : 
and  the  longer  and  more  clearly  defined  passages  which  may  reasonably 
be  referred  to  J  and  E  respectively,  have  been  indicated  by  him  accord- 
ingly throughout  the  present  volume.  In  important  cases,  also,  the 
grounds  upon  which  the  distinction  rests  have  generally  been  pointed 
out  in  the  notes. 

The  following  are  some  examples  of  words  or  expressions  characteristic  of 
B,  as  disiinguished  fi-om  J.  E  prefers  God  (though  not  exclusively)  and  angel 
of  God  where  J  x^reien  Jehocah  and  angel  of  Jehocah;  E  uses  Amorite  as  the 
general  name  of  the  pre-Israelitish  inhabitants  of  Palestine,  while  J  uses 
Canaanite ;  E  uses  H'^rch,  J  Sinai ;  in  E  the  name  of  Moses'  father-in-law  is 
Jethro,  in  J  it  is  Hohab;  for  bondwoman  E  prefers  dmdh,  J  prefers  shiphhah; 
B  speaks  of  Gods  coming  in  a  dream  (xx.  3,  xxxi.  24;  Xu.  xxii.  9,  20), — an 
expression  not  found  at  all  elsewhere ;  E  also  uses  sometimes  unusual  words, 
as  W'jO  times  Gen.  xxxi.  7,  41  f,  kesitah  (a  piece  of  money)  xxxiii.  1 9,  Jos.  xxiv.  32 
(only  besides  Job  xlii.  ll)t,  mn  to  rejoice  Ex.  xviiL  9  (otherwise  rare  and 
poet.),  riTn  to  see,  v.  21  (very  uncommon  in  prose),  nc'l7n  weakness  xxxii.  18, 
Dn*l3p3  nVD'J'*?  for  a  whispering  am,ong  them,  that  rose  up  against  them 
(poet)  V.  25,  n'3  in  a  local  sense  ('here,'  not,  as  usually,  'thus'};  and  he  has 
peculiar  forms  of  the  inf..  Gen.  xxxi.  28,  xlvi  3,  xlviiL  11,  L  20.  Of  expressions 
characteristic  of  J,  we  can  only  notice  here  Behold,  now,  Gen.  xii.  11,  xvi.  2, 
xviii.  27,  31,  xix.  2,  8,  19,  xxvii.  2';  to  call  with  the  name  of  Jeh/cah,  iv.  26, 
xiL  8,  xiii.  4,  xxL  33,  xxvi.  25'^ ;  he  (icas)  the  father  of..,  iv.  20,  21,  xix.  37,  38- 
(c£  ix-  18,  X.  21,  XL  29,  xxil  21*;  observe  also  (N'ln)  Nin  Dl  in  the  same 
contexts,  iv.  22,  26,  x.  21,  xix.  38,  xxii.  20,  24) ;  to  find  favour  in  the  eyes  of 
(14  times  in  Gen.);  forasmuch  as  (p'^y'D,  a  peculiar  expression),  xviil  5, 
xix.  8,  xxxiiL  10,  xxxviii.  26,  Nu,  x.  31,  xiv.  43^;  the  land  of  Goshen  (see  on 
xlv.  10) ;  a  preference  for  Israel  (as  the  personal  name  of  Jacob)  after 
XXXV.  22  (of.  p.  353 ;  E  prefers  Jacob  throughout) ;  nnriDS  (peculiar  word  for 
tack,  15  times  in  xlii.  27 — xliv.  12 ;  not  elsewhere). 

*  In  a  harmony  of  the  four  Gospels,  the  parts  belonging  to  the  Fourth  Gospel 
would,  as  a  rule,  be  separable  from  the  rest  without  difficulty:  but  those  belonging 
to  the  First  and  Second,  it  would  often  be  scarcely  possible  to  distinguish.  J  and 
E  differ  trom  P  in  having  stylistically  a  considerable  general  resemblance  (though 
there  are  dilJerences:  see,  for  instance,  LOT.  p.  17-1  f.,  ed.  6  or  7,  p.  184  f.)  to 
the  narrativtd  (apart  from  the  'Deuteronomio'  additions)  of  Judges,  Samuel,  and 
the  earlier  parts  of  Kings. 

*  Not  elsewhere  in  the  Hexateuch. 


liv  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

For  longer  list*  of  characteristic  expressions,  reference  must  be  made  to 
the  Oxf.  HeJt.  L  1S5 — 192  (in  the  reprint  of  voL  i.,  p.  3S4  ff.).  The  oxprosimis 
quoted  there  are  not  indeed  all  of  equal  value;  and  some  may  occur  in  short 
passages  assigned  to  J  or  E  (as  the  case  may  be;  upon  slight  grounds ;  but 
when  all  deductions  have  been  made  on  these  accounts,  the  reader  who  will  be 
at  the  pains  of  exauiining  the  two  Usts  attentively  will  find  that  J  and  E  shew 
each  a  decided  preference  for  particular  expressions,  which,  though  not  so 
strongly  marked  as  the  preferences  shewn  by  P,  nevertheless  exists,  and  is  a 
reaUty.  It  is  also  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  words  and  expressions,  which  may 
be  insignificant  in  themselves,  nevertheless,  when  they  recur  repeatedly,  may 
be  evidence  of  the  line  of  thought  along  which  a  given  writer  moves  most 
familiarly,  or  of  the  subjects  in  which  he  is  chiefly  interested. 

Of  all  the  Hebrew  historians  whose  writings  have  been  preserved 
to  ns,  J  is  the  most  gifted  and  the  most  brilliant.  He  excels  in  the 
power  of  delineating  life  and  character.  His  touch  is  singularly  light : 
with  a  few  strokes  he  paints  a  scene,  which  impresses  itself  indelibly 
upon  his  reader's  memory.  In  ease  and  grace  his  narratives  are  un- 
surpassed :  everything  is  told  with  precisely  the  amount  of  detail 
that  is  required ;  the  narrative  never  lingers,  and  the  reader's  interest 
is  sustained  to  the  end.  He  writes  without  effort,  and  without 
conscious  art. 

'  That  some  of  his  narratives  are  intentionally  didactic  can  hardly 
be  questioned:  the  first  man,  the  woman,  the  serpent,  and  Yahweh, 
aU  play  their  part  in  the  Eden  drama  with  a  profound  purpose  under- 
lying it:  yet  the  simplicity  of  the  story  and  the  clearness  of  the 
characterization  are  unmarred.  But  there  are  others,  like  the  account 
of  the  mission  of  Abraham's  steward  in  Gen.  xxiv.,  which  have  no 
such  specific  aim,  and  are  unsurpassed  in  felicitous  presentation, 
because  they  are  unconsciously  pervaded  by  fine  ideas.  The  dialogues 
especially  are  full  of  dignity  and  human  feeling;  the  transitions  in 
the  scenes  between  Abraham  and  his  visitors  in  cL  xviii.,  or  between 
Joseph  and  his  brethren,  are  instinctively  artistic;  for  delicacy  and 
pathos,  what  can  surpass  the  intercession  of  Judah  (xliv,  18  ff.),  or 
the  self-disclosure  of  Joseph  (xlv.  1  ff.)  ?  The  vivid  touches  that  caU 
up  a  whole  picture,  the  time-references  from  daybreak  through  the 
heat  to  evening  cool  and  night,  the  incidents  that  circle  round  the 
desert  welk,  the  constant  sense  of  the  place  of  cattle  alike  in  the  land- 
scape and  in  life,  the  tender  consideration  for  the  flock  and  herd, — 
all  these  belong  to  a  time  when  the  pastoral  habit  has  not  ceased, 
and  the  tales  that  belong  to  it  are  told  from  mouth  to  mouth  The 
breath  of  poetry  sweeps  through  them;  and  though  they  are  set  in 


§  1]  LITERARY  STYLE  OF  J   AND  E  xv 

a  historic  frame  that  distinctly  implies  a  reflective  effort  to  conceive 
the  course  of  human  things  as  a  whole,  they  have  not  passed  into 
the  stage  of  learned  arrangement;  they  still  possess  the  freshness  of 
the  elder  time'.' 

E  in  general  character  does  not  differ  widely  from  J.  But  he  does 
not  as  a  writer  exhibit  the  same  rare  literary  power,  he  does  not 
display  the  same  command  of  language,  the  same  delicacy  of  touch, 
the  same  unequalled  felicity  of  representation  and  expression.  His 
descriptions  are  less  poetical;  and  his  narratives  do  not  generally 
leave  the  same  vivid  impression.  As  compared  with  P,  both  J  and  E 
exhibit  far  greater  freshness  and  brightness  of  style;  their  diction  is 
more  varied;  they  are  not  bound  to  the  same  stereotyped  forms  of 
thought  and  expression;  their  narratives  are  more  dramatic,  more  Ufe- 
like,  more  instinct  with  feeling  and  character. 

The  question  of  the  dates  of  the  sources  of  which  the  Book  of 
Genesis  is  composed,  cannot^  be  properly  answered  from  a  consideration 
of  this  book  alone,  as  many  of  the  most  important  criteria  upon 
which  the  answer  depends  are  afforded  by  the  subsequent  parts  of 
the  Pentateuch.  There  are  indeed  passages  in  Genesis  which  carmot 
reasonably  be  supposed  to  have  been  written  until  after  Israel  had 
been  settled  in  Canaan,  as  xii.  6,  xiii.  7;  xiv.  14  ('Dan');  xxi.  32,  34 
and  xxyi.  1  (the  Philistines,  if  what  is  stated  on  x.  14  is  correct,  were 
not  in  Palestine  till  the  age  of  Ramses  III.,  considerably  after  the 
Exodus);  xxxvi.  31  (a  verse  which  obviously  presupposes  the  existence 
of  the  monarchy  in  Israel);  xl.  15  (Canaan  called  the  'land  of  the 
Hebrews');  and  ch.  xlix., — at  least  if  the  considerations  advanced  on 
p.  380  are  accepted:  but  these  are  isolated  passaiges,  the  inferences 
naturally  authorized  by  which  might  not  impossibly  be  neutralized 
by  the  supposition  that  they  were  later  additions  to  the  original 
narrative,  and  did  not  consequently  determine  by  themselves  the  date 
of  the  book  as  a  whole.  The  question  of  the  date  of  the  Book  of 
Genesis  is  really  part  of  a  wider  question,  viz.  that  of  the  date  of  the 
Pentateuch, — or  rather  Hexateuch, — as  a  whole ;  and  a  fuU  considera- 
tion of  this  wider  subject  obviously  does  not  belong  to  the  present 
context.  It  must  suffice,  therefore,  here  to  say  generally,  that  when 
the  different  parts  of  the  Hexateuch,  especially  the  Laws,  are  com- 
pared together,  and  also  compared  with  the  other  historical  books  of 
the  Old  Testament,  and  the  prophets,  it  appears  clearly  that  they 

1  Carpenter,  The  Oxford  Hexateuch,  i.  102  f.  (ed.  2,  p.  185  f.). 


xvi  INTRODUCTION  [S  1 

cannot  all  be  the  work  of  a  single  man,  or  the  product  of  a  single 
age :  the  different  strata  of  narrative  and  law  into  which,  when  closely 
examined,  the  Hexateuch  is  seen  to  fall,  reveal  differences  of  such  a  kind 
that  they  can  only  be  adequately  accounted  for  by  the  supposition  that 
they  reflect  the  ideas,  and  embody  the  institutions,  which  were  character- 
istic of  widely  different  periods  of  Israelitish  history.  The  general  con- 
clusions to  which  a  consideration  of  all  the  facts  thus  briefly  indicated 
has  led  critics,  and  which  are  adopted  in  the  present  volume,  are  that 
the  two  sources,  J  and  E,  date  from  the  early  centuries  of  the  monarchy, 
J  belonging  probably  to  the  ninth,  and  E  to  the  early  part  of  the 
eighth  cent.  b.c.  (before  Amos  or  Hosea)*  and  that  P, — at  least  in  its 
main  stock  (for  it  seems,  as  a  whole,  to  have  been  the  work  of  a  school 
of  writers  rather  than  of  an  individual,  and  particular  sections,  espe- 
cially in  Exodus  and  Numbers,  appear  to  be  of  later  origin), — belongs 
to  the  age  of  Ezekiel  and  the  Exile  \  Chap.  xiv.  is  clearly  not  part 
of  either  J,  E,  or  P,  but  belongs  to  a  special  source.  There  is,  how- 
ever, no  sufficient  foundation  for  the  idea  that  it  is  of  foreign  origin, — 
whether  translated  from  a  cuneiform  original,  or  based  upon  an  ancient 
Canaanitish  source ;  for  the  narrative  is  genuinely  Hebraic  in  style  and 
colouring.  Its  date  is  uncertain:  but  it  has  some  points  of  contact 
with  P;  and,  as  Prof.  6.  F.  Moore  remarks  {EncB.  n.  1677),  the 
impression  which  the  contents  and  style  of  the  chapter  make  as  a 
whole  is  of  affinity  with  the  later  rather  than  with  the  earlier  Heb. 
historical  writing.  It  will  scarcely  be  earlier  than  the  age  of  the 
Exile. 

'The  Book  of  Genesis  assumed  its  present  form,  it  is  probable,  by 
two  main  stages.  First,  the  two  independent,  but  parallel,  narratives 
of  the  patriarchal  age,  J  and  E,  were  combined  into  a  whole  by  a  com- 
piler, who  sometimes  incorporated  long  sections  of  each  intact  (or 
nearly  so),  and  at  other  times  combined  elements  from  each  into 
a  single  narrative,  introducing  occasionally  in  the  process  short  ad- 
ditions of  his  own  (e.g.  in  xxvi.  1 — 5,  xxxix.  1,  xl.  1,  3,  5).  The  whole 
thus  formed  (JE)  was  afterwards  combined  with  the  narrative  P  by 
a  second  compiler,  who,  adopting  P  as  his  framework,  accommodated 
JE  to  it,  omitting  in  either  what  was  necessary  to  avoid  needless 

'  On  the  general  question  of  the  date  of  the  Hexateuch,  and  for  a  fuller 
statement  of  the  grounds  on  which  these  conclusiond  rest,  see  F.  H.  Woods'  art. 
Hexateuch  in  DB.  (of.  also  the  art.  Law  in  OT.);  the  present  writer's  Introduction 
to  the  Lit.  of  the  OT.  pp.  115—150  (ed.  6  or  7,  pp.  122—159) ;  or  the  very  compre- 
hensive discussion  of  the  subject  by  J.  E.  Carpenter  in  the  Oxford  Hexateuch,  vol.  i. 
patsim  (ed.  2,  under  the  title  The  Compoaition  of  the  Hexateuch,  1902). 


^  1]  DATE  OF  GENESIS  xvii 

repetition,  and  making  such  slight  redactional  adjustments  as  the 
unity  of  his  work  required.  One  chapter  (xiv.),  the  literary  style  of 
which  distinguishes  it  from  both  JE  and  P,  he  incorporated  from 
a  special  source.  The  Book  of  Genesis  is  not  a  conglomerate  of  dis- 
connected fragments;  the  three  main  sources,  or  documents,  of  which 
it  consists,  once  formed  independent  wholes,  and  the  portions  selected 
from  each  have  been  combined  together  in  accordance  with  a  de- 
finite plan. 

It  remains  to  consider  the  other  leading  characteristics  of  the 
several  sources.  Here  also,  as  in  their  literary  features,  J  and  E  have 
many  similarities,  though  there  are  at  the  same  time  differences; 
while  P  displays  marked  contrasts  to  both.  J  and  E  may  be  regarded 
as  having  reduced  to  writing  the  traditions  respecting  the  antecedents 
and  beginnings  of  their  nation,  which  were  current  in  the  early 
centuries  of  the  monarchy.  In  view  of  the  principles  and  interests 
which  predominate  in  both  these  narratives,  and  in  contradistinction 
to  those  which  determine  the  form  and  contents  of  the  priestly  narra- 
tive (p.  iv.),  JE,  treated  as  a  whole,  may  be  termed  the  prophetical ' 
narrative  of  the  Hexateuch :  the  ideas  and  points  of  view  which  are 
so  conspicuous  afterwards  in  a  more  developed  form  in  the  writings 
of  the  great  prophets  appearing  in  it  in  germ,  and  the  general  religious 
spirit  being  very  similar. 

Among  the  characteristics  of  J,  one  that  is  very  prominent  is  his 
tendency  to  trace  back  to  their  iDeginnings,  even  in  the  primitive 
history  of  mankind,  many  existing  customs,  institutions,  or  facts  of 
life  and  society.  Thus  in  ii.  4'' — iii.  he  explains  the  origin  of  the 
distinction  of  the  sexes,  the  institution  of  marriage,  the  presence  of  sin 
and  toil  in  the  world,  the  custom  of  wearing  clothing,  the  gait  and 
habits  of  the  serpent,  the  subject  condition  of  woman,  and  the  pain  of 
child-bearing.  As,  however,  is  pointed  out  on  p.  36,  the  explanations 
ofi'ered  of  these  facts  are  not  historical  or  scientific  explanations,  but 
explanations  prompted  by  religious  reflection  upon  the  facts  of  life. 
In  ch.  iv.  he  describes,  in  accordance  with  the  beliefs  current  among 
the  Hebrews,  the  origin  of  pastoral  life  and  agriculture,  of  city-life, 
polygamy,  music,  metallurgy,  and  the  public  worship  of  Yahweh ;  in 
ix.  20 — 26  that  of  the  culture  of  the  vine ;  and  in  x.,  xi.  1 — 9  that  of 
the  division  of  mankind  into  different  nations,  and  of  diversities  of 
language.  He  explains  the  origin  of  a  common  proverb  or  saying  in 
X.  9  and  xxii.  14,  of  a  remarkable  pinnacle  of  salt  overlooking  the 
Dead  Sea  in  xix.  26,  of  the  custom  of  not  eating  a  particular  part  of 


xviii  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

an  animal  in  xxxii.  32,  of  the  Egyptian  system  of  land-tenure  in 
xlvii.  26,  and  of  a  great  many  names  of  persons^  and  places\  at  least 
according  to  the  etymologies  current  at  the  time.  Explanations  of  the 
last-named  kind  are  also  found  in  E ;  but  much  less  frequently  than 
in  J*.  J  explains  also,  in  accordance  with  contemporary  behefs,  the 
origin  of  various  nations  and  tribes,  especially  of  those  which  were 
more  or  less  closely  related  to  Israel,  as  x.  8 — 12,  13 — 19,  24 — 30; 
XLX.  37  f.  (Moab  and  Ammon),  xxii.  20 — 24  (the  Nahoridae),  xxv.  1 — 4 
(the  Keturaean  tribes),  xxv.  21 — 26'  (Edom).  By  prophetic  words 
attributed,  in  most  cases,  to  their  respective  ancestors,  he  accounts  for 
the  character  and  political  position  of  many  of  the  peoples  of  his  own 
day,  ix.  25 — 27  (Canaan),  xvi.  12  (Ishmael),  xxv.  23,  xxvii.  28  f., 
39,  40  (Edom  and  Israel),  ch.  xlix.  (the  twelve  tribes)  :  cf.  in  E  xlviii. 
14,  19  (Manasseh  and  Ephraim),  22  (Shechem).  In  other  respects 
also  J  loves  to  point  to  the  character  of  nations  or  tribes  as  fore- 
shadowed in  their  beginnings  (ix.  22 — 24,  xvi.  12,  xxv.  25  f.,  33  ;  and 
perhaps  xix.  30 — 38,  xxxv.  22  [see  the  notes] :  cf.  also  xlix.  3 — 4,  5 — 7). 
In  J  the  knowledge  and  worship  of  Jehovah  go  back  to  primitive 
times :  Cain  and  Abel  already  make  their  '  presents '  to  Him  (iv.  3), 
which  may  be  either  of  the  fruits  of  the  ground  or  of  the  firstlings  of 
the  flock.  Under  Sheth  (Gen.  iv.  24)  men  begin, — it  may  be  supposed, 
in  some  more  formal  and  public  manner, — to  *caU  with  the  name  of 
Jehovah.'  A  distinction  between  'clean'  and  'unclean'  animals  is 
recognized  under  Noah  (vii.  2),  who  also  builds  an  altar,  and  offers 
'clean'  animals  as  burnt  offerings  to  Jehovah  (viii.  20).  The  same 
usages  prevailed  during  the  whole  patriarchal  period :  the  patriarchs 
are  repeatedly  spoken  of  as  building  altaxs,  and  '  calling  with  the  name 
of  Jehovah'  (see  pp.  xix,  xx)\ 

»  Eve  (iii.  20),  Cain  (iv.  1),  Seth  (iv.  25),  Noah  (v.  29),  Peleg  (x.  -25),  Ishmael 
(xvi.  11),  Isaac  (xviii.  12 — 1-5,  but  not  explicitly),  Moab  and  Ammon  (xix.  37,  38), 
Esau,  Jacob,  and  Edom  (xxv.  25,  26,  30),  most  of  the  names  of  Jacob's  sons  in 
xxix.  31 — XXX.  24,  Israel  (xxxiL  28),  Ben-oni  and  Benjamin  (xxxv.  18),  Perez  and 
Zerah  (xxxviii.  29,  30) ;  cf.  ii.  7  ('  man  '),  23  ('woman  '),  xli.  45  (?aphenath-Pa'neah). 

'  Enoch  (iv.  17),  Babylon  (xi.  9),  Beer-lahai-roi  (xvL  14),  Zo'ar  (xix.  22),  Yahweh- 
yir'eh  (xxii.  14),  the  wells  'Esek,  Sitnah,  and  Rehoboth  (xxvi.  20,  21,  22),  Beer-sheba' 
(xxvi  33),  Bethel  (xxviii.  19),  Gilead  and  Mizpah  (xxxi.  48,  49).  Ponuel  (xxxii.  30), 
Succoth  (xxxiii.  17),  Abel-mizraim  (1.  11),  Marah  (Ex.  iv.  23) :  cf.  also  the  allusions 
to  Seir  xxv.  25,  Mahanaim  xxxii.  7,  10,  Jabbok  xxxii.  24,  and  Pennel  xxxiii.  10. 

*  Isaac  (xxi.  0),' Dan  (xxx.  6),  Issachar  (xsx.  18),  Zebulun  (xxx.  20*'<^),  Joseph 
(XXX.  23),  Manasseh  and  Ephraim  (xli.  51  f.) ;  Beer-sheba*  (xxi.  31),  Bethel  (xxviii. 
17,  22),  Mahanaim  (xxxii.  2),  and  AJlon-bachuth  (xxxv.  8):  cf.  also  xxxiii.  20, 
xxxv.  7.     The  meaning  of  'Ishmael'  is  alluded  to  in  xxi,  17. 

*  This  is  J's  representation:  but  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  in  his  nse  of  the 
name  Jehovah  (Yahweh)  he  in  reahty  merely  transfers,  without  conscious  reflection, 
the  usa^e  of  his  own  age  to  primitive,  if  not  also  to  patriarchal  times.     The  total 


§  1]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  J  AND  E  xix 

E,  however,  seems  to  describe  a  threefold  stage  of  religious  develop- 
ment. What  picture,  indeed,  he  had  formed  of  the  primitive  history 
of  mankind  we  do  not  know :  though  Gen.  xx.  13,  Josh.  xxiv.  2 
appear  to  shew  that  he  carried  back  the  story  of  Abraham  to  his 
ancestral  connexions  in  Haran,  the  first  traces  of  his  narrative  which 
remain  are  to  be  found  in  ch.  xv.  Bat  Israel's  ancestors,  he  declares, 
*  beyond  tlie  River '  (i.e.  in  Haran),  were  idolaters  (Josh.  xxiv.  2,  14,  15) ; 
Jacob's  wives  accordingly  bring  their  '  foreign  gods '  into  Canaan  with 
them  (Gen.  xxxv.  2 — 4) ;  and  Rachel  in  particular  steals  her  father's 
teraphim  (xxxi,  19).  By  what  means  Abraham  learnt  the  higher 
truth,  the  existing  narrative  does  not  state.  But  he  appears  as  a 
consistent  monotheist  (xx.  11,  17,  &c.)  ;  and  Jacob,  though  his  mono- 
theism, at  least  in  xxviii.  20 — 22,  is  of  an  immature  and  rudimentary 
type,  still  calls  upon  his  family  and  household  to  bury  their  '  foreign 
gods '  under  the  terebinth  at  Shechem  (xxxv.  4).  The  name  Yahweh 
is  in  this  source  first  expressly  revealed  in  Ex.  iii.  14  f. 

In  the  Book  of  Genesis,  both  narratives  deal  largely  with  the 
antiquities  of  the  sacred  sites  of  Palestine.  Thus  an  altar  is  built  by 
Abraham,  as  soon  as  he  enters  the  country,  at  Shechem,  close  to  ths 
'  Directing  Terebinth '  (xii.  7),  another  between  Bethel  and  Ai  (xii.  8 
cf.  xiii.  4),  a  third  at  Hebron,  by  the  terebinths  of  Mamre  (xiii.  18), 
and  a  fourth  on  (apparently)  the  site  of  the  later  Temple  (xxii.  9)  ; 
other  altars  are  built  by  Isaac  at  Beer-sheba  (xxvi.  25)  and  by  Jacob 
at  Shechem  (xxxiii.  20  ;  but  perhaps  '  pillar '  should  be  read  here  :  see 
the  note),  and  at  Bethel  (xxxv.  1,  3,  7)  :  Jacob  also  sacrifices  at  Beer- 
sheba  on  his  way  to  Egypt  (xlvi.  1).  A  sacred  standing-stone,  or 
'pillar,'  is  set  up  and  anointed  by  Jacob  at  Bethel  on  his  journey  from 
Canaan  in  E  (xxviii.  18,  22  :  cf.  xxxi.  13),  and  on  his  return  to  Canaan 
in  J  (xxxv.  14) ;  perhaps  also  he  sets  one  up  at  Shechem  (xxxiii.  20  : 
see  the  note)  :  by  another  pillar  he  marks  Rachel's  grave  (xxxv.  20)  : 
a  pillar,  also,  marking  a  boundary,  is  erected  by  Jacob  and  Laban  in 
Gilead  (xxxi.  45,  51,  52) ;  on  the  last-mentioned  occasion,  moreover, 
Jacob  offers  sacrifice,  and  a  sacred  meal,  accompanying  the  sacrifice,  is 

absence  of  proper  names  componnded  with  Yahweh  in  the  patriarchal  period  makes 
it  probable  that,  though  not  absolutely  new  in  Mosea'  time  (cf.  p.  xlvii),  it  was  still 
current  previously  only  in  a  hmited  circle, — possibly,  as  has  been  suggested,  in  the 
family  of  Moses  (Ewald,  u.  158;  Wellh.  Hist.  433;  Konig,  Hauptprobleme ,  27),  or 
among  the  Xeniles  (Stade,  Gesch.  i.  130;  Budde,  The  Religion  of  Israel  to  the 
Exile,  1899,  pp.  17 — 25).  Even  till  the  age  of  Samuel  such  compounds  are  rare 
(Joehebed,  Joshua,  Joash,  Jotham,  .Jonathan,  Jud.  xviii.  30);  see  Gray,  Heb.  Pr. 
Names,  257 — 9  (on  Ahijah,  1  Ch.  ii.  25,  see  ibid.  p.  36).  (The  time  is  hardly  ripe 
yet  for  drawing  inferences  from  the  facts  mentioned  on  p.  xlix.) 


XX  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

said  to  have  been  partaken  of  by  him  and  Laban  (v.  54).  An  oracle, 
perhaps  at  Beer-sheba,  appears  to  be  alluded  to  in  xxv.  22.  Sacred 
trees  (mostly  terebinths),  which,  it  may  be  supposed,  were  pointed  to 
in  the  narrators'  own  times,  are  mentioned  at  Shechem  (xii.  6,  xxxv.  4 ; 
of.  Jos.  xxiv.  26),  Hebron  (xiii.  18,  xviii.  1  ;  cf.  xiv.  13),  Beer-sheba 
(xxi.  33  ;  a  tamarisk),  and  near  Bethel  (xxxv.  8)'.  Abraham  is  further 
described  as  'calling  with  the  name  of  Jehovah'  by  the  altar  near 
Bethel  in  xii.  8,  xiii.  4,  and  by  the  tamarisk  tree  at  Beer-sheba,  xxi.  33 ; 
and  Isaac  as  doing  the  same  by  the  altar  at  Beer-sheba  (xxvi,  25). 
The  passages  just  cited  may  be  taken  to  give  a  picture  of  the  forms  qf 
worship  which,  as  tradition  told,  the  patriarchs  had  been  accustomed 
to  use^.  In  several  cases,  also,  like  many  of  those  cited  in  footnotes  ^ 
and  *  on  p.  xviii,  they  seem  to  embody  traditional  explanations  of  the 
origin  of  the  places,  or  objects,  held  sacred  at  the  time  when  the 
narratives  in  question  were  written,  though  in  a  later  age,  when  religion 
became  more  spiritualized,  they  fell  into  disrepute :  they  were  con- 
secrated by  theophanies,  or  they  commemorated  other  incidents  in  the 
lives  of  the  patriarchs. 

It  is  characteristic  of  J  that  his  representations  of  the  Deity  are 
highly  anthropomorphic.  He  represents  Jehovah  not  only  (as  the 
prophets  generally,  even  the  latest,  do)  as  expressing  human  resolutions 
and  swayed  by  humau  emotions  (e.g.  being  pained,  or  repenting,  vi.  6  f., 
swearing,  xxiv.  7,  &c.),  but  as  performing  sensible  acts.  Thus  in 
ii.  4*" — iii.  Jehovah  moulds  ma)i  out  of  the  clods  of  the  ground, 
breathes  into  his  nostrils  the  breath  of  life,  plants,  places,  takes,  sets, 
brings,  builds,  closes  up,  walks  in  the  garden  in  the  cool  of  the  day, 
makes  coats  of  skin ;  elsewhere  He  shits  Noah  into  the  ark  (vii.  16), 
smells  the  savour  of  a  sacrifice  (viii.  21  :  cf.  1  S.  xxvi.  19),  comes  dovm 
for  various  purposes — to  examine  the  tower  built  by  men  (xi.  5),  and 
again  {v.  7)  to  frustrate  their  purpose,  to  investigate  on  the  spot  the 
truth  of  the  report  about  the  sin  of  Sodom  (xviii.  21),  or  to  deliver 
Israel  from  its  bondage  (Ex.  iii.  8), — visits  Abraham  and  Lot  in  a 
human  form,  and  performs  before  them  the  actions  of  ordinar}^  men 
(xviii. — xix.),  wrestles  with  Jacob  (xxxii.  24  f ),  meets  Moses  at  his 
lodging-place,  and  seeks  to  slay  him  (Kx.  iv.  24  f ),  and  takes  off  the 
chariot  wheels  of  the  Egyptians  (xiv.  25).  Such  anthropomorphic 
representations  are  not  found  in  E.  In  E,  Elohim  does  not  perform 
sensible  acts,  or  visit  the  eartli  in  personal  form  :  He  only  *  comes ' 

»  Cf.  Jud.  iv.  11,  vi.  11,  19,  ix.  «,  37,  1  8.  x.  3,  xxii.  6,  xxxi.  13. 

'  The  sabbath  is  not  mentioned,  though  J  uses  the  term  'week,'  xxix.  27,  28. 


§  1]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  J  xxi 

and  'speak.s'  in  a  vision  or  a  dream  (xv.  1,  xx.  3,  6,  xxi.  12  [see  the 
note],  xxii.  1  [notice  v.  3*],  xxxi.  11,  24,  xlvi.  2,  Nu.  xxii.  9  [see  w.  8, 
13],  20) ;  or  His  angel  calls  out  from  heaven  (xxi.  17,  xxii.  11)  :  even 
in  Jacob's  dream  at  Bethel,  while  in  J  the  patriarch  sees  Jehovah 
standing  beside  him,  in  E  angels  ascending  and  descending  are  the 
medium  of  communication  between  heaven  and  earth. 

In  J  the  prophetical  element  is  particularly  prominent.  His 
narratives,  more  than  those  of  any  other  historical  writer  of  the 
Old  Testament,  are  the  vehicle  of  moral  and  religious  teaching.  He 
explains  the  origin  of  evil  in  the  world,  and  expounds  the  moral 
significance  of  human  labour  and  suffering  (ch.  iii.).  In  his  narratives 
of  Eve  and  Cain,  he  presents,  in  a  few  but  effective  strokes,  two  typical 
examples  of  the  manner  in  which  temptation  assails,  and  too  often 
overcomes,  the  soul.  He  depicts  the  growth  of  evil  which  accompanies 
progress  in  the  arts  of  life  (iv.  17  ff.) ;  he  calls  attention  to  the  'evil 
imagination'  inherent  even  in  the  descendants  of«  righteous  Noah 
(viii.  21) ;  and  notices  the  growth  of  wickedness  and  arrogance,  and 
the  depravation  of  manners  (vi.  5,  ix.  22,  xi.  4,  xiii.  }3,  xix.  4  ff.,  31  ff.). 
He  depicts  the  patriarchs  not  indeed  as  men  without  fault,  but  never- 
theless as,  on  the  whole,  maintaining  a  lofty  standard  of  faith,  con- 
stancy, and  uprightness  of  life,  both  among  the  heathen  in  whose 
land  they  dwelt,  and  also  amid  examples  of  worldly  self-indulgence, 
duplicity,  and  jealousy,  afforded  sometimes  by  members  of  their  own 
family.  The  shades, — sometimes  dark  shades, — on  the  characters  of 
Lot  and  Laban,  Rebekah,  Jacob,  and  Rachel,  throw  into  clearer  relief 
the  more  noble  and  unselfish  personalities  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Joseph.  The  patriarchs  are  men,  chosen  by  God  (xii.  1,  xxiv.  7),  and 
trained  and  educated  under  His  providence,  firstly  to  live  as  godlike 
men  themselves,  and  then  to  teach  their  families  to  follow  in  their 
steps,  that  so  in  the  end  a  holy  people  of  God  may  be  established  on 
the  earth  (xviii.  18  f.).  The  patriarchal  history  is,  in  his  hands, 
instinct  with  the  consciousness  of  a  great  future :  Abraham,  Isaac, 
and  Jacob,  are  vouchsafed  in  succession  glimpses  of  the  divine  plan : 
their  descendants  are  to  be  as  countless  as  the  sand  of  the  sea,  or  the 
stars  of  heaven ;  they  are  to  possess  the  land  which  in  the  patriarchs' 
own  days  the  'Canaanite  and  the  Perizzite'  occupy  (xiii.  7  ;  cf.  xii.  6, 
xxiv.  3)  :  the  spiritual  privileges  enjoyed  by  them  are  to  attra.ct  the 
envy  of  all  the  nations  of  the  world  (xxii.  18,  xxvi.  4),  even  if  their 
actual  extension  to  them  is  not  contemplated  (xii.  3,  xviii.  18,  xxviii. 
14,  see  the  note  on  xii.  3).     Though  the  actual  words  are  not  used, — 

5  2 


xxii  rNTRODUCTTON  [§  1 

Jehovah  is  first  described  as  'choosing'  Israel  in  Deuteronomy 
(iv.  37  a^.), — J  has  thus  a  clear  consciousness  of  Israel's  'election' 
and  '  vocation.'  He  is  further  '  penetrated  by  the  thought  of  Jeliovah's 
mercifulness,  long-suffering,  and  faithfulness '  (Gen.  vi.  8,  viii.  21  f., 
XV.  6,  xviii.  23  ff.,  xxiv.  7,  xxxii.  12;  cf.  Ex.  xxxii.  9 — 14,  xxxiii.  12  ff.) ; 
and  frequently  by  his  narratives,  if  not  in  express  words  (cf.  xxvi. 
2,  24),  he  illustrates  the  providence  with  which  Jehovah  watches  over 
and  protects  His  faithful  worshippers.  The  latter  is  however  a  thought 
which  is  perhaps  more  frequently  and  distinctly  expressed  in  E  (comp. 
XX.  7,  xxi.  12,  17 — 20,  xxxi.  5,  7 — 9,  11,  24,  42,  xxxii.  1,  xxxv.  3, 
xli.  39,  xlv.  5,  7,  8,  xlvi.  3,  xlviii.  15,  21,  1.  20,  24). 

P  is  in  method  and  point  of  view  hardly  less  different  from  both 
J  and  E  than  he  is  in  style.  P  is  not  satisfied  to  cast  into  a  literary 
form  what  may  be  termed  the  popular  conception  of  the  patriarchal 
and  Mosaic  ages  :  his  aim  is  to  give  a  systematic  view,  from  a  priestly 
standpoint,  of  the  origin  and  chief  institutions  of  the  Israeli tish 
theocracy.  For  this  purpose,  as  was  remarked  above  (p.  vi.),  an  outline 
of  the  history  is  sufficient :  the  narrative  of  P  becomes  detailed  only  at 
important  epochs,  or  where  the  origin  of  some  existing  ceremonial 
institution  has  to  be  explained.  The  length  of  a  period,  if  not  marked 
by  events  of  any  consequence,  is  indicated  by  a  genealogy  (ch.  v., 
xi.  10 — 25).  Similarly  in  the  Mosaic  age,  the  commission  of  Moses, 
and  events  connected  with  the  exodus,  are  narrated  with  some  fulness ' : 
but  only  the  description  of  the  Tabernacle  and  the  ceremonial  system 
(Ex.  XXV. — xxxi.,  xxxv. — xl. ;  Lev. ;  much  of  Numbers)  can  be  termed 
comprehensive  :  even  of  the  incidents  in  the  Wilderness  many  appear 
to  be  introduced  chiefly  on  account  of  some  law  or  important  con- 
sequence arising  out  of  them. 

In  the  arrangement  of  his  material,  system  and  circumstantiality 
are  the  guiding  principles  ;  and  their  influence  may  be  traced  both  in 
the  plan  of  his  narrative  as  a  whole,  and  in  his  treatment  of  individual 
sections.  From  first  to  last  the  narrative  is  constructed  with  a  careful 
and  uniform  regard  to  chronology :  the  days  of  Creation,  the  ages  of 
the  patriarchs,  both  in  chaps,  v.  and  xi.,  and  subsequently,  at  each 
important  event  of  their  lives  (p.  xxvi  f.),  the  dates  of  the  rise  and  fall 
of  the  waters  of  the  Flood  (vii.6,  11,  24,  viii.3^  4,  5,  13',  14),  and  in 
the  Mosaic  age  the  dates  of  the  principal  events  of  the  exodus,  are  all 
exactly  noted.     Moreover,  the  history  advances  along  a  well-defined 

1  See  the  passages  in  the  tsynopsis  on  p.  v. 


§  1]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  P  xxiii 

line,  marked  by  a  gradually  diminishing  length  of  human  life ;  by  the 
revelation  of  God  under  three  distinct  names,  Elokim,  El  Shaddai 
(Gen.  xvii.  1),  and  Jehovah  (Ex.  vi.  2,  3);  by  the  blessings  of  Adam  and 
Noah  (Gen.  i.  28 — 30,  ix.  2 — 6),  each  with  its  characteristic  conditions ; 
and  by  the  covenants  with  Noah,  Abraham,  and  Israel,  each  with  its 
special  '  sign,'  the  rainbow,  the  rite  of  circumcision,  and  the  Sabbath 
(Gen.  ix.  12  f.,  xvii.  11,  Ex.  xxxi.  13,  17).  In  P's  picture  of  the 
Mosaic  age  the  minute  description  of  the  Tabernacle,  sacrifices,  and 
other  ceremonial  institutions,  the  systematic  marshalling  of  the  nation 
by  tribes  and  families,  and  the  unity  of  purpose  and  action  which  in 
consequence  regulates  its  movements  (Nu.  i. — iv.,  x.  11 — 28,  &c.), 
are  the  most  conspicuous  features.  Wherever  possible,  P  seeks  to  set 
before  his  readers  a  concrete  picture,  with  definite  figures  and  pro- 
portions :  observe,  for  example,  his  exact  account  of  the  dimensions  of 
the  ark,  of  the  height  to  which  it  rose  above  the  highest  mountain- 
tops  (vii.  20) ;  and  afterwards,  the  care  taken  by  him  to  particularize 
the  exact  dimensions  of  the  Tabernacle,  sacred  vessels,  and  other 
furniture  belonging  to  it,  the  exact  numbers  of  the  various  tribes 
(Nu.  i.,  xxvi.),  and  the  precise  amount  of  spoil  taken  from  the 
Midianites  (Nu.  xxxi.).  It  is  probable  that  in  this  systematized 
picture  of  antiquity  there  is  a  considerable  artificial,  or  ideal,  element  \ 
The  same  desire  to  produce  a  concrete  picture  is  no  doubt  a  con- 
tributory cause  of  the  consistent  regard  to  chronology  displayed  by  P, 
as  also  to  other  statistical  data :  comp.  for  instance  the  lists  and 
enumerations  in  Gen.  xlvi.  8 — 27,  Ex.  vi.  14 — 27,  Nu.  i. — iv.,  vii., 
xiii.   1 — 15,  xxvi.,  xxxiii.,  xxxi  v. 

P's  treatment  of  the  entire  period  covered  by  the  Book  of  Genesis 
is  very  different  from  that  of  either  J  or  E.  He  evinces  scarcely  any 
interest  in  the  explanation  either  of  names,  or  of  the  facts  and  in- 
stitutions of  human  life  and  society'.  No  inventions  are  attributed  by 
him  to  the  antediluvian  patriarchs  :  they  form  a  mere  list  of  names 
and  ages.  He  narrates  the  leading  events  in  the  lives  of  the  patriarchs, 
but,  except  at  a  few  crucial  points,  as  mere  facts  :  on  the  conflicts  of 
interest  and  feeling  which  led  Abraham,  for  instance,  to  acquiesce  in 
the  expulsion  of  Ishmael,  or  Rebekah  and  Jacob  to  outwit  Isaac,  he  is 

1  Compaxe  Ottley's  Bampton  Lectures  for  1897  (on  •Aspects  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment'), pp.  120 — 5,  where  this  feature  of  P's  narratives  is  well  described  and 
illustrated. 

^  In  Genesis  the  only  names  of  which  the  origin  is  stated  or  explained  by  P, 
are  Abraham,  Sarah,  and  Isaac  (xvii.  5,  15,  19,  see  v.  17),  Israel  (xxxv.  10),  and 
Bethel  (xxxv.  15} :  ef.  the  allueion  t«  the  meaning  of  '  Ishma««l '  in  xyii.  20. 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION  [§  1 

silent;  the  dramatic  movement,  and  the  abundance  of  incident  and 
colloquy,  which  are  such  conspicuous  features  in  the  narrative  of  J  and 
even  in  that  of  E,  are  almost  entirely  lacking  in  those  of  P '.  Tliere  is 
also  a  singular  absence  of  geographical  detail.  Abraham  dwells  '  in  the 
land  of  Canaan,'  Lot  *in  the  cities  of  the  Klkkdr'  (xiii.  12;  cf.  xix.  29); 
but  the  various  places  visited  by  the  one,  the  particular  city  which  was 
the  home  of  the  other,  are  not  indicated.  The  altars,  wells,  sacred 
trees,  and  stones,  the  centres  of  so  many  picturesque  scenes  in  J  and  E, 
are  unnoticed  in  P  :  one  place  only,  Mamre,  or  Hebron,  is  named  with 
repeated  emphasis  on  account  of  the  adjacent  family  sepulchre  of 
Machpelah  (p.  xi,  No.  33) ;  Bethel  also  is  referred  to  once  (xxxv.  15). 

In  his  religious  theory  of  the  patriarchal  age,  P  differs  also 
markedly  from  both  J  and  E.  The  name  Yahweh  is  unknown :  it  is 
first  revealed  in  the  age  of  Moses  (Ex.  vi.  2  f.).  Altars,  sacrifices, 
sacred  pillars  are  equally  unknown;  the  only  ceremonial  institutions 
recognized  by  him  as  pre-Mosaic  are  the  Sabbath  (observed  by  God  at 
the  end  of  the  week  of  Creation,  but  first  enjoined  upon  Israel  in  the 
Mosaic  age),  the  prohibition  to  eat  blood  (ix.  4  f ),  and  circumcision  : 
no  act  of  worship  seems  to  be  thought  of  till  the  appropriate  place  has 
been  constructed,  and  the  right  persons  appointed,  for  its  performance  ; 
accordingly,  the  first  sacrifice  recorded  is  that  of  Aaron  and  his  sons  in 
Lev.  viii.  Primitive  humanity  is  represented  by  P  as  subsisting  wholly 
on  vegetable  food  (Gen.  i.  29)  ;  animal  food  is  first  permitted  after  the 
Flood,  coupled  however  with  the  restriction  against  eating  the  blood ; 
permission  is  also  given  at  the  same  time  for  capital  punishment  to  be 
inflicted  upon  the  murderer  (ix.  3 — 6).  In  this  view  of  primitive 
lustory, — as  in  the  other  instances  referred  to  above  (p.  xxiii), — there  is 
a  large  artificial  element :  it  is  the  embodiment  not  of  a  genuine 
historical  tradition,  but  of  an  ideal.  The  promises  given  to  the 
patriarchs  (see  on  xii.  2  f.),  unlike  those  of  J  (see  ibid.),  are  limited  to 
Israel  itself:  they  do  not  embrace  other  nations.  The  substance  of 
these  promises  is  the  future  growth  and  glory  ('  kings  shall  come  out 
of  thee ')  of  the  Abrahamic  clan ;  the  establishment  of  a  covenant  with 
its  members  (in  J  mentioned  in  Genesis  once  only,  and  in  very  different 
terms,  xv.  18),  implying  a  special  relation  between  tliem  and  God 
(xvii.  2 — 21  (repeatedly),  Ex.  ii.  24,  vi.  4  f ),  and  the  confirmation  of 
the  'land  of  their  sojournings'  as  their  possession.     The  writer's  ideal, 

^  And  so  N3,  the  particle  of  en'ie  Uy,  I  beseech  thee,  or  now  (enclitic),  so  common 
in  colloquy,  which  occurs  110  times  iu  J£  in  the  Hexateuoh,  is  found  but  twice  in 
P  (Nu.  xvi.  8,  Josh.  xxii.  26). 


§2]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  P  xxv 

however,  the  theocracy,  is  not  reached  in  Genesis ;  and  the  cuhninating 
promise,  declaring  the  abiding  presence  of  Jehovah  with  His  people,  is 
only  found  in  Ex.  xxix.  43 — 46,  attached  to  the  directions  for  the 
construction  of  the  Tabernacle. 

P's  representations  of  God  are  far  less  anthropomorphic  than  those 
of  J,  or  even  of  E.  No  visions  or  dreams  are  mentioned  by  him  :  no 
angel  either  calls  from  heaven,  or  walks  on  earth.  God  is  indeed 
spoken  of  as  'appearing'  to  men,  and  as  'going  up '  from  them  (xvii.  1, 
22  f.,  XXXV.  9,  13,  xlviii.  3,  Ex.  vi.  3),  at  important  moments  of  the 
history  :  but  no  further  description  of  His  appearance  is  given ;  nor 
is  He  ever  represented  as  assuming  a  personal  form  :  usually  the 
revelation  of  God  to  man  takes  the  form  of  simple  '  speaking '  to  them 
(i.  29,  vi.  13,  viii.  15,  ix.  1,  8,  Ex.  vi.  2,  xii.  1  at).  So  in  the  account 
of  Creation,  in  P  God  is  represented  simply  as  '  speaking ' :  the  reader 
cannot  localize  Him :  He  acts  as  a  spirit ;  and  the  creative  word 
realizes  itself :  in  J,  on  the  other  hand  (ii.  4**  fF.),  the  reader  pictures 
Jehovah  as  walking  upon  the  earth,  and  He  is  represented  as  per- 
forming a  series  of  sensible  acts  (p.  xx  f.) :  in  other  words,  P's 
representation  of  the  Deity  is  far  more  '  transcendent '  than  that  of  J. 
Anthropomorphic  expressions  are  indeed  in  general  either  avoided 
by  P,  or  '  reduced  to  these  harmless  figures  without  which  it  is  hardly 
possible  to  speak  of  a  personal  God  at  all ' ;  and  anthropopathisms  are 
almost  uniformly  eschewed  by  him. 

§  2.     The  Chronology  of  Genesis. 

Under  this  head  two  questions  have  to  be  considered :  (1)  is  the 
chronology  of  Genesis  consistent  with  itself?  and  (2)  if,  and  in  so  far 
as,  it  is  consistent  with  itself,  is  it  consistent  with  such  external  data 
as  we  possess  for  fixing  the  chronology  of  the  period  embraced  in  the 
Book? 

(1)  The  first  of  these  questions  need  not  detain  us  long.  It  is 
shewn,  in  the  notes  on  xii.  11,  xxi.  15,  xxiv.  67,  xxxv.  8,  and  pp.  262, 
365  n.,  368,  tiiat  there  are  a  number  of  points  in  the  Book  at  which 
the  statements  made  about  one  or  other  of  the  patriarchs  in  J  or  E  are 
not  consistent  with  the  ages  or  families  ascribed  to  them  in  P :  in  other 
words,  that  in  several  instances  J  and  E  pictured  the  patriarchs  as 
being  aged  differently  from  what  they  must  have  been,  if  the  ages 
noted  in  P  are  correct,  and  that  consequently  the  chronology  of  P  is 
not  consistent  with  that  presupposed  by  J  and  E. 


xxvi  INTRODUCTION  [§  2 

(2)  In  the  Book  of  Genesis  the  only  systematic  chronology  is  that 
of  P.  It  is  true,  there  are  in  J  and  E  occasional  notes  or  other 
indications  of  time' ;  but  they  are  not  sufficient  to  form  a  continuous 
chronology  :  they  authorize  no  inference  as  to  the  length  of  the  ante- 
diluvian period ;  and  as  to  the  patriarchal  period,  though  they  state 
that  Abraham  and  Sarah  had  both  reached  a  great  age  when  Isaac  was 
born,  they  do  not  mention  what  their  ages  were ;  and  they  contain 
nothing  to  suggest  that  the  period  from  the  birth  of  Abraham  to  the 
death  of  Jacob  was  materially  in  excess  of  what  it  would  be  if  measured 
by  the  ordinary  standards  of  human  life  :  in  other  words,  all  that  they 
suggest  about  it  is  that  it  embraced  some  180  years,  instead  of  ex- 
tending, as  the  figures  of  P  give  it,  to  307  years.  And  the  data 
contained  in  J  and  E  include,  at  least  in  Genesis,  no  synchronism  with 
external  history :  they  contain  nothing,  for  instance,  enabling  us  to 
infer  with  what  Babylonian  or  Egyptian  kings,  Abraham,  Isaac,  or 
Jacob  was  contemporary. 

In  P  however  there  is  a  systematic  chronology  running  through 
the  Book  from  the  beginning  almost  to  the  end,  so  carefully  and 
methodically  constructed,  that  every  important  birth,  marriage,  and 
death,  has  its  assigned  place  in  it.  This  chronology  may  be  thus 
summarized  : 

Heb.  text  Sam.  LXX. 

From  the  Creation  of  man  to  the  Flood 

(Gen.  v.,  vii.  11)  1656  1307  2262* 

From  the  Flood  to  the  Call  of  Abraham 

(Gen.  xi.  10—26,  xii.  4)                                 365            1016            11463 
From  the  Creation  of  man  to  the  Call  

of  Abraham  2021  2322  3407 

In  the  rest  of  Genesis  P  has  the  following  notes* : 

75    Age  of  Abraham  at  call  (xii.  4). 

[85]  „  „  „  marriage  with  Hagar  (xvi  3). 

86  „  „  „  birth  of  Ishmael  (xvi.  16). 

99  „  MM  promise  of  Isaac  (xvii.  1).    [Sarah  89,  xviL  18.] 

100  „  „  „  birth  of  Isaac  (xxl  5). 

[137]  „  „  „  death  of  Sarah,  aged  127  (xxiii.  1). 

175  „  „  „  death  (xxv.  7). 

1  See  XV.  13,  16;  xxxi.  38,  41;  xii.  1,  47,  53,  54,  xlv.  6;  1.  22,  26;  and  such 
notices  as  that  Isaac,  Joseph,  and  Benjamin  were,  respectively,  born  in  their  fathers' 
'old  age'  (xxi.  2;  xxxvii.  3;  xliv.  20). 

*  See  particulars  of  this  period  on  p.  79. 

*  See  p.  138.     The  'two  years'  of  Gen.  xi.  10  are  disregarded:  see  v.  82,  viL  11, 

*  The  Inures  enclosed  in  brackets  are  not  actually  stated,  but  inferred. 


§2]  CHRONOLOGY  OF  GENESIS  xxvii 

13  Age  of  Ishmael  at  circumcision  (xvii.  25)k 

137  ,)           „  ,,  deathi  (xxv.  17). 

40  Age  of  Isaac  at  marriage  (xxv.  20). 

60  „         „      „  birth  of  Jacob  and  Esau  (xxv.  26). 

[75  „         „      „  death  of  Abraham.] 

[100]  „         „      „  marriage  of  Esau,  aged  40  (xxvi.  34). 

180  „         „      „  death  (xxxv.  28).     [Jacob  would  be  now  120.] 

130  Age  of  Jacob  at  arrival  in  Egypt  (xlvii.  9). 
147  „  „       „   death  (xlvii.  28). 

17  Age  of  Joseph  when  sold  (xxxvil.  2). 

30  „  „  „      promoted  in  Egypt  (xli.  46). 

Taking  account  of  those  notices  only  which  give  the  length  of  the 
period,  we  get : 

Prom  the  Call  of  Abraham  to  the  birth  of  Isaac  25  years 

Age  of  Isaac  at  birth  of  Jacob  and  Esau  60      „ 

Age  of  Jacob  when  he  went  down  into  Egypt  130      „ 

The  period  of  the  patriarchs'  sojourn  in  Canaan  was  thus        215     „ 

We  obtain  accordingly,  for  the  number  of  years  from  the  Creation 
to  the  Exodus : 

From  the  Creation  of  man  to  the  Call 

of  Abraham 
The  period  of  the  patriarchs'  sojourn  in 

Canaan 
The  period  of  the  Israelites'  sojourn  in 

Egypt  according  to  Ex.  xii.  40,  41  (P) 

Prom  the  Creation  of  man  to  the  Exodus  2666  2762  3837 

Now,  1  K.  vi.  1  equates  the  fourth  year  of  Solomon,  the  year  in 
which  the  Temple  was  founded,  with  the  480th  year  from  the  Exodus. 
Accepting,  then,  Ussher's  date  for  the  reign  of  Solomon,  B.C.  1014 — 
975, — it  ought  probably,  the  chronology  of  the  kings  being  corrected 
from  Assyrian  data,  to  be  really  40  or  50  years  later^, — we  get  B.C.  1491 
for  the  Exodus,  and  so  we  obtain  the  following  Table  of  the  principal 
earlier  Biblical  dates,  in  years  B.C. : 

^  Sam.  and  lxs.  read  in  Ex.  xii.  40  'The  sojourning  of  the  children  of  Israel  in 
the  land  of  Egypt,  and  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  was  430  years,'  reducing  the  period  of 
the  sojourn  in  Egypt  to  half  of  that  stated  in  the  Hebrew  text  (cf.  Gal.  iii.  17; 
Jos.  Ant.  11.  15.  2). 

^  See  DB.  l  401 ;  and  cf .  the  writer's  Isaiah,  his  life  and  times,  p.  13. 


Heb. 

Sam. 

LXX. 

2021 

2322 

3407 

215 

215 

215 

430 

215* 

215^ 

xxviii  INTRODUCTION  [§  2 


Heb. 

Sam. 

LXX. 

Creation  of  man* 

41572 

4243 

5323 

The  Deluge 

2501 

2936 

3066 

Call  of  Abraham 

2136 

1921 

1921 

Jacob's  migration  into  Egypt 

1921 

1706 

1706 

The  Exodus 

1491 

1491 

1491 

It  follows  from  what  is  said  on  pp.  79,  138,  that  the  higher  dates  in  the 
LXX.  for  the  Creation  of  man,  and  the  Deluge,  are  chiefly  a  consequence  of 
the  fact  that  in  the  lists  in  Gen.  v.  and  xi,  10 — 26,  the  age  of  each  patriarch  at 
the  birth  of  his  firstborn  is  in  the  LXX.  in  many  cases  100  years  more  than  it 
is  in  the  Hebrew  text 

It  is  impossible  now  that  these  figures, — or,  at  least,  the  majority 
of  them, — can  be  historical.  (1)  As  will  be  shewn  in  the  following 
section,  it  is  certain  that  man  existed  upon  the  earth  long  before  either 
B.C.  4157  or  (lxx.)  5328 ^  (2)  The  ages  to  which  the  several  patriarchs, 
in  the  two  lists  of  Gen.  v.  and  Gen,  xi,  10 — 26,  lived,  and  at  which,  at 
least  in  the  majority  of  cases  in  Gen.  v.,  their  eldest  sons  are  stated  to 
have  been  born,  are  incompatible  with  the  constitution  of  the  human 
body ;  and  could  only  have  been  attained  if  that  constitution  had  dififered 
from  what  it  now  is,  to  an  extent  which  we  are  entirely  unwarranted 
in  assuming  to  have  been  the  case  (cf.  p.  75).  (3)  We  possess  no 
independent  information  as  to  the  date  of  the  local  inundation  in 
Babylonia,  which,  if  the  assumption  made  on  p.  108  is  correct,  will 
have  formed  the  basis  of  both  the  Babylonian  and  the  Biblical 
narratives  of  the  Flood:  in  the  abstract,  either  2501,  29.36,  or  3066  B.C., 
would  be  possible  for  it.  (4)  The  question  of  the  dates  of  Abraham 
and  the  Exodus,  and  of  the  interval  between  them,  is  a  more  dillicult 
one,  and  m\ist  be  considered  at  greater  length.  The  date  of  Ham- 
murabi, king  of  Babylon,  cannot  at  present  be  fixed  exactly ;  but  with 

1  Here  and  elsewhere  the  expression  'creation  of  ma«'  has  been  used  designedly 
in  order  to  leave  open  the  possibility  that  the  'days'  of  Gen.  i.  denote  periods. 
There  is  however  little  doubt  that  the  writer  really  meant  '  days '  in  a  literal  sense, 
and  that  Pearson  was  right  when  he  inferred  from  the  chapter  that  the  world  was 
represented  as  created  '6000,  or  at  farthest  7000,'  years  from  the  17th  cent.  a.d. 
(cf.  pp.  19,  20—22,  26). 

2  Ussher's  date,  as  is  well  known,  is  b.o.  4004 :  but  he  (1)  interpolates,  most 
unnaturally,  60  years  in  Gen.  xi.  26  (see  the  footnote,  p.  142);  and  (2)  he  adopts  in 
Ex.  xii.  40  the  computation  implied  in  the  reading  of  Sam.  and  lxx.,  which  the 
rendering  of  AV.,  forced  and  artiticial  though  it  is,  seems  to  make  possible  even  for 
the  Hebrew  (contrast  RV.).  And  4157  +  60  -  215  =  4002  (the  odd  2  years  are  the  two 
neglected  in  Gen.  xi.  10,  p.  xxvi,  footnote  ^). 

>  Or,  calculating  back  from  the  probable  aetucd  date  of  the  Exodus,  c.  1230  b.o. 
isee  p.  xxix),  b.c.  8896  or  (lxx.)  5067. 


§2]  CHRONOLOGY  OF  GENESIS  xxix 

our  present  knowledge,  the  most  probable  date  for  his  reign  appears 
to  be  B.C.  2130 — 2088':  if,  therefore,  he  is  the  Amraphel  of  Gen.  xiv. 
1,  and  if,  further,  the  role  assigned  to  Abraham  in  this  chapter  is,  at 
least  substantially,  historical,  this  fixes  Abraham's  date  to  c.  2100  B.C. 
Can,  now,  the  date  of  the  Exodus  be  determined  upon  external 
grounds?  {a)  The  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  shew  that,  at  the  time 
when  they  were  written, — which,  from  the  names  of  the  kings  men- 
tioned in  them,  viz.  Amen-hotef  IV.  of  Egypt,  and  Burna-buriash  of 
Babylon,  Egyptologists  and  Assyriologists  are  agreed,  must  have  been 
c.  1400  B.C., — Palestine  was  still  an  Egyptian  province,  under  the  rule 
of  Egyptian  governors :  the  entry  of  the  Israelites  into  Canaan  could 
not,  consequently,  have  taken  place  tiU  after  B.C.  1400.  (6)  It  is 
stated  in  Ex.  i.  1 1  that  the  Israelites  built  in  Egypt  for  the  Pharaoh 
two  store-cities,  Pithom  and  Raamses.  The  excavations  of  M.  Naville 
have,  however,  shewn  that  Ramses  IL,  of  the  19th  dynasty,  was  the 
builder  of  Pithom ;  and  the  name  of  the  other  city,  though  it  is  still 
not  certainly  identified,  is  sufficient  evidence  that  he  was  its  founder 
likewise.  Egyptian  chronology  is  unfortunately  imperfect ;  but  Petrie, 
Breasted,  and  Meyer  agree  in  assigning  to  Ramses  II.  dates  varying 
only  from  b.c.  1310—1244  to  B.c.  1292—1225".  But  if  Ramses  II. 
was  the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppression,  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus  may 
be  naturally  assumed  (cf  Ex.  ii.  23)  to  have  been  his  successor,  i.e. 
Merenptah;  and  so  the  Exodus  will  have  taken  place  between  c.  1240 
and  c.  1220  B.C.  Thus,  according  to  the  best  available  authorities,  the 
interval  between  Abraham  and  the  Exodus  will  be  some  900  years. 
It  is  however  evident  that  such  a  period  is  inconsistent  with  the 
Biblical  figures, — whether  the  645  of  the  Heb.  text,  or  the  430  of 
the  Sam.  and  lxx.     (5)  There  is  no  external  evidence  enabling  us  to 

Tliat  the  probable  absolute  date  of  the  Exodus  differs  from  the  Biblical 
date,  B.C.  1491,  is  not  a  serious  diflBculty:  tlie  date  1491  rests  essentially  upon 
the  480  (lxx.  440)  years  of  1  K.  vi.  1,  which  is  opeu  to  the  suspicion  of  not 
being  really  traditional,  but  as  having  been  arrived  at  by  computation  (e.g.  of 
12  generations  of  40  years  each). 

^  See  the  note  on  p.  156  in  the  Addenda. 

2  Piot'essor  bayce's  date  for  Ramses  II.,  b.o.  1348 — 1281  {Mon.  230,  242),  quoted 
here  in  previous  editions,  is  that  fixed  by  the  astronomer  Mahler  iu  1«90:  but 
though  it  is  true  that  a  'Sothic'  period  (see  the  note  on  p.  xxxiii  in  the  Addenda) 
began  in  b.c.  1318,  it  seems  that  Mahler  was  mistaken  in  supposing  that  a  certain 
horoscope  in  the  Ramesseura  connected  the  beginning  of  this  period  with  Ramses' 
30th  year  (Eisenlohr,  PSBA.  1895,  p.  282;  Meyer,  Aeg.  Chronol.,  1904,  p.  38). 
The  date  1348  —  1281  for  Ramses  II.,  and  with  it  Prof.  Sayce's  date  for  the  Exodus, 
B.C.  1277,  conseciuently  fail  through  altogether. 


XXX  INTRODUCTION  [§  2 

fix  the  date  of  Jacob's  migration  into  Egypt:  the  personal  name  of 
the  Pharaoh  with  whom  Joseph  and  Jacob  had  to  do  is  not  mentioned; 
and  there  is  nothing  in  the  Book  of  Genesis  which  enables  us  either 
to  conjecture  his  identity  or  even  to  judge  of  the  djmasty  to  which 
he  belonged.  All  that  we  can  say  is  that,  if  the  Israelites  were  430 
years  in  Egypt,  and  the  Exodus  took  place  c.  1230  B.C.,  the  Pharaoh  of 
Joseph  will  have  been  one  of  the  Hyksos  kings  (who  ruled,  according 
to  Petrie,  from  B.C.  2098  to  1587,  or,  according  to  Meyer  and  Breasted, 
from  c.  B.C.  1680  to  1580).  (6)  The  430  years  of  Ex.  xii.  40,  41  (Heb. 
text)  are  in  substantial  agreement  with  the  400  years  of  Gen.  xv.  1 3. 
If  however  (see  4)  a  period  as  long  as  900  years  intervened  between 
Abraham  and  the  Exodus,  it  is  evident  that  the  Israelites  must  have 
been  in  Egypt  for  much  more  than  the  430  years  of  the  Heb.  text, 
— to  say  nothing  of  the  215  years  of  the  Sam.  and  lxx.  And  the 
'fourth  generation'  of  Gen.  xv.  16  cannot  even  embrace  as  much  as 
400  years;  for  though  (cf.  the  note,  and  Ex.  vi.  16,  18,  20,  vii.  7  P) 
it  might  perhaps  have  been  assumed  that  a  generation  in  the  later 
patriarchal  period  equalled  100  years,  it  is  not  credible  that  it  should 
have  done  so  in  reality*. 

The  only  conclusion  which  the  facts  thus  snmmed  up  justify  is 
that  the  chronology  of  the  Book  of  Genesis, — which  is,  in  effect,  P's 
chronology, — in  spite  of  the  ostensible  precision  of  its  details,  has  no 
historical  value.  The  sole  value  which  it  possesses  is  that  it  sets  before 
us  the  manner  in  which  the  author  himself  viewed  the  chronology  of 
the  period,  and  the  perspective  in  which  he  placed  the  various  person- 
ages who  figure  in  it.  It  is  an  artificial  system,  which  must  have  been 
arrived  at  in  some  way  by  computation ;  though  the  data  upon  which 
it  was  calculated  have  not  at  present  been  ascertained*.  For  the 
entire  period,  the  only  synchronisms  with  external  history  which  we 
at  present  possess,  are  those  of  Abraham  with  Amraphel  (supposing 
the  ordinary  view  of  ch.  xiv.  to  be  accepted),  and  of  the  building  of 
Ra'amses  and  Pithom  with  Ramses  II.  And  if,  as  there  seems  no 
sufl&cient  reason  for  doubting,  the  dates  assigned  to  these  kings  are 
approximately  correct,  and  there  is  an  interval  between  them  approach- 

1  It  is  remarkable  that  P's  genealogies  (see  on  xv.  16)  should  assign  just  four 
generations  for  the  same  period  (Levi,  Kohath,  'Amram,  Moses;  Levi,  Kohath, 
Izhar,  Korah;  Eeuben,  Pallu,  Eliab,  Dathan  and  Abiram:  the  somewhat  longer 
one  in  Nu.  xxvi.  28 — 33,  xxvii.  1,  Jos.  xvii.  3,  including  Gilead,  the  name  of  a 
country,  must  be  artificial:  cf.  p.  liv).  It  is  possible  that  the  'fourth  generation,' 
though  incorrect  in  fact,  had  nevertheless,  when  the  actual  period  had  been 
forgotten,  acquired  a  conventional  currency  in  tradition. 

^  For  a  conjecture  as  to  part  of  it,  see  below,  p.  80. 


§3]  CHRONOLOGY  OF  GENESIS  xxxi 

ing  900  years,  the  period  between  Abraham  and  Moses  must  be  far 
greater  than  is  allowed  for  by  the  chronology  of  the  Pentateuch^ 


§  3.     The  Historical   Value  of  the  Booh  of  Genesis. 
a.     The  prehistoric  period  {chs.  i. — xi.). 

On  the  Biblical  narrative  of  the  Creation  (Gen.  i.)  enough  has  been 
said  on  pp.  19 — 33.  It  has  been  there  shewn  that  while  the  progress 
of  scientific  discovery  in  modem  times  has  left  the  theological  value  of 
this  sublimely-conceived  narrative  unimpaired,  it  has  made  it  evident 
that  it  possesses  no  claim  to  contain  a  scientific  account  of  the  origin 
of  the  world,  or  to  describe, — even  in  popular  language, — the  process 
by  which  actually  the  universe  was  constituted  in  its  present  order, 
and  the  earth  was  gradually  adapted  to  become  the  home  of  its 
wondrous  succession  of  ever-progressing  types  of  life.  For  our  know- 
ledge of  the  stages,  so  far  as  they  can  be  determined,  advancing  with 
slow  and  measured  steps  through  unnumbered  ages,  by  which  in  the 
providence  of  God  these  eflFects  were  produced,  and  of  the  movements, 
on  the  one  hand  of  colossal  magnitude,  on  the  other  of  far  more  than 
microscopic  minuteness,  by  which  the  existing  fabric  of  the  universe 
has  been  marvellously  built  up,  we  must  go  to  the  mathematical  and 
physical  sciences,  not  to  the  Bible. 

It  remains  now  to  consider  the  historical  value  of  the  statements  of 
Genesis,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the  early  history  of  mankind.  And 
as  we  have  seen,  the  date  fixed  by  them  for  the  creation  of  man  is 
equivalent  to  B.C.  4157,  or  (according  to  the  higher  figures  of  the  lxx.) 
B.C.  5328.  It  is  however  certain  that  man  existed  upon  the  earth  long 
before  even  the  earlier  of  these  dates,  and  that  the  vicissitudes  through 
which  the  human  race  passed  have  been  far  more  diversified,  and  must 
have  occupied  a  far  longer  period  to  accomplish,  than  is  allowed  for  by 
the  Biblical  narrative. 

The  great  antiquity  of  man  upon  the  earth  is  apparent  from  the 
following  considerations. 

1.  It  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  Assyriologists  that  in  Babylonia 
the  beginnings  of  civilization  are  to  be  found  long  before  B.C.  4000. 
Thus  Professor  R.  W.  Rogers,  a  most  cautious  and  guarded  American 

1  Cf.  Sayce,  EUH.  143 — 146,  who,  after  a  discussion  of  the  pnbject,  arrives  at 
the  conclusion  that  the  chronology  of  the  OT.  is  of  no  value  until  we  reach  the 
time  of  David. 


xxxii  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

Assyriologist,  writes \  *If  we  call  up  before  us  the  land  of  Babylonia, 
and  transport  ourselves  backward  until  we  reach  the  period  of  more 
than  4000  years  before  Christ,  we  shall  be  able  to  discern  here  and 
there  signs  of  life,  society,  and  government  in  certain  cities.  Civiliza- 
tion has  already  reached  a  high  point,  the  arts  of  life  are  well 
advanced,  and  men  are  a!)le  to  write  down  their  thoughts  and  deeds 
in  intelligible  language  and  in  permanent  form.  All  these  presuppose 
a  long  period  of  development  running  back  through  millenniums  of 
unrecorded  time.*  And  he  proceeds  to  give  particulars  of  some  of  the 
kings  at  this  early  date. — for  instance,  of  Lugal-zaggisi,  who  at  about 
B.O.  4000  made  Uruk  (the  Erech  of  Gen.  x.  10)  his  capital,  whose 
inscriptions  engraved  on  vases  have  been  found  among  the  debris  of 
the  temple  at  Nippur  (50  m.  SE.  of  Babylon),  and  who  claims  to  have 
been  invested  with  the  'kingdom  of  the  world,'  and  to  have  ruled 
'from  the  lower  sea  of  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  to  the  upper  sea' 
(the  Mediterranean  Sea).  Sargon  of  Accad,  who  (p.  173  n.)  conquered 
the  'land  of  the  Amorites,'  lived,  according  to  Nabu-na'id,  the  last 
native  king  of  Babylon  (b.c.  555 — 538),  3200  years  before  himself', 
i.e.  at  about  B.C.  3800.  The  kings  of  Lagash — now  Telloh,  about 
80  miles  SE.  of  Nippur — have  left  monuments  of  themselves, — 
sculptured  stones,  with  inscriptions^ — belonging  substantially  to  the 
same  age.  Mr  Boscawen^  upon  the  basis  of  M.  de  Morgan's  excava- 
tions, concludes  that  civilization  began  in  Susa  before  B.c.  5000 ;  and 
after  citing  part  of  an  inscription  of  more  than  2000  lines,  carved  on 
the  four  faces  of  a  granite  obelisk  found  at  Susa,  and  containing  an 
account  of  payments  made  by  a  king  called  Manishtu-irba,  in  con- 
nexion with  certain  estates,  remarks  upon  the  striking  evidence 
afforded  by  it  of  the  antiquity  of  civilization  in  these  parts :  '  Here, 
in  an  inscription  more  than  6000  years  old,  we  have  a  complete  system 
of  commerce,  land  estimated  at  corn  value,  and  a  currency  and  system 
of  weights  based  on  the  sexagesimal  scale.  This  alone  is  proof  of  long 
and  continued  usage.'  It  must  indeed  be  evident  that,  if  empires 
were  founded,  public  buildings  constructed,  and  writing, — even  in  the 
difficult  cuneiform  script, — and  other  arts  familiarly  practised,  as  early 

»  Hist,  of  Bnh.  avd  Asf.  (New  York,  1900),  i.  349  f. 

^  The  correctness  of  tliis  statement  has  beeu  questioned;  but  it  is  accepted  by 
most  Assyrioloj^'ists  (e.g.  Sayce,  Exp.  Times,  x.  25;  L.  W.  King,  EncB.  i.  437; 
Maspero.'i.  599  n.;  cf.  Rogers,  i.  318  f.,  337). 

»  Anatic  Quarterly  Eeview,  Oct.  1901,  pp.  333  f.,  350,  352.  The  inscriptions 
found  by  M.  de  Morgan  are  published,  with  translations,  in  Scheil'e  Textes  Elamitei- 
S6mitiques,  n.  (1900). 


§  3]  THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN  xxxiii 

as  B.C.  4000,  the  beginnings  of  civilization  in  Babylonia  must  have 
i)receded  this  date  by  a  period  which,  if  impossible  to  estimate  pre- 
cisely by  years,  must  nevertheless  have  been  very  considerable.  It  is 
also  to  be  noticed  that  already  at  this  early  date  two  distinct  races, 
speaking  two  distinct  languages,  meet  in  B.-ibylonia :  the  old  Sumerian 
population  of  the  country,  and  the  Semitic  immigrants,  who  are 
gradually  superseding  them\ 

The  same  lesson  has  been  taught  by  exploration  in  Egypt.  Menes, 
the  founder  of  the  first  of  the  31  dynasties  enumerated  by  Mangtho, 
is  assigned  by  Petrie  to  B.C.  4777,  and  by  Meyer  and  Breasted  to 
c.  B.C.  3400^  But  in  1897  the  tomb  of  Menes  was  discovered  by 
M.  de  Morgan  at  Nak^da,  about  30  miles  N.  of  Thebes;  and  the 
objects  of  art,— incised  ivory,  vases,  statuettes,  &c., — and  hiero- 
glyphics, found  in  it',  shew  that  the  civilization  of  Egypt  was  already 
far  advanced.  The  huge  and  skilfully-constructed  pyramids  of  the 
fourth  dynasty,— beginning  B.C.  3998  (Petrie),  or  B.C.  2S00  (Meyer) 
— and  the  remarkable  finish  of  the  sculptures,  paintings,  and  other 
works  of  art*,  belonging  to  this  dynasty,  support  the  same  conclusion. 
Nor  is  this  all.  Between  1894  and  1901  excavations,  carried  on 
principally  by  Petrie,  Am(5lineau,  and  de  Morgan,  in  the  tombs  at 
NakMa  and  Gebel^n  (in  the  same  neighbourhood)  brought  to  light 
remains  of  a  '  pre-dynastic '  period  (i.  e.  of  a  period  preceding  Menes), 
extending  at  least  7 — 800  years  before  Menes,  in  which  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Nile  Valley,  though  they  had  not  yet  developed  the  arts 
practised  in  the  early  '  dynastic '  period",  displa3^ed  a  marvellous  skill 
in  fashioning  flint  into  weapons,  tools,  and  implements  of  all  kinds; 
they  were  also  clever  in  the  manufacture  of  pottery,  although  the 

^  Other  authorities  give  similar  dates  for  the  earliest  known  kings  of  Bahylonia, 
an  Hommel,  DB.  i.  224  (before  b.o.  4000),  King,  EncB.  i.  44'2;  Pinches,  OT.  in  the 
light,  etc.  p.  124  (of.  150).  In  the  galleries  of  the  British  Museum,  many  objects 
and  inscriptions  are  marked  with  a  date  4500  B.o.  See  also  the  very  instructive 
shilling  Guide  to  the  Bab.  and  Ass.  Antiquities  of  the  Brit.  Museum  (1900),  pp.  xi, 
3,  80,  124. 

'  In  explanation  of  these  divergences,  see  the  note  in  the  Addenda. 

8  See  Masp.  i.  ed.  4  (1901),  pp.  232  b,  233;  Budge,  Hist,  of  Eg.  i.  171, 
177—192. 

*  See  in  Masp.  i.  859 — 379  illustrations  of  the  pyramids,  and  contomporary 
diorite  statues,  of  the  kings  of  this  dynasty. 

^  See  the  careful  comparison  of  pre-dynastic  and  early  dynastic  civilization  in 
Epypt,  as  illustrated  by  objects  found  in  tombs,  with  a  summary  of  results,  in  G.  A. 
Reisner's  The  Early  Dynastic  Cemeteries  of  Naga-ed-De)-  (in  the  University  of  Cali- 
fornia Publications),  Leipzig,  1908,  pp.  126 — 135.  The  earliest  tombs  at  present 
ixplored  are  dated  by  Reisner  7—800  years  before  Menes  (Meyer's  date).  Copper 
implements  first  appear  in  the  middle  of  the  pre-dynastic  period  (pp.  114 — 7). 


xxxiv  INTRODUCTION  [|  3 

potter's  wheel  was  unknown  to  them^  The  flint  implements  belong  to 
the  '  neolithic '  stage  of  civilization  (see  p.  xli) :  but  numerous  imple- 
ments belonging  to  the  earlier  "'  palaeolithic '  age  have  also  been  found 
in  Egypt^  Sir  John  Evans,  the  leading  authority  in  England  upon 
archaic  stone  implements,  after  a  review  of  the  evidence,  concludes 
(on  the  basis  of  Petrie's  dates)  that  the  'neolithic'  age  cannot  have 
come  to  its  close  later  than  B.C.  5000,  '  fully  a  thousand  years  before 
the  date  which  many  of  us  in  our  childhood  were  taught  to  assign 
for  the  Creation  of  the  Universe^.'  Aud  the  perfection  of  work- 
manship, shewn  by  the  flaked  and  fluted  flint  knives,  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  this  age  must  have  begun  in  Egypt  long  previously*. 

2.  The  evidence  afforded  by  the  differences  of  language  and  race 
points  to  the  same  conclusion,  and  shews  indeed  that  the  antiquity  of 
man  upon  earth  must  extend  far  beyond  even  the  dimmest  beginnings 
of  either  Babylonian  or  Egyptian  civilization.  As  is  shewn  on  p.  133  f., 
the  narrative  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  cannot  give  an  historically  true 
account  of  the  origin  of  different  languages :  for  (1)  we  possess  in- 
scriptions of  a  date  greatly  earlier  than  that  at  which  the  confusion  of 
tongues  is  placed, — in  fact  as  early,  at  least,  as  B.C.  4000, — written  in 
three  entirely  distinct  languages,  the  pre-Semitic  Sumerian,  the  Semitic 
Babylonian,  and  the  Egyptian ;  (2)  to  take  but  one  of  these  languages, 
the  Babylonian :  as  Prof.  J.  F.  McCurdy  points  out",  it  has  already 
at  this  date  assumed  the  form  which  it  exhibits  3000  years  later ; 
i.e.  it  exhibits  signs  of  'advanced  phonetic  degeneration,'  and  difiers 
from  Hebrew,  Aramaic  and  the  other  Semitic  languages  almost  exactly 
as  it  does  afterwards :  how  many  thousands  of  years  must  we  con- 
sequently go  back  beyond  B.C.  4000,  before  we  reach  the  time  when  the 
common  ancestors  of  all  the  Semitic  peoples  lived  together,  and  spoke 
a  common  language  !  (3)  radical  differences  of  language, — i.e.  not  such 
differences  as  have  developed  by  gradual  differentiation  from  a  com- 
mon parent-tongue,  but  differences  distinguishing  languages  entirely 
um'elated  to  each  other  (as,  for  instance,  Latin  and  Chinese),  are 

1  Budge,  I.  49  £f.,  84  ff.,  92  ff.,  101  f.  (with  illustrations):  comp.  p.  102  ff.  (the 
contents  of  their  graves).  The  flint  implements  (with  other  objects)  are  found 
interred  with  the  dead, — no  doubt  with  the  idea,  widely  prevalent  among  peoples  of 
primiuve  culture,  that  they  would  be  of  use  in  a  future  life. 

-*  Budge,  I.  87  f..  Ill  f. ;  King  and  Hall,  Egypt  and  West.  Asia  (1907),  pp.  5—14. 

^  TJie  Antiquity  of  Alan.,  icith  especial  reference  to  the  Stone  Age  in  Egypt  (an 
Address  delivered  in  the  Town  Hall,  Birmingham,  Oct.  25,  1899,  before  the 
Birmingham  and  Midland  Institute),  pp.  lo,  14. 

*  ibid.  pp.  10,   11.  6  i,]j^  V.  88. 


§3]  THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN  xxxv 

dependent  upon  differences  of  race,  wliich  are  not  accounted  for  by 
the  Biblical  narrative. 

Something  like  100  families  of  lan^iage  are  known,  all  entirely  unrelated  to 
each  other,  i.e.  all  so  differing  from  each  other  that  none  could  have  arisen  out 
of  any  of  the  others  by  either  development  or  decay,  and  each  comprising 
mostly  a  variety  of  individual  languages  or  groups  of  languages^  Languages 
belonging  to  different  families,  now,  differ  from  each  other  not  only  radically 
in  vocabulary  and  grammar,  but  also,  very  frequently,  in  a  manner  which  it  is 
more  diflBcult  for  those,  liite  ourselves,  familiar  with  only  one  type  of  language, 
to  realize,  viz.  '  morphologically,'  or  in  the  manner  in  which  ideas  are  built  up 
into  a  sentence.  Different  races  do  not  think  in  the  same  way ;  and  con- 
sequently the  forms  taken  by  the  sentence  in  the  languages  spoken  by  them 
are  not  the  same.  The  five  main  morphological  types  of  language  are  the 
*  inflectional '  (W.  Asia  and  Europe),  the  'agglutinative'  (Turkey,  Central  Asia, 
Pacific  Islands,  many  parts  of  Africa),  the  'incorporating'  (Basque),  the 
'isolating'  (E.  Asia),  and  the  'polysynthetic'  (America)".  These  morpliological 
types  are  characteristic  of  particular  races:  thus  the  different  families  of 
language  spoken  in  America,  though  utterly  unrelated  to  each  other,  are 
nevertheless  all  'polysynthetic'  It  will  follow,  also,  from  what  has  been  said 
respecting  the  nature  of  'families'  of  language,  that  they  must  either  have 
arisen  independently,  in  virtue  of  the  faculty  of  creating  language  possessed 
by  man  (below,  p.  55),  at  different  centres  of  human  life^,  or  more  probably, 
perhaps,  have  been  developed  gradually,  at  the  same  time  that  races  were 
developed,  out  of  some  very  primitive,  inorganic  type  of  speech*. 

Comparative  philology  thus  teaches  that  radical  differences  of 
language  depend  upon,  and  presuppose,  differences  of  race.  Differences 
of  race,  however,  are  not  explained  by  the  Biblical  narrative ;  for 
though  Gen.  x.  is  ostensibly  an  explanation  of  the  origin  of  different 
nations,  and  though  Gen.  xi.  1 — 9  might  conceivably  be  understood  as 
such,  if  it  could  be  supposed  that  at  the  dispersion  there  described 
small  groups  of  men,  speaking  the  different  languages  which  then 
arose,  migrated  into  different  quarters  of  the  earth,  and  so  became  the 
founders  of  different  nationahties,  yet  (as  will  appear  directly)  no 
adequate  explanation  is  thereby  obtained  of  the  racial  differences 
exhibited  by  mankind,  which  must,  in  point  of  fact,  have  had  their 
starting-point  in  an  age  vastly  anterior  to  that  at  which  either  Gen.  x. 
or  Gen.  xi.  is  assigned  by  the  Biblical  chronology. 

3.  The  consideration  of  differences  of  race  leads  to  the  same 
conclusion.     It  is  impossible  here  to  particularize  details ;  but  it  may 

^  See  Kayce,  Science  of  Language  (1880),  ii.  33 — 64, 

*  See  fuitber  particulars  in  Sayce,  op.  cit.  i.  118 — 132,  374  ff.,  ii.  188  ff. 

*  8ayco,  ibid.  ii.  y22,  323. 

*  Keane,  Ethnology  (Cambridge,  1901),  pp.  159,  105,  197  f.,  20y— 215. 

D.  / 


xxxvi  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

be  mentioned  generally  that  differences  of  race  include  many  distinct 
features — the  colour  of  the  skin,  the  physical  structure  and  arrange- 
ment of  the  hair,  the  stature  and  proportions  of  the  body,  the  shape 
of  the  skull,  the  contour  of  the  face,  the  mental  capabilities  and 
character.  They  are  also  in  many  cases,  as  hardly  needs  to  be  pointed 
out,  strongly  marked  :  we  are  all  familiar  with  the  differences  between 
the  Chinaman,  the  Negro,  and  ourselves ;  and  there  are  many  other 
races  which,  though  they  may  be  less  familiarly  known,  are  not  less 
markedly  distinguished  from  each  other — for  instance,  the  chocolate- 
coloured  iVustralians,  the  light-brown  Maoris,  the  reddish-brown  native 
tribes  of  America,  the  yellow-hued  Mongolians  of  Central  Asia  and 
China,  the  tall  Patagonians,  and  the  diminutive  Bushmen  of  South 
Africa'.  With  the  schemes  that  have  been  proposed  for  classifying 
these  and  the  other  races,  or  sub-races,  of  mankind  we  are  not  here 
concerned*:  what  more  concerns  us  is  the  great  permanence  of  type 
which,  so  far  as  we  can  observe  them,  these  racial  varieties  mostly 
exhibit :  as  depicted  on  the  Egyptian  monuments,  Egyptian  and  Negro 
differed  4000  years  ago  as  they  differ  now;  races  transplanted  into  new 
climates  retain  their  former  physical  characteristics  practically  un- 
changed ;  while  conversely  physically  different  races,  such  as  the 
Negros  and  Bushmen  in  Africa,  shew  no  tendency  to  approximate  to 
each  other,  even  under  the  influence  of  the  same  climate  and  the  same 
general  physical  surroundings. 

It  has,  now,  been  much  debated  among  ethnologists  whether  man 
appeared  originally  upon  the  globe  at  one  centre  or  at  many  centres. 
The  former  of  these  alternatives  is  preferred  by  modern  scientific 
authorities.  Thus  Mr  Darwin,  after  reviewing  the  arguments  on  both 
sides,  sums  up  in  its  favour — upon  the  ground,  stated  generally,  that 
the  resemblances,  physical  and  mental,  between  different  races  are  such 
that  it  is  extremely  improbable  that  they  should  have  been  acquired 
independently  by  aboriginally  distinct  species  or  races*.     But,  which- 

*  See  Sayce,  Races  of  the  OT.  14—24;  or,  in  greater  detail,  Tylor,  Anthropology, 
chap.  III.,  Keane,  Ethnology,  chaps,  viii.  ('Physical  criteria  of  race'),  and  ix. 
('  Mental  criteria  of  race').  There  are  reasons  for  thinking  that  the  colour  of  the 
skin  in  primitive  man  was  yellowish  (Keane,  p.  237). 

2  See  Keane,  p.  163  ff. 

8  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  vol.  i.  oh.  vii.  (pp.  231—233,  ed.  1871).  The  argu- 
ment of  course  assumes  that  Man  is  the  result  of  an  evolutionary  process,  not  of  a 
special  creation.  The  same  conclusion  is  expressed  by  Lyell,  Principles  of  Oeology^^ 
(1875),  II.  chap.  43;  Huxley,  Collected  Essays,  vii.  249 ff.;  Tylor,  art.  Anthropology 
in  the  Encycl.  Brit.^,  and  in  his  volume  Anthropology  (1895),  p.  6;  and  Keane, 
ch.  VII.  ('The  specific  unity  of  man'),  who  however  considers  the  existing  races  of 
mankind  to  have  developed  not  from  a  single  human  pair,  but  from  a  single  pair  of 


§  3]  THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN  xxxTii 

ever  of  these  alternative!?  be  adopted,  it  must  be  evident  that  differences 
of  race  are  not  accounted  for  in  the  Biblical  nanative :  the  case  of  the 
several  primary  races  originating  independently  at  different  centres,  is 
not  contemplated  in  it  at  all :  if,  on  the  other  hand,  racial  differences 
were  giadually  developed  by  the  play  of  natural  selection  upon  the 
descendants  of  a  single  pair,  migrating  into  new  climatic  and  other 
physical  conditions,  then  the  growth  of  these  differences  is  neither 
explained  by  the  Biblical  narrative,  nor,  in  fact,  reconcileable  with  it. 
For,  taking  account  only  of  the  simplest  and  most  obvious  division  of 
mankind  into  the  white,  the  yellow,  the  reddish-brown,  and  the  black 
races',  even  Gen.  x.,  with  the  single  exception  of  Gush  (Jer.  xiii.  23), — 
and,  possibly,  of  Magog  (if  by  this  are  meant  the  Scythians), — 
enumerates  only  tribes  and  nations  belonging  to  the  white  race  ;  while 
from  the  observed  persistency  of  racial  types,  as  noticed  above,  it 
seems  clear  that,  if  the  four  mentioned  races,  with  the  many  sub-races 
included  in  each,  all  differing  very  materially  from  each  other,  have 
been  developed  from  a  single  original  pair,  the  process  must  have 
occupied  a  greatly  longer  period  of  time  than  is  allowed  by  the  Book 
of  Genesis,  even  though  we  adopt  the  view  that  the  Deluge  was  a 
merely  local  inundation,  and  place  the  starting-point  of  the  growth 
of  racial  distinctions  at  the  Biblical  date  for  the  creation  of  man, 
B.C.  4157,  or  (lxx.)  B.C.  5328'. 

4.  The  high  antiquity  of  man  is  attested  also  by  evidence,  which 
cannot  be  gainsaid,  from  another  quarter.  During  the  last  half-century 
or  so,  relics  of  human  workmanship  have  been  found,  chiefly  in  England, 
Belgium,  and  France,  but  also  in  other  ]iarts  of  the  world,  including 
America,  shewing  that  man,  in  a  rude  and  primitive  stage  of  develop- 
ment, ranged  through  the  forests  and  river- valleys  of  these  continents, 
in  company  with  mammals  now  extinct,  at  an  age  which  cannot 
indeed  be  measured  precisely  in  years  B.C.,  but  which,  upon  the  most 
moderate  estimate,  cannot  be  less  than  20,000  years  from  the  present 

anthropoid  ancestors,  stinding  ranch  further  back  in  the  evolutionary  pedigree 
(pp.  223—5,  229,  239  f.;  of.  the  diagiams,  pp.  19,  38,  224). 

^  Corresponding  in  general  to  the  Caucasian,  the  Mongol,  the  native  American 
and  the  Negro  races.  See  in  detail  Keane,  cbap.  x.  ('  The  main  divisions  of  the 
Hominidae'),  chaps,  xi. — xiv.  (the  survey  of  each  group  in  particular). 

'  Comp.  Sir  W.  H.  Flower,  Encycl.  Brit.'  xv.  445  (  =  Flower  and  Lydekker, 
Hist,  of  Mavimals,  1891,  741,  742!.),  who  speaks  of  the  'vast  antiquity  of  man,' 
and  of  the  'long  ante-historic  period,  during  which  the  Negro,  the  Mongolian,  and 
the  Caucasian  races  were  being  gradually  fashioned  into  their  respective  types'; 
and  Sayce,  Racet  of  the  OT.  ^.  37,  who  expresses  himself  similarly.  j.  c) 


XXXVlll 


INTRODUCTION 


[§3 


Tertiary 


day'.     Here  is  an  enlarged  Table  of  the  'Cainozoic'  age,  embracing 
the  perioda  numbered  11  and  12  on  p.  21*: 

'1.  Eocena  Orders  and  families  of  mammals  now  living 

(e.g.  ancestral  forme  of  the  horse,  the  deer, 
and  the  hyaena)  represented,  but  not  living 
genera  or  species. 

2.  Meiocene.         Genera  of  mammals  now  living  represented, 
but  not  species, 

3.  Pleiocena         Living  species  of  mammals  begin  to  appear, 
but  are  still  rare:  extinct  species  abundant. 

/4.   Pleistocene.      Living  species  more  abundant   Man  appears. 

Extinct  species  rarer. 
5.   'Prehistoric.'    Liviug    species  (including  Man)  abundant, 
i  Animals   domesticated,  and   fruits  culti- 

vated.   Only  one  extinct  species  of  mam- 
mal (the  Irish  elk). 
^8.  Historift  No  extinct  species.    Historical  records. 


Post-Tertiary 

or 
Quaternary 


In  the  first  four  of  these  periods  the  geography  and  climate  of 
Europe  both  underwent  many  changes.  Thus. in  the  Eocene  period  the 
British  Isles  were  probably  united  with  the  present  Continent  of  Europe 
on  the  one  side,  and  with  the  Faroe  Islands,  Iceland,  and  Greenland  on 
the  other ;  and  there  was  a  partially  enclosed  sea  extending  from  about 
the  coast  of  Dorsetshire  to  Denmark.  The  climate  of  Britain  was  then 
tropical :  the  sea  just  spoken  of  teemed  with  sharks,  rays,  sea-snakes, 
&c.,  alligators  and  turtles  abounded  on  the  banks  of  the  Thames,  and  the 
land  was  covered  with  a  luxuriant  vegetation.  In  the  Pleiocene  period 
the  climate  becomes  colder :  the  elephant  now  appears  in  France,  and 
the  first  hving  species  of  mammal,  the  common  hippopotamus,  is  found 
in  the  same  country  and  in  Italy.  The  Pleistocene  period  is  remarkable 
on  account  of  the  alternations  of  climate  by  which  it  was  marked.  At 
first  there  was  severe  cold  :  and  thick  beds  of  glaciers  covered  most  of 
Scotland,  Ireland,  the  NW.  parts  of  England  and  Wales,  as  also  the 
greater  part  of  N.  and  central  Europe.  Then,  as  many  think,  came 
a  submergence,  reducing  Britain  to  clusters  of  glacier-covered  islands 
rising  out  of  the  sea,  and  surrounded  by  icebergs,  till  after  a  while  tlie 
climate  grew  warmer  and  the  glaciers  disappeared.     After  this  a  period 

1  The  late  Sir  Joseph  Prestwich,  a  peolopist  not  addicted  to  rash  or  extreme 
opinions,  assigned,  as  a  '  rough  a})proxiniate  limit,'  a  period  of  from  20,000  to 
30,000  years  from  the  present  time  (Geology,  188S,  ii.  534). 

2  The  following  statements  are  made  on  the  authority  of  Boyd  Dawkins,  Early 
Man  in  Britain  (1880),  pp.  9f.,  12,  18  f.,  81,  115  ff.,  150  fl".,  257,  &c.:  but  statement's 
to  the  same  effect  will  be  found  in  any  recent  manual  of  geology, — e.g.  Geikie'a 
Class-book  of  Geology  (1902),  pp.  394  ff.,  404  ff.    See  also  Keane's  Ethnology,  ch.  iv. 


§  3]  THE  ANTIQUITY  OF  MAN  xxxix 

of  cold  supervened  :  the  glaciers  and  icebergs  reappeared  ;  the  British 
Isles  again  rose  above  the  sea, — this  time,  however,  no  longer  united 
to  Greenland,  though  still  forming  part  of  a  large  N. -Westerly  ex- 
tension of  France,  Holland  and  Denmark :  finally,  the  climate  again 
became  temperate.  Thus  there  were  in  Britain  two  '  glacial '  periods, 
and  an  intervening  warmer  *  inter-glacial '  period.  Similar  climatal 
changes  took  place  in  what  is  now  the  Continent  of  Europe  :  in  the  N. 
and  central  parts  there  are  still  numerous  marks  of  the  former  presence 
of  glaciers. 

Indubitable  traces  of  man  first  become  abundant  in  the  later 
Pleistocene  period\  On  the  slopes  of  river-valleys  such  as  those  of  the 
Ouse  or  the  Somme,  60  or  100  ft.  above  the  present  river-banks,  there 
are  beds  of  what  is  called  drift-gravel,  deposited  by  the  river  when 
it  flowed  at  a  much  higher  level  than  it  does  at  present;  and 
in  this  drift-gravel,  side  by  side  with  the  remains  of  various  extinct 
mammals,  have  been  found  numerous  rude  implements  of  flint  chipped 
by  the  hands  of  men,  sometimes  into  flakes,  sometimes  into  pear- 
shaped,  or  pointed,  hatchets,  or  scrapers ''.  Geology  shews  that  these 
drift-gravels  were  deposited  during  the  middle  and  later  Pleistocene 
period.  The  animals  with  whose  remains  these  implements  are  found 
appear  to  shew  that  on  the  Continent  of  Europe  man  was  pre-glacial 
and  inter-glacial  (i.e.  that  he  advanced  from  the  S.  northwards  in  the 
warmer  inter-glacial  periods  mentioned  above),  but  that  in  England, 
at  least  N.  of  the  Thames,  he  was  only  post-glacial  (i.e.  that  he 
appeared  in  this  country  only  after  the  ice  had  finally  left  it).  And 
so  in  this  remote  age,  jmlaeolithic  man,  or  the  *  river-drift  hunter,'  as 
he  has  been  called,  lived  a  rude  hunter's  life  in  the  lower  valley  of  the 
Thames,  side  by  side  with  vast  herds  of  reindeer,  bisons,  horses,  and 
uri,  the  woolly  rhinoceros  and  the  elephant,  the  hippopotamus  and 
the  lion,  and  many  other  creatures,  now  entirely  unknown  in  this 

^  Some  authorities  (among  whom  was  Sir  J.  Prestwich)  think  that  traces  of  a 
yet  earUer  race  of  men  have  been  found  in  the  'eoliths,'  or  flints,  very  rude  in  shape, 
and  but  slightly  chipped,  occurring  in  older  gravels  and  at  yet  higher  levels.  OtherS: 
however,  maintain  these  to  be  natural  forms. 

2  On  the  question  whether  these  are  really  implements  of  human  workmanship, 
Bee  Lord  Avebury  (Sir  J,  Lubbock),  Prehistoric  Times,  ed.  6  (1900),  p.  328.  No 
geologist  doubts  that  they  are.  Similar  implements  are  made  at  the  present  day 
by  savages  such  as  the  native  Australians  (Tylor,  Anthropology,  p.  186)  and 
Tasmanians  (Keane,  p.  293).  For  further  particulars  on  the  subject,  see  Sir 
J.  Evans,  The  Ancient  Stone  Implements,  Weapons,  and  Ornaments  of  Great  Britain^ 
(1897),  (on  their  antiquity,  pp.  703—9).  In  one  of  the  galleries  of  the  British 
Museum,  there  is  a  large  collection  of  these  implements,  both  of  the  earlier  and 
later  Stone  age,  arranged  as  far  as  possible  chronologically  :  gee  descriptions,  with 
illustrations,  in  the  shilling  QuidLe  to  these  cmtiquities  (1902). 


xl  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

island*.  And  there  is  evidence  that  he  lived  under  similar  conditions 
in  other  parts  of  central  and  southern  England,  in  France,  Belgium, 
and  elsewhere  on  the  Continent.  In  particular,  in  a  cave  in  Dordogne, 
in  the  valley  of  the  Vez^re,  a  little  E.  of  Bordeaux,  there  has  been 
found  the  drawing  of  a  mammoth — a  huge  kind  of  elephant,  which  has 
left  many  remains  of  itself,  but  has  now  been  long  extinct — incised  by 
human  hands  upon  a  piece  of  its  own  ivory,  which  must  date  from  the 
same  period''.  Marks  of  the  presence  of  man  in  the  same  age  have 
also  been  found  in  Africa,  Palestine,  and  India:  the  diffusion  of  the 
same  stage  of  culture  over  countries  so  widely  separated  from  each 
other  is  an  indication  that  it  must  have  been  of  long  duration*. 

Whether,  however,  even  palaeolithic  man  is  rightly  termed  '  primitive '  is 
doubted  by  Dr  Tyler.  '  The  life  which  the  men  of  the  mammoth- period  must 
have  led  at  Abbeville  or  Torquay,  shews  on  the  face  of  it  reasons  against  its 
being  man's  primitive  life.  These  old  stone-age  men  are  more  likely  to  have 
been  tribes  whose  ancestors  while  living  under  a  milder  climate  gained  some 
rude  skill  in  the  arts  of  procuring  food  and  defending  themselves,  so  that 
afterwards  they  were  able  by  a  hard  struggle  to  hold  their  own  against  the 
harsh  weather  and  fierce  beasts  of  the  Quaternary  period'  {Anthropology, 
p.  33). 

In  the  later  part  of  the  palaeolithic  period,  a  somewhat  higher 
stage  of  culture  appears,  represented  by  the  Cave  man,  belonging,  it 
may  be,  to  another  race,  perhaps  (Dawkins)  allied  to  the  Eskimos. 
Relics  of  the  workmanship  of  the  Cave  man  are  found,  for  instance,  in 
caves  in  a  valley  between  Derby  and  Nottingham,  in  Kent's  Hole,  near 
Torquay,  and  in  different  parts  of  Belgium,  France,  Germany,  &c. 
Improved  flint  implements,  bone  needles  and  awls,  harpoon  heads  of 
antler,  and  especially  drawings  of  horses,  reindeer,  and  other  animals, 
testify  to  the  advance  in  culture  of  the  Cave  man,  as  compared  with 
the  river-drift  hunter  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  palaeolithic  age*. 

The  Pleistocene  period,  says  Mr  Dawkins,  was  of  '  vast  duration ' ; 
and  the  river-drift  man  '  probably  lived  for  countless  generations  before 
the  arrival  of  the  Cave-men,  and  the  appearance  of  the  higher  culture ' 
(pp.  231,  233). 

The  'prehistoric'  period  is  marked  by  the  advent  of  neolithic 
mem,  i.e.  of  man  belonging  to  the  newer  stone  period,  in  which  his 
stone  implements  were    often  polished,   and  in  other  respects  also 

1  Dawkins,  pp.  137,  155  f.,  172  f. 

2  See  Dawkins,  p.  105;  Tylor,  p.  31;  Lyell,  Antiquity  of  Man,  ed.  4,  p.  139. 

*  Dawkins,  pp.  165 — 7,  172  f. 

*  On  PalaeoUthio  man,  see  also  Keaiie,  ch.  r.  (with  lUustrationB). 


§3]  THE  A:NTIQUITY  OF  MAN  xli 

display  a  higher  type  of  workmanship.  In  the  course  of  this  period, 
culture  considerably  advanced :  the  soil  was  cultivated,  animals  were 
domesticated,  wood  was  cut  with  stone  axes  fixed  in  wooden  handles, 
spears,  arrows,  &c.  were  manufactured,  and  clay  was  moulded  into 
rude  cups  and  other  vessels  :  the  dead  began  also  now  to  be  buried  in 
barrows  or  cairns.  It  is  to  this  period  that  at  least  the  earlier  of  the 
famous  pile-dwellings,  constructed  in  some  of  the  Swiss  lakes,  belong : 
the  inhabitants  of  these  lake-villages  cultivated  many  seeds  and  fruits 
familiar  to  ourselves.  The  neolithic  men  appear  to  have  belonged  to 
a  different  race  from  their  predecessors,  the  Cave  men,  and  entered 
Europe,  it  is  generally  agreed,  from  the  East  or  South.  The  duration 
of  the  neolithic  civilization  varied  in  different  countries :  it  main- 
tained itself,  for  instance,  in  northern  and  central  Europe  long  after  it 
had  yielded  to  a  higher  culture  in  Greece  and  Italy,  and  also,  it  may 
be  added,  till  long  after  highly  organized  empires  had  been  estabhshed 
in  Eg)rpt  and  Babylonia \ 

The  neolithic  period  was  followed  by  the  Bronze  age,  during  which 
iron  either  was  not  known,  or  could  not  be  worked,  and  when  aU 
weapons  and  cutting  instruments  were  made  of  bronze, — the  only  other 
metal  known  being  gold,  which  was  used  for  ornaments.  Most  nations 
have  passed  through  a  Bronze  age,  though  not  all  at  the  same  time : 
the  Spaniards,  for  instance,  when  they  conquered  Mexico  and  Peru, 
found  the  natives  working  in  bronze  with  some  skill,  but  knowing 
nothing  of  iron. 

The  Bronze  age  was  succeeded  by  the  Iron  age,  which  began  with 
the  first  introduction  of  iron  for  the  manufacture  of  weapons  and 
cutting  instruments,  and  which  has  continued, — with  of  course  immense 
developments  in  every  direction, — to  the  present  day. 

The  general  conclusion  to  which  the  facts  mentioned  in  the  pre- 
ceding pages  point  can  hardly  be  better  summed  up  than  in  the  words 
of  Dr  Tylor:  'It  is  true  that  man  reaches  back  comparatively  little 
way  into  the  immense  lapse  of  geological  time.  Yet  his  first  appear- 
ance on  earth  goes  back  to  an  age  CQmpared  with  which  the  ancients, 
as  we  call  them,  are  but  moderns.  The  few  thousand  years  of  recorded' 
history  only  take  us  back  to  a  prehistoric  period  of  untold  length, 
during  which  took  place  the  primary  distribution  of  mankind  over  the 
earth  and  the  development  of  the  gi'e'at  races,  the  formation  of  speech 
and  the  settlement  of  the  great  families  of  language,  and  the  growth  of 

^  On  Neolithic  man,  oomp,  also  Eeane,  oh.  vi. 


xlii  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

culture  up  to  the  levels  of  the  old  world  nations  of  the  East,  the  fore- 
runners and  founders  of  modern  civilized  life^' 

In  what  hght,  then,  in  view  of  this  conclusion,  are  we  to  view  the 
representation  contained  in  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis  ?  The  facts 
cannot  be  denied :  yet  the  narrative  of  Genesis  takes  no  account  of 
them,  and,  indeed,  leaves  no  room  for  them.  The  great  antiquity  of 
man,  the  stages  of  culture  through  which  he  passed  (comp.  the  note 
on  iv.  17 — 24),  and  the  wide  distribution  of  the  human  species,  with 
strongly  marked  racial  differences,  over  the  surface  of  the  earth  are 
all  alike  unexplained,  and  inexplicable,  upon  the  historical  system  of 
Gen.  i. — xi.  No  doubt,  Gen.  x.  and  xi.  1 — 9  explain  ostensibly  the 
distribution  of  man  '  over  the  face  of  the  whole  earth ' ;  but  after  what 
has  been  said,  it  wiU  be  evideijt  that  they  do  not  do  so  in  reality :  the 
dispersion  is  placed  too  late  to  account  for  the  known  facts  respecting 
both  the  distribution  of  man  and  the  diversity  of  races.  To  say  that 
the  Biblical  writers  spoke  only  of  the  nations  of  whom  they  knew  is 
of  course  true:  bat  the  admission  deprives  their  statements  of  all 
historical  or  scientific  value :  '  palaeolithic '  and  '  neolithic '  man,  and 
the  various  distinct  races  inhabiting  Central  and  Eastern  Asia, 
Australia,  America,  &c.,  all  existed ;  and  any  explanation,  purporting 
to  account  for  the  populations  of  the  earth,  and  the  diversity  of 
languages  spoken  by  them,  must  take  cognizance  of  them.  An  ex- 
planation not  taking  account  of  the  facts  to  be  explained  can  be  no 
historically  true  account  either  of  the  diffusion  of  mankind,  or  of  the 
origin  of  different  races.  We  are  forced  therefore  to  the  conclusion 
that  though,  as  may  be  safely  assumed,  the  writers  to  whom  we  owe 
the  fii'st  eleven  chapters  of  Genesis,  report  faithfully  what  was  currently 
believed  among  the  Hebrews  respecting  the  early  history  of  mankind,  at 
the  same  time,  as  is  shewn  in  the  notes,  making  their  narratives  the 
vehicle  of  uviay  moral  and  spiritual  lessons,  yet  there  was  much  which 
they  did  not  know,  and  could  not  take  cognizance  of:  these  chapters, 
consequently,  we  are  obliged  to  conclude,  incomparable  as  they  are  in 
other  respects,  contain  no  account  of  the  real  beginnings  either  of  the 
earth  itself,  or  of  man  and  human  civilization  upon  it^ 

*  Anthropology,  p.  34. 

'  Mr  Capron  (Conflict  of  Truth,  270 — 85)  has  devised  an  extraordinary  method 
(cf.  below,  p.  24  71.)  for  'reconciUng'  the  great  antiquity  of  man  with  the  statements 
of  Genesis:  man,  he  supposes,  may  have  existed  long  before  as  a  natural  being; 
Genesis  describes  only  his  elevation  into  a  spiritual  being  by  the  super-adding  of 
spiritual  faculties.  But  it  is  surely  the  intention  of  Genesis  to  describe  both  the 
beginnings  of  man,  and  also  his  beginnings  as  a  complete  being ;  one  can  hardl}' 


§  3]  THE  PATRIARCHAL  NARRATIVES  xliii 

b.     The  patria/rclial  period  (chs.  xii. — I!). 

It  remains  to  consider  the  historical  character  of  Gen.  xii. — ^1.,  the 
narratives  of  the  patriarchal  period.  Here  it  must  at  the  outset  be 
frankly  admitted  that  these  narratives  do  not  satisfy  the  primary 
condition  which  every  first-class  historical  authority  must  satisfy :  they 
are  not  contemporary  (or  nearly  so)  with  the  events  which  they  purport 
to  relate :  even  if  Moses  were  their  author,  he  lived  many  centuries 
after  Abraham — according  to  Ussher's  chronology  400  years,  in  reality 
(p.  xxix), — if  we  adopt  for  Abraham's  date  the  only  fixed  datum  that 
we  possess,  the  synchronism  with  Hammurabi  (p.  156), — some  900 
years;  aud  upon  the  critical  view  of  the  date  of  these  narratives, 
the  interval  is  of  course  still  greater, — in  fact,  between  Abraham 
and  J,  something  like  1300  years.  The  supposition  that  the  writer 
(or  writers)  of  Genesis  may  have  based  his  (or  their)  narratives  upon 
written  documents,  contemporary  with  the  events  described,  does  not 
alter  the  case :  there  is  no  evidence,  direct  or  indirect,  that  such 
documents  were  actually  used  as  the  basis  of  the  narrative  ;  and  upon 
a  mere,  hypothesis,  for  the  truth  of  which  no  positive  grounds  can  be 
alleged,  and  which  therefore  may  or  may  not  be  true,  it  must  be 
apparent  that  no  further  conclusions  of  any  value  can  be  built.  It  is 
not  denied  that  the  patriarchs  possessed  the  art  of  writing ;  but  the 
admission  of  the  fact  leads  practically  to  no  consequences ;  for  we  do 
not  know  what  they  wrote,  and  there  is  no  e-zidence  that  they  left  any 
written  materials  whatever  behind  them. 

These  facts,  it  is  evident,  must  seriously  diminish  the  confidence 
which  we  might  otherwise  feel  as  regards  the  historical  character  of  the 
patriarclial  narratives.  A  narrative  committed  to  writing  for  the  first 
time,  so  far  as  we  know,  1000  years  or  more  after  the  events  related 
in  it  occurred,  would  be  regarded  under  ordinary  circumstances  as 
destitute  of  historical  value ;  we  could  have  no  guarantee  that  during 
such  a  long  period  of  oral  transmission  it  had  not  in  many  details 
become  materially  modified, — sometimes  accidentally,  through  failure 
of  memory,  sometimes,  it  may  be,  intentionally,  by  the  addition,  for 
instance,  of  embellishing  traits.  Are  there  however  any  considerations 
which  might  tend  to  modify  this  unfavourable  conclusion  in  the  case 

believe  one's  eyes  when  one  reads  {p.  279)  that  human  nature  is  to  be  divided  into 
four  parts,  and  that  Gen.  ii.  describes  the  beginning  of  two  of  these  (material  form 
and  vitality),  and  Gen.  i.  the  beginning  of  the  other  two  (intellectuality  and 
spirituality) !  The  explanation  of  the  Fall,  proffered  on  p.  321  f. ,  is  not  less  out  of 
the  question.  Reconciliations  of  the  Bible  with  science  which  depend  upon  forced 
exegesis  osn  never  be  sound  ones. 


xKv  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

of  the  patriarchal  narratives  of  Genesis  ?  We  can  never  indeed  regard 
them  as  historical  autiiorities  in  the  strictest  sense  of  the  word :  but 
that,  be  it  observed,  is  a  claim  which  they  never  make  themselves ; 
they  nowhere  claim,  even  indirectly,  to  be  the  work  of  eye-witnesses ; 
and  there  may  be  circumstances  connected  with  them  which  may  at 
least  shew  the  position  to  be  a  tenable  one  that,  though  they  cannot 
be  placed  in  the  same  rank  with,  for  example,  the  history  of  Thucydides, 
their  contents  are  nevertheless  substantially  authentic. 

1.  In  nations  possessing  no  written  records,  the  memory  is  more 
exercised,  and  more  tenacious  than  it  is  with  us ;  and  popular  stories 
once  enshrined  in  the  memory  of  a  nation  may  have  been  transmitted 
substantially  unaltered,  from  father  to  son,  for  many  generations.  The 
tenacity  of  the  memory,  under  such  circumstances,  is  greater  than  we 
can  readily  imagine ;  and  there  are  many  surprising  instances  on  record 
of  its  power'.  And  the  memory  might  be  expected  to  be  exceptionally 
tenacious,  in  the  case  of  national  records,  or  accounts  of  ancient 
worthies  whose  memories  were  cherished  on  the  part  of  a  nation, 
which  held  itself  aloof  from  its  neighbours,  and  was  proud  of  its 
ancestry. 

2.  The  critical  analysis  of  Genesis  furnishes  an  argument  of  some 
weight  in  favour  of  the  general  trustworthiness  of  the  narrative. 
Disregarding  P  (which  appears  not  only  to  contain  in  parts  artificial 
elements,  but  also  to  be  later  than  the  other  sources,  so  that  by  the 
side  of  J  and  E  it  can  hardly  claim  to  represent  an  independent 
tradition),  we  have  two  narratives  of  the  patriarchal  period,  one 
written,  in  all  probability,  in  Judah,  the  other  in  the  Northern 
Kingdom ;  and  these,  though  they  exhibit  discrepancies  in  detail,  still 
on  the  whole  agree  :  though  they  may  contain,  for  instance,  divergent 
representations  of  the  same  events,  they  do  not  present  two  entirely 
contradictory  traditions ;  in  other  words,  they  shew  that  on  the  whole 
the  traditions  current  in  the  N.  and  S.  Kingdoms  agreed  with  one 
another.  They  thus  bear  witness  to  the  existence  in  ancient  Israel  of 
a  '  firm  nucleus  of  consistent  tradition '  (Kittel).  *  The  value  of  this 
nucleus  is  by  no  means  small,  for  it  supplies  the  fundamental  condition 

*  'One  of  the  most  noted  Rawis  [reciters],  Hammad  by  name,  is  said  to  have 
been  able  to  recite  3000  loug  poems,  all  of  the  time  before  Mohammed ' 
(A.  B.  Davidson,  Bibl.  and  Literary  Essays,  1902,  p.  26S).  See  also  Grote, 
Hist,  of  Greece,  i.  526 — 30,  532  n.  (ed.  1862), — with  referencp  to  the  oral  preservation 
of  the  Homeric  poems ;  and  Max  Miiller,  Hibbert  Lectures  (1878),  153,  156  f.,  on  the 
oral  preservation  of  the  Kig-Veda. 


§3]  THE  PATRIARCHAL  NARRATIVES  xIt 

of  a  real  history.  If  the  traditions  were  confusedly  intennixed,  this 
would  stamp  them  as  arbitrary  creations,  or  the  products  of  popular 
fancy.  Their  not  being  so,  though  far  from  proving  them  positively  to 
be  historical,  justifies  the  presumption  that  we  may  perhaps  succeed  in 
finding  a  historic  core  in  the  patriarchal  narratives*.' 

3.  The  patriarchal  narratives  are  marked  by  great  sobriety  of 
statement  and  representation.  There  are  no  incredible  marvels,  no 
fantastic  extravagances,  no  surprising  miracles  :  the  miraculous  hardly 
extends  beyond  manifestations  and  comTQunications  of  the  Deity  to  the 
earlier  patriarchs,  and  in  the  case  of  Joseph  there  are  not  even  these ; 
the  events  of  his  life  move  on  by  the  orderly  sequence  of  natural  cause 
and  effect.  There  is  also  great  moderation  in  the  claims  made  on 
behalf  of  the  patriarchs.  Only  once,  in  a  narrative  taken  evidently 
from  a  special  source  (ch.  xiv.),  is  Abraham  represented  as  gaining 
successes  in  war ;  only  once  also  (ch.  xxxiv.  ;  of  xlviii.  22)  does  Jacob 
come  into  hostile  collision  with  the  native  Canaanites  :  elsewhere,  the 
patriarchs  live  peaceful,  quiet  lives,  neither  claiming  nor  exercising 
any  superiority  over  the  native  princes ;  and  sometimes  even  rebuked 
by  them  for  their  moral  weakness.  There  is  also  another  consideration, 
of  considerable  weight,  urged  by  Ewald.  '  Ewald  reminds  us,'  says 
Kittel,  'that  whilst  all  the  accounts  agree  in  representing  it  as  the 
Divine  purpose  that  Abraham  and  the  other  patriarchs  shall  provision- 
ally take  possession  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  they  are  never  represented 
as  actually  possessing  the  whole.  They  confine  themselves  to  particular 
small  districts  in  the  South  (Abraham  and  Isaac)  and  centre  (Jacob)  of 
Canaan,  and  these,  for  the  most  part,  of  minor  importance.  If  the 
patriarchs  had  never  actually  lived  in  Canaan,  if  their  abode  there  and 
their  very  personality  had  belonged  merely  to  the  realm  of  legend,  it 
might  have  been  confidently  expected  that  the  later  legend  would  have 
provided  a  firmer  and  more  lasting  foundation  for  the  Israelites'  claim 
to  the  whole  land  than  this  mere  partial  possession  by  their  fathers".' 
The  moderation  of  the  prophetic  outlooks  (ch.  xii.  2 — 3,  &c.)  into  the 
future  fortunes  of  Abraham's  descendants,  at  least  in  J  and  E, — for 
only  P  (see  on  xvii.  6)  speaks  of  'kings'  to  be  sprung  from  him, — 
might  be  taken  also  as  an  indication  that  these  narrators  were  keeping 
themselves  within  the  limits  of  a  tradition  which  they  had  received, 
rather  than  freely  creating  ideal  pictures  of  their  own. 

>  Kittel,  Gesch.  der  Eebrder  (1888),  i.  152  (Enpr.  tr.  i.  168). 
»  Kittel,  I.  154  (Eng.  tr.  i.  170  f.).     See  Ewald,  Hist.  t.  305  f. 


xlvi  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

4.  Do  the  patriarchal  narratives  contain  intrinsic  historical  im- 
probabilities ?  or,  in  other  words,  is  there  anything  intrinsically 
improbable  in  the  lives  of  the  several  patriarchs,  and  the  vicissitudes 
through  which  they  personally  pass?  In  considering  this  question  a 
distinction  must  be  drawn  between  the  different  sources  of  which  these 
narratives  are  composed.  Though  particular  details  in  them  may  be 
improbable  (e.g.  xix.  31  flF.),  and  though  the  representation  may  in 
parts  be  coloured  by  the  religious  and  other  associations  of  the  age 
in  which  they  were  written  (cf.  p.  Iviii  ff.),  it  cannot  be  said  that  the 
biographies  of  the  first  three  patriarchs,  as  told  in  J  and  E,  are, 
speaking  generally,  historically  improbable :  the  movements,  and  per- 
sonal lives,  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  are,  taken  on  the  whole, 
credible.  It  is  true,  the  chronology  of  Genesis  cannot,  as  it  stands,  be 
maintained  (see  p.  xxx)  ;  but  the  inconsistencies  in  it  arise  out  of  the 
combination  of  JE  with  P ;  and  the  critical  conclusion  that  the 
narrative  of  P  was  originally  entirely  distinct  from  that  of  JE,  and 
that  its  chronology  is  artificial  and  late,  leaves  the  narratives  of  J  and 
E  free  from  difficulty  upon  this  score.  Chapter  xiv.  belongs  to  a 
special  source  ;  so  that,  whatever  verdict  be  ultimately  passed  upon  it, 
our  estimate  of  J  and  E  would  remain  unafiocted. 

It  is  true,  of  course,  that  in  parts  of  J  and  E  we  have  what  seem  to 
be  different  versions  of  the  same  occurrence ;  but  this  is  a  fact  not  in- 
consistent with  the  general  historical  character  of  the  narrative  as  a 
whole.  Only  the  Joseph-narratives  stand  in  some  respects  in  a  position 
by  themselves.  On  the  one  hand,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  improba- 
bilities attach  to  some  of  the  details  of  these  narratives,  especially 
(p.  Ix)  to  some  of  those  relating  to  the  famine  :  but  these,  again,  do 
not  affect  the  substance  of  the  narratives.  It  also  might  be  felt  by 
some  that  the  Joseph-narratives  contain  more  dramatic  situations  than 
are  likely  to  have  happened  in  real  life  :  both  Joseph  and  his  brethren 
pass  through  a  series  of  crises  and  adventures,  any  one  of  which  might 
easily  have  closed  the  drama,  though  all,  in  fact,  lead  on  happily  to 
the  final  denoument.  On  the  other  hand,  truth  is  proverbially  stranger 
than  fiction ;  and  Joseph's  biography  may  not  have  been  more  remarkable 
than  many  other  biographies  in  history.  The  changes  in  Joseph's 
fortunes  are  of  a  kind  quite  natural  in  Oriental  countries  :  in  the  general 
fact  of  a  foreigner,  by  a  happy  stroke  of  cleverness,  winning  the  favour 
of  an  Eastern  despot,  and  rising  in  consequence  to  high  power,  there' 
is  nothing  unprecedented ;  and  in  the  case  of  Egypt  in  particular  the 
monuments  supply  examples  of  foreigners  attaining  to  positions  of 


§  3]  THE  PATRIARCHAL  NARRATIVES  xlvii 

political  distinction  (see  p.  344),  It  is  also  worthy  of  notice  that  the 
biography  is  in  itself  entirely  free  from  anything  which  would  tempt  a 
reader  to  regard  it  as  legendary  :  no  Deus  ex  machind  appears  at  any 
point  of  it;  if  the  hand  of  God  is  an  overruling  power  in  the  back- 
ground, human  motives  and  human  actions  are  the  only  overt  agencies 
by  which  the  web  of  incident  is  woven.  Of  course,  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  Joseph-narratives  are  plainly  not  the  work  of  a  contemporary 
hand,  but  were,  so  far  as  we  know,  only  committed  to  writing  many 
hundred  years  afterwards,  these  considerations  afford  no  guarantee  of 
their  being  a  literal  record  of  the  facts  ;  particular  episodes  or  details 
may,  for  instance,  have  been  added  during  the  centuries  of  oral 
transmission :  but  they  do  supply  reasonable  grounds  for  concluding 
that  the  narratives  are  in  substance  historical. 

5.  As  Wellhausen  has  observed,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  to 
Moses  Jehovah  was  the  God  of  Israel,  and  Israel  the  people  of  Jehovah  ; 
and  also  that  this  truth,  though  it  assumed  in  Moses'  hands  a  new 
;2a^/owaZ  significance,  was  not  promulgated  by  him  for  the  first  time'. 
'The  religious  position  of  Moses  stands  before  us  unsupported  and 
incomprehensible  unless  we  believe  the  tradition  (Ex.  iii.  13  E)  that 
he  appealed  to  the  God  of  their  fathers.  Moses  would  hardly  have 
made  his  way  amongst  the  people,  if  he  had  come  in  the  name  of  a 
strange  and  hitherto  unknown  god.  But  he  might  reasonably  hope  for 
success,  if  a  fresh  revelation  had  been  made  to  him  by  the  God  of 
Abraham,  T^ho  was  still  worshipped  in  some  circles  and  still  lived  in 
the  memory  of  the  people.'  We  may  also  ask,  Why,  unless  there  had 
been  positive  historical  recollections  forbidding  it  to  do  so,  did  not 
Israelite  tradition  concentrate  all  the  glory  of  founding  the  national 
Church  and  State  upon  Moses?  If,  in  spite  of  the  great  deliverance 
undoubtedly  achieved  by  Moses,  Israelitish  tradition  nevertheless  goes 
back  beyond  Moses,  and  finds  in  the  patriarchs  the  first  roots  not  only 
of  the  possession  of -the  land,  but  also  of  the  people's  higlier  worship  of 
God,  this  can  only  be  reasonably  accounted  for  by  the  assumption  that 
memory  had  retained  a  hold  of  the  actual  course  of  events*. 

1  Wellhausen,  Eist.  of  Isr.  433. 

2  With  this  paragraph,  comp.  Kittel,  p.  174.  The  undeveloped  character  of  the 
patriarchs'  religious  beliefs — their  childlike  attitude  towards  God,  for  instance,  the 
freedom  and  familiarity  with  which  they  are  represented  as  approaching  Him,  their 
absence  (till  xxxix.  9)  of  a  clear  sense  of  sin,  or  of  the  need  of  penitence,  and  the 
fact  that  such  truths  as  the  unity  of  God,  the  love  of  God  to  man  and  of  man  to 
God,  and  the  holiness  of  God,  though  throughout  implied,  are  not  explicitly  taught 
— has   also   been  pointed  to   (Watson,   The  Booh  Genesis  a  true  History,  1892, 


xlviii  INTRODUCTION  [§]3 

These  are  virtually  all  the  considerations  of  any  weight  which 
(apart  from  theological  grounds)  can  be  alleged  in  favour  of  the 
historical  character  of  the  patriarchal  narratives.  Probabilities  of 
greater  or  less  weight  may  be  adduced  :  but  with  our  present  know- 
ledge, it  is  impossible  to  do  more\  The  case  would  of  course  be 
different,  if  there  existed  contemporary  monumental  corroboration  of 
any  of  the  events  mentioned  in  Genesis.  But  unfortunately  no  such 
corroboration  has  at  present  been  discovered.  With  the  exception  of 
the  statement  on  the  stel6  of  Merenptah  that  '  Israel  is  desolated,' — 
which  may  indeed  be  the  'Egyptian  version'  of  the  Exodus,  but  certainly 
does  not  'confirm'  the  Hebrew  account  of  it, — the  first  event  con- 
nected with  Israel  or  its  ancestors  which  the  inscriptions  mention  or 
attest  is  Shishak's  invasion  of  Judah  in  the  reign  of  Rehoboam,  and 
the  fii'st  Israelites  whom  they  specify  by  name  are  Omri  and  his  son 
Ahab*.  Upon  the  history  and  civilization  of  Babylonia,  Egypt,  and 
to  a  certain  extent  of  other  countries,  including  Palestine,  in  the 
centuries  before  Moses,  the  monuments  have  indeed  shed  an  abundant 
and  most  welcome  light ;  but  nothing  has  hitherto  been  discovered 
sufficiently  specific  to  establish,  even  indirectly  or  inferentially,  the 
historicity  of  the  patriarchs  themselves.  Thus  contemporary  inscrip- 
tions, recently  discovered,  have  shewn  that  there  were  x^morite  settlers 
in  Babylonia,  in,  or  shortly  after,  the  age  of  Hammurabi,  and  that 
persons  bearing  Semitic  names  identical,  or  nearly  so,  with  those  of 
some  of  the  patriarchs  were  resident  there  in  the  same  age  :  but  these 
facts,  interesting  as  they  are  in  themselves,  are  obviously  no  corro- 
boration of  the  statements  that  the  particular  person  called  Abraham 
lived  in  Ur  and  migrated  thence  to  Haran  and  afterwards  to  Canaan, 
as  narrated  in  Gen.  xi.  28,  31. 

On  the  '  Amorite  quarter'  in  Sippar  (80  m.  NW.  of  Babylon),  in  the  reign 
of  Ammi-zaduga,  the  fourth  successor  of  HamniTirabi,  see  the  footnote,  p.  142; 
and  on  the  mention  of  Amorites  in  Bab.  contract-tablets  of  the  same  age, 
Pinches,  07!  in  the  light  of  the  records  of  Ass.  and  Bab.  (1902),  157,  17(». 
In  other  contract-tablets  of  the  same  period  there  occur  the  names  Ya'kuh 

p.  105  &.),  &B  tending  to  establish  the  historical  character  of  the  patriarchal 
narratives,  at  least  of  J  and  E.  Just  as  Dr  Watson's  characterizations  are, 
however,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  his  argument  proves  more  than  that  these 
narratives  reached  their  present  form  at  the  time  supposed  by  critics  (p.  xvi), 
which,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  before  the  age  at  which  the  canouical  prophets, 
Amos,  Hosea  &c.,  began  to  emphasize  and  develope  beliefs  and  truths  such  as  those 
referred  to. 

1  Cf.  Kittel's  Bab.  Excavations  and  Early  Bible  History  (1903),  p.  37. 

*  See  Hogarth's  Authority  and  Archaeology,  pp.  87  f.,  89,  93. 


§[3]  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  GENESIS  xlix 

( =  Jacob),  and  Ya'kub-ilu  ( =  Jacob  el)*,  as  well  as  others  of  Heb.  or  Canaanite 
form;  according  to  Sayce,  aloo,  tiie  name  Ishmael  occurs  on  a  raarblo  slab 
from  Sippar,  which  is  as  early  as  about  4000  B.C.  The  persons  beariug  these 
names  appear  to  possess  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Babylonian  citizens^. 
The  names  are  interesting  as  testifying  to  the  intercourse  between  Babylonia 
and  the  West  at  this  early  date,  and  also  as  8he\ving  that  persons  of  ap- 
parently either  Hebrew  or  Canaanite  extraction  weie  settled  then  in  Baby- 
lonia ;  but  they  obviously  prove  nothing  as  to  the  historical  character  of 
Abraham  or  the  other  patriarchs. 

It  is  remarkable  that  a  proper  name— if  not  three  proper  names — com- 
pounded apparently,  with  the  Divine  name,  Yahweh,  has  been  found  recently, 
dating  from  the  period  of  Hammurabi.  The  wiiter  of  a  letter  now  in  the  British 
Museum  bears  the  name  Ya-u-um  ilu,  the  other  names  are  Ya-a^-ve-ilu 
and  Fa-re-iYw,— all  apparently  meaning  'Yah  is  God'  (  =  'Joel,'  at  least  as 
usually  explained).  The  names  are  not  Babylonian,  and  must  therefore  have 
belonged  to  foreigners, — whether  Canaanites,  or  ancestors  of  the  Hebrews. 
See  Sayce,  Exp.  Times,  Aug.  18.98,  p.  ;j22,  Rdlg.  of  Anc.  Eg.  and  Bab. 
(1902),  484—7,  Delitzsch,  Bahel  und  Bihel  (1902),  46  f  (Bng.  tr.  71,  and  esp. 
133 — 141).  The  names  are  at  present,  however,  too  isolated  for  inferences  to 
be  drawn  from  them  with  any  confidence:  though  they  might,  for  instance, 
indicate  tliat  the  Heb.  'Yahweh'  was  already  worshipped,  they  still  would  not 
tell  us  what  character  or  attributes  were  associated  witli  liim.  Mr  C.  H.  W. 
Johns,  of  Queens'  College,  Cambriilge,  permits  me  to  add  '  The  reading  of  the 
names  has  been  questioned  without  suiticient  ground.'  The  interpretation 
is  open  to  question,  as  YaiX-ilu  or  Ya'ce-ilu  may  mean  "God  is,  or  does, 
something"'  (see  further  his  art.  in  the  Expositor ^  Oct.  19J3,  p.  289  ffi,  and  the 
note  in  the  Addenda). 

The  monuments,  again  (as  is  pointed  out  on  p.  172  f.),  though  they 
have  thrown  some  light  on  the  kings'  names  mentioned  in  Gen.  xiv.  1, 
and  have  shewn  that  it  would  be  no  impossibility  for  a  Babylonian  or 
Elamite  king  of  the  22nd  cent.  B.C.  to  undertake  an  expedition  to 
the  far  West,  make  no  mention  of  the  particular  expedition  recorded 
in  Gen.  xiv. :  they  consequently  furnish,  no  independent  corroboration 
of  it;  nor  do  they  contribute  anything  to  neutralize  the  improbabilities 
Avhich,  rightly  or  wrongly,  have  been  supposed  to  attach  to  details  of 
it  (p.  171  f.).     They  thus  fall  far  short  of  demonstrating  its  historical 

^  A  name  of  the  same  form  as  Ishmael,  '  May  God  hear  I '  Jerahmeel,  '  May  God 
be  compassionate  1'  &c. :  cf.  pp.  182,  295.  The  statement  made  here  in  former 
editions,  on  the  authority  of  Hommel  {AHT.  74«.,  96?i.),  Sayce  {EHH.  13—14, 
38,  128),  and  Pinches  (p.  148),  that  the  name  Ahe-rama  (  =  'Abram')  appears  on 
a  contract-tablet  of  the  Hammurabi-age,  was  incorrect :  the  name  was  misread  by 
Hommel;  and  it  is  re&lly  Ahi-erah:  see  A.  H.  Clay,  Light  on  the  OT.  from  Babel 
(Philadelphia,  1907),  p.  142;  Kanke,  Fersoncnnamen,  p.  58.  In  Pincheb=*  (1908), 
p.  148,  the  comparison  is  withdrawn.  At  a  much  later  date,  however,  Abu-ramu 
{  =  Abram)  does  occur  as  the  name  of  the  Ass.  official  who  gave  his  name  to  the 
5th  year  of  Esarhaddon  (b.c.  677) :  see  KAT.^  p.  479. 

'  Pinches,  pp'.  157,  183,  243;  Sayce,  Babylonians  and  Ansyriam,  pp.  187—190. 


1  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

character'.  And  still  less  do  they  demonstrate  that  the  role  attributed 
to  Abraham  in  the  same  chapter  is  historical.  The  evidence  for  both 
these  facts  rests  at  present  solely  upon  the  testimony  of  the  Book  of 
Genesis  itself.  Upon  the  same  testimony  we  may  believe  Melchizedek 
to  have  been  a  historical  figure,  whose  memory  was  handed  down  by 
tradition :  but  no  evidence  of  the  fact  is  afforded  by  the  inscriptions 
(see  p.  167  f.). 

The  case  is  similar  in  the  later  parts  of  Genesis.  The  argument 
which  has  been  advanced,  for  instance,  to  shew  that  the  narrative  of 
the  purchase  of  the  cave  of  Machpelah  (ch.  xxiii.)  is  the  work  of  a 
contemporary  hand,  breaks  down  completely  :  the  expressions  alleged 
in  proof  of  the  assertion  are  not  confined  to  the  age  of  Hammurabi ; 
they  one  and  all  (see  p.  230)  occur,  in  some  cases  repeatedly,  in  the 
period  of  the  kings,  and  even  later :  they  consequently  furnish  no 
evidence  that  the  narrative  was  written  at  any  earlier  date.  There  is 
no  antecedent  reason  why  Abraham  should  not  have  purchased  a  plot 
of  ground  near  Hebron  from  the  native  inhabitants  of  the  place  :  but 
to  suppose  that  this  is  proven,  or  even  made  probable,  by  archaeology, 
is  completely  to  misinterpret  the  evidence  which  it  furnishes.  As 
regards  the  Joseph-narratives,  it  is  undeniable  that  they  have  an 
Egyptian  colouring :  they  contain  many  allusions  to  Egyptian  usages 
and  institutions,  which  can  be  illustrated  from  the  Egyptian  monu- 
ments. Moreover,  as  Kittel  has  pointed  out,  this  colouring  is  common 
to  both  J  and  E :  as  it  is  improbable  that  two  writers  would  have 
added  it  independently,  it  may  be  inferred  that  it  was  inherent  in 
the  common  tradition  whi?;h  both  represent.  This  is  a  circumstance 
tending  to  shew  that  in  its  origin  the  Egyptian  element  was  consider- 
ably anterior  to  either  J  or  E,  and  increases  the  probability  that  it 
rests  ultimately  upon  a  foundation  in  fact.  On  the  other  hand  the 
extent  of  the  Egyptian  colouring  of  these  narratives  must  not  be  over- 
estimated, nor  must  the  conclusions  drawn  from  it  be  exaggerated. 
The  allusions  are  not  of  a  kind  to  prove  close  and  personal  cognizance 
of  the  facts  described :  institutions,  officials,  &c.  are  described  in 
general  terms,  not  by  their  specific  Egyptian  names*.  Egypt,  it  must 
be  remembered,  was  not  far  distant  from  Canaan ;  and,  as  the 
prophecies  of  Isaiah,  for  instance,  shew,  there  was  frequent  intercourse 

*  Mr  Grote  long  as^o  pointed  out  the  fallacy  of  argning  that  because  a  given 
•penon  was  historical,  therefore  a  particular  action  or  exploit  attributed  to  him  by 
tradition  was  historical  likewise  (Hist,  of  Greece,  Part  i.,  ch.  xvii.,  ed.  1862,  vol.  i., 
p.  391  f.,  with  reference  to  legendary  exploits  attributed  to  Charlemagne). 

'  Contrast  the  long  lists  of  specific  titles  in  Brugsch's  Aegyptologie,  pp.  206 — 232. 


§3] 


ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  GENESIS  11 


between  the  two  countries  during  the  monarchy :  Isaiah,  in  the  single 
chapter  (xix.)  which  he  devotes  to  Egypt,  shews  considerable  acquaint- 
ance with  the  peculiarities  of  the  country.  It  is  a  complete  illusion  to 
suppose  that  the  Joseph-narratives  can  be  shewn  by  archaeology  to  be 
contemporary  with  the  events  recorded',  or  (as  has  been  strangely 
suggested)  translated  from  a  hieratic  papyrus  :  the  statement*  that  the 
Egypt  which  these  narratives  bring  before  us  is  in  particular  that  of 
the  Hyksos  age  is  destitute  of  foundation*. 

Among'  the  names  of  the  places  in  Palestine  conquered  by  Thothraes  III. 
of  the  18th  dynasty  (Petrie,  b.c.  1503—1449;  Meyer,  Breasted,  1501—1447), 
which  are  inscribed  on  the  pylons  of  the  Great  Temple  at  Karnak,  there  occur 

1  Notice  in  this  connexion  the  absence  of  particulars  in  the  narrative,  which  a 
contemporary  would  almost  naturail}'  mention,  such  as  the  personal  name  of  the 
Pharaoh,  and  the  place  in  Egypt  at  which  he  held  his  court.  The  names  Potiphar, 
Poti-phera',  Zaphenath-Pa'neah  and  Asenath  can  hardly  be  genuine  ancient 
names:  see  the  note  on  xli.  45. 

The  Hebrew  of  the  Joseph-narratives  is  perfectly  idiomatic  and  pure,  and  shews 
no  traces  whatever  of  having  been  translated  from  a  foreign  original.  It  contains 
(besides  proper  names)  four  or  five  Egyptian  words ;  but  they  are  all  words  which 
were  naturalized  in  Hebrew ;  they  occur  in  other  parts  of  the  Old  Testament,  and 
consequently  aliford  no  clue  as  to  the  date  of  the  narratives  in  which  they  are  found. 
They  are  Pharaoh  (see  on  xii.  15);  y^'or,  xli.  1,  2,  3,  17,  18,  the  common  Heb.  name 
for  the  Nile  (Is.  vii.  18,  and  frequently);  dhii,  'reed-grass,'  xli.  2,  18  (also  Job 
viii.  11);  shesh,  'fine  linen,' xli.  42  (also  Ex.  xxv.  4,  and  often  in  Ex.  xxvi. — xxviii., 
XXXV. — xxxix.  [all  P],  Ezek.  xvi.  10,  13,  xxvii.  7,  Prov.  xxxi.  22);  perhaps  also 
sohar,  the  name  of  the  prison  into  which  Joseph  was  cast  (see  on  xxxix.  20),  and 
hartumvlim,  'magicians'  (see  on  xli.  8);  and  possibly  rdind,  'chain,'  xli.  42  and 
Ezek.  xvi.  11  (see  on  this  word  the  note  *  in  DB.  u.  775'':  it  is  quite  uncertain 
whether  it  is  really  Egyptian). 

2  Sayce,  EHH.  p.  90;  of.  p.  93. 

■  Egyptian  institutions  were  of  great  fixity;  and  there  is  no  allusion  in  these 
narratives  to  any  institution  or  custom  known  to  be  characteristic  of  the  Hyksos 
age,  and  not  to  occur  in  any  later  age.  Comp.  the  judgment  of  Ebers,  as  cited  in 
EncB.  II.  2594. 

Prof.  Sayce,  it  is  to  be  observed,  though  he  comes  forward  ostensibly  as  an 
enemy  of  criticism,  nevertheless  makes  admissions  which  shew  that  he  recognizes 
many  of  its  conclusions  to  be  true.  Thus  he  not  only  asserts  the  compilatory 
character  of  the  Pentateuch  {EHH.  129,  134,  203),  but  in  Genesis  he  finds 
(p.  132  f.)  two  groups  of  narratives,  and  'two  Abrahams,'  the  one  'an  Abraham 
born  in  one  of  the  centres  of  Babylonian  civilization,  who  is  an  ally  of  Amorite 
chieftains,  and  whom  the  Hittites  of  Hebron  address  as  a  "mighty  prince"'  [the 
Abraham  of  Gen.  xiv.  and  of  P],  the  other  'an  Abraham  of  the  Bedawin  camp-fire, 
a  nomad  whose  habits  are  those  of  the  rude  independence  of  the  desert,  whose  wife 
kneads  the  bread  while  he  himself  kills  the  calf  with  which  his  guests  are  enter- 
tained' [the  Abraham  of  J  and  E].  The  former  narrative  he  considers,  though 
upon  very  questionable  grounds,  to  have  been  based  upon  contemporary  documents, 
the  latter  to  have  been  'like  the  tales  of  their  old  heroes  recounted  by  the  nomad 
Arabs  in  the  days  before  Islam  as  they  sat  at  night  round  their  camp-fires.  The 
details  and  spirit  of  the  story  have  necessarily  caught  the  colour  of  the  medium 
through  which  they  have  passed'  (p.  62).  All  the  principal  details  of  the  patriarchs' 
lives  are  contained  in  J  and  E :  but  if  these  narratives  were  handed  down  for 
generations  by  'nomad  reciters'  round  their  camp-fires,  what  better  guarantee  of 
their  historical  truth  do  we  possess  than  if  their  memory  had  been  preserved  in  the 
manner  supposed  above  l* 

D.  9 


lii  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

(No8.  78  and  102)  the  names  Y-^-k-b-d-ru  and  Y-sh-p-Orru ;  as  the  Egyptian  I 
stands  also  for  r,  these  names  would  represent  a  Canaanitish  or  Hebrew 
Yukob-el,  and  Yoshep-el;  and  we  learn  consequently  that  places  bearing  these 
names  1  existed  in  Palestine,  apparently  in  the  central  part 2,  in  the  16tli  or 
loth  cent.  b.c.  The  name  Jacob  itself  is  thought  by  many  to  be  an  elliptical 
form  of  Jacob-eP ;  but  whether  that  be  correct  or  not,  it  is  at  least  remarkable 
to  find  a  place-name,  including  the  name  of  the  patriarch  Jacob,  in  Palestine 
at  this  date.  But  the  information  which  the  name  brings  us  is  too  scanty  to 
enable  us  to  found  further  inferences  upon  it:  if  Jacob  was  a  historical  person, 
his  name  may  have  clung  to  this  place  in  Palestine;  on  the  other  hand,  the 
name  may  have  arisen  independently  of  the  patriarch  altogether,  in  which 
case  it  would  obviously  have  no  bearing  on  the  question  whether  he  was  a 
historical  person  or  not ;  there  are  also  other  conceivable  ways  in  which  the 
name  of  the  patriarch  (whether  that  of  a  real  person  or  not)  might  have  been 
connected  with  the  place.  In  Yoshep-el,  the  sibilant  does  not  properly 
correspond  to  that  in  Joseph :  so  that  it  is  doubtful  here  whether  the  names 
are  really  the  same.  However,  "W,  Max  MiiUer  allows  the  identification  to  be 
'possible'*:  if  it  is  correct,  it  is  certainly  a  singular  coincidence  to  find  the 
names  of  both  patriarchs  embodied  in  place-names  in  Palestine,  though  it  may 
be  difficult  to  determine  with  confidence  how  the  fact  is  to  be  explained. 

In  lists  of  tovras  in  Palestine  belonging  to  the  age  of  Seti  I.  and  his 
successor,  Ramses  II.  (the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppression),  mention  is  made  of  a 
'mountain  of  User'  or  *Aser,'  between  Tyre  and  Shechem,  and  between 
Kadesh  (on  the  Orontes)  and  Megiddo,  and  approximately,  therefore,  in  the 
position  occupied  afterwards  by  the  tribe  of  Asher'.  W,  Max  Miiller,  Sayce, 
and  Hommel,  accordingly,  do  not  doubt  that  the  tribe  of  Asher, — or  at  least 
what  was  reckoned  afterwards  as  the  tribe  of  Asher, — was  settled  in  Palestine 
before  the  other  tribes  of  Israel  had  even  left  Egypt.  The  statement  hardly 
has  a  bearing  on  the  historical  character  of  Jacob's  son  Asher ;  though  it 
ought  not  to  surprise  us,  if  it  should  ultimately  prove  that  the  number  of  the 
sons  of  Jacob  (some  of  whom,  as  individuals,  i>iay  no  part  in  the  patriarchal 
narratives,  and  are  really  notliing  more  than  mere  names)  was  artificially 
raised  to  twelve,  because  there  were  in  historical  times  twelve  tribes  of  Israel, 
and  also  that  the  immigration  of  the  entire  nation  into  Canaan  was  accom- 
plished in  reality  a  good  deal  more  gradually  than  is  represented  as  having 
been  the  case  in  Nvl  xxxii.,  Dt.  i. — iii.,  and  Joshua  i. — xii. 

^  Cf.  for  the  form  (compounded  with  El,  'GoJ')  the  place-names  Jezre'el, 
Jahne'el,  Jos.  xv.  11  {  =  Jahneh,  2  Ch.  xxvi.  6),  Jiphtah-el,  Jos.  xix.  14,  27,  'God 
sows,  builds,  opens,'  respectively;  see  also  Gray,  Heb.  Pr.  Names,  214  f. 

*  W.  Max  Miiller,  Asien  u.  Europa  nach  Altagypt.  Denkmdlem  (1893),  pp.  159, 

*  In  which  case,  'el  would  be  the  subject  of  the  verb,  and  the  real  meaning  of 
the  nauie  would  be  May  God  follow  (or  search  out)!  or  May  God  reward!  or  May 
God  overreach  (so.  our  foes)/ — according  as  the  sense  of  the  root  in  Aramaic,  Arabic, 
or  Hebrew  be  adopted. 

*  Op.  cit.  pp.  159,  162  f. ;  and  as  cited  in  EncB.  u.  2581—2. 

«  W.  Max  Miiller,  op.  cit.  236—9;  Savce,  Movumeiits,  244,  Pair.  Pal.  219, 
EHH.  78  f. ;  Hommel,  ART.  228,  266.  Cf.  Authority  and  Archaeology,  p.  69  {. 
(with  the  references) ;  and  Asheb  in  EncB. 


§3]  ARCHAEOLOGY  AND  GENESIS  Uii 

The  accurac}''  of  the  topography,  and  the  truthfulness  of  the 
descriptions  to  Eastern  life  even  in  modern  times,  have  also  some- 
times been  appealed  to  as  confirmatory  of  the  historical  character  of 
the  patriarchal  narratives.  But  the  argument,  as  a  little  reflection 
will  shew,  is  inconclusive.  The  exactness  in  these  respects  of  the 
nan'atives  of  Genesis  is  only  what  would  be  naturally  expected  from 
the  circumstances  under  which  they  were  written.  The  relative 
situations  of  places  do  not  alter  from  age  to  age ;  and  manners  and 
customs  in  the  East  remain  unclianged  from  generation  to  generation. 
The  narratives  of  Genesis,  upon  the  view  taken  of  them  by  critics,  were 
written  by  men,  whose  own  home  was  Canaan,  who  were  acquainted 
personally  with  its  inhabitants,  and  familiar  with  the  customs,  for 
instance,  of  tent-life  and  of  travel  in  the  desert ;  and  such  men  would 
as  a  matter  of  course  describe  correctly  the  relative  positions  and 
situations  of  places  in  Palestine  mentioned  by  them,  and  represent 
their  characters  aa  adopting  the  manners  and  customs  which  were 
usual  at  the  time.  The  narratives  of  Genesis  are  wonderful  photo- 
graphs of  scenery  and  life  ;  but  they  carry  in  themselves  no  proof  that 
the  scenerj'-  and  life  are  those  of  the  patriarchal  age  and  not  those  of 
the  age  of  the  narrators*. 

Prof.  G.  A.  Smith,  in  his  Modern  Criticism  and  the  Preaching  of  the 
Old  Testament,  expresses  conclnsions  substantially  identical  with  those  reached 
in  the  preceding  pages.  Thus,  after  illustrating  the  nature  of  the  light  thrown 
by  archaeology  on  the  ages  before  Moses,  he  continues  (p.  101),  'But,  just  as 
we  have  seen  that  in  all  this  archaeological  evidence  there  is  nothing  to  prove 
the  early  date  of  the  documents  which  contain  the  story  of  the  patriarchs,  but 
on  the  contrary  even  a  little  which  strengthens  the  critical  theory  of  their 
date,  so  now  we  must  admit  that  while  archaeology  has  richly  illustrated  the 
possibility  of  the  main  outlines  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  from  Abraham  to 
Joseph,  it  has  not  one  whit  of  proof  to  offer  for  the  personal  existence  or 
characters  of  the  patriarchs  themselves.'  Formerly,  the  world  in  which  the 
patriarchs  moved  seemed  to  be  almost  empty;  now  we  see  it  filled  with 
embassies,  armies,  busy  cities,  and  long  lines  of  traders,  passing  to  and  fro 
between  one  centre  of  cinlization  and  another  :  '  But  amidst  all  that  crowded 
life  we  peer  in  vain  for  any  trace  of  the  fathers  of  the  Hebrews :  we  hsten  in 
vain  for  any  mention  of  their  names.  This  is  the  whole  change  archaeology 
has  wrought :  it  has  given  us  an  atmosphere  and  a  background  for  the  stories 
of  Genesis ;  it  is  unable  to  recall  or  certify  their  heroes^.' 

1  To  the  same  effect,  G.  A.  Smith,  EG.  108  ;  Modern  Criticism  dc.  67—70. 

2  The  results  proved  by  archaeology  have,  in  their  bearing  upon  Biblical 
criticism,  been  greatly  exaggerated,  especially  by  Prof.  Sayce.  See  Hogarth's 
Authority  and  Archaeology,  143  ff.,  149  f.;  G.  B.  Gray,  Expositor,  May  1898, 
p.  337  ff. ;  and  G.  A.  Smith,  op.  cit.  p.  56  S.  9 


Kv  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

It  is  remarkable  how  in  Genef5is,  as  also,  sometimes,  in  other  parts 
of  the  Old  Testament,  individuals  and  tribes  seem  to  be  placed  on  the 
same  level,  and  to  be  spoken  of  in  the  same  terms,  and  how,  further, 
individuals  seem  frequently  to  be  the  impersonation  of  homonymous 
tribes.  Thus  Bethuel  is  mentioned  as  an  individual  (Gen.  xxii.  23, 
xxiv.  15,  &c.),  but  his  brothers  'Uz  and  Buz  are  tribes  (see  on  xxii.  21). 
Keturah,  again,  is  spoken  of  as  Abraham's  second  wife  (xxv.  1) ;  but 
her  sons  and  grandsons  are  tribes  (xxv,  2 — 4).  In  Gen.  x.  nations  are 
quite  manifestly  represented  as  individuals :  the  same  chapter  also 
illustrates  well  the  Hebrew  custom  of  representing  the  tribes  dwelling 
in,  or  near,  a  given  country,  as  '  sons '  of  a  corresponding  homonymous 
ancestor  (as  v.  12  the  Ludim,  'Anamim,  &c.  'begotten'  by  Mizraim, 
i.e.  Egypt;  v.  16  the  Jebusite,  Amorite,  &c.  'begotten'  by  Canaan). 
So  Machir,  in  Gen.  1.  23  an  individual,  but  in  Nu.  xxxii.  40  a  clan,  in 
Nu.  xxvi.  29  '  begets '  (the  country)  Gilead  (cf.  the  note  on  1.  23) ;  and 
in  Jud.  xi.  1  Gilead  (the  country)  '  begets '  Jephthah.  Again,  Canaan, 
Japheth,  and  Shem,  in  Noah's  blessing  (Gen.  ix.  25—27),  represent 
three  groups  of  nations ;  Ishmael  (xvi.  12)  is  in  character  the  personi- 
fication of  the  desert  tribes  whose  descent  is  traced  to  him ;  Esau  *  is 
Edom '  (xxv.  30,  xxxvi.  1,  8,  19),  and  Edom  is  the  name  of  a  people,  as 
'Esau'  also  is  in  Ob.  6,  Jer.  xlix.  8.  Jacob  and  Israel,  also,  both 
names  of  the  patriarch,  are  likewise  national  names,  the  latter  a 
standing  one,  the  former  a  poetical  synonym  (Gen.  xlix.  7  ;  Nu.  xxiii. 
21,  23 ;  Am.  vii.  2,  5,  and  frequently) :  Isaac  and  Joseph  are  some- 
times national  names  as  well, — Isaac  in  Am.  vii.  9,  16,  and  Joseph  in 
Am.  v.  15,  vi.  6,  Ps.  kxx.  1,  Ixxxi.  5,  and  elsewhere^  This  peculiarity 
is,  at  least  largely,  a  consequence  of  the  fact  that  in  the  Semitic 
languages,  the  names  of  nations  and  tribes  are  very  frequently  not,  as 
with  ourselves,  plurals,  but  singulars, — Asshur  (Is.  x.  5  RVm.),  Israel, 
Moab,  Edom,  Midian,  Aram  (Gen.  x.  22  :  see  the  note),  Kedar  (xxv. 
13),  Sheba,  Cain  or  Kain  (Nu.  xxiv.  22,  Jud.  iv.  11,  RVm. :  cf.  p.  72), 
Judah,  Simeon,  Levi,  &c. :  all  these  are  names  of  nations  or  tribes, 
but  they  might  be,  and  in  some  cases  actually  also  are,  the  names  of 
individuals'. 

1  So  in  1  Ch.  vii.  20—24  'Ephraim,'  though  spoken  of  as  if  an  individual,  must 
be  in  reality  the  tribe;  cf.  Bekiah  in  DB. 

2  When  it  ia  desired  to  speak  of  the  individual  members  of  a  tribe  or  nation, 
'sons'  ('children')  is  commonly  used,  as  in  'children  of  Israel.'  Some  tribes  are 
also  desij^nated  by  gentilic  adjectives,  as  Hiwwi,  the  'Hivite,'  'Emori,  the  'Amorite,' 
ye6fi«t,  the 'Jebusite,' &c. 

It  is  in  agreement  with  the  usage  explained  in  the  text  that  the  tingular 
pronoun  (generally  concealed  in  EVV.)  is  used  often  of  a  nation:  as  Ex.  xiv.  25, 


§  3]      TRIBES  REPRESENTED  AS  INDIVIDUALS         Iv 

The  question  arises,  How  far  this  principle  of  tribes  and  nations 
being  represented  as  individuals  is  to  be  extended  ?  Can  it  be  applied 
in  explanation  of  the  patriarchal  narratives  ?  and  if  so,  in  what  sense  ? 
It  is  the  opinion  of  many  modern  scholars  that  it  can  be  so  applied. 
According  to  many  modern  scholars,  nearly  all  the  names  in  the 
patriarchal  narratives,  though  they  seem  to  be  personal  names,  repre- 
sent in  reality  tribes  and  sub-tribes :  a  woman,  for  example,  representing 
a  smaller  or  weaker  tribe  (or  clan)  than  a  man ;  a  marriage  representing 
the  amalgamation  of  two  tribes,  if  the  wife  be  a  slave  or  a  concubine, 
the  tribe  represented  by  her  being  of  foreign  origin  or  otherwise 
inferior,  the  birth  of  a  child  representing  the  origin  of  a  new  family 
or  tribal  subdivision,  the  firstborn  being  the  one  which  acquires  supre- 
macy over  the  rest,  and  an  early  death,  or  unfruitful  marriage, 
representing  the  disappearance  of  a  family :  the  movements,  changes 
of  fortune,  and  mutual  relations,  of  tribes  and  sub-tribes  being  thus 
expressed  in  a  personal  and  individual  form.  This  was  Ewald's  view. 
Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  represent  the  successive  migratory  move- 
ment of  Hebrew  tribes  from  the  original  common  home  of  the  Hebrew 
and  Aramaean  nationalities  in  Aram-naharaim  across  the  Euphrates. 
Jacob's  father,  Isaac,  was  already  settled  in  Canaan:  his  mother  was 
an  Aramaean  (Gen.  xxv.  20) ;  he  marries  two  Aramaean  wives :  after  a 
long  contest  with  his  uncle  (and  father-in-law)  Laban,  '  the  Aramaean ' 
(xxv.  20,  xxviii.  5,  xxxi.  20,  24),  he  ultimately  comes  to  terms  with 
him,  returns  to  Canaan  with  great  wealth,  and  finally  gives  his  name 
to  the  people  settled  there  :  this  means  that  a  new  and  energetic 
branch  of  the  Hebraeo- Aramaic  race  migrated  from  its  home  in  Aram- 
naharaim,  pushed  forward  into  Canaan,  amalgamated  there  with  the 
Hebrews  ('  Isaac ')  already  on  the  spot  (becoming  thereby  Isaac's 
'son'),  and,  in  virtue  of  the  superior  practical  abilities  displayed  by 
it,  acquired  ultimately  supremacy  over  all  its  kin ;  the  contest  with 
Laban  '  represents  the  struggle  which  continued,  probably  for  centuries, 
between  the  crafty  Hebrews  on  the  opposite  banks  of  the  Euphrates, 
showing  how  in  the  end  the  southern  Hebrews  gained  the  upper  hand 
and  the  northern  were  driven  off  in  derision ' :  Edom  was  a  branch 
('  son ')  of  the  tribe  represented  by  '  Isaac ' ;  '  Jacob,'  becoming  fused 
with  this  tribe,  is  Esau's  'brother,'  but  at  the  same  time  his  younger 

•And  Egypt  said,  Let  me  flee,'  Nu.  xx.  18,  'And  Edom  said  (sing.)  to  him  (Israel), 
Thou  shait  not  pass  through  me,  lest  I  come  forth  to  meet  thee  with  the  sword,' 
Josh.  xvii.  14,  Jud.  i.  3.  So  Israel  (the  nation)  and  Edom,  for  instance,  are 
spoken  of  as  each  other's  '  brother,'  Am.  i.  11,  Nu.  xx.  14  al. 


M  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

brother,  as  arriving  later  in  Canaan,  though,  as  he  became  afterwards 
the  more  powerful  nation,  he  is  described  as  having  wrested  from  him 
his  birthright ;  similarly  Jacob's  wives  and  sons  represent  the  existence 
of  different  elements  in  the  original  community,  and  the  growth  of 
tribal  distinctions  within  it'.  Ewald,  however,  held  at  the  same  time 
that  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  were  historical  characters,  prominent 
leaders  of  the  nation  at  successive  stages  of  its  history*.  In  the  same 
way,  Joseph  (who  was  likewise  a  real  person)  was  a  leader  or  dis- 
tinguished member  of  a  portion  of  the  nation  consisting  of  the  two 
tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (which  afterwards  separated)  :  these 
tribes  migrated  into  Egypt  before  the  rest ;  Joseph  there  rose  to  power, 
and  conferred  great  benefits  both  upon  his  own  people  and  upon  the 
country,  and  in  the  end  also  attracted  the  remaining  and  stronger  part 
of  his  people  to  the  Eastern  frontier  of  Egypt.  Joseph's  personality 
was  a  remarkable  one :  and  in  after  ages  it  was  transfigured  in  the 
memory  of  his  people  ;  under  the  influence  of  the  religion  of  Israel  it 
became  an  ideal  of  filial  and  fraternal  affection,  a  high  example  of  good- 
ness, devotion  to  duty,  sincerity,  and  love".  The  views  of  Dillmann 
and  Kittel  are  similar  to  that  of  Ewald*.  Other  recent  scholars  have 
however  gone  further,  and  denied  the  presence  of  any  personal  element 
in  the  patriarchal  narratives ;  the  narratives  represent  throughout, — 
even,  it  is  sometimes  said,  according  to  the  intention  of  the  narrators, — 
tribal  movements  and  tribal  relations  :  the  patriarchs  and  most  of  the 
other  figures  in  Genesis  are  the  eponymous  ancestors  of  corresponding 
tribes,  created  after  Israel  had  become  a  united  nation  and  was  settled 
in  Canaan ;  and  the  histories  about  them  partly  express  phases  in  the 
early  history  of  Israel  and  its  neighbours,  and  are  partly  reflections  of 
the  circumstances  and  relations  of  the  same  tribes  in  the  age  in  which 
the  narratives  themselves  originated*. 

1  Ewald,  Hist.  i.  273  f.,  287,  309—317,  338,  341—344,  346,  3-18—350,  363, 
371—376,  378—381. 

2  Pp.  301,  305  f.,  340,  342,  345. 

8  Ewald,  Hist.  i.  363,  382,  405,  407—9,  412—20. 

*  Dillmaun,  Alttest.  Theologie,  77 — 81  (the  patriarchs  were  the  leaders  of  large 
migratory  bodies  of  Semites,  pressing  forward  from  Haran  into  Canaan,  where 
Moab  and  Ammon,  the  Ishmaelites,  the  Keturaean  tribes  (Gen.  xxv.  1 — 4),  and  the 
Edomites  branched  off  from  them  ;  the  Hebrews  in  the  narrowest  sense  of  the  term, 
i.e.  the  Israelites  (corresponding  to  'Jacob'),  being  the  latest  arrival  among  them), 
Comm,.  on  Gen.  pp.  218,  219,  316,  403  (Engl.  tr.  ii.  2—5,  190,  353);  Kittel,  Hist,  of 
the  Hebrews,  i.  153,  157,  168  f.  (Engl.  tr.  i.  170,  174  f,,  186—8).  Cf.  Ottley,  Hist, 
of  the  Hebrews,  49—52;  Wade,  OT.  Hist.  81  f.     [See  further  the  Addenda.] 

»  See  further  on  this  view  Reuss,  L'Hist.  Sainte  et  la  Loi  (1879),  i.  98  £f  • 
Stade,  Oesch.  28—80,  127  f.,  145  ff.;  Wellh.  Hist.  318  ff.;  Cornill,  Hist,  of  Isr. 
(1899),  p.  29  ff. ;  the  commentaries  of  Holzinger  and  Gunkel ;  Guthe,  Gesch.  det 
Volkes  Israel  (1899),  pp.  1—6,  25,  41  f.,  47—9,  55  f.,  161—8;   and  the  articles 


§  3]  HISTORICITY  OF  THE  PATRIARCHS  Ivii 

No  doubt  Ewald's  theory  rests  upon  the  observation  of  real  facts, 
and  is  also,  \vithin  limits,  true ;  but  applied  upon  this  very  compre- 
hensive scale,  it  cannot  be  deemed  probable.  An  unsubstantial  figure, 
such  as  Canaan  (Gen.  ix.  25 — 7),  might  be  an  example  of  a  personified 
group  of  peoples  ;  there  are  also  no  doubt  other  cases,  especially  those 
occurring  in  genealogies,  in  which  what  seem  to  be  individuals  stand 
for  tribes,  and  there  are  besides  (cf.  p.  lixf.)  particular  cases  in  which 
the  relations  or  characteristics  of  a  later  age  appear  to  have  been 
reflected  back  upon  the  patriarchs:  but  the  abundance  of  personal 
incident  and  detail  in  the  patriarchal  narratives  as  a  whole  seems  to 
constitute  a  serious  objection  to  this  explanation  of  their  meaning : 
would  the  movements  of  tribes  be  represented  in  this  veiled  manner 
on  such  a  large  scale  as  would  be  the  case  if  this  explanation  were  the 
true  one  ?  Moreov  er,  as  the  Canaanites  actually  remained  in  the  land 
till  a  much  later  period  than  that  at  which  the  patriarchs  {ex  hyp.) 
lived,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  large  bodies  of  immigrants,  such 
as  Ewald's  hypothesis  postulates,  could  have  swept  across  it,  or  found 
room  to  settle  in  it,  without  many  hostile  conflicts  with  the  natives,  of 
which  nevertheless  the  patriarchal  narratives, — except  in  the  isolated 
case  of  Shechem  (ch.  xxxiv. ;  xlviii.  22), — are  silent :  individuals,  with 
a  relatively  small  body  of  retainers,  would  be  more  likely  than  large 
tribes,  to  pass  unmolested  through  the  land,  and  find  a  home  in  it. 
It  is  also  much  more  difficult  to  think  of  Joseph  as  a  tribe  rising  to 
power  in  Egypt,  than  of  Joseph  as  an  individual.  The  explanation 
may  be  adopted  reasonably  in  particular  instances  (pp.  liv,  Ix) ;  but 
applied  universally,  it  would  seem  to  create  greater  difficulties  and 
improbabilities  than  it  removes. 

Although,  however,  as  has  been  shewn  (p.  xliii  f.),  the  evidence  for 
the  historicity  of  the  patriarchs  is  not  such  as  will  satisfy  the  ordinary 
canons  of  historical  criticism,  it  is  still,  all  things  considered,  difficult 
to  believe  that  some  foundation  of  actual  personal  history  does  not 
underlie  the  patriarchal  narratives'.  And  in  fact  the  view  which  on 
the  whole  may  be  said  best  to  satisfy  the  circumstances  of  the  case  is 
the  view  that  the  patriarchs  are  historical  persons,  and  that  the 
accounts  which  we  have  of  them  are  in  outline  historically  true,  but 

on  the  names  of  the  Israelitish  tribes  in  EncB.  It  is  criticized  by  Konig 
in  Neueste  Prinzipien  der  AT.  Kritik  (1902),  pp.  36 — 69,  and  in  an  art.  in  the 
Sunday  Scliool  Times  (Pbiladeiphia),  Dec.  14,  1901  (see  a  summary  in  the  E^p. 
Times,  Mar.  1902,  p.  243  f.).  There  being  no  tribe  correspoiidui^  to  Abraham, 
CornUl  (pp.  21,  34),  and  Guthe  (pp.  164,  167),  regard  Abraham  a»  a  historical 
person,  with  a  definitely  marked  religious  character. 
^  So  also  G.  A.  Smith,  Modern  Criticism  &p.,  p.  106  f. 


Iviii  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

that  their  characters  are  idealized,  and  their  biographies  not  un- 
frequently  coloured  by  the  feehngs  and  associations  of  a  later  age. 
'J,'  says  Mr  Ottley',  and  his  remarks  are  equally  true  of  E,  'describes 
the  age  of  the  patriarchs  as  in  some  essential  respects  so  closely  similar 
to  later  periods,  that  it  can  only  be  regarded  as  a  picture  of  primitive 
life  and  religion  drawn  in  the  light  of  a  subsequent  age.  We  have 
here  to  do  with  the  earliest  form  of  history — traditional  folk-lore  about 
primitive  personages  and  events,  worked  up  according  to  some  pre- 
conceived design,  by  a  devout  literary  artist.'  The  basis  of  the 
narratives  in  Genesis  is  in  fact  popukvr  oral  tradition :  J  and  E  give 
us  pictures  of  these  traditions  as  they  were  current  in  the  early 
centuries  of  the  monarchy ;  in  P,  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted,  we  have 
a  later  and  more  artificial  form,  by  no  means  so  directly  and  freshly 
transcribed  from  the  living  voice  of  the  people.  Popular  tradition 
being,  however,  what  it  is,  we  may  naturally  expect  it  to  display  in 
Genesis  the  same  characteristics  which  it  does  in  other  cases.  It  may 
well  include  a  substantial  historical  nucleus,  even  though  we  may  not 
always  be  in  a  position  to  ascertain  precisely  how  far  this  extends  :  for 
details  may  readily  be  due  to  the  involuntary  action  of  popular  in- 
vention or  imagination,  operating  during  a  long  period  of  time :  from 
a  religious  point  of  view  the  characters  and  experiences  of  the 
patriarchs  may  have  been  accommodated  to  the  spirit  of  a  later  age ; 
while  in  the  form,  also,  something  will  be  due  to  the  narrators  who 
cast  the  traditions  into  their  present  literary  shape. 

How  far,  in  the  existing  narratives,  the  original  historical  nucleus 
has  been  modified  or  added  to  by  the  operation  of  each  of  these  three 
causes,  it  is  of  course  impossible  to  determine  exactly :  an  objective 
criterion  is  seldom  attainable ;  and  subjective  impressions  of  what  is 
probable  or  not  are  mostly  all  that  we  have  to  guide  us.  There  are 
however  some  narratives  in  which  the  feeling  that  we  have  before  us 
the  record  not  of  actual  historical  fact,  but  of  current  popular  belief, 
forces  itself  strongly  upon  us.  As  has  already  been  pointed  out 
(p.  xvii  ff.),  one  very  conspicuous  interest  in  these  narratives  is  the 
explanation  of  existing  facts  and  institutions, — for  instance,  many 
names  of  persons  and  places,  the  sanctity  of  Bethel  and  its  famous 
monolith,  the  origin  of  the  great  border-cairn  in  Gilead,  a  current 
proverb  or  custom,  the  ethnological  or  political  relations  subsisting 
between  Israel  and  its  neighbours,  or  the  characteristics  of  different 

^  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  209. 


§3]  IDEAL  ELEMENT  IN  GENESIS  lix 

peoples,  the  Ishmaelites,  Edom,  &c.  In  some  of  these  cases, — notably 
in  xix.  30 — 38, — it  is  next  to  impossible  that  we  can  be  reading 
accounts  of  the  actual  historical  origin  of  the  names  or  facts  referred 
to,  and  not  rather  explanations  due  to  popular  imagination  or  suggested 
by  an  obvious  etymology  :  other  cases  it  is  but  consonant  with  analogy 
to  regard  as  similar ;  in  some  instances,  also,  it  will  be  remembered, 
we  find  duplicate  and  inconsistent  traditions  respecting  the  same 
occurrence.  Uncertainty  on  subordinate  points  of  this  kind  need 
not  however  affect  our  general  estimate  of  the  narrative  as  a  whole. 

Another  respect  in  which  the  histories  of  the  patriarchs  have 
probably  been  coloured  in  the  course  of  oral  transmission  is  by  later 
tribal  relations  being  imported  into  them  :  the  patriarchs  and  their 
descendants,  though  it  is  going  too  far  to  say  that  they  are  mere 
reflections  of  the  tribes  descended,  or  reputed  to  have  been  descended, 
from  them,  do  nevertheless  appear  upon  occasion  invested  with  the 
characteristics  of  these  tribes  ;  and  it  is  even  possible  that  sometimes 
episodes  of  tribal  life  are  referred  back  to  them  in  the  form  of  incidents 
occurring  within  the  limits  of  their  own  families.  Ishmael,  for  instance, 
in  xvi.  12  may  be  the  personal  son  of  Abraliam  :  but  if  he  is  this,  he 
is  also  something  more ;  he  impersonates  the  Bedawin  of  the  desert. 
Jacob  and  Esau,  in  their  struggles  for  supremacy,  are  more  than  the 
twin  sons  of  Isaac ;  they  impersonate  two  nations ;  and  the  later 
relations  subsisting  between  these  two  nations  colour  parts  of  the 
representation, — especially,  for  instance,  the  terms  of  the  oracle  in 
XXV.  23,  and  of  the  blessings  in  xxvii.  28  f ,  39  f.  Jacob  and  Laban, 
when  fixing  on  the  mountains  of  Gilead  the  border  which  neither  will 
pass,  seem  like^^^se  to  be  types  of  the  later  Israelites  and  Aramaeans 
who  often  in  the  same  region  contended  with  one  another  for  mastery. 
It  is  extremely  difficult  not  to  think  that,  as  a  whole,  the  narratives 
about  Joseph  are  based  upon  a  personal  history  :  at  the  same  time,  it 
is  quite  possible  that  they  have  been  coloured  in  some  of  their  details 
by  later  events,  and  even  that  particular  episodes  may  have  originated 
in  the  desire  to  account  for  the  circumstances  and  relations  of  a 
later  age. 

The  hostility  of  the  brethren  to  Joseph,  the  learTership  in  one  narrative  (E) 
of  Reuben,  in  the  other  (J)  of  Judah,  the  power  and  pre-eminence  of  Joseph,— 
like  that  of  the  double  tribe  (especially  Ephraini)  descended  from  him,— as 
compared  with  his  brothers,  the  fact  that  Benjamin,  afterwards  the  smallest 
tribe,  is  the  youngest  brother,  the  adoption  of  Joseph's  two  sous  by  Jacob 
(Le.  their  elevation  to  the  same  rank  as  his  own  sons),  and  the  priority  so 


Ix  INTRODUCTION  [§  3 

pointedly  bestowed  by  him  upon  the  younger,  are,  for  instance,  points  at  which 
it  is  at  least  possible  that  popular  imagination  has  been  at  work,  colouring  or 
supplementing  the  historical  elements  of  the  Joseph-tradition  by  reference  to 
the  facts  and  conditions  of  later  times.  The  improbabilities  which  certainly 
attach  to  some  of  the  details  connected  with  the  famine,  and  the  measures  by 
which  it  was  relieved,  may  be  accounted  for  in  the  same  way :  popular  tradition 
magnifies  the  achievements  of  the  famous  heroes  of  antiquity,  and  the  Oriental 
mind  loves  hyperbole^. 

It  is  also  not  impossible  that  episodes  or  movements  of  tribal  life, 
sometimes  belonging  to  the  patriarchal  period  itself,  sometimes  re- 
riected  bacli  into  it  from  the  later  history,  are  occasionally  narrated  in 
the  form  of  events  in  the  lives  of  individuals,  as  in  ch.  xxxiv.  (Shechem 
and  Dinah  :  see  p.  307  £),  xxxviii.  (Jiidah  and  Tamar  :  see  p.  331  f.), 
and  in  different  tribal  genealogies,  as  xxii.  20 — 24,  xxv.  1 — 4,  12 — 16, 
ch.  xxxvi.  (Edom),  &c. ;  cf.  on  xi.  29. 

The  biographies  of  the  patriarchs  seem,  thirdly,  to  have  been 
idealized  from  a  religious  point  of  view.  In  the  days  of  the  patriarchs, 
religion  must  have  been  in  a  relatively  rudimentary  stage  ^;  there  are 
traces  of  this  in  the  idea,  for  instance,  of  the  revelations  of  deity  being 
confined  to  particular  spots,  and  in  the  reverence  paid  to  sacred 
trees  and  pillars  :  but  at  the  same  time  the  patriarchs  often  express 
themselves  in  terms  suggesting  much  riper  spiritual  capacities  and 
experiences,  and  in  some  cases  indeed  borrowed  evidently  from  the 
phraseology  of  a  much  later  age.  It  is  difficult  here  not  to  trace;  the 
hands  of  the  narrators,  who  were  men  penetrated  by  definite  moral  and 
religious  ideas,  and  who,  while  not  stripping  the  patriarchs  of  the 
distinctive  features  by  which  they  were  traditionally  invested,  never- 
theless unconsciously  coloured  their  pictures  of  them  by  the  feelings 
and  beliefs  of  their  own  age,  and  represented  them  as  expressing  the 
thouglits,  and  using  the  phrases,  with  which  they  were  themselves 
familiar  ^     To  the  narrators,  also,  will  be  due  the  literary  form  of  tlie 

^  In  Gen.  xli.  47 — 9,  54,  56,  57,  for  instance,  there  must  be  sorae  exaggeration; 
and  in  xlvii.  14 — 26,  though  the  system  of  land-tenure  described  undoubtedly 
existed  in  the  age  of  the  narrator,  yet,  as  Dillm.  remarks,  the  details,  sroh  as  the 
connexion  with  the  seven  years  of  famine,  the  exhaustion  of  the  Egyptians'  money, 
the  sale  of  their  cattle  &c.,  will  be  due  to  the  naivete  of  the  tradition. 

2  Cf.  Wade,  OT.  History,  p.  84  ff. 

'^  It  is  thus  possible  that  both  the  '  call,'  and  the  other  religious  experiences  of 
Abraham  may  have  been  less  definite  and  articulate  than  they  are  represented  as 
being  in  the  existing  narrative;  they  may  have  taken,  for  example,  in  his  con- 
sciousness,  the  form  of  religious  dissatisfaction  with  his  surroijndings,  a  sense  that 
God  was  directing  his  steps  elsewhere,  and  a  presentiment  borne  in  upon  him  that 
his  adopted  country  would  in  time  become  the  home  of  his  descendants.  Comp. 
Bruce,  Apologetics,  p.  199;  Ottley,  Bampt.  Led.  p.  111. 


§  4]  IDEAL  ELEMENT  IN  GENESIS  Ixi 

patriarchal  narratives — the  delicacy  of  expression  and  charm  of  style 
characteristic  of  J  (especially)  and  of  E,  not  less  than  the  very 
differently  constructed  phrases  and  periods  of  P.  The  narratives  of  P 
we  shall  hardly  he  wrong  in  regarding,  even  in  details,  as  far  more  the 
author's  own  creation  than  those  of  J  or  E. 


§  4.     The  Religious  Value  of  the  Book  of  Genesis. 

Our  survey  of  the  contents  and  historical  character  of  the  Book  of 
Genesis  is  ended.  We  have  analysed  it  into  the  main  sources  of  which 
it  is  composed,  we  have  considered  the  leading  characteristics  of  each 
of  these  sources,  and  we  have  done  our  hest  to  estimate  tlie  historical 
value  of  the  narratives  contained  in  them.  We  have  found  that  in 
the  first  eleven  chapters  there  is  little  or  nothing  that  can  be  called 
historical  in  our  sense  of  the  word  :  there  may  be  here  and  there  dim 
recollections  of  historical  occurrences  ;  but  the  concurrent  testimony  of 
geology  and  astronomy,  anthropology,  archaeology,  and  comparative 
philology,  is  proof  that  the  account  given  in  these  chapters  of  the 
creation  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  appearance  of  living  things  upon  the 
earth,  the  origin  of  man,  the  beginnings  of  civilization,  the  destruction 
of  mankind  and  of  all  terrestrial  animals  (except  those  preserved  in 
the  ark)  by  a  flood,  the  rise  of  separate  nations,  and  the  formation  of 
different  languages,  is  no  historically  true  record  of  these  events  as 
they  actually  happene"^  And  with  regard  to  the  histories  contained 
in  chs.  xii. — 1.,  we  have  found  that,  while  there  is  no  sufficient  reason 
for  doubting  the  existence,  and  general  historical  character  of  the^ 
biographies,  of  the  patriarchs,  nevertheless  much  uncertainty  must  be 
allowed  to  attach  to  details  of  the  narrative:  we  have  no  guarantee 
that  we  possess  verbally  exact  reports  of  the  events  narrated;  and 
there  are  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  figures  and  characters  of  the 
patriarchs  are  in  different  respects  idealized.  And,  let  it  be  observed, 
not  one  of  the  conclusions  reached  in  the  preceding  pages  is  arrived  at 
upon  arbitrary  or  a  priori  grounds :  not  one  of  them  depends  upon  any 
denial,  or  even  doubt,  of  the  supernatural  or  of  the  miraculous ;  they 
are,  one  and  all,  forced  wprni  us  by  the  facts  ;  they  follow  directly  from 
a  simple  consideration  of  the  facts  of  physical  science  and  human 
nature,  brought  to  our  knowledge  by  the  various  sciences  concerned, 
from  a  comparison  of  these  facts  with  the  Biblical  statements,  and  from 
an  application  of  the  ordinary  canons  of  historical  criticism.     Fifty  or 


Ixii  INTRODUCTION  [§  4 

sixty  years  ago,  a  different  judgment,  at  least  on  some  of  the  points 
involved,  was  no  doubt  possible  :  but  the  immense  accessions  of  know- 
ledge, in  the  departments  both  of  the  natural  sciences  and  of  the 
early  history  of  man,  which  have  resulted  from  the  researches  of 
recent  years,  make  it  impossible  now :  the  irreconcileability  of  the 
early  narratives  of  Genesis  with  the  facts  of  science  and  history 
must  be  recognized  and  accepted.  To  be  sure,  particular  points  might 
probably  be  found,  at  which,  by  the  adoption  of  forced  interpretations 
of  the  words  of  Genesis,  such  as  are  both  unnatural  in  themselves,  and 
also  obviously  contrary  to  the  intention  of  the  writer,  the  conclusion  in 
question  could,  in  appearance,  be  evaded  :  but  this  method  is  at  once 
unsound  in  principle  and  ineffectual :  a  forced  exegesis  is  never 
legitimate ;  passages  remain  to  which  the  method  itself  cannot  be 
applied ;  nor,  probably,  has  anything  done  more  to  bring  the  Bible 
into  discredit  than  the  harmonistic  expedients  adopted  by  apologists, 
which  by  those  whom  they  are  intended  to  satisfy  and  convince  are 
seen  at  once  to  be  impossible  \  And  to  turn  for  a  moment  to  another 
consideration,  it  is  realized  now,  more  distinctly  than  it  was  by  a  past 
generation,  that  a  historical  document,  if  it  is  to  lay  claim  to  credibility, 
must  be  contemporary,  or  virtually  so,  with  the  events  described  in  it ; 
this  is  a  primary  principle  of  modern  historical  science.  But  the  Book 
of  Genesis,  whatever  view  be  taken  of  its  authorship,  does  not  satisfy 
this  condition  :  none  of  the  documents  of  which  it  is  composed  either 
claims  to  be,  or  has  as  yet  been  shewn  to  be,  contemporary  with  the 
events  narrated  in  it. 

It  follows  that  the  Bible  cannot  in  every  part,  especially  not  in  its 
early  parts,  be  read  precisely  as  it  was  read  by  our  forefathers.  We 
live  in  a  light  which  they  did  not  possess,  but  which  it  has  pleased  the 
Providence  of  God  to  shed  around  us  ;  and  if  the  Bible  is  to  retain  its 
authority  and  influence  among  us,  it  must  be  read  in  this  light,  and 
our  beliefs  about  it  must  be  adjusted  and  accommodated  accordingly. 
To  utilize,  as  far  as  we  can,  the  light  in  which  we  live,  is,  it  must  be 
remembered,  not  a  privilege  only,  but  a  duty.  And  to  take  but  a 
single  example  of  the  gain  to  be  derived  from  so  doing  :  it  is  certain 
that  an  infinitely  more  adequate  conception  of  the  astonishing  breadth 
and  scope  of  creation,  and  of  the  marvellously  wonderful  and  compre-  ; 
hensive  plan  by  which  the  Creator  has  willed  both  to  organize  and  r^ 
develope  life  upon  the  earth,  and  afterwards  gradually  to  civilize  and  \ 

1  Comp.  the  just  remaxks  of  KautzBoh  in  his  lecture  on  Die  bUibende  Bedeutung 
des  ATs.  (1902),  p.  9  ff. 


§4]  RELIGIOUS  VALUE  OF  GENESIS  Ixiii 

educate  human  beings  upon  it,  can  be  obtained  from  a  study  of  the 
sciences  of  astronomy,  geology,  and  anthropology  than  from  the  early 
chapters  of  Genesis  :  on  the  other  hand,  these  chapters  of  Genesis  do 
seize  and  give  vivid  and  forcible  expression  to  certain  vital  and  funda- 
mental truths  respecting  the  relation  of  tbe  world  and  rban  to  God, 
which  the  study  of  those  sciences  by  themselves  could  never  lead  to ; 
the  Bible  and  human  science  thus  supplement  one  another :  but  we 
musf  go  to  human  science'  For  the  material  facts  of  nature  and  life, 
and  to  the  Bible  for  the  spiritual  realities  by  which  those  facts  are 
illuminated,  and  (in  their  ultimate  origin)  explained.  The  only  science  , 
and  early  history  known  to  the  Biblical  writers  were  both  imperfect :  / 
but  they  made  a  superb  use  of  them  ;  they  attached  to  them,  and  en-  ' 
shrined  in  forms  of  undying  freshness  and  charm,  the  great  spiritual 
truths  which  they  were  inspired  to  discern.  It  is  impossible,  if  we 
compare  the  early  narratives  of  Genesis  with  the  Babylonian  narratives 
from  which  in  some  cases  they  seem  plainly  to  have  been  ultimately 
derived,  or  with  the  pictures  of  prehistoric  times  to  be  found  in  the 
literatures  of  many  other  countries,  not  to  perceive  the  controlling 
operation  of  the  Spirit  ot  God,  which  has  taught  these  Hebrew  writers 
to  make  a  right  use  of  the  materials  whjch  came  to  their  hands,  to 
'  take  the  primitive  traditions  of  the  humfti  race,  to  purify  them  from 
their  grossness  and  their  polytheism,  and  to  make  them  at  once  the 
foundation  and  the  explanation  of  the  long  history  that  is  to  follow^' 
Our  duty,  then,  is  to  recognize  this  double  aspect  of  these  narratives  ; 
and  to  read  them  accordingly  in  such  a  way  as  to  seize  and  retain  the 
spiritual  truths  of  which  they  are  the  expression,  while  discarding,  at 
least  as  an  object  of  intellectual  belief,  the  material  fabric  which  was 
once  necessary  to  give  them  substance  and  support,  but  which  is  now 
seen  to  have  in  itself  no  value  or  reality ^ 

The  position  that  the  Book  of  Genesis  may  contain  statements  not 
historically  true  may  appear  to  some  readers  surprising  and  question- 
able. It  must,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  doctrine  that  the 
Bible  contains  nothing  but  what  is  historically  true  is  one  for  which 
there  is  no  foundation  either  in  the  Bible  itself,  or  in  the  formularies 
of  our  Church.  This  doctrine  is  intimately  connected  with,  if  not 
directly  dependent  upon,  a  particular  theory  of  inspiration.     .As  is 

1  Kirkpatrick,  The  Divine  Library  of  the  Old  Testament,  p.  97. 

'  On  the  distinction  between  the  external  form,  and  the  inner  or  spiritual 
fiuhstance,  of  a  narrative,  see  also  the  Bishop  of  Eipon's  excellent  Introduction  to 
the  Temple  Bible,  pp.  17,  18,  42—46. 


V/' 


Ixiv  INTRODUCTION  [§  4 

well-known,  the  Cliurch  of  England  has  formulated  no  definition  of 
inspiration :  nevertheless,  a  theory  has  become  prevalent,  both  within 
and  without  the  pale  of  our  own  communion,  which  conceives  of  in- 
spiration as  operating  mechanically,  and  maintains  accordingly  the 
verbal  exactitude  of  every  statement  contained  in  Scripture, — on 
points,  for  instance,  of  science,  or  history,  or  psychology,  not  less 
than  on  points  of  spiritual  doctrine  and  duty.  The  present  is  not 
the  place  to  discuss  at  length  the  subject  of  inspiration' :  it  must 
suffice  therefore  to  point  out  that  such  a  theory  is  entirely  without 
scriptural  authority:  we  read  indeed  (2  Tim.  iii.  16)  that  'every 
scripture  inspired  of  God'  is  'profitable'  for  certain  moral  and 
spiritual  ends,  but  nothing  is  said,  either  there  or  elsewhere,  of  the 
other  conditions  to  wliich  an  '  inspired '  book  must  conform ;  nor  is 
any  claim  to  immunity  from  error  made  on  its  behalf  in  any  part 
of  Scripture.  The  doctrine  of  the  verbal  inspiration  and  verbal 
exactitude  of  Scripture  is  in  fact  an  a  priori  theory,  framed  not  upon 
the  basis  of  any  warrant  contained  in  Scripture  itself,  but  upon  an 
antecedent  conception  of  what  an  '  inspired '  book  must  necessarily  be. 
It  is  however  a  complete  mistake  of  principle  and  method  to  frame 
first  an  cL  priori  theory  ofiinspiration,  and  then  to  insist  that  the 
Bible  must  conform  to  it  :#he  Bible  is  the  only  '  inspired '  book  that 
we  know  of;  and  as  no  independent  definition  of  inspiration  exists, 
the  only  sound  method  is  to  study  the  facts  presented  by  the  Bible, 
and  to  formulate  our  theory  of  inspiration  accordingly.  If,  then,  in 
the  course  of  our  inquiry  we  should  find  in  -the  Bible  statements,  or 
representations,  which,  after  an  impartial  survey  of  the  facts,  should 
prove  to  be  unhistorical,  our  only  legitimate  conclusion  would  be  that 
the  existence  in  it  of  such  statements  or  representations  is  not  in- 
compatible with  its  inspiration,  and  the  ci  prim'i  definition,  which 
would  exclude  them,  must  be  modified  accordingly. 

A  consideration  which  has  no  doubt  been  largely  responsible  for  the 
reluctance  of  theologians  to  admit  the  presence  of  unhistorical  elements  in  the 
Bible  is  apprehension  of  the  consequences  to  which  the  admission  may  lead, 
especially  with  regard  to  the  historical  character  of  the  Gospel  records.     It  is 

1  The  writer  has  dealt  with  it  more  fally  in  the  seventh  of  his  Sermons  on  the 
Old  Testament  (p.  143  ff.);  comp.  also  the  preceding  Sermon  (p.  119  ff.)  on  'The 
Voice  of  God  in  the  Old  Testament,'  with  particular  reference  to  the  ditferent  kinds 
of  literature  represented  in  the  OT.  And  see  besides  Satiday's  Bampton  Lectures 
for  1893  (on  'Inspiration'),  p.  155  ff.,  and  Lect.  viii.;  Kirkpatrick's  Divine  Library 
of  the  OT.  (1891),  Lect.  iv. ;  Farrar,  The  Bible,  its  meaning  and  supremacy,  passim; 
Watson,  The  Book  of  Genesis,  pp.  256—265;  and  the  Bishop  of  Ripon's  Introd.  to 
the  Temple  Bible,  pp.  83—101. 


§  4]  INSPIRATION"  Ixv 

difficult  not  to  think  that  such  apprehensions  are  groundless.  "We  must  trust, 
as  we  do  in  all  other  histories,  to  the  application  of  sound  historical  methods. 
It  is  however  certain  that  the  historical  character  of  the  Gospel  records  is  far 
more  endangered  by  their  credibility  being  made  to  depend  upon  the  axiom 
of  the  exact  and  equal  historical  truth  of  every  part  of  Scripture,  than  by  this 
axiom,  as  such,  being  unconditionally  abandoned,  and  the  credibility  of  the 
Gospel  narratives  being  left  to  be  establislied  by  the  historical  evidence  which 
they  themselves  afford,  interpreted  in  the  light  of  the  indirect  testimony 
supplied  by  other  parts  of  the  New  Testament,  by  the  early  Churcli,  and  by 
the  Old  Testament,  regarded  generally  (apart  from  the  exact  and  equal 
historical  value  of  every  part  of  it)  as  a  preparation  for  Christ  No  competent 
student  of  the  Old  Testament  can  deny  that  there  are  elements  in  it  which, 
though  they  may  have  a  high  value  religiously,  are  not  historical;  they 
describe,  for  instance,  not  things  as  they  actually  happened,  but  things  as  they 
were  viewed,  in  an  idealized  form,  by  writers  living  long  afterwards ;  but  to 
rest  the  truth  of  Christianity  upon  an  axiom  as  baseless  as  the  one  referred 
to  above,  is  the  height  of  unwisdom.  Notliing  therefore  is  lost  tliat  can  be  of 
service  to  Christianity,  nothing  is  given  up  which  forms  a  real  bulwark  of  the 
faith,  when  that  axiom  is  abandoned.  It  is  a  responsibility  which,  if  they 
realized  it,  few  would  surely  take  upon  tliemselves,  to  weight  Christianity  with 
a  view  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  has  no  authority  or  support  either  in  the 
Bible  itself  or  in  the  formularies  of  the  Church,  which  will  not  bear  examina- 
tion, but  on  the  contrary,  when  confronted  with  the  facts,  is  at  once  seen  to  be 
refuted  by  them. 

The  nemesis  on  doctrines  of  verbal  inspiration  is  not  far  to  seek. 
Mr  Laing,  in  chap.  viii.  of  his  Modern  Science  and  Modern  Thought, 
lays  it  down  that  an  inspired  book  is  one  '  miraculously  dictated  by  an 
infallible  God,  and  therefore  absolutely  and  for  all  time  true';  and 
then  proceeds  to  refer  to  some  of  the  statements  contained  in  the  early 
chapters  of  Genesis,  which  are  now  known  to  be  not  historically  true  : 
the  conclusion  follows, — and  from  the  premises  respecting  the  nature 
of  inspiration  follows  logically  and  necessarily, — that  the  Bible  is  not 
inspired,  and  consequently  has  no  claim  to  contain  a  revelation  to  man. 
But  where  is  it  anywhere  said  in  the  Bible  that  the  historical  state- 
ments made  in  it  are  'dictated'  by  God?  The  whole  conception  of 
inspiration  implied  in  the  words  quoted  is  a  figment, — a  figment,  no 
doubt,  devised  in  the  first  instance  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  and 
fortifying  a  good  cause,  but  not  the  less,  as  a  result  of  the  progress  of 
knowledge,  capable  of  being  employed  with  disastrous  effect  to  ruin 
and  destroy  it.  But,  if  we  modify  our  conception  of  inspiration,  and 
by  making  proper  allowance  for  the  human  element  cooperating  with 
the  Divine,  bring  it  into  agreement  with  the  phaenoraena  to  be  ex- 
plained, then  all  those  facts  which  are  fatal  to  the  authority  of  the 


Ixvi  INTRODUCTION  [§  4 

Bible  upon  the  theories  referred  to  above  are  adequately  accounted  for, 
and  the  Bible  becomes  a  consistent  whole,  inspired  throughout,  though 
not  '  dictated,'  and  with  its  authority  firmly  established  upon  a  sound 
and  logical  basis. 

See  further,  on  the  same  subject,  the  very  pertinent  remarks  of  Prof. 
G.  A.  Smith,  in  his  Modern  Criticism  and  Preaching  of  the  Old  Testament, 
where,  after  commenting  (pp  26 — 28)  upon  the  often  disastrous  effects  of  the 
dogmas  of  a  verbal  inspiration  and  of  the  equal  validity  of  all  parts  of 
Scripture,  and  of  the  refusal  to  accept  what  is  legitimately  involved  in  the 
truth  of  a  '  progressive  Revelation,'  he  describes  what  he  learnt  from  a  perusal 
of  the  correspondence  of  the  late  Henry  Drummond,  who  was  often  consulted 
upon  religious  difficulties :  his  correspondents,  he  says,  '  one  and  all  tell  how 
the  dogma  that  the  entire  Bible  stands,  historically  and  morally,  upon  the 
same  level — the  faith  which  finds  in  it  nothing  erroneous,  nothing  defective, 
and  (outside  of  the  sacridces  and  Temple)  nothing  temporary — is  what  haa 
driven  them  from  religion.' 

-"^-   In  the  Book  of  Genesis  we  have  to  do  with  scientific  and  historical, 

•£  .  .  .       . 

*  more  than  with  moral  difficulties.     And  certainly  it  can  occasion  little 

surprise  that,  when  a  man  of  scientific  culture  is  told, — for  this,  though 

not  the  Church's  teaching,  and  though  many  individual  teachers  have 

of  course  abandoned  it,  is  nevertheless  still  the  current  theological 

teaching  of  the  day, — that  an  acceptance  of  the  literal  truth  of  the 

early  chapters  of  Genesis  is  an  integral  part  of  the  Christian  faith,  he 

should  turn  with  repugnance  from  a  creed  which  seems  to  him  to  be 

thus  associated  with  a  series  of  beliefs  which  his  own  studies  prove  to 

him  to  be  impossible.     But,  as  was  said  before,  with  a  better-grounded 

theory  of  inspiration,  all  these  difficulties  disappear;  and  the  man  of 

science  who  gives  due  weight  to  the  religious  instincts  of  his  nature 

will  be  ready  to  recognize  the  reli^jious  truthfulness, — as  distinct  from 

the  scientific  truthfulnesp, — of  these  narj-atives  of  Genesis^ 

Nor,  upon  antecedenjt  grounds,  can  any  valid  objection  be  raised 

against  the  view  that  the  Bible  may  contain  elements  more  or  less 

unhistoricaL     We  are  dealing  confessedly  in  Genesis  with  narratives 

^  It  ought  assuredly  to  be  possible  so  to  teach  the  historical  parts  of  the  OT. 
to  those  who  have  reached  the  age  of  15  or  16  that,  when  they  enter  into  manhood, 
they  may  have  nothing  to  unlearn  on  the  fjrouud  of  either  science  or  history. 
Comp.  a  pater  by  the  present  writer  on  '  The  Old  Testament  in  the  Light  of 
To-day'  in  the  Ksnositor,  Jan.  1901,  p.  45  ff. ;  and  on  the  often  lamentable  conse- 
quences of  failing  to  do  tnis,  Archdeacon  Wilson  in  the  Contemn.  Rev.,  March, 
1903,  p.  303  f.  The  danger  of  teaching  as  practically  de  fide  things  which  are 
directly  contradicted  by  what  may  be  learnt  from  any  Encyclopaedia  or  other  work 
of  secular  information  has  been  felt  also  by  thoughtful  Roman  Catholics  in  France: 
see  Alb.  Hoiitm,  La  Question  BibUaue  chez  les  CatholiqueK  de  France  au  xix'  tiicU 
(1902),  pp.  Ib9  f.,  206  ff.     Cf.  also  the  Guardian,  Oct.  U,  1903,  p.  1523». 


§4]  SCOPE  OF  INSPIRATION  Ixvii 

committed  to  writing  long  after  the  events  narrated  took  place,  and 
in  some  cases  relating  to  periods  so  remote  that  it  is  certain  no 
genuine  historical  recollections  could  have  been  handed  down  from 
them.  Why  should  narratives  relating  to  such  a  more  or  less  distant 
past  not  exhibit  among  the  Hebrews  characteristics  similar  to  those 
which  narratives  written  down  under  similar  circumstances  among 
other  nations  would  unquestionably  exhibit?  The  former  do  indeed, 
on  their  spiritual  side,  exhibit  very  different  characteristics  ;  but  these 
are  accounted  for  by  the  inspiration  of  their  authors  :  why,  however, 
should  they  be  different,  on  their  material  side  ?  We  should  naturally 
expect  them  on  their  material  side  to  exhibit  the  work  of  the 
imagination,  and  display  an  element  of  legend,  filling  up  a  gap  in 
the  past  with  a  web  of  fancy,  and  presenting  the  dimly-seen  heroes  of 
antiquity  as  ideal  figures.  Where  nothing  is  defined  as  to  the  nature 
or  limits  of  the  inspiring  Spirit's  work,  have  we  the  right  to  limit  it 
by  arbitrary  canons  of  our  own  ?  Many — perhaps  all — forms  of  the 
national  literature  of  Israel  are  represented  in  the  Bible,  and  made 
channels  through  whi^-h  '  in  many  parts,  and  in  many  modes '  (Heb. 
i.  1)  God  manifested  Himself  to  His  people :  upon  what  principle,  or 
by  what  right,  is  a  form  of  narrative  which  is  common  to  almost  every 
nation,  and  which  appeals  with  peculiar  force  to  the  comprehension  of 
men  in  particular  stages  of  national  development  and  intellectual 
growth,  to  be  excluded  ?  *  The  imagination,  as  all  must  allow,  is  an 
instrument  of  extraordinary  efficacy  for  instruction  and  edification  ;  it 
has  exerted  in  the  past,  and  it  exerts  still,  a  powerful  influence  in 
education :  why,  then,  should  it  be  deemed  incapable  of  consecration 
to  the  service  of  God  ?  If  the  poems  of  Homer  were  an  educational 
force  in  ancient  Greece,  why  should  it  be  deemed  incredible  that 
legends  of  primitive  history,  and  idealized  traditions  of  national  heroes, 
only  inspired  by  a  higher  and  purer  religious  spirit,  and  exemplifying 
not  the  conflicts  and  jealousies  of  gods  and  goddesses,  but  the  purposes 
and  character  of  the  One  God,  and  His  dealings  with  His  children, — 
especially  when  moulded  as  they  are  into  forms  of  singularly  impressive 
dignity  and  grace, — should  exert  a  similar  power  in  Israel,  and  should 
be  incorporated  by  the  prophets  and  teachers  of  the  nation  as  a 
treasured  heirloom  in  their  sacred  books  ? 

^  Comp.  the  late  Archbishop  Benson,  as  cited  by  Kirkpatrick,  The  Divine 
Library  of  the  OT.  p.  104 ;  and  Bishop  Westcott,  who  says  {Life,  1903,  ii.  69), 
'  I  never  could  understand  how  any  one  reading  the  first  three  chapters  of  Genesis 
with  open  eyes  could  believe  that  they  contained  a  literal  history,  yet  they  disclose 
to  us  a  Gospel.  So  it  is  probably  elsewhere.'  Cf.  Westcott's  Gospel  of  Life, 
p.  187  f. 


Ixviii  INTRODUCTION  [§  4 

See  further,  in  this  connexion,  in  the  Bibl.  Sacra,  Jan.  1901,  p.  103  ff.,  an 
address  by  Prof.  Ives  Curtiss,  of  Chicago,  on  'The  Book,  the  Law,  and  the 
People ;  or  Divine  Revelations  through  ancient  Israel,'  dehvered  after  a  visit 
of  some  length  to  the  Holy  Land,  where  it  is  pointed  out  that  while  on  the 
one  hand  observation  of  Oriental  character  makes  it  impossible  to  believe  that 
the  Bible  is  a  merely  natural  product  of  the  Oriental  mind,  on  the  other  hand 
it  warns  us  that  we  have  no  right  to  theorize  d  priori  upon  the  ways  in  which 
God  could  or  could  not  speak  through  it;  a  revelation  addressed  to  an  Oriental 
people  would  naturally  be  clothed  in  forms  of  thought  and  expression  with 
which  they  were  familiar.  '  The  Oriental  is  least  of  all  a  scientific  historian, 
lie  is  the  prince  of  story-tellers  :  narratives,  real  and  imaginative,  spring  from 
his  lips,  which  are  the  truest  portraiture  of  composite  rather  tlian  individual 
Oriental  life,  though  narrated  under  forms  of  individual  experience.'  Comp. 
also  a  paper  by  R.  Somervell  on  '  The  Historical  Character  of  the  OT. 
narratives*  in  the  Exp.  Times,  Apr.  1902,  p.  298  flf. ;  and  the  many  admirable 
words  spoken  by  the  Rev.  G.  S.  Stieatfeild  in  A  Parish  Clergyman's  Thoughts 
about  the  Higher  Criticism,  (Midland  Educational  Co.,  Birmingham ;  reprinted, 
with  additions,  from  the  Ex'posiior,  Dec.  1902),  p.  11  ff.,  on  the  interpretation 
of  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis,  and  on  the  value  of  a  critical  and  historical 
appreciation  of  the  Old  Testament,  in  illuminating  many  parts  of  it,  and  in 
removing  difBculties.     Cf.  Westcott,  Lessons  from,  Work,  pp.  32  f.,  178,  179. 

If,  now,  upon  the  basis  of  the  considerations  advanced  in  the 
preceding  pages,  we  proceed  to  the  question  which  after  all  is  of  the 
most  inimediate  interest  not  only  to  the  theologian  in  the  technical 
sense  of  the  word,  but  also  to  the  man  of  general  religious  sympathies, 
we  shall  find  that  the  religious  value  of  the  narratives  of  Genesis,  while 
it  must  be  placed  upon  a  different  basis  from  that  on  which  it  has 
hitherto  been  commonly  considered  to  rest,  remains  in  itself  essen- 
tially unchanged.  It  is  true,  we  often  cannot  get  behind  tlie  narratives, — 
in  chaps,  i. — xi.,  as  we  have  seen,  the  narratives  cannot  be  historical, 
in  our  sense  of  the  word,  at  all,  and  in  chaps,  xii. — 1.,  there  are  at 
least  many  points  at  which  we  cannot  feel  assured  that  the  details  are 
historical :  we  are  obliged  consequently  to  take  them  as  we  find  them, 
and  read  them  accordingly.  And  then  we  shall  find  that  the  narratives 
of  Genesis  teach  us  still  the  same  lessons  which  they  taught  our  fore- 
fathers. The  drama  which  begins  with  the  tragedy  of  Eden  and  ends 
with  the  wonderful  biography  of  Joseph  is  still  enacted  before  our  eyes 
as  vividly  as  ever.  Eve  and  Cain  still  stand  before  us,  the  immortal 
types  of  weakness  yielding  to  temptation,  and  of  an  unbridled  temper 
leading  its  victim  he  knows  not  whither  ;  Noah  and  Abraham  are  still 
the  heroes  of  righteousness  and  faith ;  Lot  and  Laban,  Sarah  and 
Rebekah,  Isaac,  Jacob,  and  Joseph,  in  their  characters  and  experiences, 
are  still  in  difierent  ways  tvttoi  ly/iwj',  and  still  in  one  respect  or  another 


Ip]  INSPIRATION  OF  GENESIS  Ixix 

exemplify  the  ways  in  which  God  deals  with  the  individual  soul,  and 
the  manner  in  which  the  individual  soul  ought, — or  ought  not, — to 
respond  to  His  leadings.  And  what,  if  some  of  these  figures  pass 
before  us  as  on  a  stage,  rather  than  in  real  life?  Do  they  on  that 
account  lose  their  vividness,  their  truthfulness,  their  force?  On  the 
contrary,  not  only  do  they  retain  all  these  characteristics  unimpaired, 
but,  if  it  be  true  that  the  figures  in  Genesis,  as  we  have  them,  are 
partly, — or  even,  in  some  cases,  wholly, — the  creations  of  popular 
imagination,  transfigured  in  the  pure,  'dry'  light  which  the  inspired 
genius  of  prophet  or  priest  has  shed  around  them,  the  Book  of  Genesis 
is  really  more  surprising  than  if  it  were  even  throughout  a  literally 
true  record  of  events  actually  occurring.  For  to  create  such  characters 
would  be  more  wonderful  than  to  describe  them.  The  Book  of  Genesis 
is  a  marvellous  gallery  of  portraits,  from  whatever  originals  they  may 
have  been  derived.  There  is  no  other  nation  which  can  shew  for  its 
early  history  anything  in  the  least  degree  resembling  it.  There  is 
nothing  like  it  in  either  Babylonia,  or  Egypt,  or  India,  or  Greece. 
The  mythology  of  Greece, — especially  as  it  stands  before  us  in  the 
two  great  epics  with  which  Greek  literature  opens,  and  as  particular 
episodes  of  it  are  made  the  vehicles  of  splendid  lessons  in  the  great 
tragedies  of  a  later  age, — is  indeed  a  wonderful  creation  of  the  human 
mind,  and  an  abiding  monument  of  the  intellectual  genius  of  the 
nation  which  produced  it :  but  the  Book  of  Genesis  stands  on  a 
different  plane  altogether ;  and  even  though  it  be  not  throughout 
what  our  fathers  understood  it  to  be,  a  verbally  exact  record  of  actual 
fact,  this  very  difference,  which  distinguishes  it  so  strikingly  from 
the  corresponding  literature  of  any  other  nation,  remains  still  the 
strongest  proof  of  the  inspiration  by  its  authors :  the  spirituality  of 
its  contents,  the  spiritual  and  moral  lessons  which  are  continually 
exemplified  by  it,  and  which,  though  they  are  often  expressed  in  a 
simple  and  even  childlike  external  garb,  are  nevertheless  to  all  intents 
and  purposes  the  same  as  those  taught  afterwards  by  the  great  prophets, 
constitute  a  cogent  ground  for  inferring  the  operation  of  a  spiritual 
agency  differing  specifically  from  that  which  was  present  when  the 
mythology  of  Egypt  or  Babylonia,  of  India  or  Greece,  was  in  process 
of  formation.  St  Paul  does  not  point  his  readers  to  the  Old  Testament 
Scriptures  for  instruction  in  science  or  ancient  history,  but  he  says 
that  they  are  profitable  'for  teaching,  for  reproof,  for  correction,  for 
instruction  which  is  in  righteousness'  (2  Tim.  iii.  16);  and  the  Book 
of   Genesis,    even    though    it    be    understood    in   parts   as   parable 


Ixx  INTRODUCTION  [ 


rather  than  as  historj',  is  most  assuredly  'profitable'  for  all  these 
purposes. 

Let  us  endeavour,  then,  to  sum  up  in  outline  the  reli^iou^s  value  of 
Genesis.  On  the  first  eleven  chapters  little  can  be  added  substantially 
t6"what  has  been  said  in  the  notes'.  From  the  beginning  the  history  is 
penetrated  with  religious  ideas.  The  narrative  of  the  Creation  sets 
forth,  in  a  series  of  dignified  and  impressive  pictures,  the  sovereimty 
of  God ;  His  priorifcy  to,  and  separation  from,  all  finite,  material 
nature ;  His  purpose  to  constitute  an  ordered  cosmos,  and  gradually 
to  adapt  the  earth  to  become  the  habitation  of  living  beings  ;  and  His 
endowment  of  man  with  the  peculiar,  unique  possession  of  self- 
conscious  reason,  in  virtue  of  which  he  becomes  capable  of  intellectual 
and  moral  life,  and  is  even  able  to  know  and  hold  communion  with  his 
Maker.  In  chs.  ii.  \^ — iii  we  read, — though  again  not  in  a  historical, 
but  in  a  pictorial  or  symbolical  form, — how  man  was  once  innocent, 
how  he  became, — as  man  must  have  become,  whether  in  'Eden'  or 
elsewhere,  at  some  period  of  his  existence, — conscious  of  a  moral  law, 
but  how  temptation  fell  upon  him,  and  he  broke  it.  The  Fall  of  man, 
the  great  but  terrible  truth,  which  history,  not  less  than  individual 
experience,  only  too  vividly  teaches  each  one  of  us,  is  thus  impressively 
set  before  us.  Man,  however,  though  punished  by  God,  is  not  forsaken 
by  Him,  nor  left,  in  his  long  conflict  with  evil,  without  hope  of  victory. 
In  chap,  iv.,  the  increasing  power  of  sin,  and  the  fatal  consequences  to 
which,  if  unchecked,  it  may  lead,  is  vividly  portrayed  in  the  tragic 
figure  of  Cain.  The  spirit  of  vindictiveness,  and  of  bj^utal  triumph  in 
tlve  power  of  the  sword,  is  personified  in  Lamech.  In  the  narrative  of 
the  Flood,  God's  just  wrath  against  sin,  and  the  divine  prerogative  of  • 
mercy,  are  alike  exemplified  :  Noah  is  a  standing  illustration  of  the 
truth  that  *  righteousness  delivereth  from  death ' ;  and  God's  dealings 
with  him  after  the  Flood  form  a  striking  declaration  of  the  purposes 
of  grace  and  goodwill,  with  which  He  regards  mankind.  The  narrative 
of  the  Tower  of  Babel  (xi.  1 — 9)  emphasizes  Jehovah's  supremacy  over 
the  world ;  and  teaches  how  the  self-exaltation  of  man  is  checked 
by  God. 

In  passing  to  chaps,  xii. — 1.  we  may  notice  first  the  teaching  about 
God.  If  in  chaps,  i. — xi.  God  appears  chiefly  as  the  Creator  and 
Judge  of  the  world,  in  chaps,  xii. — 1.  He  appears  more  particularly 

1  On  these  chapters  the  small  but  helpful  volume  by  Professor  (now  Bjshop) 
Ryle,  called  The  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis  (which  has  been  seveial  times  quoted 
in  the  notes),  is  much  recommended  to  the  reader. 


4 


» 


4]  RELIGIOUS  TEACHING  OF  GENESIS  Ixxi 


as  One  who  has  a  care  and  love  for  raen.  Naturally,  He  hates  and 
punishes  sin  (xiii.  ly,  xv.  16,  xviii.  20  f.,  xix.,  xxxix.  9,  xliv.  16 ; 
cf.  XX.  6,  11,  xlii,  21,  28);  but  these  chapters  contain  principally 
revelations  of  His  regard  for  man,  not  only  in  the  promises  disclosing 
His  gracious  purposes  towards  the  patriarchs  and  their  seed  (see  on 
xii.  2  f.),  but  also  on  many  other  occasions  :  for  instance,  in  the 
manner  in  which  righteousness  receives  His  approval  and  blessing 
(xxi.  22,  xxiv.  1,  27,  35,  xxv.  11,  xxvi.  28,  29  end,  xxxix.  2,  21,  23, 
and  indirectly  elsewhere),  in  the  regard  shewn  by  Him  to  the  solitary 
Hagar  in  the  wilderness  (xvi.  9  flf.,  xxi.  17  ff.),  to  Lot  in  Sodom  (xix.), 
to  the  heathen,  but  guileless,  Abimelech  (xx.  6),  to  Jacob  in  his 
solitude  at  Bethel  (xxviii.  12  tf, :  cf.  p.  268),  or  in  a  foreign  land 
(xxxi.  3,  5,  13,  24,  42,  xxxv.  3,  xlviii.  15  f.),  and  to  Pharaoh  (xli.  25, 
32).  His  mercy  is  also  illustrated  by  xviii.  23  if.,  xix.  16 ;  His 
providence,  overruling  the  events  of  life  for  good,  by  xxiv.,  xlv.  5,  7, 
1.  20,  and  other  passages ;  and  His  justice  is  appealed  to  in  xvi.  5, 
xviii.  25,  XX.  4,  xxxi.  49,  50,  53.  In  ch.  xxii.  the  meaning  of  'pro- 
bation,' and  the  nature  of  the  sacrifice  which  is  pleasing  in  God's  sight, 
are  both  strikingly  exemplified'. 

In  the  sphere  of  human  conduct,  the  drama  of  an  entire  life  takes 
in  chaps,  xii. — 1.  the  place  of  the  single,  isolated  episodes  characteristic 
of  chaps,  i. — xi. ;  and  principles  and  motives  find  accordingly  fuller 
and  more  vivid  expression.  The  patriarchs  vary  considerably  in 
character;  there  is  no  monotony  in  the  delineation.  Nor  ."re  they 
without  their  faults,  especially  Jacob,  and  the  subordinate  characten 
(as  Lot  and  Labau) :  the  women,  in  particular,  aie  often  jealous, 
imperious,  and  designing.  AU  have  more  or  less  a  typicfi'  cliavacter. 
Abl'aham  is  not  only  conspicuous  for  such  virtues  as  courtesy, 
hospitality,  high-mindedness,  generosity ;  he  is  also  the  primary  Olri 
Testament  example  of  obedience,  and  devotion  to  God  ;  spirituality  of 
thought  and  aim,  not  austere,  but  attractive  and  winning,  is  the 
leading  motive  of  his  life.  He  is  *an  historic  personage,  but  he  is 
also  a  spiritual  type  :  he  is  the  ideal  representative  of  the  life  of  faith 
and  of  separation  ifrom  the  idolatries  of  an  evil  world :  he  prefigures 
the  ideal  character  and  aims  of  the  people  of  God^'  Isaac  lives  a 
quiet,  uneventful  life :  he  is  the  ideal  son  :  he  '  impersonates  the 
peaceful,  obedient,  submissive  qualities  of  an  equable  trust  in  God, 
distinct  alike  from  the  more  heroic  faith  of  Abraham,  and  the  lower 

1  See  also  above,  p.  xxi  f.  *  Ottley,  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  125  f. 


Ixxii  INTRODUCTION  [§  4 

type  which  in  Jacob  was  learned  through  discipline  and  purged  of 

self-will ','    Jacob; is  a  mixed  character:  he  possesses  the  good  qualities 

of  ambition  "aS^d  perseverance,  though  he  employs  them  at  first,  with 

great  unscrupulousness,  for  selfish  and  worldly  ends  :  after  his  great 

spiritual  struggle  at  Penuel,  however,  his  lower  self  is  left  behind,  and 

in  his  old  age  his  character  appears  still  further  mellowed  by  the 

discipline  of  trial  and  bereavement.     Joseph  is  an  example  of  a  stable, 

upright  character,  faithful  to  his  trusts,  proof  against  temptation,  led, 

under  God's  providence,  through  many  perils  and  many  sorrowful  and 

discouraging  experiences,  to  a  situation  of  exaltation  and  dignity,  in 

which  he  employs  his  talents  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  fellow-men, 

and  in  which  he  displays  an  even  Christian  spirit  of  magnanimity  and 

forgiveness  towards  those  who  once  had  bitterly  wronged  him.     The 

,    biographies  of  the  patriarchs  present  to  us  spiritual  types, — repre- 

'    sentative  examples  of  the  varied  experiences,  the  hopes  and'fears,  the 

S    disappointments  and  the  pleasures,  the  sorrows  and  the  joys,  the 

)     domestic  trials  and  successes,  which  may  be  the  lot  of  any  one  of  us  ; 

\     and  they  exemplify  the  frame  of  mind, — the  trust,  or  resignation,  or 

S    forbearance,  or  gratitude, — with  which,  as  the  case  may  be,  they  should 

)     be  received,  and  the  countless  ways  in  which,  under  God's  hand,  the 

>     course  of  events  is  overruled  for  good*. 

There  is  also  another  point  of  view  from  which  we  ought  not  to 
omit  to  regard  the  Book  of  Genesis.  It  was  a  primary  function  of  the 
Hebrew  historians  not  merely  to  narrate  facts  as  such,  but  also  to 
interpret  them,  and  in  particular  to  interpret  their  religious  signi- 
ficance, and  to  shew  their  bearing  upon  the  religious  history  of  Israel 
as  a  whole.  This  aspect  of  the  work  of  the  Hebrew  historians  is 
particularly  conspicuous  in  Genesis.  Be  the  details  history  or  legend, 
or  be  they,  as  in  some  cases  it  is  quite  possible  that  they  may  be,  an 
intermixture  of  both,  all  are  subordinated  to  this  point  of  view. 
Historically,  the  narrators  may  have  been  on  some  points  imperfectly 
informed ;  but  nevertheless  what  they  all  aim  at  shewing  is  how 
\\  'throughout  the  period  of  obscure  beginnings  God  was  forming  a 
Upeople  whose  destiny  it  was  to  give  to  the  world  the  true  religion.' 
From  Gen.  iii.  14  onwards  a  redemptive  purpose  irradiates  the  entire 
narrative,   shining   forth   at   certain   definite   epochs   with   particular 

1  Byle,  DB.  s.v.  (ii.  484"). 

2  The  typical  religious  value  of  the  patriarchal  narratives,  even  with  the 
admission  that  they  contain  ideal  tlements,  is  well  brought  out  by  Mr  Ottley, 
Bampt.  Led.  p.  126  f.  S^e  also  Kautzsch,  Bihelwisseruschaft  und  ReLigloniimter- 
richt  (1900),  p.  41  f,,  and  Die  bleibende  Bedeutung  des  ATs.,  p.  24  £f. 


§  4]  RELIGIOUS  VALUE  OF  GENESIS  Ixxiii 

brightness,  and  of  course  continuing  to  display  itself  in  subsequent 
parts  of  the  Old  Testament.  This  is  one  of  the  features  which  gives 
the  narrative  its  unique  character  and  unique  value.  The  history  of 
the  beginnings  of  the  earth  and  man,  and  the  story  of  Israel's  ancestors, 
might  both  have  been  told  very  differently.  They  might  have  been 
told  from  a  purely  secular  point  of  view.  The  narratives  might  have 
been  impregnated  with  foolish  superstitions.  The  legends  respecting 
the  beginnings  of  other  nations  are  sometimes  grotesquely  absufd. 
But  in  the  hands  of  Israel's  inspired  teachers  the  Hebrew  legend  is 
froi^]ig  beginning  suffused  with  pure  and  ennobling  spiritual  ideas  ; 
and  they  trace  in  it  the  beginnings  of  the  same  Providential  purposes 
which  they  find  also  in  the  Hebrew  history  into  which  afterwards  it 
insensibly  merges. 

Nor,  finally,  in  estimating  the  religious  value  of  the  Book  of 
Genesis  should  we  forget  the  character  of  the  age  to  which  it  relates^^ 
and  the  intellectual  and  spiritual  capacities  of  those  to  whom  in  the 
first  instance  it  was  addressed.  In  the  Bible  we  have  the  record  of  a 
progressive  revelation,  in  each  stage  of  which  the  measure  of  truth 

—  V-p    -  ■•-"•Tina    )  -    ■  -^^tn 

disclosed  is  adaptea  to  the  mental  and  spiritual  level  which  has  been 
reached  by  those  who  are  to  be  its  recipients.  The  Book  of  Genesis 
gives  a  picture  of  the  infancy  and  childhood  of  the  world  :  it  was  also 
primarily,  at  least  in  its  principal  and  larger  part  (J  and  E),  addressed 
to  men  who,  though  far  from  uncivilized,  and  enjoying  the  advantages 
of  settled  life  and  organised  government,  were  nevertlieless  in  many 
respects  spiritually  immature :  the  teaching  of  Amos  and  Hosea,  Isaiah 
and  Jeremiah,  for  example,  was  still  unknown  to  them.  In  contents 
and  style  alike  it  is  accordingly  naturally  fitted  to  the  comprehension 
of  those  for  whose  use  and  instruction  it  was  primarily  designed.  In 
an  artless  but  attractive  dress,  and  in  forms  adapted  to  impress  and 
delight  those  who  read  them,  the  story  of  Israel's  ancestors  is  told  in 
it.  W^hout  any  conscious  moral  purpose  pervading  the  narrative, 
elementary  lessons  about  right  and  wrong,  and  God  and  man,  are 
taught  through  the  simple  experiences  and  vicissitudes  of  four 
generations  in  an  Eastern  home.  In  Genesis,  more  than  in  any  other 
part  of  the  Bible,  God  talks  with  men,  as  a  father  with  his  child^ 
Need  we  be  surprised,  therefore,  that  there  should  in  this  book  be 
some  accommodation  to  the  habits  and  modes  of  thought  with  which 
children  are  familiar  ?  From  tales  a  child  may  learn  many  a  lesson, 
without  stopping  to  ask  either  himself  or  his  teacher  whether  every 
particular  tale  is  true  or  not.     And  the  tales  of  Genesis,  whether 


Ixxiv  INTRODUCTION  [§  4 

history  or  parable,  are  in  either  case  inimitable,  and  full  of  lessons. 
Truths  and  duties,  especially  those  belonging  to  the  '  daily  round  and 
common  task,'  such  as  we  all  need  to  learn,  and  continually  through 
our  lives  have  occasion  to  practise,  are  illustrated  and  enforced  in  it 
by  anecdotes  and  narratives,  which  the  youngest  can  understand,  from 
which  the  oldest  can  still  learn,  and  which  never  cease  to  fascinate  and 
enthral  those  who  have  once  yielded  themselves  to  their  spell.  *  The 
power  of  the  Patriarchal  narratives  on  the  heart,  the  imagination,  the 
faith  of  men  can  never  die :  it  is  immortal  with  truthfulness  to  the 
realities  of  human  nature,  and  of  God's  education  of  mankind'.' 

1  G.  A.  Smith,  Modern  Criticism  and  the  Preaching  of  the  OT.  p.  109.  Prof. 
Smith's  estimate  of  the  historical  character  of  the  narratives  of  Genesis  is  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  that  adopted  in  the  preceding  pages.  Comp.  also,  on 
the  general  question  of  both  the  historical  and  the  religious  value  of  the  narratives 
of  Genesis,  the  very  useful  Introduction  to  Dr  Wade's  Book  of  Genesig  (1896), 
pp.  37  S.,  49  a.,  61  fi.  . 


THE    BOOK    OF    GENESIS. 

PART  I.    THE  PREHISTORIC  PERIOD. 
CHAPTERS  I.— XL 

The  Book  of  Genesis  begins  with  an  account  of  the  creation  of  the  universe, 
and  of  the  early  history  of  man  upon  the  earth.  It  describes,  in  accordance 
with  the  beliefs  current  among  the  Hebrews,  the  process  by  which  the  earth 
assumed  its  present  form,  and  was  adapted  to  become  the  habitation  of  man 
(ch.  i.) ;  the  situation  of  man's  original  dwelling-place,  and  the  entrance  of  sin 
and  trouble  into  the  world  (ch.  ii. — iii.) ;  the  beginnings  of  civilization  (ch.  iv.) ; 
the  growth  of  population  (ch.  v.) ;  the  increasing  prevalence  of  wickedness,  and 
destruction  of  the  whole  human  race,  with  the  exception  of  a  single  family,  by 
a  flood  (ch.  vi. — ix.) ;  and  lastly  the  re-peopling  of  the  earth,  and  the  rise  of 
separate  nations,  and  of  the  Hebrews  in  particular,  out  of  the  descendants 
of  this  family  (ch.  x. — xi.).  Though  in  parts  of  these  chapters  there  may  be 
dim  recollections  of  historical  occurrences,  the  narrative,  as  a  whole,  cannot 
be  regarded  as  an  historical  record  of  actual  events.  The  reasons  for  this 
conclusion  will  appear  more  fully  in  the  sequel :  it  must,  however,  be  almost 
self-evident  that  trustworthy  information  respecting  periods  so  remote  as  those 
here  in  question  could  not  have  been  accessible  to  the  Biblical  writers  ;  and  it 
is  also  certain  that  there  are  statements  in  these  chapters  inconsistent  with 
what  is  known  independently  of  the  early  history  of  the  earth,  and  of  mankind 
upon  it.  The  narrative  of  these  chapters  consists  rather  of  *  a  series  of  infer- 
ences relating  to  times  which  are  pre-historic.  It  represents  the  explanations, 
arrived  at  in  ways  that  it  is  now  impossible  to  trace,  which  reflection  furnished 
of  the  many  questions  spontaneously  occurring  to  a  primitive  race  respecting 
themselves  and  their  surroundings^.'  Sifiilar  narratives  are  found  in  the  early 
literature  of  many  other  peoples.  The  nearest  parallels  to  the  Biblical  records 
are  afforded  (as  will  shortly  become  apparent)  by  Babylonia,  a  country  with 
which  the  Hebrews  were  once  closely  connected ;  and  recent  discoveries  have 
«hevvn  '  that  certain  common  behefs  concerning  the  beginnings  of  the  earth 
and  of  man  must  have  prevailed  in  the  circle  of  nations  to  which  both  Baby- 
lonians and  Hebrews  belonged 2.'  The  disting-uishing  characteristics  of  the 
Biblical  narrative  are  however  the  lofty  religious  spirit  by  which  it  is  dominated, 
and  the  spiritual  lessons  of  which  it  is  the  expression :  these  remain,  even 
though  the  seemingly  historical  narratives  with  which  they  are  associated 
should  prove  to  be  no  record  of  actual  events,  but  to  represent  merely  the 
course  of  the  past  as  it  was  pictured  by  the  Biblical  writers.  To  us,  the 
principal  value  of  the  narrative  consists  in  the  spiritual  teaching  thus  implicit 
in  it ;  and  this  it  will  be  an  object  of  the  following  commentary  to  point  out 

^  Wade,  Old  Test.  Hist.  (1901),  p.  37.  8  Ibid. 


2  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Chapters  I.  1— II.  4'. 

The  Creation  of  the  World. 

The  Book  of  Genesis  opens  with  a  sublime  and  dignified  narrative,  describ- 
ing the  creation  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  the  stages  by  which,  as  the  narrator 
pictured  it,  the  latter  was  gradually  fitted  to  become  the  habitation  of  man. 
Starting  with  a  state  of  primaeval  chaos,  in  which  the  earth  is  represented  as 
enveloped  in  a  huge  mass  of  sun-ounding  waters,  shrouded  in  darkness,  yet 
brooded  over  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  the  writer  describes  successively  (1)  the 
production  of  light ;  (2)  the  division  of  this  mass  of  primaeval  waters  into 
two  parts,  an  upper  and  a  lower,  by  means  of  a  'firmament';  (3)  the  emergence 
of  the  dry  land  out  of  the  lower  waters ;  (4)  the  clothing  of  the  dry  land  with 
grass,  herbs,  and  trees ;  (5)  the  creation  of  sun,  moon,  and  stars ;  (6)  the  pro- 
duction of  fishes  and  birds ;  (7)  the  appearance  of  terrestrial  animals  ;  (8)  the 
creation  of  man ;  (9)  God's  rest  after  His  work  of  creation.  There  are  thus 
eight  distinct  creative  works,  which,  with  God's  rest  at  the  close,  are  adjusted 
with  remarkable  symmetry  to  the  week  of  seven  days.  The  six  days  of  creation 
fall  into  two  sections  of  three  days  each ;  and  the  third  and  the  sixth  days  have 
each  two  works  assigned  to  them.  The  first  three  days,  moreover,  are  days  of 
preparation,  the  next  three  are  days  of  accomplishment.  On  the  first  day 
light  is  created,  and  on  the  fourth  day  comes  the  creation  of  the  luminaries 
which  are  for  the  future  to  be  its  receptacles ;  on  the  second  day  the  waters 
*  below  the  firmament,'  and  (as  we  should  say)  the  air,  appear,  and  on  the  fifth 
day  fishes  and  birds  are  created  to  people  them  ;  on  the  third  day  the  dry  land 
appears,  and  the  earth  is  clothed  with  vegetation ;  on  the  sixth  day  terrestrial 
animals  and  man  are  created,  who  are  to  inhabit  the  dry  land,  and  {vv.  29,  30) 
to  live  upon  food  supplied  by  its  vegetation.  In  the  order  in  which  the  diff'erent 
creative  works  are  arranged  there  is  an  evident  gradation,  each  work  as  a  rule 
occupying  the  place  in  which  it  might  be  naturally  regarded  as  the  condition, 
or  suitable  forerunner,  of  the  work  next  following,  and  in  the  case  of  living 
things,  there  being  an  obvious  ascent  from  lower  to  higher,  the  climax  of  the 
whole  being  formed  by  man. 

The  narrative  belongs  to  the  Priestly  source  of  the  Kexatcuch  (see  p.  iv), 
the  literary  characteristics  of  which  it  displays  in  a  marked  degree.  It  will 
be  sufficient  to  notice  here  the  use  throughout  of  the  name  God  {not  Jehovah), 
and  the  methodical  articulation  of  the  narrative  into  sections,  each  marked  by 
the  recurrence  of  stereotyped  formulae.  Thus  each  creative  act  is  introduced 
by  the  words  And  God  said  {vv.  3,  6,  9,  11, 14,  20,  24,  26) ;  and  it  was  so  is 
found  six  times  {vv.  9,  U,  16,  24,  30);  the  murk  of  Divine  approval,  and  God 
saw  that  it  was  good,  is  repeated  seven  times  (in  Lxx.  eight  times,  once  after 
each  work),  vv.  4,  8  (lxx.),  10,  12,  18,  21,  25,  31  (the  last  time,  with  a  significant 
variation) ;  and  the  close  of  each  day's  work  is  marked  by  the  standing 
formula,  and  evening  came,  arid  morning  cam,6,...day  im.  5,  8,  12,  19,  23,  31). 

On  some  general  questions  arising  out  of  the  narrative,  see  p.  19  flf. 


I.,,.]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  5 

I.     1  In  the  beginning  God  created  the  heaven  and  the  t 
earth.    2  And  the  earth  was  waste  and  void  ;  and  darkness  was 

1.  1.  Introduction.  The  verse  (as  rendered  in  EW.)  gives 
a  summary  of  the  description  which  follows,  stating  the  broad  general 
fact  of  the  creation  of  the  universe ;  the  details  of  the  process  then 
form  the  subject  of  the  rest  of  the  chapter'. 

In  the  beginnitig.  Not  absolutely,  but  relatively :  at  the  begin-- 
ning  of  the  order  of  things  which  we  see,  and  in  the  midst  of  which 
human  history  unfolds  itself  (Perowne,  Expositor,  Oct,  1890,  p.  248). 

God.     On  the  Heb.  word,  see  the  Excursus  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

created.  The  root  signifies  to  cut  (see,  in  the  intensive  conjug., 
Josh.  xvii.  15,  18  ;  Ez.  xxiii.  47) :  so  probably  the  proper  meaning  of 
N"a  is  to  fashion  hy  cutting,  to  shape.  In  the  simple  conjugation, 
however,  it  is  used  exclusively  of  God,  to  denote  viz.  the  production 
of  something  fundamentally  new,  by  the  exercise  of  a  sovereign 
originative  power,  altogether  transcending  that  possessed  by  man. 
Although,  however,  the  term  thus  unquestionably  denotes  a  super- 
human, miraculous  activity,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  was  felt  to 
express  definitely  the  idea  of  creatio  ex  nihilo"'-;  and  certainly,  as 
Pearson  {On  the  Creed,  fol.  52)  points  out,  this  doctrine  cannot  be 
established  from  it.  The  word  is  very  frequent  in  tlie  Second  Isaiah 
(as  xl.  26,  28,  xlii.  5,  xlv.  7,  12,  18).  In  Ps.  civ.  30  it  is  used  of  the 
ever-recurring  renovation  of  life  upon  the  earth.  Its  figurative  ap- 
plications are  also  noticeable  :  as  of  the  formation  of  a  nation  by 
Jehovah,  Is.  xliii.  1,  15  ;  and  of  the  production  of  some  surprising 
or  striking  effect,  or  of  some  new  condition  or  circumstances,  beyond 
the  power  of  man  to  bring  about,  as  Ex.  xxxiv.  10  (RVm.);  Nu.  xvi.  30 
(RVm.) ;  Jer.  xxxi.  22  ;  Is.  xlv.  8,  bcv.  17. 

the  heaven  and  the  earth.  I.e.  the  universe,  as  it  was  known  to  the 
Hebrews,  in  its  completed  state. 

2.  The  writer  now  turns  at  once  to  the  earth,  in  which,  as  the 
future  home  of  man,  and  the  theatre  of  human  activity,  he  is  more 
particularly  interested ;  and  proceeds  to  describe  what  its  condition 
was  when  God  'spake,'  as  described  in  v.  3. 

the  earth.  As  the  sequel  shews,  the  tenn  here  denotes  the  earth, 
not  as  we  know  it  now,,  but  in  its  primitive  chaotic,  unformed  state. 

was  without  forin  and  void.  Heb.  tohu  wa-hohu — an  alliterative 
description  of  a  chaos,  in  which  nothing  can  be  distinguished  or 
defined.  TohR  is  a  word  which  it  is  difticnlt  to  express  consistently 
in  English  :  but  it  denotes  mostly  something  unsubstantial,  or  (fig.) 

1  Many  modern  scholars,  however  (including  Dillmann),  construe  vv.  1 — 3  in 
this  way  :  'In  the  beginning  of  God's  creating  the  heaven  and  the  earth, — now  the 
earth  was  without  form,  &c.  [v.  2], — God  said,  Let  there  be  light,'  <fec.  So  already 
the  celebrated  Jewish  commentator  Eashi  (a.d.  1040 — 1105),  and  similarly  Ibn 
Ezra  (1092—1167). 

2  oi'k  i^  ovTwv,  2  Mace.  vii.  28.  Cf.  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas,  t.  i.  6  with  the 
parallels  from  Ecclesiastical  writers  collected  in  the  note  in  Gebhardt  and  Hamack's 
edition.    On  Heb.  xi.  3,  see  Westcott'e  note. 

1—2 


2  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [i.  i 

unreaP ;  cf.  Is.  xlv.  18  (of  the  earth),  '  He  created  it  not  a  tohu,  he 
fashioned  it  to  be  inhabited,'  ■?;.  19  '  I  said  not.  Seek  ye  me  as  a  toku 
(i.e.  in  vain)'  Bohu  (only  twice  besides),  as  Arabic  shews,  is  rightly 
rendered  empty  or  void.  Comp.  the  same  combination  of  words  to 
suggest  the  idea  of  a  return  to  primaeval  chaos  in  Jer.  iv.  23,  and 
Is.  xxxiv.  11  ('the  line  of  tohu  and  the  plummet  of  bohu'y. 

upon  the  face  of  the  deep.  Heb.  fhom.  Not  here  what  the  'deep' 
would  denote  to  us,  i.e.  the  sea,  but  the  primitive  undivided  waters,  the 
huge  watery  mass  which  the  writer  conceived  as  enveloping  the  chaotic 
earth.     Milton  (P.  L.  vn.  276  flf.)  gives  an  excellent  paraphrase : 

The  earth  was  formed,  but,  in  the  womb  as  yet 
Of  waters,  embryon  immature,  involved. 
Appeared  not, — over  all  the  face  of  earth 
Main  ocean  flowed. 

In  the  Babylonian  cosmogony,  also,  as  reported  by  Berossus  (see  DB. 
I.  504'';  or  KAT.^  (1902),  p.  488),  all  things  began  in  darkness  and 
water;  and  fhom  recalls  at  once  the  Bab.   Tidnmt  (see  p.  28). 

the  spirit  of  God  &c.  In  the  OT.  the  'spirit'  of  man  is  the 
principle  of  Ufe,  viewed  especially  as  the  seat  of  the  stronger  and  more 
active  energies  of  life ;  and  the  '  spirit '  of  God  is  analogously  the 
Divine  force  or  agency,  to  the  operation  of  which  are  attributed 
various  extraordinary  powers  and  activities  of  men,  as  also  super- 
natural spiritual  gifts  (see  e.g.  Gen.  xh.  38;  Ex.  xxxi.  3j  Num.  xi.  17; 
1  S.  xi.  6,  xvi.  13 ;  Mic.  iii.  8 ;  Is.  xi.  2,  xlii.  1,  lix.  21,  Ixi.  1 ;  Ez.  xxxvi. 
27);  in  the  later  books  of  the  OT.,  it  appears  also  as  the  power  which 
creates  and  sustains  life  (cf.  Ez.  xxxvii.  14;  Is.  xliv.  3f. ;  Jobxxxiii.  4; 
Ps.  civ.  30').  It  is  in  the  last-named  capacity  that  it  is  mentioned 
here.  The  chaos  of  v.  2  was  not  left  in  hopeless  gloom  and  death ; 
already,  even  before  God  'spake'  (v.  3),  the  spirit  of  God,  with  its 
life-giving  energy,  was  '  brooding '  over  the  waters,  like  a  bird  upon  its 
nest,  and  (so  it  seems  to  be  implied)  fitting  them  in  some  way  to 
generate  and  maintain  life,  when  the  Divine  ^a^  should  be  pronounced*. 

^  The  following  are  its  occurrences  (besides  those  noted  above) :  Is.  xxix.  21 
'that  turn  asile  the  just  [from  their  right]  with  a  thing  of  nought,'  i.e.  by  baseless 
alleviations,  xl.  17  'are  counted  by  him  as  made  of  nothing  and  tohu  (EV.  vanity),' 
23  (RV.  vanity,  ||  nothing),  xh.  29  (EV.  conju^^ion,  \\  wind),  xliv.  9  {vanity,  marg. 
confusion),  xlix.  4  for  nought  {=in  vain),  lix.  4  vanity  (i.e.  moral  unreaUty, 
falsehood);  Job  xx^i.  7  (RV.  empty  space);  1  S.  xii.  21,  of  idols  (RV.  vain  things); 
Is.  xxiv.  10  (RV.  confusion).  It  is  also  used  sometimes  poetically  of  an  undefined, 
untracked.  indeterminable  expanse,  or  waste :  Dt.  xxxii.  10,  Job  vi.  18  RV., 
xii.  24  =  Ps.  cviL  40.  The  ancient  Versions  usually  render  it  by  words  signifying 
emptiness,  nothingness,  vanity  (as  k€v6v,  oiiSiv,  fidraLov,  inane,  vacuum,  vanuin). 

2  Lxx.  render  here  aoparos  Kal  cLKaraaKevacrTos.  Cf.  Wisd.  xi.  17  (18)  i]  vavToS'uvafJiin 
ffov  x-i-P  '^o.i  KTiff aua  rbv  Kofffjiov  i^  dfJ.6pcpov  v\r)s. 

3  Comp.  in  the  KT.  John  vi.  63  ;  1  Cor.  xv.  4.5  ;  2  Cor.  iii.  6 ;  and  in  the  Nicene 
Creed  to  Kvpiov  Kal  I^uiottoIovv. 

*  Comp.  Milton  (P.  L.  vn.  233  ff.) : —        '  Darkness  profound 

Cover'd  the  abyss  ;  but  on  the  watery  calm  [see  1.  216] 
His  brooding  wings  the  Spirit  of  God  outspread, 
And  vital  virtue  infus'd,  and  vital  warmth, 
Throughout  the  fluid  mass.' 


i.a-s]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  6 

upon  the  face  of  the  deep  :  and  the  spirit  of  God  ^  moved  upon  l-' 
the  face  of  the  waters.     3  And  God  said,  Let  there  be  hght : 
and  there  was  light     4  And  God  saw  the  light,  that  it  was 
good :   and  God  divided  the  light  from  the  darkness.    5  And 

^  Or,  was  brooding  upon 

moved.  Was  brooding  (RVm.),  The  word  occurs  besides  only 
in  Dt.  xxxii.  11,  where  it  is  used  of  an  eagle  (properly,  a  griffon- 
vulture)  hovering  over  its  young.     It  is  used  similarly  in  Syriac. 

It  is  possible  that  its  use  here  may  be  a  survival,  or  echo,  of  the 
old  belief,  found  among  the  Phoenicians,  as  well  as  elsewhere  (Euseb. 
Praep.  Ev.  i.  10.  1,  2  ;  Arist.  Ayes  693  if. :  Dillm.  pp.  4,  7,  20),  of  a 
world-egg,  out  of  which,  as  it  split,  the  earth,  sky,  and  heavenly  bodies 
emerged;  the  crude,  material  representation  appearing  here  trans- 
formed into  a  beautiful  and  suggestive  figure. 

3 — 5.     The  First  Day,  and  the  first  work.     Light. 

Light  is  the  first  work,  because  it  is  the  indispensable  condition  of 
all  order,  aU  distinctness,  all  life,  and  aU  further  progress. 

3.  And  God  said.  So  at  the  beginning  of  each  work  of  creation, 
— including  the  two  providential  words  of  vv.  28,  29,  ten  times  in  all 
(hence  the  later  Jewish  dictum,  'By  ten  sajdngs  the  world  was  created,' 
Ahoth  v.  1).  As  Dillm.  has  pointed  out,  in  the  fact  that  God  creates 
by  a  word,  there  are  several  important  truths  implicit.  It  is  ah 
indication  not  only  of  the  ease  with  which  He  accomplished  His  work, 
and  of  His  omnipotence,  but  also  of  the  fact  that  He  works  consciously 
and  deliberately.  Things  do  not  emanate  from  Him  unconsciously, 
nor  are  they  produced  by  a  mere  act  of  thought,  as  in  some  pantheistic 
systems,  but  by  an  act  of  will,  of  which  the  concrete  word  is  the 
outward  expression.  Each  stage  in  His  creative  work  is  the  realization 
of  a  deliberately  formed  purpose,  the  'word'  being  the  mediating 
principle  of  creation,  the  means  or  agency  through  which  His  will 
takes  effect.  Cf.  Ps.  xxxiii.  6,  9;  also  cvii.  20,  cxlvii.  15,  18,  in  which 
passages  the  word  is  regarded  as  a  messenger  between  God  and  His 
creatures.  This  usage  of  the  OT.  is  a  preparation  for  the  personal 
sense  of  the  term  'The  Word'  which  appears  in  the  NT.  (John  i.  1), 
— though  doubtless  this  usage  is  in  part,  also,  dependent  upon  Philo. 

4.  that  it  was  good.  The  Divine  approval  is  signified  seven  times 
in  the  chapter,  after  each  work,  except  the  second — where,  however, 
the  Lxx.  have  it  (v.  8).  The  for.nula  used  marks  each  work  as  one 
corresponding  to  the  Divine  intention,  perfect,  as  far  as  its  nature 
required  and  permitted,  complete,  and  the  object  of  the  Creator's 
approving  regard  and  satisfaction. 

and  God  divided  &c.  Light  and  darkness  are  henceforth  to  have 
each  its  separate  sphere,  and  special  time  of  appearance  (y.  5).     The 

And  (1.  19  ff.) :— 

'  Thou  from  the  first 
Wast  present,  and,  with  mighty  wings  outspread 
Dove-like,  sat'st  brooding  on  the  vast  abyss, 
And  mad'st  it  pregnant.' 


6  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [1.5,6 

God  called  the  light  Day,  and  the  darkness  he  called  Night.  P 
And  there  was  evening  and  there  was  morning,  one  day. 

6  And  God  said,  Let  there  be  a  'firmament  in  the  midst  of 

^  Heb.  expanse. 

origin  of  darkness,  like  that  of  chaos,  is  not  mentioned :  chaos  dis- 
appears by  being  converted  gradually  into  an  ordered  cosmos ;  darkness, 
though  neither  called  iuto  being  by  a  creative  word,  nor  described  as 
'  good,'  is  nevertheless  by  this  act  of  separation  recognized  as  having 
equally  with  light  its  place  in  the  ordering  of  the  world. 

In  this  'separation'  of  the  hght  from  the  darkness  there  seems, 
however,  to  be  something  more  involved  than  their  mere  alternation,  or 
successive  appearance,  by  day  and  night.  Not  only  is  light  created 
before  the  luminaries  (v.  161  but  in  Job  light  and  darkness  seem  to  be 
represented  as  having  eacn  its  separate  and  distinct  dwelling-place 
(xxxviii.  19  'Where  is  the  way  to  the  dwelling  of  light,  And  as  for 
darkness,  where  is  the  place  thereof?'  20 ;  xxvi.  10  'He  hath  circum- 
scribed a  boundary  [the  horizon]  upon  the  face  of  the  waters,  Unto  the 
confines  of  light  and  darkness  [i.e.  the  border  between  them]').  It 
seems  thus  that,  according  to  the  Hebrew  conception,  light,  though 
gathered  up  and  concentrated  in  the  heavenly  bodies,  is  not  confined 
to  them  (Perowne) ;  day  arises,  not  solely  from  the  sun,  but  because 
the  matter  of  light  issues  forth  from  its  place  and  spreads  over  the 
earth,  at  night  it  withdraws,  and  darkness  comes  forth  from  its  place, 
each  in  a  hidden,  mysterious  way  (Dillm.).  An  idea  such  as  this  may 
seem  strange  to  us :  but  the  expositor  has  no  right  to  read  into  the 
narrative  the  ideas  of  modern  science ;  his  duty  is  simply  to  read  out 
of  it  the  ideas  which  it  expresses  or  presupposes. 

5.  And  God  called  &c.  God  designed  the  distinction  to  be 
permanent,  and  therefore  stamped  it  with  a  name.  An  indirect  way 
of  saying  that  a  distinction  which  all  men  recognize,  and  express  in 
language,  was  part  of  the  Divine  purpose  and  a  Divine  ordinance 
(similarly  t>v.  8,  10).  The  alternation  is  a  beneficent  one ;  and  already 
the  future  adaptation  of  the  earth  to  the  needs  of  men  and  animals  is 
in  view  (see  Ps.  civ.  20 — 23). 

And  evening  came,  and  morning  came  [=  cycVcro,  not  rjv],  one  day. 
The  chaotic  darkness  is  antecedent  to  all  reckoning :  the  creation  of 
light  marks  the  beginning  of  the  first  day,  so  the  first  full  day  closes 
with  the  following  morning.  This  is  indicated  by  saying,  in  accordance 
with  the  distinction  just  estabhshed  between  '  Day '  and  '  Night,'  that 
first  evening  came,  and  then  morning  came. 

6 — 8.  Second  Day,  and  second  work.  The  division  of  the  primitive 
chaotic  waters  into  two  parts,  an  upper  and  a  lower,  by  means  of  a 
'firmament.' 

6.  a  firmament.  Vulg.  firmamentum,  from  the  Lxx.  <7Tep£w/u,a,  i.e. 
something  made  solid.  The  Heb.  is  rakia\  something  pressed^  down 
firm,  and  so  beaten  out  (the  cogn.  verb  means  to  stamp,  Ez.  vi.  11'; 

^  In  the  Syriao  Version  of  Lk.  vi.  38  it  stands  for  irtiriejixiyoy,  'pressed  down.* 


f.  fi-8]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  7 

the  waters,  r.nd  let  it  divide  the  waters  from  the  waters.  7  And 
God  made  the  firmament,  and  divided  the  waters  which  were 
under  the  firmament  from  the  waters  which  were  above  the 
firmament:   and  it  was  so.    8  And  God  called  the  firmament 

applied  to  metals,  to  beat  out  (Nu,  xvi.  39  ;  Jer.  x.  9),  fig.  of  the  earth, 
Is.  xlii.  5,  xliv.  24  [RV.  spread  abroad],  Ps.  cxxxvi.  6),  i.e.  a  firm  and 
solid  expanse'  capable  of  supporting  the  masses  of  water  confined 
above.  The  dome  or  canopy  of  heaven,  which  we,  of  course,  know 
to  be  nothing  but  an  optical  illusion,  was  supposed  by  the  Hebrews 
to  be  a  solid  vault  (cf  Job  xxxvii.  18  '  Canst  thou  like  him  beat  out  the 
skies,  which  are  strong  as  a  molten  mirrorV  and  Prov.  viii.  28*), 
supported  far  off  by  pillars  resting  upon  the  earth  (Job  xxvi.  11 ; 
Amos  ix.  6;  cf.  2  S.  xxii.  8)^:  above  this  vault  there  were  vast 
reservoirs  of  water,  which  came  down,  in  time  of  rain,  through  opened 
sluices  (v.  7,  vii.  11 ;  Ps.  civ.  3  'who  layeth  the  beams  of  his  upper- 
chambers  in  the  waters';  13  'who  watereth  the  mountains  from  his 
upper-chambers';  Am.  ix.  6  'who  buildeth  his  upper-chambers  in  the 
heaven,  and  hath  founded  his  vault  upon  the  earth ')  ;  and  above  these 
waters  Jehovah  sat  enthroned.  The  present  verse  shews  how  this  was 
supposed  to  have  been  brought  about.  By  the  Divine  word,  a  solid 
*  firmament '  was  created,  which  separated  the  huge  mass  of  primitive 
waters  enveloping  the  earth  into  two  parts,  one  being  above  the 
firmament,  and  the  other  below  it. 

let  it  divide.  More  exactly,  'let  it  be  dividing,'  the  participle 
denoting  that  the  division  is  to  be  permanent. 

the  waters  from  the  waters.  I.e.  the  waters  below  the  firmament 
firom  the  waters  above  it. 

7.  the  waters  which  were  above  the  firmament.     Cf.  Ps.  cxlviii.  4. 
and  it  tvas  so.     The  clause  is  apparently  misplaced.     According  to 

the  analogy  of  the  otlier  cases  in  which  the  words  are  used  (vv.  9,  11, 
15,  24,  30),  and  in  which  they  immediately  follow  the  words  spoken 
by  God,  they  should  stand  at  the  end  of  v.  6,  where  the  lxx.  actually 
have  them. 

8.  And  God  called  &c.  Cf.  v.  5.  lxx.  add  here  (as  the  Heb. 
text  does  at  the  conclusion  of  all  the  other  works,  vv.  4,  10,  12,  18,  21, 
25,  cf.  V.  31)  'And  God  saw  that  it  was  good.'  It  is  true,  the  words 
may  have  dropped  out  here  accidentally ;  on  the  other  hand,  it  has 
also  been  supposed  that  they  were  not  placed  here  by  the  original 
writer,  because  the  separation  of  the  waters  by  a  firmament  was  only  a 
preliminary  and  imperfect  stage  in  what  was  completed  only  on  the 
Third  Day,  viz.  the  gathering  together  of  the  lower  waters  into  seas 
and  the  emergence  of  dry  land. 

^  EVm.  'expanse'  (alone)  suggests  a  false  sense  :  the  word  means  an  expanded 
or  extended  thing. 

2  Homer  speaks  similarly  of  the  heaven  as  of  bronze  lOd.  xv.  329  al.)  or  iron 
(II.  xvii.  425) 


8  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [i.  8-10 

Heaven.    And  there  was  evening  and  there  was  morning,  a  P 
second  day. 

9  And  God  said,  Let  the  waters  under  the  heaven  be  gathered 
together  unto  one  place,  and  let  the  dry  land  appear :  and  it 
was  so.  10  And  God  called  the  dry  land  Earth ;  and  the 
gathering  together  of  the  waters  called  he  Seas :  and  God  saw 

And  evening  came,  and  morning  came  &c.     As  v.  5. 

9 — 13.  Third  Day ;  third  and  fourth  works.  The  emergence  of 
the  dry  land  out  of  the  lower  waters ;  and  its  being  clothed  with 
vegetation. 

9,  10.  The  part  of  the  chaotic  waters,  which  remained  below  the 
'firmament,'  and  for  the  present  still  enveloped  the  earth,  is  now 
gathered  into  '  seas ' — the  plural  referring  probably  to  the  aggregate  of 
waters  which  the  ancients  generally  (c£  the  Gk  'flKcai/ds)  pictured  as 
encircling  the  earth — and  the  surface  of  the  earth  appears.  The  idea 
is  that,  whether  by  the  earth  rising,  or  by  room  being  made  around  and 
under  it,  the  waters  flowed  away  from  its  surface,  and  the  dry  ground 
appeared.  It  must  be  remembered  that  to  the  Hebrews  the  earth  was 
not  a  large  globe,  revolving  through  space  round  the  sun,  but  a 
relatively  small  flat  surface,  in  shape  approximately  round,  supported 
partly,  as  it  seemed,  by  the  encircling  sea  out  of  which  it  rose,  but 
resting  more  particularly  upon  a  huge  abyss  of  waters  underneath, 
whence  hidden  channels  were  supposed  to  keep  springs  and  rivers 
supplied,  and  also  the  sea  (cf  Dt.  viii.  7  [read  deeps  for  depths] ;  Pr.  iii. 
20  '  by  his  knowledge  the  deeps  were  cleft  open ' — with  allusion  to  the 
formation  of  these  channels)'.  These  vast  subterranean  waters  are 
often  alluded  to,  as  vii.  11,  xlix.  25  (see  the  notes) ;  Ex.  xx.  4  ('the 
waters  under  the  earth') ;  Job  xxxviii.  16  ;  Pr.  viii.  28'' ;  Ps.  xxxiii.  7^ 
xxxvi.  6;  cf  Ps.  xxiv.  2  'For  he  hath  founded  it  upon  the  seas,  And  he 
maketh  it  fast  upon  the  streams';  cxxxvi.  6  'To  him  that  spread  abroad 
the  earth  upon  the  waters'  There  is  a  graphic  poetical  description  of 
this  part  of  the  Third  Day's  work  in  Ps.  civ.  6 — 8  : 

Thou  coveredst  it  with  the  deep  [i.e.  with  the  primitive  waters]  like  as 
with  a  vesture; 

The  waters  stood  above  the  mountains : 
At  thy  rebuke  they  fled, 

At  the  voice  of  thy  thunder  they  sped  in  alarm — 
The  mountains  rose,  the  valleys  sank — 

Unto  the  place  which  thou  hadst  founded  for  them. 

Confining  the  sea  within  its  barriers  is  spoken  of  as  a  work  of  Divine 
omnipotence  also  in  Jer.  v.  22,  Job  xxxviii.  8 — 11. 

10.  And  God  called  &c.     Cf  on  v.  5. 

Earth.     The  word  is  used  here  in  a  somewhat  different  sense  from 
V.  2  :  there  it  denoted  the  chaotic  earth,  enveloped  in  water,  Milton's 


1  See  the  illustratiou  in  DB.  i.  603. 


I.  10-14]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  9 

that  it  was  good.  11  And  God  said.  Let  the  earth  put  forth  P 
grass,  herb  yielding  seed,  and  fruit  tree  bearing  fruit  after  its 
kind,  wherein  is  the  seed  thereof,  upon  the  earth :  and  it  was  so. 
12  And  the  earth  brought  forth  grass,  herb  yielding  seed  after 
its  kind,  and  tree  bearing  fruit,  wherein  is  the  seed  thereof,  after 
its  kind:  and  God  saw  that  it  was  good.  13  And  there  was 
evening  and  there  was  morning,  a  third  day. 

14  And  God  said,  Let  there  be  Hghts  in  the  firmament  of  the 

'embryon  immature';   here  it  denotes  the  land,  as  we  know  it,  in 
opposition  to  the  sea. 

11,  12.  The  clothing  of  the  earth  with  vegetation.  Three  of  the 
more  conspicuous  descriptions  of  vegetable  produce  are  mentioned, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  representing  the  whole. 

11.  grass.  Heb.  deshe\  often  rendered  tender  grass  (i.e.  young, 
fresh  grass,  such  as  appears  after  rain  (2  S.  xxiii.  4 ;  Job  xxxviii.  27) ; 
and  so  used  suitably  of  the  fresh  young  verdure,  which  the  narrator 
pictured  as  first  brought  forth  by  the  earth. 

herb.  I.e.  larger  plants,  especially  such  as  vegetables  and  cereals  : 
cf  V.  29,  iii.  18 ;  Ps.  civ.  14. 

yielding  seed.  I.e.  possessing  the  means  of  self-propagation,  and 
also  furnishing  products  often  useful  for  man. 

fruit  tree.  The  writer  thinks  more  particularly  of  trees  producing 
food  for  man. 

after  its  kind.  Rather,  after  its  kinds  (the  word  being  collective), 
i.e.  according  to  its  various  species  :  so  vv.  12,  24,  25.  The  addition 
calls  attention  to  the  number  and  variety  of  the  different  species 
included  under  each  head.  The  point  is  one  often  emphasized  in  the 
technical  enumerations  of  *P' :  see  the  Introduction,  p.  viii :  and  cf.  vi. 
20,  vii.  14 ;  Lev.  xi.  14—16,  19,  22,  29. 

wherein  is  the  seed  thereof.  I.e.  containing  in  itself  the  means  of 
self-propagation.  The  object  of  the  v.  is  to  shew  how  all  vegetation 
originated  in  the  command  of  God,  how  the  earth  produces  its  multitu- 
dinous species  by  His  appointment,  and  how  further  these  species 
contain  within  themselves  the  means  of  continuous  reproduction. 

14 — 19,  Fourth  Day,  and  fifth  work.  The  creation  of  luminaries 
in  heaven. 

14.  lights.  Heb.  m^'oroth,  places  (or  instruments)  of  light,  i.e. 
lumitiaries. 

in  the  firmament  of  the  heaven.  I.e.  fastened  to  it  (cf.  v.  17),  and 
helow  the  '  waters  above  the  firmament '  of  v.  7.  The  Hebrews  were 
unconscious  of  the  immense  (and  varying)  distances  by  which  the 
heavenly  bodies  are  separated  from  the  earth ;  and  supposed  them 
to  have  their  positions,  and  courses,  in  some  way  assigned  to  them 
in  the  solid  'firmament,'  which  seems  to  the  spectator  to  extend,  as 
a  huge  cupola,  above  him. 


10  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [i.  u,  n 

heaven  to  divide  the  day  from  the  night ;  and  let  them  be  for  P 
signs,  and  for  seasons,  and  for  days  and  years :    15  and  let  them 
be  for  lights  in  the  firmament  of  the  heaven  to  give  light  upon 

The  luminaries  are  described  as  subserving  three  purposes  : 

1.  to  divide  the  day  from  the  night — or  (v.  18)  to  divide  the  light 
from  the  darkness,  and  to  rule  over  the  day  and  over  the  night — i.e.  to  be 
the  permanent  regulators  of  the  distinction  laid  down  in  vv.  4,  5  ;  the 
sun  serving  to  distinguish  the  day  from  the  night,  and  by  the  splendour 
and  potency  of  its  rays  '  ruling '  over  it ;  and  the  moon,  though  of 
course  equally  visible  by  day,  being  more  conspicuous  by  night,  and 
so,  with  the  stars,  ser\ing  to  distinguish  it  from  the  day,  and  'ruling' 
over  it  by  imparting  to  it  a  character  of  its  own. 

2.  to  he  for  signs,  and  for  seasons,  and  for  days  and  years, 
(a)  for  signs,  e.g.  as  helping  to  fix  what  we  should  call  the  points 
of  the  compass,  or  by  tlieir  appearance  betokening  the  future  state 
of  the  weather,  perhaps  also,  by  extraordinary  phenomena,  as  eclipses, 
portending  (as  antiquity  believed)  extraordinary  occurrences \  (b)  for 
seasons,  i.e.  not  the  four  seasons  of  the  year  (though  these  may 
be  included),  but  fixed  times  (Heb.  mo'adim,  from  yd'ad,  to  fix, 
appoint),  whether  secular  or  sacred :  as  months  and  weeks,  deter- 
mined by  the  moon  (cf.  Ps.  civ.  19  'he  made  the  moon  for  fixed 
times'),  periods  of  human  occupation,  as  agriculture  and  navigation^ 
or  of  animal  life  (cf.  Jer.  viii.  7  'the  stork  in  the  heaven  loioweth 
her  fixed  time,'  viz.  for  migration),  or  of  the  flowering  and  seed-time 
of  plants,  and  similarly  the  fixed  periods  of  the  year  which  we  call 
'  seasons ' ;  and  also  sacred  seasons — the  festivals  and  other  sacred 
occasions  in  the  Jewish  calendar  being  fixed  for  definite  days  in  the 
week,  month,  or  year  (see  esp.  Lev.  xxiii.),  and  the  same  word  mo^ddlm 
being  frequently  applied  to  them  (see  ibid.,  where  ten  such  mo'dd'im^ 
are  enumerated),  (c)  for  days  and  years,  determining  their  length,  and 
regular  succession. 

3.  to  give  light  upon  the  earth  (v.  15).  A  necessary  condition  of 
life,  and  progress ;  and  essential  for  the  existence  and  development  of 
the  human  race.  The  various  functions  assigned  here  to  the  heavenly 
bodies  have  all,  it  is  to  be  noticed,  reference  to  the  earth — and  especially 
to  the  earth  as  a  habitation  for  living  beings  :  in  Job  xxxviii.  33  they 
are  summed  up  in  the  expression,  '  the  dominion  of  the  heavens  over 
the  earth.'  For  darkness  and  night,  as  having  their  place  in  the 
Divinely-appointed  economy  of  nature,  see  Ps.  civ.  20. 

^  Comp.  the  manner  in  which  the  prophets  sometimes  represent  extraordinary 
darkenings  of  the  heavenly  bodies  as  accompanying  great  political  catastrophes 
(Am.  viii.  9 ;  Ez.  xxxii.  7  ;  Is.  xiii.  10) ;  see  also  Joel  ii.  31,  Luke  xxi.  25.  How- 
ever, an  undue  regard  to  such  '  signs  of  heaven '  is  condemned  in  Jer.  x.  2. 

2  Determined  often  in  ancient  times  by  the  heliacal  risings  and  settings  of  the 
fixed  stars  :  see  Astbonomia  in  Smith's  Diet,  of  Antiquities. 

*  RV.  set  feasts  (RVm.  appointed  seasons) ;  elsewhere  also  appointed  feasts,  as 
Is.  i.  14;  Hos.  ii.  11  (RVm.).  (The  word  rendered  'feast'  simply,  and  meaning 
properly  &  pilgrimage  (Ex.  xxiii.  14 — 17  al),  is  quite  different.) 


I.  is-20]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  11 

the  earth :  and  it  was  so.  16  And  God  made  the  two  great  P 
lights  ;  the  greater  light  to  rule  the  day,  and  the  lesser  light 
to  rule  the  night:  he  made  the  stars  also.  17  And  God  set 
them  in  the  firmament  of  the  heaven  to  give  light  upon  the 
earth,  18  and  to  rule  over  the  day  and  over  the  night,  and  to 
divide  the  light  from  the  darkness :  and  God  saw  that  it  was 
good.  19  And  there  was  evening  and  there  was  morning,  a 
fourth  day. 

20  And  God  said,  Let  the  waters  *  bring  forth  abundantly  the 

^  Heb.  swarm  with  swarms  of  living  creatures. 

16 — 18.  The  manner  in  which  God  gave  effect  to  His  command. 
The  luminaries  are  first  'made'  {v.  16),  and  then  'set'  (v.  17)  in  the 
firmament. 

16.  And  God  made.  '  And,'  following  the  command  of  w.  14,  15, 
is  equivalent  virtually  to  Thus,  or  So.     Similarly  tw.  21,  25. 

to  rule  &c.     Hence  Ps.  cxxxvi.  7 — 9.     Cf.  also  Jer.  xxxi.  35. 

he  made  the  stars  also.  The  stars  hold  a  subordinate  place,  because, 
so  far  as  the  earth  and  life  upon  it  are  concerned,  they  are  of  less 
importance  than  the  sun  or  moon.  The  Hebrews  had  no  idea  that  the 
'stars'  were  in  reality,  at  least  in  many  cases,  far  vaster  and  more 
wonderful  in  their  structure  than  the  sun.  Even  the  questions  in 
Job  xxxviii.  31,  32,  have  a  far  fuller  meaning  to  us  than  they  had 
to  the  poet  who  framed  them. 

17.  set  them  in  the  firmament.     Cf.  on  v.  14  (p.  9). 

'This  whole  description  of  the  creation  of  the  heavenly  bodies  is 
written  from  the  ancient  geocentric  standpoint :  and  it  is  vain  to 
attempt  to  bring  it  into  scientific  agreement  with  the  teachings  of 
modern  astronomy.  But  the  object  of  the  writer  is  a  religious  one ; 
and  for  the  religious  point  of  view  it  is  suthcient  to  know  that  the 
heavenly  bodies  are  marvels  of  the  creative  power  of  God,  and  in 
other  respects  to  consider  them  according  to  what  they  are  for  us. 
They  subserve  human  needs,  in  accordance  with  God's  ordinance,  in 
the  manifold  ways  indicated  in  the  narrative ;  and  they  are  thus  a 
means  of  filling  our  minds  with  a  profound  sense  of  the  wonderful 
harmony  of  the  universe,  and  of  the  might  and  wisdom  of  the  Creator 
(cf  Pss.  viii.,  xix.,  civ.) '  (Dillm.^.  There  is  at  the  same  time  a  tacit 
opposition  to  the  wide-spread  belief  of  the  ancients  that  the  heavenly 
bodies  were  themselves  divine,  and  to  be  treated  as  objects  of  worship 
(Dt.  iv.  19  &c.;  Job  xxxi.  26  ;  Wisd.  xiii.  2). 

20 — 23.  Fifth  Day  and  sixth  work.  The  water  and  air  peopled 
with  living  beings. 

20.  Let  the  waters  swarm  with  swarming  things,  (even)  living 
souls.  The  RV.  here,  unfortunately,  fails  entirely  to  give  the  reader 
a  clear  idea  of  what  is  intended ;  and  even  RVm.  only  partially  supphes 


12  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [i.2o,ai 

moving  creature  that  hath  life,  and  let  fowl  fly  above  the  earth  P 
Mn  the  open  firmament  of  heaven.    21   And  God  created  the 
great  sea-monsters,  and  every  living  creature  that  moveth,  which 
the  waters  brouglit  forth  abundantly,  after  their  kinds,  and 
every  winged  fowl  after  its  kind :  and  God  saw  that  it  was  good. 

^  Heb.  on  the  face  of  the  expanse  of  the  heaven. 

the  deficiency.  'Swarming  things'  (Heb.  sherez)  is  a  technical  ex- 
pression, and  is  applied  to  creatures  that  appear  in  swarms — whether 
(as  here)  those  that  teem  in  the  waters  (both  fishes  and  other  small 
aquatic  creatures)',  or  those  which  swarm  on  the  ground  or  in  the  air 
(i.e.  creeping  and  flying  insects,  small  reptiles,  and  small  quadrupeds, 
as  the  weasel  and  the  mouse:  see  Lev.  xi.  20 — 23,  29 — 31)^^. 

(even)  livitig  souls.  A  '  soul '  (nepkesh)  in  the  psychology  of  the 
Hebrews  is  not  peculiar  to  man  ;  it  is  the  principle  of  life  and  sensibility 
in  any  animal  organism,  and  is  then  transferred  to  the  sentient  organism 
itself.  The  rendering  '  creature '  obliterates  a  distinctive  characteristic 
of  Hebrew  thought.  Here  the  term  denotes  all  kinds  of  aquatic 
organisms,  including  even  the  lowliest.  Comp.  Ez.  xlvii.  9  '  all  soul  that 
swarmefh,'  of  fish ;  and  of  other  sentient  things,  ch.  i.  21,  24,  ix.  10, 
12,  15,  16;  Lev.  xi.  10,  46,  &c.  (RV.  each  time,  'creature'),  xxiv.  18 
(Heb.  'he  that  smiteth  the  soul  of  a  beast,'  and  then  'soul  for  soul'). 

fowl.  Or,  flying  things.  As  Lev.  xi,  20,  21,  23  (Heb.)  shews,  the 
term  may  include  insects. 

in  front  of  the  firmament  of  heaven.  Le.  in  the  air,  in  front  o/the 
firmament,  as  a  spectator  standing  upon  the  earth  looks  up  towards  it. 
The  RV.  is  incorrect,  the  Hebrew  words  not  admitting  of  the  rendering 
given ;  and  the  firmament,  moreover,  according  to  Hebrew  ideas,  not 
being  anything  of  which  '  open '  could  be  predicated.  The  lxx.  adds 
at  the  end  of  this  verse  'And  it  was  so'  (as  w.  9,  11,  15,  24,  80). 

21.  The  creatures  thus  produced  specified  somewhat  more  par- 
ticularly. 

sea-monsters.  Heb.  tanmn,  a  long  reptile,  applied  sometimes  to 
land-reptiles  (Ex.  vii.  9  [see  RVm.],  10,  12;  Dt.  xxxii.  33  [EVV. 
dragon\ ;  Ps.  xci.  13  [RV.  serpent ;  PBV.  dragonj) ;  but  usually 
denoting  the  crocodile  (Is.  xxvii.  1,  li.  9 ;  Ez.  xxix.  3,  xxxii.  2 j 
Ps.  kxiv.  13  [EVV.  in  all,  dragon]),  or  other  aquatic  monster  (Jer.  li. 
34 ;  Ps.  cxlviii.  7  [see  RVm.]  ;  Job  vii.  12  [RV.  sea-monster]).  Here 
it  means  sea-  (and  river-)  monsters  generally. 

and  every  living  soul  (v.  20)  that  creepeth  [or  glideth],  where- 

1  So  Lev.  xi.  10  (read  'swarm'  for  'move') ;  Ez.  xlvii.  9. 

2  So  vii.  21  (see  RVm.),  Lev.  v.  2  (RV.,  unhappily  [see  on  vv.  21,  24],  '  creeping 
things').  See  especially  Lev.  xi.  20—23,  29—31,  41—44,  46:  the  reader  who 
desires  to  understand  properly  the  distinctions  referred  to  in  this  chapter  should 
mark  on  the  margin  of  his  Revised  Version  'swarm,'  'swarmeth,'  'swarming' 
against  'creep,'  'creepeth,'  'creeping'  each  time  in  these  verses  (as  also  against 
'move'  in  v.  10),  and  'creepeth'  against  'moveth'  in  vv.  44,  46. 


I.  «-24]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  13 

22  And  God  blessed  them,  saying,  Be  fruitful,  and  multiply,  and  P 
fill  the  waters  in  the  seas,  and  let  fowl  multiply  in  the  earth. 

23  And  there  was  evening  and  there  was  morning,  a  fifth  day. 
24   And  God  said,  Let   the  earth   bring  forth  the  living 

creature  after  its  kind,  cattle,  and  creeping  thing,  and  beast  of 

with  the  waters  swarm  {v.  20).  I.e.  fishes,  as  well  as  other  aquatic 
creatures,  which  either  glide  through  the  water,  or  creep  along  its  bed. 
The  word  rendered  'creep'  is  used  mostly  of  land-creatures  (see  on 
V.  24)  :  it  is  used  of  aquatic  creatu'-es,  as  here,  in  Lev.  xi.  46 ; 
Ps.  Ixix.  34  (read  '  creepeth,'  or  *  glideth,'  for  RV.  moveth) ;  cf.  the 
corresponding  subst.  in  Ps.  civ.  25  ('wherein  are  things  creeping 
innumerable '). 

22.  As  animate  beings,  the  creatures  just  produced  receive,  not 
only  the  customary  mark  of  Divine  approval  {v.  21  end),  but  a  blessing, 
the  terms  of  which  shew  that  it  is  part  of  the  Divine  plan  that  they 
should  increase  and  multiply  in  the  earth.  The  purpose  was  similar  in 
the  creation  of.  plants  {v.  11)  ;  but  no  such  permission  is  addressed  to 
them,  their  growth  and  movement  being  spontaneous,  and  not  controlled 
by  a  conscious  will,  as  is  the  case,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  with 
animate  beings. 

Be  fruitful,  and  multiply.  A  combination  characteristic  of  P  : 
cf.  V.  28,  viii.  17,  ix.  1,  7,  xvii.  20  al.  (see  the  Introd.  p.  viii,  No.  5). 

24 — 31.  The  Sixth  Day  ;  the  seventh  and  the  eighth  works.  The 
creation  of  land-animals,  and  of  man. 

24.  bring  forth  the  living  creature.  Bring  forth  living  soul 
(collectively)  :  see  on  v.  20. 

kind  (twice).  Kinds  :  so  v.  25.  In  this,  and  the  next  verse,  three 
prominent  classes  of  terrestrial  animals  are  specified,  as  representing 
the  whole  (cf.  v.  11). 

cattle.  Heb.  bhemdh  (lit.,  as  Eth.  shews,  that  which  is  dumb),  i.e. 
large  quadrupeds,  sometimes  (esp.  when  opposed  to  '  man ')  including 
wild  animals  (as  vi.  7,  20,  vii.  23^ ;  but  often,  as  here,  referring  more 
particularly  to  domestic  animals  (cf.  xxxiv.  23,  xlvii.  18). 

creeping  thing.  Heb.  remes,  i.e.  things  which  'move  along  the 
ground  either  without  feet,  or  with  imperceptible  feet'  (Dillm.),  i.e. 
reptiles  (lizards,  snakes,  &c.),  a  class  of  animal  very  abundant  in  the 
East,  and  small  creatures  with  more  than  four  feet.  So  vv.  25,  26,  vi. 
7,  20,  vii.  14,  23,  viii.  17,  19  ;  1  K.  iv.  33  ;  Hos.  ii.  18  al. ;  cf  the  cognate 
verb,  Lev.  xi.  44  (read  'creepeth'  for  RV.  movethy,  xx.  25  (RVm.). 

beast  of  the  earth.  Lit.  living  things  (=^aJa)  of  the  earth,'  i.e. 
which  roam  on  the  wide  e&rth., -wild  animals:  so  vv.  25,  [26],  30, 
ix.  2,  10;  1  S.  xvii.  46;  Ps.  Ixxix.  2  al.  In  ii.  19,  20,  iii.  1,  14,  the 
expression  used  is  'beast  (living  thing)  oiih^fieldJ 

^  But  EV.  'creep'  in  Lev.  xi.  should  throughout  be  'swarm':  see  the  footnote 
on  p.  12 ;  and  cf.  Gbebpino  things  in  DB. 


14  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [1.24-^6 

the  earth  after  its  kind :  and  it  was  so.    25  And  God  made  the  P 
beast  of  the  earth  after  its  kind,  and  the  cattle  after  their  kind, 
and  every  thing  that  creepeth  upon  the  ground  after  its  kind : 
and  God  saw  that  it  was  good.     26  And  God  said,  Let  us  make 
man  in  our  image,   after  our  likeness :    and  let  them  have 

25,  How  God  gave  effect  to  His  command.  The  verse  is  related 
to  V.  24,  as  V.  21  to  v.  20,  vv.  16 — 18  to  vv.  14,  15,  and  v.  7  to  v.  6. 

26,  27.  The  creation  of  man.  The  creation  of  man  is  introduced 
with  solemnity  :  it  is  the  result  of  a  special  deliberation  on  the  part  of 
God,  and  man  is  a  special  expression  of  the  Divine  nature. 

Let  us  make  man.  The  plural  in  God's  mouth  (which  occurs  other- 
wise in  the  entire  OT.  only  xi.  7  ;  Is.  vi.  8 — for  ch.  iii.  22  is  evidently 
different)  is  remarkable  and  has  been  variously  explained.  (1)  The 
general  Jewish  interpretation,  and  also  that  of  some  Christians  (notably 
Delitzsch),  is  that  God  is  represented  as  including  with  Himself  His 
celestial  court  (1  K.  xxii.  19  f  ;  Is.  vi.  8  ;  Ps.  Lxxxix.  5,  6,  &c.),  and 
consulting  with  them,  before  creating  the  highest  of  His  works,  man'. 
The  words  of  the  text  seem  however  clearly  to  imply  that  those  who 
are  included  in  the  1st  pars.  pi.  are  invited  to  take  part  in  the  creation  ' 
of  man,  which,  if  they  are  angels,  is  not  probable :  Delitzsch's 
argument  that  it  is  not  their  co-operation,  but  only  their  sympathy, 
which  is  invited,  implies  a  strained  limitation  of  the  expression  used. 
(2)  Others,  especially  the  Fathers,  have  regarded  the  plural  as  ex- 
pressing a  plurality  of  persons  in  the  Godhead,  and  so  as  suggesting,  at 
least  by  implication,  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  But  this  is  to 
anticipate  a  much  later  stage  in  the  history  of  revelation.  (3)  Hebrew 
possesses  what  is  called  a  '  plural  of  majesty ' :  the  words  for  '  lord,' 
'  master,'  even  when  applied  to  a  single  person,  are  often,  for  instance, 
plural  (see  e.g.  xxxix.  20  ;  Ex.  xxi.  29,  34 ;  Is.  xix.  4),  for  the  purpose 
of  conveying  the  ideas  of  dignity  and  greatness ;  the  usual  Hebrew  word 
for  '  God '  (^Elohivi)  is  similarly,  as  a  rule,  plural  (indicative,  no  doubt, 
of  the  fulness  of  attributes  and  powers  conceived  as  united  in  the 
Godhead) :  hence  (DiUm.,  Perowne)  it  might  well  be  that,  on  a  solemn 
occasion  like  this,  when  God  is  represented  as  about  to  create  a  being 
in  His  own  'image,'  and  to  impart  to  him  a  share  in  that  fulness  of 
sovereign  prerogatives  possessed  by  Himself,  He  should  adopt  this 
unusual  and  significant  mode  of  expression. 

in  owr  image,  after  our  likeness.  Of  the  two  words  used,  '  image ' 
(1  S.  vi.  5 ;  Dan.  iii.  1,  &c.  ;  but  not  used  elsewhere  in  the  sense  of 
'resemblance,'  except  in  the  parallels,  v.  27,  v.  3,  ix.  6)  suggests, 
perhaps,  more  particularly  the  idea  of  material  resemblance,  '  likeness ' 
(Ez.  i.  5,  10,  13,  16,  &c. ;  and  ch.  v.  1,  3),  that  of  an  immaterial 

1  Cf.  Pesikta  34»  (ed.  Buber),  'God  took  counsel  with  the  ministering  angels, 
and  said  unto  them,  Let  us  make,'  &o. :   similarly  in  the  Targ.  Ps.-Jon.  on  thi 
verse.     Comp.  the  later  Jewish  saying  (Edersheim,  Life  and  Times,  ii.  749),  'Goo 
never  does  anything,  without  first  consulting  the  family  above.' 


I.  ,6]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  15 

dominion  over  the  fish  of  the  sea,  and  over  the  fowl  of  the  air,  P 
and  over  the  cattle,  and  over  all  the  earth,  and  over  every 

resemblance  :  but  the  distinction  cannot  be  pressed' :  both  words  refer 
here  evidently  to  spiritual  resemblance  alone ;  and  the  duplication  of 
synonyms  is  intended  simply  to  emphasize  the  idea  of  resemblance 
(cf.  the  duphcations  in  x.  5,  20,  31,  32,  xxv.  16). 

What  however  is  meant  by  the  *  image  of  God,'  which  man  is  thus 
said  to  bear  ?  It  is  (1)  something  which  evidently  forms  the  ground 
and  basis  of  his  entire  preeminence  above  animals  ;  (2)  it  is  something 
which  is  transmitted  to  his  descendants  (v.  1,  3,  ix.  6),  and  belongs 
therefore  to  man  in  general,  and  not  solely  to  man  in  a  state  of 
primitive  innocence ;  (3)  it  relates,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  to 
man's  immaterial  nature.  It  can  be  nothing  but  the  gift  of  self- 
conscious  reason,  which  is  possessed  by  man,  but  by  no  other  animal. 
In  all  that  is  implied  by  this, — in  the  various  intellectual  faculties 
possessed  by  him ;  in  his  creative  and  originative  power,  enabling  him 
to  develop  and  make  progress  in  arts,  in  sciences,  and  in  civilization 
generally  ;  in  the  power  of  rising  superior  to  the  impulses  of  sense,  of 
subduing  and  transforming  them,  of  mounting  to  the  apprehension  of 
general  principles,  and  of  conceiving  intellectual  and  moral  ideals ;  in 
the  ability  to  pass  beyond  ourselves,  and  enter  into  relations  of  love 
and  sympathy  with  our  fellow-men  ;  in  the  possession  of  a  moral  sense, 
or  the  faculty  of  distinguishing  right  and  wrong ;  in  the  capacity  for 
knowing  God,  and  holding  spiritual  communion  with  Him, — man  is 
distinguished  fundamentally  from  other  animals ^  and  is  allied  to  the 
Divine  nature ;  so  that,  wide  as  is  the  interval  se])arating  him  from 
the  Creator,  he  may  nevertheless,  so  far  as  his  mental  endowments  are 
concerned,  be  said  to  be  an  '  image,'  or  adumbration,  of  Him.  From 
the  same  truth  of  human  nature,  there  follows  also  the  possibility 
of  God  being  revealed  in  man  (John  i.  1 — 14).  Comp.  in  the  NT. 
1  Cor.  xi.  7,  Jas.  iii.  9  ;  and  the  application  of  the  same  figure  to  the 
spiritual  formation  of  the  'new  man,'  Col.  iii.  10  (c£  Eph.  iv.  24). 
See  also  Ecclus.  xvii,  3  if.  ;  Wisd.  ii.  23. 

and  let  them  ham  dominion  &c.  In  virtue  of  the  powers  implied  in 
their  being  formed  in  God's  'image,'  all  living  beings  upon  the  earth 
are  given  into  their  hand.  Cf  Ps.  viii.  5  ff.,  '  For  thou  hast  made  him 
lack  but  Httle  of  (being)  God  [viz.  by  the  powers  conferred  upon  him], 
and  thou  crownest  him  with  glory  and  state :  Thou  makest  him  to  rule 
over  the  works  of  thy  hands  ;  thou  hast  put  all  things  under  his  feet.' 

and  over  all  the  earth.     Pesh.  '  and  over  all  the  beasts  of  the  earth ' 

^  Notice  in  v.  27,  ix.  6  'image'  alone,  and  in  v.  1  'likeness'  alone,  lxx., 
inserting  kuI,  accentuate  the  distinction  unduly,  and  led  some  of  the  Fathers  to 
endeavour  fruitlessly  to  distinguish  elKuv  from  ofioiioa-n.  Cf.  Oehler,  Theol.  of  OT. 
§68. 

^  It  is  true,  some  of  the  faculties  mentioned  are  possessed,  in  a  limited  degree, 
animals  :  but  in  none  of  them  are  they  coupled  with  self-conscious  reason ;  and 
•noe  they  do  not  form  a  foujidation  for  the  same  distinctive  character. 


16  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [1.26-30 

creeping  thing  that  creepeth  upon  the  earth.  27  And  God  P 
created  man  in  his  own  image,  in  the  image  of  God  created  he 
him ;  male  and  female  created  he  them.  28  And  God  blessed 
them :  and  God  said  unto  them,  Be  fruitful,  and  multiply,  and 
replenish  the  earth,  and  subdue  it ;  and  have  dominion  over  the 
fish  of  the  sea,  and  over  the  fowl  of  the  air,  and  over  every  living 
thing  that  'moveth  upon  the  earth.  29  And  God  said,  Behold, 
I  have  given  you  every  herb  yielding  seed,  which  is  upon  the 
face  of  all  the  earth,  and  every  tree,  in  the  which  is  the  fruit  of 
a  tree  yielding  seed ;  to  you  it  shall  be  for  meat :  30  and  to 
every  beast  of  the  earth,  and  to  every  fowl  of  the  air,  and  to 
every  thing  that  creepeth  upon  the  earth,  wherein  there  is  ^life, 

^  Or,  creepeth  *  Heb.  a  living  soul. 

{v.  25).     The  word  (nTi)  has  probably  dropped  out  accidentally  (Del., 
Dillm.  a/.y. 

28.  The  Blessing  on  man.  The  blessing  is  analogous  to  the  one 
in  V.  22  (see  also  ix.  1 — 7),  but  ampler  in  its  terms :  man  may  not  only 
*be  fruitful  and  multiply,'  but,  in  accordance  with  the  Creator's 
purpose  {v.  26),  'subdue'  the  earth,  and  subject  to  himself  its  living 
inhabitants. 

replenish.  Fill, — which  indeed  was  the  meaning  of  'replenish'  in 
Old  English,  and  is  what  is  intended  here.  In  the  Heb.  the  word  is 
exactly  the  same  as  the  one  rendered  'fill '  in  v.  22.     So  ix.  1. 

subdue.  The  word  {kcibash, — properly  tread  down)  is  used  of  the 
subjugation  of  a  conquered  territory,  Nu,  xxxii.  22  ;  Josh,  xviii.  1. 

29,  30.  Provision  made  for  the  food  of  men  (v.  29),  and  other 
terrestrial  animals  and  birds  (v.  30) :  men  are  to  have  as  food  the  seed 
and  fruit  of  plants ;  terrestrial  animals  and  birds  are  to  have  the  leaves. 
The  food  of  men  and  animals  is  thus  part  of  a  Divine  order.  The 
details  are  however  given  in  only  the  broadest  outline ;  nothing  for 
instance  is  said  respecting  the  food  of  aquatic  animals,  or  of  milk  and 
honey ;  the  aim  of  the  verse  is  simply  to  define,  with  reference  to 
u  11  f.,  how  the  different  kinds  of  plants  there  mentioned  may  be 
utilized  for  food. 

29.  for  meat.  For  food.  'Meat'  in  Old  English  was  not  re- 
stricted, as  it  is  with  us,  to  the  flesh  of  animals ;  it  meant  food  in 
general.  The  archaism  has  been  sometimes  elsewhere  retained  in  KV., 
as  1  K.  xix.  8  ;  Ps.  Ixix.  21 ;  Is.  Ixii.  8  ;  Joel  i.  16. 

30.  life.     A  living  soul.     See  on  v.  20. 

^  Ovid's  description  of  the  creation  of  man  {Blet.  i.  76  ff.)  is  worth  quoting: — 
'Sanctius  his  animal  mentisque  capacius  altae  Deerat  adhuc,  et  quod  dominari  in 
caetera  posset.. ..Finxit  in  efiQgiem  moderantum  cuncta  deorum.  Pronaque  quum 
spectent  animalia  caetera  terrain,  Os  homini  sublime  dedit ;  caelumque  videre 
luBsit,  et  ereotoB  ad  sidera  tollere  vultus.' 


1. 30,  31— 11.  I,  ^]     THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  17 

/  have  given  every  green  herb  for  meat :  and  it  was  so.    31  And  P 
God  saw  every  thing  that  he  had  made,  and,  behold,  it  was  very 
good.    And  there  was  evening  and  there  was  morning,  the  sixth 
day. 

II.  1  And  the  heaven  and  the  earth  were  finished,  and  all 
the  host  of  them.    2  And  on  the  seventh  day  God  finished  his 

every  green  herb  for  meat.    Eather,  all  the  green  of  herbs  (i.e. 

the  leaves) /or  food. 

The  condition  of  things  presupposed  in  v.  30  is  inconsistent  with 
the  evidence  of  palaeontology,  which  makes  it  certain  that  carnivorous 
animals  existed  upon  the  earth  long  before  the  appearance  of  man,  and 
that  these  '  preyed  upon  one  another,  precisely  as  the  same  species  or 
their  successors  do  now.'  The  truth  is,  the  writer  portrays  an  ideal. 
'Animal  food  can  only  be  had  at  the  cost  of  animal  life,  and  the' 
taking  of  animal  life  seemed  to  him  to  be  a  breach  of  the  Divine  order, 
which  from  the  beginning  provides  only  for  the  continuance  and  main- 
tenance of  hfe'  (Perowne,  Expositor,  Feb.  1891,  p.  129).  Hence  he 
represents  both  men  and  animals  as  subsisting  at  first  only  on  vegetable 
food  (animal  food,  according  to  the  same  writer,  is  first  permitted  to 
man  in  ix.  2)'. 

31.  The  closing  verdict  on  the  entire  work  of  creation.  The  work 
of  each  particular  day  is  good  :  the  combination  of  works,  each  dis- 
charging rightly  its  own  function,  and  at  the  same  time  harmonizing  as 
it  should  do  with  the  rest,  is  characterized  as  very  good.  As  has 
been  remarked,  a  note  of  Divine  satisfaction  runs  through  the  whole 
narrative,  and  it  reaches  its  climax  here  ;  but  the  severe  simplicity  and 
self-control  of  the  writen  does  not  allow  it  to  find  any  stronger  ex- 
pression than  this.  Contrast  the  more  exuberant  tone  of  Ps.  civ.  31. 
Cf.  1  Tim.  iv.  4  ('  for  every  creature  of  God  is  good,'  &c.). 

II.  1—3.     The  Seventh  Day.     The  rest  of  God. 

1.  host.  The  word  means  an  army  (xxi.  22  &c.) ;  and  the  ex- 
pression 'host  of  heaven'  occurs  fi-equently,  denoting  sometimes  the 
stars  (Dt.  iv.  19),  sometimes  the  angels  (1  K.  xxii.  19),  both  being 
conceived  as  forming  an  organized  and  disciplined  body.  The  term  is 
used  here,  exceptionally,  with  reference  to  the  earth,  by  a  species  of 
attraction.  The  '  host '  of  heaven  and  earth  means  all  the  component 
items  of  which  they  consist, — whether  mentioned  expressly  or  not  in 
eh.  i., — conceived  as  constituting  an  organized  whole. 

2.  finished.  The 'finishing' is  regarded  as  a  separate,  substantive 
act,  and  assigned  accordingly  to  a  separate  day  :  God  formally  brought 
His  work  to  its  close  by  not  continuing  it  on  the  seventh  day,  as  He 
had  done  on  each  of  the  preceding  days. 

^  The  idea  that  in  the  'Golden  Age'  the  first  men  lived  only  on  vegetable  food  ia 
found  also  in  classical  writers:  see  e.g.  Plato,  Legg.  vi.  782c;  Ovid,  Met.  i.  103 — 6, 
XV.  96—103,  Fasti  iv.  395  ff. 

D.  2 


18  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ii.  2,  3 

work  which  he  had  made ;  and  he  rested  on  the  seventh  day  P 
from  all  his  work  which  he  had  made.    3  And  God  blessed  the 
seventh  day,  and  hallowed  it :  because  that  in  it  he  rested  from 
all  his  work  which  God  had  created  and  made. 

his  work  which  he  had  made  [twice].  Better,  Ms  business  which 
he  had  done, — i.e.  the  work  of  creation  which  He  had  set  Himself. 
M^ldchdh  means  work  appointed,  or  imposed  (e.g.  Nu.  iv.  3) ;  it  is  the 
word  used  regularly  of  the  'work'  or  'business'  forbidden  on  the 
sabbath  (Ex.  xx.  9,  10,  xxxv.  2  ;  Jer.  xvii.  22,  24,  al). 

rested.  Better,  desisted.  Shdbath  means  (see  viii.  22  ;  Is.  xiv.  4) 
to  desist,  cease  (cf.  Arab,  sabata,  to  cut  off,  interrupt) :  so  that  what 
the  verse  predicates  of  God  is  not  the  positive  'rest'  of  relaxation 
(Heb.  nUah)  but  the  negative  '  cessation '  from  activity'.  The  former 
idea  is  however  found  elsewhere  in  the  same  connexion,  as  in  the 
Decalogue  (Ex.  xx.  11),  'and  rested  on  the  seventh  day,'  and  Ex.  xxxi.  17 
(P),  'and  on  the  seventh  day  he  desisted  and  was  refreshed  [lit.  took 
breath].'  In  the  verb  used  (shdbath)  there  is  an  evident  allusion  to 
the  '  sabbath '  (properly  shabbdth). 

3.  blessed... and  hallowed  it.  Distinguished  it  from  ordinary  days 
(Sir.  xxxiii.  7 — 9),  by  attaching  special  blessings  to  its  observance, 
and  by  setting  it  apart  for  holy  uses.  Cf.  Ex.  xx.  8,  11^;  Jer.  xvii. 
22,  24,  27 ;  Is.  Iviii.  13.  The  remark  is  made  in  view  of  the  later 
institution  of  the  sabbath  (Ex.  xx.  8 — 11  &c.)  as  a  day  sacred  to 
Jehovah ;  for  there  is  no  indication  or  hint  of  its  being  observed  as 
such  in  pre-Mosaic  times. 

because  that  in  it  he  desisted  from  all  his  business,  in  doing 
which  God  had  created,  i.e.  which  he  had  creatively  done.  The  ex- 
pression characterizes  God's  work  as  a  creative  work. 

The  formula  which  marks  the  close  of  each  of  the  first  six  days  is 
absent  in  the  case  of  the  seventh  day  :  and  hence  it  has  been  sometimes 
supposed  that  the  'rest'  of  the  seventh  day  was  to  be  regarded  as  ex- 
tending indefinitely  through  the  whole  of  history.  It  is  doubtful  however 
whether  this  view  is  correct.  The  '  day,'  to  which  in  v.  2  the  '  rest '  is 
distinctly  assigned,  will  be  understood  naturally  in  the  same  sense  as 
in  the  case  of  the  six  preceding  '  days,'  and  the  work  from  which  God 
is  represented  as  'resting'  or  'desisting'  is  not  work  in  general,  but 
only  creatine  work.  The  idea  of  the  writer  seems  to  have  been  that 
God's  sabbath  intervened  between  the  close  of  His  work  of  creation 
and  the  commencement  of  what,  in  modern  phraseology,  is  usually 
termed  His  sustaining  providence.  The  sabbath  by  which  God  is  said 
to  have  closed  His  work  of  creation  is  thus  a  type  of  the  weekly 
recurring  sabbath  of  the  later  Israelites.  The  truth  that  God's 
sustaining  providence  is  operative  on  the  sabbath,  not  less  than  on 

1  Cf.  Ex.  xxiii.  12  (E) '  On  the  seventh  day  thou  ebalt  desist,  that  thy  ox  and  thy 
ass  may  re&t,  and  the  son  of  thy  bondwoman,  and  thy  sojourner  [resident  foreigner], 
may  be  refreshed  [lit.  may  take  breath] ' ;  xxxiv.  21  (both  times  ♦  desist '). 


IT.  4]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  19 

4  These  are  the  generations  of  the  heaven  and  of  the  earth  p 
when  they  were  created, 

other  days  (Jn.  v.  17),  is  of  course  tacitly  presupposed  by  the  writer, 
but  he  does  not  explicitly  refer  to  it. — See  further  on  the  Sabbath 
p.  34f. 

4*.  These  are... created.  The  subscription  to  the  preceding  nar- 
rative,— supposed  by  many  critics  to  have  originally  stood,  perhaps 
without  'when  they  were  created,'  as  the  superscription  to  i.  1,  and  to 
have  been  transferred  here  by  the  compiler  of  the  book\  See  further 
the  Introd.  pp.  ii,  vi,  viii  (No.  9). 

generations.  Lit.  begettings  (quite  a  different  word  from  the  one 
used  in  xvii.  7,  9,  &c,) ;  hence  (successive)  generations,  especially  as 
arranged  in  a  genealogy  (v.  1,  x.  1,  xi.  10),  also,  somewhat  more 
generally,  particulars  about  a  man  and  his  descendants  (vi.  9,  xi.  27, 
Kxv.  19).  Here  the  word  is  applied  metaphorically  to  'heaven  and 
earth ' ;  and  it  will  denote,  by  analogy,  particulars  respecting  heaven 
and  earth  and  the  things  which  might  be  regarded  metaphorically  as 
proceeding  from  them, — i.e.  just  the  contents  of  ch.  i. 

The  student  should  examine,  and  compare  with  the  preceding  narrative, 
other  passages  of  Scripture  containing  tlioughts  or  lessons  suggested  by  the 
religious  contemplation  of  nature :  for  instance,  Am.  iv.  13,  v.  8,  ix.  6 ;  Jer. 
xxxii.  17  ;  ii  Isaiah  xl.  12—14,  21—2,  26,  28,  xlii.  5,  xlv,  7, 12,  18  ;  Jer.  x.  12  f.; 
Ps.  viii.,  xix.  1 — 6,  xxxiii.  6 — 9,  cii.  25,  civ.  (the  *  Poem  of  Creation '),  cxxxvi. 
5 — 9,  cxlviii. ;  Pr,  iii.  19  f.,  viii.  22—31  ;  Job  ix.  8  f.,  xxvi.  .5 — 13,  and  especially 
the  two  magnificent  chapters,  xxxviii. — xxxix. ;  Wisd.  xiii.  3 — 5;  Jn.  i.  1 — 5; 
Rom.  i.  20 ;  Col.  i.  16 ;  Heb.  i.  2,  3,  xi.  3 ;  Rev.  iv.  11. 


The  Cosmogony  of  Genesis^. 

It  remains  to  consider  some  important  questions  to  which  the  cosmogony 
which  we  have  just  been  studying  gives  rise.  We  have  to  ask,  namely, 
(i)  Does  the  picture  which  it  affin-ds  of  the  past  history  of  the  world  agree 
with  that  which  is  disclosed  by  science  1  (ii)  What  is  the  origin  of  the 
cosmogony?  and  (iii)  What  is  its  true  value  and  import  to  us? 

(i)  Those  who  have  read  Pearson  On  t1ie  Creed  may  remember  how  at  the 
end  of  his  exposition  of  Art.  i.  (fol.  68)  he  says  that  heaven  and  earth  were  created 
'  most  certainly  within  not  more  than  six,  or  at  farthest  seven,  thousand  years,' 
from  the  age  in  which  he  was  writing.  That  was  the  17tli  century.  But  since 
Pearson's  time  geology  has  become  a  science,  and  has  disclosed,  by  testimony 

1  '  These '  may  point  indifferently  forwards  (as  x.  1)  or  backwards  (as  x.  32) ; 
but  the  corresponding  formula  stands  everywhere  else  as  the  superscription  to  the 
section  which  follows  (see  v.  1,  vi.  9,  x.  1,  xi.  10,  27,  &c.). 

2  The  following  pages  are  adapted  in  the  main,  with  some  abridgment,  from  an 
article  contributed  by  the  present  writer  to  the  Exjjositor,  Jan.  1886,  PP-  23 — 45. 

2-2 


20  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

which  cannot  be  gainsaid,  the  immense  antiquity  of  the  earth.  The  earth,  as 
we  now  know,  reached  its  present  state,  and  acquired  its  rich  and  wondrous 
adornment  of  vegetable  and  animal  life,  by  a  gradual  process,  extending  over 
countless  centuries,  and  embracing  unnumbered  generations  of  living  forms. 
Those  white  cliffs  which  rise  out  of  the  sea  on  our  southern  coasts,  when 
examined  by  the  microscope,  are  seen  to  consist  mostly  of  the  minute  shells  of 
marine  organisms,  deposited  at  the  rate  of  a  few  inches  a  century  at  the  bottom 
of  the  ocean,  and  afterwards,  by  some  great  upheaval  of  the  earth's  crust,  lifted 
high  above  the  waves ^.  Our  coal  measures  are  the  remains  of  mighty  forests, 
which  have  slowly  come  and  gone  upon  certain  parts  of  the  earth's  surface, 
and  have  stored  up  the  energy,  poured  forth  during  long  ages  from  the  sun, 
for  our  consumption  and  enjoyment^.  These  and  other  formations  contain 
moreover  numerous  fossil  remains ;  and  so  geologists  have  been  able  to 
determine  the  order  in  which,  during  the  slowly  passing  ages  of  their  growth, 
higher  and  higher  types  of  vegetable  and  animal  life  were  ever  appearing  upon 
the  globe.  Nor  is  this  all.  Astronomers,  by  the  study  and  comparison  of  the 
heavenly  bodies,  have  risen  to  the  conception  of  a  theory  explaining,  by  the  aid 
of  known  mechanical  and  physical  principles,  the  formation  of  the  earth  itself. 
The  solar  system — i.e.  the  sun,  earth,  and  other  planets  with  their  satellites — 
existed  once  as  a  diffused  gaseous  mass,  or  nebula,  of  immense  dimensions, 
which  gradually  condensed,  and  became  a  rotating  sphere ;  and  from  this  in 
succession  the  different  planets  were  flung  off,  while  the  remainder  was  more 
and  more  concentrated  till  it  became  what  we  call  the  sun.  One  of  these 
planets,  the  earth,  in  process  of  time,  by  reduction  of  temperature  and  other 
changes,  developed  the  conditions  adequate  for  the  support  of  life^.  The  time 
occupied  by  all  these  processes  cannot  of  course  be  estimated  with  any 
precision ;  but  it  will  in  any  case  have  embraced  millions  of  years :  a  recent 
work  on  astronomy  places  the  time  at  which  the  moon  was  thus  flung  off  from 
the  then  liquid  earth,  at  about  57,000,000  years  ago*. 

Is  now  the  teaching  of  geology  and  astronomy  on  the  subjects  referred  to 
in  the  preceding  paragraph  consistent  with  what  we  read  in  Gen.  i.  ? 

Obviously  it  is  not  consistent  with  it,  if  by  'day'  is  meant  a  period  of 
24  hours.  It  is,  however,  conceivable  that  the  writer,  in  spite  of  his  regular 
mention  of  'evening'  and  'morning,'  may  have  used  the  word  in  a  figurative 
sense,  as  representing  a  period,  aware  indeed  that  the  work  of  the  Creator 
could  not  be  measured  by  human  standards,  but  at  the  same  time  desirous  of 
artificially  accommodating  it  to  the  period  of  the  week.  Let  us,  now,  at  least 
provisionally,  grant  this  metaphorical  use  of  the  term  'day':  the  following 
questions  will  then  arise.  Do  the  'days'  of  Genesis  correspond  with  well- 
defined  geological  periods  ?  and  does  the  order  in  which  the  different  living 
things  and  the  heavenly  bodies  are  stated  to  have  been  created  agree  with  the 

^  See  Huxley's  striking  lecture  'On  a  Piece  of  Chalk'  in  his  Lay  Sermons  (re- 
printed in  his  Collected  Essays,  vol.  viii.). 

*  Comp.  two  fine  passages  on  the  '  Slowness  of  the  Creative  Process '  in 
Pritchard's  Analogies  in  the  Progress  of  Nature  and  Grace,  1868  (the  Hulsean 
Lectures  for  1867),  pp.  11  ff.,  19  iff.;  also  Bonney's  Old  Trutlis  in  Modern  Lights, 
p.  89  ff. 

8  See  Sir  R.  S.  Ball's  The  Earth's  Beginnings  (1901),  esp.  p.  246  ff. 

«  Prof.  H.  H.  Turner,  Modern  Astronomy  (1901),  p.  277. 


THE  COSMOGONY  OF  GENESIS 


21 


facts  of  geology  and  astrouomy  ?  To  both  these  questions  candour  compels 
the  answer,  No.  Here  is  a  table  of  the  succession  of  life  upon  the  globe,  taken 
(with  some  modification  of  form)  from  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson's  Chain  of  Life  in 
Geological  Time^ : — 


Eozoio 


1.  Laurentian. 

2.  Huroniau. 

3.  Cambrian. 

4.  Silurian. 

5.  Devonian. 


Palaeozoic 


H 


6.   Carboniferous. 


7.  Permian. 


Mesozoic 


Cainozoic 


'  8.  Triassio. 

9.  Jurassic. 

.10.  Cretaceous. 

11.  Tertiary. 

1 12.  Post-Tertiary. 


ANIMAL   LKIS. 

Eozoon  Ganadense^. 

Age  of  Protozoa  (low- 
liest marine  animals). 

Invertebrata :  Age  of 
molhisks,  corals,  and 
crustaceans.  In  4 
fishes  begin. 

Fishes  abundant  (bat 
no  modern  species). 

Earliest  insects*. 

Amphibians  begin  (spe- 
cies allied  to  frogs, 
newts,  and  water - 
lizards,  some  of  the 
last  large  crocodile- 
like creatures). 

Insects  (spiders,  beetles, 
cockroaches,  &c.). 

Earliest  true  reptiles. 

Earliest  mari:upial 

mammals. 

Age  of  monster  reptiles 
and  of  birds. 

Age  of  extinct  mam- 
mals. First  living 
invertebrates. 

Age  of  modern  viam- 
nials  and  man. 


VEGETABIiE    LIFE. 

Doubtful  3. 

Indications  of  plants 
not  determinable. 

Marine  plants  (sea- 
weeds, &c.). 

Earhest  land  plants. 


Coal  plants ;  chiefly 
tree-ferns  and  large 
mosses  (flowerless 
plants),  pines,  and 
cycads. 


Earliest  modern  trees. 


Age  of  palms  and  dicoty- 
ledonous Angiosperms. 


The  earliest  organic  forms  appear  in  the  remains  belonging  to  the  period 
first  named,  marked,  as  its  name  implies,  by  the  '  dawn  of  life.' 

In  Genesis  the  order  is  : — 

Third  Day.     Grass,  herbs  (i.e.  vegetation  more  generally),  trees. 

(Fourth  Day. — Luminaries.) 

Fifth  Day. — Aquatic  animals,  both  small  (yw,  'swarming  things')  and 
great  (D''3^3n,  'sea-monsters'),  and  winged  creatures  (birds;  also  probably 
such  insects  as  usually  appear  on  the  wing). 

Sixth  Day. — Land  animals,  both  domesticable  and  wild,  and  creeping 
things  (small  reptiles;  perhaps  also  creeping  insects).     Man. 

The  two  series  are  evidently  at  variance.  (1)  The  geological  record  con- 
tains no  evidence  of  clearly  defined  periods,  such  as  (ex  hyp.)  are  represented 


1  Ed.  3  (1888).  See  the  Table  opposite  to  p.  1;  and  (on  No.  6)  pp.  142—157. 
Cf.  the  same  writer's  Relics  of  Primaeval  Life  (1897),  p.  2. 

^  If  this  be  of  organic  origin,  a  question  on  which  geologists  still  differ.  Comp. 
Geikie's  Text  Book  of  Geology  (1893),  p.  694  f.;  Bonney,  Geol.  Mag.  1895,  p.  292. 

^  Perhaps  to  be  assumed  from  the  large  quantity  of  graphite  (carbon)  present  in 
these  rocks  :  see  Geikie,  p.  696,  with  note  1 ;  Prestwich,  Geology  (1888),  ii.  21  f. 

*  E.g.  a  kind  of  May-fly,  as  well  as  other  forms  (Chain  of  Life,  p.  139  ff.). 


22  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

by  the  *  days '  of  Genesis.  This,  however,  may  perhaps  be  considered  a  minoi 
discrepancy.  (2)  In  Genesis  vegetation  is  complete  two  'days,' — i.e.  two 
periods, — before  animal  life  appears :  geology  shews  that  they  appear 
simultaneously — even  if  animal  life  does  not  appear  first.  The  two  are  found 
side  by  side  in  humble  forms;  and  they  continue  side  by  side,  advancing 
gradually  till  the  higher  and  more  complete  types  are  reached  :  one  does  not 
appear  long  before  the  other.  (3)  In  Genesis  fishes  and  birds  appear  together 
(Fifth  Day),  and  precede  all  land-animals  (Sixth  Day);  according  to  the 
evidence  of  geology,  birds  appear  long  after  fishes,  and  they  are  preceded  by 
numerous  species  of  land-animals  (including  in  particular  '  creeping  things '). 

The  second  and  third  of  these  discrepancies  are  formidable.  To  remove 
them,  harmonists  have  had  recourse  to  different  expedients,  of  which  the 
following  are  the  principal. 

(1)  It  has  been  supposed  that  the  main  description  in  Genesis  does  not 
relate  to  the  geological  periods  at  all,  that  room  is  left  for  these  periods 
between  v.  1  and  c.  2,  that  the  life  which  then  flourished  upon  the  earth  was 
brought  to  an  end  by  a  catastrophe  the  results  of  which  are  alluded  to  in  v.  2, 
and  that  what  follows  is  the  description  of  a  second  creation,  immediately 
preceding  the  appearance  of  man.  This,  implying"  as  It  does  a  destruction  and 
subsequent  restoration,  is  called  the  '  restitution-hypothesis.'  It  labours  under 
most  serious  difiiculties.  The  assumption  of  an  interval  between  v.  1  and  v.  2, 
wide  enough  to  embrace  the  whole  of  geological  time,  though  in  the 
abstract  exegetically  admissible,  is  contrary  to  the  general  tenor  of  the 
opening  verses  of  the  narrative ;  the  existence  of  the  earth,  together  with  the 
whole  flora  and  fauna  of  the  geological  periods,  prior  to  the  creation  of  hght 
and  formation  of  the  sun  is  scientifically  incredible ;  and  the  existing  species 
of  plants  and  animals  are  so  closely  related  to  those  which  immediately 
preceded  man,  that  the  assumption  of  an  intervening  period  of  chaos  and  ruin 
is  in  the  last  degree  improbable.  Arbitrary  in  itself,  and  banned  by  science, 
the  restitution-hypothesis,  though  advocated  in  the  last  century  by  Kurtz  and 
Dr  Chalmers,  has  otherwise  been  seldom  adopted  by  modern  apologists. 

(2)  The  vision-theory.  Upon  this  view  the  narrative  is  not  meant  to 
describe  the  actual  succession  of  events,  but  is  the  description  of  a  series  of 
visions,  presented  prophetically  to  the  narrator's  mental  eye,  and  representing 
not  the  first  appearance  of  each  species  of  life  upon  the  globe,  but  its 
maximum  development  The  *  drama  of  creation,'  it  is  said,  is  described  not 
as  it  was  enacted  historically,  but  optically,  as  it  would  present  itself  to  a 
spectator,  in  a  series  of  pictures,  or  tableaux,  embodying  the  most  character- 
istic and  conspicuous  feature  of  each  period,  and,  as  it  were,  summarizing  in 
miniature  its  results.  The  Third  Day  is  identified  with  the  Carboniferous 
period  (No.  6  in  the  Table),  the  marine  Ufe  of  the  preceding  periods,  copious 
though  it  was,  being  supposed  to  be  not  visible  in  the  tableaux,  and  con- 
sequently disregarded.  This  theory  was  attractively  expounded  in  Hugh 
Millei-'s  Testimony  of  the  Rocks  (1857),  a  work  which  was  for  many  years 
extremely  popular  in  this  country.  The  objections  to  it  are  enumerated  by 
Delitzschl     The  revelation  of  the  miknown  past  to  a  historian,  or  even  to 


1  Covim.  iiber  die  Genesis,  ed.  4  (1872),  p.  18  f. 


THE  COSMOGONY  OF  GENESIS  23 

a  prophet,  by  means  of  a  vision,  is  unexampled  in  the  OT.,  and  out  of  analogy 
with  the  character  and  objects  of  prophecy ;  the  narrative  contains  no  indica- 
tion of  its  being  the  relation  of  a  vision  (which  in  other  cases  is  regularly  noted, 
e.g.  Am.  vii. — ix.;  Is.  vi.;  Ez.  i.  &c.);  it  purports  to  describe  not  appearances 
(^And  I  saw,  and  behold...'),  but  facts  Q Let  the  earth... And  it  was  so'),  and 
to  substitute  one  for  the  other  is  consequently  illegitimate ;  the  resemblances 
between  Gen.  i.  and  other  cosmogonies — especially  the  Babylonian — shew  that 
the  writer  has  before  him  'not  a  vision,  but  a  tradition.'  There  is  also  the 
material  difficulty  that,  while  marine  animals,  small  as  well  as  great,  were  not 
hidden  from  view  in  the  tableau  of  the  Fifth  Day,  the  fishes  so  characteristic 
of  the  Devonian  period  (which  precedes  th^  Carboniferous  period)  are  not 
described :  in  accordance  with  the  hypothesis  itself,  these  should  have  been 
noticed  before  the  vegetation  of  the  Third  Day.  Indeed  this  last  difficulty 
may  be  stated  more  generally:  if  the  past  was  expressly  revealed  in  the  form 
of  a  vision,  is  it  likely  that  the  picture  as  a  whole  would  be  so  widely  different 
from  the  reality  as  it  unquestionably  is  ? 

(3)  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  \  a  distinguished  Canadian  geologist  of  the  last 
century,  rejecting  (p.  193)  the  hypothesis  of  Hugh  Miller,  as  Hugh  Miller 
before  him  had  rejected  that  of  Kurtz,  adopted  another  method  of  reconcilia- 
tion, assigning  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Palaeozoic  and  Mesozoic  periods  (Nos.  4 
to  9  in  the  Table)  to  tho  Fifth  Day,  and  supposing  Nos.  2  and  3  to  contain  such 
relics  as  survive  of  the  work  of  the  Third  Day.  The  objections  to  this  scheme 
are :  (a)  it  brings  together  fishes  and  birds,  which  neverthelcos  are  in  reality 
widely  separated  (Nos.  4  and  9  in  the  Table) ;  (&)  Genesis  places  the  appear- 
ance of  'creeping  things'  on  the  Sixth  Day  (Nos.  11  and  12),  while  in  fact  they 
appear  in  what  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  assigns  to  the  Fifth  Day  (Nos.  6  and  7)^ ; 
(c)  in  Genesis  vegetation,  including  trees,  is  complete  on  the  Third  Day 
(Nos.  2  and  3),  whereas  prior  to  the  Silurian  period  (No.  4)  nothing  but  the 
humblest  forms  of  marine  vegetation  is  observable.  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  is 
conscious  of  the  last  difficulty;  and  he  allows  that  the  existence  before  the 
Siku-ian  period  of  vegetation  that  would  satisfy  the  language  of  Genesis  awaits 
proof.  He  is  sanguine  himself  that  in  time  this  proof  may  be  forthcoming;  but 
the  fact  that  vegetable  life  is  admitted  to  have  advanced  progressively  from 
lower  to  higher  forms  is  not  favourable  to  the  expectation,  and  it  is  certain 
that  no  other  geologist  shares  it^. 

^  Origin  of  the  World  according  to  Revelation  and  Science^  (1886),  pp.  192 — 5. 

2  To  escape  this  difficulty  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  (Expositor,  Apr.  1886,  p.  297) 
limits  remes  (see  on  i.  24)  to  '  small  quadrupeds ' ;  but  the  limitation  is  arbitrary ; 
for  it  is  impossible  to  exclude  reptiles  from  the  expression. 

2  The  harmony  represented  as  existing  between  Gen.  i.  and  science,  in  the 
Table  facing  p.  1  of  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson's  Modern  Science  in  Bible  Lands^  (1895)  is 
purely  illusory:  'vegetation,'  for  instance,  in  the  Biblical  column  means  entirely 
land-plants,  whereas  the  '  Protogens  in  graphite  beds '  which  correspond  ostensibly 
in  the  column  headed  '  Vegetable  life '  consist  entirely  of  marine  plants,  to  the 
exclusion  of  land-plants ;  and  reptiles  actually  appear  long  before  birds,  not 
simultaneously  with  them,  as  they  are  represented  as  doing  in  the  column  headed 
'Animal  life.'  The  Table  on  p.  353  of  the  Oripin  of  the  >  arid  is  illusory  also  upon 
similar  grounds.     Comp.  the  note  on  p.  26  in  the  Addenda. 

The  reader  of  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson's  works  should  be  aware  that  his  statements  on 
Biblical  matters,  especially  where  questions  relating  to  science  or  criticism  are 
involved,  are  to  be  received  with  much  caution  and  distrust. 


24  THE  BOOK   OP  GENESIS 

(4)  Professor  Dana*,  accepting  the  nebular  hypothesis  of  the  origin  of  the 
solar  system,  begins  by  seeking  to  accommodate  it  to  the  first  five  verses  of 
Gen.  i.  Accordingly,  following  substantially  Prof.  Guyot^,  he  considers  that  the 
terms  'earth '  and  'waters'  in  r.  2  do  not  denote  anything  which  we  should  call 
by  those  names,  but  matter  in  that  unimaginable  condition  in  which  it  was  not 
yet  endowed  with  force  or  the  power  of  molecular  action  :  the  creation  of 
'  light '  {v.  3)  was  in  reality  the  endowment  of  this  '  inert '  matter  with  these 
capacities ;  vv.  6 — 8  (the  Second  Day)  describe  the  making  of  the  earth, 
'water'  there  not  denoting  what  the  Hebrews  knew  as  water,  but  the 
attenuated  substance  of  the  universe,  while  yet  diffused,  in  a  nebulous  or 
vaporous  form,  through  space,  and  v.  7  describing  the  separation  of  the  earth 
from  this  diffused  matter;  and  when  it  is  said  that  on  the  Third  Day  the 
earth  brought  forth  grass,  herbs,  and  fruit-trees,  the  meaning  really  is,  that  it 
brought  forth  different  species  of  sea-weed,  and  the  lowest,  seedless  types  of 
land-vegetation  (these  being  all  the  forms  of  vegetation  which  geology  recog- 
nizes before  fishes,  which  are  assigned  by  Genesis  to  the  next  day :  see  Nos.  3, 
4  in  the  Table),  Prof.  Dana  was  a  most  eminent  geologist ;  but  the  fact  that, 
in  order  to  harmonize  the  cosmogony  of  Genesis  with  the  teachings  of  science, 
he  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  such  extraordinary  and  unnatural  interpre- 
tations of  the  words  of  Genesis,  is  the  best  proof  that  the  two  are  in  reality 
irreconcilable  3. 

So  much  for  the  geological  difficulties  of  the  cosmogony  of  Genesis.  Let 
us  now  consider  the  astronomical  difficulties  presented  by  it.  (1)  The  creation 
of  the  sun,  moon,  and  8tars°*after  the  earth.  The  formation  of  the  heavenly 
bodies  after  the  earth  is  inconsistent  with  the  entire  conception  of  the  solar 
system — and  indeed,  if  we  think  also  of  the  stars,  with  that  of  the  whole 

*  In  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra,  April,  1885,  p.  201  ff. 

*  Creation  (1884),  p.  36 :  '  The  Heb.  word  maim  does  not  necessarily  mean 
waters,  but  applies  as  well  to  a  gaseous  atmosphere'  (1).  And  'earth '  is  similarly 
explained  as  denoting  (pp.  35,  38)  a  formless  sphere  of  gas — the  'primordial  cosmic 
material,'  out  of  which  the  universe  was  ultimately  formed. 

The  solution  of  the  discrepancies  proposed  recently  by  Mr  Capron  {The  Conjiict 
of  Truth,  1901,  pp.  170  &.,  194),  viz.  that  the  text  speaks  only  of  the  order  in  which 
the  creative  words  were  uttered,  not  of  that  in  which  the  resulting  effects  were 
produced,  yields  a  sense  which  is  contrary  to  the  obvious  intention  of  the  writer. 
Mr  Capron  argues  also  (p.  205  ff.)  that  by  'earth'  and  'water'  in  Gen.  i.  1,  2 
is  denoted  gaseous  matter ;  but  the  sense  which  he  supposes  to  be  expressed  by 
these  two  verses  (pp.  136  ff.,  213)  is  not  credible  {v.  2  'And  matter  was  then  in 
a  gaseous  condition;  for  it  was  formless,  homogeneous,  and  invisible,  and  the 
Spirit  of  the  Almighty  agitated  with  molecular  vibrations  the  fluid  mass '). 

*  When  therefore  Prof.  Dana's  authority  is  quoted  for  the  opinion  that  Gen  i.  is 
in  harmony  with  science,  it  must  be  carefully  remembered  how  this  harmony  was 
obtained  by  him,  viz.  by  imposing  upon  the  words  of  Genesis  meanings  which  it  is 
simply  impossible  that  they  can  ever  have  been  intended  to  convey. 

See  further,  on  Prof.  Dana's  theory  of  reconciliation,  the  critique  of  the 
present  writer  in  the  Andover  (U.S.A.)  Review,  Dec.  1887,  pp.  641 — 9;  and 
President  Morton's  articles  referred  to  below  (p.  33).  Comp.  also  Prof.  T.  G. 
Bonney  at  the  Norwich  Church  Congress  {Report  of  the  Norwich  Church  Congress, 
p.  311;  or  in  the  Guardian,  Oct.  16,  1895,  p.  1588):  'The  story  of  Creation  in 
Genesis,  unless  we  play  fast  and  loose  either  with  words  or  with  science,  cannot 
be  brought  into  harmony  with  what  we  have  learnt  from  geology.'  Canon  Bonney 
permits  the  writer  to  add  that  the  statements  on  geological  subjectfi  contained  in 
the  preceding  pages  are  in  his  opinion  correct.    [See  further  the  Addenda,"] 


THE  COSMOGONY  OF  GENESIS  25 

celestial  universe — as  revealed  by  science.  Both  the  stars  in  their  far-distant 
courses,  and  the  planetary  system  with  which  this  globe  is  more  intimately 
connected,  form  a  vast  and  wonderfully  constituted  order,  so  marked  by 
correlation  of  structure,  by  identity  of  component  elements  (as  revealed  by  the 
spectroscope),  and  by  unity  of  design,  as  to  forbid  the  supposition  that  a 
particular  body  (the  earth)  was  created  prior  to  the  whole,  of  which  it  is 
a  single  and  subordinate  part.  (2)  The  commonly  accepted  theory  (Laplace's) 
of  the  formation  of  the  solar  system  by  the  gradual  condensation  of  a  nebula, 
does  not  permit  the  consolidation  of  the  earth,  the  appearance  upon  it  of  water, 
and  the  growth  of  vegetation,  before  the  sun  was  'made,'  i.e.  while  the  substance 
of  the  sun  was  still  in  a  diffused  gaseous  state.  At  such  a  period,  it  is  doubtful 
if  the  earth  itself  would  not  also  have  been  in  a  gaseous  state ;  certainly,  it 
would  not  have  cooled  sufficiently  for  water  to  exist  upon  it,  and  trees  to 
grow^  The  solution  usually  offered  of  these  difficulties  is  that  he  in  v.  14 
means  appear,  and  made  in  v.  16  means  woi  formed,  but  either  (Dana)  made  to 
appear,  or  (Dawson)  appointed,  viz.  to  their  office  and  work :  the  luminaries, 
it  is  argued,  may  thus  have  existed  long  previously,  but  it  was  only  on  the 
Fourth  Day  that  they  *  appeared '  (the  thick  vapour  around  the  earth  having 
previously  concealed  them),  and  were  *  appointed '  to  the  functions  enumerated 
in  vv.  14 — 18,  But  this  explanation  is  quite  untenable.  Hebrew  is  not  such 
a  poverty-stricken  language  as  to  have  no  word  expressing  the  idea  of  'appear ' 
(see  V.  9) ;  and  had  the  writer  intended  '  appear,'  it  may  be  safely  affirmed  that 
he  would  have  said  so.  The  sense  attached  to  *  made '  is  also  illegitimate  :  in 
the  very  few  passages  where  HK^y  means  appointed,  either  this  sense  is  at 
once  apparent  fi-om  the  context-,  or  the  word  is  followed  by  a  specification  of 
the  office  or  function  intended ^ ;  used  absolutely,  it  can  be  only  a  synonym  of 
'formed*.'  Verses  14 — 18  cannot  be  legitimately  interpreted  except  as  implying 
that,  in  the  conception  of  the  writer,  luminaries  had  not  previously  existed ; 
and  that  they  were  '  made,'  and  '  set '  in  their  places  in  the  heavens,  after  the 
separation  of  sea  and  land,  and  the  appearance  of  vegetation  upon  the  earth 
{vv.  6 — 8,  9 — 13),  No  reconciliation  of  this  representation  with  the  data  of 
science  has  as  yet  been  found. 

One  discrepancy  more,  of  a  different  kind,  remains  still  to  be  noticed. 
From  the  injunction  in  v.  30  it  is  a  legitimate  inference  that  the  narrator 
considered  the  original  condition  of  animals  to  be  one  in  which  they  subsisted 
solely  on  vegetable  food.  This  is  not  merely  inconsistent  with  the  physical 
structure  of  many  animals  (\vhich  is  such  as  to  require  animal  food),  but  is 

^  Cf.  Prof.  Pritchard,  late  Savilian  Professor  of  Astronomy  at  Oxford,  Expositor, 
Jan.  1891,  p.  49  f. :  'The  existence  of  water  [on  the  earth]  before  the  concentration 
of  the  sun  into  the  form  of  a  sun  is  inconceivable  with  a  competent  knowledge  of 
the  facts  of  nature.  So  too  is  the  existence  of  grass  and  fruit  trees,  antecedent  to 
the  same,  or  even  under  the  condition  of  the  invisibility  of  the  sun  as  a  sun '  (cf. 
p.  53).     To  the  same  effect,  Occasional  Notes  oj  an  Astronomer,  p.  262  f. 

^  As,  'He  made  priests  from  among  all  the  people'  (1  K.  xii.  31) ;  2  S.  xv.  1 
and  1  K.  i.  5  (where  'prepared'  is  lit.  made);  2  K.  xxi.  6  (EVm.)-  But  really  in 
these  passages  'made'  means  more  than  'appointed';  it  means  institute'!, 
organized,  i.e.  it  is  merely  a  metaphorical  application  of  the  proper  sense  of  'made.' 

3  As  Ps.  civ.  4 ;  1  S.  viii.  16. 

*  As  V.  26,  v.  1 ;  Am.  v.  8 ;  Job  ix.  9 ;  Ps.  cxv.  15,  and  regularly. 


26  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

contradicted  by  the  facts  of  palaeontology,  which  afford  conclusive  evidence 
that  animals  preyed  upon  one  another  long  before  the  date  of  man's  appearance 
upon  the  earth. 

From  all  that  has  been  said,  only  one  conclnsion  can  be  drawn.  Read 
without  prejudice  or  bias,  the  narrative  of  Gen.  i.  creates  an  impression 
at  variance  with  the  facts  revealed  by  science :  the  efforts  at  reconciliation 
which  have  been  reviewed  are  but  different  modes  of  obliterating  its  character- 
istic features,  and  of  reading  into  it  a  view  which  it  does  not  express.  The 
harmonistic  expedients  adopted  by  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  and  Prof  Dana  are  in 
reality  tantamount  to  the  admission  that,  understood  in  the  natural  sense  of 
the  words — and  we  have  no  right  to  impose  any  other  sense  upon  them — it 
does  not  accord  with  the  teachings  of  science.  While  fully  bearing  in  mind 
the  immediate  design  of  the  writer,  to  describe,  viz.  in  terms  intelligible  to 
the  non-scientific  mind,  how  the  earth  was  fitted  to  become  the  abode  of  man, 
it  is  impossible  not  to  feel  that,  had  he  been  acquainted  with  its  actual  past, 
he  would,  while  still  using  language  equally  simple,  equally  popular,  equally 
dignified,  have  expressed  himself  in  diflerent  terms,  and  presented  a  different 
,  picture  of  the  entire  process.  It  will  also,  further,  be  now  apparent  that  the 
I  admission,  granted  provisionally  above  (p.  20),  that  *  day '  might  be  interpreted 
as  representing  a  period,  is  of  no  avail  for  bringing  the  narrative  into  harmony 
jwith  the  teaching  of  science ;  and  that  consequently  there  is  no  occasion  to 
understand  the  word  in  any  but  its  ordinary  sense. 

(ii)  "What  then  may  we  suppose  to  have  been  the  source  of  the  cosmogony 
of  Genesis  ?  In  answering  this  question,  we  must  bear  in  mind  the  position 
wliich  the  Hebrews  took  among  the  nations  of  antiquity.  In  the  possession  of 
aptitudes  fitting  tliera  in  a  peculiar  measure  to  become  the  channel  of  revela- 
tion and  the  exponents  of  a  spiritual  religion,  the  Hebrew  nation  differed 
materially  from  its  neighbours  ;  but  it  was  allied  to  them  in  language,  it  shaded 
with  them  many  of  the  same  institutions,  the  same  ideas  and  habits  of  thought. 
Other  nations  of  antiquity  made  efforts  to  fill  the  void  in  the  past  which  begins 
where  historical  reminiscences  cease,  and  framed  theories  to  account  for  the 
beginnings  of  the  earth  and  man,  or  to  solve  the  problems  which  the  observation 
of  human  society  suggested.  It  is  but  consonant  with  analogy  to  suppose  that 
the  Hebrews  were  conscious  of  the  same  needs ;  and  either  formed  similar 
theories  for  themselves,  or  borrowed  tliose  of  their  neighbours.  Thus  many, 
perhaps  most,  nations,  where  they  had  no  knowledge  of  science  to  guide  them, 
have  given  the  reins  to  their  imagination,  and  framed  cosmogoniesK  These 
cosmogonies  reflect  partly  the  impressions  made  upon  the  nation  framing  it  by 
the  physical  world,  partly  the  general  mental  characteristics  of  the  nation, 
partly  the  conception  of  deity  current  in  it.  That  the  physical  element  in  such 
cosmogonies  was  usually  eiToneous,  and  often  grotesque,  was  a  natural  conse- 
quence of  the  ignorance  of  pliysical  science  possessed  by  those  who  constructed 
them.  The  theological  element  varied  according  as  the  conceptions  of  deity 
current  in  a  particular  nation  were  more  or  less  spiritual :  where,  for  instance, 
polytheism  prevailed,  places  had  to  be  found  in  the  process  for  the  various 
divine  beings,  and  the.  cosmogonies  consequently  became  often  thtogonies. 

*  See  particulars  in  the  art.  Cosmogony  in  the  Encycl.  Britannica,  ed.  9. 


THE  COSMOGONY  OF  GENESIS  27 

The  cosmogony  of  Genesis  seems,  in  its  arrangement,  to  have  been  deter- 
mined ultimately  by  the  observation  that  there  is  a  rank  and  order  in  natural 
products,  and  by  the  reflexion  that  one  part  of  nature  is  in  various  ways 
dependent  upon,  or  supported  by,  another. 

The  more  immediate  source  of  the  Biblical  cosmogony,  however,  there  can 
be  little  doubt,  has  been  brought  to  light  recently  from  Babylonia.  Between 
1872  and  1876  that  skilful  collector  and  decipherer  of  cuneiform  records,  the 
late  H^  George  Smith,  published,  partly  from  tablets  found  by  him  in  the 
British  Museum,  partly  from  those  which  he  had  discovered  himself  in  Assyria, 
a  number  of  inscriptions  containing,  as  he  quickly  perceived,  a  Babylonian 
account  of  Creation.  Since  that  date  other  tablets  have  come  to  light ;  and 
though  the  series  relating  to  the  Creation  is  still  incomplete,  enough  remains 
not  only  to  exhibit  clearly  the  general  scheme  of  the  Cosmogony,  but  also 
to  make  it  evident  that  the  cosmogony  of  the  Bible  is  dependent  upon  it. 
The  tablets  themselves  come  from  the  Library  of  Asshurbanipal  (668 — 626  b.c.) 
at  Kouyunjik  (Nineveh);  but  Asshurbauipal's  Library  is  known  to  have 
included  many  transcripts  of  earlier  texts ;  and  Assyriologists  entertain  no 
doubt  that  the  contents  of  the  tablets  are  much  more  ancient  than  the  7th 
cent.  B.C.,  and  are  probably  (Sayce)  as  old  as  the  22nd  or  23rd  cent.  B.o. 

There  is  no  occasion  to  give  here  a  translation  of  the  whole  of  the  tablets 
which  have  been  discovered^ ;  but  the  reader  cannot  properly  estimate  their 
bearing  upon  the  Biblical  narrative  without  having  the  characteristic  parallels 
placed  before  him,  and  being  made  acquainted  with  the  general  outline  of 
their  contents.  It  should  only  be  premised  that  some  particulars  of  the 
Babylonian  cosmogony  were  known  before  these  discoveries  from  extracts 
which  had  been  preserved  from  Berossus — a  Babylonian  priest,  who  lived 
about  300  B.C.,  and  compiled  a  work  on  Babylonian  history — and  Damascius 
(6th  cent,  a.d.)  ;  and  the  accuracy  of  these  particulars  (apart  from  certain 
textual  corruptions)  has  been  fully  established  by  the  inscriptions 2. 

The  inscriptions  preserved  on  these  tablets  are  written  in  a  rhythmical 
form ;  and  form  in  reality  a  kind  of  epic  poem,  the  theme  of  which  is  the 
glorification  of  Marduk  (Merodach,  Jer.  1,  2),  the  supreme  god  of  Babylon, 
declaring  how,  after  a  severe  conflict,  he  had  overcome  the  powers  of  chaos 
and  darkness,  and  had  so  been  enabled  to  create  a  world  of  light  and  order. 
The  poem  is  conceived  polytheistically ;  but  this  fact  does  not  neutralize 
the  miderlying  resemblances  with  Gen.  i    The  first  tablet  (of  which  only 

1  See,  for  a  translation,  Ball's  Light  from  the  East  (1899),  pp.  2—18 ;  KB.  vi. 
(1900),  p.  3tf.  (by  Jenseu),  with  notes,  p."302ff.;  L.  W.  King's  The  Seven  Tablets  of 
Creation  (l'J02),  i.  3  ff.  [vol.  u.  has  cuneiform  texts  only],  with  many  important 
new  fragments;  or  Gressmann's  useful  Altorientalische  Texte  u.  Bilder  zum  AT. 
(1909),  I.  4  if.  (by  Ungnad).  See  also  Jastrow's  ReUqion  of  Bah.  and  Ass.  (Boston, 
U.S.A.,  1898),  pp.  407—453  ;  and  Zimmern  in  KAT.^  (1902),  pp.  491  ff.,  584—6. 

*  See  the  Greek  text  of  Damascius  in  KAT.^  p.  490,  or  in  Jensen's  Kosmologie 
der  Bab.  p.  270 ;  and  translations  in  G.  Smith,  Chald.  Gen.  p.  49  f.,  Lenormant, 
Origines  de  Vhistoire^  (1880),  i.  493  f.,  Gunkel's  Schopfung  and  Chaos  (1895), 
p.  17;  KAT.^  I.e.:  cf.  also  KAT."^  p.  12.  It  is  parallel  to  "the  first  extract  from  the 
Creation  epic,  cited  below.  For  the  Greek  text  of  Berossus,  see  Miiller,  Fragm. 
Hist.  Graec.  11.  497  f.,  KAT.^  488 — 90;  and  lor  translations,  G.  Smith,  op.  cit. 
pp.  40—42,  Lenormant,  p.  506  f.,  Gunkel,  pp.  17—20,  DB.  i.  504",  KAT.^  I.e.  :  cf. 
also  EAT.^  pp.  6—9,  12—14,  and  EncB.  art.  Cbeation,  §  15, 


28  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

a  fragment  is  preserved)  describes  how,  before  what  we  call  earth  or  heaven 
had  come  into  being,  there  existed  a  primaeval  watery  chaos  {Tidmat,  corre- 
sponding to  the  Heb.  thorn,  the  'deep'  of  Gen.  i.  2),  out  of  which  tlie 
Babylonian  gods  were  evolved : — 

When  above  |  the  heaven  was  not  yet  named, 

And  the  land  beneath  |  yet  bare  no  name, 

And  the  primaeval  Apsu  (the  abyss),  |  their  begetter, 

And  chaos  (?),  Tianiat,  |  the  mother  of  them  both — 
5  Their  waters  |  were  mingled  together, 

And  no  field  was  formed,  |  no  marsh  was  to  be  seen; 

When  of  the  gods  |  still  none  had  been  produced, 

No  name  had  yet  been  named,  |  no  destiny  yet  [fixed] ; 

Then  were  created  |  the  gods  in  the  midst  of  [heaven  ?] 
10  Lachmu  and  Lachamu  |  were  produced. 

Long  ages  passed        .... 

Anshar  and  Kishar  |  were  created,  and  over  them        .... 

Long  were  the  days,  then  there  came  forth        .... 

Anu,  their  son        .... 
15  Anshar  and  Anu        .... 

And  the  god  Anu        .... 

Ea,  whom  his  fathers,  [his]  begetters       .... 

Different  Babylonian  deities  thus  gradually  came  into  being.  Tidmat,  or 
the  deep,  represents  '  a  popular  attempt  to  picture  the  chaotic  condition  that 
prevailed  before  the  great  gods  obtained  control,  and  established  the  order  ot 
heavenly  and  terrestrial  phaenomena':  in  the  sequel  she  is  personified  as  a 
gigantic  monster.  The  belief  that  tlie  world  originated  out  of  water  was  a 
consequence,  Assyriologists  hold,  of  the  climatic  conditions  of  Babylonia. 
During  the  long  winter,  the  Babylonian  plain,  flooded  by  the  heavy  rains,  looks 
Uke  a  sea  (Bab.  tiamtu,  tidmat).  Then  comes  the  spring,  when  the  clouds  and 
water  vanish,  and  dry  land  and  vegetation  appear.  So,  thought  the  Babylonian, 
must  it  have  been  in  the  first  spring,  at  the  first  New  Year,  when,  after  a  fight 
between  Marduk  and  Tiamat,  the  organized  world  came  into  being\ 

The  subsequent  parts  of  the  first  tablet  describe  how  Apsu,  disturbed  at 
finding  his  domain  invaded  by  the  new  gods,  induced  Tiamat  to  join  with  him 
in  contesting  their  supremacy  :  he  was,  however,  subdued  by  Ea ;  and  Tiamat, 
left  to  carry  on  the  struggle  alone,  provides  herself  with  a  brood  of  strange  and 
hideous  allies*. 

The  second,  third,  and  fourth  tablets,  describe  how  the  gods,  alarmed  at 
Tiamat's  preparations,  having  taken  counsel  together,  appointed  Marduk 
as  their  champion,  and  how  Marduk  equips  himself  with  winds  and  lightnings 
for  the  fray.  The  account  of  the  combat,  in  the  fourth  tablet,  is  told  with 
dramatic  force  and  vividness.  Armed  with  his  weapons,  Marduk  advances; 
he  seizes  Tiamat  in  a  huge  net,  and  transfixes  her  with  his  scimitar.    The 

^  Jastrow,  op.  cit.  pp.  411  f.,  429  f.,  432  f. ;  Zimmern,  Ceeation  (§  4)  in  EncB. 

*  Alluded  to  also  in  the  extract  from  Beroesus  (see  DB.  i.  504'' ;  and  cf.  Jastrow, 
pp.  414,  419).  They  are  a  further  symbol  of  the  disorder  which  ruled  in  chaos, 
aud  which  had  to  be  overcome  before  an  ordered  world  could  be  produced. 


THE  COSMOGONY  OF  GENESIS  29 

carcase  of  the  monster  he  split  into  two  halves,  one  of  which  he  fixed  on  high, 
to  form  a  firmament  supporting  the  waters  above  it : — 

137  He  cleft  her  like  a  flat(?)  fish  |  into  two  parts, 

The  one  half  of  her  he  set  up,  |  and  made  a  covering  for  the  heaven, 

Set  a  bar  before  it,  j  stationed  a  guard, 
140  Commanded  them  not  |  to  let  its  waters  issue  forth. 

He  marched  through  the  heaven,  |  surveyed  the  regions  thereof, 

Stood  in  front  of  the  abyss,  |  the  abode  of  the  god  Ea. 

Then  BeP  measured  |  the  structure  of  the  abyss, 

A  great  house,  a  copy  of  it,  |  he  founded  E-sliarra; 
145  The  great  house  E-sharra,  |  which  he  built  as  the  heaven, 

He  made  Anu,  Bel,  and  Ea,  |  to  inhabit  as  their  city. 

*  It  is  evident  that  the  canopy  of  heaven  is  meant.  Such  is  the  enormous 
size  of  Tiamat  that  one-half  of  her  body,  flattened  out  so  as  to  serve  as  a 
curtain,  is  stretched  across  the  heavens  to  keep  the  "upper  waters" — the 
"  waters  above  the  firmament "  as  the  Book  of  Genesis  puts  it — from  coming 
down '  (Jastrow)^.  The  '  abyss '  was  the  huge  body  of  waters  on  which  the  earth 
was  supposed  to  rest  (cf.  on  vv.  9, 10).  E-sharra  ('  house  of  fulness  or  fertility,' 
Jensen)  is  a  poetical  designation  of  the  earth,  which  was  conceived  by  the 
Babylonians  as  a  hollow  hemisphere,  similar  in  appearance  to  the  vault  of 
heaven,  but  placed  beneath  it  (with  its  convex  side  upwards),  and  supported 
upon  the  '  abyss '  of  waters  underneath  ( Jastrow,  p.  431). 

The  fifth  tablet  (still  incomplete)  describes  the  formation  of  the  sun  and 
moon,  and  afterwards  the  appointment  of  years  and  mouths : — 

1  He  made  the  stations  |  for  the  great  gods. 
As  stars  resembling  them  |  he  fixed  the  signs  of  the  zodiac, 
He  ordained  the  year,  |  defined  divisions. 
Twelve  months  with  stars,  |  three  each,  he  appointed. 

5  After  he  had  ....  the  days  of  the  year  |  .  .  .  .  images. 

He  fixed  the  station  of  Nibir  (Jupiter),  |  to  determine  their  limits, 
That  none  (of  the  days)  might  err,  |  none  make  a  mistake. 

8  The  station  of  Bel  and  Ea,  |  he  fixed  by  his  (Jupiter's)  side. 


12  He  caused  the  moon-god  to  shine  forth,  |  entrusted  to  him  the  night; 
Appointed  him  as  a  night-body,  |  to  determine  the  days. 

The  opening  lines  of  tablet  VII.,  where  Marduk  is  hailed  as  the  '  Bestower 
of  planting,'  and  '  Ci-eator  of  grain  and  plants,  who  caused  the  green  herb  to 
spring  up,'  shew  that  the  poem  mentioned  the  creation  of  vegetation ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  tliis  was  recorded  in  the  lost  parts  of  tablet  V.  ( King,  p.  l). 

The  sixth  tablet  (the  opening  and  closing  lines  of  which  have  been 
recovered  by  Mr  King)  describes  the  creation  of  man ; — 

1  I.e.  Lord,  a  title  of  Marduk  (cf.  Is.  xlvi.  1 ;  Jer.  11.  44). 

2  According  to  Berossus,  the  other  half  of  the  monster's  carcase  was  made  into 
the  earth.     However,  that  is  not  stated  in  the  present  tablet. 


30  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

When  Marduk  heard  the  word  of  the  gnds, 

His  heart  prompted  him  and  he  devised  [a  cunning  plan]. 

He  opened  his  mouth,  and  unto  Ea  [he  spake], 

[Tliat  which]  he  had  conceived  in  his  heart  he  imparted  [unto  him]: 
5  'My  blood^  will  I  take,  and  bone  will  I  [fashion], 

I  will  make  man,  that  man  may        .... 

I  will  create  man  who  shall  inhabit  [the  earth?], 
J    That  the  service  of  the  gods  may  be  established,  and  that  [their]  shrines 
I  [may  be  built]  V 

^  The  seventh  tablet  consists  of  a  hymn,  addressed  by  the  gods  to  Marduk, 
celebrating  his  deeds  and  character,  and  representing  him  as  all-powerful, 
beneficent,  compassionate,  and  just^  (cf.  King,  pp.  lxiii  ff.,  lxxxix). 

The  diflferences  between  the  Babylonian  epic  and  the  first  chapter  of 
Genesis  are  sufficiently  wide :  in  the  one,  particularly  in  the  parts  not  here 
repeated,  we  have  an  exuberant  and  grotesque  polytheism;  in  the  other, 
a  severe  and  dignified  monotheism  :  in  the  one,  chaos  is  anterior  to  Deity,  the 
gods  emerge,  or  are  evolved,  out  of  it,  and  Marduk  gains  his  supremacy  only 
after  a  long  contest ;  in  the  other,  the  Creator  is  supreme  and  absolute  from 
the  beginning.  But,  in  spite  of  these  profound  theological  differences,  there 
are  material  resemblances  between  the  two  representations,  which  are  too 
marked  and  too  numerous  to  be  explained  as  chance  coincidences.  The  outline, 
or  general  course  of  events,  is  the  same  in  the  two  narratives.  There  are  in 
both  the  same  abyss  of  waters  at  the  beginning,  denoted  by  almost  the  same 
word,  the  separation  of  this  abyss  afterwards  into  an  upper  and  a  lower  ocean, 
the  formation  of  heavenly  bodies  and  their  appointment  as  measures  of  time, 
and  the  creation  of  man.  In  estimating  these  similarities,  it  must  further  be 
remembered  that  they  do  not  stand  alone :  in  the  narrative  of  the  Deluge 
(see  p.  104  f.)  we  find  traits  borrowed  unmistakably  from  a  Babylonian  source  ; 
80  that  the  antecedent  difficulty  which  might  otherwise  have  been  felt  in 
supposing  elements  in  the  Creation-narrative  to  be  traceable  ultimately  to  the 
same  quarter  is  considerably  lessened.  In  fact,  no  archaeologist  questions 
that  the  Biblical  cosmogony,  however  altered  in  form  and  stripped  of  its 
original  polytheism,  is,  in  its  main  outlines,  derived  from  Babylonia.  Nor 
ought  such  a  conclusion  to  surprise  us.  The  Biblical  historians  make  no 
claim  to  have  derived  their  information  from  a  supernatural  source :   their 

^  Cf.  Berossus,  I.e.  The  emendation  adopted  in  EncB.  i.  946  n.  4  is  seen  no\r 
to  be  unnecessary  (King,  pp.  lvi,  lvii). 

2  The  passage  cited  in  Auth.  and  Arch.  13  does  not  belong  here  (King,  202  f.). 

3  There  seem  also  to  have  been  some  points  of  contact  between  the  Heb.  and 
the  Phoenician  cosmogony.  The  Phoenician  cosmogony  (as  reported  by  Eus.  Praep. 
Ev.  I.  10.  1,  2),  placed  at  the  beginniug  of  all  things  an  aiqp  ^ocpuiSrji  kuI  wvevfiaTd}- 
5i7S  and  a  x^os  doXepbv  ipejSuidei,  both  being  dtrtipa;  after  an  indefinite  period  of 
time,  the  B-veO/ia,  acting  upon  the  x<io^  g*'*'^  rise  to  Mwt — i.e.  perhaps  (see 
Cbeation  in  EncB.,  §  7)  rb  Ma)r=  niOhFl  the  deeps — a  watery,  muddy  mass  (iXiJs), 
containing  the  germs  of  all  subsequent  existence  {irdca  airopa  fcrtVewj),  which 
assumed  the  form  of  a  huge  egg.  See  further  Dillm. ;  Lenormant,  i.  532 ff.;  EncB. 
I.e.  (also  on  the  Phoen.  Baav  [=bohu],  said  in  Eus.  §  4  to  mean  'night,'  and  to 
be  the  mother  of  Aluv  (the  world?)  and  n.pwT6yovos);  DB.  i.  504». 


THE  COSMOGONY  OF  GENESIS  31 

materials,  it  is  plain  (cf.  Luke  i.  1 — 4),  were  obtained  by  them  irom  the 
best  human  sources  available ;  the  function  of  inspiration  was  to  guide 
them  in  the  disposal  and  arrangement  of  these  materials,  and  in  the  use  to 
which  they  applied  them.  And  so,  in  his  picture  of  the  beginnings  of  the 
world,  having  nothing  better  available,  the  author  has  utilized  elements  derived 
ultimately  from  a  heathen  source,  and  made  them  the  vehicle  of  profound 
religious  teaching. 

We  have  said  'derived  ultimately^ ;  for  naturally  a  direct  borrowing  from 
the  Babylonian  narrative  is  not  to  be  thought  of:  it  is  incredible  that  the 
monotheistic  author  of  Gen.  i.,  at  whatever  date  he  lived,  could  have  borrowed 
any  detail,  however  slight,  from  the  polytheistic  epic  of  the  conflict  of  Marduk 
and  Tianiat.  The  Babylonian  legend  of  Creation  must  have  passed  through  a 
long  period  of  naturalization  in  Israel,  and  of  gradual  assimilation  to  the  spirit 
of  Israel's  religion,  before  it  could  have  readied  the  form  in  which  it  is  presented 
to  us  in  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis.  How,  or  when,  it  was  first  introduced 
among  the  Hebrews,  must  remain  matter  of  conjecture.  Its  introduction  may 
reach  back  to  the  time  when  the  ancestors  of  the  Hebrews  lived  side  by  side 
with  the  Babylonians  in  Ur  (xi.  28) \  or  when  they  'dwelt  beyond  the  River' 
(the  Euphrates),  in  Mesopotamia,  and  'served  other  gods'  (Jos.  xxiv.  2). 
Since,  however,  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  (c.  1400  B.C.)  have  shewn  how  strong 
Babylonian  influence  must  have  been  in  Canaan,  even  before  the  Israelitish 
occupation,  this  has  been  thought  by  many^  to  have  been  the  channel  by  which 
Babylonian  ideas  penetrated  into  Israel ;  they  were  first,  it  has  been  supposed, 
naturalized  among  the  Canaanites,  and  afterwards, — as  the  Israelites  came 
gradually  to  have  intercourse  with  the  Canaanites, — they  were  transmitted  to 
the  Israelites  as  well.  But,  whether  one  of  these  or  some  other  explanation  is 
the  true  one,  the  fact  remains  that  we  have  in  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis  the 
Hebrew  version  of  an  originally  Babylonian  legend  respecting  the  beginnings 
of  all  things.  But  in  the  Biblical  narrative,  the  old  Semitic  cosmogony  appears 
in  a  form  very  diflferent  from  that  in  which,  we  read  it  in  the  Babylonian 
Creation-epic  It  appears  'in  the  form  which  it  received  at  the  hands  of 
devout  Israelites  moved  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  penetrated  with  the  pure 
belief  in  the  spiritual  Jehovah.  The  saints  and  prophets  of  Israel  stripped 
the  old  legend  of  its  pagan  deformities.  Its  shape  and  outline  survived. 
But  its  spirit  was  changed,  its  religious  teaching  and  significance  were 
transformed,  in  the  light  of  revelation.  The  popular  tradition  was  not  abolished ; 
it  was  preserved,  purified,  hallowed,  that  it  might  subserve  the  Divine  purpose 
of  transmitting,  as  in  a  figure,'  to  future  generations,  '  spiritual  teaching  upon 
eternal  truths'  (Ryle,  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis,  p.  12  f.)^ 

(iii)    It  remains  only  to  indicate  in  outline  the  nature  of  this  teaching. 

^  Jastrow,  Jewish  Quart.  Rev.  1901,  p.  653. 

^  E.g.  by  Sayce,  Gunkel,  Winckler,  Zimmern. 

*  That  Heb.  folk-lore  told  of  a  conflict  of  Jehovah  with  a  dragon  is  apparent 
from  Job  ix.  13,  xxvi.  12  {Rahab,  'boisterousness,'  though  in  Is.  xxx.  7,  Ps.  Ixxxvii.  4, 
a  poetical  name  of  Egypt,  being  here  manifestly  the  name  of  some  monster).  The 
context  in  Ps.  Ixsiv.  13 — 17,  Ixxxix.  9 — 12,  where  there  follow  allusions  to  Jehovah's 
creative  work,  seems  even  to  shew  that  the  victory  over  Rahab,  as  an  aboriginal 
monster  symbolizing  chaos,  was  pictured  as  having  preceded  the  work  of  creation : 


32  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

(1)  The  Cosmogony  of  Genesis  shews,  in  opposition  to  the  conceptions 
widely  prevalent  in  antiquity,  that  the  world  was  not  self-originated ;  that  it 
was  called  into  existence,  and  brought  gmHualTy^Thto  its  present  state,  at  the 
will  of  a  spiritual  Being,  prior  to  it,  independent  of  it,  and  deliberately  planning 
every  stage  of  its  progress.  The  spirituality,  not  less  than  the  dignity,  of  the 
entire  representation  is  indeed  in  marked  contrast  to  the  self- contradictory, 
grotesque  speculations  of  which  the  ancient  cosmogonies  usually  consist.  *  It 
sets  God  above  the  great  complex  world-process,  and  yet  closely  linked  with  it, 
as  a  personal  intelligence  and  will  that  rules  victoriously  and  without  a  rival  * 
(Whitehouse,  art.  Cosmogony  in  DB.,  p.  507''). 

(2)  Dividing  artificially  the  entire  period  into  six  days,  it  notices  in  order 
the  most  prominent  cosmical  phaenomena;  and  groups  the  living  creatures 
upon  the  earth  under  the  great  subdivisions  which  appeal  to  the  eye.  By  this 
means  it  presents  a  series  of  representative  pictures, — none,  indeed,  corre- 
sponding, in  actual  fact,  to  the  reality^  but  all  standing  for,  or  representing 
it, — of  the  various  stages  by  which  the  earth  was  gradually  formed,  and  peopled 
with  its  living  inhabitants  ;  and  it  insists  that  each  of  these  stages  is  no  product 
of  chance,  or  of  mere  mechanical  forces,  but  is  an  act  of  the  Divine  will, 
realizes  the  Divine  purpose,  and  receives  the  seal  of  the  Divine  approval ^  It 
is  uniformly  silent  on  the  secondary  causes  through  which  in  particular  cases, 
or  even  more  generally,  the  effects  described  may  have  been  produced ;  it 
leaves  these  for  the  investigation  of  science ;  it  teaches  what  science  as  suck 
cannot  discover  (for  it  is  not  its  province  to  do  so),  the  relation  in  which  they 
stand  to  God.  The  slow  formation  of  the  earth  as  taught  by  geology,  the 
gradual  development  of  species  by  the  persistent  accumulation  of  minute 
variations,  made  probable  by  modern  biology,  are  but  the  exhibition  in  detail 
of  those  processes  which  the  author  of  this  cosmogony  sums  up  into  a  single 
phrase  and  apparently  compresses  into  a  single  moment,  for  the  purpose  of 
declaring  their  dependence  upon  the  Divine  will.     '' 

(3)  It  insists  on  the  distinctive  pre-eminence  belonging  to  man,  implied  in 
the  remarkable  self-deliberation  taken  in  his  case  by  the  Creator,  and  signified 
expressly  by  the  phrase  '  the  image  of  God.'  By  this  is  meant,  as  was  shewn 
above,  man's  possession  of  self-conscious  reason, — an  adumbration,  we  may 
suppose,  however  faint,  of  the  supreme  reason  of  God, — enabling  him  to  know, 
in  a  sense  in  which  animals  do  not  know,  and  involving  the  capacity  of 
apprehending  moral  and  religious  truth  (see  more  fully  on  v.  26).  Whether, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  man  appeared  originally  as  the  result  of  an  independent 
creative  act,  or  whether,  as  modern  biologists  commonly  hold,  he  appeared 
as  the  result  of  a  gradual  evolution  from  anthropoid  ancestors,  does  not  afi"ect 
the  truth  which  is  here  insisted  on :  however  acquired,  rational  faculties  are 
still  his ;  and  whether  this  opinion  of  modern  biologists  be  true  or  not,  there 
can  at  least  be  no  theological  objection  to  the  supposition  that,  as  God  has 
undoubtedly  endowed  the  organism  of  the  individual   with  the  power  of 

cf.  Is.  11.  9,  10»,  where  the  same  cosmogonic  myth  of  the  destruction  of  the  monster 

of  disorder,  and  the  formation  of  dry  land  by  the  drying  up  of  the  'great  t'liom' 
(above,  p.  4),  appear  to  be  alluded  to.     Cf.  Zimmern,  The  Bab.  and  Heb.  Gcnesit, 
pp.  8—12 ;  KAT:^  507  ff. ;  and  art.  Kahab  in  DB. 
1  Comp.  above  on  vv.  '6,  4. 


THE  COSMOGONY  OF  GENESIS  33 

developing  mind  out  of  antecedents  in  which  no  sign  or  trace  of  mind  is 
discernible,  it  may  also  have  pleased  Him,  by  the  workings  of  His  providence 
in  a  far-distant  past,  to  endow  certain  forms  of  organized  being  with  the 
capacity  of  developing,  in  His  good  time,  under  the  action  of  a  suitable 
environment,  the  attributes  distinctive  of  man. 

It  is  important  to  have  a  clear  and  consistent  view  of  the  first  chapter  of 
Genesis.  It  stands  upon  the  threshold  of  the  Bible;  and  to  all  who  have 
anything  more  than  a  merely  superficial  knowledge  of  the  great  and  far- 
reaching  truths  which  science  has  brought  to  light,  it  presents  the  greatest 
difficulties.  These  difficulties  are  felt  now  far  more  acutely  than  they  used  to 
be :  70  or  SO  years  ago  there  was  practically  no  geology  ;  but  the  progress  of 
science  has  brought  the  Cosmogony  of  Genesis  into  sharp  and  undisguised 
antagonism  with  the  Cosmogony  of  science.  The  efi"orts  of  the  harmonists 
have  been  well-intentioned;  but  they  have  resulted  only  in  the  constmction 
of  artificial  schemes,  which  are  repugnant  to  common  sense,  and,  especially 
in  the  minds  of  students  and  lovers  of  science,  create  a  prejudice  against 
the  entire  system  with  which  the  cosmogony  is  connected.  The  Cosmogony  of 
Genesis  is  treated  in  popular  estimation  as  an  integral  element  of  the  Christian 
faith.  It  cannot  be  too  earnestly  represented  that  this  is  not  the  case.  A 
definition  of  the  process  by  which,  after  the  elements  composing  it  were 
created,  the  world  assumed  its  present  condition,  forms  no  article  in  the 
Christian  creed.  The  Church  has  never  pronounced  with  authority  upon  the 
interpretation  of  the  narrative  of  Genesis.  It  is  consequently  open  to  the 
Christian  teacher  to  understand  it  in  the  seuso  which  science  will  permit; 
and  it  becomes  his  duty  to  ascertain  what  that  sense  is.  But,  as  the 
Abbe  Loisy  has  justly  said,  the  science  of  the  Bible  is  the  science  of  the 
age  in  which  it  was  written ;  and  to  expect  to  find  in  it  supernatural  in- 
formation on  points  of  scientific  fact,  is  to  mistake  its  entire  purpose.  And 
so  the  value  of  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis  lies  not  on  its  scientific  side, 
but  on  its  theological  side.  Upon  the  false  science  of  antiquity  its  author 
has  grafted  a  true  and  dignified  representation  of  the  relation  of  the  world 
to  God.  It  is  not  its  office  to  forestall  scientific  discovery ;  it  neither 
comes  into  collision  with  science,  nor  needs  reconciliation  with  it.  It  must 
be  read  in  the  light  of  the  age  in  which  it  was  written ;  and  while  the 
spiritual  teaching  so  vividly  expressed  by  it  can  never  lose  its  fi-eshness  or 
value,  it  must  on  its  material  side  be  interpreted  in  accordance  with  the 
place  which  it  holds  in  the  history  of  Semitic  cosmological  speculation ^ 

^  See,  further,  on  the  subject  of  the  preceding  pages,  Huxley,  Collected  Essays, 
IV.  64  ff.,  139—200;  Riehm,  Der  Biblische  Schopfungshericht,  Halle,  1881  (a  lecture 
pointing  out  the  theological  value,  at  the  present  day,  of  the  cosmogony  of 
Genesis) ;  C.  Pritchard,  Occasional  Notes  of  an  Astronomer  on  Nature  and  Revela- 
tion, 1889  (a  collection  of  sermons  and  addresses,  often  very  suggestive),  p.  257  ff. 
('  The  Proem  of  Genesis,'  reprinted  from  the  Guardian,  Feb.  10,  1886) ;  Dr  Ladd, 
What  is  the  Bible  ?  (New  York,  1890),  chap.  v.  ('  The  Bible  and  the  Sciences  of 
Nature')  ;  Ryle,  Early  Narratives  of  Genesis  (1892),  chaps,  i.,  ii. ;  H.  Morton,  The 
Coitmugony  of  Genesis  and  its  Reconcilers,  reprinted  from  the  Bibliotheca  Sacra, 
April  and  July,  1897  (a  detailed  criticism,  by  a  man  of  science,  who  has  also 
theological  sympathies,  of  the  schemes  of  the  reconcilers.  President  Morton's 
general  conclasions  are  the  same  as  those  adopted  above.  See  a  note  by  the 
present    writer    in    the   Expositor,  June,   1898,  pp.  464 — 9)  j    Whitehouse,   art. 

D.  3 


34  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Tlie  Sabbath. 

The  sabbath,  it  is  not  improbable,  is  an  institution  ultimately  of  Babylonian 
origin.  In  a  lexicographical  tablet  (ii  Rawl.  32,  1.  16),  there  occurs  the  equa- 
tion ilin  wOh  Ubhi^shabattum,  or  'day  of  rest  of  the  heart'  (i.e.  as  parallel 
occun-ences  of  the  same  phrase  shew,  a  day  when  the  gods  rested  from  their 
anger,  a  day  for  the  pacification  of  a  deity's  anger)  =  sabbath.  Further,  in 
a  religious  calendar  for  two  of  the  Assyrian  months  which  we  possess', 
prescribing  duties  for  the  king,  the  7th,  14th,  IGth",  21st  and  28th  days,  are 
entered  as  'favourable  day,  evil  day'  (i.e.  a  day  with  an  indeterminate 
character,  which  might  become  either  one  or  the  other,  according  as  the 
directions  laid  down  for  its  observance  were  followed  or  not),  while  the 
others  are  simply  '  favourable  days.'  On  the  five  specified  days,  certain  acts 
are  forbidden  :  the  king  is  not,  for  instance,  to  eat  food  prepared  by  fire,  not 
to  put  on  royal  dress  or  ofi"er  sacrifice,  not  to  ride  in  his  chariot  or  hold  court, 
&c. ;  on  the  other  hand,  as  soon  as  the  day  is  over,  he  may  oflFer  a  sacrifice 
which  will  be  accepted.  The  days,  it  is  evident,  are  viewed  superstitiously: 
certain  things  are  not  to  be  done  on  them,  in  order  not  to  arouse  the  jealousy 
or  anger  of  the  gods.  It  is  not  however  known  that  the  term  shabattum  was 
applied  to  these  days ;  nor  is  there  at  present  [1909]  any  evidence  that  a  con- 
tinuous succession  of  'weeks,'  each  ending  with  a  day  marked  by  special 
observances,  was  a  Babylonian  institution^.  Nevertlieless,  there  is  undoubtedly 
a  decided  similarity  between  the  Babylonian  and  the  Hebrew  institution  ;  and 
it  is  more  than  possible  that  Schrader,  Sayce,  and  other  Assyriologists  are 
right  in  regarding  the  sabbath  as  an  institution  of  Babylonian  origin.  Many 
other  institutions  of  the  Jewish  law  (cf.  on  ch.  xvii.)  were  common  to  Israel's 
neighbours,  as  well  as  to  Israel  itself,  though  the  Israelites,  in  appropriating 
them,  stamped  upon  them  a  new  character  ;  so  there  is  no  d, priori  objection  to 
the  same  having  been  the  case  with  tlie  sabbath  us  well.  If  this  view  of  its 
origin  be  correct,  the  Hebrews,  in  adopting  it,  detached  it  from  its  connexion 
with  the  moon  (fixing  it  for  every  seventh  day,  irrespectively  of  the  days  of  the 
calendar  month),  they  extended  and  generalized  the  abstinence  associated  with 
it,  they  stripped  it  of  its  superstitious  and  heathen  associations,  and  made 
it  subservient  to  ethical  and  religious  ends*. 

Cosmogony  in  BB.;  Zimmern  and  Cheyne,  art.  Ceeation  in  EncB.;  Zimmern,  The 
Bab.  and  Heb.  Genesis  (in  a  series  of  short,  popular  brochures,  called  'The  Ancient 
East'),  1901,  pp.  1 — 28;  the  Abb6  Loisy,  Les  Mi/thes  Babyloniens  et  les  premiers 
chapitres  de  la  Genese  (1901),  pp.  1 — 102;  Jastrow,  Jewish  Quart.  Rev.  July,  1901, 
pp.  620—654  ;  L.  W.  King,  Bab.  Religion  and  Mythology  (popular),  pp.  53—146. 

^  See  Jastrow,  Religion  of  Bab.  and  Ass.  376  if. 

2  Perhaps  the  49th  (i.e.  the  7  x  7th)  day  from  the  let  of  the  preceding  month. 
The  contract-tablets  seem  to  shew  that  in  the  Hammurabi-age  (p.  156)  there  was  a. 
marked  absttntion  from  work  in  Babylonia:  see  the  note  in  the  Addenda. 

^  Shabattum  is  at  present  known  to  occur  only  three  or  four  times  altogether  in 
the  Inscriptions.  The  terms  in  which  Frof.  Sayce  speaks  (Monuments,  74 — 77; 
EHH.  193)  would  lead  a  rea,der  to  suppose  that  the  resemblance  between  the 
Babylonian  and  the  Hebrew  institution  was  greater  than  it  is. 

*  See  further  the  writer's  art.  Sabbath  in  DB.  (especially  §  ii.),  with  the 
references:  in  §^  iii.,  iv. ,  also,  there  will  be  found  some  notice  of  references  to  the 
sabbath  in  the  Mishna,  auil  other  post-Biblical  Jewish  writings^  in  t,he  NT.,  and. 
in  early  Christian  writer.^!.     See  also  now  KAT.-'^  592  S. 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  35 

Gen.  ii.  1 — 3,  it  will  be  observed,  does  not  name  the  sabbath,  or  lay  down 
any  law  for  its  observance  by  man  ;  all  that  it  says  is  that  God  '  desisted '  on 
the  seventh  day  from  His  work,  and  that  He  'blessed'  and  'hallowed'  the  day. 
It  is,  however,  impossible  to  doubt  that  the  introduction  of  the  seventh  day  is 
simply  part  of  the  writer's  representation,  and  that  its  sanctity  is  in  reality 
antedated  :  instead  viz.  of  the  seventh  day  of  the  week  being  sacred,  because 
God  desisted  on  it  from  His  six  days'  work  of  creation,  the  work  of  creation 
was  distributed  among  six  days,  followed  by  a  day  of  rest,  because  the  week, 
ended  by  the  sabbath,  existed  already  as  an  institution,  and  the  writer  wished 
to  adjust  artificially  the  work  of  creation  to  it.  In  other  words,  the  week, 
ended  by  the  sabbath,  determined  the  '  days '  of  creation,  not  the  *  days '  of 
creation  the  week. 

Chapters  II.  4^^—111.  24. 

The  Creation  and  Fall  of  Man. 

With  ii.  4''  we  enter  into  an  atmosphere  very  different  from  that  of 
i.  1 — ii.  4*  That  the  narrator  is  a  different  oup  is  so  evident  as  not  to  need 
detailed  proof:  it  will  be  sufBcient  to  notice  here  some  of  the  more  salient 
points  of  difference,  ii.  4''  ff.  differs  then  firstly  from  ch.  i.  in  style  and  form. 
The  style  of  ch.  i.  is  stereotyped,  measured,  and  precise ;  that  of  ii.  4''  ff.  is 
diversified  and  picturesque ;  there  are  no  recurring  formulae,  such  as  are  so 
marked  in  ch.  i. ;  the  expressions  characteristic  of  ch.  i.  are  absent  here  (e.g. 
to  create);  and  where  common  ground  is  touched  (as  in  the  account  of  the 
formation  of  man),  the  narrative  is  told  very  differently,  and  without  oven 
any  allusion  to  the  representation  of  ch.  i.  (e.g.  to  the  'image  of  God'). 
Ch.  i.  displays,  moreover,  clear  marks  of  study  and  deliberate  systematiza- 
tion  :  ii.  4''ff.  is  fresh,  spontaneous,  and^  at  least  in  a  relative  sense,  primitive : 
we  breathe  in  it  the  clear  and  free  mountain  air  of  ancient  Israel.  The  present 
narrative  differs  secondly  from  ch.  i.  in  representation.  Both  the  details  and 
the  order  of  the  events  of  creation  (in  so  far  as  they  are  mentioned  in  it — for 
the  narrator  deals  briefly  with  everything  except  what  relates  directly  to  man) 
differ  from  the  statements  of  ch.  1.  The  earth,  instead  of  emerging  from  the 
waters  (as  in  i.  9),  is  represented  as  being  at  first  dry  (ii.  5),  too  dry,  in  fact,  to 
support  vegetation :  the  first  step  in  the  process  of  filling  it  with  living  forms 
is  the  creation  of  man  (ii.  7),  then  follows  that  of  beasts  and  birds  {v.  19),  and 
lastly  that  of  woman  {v.  21  f.);  obviously  a  different  order  from  that  of  ch.  i.^ 
Another,  in  some  respects,  even  more  vital  difference,  is  that  in  ii.  4''ff.  tlie 
conception  of  God  is  much  more  anthropomorphic  than  it  is  in  ch.  i, :  whereas 
there  God  accomplishes  His  work  of  creation  by  a  series  of  words,  or  by  per- 
forming other  acts  (as  creating,  dividing,  making,  setting),  which  (taken  in 
connexion  with  the  objects  on  which  they  are  performed)  imply  nothing  local 

^  The  separation  between  the  creation  of  man  and  woman,  if  it  stood  alone, 
might  indeed  be  reasonably  explained  by  the  supposition  that  ii.  4''  ff.  was  intended 
simply  as  a  more  detailed  account,  by  the  same  band,  of  what  is  described 
summarily  in  i.  26 — 30 ;  but  this  explanation  does  not  account  for  the  many  other 
differences  subsisting  between  the  two  narratives. 

3—2 


36  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [11.4,5 

or  sensible  in  the  Divine  nature,  Jehovah  here,  for  instance,  moulds,  breathes 
into  man  the  breath  of  life,  plants,  places,  takes,  sets,  brings,  builds,  closes  up, 
walks  in  the  garden  (which  is  evidently  regarded  as  His  accustomed  abode),  so 
that  even  the  sound  of  His  footsteps  is  heard,  and  makes  coats  of  skin  (ii.  7,  8, 
15, 19,  21,  22,  iii.  8,  21) ;  in  other  words,  He  performs  various  sensible  acts,  and 
is  evidently  conceived  as  locally  determined  within  particular  limits  in  a 
manner  in  which  the  author  of  ch.  i.  does  not  conceive  Him\ 

An  interest  conspicuously  prominent  in  the  entire  narrative  is  the  desire  to 
explain  the  origin  of  existing  facts  of  human  nature,  existing  customs  and 
institutions,  especially  those  which  were  regarded  as  connected  with  the  loss 
by  man  of  his  primaeval  innocence.  Thus  among  the  facts  explained  are,  for 
instance,  in  ch.  ii.  the  distinction  of  the  sexes,  and  the  institution  of  marriage, 
and  in  ch.  iii.  the  presence  of  sin  in  the  world,  the  custom  of  wearing  clothing, 
the  gait  and  habits  of  the  serpent,  the  subject  condition  (in  the  ancient  world) 
of  woman,  the  pain  of  child-bearing,  and  the  toilsomeness  of  agriculture.  The 
explanations  offered  of  these  facts  are,  however,  not  historical  or  scientific 
explanations,  they  are  explanations  prompted  by  religious  reflection  upon  the 
facts  of  i;^"?.  The  narrative  'purports  to  account  for  the  entrance  into  the 
world  of  sin,  suffering,  and  shortened  life.  In  carrying  out  this  purpose,  it 
is  less  faithful  to  historical  than  to  moral  and  religious  truth.  The  evidence  of 
archaeology,  geologj',  biology,  and  allied  sciences  points  to  the  conclusion  that 
man,  so  far  from  having  begim  his  existence  upon  the  globe  in  the  happy 
surroundings  of  an  Eden,  has  slowly  emerged  from  a  state  of  savagery,  in 
which  he  was,  externally  at  least,  little  removed  from  the  brute  creation.  His 
primitive  condition  was  not  one  of  harmony  and  happiness,  but  of  fierce 
conflict  against  opposing  forces.  Pain  and  death  prevailed  upon  earth  before 
man  made  his  appearance,  and  have,  it  would  seem,  been  prime  factors  in  his 
evolution.  The  narrative  is  valuable,  therefore,  not  as  a  description  of 
historical  events,  but  as  a  declaration  of  certain  important  ideas  2.'  See 
fui'ther  the  remarks,  p.  51  ff, 

II.  4''...in  the  day  that  ^the  Lord  God  made  earth  and  heaven.  J 
5  And  no  plant  of  the  field  was  yet  in  the  earth,  and  no  herb  of 

*  Heb.  Jehovah,  as  in  other  places  where  Lokd  is  put  in  capitals. 

II.     4^ — 7.     The  formation  of  man. 

4'',  5.  In  the  day  that  Jehovah  God  made  earth  and  heaven,  no 
shrub  (xxi.  15  ;  Job  xxx.  4,  1\)  of  the  field  was  yet,  &c.'  The  words, 
taken  in  connexion  with  the  sequel  {v.  7),  are  intended  to  describe  the 

1  The  same  contrasted  conceptions  of  the  Divine  nature  recur  in  many  subse- 
quent parts  of  the  same  two  documents. 

a  Wade,  Old  Test.  History  (1001),  p.  60  f. 

'  Dillm.  and  others,  however,  render  '  In  the  day  that  Jehovah  God  made  earth 
and  heaven — when  no  shrub  of  the  field  was  yet,  &c.  [vv.  5,  6] — Jehovah  God 
formed,*  &c.  (cf.  the  footnote  on  i.  1).  If  this  construction  (here  and  i.  1 — 3)  is 
correct,  it  may,  as  Hommel  has  remarked,  be  more  than  an  accidental  coincidence 
that  the  Bab.  account  of  creation  (p.  28)  begins  also  with  a  long  sentence 
containing  a  paienthesis. 


II.  5-7]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  37 

tl  'c  field  had  yet  sprung  up  :  for  the  Lord  God  had  not  caused  j 
it  to  rain  upon  the  earth,  and  there  was  not  a  man  to  till 
the  ground;  6  but  there  went  up  a  mist  from  the  earth,  and 
watered  the  whole  face  of  the  ground.  7  And  the  Lord 
God  formed  man  of  the  dust  of  the  ground,  and  breathed 
into  his  nostrils  the  breath  of  life ;  and  man  became  a  living 

condition  of  the  earth  at  the  time  when  man  was  created  :  no  shrub 
or  herb, — and  a  fortiori,  no  tree, — had  yet  appeared  upon  it,  for  it  was 
not  sufficiently  watered  to  support  vegetation.  According  to  i.  11  f., 
plant-  and  tree-life  was  complete  three  'days'  before  the  creation  of 
man  :  obviously  the  present  writer  views  the  order  of  events  differently. 

in  the  day.  I.e.  at  the  time, — Heb.  usage  compressing  often  what 
may  have  been  actually  a  period  of  some  length  into  a  '  day,'  for  the 
purpose  of  presenting  it  vividly  and  forcibly :  see  e.g.  Jer.  xi.  4,  xxxiv.  13. 

Jehovala  God.  An  unusual  combination,  recurring  throughout 
ii.  4*" — iii.  24,  but  found  elsewhere  in  the  Hex.  only  Ex.  ix.  30,  and 
generally  uncommon.  It  is  usually  supposed  that  in  ii.  4^ — iii.  24  the 
original  author  wrote  simply  Jehovah ;  and  that  God  was  added  by  the 
compiler,  with  the  object  of  identifying  expressly  the  Author  of  life  of 
ii.  4'' — 25,  with  the  Creator  of  ch.  i.  On  the  name  '  Jehovah '  (properly 
*  Yahweh '),  see  the  Excursus  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

5.  and  there  was  not  a  man  to  till  the  ground, —  and,  it  is  to  be 
understood,  to  supply  the  deficiency  of  rain  by  artificial  irrigation. 

6.  hut  a  mist  used  to  go  up...,  and  water  &c., — and  so  at  least 
prepared  the  soil  for  the  subsequent  growth  of  vegetation. 

a  mist.  The  word  (^ed)  occurs  again  only  in  Job  xxxvi.  27.  In 
Ass.  edu  means  the  overflow  of  a  river,  esp.  of  the  Euphrates,  such  as 
annually  irrigated  the  plains  of  lower  Babylonia;  and  some  recent 
scholars  are  of  opinion  that  we  ought  to  render  here  '  but  a  flood  used 
to  come  up,'  &c.  (cf  EncB.  i.  949). 

7.  formed,.  The  fig.  is  that  of  a  potter  (lxx.  cTrXao-ci/),  moulding 
the  plastic  material  in  his  hands.  The  word  is  often  used  of  the 
Divine  operation,  with  reference,  not  only  to  material  objects  (as  here, 
Ps.  xciv.  9,  xcv.  5,  civ.  96),  but  also  more  generally,  as  of  a  nation, 
Is.  xxvii.  11,  xliii.  1,  and  even  of  sJuiping,  or  pre-ordaining,  events  of 
history.  Is.  xxii.  11,  xxxvii.  26,  xlvi.   11. 

man  of  the  dust  of  the  ground.  The  words  contain  a  point  not 
reproducible  in  English ;  for  in  Heb.  '  ground '  {'cidmndh)  is  in  form 
the  fem.  of  '  man '  {'dddm) :  thus  to  the  Hebrews  man  by  his  very 
name  seemed  to  be  connected  with  the  'ground,'  and  to  find  his 
natural  occupation  in  working  it  (v.  5,  iii.  19,  23). — Cf.  xviii.  27  ; 
Ps.  ciii.  14 ;  Job  iv.  19,  viii.  19,  xxxiii.  6 ;  Wisd.  vii.  1 ;  1  Cor.  xv.  47. 
See  also  p.  53  n.  2. 

breath  of  life.  Cf.  (of  animals  generally)  vii.  22  (see  note) ;  also 
spirit  of  life  in  vi.  17,  vii.  15  (both  P).  Breath  is  evidently,  in  the 
great  majority  of  animals  ordinarily  known,  the  physical  accompaniment 


38  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ii.  7-9 

soul.    8   And  the  Lord   God  planted  a  garden  eastward,  in  J 
Eden  ;  and  there  he  put  the  man  whom  he  had  formed.    9  And 
out  of  the  ground  made  the  Lord  God  to  grow  every  tree  that 

aud  condition  of  life ;  and  so  the  meaning  of  the  clause  is,  endowed 
him  with  the  faculty  of  life :  cf  Is.  xlii.  5  ;  Job  xxvii.  3  (where  'hfe' 
=  * breath'  here  :  Heb.  nfshd7ndh),  xxxiii.  4^  xxxiv.  14. 

a  living  soul  As  explained  on  i.  20,  a  '  soul '  is  in  Heb.  psychology 
common  to  both  animals  and  men ;  hence  no  pre-eminence  of  man  is 
declared  in  these  words:  they  simply  state  that  he  became  a  living 
being.  Man's  pre-eminence,  according  to  this  writer,  is  implied  in  the 
use  of  the  special  term  breatJied,  which  is  not  used  of  the  other  animals 
{v,  19),  and  which  suggests  that  in  his  case  the  '  breath  of  hfe '  stands 
in  a  special  relation  to  the  Creator,  and  may  be  the  vehicle  of  higher 
faculties  than  those  possessed  by  animals  generally.  Cf  Ez.  xxxvii.  9 ; 
and,  in  a  spiritual  sense,  Jn.  xx.  22.  Note  also  the  contrast  with  the 
'life-giving  spirit'  (p.  4  n.)  of  the  'last  Adam  '  in  1  Cor.  xv.  45  (RV.). 

8 — 17.  God  does  not  leave  man  to  himself:  He  places  him  in  a 
garden  specially  prepared  for  him,  and  assigns  to  him  specific  duties. 

8.  a  garden.  Rather  what  we  should  caU  a  park.  lxx.  (both  here 
and  elsewhere)  TrapaScio-os  {—  Paradise  :  a  Pers.  word  signifying  properly 
an  enclosure,  and  then  in  particular  a  park),  which  hence  became  the 
usual  name  in  the  Christian  Church  for  the  '  garden '  planted  in  Eden. 

eastward.  The  original  home  of  man  is  placed  in  the  far- 
distant  East,  in  a  region  in  or  near  Babylonia,  the  seat  of  the  most 
ancient  and  influential  civilization  known  to  the  Hebrews. 

'Eden.  As  a  Heb.  word,  'eden  would  mean  pleasure,  delight  (see 
cognate  words  in  Is.  xlvli.  8 ;  Neh.  ix.  25),  and  this  sense  was  no  doubt 
suggested  by  it  to  the  Hebrews  (cf  lxx.,  in  iii.  23,  24,  and  generally, 
6  TTapaScicros  T17S  Tpv<f}r}^) :  if  it  be  the  true  original  meaning  of  the 
word,  we  must  suppose  'Eden'  to  be  an  abbreviation  for  'land  of 
Eden.'  "But  'Eden'  is  the  name,  not  of  the  garden  itself,  but  of  the 
region  in  which  it  lay,  so  that  there  is  no  particular  appropriateness 
in  such  a  meaning ;  and  it  is  possible  that  it  is  the  Sumerian  edinu, 
a  word  explained  in  Ass.  word-lists  as  meaning  '  plain,  prairie,  desert,' 
in  which  case  it  will  denote  simply  the  great  alluvial  plain  watered  by 
the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates'.  Elsewhere  the  'garden  of  Jehovah' 
(or  '  of  God '),  or  the  '  garden  of  Eden,'  is  alluded  to  as  the  type  of  a 
fertile,  well-watered  place,  abounding  in  noble  trees  :  see  ch.  xiii.  10 ; 
Ez.  xxviii.  13,  xxxi.  8  f ,  16,  18,  xxxvi,  35 ;  Is.  li.  3 ;  Joel  ii.  3. 

9.  Emphasis  is  laid  on  the  trees  with  which  the  garden  was  stocked 
(cf  Ez.  xxxi.  8  f,  16,  18),  partly  on  account  of  the  two  which  are 
singled  out  for  special  mention,  but  partly  also,  it  would  seem,  because, 
according  to  the  conception  of  the  writer,  man  was  originally  intended 

^  Cf.  Friedrich  Delitzsch,  Wo  lag  das  Paradies?  79  f.;  KAT.^  26  f.  t  Sayce, 
Monuments,  95;  Zimmern,  KAT.^  529;  Pinches,  The  OT.  in  the  light  of  the  hist, 
records  of  Ass.  and  Bab.  (1902),  70 — 72;  and  see  Muss-Arnolt,  Ass.  Lex.  p.  21. 


II.  9-12]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  39 

is  pleasant  to  the  sight,  and  good  for  food  ;  the  tree  of  life  also  J 
in  the  midst  of  the  garden,  and  the  tree  of  the  knowledge  of 
good  and  evil.  10  And  a  river  went  out  of  Eden  to  water  the 
garden  ;  and  from  thence  it  was  parted,  and  became  four  heads. 
1 1  The  name  of  the  first  is  Pishon  :  that  is  it  which  compasseth 
the  whole  land  of  Havilah,  where  there  is  gold  ;  12  and  the  gold 
of  that  land  is  good :  there  is  bdellium  and  the  ^onyx  stone. 

1  Or,  heryl 

to  subsist  on  the  fruit  of  trees  (cf.  v.  16) ;  he  is  not  condemned  to  live 
on  herbs  till  iii.  18. 

the  tree  of  life.  Cf.  on  iii.  24.  The  expression  occurs  also,  in  a  fig. 
sense,  in  Prov.  iii.  18,  xi.  30,  xiii.  12,  xv.  4. 

10 — 14.  Provision  made  for  the  irrigation  of  the  garden.  The 
reference  is  implicitly  to  a  system  of  canals,  such  as  existed  in 
Babylonia,  from  at  least  the  time  of  Hammurabi  (c.  2300  B.C.)  onwards', 
conveying  the  water  from  a  main  stream  to  different  parts  of  the  land. 
The  river  arose  in  Eden,  outside  the  garden ;  it  passed  through  the 
garden,  providing  water  for  its  irrigation ;  and  from  thence,  i.e.  as 
it  issued  from  the  garden,  it  was  divided,  and  became  fou/r  heads,  i.e. 
(cf.  Ez.  xvi.  25,  xxi.  19;  and  the  use  of  the  expression  'heads  of 
rivers'  in  Arabic  of  the  parting-point  of  two  streams,  cited  by  Del.) 
the  heads  of  four  streams,  each  taking  its  separate  course,  as  described 
in  vv.  11 — 14.  The  representation  gives  an  idea  of  the  magnitude  of 
the  river  flowing  through  the  garden :  even  after  leaving  it,  it  could 
still  supply  four  large  streams*. 

11.  Pishon.     Not  elsewhere  mentioned.     See  p.  58  fi". 

HamUxh.  Most  probably  (see  on  x.  29)  a  region  in  the  NE.  of 
Arabia,  on  the  W.  coast  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  The  gold  of  Arabia  was 
famed  in  antiquity. 

12.  hdelUiim.  Heb.  Ifdblah,  mentioned  also  Nu.  xi.  7,  where 
the  manna  is  compared  to  it,  so  that  it  must  have  been  a  well-known 
substance.  Most  probably  it  was  what  the  Greeks  called  (3Se\\a  or 
/SScXAtov,  a  transparent,  wax-like  gum,  valued  for  its  fragrance,  and 
soothing  medicinal  properties  (Diosc.  i.  80;  Pliny,  UN.  xn.  ix_. ; 
Plant.  Cure.  101,  in  a  list  of  perfumes).  The  best  came  from  Arabia 
(Diosc),  or  Bactria  (Pliny) ;  but  it  was  found  also  in  Gedrosia 
(Beloochistan),  India,  and  other  places.     See  further  the  art.  in  EncB. 

onyx.  Heb.  shuham,  the  name  of  a  precious  stone,  much  esteemed 
by  the  Hebrews  (Job  xxviii.  16 ;  cf.  Ex.  xxviii.  9,  20),  though  there  is 

^  See  Maspero,  ii.  43  f. ;  and  cf.  below,  p.  156  n.  5. 

2  This  is  the  obvious  and  generally  accepted  interpretation  of  the  verse :  there 
is  however  another  view  according  to  which  it  describes,  not  four  streams  diverging 
from  one,  but  four  streams  converging  into  one  (see  below,  p.  58  f.).  But  the 
narrator  is  manifestly  following  in  his  description  the  downward  course  of  the 
stream;  it  is  most  unnatural  to  suppose  that  by  the  words  \from  thence  it  was 
parted'  he  means  to  describe  its  upward  course,  above  the  garden. 


40  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ii.  13-15 

13  And  the  name  of  the  second  river  is  Gihon  :  the  same  is  it  J 
that  compasseth  the  whole  land  of  Cush.     14  And  the  name  of 
the  third  river  is  ^Hiddekel :  that  is  it  which  goeth  ^iu  front  of 
Assyria.    And  the  fourth  river  is  Euphrates.     15  And  the  Lord 
God  took  the  man,  and  put  him  into  the  garden  of  Eden  to  dress 

1  That  is,  Tigris.  *  Or,  toward  the  east  of 

some  uncertainty  what  it  was,  philology  throwing  no  light  upon  the 
word,  and  the  ancient  versions  var}dng  much  in  their  renderings 
(lxx.  07ii/iV,  heryl,  sarditis,  emerald,  &c. ;  Pesh.  and  Targ.  heryl;  Vulg. 
usually  onyx).  Either  beryl  or  onyx  seems  most  probable  (see  Beryl 
in  EncB.,  and  Onyx  in  DBX  According  to  Pliny  {HN.  xxxvn. 
§  86  ff.)  the  onyx  was  obtained  specially  from  India  and  Arabia. 

In  Ass.  there  is  a  gem  scimtu,  often  mentioned ;  but  it  is  at  present 
unfortunately  quite  uncertain  what  it  is  :  'turquoise'  (Sayce),  and 
'pearl'  (Haupt),  are  both  conjectural  renderings. 

13.  Gihon.     Not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  OT.':  see  p.  58  ff. 
Cush.     The  usual  Heb.  name  of  Ethiopia  :  see  on  x.  6. 

14.  Hiddekel  (also  Dan.  x.  4).  The  Tigris :  Ass.  Idiglat,  Aram. 
Deklath,  Arab.  Dijlat*. 

in  front  of.  The  expression  might  mean  in  frmit  of  (from  the 
standpoint  of  the  narrator),  i.e.  in  reality,  west  of:  'in  front  of,' 
however,  means  commonly  in  Heb.  (cf  iv.  16,  xii.  8  ;  1  S.  xiii.  5 
Heb.)  east  of',  but  this  rendering  is  open  to  the  objection  that  Assyria 
extended  far  to  the  East  of  the  Tigris  :  hence,  if  it  is  adopted,  it  must 
either  be  supposed  that  the  description  is  a  vague  and  inexact  one 
(cf.  Is.  vii.  20) ;  or  (Sayce)  Asshur  must  be  taken  to  be  the  'city  of 
Asshur,'  now  KaVat  SherJcut,  on  the  W.  bank  of  the  Tigris,  about 
60  miles  S.  of  Nineveh,  the  capital  of  Assyria,  until  superseded  by 
Calah  and  Nineveh,  and  a  city  repeatedly  mentioned  by  the  Assyrian 
kings  in  their  inscriptions  (e.g.  KB.  I.  29,  33,  39,  125,  127,  133,  &c.). 
But  the  fact  of  this  city  being  not  elsewhere  referred  to  in  the  OT. 
makes  it  somewhat  unlikely  that  it  should  be  named  here  as  a  land-mark. 

Euphrates.  Heb.  P^rdth ;  Ass.  Purdtu  (the  Gk  form  Euphrates 
is  based  upon  the  Old  Persian  Ufrdtu). 

15.  Continuation  of  v.  'd^,  after  the  digression,  w.  10 — 14.  Man 
is  not  made  simply  to  enjoy  life ;  he  is  to  labour  and  work.  Even 
such  a  garden  as  the  one  described  in  v.  9  gives  scope  for  man's 
activity  :  he  is  to  till  it,  to  develop  its  capacities,  and  adapt  it  to 
his  own  ends,  and  to  keep  (Is.  xxvii.  3)  or  guard  it,  against  the 
natural  tendency  of  a  neglected  garden  to  run  wild,  and  against  damage 
from  wild  animals  or  other  possible  harm. 

1  For  of  course  the  '  Gihon '  of  1  K.  i.  33  al.  cannot  be  intended.  As  a  Heb. 
word  Gihon  \xould  mean  a  gushing  forth:  see  the  cognate  verb  in  Job  xl.  23''. 

2  Tigris.  Old  Pers.  Tigrd,  means  the  arrow-like,  i.e.  the  swift  (cf.  Stiabo,  xi.  14. 
8),  from  Old  Pers.  tighra,  sharp,  tighri,  arrow. 


II.  15-19]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  41 

it  and  to  keep  it.     16  Aud  the  Lord  God  commanded  the  man,  J 
saying,  Of  every  tree  of  the  garden  thou  may  est  freely  eat : 
17  but  of  the  tree  of  the  knowledge  of  good  and  evil,  thou  shalt 
not  eat  of  it :  for  in  the  day  that  thou  eatest  thereof  thou  shalt 
surely  die. 

18  And  the  Lord  God  said,  It  is  not  good  that  the  man 
should  be  alone ;  I  will  make  him  an  help  ^meet  for  hira.  19  And 
out  of  the  gi'ound  the  Lord  God  fonned  every  beast  of  the  field, 

*  Or,  answering  to 

16, 17.  'But  man  is  not  designed  solely  to  till  and  keep  the  garden. 
There  are  dormant  in  him  capacities  of  moral  and  religious  attainment, 
which  must  be  exercised,  developed,  and  tested.  A  command  is 
therefore  laid  upon  him,  adapted  to  draw  out  his  character,  and 
to  form  a  standard  by  which  it  may  be  tested.  It  is  a  short  and 
simple  command,  unaccompanied  even  by  a  reason  ;  but  it  is  sufficient 
for  the  purpose :  man's  full  knowledge  of  what  he  must  do  or  not  do 
can  be  attained  only  as  the  result  of  a  long  moral  and  spiritual 
development,  it  cannot  exist  at  the  beginning.  And  the  command 
relates  to  something  to  be  avoided :  the  acknowledgment  and  observance 
of  a  limitation,  imposed  upon  his  creaturely  freedom  by  his  Creator  and 
Lord,  must  be  for  man  the  starting-point  of  everything  else '  (Dillm.). 

17.  The  knoivledge  of  good  and  evil, — implying  the  power  of 
distinguishing  them,  and  estimating  each  at  its  proper  worth, — is  a 
capacity  not  possessed  by  little  children  (Dt.  i.  39),  but  gradually 
acquired  by  them  (Is.  vii.  15,  16),  and  accordingly  deficient  in  second 
childhood  (2  S.  xix.  35) ;  it  is  specially  necessary  for  a  judge  (1  K.  iii.  9), 
and  is  possessed  in  a  pre-eminent  degree  by  divine  beings  (ch.  iii.  5,  22), 
and  angels  (2  S.  xiv.  \1^). 

18 — 25.     The  formation  of  animals  and  of  woman. 

18.  It  is  not  enough  to  place  man  in  the  garden  :  further  provision 
is  yet  required  for  the  proper  development  of  his  nature,  and  satisfaction 
of  its  needs  :  a  lielp,  who  may  in  various  ways  assist  him,  and  who  may 
at  the  same  time  prove  a  companion,  able  to  interchange  thought  with 
him,  and  be  in  other  respects  his  intellectual  equal,  is  still  needed. 

an  help  meet  for  Mm.  Better,  corresponding  to  hi^n,  i.e.  adequate 
to  him,  intellectually  his  equal,  and  capable  of  satisfying  his  needs  and 
instincts  I     Cf  Ecclus.  xxxvi.  24. 

19.  First  of  all  beasts  and  birds  are  formed,  also  from  the  ground, 
and  brought  to  the  man  to  see  how  they  would  impress  him,  and 

^  AV.,  E.V.  had  :  but  the  Heb.  is  the  same  ;  and  in  fact  the  expression  includes 
what  is  beneficial  and  injmious,  as  well  as  what  is  morally  good  and  evil. 

2  'Meet'  is  of  course  an  archaism,  meaning  adapted,  suitable  (cf.  Ex.  viii.  26; 
Mt.  iii.  8  [AV.],  xv.  26).  To  speak  of  woman  (as  is  sometimes  done)  as  man's  'help- 
meet '  (absolutely)  is  an  error  implying  strange  ignorauce  of  the  English  language. 


42  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ii.  ,9-2, 

and  every  fowl  of  the  air ;  and  brought  them  unto  the  man  to  J 
see  what  he  would  call  them  :  and  whatsoever  the  man  called 
every  living  creature,  that  was  the  name  thereof.  20  And  the 
man  gave  names  to  all  cattle,  and  to  the  fowl  of  the  air,  and  to 
every  beast  of  the  field  ;  but  for  ^man  there  was  not  found  an 
help  meet  for  him.    21  And  the  Lord  God  caused  a  deep  sleep 

^  Or,  Adam 

whether  they  would  satisfy  the  required  need.  Fishes  are  not 
mentioned  ;  the  possibility  of  their  proving  a  '  help '  to  man  being  out 
of  the  question. 

In  ch.  i.  animals  are  all  created  before  man  :  so  that  it  is  again 
apparent  that  the  writer  of  ch.  ii.  4**  if.  follows  a  different  conception 
of  the  order  of  creation.     (The  rend.  '  had  formed'  is  against  idiom.) 

ivhat  he  would  call  them.  The  name  being  (primarily)  the 
expression  of  what  a  man  thinks,  this  is  tantamount  to  saying,  what 
impression  they  would  make  upon  him,  and  how  he  would  regard  them 
m  relation  to  himself 

living  creature.     Living  soul  (exactly  as  in  v.  7)  :  see  on  i.  20. 

20.  gave  names  &c.  Distinguished,  it  is  implied,  their  different 
characters,  or  appearances,  and  gave  them  corresponding  names.  A 
hint  is  here  given  of  one  of  the  earliest  uses  to  which  man  would  put 
his  faculty  of  language  (cf  p.  55) :  animals,  by  their  variety,  their 
often  remarkable  forms  and  habits,  their  life  and  activity,  in  many 
features  so  singularly  resembling  his  o^vn,  would  impress  him  vividly, 
and  quickly  give  him  occasion  to  put  this  faculty,  possessed  by  him,  to 
practical  use. 

But  amongst  all  the  animals  thus  surveyed  by  him,  there  was 
found  no  'help,  corresponding  to'  himself.  Many  animals  are 
serviceable  to  man,  and  so  a  '  help ' ;  some  may  even  become  his 
companions :  but  none  are  on  an  equality  with  him  ;  there  are  none 
with  whom  he  can  converse  intelligently,  or  whom  he  can  treat  as  his 
intellectual  or  social  equal.  '  The  dignity  of  human  nature  could  not, 
in  few  words,  be  more  beautifully  expressed'  (Dillm.) :  compare  the 
parallel  in  i.  26. 

for  man.  The  Massorites  have  here  and  iii.  17,  21  pointed  DtN? 
without  the  article,  treating  it  as  a  proper  name ;  but,  inasmuch  as, 
where  the  article  is  part  of  the  consonantal  text,  it  appears  consistently 
till  iv.  25  (see  e.g.  ii.  21,  iii.  22,  24,  iv.  1),  it  is  better  to  point 
accordingly  here  (ladddm,  not  l"dddm),  and  to  render /or  the  man. 

21,  22.  The  need  thus  awakened  in  the  man  God  now  proceeds 
to  satisfy  by  creating  woman. 

21.  a  deep  sleep.  In  order  that  the  secret  of  God's  operation  might 
remain  concealed  from  him.     The  word,  as  ch.  xv.  12,  1  S.  xxvi.  12. 

We  have  here  a  wonderfully  conceived  allegory,  designed,  by  a 
most  significant  figure,  to  set  forth  the  moral  and  social  relation 


iT.ai-is]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  43 

to  fall  upon  the  man,  and  he  slept ;  and  he  took  one  of  his  ribs,  J 
and  closed  up  the  flesh  instead  thereof:  22  and  the  rib,  which 
the  Lord  God  had  taken  from  the  man,  ^made  he  a  woman,  and 
brought  her  unto  the  man.  23  And  the  man  said,  This  is  now 
bone  of  my  bones,  and  flesh  of  my  flesh  :  she  shall  be  called 
2  Woman,  because  she  was  taken  out  of  ^Man.  24  Therefore  shall 
a  man  leave  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  shall  cleave  unto  his 
wife :  and  they  shall  be  one  flesh.  25  And  they  were  both 
naked,  the  man  and  his  wife,  and  were  not  ashamed. 

^  Heb.  builded  he  into.  ^  Heb.  Isshah.  ^  Heb.  Ish, 

of  the  sexes  to  each  other,  the  dependence  of  woman  upon  man,  her 
close  relationship  to  him,  and  the  foundation  existing  in  nature  for  the 
attachment  springing  up  between  them,  and  for  the  feelings  with  which 
each  should  naturally  regard  the  other.  The  woman  is  formed  out  of 
the  man's  side :  hence  it  is  the  wife's  natural  duty  to  be  at  hand,  ready 
at  all  times  to  be  a  '  help '  to  her  husband,  it  is  the  husband's  natural 
duty  ever  to  cherish  and  defend  his  wife,  as  part  of  his  own  self. 

23.  The  man  at  once  recognizes  in  the  woman  one  intimately 
related  to  himself,  and  fitted  to  be  his  intellectual  and  moral  consort. 

This  is  now  &c.  I.e.  now  at  last,  in  contrast  to  the  animals  which 
had  before  been  brought  to  him.  The  exclamation,  which  has  almost 
a  poetical  rhythm,  gives  expression  to  the  joyful  surprise  with  which 
he  beholds  her. 

bone  of  my  hones  &c.  Cf.,  though  the  expression  is  not  so  strong, 
xxix.  14 ;  Jud.  ix.  2  ;  2  S.  v.  1. 

Woman.  The  assonance  of  the  Heb.  (see  RVm.)  is  in  this  case 
fairly  reproducible  in  English.  Symmachus  for  the  same  purpose  uses 
dvSpt?,  Luther  Mdnnin. 

24.  The  narrator's  comment,  explanatory  of  the  later  existing 
custom  (cf.  X.  9,  xxii.  14^  xxxii.  32)\  Therefore, — viz.  because  man 
and  woman  were  originally  one,  and  hence  essentially  belong  together, — 
doth  a  man  leave  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  cleave  tmto  his  vnfe; 
and  they  become  one  flesh :  the  attachment  between  them  becoming 
greater,  and  the  union  closer,  even  than  that  between  parent  and  child. 
Marriage, — and  moreover  monogamic  marriage, — is  thus  explained  as 
the  direct  consequence  of  a  relation  established  by  the  Creator. 
Cf.  Mt.  xix.  4—6  (II  Mk.  x.  6—8);  1  Cor.  vi.  16,  xi.  8—12  ;  Eph.  v. 
28—33  ;  1  Tim.  ii.  12—14. 

they.     Lxx.  the  twain,  whence  Mt.  xix.  5,  Mk.  x.  8,  1  Cor.  vi.  16. 

25.  The  narrative  closes  with  a  picture  of  their  child-like  innocence. 
The  particular  direction  in  which  their  innocence  is  represented  as 
displapng  itself,  is  due  probably  to  the  narrator's  intention  of  explaining 
afterwards  (iii.  7,  cf.  21)  the  origin  of  clothing. 

^  The  tenses  used  have  a  frequentative  force:  see  G.-K.  §§  107^,  112™. 


44  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [iii.  i 

Chapter  III. 
The  Fall  and  its  Conseque^nces. 

The  chapter  describes  how  man  was  seduced  into  disobedience :  and  how, 
after  a  judicial  inquiry  held  by  God,  sentence  was  passed  successively  upon  the 
seducer,  upon  the  woman,  and  upon  the  man.  The  sinful  desire,  though  it  has 
its  real  seat  within  the  3oul,  is  excited  by  an  outward  object,  appealing  to  the 
senses ;  and  here  it  is  stimulated  into  activity,  and  directed  towards  its  object 
(the  forbidden  fruit),  by  the  serpent.  The  serpent  is  introduced  in  the  fii'st 
instance  simply  as  one  of  the  animals  which  had  passed  before  the  man :  it 
appears  soon,  however,  that  it  is  more,  at  any  rate,  than  an  ordinary  animal : 
it  possesses  the  faculty  of  speech,  which  it  exercises  with  supreme  intelhgence 
and  skill  The  serpent  is  a  creature  which  among  primitive  and  semi-primitive 
peoples  nearly  always  attracts  attention :  its  peculiar  form  and  habits,  so  diflfer- 
ent  from  those  of  other  animals,  suggest  that  there  is  something  mysterious 
and  supernatural  about  it ;  the  Arabs,  for  instance,  say  that  in  every  serpent 
there  lurks  a  jinn  (or  spirit).  The  serpent  had  moreover  in  antiquity  the 
reputation  of  wisdom  (Mt.  x.  16),  especially  in  a  bad  sense :  it  was  insidious, 
malevolent, '  subtil.'  And  so  it  appears  here  as  the  representative  of  the  power 
of  temptation;  it  puts  forth  with  great  artfulness  suggestions,  which,  when 
embraced,  and  carried  into  action,  give  rise  to  sinful  desires  and  sinful  acts. 
The  serpent  is  not,  however,  in  the  narrative  identified  with  the  Evil  One.  The 
OT.  does  not  mention  the  being  whom  we  call  '  Satan '  till  the  period  of  the 
exile;  and  even  then  he  is  not  the  'tempter'  of  the  NT.^:  it  was  only  later, 
when  it  had  become  usual  to  connect  the  power  of  evil  with  a  person,  that  those 
who  looked  back  upon  this  narrative  saw  in  the  serpent  the  Evil  One.  The 
identification  appears  first  in  Wisd,  ii.  24  ('  by  envy  of  the  devil  death  entered 
into  the  world');  of.  Rev.  xii.  9,  xx.  2, 

III.     1  Now  the  serpent  was  more  subtil  than  any  beast  of  J 
the  field  which  the  Lord  God  had  made.    And  he  said  mito  the 
woman,  Yea,  hath  God  said,  Ye  shall  not  eat  of  '^any  tree  of  the 

*  Or,  all  the  treet 

III.  1.  The  serpent  begins  by  addressing  the  woman,  the  weaker 
vessel,  who  moreover  had  not  herself  actually  heard  the  prohibition 
(ii.  16  f.).  It  first  distorts  the  prohibition,  and  then  affects  surprise 
at  it  when  thus  distorted ;  thus  it  artfully  sows  doubts  and  suspicions 
in  the  heart  of  the  unsuspecting  woman,  and  at  the  same  time 

1  See  A.  B.  Davidson's  note  on  Job  i.  6  in  the  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schooli, 


III.  1-6]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  46 

garden  ?  2  And  the  woman  said  unto  the  serpent,  Of  the  fruit  J 
of  the  trees  of  the  garden  we  may  eat :  3  but  of  the  fruit  of  the 
tree  which  is  in  the  midst  of  the  garden,  God  hath  said,  Ye  shall 
not  eat  of  it,  neither  shall  ye  touch  it,  lest  ye  die.  4  And  the 
serpent  said  unto  the  woman.  Ye  shall  not  surely  die  :  5  for 
God  doth  know  that  in  the  day  ye  eat  thereof,  then  your  eyes 
shall  be  opened,  and  ye  shall  be  as  ^God,  knowing  good  and  evil. 
6  And  when  the  woman  saw  that  the  tree  was  good  for  food, 
and  that  it  was  a  delight  to  the  eyes,  and  that  the  tree  was  ^to  be 
desired  to  make  one  wise,  she  took  of  the  fruit  thereof,  and  did 

1  Or,  god*  "  Or,  desirable  to  look  upon 

insinuates  that  it  is  itself  qualified  to  judge  of  the  propriety  of  such 
a  prohibition. 

subtil.  Or,  wily  (Jos.  ix.  4),  crafty  (Job  v.  12) ;  used  also  in  a 
good  sense  {=callidus),  Pr.  xii.  16,  23  al. 

2,  3.  The  woman  corrects  the  serpent;  and,  to  shew  how  fully 
aware  she  is  of  the  strictness  of  the  prohibition,  adds  (what  is  not 
contained  in  ii.  16  f.)  that  they  are  not  even  to  touch  the  fruit  of  the 
tree. 

4.  5.  The  serpent  now  goes  on  to  deny  flatly  the  truth  of  the 
threat,  to  suggest  an  unworthy  motive  for  it,  and  to  hold  out  the  hope 
of  a  great  boon  to  be  secured  by  disobedience.  The  immediate  reward, 
adroitly  though  fallaciously  put  forward,  thus  sets  out  of  sight  the 
remoter  penalty. 

5.  /w  God  doth  know  &c.  It  is  not  on  your  account,  to  save  you 
from  death,  but  on  His  account,  to  prevent  your  becoming  like  Him, 
that  He  has  forbidden  you  to  eat  this  fruit.  The  serpent  attributes 
the  proliibition  to  envy,  the  quality  so  often  ascribed  to  the  gods  by  the 
Greeks  (e.g.  Hdt.  i.  32,  iii.  40,  vn.  10,  48). 

as  God.  Or,  as  gods  (RVm.  =  AV.).  The  Heb.  is  ambiguous  (the 
Heb.  for  *God'  being  plural  in  form) ;  so  that  the  marg.  is  quite  possible 
(cf  -y.  22 ;  2  S.  xiv.  17).  The  distinction  between  God  and  divine 
beings  was  not  so  clearly  drawn  by  the  Hebrews  as  it  is  by  us  (cf  1  S. 
xxviii.  13;  perhaps,  also,  Ps.  Ixxxii.  1,  6,  xcvii.  7,  cxxxviii.  1) :  angels 
are  called  sometimes  the  '  sons  of  God '  (or  '  of  the  gods ' ;  c£  on  v.  22, 
and  p.  82  n.). 

6.  The  woman  does  not  repel  the  suggested  doubt  as  to  God's 
truth  and  love,  but  yields  to  it :  the  prospect  of  the  tree  in 
front  of  her,  and  the  thought  of  the  boon  to  be  so  speedily  and 
easily  acquired,  overpower  her :  she  both  eats  of  the  fruit  herself, 
and  also  offers  it  to  her  husband,  who  naturally  follows  the  example 
which  she  has  set. 

to  make  one  wise.  Better,  though  the  general  sense  remains  tlie 
same,  for  becoming  wise  (Ps.  ii.  10,  xciv,  8).     To  look  iq^n  '(lxx., 


46  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [iii.  6-9 

eat ;  and  she  gave  also  unto  her  husband  with  her,  and  he  did  J 
eat.  7  And  the  eyes  of  them  both  were  opened,  and  they  knew 
that  they  were  naked ;  and  they  sewed  fig  leaves  together,  and 
made  themselves  ^aprons.  8  And  they  heard  the  ^ voice  of  the 
Lord  God  walking  in  the  garden  in  the  ^cool  of  the  day :  and  the 
man  and  his  wife  hid  themselves  from  the  presence  of  the  Lord 
God  amongst  the  trees  of  the  garden.  9  And  the  Lord  God 
called  unto  the  man,  and  said  unto  him,  Where  art  thou? 

*  Or,  girdles  '  Or,  sound  '  Heb.  wind. 

Pesh.,  Vulg.,  Ges.,  RVm.)  is  a  meaning  of  hiskil  which  is  not  otherwise 
known.  (It  occurs  in  Aramaic,  and  post-Biblical  Hebrew,  but  only  in 
the  reflexive  conjug.,  properly  to  shew  oneself  attentive.) 

7.  They  had  eaten  of  the  tree  of  knowledge ;  and  so,  the  idea  is, 
they  had  passed  in  a  moment — as  we  all  pass,  though  only  in  the 
course  of  years — from  the  innocence  of  childhood  into  the  knowledge 
which  (see  on  ii.  17)  belongs  to  adult  age.  Their  sense  of  guilt  betrays 
itself  unconsciously,  before  long,  in  their  behaviour  as  described  in  v.  8. 
For  the  present,  however,  the  narrator  notices  only  their  acquisition  of 
another  t;ense,  in  which  adult  age  differs  from  childhood,  and  the 
absence  of  which  had  been  noted  in  ii.  24  as  a  mark  of  innocence. 

the  eyes  of  them  both  were  opened.  The  expression  is  used  of  any 
sudden,  or  miraculous,  enlightenment,  xxi,  19,  2  K.  vi.  17.  The 
serpent's  words  {v.  5)  were  thus  fulfilled :  but  the  knowledge  gained 
was  very  difierent  from  that  which  they  had  been  led  to  anticipate. 

fig  leaves.  Why  in  particular  ^(/-leaves  ?  Probably  because  among 
the  leaves  of  Palestinian  trees  those  of  the  fig-tree  were  the  largest. 
The  mention  of  the  fig  is  an  indication  that  the  narrative,  if  Babylonian 
in  origin,  must  have  been  domesticated  in  Palestine  :  for  the  fig-tree  is 
indigenous  in  Syria  and.  Palestine,  and  (Hdt.  i.  193)  there  were  '  no  fig- 
trees  '  in  Babylonia. 

aprons.  Girdles,  such  as  used  to  be  worn  round  the  loins, — in 
later  times,  outside  the  dress.   See  the  same  word  in  1  K.  ii.  5,  Is.  iii.  24. 

8 — 13.     God's  judicial  inquiry. 

8.  voice.  Rather,  sound.  The  garden  was  one  in  which,  it  is 
implied,  God  and  man  were  wont  to  meet  and  discourse  together  :  but 
now,  when  they  hear  His  footsteps,  they  are  afraid — for  the  voice  of 
conscience  tells  them  that  they  have  incurred  His  displeasure — and 
make  a  vain  attempt  to  hide  themselves. 

toward  the  cool  of  the  day.  I.e.  toward  evening,  when  in  the  East 
a  coohng  wind  arises  (Cant.  ii.  17  =  iv.  6),  and  the  Oriental  can  issue 
forth  from  his  dwelling  (contrast  ch.  xviii.  1). 

9.  Where  art  thou?  'The  call  which,  after  every  sin,  repeats 
itself  to  the  man  who  seeks  to  deceive  himself  and  others  concerning 
his  sin'  (Dillm.). 


m.  IO-I4]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  47 

10  And  he  said,  I  heard  thy  ^  voice  in  the  garden,  and  I  was  J 
afraid,  because  I  was  naked;  and  I  hid  myself.  11  And  he 
said,  Who  told  thee  that  thou  wast  naked  ?  Hast  thou  eaten  of 
the  tree,  whereof  I  commanded  thee  that  thou  shouldest  not 
eat?  12  And  the  man  said.  The  woman  whom  thou  gavest  to 
be  with  me,  she  gave  me  of  the  tree,  and  I  did  eat.  13  And  the 
Lord  God  said  unto  the  woman,  What  is  this  thou  hast  done  ? 
And  the  woman  said.  The  serpent  beguiled  me,  and  I  did  eat. 
14  And  the  Lord  God  said  unto  the  serpent.  Because  thou  hast 
done  this,  cursed  art  thou  ^above  all  cattle,  and  ^above  every 
beast  of  the  field  ;  upon  thy  belly  shalt  thou  go,  and  dust  shalt 

1  Or,  sound  2  Qr,  from  among 

10.  Being  no  longer  able  to  hide  himself,  but  shrinking  still  from 
acknowledging  the  entire  truth,  the  man  at  first  alleges  only  his 
nakedness,  as  the  cause  of  his  concealment. 

11,  12.  But  the  Judge  presses  for  a  full  confession,  so  the  man 
now  owns  the  deed,  but  seeks  immediately  to  extenuate  it  by  casting 
the  blame  for  it  upon  the  woman,  and  even  ultimately  upon  God 
('whom  thou  gavest  to  be  with  me'). 

13.  The  woman,  when  questioned,  in  her  turn  casts  the  blame 
upon  the  serpent.     Cf  2  Cor.  xi.  3 ;    1  Tim.  ii.  14. 

The  object  of  the  questions  is  to  elicit  from  both  the  man  and  the 
woman  a  full  admission  of  their  guilt.  No  such  questions  are  put  to 
the  serpent,  because,  being  not  a  morally  responsible  being,  the  awaken- 
ment  of  a  sense  of  guilt  in  it  is  not  needed,  or  indeed  possible. 

14 — 19.     Tlie  sentences. 

14,  15.  The  sentence  on  the  serpent.  The  serpent,  being  an 
animal,  is  not  morally  responsible :  but  it  is  punished  her^  as  the 
representative  of  evil  thoughts  and  suggestions ;  man  must  recognize, 
in  its  punishment,  how  the  curse  of  God  rests  upon  all  evil  thoughts, 
such  as  those  of  which  it  has  been  the  instigator. 

14.  above.  Lit.  out  of,  or  (RVm.)  from  among,  i.e.  selected  out  of 
others  as  cursed,  and  not  implying  (as  'above'  might  suggest)  that 
other  animals  are  cursed  likewise. 

■upon  thy  belly  &c.  The  mark  of  the  serpent's  curse  consists  in  its 
crawling  gait,  and  dusty  food  (cf  Is.  Ixv.  25) ;  not  that  it  actually 
lived  on  dust,  but  moving  as  it  did  with  its  mouth  upon  the  ground,  it 
might  readily  be  supposed  to  swallow  more  dust  than  other  animals  (cf 
Mic.  vii.  17). 

As  the  serpent,  by  the  stealthiness  and  rapidity  of  its  attack,  and 
its  often  deadly  bite,  was  a  fit  emblem  of  the  destructiveness  of  the 
power  of  evil,  so,  by  its  life  passed  in  the  dust,  it  was  to  remind  man  a 
of  the  prostrate  condition  in  which  it  was  God's  design  and  intention  I 
that  the  power  of  evil  should  ever  be  held  down.  ' 


48  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [iii.  14-16 

thou  eat  all  the  days  of  thy  life :    15    and  I  will  put  enmity  J 
between  thee  and  the  woman,  and  between  thy  seed  and  her 
seed :  it  shall  ^bruise   thy  head,  and  thou  shalt   ^bruise  his 
heeL     16  Unto  the  woman  he  said,  I  will  greatly  multiply  thy 
sorrow  and  thy  conception  ;  in  sorrow  thou  shalt  bring  forth 

^  Or,  lie  in  wait  for 

all  the  days  of  thy  life.  The  serpent  is  obviously  identified  here 
with  the  serpent-Trtcg ;  and  suitably  so,  for  it  represents  the  ever- 
reviving,  ever  newly  active,  power  of  evil  (cf  'seed '  in  v.  15). 

15,  The  serpent  is  to  be  not  only  a  grovelling  creature;  there  is 
to  be  irreconcilable  enmity  between  it  and  man.  The  terms  of  the 
sentence  are  suggested  by  the  relation  actually  existing  between  the 
human  race  and  (speaking  generally)  the  serpent  race ;  but  it  is  evident 
that  the  words  used  include  more  than  this  :  the  serpent,  even  more 
clearly  than  in  v.  14,  is  the  representative  of  the  power  of  evil. 

bruise.  The  word  recurs  Job  ix.  17;  Ps.  cxxxix.  11  ^  'Bruise,' 
however,  does  not  properly  suit  the  last  clause  (where  it  is  used  of  the 
serpent) ;  hence  many  moderns  render  aim  at,  make  for  (cf  LXX. 
Tr]p7Ja-ei(^) ;  Onk.  watck,  observe),  supposing  shuph  to  be  a  cognate  form 
of  shaaph,  prop,  to  pant  (Jer.  xiv.  6),  fig.  to  pant  after,  be  eager  for 
(in  a  hostile  sense),  Ps.  Ivi.  1,  2,  Ivii.  3  al.  [RV.  would  swallow  me  up\ 
It  may,  however,  be  doubted  whether  this  poetic,  metaphorical  applica- 
tion (RVm.  lie  in  wait  for  is  too  free)  is  here  very  suitable  either  ;  and 
it  seems  better,  on  the  whole,  to  retain  bruise,  supposing  it  to  be  used 
improperly  of  the  serpent  in  the  last  clause  on  account  of  its  use  of  the 
woman's  seed  in  the  clause  before. 

The  passage  has  been  known  for  long  as  the  Protevangelium ;  and 
no  doubt  it  is  that :  but  we  must  not  read  into  the  words  more  than 
they  contain.  No  victory  of  the  woman's  seed  is  promised,  but  only  a 
perpetual  antagonism,  in  which  each  side,  using  the  weapons  which  it  is 
natural  to  it  to  employ,  will  seek  to  obtain  the  mastery  of  the  other. 
Only  from  the  general  drift  and  tenor  of  the  passage  can  it  be  inferred 
that  the  conflict  is  one  in  which  the  '  seed  of  the  woman '  may  hope 
ultimately  to  have  the  victory :  as  Dillm.  remarks,  a  conflict  ordained 
by  God,  in  which  the  serpent  is  viewed  evidently  as  the  offender  and 
aggressor,  cannot  but  end  in  the  triumph  of  its  opponent.  The  passage 
thus  '  strikes  at  the  outset  of  redemptive  history  the  note  of  promise 
and  of  hope'  (Ottley,  History  of  the  Hebrews,  p.  11).  See  further 
p.  57. 

16.  The  sentence  on  the  woman :  p.ain,  especially  the  pain 
attendant  upon  child-bearing,  and  evils  arising  out  of  her  relation 
to  her  husband. 

thy  pain  and  thy  conception.  I.e.,  probably,  pain  (in  general),  and 
especially  such  as  is  the  result  of  pregnancy.     'Pain'  (|i3Xy,  only 

1  Here  probably  corrupt  (read  prob.  '^Sb'^^  'screen  me') :  for  'darkuess'  cannot 
be  said  naturally  to  '  bruise '  a  person.    RV.  is  no  rendering  of  the  Hebrew. 


III.  i6,  ,7]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  49 

children  ;  and  thy  desire  shall  be  to  thy  husband,  and  he  shall  J 
rule  over  thee.     17  And  unto  Adam  he  said,  Because  thou  hast 
hearkened  unto  the  voice  of  thy  wife,  and  hast  eaten  of  the  tree, 
of  which  I  commanded  thee,  saying,  Thou  shalt  not  eat  of  it : 
cursed  is  the  ground  for  thy  sake  ;  in  Hoil  shalt  thou  eat  of  it  all 

^  Or,  sorrow 

besides  v.  17,  v.  29)  includes  bodily  as  well  as  mental  pain  ;  and  is  not 
to  be  limited  to  what  we  should  now  describe  as  '  sorrow '  (see  v.  29). 

in  pain  &c.  The  Hebrews  spoke  proverbially  of  the  severe  pain  (^^n, 
not  3^y,  as  here)  of  child-bearing  (e.g.  Is.  xxi.  3 ;  Jer,  vi.  24 ;  Ps.  xlviii. 
6) ;  and  here  it  is  represented  as  the  penalty  for  Eve's  transgression. 

thy  desire  &c.  Woman  is  to  be  dependent  in  two  respects  upon 
her  husband  :  (1)  she  will  desire  his  cohabitation,  thereby  at  the  same 
time  increasing  her  liability  to  the  pain  of  child-bearing ;  (2)  he  will 
rule  over  her,  with  allusion  to  the  oppressed  condition  of  woman  in 
antiquity,  when  she  was  often  not  more  than  the  slave  of  her  husband, 
and  was  liable  to  be  treated  by  him  with  gi*eat  arbitrariness. 

It  is  of  course  evident  that  the  presence  of  sin  in  the  world  has 
been  the  cause  of  immeasurable  suffering  to  woman  in  precisely  many 
of  the  ways  that  are  here  indicated  ;  but  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
the  physical  constitution  of  the  human  fi-ame  has  been  so  altered  by  it 
that  a  function,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  exercised  painlessly, 
should  have  become  a  painful  one :  in  so  far,  therefore,  as  the  text 
implies  this,  we  can  only  conclude  that,  as  in  other  instances,  the 
writer  was  guided  by  moral  rather  than  by  historical  considerations 
(cf  p.  36).  At  the  same  time,  even  in  regard  to  child-bearing,  it 
is  no  doubt  the  case  tliat  at  this  critical  and  anxious  moment  of 
a  woman's  life,  the  sense  of  past  wrong-doing  weighs  peculiarly 
upon  her,  and  also  that  men's  cruelty  and  women's  folly  have  con- 
tributed to  make  the  process  more  painful  and  perilous  for  women 
than  it  is  for  animals. 

17 — 19.  The  sentence  on  the  man.  Worh  had  been  appointed 
for  man  before  (ii.  15) :  the  penalty  is  to  consist  in  its  laboriousness, 
and  in  the  disappointments  and  vexations  which  often  accompany  it. 
Agriculture  is  specified  in  particular,  because  it  was  one  of  the  earliest, 
and  has  always  been  one  of  the  most  necessary,  of  human  employments ; 
and  a  curse  is  accordingly  laid  upon  the  soil  and  upon  its  productive 
power.  Human  wilfulness  and  human  sin  have  in  innumerable  ways 
embittered  toil ;  but,  as  before,  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  sin  of  Adam 
affected  directly  the  physical  productivity  of  the  earth'. 

17.  toil.  Heb.  ]i3^y,  pam,  as  v.  16* ;  here  oi  painful  toil,  as  v.  29; 
cf.  the  use  of  the  cognate  2ii;  in  Pr.  x.  22**,  xiv.  23'',  v.  10^  Ps.  cxxvii.  2. 

1  It  may  be  worth  recalling  that  classical  antiquity  also  supposed  that  in  the 
Golden  Age  the  earth  brought  forth  spontaneously  all  that  was  required  for  human 
needs,  and  that  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  was  only  introduced  at  a  later  period  (see 
e.g.  Hes.  Op.  et  Dies,  118  f.;  Ovid,  Met.  i.  101  ff.;  and  cf.  Verg.  G.  i.  121  ff.). 

r.  4 


50  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [m.  17-23 

the  days  of  thy  life ;  18  thorns  also  and  thistles  shall  it  bring  J 
forth  to  thee ;  and  thou  shalt  eat  the  herb  of  the  field;  19  in 
the  sweat  of  thy  face  shalt  thou  eat  bread,  till  thou  return  unto 
the  ground ;  for  out  of  it  wast  thou  taken  :  for  dust  thou  art, 
and  unto  dust  shalt  thou  return.  20  And  the  man  called  his 
wife's  name  ^Eve ;  because  she  was  the  mother  of  all  living. 
21  And  the  Lord  God  made  for  Adam  and  for  his  wife  coats  of 
skins,  and  clothed  them. 

22  And  the  Lord  God  said,  Behold,  the  man  is  become  as 
one  of  us,  to  know  good  and  evil ;  and  now,  lest  he  put  forth 
his  hand,  and  take  also  of  the  tree  of  life,  and  eat,  and  live  for 
ever :  23  therefore  the  Lord  God  sent  him  forth  from  the 
garden  of  Eden,  to  till  the  ground  from  whence  he  was  taken. 

^  Heb.  Havvah,  that  is,  Living,  or,  Life, 

18.  tlie  herb  of  the  field.  Herbs,  it  is  implied,  need  to  be  toil- 
somely cultivated,  to  prevent  their  being  choked  by  weeds,  whereas  the 
fruit  of  trees  (ii.  16)  matures  spontaneously. 

19.  till  &c.  Emphasizing  the  thought  of  -w.  17  end^  that  the  toil 
is  to  be  life-long. 

and  unto  dust  &c.  Cf.  Job  x.  9,  xxxiv.  15 ;  Ps.  xc.  3,  civ.  29  (of 
animals),  cxlvi.  4 ;  Eccl.  iii.  20,  xii.  7. 

20.  Em.  Heb.  Havnvdh,  '  life' ;  the  name  being  explained  as 
implying  that  all  (human)  life  originated  from  her.  The  word  must  be 
a  very  old  one  in  Hebrew ;  like  Jehovah  (' Yahweh'),  it  is  derived  from 
a  form  (with  w  for  y)  obsolete  in  ordinary  Hebrew,  though  preserved  in 
Phoenician,  as  hdwdh,  '  to  be,'  is  preserved  in  Aramaic. 

21.  The  feehng  which  prompted  the  making  of  girdles  of  fig-leaves 
(v.  7)  is  recognized  as  a  sound  one ;  only  coverings  of  a  more  permanent 
and  substantial  kind  are  provided.  The  origin  of  clothing  is  at  the 
same  time  explained.  Skins  of  animals  are  mentioned  as  the  simplest 
and  most  primitive  kind  of  clothing  in  practical  use. 

coats.     Rather,  tunics. 

22 — 24.  The  expulsion  from  Paradise.  Man  was  created,  it  is 
implied,  mortal ;  though,  if  he  had  continued  innocent  he  might  have 
secured  immortality  by  eating  of  the  tree  of  life.  But  immortality — or 
at  least  immortality  to  be  so  attained — is  out  of  the  question  for  a 
sinful  being :  to  prevent  him  therefore  from  obtaining  it,  he  is  driven 
forth  to  till  the  ground  to  which  he  belongs  (ii.  7,  iii.  19),  under  the 
toilsome  conditions  imposed  m  v.  17  ff. 

22.  as  one  of  us.  Man  has  acquired  to  a  certain  degree  what  is  a 
divine  prerogative  or  distinction.  It  is  not  however  said  that  he  has 
become  like  Jehovah,  but  only  that  he  has  become  like  one  of  the  class 
of  divine  beings  (cf.  on  v.  5)  to  which  Jehovah  also  belongs. 


III.  .4]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  51 

24  So  he  drove  out  the  niaii ;  and  he  placed  at  the  east  of  the  J 
garden  of  Eden  the  Cherubim,  and  the  flame  of  a  sword  which 
turned  eveiy  way,  to  keep  the  way  of  the  tree  of  life. 

24.  The  Cherubim,  and  the  flaming  sword,  set  to  guard  the  n-ay 
to  the  tree  of  life,  are  a  sjonbolical  expression  of  the  truth  that  the 
garden  of  innocence  and  purity  and  ideal  happiness  cannot  be  entered 
again  by  man  upon  earth. 

But  the  garden,  with  the  tree  of  immortality  in  its  midst,  thus  lost 
to  man  in  his  earthly  existence,  came  in  a  later  age,  when  the  belief 
in  a  future  life  began  more  definitely  to  shape  itself,  to  supply  imagery 
for  the  ideal  place  of  happiness  after  death.  And  so  we  find  '  the 
garden  of  Eden'  (11.y  \l)  in  post-Biulical  Jewish  writings^  and  'Paradise 
(see  on  ii.  8)  in  2  Esdr.  viii.  52,  the  NT.  (Lk.  xxiii.  43 ;  2  Cor.  xii.  4  ; 
Rev.  ii.  7),  and  other  Christian  writings,  used  to  denote  the  future 
abode  of  the  blessed;  comp.  the  'tree  of  life'  in  Enoch  xxv.  4  f.^ 
(2  cent.  B.C.) ;  2  Esdr.  viii.  52 ;  Rev.  ii.  7,  xxii.  2. 

On  the  emblematic  figures  called  Cherubim,  see  further  p.  60  f. 

Allusions  to  the  Fall  scarcely  occur  in  other  parts  of  the  OT.  (for  IIos.  vi.  7, 
Job  xxxi.  33,  are  both  uncertain:  see  RVm.):  they  appear,  however,  in  the 
Apocrypha,  as  Wisd.  ii.  24,  x.  1 ;  Ecelus.  xxv.  24;  2  Esdr.  iii.  21,  iv.  30,  vii.  48 
(118);  of.  Apoc.  of  Baruch  liv.  15,  19  (see  Sandav-Headlam,  Romans,  p.  137); 
and  in  NT.  the  references  to  it  are  frequent;  see  Rom.  v.  12 — 21;  1  Cor. 
XV.  21  f,;  2  Cor.  xi.  3;  1  Tim.  ii.  14;  Rev.  xii.  9,  xx,  2. 


On  the  narrative  ii.  4'' — iii.  24. 

In  reading  these  two  chapters  we  must  distinguish  between  the  narrative 
itself, — the  scenery  and  incidents,  as  such, — and  the  spiritual  teaching  which 
they  are  intended  to  convey.  The  material  side  of  the  narrative  was  derived, 
there  can  be  little  doubt,  from  the  representations  and  traditions  current 
among  the  wi-iter's  fellow-countrymen,  though  not  entirely  of  native  origin. 
The  narrative  contains  features  which  have  unmistakable  counterparts  in  the 
religious  traditions  of  other  nations;  and  some  of  these,  though  they  have  been 
accommodated  to  the  spirit  of  Israel's  religion,  carry  indications  that  they  are 
not  native  to  it.  A  'golden  age'  standing  at  the  beginning  of  history,  in  which 
the  earth  yielded  its  products  freely,  and  men  lived  a  life  of  ideal  happiness, 
unalloyed  by  care  or  sin,  by  toil  or  trouble,  was  pictured  by  many  ancient  nations, 
Persians  and  Indians,  for  instance,  as  well  as  Greeks  (e.g.  lies.  Op.  et  Dies, 
90—92,  109—120)  and  Romans  (Ov.  Met.  i.  89—112).  The  idea  of  a  garden 
upon  earth,  which  is  God's  own  abode,  and  in  which  supernatural  gifts  are 
confeiTed  by  means  of  the  fniits  of  trees,  is  akin  to  (though  not  identical 
with)  the  representations  current  in  India  and  Persia,  according  to  which  the 

1  E.g.  Ahoth  v.  20  (Taylor  29) ;  Targ.  of  Cant.  iv.  12.  Cf.  Enoch  Ix.  8  '  the 
garden  where  the  elect  and  righteous  dwell,'  with  Charles'  note. 

*  Where,  however,  its  truit  confers  only  long  life,  not  immortality. 

4—2 


62  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

dwellings  of  gods  and  genii  on  the  sacred  mountains  contained  wonderful  trees 
able  to  confer  many  different  kinds  of  blessings,  especially  (as  the  Soma  plant) 
immortality.  Both  these  and  other  elements  in  the  representation,  as  the 
Cherubim  and  the  flaming  sword,  perhaps  even  the  serpent,  have  in  fact  a 
mythical  colouring,  and  suggest  the  inference  that  they  have  been  derived 
ultimately  from  a  mythological  source.  There  are  also  features  tending 
specifically  to  connect  the  narrative  with  Babylonia.  As  different  represen- 
tations of  the  course  of  creation  were  current  in  Israel,  so,  as  we  now  know, 
they  were  also  current  in  Babylonia;  and  one  in  which,  as  in  ch.  ii.,  the 
formation  of  man  precedes  that  of  plants  and  animals,  exists  in  a  veiy  ancient 
narrative  (according  to  Hommel,  as  old  as  3 — 4000  b.o.)  which  was  published  by 
Mr  Pinches  in  1890.  It  is  too  long  to  translate  verbatim''-',  but  it  describes 
how  when  as  yet  'no  reed  had  sprung  up,  no  tree  had  been  created'  [cf.  Gen.  ii.  5], 
no  house  or  city  built,  Nippur  and  Erech,  with  their  temples,  not  yet  founded, 
and  when  the  world  was  all  a  sea,  Marduk  formed  the  dry  land,  and  made  it 
an  abode  for  the  gods;  and  after  this  how  he  'created  mankind,'  made  beasts 
of  the  field,  living  things  of  the  field,  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  in  their 
places,  the  verdure  of  the  field,  grass,  marshes,  reeds,  the  wild-cow  with  her 
young,  the  young  wild-ox,  the  ewe  with  her  young,  the  sheep  of  the  fold,  parks 
and  forests,  and  finally  houses  and  cities,  and  Nippur  and  Erech  with  their 
temples.  In  view  of  the  antiquity  of  this  narrative.  Prof.  Sayce^  does  not 
hesitate  to  see  in  it  'the  earliest  starting-point  yet  known  to  us  of  that  form  of 
the  story  of  creation,  which  we  find  in  Gen.  iL'  Two  of  the  rivers  mentioned 
in  Gen.  ii.  are  Babylonian;  perliaps  'Eden,'  and  the  shohmn-stone  (ii.  12)  are  so 
likewise.  The  irrigation  of  a  tract  of  country  by  a  large  river  (with,  it  is  to  be 
understood,  cross-canals)  is  Babylonian.  A  sacred  palm-tree,  with  two  winged 
figures,  having  the  heads  sometimes  of  eagles,  sometimes  of  men,  standing  or 
kneeling  on  either  side,  is  often  depicted  on  Assyrian  gems'.  It  is  possible  that 
these  figures  are  the  prototypes  of  the  Bibhcal  'cherubim'  (see  further  p.  60  f.). 
A  very  ancient  inscription  may  be  here  cited,  describing  a  sacred  garden  with 
a  mystic  tree,  which  in  its  general  conception  is  a  counterpart  of  the  Heb. 
'garden  of  God*'— 
At  Eridu^  a  palm-stalk  grew  overshadowing ;  in  a  holy  place  did  it  become 

green ; 
its  root  was  of  bright  lapis-lazuli  which  stretched  towards  the  abyss^ ; 
[before]  the  god  Ea  was  its  growth  at  Eridu,  teeming  with  fertility; 
its  seat  was  the  (central)  place  of  the  earth; 
its  foliage  (?)  was  the  couch  of  Bahu,  the  (primaeval)  mother. 

^  It  may  be  read  in  full  in  Ball's  Light,  from  the  East,  p.  18,  or  KB.  vi.  S9 — ^3. 
See  also  Jastrow,  Rel.  of  Bab.  and  Ass.  444 — 450;  Zimmern,  KAT.^  498. 
2  Monuments,  p.  93.  «  Ball,  op.  cit.  pp.  28,  29—33. 

*  Pinches,  Trans.  Vict.  Inst.  xxix.  (1897),  p.  44 ;  Pinches,  op.  cit.  (above,  p.  38  n.), 
p.  71  (with  some  differences  in  the  translation);  Sayce,  Moivuments,  p.  101. 

*  Eridu  was  a  very  ancient  sacred  city  of  Babylonia ;  formerly,  when  the 
Persian  Gulf  extended  further  inland  than  it  does  now,  it  stood  upon  its  south 
shore  ;  now  its  site  (Abu-Shahrein)  is  on  the  riaht  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  about  50 
miles  from  its  mouth  (Maspero,  r.  561,  568,  614  f.,  with  map).  Its  oracle  is  alluded 
to  by  Eri-aku  [p.  15(5] :  see  the  Addenda  on  p.  156. 

*  The  'waters  under  the  earth.' 


THE  NARRATIVE  OF  PARADISE  55 

Into  the  heart  of  its  holy  house  which  spread  its  shade  like  a  forest  hath 

no  man  entered. 
In  its  interior  is  the  sun-god,  Tammuz, 
Between  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  (which  are)  on  both  sides*. 

Enough  will  have  been  adduced  to  shew  that,  though  no  complete  Baby- 
lonian parallel  to  the  story  of  Paradise  is  at  present  known,  there  are  features 
in  the  narrative  which  point  strongly  towards  Babylonia,  and  in  the  light  of 
the  known  fact  that  other  elements  in  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis  are  derived 
from  Babylonia,  authorize  the  inference  that  echoes  of  Babylonian  beliefs 
supplied,  at  least  in  part,  the  framework  of  the  representation^. 

In  considering  the  qiiestion  of  the  origin  and  character  of  this  represen- 
tation, it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  beginnings  of  the  human  race  reach 
back,  it  is  certain  (p.  xxxi  ff.),  to  a  period  far  more  remote  than  that  from 
which  any  trustworthy  recollections  could  have  been  transmitted  to  historical 
times :  and  hence  we  are  not  entitled  to  suppose  that  the  Hebrews  had  more 
trustworthy  information  I'especting  the  life  and  condition  of  the  first  men  than 
other  nations  of  the  ancient  world :  on  the  contrary,  we  have  every  reason  for 
believing  that  the  pictures  which  their  historians  offer  of  primitive  times  were 
derived  from  the  same  source  as  those  drawn  by  other  nations,  viz.  folk-lore, — 
whether  native  or  borrowed,  cannot,  naturally,  in  every  particular  detail  be 
precisely  determined.  And  so  we  may  conclude,  in  view  of  the  facts  mentioned 
above,  that  a  legend  respecting  the  first  beginnings  of  man  upon  earth,  contain- 
ing elements  derivetl  partly  from  Babylonia,  partly,  it  may  be,  from  elsewhere,  but 
at  the  same  time,  in  other  features,  strongly  Hebraized,  was  current  in  ancient 
Israel;  and  that  this,  stripped  of  its  primitive  polytheism,  and  retaining  only 
faint  traces  of  what  was  probably  its  original  mythological  character,  formed 
the  material  setting  which  was  adapted  by  the  narrator  for  the  purpose  of 
exhibiting,  under  a  striking  and  vivid  imaginative  form,  the  deep  spiritual 
truths  which  he  was  inspired  to  discern ^   As  ch.  i.  gives  no  scientific  account  of 

^  There  is  also  a  scene  depicted  on  an  ancient  Bab.  cylinder,  now  in  the  British 
Museum  (Smith,  Chald.  Gen.  p.  91 ;  Ball,  p.  25) — two  figures  seated  on  either  side 
of  a  fruit-tree,  to  which  they  are  both  stretching  out  their  hands,  while  behind  one 
of  them  a  serpent  is  coiling  upwards — which  recalls  forcibly  Gen.  iii. :  but  as  no 
inscription  accompanies  it,  its  interpretation  is  uncertain ;  and  it  is  hazardous  to 
suppose  it  to  represent  the  Bab.  story  of  the  Temptation.  And  the  passage  quoted 
by  Sayce,  Monuments,  p.  104  (cf.  p.  65  n.),  Ryle,  p.  40,  and  in  DB.  i.  839''  (cf. 
Wade,  OT.  Hist.  p.  49  bottom)  from  the  third  tablet  of  the  Creation-epic  (11.  132 
— 138),  has  certainly  no  reference  to  the  Fall  :  it  describes  the  feast  held  by  the 
'great  gods'  before  appointing  Marduk  their  champion  against  Tiamat  (above, 
p.  28) :  see  the  context,  and  an  amended  translation,  in  Ball,  p.  7,  by  Zimmern,  in 
Gunkel,  p.  410,  or  Jensen,  KB.  vi.  21 :  cf.  also  Jastrow,  p.  424.  On  the  myth  of 
Adapa  (who,  beguiled  by  Ea,  lost  immortality),  and  possible  traces  of  its  influendt 
in  Gen.  iii.,  see  Zimmern,  Bab.  and  Heb.  Gen.  34  &.,  KAT.^  520  ff. ,  Jastr.  544  ff. 

^  Comp.  also,  with  the  formation  of  man  from  dust,  or  ^Job  xxxiii.  6)  clay,  how  in 
the  Gilgamesh-epic  (see  p.  103) ,  i.  34  (KB.  vi.  121 ;  Jastrow,'  pp.  448,  474 ;  KA  T.*  430), 
Aruru  creates  Eabani  out  of  clay  (t3^L3) ;  and  how  also,  according  to  Berossus — 
seemingly  in  the  Creation-epic — men  were  formed  of  earth  mingled  with  the  blood  of 
a  deity  [KAT.^  489,  497;  cf.  above,  pp.  27  n.  2,  30  n.  1). 

*  Cf.  Dr  Bernard  in  DB.  i.  840»:  'We  believe,  then,  that  we  have  in  this 
Biblical  record  of  the  Fall  a  purified  form  of  legendary  narrative  concerning  man's 
early  history,  which  had  wide  currency  among  Semitic  peoples.' 


62  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

the  process  of  creation,  so  ch.  ii.  4* — iii.  24  contains  no  scientific  solution  of  the 
problems  of  anthropology.  But  the  narrative  expresses  a  variety  of  ethical  and 
theological  truths  respecting  human  nature  in  a  figurative  or  allegorical  dress, 
the  details  not  being  true  in  a  literal  sense,  but  being  profoundly  true  in  a 
symbolical  sense  (cf.  p.  32),  i.e.  as  expressing  in  a  symbolical  or  representative 
form  real  facts  of  human  nature,  and  real  stages  through  which  human  nature 
actually  passed.  And  the  writer,  in  constructing  his  narrative,  has  shewn  a 
wonderful  power  of  combining  deep  thoughts  upon  man  and  God  with  an 
almost  child-like  simplicity  of  outward  form:  he  has  thus  produced,  not 
only  a  narrative  singularly  impiessive  and  attractive  in  itself,  but  one  more- 
over which  can  'be  imderstood  by  the  simplest,  as  it  may  also  be  studied  with 
spiritual  benefit  by  the  wisest  of  mankind.' 

Let  us,  then,  while  keeping  our  eye  on  the  teachings  of  modern  science, 
consider  how  we  may  regard  the  narrative  of  Gen.  ii.  4^  ff.,  and  what  lessons  we 
may  derive  from  it. 

Of  the  actual  beginnings  of  man  upon  this  earth  we  know  nothing:  science, 
by  a  patient  collection  and  examination  of  facts,  may  make  certain  conclusions 
as  to  our  physical  antecedents  and  ancestry  more  or  less  probable ;  but  that  is 
all.  The  general  trend  of  modern  science  is  to  regard  man  as  having  developed 
gradually  out  of  humbler  anthropoid  ancestors ;  and  the  possibility  of  this 
theory  being  true  must  at  least  be  reckoned  with  by  the  theologian :  as  was 
remai'ked  above  (p.  32  f.),  there  can  be  at  least  no  d,  priori  objection  to  it  upon 
dogmatic  grounds.  But  at  what  moment,  or  with  what  feelings,  man  first 
awoke  to  consciousness  of  himself,  we  know  as  little  as  we  know  in  the  case  of  an 
infant  child.  Every  individual  among  us  has  emerged  by  gradual  steps  out  of 
a  state  of  unconsciousness,  firstly  into  a  state  of  sensitive  consciousness,  in  which 
he  could  be  sensible  of  pleasures  and  pains,  but  could  not  reason,  and  after- 
wards into  a  state  of  intellectual  and  moral  consciousness,  in  which  he  can  use 
the  powers  of  reason,  can  apprehend  moral  distinctions,  and  xise  to  the  con- 
ception of  spiritual  realities.  In  our  own  cases,  the  influence  of  the  civilization 
around  us,  and  the  instruction  and  example  of  parents  and  elders  who  have 
been  educated  before  us,  and  are  able  to  help  us  to  rise  to  their  own  level, 
facilitate  and  accelerate  the  process  :  in  the  case  of  the  first  men,  it  must 
have  been  vastly  slower  and  more  gradual.  But  of  the  stages  by  which  all  this 
took  place  neither  history  nor  science  tells  us  anything  definite.  Nor  are  the 
early  chapters  of  the  Bible  intended  to  supply  this  deficiency.  What  they  do 
is  to  seize  and  express,  under  forcible  concrete  images  which  all  can  imderstand, 
certain  important  moral  and  theological  truths  respecting  the  nature  of  man. 
And  in  estimating  the  manner  in  which  they  do  this,  we  must  bear  in  mind  the 
stage  of  knowledge  and  culture  reached  by  those  to  whom  they  were  in  the 
first  instance  addressed.  They  were  addressed  to  men  who  were  wliolly  un- 
acquainted with  the  teachings  of  physical  science,  and  who  had  never  made 
human  nature  the  subject  of  either  archaeological  or  psychological  study.  They 
were  addressed  to  men,  by  no  means  destitute  of  civilization  and  culture, — 
their  polished  literary  form  is  alone  suflBcient  to  shew  that, — but  still  to  men 
who  were  untouched  by  all  the  deep  and  varied  influences  which  (to  speak 
summarily)  owe  their  origin  to  Greece,  and  Rome,  and  modern  Europe.  They 
were  addressed  to  men  whose  intellectual  aptitudes  and  modes  of  thought  were 


THE  NARRATIVE  OF  PARADISE  65 

thus,  speaking  relatively,  those  of  children.  And  accordingly  the  truths  which 
they  contain  are  expressed  in  a  form  which  men  such  as  these  would  naturally 
understand. 

What  then  are  some  of  the  truths  which  these  chapters  of  Genesis  thus 
bring  before  us? 

1.  Man,  it  is  said,  was  formed  out  of  the  'dust.'  This  is  obviously  a 
pictorial,  or  symbolical,  expression  of  the  fact  that  there  is  a  material  side  to 
his  nature,  and  that  on  this  side  of  it  he  is  connected  with  the  earth.  But  by 
what  process  he  was  thus  '  formed ' ;  through  what  intermediate  forms,  if  any, 
the  'dust'  passed  before  it  became  man, — these  are  questions  which  do  not 
come  within  the  range  of  the  author's  thought.  It  may  be  that,  as  science 
teaches,  man,  like  many  other  species  of  living  beings,  arose  by  gradual  differ- 
entiation and  development,  under  varying  conditions  of  environment,  from  a 
pre-existing  form  (or  succession  of  forms)  of  life :  but,  if,  and  in  so  far  as  this 
theory  is  true,  it  simi^ly  implies  an  alteration  in  the  manner  in  which  God  is 
conceived  as  having  acted ;  what  was  supposed  to  have  been  accomplislied  by 
Him,  as  the  result  of  a  single  act,  some  6000  years  ago,  was  —oni- 
plished  by  Him  as  the  result  of  a  long  process,  extending  through  u 

years:  the  essential  point,  which  the  old  Hebrew  narrator  has  hei 
remains  unaffected,  that  God  (mediately,  or  immediately)  'formed  man 
dust  of  the  ground V    The  second  part  of  the  same  verse,  'and  breathea 
his  nostrils  the  breath  of  life,'  suggests  (as  pointed  out  in  the  note)  that  thci  ^ 
is  also  another  and  higher  side  to  man's  nature.    And  so  the  verse  teaches  by 
implication  the  truth  of  man's  double  nature.     On  the  one  hand,  man  has  a 
material  body,  in  virtue  of  which  he  is  dependent  for  his  support  and  welfare 
upon  the  material  world,  and  has  to  accommodate  himself  to  the  material 
conditions  under  which  he  finds  himself;  on  the  other  hand,  his  life  is  in  some 
special  sense  a  divine  gift ;  it  brings  with  it  intellectual  and  moral  capacities, 
differing  from  those  possessed  by  other  animals,  a  sense  of  the  reality  and 
distinctive  character  of  which  is  strongly  impressed  upon  the  narrative. 

2.  Man  was  made  not  to  be  idle,  but  to  work,  to  attend  to  the  garden  in 
which  he  was  placed,  and  to  develop  its  capacities.  Man  is  intended  to 
exercise  his  faculties ;  and  so  there  is  declared  in  nuce  the  truth  that  it  is 
part  of  the  Divine  order  that  man  should  progress ;  and  as  years  went  on, 
originate  and  develop  all  the  various  arts,  employments,  and  sciences,  which 
are  in  different  ways  conducive  to  the  welfare  or  knowledge  of  humanity. 

3.  The  narrative  hints  at  one  of  the  earliest  uses  to  which  man  would  put 
his  reason,  the  creation  of  language  (ii.  19  f.).  The  power  of  creating  language 
essentially  differentiates  man  from  animals.  Animals  distinguish :  they  know 
(in  many  cases)  one  man,  or  one  creature,  from  another,  they  know  one  food 
from  another :  but  only  man  fixes  such  distinctions,  by  associating  them  with 
particular  sounds,  and  thereby  creating  language.  The  power  of  giving  names 
to  animals  implies  the  possession  of  reason, 

^  For  a  fuller  discussion  of  the  theistic  aspects  of  Evolution,  the  writer  may  be 
permitted  to  refer  to  the  first  of  his  Sermons  on  Subjects  connected  with  the  Old 
Testament  (1892),  pp.  1 — 27.  See  also  the  illuminative  treatment  of  the  subject  in 
Aubrey  Moore's  Science  and  the  Faith  (1889),  pp.  162 — 235,  and  in  Oxford  House 
Papers,  No.  21  (1889),  'Evolution  and  Christianity.' 


66  THE  BOOK   OF  GEISTESIS 

4.  The  account  given  of  the  formation  of  woman  is,  naturally,  not  to  be 
understood  literally;  but  under  a  eymbolical  form,  it  teaches  (as  indicated  in 
the  notes  on  ii.  18  ff.)  the  deep  ethical  and  social  significance,  which  under- 
lies the  difference  between  the  sexes. 

5.  The  narrative  teaches  that  man  possesses  a  moral  nahtre,  which  must 
be  exercised,  and  tested ;  and  a  command  is  accordingly  laid  upon  him  for  the 
purpose  (cf.  on  ii.  16 f.).  Tlie  command  is  broken;  and  man  falls  thereby  from 
his  state  of  innocence,  and  forfeits  the  blessing  of  the  Divine  favour,  and  the 
Divine  presence,  which  he  had  before  enjoyed.  The  command,  of  which  the 
man  became  conscious,  and  which  he  disobeyed,  can  be  meant  only  to  represent, 
as  in  a  figure,  the  moral  law,  a  sense  of  which, — though  we  cannot  define  when, 
or  where, — awoke  in  primitive  man,  but  almost  as  soon  as  it  did  awake,  was 
contravened.  It  is  the  awakening  conscience  of  the  human  race,  the  awakening 
sense  of  right  and  wrong,  the  operation  of  which  is  thus  figuratively  brought 
before  us. 

6.  The  narrator  analyses  very  completely  the  psychology  of  temptation, 
bringing  out  particularly  the  insidiousness  with  which  suggestions  of  evil 
come  upon  a  man,  prompting  him  often,  with  fatal  effect,  to  do  something 
which  is  apparently  harmless,  or  which  can  plausibly  be  represented  as 
harmless. 

7.  The  narrative  teaches  that  man  possesses  freewill:  he  was  created 
with  the  capacity  to  remain  innocent,  but  also  with  the  capacity  to  sin  (Ecclus. 
XV.  11 — 20;  Jas.  i.  13  f.).  Temptatioii,  though  it  does  not  proceed  from  God, 
is  permitted  by  Him:  it  tests  man's  c  niracter;  and  tends  to  strengthen  and 
perfect  it  by  giving  him  the  opportunit}  of  manifesting  his  readiness  to  prefer 
God's  will  to  his  own,  and  thereby  of  est  iblishing  a  fiabit  of  goodness. 

8.  As  regards  the  condition  of  man  before  the  Fall,  there  is  a  mistake 
not  unfrequently  made,  which  it  is  important  to  correct.  It  is  sometimes 
supposed  that  the  first  man  was  a  being  of  developed  intellectual  capacity, 
perfect  in  the  entire  range  of  his  facultiiis,  a  being  so  gifted  that  the  greatest 
and  ablest  of  those  who  have  lived  subsi^quently  have  been  described  as  the 
'  rags '  or  '  ruins '  of  Adam.  This  view  of  the  high  intellectual  capacities  of  our 
first  parents  has  been  familiarized  to  many  by  the  great  poem  of  Milton,  who 
represents  Adam  and  Eve  as  holding  discourse  together  in  words  of  singular 
elevation,  refinement,  and  grace.  But  there  is  nothing  in  the  representation 
of  Genesis  to  justify  it ;  and  it  is  opposed  to  everything  that  we  know  of  the 
methods  of  God's  providence.  All  that,  as  Christian  theologians,  we  are  called 
upon  to  believe  is  that  a  time  arrived,  when  man's  faculties  were  sufficiently 
developed  for  him  to  become  conscious  of  a  moral  law,  and  that,  having  become 
conscious  of  it,  he  broke  it :  he  may  have  done  this,  witiiout  possessing  any  of 
those  intellectual  perfections  with  which  he  has  been  credited,  but  the  existence 
of  which,  at  such  a  stage  of  history,  would  be  contrary  to  the  whole  analogy 
of  providence :  progress,  gradual  advance  from  lower  to  higher,  from  the  less 
perfect  to  the  more  perfect,  is  the  law  which  is  stamped  upon  the  entire  range 
of  organic  nature,  as  well  as  upon  the  history  of  the  civilization  and  education 
of  the  human  race.  The  fact  that  this  law  is  the  general  rule  is  not  aftected 
by  retrogression  in  civilization  in  particular  cases.  But  it  is  sufficient  for 
Christian  theology,  if  we  hold  that,  whatever  the  actual  occasion  may  have 


THE  NARRATIVE  OF  PARADISE  57 

been,  and  however  immature,  in  intellect  and  culture,  he  may  have  been  at 
the  time,  man  failed  in  the  trial  to  which  he  was  exposed,  that  sin  thus 
entered  into  the  world,  and  that  consequently  the  subsequent  development  of 
the  race  was  not  simply  what  God  intended  it  to  be ;  it  has  been  attended 
through  its  whole  course  by  an  element  of  moral  disorder,  and  thus  in  different 
ways  it  has  been  marred,  perverted,  impeded,  cr  thrown  back.  And  what  has 
been  said  remains  true,  even  though  it  should  be  the  case — though  (p.  xxxvi) 
this  is  not  the  view  which  commends  itself  to  modern  anthropologists — that 
mankind  are  not  all  descended  from  a  single  human  pair,  but  arose  in- 
dependently in  different  centres  of  the  globe :  the  real  unity  of  the  human 
race  consists  not  in  unity  of  blood,  but  in  identity  of  mental  constitution,  and 
of  moral  and  spiritual  capacities^ ;  in  this  case,  therefore,  as  the  facts  are 
suflScient  evidence  of  the  presence  of  sin  in  all  the  races  of  mankind,  the 
natural  inference  would  be  that  each  race  independently  passed  through 
similar  moral  experiences,  and  each  similarly  underwent  a  '  fall.'  The  typical 
truth  of  the  narrative  of  Gen.  iii.  would  thus,  if  anything,  be  enhanced  rather 
than  diminished,  if  this  supposition  were  true^. 

9.  The  Protevangelium  (iii.  15)  lays  down  a  great  ethical  principle. 
There  is  to  be  a  continual  spiritual  struggle  between  man  and  the  manifold 
temptations  by  which  he  is  beset.  Evil  promptings  and  suggestions  are  ever 
assailing  the  sons  of  men  ;  and  they  must  be  ever  exerting  themselves  to  repel 
them.  It  is  of  course  true  that  the  great  and  crowning  defeat  of  man's 
spiritual  adversary  was  accomplished  by  Him  who  was  in  a  special  sense  the 
*  seed '  of  the  woman,  the  representative  of  humanity,  who  overcame  once  and 
for  all  the  power  of  the  Evil  One.  But  the  terms  of  the  verse  are  perfectly 
general ;  and  it  must  not  be  interpreted  so  as  to  exclude  those  minor,  though 
in  their  own  sphere  not  less  real,  triumphs,  by  which  in  all  ages  individuals 
have  resisted  the  suggestions  of  sin  and  proved  themselves  superior  to  the 
power  of  evil.  It  is  a  prolonged  and  continuous  conflict  which  the  verse 
contemplates,  though  one  in  which  the  law  and  aim  of  humanity  is  to  be 
to  resist,  and  if  possible  to  slay,  the  serpent  which  symbolizes  the  power  of 
temptation. 

The  site  of  Paradise. 

The  question  of  the  site  of  Paradise  is  one  that  has  exercised  many  minds : 
and  very  extraordinary  speculations  have  sometimes  been  propounded  on  the 
subject.  After  what  has  been  said  in  the  preceding  pages,  however,  it  will  be 
evident  that  Paradise,  as  described  in  the  Book  of  Genesis,  is  an  ideal  locality; 
and  hence  what  we  have  to  consider  is  not  the  question  of  the  site  of  Paradise 

*  Though,  if  the  doctrine  of  evolution  be  true,  there  would  in  this  case  also  be  a 
unity  of  blood,  only  its  starting-point  would  be  further  back  ;  and  it  would  be 
based,  not  upon  descent  from  a  single  human  pair,  but  upon  descent  from  a  single 
group  of  anthropoid  precursors. 

2  With  the  main  thought  of  the  preceding  paragraph  comp.  especially  a  sermon 
by  Canon  (now  Bishop)  Gore  in  LuxMundi,  App.  ii  (ed.  10,  p.  526  ff.) ;  and  the  same 
writer's  Epistle  to  the  Romans  (1900),  ii.  220 — 2,  228 — 235;  also  a  lecture  reported 
in  the  Church  Times,  Feb.  19,  1897,  or,  more  briefly,  in  the  Exp.  Times,  Apr.  1897; 
and  Illingworth,  Bampt.  Lect.  vi.  pp.  143—7,  154—161.     Cf.  DB.  iv.  528''. 


68  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

as  a  real  locality,  but  the  question  of  its  site,  as  it  was  pictured  by  the  Hebrew 
narrator.  And.  even  this  qut^stion  is  not  one  the  answer  to  which  is  obvious. 
A  river,  branching  into  four,  of  which  two  are  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates, 
corresponds  to  nothing  which  is  to  be  found — or,  we  may  safely  add,  was  ever 
to  be  found — on  the  surface  of  the  earth.  And  when  we  endeavour  to  identify 
the  two  remaining  rivers,  the  Pishon  and  the  Gihou,  by  what  we  know  of  the 
countries  which  they  are  represented  as  flowing  around,  they  elude  our  grasp. 
Havilah  (see  on  xsv.  18)  was  probably  in  N.E.  Arabia;  Gush  is  generally 
Ethiopia,  though  it  might  (see  on  x.  8)  denote  the  Kasshites,  a  people  dwelling 
in  the  mountainous  region  between  Babylonia  and  the  Caspian  Sea,  who  figure 
rather  prominently  in  early  Babylonian  histoi7,  and  indeed  gave  Babylon 
a  dynasty  of  kings  who  ruled  for  576  years  (c.  1786 — 1211  B.C.).  None  of 
these  identifications  however  enable  us  to  determine  the  Pishon  and  the 
Gihon  consistently  with  what  we  know  of  the  geography  of  the  regions  in 
question. 

The  following  are  the  principal  proposals,  which  have  been  made  for  fixing 
the  site  of  Paradise,  in  accordance  with  the  description  in  Genesis. 

1.  The  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  rise  in  the  same  country,  Kurdistan; 
and  hence  some  older  scholars,  as  Keil,  placed  Paradise  there,  the  Pishon 
being  either  the  Phasis  or  (Keil)  the  Araxes  (which,  joining  the  Kur,  runs  into 
the  Caspian  Sea  on  the  B.),  and  the  Gihon  being  the  Oxus  (now  the  Jihoun). 
But  these  rivers  do  not  actually  rise  together,  in  fact  the  Oxus  rises  far  to  the 
East  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  in  Afghanistan ;  and  there  are  no  grounds  for  locating 
5avilah  and  Cush  in  this  region. 

2.  Friedrich  Delitzsch,  the  eminent  Assyriologist,  son  of  the  well-known 
commentator,  in  1881  propounded  the  view  that  Eden  was  the  whole  'plain' 
(see  on  ii.  8)  of  Babylonia;  'Paradise'  was  the  region  close  to  Babylon,  on 
the  N.,  where  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  approach  each  other  most  closely ; 
the  Pishon  was  the  Pallakopas,  a  canal  running  for  a  long  distance  (from  above 
Babylon)  on  the  W.  and  S.  of  the  Euphrates,  and  debouching  finally  in  the 
Persian  Gulf ;  the  Gihon  was  the  canal,  called  now  the  Shatt  en-Nil^  which 
runs,  on  the  E.  of  the  Euphrates,  from  Babylon,  till  it  joins  the  Euphrates 
again  near  the  ancient  Ur,  Cush  being  a  name  of  Babylonia  (derived  from 
the  fact,  mentioned  above,  that  a  Kasshite  dynasty  ruled  in  Babylonia  for 
many  centuries).  Prof.  Delitzsch's  work  is  full  of  most  valuable  information, 
collected  from  the  inscriptions,  respecting  the  geography  and  antiquities  of 
Babylonia  and  the  surrounding  countries ;  but  it  is  generally  felt  by  scholars 
that  these  identifications  do  not  agree  sufficiently  with  the  Biblical  descriptions 
to  be  probable. 

3.  Professor  Sayce^  adopting  the  view  of  ii.  10,  mentioned  in  the  footnote 
on  p.  39,  considers  that  the  river  parted  into  four  heads  is  the  Persian  Gulf 
(which  the  Assyrians  do  not  seem  to  have  recognized  us  an  arm  of  the  sea,  for 
they  called  it  Ndr  Marratum,  the  '  Bitter  River ') ;  the  Pishon  was  the 
Pallakopas  canal ;  the  Gihon  the  Khoaspes  (now  the  Kerkha),  which,  rising 

1  Monuments,  pp.  95 — 103  ;  art.  Eden  in  DJ5.  Similarly  (except  that  the  Pishon 
is  identified  with  the  Karun,  E.  of  the  Kerkha)  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson,  Modern 
Science  in  Bible  Lands,  chap.  iv. 


THE  SITE  OF  PARADISE  59 

in  the  mountains  of  the  Kasshites  (who  are  meant  by  *  Gush '),  flowed  formerly 
into  the  Persian  Gulf  ^ ;  Eden  was  the  'plain'  of  Babylonia;  Paradise  was  the 
sacred  garden  of  Eridu  (see  p.  62),  which  stood  formerly  (ibid.)  on  the  S.  shore 
of  the  Persian  Gulf.  This  view  has  the  advantage  of  identifying  Paradise 
with  a  known  sacred  garden  of  the  Babylonians;  but  it  seems  impossible 
(p.  39)  to  accept  the  interpretation  of  Gen.  ii,  10,  upon  which  it  depends. 

4.  Hommel- — following  largely  Ed.  Glaser^,  who,  by  his  travels  and  the 
numerous  inscriptions  which  he  has  collected,  has  made  many  important 
additions  to  our  knowledge  of  the  geography  and  ancient  history  of  Arabia — 
places  Paradise  at  Eridu,  and  considers  Eden  to  have  been  the  '  plain '  about 
it :  the  Pishon,  Gihon,  and  Hiddekel,  he  id^intifies  with  the  Wddy  Dawdsir, 
the  Wddy  Rmnmd,  and  the  Wddy  Sirhdn,  three  Wadys  in  N.  Arabia,  which 
run  down  from  the  neiglibourhood  of  Mecca,  Medina,  and  Damascus,  respec- 
tively, in  tlie  direction  of  the  Persian  Gulf.  These  identifications  are  supported 
with  Hommel's  usual  cleverness  and  ingenuity ;  but  besides  being  open  to  the 
serious  objection  that  the  three  Wadys  mentioned  are  not  'rivers,'  but  dry 
valleys,  they  involve  too  many  pm-ely  hypothetical  elements  to  have  any  claim 
to  be  regarded  as  probable*. 

5.  Delitzsch  and  Dillmann  identify  the  Pishon  vdth  the  Indus  (the  gold- 
country  being  then  India),  and  the  Gihon  (as  was  already  done  by  Josephus, 
Ant.  1. 1.  3)  with  the  Nile^  (Gush  being  then,  as  generally  in  the  OT.,  Ethiopia). 
These  identifications  may  seem  startling,  in  the  light  of  modern  geographical 
knowledge :  but  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  ancients,  to  a  much  later 
date  than  that  at  which  Gen.  ii.  must  have  been  written,  had  most  inexact 
ideas  of  the  geography  of  distant  parts :  of  distant  rivers  they  had  only  a  dim 
and  vague  knowledge,  not  at  all  realizing  their  actual  courses,  or  the  points  at 
which  they  ran  into  the  ocean,  and  being  ignorant  in  particular  of  the  geography 
of  S.  Arabia  and  of  the  Red  Sea®.  There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  that  the 
Hebi'ews  were  better  informed^. 

6.  Paul  Haupt,  the  well-known  Assyriologist,  in  an  article  on  the  site 
of  Paradise^,  holding  similarly  that,  in  our  localization  of  the  rivers  in  Gen.  ii., 
we  must  not  start  with  the  conceptions  of  modem  geography,  thinks  that  the 

^  The  Kerkha,  the  Tigris,  and  the  Euphrates,  formerly  entered  the  Persian  Gulf 
by  separate  mouths  ;  but  the  head  of  the  Gulf  has  since  aneieut  times  been  largely 
silted  up,  and  the  three  rivers  now  converge  in  the  Shatt  el-Arab,  about  100  miles 
above  the  spa. 

^  AUT.  314—16 ;  more  fully  (with  map  at  end)  Aufsdtze  und  Abhandlungen,  in. 
i.  (1901),  pp.  281—4,  292,  298,  335—9. 

3  Skizze  der  Gesch.  und  Geogr.  Arabiens  von  den  dltesten  Zeitsn  his  zum  Propheten 
Muhammad  (1890),  ii.  317—357. 

*  They  are  rejected  by  Prof.  Sayce  {Exp.  Times,  1901,  p.  564) :  see  also  the 
detailed  criticism  by  Konig,  FUnfncue  Arab.  Landschaftsnamen  im,  AT.  p.  66  ff. 

^  Of.  Jer.  ii.  18  lxx.  ;  Ecelus.  xxiv.  27.    Jos.  identifies  the  Pishon  with  the  Ganges. 

*  Alexander  was  led,  by  the  crocodiles  in  the  Indus,  to  think  at  first  that  he 
had  reached  the  sources  of  the  Nile  (Arrian,  Exp.  Alex.  vi.  1.  3). 

'  '  The  inspiration  of  the  Bibhcal  writers  did  not  in  matters  of  natural  know- 
ledge raise  them  above  the  level  of  their  age  :  it  need  therefore  cause  no  surprise  if 
the  Biblical  representation  of  Paradise  bears  marks  of  the  imperfect  geographical 
knowledge  of  the  ancients '  (Delitzsch,  New  Comm.  on  Genesis,  1887,  on  ii.  13). 

*  In  Ueber  Land  und  Meer,  18J4 — 5,  No.  15  (with  maps). 


60  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

view  underlying  the  description  is  that  there  was  on  the  N.  of  Mesopotamia 
a  large  body  of  water  (perhaps  suggested  by  a  dim  knowledge  of  the  Black 
Sea),  which  was  the  source  of  the  four  rivers :  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris, 
flowing  southwards,  ended  in  marshes^ ;  the  Pishon  (suggested  by  the  Kerkha), 
starting  more  to  the  E.,  flowed  into  the  Persian  Gulf  (supposed  to  be  a  river), 
then  turning  westwards  it  encircled  Havilah  (  =  Arabia),  and  ended  in  the  Red 
Sea;  there  was  land  beyond  the  Pishon,  and  the  Gihon  (suggested  by  the 
Kanin),  starting  still  further  to  the  E.,  flowed  first  southwards,  then,  turning 
westwards,  it  passed  through  this  land,  and  encircling  Gush  ( =  Ethiopia)  ended 
finally  in  the  Nile. 

Something  of  this  kind,  inconsistent  as  it  is  with  actual  geography,  does 
seem  to  be  what  the  description  in  Gen.  iL  points  to.  The  general  relative 
positions  of  the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  were  no  doubt  known ;  and  this 
must  form  the  starting-point  of  any  attempt  to  fix  the  site  of  Paradise,  as 
pictured  by  the  Hebrews.  The  cradle  of  humanity  was  believed  to  be  some- 
where to  the  East  of  Palestine  (Gen.  ii.  8),  in  or  near  Babylonia  ;  and  there,  in 
a  region  watered  by  the  supposed  common  source  of  the  two  greatest  rivers 
which  they  knew,  and  also  of  two  others,  the  course  of  which  it  is  impossible 
to  determine  consistently  with  actual  geography,  the  Hebrews  located 
Paradise. 

Tlie  Uheruhim. 

The  chernbim  were  composite  emblematic  figures,  which  are  mentioned 
in  the  OT.  chiefly  (1)  as  bearers  of  the  Deity ;  (2)  as  guardians  of  sacred 
things.  Thus  (1)  in  Ps.  xviii.  10,  Jehovah  rides  on  the  cherub  in  the  thunder- 
storm ;  in  the  Tabernacle,  two  small  cherubim  facing  each  other  are  described 
as  rising  out  of  the  ends  of  the  mercy-seat  on  the  ark  (Ex.  xxv.  18 — 20),  and 
in  the  Temple  stood  two  colossal  cherubim  which  with  their  wings  over- 
shadowed the  ark  (1  BL  vi.  23 — 8),  at  once  protecting  it  and  also  forming 
a  throne  on  which  Jehovah  was  regarded  as  being  seated  ('  Thou  that  sittest 
upon  the  cherubim,'  Ps.  Ixxx.  1  al.Y)  in  the  visions  of  Ezek.  (i.  5  fl".,  cf.  x.  1  ff".) 
four  cherubim  bear  the  'firmament'  which  supports  Jehovah's  throne — here  it 
is  said  that  each  had  four  faces,  that  of  a  man,  a  lion,  an  ox,  and  an  eagle, 
four  wings,  the  hands  of  a  man,  and  the  feet  of  calves  (i.  6 — 10),  though 
whether  these  reproduced  exactly  the  cherubim  of  the  Temple  is  uncertain : 
it  is  possible  that  they  represent  elaborations,  constructed  partly  with  elements 
derived  directly  from  Babylonia,  of  an  older  and  simpler  conception.  In 
Gen.  iii.  the  cherubim  appear  as  guardians  of  God's  abode  and  of  the  spiritual 
treasures  reserved  therein.     The  passage  which  ought  on  all  grounds  to  be 

1  Cf.  the  curious  ancient  map  of  Babylonia,  in  which  the  conntry  is  represented 
as  surrounded  by  an  actual  circle,  expressly  called  Nar  Marratum  (i.e.  the  Persian 
Gulf),  and  the  Euphrates  does  enter,  at  least  partly,  apparu  or  'marshes':  see 
Ball,  Light  from  Die  East,  p.  23,  or  (more  fully)  Ezekiel,  in  Haupt's  Polychrome 
Bible,  p."  101. 

*  Figures  of  cherubim  were  also  carved  as  ornaments,  together  with  palm-trees 
and  open  flowers,  upon  the  walls  and  doors  of  the  Temple  (1  K.  vi.  29,  32,  35 ;  cf. 
Ez.  xli.  18 — 20  [here  with  two  faces,  one  that  of  a  man,  the  other  that  of  a  lion],  25), 
and  on  the  bases  of  the  ten  lavers  (1  K.  vii.  29) :  cf.  also  Ex.  xxvi.  31. 


THE  CHERUBIM  61 

compared  is  Ez.  xxviil  13 — 17,  where  the  'prince  of  Tyre'  is  represented  as 
a  glorious  being  bedecked  with  gold  and  precious  stones,  who  had  been  placed 
'  in  Eden,  the  garden  of  God,'  had  there  '  walked  up  and  down  in  the  midst  of 
stones  of  fire '  (i.e.  flashing  gems),  but  had  forfeited  his  high  estate  by  pride, 
and  had  been  expelled  from  the  lioiy  'mountain  of  God'  by  a  cheriib'^.  Ezek., 
it  is  probable,  had  access  to  traditions  about  Paradise  more  ample  than  those 
preserved  in  Gen.,  and  perhaps  in  some  respects  different  from  them  ;  and  he 
makes  use  of  them  here  for  the  purpose  of  representing  pictorially  the  fall  of 
the  king  of  Tjto. 

The  cherubim  are  to  be  iutei-preted  as  symbolic  beings — imaginative 
symbols  of  the  mysteriousness,  the  ubiquity,  the  dread  unapproachability 
of  the  Deity.  The  origin  of  the  conception  is  uncertain.  The  word  has  no 
Heb.  etymology.  Lenormant's  statement  {Origines,  i.  118;  cf.  Sayce,  Monw- 
ments,  102)  that  he  had  read  kirubu  ('may  the  gracious  kiriibu  give 
protection ')  on  a  talisman  in  M.  de  Clercq's  fine  collection  of  Assyrian  and 
Babylonian  gems,  as  a  synonym  for  the  usual  shidu,  the  name  of  the  huge 
winged  human-headed  bulls  which  guard  the  entrance  of  Assyrian  palaces  and 
temples^,  has  not  been  verified  :  no  such  inscription  is  quoted  in  the  catalogue 
of  the  collection  wliich  has  recently  been  published^  Ps.  xviii.  10  would  suggest 
that  the  conception  arose  in  a  personification  of  the  thunder-cloud  (upon,  or 
within,  which,  as  the  context  of  the  verse  plainly  shews,  the  Hebrews  believed 
Jehovah  to  be  borne  along).  Composite  figures  of  difi"crent  kinds  were  how- 
ever common  in  the  art  of  most  of  Israel's  neighbours — Egyptians,  Phoenicians, 
Hittites,  Babylonians,  and  AssjTians — from  one  or  other  of  whom  they  also 
found  their  way  into  early  Greek  art*;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  the 
idea  of  the  cherub  was  borrowed  from  some  of  these  (see  further  Chkrub 
in  EncB.y. 

It  need  only  be  added  here  that  in  the  OT.  the  cherubim  are  the  attendants 
or  guardians  of  Deity  upon  earth :  they  are  first  ti-ansfeired  to  heaven  in  the 
Book  of  Enoch,  where  they  appear  among  the  highest  angels,  as  the  unsleeping 
guardians  of  God's  celestial  throne  (xiv.  11,  IS,  xx.  7,  Ixi.  10  flf.,  Ixxi.  6f.): 
cf.  the  four  fwa  (the  name  as  in  Ezek.,  but  with  different  functions)  of  Rev.  iv. 
6 — 8,  V.  6,  11,  14,  vi.  1 — 7,  vii.  11,  xiv.  3,  xv.  7,  xix.  4. 

1  The  test  is  in  parts  obscure  and  corrupt ;  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  this  is 
the  real  meaning ;  see  Davidson's  Gomm.  (in  the  Camb.  Bible),  p.  207.  Eead  (after 
Lxx.)  in  V.  14  'With  the  cherub  I  set  thee,  thou  wast  in  the  holy  mountain  of  God,' 
&c.,  and  in  v.  16  exd  '  and  the  cherub  destroyed  thee  from  the  midst,'  &c. 

2  See  Ball,  op.  cit.,  Plate  opposite  p.  28 ;  and  cf.  KAT.^  529  f. 

*  It  is  now  stated  that  the  reading  rests  upon  a  mistake  (KAT.^  632 n.  5). 

*  Especially  in  the  form  of  the  gold-guarding  ypOires  (eagle-headed  lious),  Aesch. 
P.  V.  803  f. ;  Hdt.  iii.  116,  iv.  13,  27,  derived,  according  to  Furtwangler,  from 
Hittite  art.     See  his  elaborate  article  Gkyps  in  Roscher's  Mijthol.  Lex. 

^  Comp,  the  'cherubic'  figures  in  Ball,  pp.  28,  29,  30,  31 — 33  (winged  human 
figures  standing  or  kneeling  before  a  sacred  tree,  and  one  eagle-headed  winged 
human  figure) ;  but  (N.B.)  there  is  no  Bab.  or  Ass.  text  in  which  any  of  these  is 
called  a  'cherub.'  Dr  Tylor  has  shewn  {PSBA.  June,  1890,  p.  383  ii'.;  cf.  Masp. 
I.  555  f.,  557)  that  in  many  cases  these  figures  are  represented  as  fertilizing  the 
date-palm  with  the  pollen  from  the  male  palm-spathe  :  the  date  was  of  great 
importance  in  Babylonia  as  an  article  of  food ;  and  probably  some  religious 
eignificauce  attached  to  the  act.  Observe  the  cherubim  by  the  side  of  palm-trees  in 
many  of  the  passages  cited  p.  60  n.  2,  especially  Ez,  xli.  is,  19. 


62  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Chapter  IV. 
The  Progress  of  Manhind  in  (lie  line  of  Cam. 

This  chapter  deals  with  three  subjects :  (1)  Cain's  mui'der  of  his  brother 
Abel,  and  the  banishment  which  was  its  punishment,  vv.  1 — 16;  (2)  the  origin 
of  early  arts  in  the  line  of  Cain's  posterity  (which  is  traced,  for  seven  genera- 
tions from  Adam,  as  far  as  Lamech's  sons),  vv.  17 — 24 ;  (3)  the  first  two  links 
in  the  parallel  line  of  Seth,  vv.  25,  26,  this  line  being  given  more  completely 
(through  ten  generations,  to  Noah)  in  ch.  v.  The  story  of  Cain  {vv.  \ — 16) 
supplies  a  striking  example  of  the  manner  in  which  the  propensity  to  sin  may 
be  transmitted,  in  even  an  aggravated  form,  from  one  generation  to  another : 
the  disobedience  of  Adam  is  followed,  in  the  case  of  his  son,  by  a  terrible  out- 
burst of  self-will,  pride,  and  jealousy,  leading  to  a  total  and  relentless  renuncia- 
tion of  all  human  ties  and  affection.  The  object  of  vv.  17 — 24  is  to  sketch  in 
outline  the  progress  of  civilization,  and  the  rise  of  various  arts.  The  period 
was  one  to  which  no  historical  recollections  reached  back ;  and  the  narrative 
furnishes  another  example  (cf.  ii.  19  f.,  24,  iii.  7,  14,  16,  17 — 19,  21)  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  Hebrews,  like  many  other  nations,  sought  to  fill  up  the 
blank,  and  explain  for  themselves  the  origin  of  the  habits  and  institutions  of 
a  later  day.  Thus  in  this  section  of  the  chapter  there  are  explained  the 
beginnings  of  city-life,  polygamy,  music,  and  metallurgy;  in  v.  2,  also, 
the  origin  of  pastoral  life  and  of  agriculture  seems  to  be  referred  to  Abel  and 
Cain  respectively ;  and  in  v.  26  the  beginning  of  the  public  worship  of  God  is 
described.  These  would  hardly  be  all  the  arts  and  institutions  explained  by 
Hebrew  folk-lore :  it  is  probable  therefore  tliat  the  narrator  (or  compiler) 
merely  selected  a  few  typical  examples  sufficient  to  produce  a  general  picture 
of  the  moral  and  material  progress  of  early  man,  as  conceived  by  the  Hebrews. 
There  is  no  parallel  at  present  known  from  Babylonian  antiquity ;  but  some- 
thing similar  was  told  in  Phoenicia  (see  p.  73).  It  seems  to  have  been 
a  collateral  aim  of  the  compiler  to  shew  how  the  line  which  made  so  many 
advances  in  material  civilization  fell  yet  more  under  the  power  of  sin,  and 
developed  a  spirit  of  vengeance  and  thirst  for  blood  :  the  line  of  Seth  {v.  25  £), 
on  the  other  hand,  is  characterized  by  the  growth  of  piety. 

In  parts  of  tlie  narrative,  facts  or  institutions  are  presupposed  (as  the 
custom  of  sacrifice,  v.  3  f.,  of  blood-revenge,  vv.  14,  15,  and  the  increase  of 
population,  vv.  14,  15,  17),  of  the  origin  of  which  nothing  is  said.  The  first 
two  of  these  omissions  need  hardly  occasion  surprise  :  the  customs  referred  to 
might  either  have  been  supposed  by  the  narrator  to  have  arisen  instinctively, 
or  have  been  imported  by  him  unreflectingly  into  his  picture  of  primitive  times 
from  the  associations  of  his  own  age.  The  third  omission  constitutes  a  graver 
inconsistency,  which  has  led  ?ome  to  infer  that  the  Book  of  Genesis  did  not 
represent  the  whole  human  race  as  descended  from  Adam  and  Eve,  but 
recognized  the  existence  of  *  pre- Adamites.'  It  is  true,  man  undoubtedly 
existed  upon  this  globe  long  before  the  date  which  the  Book  of  Genesis 


IV.  1-3]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  63 

assigns  for  his  creation  (p.  xxxi) ;  but  the  whole  tenor  of  the  narrative  shews 
that  none  of  tlie  wi'iters  to  whom  we  owe  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis  were 
conscious  of  the  fact :  we  may  be  sure,  indeed,  that,  had  they  been  conscious 
of  it,  they  would  have  mentioned  it  distinctly.  The  allusions  in  question  must 
consequently  be  explained  differently,  ]n  any  case  they  are  inconsistencies  of 
which  the  author  of  the  Book  in  its  present  form  seems  to  be  unconscious ; 
though  possibly  they  are  also  indications  of  the  fact  either  that  the  narratives 
containing  them  once  formed  part  of  a  wider  cycle  of  legend,  in  which  the 
existence  of  other  branches  of  mankind  was  accounted  for,  or  else  (cf.  p.  72) 
that  at  least  iv.  1 — 16  related  originally  to  a  later  stage  in  the  history  of 
mankind  than  that  to  which  it  is  now  referred. 

IV.     1  And  the  man  knew  Eve  his  wife  ;  and  slie  conceived,  j 
and  bare  Cain,  and  said,  I  have  ^gotten  a  man  with  the  help  of 
the  Lord.    2  And  again  she  bare  his  brother  Abel.    And  Abel 
was  a  keeper  of  sheep,  but  Cain  was  a  tiller  of  the  ground. 
3  And  in  process  of  time  it  came  to  pass,  that  Cain  brought  of 

^  Heb.  kanah,  to  get. 

IV.     1—16.     Tlie  Story  of  Cain  and  Abel. 

1.  /  have  gotten  &c.  The  mother  expresses  her  joy  in  words 
which  are  so  framed  as  to  explain  at  the  same  time  the  name  of  the 
child.  '  Cain '  cannot  indeed  mean  gotten  (for  it  cannot  be  derived 
from  the  verb  kdndh),  any  more  than  'Noah,'  for  instance,  can  mean 
comfort,  or  '  Moses '  d/rawn  out.  What  we  have  in  these,  as  in  many 
similar  cases  in  the  OT.,  are  not  etymologies,  but  assonances,  i.e.  the 
name  is  explained  not  by  the  word  from  which  it  is  actually  derived, 
but  by  a  word  which  it  resembles  in  sound.  RVm.  indicates  this  by 
saying,  not  that  'Cain'  means  'gotten,'  but  that  the  Heb.  for  'to 
get '  is  kdndh,  a  word  which,  it  is  obvious,  resembles  '  Cain.'  As  a 
Heb.  word,  'Cain'  ('Kayin')  might  be  explained  (from  the  Arabic) 
as  meaning  metal-worker,  smith  (cf.  v.  22) :  'Kenite'  (xv.  19)  is  also, 
at  least  in  appearance,  a  gentile  name  derived  from  it  (cf  p.  72). 

2.  Abel.  Heb.  Hebel,  which  means  a  breath  (Is.  Ivii.  13),  fig. 
of  something  evanescent,  Ps.  xxxix.  5  (RVm.).  This  was  no  doubt 
the  meaning  which  the  name  suggested  to  the  Hebrews ;  but  what 
its  original  meaning  was,  is  quite  uncertain.  Possibly,  it  is  the  Ass. 
ablu,  '  son ' :  for  other  speculations,  see  EncB.  s.v.  Abel  introduces 
pastoral  life,  Cain  agricultural  life  (such  as  that  to  which  Adam  had 
been  condemned,  iii.  17),  both  relatively  primitive  and  simple  modes  of 
life\  especially  the  former,  which  would  naturally  be  the  stage  next 
following  that  at  which  men  supported  themselves  on  the  spontaneous 
produce  of  the  soil,  and  by  fishing  and  hunting  (p.  68). 

3.  4.  The  two  brothers  bring  offerings  to  Jehovah,  each  of  the 
produce  of  his  own  toil  and  care. 

^  Not  the  earliest  (above,  p.  xxxix  ff. ;  cf.  Tyler,  Anthrojjology,  206  S.,  219  ff.). 


64  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [iv.  3-5 

the  fruit  of  the  ground  au  offering  unto  the  Lord.    4  And  Abel,  J 
he  also  brought  of  the  firstlings  of  his  flock  and  of  the  fat 
thereof.    And  the  Lord  had  respect  unto  Abel  and  to  his 
offering:    5  but  unto  Cain  and  to  his  offering  he  had  not 
respect.    And  Cain  was  very  wroth,  and  his  countenance  fell. 

of  the  fruit  of  the  ground... ^  of  the  firstlings  of  his  flock.  Both 
firstfruits  and  firstlings  were  ancient  and  common  kinds  of  offering 
among  other  nations  as  well  as  among  the  Hebrews  (Ex.  xxii.  29,  30, 
in  the  ancient  '  Book  of  the  Covenant ') ;  being  offered,  at  least  in 
civilized  times,  as  natural  expressions  of  thankfulness  for  the  fruitful- 
ness  of  the  soil  and  of  animals  (cf  Dt.  xii.  6,  7).  However,  no  such 
motive  is  alluded  to  here  ;  nor  is  it  one  tliat  is  likely  to  have  operated 
in  really  primitive  times'. 

an  offering.  Heb.  minhdh,  meaning  properly  a  present  offered  to 
conciliate,  or  retain,  tJie  good  will  of  a  superior  (e.g.  xxxii.  13,  18, 
xHii.  11 ;  2  S.  viii.  2) ;  of  a  'present'  offered  to  Jehovah,  here,  1  S. 
ii.  17,  xxvi.  19,  and  elsewhere  (E,V.  usually  'offering'),  also  used 
specifically,  in  a  narrower  sense,  of  the  'meal-offering'  (Lev.  ii.)^ 

4.  fat.  Fat  pieces  (the  Heb.  word  being  plural),  a  highly-prized 
portion  of  the  animal,  and  so  ofiered  regularly  upon  the  altar  (Lev.  i.  8, 
iii.  3  f  ;  in  firstlings,  Nu.  xviii.  17). 

The  custom  of  sacrifice  is  here  represented  as  practised  naturally 
immediately  after  the  introduction  of  pastoral  and  agricultural  life, 
and  as  being  in  each  case  an  acknowledgment  to  God  for  His  blessing, 
and  arising  out  of  a  spontaneous  feeling  of  gratitude  for  the  gifts  of 
the  earth.  On  the  question  whether  this  has  really  been  the  predomi- 
nant motive  in  determining  the  institution  of  sacrifice,  see  DB.  s.v. 
Saceifice,  pp.  330 — 2,  349'  (references). 

5.  fell.     Indicating  discontent :  cf  Job  xxix.  24  Heb.,  Jer.  iii.  12. 
Why  were  the  two  offerings  regarded  thus  differently,  when  each 

is  described  in  similar  language,  and  each  is  manifestly  intended  as 
an  expression  of  reverence  and  thankfulness  ?  The  ground  of  the 
difference  is  not  stated,  and  it  can  only  therefore  be  inferred.  But 
it  can  hardly  have  lain  in  anything  except  the  different  spirit  and 
temper  actuating  the  two  brothers.  Cain,  it  is  to  be  noticed,  as  soon  as 
he  perceives  that  his  gift  has  not  been  accepted,  becomes  angry  and 
discontented — in  itself  a  sufficient  indication  that  his  frame  of  mind 
was  not  what  it  should  have  been.  There  must  have  been  in  his 
purpose  some  secret  flaw  which  vitiated  his  offering :  it  may  have 
been  envy  at  his  brother's  better  fortune,  it  may  have  been  some 
other  thought  or  feeling  inconsistent  with  *  a  sacrifice  of  righteousness,' 
i.e.  a  sacrifice  offered  with  a  pure  and  sincere  purpose  (Ps.  iv.  5).  It 
seems  thus  to  be  at  least  a  collateral  aim  of  the  narrator  to  illustrate 
and  emphasize  the  prophetic  teaching  that  it  is  not  the  gift,  but  the 

1  Cf.  Jevons,  Introd.  to  Hist,  of  Rel.  223—5 ;  Frazer,  Golden  Bough?,  ii.  459. 
*  See  more  fully,  on  the  usage  of  this  word,  DB.  s.v.  Offee,  Offebing,  §  4. 


IV.  6-9]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  65 

6  And  the  Lord  said  unto  Cain,  Why  art  thou  wroth  ?  and  why  J 
is  thy  countenance  fallen?  7  If  thou  doest  well,  ^shalt  thou  not 
be  accepted?  and  if  thou  doest  not  well,  sin  coucheth  at  the 
door :  and  unto  thee  ^shall  be  his  desire,  and  thou  shalt  rule 
over  him.  8  And  Cain  ^told  Abel  his  brother.  And  it  came  to 
pass,  when  they  were  in  the  field,  that  Cain  rose  up  against 
Abel  his  brother,  and  slew  him.  9  And  the  Lord  said  unto 
Cain,  Where  is  Abel  thy  brother  ?    And  he  said,  I  know  not : 

^  Or,  shall  it  not  be  lifted  up  ?  ^  Or,  i«  its  desire,  but  thou  shouldest  rule 

over  it  *  Heb.  said  unto.     Many  ancient  authorities  have,  taid  unto  Abel 

his  brother,  Let  us  go  into  the  field, 

spirit  in  which  the  gift  is  offered,  which  determines  its  value  in  the 
sight  of  God'.     Of.  Heb.  xi.  4 ;  1  Jn.  iii,  12  ;  also  Jude  11. 

6,  7.  A  Divine  warning  follows,  bidding  Cain  control  his  temper, 
and  hinting  at  the  conseciuences  if  he  fails  to  do  so. 

"  7.  The  margin  must  be  followed.  If  thou  doest  well,  i.e.  hast  a 
right  and  sincere  purpose,  it  will  shew  itself  in  thy  countenance,  shall 
there  not  be  lifting  up?  viz.  of  thy  countenance,  it  will  not  be  down- 
cast and  sullen,  but  bright  and  open  :  and  if  thou  doest  not  well,  hast 
sinister,  envious  thoughts,  sin  is  then  near  at  hand,  couching  like  some 
wild  animal  at  the  door,  and  unto  thee  is  its  desire,  it  is  eager  to  spring 
upon  and  overpower  thee :  but  thou  shouldest  rule  over  it,  conquer 
the  rising  temptation  before  it  is  too  strong  for  thee,  and  subdue  it. 
The  text  is  open  to  suspicion;  but  as  thus  understood,  it  teaches  a 
profound  psychological  truth,  the  danger  viz.  of  harbouring  a  s  alien 
and  unreasoning  discontent :  it  is  a  temper  which  is  only  too  likely 
to  lead  to  fatal  consequences,  and  which,  therefore,  as  soon  as  it  begins 
to  shew  itself,  should  at  all  costs  be  checked. 

and  unto  thee  &c.  The  words  are  identical  substantially  with 
iii.  16'' ;  but  they  are  differently  apphed. 

8.  But  Cain,  heedless  of  the  warning,  gives  the  rein  to  his  sullen 
thoughts ;  he  tempts  his  brother  to  go  with  him  into  a  solitary  place 
(Dt.  xxii.  27),  and  there  attacks  and  slays  him. 

told.  The  Heb.  means,  not  'told,'  but  said  unto,  and  the  words 
said  ought  to  follow.  Sam.,  lxx.,  Vulg.,  Pesh.,  and  Ps.-Jon.  have 
the  clause  given  on  RVm.,  which  has  no  doubt  accidentally  dropped  out 
of  the  Hebrew. 

9 — 15.     Cain's  punishment. 

9.  Where  &c.  The  question,  introducing  the  judicial  inquiry, 
as  in  iii.  9 ;  but  the  answer  shews  how  sin  has  gained  in  power.  Adam 
and  Eve  only  excuse  themselves :  but  'Cain  says  falsely  that  he  does  not 

1  Another  view,  however,  is  that  there  underlies  the  story  some  early  struggle 
between  two  theories  of  sacrifice,  which  ended  by  the  triumph  of  the  theory  that 
the  right  offering  to  be  made  consisted  in  the  life  of  an  animal. 


66  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [iv.  9-14 

am  I  my  brother's  keeper?  10  And  he  said,  What  hast  thou  7" 
done  ?  the  voice  of  thy  brother's  blood  crieth  unto  me  from  the 
ground.  11  And  now  cursed  art  thou  from  the  ground,  which 
hath  opened  her  mouth  to  receive  thy  brother's  blood  from  thy 
hand  ;  12  when  thou  tiilest  the  ground,  it  shall  not  henceforth 
yield  unto  thee  her  strength  ;  a  fugitive  and  a  wanderer  shalt 
thou  be  in  the  earth.  13  And  Cain  said  unto  the  Lord, 
^My  punishment  is  greater  ^than  I  can  bear.    14  Behold,  thou 

*  Or,  Mine  iniquity  '  Or,  than  can  be  forgiven 

know  where  his  brother  is,  and  adds  defiantly  that  he  is  not  his 
keeper,  and  consequently  is  under  no  obligation  to  know '  (Knob.). 

10 — 12.  But  the  Divine  voice  refuses  to  be  silenced.  It  holds 
before  him  his  crime,  and  forthwith  pronounces  sentence  upon  him. 

10.  Hark!  (Is.  xiii.  4,  Hi.  8)  thy  brother's  blood  crieth  &c. 
Blood  wrongfully  shed  was  regarded  as  crying  to  God  for  vengeance, 
until  it  had  been  atoned  for  :  cf.  Job  xvi.  18  ;  Ez.  xxiv.  7f. 

11.  from  the  ground.  From  must  either  denote  the  direction  from 
which  the  curse  is  to  proceed,  or  mean  pregnantly  away  from  :  v.  14* 
rather  supports  the  latter  interpretation.  Ground  seems  here  (cf  v.  14) 
to  mean  the  cultivated  soil  in  contrast  to  the  face  of  the  earth  in 
general.  Cain  must  leave  the  cultivated  soil  on  which  he  has  hitherto 
prospered,  and  become  a  wanderer  in  wild  and  unknown  regions. 

Jier  mouth.  Cf  for  the  poetical  figure  Nu.  xvi.  32,  and  (of  Sheol) 
Is.  V.  14.  The  'ground,'  after  having  swallowed  the  gruesome  drink 
which  Cain  has  provided  for  it,  can  no  longer  bear  him,  but  must  cast 
him  off  as  accursed. 

12.  The  particulars  of  the  curse.  The  ground  wiU  no  longer 
respond  to  his  toil :  so  he  will  ever  have  to  be  seeking  a  new  resting- 
place,  while  a  guilty  conscience  will  the  more  increase  his  restlessness. 
That  the  ground  will  refuse  him  its  strength  is  in  excess  of  the  curse 
pronounced  in  iii.  17. 

strength.     I.e.  produce  (Job  xxxi.  39). 

a  fugitive.  More  exactly,  a  totterer  (cf  the  verb  in  Is.  xix.  1), 
the  word  denoting  the  hesitating,  uncertain  gait  of  one  not  knowing 
where  to  go,  or  fainting  for  lack  of  food,  or  drunken  (Am.  iv.  8  ;  Ps.  cix. 
10,  cvii.  27  ['stagger']:  the  renderings  'be  moved,'  'wander,'  'be 
vagabond,'  are  all  inadequate). 

13.  14.  Cain,  though  not  penitent,  is  humbled  and  alarmed :  so 
he  pleads  for  a  mitigation  of  the  punishment. 

13.  ^5Mw/.9/?w2e?w^.  Lit.  iniquity,  but  including  here  its  consequences, 
i.e.  its  punishment :  cf  1  S.  xxviii.  10. 

than  I  can  bear.  RVm.  is  legitimate  philologically ;  but  the 
context  {v.  14)  speaks  only  of  Cain's  punishment. 

14,  Cain  is  still  pictured  as  in  'Eden'  (y.  16),  though  not  in  the 
garden :  Jehovah's  presence  is  supposed  to  be  confined  to  the  garden 


IV.  I4-I6]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  67 

hast  driven  me  out  this  day  from  the  face  of  the  ground  ;  and  J 
from  thy  face  si  all  I  be  hid ;  and  I  shall  be  a  fugitive  and  a 
wanderer  in  the  earth ;  and  it  shall  come  to  pass,  that  whosobver 
findeth  me  shall  slay  me.  15  And  the  Lord  said  unto  him, 
Therefore  whosoever  slayeth  Cain,  vengeance  shall  be  taken  on 
him  sevenfold.  And  the  Lord  appointed  a  sign  for  Cain,  lest 
any  finding  him  should  smite  him. 

16  And  Cain  went  out  from  the  presence  of  the  Lord,  and 
dwelt  in  the  land  of  ^Nod,  ^on  the  east  of  Eden. 

^  That  is,  WanAering.  *  Or,  in  front  of 

and  its  precincts  ;  beyond  these  limits  he  will  be  hidden  from  His /ace, 
and  dejirived  of  the  protection  which,  according  to  ancient  ideas, 
proximity  to  a  sanctuary  conferred  even  upon  a  murderer  :  he  will  be  a 
wanderer  over  the  wide  earth ;  above  all,  his  guilty  imagination  brings 
before  him  the  vision  of  the  blood-avenger,  dogging  his  steps,  and 
causing  him  daily  to  tremble  for  his  life'.  'Cf.  the  striking  picture 
of  the  supposed  murderer  of  Laius  in  Soph.  Oed.  Tyr.  463 — 482  ;  and 
that  of  the  restlessness  of  the  evil  conscience  in  Job  xv.  20 — 24'  (W.  L.). 
It  has  often  been  aslced.  Who  could  there  have  been  to  slay  Cain  ? 
According  to  the  existing  Book  of  Genesis,  it  is  plain  that  there  could 
have  been  no  one.  The  inconsistency  is  one  of  which,  however,  the 
narrator  (or  compiler)  is  evidently  unconscious.     Comp.  p.  72. 

15.  A  concession  is  made  to  Cain's  fears ;  and  he  receives  a  promise 
of  immunity  from  the  blood-avenger.  But  he  is  not  restored  to  happi- 
ness :  banished  from  his  relations  and  from  the  presence  of  God,  haunted 
in  his  wanderings  by  an  uneasy  conscience,  Cain  remains  a  lesson  and  a 
spectacle  for  all  time. 

Therefore.  Viz.  because  Cain's  com.plaint  has  some  force  in  it.  Cf. 
the  use  of  the  same  word  in  xxx.  15. 

sevenfold.  By  seven  of  the  murderer's  family  being  slain — by  Cain's 
kinsmen,  according  to  ancient  ideas — to  atone  for  his  death. 

a  sign.  Viz.  for  his  protection,  which,  to  have  the  effect  intended, 
must  have  been  something  attaching  to  his  person ;  though  what  it 
was  is  not  stated,  and  it  is  idle  to  speculate. 

16.  from  the  presence  of  Jehovah.  Regarded  as  confined  to  the 
garden  and  its  precincts  :  cf.  v.  14 ;  also  1  S.  xxvi.  19 ;  Jon.  i.  3. 
{From  the  presence  of  is  more  lit.  from  before,  as  Gen.  xli.  46  al.) 

the  land  of  Nod.  I.e.  of  Wandering  (cf.  ndd,  '  wanderer,' w.  12,  14), 
a  land  not  geographically  definable,  but  pictured  as  being  on  the  East 
of  Eden,  in  the  remoter,  vaguer,  less-known  East  even  than  Eden  itself. 

^  In  early  Greece,  banishment  might  be  the  penalty  even  for  accidental 
homicide  (as  in  the  case  of  Patrochis,  II.  xxiii.  85  ff.) ;  cf.  the  case  mentioned  by 
Doughty,  Arabia  Deserta  (1888;,  ii.  293. 

5—2 


68  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [iv.  .7 

The  narrative  of  Cain  has  a  typical  significance:  it  iurnishes  a  typical 
example  of  the  manner  in  which  sin  gains  dominion  ovf  r  a  man ;  and  the 
psychological  analysis  of  the  process  {vv.  7,  8)  is  very  complete.  Among  the 
lessons  or  truths  which  the  narrative  teaches  may  be  instanced :  the  nature 
of  temptation,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  should  be  resisted;  the  conse- 
quences to  which  an  unsubdued  temper  may  lead  a  man ;  the  gradual  steps  by 
which  in  the  end  a  deadly  crime  may  be  committed ;  the  need  of  sincerity  of 
purpose  lest  our  offering  should  be  rejected  ;  God's  care  for  the  guilty  sinner 
after  he  has  been  punished ;  the  interdependence  upon  one  another  of  members 
of  the  human  race ;  and  the  duties  and  obligations  which  we  all  owe  to  each 
other.  In  its  general  outline  the  stoi7  of  Cain  and  Abel  belonged  no  doubt 
to  the  cycle  of  popular  beliefs,  current  in  ancient  Israel:  the  narrator  has 
made  it  the  vehicle  of  some  great  moral  lessons,  designed  primarily  for  the 
instruction  of  his  own  nation  and  age,  but  destined  ultimately,  through  God's 
providence,  to  become  the  possession  of  the  world  at  large.  Notice  how  a  few 
strokes  suffice  to  sketch  the  picture,  and  yet  how  complete  and  effective,  as 
a  whole,  it  is. 

17  And  Cain  knew  his  wife ;   and  she  conceived,  and  bare  j 
Enoch  :  and  he  builded  a  city,  and  called  the  name  of  the  city, 

17 — 24.  The  growth  of  civilization,  and  the  origin  of  what  were 
taken  to  be  primitive  institutions  or  modes  of  life,  in  the  line  of  Cain. 
No  doubt,  the  narrator  reports  faithfully  what  was  currently  believed 
by  the  Hebrews, — and  perhaps  by  the  Canaanites  before  them, — about 
the  beginnings  of  civilization :  but  the  picture,  it  must  be  evident, 
cannot  be  historical.  Archaeology  shews  that  'cutting  instruments,' 
as  well  as  other  implements  and  utensils,  were  for  long  made  only  of 
copper  (or  bronze),  and  that  the  use  of  iron  came  in  only  at  a  com- 
paratively late  date:  so  that  it  is  extremely  unlikely  that  the  art  of 
smelting  and  forging  both  should  have  been  discovered  by  one  man. 
And  the  '  Bronze  age'  was  preceded  by  a  '  Stone  age,'  of  very  consider- 
able duration,  during  which  metals  (except  gold,  for  ornaments)  were 
not  in  use  at  all,  but  for  which  the  narrative  of  the  present  chapter 
leaves  no  room.  Men,  moreover,  for  long  before  the  domestication  of 
animals  and  agriculture  {yv.  2,  20)  were  introduced,  lived  in  a  rude 
state  of  culture,  as  hunters,  subsisting  on  game  and  fish,  and  wild  fruits 
(Dawkins,  Early  Man  in  Britain,  172,  244,  246 ;  cf  above,  pp.  xxxix — 
xli),  for  wliich  likewise  there  is  no  room  in  the  narrator's  scheme. 
It  is  also  highly  improbable  that  cities  were  built,  or  musical  instru- 
ments invented,  so  soon  after  man's  first  appearance  upon  the  earth 
as  is  here  represented  to  have  been  the  case. 

17.  Whence  did  Cain  take  his  wife?  and  who  were  there  to  inhabit 
the  city  which  he  built  ?  The  questions  are  analogous  to  the  one  raised 
by  V.  14,  and  must  be  answered  similarly. 

Enoch.  Heb.  Hanokh,  which  recurs  in  the  line  of  Seth  (v.  18) ; 
and  occurs  also  (as  that  of  a  Midianite  tribe)  in  xxv.  4,  and  (as  that  of 
a  Reubenite  clan)  in  xlvi.  9.    As  a  Heb.  word,  it  would  mean  training, 


IV.  i7-3i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GSNESIS  69 

after  the  name  of  his  son,  Enoch.  18  And  unto  Enoch  was  born  J 
Irad :  and  Irad  begat  Mehujael :  and  Mehujael  begat  Methnshael : 
and  Methushael  begat  Lamech.  19  And  Lamech  took  unto  him 
two  wives  :  the  name  of  the  one  was  Adah,  and  the  name  of  the 
other  Zillah.  20  And  Adah  bare  Jabal :  he  was  the  father  of 
such  as  dwell  in  tents  and  have,  cattle.     21  And  his  brother's 

or  dedication.  Nothing  definite  can  however  be  inferred,  whether  from 
this  or  from  most  of  the  following  names,  respecting  their  origin  or  the 
ideas  which  they  were  intended  to  convey  ;  in  many  cases  the  meaning 
is  uncertain ;  for  we  do  not  hnow  what  was  the  vocabulary  of  the 
Semitic  language  from  which  they  were  derived,  at  the  time  when  they 
were  formed,  or  how  far,  for  instance,  we  may  rightly  explain  them  by 
Arabic.  There  is  a  presumption,  from  general  analogy,  that  some  at 
least  will  be  of  Babylonian  origin :  but  even  so  we  have  no  guarantee 
that  they  are  in  their  original  form ;  in  the  process  of  naturalization 
in  Israel,  they  may  easily  have  been  Hebraized. 

18.  Mehuyd'el  (as  a  Heb.  word)  means  apparently  '  blotted  out  (vi.  7) 
by  God.'  Lxx.  however  read  '  for  1  (as  the  Heb.  does  in  clause  b),  and 
vocalize  Mair^A,  i.e.  Mahyiel  'God  maketh  me  alive.' 

Methushael.  This  name  is  Babylonian  in  form  =  mutu-sha-ili,  'man 
(i.e.  hegeman,  Cheyne)  of  God.' 

19.  Lamech  introduces  polygamy. 

'Adah — also  the  name  of  a  'wife'  of  Esau  (xxxvi.  2) — might  mean 
(Ass.,  Arab.)  'the  dawn' ;  and  Zillah  (Heb.)  'shadow,' — 'a  suggestive 
description  of  a  noble  chieftainess,  whose  presence  was  like  a  refreshing 
and  protecting  shade.  Is.  xxxii.  2 '  (Cheyne,  EncB.  i.  626). 

20 — 22.  The  introduction  of  three  (seemingly)  primitive  modes  of 
life,  or  professions,  is  referred  to  Lamech's  three  sons.  The  series  of 
seven  names  ends  by  branching  into  three,  just  as  in  ch.  v.  the  series 
of  ten  names  does  (Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth).  By  this  '  knot '  in  the 
genealogical  tree,  it  is  indicated  (Ewald)  that  a  new  and  broader 
development  is  about  to  commence  (cf.  xi.  26). 

20.  Ydbdl.  The  meaning  is  obscure.  DiUm.'s 'wanderer' is  very 
questionable.  The  Heb.  ydhal  (in  the  causative  conj.)  is  a  poet,  word 
for  to  hear  or  lead  along  in  state  (Is.  xviii.  7,  Iv.  12,  al.)\  ydbdl  is 
a  poet,  word  for  stream  (Is.  xxx.  25,  xliv.  4).  The  three  similarly 
sounding  names  may  be  an  indication  of  the  artificial  character  of  the 
genealogy :  Arabic  parallels  are  cited  by  Lenormant,  Origines,  i.  192. 
The  Greeks  associated  shepherds  and  musicians :  similarly  here  Yabal 
and  Yubal  are  sons  of  the  same  mother. 

father.  In  a  fig.  sense,  =  originator  of  the  occupations  or  profes- 
sions described. 

such  as  dwell  &c.  I.e.  of  nomads,  moving  about,  like  the  patriarchs, 
with  flocks  and  herds  (cf  xiii.  12,  18 ;  Jer.  xxxv.  7).  The  nomadic 
mode  of  life  is  referred  to  Yabal  as  its  originator. 


70  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [iv.  ai-23 

name  was  Jubal :  he  was  the  father  of  all  such  as  handle  the  J 
harp  and  pipe.    22  And  Zillah,  she  also  bare  Tubal-cain,  H-he 
forger  of  every  cutting  instrument  of  ^ brass  and  iron  :  and  the 
sister  of  Tubal-cain  was  Naamah.    23  And  Lamech  said  unto 
his  wives : 

*  Or,  an  imtructor  of  every  artificer         '  Or,  copper    and  so  elsewhere. 

21.  harp.  Heb.  Mnnor,  perhaps  in  fact  the  lyre,  a  simpler  instru- 
ment, very  popular  in  antiquity.  Comp.  the  writer's  Joel  and  Amos, 
p.  234f. 

pij^e.  Mentioned  with  the  Mnnor  in  Job  xxi.  12,  xxx.  31 ;  also 
Ps.  cl.  4t.  _ 

22.  Tubal-cain.  I.e.  (apparently) '  Tubal  of  (the  individual  or  the 
tribe?)  Cain.'  The  form  of  name  is  peculiar.  Tubal  is  perhaps  the 
eponymous  ancestor  of  Tubal  (x.  2),  a  people  living  on  the  NE.  of 
CiKcia,  and  famous  in  the  days  of  Ezekiel  (Ez.  xxvii.  13)  for  its  'vessels 
of  copper'  (or  'bronze').     So  Lenormant,  p.  210,  and  others. 

the  forger.  Lit.  the  sharpener.  The  marg.  on  these  words  (=AV.) 
may  be  disregarded. 

brass.  Bronze,  or  copper — which,  indeed,  as  Dr  Aldis  Wright,  in 
his  Bible  Word-Book  reminds  us,  was  the  meaning  of  'brass'  in  Old 
English.  It  is  evident,  from  his  referring  the  working  of  these  metals 
to  primitive  times,  that  the  writer  has  no  knowledge  of  the  long  ante- 
cedent Stone  age. 

Na'dmdk.  I.e.  'pleasant,'  'gracious.'  No  doubt  mentioned  here 
as  a  figure  well  known  to  Hebrew  folk-lore,  of  whom  (as  of  most  of 
the  other  personages  named  in  this  genealogy)  a  good  deal  more  was 
recounted  than  the  narrator  has  reported.  The  three  professions 
referred  to  are  perhaps  mentioned  as  characteristic  elements  of  nomad 
life.  At  any  rate,  the  smiths  form  even  now  in  Arabia  a  distinct 
caste  (Doughty,  ii.  656),  as  they  are  said  to  do  also  all  over  Africa 
(Hoernes,  Primitive  Man,  in  the  'Temple  Primers,'  p.  67). 

Those  who  have  visited  Florence  will  recollect  the  illustrations  of 
these  early  arts  on  Giotto's  campanile. 

23.  24.  The  'Song  of  the  Sword.'  Lamech,  returning,  we  may 
suppose,  from  some  deed  of  blood,  and  brandishing  his  weapon  in 
his  hand,  boasts  before  his  wives — as  an  Arab  chiei^  it  is  said,  wiU 
do  still — of  what  he  has  done ;  and  expresses  his  delight  at  the 
means  which  he  now  possesses  of  avenging  effectually  bodily  injuries. 
The  Song  is  composed  in  the  usual  parallelistic  form  of  Heb.  poetry. 

23  a,  b.  A  formal  introduction,  inviting  the  attention  of  his-'wives 
to  what  he  is  about  to  say  (cf  Is.  xxviii.  23,  xxxii.  9). 

c,  d.  Lamech  boasts  that  he  has  requited  a  (mere)  wound  or  bruise 
(Ex.  xxi.  25,  where  '  stripe '  =  '  bruise '  here),  inflicted  upon  him,  with 
death. — The  first  margin  on  line  c  is  possible  by  Heb.  idiom :  the 
second  marg.  (=AV.)  may  be  disregarded. 


lY.  23-26]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  71 

Adah  and  Zillah,  hear  my  voice  ; 

Ye  wives  of  Lamech,  hearken  unto  my  speech : 

For  ^I  have  slain  a  man  ^for  wounding  me, 

And  a  young  man  for  bruising  me  : 
24  If  Cain  shall  be  avenged  sevenfold. 

Truly  Lamech  seventy  and  sevenfold. 

25  And  Adam  knew  his  wife  again  ;  and  she  bare  a  son,  and 
called  his  name  ^Seth :  For,  said  she,  God  *liath  appointed  me 
another  seed  instead  of  Abel ;  for  Cain  slew  him.  26  And  to 
Seth,  to  him  also  there  was  born  a  son  ;  and  he  called  his  name 
Enosh :  then  began  men  to  call  upon  the  name  of  the  Lord. 

^  Or,  I  will  slay  '  Or,  to  my  wounding,  and  a  young  man  to  my  hurt 

»  Heb.  Sheth.  *  Heb.  shath. 

24.  seventy  and  sevenfold.  So  terrible  will  be  the  vengeance  which 
his  kinsmen  will  exact.  The  words  give  expression  to  Lamech's  sense 
of  superior  security,  as  compared  with  Cain  (v.  15),  on  account  of  the 
metal  weapons  provided  for  him  by  his  son's  invention.  The  readiness 
to  shed  blood,  which  had  been  first  manifested  by  Cain,  appears  in  an 
intensified  form  in  Lamech. 

25,  26.  Two  notices  from  the  parallel  line  of  Seth,  as  given  by  J  ; 
preserved  here  (like  v.  29)  on  account  of  the  particulars  contained 
in  them.  The  line,  as  far  as  Noah,  is  given  completely  (from  P) 
in  ch.  v.  It  forms  in  character  a  contrast  to  that  of  Cain  :  for  Seth 
is  represented  as  a  substitute  for  the  righteous  Abel ;  and  under  Enosh 
the  public  worship  of  Jehovah  is  stated  to  have  been  introduced  (see 
also  V.  22,  24,  vi.  9). 

25.  hath  appointed.  The  etjrmology  is  to  be  understood  upon  the 
same  principle  as  that  of  *  Cain '  in  v.  1,  Observe  that  RVm.  does  not 
say  that  Seth  means  'appointed.' 

seed.  Used  instead  of  son,  probably  because  the  writer  has  in  view 
the  entire  line,  of  which  Seth  is  the  ancestor. 

26.  'Enosh.  In  Heb.  a  poet,  word  for  '  man ' ;  in  Aramaic  (in  the 
form  'endsh)  the  usual  word  for  '  man.' 

then  began  &c.  The  formal  and  public  worship  of  God  is  repre- 
sented as  now  beginning. 

to  call  upon.  Properly  (as  always)  to  call  with,  i.e.  to  use  the 
name  in  invocations,  in  the  manner  of  ancient  cults,  especially  at 
times  of  sacrifice :  of.  xii.  8,  xiii.  4,  xxi.  33,  xxvi.  25. 

On  the  narrative  of  Cnin  and  Abel.  In  the  preceding  notes  this  narrative 
has  been  explained  in  the  sense  which  it  most  obviously  possesses  ybr  us :  it  is 
another  question,  which,  though  it  may  be  touched  upon  liriafly,  it  lies  beyond 
the  scope  of  the  present  commentary  to  discuss  fully,  whether  in  any  respects 
the  sense  originally  attached  to  it  was  dififereut   The  allusions  in  vv.  3,  4  to  an 


72  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

established  system  of  religious  observances,  and  in  w.  14,  15,  17,  to  an  already 
existing  population  on  the  earth,  have  been  thought  by  some  recent  critics 
to  imply  that  '  Cain '  is  a  figure  which  belonged  originally  to  a  much  later  stage 
in  the  history  of  mankind  than  that  at  which  it  is  here  placed ;  it  has  also  been 
urged  that  the  terms  of  v.  15  become  far  more  significant  if  Cain  (like 
many  other  of  the  early  figures  in  Genesis :  see  on  ix.  25  ff.,  and  ch.  x.) 
represented  in  fact  a.  people,  in  which  case  v.  15*  would  be  really  the  boast  of  a 
tribe,  who,  as  the  Bedawin  of  the  desert  do  still,  held  sacred  the  duty  of  blood- 
revenge  and  (in  this  case)  declared  that  for  every  slain  member  of  their  tribe 
they  would  exact  seven  lives  of  the  tribe  to  which  the  murderer  belonged. 
The  '  sign '  which  Jehovah  sets  upon  Cain's  person  for  his  protection,  is  con- 
sidered further  to  have  been  the  tribal  mark  or  badge  \  such  aa  would  be  at 
once  recognizable  by  all  who  saw  it,  and  which  marked  out  its  possessor  as 
under  the  protection  of  the  tribal  God.  Upon  this  view,  the  story,  in  its 
original  form,  was  an  attempt  to  explain  what,  to  those  who  had  experienced 
the  enjoyments  of  a  settled  agricultural  life,  seemed  so  strange,  the  restlessness 
of  the  nomadic  life,  and  the  excessive  development,  among  some  of  those  who 
still  adhered  to  it,  of  the  custom  (in  itself,  of  course,  a  legitimate  one,  according 
to  Hebrew  ideas)  of  blood-revenge :  these  two  peculiarities  implied  that  some 
kind  of  curse  rested  upon  the  tribe,  the  curse  in  its  turn  implied  guilt ;  and 
the  guilt  was  '  Cain's'  murder  of  his  brother  (i.e.,  if  '  Cain '  represents  a  tribe,  its 
destruction  of  a  neighbouring  agricultural  tribe,  which  resulted,  however,  in  its 
own  perpetual  exile  from  its  former  home)  2.  Speculations  of  this  kind  must  not 
be  ruled  out  of  court  in  an  attempt  to  throw  light  upon  an  ancient  narrative, 
the  original  sense  and  connexion  of  which  may  well  have  been  lost  or  obscured: 
nevertheless,  it  must  be  evident  that  in  pursuing  them  we  are  moving  upon 
uncertain  ground.  The  name  Cain  (as  was  remarked  on  iv.  1)  would  be 
naturally  that  of  the  eponymous  ancestor  of  the  Kenites ;  and  in  fact  it  occurs 
(in  the  Heb.)  as  the  name  of  this  tribe  in  Nu.  xxiv.  22  (see  RV.),  Jud.  iv.  11 
(RVm.).  Hence  it  is  tempting  to  think,  with  Stade,  that  the  Kenites  are  the 
tribe  referred  to :  they  were  neighbours  of  Israel  (cf.  on  xv.  19),  and  at  least 
some  of  them  retained  their  nomadic  habits  till  a  late  period  of  the  history 
(Jer.  XXXV.  7 :  see  1  Ch.  ii.  55).  The  existence  of  some  connexion  between 
'  Cain '  (y'\>)  and  '  ^enite '  {''^p)  must  be  admitted  to  be  possible :  but  there 
do  not  seem  to  be  any  grounds  for  supposing  that  the  Kenites  were  con- 
spicuous among  nomad  tribes  in  general  for  possessing  the  characteristics 
attributed  specially  to  'Cain'  in  Gen.  iv.  14,  15  (cf.  Noldeke's  criticism  of 
the  preceding  theory  in  his  art.  Amalek,  §  7,  in  the  EncB.)\ 

On  the  names  in  ».  17  ffi    Respecting  these  names,  nothing  material  can 

*  Cf.  Cuttings  in  the  Flesh  (§§  5,  6)  in  the  EncB. 

^  Cf .  Ryle,  p.  72  (the  story  may  preserve  the  recollection  of  some  old  collision 
between  the  agricultural  and  pastoral  elements  in  prehistoric  man). 

»  See  further  Stade's  essay  on  Cain  in  the  ZATW.  1894,  pp.  250—318  (an 
abstract  in  Holzinger,  p.  50  f.) ;  Gunkel,  pp.  41,  42 — 44 ;  Cain  in  the  EncB. ;  and 
on  the  other  side,  Dr  Worcester,  Genesis  in  the  Light  of  Modem  Knowledge  (New 
York,  1901),  pp.  260—70.  That  Cain  and  Abel  represent  two  peoples  is  however 
held  also  by  Hommel  (Sunday  School  Times,  Dec.  31,  1898),  who  thinks,  from  Arabic 
analogies,  that  'Abel'  means  shepherd  (of.  Abkl  in  EncB.),  and  Sayce  (Exp.  Times, 
X.,  1899,  p.  352). 


CAIN  AND  THE  CAINITES  73 

be  added  to  what  has  been  said  in  the  notes :  they  are  '  the  names  of  legendary 
heroes,  to  whom  the  origins  of  civilization,  science  and  art,  were  popularly 
ascribed  by  the  Hebrews'  (Ottley,  Hist,  of  the  Hebrews,  p.  13).  There  are 
also  (cf.  p.  62)  grounds  for  supposing  that  the  particulars  here  preserved  are 
only  excerpts  from  a  wider  cycle  of  tradition  current  in  ancient  Israel  Some 
interesting,  if  not  conclusive,  speculations  respecting  the  names  which  are 
mentioned,  may  be  found  in  the  art,  Cainites  in  the  EncB.  (cf.  also  below, 
p.  81) :  though  no  direct  Babylonian  parallel  has  as  yet  been  discovered,  it 
is  nevertheless  probable,  in  view  of  the  wide  influence  exerted  by  Babylonia 
upon  early  Israel,  that  they  are  in  some  way  ultimately  connected  with 
Babylonia  (cf.  p.  80  f.).  On  the  whole,  our  judgement  upon  them  may  be 
expressed  in  the  words  of  Prof,  (now  Bishop)  Ryle :  *  Perhaps  we  should  not 
be  far  wrong  in  regarding  these  personages  as  constituting  a  group  of 
demigods  or  heroes,  whose  names,  in  the  earliest  days  of  Hebrew  tradition, 
filled  up  the  blank  between  the  creation  of  man  and  the  age  of  the  Israelite 
patriarchs.  Such  a  group  would  be  in  accordance  with  the  analogy  of  the 
primitive  legends  of  other  races.  The  removal  of  every  taint  of  polytheistic 
superstition,  the  presentation  of  these  names  as  the  names  of  ordinary  human 
beings,  would  be'  partly  a  result  of  their  naturalization  in  Israel  itself, 
partly  'the  work  of  the  Israelite  narrator'  {Early  Narratives  of  Genesis, 
p.  81). 

Phoenician  parallels.  A  few  words  deserve,  however,  to  be  added  about 
the  very  similar  account  given  by  the  Phoenicians  of  the  origin  of  diflFerent 
inventions,  preserved  by  Eusebius  {Praep.  Ec.  i.  10),  in  extracts  from  Philo 
of  Byblus,  who  in  his  turn  quotes  from  the  Phoenician  author  Sanchoniathon. 
The  extracts  are  not  always  perfectly  consistent,  and  seem  to  be  derived  from 
different  sources;  but  into  these  questions  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  enter;  the 
differences  do  not  affect  the  general  character  of  their  contents.  They  are  too 
long  to  cite  at  length  :  but  a  few  specimens  may  be  given.  Among  the  early 
descendants  of  the  first  pair  {UpuToyovos  and  Alcov)  were  two  brothers,  Sa/xi}- 
fipovfios  [=  D1"ID  ^XDK']  o  Koi  'Y\l/^ovpavios,  and  Ovaaos,  of  whom  'Yyl^ovpdvios 
founded  Tyre,  and  first  made  huts  out  of  reeds,  rushes,  and  papyrus,  while 
Ov(X(i>os  was  the  first  to  make  clothing  from  the  skins  of  animals,  and  to 
venture  on  the  sea  upon  the  trunk  of  a  tree.  Many  other  inventions  were 
ascribed  to  a  race  of  six  pairs  of  brothers  descended  from  'Yi/'oupaVtor. 
From  ' Ay peiis  and  'AXteu?^  came  hunting  and  fishing;  from  the  second  pair, 
of  whom  one  was  called  Xpva-ap  (?  K'^n  'smith,'  which  is  also  Phoenician), 
the  discovery  and  working  of  iron,  magic  and  divination,  the  invention  of 
various  kinds  of  fishing  tackle,  and  navigation ;  from  the  third  iJex^iTrjs 
\}-  cf.  )1i5]  and  Vrivos  Avt6x6<'>v),  the  making  of  bricks  and  roofs ;  from  the  fourth 
('Aypoy  and  'Aypovrjpos),  courts  and  enclosures  to  houses,  agriculture  and 
hunting';  from  the  fifth  {"Ahwos  and  Mayos),  village  and  pastoral  life^;  from 
the  sixth  {Micrdop  ["li^"'P  'equity']  and  2vdvK  [PIV  'righteousness']),  the  use  of 

^  Toi>s  aXelas  Kal  Aypas  eiperas,  ^|  wi>  KXrjd^vai  dypevrai  Kal  dXtetj. 

*  iK  ToiiTuiv  dyporai  Kal  Kvviiyol  (cf.  'the  father  of  in  Geu.  iv.  20'',  21''). 

*  6t  KaribtL^av  Kui/xas  Kai  noifjivas  (cf.  Gen.  iv.  20''). 


74  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

salt*.  The  antliors  of  other  inventions  are  also  specified;  but  these  examples 
will  suffice.  It  is  difficult  not  to  think  that  the  Heb.  and  Phoen.  representa- 
tions spring  from  a  common  Canaanite  cycle  of  tradition,  which  in  its  turn 
may  have  derived  at  least  some  of  its  elements  from  Babylonia. 

Indications  of  two  cycles  of  tradition  in  J's  narrative  in  Gen.  i. — xi.  It 
is  the  evident  intention  of  iv.  17 — 24  to  describe  the  beginnings  of  the  civiliza- 
tion which  existed  in  the  writer's  own  day  :  was  a  knowledge,  then,  of  the  arts, 
the  invention  of  which  is  here  narrated — and  they  are  probably  typical  of 
many  other  arts  not  expressly  mentioned''' — preserved  by  Noah  and  his  house- 
hold in  the  ark?  or  had  all  these  arts  to  be  rediscovered  afterwards?  The  one 
alternative  is  as  improbable  as  the  other,  A  consideration  of  this  and  other 
facts  presented  by  the  early  chapters  of  Genesis  has  forced  recent  critics 
(cf.  Ryle,  p.  79)  to  the  conclusion  that  the  narrative  of  J  in  Gen.  i. — xi.  is 
not  really  homogeneous,  but  that  it  consists  of  two  strata — or  embodies  two 
cycles  of  traditions — one  of  which  either  made  no  mention  of  a  Flood,  or,  if  it 
did  mention  it,  did  not  view  it  as  universal,  and  regarded  the  arts  and  civiliza- 
tion of  the  writer's  own  time  as  having  been  handed  down,  without  break  or 
interruption,  from  the  remote  period  indicated  in  the  present  chapter.  As  we 
go  further,  we  shall  meet  with  other  indications  pointing  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion ^  The  passages  which  may  be  referred  with  probability  to  the  stratum  of 
narrative  here  referred  to  are  ii.  4^ — iii.  24,  iv.  17 — 24,  vi.  1 — 4,  ix.  20 — 27, 
xi.  1 — 9 ;  J's  story  of  the  Deluge,  if  this  view  be  correct,  will  have  been  added 
afterwards,  from  an  independent  cycle  of  tradition. 


Chapter  V. 
The  line  of  Seth  from  Adam  to  Noah. 

In  the  form  of  a  genealogy  of  ten  generations,  the  development  of  mankind 
fi'om  Adam  to  Noah  is  briefly  narrated ;  and  so  the  transition  is  made  from 
the  Creation  to  the  next  event  of  principal  importance,  the  Flood.  The 
difference  in  style  and  manner  (except  in  v.  29)  from  cli.  iv.  is  strongly 
marked  (notice,  for  instance,  *  God,'  not  *  Jehovah' ;  the  expressions  in  vv.  1 — 3 
the  same  as  in  ch.  i.;  and  the  stereotyped  form  in  which  the  accounts  of  the 
several  patriarchs  are  cast);  and  shews  that  the  compiler  returns  hero  to  the 

1  Eus.  Praep.  Ev.  (ed.  Heinidien)  i.  10,  §§  6—11 :  the  Greek  text  of  Philo  is 
also  to  be  found  in  MuUer's  Fragm.  Hist.  Graec.  in.  5C6  f.  There  is  a  translation  in 
Lenormant's  Origines  de  I'histoire^,  i.  536  ff. :  cf.  also  Baudissin,  Studien  zur  Sem. 
Rel.-gesch.  (1876),  i.  14  f.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  various  names  have 
not  been  preserved  in  their  original  P)ioenician. 

"^  The  arts  of  engraving,  cutting  metals  and  stones,  building,  writing,  and  many 
others,  are  known  now,  by  the  actual  products  remaining  to  the  present  day,  to  have 
been  practised,  and  to  have  reached  even  a  high  degree  of  perfection,  both  in 
Babylonia  and  in  Egypt,  at  a  date  long  before  that  assigned  in  Genesis  to  the  Mood 
(cf.  pp.  xxxii — xxxiv). 

>  See  on  vi.  4  and  xi.  1 — 9. 


V.  1-3]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  75 

same  source  (P)  from  which  he  drew  i.  1 — ii.  4",  only  v.  29  being  taken  by 
him  from  J.  Except  in  vv.  22,  24,  29,  the  chapter  consists  of  a  bare  list 
of  names  and  numbers,  the  items  stated  regularly  in  each  case  being  the 
ago  of  the  patriarch  at  the  birth  of  his  firstborn  and  at  his  death,  and  the 
fact  that  he  '  begat  sons  and  daughters.'  The  aim  of  the  writer  is  by  means 
of  these  particulars  to  give  a  picture  of  the  increasing  population  of  the  earth, 
as  also  of  the  duration  of  the  first  period  of  the  history,  as  conceived  by  him, 
and  of  the  longevity  which  was  a  current  element  in  the  Hebrew  conception 
of  primitive  times. 

It  need  hardly  be  said  that  longevity,  such  as  is  here  described,  is  physio- 
logically incompatible  with  the  structure  of  the  hnmau  body  ;  and  could  only 
have  been  attained  under  conditions  altogether  different  from  those  at  jjresent 
existing,  such  as  we  are  not  warranted  in  assuming  to  have  existed.  The  names 
are  not  to  be  understood  as  those  of  real  persons  ;  they  serve  merely,  taken  in 
conjunction  with  the  statements  connected  with  them,  to  bring  before  the 
reader  a  general  picture  of  primitive  times  as  conceived  by  the  narrator.  The 
attempt  has  sometimes  been  made  to  save  the  names  as  those  of  real  persons 
by  supposing  links  omitted ;  but  this  supposition,  though  it  may  be  legitimately 
made  elsewhere  (e.g.  in  Mt.  i.),  is  excluded  here  by  the  terms  used,  which  are 
not  hmited  to  the  simple  words  '  begat,'  or  '  the  son  of,'  but  include  the  age  of 
the  father  at  the  birth  of  his  firstborn,  and  the  number  of  years  which  he  lived. 
It  is  'more  candid  and  natural  to  admit  that  Israelite  tradition,  like  the 
traditions  of  other  races,  in  dealing  with  personages  living  in  prehistoric  times, 
assigned  to  them  abnormally  protracted  lives ^.  Hebrew  literature  does  not,  in 
this  respect,  dififer  from  other  literatures.  It  preserves  the  prehistoric 
traditions.  The  study  of  science  precludes  the  possibility  of  such  figures  being 
literally  correct.  The  comparative  study  of  literature  leads  us  to  expect 
exaggerated  statements  in  any  work  incorporating  the  primitive  traditions  of 
a  people'  (Ryle,  p.  87). 

V.     1  This  is  the  book  of  the  generations  of  Adam.    In  the  P 
day  that  God  created  man,  in  the  likeness  of  God  made  he  him  ; 
2  male  and  female  created  he  them ;  and  blessed  them,  and  called 
their  name  ^Adam,  in  the  day  when  they  were  created.    3  And 

1  Or,  Man 

V.  1'.  of  the  generations  of  Adam.  As  far,  viz.,  as  Noah,  who 
begins  a  new  epoch  (of.  vi.  9). 

1*",  2.  A  recapitulation  of  the  substance  of  i.  27,  28,  designed  for 
the  purpose  of  reminding  the  reader  that  the  multiplication  of  mankind, 
and  propagation  in  them  of  God's  image  {v.  3  ff.),  was  in  accordance 
with  the  Divine  purpose,  as  there  declared. 

2.  and  Messed  them  (i.  27),  bidding  them  at  the  same  time  increase 
and  multiply. 

called  their  name  man.  Not  mentioned  in  eh.  i.  On  the  sense  of 
the  expression  see  on  i.  5. 

1  a.  the  references  in  Jos.  Ant.  i.  3.  9 ;  and  Hed.  Op.  et  Dies,  129  L 


76  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [v.  3-^0 

Adam  lived  an  hundred  and  thirty  years,  and  begat  a  son  in  his  P 
own  likeness,  after  his  image ;  and  called  his  name  Seth  :  4  and 
the  days  of  Adam  after  he  begat  Seth  were  eight  hundred  years  : 
and  he  begat  sons  and  daughters.    5  And  all  the  days  that 
Adam  lived  were  nine  hundred  and  thirty  years  :  and  he  died. 

6  And  Seth  lived  an  hundred  and  five  years,  and  begat 
Enosh :  7  and  Seth  lived  after  he  begat  Enosh  eight  hundred 
and  seven  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters :  8  and  all  the 
days  of  Seth  were  nine  hundred  and  twelve  years  :  and  he  died. 

9  And  Enosh  lived  ninety  years,  and  begat  Kenan :  10  and 
Enosh  lived  after  he  begat  Kenan  eight  hundred  and  fifteen 
years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters :  1 1  and  all  the  days  of 
Enosh  were  nine  hundred  and  five  years :  and  he  died. 

12  And  Kenan  lived  seventy  years,  and  begat  Mahalalel : 
13  and  Kenan  lived  after  he  begat  Mahalalel  eight  hundred 
and  forty  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters :  14  and  all  the 
days  of  Kenan  were  nine  hundred  and  ten  years  :  and  he  died. 

15  And  Mahalalel  lived  sixty  and  five  years,  and  begat 
Jared:  16  and  Mahalalel  lived  after  he  begat  Jared  eight 
hundred  and  thirty  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters:  17  and 
all  the  days  of  Mahalalel  were  eight  hundred  ninety  and  five 
years  :  and  he  died. 

18  And  Jared  lived  an  hundred  sixty  and  two  years,  and 
begat  Enoch :  19  and  Jared  lived  after  he  begat  Enoch  eight 
hundred  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters :  20  and  all  the 

3.  Seth  being  in  Adam's  image,  he  is  also  («.  1)  in  God's  image. 
It  follows  that  the  image  of  God  is  transmitted  to  Adam's  descendants. 
On  Seth  and  Enosh,  comp,  (in  J)  iv.  25  f. 

9.  Kenan.  The  name  (Hel).  P^P)  is  etymologically  a  derivative  of 
Cain  (Heb.  PP),  and  is  supposed  by  some  to  be  a  mere  variation  of  it 
(cf  p.  80).  It  occurs  in  the  Sabaean  inscriptions  of  S.  Arabia  (cf.  on 
X.  28)  as  the  name  of  a  deity  {CIS.  iv.  No.  8). 

12.     MahdlaVel,  as  a  Heb.  word,  me&rx^  praise  (Pr.  xxvii.  21)  of  God. 

15.    Jared  ( Yered),  as  a  Heb.  word,  would  mean  a  descending^ 

18.     Enoch.     Heb.  Hdmkh,  as  iv.  17. 

^  But  not  (as  has  been  suggested)  a  'descendant'  (which  would  be  in  Heb.  an 
unidiomatic  application  of  the  idea).  The  '  Book  of  Jubilees,' — a  midrashic  para- 
phrase of  Genesis,  in  which  the  history  is  arranged  in  periods  of  50  years,  dating 
(Charles)  from  c.  120  b.o.  , — explains  the  name  (iv.  15 ;  p.  33,  ed.  Charles,  1902), 
'  because  in  his  days  the  angels  descended  on  the  earth'  (Gen.  vi.  2):  see  also  Enoch 
vi.  6,  with  Charles'  note ;  and  of.  PEFQS.  1903,  p.  233  f. 


V.  .0-29]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  n 

days  of  Jared  were  nine  hundred  sixty  and  two  years :  and  he  P 
died. 

21  And  Enoch  lived  sixty  and  five  years,  and  begat  Methu- 
selah :  22  and  Enoch  walked  with  God  after  he  begat  Methuselah 
three  hundred  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters  :  23  and  all 
the  days  of  Enoch  were  three  hundred  sixty  and  five  years : 
24  and  Enoch  walked  with  God:  and  he  was  not;  for  God 
took  him. 

25  And  Methuselah  lived  an  hundred  eighty  and  seven 
years,  and  begat  Lamech :  26  and  Methuselah  lived  after  he 
begat  Lamech  seven  hundred  eighty  and  two  years,  and  begat 
sons  and  daughters :  27  and  all  the  days  of  Methuselah  were 
nine  hundred  sixty  and  nine  years  :  and  he  died. 

28  And  Lamech  lived  an  hundred  eighty  and  two  years,  and 
begat  a  son :    29   and  he  called  his  name  Noah,  saying,  This  J 
same  shall  ^comfort  us  for  our  work  and  for  the  toil  of  our 
hands,  ^because  of  the  ground  which  the  Lord  hath  cursed- 

*  Heb.  nahem,  to  comfort.  '  Or,  which  cometh  from  the  ground 

21.  MethusMlah.  I.e.,  as  it  seems,  'man  of  Sh^lah,' — the  name, 
or  the  corrupted  name,  of  a  deity  (p.  81).     Cf.  Methusha'el,  iv.  18. 

22.  walked  with  God,  i.e.  in  companionship  with  Him  (cf.  1  S.  xxv. 
15,  where  the  Heb.  for  'were  conversant'  is  walked),  implying,  as  its 
natural  condition,  that  his  manner  of  life  was  such  as  God  approved : 
hence  lxx.  iv-qpia-T-qa-f.  tw  6tQ  (whence  Heb.  xi.  5).  The  same  expres- 
sion is  used  of  Noah,  vi.  9  :  cf.  (with  a  qualifying  adjunct)  Mic.  vi.  8 ; 
Mai.  ii.  6  (each  time  ^^n). 

23.  On  the  number  365,  see  p.  78. 

24.  he  was  not.  The  expression  is  used  of  sudden,  or  inexplicable, 
disappearance  (Is.  xvii.  14  ;  Ps.  ciii.  16;  1  K.  xx.  40;  ch.  xhi.  13,  36). 

took  him,  viz.  on  account  of  his  piety,  lxx.  jxiTiOriKt,  whence  Heb. 
xi.  5.  Of.  Wisd.  iv.  10 — 14.  In  Babylonian  mythology,  Xisuthros,  the 
hero  of  the  Flood,  was  for  the  same  reason  transported,  without  d3dng, 
beyond  the  waters  of  death  (p.  103).     See  further,  on  Enoch,  p.  78  f. 

28 — 31.  Lamech.  To  judge  from  v.  29,  a  character  very  different 
from  the  Lamech  of  iv.  19,  23  f.  Verse  29  is  another  excerpt,  like  the 
one  in  iv.  25,  26,  from  the  hne  of  Seth,  as  given  by  J;  notice  the  name 
Jehovah,  and  the  allusions  to  iii.  17  end. 

29.  Noah.  I.e.  rest :  the  explanation  from  nahem,  to  '  comfort,* 
depends,  like  that  of  Cain  from  kdndh  in  iv.  1,  on  an  assonance,  not  an 
etymology. 

shall  comJ\>rt  us  from  otir  work  and  from  the  foil  of  our  hands, 
(which  cometh)  from  the  groti/nd  &c.     Noah  is  regarded  as  mitigating 


78  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [v.  3c^3^ 

30  And  Lamech  lived  after  he  begat  Noah  five  hundred  ninety  P 
and  five  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters :   31  and  all  the 
days  of  Lamech  were  seven  hundred  seventy  and  seven  years : 
and  he  died. 

32  And  Noah  was  five  hundred  years  old :  and  Noah  begat 
Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth. 

iu  some  way  the  curse  of  iii.  17, — viz.  (as  generally  understood)  by 
becoming,  iu  virtue  of  his  piety,  the  founder  of  a  new  epoch,  in  which 
the  earth  is  not  again  to  be  cursed  on  man's  account  (viii.  21).  The 
persons,  however,  in  whose  name  ('  us ')  Lamech  speaks,  all  either  died 
before  the  Flood,  or  perished  in  it :  hence  Budde,  StaJe,  Gunkel,  al., 
suppose  that  the  verse  is  taken  from  that  stratum  of  J  which  (p.  74) 
took  no  cognizance  of  the  Flood,  and  consider  that  the  allusion  is  to 
the  refreshment  after  toil  afforded  by  wine  (Ps.  civ.  15  ;  Pr.  xxxi.  6  f ), 
the  art  of  making  which  is  in  ix.  20 — 27  referred  to  Noah  as  its 
inventor. 

On  Enoch.  A  probable  explanation  of  the  ideas  associated  by  the  Hebrews 
with  Enoch  has  been  found  by  Zimmeru,  Enoch  was  the  seventh  from  Adam; 
and  the  seventh  of  the  antediluvian  Babylonian  kings,  according  to  Berossus 
(see  p.  80),  was  Edoranchus  or  Euedorachus,  who  can  hardly  be  diflferent  from 
Ennieduranki,  a  legendary  king  of  Sippar,  the  city  sacred  to  the  sun-god 
Shamash.  According  to  a  recently  published  ritual  tablet,  the  god  called 
Enmeduranki  to  intercourse  with  himself,  gave  him  the  *  table  of  the  gods,' 
taught  him  the  secrets  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  instructed  him  in  various  arts 
of  divination :  the  knowledge  thus  derived  he  passed  on  to  his  son,  and  he 
thus  became  the  mythical  ancestor  of  a  hereditary  guild  of  Babylonian  diviners. 
Enoch  may  thus  be  reasonably  regarded  as  a  Hebraized  Enmeduranki,  the 
converse  with  his  god  being  divested  of  all  superstitious  adjuncts,  and 
interpreted  in  a  purely  ethical  sense.  His  life  of  365  years, — which  is  much 
shorter  than  that  of  any  of  the  other  patriarchs  in  the  same  list, — is  the  sole 
survival  of  his  original  character :  Enmeduranki  being  in  the  service  of  the 
sun-god,  the  years  of  Enoch's  life  are  the  same  in  number  as  the  days  of  the 
solar  year^. 

On  account  partly,  it  is  probable,  of  the  expression  'walked  with  God' 
(understood  in  the  sense  of  actual  converse),  but  partly  also  (especially  if  he  is 
rightly  identified  with  Enmeduranki)  on  the  gi'ound  of  independent  tradition 
about  him,  handed  down  orally  among  the  Hebrews,  though  not  included  in 
the  Book  of  Genesis,  Enoch  was  supposed  iu  later  ages  to  have  been  made  the 
recipient  of  superhuman  knov^iedge,  and  in  the  course  of  his  intercourse  with 
God  to  have  received  revelations  as  to  the  nature  of  heaven  and  earth,  and  the 
future  destinies  of  men  and  angels.  And  so  in  the  apocryphal '  Book  of  Enoch ' — 
which  is  of  composite  authorship,  but  dates  mostly  from  the  2nd  and   1st 

1  Zimmern,  The  Bah.  and  Heb.  Genesis,  p.  43  ff. ;  KAT.^  533—5  (with  a  trans- 
lation of  the  ritual  tablet  referred  to),  540  f. 


THE  SETHITES 


79 


centuries,  B.C. — Enoch  is  represented  as  recounting  the  visions  of  ju<%ement  on 
men  and  angels  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  had,  as  describing  how  he  has 
been  shewn  by  an  angel  the  diflfereut  places  set  apart  for  the  righteous  and 
wicked  after  death,  and  has  seen  the  Almighty  seated  on  His  throne,  and 
the  Messiah  judging  the  world,  as  unfolding  (in  very  obscure  language)  the 
'  secrets  of  the  heavens '  (i.e.  the  courses  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  the  principle 
of  the  calendar,  the  causes  of  lightnings,  wind,  dew,  &c.),  and  as  foretelling,  in 
a  veiled,  allegorical  form,  the  history  of  Israel  to  the  2nd  century  b.o.  It  is 
in  accordance  with  this  view  of  Enoch  that  he  is  called  in  Ecclus.  xliv.  16 
(Heb.  text)  an  '  example  of  knowledge  (nyil  niN)  to  all  generations.'  The  Book 
of  Enoch  (i.  9,  v.  4,  xxvii.  2 :  of.  li.  8)  is  quoted  in  Jude  14,  15  ^ 

On  the  figures  in  ch.  v.  (I)  These  figures  are  certainly  all  artificial ; 
though  upon  what  principle  they  were  computed  has  not  as  yet  been  discovered- 
It  deserves  to  be  mentioned,  however,  that  in  the  Samaritan  text  of  the 
Pentateuch,  and  in  the  lxx.,  the  figures  differ  in  many  cases  from  those  given 
in  the  Hebrew,  the  Samaritan  in  three  cases  making  the  father's  age  at  the 
birth  of  his  firstborn  less  than  it  is  in  the  Heb.  text,  while  the  lxx.  in  several 
cases  makes  it  as  much  as  100  years  higher,  the  general  result  of  these 
differences  being  that  the  total  in  the  Samaritan  is  349  years  less  than  in  the 
Heb.,  while  in  the  lxx.  it  is  606  years  more.  The  following  table  will  make  the 
details  clear,  the  first  column  in  each  case  giving  the  age  of  each  patriarch  at 
the  birth  of  the  next,  and  the  second  column  giving  his  age  at  death  : — 


Heb. 

Sam. 

LXX. 

1.  Adam 

130 

930 

130 

930 

280 

930 

2.  Seth 

105 

912 

105 

912 

205 

912 

3.  Enosh 

90 

905 

90 

905 

190 

905 

4.  Cainan 

70 

910 

70 

910 

170 

910 

5.  Mahalalel 

65 

895 

65 

895 

165 

895 

6.  Jared  (Yercd) 

162 

962 

62 

847 

162 

962 

7.  Enoch 

65 

365 

65 

365 

165 

365 

8.  Methushelah 

187 

969 

67 

720 

1872 

969 

9.  Lameoh 

182 

777 

53 

653 

188 

753 

10.  Noah 

500 

[950] 

500 

[950] 

500 

[950] 

(Age  at  Flood) 

100 

100 

100 

Total  from  the  Creation) 
of  man  to  the  Flood  j 

1656 

1307 

2262 

Thus,  while  in  the  Heb.  text  the  date  of  the  Flood  is  a.m.  1656,  in  the 
Samaritan  it  is  a.m.  1307,  and  in  the  lxx.  a.m.  2262.  Methushelah,  in  both 
the  Heb.  and  the  Samaritan  text,  dies  in  the  year  of  the  Flood :  in  the  lxx. 
text  he  dies  six  years  before  it.  The  figures  have  evidently,  on  one  side  or 
the  other,  been  arbitrarily  altered.  The  more  original  figures  are  generally 
held  to  be  preserved  in  the  Fleb.  text ;  but  Bertheau,  Budde,  Dillmann,  and 

1  Cf.  Jub.  iv.  17;  and  see  further  Enoch  and  Apocalyptic  Literatube  in  DB. 
and  EncB.,  and  Dr  Charles'  translation  of  the  Book  of  Enoch  (Oxford,  1893). 
'  Or,  according  to  many  mss.,  167. 


r 


80 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 


Holzinger  adduce  reasons  for  holding  that  they  have  been  preserved  in  the 
Samaritan.  The  question  is  not  of  sufficient  importance  to  call  for  further 
discussion  here. 

(2)  In  the  first  ten  generations,  down  to  the  Flood,  the  Book  of  Genesis 
(Heb.  text)  reckoui  1656  years,  while  the  Babylonians  (see  below)  reckoned 
432,000  years.  Jfow,  as  the  French  Assyriologist,  Oppert,  has  ingeniously 
shewn,  432,000  years  =  86,400  'sosses,'  while  1656  years=86,400  weeks  (1656  = 
72x23;  and  23  years  being  8395  days +  5  intercalary  days  =  8400  days  =  1200 
weeks) ;  and  heuce  Oppert  inferred  that  the  two  periods  rested  upon  a  common 
basis,  the  Hebrews  reducing  the  longer  period  of  the  Babylonians,  by  taking 
as  their  unit  the  week  instead  of  the  '  soss '  of  5  years  \ 

On  the  names  in  chaps,  iv.  and  v.,  and  their  possible  Babylonian  origin. 
(1)  The  genealogies  of  J  in  iv,  1 — 24,  and  of  P  in  ch.  v.,  contain  many  names 
which,  even  when  they  ai*e  not  identical,  resemble  one  another  remarkably ; 
and  it  has  in  consequence  been  often  supposed  that  the  two  lists  are  really  two 
divergent  versions  of  the  same  original  preliistoric  tradition.  The  resemblances 
between  the  two  lists  will  be  seen  most  plainly  if  they  are  exhibited  in  tabular 
form : — 


Adam         Adam 
Setb 
Enosh 

Kain 

Enoch  - 

'Irad  '"","--"-■ 

Mehuya'el -'""*' 

Methushael 

Lamech 


Jabal    Jubal     Tubal -Kain 


1. 

Adam. 

2. 

Seth. 

3. 

Enosh. 

4. 

Kenan. 

..-5. 

Mahalal'el. 

6. 

Yered. 

--7. 

Enoch. 

8. 

Methushelah. 

9. 

Lamech. 

10. 

Noah. 

Shem    Ham    Yepheth 

It  has  even  been  supposed  that  Seth  and  Enosh,  who  now  form  in  J  (iv.  25  f ) 
the  head  of  the  second  hue  of  Adam's  descendants,  stood  originally  at  the  head 
of  the  first  line  in  J  (between  Adam  and  Kain) :  if  this  conjecture  is  correct, 
the  resemblance  between  the  two  lists  would  be  still  greater  than  it  is  now. 
However,  as  we  now  possess  them,  the  two  lists  have  a  different  character 
impressed  upon  them. 

(2)  In  P's  list  there  are  ten  patriarchs  before  the  Flood  ;  and  according  to 
Berossus,  the  Babylonians  told  similarly  of  ten  kings  who  reigned  before  the 
Flood,  and  who  reigned  moreover  for  the  portentous  period  of  120  '  sars,'  or 
432.000  years.  These  are  their  names,  with  the  number  of  years  that  each 
reigned,  according  to  Berossus*: — 


1.  Alorus  (10 'ears') 36.000  6. 

2.  Alaparus  (3)^ 10,800  7. 

3.  Amelon,  Almelon,  or  Amil- 

larus  (13)   46,800  8. 

4.  Ammenon  (12)  43,200  9. 

5.  Megalaros,  Amegalarus  (18)  64,800  10. 


Daonus  or  Daos  (10)    36,000 

EdoranchusorEvedorachus 

(18)  64,800 

Amempsinus  (10)  36,000 

Otiartes  or  Ardates  (8)    ...  28,800 

Xisuthros  (18)   64,800 


1  Cf.  Marti,  EncB.  i.  777.      See  also  the  Oxford  HexaUxich,  i.  135,  or  Oppert's 
art.  Chkonologt  in  the  Jewish  Encyclopaedia,  iv.  (1903),  66  f. 

2  Miiller,  Fragm.  Hist.  Grace,  n.  499  f. ;  Masp.  i.  546,  564  f. ;  KAT.^  531  f. 

3  Perhaps,  with  A  for  A,  the  Adapa  of  p.  53,  n.  1  {KAT.^  531,  538). 


THE  ANTEDILUYIAN  PATRIARCHS  81 

Extraordinary  knowledge  was  supposed  to  have  beeu  possessed  in  these 
antediluvian  times.  According  to  Berossus,  there  emerged  from  the  Erythraean 
Sea  (the  Persian  Gulf),  under  (probably)  Alorus,  a  strange  being,  called  Oaunes 
(not  improbably  the  god  Ea),  who  taught  men  all  kinds  of  sciences  and  arts 
(writing,  city  and  temple  building,  legislation,  &c.),  and  introduced  civilizing 
influences :  under  the  fourth  {al.  the  third),  sixth,  aud  seventh  kings,  also, 
other  beings  appeared,  who  explained  more  fully  the  teachings  of  Oaunes 
(Miiller,  pp.  496  f.,  499  f. ;  KAT.^  535—7).  And  in  Assyrian  texts  there  are 
allusions  to  the  'wise  men  who  Uved  before  the  Flood'  {KAT}  537  f). 

It  is  considered,  now,  by  Hommcl  and  Sayce  that  the  names  of  the  Heb. 
patriarchs  are,  at  least  in  some  cases,  translations  or  equivalents  of  the 
corresponding  Babylonian  names  i.     Thus — 

3.  Amelon  =  Babylonian  amUu,  'man,'  and  3.  Enosh  =  'man'  (on  iv.  26). 

4.  Amnienon  =  Babylonian  ummdnu,  'artifex,'  and  4.  ^finau  (Kain)  = 
'  smith.' 

5.  Amegalarus,  Hommel  suggests,  may  be  a  corruption  of  Amilalarus, 
i.e.  Amii-Aruru  'man  of  Aruru,'  and  5.  Mahalal'el  may  have  been  originally 
Amil-alil,  Hebraized  afterwards  into  Mahalal'el,  '  praise  of  EL' 

7.  Enoch  (5S.nokh)  appears  upon  independent  grounds  (see  p.  78)  to 
correspond  to  7.  Evedorachus. 

8.  Amempsinus  is  (Hommel)  a  corruption  of  Amilsinus,  i.e.  Amil-Sin, 
'  the  man  of  Sin  (the  moon-god),'  and  8.  Methushelah  may  be  (Sayce)  a 
variation  of  Mutu-sha-Irkhu,  '  man  of  the  moon-god,'  or,  if  the  more  original 
form  of  the  name  is  Methusha'el,  '  the  man  of  God,'  this  may  have  taken  the 
place  of  'the  man  of  the  moon  god.' 

10.  Xisuthros  (the  patriarch  under  whom,  according  to  Berossus,  the 
Deluge  happened)  is  the  Babylonian  Hcuis-atra^  otherwise  called  Ut- 
napishtiia^,  who,  however  the  diflFerence  of  name  is  to  be  accounted  for, 
unquestionably  corresponds  to  the  Heb.  Noah  (see  p.  103  flF.) :  the  name  of  his 
father,  Otiartes,  can  be  nothing  but  a  corruption  of  Opartes  (TI  for  n\  i.e. 
Vbara-tutu,  the  father  of  Ut-napishtim,  in  the  Babylonian  narrative  of  the 
Flood  (p.  104). 

Zimmern  (KAT.^  539 — 43)  rejects  the  suggestions  under  5,  and  does  not 
mention  those  of  Sayce  under  8,  though  he  points  out  that  in  both  lists  the 
eighth  name  is  similarly  formed,  being  a  compound  of  '  man '  with  what  is  to 
all  appearance  the  name  of  a  deity.  On  the  whole,  in  spite  of  the  differences 
which  still  remain  imexplained  in  the  case  of  several  of  the  names,  there  are 
suflBcient  resemblances  between  tlie  two  lists  to  make  it  possible  to  hold,  with 
Zimmern,  that  they  are  at  bottom  divergent  versions  of  the  same  original 
tradition. 

See  further,  on  Gen.  iv.,  v.,  the  learned  and  interesting  discussion  by 
Lenormant,  Les  Origines  de  Vhistoire'^,  L  140-— 290. 

1  See  Hommel,  PSBA.  1893,  p.  243  ff. ;  Sayce,  Expos.  Times,  May,  1899,  p.  353. 

'  So,  states  Zimmern  {KAT.'*  545),  it  is  now  clear  that  this  name  must  be  read. 

The  ideographicahy  written  hrst  syllable  was  read  formerly  Shamash-,  Sit-,  or  Par-. 


D. 


82  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Chapter  VI.  1—4. 
The  sons  of  God  and  the  daughters  of  men. 

As  men  began  to  multiply,  a  race  of  giants  arose,  through  unnatural  unions 

between  the  sons  of  God  and  the  daughters  of  men,  the  unlimited  development 

of  which  had  to  be  checked  by  Divine  intervention.     The  narrative  is  a  strange 

one.     It  is  introduced  abruptly,  and  it  ends  abruptly.     Certainly,  it  is  often 

supposed  that  the  Intention  of  the  writer  was  to  assign  a  cause  for  the 

corruption  of  mankind  described  in  w.  5 — 8  :  but  this  is  not  stated  in  the  text; 

jand  what  the  narrative,  understood  in  its  natural  sense,  seems  rather  intended 

[to  explain  is  how  it  happened  that  mankind  at  large  came  to  be  tyrannized 

lover  by  a  race  of  giants.     Hence  Dillraann  and  other  recent  commentators  are 

'doubtless  right  in  supposing  that,  though  the  compiler  of  Genesis  may  have 

intended  vv.  1 — 4  as  an  introduction  to  vv.  5 — 8,  vv.  1 — 4  were  written  originally 

without  any  reference  to  the  Flood;  and  that  the  reappearance  of  the  Nephilim 

in  Nu.  xiii.  33  is  an  indication  that  they  belong  to  the  same  stratum  of  tradition, 

to  which  iv.  17 — 24  also  belongs,  and  which  took  no  cognizance  of  a  Flood, 

destroying  absolutely  all  pre-existing  civilization. 

That  the  section  belongs  to  J  appears  from  its  general  style  and  phraseology. 
It  has  no  connexion  with  ch.  v.  (P), — for  the  expression  '  began  to  multiply ' 
cannot  be  understood  naturally  of  the  close  of  a  period  as  long  and  as  prolific 
as  the  one  there  described.  Even  with  J,  however,  its  connexion  is  imperfect ; 
though  a  connexion  with  the  end  of  J's  Cainite  line  (iv.  17 — 24),  or  even  of  J's 
Sethite  line  (iv.  25,  26,  v.  29), — if,  as  the  remaining  fragments  seem  to  indicate, 
this  in  its  complete  form  did  not  shew  such  high  figures,  or  imply  such  a  wide 
diflfusiou  of  mankind,  as  the  parallel  in  P  (v.  1 — 28,  30 — 32)  does, — is  not 
perhaps  impossible.  The  narrative  is  in  fact  a  *  torso'  (Stade,  Gunkel), — the 
original  position  and  full  intention  of  which, — for  the  close,  describing  the 
further  history  of  the  giant  race  referred  to,  seems  missing,  not  less  than  a 
proper  connexion  at  the  beginning, — cannot  now  be  recovered. 

The  expression  '  sons  of  God '  (or '  of  the  gods  'y  denotes  elsewhere  (Job  i.  6, 
ii.  1,  xxxviii.  7  :  cf,  Dan.  iii.  25  [RV. :  comp.  v.  28] ;  Ps.xxix.  1,  Ixxxix.  6,  RVm.) 
semi-divine,  supra-mundane  beings  (cf.  on  iii.  5,  22),  such  as,  when  regarded,  as 
is  more  usually  the  case,  as  agents  executing  a  Divine  commission,  are  called 
maTdkhlm  or  ayyeXot  (i.e.  '  messengers ').  And  this,  which  is  also  the  oldest 
interpretation  of  Gen.  vi.  2  (lxx.  ol  ayyfXoi  tov  dfov ;  Enoch  vi.  2  ff. ;  Jub.  v.  1 
(c£  iv.  15);  Jude  6,  2  P.  ii.  4  [based  on  Enoch  x.  5,  6,  12,  13]),  is  the  only  sense 
in  which  the  expression  can  be  legitimately  understood  here.  Naturally,  how- 
ever, when  understood  literally,  as  a  piece  of  actual  history,  this  explanation  of 
the  passage  was  felt  in  many  quarters  to  occasion  difficulty ;  and  other  inter- 
pretations became  prevalent.  (1 )  The  Targums,  followed  by  many  other  Jewish 
authorities,  understood  'elohlm, — on  the  basis  of  a  sense  which  the  word  is 

1  '  Sons  of  God '  pointing  fig.  to  their  derived,  yet  spiritual  nature ;  '  sons  of 
gods^  meaning  (cf.  'sons  of  the  prophets '  =  members  of  the  guild  of  prophets) 
members  of  the  class  of  divine  beings,  to  which  (cf.  on  iii.  5)  Jehovah  Himself  also 
belongs  (so  Davidson  on  Job  i.  6 ;  Schultz,  OT.  Theol.  ii.  216  ['  sous  of  God '  here 
is  a  mistranslation  for  '  sons  of  gods '] ;  cf.  Cheyne  on  Ps.  xxix.  1). 


VI.  i-s]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  83 

apparently  capable  of  bearing  in  Ex,  xxi.  6,  xxii.  8,  9,  1  S.  ii.  25,  Ps.  Ixxxii.  l*", 
\iz.  judges, — as  signifying,  generally,  nobles  or  po/entates — so  that  'sons  of  the 
'elohlm '  would  denote  youths  of  the  upper  classes,  while  '  daughters  of  men  ' 
were  taken  to  mean  maidens  of  lower  rank  ;  (2)  many  Christian  expositors,  in 
both  ancient  and  modern  times,  have  understood  by  *sons  of  God'  godly  men  of 
the  line  of  Seth,  and  by  '  daughters  of  men,'  worldly  women  of  the  line  of  Cain. 
But  for  neither  of  these  views  is  there  any  support  in  the  text:  not  only  do 
they  rest  upon  arbitrary  interpretations  of  the  words  used,  but  it  is  incredible 
that  *  men '  in  ^J.  2  can  be  intended  in  a  narrower  sense  than  in  ??.  1 ;  nor  is  it 
apparent  why  the  intermarriage  of  two  races,  each  descended  from  a  common 
ancestor,  should  have  resulted  in  a  race  characterized  either  by  gigantic  stature 
or  (supposing  vv.  5 — 8  to  be  rightly  connected  with  vv.  1 — 4)  by  abnormal 
wickedness.  Understood  in  accordance  with  the  only  legitimate  canons  of 
interpretation,  the  passage  can  mean  only  that  semi-divine  or  angelic  beings 
contracted  unions  with  the  daughters  of  men ;  and  we  must  see  in  it  an  ancient 
Hebrew  legend, — or  (to  use  Delitzsch's  expression)  a  piece  of  'unassiniilated 
mythology,' — the  intention  of  which  was  to  account  for  the  origin  of  a  supposed 
race  of  prehistoric  giants,  of  whom,  no  doubt  (for  they  were  'men  of  name'), 
Hebrew  folk-lore  told  much  more  than  the  compiler  of  Genesis  has  deemed 
worthy  of  preservation  (cf.  Ryle,  op.  cit.  pp.  94,  95).  As  a  rule,  the  Hebrew 
narrators  stripped  off  the  mythological  colouring  of  the  pieces  of  folk-lore  which 
they  record ;  but  in  the  present  instance,  it  is  still  discernible.  Many  races,  it 
may  be  recalled,  imagined  giants  as  living  in  the  prehistoric  past :  the  Greeks 
had  their  Titans ;  the  Phoenicians  knew  of  a  generation  of  men  '  surpassing  in 
size  and  stature'  (Bus.  Praep.  Ev.  i.  10.  6) ;  the  Arabs  told  of  the  '  Adites '  and 
'Thamudites,'  to  whom  they  attributed  both  the  erection  of  great  buildings,  and 
also  deeds  of  savagery  and  bloodshed ;  and  the  Israelitish  traditions  of  the  con- 
quest of  Palestine  spoke  of  the  men  of  giant  stature,  who  were  dwelling  at  the 
time  in  different  parts  of  the  country  (Dt.  ii.  10,  11,  21,  iii.  11;  Jos.  xv.  14,  al.). 

VI.  1  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  men  began  to  nmltiply  j 
on  the  face  of  the  ground,  and  daughters  were  born  unto  them, 
2  that  the  sons  of  God  saw  the  daughters  of  men  that  they  were 
fair ;  and  they  took  them  wives  of  all  that  they  chose.  3  And 
the  Lord  said,  My  spirit  shall  not  ^strive  with  man  for  ever, 
^for  that  he  also  is  flesh  :  ^yet  shall  his  days  be  an  hundred  and 

^  Or,  rule  in    Or,  according  to  many  ancient  versions,  abide  in 
'  Or,  in  their  going  astray  they  are  flesh  *  Or,  there/ore 

VI.  2.  of  all  that  &c.  Who-msoever  they  chose.  The  expression 
seems  to  imply  that  they  dealt  with  them  exactly  as  they  pleased. 

3.  A  very  difficult  and  uncertain  verse.  Only  three  interpretations 
need,  however,  be  considered  here.  (1)  RV.  The  meaning  of  this  is  : 
'  My  spirit  (regarded  as  an  ethical  principle)  shall  not  strive  with  man 
for  ever,  inasmuch  as  he  also  is  flesh  (i.e.  carnal,  sensual) ;  yet  his  days 
(i.e.  his  still  remaining  days,  the  days  of  respite  before  the  judgement 
comes)  shall  be  120  years.'    The  objections  to  this  view  are— the  rend. 

6—2 


84  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [vi.  3,  4 

twenty  years.    4  The  ^Nephilim  were  in  the  earth  in  those  days,  J 
and  also  after  that,  when  the  sons  of  God  came  in  unto  the 
daughters  of  men,  and  they  bare  children  to  them :  the  same 
were  the  mighty  men  which  were  of  old,  the  men  of  renown. 

1  Or,  giants    See  Num.  xiii.  33. 

inasmttch  as  (or  for  that)  implies  a  late  Heb.  idiom  (Eccl.  ii.  16),  very 
improbable  here ;  '  flesh  in  the  OT.  denotes  what  is  frail,  but  not 
what  is  sensual ;  the  sense  given  to  '  his  days '  is  not  a  natural  one. 
(2)  PtVm.  (implying  a  slight  change  of  the  text) :  '  My  spirit  (regarded 
as  a  vital  principle :  cf  on  i.  2)  shall  not  for  ever  abide  [or,  be 
established]  in  man ;  by  reason  of  their  going  astray,  he  is  flesh  (i.e. 
weak,  frail:  cf  Is.  xxxi.  3;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  39);  and  (i.e.  and  so,  in  E,Vm. 
paraphrased  by  therefore)  his  dnys  (i.e.  the  days  of  his  life — the  natural 
sense  of  the  expression)  shall  be  120  years':  the  operation  of  God's 
life-giving  spirit  in  man  is  crippled  by  sin ;  and  in  future  the  normal 
limit  of  his  life  shall  not  exceed  120  years.  This  interpretation, 
whether  right  absolutely  or  not,  is  certainly  open  to  fewer  objections 
than  (1).  (3)  Ewald,  Wellh.,  Holz.,  Gunkel :  '  My  spirit  (the  divine 
spirit  common  to  Jehovah  with  the  '  sons  of  God ')  shall  not  for  ever 
abide  in  man,  because  he  is  also  flesh  (and  on  this  ground  alone,  there- 
fore, not  intended  to  live  for  ever),  and  his  days  (i.e.  his  life)  shall  be 
120  years' ;  the  passage,  agreeably  with  its  mythological  context,  being 
supposed  to  express  the  idea  that  the  union  of  the  (semi-)divine 
'spirit'  with  man  {v.  3)  would  result,  contrary  to  Jehovah's  intention, 
in  man's  immortality  ;  a  limit  is  accordingly  imposed  by  Him  upon  the 
duration  of  human  life.  It  is  wisest  to  acknowledge  the  simple  truth, 
which  is  that  both  textually  and  exegetically  the  verse  is  very 
uncertain,  and  that  it  is  impossible  to  feel  any  confidence  as  to  its 
meaning. 

4.  The  NephiUm.  Mentioned  also  in  Nu.  xiii.  33  as  a  giant  race 
inhabiting  part  of  Canaan  at  the  time  of  the  Exodus,  in  whose  eyes  the 
spies  were  '  as  grasshoppers.'  The  etymology,  and  true  meaning,  of  the 
word  are  unknown ;  there  have  been  many  conjectures  respecting  it 
(see  Di.),  but  none  possessing  any  real  probability.  The  Nephilim,  it 
is  said,  were  in  the  earth  both  at  the  time  here  spoken  of  and  also 
afterwards,  i.e.,  no  doubt,  at  the  time  referred  to  in  Nu.  xiii.  33 — if, 
indeed,  the  words — which  interrupt  the  connexion  (for  the  following 
when  clearly  refers  to  in  those  days) — were  not  originally  (Budde, 
Wellh.,  Holz.,  Gunkel)  a  marginal  gloss  added  by  one  who  recollected 
that  the  Nephilim  were  mentioned  also  in  this  passage  of  Numbers. 

they  were  &c.  This  clause  characterizes  the  Nephilim  :  they  were 
the  ancient  men  of  prowess,  renowned  in  Hebrew  folk-lore.  Doubtless, 
deeds  of  insolence  and  daring  were  told  of  tliem  ;  we  cannot,  unhappily, 
particularize  more  precisely.  For  later  allusions  to,  or  developments  of^ 
what  is  narrated  in  vv.  1 — 4,  see  Wisd.  xiv.  6  ;  Ecclus.  xvi.  7  ;  Baruch 
iii.  26 — 28  ;  3  Mace.  ii.  4 ;  Enoch  vi.— xvi.  ;  2  Pet.  ii.  4 ;  Jude  6,  7. 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  85 

VI.  5— IX.  17. 

The  history  of  the  Flood. 

The  narrative  here  becomes  more  circumstantial  than  it  has  been  in 
chaps,  iv.  aud  v. ;  for  the  Flood  is  the  first  event  of  crucial  importance  since 
the  Creation  and  tlie  beginnings  of  man  upon  earth  (chaps,  i. — iii.),  of  which 
Hebrew  tradition  told.  The  Flood  marks  the  end  of  a  past  age,  and  the 
beginning  of  a  new  one :  it  is  thus  an  event  in  which  the  purposes  of  God  may 
be  expected  to  declare  themselves  with  peculiar  distinctness ;  and  it  is 
accordingly  treated  as  the  occasion  of  a  great  manifestation  both  of  judgement 
(ch.  vi.)  and  of  mercy  (viii.  15 — ix.  17).  The  Flood  is  a  judgement  upon  a 
degenerate  race  :  Noah,  with  his  family,  is  delivered  from  it  on  account  of  his 
I'ighteousness ;  as  humanity  starts  upon  its  course  afresh,  new  promises  and 
new  blessings  are  conferred  upon  it. 

The  narrative  is  one  of  which  the  composite  structure,  as  has  been  often 
pointed  out^,  is  particularly  evident ;  for  the  compiler,  instead  of  (as  in  Gen.  i., 
for  instance)  excerpting  the  entire  account  from  a  single  source,  has  interwoven 
it  out  of  excerpts  taken  alternately  from  J  and  P,  preserving  in  the  process 
many  duplicates,  as  well  as  leaving  unaltered  many  striking  differences  of 
representation  and  phraseology.  The  parts  belonging  to  P  are  vi.  9 — 22, 
vii.  6,  11,  13 — 16"  (to  commanded  him),  17*  (to  upon  th^  earth),  18 — 21,  24, 
viii.  1,  2*  (to  stopped),  3^  (from  and  after)— 5,  13»  (to  off  the  earth),  14—19, 
ix.  1 — 17  :  if  these  verses  are  read  consecutively,  they  will  be  seen  to  contain 
an  almost  complete  narrative  of  the  Flood,  followed  by  the  account  of  a  blessing 
and  covenant  concluded  with  Noah.  The  verses  which  remain  (except  a  few 
clauses  here  and  there,^  especially  in  vii.  7 — 9,  which  are  due,  probably,  to  the 
compiler)  form  part  of  the  parallel  narrative  derived  fi'om  J,  but  not  preserved 
80  completely  as  that  of  P,  which  the  compiler  has  interwoven  with  it.  In 
some  places  the  duplicate  character  of  the  narrative  is  plain :  thus  vi.  9 — 13 
is,  in  substance,  identical  with  vi.  5 — 8 ;  and  though  the  directions  for  the 
construction  of  the  ark  are  naturally  given  only  once,  the  sequel  (vi.  17,  19,  20, 
22,  P)  is  similarly  repeated  in  vii.  1 — 5  (other  instances  are  pointed  out  in  the 
notes).  The  most  characteristic  difference  between  the  two  accounts  is  that 
while  in  P  one  pair  of  all  animals  alike  is  taken  into  the  ark  (vi.  19,  20,  vii.  14, 
16),  in  J  a  distinction  is  drawn,  and  one  jmir  of  unclean  animals  but  seven  pairs 
of  clean  animals  are  taken  in.  Another  difference  relates  to  the  duration  of 
the  Flood.  In  P  the  waters  'prevail'  for  150  days;  then  they  gradually 
decrease;  the  entire  period  of  their  remaining  upon  the  earth  being  (vii.  11, 
conip.  with  viii.  14)  one  year  and  11  days'  in  J  they  increase  for  40  days  and 
40  nights;  then  after  three  times  seven  days  (viii.  8*,  10,  12)  they  disappear, 

^  See,  for  instauce,  as  long  ago  as  1863,  the  art.  Pentateuch  by  J.  J.  S.  Perowne 
(the  late  Bishop  of  Worcester),  in  Smith's  DB.  i.  770. 

»  As  vi.  7  ('both. ..air'),  vii.  7"  (after  'in'),  &>  (after  'fowls'),  23  ('both. ..earth'). 

3  I.e.,  as  the  Hebrews  reckoned  probably  by  lunar  years,  354  +  11  =  365  day.s,  or 
one  solar  year.  The  lxx.,  by  the  reading  27  for  17  in  vii.  11,  viii.  4,  intend  no 
doubt  to  express  one  solar  year  more  directly. 

*  Seven  days  being  implied  here  by  the  'yet  other'  of  viii.  10:  see  on  v.ui.  10. 


86  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [vi.  5-9 

the  entire  duration  of  the  Flood  in  J  being  thus  61  days.  It  is  a  minor 
difference  that  J  attributes  the  Flood  to  rain  only  (vii.  7,  12,  viii.  2'>),  whereas 
P  speaks  also  of  the  subterranean  waters  bursting  forth  (vii.  11,  viii.  2"). 
Among  the  literary  characteristics  of  the  parts  belonging  to  P  may  be  noticed 
the  careful  specification  of  all  details  (such  as  the  measurements  of  the  ark,  the 
animals,  and  members  of  Noah's  family,  to  be  taken  into  it,  vi.  18,  20,  vii.  13, 
14,  and  brought  out  again,  viii.  16,  17,  18,  19),  the  dates  (vii.  6,  11,  viii.  4,  5,  13, 
14),  and  the  recurring  expressions,  God  (not,  as  in  the  other  narrative, 
Jehovah),  all  flesh  (13  times),  destroy  (vi.  13,  17,  ix.  11,  15 :  in  J  wipe  or  blot 
oat,  vi.  7,  vii.  4,  23),  expire  (vi.  17,  vii.  21),  kind  (as  in  i.  11, 12,  21,  24,  25),  vi.  20, 
vii.  14,  swarm  (as  in  1.  20,  21),  vii.  21,  viii.  17,  ix.  7.  In  J,  also,  comp.  shut  in 
(vii.  16),  and  smelled  (viii.  21),  with  the  expressions  noted  on  p.  36  as  character- 
istic of  ii.  4'' flF.  For  some  further  questions  connected  with  the  present  narrative, 
see  p.  99  ff. 

5  And  the  Lord  saw  that  the  wickedness  of  man  was  great  j 
in  the  earth,  and  that  every  imagination  of  the  thoughts  of  his 
lieart  was  only  evil  continually.  6  And  it  repented  the  Lord 
that  he  had  made  man  on  the  earth,  and  it  grieved  him  at  his 
heart.  7  And  the  Lord  said,  I  will  Mestroy  man  whom  I  have 
created  from  the  face  of  the  ground  ;  both  man,  and  beast,  and 
creeping  thing,  and  fowl  of  the  air ;  for  it  repenteth  me  that  I 
have  made  them.  8  But  Noah  found  grace  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Lord. 

9  These  are  the  generations  of  Noah.    Noah  was  a  righteous  P 

^  Heb.  blot  out. 

5 — 8.  J's  introduction  to  his  narrative  of  the  Flood.  Mankind 
was  utterly  corrupt :  Jehovah  saw  His  purposes  with  regard  to  it 
frustrated,  and  determined  accordingly  to  blot  it  out  from  the  face  of 
the  earth. 

5.  every  imagination  &c.  The  corruption  had  seized  their  whole 
mind  and  purpose  :  it  was  complete  (*  only  evil,'  i.e.  nothing,  but  evil), 
and  continuous. 

6.  it  repented  Jehovah  &c.  Because,  viz.,  His  gracious  purposes 
for  the  progress  and  happiness  of  humanity  seemed  ruined  by  human  sin. 

and  lie  was  pained  to  his  heart.  A  strong  and  expressive 
anthropomorphism.  Cf.  the  same  verb  (in  the  transitive  conjug.)  in 
Is.  Ixiii.  10. 

7.  destroy.  Blot  out,  as  also  vii.  4,  23.  The  word,  as  remarked 
above,  is  characteristic  of  the  narrative  of  J. 

9 — 12.  P's  introduction  to  his  narrative  of  the  Flood.  The  passage 
is  parallel  to  vv.  5 — 8  in  J. 

9.  These  are  &c.  The  formula  regularly  used  by  P  at  the 
commencement  of  a  new  section  of  his  narrative :   see  p.  ii. 

a  righteous  man  &c.     Cf.  «.  8  in  J.     See  also  Ezek.  xiv.  14,  20. 


VL9-I5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  87 

man,  and  ^perfect  in  his  generations :  Noah  walked  with  God.  P 

10  And  Noah  begat  three  sons,   Shem,  Ham,  and  Japheth. 

11  And  the  earth  was  corrupt  before  God,  and  the  earth  was 
filled  with  violence.  12  And  God  saw  the  earth,  and,  behold,  it 
was  corrupt;  for  all  flesh  had  corrupted  his  way  upon  the  earth. 

13  And  God  said  unto  Noah,  The  end  of  all  flesh  is  come 
before  me  ;  for  the  earth  is  filled  with  violence  through  them  ; 
and,  behold,  I  will  destroy  them  with  the  earth.  14  Make  thee 
an  ark  of  gopher  wood  ;  ^rooms  shalt  thou  make  in  the  ark,  and 
shalt  pitch  it  within  and  without  with  pitch.     15  And  this  is 

^  Or,  blameless  ^  Heb,  nests. 

perfect.  I.e.  without  moral  flaw,  blameless,  guileless :  cf.,  of  Job, 
Job  i.  1 ;  also  ch.  xvii.  1,  Ps.  xviii.  23,  25,  cxix.  1  (RV.),  a/.,  and 
perfectness  (EVV.  usually  integrity),  Ps.  vii.  8,  xxvi.  1,  11,  al. 

in  his  generations.  I.e.  among  his  contemporaries.  A  different 
word  in  the  Heb.  from  the  one  rendered  generations  jnst  before  (which 
is  lit.  begettings). 

walked  with  God     See  on  v.  22. 

10.  Repeated,  in  P's  manner,  at  the  beginning  of  a  new  section, 
from  V.  32" ;  cf.  xi.  27  (see  v.  26),  xxv.  12"  (xvi.  15),  19"  (xxi.  3). 

12.  all  flesh.  An  expression  occurring  13  times  in  the  narrative 
of  the  Flood  (all  P),  and  denoting  sometimes  (as  here  and  v.  13)  men 
alone,  sometimes  animals  alone  (vi.  19,  vii.  15,  16,  viii.  17),  sometimes 
both  (as  vi.  17,  vii.  21,  ix.  11  :  so  Lev.  xvii.  14 ;  Nu.  xviii.  15,  at.). 

13 — 17  (P).     Noah  commanded  to  construct  an  ark. 

13.  Cf.  m  6,  7,  in  J. 

is  come  in  before  me.    I.e.  before  my  mind ;  it  is  resolved  upon  by  me. 

14.  an  ark.  Heb.  tebdh,  a  word  of  Egyptian  origin ;  used  only 
(here  and  in  the  sequel)  of  the  'ark'  of  Noah,  and  of  the  'ark'  in 
which  Moses  was  laid,  Ex.  ii.  3,  5. 

gopher.  Only  found  here.  Probably  some  kind  of  resinous  tree, 
either  pine  or  cypress. 

rooms  &c.  More  exactly :  (aU)  cells  (lit.  nests)  shalt  thou  make 
the  ark :  it  was  to  consist  internally  of  rows  of  cells,  to  contain  the 
different  animals. 

pitch.  Bitumen ;  Heb.  kopher  (found  only  here).  Ass.  kupru, 
used  repeatedly  by  Nebuchadnezzar  in  his  descriptions  of  buildings, 
and  also  occurring  in  the  Babylonian  account  of  the  Flood  (1.  66  ;  see 
p.  104).  Elsewhere  in  the  OT.  'bitumen'  is  expressed  by  hemdr 
(xi.  3,  xiv.  10 ;  Ex.  ii.  3) ;  it  is  possible  therefore  that  kopher  came 
into  Heb.,  with  the  story,  from  Babylonia.  '  In  the  second  volume  of 
the  History  of  the  Euphrates  Expedition,  p.  637,  Col.  Chesney  gives  a 
very  interesting  account  of  the  simple  and  rapid  manner  in  which  the 
people  about  Tekrit  and  in  the  marshes  of  Lemlum  construct  large 
barges  and  make  them  water-tight  with  bitumen'  (Huxley,  Collected 
Essays,  iv.  262).     See  also  EncB.  s.v.  Bitumen;  and  c£  on  xi.  3. 


88  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [vi.  15-w 

how  thou  shalt  make  it :  the  length  of  the  ark  three  hundred  P 
cubits,  the  breadth  of  it  fifty  cubits,  and  the  lieight  of  it  thirty 
cubits.  16  A  ^ light  shalt  thou  make  to  the  ark,  and  to  a  cubit 
shalt  thou  finish  it  ^upward  ;  and  the  door  of  the  ark  shalt  thou 
set  in  the  side  thereof;  with  lower,  second,  and  third  stories 
shalt  thou  make  it.  17  And  I,  behold,  I  do  bring  the  flood  of 
waters  upon  the  earth,  to  destroy  all  flesh,  wherein  is  the  breath 
of  life,  from  under  heaven ;  every  thing  that  is  in  the  earth 
shall  die.  18  But  I  wiU  establish  my  covenant  with  thee  ;  and 
thou  shalt  come  into  the  ark,  thou,  and  thy  sons,  and  thy  wife, 
and  thy  sons'  wives  with  thee.  19  And  of  every  living  thing  of 
all  flesh,  two  of  every  sort  shalt  thou  bring  into  the  ark,  to  keep 
them  alive  with  thee  ;  they  shall  be  male  and  female.  20  Of 
the  fowl  after  their  kind,  and  of  the  cattle  after  their  kind,  of 

^  Or,  roof  ^  Or,  from  above 

15.  The  cubit  measured  probably  about  18  inches  :  so  that  the 
ark,  as  here  described,  would  be  about  450  ft.  long,  75  ft.  broad,  and 
45  ft.  high. 

16.  a  light.  To  be  pictured,  apparently,  as  a  kind  of  casement 
running  round  the  sides  of  the  ark  (except  where  interrupted  by  the 
beams  supporting  the  roof),  a  little  below  the  roof.  The  word  occurs 
only  here  (though  in  the  dual  it  is  the  usual  Heb.  for  noon-day).  The 
marg.  roof  is  doubtful :  it  is  based  upon  the  meaning  of  the  corre- 
sponding word  in  Arabic,  hack. 

and  to  a  cubit  shalt  thou  finish  it  above  (or  from  above).  The 
words  are  obscure ;  but  are  generally  understood  to  mean  either  that 
the  casement  above  (i.e.  close  under  the  rool)  was  to  be  a  cubit  in 
height,  or  that  there  was  to  be  the  space  of  a  cubit /row  above  (i.e.  from 
the  roof)  to  the  top  of  the  casement. 

17.  the  fiood.  Heb.  mabbul,  used  only  of  the  Deluge  of  Noah, 
Gen.  vi. — ix.  (12  times),  x.  1,  32,  xi.  10,  and  Ps.  xxix.  10.  The  word 
(though  not  itself  found  in  Ass.)  may  be  derived  from  the  Ass.  nabdlu, 
to  destroy  :  it  has  no  apparent  Heb.  etymology. 

breath.  Better,  spirit  (Heb.  ruah) ;  not  as  ii.  7.  So  vii.  15  ;  cf. 
Is.  xlii.  5 ;  Zech.  xii.  1. 

die.  Expire :  so  vii.  21.  An  unusual  word,  and  (except  in  P 
[12  times])  entirely  poetical  [12  times,  8  being  in  Job].    Of.  on  xxv.  8. 

18 — 22.  The  command  to  enter  the  ark,  according  to  P.  With 
Noah  and  his  descendants  it  is  God's  purpose  to  establish  a  new 
relationship  (designated  here  by  the  term  covetiant) ;  and  in  trustful 
reliance  upon  the  promise  thus  given,  Noah  is  to  enter  the  ark,  taking 
with  him  one  pair  of  every  land  animal.  For  the  fultilment  of  the 
promise,  see  ix.  8- — 17. 

20.  kind  (twice).  Kinds :  see  on  i.  12.  Cattle  (not  as  iv.  20), 
and  creeping  thing,  as  i.  24  (where  see  the  note),  25,  26. 


VI.  20-VII.  4]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  89 

every  creeping  thing  of  the  ground  after  its  kind,  two  of  every  p 
sort  shall  come  unto  thee,  to  keep  them  alive.     21  And  take 
thou  unto  thee  of  all  food  that  is  eaten,  and  gatlier  it  to  thee ; 
and  it  shall  be  for  food  for  thee,  and  for  them.     22  Thus  did 
Noah  ;  according  to  all  that  God  commanded  him,  so  did  he. 

VII.  1  And  the  Lord  said  unto  Noah,  Come  thou  and  all  J 
thy  house  into  the  ark ;  for  thee  have  I  seen  righteous  before 
me  in  this  generation.  2  Of  every  clean  beast  thou  shalt  take 
to  thee  seven  and  seven,  the  male  and  his  female  ;  and  of  the 
beasts  that  are  not  clean  two,  the  male  and  his  female ;  3  of 
the  fowl  also  of  the  air,  seven  and  seven  [,  male  and  female] :  to  R 
keep  seed  alive  upon  tlie  face  of  all  the  earth.  4  For  yet  seven 
days,  and  I  will  cause  it  to  rain  upon  the  earth  forty  days  and 
forty  nights ;   and  every  living  thing  that  I  have  made  will  I 

22.  And  Noah  did  (so) ;  according  &c.  The  form  of  sentence  is 
characteristic  of  P;  of.  Ex.  vii.  6,  xii.  28,  50  (Heb.),  xl.  16  (Heb.); 
Nu.  i.  54  (Heb.),  al  (see  p.  ix,  No.  12). 

VII.  1 — 5.  The  command  to  enter  the  ark,  according  to  J. 
Noah  is  to  enter  the  ark,  taking  with  him  seven  pairs  of  every  clean 
animal,  and  one  pair  of  every  unclean  animal.  In  the  parallel  in  P 
(vi.  19  f.),  one  pair  of  every  kind  is  to  be  taken,  and  nothing  is  said  of 
the  distinction  between  clean  and  unclean  animals. 

1.  righteous  &c.     Cf.  in  P  vi.  9. 

2.  the  male  and  his  female  (twice).  Each  and  his  mate :  the  Heb. 
(though  no  English  reader  would  suspect  the  fact)  is  entirely  different 
from  that  rendered  'male  and  female'  in  vi.  19,  vii.  3,  9,  16.  On  the 
distinction  of  '  clean '  and  '  unclean '  animals  see  Lev.  xi.  (P ;  |i  Dt.  xiv.)  : 
more  of  the  former  than  of  the  latter  are  to  be  brought  in,  perhaps 
because,  in  the  view  of  the  writer,  only  'clean'  animals  would  be 
available  for  Noah  and  his  family  for  food,  and  (viii.  20)  for  sacrifice, 
perhaps,  also  (Knob.),  in  order  that  the  creatures  most  useful  to  man 
might  increase  more  rapidly  after  the  Flood. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  J  assumes  for  the  patriarchal  age  the 
Levitical  distinction  of  'clean'  and  'unclean'  animals,  as  he  also 
speaks  of  sacrifices  offered,  and  altars  built,  during  the  same  period 
(iv.  3,  4,  viii.  20,  xii.  9,  &c.).  P,  on  the  contrary,  never  attributes 
Levitical  institutions  and  distinctions  to  the  pre-Mosaic  age ;  he  regards 
all  such  as  creations  of  the  Sinaitic  legislation. 

3.  seven  and  seven.  Viz.,  as  the  context  and  viii.  20  shew,  of 
'clean'  species  :  the  raven  (viii.  7)  shews  that  J  thought  of  'unclean' 
species  also  (see  Lev.  xi.  15)  as  included.  Perhaps,  indeed,  we  should 
read  with  lxx.,  '  of  fowl  also  of  the  air  that  are  clean,  seven  and  seven, 
male  and  female,  and  offovA  that  are  not  clexin,  two  and  two,'  &c. 

4.  eve?'y  subsisting  thing.     The  word,  whicli  is  peculiar,  is  found 


90  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [vii.  4-" 

^destroy  from  oflf  the  face  of  the  ground.     5  And  Noah  did  J 
according  unto  all  that  the  Lord  commanded  him. 

6  And  Noah  was  six  hundred  years  old  when  the  flood  of  P 
waters  was  upon  the  earth.  |  7  And  Noah  went  in,  and  his  J 
sons,  and  his  wife,  and  his  sons'  wives  with  him,  into  the  ark, 
because  of  the  waters  of  the  flood.    8  Of  clean  beasts,  and  of 
beasts  that  are  not  clean,  and  of  fowls,  and  of  every  thing  that 
creepeth  upon  the  ground,  9  there  went  in  [two  and  two]  unto  R 
Noah  into  the  ark,  [male  and  female,]  as  God  commanded  Noah,  r 
10  And  it  came  to  pass  after  the  seven  days,  that  the  waters 
of  the  flood  were  upon  the  earth.  |  11  In  the  six  hundredth  P 
year  of  Noah's  life,  in  the  second  month,  on  the  seventeenth 
day  of  the  month,  on  the  same  day  were  all  the  fountains  of 
the  great  deep  broken  up,  and  the  windows  of  heaven  were 

1  Heb.  hlot  out. 

only  here,  v.  23,  and  Dt.  xi.  6.  It  is  entirely  dififerent  from  the 
ordinary  one  rendered  'living  thing'  in  vi.  19,  viii.  1,  17,  21. 

destroy.     Blot  out,  as  vi.  7. 

6.     Noah's  age,  at  the  time  of  the  Flood,  according  to  P. 

7 — 9.  Entry  into  the  ark  according  to  J  (cf.  w.  2,  3).  The  text, 
though  clearly  in  the  main  that  of  J,  seems  to  have  been  glossed  in 
parts  by  the  compiler  so  as  to  harmonize  with  the  representation  of  P 
(especially  in  'two  and  two'  :  see  vi.  19,  20). 

9.  God.     Sam.,  Targ.,  Vulg.  Jehovah;  no  doubt,  rightly, 

VII.  10 — VIII.  14.  The  course  of  the  Flood  :  its  beginning,  con- 
tinuance, and  end. 

10.  The  beginning  of  the  Flood  according  to  J,  viz.  seven  days 
after  Noah  entered  the  ark. 

the  seven  days.     Those  mentioned  in  v.  4. 

11.  The  beginning  of  the  Flood  according  to  P. 

the  second  month.  I.e.,  probably  (Gunkel,  pp.  133,  134;  Konig, 
ZDMG.  1906,  p.  628),  the  second  mouth  of  the  year  according  to 
which  P  always  reckons,  and  which  began  with  Abib  (Ex.  xii.  2, 
compared  with  xiii.  4),  =  our  April.  In  the  Babylonian  story,  the 
flood,  according  to  Berossus,  began  on  the  15th  of  Daisios  (=June). 

the  great  deep.  As  Am.  vii.  4,  Ps.  xxxvi.  6,  Is.  h.  10,  the 
subterranean  waters,  the  '  deep  that  coucheth  beneath '  of  xlix.  25,  the 
source,  as  the  Hebrews  supposed,  of  springs  and  seas  (see  on  i.  9) :  the 
'fountains,'  leading  from  these  to  land  and  sea,  which  at  ordinary  times 
flowed  only  moderately,  were  cleft  asunder  (implying  some  terrestrial 
convulsion),  so  that  the  waters  from  underneath  burst  forth  and  inun- 
dated the  earth.  Not  only  this,  however,  but  the  windoivs  of  heaven 
(cf.  Is.  xxiv.  18)  were  also  operied,  so  that  the  waters  stored  up  'above 
the  firmament '  (see  on  i.  6)  poured  down  upon  the  earth  as  weU. 


VII.  ii-.o]  THE  BOOK  OF  GET^SIS  91 

opened.  |  12  And  the  rain  was  upon  the  earth  forty  days  and  j 
forty  nights.  |  13  In  the  selfsame  day  entered  Noah,  and  Shem,  p 
and  Ham,  and  Japheth,  the  sons  of  Noah,  and  Noah's  wife,  and 
the  three  wives  of  his  sons  with  them,  into  the  ark ;   14  they, 
and  every  beast  after  its  kind,  and  all  the  cattle  after  their 
kind,  and  every  creeping  thing  that  creepeth  upon  the  earth 
after  its  kind,  and  every  fowl  after  its  kind,  every  bird  of  every 
^sort.     15  And  they  went  in  unto  Noah  into  the  ark,  two  and 
two  of  all  flesh,  wherein  is  the  breath  of  life.     16   And  they — 
that  went  in,  went  in  male  and  female  of  all  fiesh,  as  God 
commanded  him :    |  and  the  Lord   shut  him  in.    |   17   And  J  P 
the  flood  was  forty  days  upon  the  earth  ;    |  and  the  watei's  J 
increased,  and  bare  up  the  ark,  and  it  was  lift  up  above  the 
earth.   ]   18   And  the  waters  prevailed,  and  increased  greatly  P 
upon  the  earth  ;    and  the  ark  went  upon  the  face    of   the 
waters.     19  And  the  waters  prevailed  exceedingly  upon  the 
earth  ;  and  all  the  high  mountains  that  were  under  the  whole 
heaven  were  covered.     20  Fifteen  cubits  upward  did  the  waters 

^  Heb.  wing. 

12,  The  duration  of  the  Flood  according  to  J. 

And  there  was  heavy  rain.  The  word  used  (nti'j)  signifies  a  hurst 
of  rain,  heavy  rain;  and  is  sometimes  used  (as  Cant.  ii.  11)  of  the 
heavy  rains  of  the  Palestinian  winter.  Cf.  G.  A.  Smith,  HG.  64 ;  and 
the  writer's  Joel  and  Amos,  on  Am.  iv.  7. 

13— 16».  The  entry  into  the  ark  according  to  P  (cf.  vi.  19,  20). 
In  J  this  has  been  narrated  already  in  vv.  7 — 9. 

13.  In  the  selfsame  day.  Connecting  closely  with  v  11.  The 
expression  in  the  Heb.  is  one  of  those  characteristic  of  P  (p.  ix,  No.  13). 

11     kind  (4  times).     Kinds,  as  vi.  20. 

of  every  sort.  Heb.  wing  :  cf.  Ez.  xvii.  23  (EVV.  wing),  xxxix.  4 
(EVV.  sort,  as  here) ;  also  (in  the  Heb.)  Dt.  iv.  17  ;  Ps.  cxlviii.  10. 

15.     two  and  two  of  all  flesh.     Cf.  vi.  19,  20  (P). 

breath.     Spirit,  as  vi.  17. 

16^  (.J),  and  Jehovah  shut  him  in.  The  words  must  have  stood 
originally  between  v.  9  and  w.  10,  12  ;  for  they  evidently  form  the  close 
of  J's  account  of  the  entry  into  the  ark. 

l?''^  (P).  The  link  connecting  (in  P)  v.  16"  with  u  18.  '  Forty 
days'  is  probably  an  addition  of  the  compiler,  based  upon  -y.  12  (J). 

17^.  and  the  waters  increased  &c.  The  progress  of  the  Flood 
according  to  J.     The  words  form  the  sequel  to  vv.  10,  12. 

18 — 20.  The  progress  of  the  Flood,  told  more  circumstantially, 
according  to  P. 

20.     upward.     I.e.  above  'the  high  mountains'  (i?.  19).     The  ark 


92  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS      [vii.  w-viii.  3 

prevail ;  and  the  mountains  were  covered.    21  And  all  flesh  died  P 
that  moved  upon  the  earth,  both  fowl,  and  cattle,  and  beast, 
and  every  ^creeping  thing  that  creepeth  upon  the  earth,  and 
every  man :   |  22  all  in  whose  nostrils  was  the  breath  of  the  J 
spirit  of  life,  of  all  that  was  in  the  dry  land,  died.    23  ^And 
every  living  thing  was  ^destroyed  which  was  upon  the  face  of 
the  ground,  both  man,  and  cattle,  and  creeping  thing,  and  fowl 
of  the  heaven ;  and  they  were  ^destroyed  fi*om  the  earth :  and 
Noah  only  was  left,  and  they  that  were  with  him  in  the  ark.  | 
24  And  the  waters  prevailed  upon  the  earth  an  hundred  and  P 
fifty  days. 

VIII.  1  And  God  remembered  Noah,  and  every  living 
thing,  and  all  the  cattle  that  were  with  him  in  the  ark :  and 
God  made  a  wind  to  pass  over  the  earth,  and  the  waters  assuaged ; 
2  the  fomitains  also  of  the  deep  and  tlie  windows  of  heaven 
were  stopped,  |  and  the  rain  from  heaven  was  restrained  ;  3  and  J 
the  waters  returned  from  off  the  earth  continually :  |  and  after  p 

^  Or,  swarming  thing  that  swarmeth  ^  Or,  And  he  destroyed  every  living 

thing  »  Heb.  blotted  out. 

was  apparently  regarded  as  immersed  up  to  half  its  height  (vi.  15) ; 
accordingly,  when  the  waters  begin  to  decrease,  it  can  just  touch  the 
summit  of  an  exceptionally  high  range  of  mountains,  viii.  3^  4  (the 
tops  of  ordinary  mountains  emerge  only  73  days  afterwards,  v.  5). 

21.  Death  of  all  things,  according  to  P. 
died.     Expired,  as  vi.  17. 

every  swarming  thing  that  swarmeth  &c.     See  on  i.  20. 

22,  23.     Death  of  all  things,  according  to  J. 

22.  in  w/iose  nostrils  was  the  breath  of  [the  spirit  0/]  life.  Cf. 
ii.  7  (also  J).  The  expression,  as  it  stands,  is  unexampled,  being  a 
combination  of  the  phrase  of  J  (ii.  7)  with  that  of  P  (vi.  17,  vii.  15). 
The  bracketed  words — in  the  Heb.  one  word — are  probably  a  marginal 
gloss. 

of  all  that.     Whatsoever;  cf.  vi.  2. 

23.  And  he  blotted  out  (so  in  correct  editions  of  the  Mass.  text: 
cf.  RVm.)  every  subsisting  thing  &c.     See  on  vi.  7  and  vii.  4. 

24.  The  length  of  the  period  during  which,  according  to  P,  the 
waters  'prevailed'  {vv.  18 — 20). 

VIII.  1,  2*  (to  stopped),  o^.  The  decrease  of  the  waters,  according 
to  P.    With  the  expressions  in  v.  2%  cf.  vii.  11. 

1,     And  God  remembered.     As  xix.  29,  xxx.  22  ;  Ex.  ii.  24  (aU  P). 
2^  3*.     The  decrease  of  the  waters,  according  to  J. 
rain.    Heavy  rain,  as  vii.  12. 


VIII.  3-io]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  93 

the  end  of  an  hundred  and  fifty  days  the  waters  decreased.  P 
4  And  the  ark  rested  in  the  seventh  month,  on  the  seventeenth 
day  of  the  month,  upon  the  mountains  of  Ararat.  5  And  the 
waters  decreased  continually  until  the  tenth  month :  in  the 
tenth  mouth,  on  the  first  day  of  the  month,  were  the  tops  of  the 
mountains  seen.  |  6  And  it  came  to  pass  at  the  end  of  forty  days,  J 
that  Noah  opened  the  window  of  the  ark  which  he  had  made : 
7  and  he  sent  forth  a  raven,  and  it  went  forth  to  and  fro,  until 
the  waters  were  dried  up  from  ofi^  the  earth.  8  And  he  sent 
forth  a  dove  from  him,  to  see  if  the  waters  were  abated  from  off 
the  face  of  the  ground ;  9  but  the  dove  found  no  rest  for  the 
sole  of  her  foot,  and  she  returned  unto  him  to  the  ark,  for  the 
waters  were  on  the  face  of  the  whole  earth :  and  he  put  forth 
his  hand,  and  took  her,  and  brought  her  in  unto  him  into  the 
ark.    10  And  he  stayed  yet  other  seven  days ;   and  again  he 

4,  5  (P).  The  ark  lands ;  and  73  days  afterwards  the  tops  of  the 
mountains  appear. 

4.  Ararat.  A  land  named  also  in  Is.  xxxvii.  38,  Jer.  li.  27, 
the  Urartu,  so  often  mentioned  by  the  Assyrian  kings  from  the 
9th  cent.  B.C.  onwards,  the  rugged,  mountainous,  and  wooded  region, 
forming  part  of  modern  Armenia,  N.  of  Lake  Van,  and  embracing  the 
valley  of  the  Araxes^.  The  modern  Mount  Ararat  is  a  particular  lofty 
peak  {c.  17,000ft.)  among  the  'mountains  of  Ararat,'  for  4000  ft.  from 
its  summit  covered  with  perpetual  snow.  The  mountain  which  P  had 
in  view,  wliether  it  was  the  peak  now  called  '  Mount  Ararat '  or  not, 
must  in  any  case  have  been  a  lofty  one;  for,  though  the  waters 
decreased  continually,  it  was  not  until  73  days  after  the  ark  rested 
upon  it,  that  the  tops  of  ordinary  mountains  became  visible. 

6 — 12  (J).  Noah  sends  forth  first  a  raven,  and  afterwards  a  dove, 
to  ascertain  whether  the  waters  have  abated, 

6.  And  it  came  to  pass  at  the  end  of  forty  days.  In  the  original 
context  of  J,  the  '  forty  days '  referred,  no  doubt,  as  in  vii.  4,  to  the 
entire  period  of  the  Flood,  and  the  clause  stood  perhaps  before 
V.  2^  'and  {or  that)  the  heavy  rain  from  heaven  was  restrained':  the 
compiler,  in  combining  P  and  J,  has  transposed  it,  and  made  it  refer 
to  40  days  after  the  date  named  in  v.  5. 

10.  yet  other  seven  days.  Implying,  almost  necessarily,  that 'seven 
days'  had  been  mentioned  previously:  hence  it  is  probable,  as  most 

1  Not  a  mountain  :  there  is  no  '  Mount  Ararat '  in  the  Old  Testament. 

*  See  the  map  and  description  in  Maspero,  iii.  52—60 ;  and  cf.  EncB.  s.v.  The 
valley  of  the  Araxes  (now  the  Aran)  which  runs  from  W.  to  SE.,  a  little  N. 
of  Mount  Ararat,  is  nearly  3000  ft.  above  the  sea;  the  mountains  around  are 
5000  ft.  or  more ;  Lake  Van  is  about  5500  ft.  See  the  fine  orographical  map  ci 
Asia  in  Philips'  Imjperial  Atlas;  and  cf.  Freshfield,  Central  Caucasus,  p.  155  ff. 


94  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [viii.  ,o-«, 

sent  forth  the  dove  out  of  the  ark  ;   11  and  the  dove  came  in  to  J 
him  at  eventide  ;  and,  lo,  in  her  mouth  ^an  olive  leaf  pluckt  off: 
so  Noah  knew  that  the  waters  were  abated  from  off  the  earth. 
12  And  he  stayed  yet  other  seven  days ;   and  sent  forth  the 
dove  ;  and  she  returned  not  again  unto  him  any  more,  j  13  And  P 
it  came  to  pass  in  the  six  hundred  and  first  year,  in  the  first 
month,  the  first  day  of  the  month,  the  waters  were  dried  up 
irom  off  the  earth  :  |  and  Noah  removed  the  covering  of  the  ark,  J 
and  looked,  and,  beliold,  the  face  of  the  ground  was  dried.  I 
14  And  in  the  second  month,  on  the  seven  and  twentieth  day  of  P 
the  month,  was  the  earth  dry. 

15  And  God  spake  imto  Noah,  saying,  16  Go  forth  of  the 
ark,  thou,  and  thy  wife,  and  thy  sons,  and  thy  sons'  wives  with 
thee.  17  Bring  forth  with  thee  every  living  thing  that  is  with 
thee  of  all  flesh,  both  fowl,  and  cattle,  and  every  creeping  thing 
that  creepeth  upon  the  earth  ;  that  they  may  breed  abundantly 
in  the  earth,  and  be  fruitful,  and  multiply  upon  the  earth. 
18  And  Noah  went  forth,  and  his  sons,  and  his  wife,  and  his 
sons'  wives  with  him :  19  every  beast,  every  creeping  thing, 
and  every  fowl,  whatsoever  moveth  upon  the  earth,  after  their 
families,  went  forth  out  of  the  ark.  |  20  And  Noah  builded  an  j 
altar  unto  the  Lokd;  and  took  of  every  clean  beast,  and  of 

*  Or,  afresh  olive  leaf 

modern  scholars  have  supposed,  that  *And  he  stayed  seven  days^  (and 
sent  forth,  &c.)  have  dropped  out  at  the  beginning  of  v.  8. 

11.    pluckt  off.     I.e. /reshly-pluckt,  OT  fresh  (RYm.). 

13*  (P).     Continuation  of  v.  5.     The  waters  are  dried  up. 

13''  (J),  14  (P).  The  earth  itself  becomes  dry, — according  to  P, 
one  year  and  II  days  after  the  Flood  began  (vii.  11). 

15 — 19  (P).  Noah  is  instructed  to  leave  the  ark;  and  does  so 
accordingly.  Both  the  command  and  its  execution  are  described 
circumstantially,  in  P's  manner  (cf.  vi.  18 — 20,  vii.   13—16). 

17.     breed  abundantly.     Swarm  (i.  20) :  cf.,  of  men,  ix.  7. 

and  be  fruitful  &c.  Cf.  i.  22.  The  words  are  a  renewal  of  the 
command,  or  permission,  there  given. 

19.     after  their  families.     A  mark  of  P's  hand  (p.  ix,  No.  14). 

20 — 22  (J).  Noah,  in  thankfulness  for  his  deliverance,  offers  up  a 
burnt-offering;  and  Jehovah  thereupon  expresses  His  determination 
not  again  to  smite  all  living  things,  or  disturb  the  course  of  nature,  as 
He  has  done.     Cf.  Is.  liv.  9. 

builded  an,  altar  &c.     Cf.  on  vii.  2  (second  part  of  note). 


VIII.  20-IX. .]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  95 

eveiy  clean  fowl,  and  offered  burnt  offerings  on  the  altar.  J 
21  And  the  Lord  smelled  the  sweet  savour ;  and  the  Lord  said 
in  his  heart,  I  will  not  again  curse  the  ground  any  more  for 
man's  ^sake,  for  that  the  imagination  of  man's  heart  is  evil  from 
his  youth  ;  neither  will  I  again  smite  any  more  every  thing 
living,  as  I  have  done.  22  Wliile  the  earth  remaineth,  seedtime 
and  harvest,  and  cold  and  heat,  and  summer  and  winter,  and 
day  and  night  shall  not  cease.  |  IX.  1  And  God  blessed  Noah  P 
and  his  sons,  and  said  unto  them,  Be  fruitful,  and  multiply,  and 
replenish  the  earth.    2  And  the  fear  of  you  and  the  dread  of 

^  Or,  sake;  for  the 

burnt  offerings.  Or  holocausts.  Heb.  'oldh,  from  'didh,  to  go  up, 
denoting  a  sacrifice  of  which  the  whole  'went  up'  (Is.  Ix.  7)  upon  the 
altar,  as  opposed  to  those  of  which  portions  were  eaten  by  the  worshipper 
or  the  priest. 

21.  the  soothing  savour  (lit.  the  savour  of  rest-giving  or  com- 
posure). A  common  expression  in  the  Levitical  terminology  (Lev.  i.  9, 
13,  17,  ii.  2,  9,  12,  &c.),  to  express  the  character,  or  effect,  of  a  sacrifice 
which  is  favourably  accepted.  '  Sweet  savour '  is  a  paraphrase,  based 
upon  the  lxx.  rendering,  oaixi]  cvwStas.    For  'smelled,'  cf.  1  S.  xxvi.  19. 

said  to  his  heart.     I.e.  to  Himself.     (Not  in,  as  xvii.  17  al.) 

for  that.  This  gives  the  reason  for  '  curse '  ('  I  will  not  again  curse 
the  ground,  as  I  might  do,  because,'  &c.):  the  marg.  for  gives  the 
reason  for  'not  curse,' — 'I  will  not  again  curse  the  ground,  because,'  &c.: 
having  regard,  viz.  to  man's  now  innate  propensity  to  evil,  God  will  not 
again  be  moved  by  men's  evil  deeds  to  a  judgement  such  as  the  Flood 
had  been,  but  will  exhibit  forbearance  (Rom.  iii.  25),  and  long-suffering. 
The  marg.  is  preferable.  The  terms  expressive  of  man's  sinful  pro- 
pensity are  the  same  as  in  vi.  5,  but  less  strongly  expressed  (without 
'every/  '  only,'  and  'continually ')\ 

from  his  youth.  I.e.  from  the  time  when  the  'knowledge  of  good 
and  evil'  (ii.  17)  comes  to  be  acquired,  and  evil,  too  often,  gains  the 
mastery  over  good. 

IX.  1—17  (P).  The  blessing  of  Noah  (vv.  1 — 7) ;  and  the  covenant 
{w.  8 — 17)  concluded  with  him  by  God. 

1 — 7.  A  blessing  given  to  the  new  race  of  men,  corresponding  to 
that  bestowed  upon  the  first  (i.  28),  but  enlarged,  and  adapted  to  man's 
more  developed  state,  by  an  extension  of  his  rights  over  the  animal 
kingdom.  At  the  same  time  {vv.  4 — 6)  two  limitations  are  imposed 
upon  his  too  absolute  authority, 

1.     Be  fruitful, ...and  fill  the  ea/rth.     As  i.  28,  which  see. 

1  On  the  yezer  hd-rd',  or '  evil  propensity'  (  =  <pp6vri/xa  aapKbs),  of  the  later  Jewish 
theology,  derived  from  this  passage,  see  Aboth  ii.  15,  iv.  2,  with  Taj'lor's  notes  (ed.  2, 
pp.  37,  64,  129  f.,  148  ff.);  Edersheim,  Life  and  Times  of  Jems,  i.  1G7;  F.  C.  Porter 
in  Bibl,  and  Sem.  Studies  by  members... of  Yale  University  (New  York,  1901),  93 — 
156,  esp.  108  ff.  (witli  some  criticism  of  Weher,  Altsynag.  Theologie,  p.  221  ff.). 


96  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ix.  c^-g 

you  shall  be  upon  every  beast  of  the  earth,  and  upon  every  fowl  P 
of  the  air ;  with  all  wherewith  the  ground  Heemeth,  and  all  the 
fishes  of  the  sea,  mto  your  hand  are  they  delivered.  3  Every 
moving  thing  that  liveth  shall  be  food  for  you ;  as  the  green 
herb  have  I  given  you  all.  4  But  flesh  with  the  life  thereof, 
which  is  the  blood  thereof,  shall  ye  not  eat.  5  And  surely  your 
blood,  the  blood  of  your  lives,  will  I  require ;   at  the  hand  of 

^  Or,  creepeth 

2.  Animals  had  been  subject  to  man  from  the  beginning  (i.  26,  28) ; 
they  are  now  to  be  in  dread  of  him ;  they  are  '  given  into '  his  '  hand,' 
an  expression  implying  (cf.  e.g.  Lev.  xxvi.  25;  Dt.  xix.  12)  that  they 
are  at  his  disposal,  and  that  he  has  over  them  the  power  of  life  and  . 
death.  As  v.  3  shews,  the  view  of  the  writer  is  that  hitherto  animals 
had  had  nothing  to  fear  from  man ;  they  had  not  been  killed  by  him 
for  food,  and  d  fortiori  not  for  other  purposes. 

3.  An  extension  of  the  permission  granted  in  i.  29 :  animal  food  is 
permitted  now,  just  as  vegetable  food  was  permitted  then. 

green  kerb.     Green  of  kerb,  as  i.  30. 

4 — 6.     Two  limitations  upon  man's  too  absolute  authority. 

4.  Only  Jlesk  witk  its  soul,  (that  is,)  its  blood,  ye  shall  not  eat. 
Men  may  eat  flesh,  but  only  flesh  which  no  longer  has  blood  in  it.  As 
the  blood  flows  from  a  wounded  animal,  so  its  life  ebbs  away ;  hence 
the  blood  was  regarded  as  the  seat  of  the  vital  principle,  or  'soul' 
(Heb.  nepkesh) ' ;  this,  however,  was  too  sacred  and  mysterious  to  be 
used  as  human  food;  it  must  be  ofiered  to  God  before  man  was  at 
liberty  to  partake  of  the  flesh,  1  S.  xiv.  32,  34  (cf.  W.  R.  Smith,  Rel. 
Sem.  p.  216  f.,  ed.  2,  p.  234  I ;  EiicB.  n.  1544).  The  eating  of  blood 
is  repeatedly  prohibited  in  Heb.  legislation,  as  Dt.  xii.  16,  23  ('for  the 
blood  is  the  soul;  and  thou  shait  not  eat  the  soul  with  the  flesh*). 
Lev.  vii.  26  f.,  xvii.  10 — 14  (v.  11  'the  soul  of  the  flesh  is  in  the  blood,' 
and  hence  'the  blood  atoneth  by  means  of  the  soul';  v.  14  'for  as 
regards  the  soul  of  all  flesh,  its  blood  is  with  its  soul '  (i.e.  it  contains 
its  soul),  and  '  the  soul  of  all  flesh  is  its  blood ') ;  and  abstention  from 
it  became  ultimately  one  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  Judaism :  to 
the  present  day,  strict  Jews  will  eat  the  flesh  of  such  animals  only  as 
have  been  slaughtered  with  special  precautions  for  thoroughly  draining 
the  carcases  of  blood. 

5.  6.  The  second,  more  important  limitation.  Man  may  slay 
animals ;  but  the  blood  of  man  himself  is  not  to  be  shed  with  impunity, 
either  by  man  or  by  beast.     The  life  of  man  is  to  be  inviolably  sacred. 

5.  And  surely  your  blood,  according  to  your  souls.  I.e.  the  blood 
of  each  individual  person,  whoever  it  may  be  (Del.).  Dillm.  al.  render, 
less  naturally  (see  Del.),  *  (that)  of  your  souls,'  i.e.  of  yourselves  (cf.  Jer. 
xxxvii.  9  RV.),  your  own  blood,  in  contrast  to  that  of  the  animals. 

^  Cf.  Aen.  IX.  349  'Purpxoream  vomit  ille  animam.' 


IX.  5-1 1]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  97 

every  beast  will  I  require  it :  and  at  the  hand  of  man,  even  at  P 
the  hand  of  every  man's  brother,  will  I  require  the  life  of  man. 
6  "Whoso  sheddeth  man's  blood,  by  man  shall  his  blood  be  ahed: 
for  m  the  nnage  of  _GQd_maflfiJbie, jmaji.  7  And  you,  be  ye 
fruitful,  and  multiply  ;  bring  forth  abundantly  in  the  earth,  and 
multiply  therein. 

8  And  God  spake  unto  Noah,  and  to  his  sons  with  him, 
saying,  9  And  I,  behold,  I  establish  my  covenant  with  you,  and 
with  your  seed  after  you ;  10  and  with  every  living  creature 
that  is  with  you,  the  fowl,  the  cattle,  and  every  beast  of  the 
earth  with  you  ;  of  all  that  go  out  of  the  ark,  even  every  beast 
of  the  earth.  11  And  I  will  establish  my  covenant  with  you  ; 
neither  shall  all  flesh  be  cut  off  any  more  by  the  waters  of  the 

require.     Cf.  xlii.  22;  Ez.  xxxiii.  6;  Ps.  ix.  12. 

of  every  beast.     Cf.  Ex.  xxi.  28  (in  the  '  Book  of  the  covenant'). 

life.  Properly,  soul  (as  v.  4).  Heb.  has  two  words  for  '  life,'  one 
(di'Ti)  meaning  state  of  life  (as  in  'the  days  of  his  life'),  the  other 
({yDj)  meaning  the  principle  of  life  (as  in  '  to  take  one's  life ').  The 
latter  signifies  properly  soul  (cf.  on  i.  20) ;  and  it  is  sometimes  conducive 
to  clearness  to  retain  this  rendering. 

6.  It  is  explained  now  kow  blood  shed  will  be  'required,'  viz.  by 
the  death  of  the  murderer.  It  is  not,  however,,  defined  more  precisely 
by  what  agency  the  penalty  will  be  exacted — whether,  for  instance,  as 
in  primitive  communities,  by  a  relative  of  the  murdered  man,  or,  as  in 
more  advanced  communities,  by  the  state :  the  general  principle  only  is 
affirmed — one  of  the  great  and  fundamental  principles,  on  which  the 
welfare  of  every  community  depends,  the  sanctity  of  humaniife. 

for  &c.  The  ground  upon  which  the  punishment  of  murder  is 
based.  Man  bears  in  himself  God's  image  (v.  3,  as  well  as  i.  27);  he 
therefore  who  destroys  a  man  does  violence  to  God's  image.  In  other 
words,  every  man  is  a  person,  with  a  rational  soul,  the  image  of  God's 
personality  (cf.  on  i.  27),  which  must  be  treated  as  sacred. 

7.  The  blessing  closes  with  a  repetition  of  the  substance  of  v.  1. 
bring  forth  abundantly.     Swarm  (i.  20) :  of  men,  as  Ex.  i.  7  (P). 

8 — 17.  God's  covenant  with  Noah,  concluded  in  fulfilment  of  the 
promise  given  in  vi.  18,  by  which  he  engages  no  more  to  destroy  all 
flesh  by  a  flood.  This  '  covenant '  is  the  parallel  in  P  to  the  promise, 
viii.  21  f.,  in  J.  Like  the  promise,  it  is  established  not  with  the 
descendants  of  Shem  only,  but  with  all  mankind,  and  indeed  (vv.  10, 
12,  &c.)  with  the  whole  animal  world. 

8 — 11.     The  teiTBS  of  the  covenant. 

10.  creature.     Heb.  soul:  see  on  i.  20.     So  w.  12,  15,  16. 

11.  Cf.  viii.  21^  22,  in  J. 

all  flesh.     Including  here  animals:  see  on  vi.  12,    So  vo.  15,  16,  17. 

D.  7 


98  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ix.  11-16 

flood ;  Deither  shall  there  any  more  be  a  flood  to  destroy  the  P 
earth.  12  And  God  said,  This  is  the  token  of  the  covenant 
which  I  make  between  me  and  you  and  every  living  creature 
that  is  with  you,  for  perpetual  generations :  13  ^  I  do  set  ray 
bow  in  the  cloud,  and  it  shall  be  for  a  token  of  a  covenant 
between  me  and  the  earth.  14  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when 
I  bring  a  cloud  over  the  earth,  that  the  bow  shall  be  seen  in  the 
cloud,  15  and  I  will  remember  my  covenant,  which  is  between 
me  and  you  and  every  living  creature  of  all  flesh ;  and  the 
waters  shall  no  more  become  a  flood  to  destroy  all  flesh. 
16  And  the  bow  shall  be  in  the  cloud  ;  and  I  will  look  upon  it, 
that  I  may  remember  the  everlasting  covenant  between  God 
and  every  living  creature  of  all  flesh  that  is  upon  the  earth. 

^  Or,  I  have  set 

12 — 17.  The  token  of  the  covenant,  the  rainbow.  A  covenant 
must  have  an  external  sign  or  token,  which  may  remind  the  parties  to 
it  of  its  terms,  and  also  serve  as  a  guarantee  of  the  undertaking  given 
with  it.  Cf.  xvii.  11,  where  the  'token'  is  something  to  be  done  by 
man ;  here  it  is  something  appointed  by  God. 

13.  /  do  set.  The  Heb.  perfect  tense  is  ambiguous;  and  may 
express  either  I  have  set  (so  Geneva  Version,  and  RVm.),  viz.  long  ago, 
from  the  beginning  (cf.  vi.  7  '  have  created '),  or  /  have  just  set,  I  set 
now  (cf.  V.  3,  i.  29,  xli.  41,  xlviii.  22),  or  even  (the  'perfect  of  certitude') 
/  will  set  (so  Coverdale:  cf  xxiii.  13  Heb.).  The  appearance  of  the 
rainbow  depends,  of  course,  upon  the  laws  of  the  refraction  and 
reflection  of  light ;  and  it  is  incredible  that  these  laws  did  not  exist, 
as  a  fact,  till  the  time  of  Noah.  If  therefore  the  writer  means  to  imply 
(what  seems  to  be  expressed  by  RV.  text  =  AV.)  that  the  rainbow  was 
then  first  to  be  seen,  he  shews  simply  that  he  shares  the  prevalent 
ignorance  of  physical  science  which  was  characteristic  of  the  ancient 
world  in  general:  if,  however,  his  meaning  is  rightly  expressed  by 
RVm.,  then  all  that  is  future  is  and  it  shall  be  for  a  token,  &c.,  and  the 
writer  may  have  regarded  the  phaenomenon  as  occurring  before,  and 
have  merely  represented  it  as  invested  now  with  a  new  significance  as 
the  sign  or  symbol  of  mercy  (cf  Ryle,  p.  117  f ). 

14,  15.  when  I  bring  clouds  [lit.  cloud  (with)  ctoud,  the  word 
being  a  collective :  '  bring  a  cloud '  is  not  strong  enough]  over  the  earth, 
and  the  how  is  seen  in  the  cloud{s),  that  /  will  remember,  &c.  The 
text  gives  an  incorrect  sense ;  for  the  rainbow  is  not  seen  every  time 
that  God  'brings  clouds'  over  the  earth. 

16.  everlasting  covenant.  An  expression  frequent  in  P  (xvii.  7, 
13,  19;  Ex.  xxxi.  16;  Lev.  xxiv.  8;  Nu.  xviii.  19;  cf  xxv.  13). 

16, 17.  The  thought  of  w.  13 — 15  dwelt  upon,  and  in  part  repeated, 
in  P's  manner,  for  emphasis  (cf  xvii.  26,  27). 


IX.  17]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  99 

17  And  God  said  unto  Noah,  This  is  the  token  of  the  covenant  P 
which  I  have  established  between  me  and  aU  flesh  that  is  upon 
the  earth. 

A  suggestive  symbolism  is  here  attached  to  a  beautiful,  and — especially 
for  a  primitive  people — striking  natural  phaenoraenon.  As  the  rainbow  appears, 
when  a  storm  is  passing  by,  and  the  sun,  breaking  forth  from  the  opposite 
direction,  casts  its  gleams  over  the  still  clouded  sky,  it  is  interpreted  as  an 
emblem,  to  a  religious  mind,  of  God's  returning  friendliness  and  g^ace,  and 
made  a  symbol  of  the  mercy  with  which  He  regards  all  mankind  (cf.  Is.  liv.  9). 

The  marvel  of  the  phaenomenon,  to  people  ignorant  of  the  optical  laws  by 
which  it  was  produced,  led  many  ancient  nations  to  seek  imaginative  or 
symbolical  explanations  of  it.  Thus,  with  the  Indians,  it  is  the  war-bow  of 
Indra,  which  he  has  laid  aside  after  finishing  his  contest  wiih  the  demons: 
in  the  Iliad  it  is  a  ripas  nepowoiv  avdpumoiv,  portending  war  and  storms  {11. 
XI.  27  f.,  XVII.  547 — 50),  but  (personified)  it  is  also  the  bright  and  swift 
messenger  of  the  gods  (ii.  7S6,  iii.  121,  al.) ;  in  the  Icelandic  Edda  it  is  the 
bridge,  built  by  the  gods,  connecting  heaven  and  earth. 

The  only  other  Biblical  references  to  the  rainbow  are  Ez.  i.  28 ;  Rev.  iv.  3, 

X.  1  (v  Ipis) ;  cf  Ecclus.  xhii.  1 1  f.,  1.  7.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  representa- 
tion found  here  rests  ultimately  upon  a  mythological  basis;  and  that  the 
rainbow  was  regarded  originally  by  the  Hebrews  as  Jehovah's  war-bow  (which 
is  elsewhere  the  meaning  of  Ti^p :  cf ,  as  poetically  attributed  to  Jehovah, 
Hab.  iii.  9  a/.),  laid  aside  as  the  sign  of  pacified  anger  (Wellh.  Hist.  352,  Holz., 
Gunkel);  but  perhaps  (Riehm,  Dillm.)  the  rainbow  is  viewed  merely  as  the 
emblem  of  returning  favour,  and  the  name  is  based  simply  on  the  similarity  of 
form. 

The  Historical  CJiaracter  of  the  Deluge. 

I.  Ha$  there  been  a  Universal  Deluge?  Until  comparatively  recent 
times,  tlie  belief  in  a  I>eluge  covering  the  whole  world,  and  destroying  all 
terrestrial  animals  and  men  except  those  preserved  in  the  ark,  was  practi- 
cally universal  among  Christians.  Not  only  did  this  seem  to  be  required  by 
the  words  of  the  narrative  (vi.  17,  vii.  4,  21—23) ;  but  the  fossil  remains  of 
marine  animals,  found  sometimes  even  on  lofty  moantains,  and  the  existence 
of  traditions  of  a  Flood  among  nations  living  in  many  different  parts  of  the 
world,  were  confidently  appealed  to  as  confirmatory  of  the  fact.  But  the  rise, 
within  the  last  century,  of  a  science  of  geology  has  shewn  that  the  occurrence 
of  a  universal  Deluge,  since  the  appearance  of  man  upon  the  earth,  is  beyond 
the  range  of  physical  possibility;  while  the  principles  of  comparative  mythology 
shew  that  the  traditions  of  a  Flood  current  in  different  parts  of  the  world  do 
not  necessarily  perpetuate  the  memory  of  a  single  historical  event.  (1)  If 
'all  the  high  hills  under  the  whole  heaven'  (vii.  19)  were  covered,  there  must, 
by  the  most  elementary  principles  of  hydrostatics,  have  been  five  miles  depth 
of  water  over  the  entii*e  globe  :  whence  could  this  incredible  an>ount  of  water 
have  come,  and  whither,  when  the  Flood  abated,  could  it  have  disappeared  ? 

7—2 


100  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Even,  indeed,  though  the  expression  in  vii.  19  were  taken  hyperbolically 
(of.  Gen.  xli.  66,  57  ;  Dt.  ii.  25 ;  1  K.  xviii.  10),  or  limited  to  the  mountains 
known  to  the  writer,  the  diflBculty  would  not  be  materially  diminished :  it 
is  clear  from  viii.  4,  5  that  the  writer  (P)  pictured  an  immense  depth  of 
water  upon  the  earth :  and  even  if  only  Palestine^  and  the  mountains  (not 
the  highest)  in  Armenia  were  submerged,  it  must  have  risen  to  at  least 
3000  ft. ;  and  water  standing  3000  ft.  above  the  sea  in  Palestine  or  Armenia 
implies  3000  ft.  of  water  in  every  other  part  of  the  globe — an  amount  incredible 
in  itself,  besides  involving,  quite  as  fully  as  five  miles  of  water  would  do,  all  the 
difficulties  mentioned  below.  No  doubt  there  was  a  time  when  hills  and 
mountains  were  submerged,  and  when  the  remains  of  marine  animals  referred 
to  above  were  deposited  on  what  was  then  the  bottom  of  the  sea;  but,  as 
geology  shews,  that  was  in  an  age  long  anterior  to  the  appearance  of  man 
upon  the  earth,  and  the  period  of  submergence  must  have  lasted,  not  for 
a  single  year  (P),  but  for  untold  centuries  (cf.  p.  20).  (2)  Without  the 
assumption  of  a  stupendous  miracle  (for  which  there  is  not  the  smallest 
warrant  in  the  words  of  the  text),  all  species  of  living  terrestrial  animals 
(including  many  peculiar  to  distant  continents  and  isFalids,  and  otliers  adapted 
only  to  subsist  in  the  torrid  or  frigid  zone,  respectively)  could  not  have  been 
brought  to  Noah,  or  so  far  tamed  as  to  have  refrained  from  attacking  each 
other,  and  to  have  submitted  peaceably  to  Noah.  (3)  The  number  of  living 
species  of  terrestrial  animals  is  so  great  that  it  is  physically  impossible  that 
room  could  have  been  found  for  them  in  the  ark.  (4)  A  universal  deluge  is 
inconsistent  with  the  geographical  distribution  of  existing  land  animals ;  for 
diflferent  continents  and  islands  have  each  many  species  of  animals  peculiar  to 
themselves — S.  America,  for  example,  has  the  sloth  and  the  armadillo, 
Australia  has  marsupials,  New  Zealand  strange  wingless  birds  ;  but  if  all  land 
animals  were  destroyed  at  a  date — whether  c.  b.c.  2501,  or  (lxx.)  c.  b.o.  3066 — 
when  these  continents  and  islands  were  separated  from  one  another  sub- 
stantially as  they  are  now,  how  could  the  representatives  of  all  these  species 
have  found  their  way  back  over  many  thousand  miles  of  land  and  sea  to  their 
present  habitations?  (6)  If  the  entire  human  race,  except  Noah  and  his 
family,  were  destroyed  at  the  same  date,  the  widely  difierent  races,  languages, 
and  civilizations  of  Babylonia,  Egypt,  India,  China,  Australia,  America — to  say 
nothing  of  other  countries — cannot  be  accounted  for  :  for  the  races  inhabiting 
these  countries,  if  they  ever  lived  together  in  a  common  home,  could  not  have 
developed  the  differences  which  they  exhibit,  unless  they  had  started  migrating 
from  it  centuries,  and  indeed  millennia,  before  either  b.c.  2501  or  b.o.  3066 
(p.  XXXV  flf.);  moreover,  in  the  case  of  at  least  Babylonia  and  Egypt,  we  possess 
monnniental  evidence  that  civilization  in  these  countries  existed  continuously, 
without  a  break,/ro»i  a  period  long  anterior  to  either  of  these  dates. 

Upon  these  grounds — to  which  others  might  be  added ^ — the  supposition 
that  the  Deluge  of  Noah  was  a  universal  one,  is,  it  is  evident,  out  of  the 
question,  and  has  indeed  been  generally  abandoned. 

1  In  which  Jerusalem  is  2600  ft.  and  Hebron  3040  ft.  above  the  Medit.  Sea. 

2  See  the  excellent  discussion  of  tiiis  question  by  J.  J.  S.  Peiowne  in  Smith, 
DB.  art.  Noah,  pp.  567—71. 


THE  DELUGE  101 

Even,  however,  the  attempt  which  has  been  often  made  to  regard  the 
DeUige  as  a  '  partial '  one,  is  beset  by  difficulties.  Certainly  (see  p.  107  f.)  there 
would  be  no  objection,  upon  scientific  grounds,  to  the  supposition  that  there 
was,  about  b.o.  2500,  an  extensive  and  destructive  local  inundation  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  plain  of  Babylonia ;  but  an  inundation  such  as  this  does  not  satisfy 
the  terms  of  the  narrative  of  Genesis.  (1)  P,  at  any  rate — for  J.  does  not 
state  to  what  height  he  pictured  thevn  as  rising— describes  the  waters  as  rising 
at  least  as  high  as  the  *  mountains  of  Ararat '  (viii.  5),  the  lowest  of  which  are 
more  than  2600  ft.  above  the  plain  of  Babylonia.  (2)  Both  F  and  J  speak 
repeatedly  of  every  living  thing  which  had  been  created,  including  in  par- 
ticular all  mankind,  as  having  been  dest^'oyed  (vi.  7,  viL  4,  23,  viii.  21  J; 
vi.  17,  vii.  21,  cf.  viii.  11,  15,  P).  But  a  flood  confined  to  the  plain  of 
Babylonia  would  certainly  not  have  destroyed  all  animals  upon  the  earth : 
it  is  moreover  certain — to  say  nothing  of  India,  China,  and  other  parts — that 
long  before  B.C.  2501  mankind  had  spread  as  far  as  Egypt,  and  had  established 
an  important  civilization  there,  which  obviously  could  not  have  been  affected 
by  a  flood,  however  extensive,  in  Babylonia^  It  is  manifest  that  a  flood  which 
would  submerge  Egypt  as  well  as  Babylonia  must  have  risen  to  at  least  2000  ft. 
(the  height  of  the  elevated  country  between  them),  and  have  thus  been  in  fact 
a  universal  one  (which  has  been  shewn  to  be  impossible) ;  a  flood,  on  the  other 
hand,  which  did  less  than  this  is  not  what  the  Biblical  writers  describe,  and 
would  not  have  accomplished  what  is  represented  as  having  been  the  entire 
raison  d^etre  of  the  Flood,  the  destruction  of  all  mankind.  ^yJB,.are  forced, 
conseg^uently,  to  the  conclusion  that  thej]lead*j?»  4sscKM)ed.by-th&.  Biblical 
wxiters^i^  unhistorical.  ~ 

II.  F^ood-stories  in  other  nations.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  stories  of 
a  flood,  which  sometimes  covers  the  whole  earth,  while  at  other  times  it 
embraces  only  the  country  in  which  the  story  is  current,  and  from  which  but 
few  escaped,  are  tolil  in  many  different  parts  of  the  world.  Naturally  the  same 
or  similar  features  often  recur  in  these  stories ;  but  in  other  respects  the 
details  (which  are  often  grotesque)  vary  considerably  ;  and  we  have  no  space  to 
repeat  them  here^.  The  principal  countries  in  which  these  Flood-stories  are 
found  are  Greece  (Deucalion's  deluge),  Lithuania,  Australia,  Hawaii  and  other 
Polynesian  islands,  Cashrair,  Thibet,  Kamchatka,  different  parts  of  India,  and 
America  (where  such  stories  are  particularly  numerous) :  they  are  not  found 
(according  to  Andree)  in  northern  and  central  Asia;  they  are  also  absent  in 
Egypt,  China,  and  Japan,  and  almost  absent  in  other  parts  of  Africa  (except 

^  Further  argument  on  this  point  is  hardly  necessary ;  but  it  may  be  pointed  out 
that  (as  an  orographical  map  of  Asia  will  at  once  shew)  the  great  alluvial  plain  of 
the  Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  (which  slopes  down  gradually  from  an  elevation  of 
500—600  ft.  at  its  N.  end,  a  Uttle  E.  of  Aleppo,  to  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf, 
some  700  miles  to  the  SE.)  is  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  except  towards  the  Persian 
Gulf,  by  elevated  ground,  and  in  particular  that  the  wJwle  of  Syria  and  Arabia, 
from  Aleppo  in  the  N.  to  Aden  in  the  S.,  has  an  elevation  of  more  than  2000  ft. ;  so 
that,  even  though  the  volume  of  water  were  such  that,  being  driven  up  the  slope  by 
winds,  it  covered  the  entire  plain  of  these  two  rivers,  it  could  not  by  any  possibility 
submerge  the  neighbouring  countries. 

*  See  specimens  in  the  Encycl.  Brit.  ed.  9,  art.  Deluqk  ;  DB.  s.v.  Flood  ; 
Worcester,  Genesis  in  the  Light  of  Modern  Knowledge,  pp.  418  fit.,  527 — 551 ;  and 
esp.  the  full  collection  in  Andr6e,  Die  Flutsagen,  etlinograj^hisch  betiachtet,  1891. 


102  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

where  they  are  due  to  Christian  influence).  It  was  once  supposed  that  all 
these  stories  arose  from  the  recollection  of  a  common  physical  catastrophe; 
but  this  can  readily  be  shewn  to  be  untenable,  (1)  As  was  shewn  above,  upon 
indepeudent  grounds,  there  cannot  have  been  any  really  universal  Flood,  of 
which  these  stories  might  have  preserved  the  recollection.  (2)  Even  supposing, 
per  impossibile,  that  there  had  been  a  universal  Flood,  it  is  a  well-kuown  fact 
that  savage  nations,  such  as  many  of  those  among  whom  Flood-stories  are 
current,  do  not  reineuiber  anything  very  long,  and  certainly  have  no  ancient 
nistory :  if  then  they  possess  no  knowledge  of  events  that  occurred  100  years 
ago,  it  is  in  the  last  degree  improbable  that  they  should  have  preserved  the 
memory  of  an  event  that  happened  {ex  hyp.)  more  than  4000  years  ago.  (3)  If 
the  Deluge  of  Noah  were  merely  a  local  inundation,  confined  to  the  phiin  of 
Babylonia,  though  the  memory  of  it  might  have  been  retained  by  some  of  the 
immediate  neighbours  of  the  Babylonians,  it  would  be  most  unlikely  for  a 
knowledge  of  it  to  have  travelled  to  nations  settled  in  such  distant  continents 
or  islands  as  Australia,  Polynesia,  and  America  (which  must,  as  was  pointed 
out  on  p.  100,  have  been  already  peopled  long  before  b.o.  2501). 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  province  of  the  present  work  to  consider  the 
question  of  the  origin  of  these  Flood-stories;  so  it  must  suffice  to  remark 
briefly  that  they  are  due  probably  to  the  operation  of  diflferent  causes.  Most 
frequently,  says  Mr  Woods,  the  Flood-story  is  the  highly-coloured  tradition 
of  some  historical  event,  or  extraordinary  natural  phaenomenon — for  instance, 
among  island  and  coastland  peoples,  of  the  early  settlement  of  their  ancestors 
who  came  in  boats  across  the  ocean,  of  the  appearance  or  disappearance  of  an 
island  by  a  volcanic  eruption,  or  of  a  tidal  wave  resulting  from  an  earthquake ; 
among  inland  peoples,  of  the  overflow  of  a  river,  the  formation  or  disappearance 
of  a  lake,  or  the  melting  of  the  winter  snows.  In  other  cases  Flood-stories 
appear  to  have  originated  in  an  attempt  to  account  for  some  otherwise 
unexplained  fact,  as  the  dispersion  of  peoples  and  differences  of  language,  the 
red  colour  of  some  of  the  N.  American  tribes,  or  the  existence  of  fossil  remains 
on  dry  land,  and  even  on  hills.  Account  must  also  be  taken  of  the  tendency  of 
the  human  mind,  well  known  to  students  of  anthropology,  to  construct,  under 
similar  local  and  mental  conditions,  similar  mythological  creations.  And  those 
stories,  which  in  particular  details  resemble  strongly  the  Biblical  narrative,  are 
open  to  the  suspicion  of  having  had  these  features  introduced  into  them  from 
Christian  sources,  in  quite  modem  times. 

It  was  maintained  by  the  late  Professor  Prestwich,  on  the  ground  of  certain 
geological  indications  (especially  the  so-called  '  Rubble  Drift '),  that  long  after 
the  appearance  of  palaeolithic  man,  there  was  a  submergence  of  the  crust  of  the 
earth,  chiefly  in  W.  Europe,  but  also  in  NW.  Africa,  though  extending  doubt- 
fully as  far  E.  as  Palestine,  causing  a  great  inundation  of  the  sea,  which,  though 
of  shoi-t  duration,  destroyed  a  vast  amount  of  animal  and  some  human  life,  so 
that  some  species  of  animals  (e.g.  the  iiippopotanms  in  Sicily)  became  extinct 
in  regions  which  they  formerly  inhabited  ;  and  he  suggests  that  this  inundation 
may  have  accounted  for  the  above-mentioned  traditions.  As  Mr  Woods  (DB. 
n.  23),  however,  points  out,  without  at  all  questioning  the  geological  inferences 
drawn  by  Professor  Prestwich,  had  this  explanation  of  the  Flood-stories  been 
correct,  it  is  remarkable  that  in  Europe  itself  Flood-stories  should  be  com- 


THE  DELUGE  103 

paratively  scarce,  while  they  are  most  frequent  in  countries  such  as  N.  and 
Central  America,  which  are  far  removed  from  the  region  supposed  to  have 
been  submerged.  Even  Babylonia,  where  the  most  important  and  graphic 
Flood-story  originates,  is  not  within  the  area  over  which  Professor  Prestwich 
supposes  the  submergence  to  have  extended ;  and  it  is  evident  that  the  inun- 
dation postulated  by  him  is  something  completely  different  from  the  Flood  of 
Noah^ 

III.  The  Babylonian  narrative  of  the  Flood.  There  j!an..be  no  doubt 
th^tjtjhe.  true  origin  of  the  Biblical  narrative  is  to  be  found  in  the  Babylonian 
story  of  the  Flood,  which  was  discovered  in  1872  by  G.  Smith  in  the  Lilirary 
of  Asshurbanipal  at  Kouyunjik.  That  the  Babylonians  possessed  a  legend  of  a 
Flood  was  known  before  from  the  outline  preserved  by  Berossus,  who  states 
that  Kronos  warned  Xisuthros,  the  tenth  ante-diluvian  king  (see  p.  80),  that 
mankind  would  be  destroyed  by  a  flood,  and  bade  him  build  a  huge  ship  in 
which  he,  with  his  family  and  friends,  might  be  saved^.  The  substantial 
accuracy  of  Berossus'  account  is  confirmed  by  the  cuneiform  narrative,  though, 
naturally,  it  is  at  the  same  time  superseded  by  it.  The  story  forms  an  episode 
in  the  great  Babylonian  epic,  which  narrates  the  exploits  of  Gilganiesh,  the 
hero  of  Uruk  (the  Erech  of  Gen.  x.  10),  and  occupies  the  eleventh  of  the  twelve 
cantos  into  which  the  epic  is  divided.  Gilgamesh's  ancestor,  Ut-napishtira,  it 
was  said,  had  received  the  gift  of  immortality ;  and  Gilgamesh,  anxious  to  learn 
the  secret  by  which  he  had  obtained  this  boon,  resolves  to  visit  him.  After 
many  adventures  he  reaches  the  Waters  of  Death  (which  are  identified  with 
the  ocean  encircling  the  world),  and  having  succeeded  in  crossing  them  he  sees 
Ut-napisiitim,  his  figure  unchanged  by  age,  standing  upon  the  further  shore. 
In  answer  to  his  inquiries,  Ut-napishtim  describes  how  in  consequence  of  his 
piety  he  had  been  preserved  from  destruction  at  the  time  of  the  great  Flood, 
and  had  afterwards  been  made  immortal  by  Bel. 

Ut-napishtim's  story  occupies  more  than  200  lines ;  and  only  extracts  can 
be  given  here^.     He  begins  (11.  8 — 31)  by  narrating  how  the  gods,  Anu,  Bel, 

*  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson,  in  his  Meeting  Place  of  Geology  and  History  (1894), 
extending,  as  it  seems,  this  theory  of  Professor  Prestwich,  speaks  very  confidently 
(pp.  88  f.,  130,  148  f.,  154  f.,  204,  205)  of  a  great  submergence,  and  accompanying 
'diluvial  catastrophe,'  which  took  place  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  glacial  period, 
and  destroyed  palaeolithic  man,  and  which  is  identified  by  him  (pp.  155,  205)  with 
the  Deluge  of  Noah.  An  eminent  English  geologist.  Canon  T.  G.  Bonney, 
Emeritus  Professor  of  Geology  at  University  College,  London,  and  an  ex-President 
of  the  Geological  Society,  who  has  examined  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson's  arguments, 
permits  me  however  to  say  that  he  considers  this  identification  to  be  altogether 
untenable:  he  is  aware  of  no  evidence  shewing  that  '  a  vast  region'  of  either  Europe 
or  Asia  was  submerged  at  the  age  spoken  of ;  and  even  supposing  that  it  were  so 
submerged,  the  flood  thus  produced  would  be  many  thousand  years  betore  the  time 
at  which,  according  to  the  Biblical  chronology,  the  Deluge  will  have  taken  place. 
He  adds  that  he  is  acquainted  with  no  geological  indications  favouring  the  suppo- 
sition that  a  submergence,  embracing  certainly  Asia,  and  including  in  particular 
Armenia  (the  'mountains  of  Ararat'),  and  causing  great  destruction  of  animal  life, 
took  place  at  c.  e.g.  2500  or  3000.     Cf.  his  art.,  Expositor,  June,  1903,  p.  456 ff. 

*  See  Miiller,  Fragm.  Hist.  Graec.  n.  501  f.;  or  the  translations  in  Lenormaut, 
Origines,  i.  387—90,  iZimmern,  Bab.  and  Heb.  Genesis,  p.  48  f.,  or  KAT.^  543  f. 

»  The  text  may  be  read  in  full  in  Ball's  Light  from  the  East,  p.  35  ff.  and  in 
KB.  VI.  229  ff.,  with  notes,  p.  480  ff.  See  also  the  extracts,  with  valuable  discussion, 
in  Jastrow's  Eel.  of  Bab.  and  Ass.,  pp.  493—517 ;  and  KAT.^  645 ff. 


104  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Ninib,  and  Enmigi,  had  determined  to  destroy  Shurippak,  a  city  described  as 
•lying  on  the  Euphrates,'  by  a  flood  {ahuhii ,  and  how  Ea,  'lord  of  wisdom,' 
had  warned  him  to  escape  by  building  a  great  ship : — 

23  O  man  of  Shurippak,  son  of  Ubaratutu : 

Frame  a  house,  build  a  ship; 
25  Forsake  (thy)  possessions,  seek  (to  save)  life ; 

Abandon  (thy)  goods,  and  cause  (thy)  soul  to  live: 

Bring  up  into  the  midst  of  the  ship  the  seed  of  life  of  every  sort 

As  for  the  ship,  which  thou  shalt  build, 

Let  its  form  be  long ; 
30  And  its  breadth  and  its  height  shall  be  of  the  same  measuie. 

Upon  the  deep  then  launch  it 

There  follows  (IL  32  flF.)  the  excuse  which  he  is  to  make,  if  asked  by  the 
men  of  his  place  what  he  is  doing,  Ut-napishtim  then  proceeds  to  relate  how 
he  carried  out  these  instructions  : — 

67  On  the  fifth  day  I  began  to  construct  the  frame  of  the  ship. 

In  its  hull  its  sides  were  120  cubits  high. 

And  its  deck  was  likewise  120  cubits  in  breadth : 
60  I  built  on  the  bow,  and  fastened  all  firmly  together. 

Then  I  built  six  decks  in  it. 

So  that  it  was  divided  into  seven  storeys. 

The  interior  (of  each  storey)  I  divided  into  nine  compartments; 

I  drove  in  plugs  (to  fill  up  crevices). 
65  I  looked  out  a  mast,  and  added  all  that  was  needful 

Six  sars  of  bitumen  {hupru)  I  spread  over  it  for  caulking: 

Three  sars  of  naphtha  [I  took]  on  board. 

When  he  had  finished  it,  he  entered  it  with  all  his  belongings  :— 

81  With  all  that  I  possessed,  I  laded  it: 

With  all  the  silver  that  I  possessed,  I  laded  it; 

With  all  the  gold  that  I  possessed,  I  laded  it; 

With  the  seed  of  life  of  every  kind  that  I  possessed,  I  laded  it. 
85  I  took  on  board  all  my  family  and  my  servants; 

Cattle  of  the  field,  beasts  of  the  field,  craftsmen  also,  all  of  them, 
did  I  take  on  board. 

Shamash  (the  sun-god)  had  appointed  the  time,  (saying,) 

'When  the  lord  of  the  whirlwind  sendeth  at  even  a  destructive  rain, 

Enter  into  thy  ship,  and  close  thy  door.' 

The  arrival  of  the  fated  day  filled  Ut-napishtim  with  alarm : — 

93  I  feared  to  look  upon  the  earth : 

I  entered  within  the  ship,  and  closed  my  door. 

The  storm  which  began  next  morning  is  finely  described  (11.  97—132). 
Ramma,n  (' Riramon,' — the  storm-god)  thundered  in  heaven;  the  Anunnaki 
brought  lightnings ;  the  waters  rose :  even  the  gods  were  in  consternation ; 
they  took  refuge  in  heaven,  'cowering  like  dogs' ;  and  Ishtar,  the  lady  of  the 
gods, '  cried  like  a  woman  in  travail ' : — 


THE  DELUGE  105 

128  Six  days  and  nights 

Raged  wind,  deluge  (abubu),  and  storm  upon  the  earth. 
130  When  the  seventh  day  arrived,  the  storm  and  dehige  ceased, 

Which  had  fought  like  a  host  of  men ; 

The  sea  was  calm,  hurricane  and  deluge  ceased. 

I  beheld  the  land,  and  cried  aloud: 

For  the  whole  of  mankind  were  turned  to  clay  (titu  =  Qi\2); 
135  Hedged  fields  had  become  marshes. 

I  opened  a  window,  and  the  light  fell  upon  my  face. 

The  ship  grounded  on  Nisir — a  mountain  east  of  the  Tigris,  across  the 
Little  Zab  {KA  T.^  53) — and  remained  there  tor  six  days : — 

146  When  the  seventh  day  arrived, 

I  brought  forth  a  dove,  and  let  it  go : 

The  dove  went  to  and  fro ; 

As  there  was  no  resting-place,  it  turned  back. 
150  I  brought  forth  a  swallow,  and  let  it  go : 

The  swallow  went  to  and  fro ; 

As  there  was  no  resting-place,  it  turned  back. 

I  brought  forth  a  raven,  and  let  it  go : 

The  raven  went,  and  saw  the  decrease  of  the  waters; 
165  It  ate,  it  waded,  it  croaked  (?),  it  turned  not  back 

.After  this  Ut-napishtim  leaves  the  ark,  and,  like  Noah,  offers  sacrifice : — 

156  Then  I  sent  forth  (everything)  towards  the  four  winds  (of  heaven): 
I  oflFered  sacrifice : 

I  prepared  an  offering  on  the  summit  of  the  mountain. 

I  set  Adagur-vases,  seven  by  seven. 

Underneath  them  I  cast  down  reeds,  cedar-wood,  and  incensa 
160  The  gods  smelt  the  savour. 

The  gods  smelt  the  goodly  savour; 

The  gods  gathered  like  flies  over  the  sacrificer. 

Ishtar  hereupon  reproaches  Bel,  because,  when  the  gods  had  intended  only 
to  destroy  a  single  place,  Shurippak,  he  had  brought  about  the  destruction  of 
all  mankind  (11. 163 — 170).  Bel,  on  the  other  hand,  is  incensed  with  Ea,  because, 
by  enabling  Ut-napishtim  to  escape,  he  had  frustrated  his  plan ;  but  is 
pacified  by  Ea's  representations  (11.  182  flf.)i  that,  though  the  sinner  may 
rightly  suffer,  it  is  inconsiderate  to  destroy  all  without  discrimination. 

In  the  end  Bel  accepts  Ut-napishtim  favourably,  and  takes  him  and  his 
wife  away  to  immortality  : — 

201  He  turned  to  us,  he  stepped  between  us,  and  blessed  us,  (saying) : 
*  Hitherto  Ut-napishtim  has  been  a  (mortal)  man,  but 
Henceforth    Ut-napishtim   and  his  wife  shall   be  like  unto    the  gods, 
even  unto  us,  and 

1  In  1.  196  Ut-napishtim  is  called  Atra-hasis  (='very  clever'),  which,  inverted 
{Hasis-atra),  is  the  origin  of  Beiossus' '  Xisuthros.' 


106  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Ut-napishtim  shall  dwell  far  away  at  the  mouth  of  the  rivers.' 
Then  they  took  me,  and  far  away  at  the  mouth  of  the  rivers  they  made 
me  to  dwell 

It  should  be  added  that  fragments  of  two  different  versions  of  what  is 
manifestly  the  same  story  have  been  found :  one  (12  lines)*  containing  Ea's 
instructions  to  Atra-hasis  about  entering  the  ship ;  the  other  (37  fragmentary 
lines)  ^,  which  is  of  extreme  antiquity  (the  tablet  on  which  it  is  written  being 
dated  in  the  reign  of  Ammi-zaduga,  the  4th  successor  of  5ammurabi, 
B.C  1984—1964),  representing  some  god  as  calling  upon  Ramman  to  bring  a 
flood  upon  the  earth,  and  Ea  as  interposing  to  save  Atra-hasis. 

Though  there  are  differences  in  detail,  the  resemblances  with  the  Biblical 
narrative  are  too  numerous  and  too  marked  to  be  due  to  accident.  Thus  the 
Babylonian  narrative  agrees  with  P  in  that  the  hero  of  the  Flood  is  (according 
to  Berossus)  the  tenth  of  the  ante-diluvian  kings,  just  as  Noah  is  the  tejith  from 
Adam ;  in  the  fact  that  instructions  are  given  for  making  the  ark  of  particular 
dimensions  and  with  storeys  (though  the  dimensions  are  not  the  same,  and  in 
P  the  number  of  storeys  is  three,  not  seven),  and  that  it  was  made  water-tight 
by  bitumen,  that  the  vessel  grounds  upon  a  mountain  (but  Ni§ir,  not  Ararat)  3, 
and  that  Bel  'blesses'  Ut-napishtim  (1.  201),  as  God  'blesses'  Noah  (Gen.  ix.  1)*: 
it  agrees  with  J  in  that  the  flood  is  attributed  to  rain  only ;  in  its  shorter 
duration  (but  seven  days,  not  40),  as  compared  with  P  (one  year),  in  a  prefer- 
ence for  the  number  seven  (11.  62,  130,  146,  158 ;  of.  in  J,  Gen.  vii.  2,  3,  4,  10, 
viii.  10,  12),  in  the  episode  of  the  dove  and  the  raven  (though  in  the  reverse 
order,  and  with  a  swallow  as  well),  in  the  sacrifice  offered  by  Ut-napishtim 
after  leaving  the  ark,  and  in  the  gods  '  smelling  the  goodly  savour ' :  it  agrees 
with  P  and  J  alike  in  that  Ut-napishtim  is  warned,  like  Noah,  to  take  refuge 
from  the  con)ing  flood  in  a  sliip,  in  the  fact  that  all  perish  except  the  few  who 
are  saved  on  account  of  Ut-napishtim's  piety,  and  that,  after  the  flood  is  over, 
Bel,  like  Jehovah,  promises  (implicitly)  not  again  to  destroy  mankind  thus 
indiscriminately,  and  receives  Ut-napishtim  favourably.  The  resemblances 
with  J  are  on  the  whole  the  more  striking.  Of  the  difierences,  the  most  con- 
sj)icuou8  is  the  polytheistic  colouring  of  the  Babylonian  narrative,  as  compared 
with  the  monotheism  of  the  two  Biblical  writers  ^  It  is  another  noteworthy 
feature  that  in  Genesis  it  is  Enoch,  not  Noah,  who  is  translated  without  dying. 

The  Hebrew  and  the  Babylonian  narratives  have  evidently  a  common 

1  See  KB.  vi.  254—7  ;  Sayce,  Monuments,  108  f. ;  cf.  KAT.^  551. 

2  Exp.  Times,  May,  1898,  p.  377  f.;  KB.  vi.  289—91;  cf.  KATJ^  552—4. 

'  Why  in  P  the  '  mountains  of  Ararat '  appear  in  place  of  Nisir  must  remain 
matter  of  conjecture:  possibly,  because  they  were  the  loftiest  known  to  the 
Hebrews;  for  another  conjecture,  see  EncB.  i.  289. 

*  Whether  the  rainbow  is  alluded  to  (Sayce,  pp.  112  [1.  148],  114)  in  the  Bab. 
poem  (in  KB.,  1.  164)  is  very  uncertain :  see  DB.  iv.  196''n.,  and  KAT.^  550  n.  2. 

'  Prof.  Sayce  (EHH.  126)  also  calls  attention  to  points  in  which  the  story  has 
assumed  a  Palestinian  colouring  :  the  ship  has  become  an  'ark,'  as  was  natural  in 
a  country  in  which  there  were  no  great  rivers  or  a  Persian  Gulf;  the  period  of  the 
rainfall  has  been  transferred  from  Sebat  (  =  Jan. — Feb.),  when  the  winter  rains  fall 
in  Babylonia,  to  the  'second  month'  (identified  by  him  with  Nov.),  the  time  of  the 
autumn  or  'former'  rains  in  Palestine;  aud  the  dove  brings  back  in  its  mouth  a 
leaf  of  the  olive,  a  tree  much  more  characteristic  of  Palestine  than  of  Babylonia. 


THE  DELUGE  107 

origin.  And  the  Hebrew  narrative  must  be  derived  from,  the  Babylonian ; 
for  not  only  is  the  Babylonian  story  of  the  Flood  much  older  than  (upon  any 
view  of  its  origin)  the  Book  of  Genesis  (for,  as  was  shewn  above,  we  have  a 
version  of  it  dating  from  c.  1980  B.C.),  but,  as  Zimmern  has  remarked,  the  very 
essence  of  the  Biblical  narrative  presupposes  a  country  liable,  like  Babylonia, 
to  inundations  ;  so  that  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  story  was  '  indigenous  in 
Babylonia,  and  transplanted  to  PalestineV  Of  course,  the  Biblical  account  was 
not,  any  more  than  the  Biblical  account  of  the  Creation,  transci'ibed  directly 
from  a  Babylonian  source :  but  by  some  channel  or  other — we  can  but  specu- 
late by  what  (cf.  p.  31) — the  Babylonian  story  found  its  way  into  Israel ;  for 
many  generations  it  was  tra*ismitted  orally,  so  that  details  were  r.aturally 
forgotten  or  modified ;  it  assumed,  of  course,  a  Hebrew  complexion,  and  was 
accommodated  to  the  spirit  of  Hebrew  monotheism ;  but  its  main  outline 
remained  the  same :  J  and  P,  at  different  times,  cast  it  into  a  written  form, 
each  impressing  upon  it  features  characteristic  of  his  own  point  of  view  and 
literary  method ;  and  from  the  combinatiou  of  the  two  texts  thus  formed,  the 
present  narrative  of  Genesis  has  arisen. 

In  its  Hebrew  form,  the  story  of  the  Flood  has  thus  a  new  character 
stamped  upon  it;  and  it  becomes  a  symbolical  embodiment  of  ethical  and 
religious  truth.  It  marks  an  epoch  in  the  early  history  of  mankind.  A 
judicial  motive  is  assigned  for  it :  it  becomes  a  judgement  upon  con-upt  and 
degenerate  mankind^  It  thus  exemplifies  a  great  principle  by  which  God 
deals  with  both  nations  and  individuals  (cf.  the  application  in  Mt.  xxiv.  37 — 9). 
Noah,  on  the  other  hand,  is  the  type  of  a  righteous  man  (cf  Heb.  xi.  7 ;  1  Pet. 
iii.  20  ;  2  Pet.  ii.  5),  an  example  of  blamelessness  and  obedience  in  the  midst  of 
a  heedless  and  perverse  genei'ation,  a  man  worthy  of  the  seal  of  God's  approval. 
His  probity  saves,  not  himself  only,  but  bis  family.  Rescued  from  the  flood  of 
waters,  he  becomes  the  second  father  of  humanity,  and  inaugurates  for  it  a 
new  era.  A  new  and  gracious  declaration  of  God's  purposes  towards  man 
marks  the  significance  of  the  occasion :  the  promise  in  J  (viii.  21  f.),  the 
blessing  and  the  covenant  in  P  (ix.  1 — 17),  are  tokens  of  His  good  will  towards 
mankind ;  a  new  principle,  the  sanctity  of  human  life,  is  established  for  the 
maintenance  and  welfare  of  society.  And  so  humanity  starts  afresh,  with  the 
sense  of  God's  favour  resting  upon  it,  if  it  will  but  fulfil  faithfully  the  duties 
devolving  upon  it. 

It  remains  only  to  consider  the  possible  basis  of  the  Babylonian  story. 
Delitzsch,  Dillmann,  Huxley'',  Haupt,  and  Jastrow,  following  the  geologist 
Siiss,  of  Vienna,  consider  that  it  is  based  upon  dim  recollections  of  an  actual 
extraordinary  inundation  of  the  lower  Euphrates  over  the  plain  of  Babylonia. 
Both  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  when  the  snows  in  the  upper  basins  of  the 
two  rivers  melt  in  spring,  regularly  overflow  their  banks,  and  transform  a  large 
part  of  the  alluvial  plain  into  a  vast  inland  sea :  the  region  is  also  liable  to 
earthquakes ;  and  if,  at  the  height  of  an  inundation,  when  the  waters  were 

1  Similarly  Sayce,  EHH.  125. 

'  This  may  be  indirectly  implied  in  the  Babylonian  narrative  in  I.  184  i  ,  but  it 
certainly  is  not  stated  distinctly ;  and  in  1.  13  f.  the  destruction  of  Shurippak  seems 
attributed  simply  to  the  caprice  of  the  gods. 

2  Collected  Essays,  iv.  221,  242  ff.  ('Hasisadra's  Adventure  '). 


108  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ix.  i8,  19 

further  swollen  by  heavy  raias,  'a  hurricane  from  the  SB.  swept  up  the 
Persian  Gulf,  driving  its  shallow  waters  upon  the  delta,  and  dammins?  back  the 
outflow,  a  catastrophe  not  unlike  I;Tasisadra'8  might  have  been  produced,'  and 
a  vessel  might  liave  been  driven  up  stream,  over  a  continuously  flooded  country, 
till  it  grounded — not  hideed  on  the  summit  of  Nisir,  or  on  Ararat,  but — '  on 
one  of  the  low  hills  between  which  both  the  lower  and  the  upper  Zab  enter  the 
Assyrian  plain '  (Huxley,  pp.  247  f.,  cf.  263,  279).  If  this  view  be  correct — 
and  it  certainly  appears  a  reasonable  one — we  must  suppose  that  there  was 
once  an  actual  extraordinary  overflow  of  the  Euphrates,  which  resulted  among 
other  things  in  the  destruction  of  Shurippak,  that  there  was  a  tradition,  or 
legend,  cuiTcut  in  Babylonia,  that  some  succeeded  in  efi"ecting  their  escape  in 
a  great  ship,  that  in  the  popular  imagination  the  disaster  was  magnified  into  a 
destruction  of  all  mankind  except  those  who  escaped,  and  also  mjrthologically 
embellished,  that  the  story  further  found  its  way  to  Palestine,  and  ultimately, 
in  the  manner  indicated  above,  was  incorporated  in  the  Book  of  Genesis. 
Upon  this  view  of  the  origin  of  the  Biblical  narrative,  it  will  be  evident  that  it 
is  no  '  fiction '  of  the  narrators  ;  it  is  a  current  popular  belief,  of  long  standing 
in  Israel,  which  they  report;  and  instead  of  being  shocked  or  startled  at  the 
fact,  we  should  rather  marvel  at  the  'divinely-guided  religious  feeling  and 
insight,  by  which  an  ancient  legend  has  been  made  the  vehicle  of  religious  and 
spiritual  truth  ^.' 

18  And  the  sons  of  Noah,  that  went  forth  of  the  ark,  were  J 
Shem,  and  Ham,  and  Japheth :    and  Ham  is  the  father  of 
Canaan.     19  These  three  were  the  sons  of  Noah  :  and  of  these 
was  the  whole  earth  overspread. 

18, 19  (J).  A  short  connecting  passage,  forming  (v.  18*)  the  close  to 
J's  narrative  of  the  Flood,  and  (v.  19)  the  introduction  to  J's  Table  of 
Nations,  preserved  in  parts  of  ch.  x.  Verse  IS**  is  probably  an  addition 
due  to  the  compiler,  and  intended  as  an  introduction  to  vv.  20 — 27. 

19.  of  these  &c.  Better,  from  these  the  whok  earth  (i.e.  the 
whole  population  of  the  earth,  as  xi.  1)  was  spread  abroad  (x.  18). 

20 — 27  (J).  Jfoah,  the  vine-grower,  and  his  three  sons.  Noah  appears 
here  under  a  new  aspect.  As  in  iv.  17 — 24  we  learned  how  Hebrew  tradition 
accounted  for  the  origin  of  difi'erent  inventions  and  institutions,  so  we  learn 
here,  w.  20,  21,  how  it  attributed  to  Noah  the  introduction  of  what  we  may 
suppose  to  have  been  a  more  artificial  type  of  husbandry,  as  compared  with 
that  implied  in  iv.  2,  and  also  in  particular  of  the  culture  of  the  vine.  The 
vine  and  its  fruit  were  highly  prized  in  Palestine  (cf.  xlix.  1 1  f.,  and  on  xxvii. 
28) ;  and  the  first  discovery  of  the  uses  to  which  its  juice  might  be  put,  mn.st 
have  been  a  notable  one  in  the  history  of  inventions.  Here  it  is  ascribed  to 
Noah,  who  is  coimected  (viii.  4)  with  Armenia ;  and  Armenia  and  the  E.  part 
of  Pontus  are  just  the   region   in  which   the   plant  api)cars   to  have  heen 

1  Woods  in  DB.  ii.  23.  Holzinger  (p.  88).  and  Gnnkel  (p.  66)  also  remark  upon 
the  immeasurably  higher  spiritual  feeling  displayed  by  the  Biblical  narrative,  and 
on  the  contrast  between  the  sublime  moral  dignity  of  the  God  of  Noab,  and  the 
'genuinely  heathen'  character  and  motives  displayed  by  the  Babylonian  deities. 


IX.  »o-.5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  109 

indigenous,  and  from  which  it  spread  gradually  to  other  countries.  But,  with 
a  keen  perception  of  its  liability  to  abuse,  the  narrator  paints  a  vivid  picture 
of  the  disgrace  and  misfortune  which  the  enjoyment  of  the  fermented  juice  of 
the  vine  entailed  upon  its  first  cultivator.  The  scene  is  a  typical  one ;  and  it 
stands  as  a  warning  of  the  consequences  of  excessive  indulgence,  and  of  the  need 
of  watchfulness  and  self-control,  even  in  the  use  of  what  is  good  and  innocent 
in  itself. 

20  And  Noah  began  to  be  an  husbandman,  and  planted  a,  J 
vineyard  :  21  and  he  drank  of  the  wine,  and  was  drunken  ;  and 
he  was  uncovered  within  his  tent.  22  And  Ham,  the  father  of 
Canaan,  saw  the  nakedness  of  his  father,  and  told  his  two 
brethren  without.  23  And  Shem  and  Japheth  took  a  garment, 
and  laid  it  upon  both  their  shoulders,  and  went  backward,  and 
covered  the  nakedness  of  their  father ;  and  their  faces  were 
backward,  and  they  saw  not  their  father's  nakedness.  24  And 
Noah  awoke  from  his  wine,  and  knew  what  his  ^youngest  son 
had  done  unto  him.    25  And  he  said, 

^  Or,  younger 

20.  And  Noah,  the  husbandman,  began,  cmd  planted,  &c. 
'The  title,  "the  husbandman,"  here  applied  to  Noah  is  surprising, 
and  can  only  be  understood  as  pointing  to  a  cycle  of  tradition  respect- 
ing Noah,  in  which  he  figured  in  that  capacity'  (Dillm.). 

21.  Noah,  it  is  implied,  was  the  Jlrst  to  plant  a  vineyard,  and 
manufacture  wine:  hence  he  was  unacquainted  with  the  effects  of 
wine,  and  was  not  responsible  for  the  state  into  which  it  brought  him. 

22.  23.  Ham,  in  what  he  did,  shewed  no  modesty,  or  filial  respect; 
his  two  brothers,  on  the  contrary,  displayed  delicacy  of  feeling,  and 
respect  for  their  father.  The  '  garment '  (simldh)  is  the  large  square 
mantle,  ox  plaid,  often  used  for  sleeping  in  (Ex.  xxii.  26  f ). 

24.  youngest.  From  the  order  in  both  J  {v.  18)  and  P  (v,  32, 
vi.  10,  vii.  13,  X.  1),  it  would  naturally  be  inferred  that  Japheth  was 
the  youngest  son  of  Noah.  The  writer  of  w.  20 — 27  must  have 
followed  a  different  tradition — either  one  which  gave  Noah's  sons  in 
the  order  Shem,  Japheth,  and  Ham,  or  (see  below)  one  which  made 
them  to  be  Shem,  Japheth,  and  Canaan.     (RVm.  is  not  legitimate.) 

25.  Deeply  moved  by  what  had  occurred,  and  discerning  from  it 
the  characters  of  his  sons,  Noah  in  an  elevated,  impassioned  strain, 
pronounces  upon  them  a  curse  and  blessing.  It  was  an  ancient  belief 
that  a  father's  curse  or  blessing  was  not  merely  the  expression  of  an 
earnestly  felt  hope  or  wish,  but  that  it  exerted  a  real  power  in  determin- 
ing a  child's  future;  and  hence  the  existing  later  condition  of  a  tribe 
or  people  is  often  in  the  OT.  referred  to  the  words  supposed  to  have 
been  prono\iuced  by  a  patriarchal  ancestor  upon  its  progenitor.  Cf. 
xxvii.  28  f.,  39  f,  xlviii.  13 — 20;  and  on  ch.  xlix. 


110  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [ix.  .5-^7 

Cursed  be  Canaan  ;  » 

A  servant  of  servants  shall  he  be  unto  his  brethren. 

26  And  he  said, 

Blessed  be  the  Lord,  the  God  of  Shem ; 
And  let  Canaan  be  %is  servant. 

27  God  enlarge  Japheth, 

And  ^let  him  dwell  in  the  tents  of  Shem  ; 
And  let  Canaan  be  ^his  servant. 

*  Or,  their  *  Or,  he  shall 

servant  of  servants.  I.e.  the  very  lowest  of  servants.  Canaan  is 
here  not  an  individual,  but  the  represeyitatim  of  tlie  Canaanites,  the 
native  races  of  Canaan,  who,  if  not  destroyed,  were  ultimately  sub- 
jugated by  the  Israelites  (cf.  Jud.  i.  28  ff.;  1  K.  ix.  20  f):  and  the 
intention  of  the  passage  is  in  reality  to  account  for  the  enslaved 
condition  of  these  races,  as  the  Hebrews  knew  them.  How  the 
subjection  to  Japheth  ('his  brethren':  and  v.  2T^)  is  to  be  explained 
is  less  clear :  perhaps  it  is  introduced  only  as  a  secondary  feature  in 
the  curse;  perhaps,  however,  cases  were  known  to  the  author  of  the 
blessing  in  which  the  Phoenicians,  for  instance,  whether  commercially 
or  politically,  had  been  unable  to  hold  their  own  by  the  side  of  Japhethic 
rivals  (x.  2 — 4).  On  the  question  why  Canaan  is  cursed,  when  Ham 
was  the  offender,  see  below. 

26,  27,  In  strong  contrast  to  the  curse  on  Canaan  are  the  blessings 
on  Shem  and  Japheth. 

26,  The  knowledge  of  the  true  God  possessed  by  the  Hebrews 
forms  the  basis  of  the  blessing  pronounced  upon  their  ancestor  (see 
X,  21 ;  xi.  10  flf.),  Shem;  and  the  form  in  which  the  blessing  is  cast, — 
not  '  Blessed  be  Shem,'  but '  Blessed  be  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Shem,' — 
evinces  a  warm  and  lively  sense  of  the  privileges  which  this  knowledge 
confeiTcd  upon  those  who  shared  it:  it  is  the  happiness  of  Shem 
and  his  descendants  that  they  'have  Jehovah  for  their  God.' 

Ms.     Better,  their  (KVm.),  referring  to  '  his  brethren,'  v.  25. 

27*.  The  blessing  begins  this  time  with  a  wish  suggested  by  the 
name,  there  being  in  the  Heb.  for  enlarge  an  obvious  play  upon 
JajyJieth  (cf  xlix.  8,  16,  19).  May  God  fuliil  the  omen  of  Japheth's 
name  and  grant  him  width,  expausiveuess  !  The  large  extent  of 
territory  inhabited  by  the  nations  represented  by  the  sons  of  Japheth 
(x.  2 — 5),  their  material  development,  and  mental  energy,  are  what  is 
here  alluded  to. 

God.  Not  Jehovah  (who  is  reserved  for  Shem),  there  being  no 
knowledge  of  the  God  of  revelation  in  Japheth, 

27^  Unlike  Canaan,  with  whom  Israel  is  to  have  no  dealings 
(Ex.  xxiii.  32),  may  Japheth  have  free  intercourse  with  the  descendants 
of  Shem,  and  dwell  unhindered  in  their  tents  !  The  words  are  a 
rclieobiou  of  the  more  friendly  regard  with  which  religiously-minded 


IX.  .8,  ,9]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  111 

28  And  Noah  lived  after  the  flood  three  hundred  and  fifty  P 

years.    29  And  all  the  days  of  Noah  were  nine  hundred  and 

fifty  years :  and  he  died. 

Israelites  viewed  the  Japhetliites,  as  compared  witli  the  Canaanites. 
They  may  also  include  perhaps  in  germ  the  thought  {which  is  developed 
afterwards  more  fully  by  the  gi-eat  prophets,  e.g.  Is.  ii.  2 — 4)  of  the 
ultimate  inclusion  of  the  peoples  referred  to  Japheth  as  their  ancestor 
in  the  spiritual  privileges  enjoyed  by  the  descendants  of  Shem. 

28,  29.     The  close  of  P's  account  of  NoaL     The  verses  resemble 
closely  in  form  v.  7  f.,  10  f ,  13  f ,  &c. 

We  may  call  the  worda  addressed  by  Noah  to  his  three  sons  a  prophetical  - 
interpretation  of  history.     Canaan,  Shem,  and  Japheth  are  not  individuals :  I 
they  are  personifications,  representing  the  nationalities  of  which  they  were  I 
the  reputed  ancestors,  and  reflecting  their  respective  characters.    '  The  curse  | 
of  Canaan  is  the  curse  pronounced  against  Israel's  greatest  foe  and  con- 
stant source   of  moral  temptation ;   the  sharaelessoess  of  Ham  reflects  the 
impression  produced  by  the  sensuality  of  the  Canaanite  upon  the  minds  of  the 
worshippers  of  Jehovah '  (Ryle,  p.  122  :  see  e.g.  Lev.  xviii.  3,  24 — 30;  1  K.  xiv. 
24).    And  the  curse  takes  the  form  of  political  subjectiou,  which  is  the  natural 
penalty  of  long-continued  moral  degradation,  and  of  the  physical  enervation  which 
inevitably  accompanies  it.     The  purer  religion  possessed  by  the  Hebrews  is 
the  thought  determining  the  blessing  of  Shem.     The  width  of  territory  and 
expansiveness  characteristic  of  the  Japhetliites  explains  the  terms  used  of 
Japheth.     Thus,  taken  as  a  whole,  the  blessing  defines  in  outline  the  position 
and  historical  significance  of  the  three  great  ethnical  groups,  which  were 
referred  to  Noah  as  their  ancestor.     It  contrasts  their  differing  characters ;  and 
holds  out  to  each  correspondingly  ditferent  prospects  for  the  future.     It  thus 
interprets  the  history  '  prophetically,'  i.e.  not  predictively,  but  eliciting  from  it 
the  providential  purposes  of  which  it  is  the  expression. 

There  remains  the  question  why  Canaan  was  cursed,  when  Ham  was  the 
offender.  No  doubt,  the  simplest  supposition  is  that  Canaan  is  cursed,  bee;: use 
among  all  the  *  sons '  of  Ham  (x.  6)  the  Canaanites  were  the  most  intimately 
known  to  the  Hebrews,  and  in  intercourse  with  them  displayed  in  a  preeminent 
degree  the  evil  traits  which  had  characterized  Ham.  By  recent  critics^ 
however,  this  explanation  has  been  regarded  as  unsatisfactory,  and  the  opinion 
has  gained  ground  that  the  naiTative  is  no  longer  in  its  original  form  :  originally, 
these  critics  suppose,  the  author  of  the  misdeed  was  Canaan,  who  may  even, 
in  the  oldest  form  of  the  tradition,  have  been  treated  not  as  the  grandson  of  Noah, 
but  as  the  youngest  (cf  v.  24)  of  his  sons  (as  indeed  the  connexion  in  vv.  24 — 27, 
where  he  stands  by  the  side  of  Shem  and  Japheth,  seems  still  to  imply) ;  the 
compiler,  in  appending  this  narrative  to  the  story  of  the  Flood,  harmonized  it 
with  the  genealogy  of  Noah's  sons  which  had  then  gained  currency,  by  inserting 
in  V.  18  the  explanatory  gloss  'and  Ham  is  the  father  of  Canaan,'  and  in  v.  22 
the  words '  Ham  the  father  of '  before  *  Canaan.'  Verses  20—27,  in  their  original 
form,  will  upon  this  view  represent  a  different  stratum  of  Israeli tish  tradition, 

1  Wellh.,  Bud'.le,  Holz.,  Gunkel,  al.;  cf.  Byle,  119—121. 


112  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

in  which  Canaan  figured  as  a  son  of  Noah.  And  as  we  are  dealing  not 
with  individuals  as  such,  but  with  individuals  as  representing  nationalities, 
there  is  at  least  no  difficulty  (of.  on  x.  7  Sheba  and  Dedan,  xxii.  21)  in 
supposing  that  they  may  have  been  differently  grouped,  and  the  relations 
between  them  differently  defined,  by  different  writers  or  at  different  times. 

Chapter  X. 
The  Table  of  Nations. 

The  object  of  this  Table  is  partly  to  shew  how  the  Hebrews  supposed  the 
principal  nations  known  to  them  to  be  related  to  each  other,  partly  to  assign 
Israel,  in  particular,  its  place  among  them.  The  chapter  falls  into  the  plan  of 
the  compiler  of  Genesis.  The  compiler's  ultimate  goal  is  the  history  of  the 
chosen  family ;  but  at  the  point  when  he  was  about  to  enter  upon  this,  he  was 
sensible  (in  Gunkel's  words)  'of  the  scientific  necessity  of  saying  something 
about  the  rise  of  other  nations,  of  the  aesthetic  necessity  of  bringing  clearly  to 
a  close  the  history  of  primitive  undivided  mankind,  and  last,  but  not  least,  of  the 
religious  necessity  of  exhibiting  clearly  the  selection  of  Israel  out  of  the  mass 
of  nations.'  And  so,  after  this  chapter,  he  is  able  to  limit  himself  exclusively 
to  the  line  of  Shem  (xi.  10  ff.),  and  shortly  afterwards  to  a  particular  branch  of 
the  family  of  Terah  (xi.  27  ff.),  viz.  the  family  of  Abraham. 

In  relating  the  nations  to  each  other,  each  is  represented  as  summed  up  in 
a  corresponding  eponymous  ancestor,  these  being  related  to  one  another  as 
father,  son,  brother,  &c.  The  names  are  in  no  case  to  be  taken  as  those  of  real 
individuals  ;  they  just  represent  peoples.  This  is  clear  in  many  cases  from  the 
names  themselves,  which  are  dual  (Mizraim),  or  plural  (Ludim,  Anamim,  &c.) 
in  form,  or  names  of  places  (as  Tarshish,  Zidon,  Ophir,  &c.),  or  gentile  names 
(as  the  Jebusite,  the  Amorite,  &c.) ;  in  other  cases,  from  its  being  contrary  to 
all  analogy  for  the  names  of  nations  to  be  derived  from  those  of  known 
individual  ancestors.  Moreover,  the  real  origin  of  the  nations  enumerated 
here,  belonging  in  many  cases  to  entirely  different  racial  types, — Semites, 
Aryans,  '  Hittites,'  Egyptians, — must  have  reached  back  into  a  remote 
prehistoric  age, — far  earlier  than  b.c.  2500, — from  which,  we  may  be  sure,  not 
even  the  dimmest  recollections  could  have  been  preserved  at  the  time  when 
the  chapter  was  written.  The  nations  and  tribes  existed:  and  imaginary 
ancestors  were  afterwards  postulated  for  the  purpose  of  exhibiting  pictorially 
the  relationship  in  which  they  were  supposed  to  stand  towards  one  another. 
An  exactly  parallel  instance,  though  not  so  fully  worked  out,  is  afforded  by  the 
ancient  Greeks.  The  general  name  of  the  Greeks  was  Hellenes,  the  principal 
subdivisions  were  the  Dorians,  the  Aeolians,  the  lonians,  and  the  Achaeans ; 
and  accordingly  the  Greeks  traced  their  descent  from  a  supposed  eponymous 
ancestor  Hellen,  who  had  three  sons  Dorus  and  Aeolus,  the  supposed  ancestors 
of  the  Dorians  and  Aeolians,  and  Xuthus,  from  whose  two  sons.  Ion  and  Achaeus, 
the  lonians  and  Achaeans  were  respectively  supposed  to  be  descended.  And  so 
here,  the  principal  nations  known  to  the  Hebrews  are  represented,  through 
their  corresponding  ancestors,  as  the  members  of  a  great  family  more  or  less 
closely  related  to  each  other,  as  the  case  may  be.    The  great  ethnical  groups. 


THE  BOOK  OF  GEl^SIS  113 

most  strongly  distinguished  from  one  another  in  physical  type  and  character, 
are  represented  as  the  sons  of  Noah.  The  primary  divisions  (i.e.  nations),  into 
which  each  of  these  groups  falls,  appear  as  the  '  sons '  of  its  representative 
ancestor  (as  Javan,  i.e.  the  Greeks  [lonians],  the  son  of  Japheth) :  subordinate 
divisions  (i.e.  tribes  or  local  settlements)  appear  as  'grandsons'  (as  Zidon,  'son' 
of  Canaan,  and  '  grandson '  of  Ham). 

The  Table  does  not  include  all  nations  knovra  to  the  Hebrews.  Some, 
which  were  more  closely  connected  with  the  Hebrews  than  any  here  mentioned, 
as  Moab  and  Ammon,  the  descendants  of  Nahor,  and  of  Keturah,  the  Ishmaelite 
tribes,  and  Bdoui,  are  intentionally  excluded :  they  find  their  place  at  later 
stages  of  the  narrative^  Others,  as  the  Rephaim,  the  'Anakim,  the  Zuzim,  are, 
perhaps,  not  mentioned,  as  not  being  of  suflBcient  importance  :  for  the  omission 
of  others,  it  is  less  easy  to  suggest  satisfactory  reasons.  Others,  again,  as  the 
pre-Semitic  Sumerian  inhabitants  of  Babylonia,  the  negro-races  of  Africa, 
many  nations  of  Europe,  the  Indian  races,  the  Chinese,  and  the  peoples  of 
Australia,  America,  the  Pacific  Isles,  &c.,  are  not  mentioned,  simply  because 
the  knowledge  of  the  Hebrews  did  not  embrace  them.  The  area  included  in 
the  Table  extends,  speaking  broadly,  from  Armenia  on  the  N.  to  Ethiopia  and 
S.  Arabia  on  the  S.,  and  from  Elam  (E.  of  Babylonia)  on  the  B.  to  Greece  and 
the  dimly  known  Tarshish  in  the  W.  The  knowledge  of  the  more  distant 
peoples  mentioned  came  probably  to  the  Hebrews  in  many  cases  through  trade 
or  war.  It  is  remarkable  how  many  of  these,  particularly  when  they  belong  to 
P,  agree  with  those  mentioned  by  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  and  in  general  how 
largely  the  horizon  of  the  Table  agrees  with  the  horizon  of  these  prophets : 
see  the  notes  on  Gomer,  Magog,  Javan,  Tubal,  Meshech  {v.  1),  Ashkonaz, 
Togarmah  (v.  2),  Elishah,  Tarshish,  Kittim  {v.  3),  Cush,  Put  {v.  6),  Ra'mah, 
Sheba,  Dedan  (v.  7),  Ludim  {v.  13),  Arvad  {v.  18),  Elam  (v.  22);  and  compare 
especially  Ez.  xxvii.,  and  xxxviii.  2 — 6,  13,  xxxix.  l'^. 

Upon  what  principle  are  the  nations  included  in  the  Table  arranged  ? 
No  doubt,  the  two  writers,  whose  joint  work  the  Table  in  its  present  form  is, 
both  conceived  their  arrangement  to  be  ethnological,  i.e.  they  supposed  the 
nations  to  be  really  related  by  blood  as  they  represented  them  to  be ;  but 
though  this  was  doubtless  the  case  in  some  instances,  in  others  it  is  not  probable ; 
and  sometimes  linguistic  and  other  facts  known  to  us  shew  it  to  be  altogether 
out  of  the  question :  the  Canaanites,  for  instance,  had  certainly  no  direct  racial 
connexion  with  Egypt,  nor  the  Hittites  with  'Canaan,'  or  with  the  Amorites, 
nor  Elam  with  Shem.  Where  a  blood-relationship  cannot  be  presupposed,  the 
principle  of  arrangement,  it  seems  evident,  was  chiefly  geographical,  though 
sometimes  it  was  historical  or  political.  Thus,  the  three  main  divisions, 
Japheth,  Ham,  and  Shem,  occupy,  respectively,  on  the  whole,  a  northern, 
middle,  and  southern  zone.  Then,  further,  the  peoples  or  tribes  living  in  or 
near  a  particular  country,  whether  connected  together  racially  or  not,  are  often 
described  as  descendants  of  the  ancestor  representing  the  country  (as  the 
'sons'  of  Gomer,  o.  3,  of  Mizraim,  v.  13f.,  and  of  Canaan,  vv.  15 — 18 :  see  also 

1  xix.  30  ff.,  xxii.  20  ff.,  xxv.  1  ff.,  13  ft.,  xxxvi. 

'  On  the  gradual  growth  of  geographical  knowledge  among  the  Hebrews  see 
further  the  luminous  art.  Geogbaphx  (Biblical)  in  the  EncB. 

a  8 


114  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  i, » 

on  cli.  xxxvi.).  In  other  instances  political  or  commercial  relations  have  led 
probably  to  peoples  being  connected  genealogically,  where  no  blood-relationship 
existed ;  as  in  the  cases  of  Tarshish  and  Javan  (v.  4),  and  Canaan  and  Ham 
{v.  7).  Naturally,  our  knowledge  is  often  not  sufficient  to  enable  us  to  say,  in  a 
given  case,  by  which  of  these  principles  the  classification  has  been  determined. 
But,  after  what  has  been  said,  it  will  occasion  no  surprise  to  find  the  same 
people  classed  differently,  in  different  genealogies,  compiled  by  different 
writers  or  at  different  times  (cf.  on  vv.  7,  23,  xxil  21,  xxv.  3). 

It  will  thus  be  evident  that  the  Table  of  Nations  contains  no  scientific 
classification  of  the  races  of  mankind.  Not  only  this,  however ;  it  also  offers 
no  historically  true  account  of  the  origin  of  the  races  of  mankind.  It  represents 
as  starting  from  a  single  centre,  at  about  B.C.  2500,  or  (lxx.)  3066,  varieties 
(Semitic,  Aryan, '  Hittite'  or  Mongolian,  and  Egyptian)  which  (in  Prof.  Sayce's 
words)  '  the  ethnologist  is  not  at  present  able  to  trace  back  to  a  single  original 
type '  {Monuments,  120  f.),  and  which,  if  (as  modern  anthropologists  also 
believe)  they  ultimately  had  a  common  origin,  must  beyond  question  have 
begun  the  process  of  separation  and  differentiation  a  great  many  centuries  before 
either  b.c.  2500,  or  B.C.  3066.  The  Table  thus  offers  no  sufficient  explanation 
of  the  racial  differences  even  of  the  nations  included  in  it.  And  there  remain 
the  numerous  native  races  of  Africa,  B.  Asia,  Australia,  America,  &c.,  referred 
to  above,  which  certainly  must  have  been  in  existence  millennia  before  even 
B.C.  3066  (for  otherwise  the  strongly-marked  differences  of  racial  character  and 
language  which  they  exhibit,  could  not  have  had  time  to  develop),  the  origin 
of  which  is  not  accounted  for  at  all.     Cf  the  Introduction,  p.  xxxiv  ff. 

As  regards  the  composition  of  the  chapter,  vv.  1 — 7,  20,  22 — 24,  31,  32 
belong  to  P,  the  rest  belongs  to  J  (with  probably  a  later  insertion  in  vv.  16 — 18*). 

X.     1  Now  these  are  the  generations  of  the  sons  of  Noah,  P 
Shem  Ham  and  Japheth :  and  unto  them  were  sons  born  after 
the  flood. 

2  The  sons  of  Japheth  ;  Gomer,  and  Magog,  and  Madai,  and 
Javan,  and  Tubal,  and  Meshech,  and  Tiras.    3  And  the  sons  of 

X.     2—5.     The 'sons 'of  Japheth. 

2.  Gomer.  Mentioned  in  Ez.  xxxviii.  6,  by  the  side  of  Togarmah 
{v.  3,  here),  among  the  allies  of  Gog,  of  the  land  of  Magog,  in  the 
'  uttermost  parts  of  the  north,'  who  is  pictured  by  the  prophet  as  the 
leader  of  an  ideal  assault  of  nations  against  the  restored  Israel. 
LXX.  Vafx.€p  (in  Ez.  To/jiep),  the  Gimirrai,  whom  Esarhaddon  (B.C.  681 — 668) 
speaks  of  having  defeated,  and  who,  Asshurbanipal  (668 — 625)  tells 
us  {KB.  II.  129,  173 — 7),  invaded  Lydia  in  the  days  of  Gugu 
(i.e.  Gyges,  the  famous  king  of  Lydia,  b.c.  687 — 653,  Hdt.  i.  8  —  14). 
Their  territory  at  this  time  corresponded  generally  to  the  later 
Cappadocia  (which  is  called  in  Armenian  Gamir).  There  is  little 
doubt  that  they  are  the  same  as  the  Cimmerians  (Ki/A/xcpioi,  Od.  xi.  14, 
&c.);  and  if  so,  their  original  home  was  the  country  N.  of  the  Euxine, 
from  which  they  were  expelled  by  the  Scythians  (Hdt.  1. 15,  103,  iv.  11  f.). 


x.i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GEl^SIS  115 

Magog.  In  Ez.  xxxviii.  2  (with  the  article),  xxxix.  6,  a  land  and 
people  in  the  '  uttermost  parts  of  the  north,'  whose  ruler  Gog  is  prince 
of  'Rosb,  Meshech,  and  Tubal'  and  has  among  his  alHes  Gomer  and 
Togarmah.  The  expedition  imagined  by  the  prophet  in  Ez.  xxxviii. — ix. 
is  no  doubt  modelled  upon  the  great  irruption  of  the  Scythians  into  Asia 
(Hdt.  I.  104 — 6),  which  took  place  c.  630  b.c,  and  which  is  in  all 
probability  alluded  to  in  Jer.  iv.  3 — vi.  30  (see  especially  v.  15 — 17, 
vi.  22  f.;  of.  LOT.  237  f.).  And  in  fact,  since  Josephus,  'Magog' 
has  been  commonly  understood  of  the  Scythians,  though  the  origin  of 
the  name,  if  this  view  be  correct,  is  not  apparent'. 

Mddai.  The  Medes,  often  menticned  in  the  OT.  from  the 
8th  century  B.C.  (2  K.  xvii.  6,  xviii.  11,  Is.  xxi.  2,  xiii.  17  f,  al); 
and  in  the  Assyrian  Inscriptions  from  the  time  of  Ramman-nirari 
(812 — 783  B.C.)  onwards,  perhaps  also  (Schrader,  Tiele,  Sayce)  identical 
with  the  Amadai  of  Shalmaneser  II.  (b.c.  860 — 825).  The  home  of 
the  Medes  was  in  the  mountainous  country  E.  of  Assyria,  and  SW. 
of  the  Caspian  Sea.     Their  capital  city  was  Egbatana  (now  Hamaddn). 

Ydvdn.  The  Greeks,  or,  more  exactly,  the  lonians  (in  Hom. 
'laFoves),  i.e.  in  particular,  the  Asiatic  lonians,  who  were  settled 
along  the  coasts  of  Lydia  and  Caria,  and  whose  cities  throve 
commercially  some  two  centuries  earlier  than  those  of  the  Peloponnesus. 
Ydvdn  being  thus  the  name  under  which  the  Hebrews  first  became 
acquainted  with  the  Greeks  (probably  through  the  Phoenicians),  it 
remained  the  name  by  wliich  they  were  always  known.  They  are 
mentioned  by  Sargon  {KAT."^  81).  In  the  OT.  they  are  named 
besides,  Ez.  xxvii.  13  (by  the  side  of  Tubal  and  Meshech,  as  bringing 
slaves  and  copper  into  the  Tyrian  market),  19  (?),  Is.  Ixvi.  19,  Joel  iii.  6; 
and  (the  Macedonian  Greeks)  Zech.  ix.  13,  Dan.  viii.  21,  x.  20. 

Tubal  and  Meshech  (lxx.  Moo-ox).  Named  similarly  together  in 
Ez.  xxvii.  13  (by  the  side  of  Yavan,  as  just  noted),  xxxii.  26  (in  Sheol, 
with  Egypt,  Elam,  &c.),  xxxviii.  2  and  xxxix.  1  (as  ruled  over  by  Gog), 
and  probably  (see  LXX.)  in  Is.  Ixvi.  19  (beside  Yavan,  as  distant  nations). 
They  are  the  Tahali  and  Mushku  of  the  Inscriptions,  Tahali  being 
first  mentioned  by  Tiglath-pileser  I.  (c.  1100  b.c),  and  Mushku  by 
Shalmaneser  II.  (860 — 825),  and  both  also  being  mentioned  often 
subsequently  (see  KAT."^  ad  ioc);  and  the  Moo-xol  and  TtSaprjuol,  whom 
Hdt.  (ill.  94,  vu.  78)  also  names  together  as  belonging  to  the  19th 
satrapy  of  Darius.  The  notices  of  them  in  the  Assyrian  period  shew 
that  their  home  was  then  NE.  of  Cilicia  {Hilakku)  and  E.  of  Cappadocia 
{Gimirraiy;  but  by  the  time  of  Herodotus  they  had  retired  further 
to  the  N.,  to  the  mountainous  region  SE.  of  the  Black  Sea. 

Tiras.  Perhaps  the  Tvpa-rjvoi,  a  people  dwelling  anciently  on  the 
N.  shores  and  islands  of  the  Aegean  Sea,  and  much  dreaded  by  the 
Greeks  as  pirates  (Hdt.  i.  57,  Thuc.  iv.  109). 

1  ilat  is  the  common  Assyrian  word  for  'land';  and  hence  'Magog'  has  been 
supposed  to  be  a  contraction  for  Mat-Gog,  'the  land  of  Gog'  (Sayce,  Monuments, 
125  f.),  or  (Z.fiir  Ass.  1901,  p.  321)  for  Mat-Gagaia,  'the  land  of  Gagaia,'  a  people 
mentioned  on  the  Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  (KB.  v.  5). 

"  See  the  map  in  KAT.^  (or  KATJ');  or  the  excellent  one  in  EtuiB.  s-v.  Assybia. 

8—2 


116  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  3,  4 

Gomer ;   Ashkenaz,  and  ^Riphath,  and  Togarmah.     4  And  the  P 
sons  of  Javan  ;  Elishah,  and  Tarshish,  Kittim,  and  ^Dodaiiim. 

^  In  1  Chr.  i.  6,  Diphath.  "  In  1  Chr.  i,  7,  Rodanim, 

3.  The  *  sons '  of  Gomer. 

Ashkenaz.  Mentioned  in  Jer.  li.  27  by  the  side  of  Ararat  (see  on 
viii.  4)  and  Minni  (the  Mannai  of  the  Assjo-ian  Inscriptions,  SE.  of 
Lake  Van) ;  and  hence  doubtless  a  people  living  in  that  neighbourhood. 
Thought  by  many  recent  iVssyriologists  to  be  the  land  of  Ashguza, 
whose  prince  is  mentioned  by  Esarhaddon  as  an  ally  of  the  Mannai 
(KB.  II.  129,  147),  and  whose  people  may  even  be  identical  with  the 
^KvOaC  (see  Masp.  iii.  343  ;  EncB.  s.v.). 

Riphath  (in  1  Ch.  i.  6  Diphath).  Quite  uncertain  :  understood  by 
Josephus  to  denote  the  Paphlagonians. 

Togarmah.  Mentioned  in  Ez.  xxxviii.  6,  by  the  side  of  Gomer, 
as  forming  part  of  the  hosts  of  Gog ;  and  in  Ez.  xxvii.  14,  after  Yavan, 
Tubal,  and  Meshech,  as  supplying  horses  and  mules  to  the  T}Tian 
merchants.  According  to  ancient  Greek  authorities  (see  Dillm.),  the 
Armenians.  For  reasons  unknown  to  us,  Ashkenaz,  Riphath  and 
Togarmah  must  have  been  regarded  as  offshoots  of  the  Gimirrai. 

4,  The  '  sons '  of  Javan. 

Elishah.  Cf  Ez.  xxvii.  7,  where  it  is  said  that  purple-stuffs  were 
brought  to  Tyre  from  the  '  isles  {or  coasts)  of  Elishah.'  The  mussel 
from  which  the  purple-dye  was  obtained  by  the  ancients  abounded  on 
the  coasts  of  the  Pelopounese,  especially  Laconia  (Hor.  Od.  ii.  18.  7, 
al.);  but  it  is  difficult  to  find  a  locality  there  both  suitable  in  itself, 
and  also  one  the  name  of  which  would  be  likely  to  be  represented  in 
Heb.  by  Elishah :  'EA.Xas,  'HXts,  and  the  AioXcis,  which  have  been 
suggested,  are  all,  for  one  reason  or  another,  unsuitable.  Syncellus  has 
a  gloss  *E\tcrcra  ii  ov  ^ikcXol  ;  hence  Dillm.  thinks  of  lower  Ituly  and 
Sicily.  W.  Max  Miiller  and  Jastrow  (BB.  v.  80'')  identify  with  the 
Alashia  of  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  (25 — 33),  i.e.,  probably,  Cyprus. 

Tarshish.  The  place  called  by  the  Greeks  Tartessus  (Hdt.  i.  163, 
IV.  152),  in  Spain,  beyond  the  straits  of  Gibraltar,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Guadalquivir,  connected  commercially  with  the  Phoenicians  from 
an  early  date,  and  known  to  the  Hebrews  fi'om  the  time  of  Solomon 
(1  K.  X.  22,  &c.).  Mentioned  in  Ez.  xxvii.  12  as  trading  with  T3Te  in 
silver  (cf  Jer.  x.  9),  iron,  tin,  and  lead  (cf  Diod.  Sic.  v.  35,  38) ;  and  in 
Is.  Ixvi.  19,  Ps.  Lxxii.  10,  as  a  typical  distant  country. 

Kittim.  I.e.  the  Kitians,  the  people  of  Kit,  or  Kiti,  as  it  is 
termed  in  Phoenician  inscriptions,  the  Kition  of  the  Greeks,  an  important 
city  in  Cyprus,  xiovn  Larnaka.  Cf  Is.  xxiii.  1 ;  Jer.  ii.  10  ;  Ez.  xxvii.  6. 
Kition  itself,  and  indeed  Cyprus  generally,  as  amongst  other  things 
inscriptions  shew,  was  colonized  largely  by  Phoenicians ;  but  Greeks 
were  also  numerous  in  the  island,  which  accounts  for  the  Kitians  being 
ranked  here  among  the  '  sous '  of  Javan. 

Dodanrm.  Sam.,  lxx.,  and  1  Ch.  i.  7,  read,  no  doubt  correctly, 
Rodanim^  i.e.  the  Khodians.    Rhodes  was  aheady  known  to  Homer 


X.  5,  6]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  117 

5  Of  the«e  were  the  ^ isles  of  the  nations  divided  in  their  lands,  P 
every  one  after  his  tongue  ;  after  their  families,  in  their  nations. 
6  And  the  sons  of  Ham  ;  Cush,  and  Mizraun,  and  Put,  and 

^  Or,  coastla7ids 

(II.  II.  654  ff.).     The  Phoenicians  came  there  at  an  early  date ;   it 

lay  on  their  direct  route  towards  Greece  and  the  West. 

5.  0/  these  were  the  isles  of  the  nations  divided  [.  These  are  the 
sons  o/Jap/ieth,]  in  their  lands  &c.  It  is  almost  certam  that  the  words 
enclosed  in  brackets  have  accidentally  dropped  out  of  the  text.  The 
expression  *  isles '  (or  '  coasts ")  cannot  be  naturally  understood  of  the 
localities  inhabited  by  the  peoples  mentioned  in  w.  2,  3,  whereas  it  is 
used  frequently  of  the  islands  and  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea 
(Is.  xi.  11;  Ez.  xxvi.  18,  xxvii.  3,  6,  7).  The  words,  'Of  these... 
divided,'  thus  refer  solely  to  v.  4,  and  state  that  other  islands  and 
coasts  towards  the  West,  besides  those  mentioned  in  that  verse,  were 
also  peopled  by  'sons'  of  Javan.  The  restored  text  has  at  the  same 
time  the  advantage  of  giving  a  subscription  to  the  enumeration  of  the 
sons  of  Japheth,  similar  to  those  in  w.  20,  31. 

isles.  Or,  coast  lauds.  The  word  includes  both.  Arabic  seems  to 
shew  that  it  means  properly  a  deversorium  or  station  ;  so  that  it  would 
be  a  term  applied  naturally  to  the  many  harbours,  or  resting-places, 
afforded  by  the  promontories  and  islands  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 
^  6—20.  The  '  sons '  of  Ham.  In  late  Psahns  (Ixxviii.  51,  cv.  23,  27, 
cvi.  22)  '  Ham '  is  a  poetical  (collective)  designation  of  the  Eg)rptians. 
The  name  is  very  probably  the  Egyptian  Kam-t,  Demotic  Kemi,  Coptic 
KHME  or  XHMI,  the  native  name  of  Egypt,  from  kam,  'black,' 
with  allusion  to  its  dark-coloured  soil  (/AcAayyatov,  Hdt.  II.  12 ; 
Wiedemann,  Ag.  Gesch.  22),  as  opposed  to  the  bright,  yellow  sand  of 
the  desert.  Here,  however,  'Ham'  appears  as  the  eponymous  ancestor, 
not  of  the  Egyptians  only,  but  also  of  a  number  of  other  peoples 
connected,  or  supposed  to  have  been  connected,  with  them. 

6.  Cush.  Egypt.  Kash,  Kesh,  the  name  of  a  reddish-brown  people 
(cf  Jer.  xiii.  23),  often  mentioned  in  the  Egyptian  inscriptions,  dwelling 
on  the  S.  of  Egypt,  their  N.  border  being  24°  N.  at  the  First  Cataract 
(Maspero,  i.  488  ff.).  Often  mentioned  in  the  OT.  ;  and  frequently  in 
EVV.  represented  (as  already  in  lxx.)  by  '  Ethiopians,'  '  Ethiopia.' 

Mizraim.  The  standing  Heb.  name  for  Egypt, — meaning  properly 
'  the  two  Mizrs,'  with  reference  probably  to  Upper  and  Lower  Egypt, 
the  two  districts  into  which  the  country  naturally  fell,  and  which  are 
frequently  so  distinguished  in  the  Inscriptions*.  In  Lower  Egypt 
(which  corresponded  generally  to  what  we  call  the  Delta),  the 
principal  seat  of  government  was  Memphis  (12  miles  S.  of  Cairo);  the 
capital  of  Upper  Egypt  (consisting  of  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  S.  of  the 

1  See  Rawl.  Hist,  of  Eg.  i.  102  n. ;  EncB.  u.  1233 ;  Enaan,  Anc.  Eg.  60 
(illustration  of  the  curious  double  crown  symbolizing  the  double  country).  This 
is  the  general  view ;  but  see  W.  Max  Miiller's  objection,  EncB.  iii.  3161  n. 


118  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  6 

Delta)  was  Thebes  (280  miles  S.  of  Memphis),  the  brilliant  seat  of  (in 
particular)  the  18th,  19th  and  20th  dynasties.  The  Ass)nrian  name 
of  Egypt  was  Mlzri,  Mizir,  Muzur,  or  Muzru  ;  and  the  singular  Mazor 
occurs  in  Is.  xix.  6,  xxxvii.  25  [=2  K.  xix.  24];    Mic.  vii.  12. 

Put.  Named  elsewhere,  by  the  side  of  Cush  and  either  the 
Lubim  or  Lud,  as  a  people  supplying  contingents  to  the  armies  of 
Egypt  (Nah.  iii.  9 ;  Jer.  xlvi.  9 ;  Ez.  xxx.  5),  Tyre  (Ez.  xxvii.  10),  or  Gog 
(Ez.  xxxviii.  5).  Probably  the  Libyans  :  Lxx.  in  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel 
have  Aleves ;  and  the  western  part  of  Lower  Egypt  (the  so-called 
Libya  Aegypti)  is  called  in  Coptic  Phaiat. 

Canaan.  The  eponymous  ancestor  of  '  Canaan,'  i.e.  of  the  country 
inhabited  by  those  (see  w.  15 — 19)  whom  we  should  now  distinguish 
as  Phoenicians  and  Canaanites.  Greek  writers,  quoting  from  Phoenician 
sources  (see  Dillm.),  state  that  Xm  was  the  older  name  of  <I>oiVi^  or 
<^oivUrj;  and  the  Laodicea  N.  of  Lebanon  is  called  on  coins  jy3D3  e»n, 
'Laodicea  that  is  in  Canaan'.'  The  name  Canaan  occurs  in 
Egj^tian  Inscriptions,  and  (in  the  form  Kinahhi)  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
correspondence.  It  appears  to  have  denoted  originally  the  low  coast- 
land  of  what  was  afterwards  known  as  Phoenicia  and  Palestine, — though 
both  '  Canaan '  and  '  Canaanite '  acquired  afterwards  a  more  extended 
signification.  See  further  the  writer's  Commentary  on  Deut.,  p.  11  f. ; 
and  Canaa^t  in  the  EncB. 

The  Phoenicians  (and  Canaanites)  were  beyond  all  question  a 
Semitic  people,  and  spoke  a  language  closely  allied  to  Hebrew :  why 
therefore  are  they  classed  here  among  the  descendants  of  Ham? 
Different  answers  have  been  returned  to  this  question.  (1)  Religious 
antagonism,  and  a  sense  of  moral  and  political  superiority  to  a  race 
whom  they  felt  that  they  had  superseded  (see  on  ix.  25)  may  have 
led  the  Hebrews  to  assign  the  Canaanites  to  a  different  stock  from 
themselves.  (2)  Tliere  was  much  intercourse  in  ancient  times  between 
Phoenicia  and  Egypt  (cf  Is.  xxiii.  3,  5) ;  and  the  marks  of  Egyptian 
influence  are  strongly  impressed  upon  Phoenician  art":  a  racial  con- 
nexion may  consequently  have  been  supposed  to  subsist  between  the 
two  peoples.  (3)  Dillm.  points  out  that  there  was  an  ancient  tradition 
(Hdt.  I.  1,  vn.  89)  that  the  Phoenicians  were  immigrants  from  the 
parts  about  the  Red  Sea  ;  and  supposes  that  the  genealogy  '  reflects  a 
consciousness  that  the  ancestry  of  the  Canaanites  was  not  that  of  the 
Israelites.'  Upon  the  whole,  it  is  most  probable  that  the  origin  here 
assigned  to  the  Phoenicians  and  Canaanites  is  due  to  the  joint  operation 
of  (1)  and  (2)». 

1  For  instances  in  the  OT.  in  which  Canaan  or  Canaanite  means  in  particular 
Phoenicia  or  Phoenician,  see  Is.  xxiii.  11 ;  Hos.  xii.  7  (RVm.) ;  Ob.  20. 

2  See  Perrot  and  Chipiez,  Art  in  Phoenicia,  i.  73,  77,  80,  125,  126  ff.,  183—9, 
211,  246,  382—4,  ii.  5,  6,  10  f.,  12,  364,  449''  (ludex) ;  Phoenicia  in  EncB.,  §  8. 

»  If  (as  has  been  supposed  by  HaI6vy,  Sayce,  and  Hommel)  it  were  due  to  a 
recollection  of  the  political  dependence  of  Canaan  upon  Egypt  during  the  15th 
cent.  B.C.,  as  attested  by  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters,  we  should,  as  Dillm.  remarks, 
have  expected  Canaan  to  be  represented,  not  as  a  brother  of  Miziaim  (implying 
equality)  but  as  his  son. 


x.6-8]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  119 

Canaan.     7   And  the  sons  of  Cush ;   Seba,  and  Havilah,  and  P 
Sabtah,  and  Raamah,  and  Sabteca :  and  the  sons  of  Raamah ; 
Sheba,  and  Dedan.  |  8  And  Cush  begat  Nimrod :  he  began  to  J 

7.  The  '  sons '  of  Cush.  Several  of  these  are  Arahian  tribes ;  and 
that  there  was  intercourse  between  the  opposite  sides  of  the  Red  Sea 
is  attested,  at  least  for  a  period  later  than  that  here  referred  to,  by 
the  evidence  of  language  :  the  (post-Christian)  Ge'ez,  or  '  Ethiopic,' 
being  obviously  a  sister  language  to  the  languages  spoken  by  the 
Sabaeans  and  Minaeans  in  the  S.  of  Ambia. 

8eha.  Mentioned  in  Ps.  Ixxii.  10  (beside  ShSba),  and  in  Is.  xhii.  3, 
xlv.  14  (beside  Egypt  and  Cush);  and  since  Josephus  {Ant.  ii.  10.  2) 
commonly  identified  with  Meroe  (about  100  m.  N.  of  the  modern 
Khartoum).  There  is  however  no  evidence  that  Meroe  was  ever  called 
Seba ;  and  it  is  better  (with  Di.)  to  understand  by  Seba  a  branch 
of  the  Cushites  settled  on  the  W.  coast  of  the  Red  Sea:  Strabo 
(xvi.  4.  8,  10)  speaks  of  a  Xt/x^v  2a,/3a,  and  a  2a/3ai  ttoXcs  tvfuyedijs,  on 
the  Adulitic  Gulf,  about  15°  45'  N.  in  Spruner's  Atlas. 

Hav'ildh.  This  tribe  has  perhaps  left  traces  of  its  name  in  the 
ko'Xttos  AvakiT-qs,  and  the  'APaXlrai,  on  the  African  coast,  a  Httle  S. 
of  the  Straits  of  Bab  el-Mandeb.  The  name  will  appear  again  among 
the  Joktanidae  (v.  29;  cf  ii.  11,  xxv.  18),  seemingly  as  that  of  a  tribe 
in  NE.  xlrabia:  unless,  therefore,  the  two  names  are  entirely  uncon- 
nected, we  must  suppose  probably  that  this  was  a  large  tribe,  part  of 
which  migrated  to  the  E.  coast  of  Africa,  carrying  its  name  with  it. 

Sabtah.  Unknown, — unless,  indeed,  we  may  think  of  2a/3aTa 
(Strabo  xvi.  4.  2),  or  Sabota,  in  Sabaean  nuK',  capital  of  the  Chatra- 
motitae  (see  on  v.  26),  which  '  had  60  temples,  and  was  an  emporium 
of  the  trade  in  frankincense'  (Pliny,  BN.  vi.  §  155,  xii.  §  63). 

Ra'mah.  Mentioned  with  Sh6ba,  in  Ez.  xxvii.  22,  as  a  trading 
people,  who  brought  spices,  precious  stones,  and  gold,  to  Tyre.  Very 
probably  the  Sabaean  Raamah,  the  'Pa/A/Aavtrai  of  Strabo  xvi.  4.  24, 
N.  of  the  Chatramotitae  (on  v.  26),  in  Spruner  c.  65°  E.,  17°  30'  N. 

Sabtechah.     Not  identified. 

Shebd.  Most  probably  a  northern  offshoot,  or  colony,  of  the 
S.  Arabian  Sheba  mentioned  in  v.  28  (where  see  the  note),  which 
on  account  of  its  being  settled  near  Dedan  (cf  Ez.  xxxviii.  13), 
came  to  be  grouped  genealogically  with  it.  In  xxv.  3  (J),  the  same 
two  tribes  appear  as  '  sons '  of  Abraham's  concubine,  Keturah. 

Dedan.  Mentioned  (besides  xxv.  3), — mostly  as  near  either  Edom 
or  Tema  (see  on  xxv.  15),  some  250  miles  SE.  of  Edom, — in  Jer. 
xxv.  23,  xlix.  8  ;  and,  as  a  trading  tribe,  in  Is.  xxi.  13  (note  Tema  in 
V.  14),  Ez.  xxvii.  20,  xxxviii.  13.  A  district  Dedan  is  mentioned  several 
times  in  the  Sabaean  and  Minaean  inscriptions,  and  a  ruined  site 
Daiddn  by  the  Arab,  geographer  YakUt  (see  references  in  Dillm. ; 
and  add  Hommel,  ART.  239  f.),  both  seemingly  somewhere  near 
T§ma. 


120  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  8-10 

be  a  mighty  one  in  the  earth.    9   He  was  a  mighty  hunter  J 
before  the  Lord  :  wherefore  it  is  said,  Like  Nimrod  a  mighty 
hunter  before  the  Lord.     10   And  the  beginning  of  his  king- 
dom was  Babel,  and  Erech,  and  Accad,  and  Cahieh,   in  the 

8 — 12.  A  digression.  Origin  of  the  empires  of  Babylon,  and 
Assyria. 

8.  Gush.  It  is  very  strange  that  Ethiopia  {v.  6)  should  be 
mentioned  as  the  home  of  Nimrod,  and  through  him  {tv.  10 — 12)  of 
the  civilization  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria :  and  so  nearly  all  recent 
Assyriologists — as  Friedr.  Delitzsch  (Faradies,  53  f ),  Schrader  (KA  T." 
87  f),  Haupt,  Hommel,  Winckler,  Sayce  (Monuments,  128) — suppose 
that  'Gush'  in  v.  8  denotes  really  not  the  African  Gush,  but  the 
Babylonian  Kasshu,  the  Koo-o-atoi  of  the  classical  ^Titers  (Strabo  xi. 
13.  6,  &c.),  a  predatory  and  warlike  tribe,  dwelling  in  the  wild 
mountains  of  the  Zagros  in  or  near  Elam,  and  often  mentioned  in  the 
inscriptions,  who  were  so  influential  in  early  times  that  they  even 
provided  Babylon  with  a  Une  of  kings  which  continued  in  power  for 
576  years  (e.g.  1761 — 1186,  according  to  Thureau-Dangin ;  similarly 
Ungnad  and  Meyer);  and  that  the  identification  of  this  'Gush' — or,  as 
it  would  be  better  pronounced,  'Gash' — with  the  'Gush'  of  vv.  6,  7  is 
due  to  a  misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  the  compiler  of  the  chapter. 

Nimrod.  Mentioned  only  once  again,  Mic.  v.  6  (the  'land  of 
Nimrod ' ;  ir  Assyria ').     See  further  p.  122  I 

a  migJdy  one.  To  be  understood,  apparently,  in  connexion  with 
V.  10  :  Nimrod's  'might'  shewed  itself  in  his  power  of  governing  men 
and  organizing  a  kingdom. 

9.  A  parenthesis,  describing  how  Nimrod  was  also,  in  particular, 
'mighty'  as  a  hunter,  and  explaining  a  pi'overb  which  had  reference 
to  this. 

before  Jehovah.  I.e.  as  He  looked  upon  him,  and  (it  is  implied) 
had  some  regard  for  him.     Gf  vii.  1,  2  K.  v.  1 ;   also  Jon.  iii.  3. 

Like  Nimrod.  This  is  the  proverb  :  the  words  following  are  the 
narrator's  explanation  of  its  meaning.  When  the  Hebrews  wished  to 
describe  a  man  as  being  a  great  hunter,  they  spoke  of  him  as  'like 
Nimrod.' 

10.  Babel.  The  Heb.  form  of  the  name  which,  following  the 
Greeks,  we  call  Babylon.  The  origin  of  Babylon  is  shrouded  in 
obscurity  ;  but  it  must  have  been  a  place  of  great  antiquity.  The 
date  of  the  earliest  king  of  Babylon  known  to  us,  Sumu-abi,  the  founder 
of  the  first  dynasty  (p.  156  n.  1),  was  c.  2232—2219  B.C.  (see  ibid.);  but 
there  is  little  doubt  that  the  city  itself  was  older. 

Erech.  Lxx.  Opcx;  the  Babylonian  Uruk,  now  the  ruined  site 
called  Warka,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Euphrates,  about  100  miles 
SE.  of  Babylon ;  the  ruins,  which  shew  remains  of  large  and  decorated 
Ijuildings,  and  are  some  6  miles  in  circumference,  shew  that  it  must  have 
been  an  important  place.    It  was  a  place  of  greater  antiquity  than  even 


X.  lo,  ii]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  121 

land  of  Shinar.     11    Out  of  that  land  ^he   went  forth  into  J 
Assyria,   and  builded  Nineveh,   and  Rehoboth-Ir,   and  Calah, 

*  Or,  went  forth  Asshur 

Babylon  is  (at  present)  known  to  have  been  :  Hilprecht  has  discovered 
recently  contemporary  inscriptions  shewing  that  Lugalzaggisi  made 
Erech  the  capital  of  Babylonia  at  (probably)  about  4000  B.C.' 

Accad.  This  has  for  long  been  well  known  as  the  name  of  a 
district,  '  the  land  of  Akkad '  in  the  standing  title  of  the  Assyrian 
kings  ('king  of  Shumer  and  Akkad')  denoting  northern  Babylonia; 
but  a  decree  of  Nebuchadnezzar  I.  (c.  1150  B.C.)  has  recently  been 
found,  in  which  it  is  mentioned  also  as  the  name  of  a  city,  though  its 
site  is  uncertain,  and  nothing  further  is  at  present  known  about  it. 

Calneh.  Uncertain :  though  Delitzsch  and  Tiele  think  that  it 
may  be  the  place  usually  called  Zirlaba  or  Zarilab,  mentioned  by 
Hammurabi  (c.  B.C.  2100),  and  also  several  times  by  Sargon  (e.g. 
KB.  II.  53),  the  characters  of  which  admit,  however,  of  being  read 
ideographically  as  Kalunu.  From  the  connexion  in  which  Sargon 
mentions  Zirlaba,  it  seems  to  have  been  somewhere  near  Babylon. 

Shin'dr.  A  Hebrew  name  for  Babylonia,  recurring  xi.  2,  xiv.  1,  9, 
Jos.  vii.  21,  Is.  xi.  11,  Zech.  v.  11,  Dan.  i.  2.  The  explanation  of  the 
name  is  uncertain,  as  nothing  exactly  corresponding  has  been  found 
hitherto  in  the  inscriptions.  Some  Assyriologists  regard  it  as  a 
dialectic  variation  of  the  Shumer,  quoted  above  :  Prof.  Sayce  connects 
it  with  Sangar,  a  district  a  little  W.  of  Nineveh. 

11,  12.  How  Assyria  was  founded,  or,  as  we  might  say,  colonized, 
from  Babylonia. 

Nineveh.  The  great  capital  of  Ass3rria,  beautified  and  made  famous 
by  (especially)  Sennacherib,  Esarhaddon,  and  Asshurbanipal,  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  about  250  miles  NW.  of  Babylon.  The  site  of 
the  ruins  is  now  called  Kouyunjik.  Nineveh,  however,  was  not  the 
most  ancient  capital  of  Assyria.  The  original  capital  of  Assyria  was 
the  'city  of  Asshur'  (cf  on  ii.  14),  about  60  miles  S.  of  Nineveh: 
Shalmanetier  I.  (b.c.  1300)  transferred  the  royal  residence  from  Asshur 
to  Calah ;  but  Nineveh  is  not  known  to  have  been  made  a  royal 
residence  till  B.C.  1100,  and  it  was  not  the  permanent  capital  tiU  the 
time  of  Sennacherib.  The  earliest  ruler  of  Assyria  at  present  [1909] 
known,  who  is  styled  'king,'  is  Ilu-shuuia,  c.  2220  B.C. 

liehobotk-^Ir.  To  all  appearance,  simply  two  Heb.  words  meaning 
'  broad  places  [see  on  xix.  2]  of  a  city ' :  perhaps  (Delitzsch,  Paradies, 
260  f;  Hommel,  Gesch.  280)  the  'rebit  Nina,'  or  suburbs  of  Nineveh 
on  the  N.  side,  which  Esarhaddon  states  that  he  entered  on  his 
return  from  one  of  his  expeditions  {KB.  n.  127,  1.  54;  cf.  p.  47,  1.  44). 

Calah.  Shewn  by  inscriptions  found  on  the  spot  to  have  lain  in 
the  fork  between  the  Tigris  on  the  W.  and  the  Upper  Zab  on  the  E., 
about  18  miles  S.  of  Nineveh,  under  the  mounds  now  bearing  the  name 
of  Nimrud.     Calah  was  bdilt,  as  Asshurnasirpal  (b.c.  885 — 860)  tells 

""Rogers,  Hist,  of  Bajf.  and  As*.  (1900),  i.  354  f.;  cf.  EncB.  i.  442  f.  (§  47). 


122  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  n 

12  and  Resen  between  Nineveh  and  Calah  (the  same  is  the./ 

great  city). 

us  {KB.  I.  117),  by  Slialmaneser  I.  {c.  1300  B.C.).  Palaces  were  erected 
here  by  Asshurnasirpal  and  many  subsequent  kings,  from  the  ruins  of 
which  numerous  sculptures,  bas-reliefs,  inscriptions,  &c.,  have  been 
recovered.  Calah,  even  when  it  was  not  actually  the  capital,  was,  after 
Nineveh,  the  '  second  city  of  the  empire.'  The  famous  Black  Obelisk, 
which  stands  now  in  a  conspicuous  position  in  the  British  Museum, 
and  mentions  the  tribute  of  Jehu,  was  found  at  Calah,  having  been 
erected  there  by  Slialmaneser  11.  (860 — 825).  Cf.  Maspero,  iii.  44 — 50 
(with  illustrations). 

12.  Resen.  Stated  to  have  been  'between  Nineveh  and  Calah' ;  and 
this  is  virtually  all  that  is  known  about  it :  the  ruins  of  Selamiyeh, 
about  3  miles  N.  of  Nimrild,  would  suit  the  description ;  but  there 
is  no  monumental  evidence  that  this  was  the  site.  The  Ri-ish-i-ni, 
suggested  by  Prof.  Sayce  {Monuments,  152),  does  not  seem  to  be  in  a 
suitable  position  ;  for,  to  judge  from  the  terms  in  which  it  is  mentioned 
by  Sennacherib  {KB.  n.  117),  it  would  seem  to  have  been  on  the  north 
of  Nineveh,  and  not,  therefore,  '  between '  Nineveh  and  Calah. 

that  (i.e.  the  four  places  just  mentioned)  is  tJie  great  city.  Mounds, 
marking  the  sites  of  ancient  buildings,  and  other  signs  of  a  once 
abundant  population,  are  numerous  about  Nineveh ;  and  it  seems  that 
the  four  places  here  named,  although  in  reality  some  miles  apart,  were 
so  connected  with  one  another  that  they  were  reckoned,  at  least  by 
foreigners,  as  forming  a  single  great  city. 

As  the  preceding  notes  will  have  shewn,  the  Babylonian  and  Assyrian 
monuments  illustrate,  though  not  completely,  the  geographical  data  contained 
in  these  five  verses,  but  they  throw  very  little  light  on  the  historical  statements 
contained  in  them,  and  indeed  in  details  conflict  with  them  seriously.  The 
two  broad  facts  which  the  verses  express, — viz.  that  Babylonia  was  the  oldest 
seat  of  civilization  in  the  great  plain  of  the  two  rivers,  and  that  Nineveh  was 
(so  to  say)  colonized  from  it,  are  indeed  in  harmony  with  what  we  learn  from 
the  monuments :  politically  as  well  as  in  its  whole  civilization,  writing,  and 
religion,  Assyria  in  early  times  was  dependent  upon  Babylonia.  But  these 
verses  of  Genesis  connect  the  foundation  of  Babylonian  civilization  and  its 
extension  to  Nineveh  with  a  single  man,  Nimrod;  and  on  Nimrod,  the 
monuments  at  present  are  silent.  They  do  not  even  associate  together,  as  the 
text  of  Genesis  does,  the  four  Babylonian  cities  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
four  Assyrian  cities  on  the  other,  or  lead  us  to  infer  that  all  were  built 
approximately  at  the  same  time.  Nimrod  must  have  been  to  the  Hebrews 
(cf.  Mic.  V.  6)  a  figure — whether  mytliical  or  historical,  we  cannot  say — with 
whom  were  associated  dim  recollections  of  the  foundation  and  extension  of 
political  power  in  the  East,  and  who,  for  some  reason  unknown  to  us,  was 
viewed  as  the  representative  of  old  Babylonian  power. 

As  regards  the  question,  who  Nimrod  was,  two  theories  may  be  mentioned. 
According  to  Haupt  and  Sayce,  he  is  JSazi  marutlash,  one  of  the  later 
Kasshite  kings  (c.  1350  B.O.),  who,  it  is  conjectured,  may  have  'planted  his 


X.  .3]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  123 

power  so  firmly  in  Palestine  as  to  be  remembered  iu  the  proverbial  lore  of  the 
country.'  This  is  possible  only  under  the  condition  that  the  verses  embody  a 
very  confused  and  inaccurate  recollection  of  the  facts.  For  Nimrod  is  placed 
at  the  beginning  of  Babylonian  and  Assyrian  civilization ;  but  Nazi-maruttash 
lived  long  afterwards :  Babylon  and  Nineveh  had  both  been  built  centuries 
before  him, — the  Kaashite  dj-nasty  alone  had  been  established  in  Babylon  for 
some  400  years.  The  other  theory  (which  was  first  propounded  by  the  late 
Mr  George  Smith)  is  that  Nimrod  corresponded,  not,  of  course,  in  name,  but 
in  personality  and  character,  to  Gilgamesh\  the  champion  of  Brech,  and  hero 
of  the  famous  mythological  epic,  of  which  the  Deluge-story  occupies  the 
11  th  canto.  In  this  epic  Gilgaraesh  is  depict od  as  a  mighty  hunter  who,  besides 
engaging  in  successful  combat  with  lions,  leopards,  and  other  monsters,  delivers 
Babylonia  by  his  prowess  from  the  yoke  of  Elam,  and  saves  Erech'''.  And  Erech 
is  just  one  of  the  cities  of  Nimrod's  kingdom.  Gilgamesh  is  not  known  at 
present  to  have  borne  any  name  resembling  Nimrod ;  and  so  the  last-mentioned 
theory  remains  for  the  present  a  conjecture ;  but  it  is  an  attractive  and 
probable  one.  It  remains  a  diflBculty  that  Nimrod  should  be  connected  with 
the  Kasshu  ;  for  both  Babylon  and  Nineveh  had  been  founded  long  before  the 
Kasshite  dynasty  was  established  in  Babylon.  Perhaps  the  name  Nimrod 
may  have  first  reached  Palestine  at  a  time  when  the  long-continued  Kasshite 
supremacy,  as  attested  by  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters,  caused  the  Kasshu  to  be 
regarded  as  synonymous  with  the  Babylonians  3. 

13  And  Mizraim  begat  Ludim,  and  Anamim,  and  Lehabim,  J 

13,  14.  The  tribes  'begotten'  by  Mizraim,  Ham's  second  'son.' 
The  verses  form  evidently  the  sequel  to  v.  7. 

Ludim.  Elsewhere  mostly  in  the  sing.  Lud,  mentioned  as  archers  in 
the  Egyptian  or  T3Tian  army  (Jer.  xlvi.  9 ;  Ez.  xxvii.  10,  xxx.  5),  usually 
by  the  side  of  Cush  and  Put  {v.  6),  and  as  a  distant  people  (Is.  Ixvi.  19). 
Not  identified;  but  doubtless  a  tribe  bordering  upon  Egypt  on  the 
West,  and  known  to  the  Hebrews  as  mercenaries*. 

'Anamim.  Unidentified.  W.  Max  Midler  {Orient.  LiU.-zeit.  1902, 
p.  471  ff.)  conjectures  Kenamim,  the  inhabitants  of  the  S.  and  largest 
Oasis  of  Knmt  (now  el-Khargeh,  about  120  m.  W.  of  Luxor). 

Lehabim.  No  doubt  the  same  as  the  Luhim  of  Nah.  iii.  9 ;  2  Ch. 
xii.  3,  xvi.  8 ;  Dan.  xi.  43 ;  and  in  all  probability  the  Libyans,  properly 
so  called,  whose  home  would  be  to  the  W.  of  the  Put  of  v.  6. 

Naphtuhim.  Uncertain.  Erman  {ZATW.  1890,  p.  118  f.)  con- 
jectures a  scribal  error  for  Pathmuhim,  the  inhabitants  of  the  '  north- 
land  '  (temki),  or  the  Delta :  W.  Max  Miiller  would  read  Pathnuhim,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Oasis  of  To-ehe,  now  Farafra. 

1  The  ideosrapbicaily  written  name  was  read  formerlv  as  Izdubar  or  Gisdubar. 

2  See  Maspero,  i.  573—591. 

^  See  further  an  art.  by  the  writer  in  the  Guardian,  May  20,  1896. 

*  Sayce  (Monuments,  134  f.)  supposes  the  Ludim  to  be  the  Lydians  (of  Asia 
Minor),  who  (KB.  ri.  177)  sent  mercenaries  to  assist  Psammetichiis  (c.  658  B.C.). 
But  it  does  not  appear  that  these  were  of  sufficient  importance  to  lead  to  the  sup- 
position that  the  Lydians  were  'begotten '  by  Egypt  (of.  Maspero,  rii.  424  f.,  492). 


124  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  13-16 

and  Naphtuhim,   14    and  Pathrusim,  and    Casluhim   (whence  J 
went  forth  ^the  Philistines),  and  Caphtorim. 

15  And  Canaan  begat  Zidon  his  firstborn,  and  Heth ;  16  [and  R 

^  Heb.  Pelishtitn, 

14.  Pathrusim.  The  inhabitants  of  Pathros  (Is.  xi.  11;  Jer.  xliv. 
1,  15;  Ez.  xxix.  14,  xxx.  14),  Egypt.  Pa-to-ris,  'the  south-laud' 
{pa  being  the  Egypt,  art.,  to  meaning  'land,'  and  ris  'south'),  i.e.  what 
we  call  Upper  Egypt. 

Casluhim.  Unidentified:  see  doubtful  conjectures  in  Dillm.  lxx. 
Xaa-/xwvi€t/A,  whence  Miiller  would  read  Nasamonim  (Hdt.  iv.  172). 

{whence  went  forth  the  Philistines).  This  clause  is  in  all  probability 
misplaced;  and  ought  to  be  transposed  so  as  to  follow  Caphtm-im: 
see  Am.  ix.  7 ;  Dt.  ii.  23 ;  Jer.  xlvii.  4, 

the  Philistines.  Mentioned  often  in  the  historical  books,  their 
five  principal  cities  being  Ekron,  Gath,  Ashdod,  Ashkelon,  and  Gaza, 
in  the  plain  bordering  on  the  Medit.  Sea,  W.  of  Judah.  They  are 
very  probably  (W.  M.  Miiller,  387—390;  Maspero,  n.  462—4;  Sayce, 
Monument!^,  183,  387,  and  elsewhere)  the  Purasati  of  the  Egyptian 
inscriptions— to  judge  from  the  terms  in  which  they  are  there  spoken 
of,  a  plundering  people  who,  coming  from  the  SW.  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
the  islands  of  the  Aegean  Sea,  in  the  reign  of  Ramses  III.  (c.  1200  B.C.), 
swept  down  upon  the  SW.  of  Palestine,  and  secured  a  footing  there. 
The  Hebrews,  as  appears  from  Am.  ix.  7,  Dt.  ii.  23,  Jer.  xlvii.  4 — if 
not  (see  above)  from  the  present  passage  as  well — regarded  them  specifi- 
cally as  immigrants  fi:om  '  Caphtor.'    See  further  EncB.  s.v. 

Caphtorim.  The  inhabitants  of  Caphtor  (Jer.  xlvii.  4),  mentioned 
also  Am.  ix.  7;  Dt.  ii.  23.  Caphtor  is  usually  identified  with  Crete; 
notice  how  in  1  S.  xxx.  14,  Zeph.  ii.  5,  Ez.  xxv.  16  the  Philistines  are 
eitlier  parallel  to,  or  mentioned  beside,  Krethim  (i.e.,  as  it  would  seem, 
'Cretans').  W.  Max  Miiller,  however  {Asien  u.  Ewopa,  344 — 53), 
argues  strongly  in  favour  of  identifying  Caphtor  with  the  Eg}^t.  Kef  to, 
which  appears  to  have  been  the  name  of  a  people  inhabiting  Cilicia  and 
Cyprus  (cf  Caphtor  in  the  EncB.,  where  another  explanation  of  Krethim 
is  also  proposed).  Whatever  place  '  Caphtor'  may  have  been,  political 
relations,  subsisting  anciently  between  it  and  Egypt,  no  doubt  determined 
the  statement  that  Mizraim  '  begat '  Caphtor. 

15 — 19.  The  places,  or  peoples,  '  begotten '  by  Canaan,  the 
eponymous  ancestor  (p.  118),  both  of  the  Phoenicians,  and  of  the 
Canaanites  (in  the  sense  in  which  this  term  is  commonly  understood). 

15.  Zidon.  The  oldest  Phoen.  city;  hence  called  here  Canaan's 
'  firstborn.'  It  was  afterwards  eclipsed  by  Tyre  ;  but  the  Phoenicians 
generally,  as  if  in  recollection  of  its  old  pre-eminence,  continued 
stiU  to  be  often  spoken  of  as  'Zidonians'  (1  Ki.  v.  6,  xvi.  31).  Tyre, 
however,  is  mentioned,  as  well  as  Zidon,  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters 
(B.C.  1400).     See  further  the  interesting  art.  Phoenicia  in  EncB. 

Heth.  The  great  nation  of  the  Hittites,  whose  home  was  in  the 
region  N.  of  Phoenicia,  and  of  the  'land  of  the  Amorites'  (see  on  v.  16), 


X.  r6, 17]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  125 

the  Jebusite,  and  the  Amorite,  and  the  Girgasliite  ;    17  and  the  B 

two  of  whose  principal  cities  were  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates,  and 
Kadesh  on  the  Orontes,  and  who  left  traces  of  their  presence,  in 
sculptures  and  inscriptions  carved  unon  the  rocks,  in  many  parts  of 
Asia  Minor,  as  far  W.  as  the  Karaoel  pass,  a  little  E.  of  Smyrna. 
The  Hittites  are  mentioned  repeatedly  in  the  Egyptian  and  Assyrian 
inscriptions;  and  their  power  and  importance  may  be  inferred  from 
the  terms  of  the  treaty — the  oldest  treaty  in  existence — concluded  with 
them  by  Ramses  II.,  after  his  expedition  into  Syria  (see  Masp.  11.  401  f.). 
The  Hittite  power  lasted  from  c.  1600  to  c.  700  B.C.,  when  they  were 
absorbed  into  the  empire  of  Assyria.  The  Hittites,  as  depicted  on 
their  monuments,  have  a  striking  physiognomy  and  dress :  a  retreating 
forehead  and  chin,  full  lips,  large  nose,  high  cheek-bones,  and  the  hair 
plaited  behind  in  three  pig-tails,  the  type  being  that  of  the  Mongol, 
very  unlike  either  the  Semitic  or  the  Aryan  type'.  The  Hittite 
inscriptions  (still  undeciphered)  are  also  peculiar  in  appearance,  and 
entirely  different  from  those  of  either  Assyria  or  Egypt.  These  Hittites 
on  the  N.  of  Palestine  are  alluded  to  in  1  K.  x.  29,  xi.  1,  2  K.  "vdi.  6; 
and  offshoots  of  them  appear  to  have  had  settlements  in  the  extreme 
N.  of  Canaan  (Jud.  i.  26,  iii.  3  [read  Hittite  for  Hivite];  Josh.  xi.  3 
[interchange,  with  lxx.,  Hittite  and  Hivite] ;  and  probably  2  S.  xxiv.  6 
[see  Comm.,  or  the  Variorum  Bible]):  there  are  also  aUusions  to  them, 
which  occasion  difficulty,  as  settled  in  the  S.  of  Canaan  (see  on 
ch.  xxiii.).  We  cannot  be  sure  whether  the  reference  here  is  to  the 
great  nation  in  the  N.,  or  to  the  offshoots  in  the  N.  of  Canaan — the  sub- 
ordination of  '  Heth '  to  '  Canaan '  might  favour  the  latter  alternative. 

16,  17^     Four  nations  of  Canaan. 

16.  the  Jebusite.  The  name  of  the  tribe  which  occupied  Jerusalem, 
and  maintained  itself  there  till  expelled  by  David  (Josh.  xv.  8,  63; 
2  S.  V.  6— 9)._ 

the  Amwite.  The  name  (under  the  forms  Amo/r,  Amurru)  occurs 
in  both  the  Egypt,  and  the  Ass.  inscriptions.  In  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
letters  (b.c.  1400),  the  'land  of  Amurri'  is  mentioned  by  the  side  of 
various  Phoen.  and  Syrian  towns  in  such  a  manner  as  to  shew  that  it 
is  simply  the  name  of  a  canton  or  district,  N.  of  Canaan,  behind 
Phoenicia.  It  was  at  this  time  (like  the  rest  of  Phoen.  and  Palestine) 
under  Egyptian  rule ;  and  its  governor  Aziri  addresses  many  letters  to 
Amenophis^  Afterwards,  the  Amorites  appear  to  have  extended  them- 
selves southwards ;  and  in  the  OT.  the  term  is  used  in  two  connexions : 
(1)  Nu.  xxi.  13,  and  often,  of  the  people  ruled  by  Sihon,  on  the  E.  of 
Jordan;  (2)  as  a  general  designation  of  the  pre-Israelitish  population 
of  the  country  W.  of  Jordan  (so  esp.  in  E  and  Dt. ;  but  occasionally 
also  besides:  see  e.g.  ch.  xiv.  7,  xv.  16,  xlviii.  22;  Dt.  i.  7;  Jos.  x.  5; 
1  S.  vii.  14;  Am.  ii.  9,  10;  and  cf.  the  writer's  Deuterono/ni/,  p.  11  f.).    So 

1  See,  for  fuller  particulars,  Wright's  Empire  of  the  Hittites  (with  numerous 
illustrations) ;  Maspero,  ii.  351 — 9  ;  Ball,  95 — 98  ;  and  Hittites  in  EncB.  and  DB. 

2  See  Petrie,  Syria  and  Egypt  from  the  Tell  el  Aviarna  Utters  (1898),  pp.  136  f., 
140  f. ;  and  cf.  CANAANiiis  (^§  7 — 11)  in  the  EncB. 


126  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  17,  .8 

Hivite,  and  the  Arkite,  and  the  Sinite ;   18  and  the  Arvadite,  R 
and  the  Zemarite,  and  the  Hamathite :]  and  afterward  were  the  J 

far  as  we  can  judge,  this  population  consisted  in  the  main  (for  there 
were  no  doubt  smaller  local  tribes  as  well)  partly  of  'Amorites,' 
and  partly  of  '  Canaanites '  (see  on  v.  18) ;  and  some  winters  used  the 
one,  and  some  the  other  (cf.  on  xii.  6),  as  a  general  designation  of  the 
pre-Israelitish  inhabitants  of  Palestine', 

the  Girgashite.  A  tribe  mentioned  also  five  times  (ch.  xv.  21 ; 
Dt.  vii.  1 ;  Josh.  iii.  10,  xxiv.  11 ;  Neh.  ix.  8)  in  the  lists  of  the  peoples 
dispossessed  by  the  Israelites  (see  on  xv.  19 — 21);  but  without  any 
indication  of  the  locality  in  which  it  dwelt. 

17*.  the  Hivite.  A  petty  people  mentioned  likewise  often  in  the 
same  lists  (Ex.  iii.  8,  17,  &c.);  but  also  appearing  in  particular  in 
Shechem  (ch.  xxxiv.  2)  and  Gibeon  (Josh,  ix.  7,  xi.  19),  and  hence 
probably  settled  in  central  Palestine. 

17^,  18.  The  inhabitants  of  five  cities — four  in  northern  Phoenicia, 
and  one  (Hamath)  N.  of  that. 

17^  the  Arkite.  "KpKq,  now  Tel  Arha,  about  80  miles  N.  of  Zidon, 
at  the  foot  of  Lebanon,  still  an  important  city  in  the  Roman  period,  the 
birthplace  of  Alexander  Severus  (a.d.  222 — 235).  Both  Arka,  and  the 
following  Sin  and  Zemar,  are  mentioned  together  by  Tiglath-pileser  III. 
{KB.  II.  29,  1.  46)  as  cities  on  the  sea-coast. 

the  Sinite.  'Jerome  {Quaest.  in  Gen.,  ad  loc.)  states  that  Sin,  as 
the  name  of  a  once  prosperous  city,  still  attached  to  a  site  near  Arka; 
and  Breydenbach,  in  1483,  found  a  village  of  Syn  about  2  miles  from 
Nahr  Arka'  (Dillm.).     Ass.  Siannu  {KB.  I.e.). 

18*.  the  Arvadite.  Arvad  (now  Ruad),  about  25  miles  N.  of  Arka, 
was  the  most  northerly  of  the  great  Phoen.  towns ;  it  was  built  on  an 
island  ('in  the  midst  of  the  sea,'  KB.  i.  109),  and  was  always  famous 
as  a  maritime  state:  Tiglath-pileser  I.  (c.  1100  B.C.),  for  instance, 
embarked  on  ships  of  Arvad  upon  the  Great  Sea ;  see  also  Ez.  xxvii.  8, 
11;  Hdt.  VII.  98,  and  Strabo  xvi.  2.  12 — 14.  It  is  mentioned  in  the 
Tel  el-Amarna  letters;  and  also  frequently  by  the  Ass.  kings.  See 
further  EncB.  s.v. ;  and  a  plan,  shewing  the  island,  in  Masp.  11.  170. 

the  Zemarite.  The  city  or  fortress  of  ^tfjivpa,  2t'/Aupos  (Strabo  xvi. 
2.  12,  &c.),  6  miles  S.  of  Arvad;  the  name  is  still  preserved  in  a  village 
Sumra  (Bad.  Pal.*  442).  This  place  is  mentioned  very  frequently  in 
the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters;  see  Petrie,  157,  183,  s.v.  Tsumura,  Tsumur. 

the  Hamathite.  Hdmdth,  on  the  Orontes,  50  miles  ENE.  of  Arvad, 
the  later  Epiphaneia,  now  Hamd,  often  mentioned  both  in  the  OT., 
and  also  in  the  Egypt,  and  Ass.  inscriptions:  in  ancient  times,  the 
capital  of  an  independent  kingdom  (cf.  Is.  xxxvii.  13;  its  'kings'  are 
also  mentioned  in  the  Ass.  inscriptions),  and  still  a  large  place  of 

1  It  may  be  noticed  that  'Amorite'  is  a  racial  name  (i.e.  it  denotes  a  race  or 
people  so  called),  while  'Canaanite'  is  a  geographical  aarue  (i.e.  it  denotes  the 
people  inhabiting  the  country  called  'Cauuan'). 


X.  18-^0  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  127 

families  of  the  Canaanite  spread  abroad.     19  And  the  border  of  J 
the  Canaanite  was  from  Zidon,  as  thou  goest  toward  Gerar,  unto 
Gaza  ;  as  thou  goest  toward  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  and  Admah 
and  Zeboiim,  unto  Lasha.  |  20  These  are  the  sons  of  Ham,  after  P 
their    families,  after   their    tongues,   in    their  lands,  in  their 
nations. 

21  And  unto  Shem,  the  father  of  all  the  children  of  Eber,  J 

30,000  inhabitants.  The  '  entering-in  of  Hamath '  is  often  mentioned 
(e.g.  Am.  vi.  14)  as  the  ideal  N.  limit  of  Isr.  territory,  though  the 
exact  place  denoted  by  the  expression  is  uncertain  {DB.  iv.  269  f )'. 

IS**.  The  families  of  the  'Canaanite' — here  and  -y.  19  used  evidently 
in  its  narrower  and  more  usual  sense,  exclusive  of  the  Phoenicians — 
increased,  and  gradually  extended  themselves  over  what  is  now  generally 
known  as  '  Canaan ' ;  and  v.  Id  defines  their  S.  hmits. 

19.  The  two  limits  of  the  Canaanites  in  the  S.  are  Gaza  in  the 
SW.,  in  the  direction  of  Gerar,  and  Lesha'*  in  the  SE.,  in  the  direction 
of  Sodom,  Gomorrah,  Admah,  and  Zeboiim.  Gerar  was  some  distance 
SE.  of  Gaza :  on  its  probable  actual  site,  see  on  xx.  1.  Lesha'  is  not 
mentioned  elsewhere  ;  according  to  the  Targ.  Ps.-Jon.  and  Jerome,  it 
was  the  later  Callirrhoe,  a  celebrated  bathing  resort,  with  hot  springs 
(Jos.  £J.  I.  33.  5),  on  the  E.  side  of  the  Dead  Sea,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Wady  Zerka  Ma'in.  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  were  in  all  proba- 
bility at  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  (see  p.  170  f ).  Admah  and 
Zeboiim,  destroyed  at  the  same  time  as  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  are 
mentioned  also  in  ch.  xiv.  2,  8,  Dt.  xxix.  23,  Hos.  xi.  8. 

21 — 31.  The  sons  of  Shem.  The  double  introduction  (vv.  21,  22) 
is  a  clear  indication  of  the  double  origin  of  this  section  of  the  chapter : 
V.  22  is  the  introduction  to  the  list  of  the  sons  of  Shem,  exactly 
analogous  in  form  to  vv.  2,  6;  and  v.  21  is  out  of  place  before  it. 
Verses  22,  23  belong  to  P;  v.  21  (analogous  in  form  to  iv.  26)  belongs 
to  J. 

21.  all  the  children  of  'Eber.  The  expression  includes,  of  course, 
all  the  Arabian  tribes  mentioned  vv.  25 — 30,  as  well  as  (see  xi.  16 — 26) 
the  descendants  of  Abraham,  i.e.  the  Israehtes,  Ishmaelites,  Midianites 
(xxv.  2),  and  Edomites;  but  no  doubt  the  writer  has  his  own  nation 
chiefly  in  view,  and  the  words  are  intended  to  bring  out  the  significance 
of  Shem  as  the  ancestor  of  the  '  Hebrews,'  the  people  who  possessed  the 
knowledge  of  the  true  God.  'Eber  is  simply  the  supposed  eponymous 
ancestor  of  the  Hebrews,  the  first  letter  in  the  original  being  the  same 
in  both  words :  see  further  on  xi.  14. 

*  It  is  probable  that  vv.  16 — 18*  (to  Hamathite)  are  an  addition  to  the  original 
text  of  J,  inserted  by  one  who  thought  the  list  of  names  imperfect :  notice  (1)  that 
V.  16  anticipates  v.  18'' ;  (2)  that  the  five  peoples  named  in  vv.  l?*" — 18'  dwelt 
North  of  Sidon,  and  are  consequently  not  included  in  the  terms  of  v.  19;  and 
(3)  that  and  afterward  in  v.  18  connects  better  with  v.  15  end  than  with  vv.  16 — 18*. 

'  Laiha'  is  the  '  pausal '  form :  the  name  itself  would  be  L6slui\ 


128  THE  BOOK   OF  GENESIS  [x.  ii,  « 

Hhe  elder  brother  of  Japlieth,  to  him  also  were  children  bom.  |  J 
22  The  sons  of  Shem  ;  Elam,  and  Asshur,  and  Arpachsliad,  and  P 

^  Or,  the  brother  of  Japheth  the  elder 

the  elder  brother  of  Japheth.  The  words  are  added  in  order  to 
preclude  the  idea  that,  because  named  last,  Shem  was  therefore  the 
youngest. 

22.  Mam.  A  land  and  people  E.  of  Babylonia,  and  NE.  of  the 
Persian  Gulf,  of  which  the  capital  was  Susa  (Heb.  Shushan),  on  the 
Eulaeus :  in  Ass.  Mama,  Elamma,  or  (with  the  fem.  term.)  Elamtu. 
This  people  early  developed  a  flourishing  and  many-sided  civiUzation  : 
at  a  remote  period  (?  3800  B.C.), — though  not  before  they  had  invented 
a  system  of  writing, — they  were  subjugated  by  Sargon  of  Agadfe ;  and 
the  early  Elamite  princes  (many  of  whose  names  have  recently  been 
recovered)  style  themselves  patesi's  ('priest-kings,'  or  'viceroys'), 
shewing  that  they  were  dependent  upon  Babylonia.  Asshurbanipal 
tells  us  that  an  Elamite  king,  Kudur-nanchundi,  1635  years  before 
himself  (=  B.C.  2280),  invaded  Babylonia,  and  pillaged  many  temples ; 
and  not  long  after  we  find  Elamite  rulers  firmly  established  in  S.  Baby- 
lonia, till  their  power  was  broken  by  Hammurabi  (below,  p.  156  f)  and 
his  successor  Samsu-iluna  (b.c.  2087 — 2050)\  In  later  times  Elam  is 
mentioned  repeatedly  both  in  the  Ass.  inscriptions  and  in  the  OT. 
(ch.  xiv.  I;  Is.  xi.  11,  xxi.  2,  xxii.  6;  Ez.  xxxii.  24,  al.).  Racially,  the 
Elamites  were  entirely  distinct  from  the  Semites,  their  language,  for 
instance,  being  agglutinative  and  belonging  to  a  different  family:  their 
geographical  proximity  to  Assyria  is  no  doubt  the  reason  why  they  are 
here  included  among  the  '  sons '  of  Shem. 

Asshur.  The  great  nation  of  the  Assyrians  (in  Heb.  Asshur)  :  see 
on  V.  11.  The  Assyrians  were  a  Semitic  people,  their  language  belong- 
ing obviously  to  the  same  family  as  Hebrew,  Phoenician,  Aramaic, 
Arabic,  and  Ethiopic. 

Atyachshad.  A  name  still  not  satisfactorily  explained.  It  is  very 
commonly  understood  of  'AppaTraxtrts  (Ptol.  vi.  1.  2),  a  mountainous 
district  on  the  Upper  Zab,  N.  of  Nineveh  (about  37°  30'  N.),  in  the 
Ass.  inscriptions  Arrapha  (Paradies,  124  £),  now  Albdk  ;  but  this 
explanation  leaves  the  -shad  unexplained.  It  is,  on  the  whole,  more 
probable  that  the  name  is  intended  as  that  of  the  supposed  ancestor  of 
the  Kasdim  (EVV.  '  Chaldaeans '),  the  people  who,  living  originally  in 
the  'sea-land,'  on  the  lower  course  of  the  Euphrates,  spread  afterwards 
inland,  and  in  the  7 — 6  cent.  B.C.  became  the  ruling  caste  in  Babylonia 
(see  more  fully  on  xi.  31)^^.     See  further  v.  24,  and  on  xi.  10. 

1  See  Scheil,  Textes  Elamites-Semitiquei  (1900),  pp.  ix. — xii. ;  or  the  account  of 
M.  de  Morgan's  excavations  in  1897 — 1899,  by  St  Chad  Boscawen,  in  the  Asiatic 
Quarterly  Review ,  Oct.  1901,  p.  380  ff.;  liing  in  King  and  Hall'«  Eiiifpt  and  Western 
Asia  in  thf  Light  of  Recent  Discoveries  (1907),  pp.  221—229,  229—233  (on  the 
' Proto-Elamite '  system  of  writing),  234 — 246;  Meyer,  Gesch.  d.  Altertums^,  i.  ii. 
(1909),  pp.  408—410,  541—544,  551— 55(),  557  f.,  563  top. 

"  Prof.  Sayce  offers  conjectures  on  the  name  in  the  Exp.  Times,  Nov.  1901, 
p.  G5f.,  Feb.  1907,  p.  232. 


X. «,  23]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  129 

Lud,  and  Aram.    23  And  the  sons  of  Aram  ;  Uz,  and  Hiil,  and  P 

Lud  must,  it  seems,  be  the  Lydians  of  Asia  Minor,  of  whom 
Herodotus  (i.  6 — 94)  has  much  to  say,  and  who  first  emerge  into 
history  c.  740  B.C.  (Maspero,  ni.  336 — 341);  though  why  they  should 
be  mentioned  between  Arpachshad  and  Aram,  or,  indeed,  reckoned  to 
Shem  at  all,  is  by  no  means  apparent.  Hdt.,  however  (i.  7),  mentions 
a  legend  connecting  the  ancestors  of  the  Mermnadae  with  '  Ninus,  son 
of  Belus ' ;  and  it  is  possible  that  the  civilization  of  Lydia  may,  in  ways 
not  at  present  capable  of  being  more  precisely  determined,  have  been 
related  to  that  of  Assyria ;  and  that  this  fact  may  be  the  explanation 
of  the  appearance  of  the  name  here*. 

Aram.  The  great  Aramaean,  or  Syrian',  people,  spread  widely 
over  the  region  NE.  .of  Palestine,  as  far  as  Mesopotamia — special 
branches  being  designated  by  special  names,  as  'Aram  of  the  Two 
Rivers,'  'Aram  of  Damascus,'  'Aram  of  Zobah'  (ch.  xxiv.  10;  2  S.  viii. 
5,  X.  6).  The  most  important  and  powerful  of  the  Aramaean  (Syrian) 
kingdoms  in  OT.  times  was  that  of  Damascus,  of  which  we  read  so 
often  during  the  period  of  the  Kings.  From  the  8  th  cent.  B.C.,  if  not 
from  an  earlier  date,  Aramaean  influence  extended  itself  considerably 
in  different  directions:  weights  with  their  value  stamped  upon  them 
in  Aramaic  shew  that  it  was  used  as  the  language  of  commerce  in 
Nineveh;  Is.  xxxvi.  11  shews  that  in  B.C.  701  it  was  also  the  language 
of  diplomacy:  inscriptions,  in  different  x\ramaic  dialects,  found  at 
Zinjirli,  near  Aleppo  (of  the  age  of  Isaiah),  in  Eg5rpt  (c.  480  B.C.,  and 
later),  and  of  somewhat  later  dates  at  Palmyra,  Tema  (see  on  xxv.  15), 
and  El-'Ola  (the  Nabataean  inscriptions  of  NW.  Arabia)  testify  to  the 
wide  diffusion  of  Aramaic  around  Palestine;  after  the  Exile,  the  Jews 
gradually  acquired  the  use  of  Aramaic  from  their  neighbours,  so  that 
parts  of  Ezra  and  Daniel  are  actually  written  in  an  Aramaic  dialect, 
while  other  books  belonging  to  the  same  period  (as  Jonah,  Chronicles, 
Esther,  the  Heb.  parts  of  Daniel,  Ecclesiastes,  and  late  Psalms)  shew 
the  clearest  indications  of  its  influence. 

23.  Four  branches  of  Aram  are  here  specified,  which  were,  pre- 
sumably, of  some  note  at  the  time  when  the  genealogy  was  drawn  up, 
though  now  three  out  of  the  four  are  virtually  unknown. 

'tlz.  Best  known  as  the  people  of  Job's  fatherland  (Job  i.  1);  as 
may  be  inferred  from  Lam.  iv.  21,  also,  settled  not  very  far  from  Edom. 
Jer.  xxv.  20  (MT.)  mentions  kings  of  the  land  of  'Uz:  see  also  Gen. 
xxii.  21,  xxxvi.  28.  Hul  and  Gether  are  both  unknown.  Mash  is 
perhaps  connected  with  the  Mons  Masius,  to  MaVtov  opos  (Strabo  xi. 
14.  2),  N.  of  Nisibis,  a  range  which  separates  Armenia  from  Mesopotamia 
(Paradies,  259).  In  Ass.,  mat  Mash,  the  '  land  of  Mash,'  is  the  name 
of  the  great  Syro- Arabian  desert,  '  a  land  of  thirst  and  faintness,  where 

1  Sayce  {Mon.  146,  cf.  95,  105)  would  read  Nod  (cf,  iv.  16)  for  Lud,  supposing 
•Nod'  to  represent  the  Manda,  or  nomad  tribes  (cf.  on  xiv.  1),  of  the  Inscriptions, 
The  identification  of  Nod  with  Manda  is,  however,  itself  anything  but  probable. 

2  Syria,  Syrian,  in  the  OT.  is  in  the  Heb.  always  'Ardm,  'Arammi  (Aramaean), 

D.  9 


130  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  23-29 

Gether,  and  Mash.  |  24  And  Arpachshad  ^begat  Shelah ;  and  P  «> 
Shelah  begat  Eber.  25  And  unto  Eber  were  bom  two  sons : 
the  name  of  the  one  was  ^Peleg ;  for  in  his  days  was  the  earth 
divided ;  and  his  brother's  name  was  Joktan.  26  And  Joktan 
begat  Almodad,  and  Sheleph,  and  Hazarmaveth,  and  Jerah  ; 
27  and  Hadoram,  and  Uzal,  and  Diklah  ;  28  and  ^Obal,  and 
Abimael,  and  Sheba ;  29  and  Ophir,  and  Havilah,  and  Jobab : 

^  The  Sept.  reads,  hegat  Cainan,  and  Cainan  begat  Shelah.        "  That  is.  Division. 
»  In  1  Chr.  i.  22,  Ebal. 

no  beast  of  the  field  is,  and  no  bird  builds  its  nest,'  as  Asshurbanipal 
describes  it  (ibid.  242 ;  KB.  ii.  221);  but  it  is  hazardous,  with  Sayce 
{JSap.  Times,  Mar.  1897,  p.  258),  to  derive  the  name  of  a  people  from  this. 
24 — 30.     The  compiler  here  resumes  his  excerpts  from  J. 

24.  With  RVm.  cf.  Luke  iii.  36. 

25.  divided.  The  word  is  susceptible  of  different  interpretations; 
but  it  seems  most  likely  that  'earth'  is  meant  in  the  sense  oi population 
of  the  earth  (cf.  xi.  1);  and  that  the  'division'  referred  to  is  the 
dispersion  of  ix.  19,  x.  32,  xi.  9.  Cf.  the  same  Heb.  word  in  Ps.  Iv.  9. 
Palgu  is  however  in  Ass.  a  'canal'  (cf.  peleg,  'water-course,'  in  Ps. 
i.  3) ;  and  hence  Sayce  {I.e.)  supposes  the  reference  to  be  to  the 
'division'  of  Babylonia  into  canals  under  Hammurabi  (p.  156 w.). 

26 — 30.  Thirteen  tribes  descended  from  Yoktan.  Several  of  these 
cannot  be  identified,  at  least  with  any  certainty ;  but  it  is  clear  that  in 
general  tribes  dwelling  in  different  parts  of  Arabia  are  meant. 

26.  Almodad.     Uncertain :  see  DB. 

Sheleph.  Perhaps  one  of  the  many  places  of  the  name  Salf  which 
(according  to  Glaser,  p.  425)  still  exist  in  the  S.  of  Arabia  between 
Yemen  and  Hadramaut^ 

Hazarmaveth.  Mentioned  in  the  Sabaean  inscriptions,  now  Hadror 
maut,  a  district  in  S.  Arabia,  a  little  E.  of  Aden :  the  XaTpayu-wTiTat  of 
Strabo  (xvi.  4.  2),  one  of  the  four  chief  tribes  which,  according  to  the 
Greek  geographer,  inhabited  S.  Arabia. 

Yerah,  and  {v.  27)  Hadoram  and  Diklah,  are  all  unidentified. 

27.  Uzal.  According  to  Arab  tradition  (see  CIS.  iv.  i.  p.  2),  the 
old  name  of  San'4  (as  it  has  been  called,  since  its  occupation  by  the 
Abyssinians  in  the  6th  cent,  a.d.),  the  capital  of  Yemen.  Ez.  xxvii.  19 
(RVm.)  speaks  of  iron  being  brought  from  Uzal;  and  the  steel  of  San '4 
is  said  to  be  sfcill  in  high  repute  {DB.  i.  135). 

28.  *Ohal.  'Abil  is  said  to  be  at  the  present  day  the  name  of  a 
district  and  of  several  localities  in  Yemen. 

Abimael.  Not  iden+'flc;d:  the  name  is  however  one  of  genuine 
Sabaean  type. 

Shebd.  This  is  seemingly  the  main  body,  a  colony  or  offshoot 
of  which  in  the  N.  is  named  in  v.  7.     Sheba  is  often  mentioned  in  the 

'  SaXairvvol  in  Ptol.  vi.  7.  23  seems  to  be  a  textual  error  for  KaXairrjvoi, 


X.  19, 3o]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  131 

all  these  were  the  sons  of  Joktan.    30  And  their  dwelling  was  J 
from  Mesha,  as  thou  goest  toward  Sephar,  the  ^mountain  of  the 

^  Or,  hill  country 

OT.  as  a  distant  and  wealthy  people,  famed  for  its  gold,  precious 
stones,  and  perfumes,  esp.  frankincense  (see  on  v.  30),  which  were 
exported  to  Palestine,  Phoenicia,  and  other  countries  (1  K.  x.  1,  2,  10; 
Jer.  vi.  20^;  Ez.  xxvii.  22,  xxxviii.  13;  Is.  Ix.  6;  Ps.  Ixxii.  10;  cf  Job 
vi.  19,  and  the  description  in  Strabo  xvi.  4.  19).  The  ancient 
geographers  state  that  the  Sabaeans  dwelt  in  the  SW.  of  Arabia,  and 
that  their  capital  was  Mariaba  or  Saba  (about  200  miles  N.  of  the 
modern  Aden).  Sabaean  inscriptions  have  been  discovered  recently-  in 
great  numbers ;  and  they  shew  that  the  Sabaeans  were  a  settled  and 
civilized  nation,  possessing  an  organized  government,  with  cities, 
temples,  public  buildings,  &c.  (see  DB.  i.  133  f ,  and  s.v.  Sheba). 

29.  Ophir.  A  land  from  which,  in  Solomon's  time,  the  fleet  of 
Hiram  and  Solomon  brought  once  in  three  years  gold,  precious  stones, 
sandal-wood  (probably),  silver,  ivory,  apes,  and  peacocks  (1  K.  ix.  28, 
X.  11,  22^;  cf  xxii.  48),  and  the  gold  of  which  is  in  the  OT.  proverbial 
for  its  fineness  (Ps.  xlv.  9 ;  Is.  xiii.  12,  al.).  Much  has  been  written 
upon  Ophir,  and  many  attempts  have  been  made  to  identify  it  (see  DB. 
or  EncB.  s.v.) :  but  nothing  more  definite  can  be  stated  about  it  than 
that  it  was  perhaps  Abliira  at  the  mouth  of  the  Indus,  perhaps  some 
sea-port  on  the  E.  or  SE.  coast  of  Arabia,  which  served  as  an  emporium 
for  the  products  of  India  ^,  but  of  which  the  name  has  now  dis- 
appeared*. 

Havlldh.  In  all  probability,  different  from  the  Havilah  of  v.  7, 
but  the  same  as  the  Havilah  of  ii.  11,  and  xxv.  18,  the  terms  of  which 
imply  that  it  was  in  the  opposite  direction  to  Shur  '  in  front  of  Egypt,' 
i.e.  in  NE.  Arabia.  Di.  compares  the  XavXaratot  of  Strabo  (xvi.  4.  2), 
and  a  place  Huwaila  in  Bahrein,  on  the  Persian  Gulf 

30.  ^  The  Hmits,  from  N.  to  S. ,  of  the  country  occupied  by  the 
Joktanidae. 

Mesha.  Very  probably  (Di.),  with  only  a  change  of  points,  to  be 
read  as  Massa  (xxv.  14),  the  name  of  a  N.  Arabian  tribe,  about  halfway 
between  the  Gulf  of  'Akaba  and  the  Persian  Gulf. 

^  Comp.  Aen.  i.  416  ceutumque  Sahaeo  Ture  calent  arae;  G.  ii.  117  Solis  est 
turea  virga  Sabaeis  (both  already  quoted  by  Jerome). 

2  1  K.  ix.  28,  X.  11  make  it  probable  that  Ophir,  though  not  actually  named, 
was  the  destination  of  the  'navy  of  Tarshish,' — i.e.  (cf.  our  'East  Indiaman')  a 
fleet  of  large  merchant-vessels,  fit  for  long  voyages, — mentioned  in  this  verse. 

3  The  Heb.  words  for  '  apes '  and  '  peacocks '  are  not  Semitic,  but  Indian. 

*  Ophir  might,  in  the  abstract,  be  either  the  Arabian  coast  of  the  Persian  Gulf, 
or  Dhofar  (see  p.  132,  on  v.  30) ;  but  the  positive  arguments  adduced  by  Glaser 
(Shizze  der  Gesch.  u.  Geogr.  Arab,  ii.,  1890,  pp.  353  f.,  357  f.,  368—73,  377  f., 
380—3)  in  favour  of  the  former  view,  and  by  Prof.  A.  H.  Keane  {The  Gold  of  Ophir, 
1901,  pp.  75  ft.,  194—6)  in  favour  of  the  latter  view,  are  anything  but  conclusive. 
On  Carl  Peters'  identification  with  the  region  between  the  Zambesi  and  the  Sabi 
(in  which  there  were  anciently  extensive  gold- workings),  see  the  Addenda. 

9—2 


132  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [x.  30-3* 

east.  I  31  These  are  the  sons  of  Shem,  after  their  families,  after  ^'' J 
their  tongues,  in  their  lands,  after  their  nations. 

32  These  are  the  families  of  the  sons  of  Noah,  after  their 
generations,  in  their  nations  :  and  of  these  were  the  nations 
divided  in  the  earth  after  the  flood. 

Sephdr.  Probably  (though  the  sibilant  does  not  correspond  as  it 
ought  to  do)  Daphdr  (or  Dhofdr),  a  town  and  plain  on  the  S.  coast  of 
Arabia  (54°  E.)',  situated  beneath  a  lofty  mountain,  and  well  adapted 
to  form  a  landmark  {DB.  s.v.). 

unto  the  mountain  (or  hill  country)  of  the  east.  Probably  the  great 
frankincense  mountains,  which  extend  some  distance  beyond  Daphar 
towards  the  East".     Cf.  EncB.  iv.  4370,  5148. 

31,  32.  Subscriptions,  in  P's  manner,  to  w.  22 — 30  (cf.  w,  5,  20), 
and  to  the  whole  chapter,  respectively. 


Chapter  XI.  1 — 9. 
The  Tower  of  Babel. 

As  in  previous  sections  of  J,  the  origin  of  various  existing  customs  and 
institutions  is  explained,  so  here  the  explanation  is  given  of  the  diversity  of 
languages,  and  of  the  distribution  of  mankind  into  peoples  speaking  different 
languages  and  inhabitinj'  different  parts  of  the  earth.  Almost  as  soon  as  men 
began  to  reflect,  differences  of  language  must  have  impressed  them  as  sometliing 
calling  for  explanation  :  not  only  were  they  remarkable  in  themselves,  but  they 
also  formed  a  great  barrier  to  free  intercourse,  and  accentuated  national 
interests  and  antagonisms  (cf.  the  dread  and  aversion  expressed  for  men 
speaking  an  imintelligible  language,  in  Is.  xxviii.  11,  xxxiii.  19;  Dt.  xxviii.  49; 
Jer.  V.  15;  Ps.  cxiv.  1)^.  'The  story  of  the  Tower  of  Babel  suppUed  to  such 
primitive  questionings  an  answer  suited  to  the  comprehension  of  a  primitive 
time... Just  as  Greek  fable  told  of  the  giants  who  strove  to  scale  Olympus,  so 
Semitic  legend  told  of  the  impious  act  by  which  the  sons  of  men  sought  to  raise 
themselves  to  the  dwelling-place  of  God,  and  erect  an  enduring  symbol  of 
human  unity  to  be  seen  from  every  side'  (Ryle,  pp.  128,  131),  and  how  Jehovah 
interposed  to  frustrate  their  purpose,  and  brought  upon  them  the  very  dispersal 
which  they  had  sought  to  avoid. 

From  a  critical  point  of  view  the  narrative  presents  diflBculties  :  for,  though 
it  belongs  manifestly  to  J,  it  is  not  easy  to  harmonize  with  other  representations 

'  The  XawKpapa  of  Ptol.,  and  Sapphar  of  Pliny  (see  Spruner's  Atlas). 

*  Bent,  Southern  Arabia  (1900),  pp.  89,  91,  234  f.,  241  f.,  245,  252—4,  270  f. 

3  And  contrast  the  pictures  drawn  by  the  prophets,  of  the  future  harmony  of 
nations,  in  the  fear  and  worship  of  the  One  God,  Is.  ii.  2 — 4,  xix.  18,  23 — 25, 
Zeph.  iii.  9;  and  the  thought  of  the  universality  of  Christianity,  as  expressed 
symbolically  in  Acts  ii,  5 — 11. 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  133 

of  the  same  source.  It  seems  to  be  out  of  connexion  with  the  parts  of  J  in 
ch.  X.' :  for  there  the  dispersion  of  mankind  appears  as  the  result  of  a  natural 
process  of  migration,  here  it  is  the  penalty  for  misdirected  ambition;  and 
Babel  (Babylon),  the  building  of  which  is  here  interrupted,  is  in  x.  10 
represented  as  already  built.  It  connects  also  very  imperfectly  with  the  close 
of  J's  narrative  of  the  Flood ;  for  though  the  incident  which  it  describes  is 
placed  shortly  after  the  Flood,  the  men  who  gather  together  and  build  the 
city  seem  to  be  considerably  more  numerous  (cf.  the  terms  of  v.  1)  than  the 
members  of  the  single  family  of  Noah.  In  all  probability  (Dillm.)  the  story 
originally  grew  up  without  reference  to  the  Flood,  or  the  derivation  of  mankind 
from  the  three  sons  of  Noah,  and  it  has  been  imperfectly  accommodated  to  the 
narratives  in  chs.  ix.  and  x. :  perhaps,  indeed,  Wellh.  and  others  are  right  in 
conjecturing  that  originally  it  belonged  to  the  same  cycle  of  tradition  as 
iv.  17 — 24,  in  which  (see  p.  74)  the  continuity  of  human  history  seems  not  to 
have  been  interrupted  by  a  Flood,  and  that  it  formed  part  of  the  sequel  to 
iv.  24. 

That  the  narrative  can  contain  no  scientific  or  historically  true  account  of 
the  origin  of  different  languages,  is  apparent  from  many  indications.  In  the 
first  place,  if  it  is  in  its  right  position,  it  can  be  demonstrated  to  rest  upon 
unhistorical  assumptions :  for  the  Bibhcal  date  of  the  Flood  (see  the  Introd.  §  2) 
is  B.O.  2501,  or  (lxx.)  b.c.  3066;  and,  so  far  from  the  whole  earth  being  at  either 
B.O.  2501  or  B.O.  3066  'of  one  language  and  of  one  (set  of)  words,'  numerous 
inscriptions  are  in  existence  dating  considerably  earher  even  than  b.c.  3066, 
written  in  three  distinct  languages,  the  pre-Semitic  Sumerian  (or  '  Accadiau '), 
the  Semitic  Babylonian,  and  Egyptian.  But  even  if  Wellh. 's  supposition  that 
the  narrative  relates  really  to  an  earher  stage  of  the  history  of  mankind,  bo 
accepted,  it  would  be  not  less  difficult  to  regard  it  as  historical.  For  (1)  the 
narrative,  while  explaining  ostensibly  the  diversity  of  languages,  offers  no 
explanation  of  the  diversity  of  races.  And  yet  diversity  of  language,— 
meaning  here  by  the  expression  not  the  relatively  subordinate  differences 
which  are  always  characteristic  of  languages  developed  from  a  common 
parent-tongue,  but  those  more  radical  differences  relating  alike  to  grannnar, 
structure,  and  roots,  which  shew  that  the  languages  exhibiting  them  cannot  be 
referred  to  a  common  origin, — is  dependent  upon  diversity  of  race.  It  is  of 
course  true  that  cases  occur  in  which  a  people  brought  into  contact  with  a 
people  of  another  race  have  adopted  their  language  ;  but,  speaking  generally, 
radically  different  languages  are  characteristic  of  different  races,  or  (if  tliis 
word  be  used  in  its  widest  sense)  of  subdivisions  of  races,  or  sub-races,  which, 
in  virtue  of  the  faculty  of  creating  language  distinctive  of  man,  have  created 
them  for  purposes  of  intercommunication  and  to  satisfy  their  social  in- 
stincts^.    Differences  of  race,  in  other  words,  are  more  primary  in  man  than 

^  In  the  parts  of  ch.  x.  which  belong  to  P,  distinct  languages,  as  well  as  distinct 
nations,  are  already  spoken  of  {vv.  5,  20,  31).  No  doubt  their  existence  is  also 
implied  in  J;  but  it  is  not  expressly  afl&rmed. 

2  'The  idioms  of  mankind  have  had  many  independent  starting-points'  (Sayce, 
Introd.  to  the  Science  of  Lang.,  1880,  ii.  323).  The  number  of  separate  families  of 
speech,  now  existing  in  the  world,  which  cannot  be  connected  with  one  another, 
approaches  100:  see  ibid.  ii.  32 — 64. 


134  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xi.  i,  i 

diflForences  of  language^,  and  have  first  to  be  accounted  for.  (2)  Not  only, 
however,  are  differences  of  race  left  entirely  unexplained  in  the  Biblical 
narrative;  but  (comp.  above,  p.  114)  the  great  races  into  which  mankind  ia 
divided  must  have  migrated  into  their  present  homes,  and  had  their  existing 
character  stamped  upon  them,  at  an  age  vastly  earlier  than  that  which  the 
chronology  of  Genesis  permits, — even  upon  Wellh.'8  view  of  the  original  place 
of  xi.  1 — 9, — for  the  dispersion  of  mankind.  The  antiquity  of  man,  and  the 
wide  distribution  of  man,  with  strongly  marked  racial  differences,  are  two  great 
outstanding  facts,  which  the  Biblical  narrative, — whether  here  or  elsewhere  in 
Genesis, — not  only  fails  to  account  for,  but  does  not  even  leave  room  for  2, 

The  narrative  thus  contains  simply  the  answer  which  Hebrew  folk-lore 
gave  to  the  question  which  differences  of  language  directly  suggested.  In 
reality  differences  of  language  are  the  result,  not  the  cause,  of  the  diffusion  of 
mankind  over  the  globe.  At  the  same  time,  the  explanation  is  so  worded  as 
to  convey,  like  the  other  early  narratives  of  Genesis,  spiritijal  lessons.  Though 
the  conception  of  Deity  is  naive,  and  even,  perhaps  {v.  7),  imperfectly  disengaged 
from  polytheism,  the  narrative  nevertheless  emphasizes  Jehovah's  supremacy 
over  the  world ;  it  teaches  how  the  self-exaltation  of  man  is  checked  by  God ; 
and  it  shews  how  the  distribution  of  mankind  into  nations,  and  diversity  of 
language,  are  elements  in  His  providential  plan  for  the  development  and 
progress  of  humanity. 

The  Fathers  and  many  subsequent  scholars,  including  some  even  in  the 
last  century,  believed  Hebrew  to  be  the  primitive  language  of  mankind.  The 
rise  of  a  science  of  comparative  philology  has  shewn  this  to  be  completely  out 
of  the  question  3,  if  only  because,  when  compared  with  the  other  Semitic 
languages,  Hebrew  exhibits  elements  of  decay,  and  Arabic  is,  in  many  respects, 
an  older  and  more  primitive  language.  But,  unless  all  analogy  is  deceptive, 
the  language  of  the  primitive  men  must  have  been  of  a  far  more  simple, 
undeveloped  form  than  any  of  the  existing  Semitic  languages*.  As  need 
hardly  be  remarked,  what  the  primitive  language  of  mankind  was,  is  unknown. 

XI.     1   And  the  whole  earth  was  of  one  language  and  J' 
of  one  ^speech.    2   And  it  came  to  pass,  as  they  journeyed 

1  Heb.  lip.  ^  Heb.  words. 

XI.     1.     was  of  one  langtiage,  and  of  one  (set  of)  words.     I.e. 

had  one  language  (viewed  as  a  whole),  and  used  the  same  individual 
expressions.  For  the  idiom,  use  of  lip  (E,Vm.),  cf  w.  6,  7  (twice),  9, 
Is.  xix.  18,  xxxiii.  19  (Heb.).    On  the  statement  itself,  see  above. 

2,  The  writer  pictures  these  early  men  as  moving  nomadically 
(cf  the  note  on  xii.  9)  from  spot  to  spot,  till  at  last  they  found  a  plain 
on  which  they  settled. 

^  Cf .  Sayce,  Races  of  the  OT.  p.  37  f. :  'Diversity  of  race  is  older  than  diversity 
of  language.' 

2  See  further  the  Introductioa,  pp.  xxxi — xlii.  . 

8  Comp.  Max  Miiller,  Lectures  on  the  Science  of  Lang,,  1st  series,  Leot.  IV.  (ed. 
1864,  p.  132  ff.). 

*  Comp.  A.  H.  Keane,  Ethnology  (1901),  pp.  197,  198,  206  f. 


XL  2-5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GEITESIS  135 

^east,  that  they  found  a  plain  in  the  land  of  Shinar ;  and  they  J 
dwelt  there.  3  And  they  said  one  to  another,  Go  to,  let  us 
make  brick,  and  burn  them  throughly.  And  they  had  brick  for 
stone,  and  ^slime  had  they  for  mortar.  4  And  they  said.  Go  to, 
let  us  build  us  a  city,  and  a  to'vver,  whose  top  may  reach 
unto  heaven,  and  let  us  make  us  a  name ;  lest  we  be  scattered 
abroad  upon  the  face  of  the  whole  earth.    5  And  the  Lord 

*  Or,  in  the  east  *  That  is,  bitmnen. 

eastwards  (xiii.  11),  or  (RVm.)  in  the  east.  ^  Viz.  of  Palestine 
(cf.  ii.  8).  The  exprossion  is  a  vague  one ;  and  it  is  idle  to  speculate, 
especially  in  view  of  the  uncertainty,  mentioned  above,  as  to  the 
original  context  of  the  narrative,  whence  the  writer  may  have  sup- 
posed mankind  to  have  started. 

a  plain.  The  fx-iya  TreStov,  in  which,  according  to  Hdt.  (l  178), 
Babylon  lay. 

Shin'dr.     I.e.  Babylonia;  see  on  x.  10. 

3.  In  Palestine  stone  was  abundant,  and  used  for  all  buildings 
of  any  pretensions;  in  Babylonia  it  was  unknown,  and  brick  (as  the 
excavations  abundantly  shew)  was  the  regular  building-material,  burnt 
bricks,  cemented  together  by  bitumen,  being  generally  used  for  the 
outer  parts  of  a  building,  and  sun-dried  bricks,  laid  in  coarse  clay, 
for  the  interior.  See  more  fully  Rawlinson,  A?ic.  Monarchies*,  i.  71 — 
74 ;  and,  for  an  illustration  of  an  ancient  brick  house  at  Ur,  Maspero, 
I.  746'.  The  verse  was  evidently  written  by  one  to  whom  great  build- 
ings constructed  with  brick  and  bitumen  were  unfamiliar. 

slime.  Bitumen  (lxx.  do-e^aXros);  Heb.  hemdr{xiv.  10;  Ex.  ii.  3t), 
apparently  the  genuine  native  word  for  the  foreign  kopher  in  vi.  14. 

4.  a  tower  (with)  its  top  in  heaven.  The  expression  is  probably 
meant  here,  not  hyperbolically  (Dt.  i.  28),  but  Uterally,  'heaven' 
(cf.  on  i.  6)  being  regarded  as  an  actual  vault,  which  might  be  reached 
(cf.  Is.  xiv,  13  f.),  at  least  by  a  bold  effort.  The  coincidence  may  be 
accidental ;  but  it  may  be  worth  mentioning  that  the  Bab.  and  Ass. 
kings  pride  themselves  upon  the  height  of  their  temples,  and  boast 
of  having  made  their  tops  as  high  as  heaven  (Jastrow,  Religion  of 
Bah.  and  Ass.  p.  613,  citing  KB.  i.  43,  1.  102  f.,  m.  2,  p.  5,  1.  38  of 
Coll.:  cf.  EncB.l.  411,  w.  3). 

make  us  a  name.  Make  ourselves  famous,  and  secure  our  names 
against  oblivion.  The  expression,  as  Is.  Ixiii.  12, 14;  Jer.  xxxii.  20,  al.; 
for  the  motive,  comp.  2  S.  xviii.  18 ;  Is.  Ivi.  5. 

lest  &c.  The  city,  and  its  famous  tower,  were  to  form  a  centre  and 
raUjdug-point,  which  would  hold  mankind  together. 

1  The  bitumen  was  obtained  anciently  from  the  springs  at  Hit,  on  the 
Euphrates,  about  150  miles  above  Babylon,  where  it  is  still  abundant  (Hdt.  i.  179, 
with  Rawl.'s  note:  Layard,  Nineveh  and  its  remains,  ii.  46  f.,  describes  also  the 
springs  near  Kal'at  Sherkat  [above,  on  ii.  14],  on  the  Tigris).     Cf.  on  vi.  14. 


136  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xi.  5-9 

came  down  to  see  the  city  and  the  tower,  which  the  children  of  J 
men  builded.  6  And  the  Lord  said.  Behold,  they  are  one 
people,  and  they  have  all  one  language ;  and  this  is  what  they 
begin  to  do :  and  now  nothing  will  be  withholden  from  them, 
which  they  pm-pose  to  do.  7  Go  to,  let  us  go  down,  and  there 
confound  their  language,  that  they  may  not  understand  one 
another's  speech.  8  So  the  Lord  scattered  them  abroad  from 
thence  upon  the  face  of  all  the  earth  :  and  they  left  off  to  build 
the  city.  9  Therefore  was  the  name  of  it  called  Babel ;  because 
the  Lord  did  there  ^confound  the  language  of  all  the  earth : 
and  from  thence  did  the  Lord  scatter  them  abroad  upon  the 
face  of  all  the  earth. 

^  Heb.  halal,  to  confound. 

5.  came  down.     Cf.  v.  7 ;  Ex.  iii.  8. 

to  see  &c.    For  the  anthropomorphism,  cf.  xviii.  21 ;  also  v.  7,  below. 

6,  7.  It  seems  probable,  from  the  terms  of  v.  7  ('let  us  go  down'), 
that  words  after  v.  5  have  been  omitted ;  and  that  the  narrative 
originally  told  how  Jehovah  returned  to  His  lofty  abode,  and  addressed 
the  words  which  now  follow  as  w.  6,  7  to  the  inferior  divine  beings 
there,  His  heavenly  counsellors  or  associates. 

6.  If  this  great  work  is  the  beginning  of  their  ambition,  what  will 
be  the  end  of  it  ?  nothing  soon  will  be  beyond  their  reach.  The  thought, 
tacitly  underlying  the  verse,  is  that  they  may  in  some  way  make  them- 
selves the  rivals  of  the  Deity,  and  even  become  too  powerful  for  Him ; 
a  danger  such  as  tliis  must  be  averted  betimes  (cf  iii.  22).  The 
narrative,  it  must  be  remembered,  embodies  a  rudimentary,  child-like 
conception  of  Deity. 

7.  let  us  go  down.  The  plural — unless,  indeed,  it  is  here  the 
survival  of  an  originally  polytheistic  representation  (cf  the  last  note 
but  one) — is  to  be  explained  as  in  iii.  5,  22.  The  use  in  i.  26,  Is.  vi.  8 
is  different. 

9.  Babel.  I.e.  Babylon  (see  on  x.  10).  The  etymology  given 
here  is,  however,  known  now  to  be  incorrect ;  for  the  name  is  wi-itten 
in  the  inscriptions  in  a  manner  which  shews  clearly  that  it  signifies 
'  gate  of  God '  (Bdb-Il),  and  that  it  cannot  be  derived  from  the  Heb. 
bdlal,  to  mix,  confuse.  It  is  simply  a  popular  etjonology,  which  lent 
itself  conveniently  to  the  purpose  which  the  narrator  had  in  hand. 

No  Babylonian  parallel  to  the  preceding  narrative  has  as  yet  been  dis- 
coveredl     Indeed,  though  it  evidently  presupposes  a  knowledge  of  Babylon, 

^  There  are  no  sufficient  grounds  for  the  supposition  that  the  confusion  of 
tongues  is  referred  to  in  the  fragmentary  inscription  translated  by  G.  Smith,  Chald. 
Gen.  p.  160  ff.,  and  mentioned  by  Sayce,  Hon.  p.  153  ;  for  the  meanings  of  the  two 
crucial  words,  rendered  'strong  place'  and  'speech,'  are  both  extremely  doubtful. 
See  the  note  in  DB.  iv.  793* ;  and  add  King,  Tablets  oj  Creation,  pp.  219,  220. 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  137 

it  does  not  seem  itself  to  be  of  Babylonian  origin :  if  any  Babylonian  legend 
lies  at  the  basis  of  it,  it  must  have  been  strongly  Hebraized.  As  Gunkel  has 
remarked,  the  narrative  reflects  the  impression  which  Babylon  would  make 
upon  a  foreigner,  rather  than  that  which  it  would  make  upon  a  native :  the 
unfavourable  light  in  which  the  foundation  of  Babel  (i.e.  Babylon)  is  repre- 
sented, the  idea  that  the  erection  of  what  {ex  hyp.)  can  harJly  have  been 
anything  but  a  Babylonian  zikkurat  (or  pyramidal  temple- tower) ^  was  inter- 
rupted by  {ex  hyp.)  a  Babylonian  deity,  the  mention,  as  of  something  unusual, 
of  brick  and  bitumen  as  building-materials,  and  the  false  etymology  of  the 
name  '  Babel,'  are  all  features  not  likely  to  have  originated  in  Babylonia.  It 
does  however  seem  a  not  improbable  conjecture  (Ewald,  Schrader,  Dillm.) 
that  some  gigantic  tower-Uke  building  in  Babylon,  which  had  either  been  left 
unfinished,  or  fallen  into  disrepair,  gave  rise  to  the  story.  The  tower  in 
question  has  been  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  celebrated  zikkurat  of  B-zida, 
the  great  temple  of  Nebo  in  Borsipjia  (a  city  8  or  9  miles  from  Babylon 
on  the  SW.),  the  ruined  remains  of  which  form  the  huge  pyramidal  mound  now 
called  Birs  Nhnroud.  This  zikkurat,  remarkably  enough,  Nebuchadnezzar 
states  had  been  built  partially  by  a  former  king,  but  not  completed :  its  '  head,' 
or  top,  had  not  been  set  up ;  it  had  also  fallen  into  disrepair ;  and  Neb. 
restored  it^.  Others  regard  it  as  an  objection  to  this  identification  that 
E-zida  was  not  actually  in  Babylon ;  and  prefer  to  think  of  the  zikkurat 
of  B-sagil,-the  famous  and  ancient  temple  of  Marduk  in  Babylon  itself,  the 
site  of  which  was  discovered  in  1900,  in  the  course  of  the  excavations  organized 
by  the  German  Orient-Gesellschnft,  under  the  mound  of  'Amran^.  Schrader 
does  not  decide  between  ll-zida  and  E-sagil :  Dillra.  thinks  E-sagil  the  more 
likely,  but  leaves  it  open  whether,  after  all,  the  Heb.  legend  may  not  have 
referred  to  some  half-ruined  ancient  building  in  Babylon,  not  otherwise  known 
to  us.  The  high  antiquity  of  Babylon,  the  fact  that  it  was  the  chief  centre  of 
a  region  in  which  the  Hebrews  placed  the  cradle  of  the  human  race,  and  the 
further  fact  that  it  was  always  a  great  meeting-place  for  men  of  many  nations 
(cf.  Is.  xiii.  14,  xlvii.  15),  would  lead  it  not  unnaturally  to  be  regarded  as  the 
point  from  which  mankind  dispersed  over  the  earth. 

XI.    10—26. 
The  genealogy  of  the  Shemites,  from  Shem  to  Terali. 

A  section  derived  from  P,  as  is  evident  from  the  stereotyped  style,  which 
closely  resembles  that  of  ch.  v.  Like  that  chapter,  it  bridges  over  an  interval, 
about  which  there  was  nothing  special  to  record,  by  a  genealogy,  the  design  oi 

^  A  zikkurat  (from  zukkuru,  to  elevate)  is  a  massive  pyramidal  tower,  ascending 
in  stage-like  terraces,  with  a  temple  at  the  top.  See  Jastrow,  Eel.  of  Bab.  and  Ass. 
pp.  615—622 ;  and  cf.  Hdt.  i.  181. 

2  The  inscription  is  translated  in  KAT.^  p.  124  f. ;  KB.  in.  2,  pp.  53,  55.  Of 
course,  however,  Gen.  xi.  1 — 9  is  some  centuries  earlier  than  Nebuchadnezzar. 

*  See  Weissbach,  Das  Stadtbild  von  Babylon  (1904),  p.  21,  and  the  plan,  p.  13; 
or  Lan-;don's  art.  on  the  topography  of  ancient  Babylon  in  the  Expositor,  July, 
19  y.  For  a  view  of  Birs  Nimroud,  see  Smith,  DB.  i,  159  ("i.  320).  The  mound  of 
'Amran  is  marked  on  the  map  ibid.  i.  153  (•^i.  317),  or  in  EncB.  i.  415 — 6;  but  the 
plan  of  the  city  in  Smith  is  antiquated. 


138  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xi.  ro-15 

which  is  to  convey  an  idea  of  the  length  and  general  character  of  the  period. 
In  the  ages  assigned  to  the  several  patriarchs,  it  will  be  noticed  that  those  in 
vv.  18 — 26  are  lower  than  those  in  vv.  10 — 17,  while  all  are  considerably  lower 
than  those  of  the  patriarchs  (except  Enoch)  mentioned  in  ch.  v. :  it  is  thus  the 
theory  of  the  author  that  the  normal  years  of  human  life  gradually  diminished 
during  these  two  prehistoric  periods.  The  number  of  years  embraced  in  the 
entire  period  from  the  Flood  to  the  birth  of  Abraham  is  290,  or,  according  to 
the  Lxx.,  1070  (the  ages  of  six  at  the  birth  of  their  firstborn  being  100  years 
more  than  in  the  Heb.,  and  there  being  besides  50  extra  years  for  Nahor,  and 
the  130  of  Cainan).  The  Sam.  text  gives  940  years  for  the*  entire  period.  In 
this  case  (cf.  p.  79)  it  is  generally  allowed  that  the  Heb.  preserves  the  original 
figures.  They  are  less  extravagant  than  the  figures  in  ch.  v. ;  and  though  the 
entire  lifetimes  assigned  to  the  various  patriarchs  are  out  of  the  question,  the 
age  of  each  at  the  birth  of  the  next  might,  in  itself,  be  historical.  Whence 
the  names  are  derived,  must  remain  undetermined.  Some  of  them  seem  to  be 
personal  names  abstracted  from  the  names  of  tribes  or  places^ ;  and  the  same 
may  be  the  case  with  the  rest.  Verses  12 — 17  (Shelah,  'Eber,  Peleg)  are  parallel 
to  X.  24,  25  in  J,  just  as  v.  3—8  (?)  are  parallel  to  iv.  25,  26  (J). 

10  These  are  the  generations  of  Shem.    Shem  was  an  hundred  P 
years  old,  and  begat  Arpachshad  two  years  after  the  flood: 
11   and  Shem  lived  after  he  begat  Arpachshad  five  hundred 
years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters. 

12  And  Arpachshad  lived  five  and  thirty  years,  and  begat 
Shelah :  13  and  Arpachshad  lived  after  he  begat  Shelah  four 
hundred  and  three  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters. 

14  And  Shelah  lived  thirty  years,  and  begat  Eber ;   16  and 

10.  Arpachshad.  See  on  x.  22.  'Its  position  here  at  the  head 
of  the  genealogy  shews  that  this  land  was  a  primitive  seat  of  those 
mentioned  afterwards,  and  consequently  of  the  Terahites'  (Dillm.). 

12,  13.  Shelah.  The  lxx.  read  Kainan  for  Shelah  in  w.  12,  13; 
and  then  insert  two  verses  stating  that  Kainan  lived  130  years  and 
begat  Shelah,  and  lived  afterwards  330  years.     Cf  x.  24  RVm. 

14.  ^Ebe^'.  The  eponymous  ancestor  of  the  Hebrews.  The  word 
'eher  signities  the  otlier  side,  across;  and  so  the  name  Hebrew  C"!??^, 
— in  form  a  gentile  name,  denoting  the  inhabitant  of  a  country,  or  the 
member  of  a  tribe)  is  usually  explained  as  denoting  those  who  have 
come  from  'eber  ha-ndhdr  (see  Jos.  xxiv.  2,  3,  14,  15),  or  'the  other  side 
of  the  River'  (the  Euphrates),  i.e.  from  Haran  {v.  31)  in  Aram-naharaim, 
the  home  of  Nahor  (xxiv.  10)  and  Abraham  (xxiv.  4,  7,  comp.  with  10). 
It  is  however  possible  that  Stade,  Wellh.,  Kautzsch,  and  others  are 
right  in  explaining  it  as  signifying  those  who  have  come  from  'the 
other  side'  of  the  Jordan,  supposing  it  to  have  been  first  given  to 

1  As  happens  eometimes  in  the  case  of  Arabian  genealogies  {EncB.  n.  1660). 


XI.  15-"]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  139 

Shelah  lived  after  he  begat  Eber  four  hundi^ed  and  three  years,  P 
and  begat  sons  and  daughters. 

16  And  Eber  lived  four  and  thirty  years,  and  begat  Peleg : 
17  and  Eber  lived  after  he  begat  Peleg  four  hundred  and  thirty 
years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters. 

18  And  Peleg  lived  thirty  years,  and  begat  Reu :  19  and 
Peleg  lived  after  he  begat  Reu  two  hundred  and  nine  years,  and 
begat  sons  and  daughters. 

20  And  Reu  lived  two  and  thirty  years,  and  begat  Serug : 
21  and  Reu  lived  after  he  begat  Serug  two  hundred  and  seven 
years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters. 

Israel  by  the  Canaanites,  after  they  had  entered  Palestine'.  It  is 
a  peculiarity  of  the  name  Hebrew  that  (like  that  of  the  '  Greeks,'  for 
instance)  it  is  not  the  normal  native  name,  but  is,  all  but  exclusively, 
either  placed  in  the  mouth  of  foreigners  (as  xxxix.  14),  or  used 
by  Israelites  for  the  purpose  of  distinguishing  pointedly  Abraham 
or  his  descendants  from  foreigners  (as  xiv.  13,  xl.  15,  xhii.  32; 
Jon.  i.  9 :  cf  Ex.  i.  15,  16,  ii.  6,  7,  v.  3,  xxi.  2)'. 

16.     Peleg.     Cf  on  x.  25. 

20.  Serug.  Certainly  connected  with  Seruj,  a  district  and  city, 
mentioned  aheady,  in  the  form  Sarugi,  in  the  'Assyrian  Domesday 
Book,'  or  description  of  holdings  about  Haran  in  the  7th  cent.  B.C., 
published  by  G.  H.  W.  Johns  (1901),  pp.  29,  43,  48,  68  (33,  45,  50); 
and  well  known  to  Arabic  and  Syriac  writers  of  the  middle  ages ; 
in  Mesopotamia  ('Aram-Naharaim,'  xxiv.  10),  about  38  miles  W.  of 
Haran  {v.  31),  and  30  miles  SW.  of  Urhoi  (Edessa).  See  Sachau, 
Meise  in  Syr.  u.  Mesop.  1883,  pp.  181—3,  and  the  2nd  Map  at  the 
end.     Sayce  adopts  the  same  view  (Exp.  Times,  Feb.  1907,  p.  233). 

^  Why  'Eber  is  not  the  immediate,  but  the  sixth  ancestor  of  Abraham,  and  why 
many  other  tribes  besides  the  Hebrews  are  reckoned  as  his  descendants  (see  on 
X.  21),  must  remain  matter  of  conjecture:  no  doubt  the  Heb.  genealogists  were 
guided  partly  by  facts,  partly  by  theories,  respecting  the  movements  and  mutual 
relations  of  the  tribes  mentioned  by  them,  with  which  we  are  unacquainted.  It 
may  be  (cf.  Konig,  Lehrgeb.  i.  19,  21)  that,  though  the  Israelites  were  Kar'  i^oxvf 
'Hebrews,'  it  was  remembered  that  the  land  'across '  the  Euphrates  had  been  for  a 
long  time  the  resting-place  of  Abraham's  ancestors,  and  that  many  other  tribes 
(Peleg,  Keu,  &c.  as  well  as  the  Yoktanidae,  x.  26  ff.)  had  migrated  from  it. 

*  The  theory  of  Hommel  {Anc.  Heb.  Trad.  324 — 7,  and  elsewhere  :  see  also 
EncB.  Eber,  and  DB.  ii.  326)  that  Ehir  ndri  (  =  the  Bibl.  'eber  ha-ndhdr)  was  the 
name  originally  given  by  the  Babylonians  to  the  region  about  Ur  (see  on  v.  31)  on 
the  other  (i.e.  the  western)  side  of  the  Euphrates,  that  accordingly  Abraham  and  his 
forefathers  were  known  to  the  Babylonians  as  'Hebrews'  (in  the  sense  of  'inhabi- 
tants of  this  ebir  nari'),  that  Abraham  and  his  descendants  carried  this  foreign 
name  about  with  them  for  many  centuries,  till  finally  it  reappeared  in  the  OT.  in 
the  applications  explained  above,  is  in  itself  most  improbable,  besides  resting, 
from  the  first  stage  to  the  last,  upon  a  basis  of  pure  hypothesis. 


140  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xi.  ■^^-^l 

22  And  Seriig  lived  thirty  years,  and  begat  Nahor  :   23  and  P 
Sevug  lived  after  he  begat  Nahor  two  hundred  years,  and  begat 
sons  and  daughters. 

24  And  Nahor  lived  nine  and  twenty  years,  and  begat  Terah : 
25  and  Nahor  lived  after  he  begat  Terah  an  hundred  and 
nineteen  years,  and  begat  sons  and  daughters. 

26  And  Terah  lived  seventy  years,  and  begat  Abram,  Nahor, 
and  Haran. 

22.  Nahor.  '  Once  the  name  of  a  people  of  considerable  import- 
ance '  (Dillm.)  :  cf.  on  v.  29.  The  name  is  perhaps  preserved  in 
Til-Nahiri,  a  place  near  Sarugi  (Johns,  op.  cit.  p.  71).     Cf.  Sayce,  I.e. 

XI.  27—32. 
The  family  history  of  Terah, 

A  short  account  of  the  history  of  Terah,  stating  what  was  necessary  as  an 
introduction  to  the  liistory  of  his  son,  Abraham,  chaps,  xii. — xxv.  10.  Verses 
27,  31,  32  belong  to  P,  vv.  28—30  to  J. 

27  Now  these  are  the  generations  of  Terah.    Terah  begat  p 
Abram,  Nahor,  and  Haran ;   and  Haran  begat  Lot.  |  28   And  J 
Haran  died  in  the  presence  of  his  father  Terah  in  the  land  of 
his  nativity,  in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees.    29  And  Abram  and  Nahor 
took  them  wives :  the  name  of  Abram's  wife  was  Sarai ;  and  the 
name  of  Nahor's  wife,  Milcah,  the  daughter  of  Haran,  the  father 
of  Milcah,  and  the  father  of  Iscah.    30  And  Sarai  was  barren  ; 
she  had  no  child.  |  31  And  Terah  took  Abram  his  son,  and  Lot  P 
the  son  of  Haran,  his  son's  son,  and  Sarai  his  daughter  in  law, 
his  son  Abram's  wife ;   and  they  went  forth  with  them  from 

28.  in  the  presence  of  his  father.  I.e.  while  his  father  was  yet 
alive.     So  Num.  iii.  4. 

in  Ur  of  the  Chaldees.  See  on  r.  31 :  the  words  are  here  very 
possibly  a  harmonistic  addition — the  land  of  Haran's  and  Abram's 
'  nativity '  being  in  J  Aram-Naharaim  (see  p.  142). 

29.  Nahor  marries  Milcah,  his  niece  (cf.  xxii.  20—23) :  comp. 
Abraham's  marriage  with  his  half-sister,  xx.  12.  Perhaps,  however, 
Dillm.  is  right  in  supposing  that  in  this  case  the  '  marriage '  signihes 
really  the  amalgamation  of  communities. 

31.  and  they  went  forth  with  them.  ^Vho  went  with  whom  ? 
Read  probably,  with  lxx.,  Sam.,  and  Vulg.,  and  he  brought  them  forth 
(DJ^X  N^'i  for  D?N'  -INV'l). 


XL  31, 3^]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  141 

Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  to  go  into  the  land  of  Canaan ;  and  they  P 
came  unto  Haran,  and  dwelt  there.    32  And  the  days  of  Terah 
were  two  hundred  and  five  years  :  and  Terah  died  in  Haran. 

Ur.  Now,  as  inscriptions  found  on  the  spot  shew,  el-Mukayyar^ 
(often  written  incorrectly  Mugheir),  6  miles  S.  of  the  Euphrates,  on  its 
right  bank,  and  125  miles  from  its  present  mouth.  Mukayyar  consists 
of  a  collection  of  low  mounds,  forming  an  oval  about  1000  yds.  long 
by  800  yds.  broad,  which  conceal  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city.  Ur 
(Ass.  Uru)  was  an  important  city  long  before  Babylon.  Two  of  its 
early  kings,  Ur-bau,  and  his  son  Dungi  (c.  2800  B.C.),  have  left  many 
monuments  of  themselves — engraved  cylinders  and  other  works  of  art, 
besides  numerous  buildings,  not  only  in  Ur  itself,  but  also  in  the  sur- 
rounding towns.  The  position  of  Ur  made  it  important  commercially. 
The  Euphrates  anciently  flowed  almost  by  its  gates,  and  formed  a 
channel  of  communication  with  Upper  Syria;  while  it  was  connected 
by  caravan-routes  with  Southern  Syria  and  with  Arabia.  Its  tutelary 
deity  was  the  Moon-god,  Sin ;  the  zikkurat  of  Sin,  built  by  Ur-bau, 
Nabu-na'id  (B.C.  555 — 538),  upon  cylinders  found  on  the  spot,  teUs  us 
that  he  restored.  See  further  Maspero,  i.  561,  563  (Map),  612—19, 
629 — 31  {zikkurat,  with  views);  Ball,  Light  from  the  East,  62 — 64. 

of  the  Chaldees  (^Qh.  Kasdim),  This  is  no  Babylonian  designation 
of  Ur;  and  must  be  an  addition  of  Palestinian  origin  (Sayce,  Monu- 
ments, 158  f ).  Kasdim  is  the  Heb.  form  of  the  Bab.  and  Ass.  Kaldu 
('Chaldaeans'),  a  tribe  named  often  in  the  inscriptions  from  B.C.  880; 
their  home  at  that  time  was  in  Lower  Babylonia  (the  Persian  Gulf  is 
called  the  *  sea  of  the  land  of  Kaldii ') ;  afterwards,  as  they  increased 
in  power,  they  gradually  advanced  inland :  in  721  Merodach-baladan, 
'king  of  the  land  of  Kaldft,'  made  himself  for  twelve  years  king  of 
Babylon;  and  ultimately,  under  Nabopolassar  (625 — 605)  and  Nebu- 
chadnezzar (604 — 561)  the  Kaldii  became  the  ruling  caste  in  Babylonia. 
*Ur  Kasdim'  is  mentioned  besides  in  v.  28,  xv.  7,  Neh.  ix.  7. 

unto  Haran  (with  the  hard  H,  Lxx.  Xappav,  quite  different  from 
the  Haran,  with  the  soft  //,  of  vv.  26,  31*).  Ass.,  Syr.  and  Arab. 
Harrdn,  Gk.  Kdppai;  in  ancient  times  an  important  place,  situated 
about  550  miles  NW.  of  Ur,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Belildi,  a  tributary 
which  flows  into  the  Euphrates  from  the  N.,  at  about  60  miles  from  the 
confluence,  and  of  course  on  the  'other  side'  of  the  Euphrates  from 
Palestine  (cf  on  v.  14).  At  present,  nothing  remains  of  the  ancient 
city  but  a  long  range  of  mounds  and  the  ruins  of  a  castle;  but  it 
is  often  mentioned  in  the  Ass.  inscriptions,  and  also  by  writers  of 
the  classical  and  mediaeval  period.  Harrdnu  is  a  common  Ass. 
word  meaning  way;  and  the  place,  it  has  been  supposed,  received  its 
name  on  account  of  the  commercial  and  strategical  importance  of  its 
position :  it  lay  at  the  point  where  the  principal  route  from  Nineveh 

^  I.e.  the  bituminated — so  called  from  the  bitumen,  with  which  its  walls  are 
cemented  (cf.  ou  xi.  3;  and  see  Kawiinson,  Anc.  Monarchies*,  i.  16  f.,  76—9). 


142  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

to  Carchemish  was  met  by  the  road  from  Damascus  (on  its  trade, 
cf.  Ez.  xxvii.  23).  Like  Ur,  Haran  was  also  an  ancient  and  celebrated 
seat  of  the  worship  of  the  Moon-god,  who  was  known  in  N.  Syria  as 
Baal-Harran,  or  'Lord  of  Harran^';  Nabu-na'id,  who  restored  his  temple 
there,  tells  us  that  Sin  had  had  his  dwelling  at  Harran  from  remote 
days  {KB.  rn.  2,  97).  See  farther  DB.  and  EncB.  s.v.;  Mez,  Gesch.  der 
Stadt  Harran,  1892. 

32.  Sam.  for  205  has  145,  making  Abram's  departure  from 
Haran  (xii.  5'')  take  place  in  the  year  of  Terah's  death  (xi.  26,  and 
xii.  4^*).     The  same  figure  appears  to  be  presupposed  in  Acts  vii.  4*. 

Two  traditions  seem  to  have  been  current  respecting  the  original  home 
of  the  ancestors  of  the  Hebrews.  According  to  xi.  31  (cf.  «?.  28,  xv.  7)  their 
original  homo  was  Ur,  in  South  Babylonia.  There  exists  however  a  group 
of  passages  in  Gen.,  which  not  only  connect  consistently  Abraham's  near 
relations  with  Haran,  in  Aram-Naharaim,  far  away  from  S.  Babylonia  (without 
any  suggestion  of  their  having  migrated  thither  from  elsewhere),  but  imply 
also  that  it  was  Abraham's  own  native  place  as  well  (notice  the  expressions  in 
xii.  1  and  xxiv.  4,  7,  where  v.  10  shews  that  Haran  is  refeiTed  to;  cf,  also  Josh, 
xxiv.  2,  3).  The  tradition  connecting  Abraham  with  Haran  is  that  which 
predominates  in  J  ;  and  if  it  might  be  supposed  that  the  words  '  in  Ur  of  the 
Chaldees'  in  xi.  2S,  and  the  verse  xv.  7,  were  additions  to  the  original  J, 
J  would  follow  consistently  the  same  representation.  P  (xi.  31)  harmonizes 
the  two  traditions,  by  representing  Abraham's  residence  in  Haran  as  the 
result  of  a  migration  from  Ur,  But  even  in  P  itself  the  names  in  xi.  10 — 27 
seem  to  point  to  Mesopotamia  as  the  home  of  Abraham's  ancestors.  The  two 
traditions  cannot  therefore  be  said  to  be  represented  consistently,  the  one 
by  J,  and  the  other  by  P.  What  the  source  of  the  tradition  connecting 
Abraham  with  Ur  may  have  been  we  do  not  know :  of  course  it  will  not  have 
been  first  promulgated  by  P,  but  must  have  been  current  when  he  wrote. 
Its  correctness  we  are  not  at  present  in  a  position,  from  external  evidence, 
either  to  affirm  or  to  deny.  Contract-tablets,  and  other  contemporary  inscrip- 
tions, recently  discovered,  bear  witness  to  the  fact  that  in,  or  even  before,  the 
age  of  Abraham  persons  bearing  Hebrew  (or  Canaanitish)  names  resided  in 
Babylonia,  and  shew  that  intercourse  between  Babylonia  and  the  West  was 
more  active  than  was  once  supposed  to  be  the  case' ;  but  nothing  sufficiently 
direct  has  at  present  [June,  1909]  been  discovered  to  prove  definitely  that  the 
ancestors  of  the  Hebrews  had  once  their  home  in  Ur, 

^  The  title  occurs  in  an  inscription  from  Zinjirli,  near  Aleppo  [above,  p.  129] : 
see  G.  A.  Cooke,  Text-book  of  North- Semitic  Inscriptions  (1903),  p.  182. 

2  Ussher,  in  order  to  harmonize  the  Heb.  text  with  Acts  vii.  4,  interpolates 
60  years  in  v.  26  (see  the  note  in  editions  of  the  AV.  with  marg.  references),  giving 
the  verse  the  impossible  meaning,  'And  Terah  lived  70  years;  and  [60  years 
afterwards]  begat  Abram,  Nahor,  and  Haran.' 

3  At  Sippar,  about  80  miles  NNW.  of  Babylon,  there  seems  indeed  to  have 
been  an  'Amorite  quarter,'  which  (though  of  course  Abraham  was  no  Amorite) 
testifies  to  communication  between  Babylonia  and  the  West  (see  Sayce,  Batylonians 
and  Assyrians,  1900,  p.  187  ff.;  Pinches,  The  OT.  in  the  light  of  the  records  of  Ass. 
and  Bab.,  p.  169  f.). 


TEE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  143 


PART  II.    THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  PATRIARCHS. 

CHAPTERS  XIL— L. 

"With  ch.  xii.  the  second  part  of  the  Book  of  Genesis  begins,  the  history  of 
the  patriarchs.  Hebrew  tradition  told  how  the  ancestors  of  the  nation  had, 
under  Divine  guidance,  migrated  from  the  distant  East  into  Canaan,  had 
sojourned  in  different  parts  of  the  land,  had  entered  into  various  relations, 
friendly  or  unfriendly,  as  the  case  might  be,  with  the  native  inhabitants,  and  had 
in  the  end,  in  the  persons  of  Jacob  and  his  12  sons,  gone  down  into  Egypt ; 
and  the  narration  of  all  these  events  occupies  the  second  part  of  the  Book. 
The  places  which  the  patriarchs  principally  visit — Shechem,  Bethel,  Hebron, 
Beer-sheba,  Becr-lahai-roi — are  those  which  in  later  times  were  regarded  as 
sanctuaries;  and  the  origin  of  their  sanctity  is  here  explained:  it  is  deduced 
from  incidents  in  the  lives  of  the  patriarchs.  It  is  a  plausible  conjecture  that 
stories  of  the  patriarchs  were  attached  to  the  sanctuaries  which  it  was  believed 
that  they  had  visited ;  and  that  these  were  written  down  and  arranged  by  the 
different  writers,  especially  the  two  earlier  ones,  J  and  E,  whose  narratives, 
excerpted  and  adjusted  by  a  later  compiler,  form  the  bulk  of  the  existing 
Book  of  Genesis.  The  substance  of  the  narrative  is,  no  doubt,  historical; 
though  the  characters  and  experiences  seem  to  be  idealized  (cf  p.  Iviii  ff.). 
We  cannot,  for  instance,  suppose  that  we  have,  so  to  say,  a  photographic 
record  of  all  that  was  said  or  done :  however  difficult  it  may  be  to  estimate 
the  strength  of  memory  and  of  oral  tradition  in  these  patriarchal  times,  when 
the  conditions  were  so  different  from  our  own,  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  the 
recollection  of  such  miuutiae  as  are  here  often  recorded  should  have  been 
transmitted  unaltered  during  the  many  centuries  that  intervened  between  the 
time  at  which  the  patriarchs  lived,  and  that  at  which  their  biographies  were 
ultimately  committed  to  writing.  The  idea  (which  nevertheless  has  been 
seriously  suggested)  that  the  patriarchs  carried  about  with  them  libraries 
of  burnt  bricks,  upon  which,  in  Babylonian  fashion,  they  recorded  their 
experiences,  is  an  ingenious  one ;  but  it  has  absolutely  nothing  to  support  it, 
and  cannot  therefore  be  made  the  basis  of  an  argument  for  establishing  the 
autobiogTaphical  character  of  the  patriarchal  narratives.  The  outline  of  these 
narratives,  we  may  confidently  hold,  was  supplied  by  tradition ;  but  in  the 
details  something  at  any  rate  will  be  due  to  the  historical  imagination  of  the 
narrators,  who  filled  in  what  tradition  handed  down  to  them  with  picturesque 
circumstance  and  colloquy,  and  at  the  same  time  breathed  into  the  whole 
the  same  deep  and  warm  religious  spirit  by  which  they  were  inspired 
themselves. 


144  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xn.  1-3 


Chapter  XII. 

Abram's  migration  into  Canaan.    The  jvrst  of  the  promises. 
Sarah's  adventure  in  Egypt. 

Since  Noah,  the  line  of  Shem  (xi.  10  ff.)  has  been  that  in  which  the  know- 
ledge of  the  true  God  has  been  perpetuated;  and  now,  in  the  person  of 
Abram,  this  knowledge  reaches  a  higher  stage:  Abram  is  the  recipient  of 
fuller  and  more  distinct  revelations  of  God ;  and  though  not  uniformly  fault- 
less, becomes  nevertheless  an  example  of  faith  and  obedience  in  the  midst  of 
heathen  neighbours  (cf.  Dean  Church,  The  Discipline  of  the  Christian 
Character,  chap.  L).    Verses  1—4%  6—20,  belong  \xi  i ;  vv.  4",  5  to  P. 

XII.     1  Now  the  Lord  said  unto  Abram,  Get  thee  out  of  J 
thy  country,  and  from  thy  kindred,  and  from  thy  father's  house, 
unto  the  land  that  I  will  shew  thee  :   2  and  I  will  make  of  thee 
a  great  nation,  and  I  will  bless  thee,  and  make  thy  name  great ; 
and  be  thou  a  blessing :  3  and  I  will  bless  them  that  bless  thee, 

XII.  1.  And  Jehovah  said  &c.  The  words  state  the  sequel  of 
xi.  31^  the  country  which  Abram  is  commanded  to  leave  being  not 
Ur,  but  Haran.  'God's  voice  is  to  be  thought  of  not  as  something 
external,  but  as  heard  within  Abram's  inmost  soul'  (Del.). 

thy  country... thy  Mndred  &c.  'The  expressions  are  accumulated 
in  order  to  shew  that  God  made  no  small  demand  of  him  when  He 
required  him  to  sever  his  family  ties  and  wander  forth  into  an  unknown 
land '  (DiUm.).     Cf  Heb.  xi.  8  f 

2  f  The  promise.  The  promises  (and  blessings)  contained  in 
Gen.  form  two  series  (J  and  P).  The  series  in  J  (or  occasionally  E) 
consists  of  iii.  15  (the  ' Protevangelium ') ;  viii.  21  f  (Noah);  xii.  2  f,  7, 
xiii.  14 — 17,  XV.  5,  18 — 21,  xviii.  18,  xxii.  15 — 18  (all  addressed  to 
Abraham);  xxvi.  2—5,  24  (Isaac);  xxv.  23,  xxvii.  27—9,  xxviii.  13 — 
15,  xlvi.  3  i.  (Jacob);  xlix.  10  (Judah):  that  in  P  consists  of  i.  28—30 
(Adam);  ix.  1—17  (Noah);  xvii.  2,  6—8  (Abraham),  cf  20  (Ishmael); 
xxviii.  3  f ,  XXXV.  11  f ,  cf  xlviii.  3  f  (Jacob).  These  two  series  deserve 
to  be  carefully  studied  and  compared :  each  (esp.  in  the  promises  ad- 
dressed to  the  patriarchs)  will  then  be  found  to  have  features  pecuhar 
to  itself,  and  distinguisliing  it  from  the  other  (cf  on  xvii.  2,  6 — 8). 

2,  a  blessing.  I.e.,  according  to  a  Hebrew  idiom  (cf  Ps.  ex.  3 
RVm.)  the  impersonation  of  blessing,  most  blessed.  Comp.  Ps.  xxi.  6 
(see  RVm.);  Is.  xix.  24  (see  v.  25);  Zech.  viii.  13. 

3.  a7id  I  will  bless  &c.  Cf  xxvii.  29;  Nu.  xxiv.  9.  Abram  will 
become  indirectly  a  source  of  blessedness  to  others:  so  favoured  by 
God  will  he  be  that  those  who  are  friendly  towards  him  will  be  blessed 
with  prosperity,  while  those  who  are  unfriendly  will  be  visited  with 
misfortune. 


XII.  3-5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  145 

and  liim  that  curseth  thee  will  I  curse  :  and  in  thee  shall  all  the  J 
families  of  the  earth  be  blessed.  4  So  Abram  went,  as  the  Lord 
had  spoken  unto  him ;  and  Lot  went  with  him :  |  and  Abram  was  P 
seventy  and  five  years  old  when  he  departed  out  of  Haran. 
5  And  Abram  took  Sarai  his  wife,  and  Lot  his  brother's  son, 
and  all  their  substance  that  they  had  gathered,  and  the  souls 
that  they  had  gotten  in  Haran  ;  and  they  went  forth  to  go  into 
the  land  of  Canaan ;  and  into  the  land  of  Canaan  they  came.  | 

and  through  tJiee  shall... he  blessed.  If  this  rend,  is  correct,  the 
passage  will  express  an  early  phase  of  the  great  doctrine  developed 
afterwards  more  fully  by  the  prophets  (e.g.  Is.  ii.  2  f.,  xix.  23 — 5),  and 
point  to  the  ultimate  extension  of  the  religious  privileges  enjoyed  by 
Abraham  and  his  descendants  to  the  Gentiles.  The  expression  in  the 
Heb.  is  the  same  in  xviii.  18,  xxviii.  14;  in  all  these  passages  the 
conjugation  of  the  Heb.  verb  being  the  Niphal,  which  may  have  either 
a  reflexive  or  a  passive  sense  (G.-K.  §  51'^'^''').  There  are,  however,  two 
other  passages,  xxii.  18,  xxvi.  4,  in  which,  though  otherwise  similar, 
the  conj.  is  the  Hithpael,  the  sense  of  which  is  undoubtedly  reflexive 
('bless  themselves');  and  most  modern  scholars  (including  Ges.,  Del., 
Dillm.,  and  Riehm,  Mess.  Proph.  Edinb.  1891,  p.  97  f.)  consider  that 
the  two  passages  of  which  the  sense  is  clear  should  determine  the 
interpretation  of  the  three  in  which  the  sense  is  ambiguous,  and  render 
therefore  (here,  xviii.  18,  and  xxviii,  14,  as  well  as  xxii.  18,  xxvi.  4) 
*  bless  themselves  by  thee,'  i.e.  in  blessing  themselves  will  use  thy  name 
as  a  type  of  happiness  (see,  in  illustration  of  this  usage,  the  notes  on 
xxii.  18  and  xlviii.  20),  wish  for  themselves  the  blessings  (including  the 
rehgious  privileges),  recognized  as  the  special  possession  of  Abraham 
(or,  in  xxviii.  14,  of  his  descendants):  cf.  Is.  Ixi.  9^  Ixv.  23\  Thus 
upon  the  first  interpretation  the  words  declare  that  the  blessings  of 
which  Israel  is  to  become  the  organ  and  channel  are  to  be  communi- 
cated ultimately  to  the  world ;  upon  the  second,  they  imply  that  these 
same  blessings  will  'attract  the  regard  of  aU  peoples,  and  awaken  in 
them  the  longing  to  participate  in  them'  (cf.  Is.  ii.  3;  xlii.  4'';  Zech. 
viii.  23):  in  either  case,  therefore,  the  thought  remains,  in  the  wider 
sense  of  the  term,  a  Messianic  one.  Cf.  Gal.  iii.  8  (though  the 
quotation  here  is  taken  more  directly  from  ch.  xviii.  18). 

4**  (from  and  Abram),  5  (P).  More  detailed  particulars,  in  P's 
manner,  of  Abram's  migration  from  Haran  into  Canaan.     The  most 

1  Dillm.  asks,  Why  should  less  be  said  of  the  seed  of  Abraham  (which,  ex  hyp., 
is  the  direct  medium  of  the  transmission  of  the  blessings  to  the  Gentiles)  than  of 
Abraham  himself,  as  would  be  the  case  if,  in  xii.  3,  xviii.  18,  the  verb  were  rendered 
be  blessed,  while  in  xxii.  18,  xxvi.  4  it  is  rendered  bless  themselves  1  On  the  other 
hand,  it  might  be  urged  (cf.  the  writer's  Sermons  on  the  OT.  p.  54)  that  the 
difference  of  conjugation  created  a  presumption  of  a  difference  of  meaning  :  we  are 
not,  however,  sure  that  the  writer  is  in  all  five  cases  the  same,  and  the  difference  of 
conjugation  may  be  due  to  a  difference  of  author.  (The  Niph.  of  'j'la  occurs  only  in 
the  three  passages  in  question.) 

D,  10 


146  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xii.  6 

6    And  Abram  passed  through   the  land  unto  the  place  of  J 
Shechem,  unto  the  ^oak  of  Moreh.    And  the  Canaanite  was 

^  Or,  terebinth 

probable  route  for  a  traveller  journeying  from  Haran  to  Canaan  would 
be  to  cross  the  Euphrates  by  the  great  ford  at  Carchemish'  (60  miles 
W.  of  Haran),  then  to  turn  S.  past  Hamath  and  Damascus;  and  after 
this,  either,  crossing  one  of  the  S.  spurs  of  Hermon,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  modern  Baniyas,  to  enter  Canaan  from  the  N.  on  the 
W.  side  of  the  waters  of  Merom,  or  striking  down  into  the  Jordan- 
valley,  to  travel  along  it,  on  the  E.  side  of  the  stream,  until  he  reached 
the  ford  of  ed-Damiyeh  (25  miles  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea),  crossing  which, 
as  Jacob  did  afterwards,  and  turning  up  to  the  NW.,  he  would  soon 
reach  Shechem,  in  the  centre  of  the  land. 

souls.    I.e.  persons  (p.  ix,  No.  19),  here  denoting  slaves  (cf  xxxvi.  6). 

6.  place.  The  word  means  here  very  probably  sacred  place :  cf. 
xxviii.  16 ;  Dt.  xii.  2,  3;  1  S.  vii.  16  lxx.  ;  Jer.  vii.  12.  The  correspond- 
ing Arabic  word  makdm  is  used  similarly  (cf  Conder,  TW.  304  f ). 

Shechem.  Afterwards  an  important  town  in  the  hill-country  of 
Ephraim,  lying  in  a  fertile,  well-watered  vale,  between  Ebal  and 
Gerizim  (see  a  view  in  Smith,  DB.  s.v.),  just  30  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem, 
and  5  miles  SE.  of  Samaria.  After  its  destruction  in  the  wars  of 
Vespasian,  Shechem  was  rebuilt  under  the  name  of  Flavia  Neapolis, 
whence  its  modern  name  of  Ndblus.  For  notices  of  Shechem  in  later 
books,  illustrating  both  its  rehgious  and  political  importance,  see  Jos. 
XX.  7,  xxiv.  1,  25,  26,  32  (Gen.  xxxiii.  18—20);  Jud.  ix.,  xxi.  19; 
1  K.  xii.  1,  25 ;  Ps.  Ix.  6 :  comp.  also  Gen,  xxxv.  4,  and  on  xlviii.  22. 

unto  the  directing  terebinth  (or,  terebinth  of  (the)  director). 
An  oracular  tree.  Moreh  is  the  ptcp.  of  hordh,  the  word  used  regularly 
of  the  authoritative  direction  given  by  priests  (e.g.  Dt.  xxxiii.  10; 
Mic.  iii.  11:  RV.  usu.  teach),  and  the  verb  from  which  tordh,  'law' 
(prop,  direction),  is  derived  (see  DB.  iii.  64  f).  No  doubt  the  reference 
is  to  a  sacred  tree,  supposed  by  the  ancient  Canaanites  to  give  oracles, 
and  attended  by  priests,  who  interpreted  its  answers  to  those  who 
came  to  consult  it.  '  Oracles  and  omens  from  trees,  and  at  tree- 
sanctuaries,  are  of  the  commonest  among  all  races,  and  are  derived 
in  very  various  ways,  either  from  observation  of  phaenomena  comiected 
with  the  trees  themselves  (such  as  the  rustlings  of  their  leaves),  or  from 
ordinary  processes  of  divination  performed  in  the  presence  of  the  sacred 
objects'     The  terebinth  {'eh'm)  must  have  been  one  of  those  mentioned 

1  Maspero,  ii.  145. 

«  W.  R.  Smith,  Rel.  of  the  Semites,  p.  178  (ed.  2,  p.  195).  Tree-worship  was 
often  practised  by  the  heathen  Semites  {ib.  p.  169  ff.,  ed.  2,  p.  185  &.).  Even  to 
this  day  Palestine  abounds  in  trees,  especially  oaks,  supposed  to  be  '  inhabited,'  or 
haunted  by  (spirits  (jinn) ;  and  the  superstitious  peasants  suspend  rags  upon  them 
as  tokens  of  homage  (Thomson,  L.  and  B.  n.  104,  171  f.,  222,  474). 

For  trees  which,  to  judge  from  the  connexion  in  which  they  are  mentioned, 
were  probably  regarded  as  sacred,  see  Gen.  xiii.  18  (xviii.  1),  xxi.  33,  xxxv.  4,  8 ; 


XII.  6-8]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  147 

then  in  the  land.    7  And  the  Lord  appeared  unto  Abram,  and  J 
said,  Unto  thy  seed  will  I  give  this  land :  and  there  builded  he 
an  altar  unto  the  Lord,  who  appeared  unto  him.    8  And  he 

also  in  Dt.  xi.  30  (if,  indeed,  we  should  not  read  there,  with  Sam.,  lxx., 
the  sing.  '  terebinth ') ;  very  probably,  too,  it  is  the  same  as  the  one 
called  in  Jud.  ix.  37  the  *  Soothsayers'  terebinth  '  (D'3:yD  \^^->  if  not 
also  (though  this  is  less  certain)  the  same  as  the  ^elah  of  Gen.  xxxv.  4, 
and  the  ^allah  of  Jos.  xxiv.  26  '  in  Jehovah's  sanctuary '  at  Shechem. 

terebinth.  There  are  five  similar  Hjb.  words — 'el  [only  in  the  pi. 
^elim\,  'eldh,  'elon,  'alldh  (only  Jos.  xxiv.  26),  and  'allon — the  difiference 
between  which  depends  in  part  only  upon  the  punctuation,  and  the 
special  sense  of  each  of  which  is  not  perfectly  certain :  Geseuius,  after 
a  careful  survey  of  the  data,  arrived  at  the  conclusion,  which  has  been 
largely  accepted  by  subsequent  scholars,  that  'el,  'eldh,  'elon  denoted 
properly  the  terebinth,  and  'alldh,  'allun  the  oak^.  The  terebinth 
(or  turpentine-tree)  in  general  appearance  resembles  the  oak  (though 
it  grows  usually  alone,  not  in  clumps  or  forests) ;  and  both  trees  are 
still  common  in  Palestine*. 

And  the  Canaanite  &c.  The  remark  is  made  in  view  of  v.  7 :  the 
land  promised  there  to  Abram's  seed  was  not  at  the  time  ownerless ; 
it  was,  in  fact,  in  the  possession  of  those  very  Canaanites,  who  were 
afterwards  to  be  dispossessed  by  Abram's  descendants.  The  term 
'  Canaanite '  is  used  by  J,  like  '  Amorite '  by  E,  as  a  general  designation 
of  the  pre-Israelitish  inhabitants  of  the  country  (see  on  x.  15,  p.  125  f.; 
and  cf.  xiii.  7,  xxiv.  3,  1.  11). 

7.  The  promise  of  the  land  is  here  for  the  first  time  given  ex- 
plicitly: in  vv.  1 — 3  it  is  at  most  implied.  Comp.  afterwards  xiii.  15, 
17,  XV.  18,  xxvi.  3,  xxviii.  13;  and  in  P  xvii.  8,  xxxv.  12  (xlviii.  4). 

builded  he  an  altar.  The  building  of  an  altar  is  the  standing 
religious  observance  of  patriarchal  times,  not  only  on  a  special  occasion, 
as  viii.  20  (Noah),  xxii.  9,  or  after  a  theophany,  as  here,  xxvi.  25,  and 
xxxv.  1,  7,  but  also  independently,  v.  8,  xiii.  18,  xxxiii.  20  (but  see 
the  note);  cf  Ex.  xvii.  15.  The  place  thus  marked  by  the  theophany, 
and  the  altar,  is  very  probably  identical  with  the  'sanctuary,'  or  sacred 
place,  at  Shechem,  mentioned  in  Josh.  xxiv.  26,  the  original  conse- 
cration of  which  is  here  referred  to  Abram. 

8.  Abram  next  moved  southwards  to  a  spot  between  Bethel 
and  'Ai,  where  in  like  manner  he  'built  an  altar,'  and  also  invoked 
solemnly  Jehovah's  name  (see  on  iv.  26).     On  Bethel,  the  modern 

Jos.  xxiv.  26 ;  Jud.  vi.  11,  19  (cf.  24),  ix.  6,  37 ;  1  S.  xxii.  6,  xxxi.  13.  Comp.  also 
the  frequent  allusions  to  idolatrous  rites  celebrated  beside  trees  (e.g.  Dt.  xii.  2;  Is. 
i.  29,  Ivii.  5  ;  Hos.  iv.  13).  See  further  Nature  Worship,  §§  2,  3,  iu  EncB.  ;  and 
R.  B.  Taylor  on  '  Traces  of  Tree-Worship  in  the  OT.,'  in  the  Exp.  Times,  June  1903, 
p.  407  ff.    The  Heb.  words  for  'terebinth'  are  quite  possibly  derived  from  'el,  '  God.' 

1  Hence  RV.  has  always  for  'eldh  and  'elon,  and  for  'elim  in  Is.  i.  29,  'terebinth,' 
either  in  the  margin  or  (Is.  vi.  13 ;  Hos.  iv.  13j  in  the  text. 

2  Tristram,  NHB.  pp.  367—371,  400  f. 

10—2 


148  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xii.  8, 9 

removed  from  thence  unto  the  mountain  on  the  east  of  Beth-el,  J 
and  pitched  his  tent,  having  Beth-el  on  the  west,  and  Ai  on  the 
east :  and  there  he  builded  an  altar  unto  the  Lord,  and  called 
upon  the  name  of  the  Lord.    9  And  Abram  journeyed,  going  on 
still  tovrard  the  ^  South. 

^  Heb.  Negeb,  the  soathern  tract  of  Judah. 

Beitin,  10  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem,  see  more  fully  on  xxviii.  12.  'Ai 
is  very  probably  the  present  Haiydn,  a  ruined  site  2|-  miles  ESE.  of 
Beitin,  with  a  deep  ravine  on  the  N.  (Jos.  viii.  11),  and  with  a  hill 
between  it  and  Beitin,  from  which  (cf  xiii.  10)  the  Jordan -valley  and 
N.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  are  plainly  visible  (Rob.  BR.  11.  575 ; 
PEFM.  n.  373,  m.  31—35 ;  cf.  Conder,  Tent  Work,  253  f.,  and  Ai  in 
EncB.  and  DB.). 

the  mountain.     See  on  xiii.  10. 

the,  west.  Lit.  the  sea.  The  '  sea '  (i.e.  the  Mediterranean  Sea)  is  in 
Heb.  the  regular  expression  for  the  West.  Its  use  in  the  Pent,  is  an 
indication  that  this  was  written  by  men  who  had  lived  long  enough  in 
Palestine  for  the  '  sea '  to  have  come  to  be  used  in  this  sense.  Cf 
W.  R.  Smith,  OT.  in  the  Jewish  Church,  323  ('326). 

9.  journeyed,  viz.  by  stages,  as  is  customary  in  the  East.  The 
word  used  means  properly  to  pluck  up  (sc.  the  pegs  of  the  tent),  i.e.  to 
move  tent  or  camp :  it  thus  becomes  the  standing  word  for  to  journey 
(xiii.  11,  XX.  1;  Ex.  xii.  37,  &c.). 

toward  the  South.  Or,  the  Negeb, — the  word  (meaning  properly  the 
dry  land'')  being  used  in  a  teclmical  geographical  sense  (as  is  indicated 
by  RVm.)  of  a  particular  district  of  Judah,  intermediate  in  elevation, 
and  also  in  character  {DB.  or  EncB.  s.v.  Neqbb;  HG.  278—286), 
between  the  '  hill  country '  (Jos.  xv.  48)  around  Hebron,  &c.,  and  the 
wilderness  et-Tih,  N.  of  the  Sinaitic  peninsula.  The  Negeb  began  on 
the  N.  a  little  S.  of  Dhaheriyeh  (prob.  the  ancient  Debir),  10  miles  NNE. 
of  Beer-sheba,  and  it  seems  to  have  extended  as  far  S.  as  Kadesh  (xiv. 
7).  The  cities  situated  in  the  Negeb  are  enumerated  in  Jos.  xv.  21 — 
32.  When  used  in  the  technical  sense  here  explained,  'south'  is  in 
RV.  regularly  printed  with  a  capital  S  (e.g.  Dt.  1.  7;  Jer.  xiii.  19). 

10 — 20.  This  narrative  represents  Abram  in  a  new  light.  Anxious  lest 
his  personal  safety  should  be  indirectly  endangered  by  his  wife's  beauty,  he 
manifests  a  want  of  candour  which,  when  discovered,  not  only  brings  him 
into  difficulties  which  might  easily  have  proved  more  serious  than,  happily, 
they  actually  were,  but  also  subjects  him  to  a  humiliating  rebuke  on  the  part 
of  the  Pharaoh.  Untruthfulness  and  dissimulation  are  extremely  common 
faults  in  the  East ;  and  it  would  be  manifestly  unjust  to  measure  Abram  by  a 
Christian  standard :  nevertlieless,  the  narrator  is  clearly  conscious  that  he  fell 
below  the  standard  which  he  iniglit  have  been  expected  to  attain,  and  contrasts 
him  unfavourably  with  the  upright  and  straightforward  heathen  king.  Cf.  the 
similar  narratives,  xx.,  xxvi.  6 — 11. 

1  The  root  is  not  in  use  in  Heb.,  but  it  is  common  in  Aramaic. 


XII.  IO-I3]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  149 

10  And  there  was  a  famine  in  the  land :  and  Abram  went  J 
down  into  Egypt  to  sojourn  there  ;  for  the  famine  was  sore  in 
the  land,  11  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  was  come  near  to 
enter  into  Egypt,  that  he  said  unto  Sarai  his  wife,  Behold  now, 
I  know  that  thou  art  a  fair  woman  to  look  upon :  12  and  it  shall 
come  to  pass,  when  the  Egyptians  shall  see  thee,  that  they  shall 
say,  This  is  his  wife :  and  they  will  kill  me,  but  they  will  save 
thee  alive.  13  Say,  I  pray  thee,  thou  art  my  sister:  that  it  may 
be  well  with  me  for  thy  sake,  and  that  my  soul  may  live  because 


10.  There  bein^  no  artificial  irrigation  in  Palestine,  and  the 
country  being  largely  dependent  for  its  fertility  upon  the  annual 
rainfall,  a  famine  was  no  unfrequent  occurrence  in  it  (cf  Am.  iv.  6,  7, 
and  elsewhere) :  on  the  other  hand,  the  yearly  rise  of  the  Nile,  which 
secured  the  fertility  of  Egypt,  rarely  failed;  so  that  Egypt  was  the 
country  to  which,  when  there  was  a  famine  in  Canaan,  the  inhabitants 
would  naturally  turn  (cf.  xxvi.  1,  xlii.  1  f.). 

went  down.  Viz.  from  the  high  ground  of  Canaan — the  expression 
regularly  used  of  one  journeying  from  Canaan  into  Egypt  (e.g.  xhv.  21); 
as  conversely  '  come  (or  go)  up '  is  said  as  regularly  of  a  journey  in  the 
opposite  direction  (e.g.  xiii.  1,  xliv.  17,  24). 

to  sojourn  there.  I.e.  to  stay  tliere  temporarily — the  regular  mean- 
ing of  the  word  (Is.  Hi.  4 ;  cf  on  ch.  xv.  13). 

11.  From  xii.  4,  compared  with  xvii.  17,  it  appears  that  Sarai  was 
at  this  time  at  least  65  years  of  age;  and  it  has  often  been  wondered 
why  Abram  should  have  been  in  alarm  on  the  ground  stated,  and  why 
the  Pharaoh  should  have  been  attracted  by  her  beauty.  The  solution 
of  the  difficulty  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  statements  about 
Sarai's  age  belong  to  a  different  document  (P)  from  the  one  (J)  which 
narrates  the  visit  to  Eg)rpt:  the  author  of  the  latter  evidently  pictured 
Sarai  as  still  a  comparatively  young  woman.  There  are  other  chrono- 
logical discreoancies  in  Gen.,  which  are  to  be  similarly  explained 
(cf  on  xxi.  15,  xxiv.  67,  xxxv.  8,  and  pp.  262,  365  n.,  368,  398). 

13.  my  sister.  The  statement  was  true,  but  not  the  whole  truth 
(see  XX.  12):  so  that  it  was  a  prevarication  on  Abram's  part;  a  fact  of 
vital  importance  on  the  question  at  issue  was  purposely  concealed,  and 
a  false  impression  was  thereby  created. 

that  it  may  he  well  with  me  for  thy  sal-e.  That  I  may  be  treated 
with  friendliness,  for  the  sake  of  my  fair  sister. 

my  soul.  The  '  soul,'  in  Heb.  psychology,  is  the  seat  of  feeling  and 
emotion;  hence  in  poetry,  or  choice  prose,  'my  (thy,  his,  &c.)  soul' 
becomes  a  pathetic  periphrasis  for  the  personal  pron., — ofteu,  indeed, 
in  poetry  interchanging  with  it  in  the  parallel  clause.  See  xxvii.  4, 
19,  25,  31  (by  the  side  of  the  pron.  in  vv.  7, 10);  Nu.  xxiii.  10  (RVm.); 
Jud.  xvi.  30  Heb.;  Is.  i.  14,  xlii.  1,  Iv.  3,  Ixi.  10,  Ixvi.  3,  &c. 


150  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xii.  13-17 

of  thee.  14  And  it  came  to  pass,  that,  when  Abram  was  come  J 
into  Egypt,  the  Egyptians  beheld  the  woman  that  she  was  very 
fair.  15  And  the  princes  of  Pharaoh  saw  her,  and  praised  her 
to  Pharaoh :  and  the  woman  was  taken  into  Pharaoh's  house. 
16  And  he  entreated  Abram  well  for  her  sake :  and  he  had 
sheep,  and  oxen,  and  he-asses,  and  menservants,  and  maid- 
servants, and  she-asses,  and  camels.  17  And  the  Lord  plagued 
Pharaoh  and  his  house  with  great  plagues  because  of  Sarai 

15.  Pharaoh.  The  official,  not  the  personal,  designation  of  the 
Egyptian  king.  The  word  is  the  hieroglyphic  Pr-'o,  which  means 
properly  the  Great  House,  and  in  inscriptions  of  the  '  Old  Kingdom ' 
(1 — 11  dynasties)  denotes  simply  the  royal  house  or  estate,  but  after- 
wards— something  in  the  manner  of  the  '  Subhme  Porte ' — became 
gradually  a  title  of  the  monarch  himself,  and  finally  (in  the  22nd  and 
following  djTiasties)  was  prefixed  to  the  king's  personal  name  (as  in 
'  Pharaoh  Necho ').  See  the  lucid  exposition  of  the  history  of  the  term 
by  Mr  F.  LI.  Griffith,  in  the  DB.  s.v.  Pharaoh.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  present  narrative  to  indicate  what  'Pharaoh'  is  here  meant;  but  if, 
on  account  of  xiv.  1  (p.  156),  Abram  is  assigned  rightly  to  c.  2300  B.C. 
it  will  have  been  one  of  the  rulers  of  the  12th  (Brugsch,  Budge,  Hist, 
of  Eg.  in.,  ch.  i.),  or  13th  (Petrie,  Hist,  of  Eg.  i.  206)  dynasty. 

was  taken  into  Pharaoh's  house — or  palace;  in  accordance  with  the 
custom  of  Eastern  princes  of  arbitrarily  selecting  beautiful  women  to 
be  added  to  their  harems.  Polygamy  was  not  the  rule  in  Egypt ;  but 
wealthy  Egyptians,  and  especially  the  Pharaohs,  often  had  two  or  more 
wives:  see  Erman,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt,  74 — 6,  142,  151 — 3. 

16.  entreated.     I.e.  treated :  an  archaism.     So  Ex.  v.  22,  al. 

and  he  had.  I.e.  and  he  came  to  have,  received.  The  presents 
are  given  for  the  sake  of  his  supposed  sister:  Abram,  by  accepting 
them,  thus  places  himself  in  a  false  position.  The  animals  mentioned 
appear  elsewhere  also,  along  with  slaves,  as  forming  the  chief  wealth  of 
the  nomadic  patriarchs:  cf  xxiv.  35,  xxxii.  14 f;  also  Jobi.  3,  xlii.  12. 
The  mention  of  camels  has  been  supposed  to  be  an  anachronism ;  for 
the  camel  was  not  used  or  bred  in  ancient  Egypt,  nor  does  it  appear 
'in  any  inscription  or  painting  before  the  Greek  period'  (Erman,  p.  493 : 
cf.  W.  Max  Miiller,  EncB.  634  ;  Sayce,  EHH  169):  they  would  how- 
ever be  a  very  natural  gift  for  a  nomad  sheikh,  and  they  might  have 
been  readily  procured  for  the  purpose  from  traders  (ci.  xxxvii.  25). 

mens&rvants  and  maidservants.  I.e.  male  and  female  slaves.  See 
Jer.  xxxiv.  9,  10,  11  his  (Heb.  as  vv.  9,  10):  cf  ch.  xx.  14,  xxiv.  35. 

17.  A  mysterious  sickness  fell  upon  Pharaoh  and  his  house,  which, 
it  must  be  assumed,  aroused  suspicions,  and  so  led  to  inquiries  which 
resulted  in  the  discovery  of  the  truth. 

*  See  examples  of  its  use,  similar  to  those  in  Gen.,  in  the  'Tale  of  the  Two 
Brothers'  (see  on  ch.  xxxix.,  p.  336)  in  Petrie's  Egyp.  Tales,  n.  53 — 64. 


xiL  i7-x:  II.  6]      THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  151 

Abram's  wife.  18  And  Pharaoh  called  Abram,  and  said,  "What  J 
is  this  that  thou  hast  done  unto  me  ?  why  didst  thou  not  teU  me 
that  she  was  thy  wife?  19  Why  saidst  thou,  She  is  my  sister? 
so  that  I  took  her  to  be  my  wife :  now  therefore  behold  thy 
wife,  take  her,  and  go  thy  way.  20  And  Pharaoh  gave  men 
charge  concerning  him  :  and  they  brought  him  on  the  way,  and 
his  wife,  and  all  that  he  had. 


Chapter  XIII. 

Abram^s  return  into  Canaan;  and  Lot's  separation  from  him. 

XIII.     1   And  Abram  went  up  out  of  Egypt,  he,  and  his  J 
wife,  and  all  that  he  had,  and  Lot  with  him,  into  the  South. 

2  And  Abram  was  very  rich  in  cattle,  in  silver,  and  in  gold. 

3  And  he  went  on  his  journeys  fi'om  the  South  even  to  Beth-el, 
unto  the  place  where  his  tent  had  been  at  the  beginning,  between 
Beth-el  and  Ai ;  4  unto  the  place  of  the  altar,  which  he  had  made 
there  at  the  first :  and  there  Abram  called  on  the  name  of  the 
Lord.  5  And  Lot  also,  which  went  with  Abram,  had  flocks, 
and  herds,  and  tents.  |  6   And  the  land  was  not  able  to  bear  P 

plagued .. .with  plagues  {TrXriyaC),  Properly  struck... with  strokes 
(Dt.  xvii.  8), — of  severe  sickness,  as  1  K.  viii.  37,  Ps.  xxxviii.  11. 

18,  19.  Pharaoh,  displeased,  rebukes  Abram  for  his  prevarication; 
and  bids  him,  with  some  peremptoriness,  take  his  wife  with  him  and 
depart. 

20.  gave  men  clmrge  concerning  him.  Or,  appointed  men  over  Mm  ; 
i.e.  assigned  him  an  escort,  to  accompany  him  to  the  frontier. 

brought  him  on  the  way.  Lit.  sent  him  on:  cf  xviii.  16;  and  irpo- 
TrifiTTiiv  Acts  XV.  3,  xxi.  5. 

XIII.  1 — 5.  Abram  returns  to  the  place  where  he  had  built  the 
altar  near  Bethel  (xii.  8). 

1.  the  South.     See  on  xii.  9. 

2.  The  narrator  draws  a  picture  of  the  wealth  and  importance  of 
Abram.     Cf  xxiv.  35. 

3.  on  his  journeys.  Rather,  by  his  stages  (lit.  pluckings  up:  cf.  on 
xii.  9 ;  and  see  Ex.  xvii.  1 ;  Nu.  xxxiii.  1,  2,  RVm.).  But  the  word 
'journey'  (Fr.  journee)  seems  in  these  passages  to  be  used  in  its  old 
etymological  sense  of  '  a  day's  travel.' 

6 — 13.     Lot  separates  himself  from  Abram. 

6.  P's  account  of  the  cause  of  the  separation :  there  was  not 
sufficient  pastme  for  their   united    flocks.      Cf  xxxvi.   7   (also   P), 


152  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  ^xiii.  6-10 

them,  that  they  might  dwell  together :  for  their  substance  was  P 
great,  so  that  they  could  not  dwell  together.  |  7  And  there  was  J 
a  strife  between  the  herdmen  of  Abram's  cattle  and  the  herdmen 
of  Lot's  cattle :  and  the  Canaanite  and  the  Perizzite  dwelled 
then  in  the  land.  8  And  Abram  said  unto  Lot,  Let  there  be  no 
strife,  I  pray  thee,  between  me  and  thee,  and  between  my 
herdmen  and  thy  herdmen  ;  for  we  are  brethren.  9  Is  not  the 
whole  land  before  thee  ?  separate  thyself,  I  pray  thee,  from  me  : 
if  thou  wilt  take  the  left  hand,  then  I  Avill  go  to  the  right ;  or  if 
thou  take  the  right  hand,  then  I  will  go  to  the  left.  10  And 
Lot  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  beheld  all  the  ^  Plain  of  Jordan,  that 

^  Or,  Circle 

where  a  similar  reason  is  assigned  for  the  separation  of  Esau  from 
Jacob.     The  verse  was  in  its  original  context  followed  immediately  by 

7.  J's  account  of  the  cause  of  the  separation  of  Abram  and  Lot :  dis- 
putes arising  between  their  respective  herdmen  (of  xxi.  25,  xxvi.  20  ff.). 

Perizzite,  So,  together  with  '  Canaanite,'  xxxiv.  30,  Jud.  i.  4,  5 ; 
alone,  Josh.  xvii.  15;  and  in  the  lists  of  nations  dispossessed  by  Israel, 
ch.  XV.  20,  Ex.  iii.  8,  17,  Dt,  vii.  1,  al.  To  judge  from  the  first-named 
passages,  the  Perizzites  were  a  people  of  central  Palestine ;  but  more  is 
not  definitely  known  about  them.  It  is  thought  by  some  (Sayce,  Races 
of  the  OT.  120;  Moore,  Judges,  p.  17)  that  the  word  is  not  the  name 
of  a  tribe  at  all,  but  that  it  is  connected  with  perdzl,  '  country-folk, 
peasantry'  (Dt,  iii.  5;  1  S.  vi,  18),  and  denoted  the  village  population 
of  Canaan,  tiie  fellakin,  or  labourers  on  the  soil. 

8,  9.  Such  disputes  between  relations  are  unseemly;  so  Abram 
proposes  a  separation,  and  though  he  is  the  elder,  generously  offers  his 
nephew  the  first  choice. 

8.     brethren.    I.e.  near  relatives:  cf  xiv.  14,  16,  xxiv.  27,  xxix.  12. 

10.  There  is  a  'conspicuous  hill,'  a  little  E.  of  Betliel  (cf.  on  xii.  8), 
commanding  a  wide  prospect,  upon  or  near  which  the  narrator  may 
have  pictured  Lot  and  Abram  as  standing.  *  To  the  East  there  rises 
in  the  foreground  the  jagged  range  of  the  hills  above  Jericho ;  in  the 
distance  the  dark  wall  of  Moab;  between  them  lies  the  wide  valley  of 
the  Jordan,  its  course  marked  by  the  track  of  tropical  forest  growth 
[the  'pride  of  Jordan'  of  Jer.  xii.  5,  xlix.  19  =  1.  44,  Zech.  xi.  3],  in 
which  its  rushing  stream  is  enveloped ' ;  while  on  the  S.  and  W.  appear 
the  bleak  hills  of  Judah  (Stanley,  S.  and  P.  218). 

the  Oval  0/  Jordan  (Heb.  Kikkdr,  a  'round').  The  KikJcdr  was  the 
specific  name  of  the  basin  consisting  of  the  lower  and  broader  part  of 
the  Jordan-valley  (beginning  about  25  miles  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea),  and 
including  apparently  (see  p.   170  f)  the  Dead  Sea  itself,  and  the 

1  See  however  the  following  footuote. 


XIII.  io-h]  the  book  of  genesis  153 

it  was  well  watered  every  where,  before  the  Lord  destroyed  J' 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  like  the  garden  of  the  Lord,  like  the 
land  of  Egypt,  as  thou  goest  unto  Zoar.     11  So  Lot  chose  him 
aU  the  Plain  of  Jordan  ;   and  Lot  journeyed  east :  |  and  they  P 
separated  themselves  the  one  from   the  other.       12    Abram 
dwelled  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  Lot  dwelled  in  the  cities  of 
the  Plain,  |  and  moved  his  tent  as  far  as  Sodom.     13  Now  the  J 
men  of  Sodom  were  wicked  and  sinners  against  the  Lord 
exceedingly.     14  And  the  Lord  said  unto  Abram,  after  that 

small  plain  at  its  S.  end  {v.  12,  xix.  17,  25,  28,  29;  Dt.  xxxiv.  3; 
2  S.  xviii.  23);  the  'Kikkdr  of  the  Jordan'  (here,  v.  11,  and  1  K.  vii.  46) 
being  in  particular  the  part  including  the  lower  course  of  the  Jordan 
(see  further  DB.  s.v.  Plain,  4).  The  Jordan- valley,  once  (see  p.  168) 
a  sea-bottom,  contains  large  patches  of  salt  and  barren  soil;  but  in 
some  parts,  esp.  about  Jericho  (where  anciently  there  were  beautiful 
palm-groves),  and  along  the  banks  of  the  river  (cf.  the  last  note),  it  is 
extremely  fertile,  and  produces  exuberant  vegetation  (see  HG.  483  f , 
487,  489);  and  the  writer,  it  seems,  pictured  it  as  having  been  still 
more  fertile  than  it  was  in  his  own  day,  before  Sodom  and  Gomorrah 
had  been  destroyed  (xix.  24 — 28). 

well  watered.  Especially  about  Jericho,  and  across  the  Jordan, 
where  numerous  streams,  descending  into  the  Kikkcir,  form  hues  of 
verdure  along  the  mountain  sides.  Ezek.  (xvi.  48  f )  attributes  the 
sin  of  Sodom  to  its  ease  of  living  and  material  prosperity. 

like  the  garden  of  Jehovah  (Is.  li.  3).  I.e.  the  garden  of  Eden, — 
v/ell-irrigated,  and  a  type  of  fertility  (cf  on  ii.  8). 

like  the  land  of  Egypt.  Also  irrigated  by  a  river,  and  celebrated 
for  the  fertility  of  its  soil. 

as  thou  goest  unto  Zo'ar,  near  the  SE.  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea  (see 
p.  170).  The  words  connect  with  well  watered  every  where,  and  define 
the  S.  limit  of  the  area  once,  as  the  writer  supposes,  thus  well-watered 
and  fertile'.  But  possibly  Zo'an  (Pesh.)  should  be  read,  the  name  of 
the  well-known  city  (Tanis)  in  the  NE.  of  the  Delta. 

11.  Such  a  fair  prospect  was  more  than  Lot  was  able  to  resist :  so 
heedless  of  the  prior  claim  possessed  by  his  uncle,  and  heedless  also  of 
the  character  of  those  whom  he  would  thereby  have  Hving  around  him 
{v.  13),  he  chose  for  himself  the  Kikkdr  of  Jordan. 

13.  The  verse  is  intended  partly  to  shew  Lot's  indifference,  partly 
to  prepare  for  ch.  xix.,  and  partly  also  to  illustrate  the  providence 
which  preserved  Abram  from  association  with  such  men. 

14 — 17,  The  reward  of  Abram's  unselfishness.  Being  now  left 
alone  in  the  land,  he  receives  a  new  and  empliatic  repetition  of  the 

^  This  verse,  and  v.  12'>  (cf.  xiv.  3),  read,  it  must  be  admitted,  as  if  the  writer, 
though  he  did  not  (p.  170)  think  of  the  cities  of  the  Kikkdr  as  submerged,  neverthe- 
less pictured  the  Dead  Sea  as  non-existent  at  this  time.     Cf.  Guukel,  p.  159  f. 


164  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xiii.  14-18 

Lot  was  separated  from  him,  Lift  up  now  thine  eyes,  and  look  J 
from  the  place  where  thou  art,  northward  and  southward  and 
eastward  and  westward :  15  for  all  the  land  which  thou  seest, 
to  thee  will  I  give  it,  and  to  thy  seed  for  ever.  16  And  I  will 
make  thy  seed  as  the  dust  of  the  earth :  so  that  if  a  man  can 
number  the  dust  of  the  earth,  then  shall  thy  seed  also  be 
numbered.  17  Arise,  walk  through  the  land  in  the  length  of  it 
and  in  the  breadth  of  it ;  for  unto  thee  will  I  give  it.  18  And 
Abram  moved  his  tent,  and  came  and  dwelt  by  the  ^oaks  of 
Mamre,  which  are  in  Hebron,  and  built  there  an  altar  unto  the 
Lord. 

^  Or,  terebinthg 

promises  previously  given  (xii.  2,  7),  and  is  encouraged  (v.  17)  to  move 
about  freely  in  the  country  destinea  to  become  ultimately  the  possession 
of  his  descendants. 

In  Gal.  iii.  16  this  passage, — or  the  similar  one,  xvii.  8, — is  referred 
to  by  St  Paul  as  shewing  that  the  promises  given  to  Abram  (the 
'  land '  being  interpreted  in  a  spiritual  sense)  were  fulfilled  in  Christ. 
On  the  argument  of  the  apostle  (in  which  '  seeds '  is  shewn  by  post-Bibl. 
Jewish  usage  to  signify  not  contemporary,  but  successive  generations), 
see  thp  present  writer's  note  in  the  Expositor,  Jan.  1889,  p.  18  fi". 

16.  as  the  dust  of  the  earth.  So  xxviii.  14.  Of.  the  comparison  to 
the  stars,  xv.  5,  xxii.  17,  xxvi.  4,  and  to  the  sand,  xxii.  17,  xxxii.  12, 

18.  Abram  now  moves  southwards,  as  far  as  Hebron,  on  the  high- 
ground  (or  'hill  country')  of  Judah  (Jos.  xv.  48 — 60, — Hebron  is 
3040  ft.  above  the  Medit.  Sea),  19  miles  SSW.  of  Jerusalem. 

th£,  terebinths  (xii.  6)  of  Mamre.  So  xviii.  1  (J);  and  xiv.  13 
(where,  as  in  xiv.  24,  ]\'Iamre  appears  as  the  name  of  a  local  sheikh  or 
chief,  the  owner  of  the  terebinths):  'Mamre'  also  occurs  (in  P)  in 
descriptions  of  the  cave  of  Machpelah,  which  is  said  to  be  '  in  front  of 
Mamre,'  xxiii.  17,  19  (where  Mamre  is  identified  with  Hebron),  xxv.  9, 
xlix.  30,  1.  13.  The  site  has  not  been  identified;  though  if  the  present 
mosque  (p.  228)  is  really  built  over  the  cave  of  Machpelah,  and  if  '  in 
front  of  has  its  usual  topographical  sense  of  'East  of,'  it  will  have 
been  not  far  W.  of  the  present  mosque.  From  Josephus'  time  (see  BJ. 
IV.  9.  7)  to  the  present  day,  terebinths  or  oaks,  called  by  the  name  of 
Abraham,  have  been  shewn  at  difi"erent  spots  near  Hebron  (see  a  view 
of  the  present  '  Oak  of  Abraham '  in  L.  and  B.  i.  283) ;  but  none  has 
any  real  claim  to  mark  the  authentic  site  of  the  ancient  '  Mamre '  (see 
further  particulars  in  the  writer's  art.  Mamre  in  DB.y. 

1  Sozomen  {HE.  ii.  4),  in  speaking  of  the  'Abraham's  Oak'  of  Constantine's 
time  (two  miles  N.  of  Hebron),  adds  that  it  was  regarded  as  sacred,  sacrifices  being 
offered  beside  it,  and  libations  and  other  offerings  being  cast  into  a  well  close  by, 
until  these  obssrvauces  were  suppressed  by  Constantino  as  superstitious.  Cf.  Eus. 
Vita  Const,  in.  53. 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  155 

in  Hebron.  Afterwards  an  important  city  of  Judah :  according  to 
Jos,  XV.  13  f.  taken  by  Caleb;  and  for  7|  years  the  seat  of  David's 
kingdom  (2  S.  ii.  1 — 4,  v.  1 — 5):  2  S.  xv.  7,  12,  also,  shew  that  it 
was  the  seat  of  a  sanctuary.  It  is  now  a  '  long  stone  town,'  stretching 
from  NW.  to  SE.  'on  the  W.  slope  of  a  bare  terraced  hill.'  Its  modern 
name  is  el-Halil,  'the  friend,'  abbreviated  from  'the  town  of  the  friend 
of  God,'  the  name  (see  Is.  xli.  8;  2  Ch.  xx.  7;  Jas.  ii.  23)  by  which 
Abraham  is  known  among  Mohammedans  (Kor.  iv.  124).    C£  on  xxiii.  2. 

'By  thus  separating  from  Abram,  and  voluntarily  quitting  Canaan,  Lot 
resigns  his  claim  to  it,  and  the  later  territorial  relations  of  Moab  and  Ammon 
(xix.  30 — 38),  and  Israel,  are  prefigured.  At  the  same  time,  by  the  departure 
of  Lot,  Abram  becomes  the  central  figure  of  the  following  narrative.  The 
incident  is,  further,  narrated  in  such  a  way  as  to  afford  a  fresh  illustration  of 
Abram's  spiritual  greatness,  in  his  self-denying  and  peace-loving  disposition, 
and  at  the  same  time  of  God's  providential  care  for  him '  (Dillm.). 


Chapter  XIV. 

Expedition  of  Chedorla'omer  and  his  allies  against  the  cities 
of  the  Kikkdr.  Abram's  rescue  of  Lot.  The  episode  of 
Melchizedek. 

Abram  appears  here  in  a  new  character,  not  merely  as  a  patriarch  having 
peaceful  dealings  with  the  natives  of  Palestine,  but  as  a  warrior,  defeating  with 
a  handful  of  followers  a  combination  of  powerful  kings  from  the  East.  The 
aim  of  the  narrative  is  evidently  to  magnify  Abram :  he  '  defeats  kings,  he  is 
blessed  by  a  king,  he  will  not  take  from  a  king  even  as  much  as  a  shoe-latchet^': 
he  is,  moreover,  disinterested,  independent,  and  highmiuded.  The  style  and 
phraseology  of  the  chapter  shew  that  it  does  not  belong  to  either  J,  E,  or  P, 
but  that  it  is  taken  from  some  independent  source  (hence  .S*S'=  special  source) : 
it  has  some  affinities  with  P,  but  they  are  not  sufficiently  marked  to  justify  its 
being  attributed  to  him:  the  general  style  and  literary  character  of  the 
narrative  suggest,  however,  that  it  is  not  of  earlier  date  than  the  age  of  Ezekiel 
and  the  exile  (cf.  p.  xvi).  The  archaeological  learning,  implied  in  vv.  6,  7,  if 
not  also  in  vv.  1 — 3,  8,  9,  recalls  the  antiquarian  notices  in  Dt.  ii.  10 — 12,  20 — 
23,  iii.  9,  11,  13^  14.  The  peculiarities  of  the  narrative,  its  contrast  with  the 
representations  of  J  and  E,  and  certain  improbabilities  which  have  been 
supposed  to  attach  to  it,  have  led  many  to  treat  it  as  unhistorical :  this  question 
will  be  bettor  considered,  after  the  chapter  has  been  studied  in  detail,  and  the 
bearing  of  recent  archaeological  discovery  upon  it  has  been  estimated. 

The  following  is,  in  brief^  the  light  which  has  been  thrown  by  recent  dis- 
coveries upon  the  names  of  the  four  kings  from  the  East,  mentioned  in  v.  1. 

1  Contrast  the  very  different  spirit  and  motives,  with  which  he  receives 
presents  in  xii.  16. 

'  See  more  fully,  on  some  points,  the  writer's  article  in  the  Guardian,  March  11, 
1896. 


150  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

1.  AmrapheJ.,  king  of  Shin^ar.  SViin'ar,  we  already  know  (see  on  x.  10), 
is  a  Hebrew  name  of  Babylonia.  No  name  'Amraphcr  has  been  touiul  as  yet 
in  the  Inscriptions ;  but  tliere  is  a  reasonable  probability  that  it  is  a  corrupt, 
representation  of  Hammurabi,  the  name  of  the  6th  king  of  the  first  dynasty  of 
Babylon  of  which  we  have  information  ^  Hammurabi  reigned  for  43  years ^, — 
according  to  Thureau-Dangin  and  Ungnad,  b.o.  2130 — 2088^:  as  his  own 
inscriptions  testify,  he  was  a  powerful  and  successful  ruler,  who,  by  his  skill  in 
organizing  and  consolidating  the  resources  of  his  country,  and  his  victories 
over  its  rival,  Elam,  laid  the  foundation  of  its  future  greatness*.  In  one  of  his 
inscriptions  he  is  called  ' adda  [' father,'  i.e.  ruler]  of  Martu'  or  the  West 
Land,  an  expression  commonly  denoting  Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Palestine,  and 
implying,  consequently,  if  it  has  the  same  meaning  here,  that  he  claimed  to 
rule  as  far  as  the  Mediterranean  Sea  (cf.  Masp.  ii.  38  n.). 

2,  Arioch,  king  of  Ellasar.  In  all  probability  Eriagu  or  Eriaku\  king 
of  Larsa,  now  Senkereh,  about  midway  between  Babylon  and  the  mouth  of 
the  Euphrates,  whose  name  is  mentioned  in  many  inscriptions,  dating  from  his 
own  time,  and  who  was  contemporary  with  Hammurabi.  His  inscriptions 
shew  that  he  was  not  only  king  of  Larsa,  but  also  that  he  owned  Ur  (xi.  28), 
Lagash  (now  Telloh),  and  Nippur,  and  obeyed  the  decisions  of  the  god  of 
Eridu  (p.  52  n.),  Ea;  so  we  must  picture  him  as  ruUng  over  a  considerable  part 
of  S.  Babylonia.  Further,  Eriaku  is  said  to  be  the  sou  of '  Kudurmabuk,  adda 
of  YamutbaL'  Kudurmabuk,  now,  is  not  a  Babylonian,  but  an  Elamitish 
name, — Elam  being  (x.  22)  the  mountfiinous  region  across  the  Tigris,  E.  of 
Babylonia;  and  Yamutbal  is  shewn  by  other  notices  to  have  been  a  province  in 
the  E.  part  of  S.  Babylonia,  bordering  on  Elam,  and  at  this  time  under  Elamite 
dominion.  It  thus  appears  that  at  the  time  in  question  the  Elamite  power  had 
obtained  a  footing  in  S.  Babylonia  :  Kudurmabuk,  we  may  suppose,  ruled  him- 
self in  Yamutbal,  and,  supported  by  him,  his  son,  Eriaku,  maintained  himself 
in  Larsa  and  the  surrounding  parts  of  S.  Babylonia.     Eriaku's  father,  Kudur- 

1  For  a  list  of  the  11  kings  of  this  dynasty,  see  the  Addenda  (on  p.  156). 

2  See  the  nearly  contemporary  chronological  register  of  part  of  this  dynasty, 
first  published  by  L.  W.  King,  in  his  Letters  and  hiscriptions  of  Hammurabi,  iii. 
(translations),  1900,  pp.  Ivi. — Ixxi.,  212 — 253:  cf.  Pinches,  OT.  in  the  light  of  the 
records  (&c.  211  ff. 

'  The  date  b.c.  depends  in  part  upon  statements  made  by  later  kings  :  as  these 
are  not  in  all  cases  perfectly  consistent,  other  scholars  arrive  at  somewhat  different 
dates  for  Hammurabi,  as  2198—2155  (Poebel,  Z.fiir  Ass.  1908,  p.  175),  or  1958— 
1916  (Ed.  Meyer,  Gesch.  des  Altertums^,  i.  ii.,  190J,  p.  341).  But  all  earlier  dates, 
such  as  those  given  formerly  bj^  Sayce,  Johns,  and  others,  have  become  anticjuated 
since  the  publication  in  1907  of  the  newer  material  contained  in  L.  W.  King's 
Chronicles  concerning  early  Babi/lonian  Kings  :  see  further  in  the  Addenda. 

*  See  particulars  of  his  reign  in  Maspero,  ii.  39 — 44,  or  the  Introd.  to  King, 
Letters,  He  constructed  among  other  things  a  system  of  canals  in  Babylonia. 
In  1901,  also,  a  very  interesting  code  of  laws  promulgated  by  him,  was  discovered, 
coutaining  remarkable  parallels  to  several  of  the  civil  and  criminal  laws  found 
in  Ex.  xxi. — xxiii..  Lev.  xx.,  and  Deut.  xii. — xxvi. :  see  Johns,  DB.  v.  584 — 612; 
and  S.  A.  Cook,  The  Laws  of  Moses  and  the  Code  of  Hammurabi  (1903). 

5  Eriagu,  or  Eriaku,  is  the  Sumerian  equivalent  of  the  Semitic  'Arad-sin,'  the 
name  by  which  this  king  is  usuall}'  kLown.  The  old  identification  with  Rim-sin, — 
which  depended  on  the  doubtful  assumption  that  this  name  could  be  read  Eriaku, — 
is  now  given  up.     See  further  particulars  in  the  Addenda. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  CHAPTER  XIV  157 

mabuk,  also  receives  the  same  title  ^  adda  of  Martu,'  which  is  given  to 
Hammurabi ;  he  appears  therefore  to  have  claimed  the  same  kind  of  authority 
over  Syria  and  the  West  which  was  claimed  by  Hammurabi. 

Eventually,  however,  the  Elamite  rule  in  S.  Babylonia  was  brought  to  an 
end,  Hammurabi  (as  another  inscription  states)  defeating  both  Eriaku  and  his 
father  Kudurmtibuk,  and,  in  his  Slst  year,  adding  Yamutbal  to  his  domain  ^ 
It  may  be  conjectured  that  it  was  after  this  victory,  which  secured  Ham- 
murabi's supremacy  over  the  whole  of  Babylonia,  that  he  assumed  the  title  of 
'  adda  of  Martu,'  quoted  above. 

3.  Chedorla'^drner,  king  of  Elam.  Elam  (x.  22)  has  been  long  known  as 
an  important  coomtry,  with  a  very  ancient  civilization,  repeatedly  mentioned  in 
the  inscriptions  ;  Chedorla'omer  also  was  clearly  a  genuine  Elamite  name, — for 
Kudur  (meaning  perhaps  '  sei-vant ')  was  known  to  occur  in  other  proper  names 
belonging  to  Elam,  and  La'omer,  or,  as  it  might  be  pronounced,  Lagomer  (lxx. 
Aoyofifiop),  is  the  name  of  an  Elamite  deity,  mentioned  by  Asshurbanipal  {KB.  ii. 
205), — but  until  lately  no  independent  mention  of  it  had  been  found.  In  1892, 
however,  Mr  T.  G.  Pinches'''  discovered  in  the  British  Museum  three  inscribed 
tablets,  containing  a  name,  which,  though  the  pronunciation  of  the  middle 
part  is  not  certain,  has  been  read  conjecturally  Kudurlach{1)gumal,  or 
(Hommel)  Kudurdugmal,  and  so  regarded  as  corresponding  to  the  Hob. 
Chedorla'omer.  Other  Assyriologists,  however,  hold  that  the  facts  do  not 
justify  this  identification ^j  so  that,  at  best,  it  must  be  considered  doubtful. 
The  tablets  are  of  very  late  date  (c.  300  b.c.),  and  are  written  also  in  a  florid, 
poetical  style,  so  that  they  have  not  the  value  of  contemporary  records  :  at  the 
same  time  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  they  are  based  upon  more 
ancient  materials,  and  preserve  the  memory  of  genuine  historical  facts.  The 
tablets  are  much  mutilated  in  parts,  but  their  general  gist  is  clear:  they 
describe  how  Kudurlachgumal  invaded  Babylonia  \vith  his  troops,  plundering 
its  cities  and  temples,  and  exercising  sovereignty  in  Babylon  itself.  A  couple 
of  extracts  may  be  quoted — 

(1)  The  gods.. .in  their  faithful  counsel  to  Kudurlachgumal,  king  of  Elam, 
said  (?),  *  Descend,'  and  the  thing  that  unto  them  was  good  [they  performed, 
and]  he  exercised  sovereignty  in  Babylon,  [and]  placed  [his  throne  ?]  in  Babylon, 

the   city    of    the    kiuij    of   the   gods,   Marduk Dur-sir-ilani,  the    son  of 

Eri-ekua,  who  [had  carried  off?]  the  spoil,  sat  [on]  the  throne  of  dominion. 

(2)  Who  is  Kudurlachgu[mal],  the  maker  of  the  evils  ?  He  has  assembled 
also  the  Umman-manda  [see  on  v.  1,  below]  ;  he  has  laid in  ruins. 

If,  however,  Kudurlachgumal  is  rightly  identified  with  Chedorla'omer,  the 
Eri-ekua  mentioned  here  can  hardly  be  difi'ereut  from  the  Eriaku,  king  of 
Larsa,  referred  to  above.  The  inscriptions  do  not  explain  the  relative  positions 
of  Kudurlachgumal  and  Kudurmabuk,  Eriaku's  father;  but  it  may  be  con- 
jectured that  Kudurlachgumal  (as  king  of  Elam)  was  over-lord  of  Kudurmabuk, 
the  adda  of  Yamutbal,  and  of  his  son  Eriaku,  king  of  Larsa.  Kudurlach- 
gumal's  victories  in  Babylonia  will  naturally  have  preceded  Hammurabi's  final 

1  See  King,  p.  Ixvii.,  and  the  ancient  chronicle,  p.  237,  or  Pinches,  p.  212. 
a  Trans.  Vict.  Inst.  xxix.  45  ff.  ;  OT.  in  the  light  &c.  223  ff. 
3  King,  Letters  of  Hammurahi,  i.  (1898),   liv. — lvi.   (see  an   abstract   of  his 
argument  in  the  Addenda);   Ball,  p.  70;   Zimraern,  KAT.^  486. 


158  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xiv.  i,  a 

and  successful  eflFort  to  shake  oflF  the  Elamite  supremacy,  and  bring  to  an  end 
the  kingdom  of  Eriaku.  The  expedition  narrated  in  the  present  chapter,  if 
historical,  must  also  be  assigned  to  the  same  period :  Kudurlachgumal,  it 
must  be  assumed,  in  virtue  of  the  supremacy  exercised  by  him  over  Babylonia, 
obliged  Hammurabi  to  take  part  with  him  in  his  campaign  ^ 

4.  Tidied,  king  of  Goiim.  A  *  Tudchula,  son  of  Gazza,'  is  mentioned  in  one 
of  the  three  inscriptions  found  by  Mr  Pinches,  as  spoiling  and  plundering ;  the 
mutilated  condition  of  the  tablet  does  not  permit  anything  more  definite  to  be 
said  of  him'. 

XIV.     1  And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  days  of  Amraphel  king  SS 
of  Shinar,  Arioch  king  of  EUasar,  Chedorlaomer  king  of  Elam, 
and  Tidal  king  of  ^  Goiim,  2  that  they  made  war  with  Bera  king 
of  Sodom,  and  with  Birsha  king  of  Gomorrah,  Shinab  king  of 

^  Or,  nations 

1 — 4.  The  five  kings  of  the  cities  of  the  KihJcdr  (xiii.  10)  revolt 
against  Chedorla'omer. 

1.  On  the  kings  mentioned  in  this  verse,  see  the  Introd.  above. 
Goiim.     The  ordinary  Heb.  word  for  '  nations '  (so  AV.)  ;  as  this, 

however,  seems  to  yield  no  satisfactory  sense,  RV.  understands  the 
word  as  a  proper  name.  No  people  Goiim  is,  however,  otherwise 
known ;  and  hence  Sir  H.  Kawlinson's  conjecture  has  been  widely 
accepted,  that  Goiim  is  a  corruption  of  Gutim,  the  Guti  of  the  inscrip- 
tions, a  people  living  E.  of  the  Little  Zab,  corresponding  to  the  E.  part 
of  the  present  Kurdistan.  Professor  Sayce,  however,  suggests  that 
Goiim  may  be  retained  in  its  usual  sense  of  *  nations,'  and  understood 
of  the  Umma7i-manda,  or  '  hordes '  of  northern  peoples,  who  are  men- 
tioned from  time  to  time  in  the  inscriptions  as  invading  Assyria,  and 
who,  on  one  of  the  tablets  quoted  above  (p.  157),  are  also  said  to  have 
been  gathered  together  by  Kudurlachgumal. 

2.  Of  the  kings  named  in  this  verse,  nothing  is  known  beyond 
what  is  stated  in  the  present  chapter.  Bera'  and  Birsha'  may  be 
intended  by  the  writer  to  suggest  the  meanings  with  evil  Q^"}^)  and 
with  wickedness  {^'^'1}),  respectively. 

Shin'db.  For  the  name,  Friedr.  Delitzsch  {Paradies,  294)  compares 
Sanibu,  the  name  of  an  Ammonite  king  mentioned  by  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  (KAT.'  p.  257).  

1  Chedorla'omer  is  evidently  the  leader  of  the  expedition  in  Gen.  xiv.  (vv.  4,  5). 

*  Mr  King  (Lc.  p.  liii.),  and  Mr  Ball  (p.  70)  question  also  the  identifications  of 
Eri-Skua,  and  Tudchula:  in  particular,  Mr  King  observes,  neither  Eriekua  nor 
Tudchula  is  in  the  inscriptions  styled  'king.'     See  also  KAT.^  367. 

The  mention  of  Chedorla'omer  {'Kudur-Iuggamar,'  'Kudur-Laghghamar')  quoted 
by  Hommel,  AHT.  173—180  (cf.  165,  195),  and  Sayce,  EHH.  pp.  12  n.,  '27,  is 
admitted  to  rest  upon  a  false  reading  of  Dr  Scheil's  (see  Sayce,  in  the  Exp.  Timet, 
Mar.  1899,  p.  267,  Ball,  p.  68;  and  more  fully  King,  I.e.  p.  xxv.  ff.):  the  reading 
Kudur-Laghghamar,  in  Sayce,  EHH.  26—8,  falls  through  on  the  same  ground.  In 
Hommel's  treatment  of  Gen.  xiv.  in  AHT.  p.  147  £E.,  there  is  much  that  is  very 
arbitrary  and  hypothetical. 


XIV.  2-5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  169 

Admah,  and  Shemeber  king  of  Zeboiim,  and  the  king  of  Bela  SS 
(the  same  is  Zoar).  3  All  these  ^joined  together  in  the  vale  of 
Siddim  (the  same  is  the  Salt  Sea).  4  Twelve  years  they  served 
Chedorlaomer,  and  in  the  thirteenth  year  they  rebelled.  5  And 
in  the  fourteenth  year  came  Chedorlaomer,  and  the  kings  that 
were  with  him,  and  smote  the  Rephaim  in  Ashteroth-karnaim, 

*  Oi,  joined  themselves  together  against 

Admah  and  Zeboiim  are  mentioned  also  in  x.  19,  and  (as  destroyed, 
like  Sodom  and  Gomorrah)  Dt.  xxix.  23,  Hos.  xi.  8. 

Bela'.  The  name  is  found  only  here  and  v.  8^  Tlie  five  cities 
here  mentioned  are  in  Wisd.  x.  6  called  the  '  Pentapolis ' :  they  were 
situated,  in  all  probability,  at  the  extreme  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea 
(see  p.  170  f ). 

3.  All  these  (the  kings  mentioned  in  v.  1)  joined  together  in. 
More  exactly,  joined  together  (and  came)  unto,  i.e.  came  as  allies  unto. 

the  vale  of  Siddim.  Mentioned  only  in  this  chapter.  It  is  identi- 
fied here  with  the  Dead  Sea, — a  statement  which  can  be  correct,  only  if 
the  reference  is  to  the  southern  part  of  the  Sea,  which  is  very  much 
shallower  than  the  northern  part,  and  where  in  Abram's  time  there 
may  have  been  dry  land  (cf  pp.  169,  171). 

the  Salt  Sea.  One  of  the  Biblical  names  of  what  we  know  as  the 
Dead  Sea,  so  called  on  account  of  its  excessive  saltness, — ordinary  sea- 
water  containing  about  6  per  cent,  of  salts,  whereas  the  water  of  the 
Dead  Sea  contains  more  than  four  times  as  much  (about  24 '50  per 
cent.).  Its  saltness  is  due  to  the  character  of  the  soil  about  it  :  saline 
springs  flow  into  it,  and  at  its  SW.  end  there  is  a  ridge  of  cliffs,  some 
600  feet  high,  and  five  miles  long,  composed  entirely  of  rock-salt  (cf. 
p.  169).     The  name  recurs  Nu.  xxxiv.  3,  Dt.  iii.  17,  Jos.  iii.  16,  al. 

4.  rebelled.  No  doubt,  by  refusing  the  customary  annual  tribute. 
Cf  2  K.  xviii.  7,  xxiv.  1,  20. 

5—9.  The  march  of  Chedorla'omer  and  his  allies.  It  may  be  pre- 
sumed that,  following  the  usual  route  from  Babylonia  to  Palestine,  they 
would  m.arch  up  along  the  Euphrates  to  Carchemish  ;  and,  crossing  the 
river  there  (cf  on  xii.  4),  would  turn  southwards,  and,  passing  Damascus, 
come  down  upon  the  places  mentioned  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  In 
describing  these  places  the  writer  uses  the  names  of  prehistoric  peoples 
who,  according  to  tradition,  had  been  their  original  inhabitants. 

the  Rephaim.  A  giant  aboriginal  race,  reputed  to  have  once  in- 
habited parts  of  Palestine,  from  whom  certain  place-names  are  derived, 
and  whose  descendants — or  reputed  descendants— are  alluded  to  in 
historical  times.     Thus  there  was  a  'vale  {'emek)  of  Rephaim  '  SW.  of 

1  Hommel's  attempted  identilication  (AHT.  195—8)  with  a  city  (?)  of  uncertain 
site,  mentioned  in  Ass.  under  the  name  Malkd,  Margu,  &c.,  has  been  shewn  by 
Mr  Johns  {Expositor,  Aug.  1898,  pp.  158—60)  to  rest 'upon  a  series  of  misunder- 
standings. 


160  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xiv.  5, 6 

and  the  Zuzim  in  Ham,  and  the  Emim  in  ^Shaveh-kiriathaim,  SS 
6  and  the  Hoiites  in  their  mount  Seir,  unto  El-paran,  which  is  by 

^  Or,  the  plain  of  Kiriathaim 

Jerusalem  (Jos.  xv.  8,  al.);  in  2  S.  xxi.  16,  18,  20,  22,  various 
doughty  warriors  of  Gath  are  described  as  *  sons  of  the  Kapha '  ('  the 
Kapha'  being  meant  collectively  =  'the  Rephaim');  and  in  Dt.  iii.  II, 
Og,  king  of  Bashan — ^just  the  region  here  referred  to  (see  the  next 
note) — is  stated  to  have  been  'of  the  remnant  of  the  Rephaim.' 

' Ashteroth-karnaim.  Probably  Tell  'Askterd,  a  hill,  with  remains 
of  ancient  walls,  in  the  region  of  the  ancient  Bashan,  about  21  m.  E.  ol 
the  Sea  of  Galilee.     See  further  DB.,  or  EncB.,  s.v.  Ashtaroth. 

Zuzim.  Probably  the  same  as  the  Zamzummim,  according  to  the 
archaeological  note  Dt.  ii.  20,  21",  the  Ammonite  name  of  a  giant 
people,  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  region  NE.  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
afterwards  occupied  by  the  Ammonites.     See  further  DB.  s.v. 

in  Ham.  Not  mentioned  elsewhere,  but  conjectured  (from  the 
context)  to  have  been  the  ancient  name  of  the  Ammonite  capital 
Rabbath-Ammon  (2  S.  xii.  26,  al.\  25  m.  NE.  of  the  upper  end  of  the 
Dead  Sea. 

the  Emim.  According  to  Dt.  ii.  10  f.,  the  Moabite  name  of  a  giant 
people,  the  original  inhabitants  of  the  territory  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
afterwards  occupied  by  the  Moabites. 

Shavek-kiriathaim,  or  the  plain  of  Kiriathaim.  Kiriathaim  (Jos. 
xiii.  19,  Jer.  xlviii.  1,  al.)  is  probably  the  modern  Kure'ydt,  10  m.  N.  of 
the  Arnon  and  10  m.  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea. 

6.  the  fforites.  The  original  inhabitants  of  Seir  (xxxvi.  8,  and 
frequently),  the  mountainous  country  S.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  E.  of  the 
great  gorge  now  called  the  Wddy  el-'Ardbah,  occupied  afterwards  by 
the  Edomites.     See  Dt.  ii.  12,  22,  and  on  ch.  xxxvi. 

*  El-paran.  I.e.  'El  (lxx.  the  terebinth :  cf.  on  xii.  6)  of  Paran, 
most  probably  identical  with  the  place  elsewhere  called  (with  the  fern, 
term.)  'Elath  {kikad),  or  'Eloth  (Dt.  ii.  8,  1  K.  ix.  26,  al),  the  later 
well-known  and  important  harbour  at  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  'Akabah 
(also,  from  the  classical  name  of  Elath,  AiAava,  called  the  Aelanitic 
Gul/y. 

The  site  of  Paran  (1  K.  xi.  18)  is  unknown :  it  may  be  inferred 
from  the  present  passage  that  it  was  somewhere  near  Elath.  The 
wilderness  will  be  naturally  the  one  bordering  on  Elath,  called  else- 
where the  'wilderness  of  Paran'  (ch.  xxi.  21,  al.),  the  bare  and  elevated 
plateau  of  limestone,  now  called  et-Tih,  bounded  on  the  E.  by  the  N. 
end  of  the  Gulf  of  'Akabah  and  the  'Arabah,  and  stretching  out  west- 
wards to  the  present  isthmus  of  Suez. 

1  Elath  has  always  been  celebrated  for  its  date-palms  (cf.  Strabo,  xvi.  776);  and 
hence  perhaps  its  name  (for  'el,  'eldh,  may  in  Sem.  dialects  other  than  Heb.  have 
denoted,  like  the  Aram,  'ildn,  a  large  tree  generally:  cf.  Ex.  xv.  27). 


XIV.  6,  7]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  161 

the  wilderness.     7  And  they  returned,  and  came  to  En-mishpat  SS 
(the  same  is  Kadesh),  and   smote    all    the   ^country  of   the 
Amalekites,  and  also  the  Amorites,  that  dwelt  in  Hazazon-tamar. 

1  Ueh.  field. 

7.  returned.  Better,  turned  back,  making  viz.  the  sharp  angle 
necessary  for  one  arriving  at  Elath  from  the  NE.  (perhaps  down  the 
steep  Wddy  el-'Ithm,  Rob.  I.  174)  in  order  to  go  on  to  Kadesh  (70  m. 
W.  of  N.  from  Elath).  The  route  from  Elath  to  Kadesh  would  involve 
an  ascent  of  1500  ft.  up  one  of  the  wedys  on  the  W.  of  the  'Arabah 
(Rob.  I.  174  f.,  186  f),  in  order  to  reach  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  on 
which  Kadesh  lay  (Nu.  xiii.  26). 

^En-Mishpat.  I.e.  Spring  of  judgement ;  a  sacred  fountain, — its 
other  name,  Kadesh,  signifies  consecrated,  sacred, — at  whicli,  as  at  an 
oracle  or  sanctuary,  contending  parties,  it  may  be  supposed,  sought 
authoritative  settlement  of  their  disputes \ 

Kadesh.  The  site,  for  long  entirely  lost,  was  identified  by  the 
Rev.  J.  Rowlands,  in  1842,  with  'Ain-Kadish,  a  spring  issuing  forth  in 
a  wady,  at  the  foot  of  a  low  range  of  limestone  hills,  about  50  m.  S.  of 
Beer-sheba,  and  forming  a  little  oasis  of  shrubs  and  flowers  in  the  midst 
of  the  arid  stone-covered  desert  of  et-Tih.  The  site  was  afterwards 
lost  again,  till  it  was  re-discovered  by  Dr  Trumbull  in  1881  {Kadesh- 
barnea,  1884,  pp.  238 — 75).  There  is  an  interesting  account  of  *Ain- 
Kadish,  with  photographs  and  plan,  in  the  Biblical  World  (Chicago), 
May,  1901,  p.  327  ft'. 

country.     \At.  field:  cf.  xxxii.  3,  xxxvi.  35,  Jud.  v.  4,  Ru.  i.  1. 

the  *  Amalekites,  A  predatory  tribe,  whose  home  was  in  and  about 
(Nu.  xiii.  29,  xiv.  25,  43,  45)  the  desert  et-Tih,  just  referred  to,  and 
who  in  general  character  very  much  resembled  the  modern  Bedawin 
who  range  over  the  same  region.  They  are  described  as  opposing  the 
Israelites,  upon  their  attempting  to  enter  the  peninsula  of  Sinai 
TEx.  xvii.  8 — 16) ;  and  were  afterwards  severely  smitten  by  Saul 
(1  S.  XV.),  though  not  exterminated  (1  S.  xxx.).     Cf.  on  xxxvi.  12. 

the  Amorites.  See  on  x.  16.  The  term  is  used  here,  as  in  xv.  16, 
xlviii.  22,  Nu.  xiii.  29  &c.,  in  its  vaguer  sense,  of  the  pre-Isr.  population 
of  Canaan  generally. 

in  Hazazon-tamar.  Identified  in  2  Ch.  xx.  2  with  'En-gedi,  which 
is  situated,  in  an  almost  inaccessible  position,  high  up  on  the  cliff's  at 
the  mouth  (N.  side)  of  the  deep  gorge  of  the  Wadij  Ghar  (also  called 
the  WMy  Kelh),  which  runs  down  into  the  Dead  Sea,  at  about  the 
middle  of  its  W.  shore.  The  roads  from  Jerusalem  and  Carmel  (S.  of 
Hebron)  converge  on  the  rough  and  desert  table-land  above  this  wady, 
at  about  a  mile  fr'om  the  sea,  and  2,000  ft.  above  it :  the  path  thence 
'  descends  by  zigzags,  often  at  the  steepest  angle  practicable  for  horses, 

^  On  sacred  springs  among  the  Semites,  see  Rel.  Sem.  127  f.,  151—168  ^  134  f., 
166 — 184).  Springing,  or,  as  tbe  Hebrews  termed  it  (cf.  on  xxvi.  19),  'living* 
water,  suggested  the  presence  of  a  living  agent,  or  spirit. 

D  11 


162  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xiv.  8-10 

8  And  there  went  out  the  king  of  Sodom,  and  the  king  of  SS 
Gomorrah,  and  the  king  of  Admah,  and  the  king  of  Zeboiim, 
and  the  king  of  Bela  (the  same  is  Zoar) ;  and  they  set  the  battle 
in  array  against  thera  in  the  vale  of  Siddim  ;  9  against  Chedor- 
laomer  king  of  Elani,  and  Tidal  king  of  Goiim,  and  Amraphel 
king  of  Shinar,  and  Arioch  king  of  Ellasar ;  four  kings  against 
the  five.    10  Now  the  vale  of  Siddim  was  full  of  ^  slime  pits ; 

*  That  is,  bitumen  pits. 

and  is  carried  partly  along  ledges  or  shelves  on  the  perpendicular  face 
of  the  cliff,  and  then  down  the  almost  equally  steep  debris'  (R,ob. 
I.  503).  At  a  point  1,340  ft.  down^  and  610  ft.  above  the  sea,  the 
'  spring '  of  *En-gedi  bursts  out  from  under  a  great  boulder ;  and  a 
jungle  of  canes  and  other  vegetation  marks  the  line  along  which  the 
stream  dashes  down  to  the  sea  below.  There  are  traces  of  the  ancient 
village  (Euseb.  Onom.  254)  a  little  below  the  spring.  At  the  foot  of 
the  descent  there  is  a  small,  shingly  plain,  with  some  scanty  shrubs 
growing  on  it.  There  is  no  passage  along  the  shore  northwards,  except 
by  clambering  or  wading  round  promontories';  there  is,  however,  a 
rough  path  to  the  S.,  followed  by  Tristram ^  and  forming  apparently 
the  route  along  which  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites  made  au  imroad 
into  Judah  in  the  days  of  Jehoshaphat  (2  Ch.  xx.  2)'. 

Knob,  and  Holz.,  however,  thinking  'En-gedi  to  be  too  far  to  the 
N.,  would  identify  Hazazon-tamar  with  Thamara  (?  the  Tamar  of 
Ez.  xlvii.  19,  xlviii.  28),  a  village  on  the  road  between  Elath  and 
Hebron  (Onorrt..  210,  cf  85), — now.  perhaps  (Rob.  11.  202*),  Kurnub, 
about  20  m.  WSW.  of  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  If  this  identifica- 
tion be  correct,  Chedorla'omer  would  certainly  have  reached  his  goal 
(v.  3)  by  an  easier  and  more  probable  route*. 

8 — 12.  Defeat  of  the  kings  of  the  Pentapolis  in  the  vale  of  Siddim, 
and  the  capture  of  Lot. 

8,  9.  The  list  of  names  is  repeated,  in  order  to  impress  the  reader 
with  the  greatness  of  the  occasion  :  it  was  a  conflict  of  kings  against 
kings. 

10.  full  0/ bitumen  wells.  The  petroleum'  oozed  out  from  holes 
in  the  ground,  which  proved  fatal  to  the  retreating  army.  Such  wells 
are  not  known  now  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Dead  Sea :  but  the 

>  Tristram,  Land  of  Israel,  252,  274,  278;  Kob.  i.  606. 

2  Ibid.  pp.  296—8,  810—16. 

»  See  fuitlier  HG.  i!o9— 72  ;  PEFM.  in.  384—6. 

*  Though  the.  identiiication  rests  upon  a  doubtful  reading:  see  Lagarde's  text 
of  the  Onoin.,  and  Expos.  Times,  xii.  (1901),  288,  .?36. 

"  'Tamar' however  means  h  palm-tree;  and  Cheyne  (EncB.  1977)  asks,  CouM 
palms  ever  have  grown  at  Kurnub?  For  palms  at  Bn-gedi,  see  Ecclus.  xxiv.  14 
[EncB.  1293,  on  the  reading),  and  Jos.  Ant.  ix.  1.  2. 

*  Bitumen  is  petroleum  (whicli  arises  from  the  decomposition  of  ve^^'etable  and 
animal  matter  under  water),  hardened  by  evaporation  and  oxidization  (Dawson^ 
Ei'ypt  a'lid  Syria,  p.  117  f.). 


XIV.  ro-is]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  163 

and  the  kings  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  fled,  and  they  fell  there,  SS 
and  they  that  remained  fled  to  the  mountain.  11  And  they 
took  all  the  goods  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  all  their 
victuals,  and  went  their  way.  12  And  they  took  Lot,  Abram's 
brother's  son,  who  dwelt  in  Sodom,  and  his  goods,  and  departed. 
13  And  there  came  one  that  had  escaped,  and  told  Abram  the 
Hebrew :  now  he  dwelt  by  the  ^  oaks  of  Mamre  the  Amorite, 
brother  of  Eshcol,  and  brother  of  Aner ;  and  these  were  con- 
federate with  Abram.  14  And  wlien  Abram  heard  that  his 
brother  was  taken  captive,  he  led  forth  his  trained  men,  born  in 
his  house,  three  hundred  and  eighteen,  and  pursued  as  far  as 
Dan.  15  And  he  divided  himself  against  them  by  night,  he  and 
his  servants,  and  smote  them,  and  pursued  them  unto  Hobah, 

1  Or,  terebinths 

strata  about  it  are  rich  in  bituminous  matter ;  the  ancients  state  that 
masses  of  bitumen  were  often  found  floating  upon  it  (whence  it  was 
called  by  Josephus  and  others  the  '  Asphaltic  Lake');  and  after  earth- 
quakes similar  masses  still  appear. 

and  they  fell  there.     I.e.  the  people,  not  the  kings  (see  v.  17). 

the  mountain.     The  mountains  of  Moab,  on  the  E.  side  of  the  sea. 

13 — 16.     Abram's  rescue  of  Lot. 

13.  the  Hebrew.     See  on  xi.  14. 

the  terebinths  of  Mamre.  See  xiii.  18.  As  was  remarked  in  the 
note  there,  Mamre,  here  and  «.  24,  appears  as  the  name  of  a  person. 

Eshcol.  In  Nu.  xiii.  23  f.,  the  name  of  a  wady,  near  Hebron ;  and 
said  also  there  to  have  been  so  named  from  the  'cluster'  of  grapes 
which  the  spies  cut  in  it. 

14.  brother.     I.e.  kinsman  :  so  v.  16.     Cf.  on  xiii.  8. 

led  forth.  The  Heb.  word,  meaning  properly  to  empty  (xiii.  35),  is 
used  of  drawing  out  a  sword  from  its  sheath  (Ex.  xv.  9,  al.)  :  so,  if  the 
text  is  sound,  the  meaning  here  seems  to  be  drew  out  rapidly  and  in 
full  numbers. 

born  in  his  house.  I.e.  slaves  born  and  brought  up  in  his  household, 
opp.  to  those  who  had  been  purciiaseU  (cf.  xvii.  ]2,  13,  23,  27);  and 
as  such  regarded  as  specially  attached  and  trustworthy  (Dillm.). 

Dan.  In  the  far  N.  of  Canaan,  near  the  foot  of  Hermon,  now  Tell 
el-Kadi.  At  the  time  in  question,  it  would  however  be  called  Laish 
(Josh.  xix.  47),  or  lieshem  (.Jud.  xviii.  29) :  it  only  received  the  name 
of  Dan  after  its  capture  by  a  band  of  Danites,  as  narrated  in  Jud.  xviii. 
(more  briefly.  Josh.  xix.  47). 

15.  divided  himself  &c.  I.e.  divided  his  men  into  bands,  which 
fell  on  the  enemy  by  night  from  different  directions,  and  so  surprised 
them.     Cf.  the  same  stratagem,  Jud.  vii.  16  ff.,  1  S.  xi.  11. 

Hobah.     Prob.  Hoba,  a  place  about  50  m.  N.  of  Damascus,  and 

11—2 


164  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xiv.  15-18 

which  is  on  the  ^left  hand  of  Damascus.  16  And  he  brought  SS 
back  all  the  goods,  and  also  brought  again  his  brother  Lot,  and 
his  goods,  and  the  women  also,  and  the  people.  17  And  the 
king  of  Sodom  went  out  to  meet  him,  after  his  return  from  the 
slaughter  of  Chedorlaomer  and  the  kings  that  were  with  him,  at 
the  vale  of  Shaveh  (the  same  is  the  King's  Vale).  18  And 
Melchizedek  king  of  Salem  brought  forth  bread  and   wine: 

1  Or,  north 

consequently  some  100  m.  from  Dan.  For  '  left '  in  the  sense  of  North, 
see  Ez.  xvi.  46  ;  and  comp.  the  '  right-hand '  in  the  sense  of  the  South, 
Ps.  Ixxxix.  12,  and  frequently.  The  Hebrews,  in  fixing  the  quarters  of 
the  heavens,  turned  always  to  the  East  (cf.  on  xv.  19,  xvi.  12). 

17,  The  king  of  Sodom  comes  out  to  welcome  Abram  back,  and  to 
receive  the  rescued  captives. 

from  the  slaughter  of.  Lit.  from  smiting  (as  v.  15), — implying 
a  defeat,  and,  it  may  be,  a  severe  one  (2  Sam.  viii.  13),  but  not  neces- 
sarily the  actual  'slaughter'  of  the  persons  named. 

the  King's  Vale  (pp^).  Mentioned  in  2  S.  xviii.  18  (RV.,  unfortu- 
nately, '  dale'  for  the  same  Heb.),  as  the  place  in  which  the  childless 
Absalom  reared  a  memorial  for  himself  that  his  name  might  not  be 
forgotten.  Probably  some  spot  near  Jerusalem  (according  to  Jos. 
Ant.  vn.  10.  3,  two  stadia  from  it),  but  not  identified. 

18—20.     The  episode  of  Melchizedek. 

18.  Melchizedek.  To  the  Hebrews  the  name  doubtless  suggested 
the  meaning  'king  of  righteousness'  (Heb.  vii.  2),  or  'my  king  is 
righteousness ' :  but  Zedek  was  probably  in  fact  the  name  of  a  Phoen. 
deity  (cf.  the  n.  pr.  Adoni-zedek,  'my  lord  is  Zedek,'  Josh.  x.  1  [cf. 
Adonijah,  'my  lord  is  Jah'l;  and  the  Phoen.  name  Zedek-i^ielek  [cf. 
Elimelech],  'Zedek  is  king';;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  name 
originally  meant  '  my  king  is  Zedek.' 

Salem.  Intended  probably  (Gunkel)  as  an  archaic  name  for  Jeru- 
salem, though  it  is  found  elsewhere  in  tins  sense  only  Ps.  Ixxvi.  2,  and 
though  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  shew  that  Jerusalem  was  already 
called  Uru-salim,  c.  1400  B.C.  Melchizedek  was  no  doubt  a  figure 
handed  down  by  tradition  ;  and  the  intention  of  the  passage  seems  to 
be  to  represent  him  as  the  forerunner  and  prototype  of  the  Isr. 
monarchy,  and  Isr.  priesthood,  both  of  which  had  afterwards  their 
principal  seat  at  Jerusalem,  and  at  the  same  time  as  a  representative 
of  the  true  religion,  to  whom  Abram,  Israel's  most  illustrious  ancestor, 
already  paid  tithes.  In  Josh.  x.  1  fi".  a  king  of  Jerusalem  has  the 
name  Adoni-zedek,  which  is  a  compound  similar  in  form  to  Mel- 
chizedek'. 

^  The  identificMtion  of  Salem  with  Jerusalem  is  as  old  as  Jos.,  Ant.  i.  10.  2. 
Jerome's  identification  with  the  Salim  of  John  iii.  23,  now  Sal'tm,  2  m.  W.  of  the 
Jordan,  and  6  m.  S.  of  Scythopolis  (Bethshean),  has  little  to  recommend  it. 


XIV.  i8-2o]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  166 

and  he  was  priest  of  ^God  Most  Hi|?h.     19  And  he  blessed  him,  SS 
and  said,  Blessed  be  Abram  of  ^God  Most  High,  ^  possessor  of 
heaven  and  earth :   20  and  blessed  be  ^God  Most  High,  which 

^  Heb.  El  Elyon.  *  Or,  jnaker 

bread  and  wine.  As  refreshment  for  Abram's  men.  Bread  and 
water  would  have  beeu  sufficient  (Dt.  xxiii.  4) ;  but  Melchizedek  wished 
to  honour  Abram,  Nothing  is  said  about  a  sacrifice  (cf.  Westcott, 
Hebrews,  p.  201  w.).  _  _ 

^  God  Most  High.  Heb.  'El  'Elyon  'El  ('God')  was  often  distin- 
guished by  different  epithets,  bringing  out  different  a-spects  of  the 
Divine  nature,  as  in  'El  Shaddai  (xvii.  1),  *  God  Everlasting'  (xxi. 
33),  '  God  of  Bethel '  (xxxv.  7) ;  and  so  the  Canaanite  has  here  his 
'El  'Eli/07i^.  The  name  may  be  actually  that  of  an  ancient  Canaanite 
deity'';  but  it  may  also  have  been  merely  chosen  by  the  narrator  as 
a  name  which  on  the  one  hand  would  not  be  unsuitable  for  a  Canaanite 
to  use,  and  on  the  other  hand  was  capable  of  being  referred  to  Jehovah*, 
and  so  fell  in  with  his  evident  desire  to  represent  Melchizedek  as 
a  worshipper  of  the  true  God.  To  suppose,  however,  even  upon  the 
former  alternative,  that  a  knowledge  of  the  true  God  really  existed  in 
the  Canaanite  city,  would  be  against  analogy  :  rather,  in  that  case, 
'El  'Elyon  will  have  been  a  Canaanite  deity,  whom  his  worshippers 
recognized  as  the  highest,  in  opposition  to  other,  inferior  deities,  and 
who  could  consequently  be  the  more  readily  identified  with  Jehovah. 

19,  20.  Melchizedek  blesses  Abram  in  the  name  of  his  God  ;  and 
praises  his  God  for  Abram's  successes.  The  blessing  is  semi-poetical  in 
style,  and  unusual  words  are  employed. 

19.  possessor.  Better,  producer,  or,  as  we  should  probably  say, 
author.     The  word  means  properly  to  acquire, — usually  by  buying 

1  The  attachment  of  special  epithets  to  the  names  of  deities  was  common  in  the 
ancient  world:  Zeus,  Athene,  &c.  appear  often  with  local  or  other  epithets;  and 
among  Semitic  peoples  we  have,  for  instance,  Baal  of  Pe'or,  Baal  of  the  covenant 
(Jud.  viii.  33),  and  in  inscriptions  Baal  of  Lebanon,  Baal  of  Heaven,  &c. 

2  Ace.  to  Philo  of  Byblus  {ap.  Euseb.  Praep.  Ev.  i.  10,  g§  11,  12)  there  was  in 
the  Phoen.  theogony  a  certain  'EXtoOi'  xaXoi/^nei/oj  "X^iaros,  'father  of  heaven  and 
earth,'  who  was  slain  in  an  encounter  with  wild  beasts,  and  afterwards  divinized. 
This  euhemeristic  legend  may  at  least  be  taken  as  evidence  that  'Elyon  was  a 
divine  title  among  the  Phoenicians;  but  it  does  not,  unfortunately,  tell  us  anything 
definite  about  the  antiquity  of  the  title.  In  inscriptions  of  the  Graeco-Eoman 
period,  chiefly  from  parts  of  Greece,  the  Bosporus,  Asia  Minor,  Palmyra,  and 
Phoenicia  (cf.  EncB.  i.  70),  the  title  ^£6s  (or  ZeiJs)  iixf/iffroi  frequently  occurs;  but 
Schiirer  (who  has  collected  and  discussed  the  passages  in  an  interesting  study  on 
•The  Jews  and  the  communities  of  o-e/Si^evot  Oibv  \j\j/i<Trov  in  the  Bosporus,'  in  the 
Sitzuntjsberichte  of  the  Berlin  Academy,  1897,  p.  200  ff.)  has  made  it  probable  that 
these  are  mostly  the  expression  of  a  monotheistic  tendency  prevalent  at  the  time, 
and  due,  at  least  in  part,  to  Jewish  influence.  It  is  thus  doubtful  whether 
even  the  Phoen.  examples  rest  upon  genuine  native  usage,  though  in  view  of 
the  statement  of  Philo  there  is  some  presumption  that  this  is  the  case  (cf.  Schiirer, 
p.  214  n.). 

^  'Elyon  is  a  common  poet,  title  of  Jehovah  in  the  OT.;  e.g.  Nu.  xziv.  16, 
Ps.  xviii.  13. 


1G6  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xiv.  ^0-14 

hath  delivered  thine  enemies  into  thy  hand.    And  he  gave  him  S/^i 
a  tenth  of  all.     21  And  the  king  of  Sodom  said  unto  Abram, 
Give  me  the  persons,  and  take  the  goods  to  thyself.    22  And 
Abram  said  to  the  king  of  Sodom,  I  have  lift  up  mine  hand  unto 
the  Lord,  ^God  Most  High,  ^ possessor  of  heaven  and  earth, 

23  that  I  will  not  take  a  thread  nor  a  shoelatchet  nor  aught 
that  is  thine,  lest  thou  shouldest  say,  I  have  made  Abram  rich  : 

24  ^save  only  that  which  the  young  men  have  eaten,  and  the 

1  Ileb.  El  Elyon.  *  Or,  maJier 

'  Or,  let  there  be  nothing  for  me;  only  that  (ftc. 

(Gen.  XXV.  10,  and  often),  but  also  in  other  ways :  applied  to  God,  it 
denotes  Him  as  the  author — here  and  v.  22  of  nature,  Dt.  xxxii.  6  of 
Israel's  national  existence,  Ps.  cxxxix.  13  of  the  human  frame,  Pr.  viii. 
22  of  the  personified  Wisdom  [all]. 

20.  delivered.  Found  elsewhere  only  Hos.  xi.  8,  Pr.  iv.  9,  and  to 
be  restored  in  Is.  bciv.  7  (see  RVm.). 

a  tenth  of  all.  I.e.  of  all  the  booty  (cf  Heb.  vii,  4).  The  custom 
of  pajdng  tithes  to  a  priesthood  or  sanctuary  was  widely  diffused  in 
antiquity.  The  later  Heb.  law  exacted  tithe  only  on  the  produce  of 
the  soil,  and  on  cattle :  but  among  other  nations  it  was  exacted  on 
many  other  sources  of  revenue  ;  among  the  Greeks,  for  instance,  we  read 
of  tithe  being  paid  on  spoil  taken  in  war,  on  gains  made  in  trade,  on 
confiscated  property,  &c.,  not  less  than  on  the  annual  crops.  The 
temples  in  Babylonia,  at  least  in  the  time  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  his 
successors,  were  largely  supported  by  eshru,  or  tithe  (Sayce,  Patr. 
Pal.  175).  In  his  payment  of  tithe  to  the  priest,  not  less  than  in  his 
receiving  the  blessing  from  him,  Abram  becomes  a  pattern  to  the 
Israelites  of  a  later  day  (cf  on  xxviii.  22), 

21 — 24.  Resumption  of  the  narrative  begun  in  t).  17,  but  inter- 
rupted by  the  episode  described  in  vv.  18 — 20.  Abram,  as  captor, 
would  have  a  claim  to  the  whole  of  the  booty :  the  king  of  Sodom 
proposes  a  compromise.  But  Abram  firmly  declines  to  accept  anything : 
he  had  not  made  war  for  his  own  aggrandisement,  and  he  will  lay  him- 
self under  no  semblance  of  obligation  to  the  king  of  Sodom.  He  only 
(v.  24)  makes  a  reservation  on  behalf  of  his  servants  and  allies. 

22.  Abram  swears  by  Melchizedek's  God,  whom  the  narrator, — or, 
more  probably,  perhaps,  a  later  glossator  (for  'Jehovah'  is  omitted  in 
LXX.,  Pesh.), — identifies  here  with  Jehovah. 

/  lift  up  (viz.  now,  at  the  present  moment)  mine  hand.  I.e.  / 
swear.  To  '  hft  up  the  hand '  is  the  gesture  of  a  person  taking  an  oath, 
implying  that  he  appeals  to  God  as  a  witness  to  the  truth  of  his  atfiima- 
tion  :  so  (with  ^Vi  for  nnn)  Ex.  vi.  8,  Nu.  xiv.  30,  Ps.  cvi.  26  RV. 
(from  Ez.  xx.  23  :  misrendered  in  PBV.),  al.  (esp.  Ez.). 

23.  shoelatchet.     Sandal-thong,  fig.  of  something  insignificant. 

24.  Abram  asks  only  that  his  servants  may  be  allowed  what  they 


XIV.  n]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  167 

portion  of  the  men  which  went  with  me ;   Aner,  Eshcol,  and  SS 
Mamre,  let  them  take  their  portion. 

have  eaten  of  the  recovered  provisions  (w.  11,  16),  and  that  his  three 
allies  may  have  the  usual  share  of  the  spoil. 

save  &c.  Not  at  all!  (lit.  Apart  from  me, — deprecating  :  exactly 
so  xli.  16)  (give  me)  only  that  which  &c. — It  is  mentioned  here  for  the 
first  time  that  Abram's  three  allies  {v.  13)  had  accompanied  him. 

On  Melchizedek.  In  Ps.  ex.  (which  is  addressed  to  an  Israelitish  king) 
Melchizedek  is  referred  to  ('Thou  art  a  priest  for  ever  after  the  manner^  of 
Melchizedek,'  i.e.  priest  and  king  ahke)  as  a  type,  consecrated  by  antiquity,  to 
which  the  ideal  king  of  Israel,  ruling  upon  the  same  spot,  must  conform : 
Melchizedek  was  priest  as  well  as  king,  and  the  ideal  king  of  Israel  must  be 
priest  as  well  as  king  likewise.  In  the  NT.  the  wricer  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  quotes  both  Gen.  xiv.  and  Ps.  ex.  in  his  proof  of  the  priesthood  of 
Christ,  In  Heb.  v.  6,  10,  vi.  20,  Ps.  ex.  4  is  quoted  to  shew  that  a  priesthood 
such  as  that  of  Melchizedek  is  promised  to  the  ideal  king ;  vii.  1 — 3  enumerates 
the  points  in  which  Melchizedek  is  typical  of  Christ  (in  his  name  and  title,  in 
his  priesthood  being  not  represented  as  in  any  way  dependent  upon  his  priestly 
descent,  or  as  being  interrupted  by  his  death) ;  vii.  4 — 10  it  is  shewn  (by  refer- 
ence to  Gen.  xiv.)  how  Melchizedek  was  superior  to  both  Abraham  and  Levi ; 
vii.  11 — 28  it  is  shewn  (by  reference  to  Ps.  ex.)  in  what  respects  the  priesthood 
which  he  typified  (i.e.  Christ's)  was  superior  to  the  Levitical  priesthood.  In 
his  treatment  of  the  narrative  in  Gen.  xiv.  it  is  to  be  observed,  as  Bp  Westcott 
has  pointed  out  {Hebrews,  p.  199  f.),  that  the  writer  of  the  Epistle  adopts  an 
ideal  interpretation :  he  '  interprets  the  Scriptural  picture  of  Melchizedek,  and 
does  not  attempt  to  realize  the  historical  person  of  Melchizedek ';  he  does  not 
imply  that  tliat  was  true  of  him  literally  as  a  living  man  (e.g.  'without  father, 
without  mother,'  having  no  'end  of  life')  which  is  suggested  in  the  ideal  inter- 
pretation which  he  gives:  in  other  words  it  is  'the  Biblical  record  of 
Melchizedek,  and  not  Melchizedek  himself,'  which  is  taken  by  him  as  a  type  of 
Christ. — The  bread  and  wine  brought  forth  by  Melchizedek  for  the  refresh- 
ment of  Abram  and  his  men  have,  from  Clem.  Alex.^  onwards,  been  very 
commonly  regarded  in  the  Christian  Church  as  typical  of  the  spiritual  refresh- 
ment afforded  by  the  Eucharist. 

No  mention  of  Melchizedek  has  as  yet  been  found  in  the  inscriptions.  The 
Tel  el-Amarna  tablets  mention  Uru-sahin  (Jerusalem),  antl  they  include  six 
letters  from  its  governdr,  Abdi-hiba,  to  Anienophis  IV.^  The  general  purport 
of  these  letters  is  to  ask  help  from  the  Egyptian  court :  Abdi-hiba  is  beset  by 
foes ;  he  has  been  traduced  to  his  Egyptian  sovereign ;  and  unless  help  is 
speedily  forthcoming,  the  province  under  his  rule  will  be  lost  to  Egypt.  In  the 
course  of  his  letters  he  uses  an  expression,  which  has  been  supposed  by  Prof. 
Sayce  to  illustrate  the  position  assigned  to  Melchizedek  in  Gen.  xiv.,  'They 

^  Not  '  order,'  as  though  an  '  order'  of  priesthood  were  referred  to. 
2  Strom.  IV    "25,  §  161  e/s  t^'ttov  fvxa.pt.o'Tla';. 

»  Winckler,  KB.  v.  Nos.  17'.'— 181,  1S2»+  185  + 1821-  [see  Knudzton's  El-Amarna 
Tnfeln,  1908,  No.  289],  183—4  ;  Ball,  Liijht  from  the  East,  pp.  89—93. 


168  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

slander  me  before  the  kingr,  my  lord,  (saying,)  "  Abdi  hiba  has  revolted  against 
the  king  his  lord  ! "  Beliold,  as  for  me,  neither  my  father  nor  my  mother  set 
me  in  this  place  :  the  arm  of  the  mighty  king  (^Winckler,  Ball :  the  mighty  arm 
of  the  king]  established  me  in  [lit.  caused  me  to  enter]  my  father's  house ; 
wherefore  then  should  /  do  evil  to  the  king  my  lord'?'  This  'mighty  king,' 
now,  is  supposed  by  Prof.  Sayce  to  be  Abdi-hiba's  god :  and  so  it  is  inferred 
that  he  was  both  priest  and  king,  like  Melchizedek.  But,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  fact  that  testimony  respecting  Abdi-hiba,  c.  1400  b.c.,  is  of  virtually  no 
value  respecting  Melchizedek,  who  (if  Amraphel  be  Hammurabi)  must  have 
lived  some  700  years  previously,  there  is  no  justification  whatever  for  the 
inference  itself:  the  letters  of  Abdi-hiba  do  not  afford  the  smallest  ground  for 
the  supposition  that  he  was  either  'priest'  or  'king'  in  Jerusalem  ;  and  the 
context  shews  (as  Jastrow,  Ball,  and  other  Assyriologists  do  not  doubt)  that 
the  '  mighty  king'  is  simply  Amenophis  IV.  himself;  Abdi-hiba  pleads  that,  as 
he  owes  his  position  not  to  his  birth,  but  to  the  pleasure  of  the  king,  he  is  not 
likely  to  have  rebelled  against  him.  Another  passage  of  the  same  letters  is 
supposed  by  Pro£  Sayce  to  contain  the  name  of  a  god  '  Salim,'  who  is  declared 
to  be  identical  with  the  '  God  Most  High '  of  Gen.  xiv. ;  but  no  other  Assyriolo- 
gist  recognizes  a  god  Salim  in  the  passage  at  alP.  The  letters  of  Abdi-lilba 
are  of  great  interest,  as  shewing  that  already  in  B.C.  1400  Jerusalem  was  a 
stronghold  and  an  important  place  in  Canaan :  but  they  contain  absolutely 
nothing  which  has  any  bearing  on  Melchizedek ;  and  everything  which  Prof. 
Sayce  has  inferred  from  them  on  the  subject  will  be  found,  if  examined,  to  be 
destitute  of  solid  foundation  3. 

The  Vale  ofSiddim  and  the  Dead  Sea.  The  probable  site  of  the  Cities  of 
the  Kikkdr.  It  is  impossible  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  site  of  the  Cities  of 
the  Plain  without  giving  some  account  of  the  geological  character  of  the  Dead 
Sea  and  of  the  surrounding  .'strata.  The  Dead  Sea  is  about  46  miles  long  by 
10  broad  :  it  lies  at  the  S.  end  of  the  deep  trough  or  depression  through  which 
the  Jordan  flows,  its  surface  being  1,292  ft.  below  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  and 
some  3,900  ft.  below  Jerusalem.  This  deep  trough,  called  in  ancient  times  the 
'Arabah  [Dt.  L  1  RVm.],  and  now  el-Ghor  [i.e.  'the  Hollow'],  consists  of  a 
great '  fault '  or  fracture  in  the  earth's  crust,  formed  originally  in  the  Tertiary 
period,  when  Palestine  was  first  elevated  above  the  sea:  in  the  fissure  a 
portion  of  the  ocean  was  imprisoned,  and  so,  in  ages  long  before  the  appear- 
ance of  man  upon  the  earth,  there  was  a  great  inland  sea  extending  from  Lake 
Huleh  (usually  identified  with  the  waters  of  Merom)  to  the  Dead  Sea,  the 
deposits  from  which  are  still  clearly  visible  in  the  mounds  and  ridges  of  grey 
mai"l  found  in  many  parts  of  the  Jordan-valley,  especially  about  Jericho,  and 

1  Monuments,  p.  175;  Patr.  Pal.  p.  72  f.;  and  elsewhere  (cf.  EHH.  28  f.).  See 
"Winckler,  No.  179.  6 — 15,  Ball,  p.  89.  The  words  '  Neither  my  father  nor  my 
mother'  &c.,  recur  also  in  Nos.  180.  25—28,  and  181.  13—15  (Ball,  p.  \)1  bis). 

-  The  words  in  No.  183.  14,  15,  rendered  by  Professor  Sayce  (Patr.  Pal.  144) 
•the  city  of  the  mountain  of  Jerusalem,  the  city  of  the  temple  of  the  god  Ninip 
(whose)  name  (there  is)  Salim,'  are  rendered  by  Ziramern,  Winckler,  Kimdzton,  and 
Ball  (p.  93),  'a  city  of  the  territory  of  Jerusalem,  whose  name  is  Beth-Ninip.' 

*  See  further  an  art.  by  the  writer  in  the  Guardian,  Apr.  8,  1896,  with  the  refer- 
ences.    Mr  Finches,  OT.  in  the  light  &c.  Bubstautially  agrees  (pp.  233 — 6,  239  f.). 


THE  VALE  OF  SIDDIM   AND  THE  DEAD  SEA    169 

in  the  terraces  or  beaches  of  gravel  rising  one  above  anofher  on  the  shores  of 
the  Dead  Sea.  In  process  of  time,  however,  changes  of  climate  tf>ok  place ; 
the  rain-fall  decreased ;  and  consequently  the  surface  of  this  great  lake  fell,  till 
ultimately  all  that  remained  of  it  was  the  Lake  Huleh  (7  ft.  above  the  Medit. 
Sea),  and  the  Lake  of  Gennesareth  (682  ft.  below  it)  in  the  N.,  and  the  Dead 
Sea  in  the  S.,  with  the  Jordan  connecting  them.  The  Dead  Sea  itself  consists 
further  of  two  parts,  the  N.  part  (N.  of  the  peninsula  on  the  E.,  called  el- 
Lisdn,  or  the  'Tongue')  forming  a  great  bowl,  which  in  its  deepest  part 
reaches  1,300  ft.  below  the  surface,  but  the  S.  part  (S.  of  el-Lisdn),  being  very 
much  shallower,  varying  in  fact  from  12  to  3  ft.  in  depth,  and  being  in  places 
sometimes  fordable.  This  S.  part  is  sometimes  for  distinctness  called  the 
Lagoon. 

On  tlie  E.  and  W.  sides  the  hills  descend  pretty  steeply,  occasionally  to  the 
water's  edge,  though  usually  there  is  a  jjiece  of  shingly  beach,  of  varying  width, 
covered  often  with  boulders,  or  pieces  of  drift-wood,  and  presenting  a  desolate 
appearance,  except  at  the  few  spots  where  freshwater  springs  produce  patches 
of  grass  and  allow  trees  to  grow  \  Hot  saline  and  sulphur  springs  discharge 
themselves  into  the  sea  at  different  points  along  the  coast  At  the  SW.  end 
there  is  the  remarkable  range  of  salt  cliflfs,  the  Jebel  Usdum  ('mountain  of 
Sodom '),  mentioned  above  (on  v.  3) :  this  is  of  course  a  deposit  dating  from  the 
time  when  the  water  was  many  hundred  feet  higher  than  it  is  at  present,  and 
there  was  the  great  inland  sea  spoken  of  above. 

At  the  North  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  there  is  first  a  shingly  beach,  slightly 
above  the  level  of  the  water,  then  others,  30  and  100  feet  above  it,  all  of  course 
marking  former  limits  of  the  Sea ;  then,  300  ft.  above  the  water,  '  flat  shelves 
of  marl  with  steep  slopes  much  worn  by  water  action.'  These  marl  beds  were 
deposited  originally  by  the  ancient  inland  sea  ;  they  extend  up  the  Jordan-valley 
for  about  4  miles,  the  entire  soil  as  far  N.  as  Jericho  being  a  white-crusted  salt 
mud,  upon  which  no  vegetation  will  grow. 

At  the  South  end  of  the  Sea  there  is  a  large  flat,  called  es-Sehkha^,  some 
6  miles  broad  and  10  miles  long,  bounded  for  the  N.  half  of  its  W.  side  by  the 
Jebel  Usdum,  and  consisting  of  '  fine  sandy  mud,'  brought  down  by  the  wadys  on 
the  SW.  and  S.,  and  mingled  with  drainings  from  the  Jebel  Usdum  :  it  is  entirely 
destitute  of  vegetation,  and  in  its  N.  part  so  marshy  as  to  be  impassable  with 
safety :  there  are  indications  that  at  times — perhaps  annually — the  sea  over- 
flows it.  At  the  South-east  comer  of  the  Sea,  however,  beyond  the  Wady 
Ghurundel,  the  character  of  the  soil  changes:  the  ground  is  higher;  an 
abundant  supply  of  fresh  water  is  provided  by  the  Wady  el-Ahsa,  flowing  down 
from  the  SE. ;  and  the  consequence  is  that  here  there  is  a  small  oasis,  some 
6  miles  long  by  1 — 3  broad,  covered  with  shrubs  and  verdure,  and  cultivable 
for  wheat,  &c.  From  the  high  and  smooth  sandstone  range,  rising  up  behind 
it,  this  oasis  is  called  the  Ghor  es-Safiyeh  ('the  Hollow  of  the  smooth  cliflF'). 
There  is  also  a  similar  wooded  area  to  the  N.  of  the  Ghor  es-Safiyeh,  behind 
the  promontory  el-Lisan. 

The  level  of  the  water  in  the  Sea  naturally  varies  according  to  the  season  of 

^  These  are  indicated  very  clearly  in  the  map  in  Tristram's  Land  of  Israel. 
*  The  word  '  Sebkha'  means  salt  and  watery  ground. 


170  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

the  year  :  as  the  lines  of  drift-wood  on  the  shores  shew,  it  is  at  times  higher  by 
15  ft.  or  more  than  at  others.  During  recent  years,  also,  there  appears  to  have 
been  a  general  rise  in  the  level  of  the  water  {PEFQuSt.  1902,  pp.  159,  164, 
167). 

The  commonly-accepted  site  of  the  cities  of  the  Kikkdr  has  been  at  the 
South  end  of  the  Dead  Sea ;  but  Mr  (afterwards  Sir  G.)  Grove  (in  Smith's  DB.) 
and  other  recent  English  travellers  have  adduced  arguments  tending  to  shew 
that  they  were  at  its  North  end.  We  have  no  space  here  to  state  the  argu- 
ments on  each  side  fully;  and  must  refer  for  particulars  to  the  art.  Zoar 
in  DB. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  ordinary  view  is  the  right  one.  Especially 
it  is  noticeable  that  Zo'ar,  which  is  mentioned  several  times  in  the  OT.,  is  always 
spoken  of  as  a  Modbite  town  (Is.  xv.  5,  Jer.  xlviii.  34),  and  not  claimed  as  an 
IsraeHte,  or  (Josh.  xiii.  15 — 21)  Reubenite  town,  as  it  naturally  would  be  if  it 
lay  at  the  N.  end  of  the  Sea :  moreover,  there  actually  was,  in  post-Biblical 
times,  at  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea,  a  well-known  place,  Zoor  or  Zoara, 
which  Josepims  treats  as  a  matter  of  course  as  identical  with  the  Biblical  Zo'ar 
{Ant.  I.  11.  4;  BJ.  IV.  8.  4),  and  which  is  repeatedly  mentioned  by  mediaeval 
Arabic  writers,  under  the  names  Zughar,  Zughar  &c.,  as  an  important  station 
on  the  caravan-route  between  Elath  and  Jericho.  Wetzstein  (in  Delitzsch's 
Genesis'^,  566 — 70)  has  made  it  probable  that  the  site  of  this  Zoara  or  Zughar 
was  in  the  GM)r  es-Sdfiyeh,  at  the  SE.  corner  of  the  Dead  Sea  (of.  on  xix.  22). 
And  Ezekiel  (xvi.  46)  speaks  of  Sodom  as  being  on  the  right  (i.e.  the  South)  of 
Jerusalem  (Samaria  being  on  its  '  left,'  or  North),  which  also  implies  that  he 
did  not  picture  it  at  the  N.  end  of  the  Sea  (which  is  due  R  of  Jerusalem). 

Where,  however,  were  the  other  cities  of  the  Kikkdr  and  the  'Vale  of 
Siddim '  ?  It  may  be  inferred  from  xix.  20  ff.  that  the  other  cities  formed 
a  group  situated  apart  from  Zo'ar,  though  at  no  great  distance  from  it ;  and 
the  'Vale  of  Siddim,'  though  it  is  nowhere  either  said  or  implied  that  the 
cities  were  in  it,  will  hardly  have  been  far  from  them.  The  old  idea  that  the 
cities  were  submerged  is  of  course  out  of  the  question  :  not  only  does  geology 
shew  that  tlie  Dead  Sea  existed  many  ages  before  the  time  of  Abraham,  but 
the  Bible  never  alludes  to  tbem  as  submerged :  on  the  contrary  it  speaks  of 
their  site  as  salt  and  barren  soil  (Dt.  xxix.  23,  Zeph.  ii.  9),  or  implies  that  it 
was  an  uninhabited  desert  region  (Is.  xiii.  19  f.;  Jer.  xlix.  18  =  1.  40)^  If,  now, 
the  words  in  v.  3,  that  is  the  Salt  Sea,  are  by  the  writer  of  the  chapter,  and  are 
to  be  taken  in  their  most  obvious  sense,  as  implying  tliat  the  plain  on  which 
the  two  armies  met  was  what  was  afterwards  the  Dead  Sea,  they  give  an 
impossible  site,  and  at  once  stamp  the  description  of  the  battle  as  unhistorical; 
for,  as  has  just  been  remarked,  the  Dead  Sea  existed  not  only  in  Abraham's 
time,  but  long  before  it  It  is,  however,  possible  ia)  that  the  words  quoted 
are  an  incorrect  gloss  by  a  later  hand :  in  this  case  it  is  open  to  us  to  find 
another  site  for  the  '  Vale  of  Siddim,'  and  it  might,  for  instance,  have  been  the 
barren  plain  mentioned  above  (p.  169)  at  the  N.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
Gender^,  in  support  of  this  view,  states  that  the  Arab,  sidd  (properly  barrier, 

1  Gf.  also  Wisd.  x.  7,  Jos.  BJ.  iv.  8.  4  {Ke.KaviJ.ivri  irci<ra). 
*  Tent  Work,  p.  208;  of.  210,  219,  267. 


SITE  OF  THE  CITIES  OF  THE  PLAIN  171 

obstruction,  dam,  from  sadda,  to  stop  or  close  up  [Gen.  ii.  21  Saad.])  '  is  used 
in  a  peculiar  sense  by  the  Arabs  of  the  Jordan-valley,  as  meaning  "  cliffs  "  or 
banks  of  marl,  such  as  exist  along  the  S.  edge  of  the  plains  of  Jericho '  (above, 
p.  169).  It  is,  however,  precarious  to  explain  a  Heb.  name  of  2,600  or  more 
years  ago  from  a  local  Arabic  usage  of  the  present  day;  nor  can  the  Vale 
of  Siddim  be  reasonably  supposed  to  have  been  separated  from  Zo'ar  (which, 
as  we  have  seen,  there  are  cogent  grounds  for  placing  at  the  SB.  corner  of  the 
Dead  Sea)  by  the  entire  length  of  the  Dead  Sea,  with  practically  no  passage 
aloijg  either  shore.  But  (6)  it  is  also  possible  that  even  though  the  words, 
that  is  the  Salt  Sea,  are  from  the  hand  of  the  author  of  the  chapter,  he  may 
have  meant  them  to  refer  only  to  the  shallow  ^Sl  part  of  the  Dead  Sea  (see 
above).  And  it  seems,  in  fact,  to  be  at  least  geologically  possible^, — more 
cannot  be  said, — that  what  is  now  this  part  of  the  Dead  Sea  was,  in  the 
time  of  Abram,  dry  ground,  and  the  morass  es-Sebkha  fertile  soil  (like 
the  present  Ghor  es-Safiyeh,  mentioned  above) ;  but  that  an  earthquake 
took  place,  which  caused  a  subsidence  of  the  ground,  and  overthrew  all  the 
cities  except  Zo'ar;  the  Vale  of  Siddim  was  covered  by  the  S.  part  of  the  Dead 
Sea,  and  the  site  of  the  four  cities  became  the  present  saline  morass,  es-Sebkha. 

On  the  historical  character  of  tJte  narrative.  This  is  a  question  which 
has  been  much  debated  during  recent  years.  On  the  one  hand,  it  has  been 
alleged  that  the  improbabilities  attaching  to  the  narrative  are  so  great  that  it 
is  impossible  to  regard  it  as  historical :  on  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  main- 
tained, especially  by  Prof  Sayce,  that  '  the  historical  character  of  Chedorla- 
'omer's  campaign  has  been  amply  vindicated'  by  the  inscriptions 2.  Let  us 
endeavour,  as  well  as  we  can,  to  estimate  what  is  adduced  in  support  of  each  of 
these  alternatives. 

The  following  are  the  principal  improT labilities  alleged.  (1)  If  the  object  of 
the  expedition  was,  as  is  stated,  the  reduction  of  the  rebels  in  the  Pentapolis, 
why  did  not  the  four  kings,  when  they  reached,  for  instance,  the  neighbourhood 
of  Kerak,  descend  at  once  into  the  Vale  of  Siddim, — whether  by  the  Wady 
Kerak  (up  which  Tristram  went,  in  the  contrary  direction,  from  the  Ghor 
es-Safiyeh^),  or  by  one  of  the  easier  descents  S.  of  the  Wady  el-Ahsa*, — instead 
of  taking  the  circuitous  and  often  difficult  route  past  Edom  to  'Akabah,  then 
turning  back,  and  climbing  up  1,500ft.  on  to  the  'great  and  terrible  wilder- 
ness,' et-Tih,  to  Kadesh,  after  this  crossing  the  rough  and  mountainous  country 
of  southern  and  central  Judah  to  'En-gedi,  and  finally,  after  making  the  steep 
and  all  but  impracticable  descent  here  (see  on  v.  7),  turning  back  southwards, 
along  the  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  to  reach  the  Vale  of  Siddim'?  Is  this  a 
probable,  or  indeed  a  possible  route  for  an  army  with  horses,  chariots,  and  the 

^  See  SiDBiM,  Vale  of,  in  DB.;  and  cf.  Blanckenhorn's  brochure,  Da*  Tote 
Meer,  1898,  p.  41  f. 

*  Monuments,  p.  171 ;  and  often  to  the  same  effect  elsewhere. 
'  Land  of  Moab,  p.  55  £f. 

*  Wetzstein  in  Delitzsch,  Genesis*,  p.  566  top. 

^  If  the  cities  were  at  the  N.  end  of  the  Sea,  the  route  would  be  more  circuitous, 
and  at  least  equally  difiScult,  on  account  of  the  route  from  En-gedi, — whether 
inland,  over  a  succession  of  steep  wadys  (Rob.  i.  526 — 32),  or  along  the  shore,  by 
wading  or  clambering  round  promontories  (above,  p.  162). 


172  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

usual  impedimenta,  which  may  he  reasonably  supposed  to  have  formed  part  of 
it?  (2)  The  names  in  ».  13  are  suspicious :  Mamre  and  Eshcol  are  elsewhere 
the  names  oi  places  (see  the  notes).  (3)  How  could  318  men, — and  the  number 
is  expressly  fixed, — attack  and  rout  an  entire  army,  recovering  all  the  spoil 
they  had  taken,  and  pursuing  it  moreover  over  one  of  the  S.  spurs  of  Hermon, 
for  some  100  miles,  to  Hobah  ?  (4)  If  v.  3  is  to  be  taken  in  the  plain  sense  of 
the  words,  the  narrative  must  be  unhistorical ;  for  the  Dead  Sea,  it  is  certain, 
existed  ages  before  Abraham. 

In  these  objections  we  are  dealing  to  a  certain  extent  with  unknovra  magni- 
tudes. They  certainly  constitute  improbabilities  ;  whether  they  are  sufficient 
to  stamp  the  expedition  as  impossible  is  more  than  we  can  say.  As  regards  (1), 
the  route  taken  by  Chedorla'omer,  though  not  the  most  obvious  one,  may  have 
been  dictated  by  motives  which  are  not  mentioned  :  whether  it  was  impossible 
for  an  army  can  hardly  be  determined  by  one  who  has  not  traversed  personally 
the  regions  in  question :  it  may,  however,  be  remembered  that  the  Assyrian 
kings  often  speak  of  leading  their  armies  into  difficult  and  impassable  moun- 
tainous countries  (e.g.  KB.  i.  61,  77,  81) ;  and  Chedorla'omer  might  have  left 
his  chariots  at  the  top  of  the  descent  of  En-gedi,  and  taken  only  his  foot- 
soldiers  down  into  the  plain  ^.  As  regards  (3),  it  must  be  allowed  that  the 
naiTative,  as  it  stands,  contains  elements  which  are  not  credible.  It  is, 
however,  a  serious  mistake  to  imagine  that  we  have,  either  here  or  else- 
where in  Genesis,  the  report  of  an  eye-witness :  the  account,  if  it  rests 
really  upon  a  basis  of  fact,  will  have  been  handed  down  by  tradition ;  and 
tradition,  as  is  its  wont,  may  have  modified  the  original  account,  and 
exaggerated,  or  distorted,  some  of  its  particulars :  so  that  what  is  now 
represented  as  having  been  a  defeat  of  the  four  kings  by  Abram,  and  a  long 
pursuit,  may  have  been  in  reality  nothing  more  than  a  surprise  of  their  rear- 
guard, with  a  recovery  of  the  captives  and  some  of  the  spoil.  And  of  course 
other  details  in  the  narrative  as  well  may  have  been  modified  in  the  course  of 
oral  transmission.  The  case  is  one  in  which,  in  spite  of  improbabilities  attach- 
ing to  details,  the  outUne  of  the  narrative  may  still  be  historical  As  regards 
(4),  see  the  note  ad  loc,  and  the  remarks  above,  p.  170  f. 

On  the  other  hand,  monumental  evidence  that  the  narrative  is  historical  is 
at  present  [June,  1909]  entirely  lacking.  The  terms  in  which  Prof.  Sayce  and 
others  have  spoken  of  it  are  altogether  unwarranted  by  the  facts ^.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  sum  up  what  the  monuments  have  taught  us  respecting  Gen.  xiv. 
Of  the  four  kings  mentioned  in  ».  1,  who  were  previously  but  mere  names,  they 
have,  we  may  reasonably  hold,  brought  two,  Amraphel  and  Arioch,  into  the 
light  of  history,  and  have  told  us  many  interesting  particulars  about  tiiem.  In 
three  late  inscriptions  (3  cent  B.C.),  mention  is  also  made  of  a  king  who  is 
perhaps  identical  with  Chedorla'omer,  and  possibly  of  Tid'al  as  well :  the 
*Eri-ekua'  of  these  inscriptions  map  also  be  the^riaku  of  Larsa'  of  the  older 
inscriptions  (i.e.  the  Arioch  of  Gen.  xiv.  1).    The  older  inscriptions  shew  that 

1  If  Hazazon-tamar  be  Kurnub  (on  v.  7),  the  difiaculties  connected  with 
*En-gedi  would  disappear ;  for  from  Kurnub  there  would  be  a  direct  descent  to  the 
S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  by  the  Wady  Miihauwat  (see  G.  A.  Smith's  large  map). 

2  See  the  excellent  criticism  of  Q.  B.  Gray,  Expositor,  May,  1898,  pp.  342  ff. 


THE  EXPEDITION  OF  CHEDORLA'OMER        173 

Amraphel  and  Arioch  were  contemporary,  and  that  they  reigned  over  the 
countries  assigned  to  them  in  Gen.  xiv.;  the  three  late  inscriptions  shew  also 
that  Kudurlacbgumal  (if  we  may  so  read  the  name)  was  king  of  Elam,  and  {if 
Bri-§kua  =  Eriaku)  that  he  was  also  a  contemporary  of  Arioch  and  Amraphel. 
These  facts  may  be  taken  as  evidence  that  at  least  the  names  'Amraphel' 
and  *  Arioch,'  possibly  also  *  Chedoi'la'omer,'  and  '  Tid'al,'  were  derived  by 
the  narrator  from  some  trustworthy  source,  in  which,  further,  they  may  have 
been  mentioned  together.  In  addition  to  this,  the  monuments  bear  witness  to 
the  fact  that  several  rulers  of  Babylonia,  as  well  as  one  Elamite  ruler  (p.  157), 
claimed  authority  over  the  '  West  land,'  and  that  Sargon  of  Agad^  (c.  3800  b.o.) 
actually  subjugated  'the  land  of  Amurri'  (the  Amorites)  on  the  N.  of  Canaan ^ : 
they  have  shewn  consequently  that  an  invasion  of  Palestine  and  neighbouring 
countries  on  the  part  of  a  ruler  from  the  far  East  was,  in  the  abstract,  within 
the  military  possibilities  of  the  age.  They  have  not  shewn  more  than  this. 
They  make  no  mention  of  the  particular  expedition  into  Canaan,  which  forms 
the  principal  subject  of  Gen.  xiv. ;  and  they  name  neitlier  Abraham,  nor 
Melchizedek,  nor  any  one  of  the  five  Canaanite  kings  {v.  2)  against  whom  the 
expedition  was  directed.  Obviously,  the  monuments  cannot '  corroborate '  the 
account  of  an  expedition  which  they  do  not  mention,  or  even  by  implication 
presuppose.  The  improbabilities  mentioned  above  may  naturally  be  estimated 
differently  by  different  minds ;  but,  whatever  their  weight,  they  are  not 
neutralized  by  the  inscriptions  at  present  known  I  The  campaign  described  in 
Gen.  xiv.,  though  particular  details  are  improbable,  may  in  outline  be  historical : 
but  the  evidence  that  it  was  so  is  for  the  present  confined  to  that  which  is 
supplied  by  the  Biblical  narrative  itself 3.    [See  further  the  Addenda.] 

Chapters  XV.— XXII. 

The  trials  of  Abram's  faith. 

*  Hitherto  Abram  has  been  the  recipient  of  promises  and  blessings  ;  and  all 
seems  ready  for  the  moment  when  he  may  be  installed  as  the  head  of  a  new 
covenant,  and  receive  the  promised  seed.  But  now  various  delays,  hindrances, 
and  disappointments  intervene,  in  overcoming  which  evidence  is  given  both  of 
the  strength  of  his  faith,  and  also  of  the  providence  continually  watching  over 

^  *In  the  year  in  which  Sargon  conquered  the  land  of  the  Amurri'  is  the  date 
given  on  a  contemporary  contract-tablet:  see  Hogarth's  Auth.  and  Arch.  p.  40. 

^  It  ought  also  not  to  be  forgotten  that  the  site  of  the  Vale  of  Siddim  is  only  a 
possible  one:  we  do  not  know  that  the  S.  part  of  the  Dead  Sea  was  dry  land  in 
Abraham's  time. 

'  The  view  of  those  who  regard  the  narrative  as  a  comparatively  late  'Midrash' 
(see  on  this  term  LOT.  497,  ed.  7,  529)  is  perhaps  best  exhibited  by  Gunkel, 
esp.  p.  262  ff.  Upon  this  view  (stated  briefly),  it  springs  from  an  age  which  loved 
to  represent  Jews  as  playing  an  important  part  in  relation  to  the  empires  of  the 
world,  and  which  produced  somewhat  later  the  narratives  of  Esther,  Daniel,  and 
Judiih  :  the  names  of  the  four  kings  in  v.  1,  if  not  also  their  expedition  into  Canaan, 
and  the  figure  of  Melchizedek  as  well,  embody  historical  reminiscences ;  but  the 
narrative  as  a  whole  is  intended  simply  as  an  imaginative  picture  of  Abram's 
greatness, — his  surprising  success  in  a  military  enterprise,  the  spirit  of  independ- 
ence and  high  moral  feeling  by  which  he  was  actuated,  and  the  respect  which  he 
commanded  among  the  princes  of  Palestine. 


174  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xv.  r, « 

him.  Thus  the  following  narratives  exhibit,  under  different  aspects,  Abram's 
moral  education  and  probation,  until  at  last  the  perfect  man  of  God,  the  hero 
of  faith,  who  is  to  serve  as  a  pattern  to  all  coming  generations,  stands  fully 
portrayed  before  us.  The  point  about  which  Abram's  trials  mainly  centre  is 
the  attainment  and  possession  of  a  bodily  heir,  who  should  found  the  covenant- 
race.  The  very  first  section,  ch.  xv.,  introduces  the  theme'  (adapted  in 
substance  from  Dillm.). 


Chapter  XV. 
Tlie  promise  of  an  heir  to  Abram. 

The  promises  of  xii.  2,  xiii.  15  f.,  being  in  appearance  futile,  on  acount  of 
Abram's  childlessness,  he  here  receives  two  special  assurances  {vv.  1 — 6,  7 — 21) 
that  he  will  have  a  son  and  heir,  and  that  a  seed  sprung  from  him  will  inherit 
the  promised  land.  The  narrative  shews  indications  of  not  being  homo- 
geneous ;  and  though  the  criteria  are  (in  pai  ts)  indecisive,  so  that  no  generally- 
accepted  analysis  has  been  effected,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  we  have  here 
for  the  first  time  traces  of  the  sourcC;  parallel,  and  often  very  similar,  to  J, 
called  '  E,'  which  has  been  discussed  in  the  Introd.  p.  xi.  ff.  Verses  6 — 11,  17, 
18,  it  is  generally  agreed,  belong  to  J.  Perhaps,  ou  the  whole,  the  analysis 
shewn  in  the  text  may  be  adopted  :  most  critics,  however,  are  of  opinion  that 
vv.  12 — 16,  19 — 21  are  expansions  due  to  the  compiler  of  JE. 

XV.     1  After  these  things  the  word  of  the  Lord  came  unto  E 
Abram  in  a  vision,  saying,  Fear  not,  Abram :  I  am  thy  shield, 
^and  thy  exceeding  great  reward.     2  And  Abram  said,  0  Lord 

^  Or,  thy  reward  shall  be  exceeding  great 

XV.     1 — 6.     The  first  assurance. 

1.  After  these  things.  A  loose  formula  of  connexion  :  xxii.  1,  20, 
jEXxix.  7,  xl.  1,  xlviii.  1. 

the  v)ord  of  Jehovah  came  unto.  So  v.  4,  but  not  elsewhere  in  the 
Hex.  It  is  an  expression  frequently  used  of  a  prophetic  revelation 
(e.g.  2  S.  vii.  4,  and  often  in  Jer.,  Ezek.)  ;  and  its  use  here  agrees  with 
the  representation  in  2lx.  7  (where  Abram  is  called  a  prophet). 

in  a  vision.  A  common  form  of  prophetic  intuition :  Nu.  xxiv. 
4,  16  ;  Is.  xxi.  2,  &c.     Cf.  the  writer's  Joel  and  Amos,  pp.  126,  200  i. 

Fmr  not.  The  promise  attaches  to  Abram's  presumed  state  of 
anxiety  with  regard  to  the  future. 

shield.  Fig.  of  defence,  as  Dt.  xxxiii.  29,  and  often  in  the  Psalms 
(iii.  3,  xviii.  2,  30,  xxviii.  7,  &c.). 

thy  reward  shall  be  exceeding  great.  The  reward,  viz.,  for  obey- 
ing my  call. 

2.  After  such  a  promise,  the  thought  of  Abram's  childlessness 
comes  home  to  him  with  special  force  :  hence  his  question  here. 


XV.  .-5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  175 

^GoD,  what  wilt  thou  give  me,  seeing  I  ^go  childless,  and  he  that  E 
shall  be  possessor  of  my  house  is  ^Dammesek  Eliezer?  |  3  And  j 
Abram  said,  Behold,  to  me  thou  hast  given   no  seed :   and, 
lo,  one  born  in  my  house  is  mine  heir.     4  And,  behold,  the 
word  of  the  Lord  came  unto  him,  saying,  This  man  shall  not  be 
tliine  heir ;  but  he  that  shall  come  forth  out  of  thine  own  bowels 
shall  be  thine  heir.  |  5  And  he  brought  hira  forth  abroad,  and  E 
said,  Look  now  toward  heaven,  and  tell  the  stars,  if  thou  be 
able  to  tell  them :  and  he  said  unto  him,  So  shall  thy  seed  be.  | 

^  Heb.  Jehovah,  as  in  other  places  where  God  is  put  in  capitals. 

2  Or,  go  hence  *  The  Chaldee  and  Syriac  have,  Eliezer  the  Damatcene. 

Lord  Jehovah.  So  v.  8  :  elsewhere  in  Gen. — Sam.  only  Dt.  iii.  24, 
ix.  26  ;  Josh.  vii.  7 ;  Jud.  vi.  22,  xvi.  28  ;  2  S.  vii.  18,  19,  20,  28,  29. 
Extremely  common  in  Ezek.,  and  not  unfrequent  in  the  other  prophets. 

go  hence  (R,Vm.).  To  'go'  in  Heb.  sometimes  has  the  force  of  go 
away,  vanish  (Job  vii.  9),  depart  (from  life)  ;  so  e.g.  Ps.  xxxix.  13 
(where,  as  here,  the  Heb.  is  simply  go).  Cf.  the  corresponding  Arab. 
halaka,  to  perish,  lxx.  a7roXvo//at:  cf.  Nu.  xx.  29  j  Tob.  iii.  6,  13; 
Luke  ii.  29. 

and  he  &c.  The  Heb.  is  very  peculiar :  lit.  *  and  the  son  of  the 
possession  (=  the  possessor)  of  my  house  is  Dammdsek  (the  usu.  Heb. 
for  Damascus)  of  Eliezer,'  the  meaning  (if  the  text  be  sound)  being  that, 
Damascus  being  the  home  of  his  servant  Eliezer,  his  property,  if  he  died 
childless,  would  pass  into  the  possession  of  that  town.  This,  however, 
is  a  thought  not  very  likely  to  be  expressed  :  the  word  for  '  possession,' 
also  {meshek, — supposed  to  be  chosen  for  the  sake  of  the  assonance  with 
DammeseJf),  occurs  only  here,  and  is  suspicious.  There  seems  to  be 
some  corruption  in  the  text.  Targ.,  Syr.  (see  RVm.),  'EHezer  the 
Damascene,'  is  some  improvement,  but  the  corruption  which  it  presup- 
poses (^-iiyo-in  nry>!?N,  or  ^^i^r^'^'o  ntySx,  changed  into  nry^'px  pi>'D"i)  is 
not  very  probable. 

3.  The  verse  repeats  tlie  substance  of  v.  2,  and  reads  as  though  it 
were  introduced  from  a  parallel  narrative. 

one  born  in  my  house.  Lit.  a  son  of  my  house  (Ec.  ii.  7  Heb.) ; 
i.e.  a  member  of  my  household,  a  dependent.  The  Heb.  is  different 
from  that  in  xiv.  14.  Lot,  it  wiU  be  remembered,  has  separated  him- 
self from  Abram  (ch.  xiii.). 

4.  The  reply  to  the  complaint  of  «.  3. 

he  that  shall  come  forth  &c.     Cf  2  S.  vii.  12,  xvi.  11. 

5.  The  starry  sky  at  night  is  at  once  a  striking  evidence  of  the 
Divine  power  (Is.  xl.  26,  Ps.  viii.  3),  and  an  effective  example  of  what 
is  (practically)  innumerable  (cf  xxii.  17,  xxvi.  4). 

tell  (tAfice^.  An  archaism  for  count,  as  1  K.  viii.  5,  2  K.  xii.  10,  Ps. 
xxii.  17,  xlviii.  12,  Ivi.  8,  cxlvii.  4.  Cf  Milton,  L Alkgro,  '  And  every 
shepherd  tells  his  tale,'  &c.  (see  Jer.  xxxiii.  13). 


176  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xv.6-ii 

6  And  he  believed  in  the  Lord  ;  and  he  counted  it  to  him  for  J 
righteousness.  7  And  he  said  unto  him,  I  am  the  Lord  that 
brought  thee  out  of  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,  to  give  thee  this  land 
to  inherit  it.  8  And  he  said,  0  Lord  God,  whereby  shall  I  know 
that  I  shall  inherit  it?  9  And  he  said  unto  him.  Take  me  an 
heifer  of  three  years  old,  and  a  she-goat  of  three  years  old,  and 
a  ram  of  three  years  old,  and  a  turtledove,  and  a  young  pigeon. 
10  And  he  took  hira  all  these,  and  divided  them  in  the  midst, 
and  laid  each  half  over  against  the  other :  but  the  birds  divided 
he  not.     11  And  the  birds  of  prey  came  down  upon  the  carcases, 

6.  Abram's  faitli.  Against  appearances  he  trusts  in  God,  sur- 
renders himself  to  Him.  in  full  confidence  that  He  will  fulfil  His 
promise.     Cf.  Ex.  xiv.  31  ,  Nu.  xiv.  11,  xx.  12. 

and  he  counted  it  (i.e.  his  trust)  to  him  for  righteousness.  For 
Abram  there  was  no  'law':  hence  nis  'righteousness'  was  not  that 
which  consisted  in  obeying  it  (Dt.  vi.  25,  xxiv.  13),  but  was  devotion  to, 
and  trust  in,  God,  of  a  more  general  kind.  For  the  expression,  cf. 
Ps.  cvi.  31 ;  and  on  the  passage  itself,  see  esp.  Rom.  iv.  3,  9,  22  (where 
it  is  quoted  by  S.  Paul  in  his  proof  that  righteousness  is  dependent  not 
on  the  works  of  the  law,  but  on  faith),  Gal.  iii.  6,  Jas.  ii.  23  :  cf.  also 
the  quotation  in  1  Mace.  ii.  52.  On  quotations  of  the  passage  in  Philo, 
and  also,  more  generally,  on  the  importance  attached  to  the  faith  of 
Abraham  in  the  Rabbinical  Schools,  see  the  Excursus  in  Lightfoot's 
Galatians^'^,  p.  158  if.  ;  and  Sanday-Headlam,  Romans,  pp.  101,  104; 
Thackeray,  St  Paul  a?id  Contemp.  Jewish  Thought  (1900),  p.  91  flf. 

7 — 19.  The  second  assurance,  sealed  solemnly  by  a  covenant. 
That  the  occasion  is  distinct  from  the  one  narrated  in  vv.  1 — 6  appears 
from  the  fact  that  that  was  at  night  {v.  5),  while  this  was  shortly  before 
sunset  {v.  17). 

7.  See  xi.  28,  xii.  7,  xiii.  15. 

8.  In  reply,  Abram  asks  for  some  sign  or  proof  by  which  he  may 
know  that  he  will  inherit  it.     Cf.  Jud.  vi.  17  ;  2  K.  xx.  8, 

9 — 11,  17.  The  promise  is  ratified  by  a  covenant,  in  which  the  con- 
tracting parties  pass  between  the  divided  victims,  each  thereby  symbol- 
izing that,  in  case  he  breaks  the  terms  agreed  to,  he  is  willing  to  be 
parted  asunder  in  like  manner.  Cf.  the  common  Heb.  expression  'to 
cut  a  covenant'  (like  opma  tc/xvciv,  and  'foedus  icere'),  v.  18,  al. ;  II.  in. 
298 — 301,  and  the  impressive  formula  in  Liv.  I.  24.  The  ceremony 
described  is  not  a  sacrifice  (for  there  is  no  altar),  but  a  sacred  and  solemn 
act.  Nevertheless  it  is  a  kind  of  type  of  the  later  sacrificial  usage  :  for 
the  animals  prescribed  are  all  such  as  are  allowed  in  the  later  Lev.  law, 
the  birds  not  being  divided  (v.  10)  on  the  analogy  of  Lev.  i.  17. 

9.  of  three  years  old.  Perhaps  (Dillm.)  because  three  was  a  sacred 
number,  usual  in  solemn  affirmations,  imprecations,  &c. 

11.     The  birds  of  prey,  threatening  to  interrupt  the  conclusion  of 


XV.  1I-I6]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  177 

and  Abram  drove  them  away*.  12  And  when  the  sun  was  going  j 
down,  a  deep  sleep  fell  upon  Abram  ;  and,  lo,  an  horror  of  great 
darkness  fell  upon  him.  13  And  he  said  unto  Abram,  Know  of 
a  surety  that  thy  seed  shall  be  a  stranger  in  a  land  that  is  not 
theirs,  and  shall  serve  them  ;  and  they  shall  afflict  them  four 
hundred  years  ;  14  and  also  that  nation,  whom  they  shall  serve, 
will  I  judge :  and  afterward  shall  they  come  out  with  gi-eat 
substance.  15  But  thou  shalt  go  to  thy  fathers  in  peace  ;  thou 
shalt  be  buried  in  a  good  old  age.  16  And  in  the  fourth 
generation  they  shall  come  hither  again  :  for  the  iniquity  of  the 

the  covenant,  would  be  an  omen  of  evil,  as  when  (Ewald,  Hist.  i.  330) 

the  harpies  sought  to  carry  off  the  sacrifices  (^Aen.  iii.  225  ft'.),  and 
might  foresliadow  the  efforts  which  the  Egyptians,  for  instance,  would 
make  with  the  object  of  frustrating  the  Divine  plan  :  but  Abram,  by 
driving  them  away,  signified  how  all  such  efforts  would  prove  abortive. 
12 — 16.  A  parenthesis,  or  digression  {y.  17  being  the  real  sequel 
to  vv.  9 — 11),  containing  an  interpretation  of  the  evil  omen  of  -u.  11. 
Though  the  promise  will  eventually  be  fulfilled,  hindrances  will  inter- 
vene which  will  long  postpone  its  fulfilment ;  and  a  presentiment  to 
this  effect  reaches  Abram  in  a  vision. 

12.  a  deep  sleep.  As  ii.  21.  Mentioned  here,  as  in  Job  xxxiii.  15, 
as  a  state  in  which  one  may  become  conscious  of  a  vision. 

an  horror,  a  great  darkness.  Preparatory  to  the  dark  announce- 
ment of  V.  13. 

13.  a  stranger.  Cf.  Ex.  xxii,  21.  Soj ounier  would  be  a  better 
rendering,  a  temporary  resident  being  what  is  intended.  The  cognate 
verb  is  rendered  sojourn,  xlvii.  4,  Dt.  xxvi.  5,  Is.  Hi.  4  (all  of  Israel  in 
Egypt),  and  generally. 

Is,  14.  The  allusions  to  the  bondage  in  Egypt,  to  the  plagues  by 
which  it  was  terminated  ('will  1  judge'),  and  to  the  Exodus,  are 
obvious.     See  e.g.  Ex.  i.  11,  12,  xii.  35  I,  38. 

13.  four  hundred  years.  The  figure  agrees  substantially  with  that 
given  by  P  (430  years)  in  Ex.  xii.  40  (RV.),  41,  for  the  sojourn  in 
Egypt.     C£  ».  16  ;  and  see  further  the  Introd.  p.  xxix  i. 

15.  But  no  misfortune  will  touch  Abram  himself. 

go  to  thy  fathers.  I.e.  join  them  in  Sheol  (see  on  xxxvii.  35  ;  and 
cf.  xlvii.  30). 

a  good  old  age.     Ch.  xxv.  8  (P)  ;  Jud.  viii.  32  ;  1  Ch.  xxix.  28  t. 

16.  in  the  fourth  generation.  This  statement  agrees  with  the  pas- 
sages (P)  which  assign  only  four  generations  from  Joseph  to  Moses  (Ex. 
vi.  16 — 20,  Nu.  xxvi.  5 — 9),  or  five  to  Joshua  (Jos.  vii.  1).  If  the  v.  is 
by  the  same  writer  as  v.  13,  he  must,  in  accordance  with  the  traditional 
ages  of  the  patriarchs,  have  reckoned  a  '  generation '  at  100  years. 

they  shall  return  hither.  Viz.  to  Canaan  :  the  measure  of  the 
Amorite's  iniquity  being  not  }et  full  (cf.  1  Th.  ii.  16),  he  cannot  for 

D.  12 


178  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xv.  16-18 

Amorite  is  not  yet  full.     17  And  i1>4;ame  to  pass,  that,  when  the  j 
sun  went  down,  and  it  was  dark,'1i)ehold  a  smoking  furnace,  and 
a  flaming  torch  that  passed  between  these  pieces.    18  In  that 
day  the  Lord  made  a  covenant  with  Abram,  saying,  Unto  thy 
seed  have  I  given  this  land,  from  the  river  of  Egypt  unto  the 

the  present  be  driven  out.  '  Amorite,'  as  xiv.  7  (where  see  the  note). 
On  the  moral  corruption  of  the  pre-Isr.  population  of  Canaan,  cf. 
xiii.  13,  xviii.  20  ff.,  xix.  1  ff.,  2  K.  xxi.  11 ;  and  on  the  behef  that  it 
was  the  ground  of  their  expulsion  by  Israel,  Lev.  xviii.  24  f.,  28, 
XX.  22  flf.,  1  K.  xiv.  24,  xxi.  26,  2  K.  xvi.  3,  xvii.  8,  xxi.  2. 

17.  The  sequel  to  ■».  11 :  the  sign  by  which  the  covenant  is  ratified. 
a  smoking  furnace  (tannur).     I.e.  a  portable  earthenware  stove, 

such  as  is  used  stiU  in  the  East  for  baking  bread,  about  3  ft.  high,  of 
the  shape  of  a  truncated  cone,  and  heated  by  the  burning  embers  being 
placed  in  it  at  the  bottom.  See  EncB.  i.  col.  605  (c) ;  BB.  i.  318* ; 
Whitehouse,  Primer  of  Heh.  Antiquities,  p.  73  (with  illustration). 
The  stove,  with  smoke  and  flames  issuing  from  the  top,  symbolized 
Jehovah :  by  passing  between  the  divided  pieces,  it  signified  the  ratifi- 
cation on  His  part  of  the  terms  of  the  covenant.  The  ritual  is  no 
doubt  that  by  which  a  solemn  covenant  was  actually  ratified  in  ancient 
Israel :  comp.  esp.  Jer.  xxxiv.  18  f. 

A  covenant  is  a  compact  or  agreement,  concluded  under  solemn 
religious  sanctions,  and  implying  mutual  undertakings  and  obligations. 
The  covenant  most  often  referred  to  in  the  OT.  is  that  concluded 
between  Jehovah  and  Israel  at  Sinai  (Ex.  xxiv.)  :  Jehovah  promises 
that,  if  Israel  observes  its  terms,  He  will  bestow  certain  specified 
blessings  (Ex.  xxiii.  22  flf.).  In  references  to  the  covenant,  the  stress 
lies,  according  to  the  context  and  purpose  of  the  writer,  either  on  the 
Divine  promise  (e.g.  Dt.  iv.  31),  or  the  human  obligation  (e.g.  Dt. 
iv.  23).  Here  the  stress  lies  upon  the  former,  the  promise  of  the  grant 
of  Canaan  to  Abram's  descendants. 

18 — 21.  The  terms  of  the  covenant,  on  Jehovah's  part,  i.e.  the 
promise  of  the  land. 

18.  tlie  riner  of  Egypt.  This  can  be  only  the  Nile,  or,  at  least,  the 
easternmost  (Pelusiac)  arm  of  it,  which  can  also,  it  seems,  only  be 
meant  by  the  '  Shihor  in  front  of  Eg}'pt,'  assigned  in  Josh.  xiii.  3  (cf. 
1  Ch.  xiii.  5)  as  the  SW.  border  of  Israel's  territory.  The  usual  SW. 
limit  is  the  '  Wady  (nahal)  of  Egypt '  (Nu.  xxxiv.  5,  Jos.  xv.  4,  47, 
1  K.  viii.  65  (=  2  Ch.  vi'i.  8),  Is.  xxvii.  12),  called  by  the  Greeks  the 
Rhinokorura,  now  the  Wady  el-*Arlsh,  'which,  with  its  deep  water- 
course (only  filled  after  heavy  rains),  starts  from  about  the  centre  of 
the  Sin.  peninsula  (near  the  Jebel  et-Tib),  and,  after  running  N.  and 
NW.,  finally  reaches  the  sea  at  the  Eg3^tian  fort  and  town  of  el-'Arish' 
{EncB.  1249),  45  m.  SW.  of  Gaza.  The  Pelusiac  mouth  of  the  Nile  is 
some  80  m.  W.  of  the  mouth  of  the  Wady  el-'Arish  :  so  (unless  nakal 
should  be  read  for  n'har)  the  present  passage  must,  hke  Josh.  xiii.  3 
(late  Deuteronomic),  and  1  Ch.  xiii.  5  [no  ||  in  Sam.],  contain  a  hyper- 
bolical representation  of  the  limits  of  Isr.  territory  in  this  direction. 


XV.  i8-.i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  179 

great  river,    the  river    Euphrates :    19    the  Kertite,  and  the  J 

Kenizzite,  and  the  Kadmonite,  20  and  the  Hittite,  and  the 

Perizzite,   and  the   Rephaim,   21   and    the   Amorite,   and  the 
Canaanite,  and  the  Girgashite,  and  the  Jebnsite. 

the  great  river,  the  river  Euphrates.  So  Dt.  i.  7,  Jos.  i.  4.  Cf.  on 
xxxi.  21.  The  Euphrates,  as  the  E.  limit  of  Isr.  territory,  is  an  id'al. 
limit,  reached  actually  only  once,  in  the  palmy  days  of  Solomon  (1  K. 
iv.  21 ;  cf.  Ps.  Ixxx.  11),  but  promised  also  elsewhere  (Ex.  xxiii.  31, 
Dt.  i.  7,  xi.  24,  Jos.  i.  4 ;  cf.  Ps.  Ixxxix.  25),  and  forming  the  basis 
of  the  ideal  hopes,  or  pictures  of  the  future,  in  Is.  xxvii.  12,  Zech.  ix.  10, 
Ps.  Ixxii.  8. 

19 — 21.  Such  enumerations  of  Canaanite  peoples,  to  be  dispos- 
sessed by  Israel,  are  very  common  in  JE  and  Dt.  (Ex.  iii.  8,  17,  xiii.  5, 
xxiii.  23,  xxxi  v.  11,  Dt.  vii.  1,  xx.  17,  Jos.  iii.  10,  ix.  1,  xi.  3,  xii.  8, 
xxiv.  11),  but  usually  only  5  or  6,  or  at  most  7  (Dt.  vii.  1 :  see  the 
writer's  note  on  this  passage),  are  enumerated  :  here  there  are  10. 

19.  the  Kenite  and  the  Kenizzite.  These  seem  intended  to  repre- 
sent the  tribes  of  the  Negeb  (xii.  9).  The  Kenites  fin  the  S.  of  Judah : 
1  S.  xxvii,  10,  XXX.  29)  are  associated  with  the  Amalekites  (cf.  Nu. 
xxiv.  20,  21  f.),  and  were  probably  a  branch  of  them ;  but  while  the 
Amalekites  were  hostile  to  Israel,  the  Kenites  were  frieudly  (1  S. 
XV.  6).  Their  absorption  in  Judah  seems  to  be  what  is  alluded  to  in  the 
present  passage.  The  Kenizzites  were  a  tribe  of  which  a  branch  was 
settled  in  Edom  (ch.  xxxvi.  11),  and  a  branch  in  Judah  ;  for  Caleb, 
a  Kenizzite  (Jos.  xiv  6,  14 ;  cf.  Jud.  i.  13),  is  also  the  eponymous 
ancestor  of  an  important  Judahite  clan  (1  Ch.  ii.  9  [read  Caleb  for 
Chelubai],  42 — 49).  Like  the  Kenites,  the  Kenizzites  were  thus  a  tribe 
originally  of  foreign  origin,  but  afterwards  absorbed  in  Israel ', 

the  Kadmonite.  Only  here.  The  name  means  those  of  the  front  (or 
east);  and  probably,  like  the  ^VnS  kedem'  (see  on  xxix.  1),  denotes  the 
inhabitants  of  some  part  of  the  Sjnrian  desert,  E.  of  Canaan. 

20.  the  Hittite.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  say  where  the  '  Hittites ' 
mentioned  either  here  or  in  the  similar  lists  (Ex.  iii.  8,  17,  &c.)  were 
pictured  by  the  authors  of  these  lists  as  located.  The  reference  cannot 
be  to  the  great  nation  whose  home  was  N.  of  Phoenicia  and  the  Lebanon 
(see  on  x.  15) ;  for  this  was  never  conquered  by  the  Israelites.  The 
reference  may  have  been  originally  to  a  branch  settled  within  Isr.  terri- 
tory, in  the  extreme  N.  of  Canaan  (see  ibid.) ;  but  a  belief  seems 
gradually  to  have  grown  up, — though  how  far  it  corresponded  to 
historical  fact  it  is  difficult  to  say, — that  there  were  once  Hittites  in 
the  more  southerly  '  hiU-country '  of  Canaan  (see  Nu.  xiii.  29, — J  or  E), 
and  even  in  Hebron  (see  p.  228  ff.)  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  this  may 
be  the  view  expressed  in  these  enumerations. 

the  Perizzite,  and  the  Rephaim.     See  on  xiii.  7,  and  xiv.  5. 

21.  See  on  x.  16,  19. 

1  See  further  Moore,  Judges,  pp.  ao  i.,  34  f.;  Noldeke,  EricB.  s.v,  Amalek,  §  6, 
and  Kenaz. 

12—2 


180  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xvi.  i, , 

Chapter  XVI. 
The  birth  of  Ishmael. 

The  narrative  contained  in  this  chapter  describes  the  circumstances 
attending  the  birth  of  Ishmael,  mentioning  various  facts  connected  with  it 
such  as  would  interest  the  Israelites  of  a  later  day.  It  is  chiefly  important, 
\.  partly  as  marking  a  stage  in  Abram's  probation,  and  partly  as  explaining  the 
.  national  characteristics  of  a  group  of  tribes  (xxv.  12 — 18)  well  known  to  the 
Hebrews,  which,  while  related  to  them,  nevertheless  lived  in  separation  from 
tbem,  and  had  a  strongly  marked  character  of  their  own.  Verses  1%  3, 
15,  16,  belong  to  P ;  the  rest  of  the  chapter  belongs  to  J. 

XVI.     1   Now  Sarai  Abram's  wife  bare  him  no  children :  P 

1  and  she  had  an  handmaid,  an  Egyptian,  whose  name  was  Hagar.  J 

2  And  Sarai  said  unto  Abram,  Behold  now,  the  Lord  hath 
restrained  me  from  bearing ;  go  in,  I  pray  thee,  unto  my 
handmaid  ;  it  may  be  that  I  shall  ^obtain  children  by  her.    And 

^  Heb.  he  builded  by  her. 

XVI.  1 — 3.  Sarai,  being  long  barren,  in  accordance  with  the 
manners  of  the  age  (of.  xxx.  3,  9 ;  also  xxii.  24,  xxxvi.  12,  Ex.  xxi.  7,  8), 
gives  Abram  her  female  slave,  Hagar,  in  the  hope  tl  lat  she  may  obtain 
children  through  her,  whom  she  may  adopt,  and  reckon  as  her  o^\ti. 

1.  a7i  handmaid.  I.e.  a  female  slave  :  of.  on  xii.  16  (where  the 
same  word  is  rendered  'maidservant').  Hagar  was  more  particularly 
Sarai's  own  possession  (cf  xxix.  24,  29).  Comp.  Lane,  Mod.  Egypt.^ 
I.  233  :  *  Some  wives  have  female  slaves  who  are  their  own  property, 
generally  purchased  for  them,  or  presented  to  them,  before  their 
marriage.  These  cannot  be  the  husband's  concubines,  without  their 
mistress's  permission,  wliich  is  sometimes  granted  (as  it  was  in  the  case 
of  Hagar);  but  very  seldom.'     Cf  the  note  in  the  Addenda. 

an  Egyptian.     So  v.  3  (P),  xxi.  9  (E).     Ishmael's  wife  was  also  an 

Egyptian  (xxi.  21).     Some  connexion  must  have  been  recognized  as 

^^xisting  between  the  Ishmaelite  tribes  and  Egypt.     Sir  R.  F.  Burton 

remarked  upon  the  Egyptian  pliysioguomy  of  some  of  the  Bedawi  clans 

of  Sinai  observable  at  the  present  day  {I)B.  ii.  504*  n.  §) '. 

2,  it  may  be  that  I  shall  be  built  up  from  her.  So  xxx.  3  ;  the 
family  being  represented  under  the  figure  of  a  house  (cf.  Dt.  xxv.  9 ; 
Ru.  i.  11). 

1  It  is  difficult  to  think  that  a  N.  Arabian  'land  of  Musri'  (see  EticB.  MizaAiM, 
§25)  can  be  meant  (cf.  on  this  subject  Budge,  Hist,  of  Egypt,  1902,  vi.  pp.  x— xxx). 

The  name  'Hagar'  may  stand  in  some  relation  to  that  of  the  nomadic  tribe  of 
Hugarites  (or  Hagarenes),  on  the  E.  of  Gilead,  I  Ch.  v.  10,  xxvii.  31;  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  6 
(cl'.  EncB.  Haqaii,  §  2).  In  Arabic,  it  may  be  added,  the  corresponding  verb 
signifies  to  fee  (cf.  Hejra,  of  the  era  marked  by  the  'flight'  of  Mohammed). 


XVI.  .-8j  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  181 

Abram  hearkened  to  the  voice  of  Sarai.  |  3  And  Sarai  Abram's  .7  P 
wife  took  Hagar  the  Egyptian,  her  handmaid,  after  Abram  had 
dwelt  ten  years  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  gave  her  to  Abram 
her  husband  to  be  his  wife.  |  4  And  he  went  in  unto  Hagar,  and  J 
she  conceived :  and  when  she  saw  that  she  had  conceived,  her 
mistress  was  despised  in  her  eyes.  5  And  Sarai  said  unto 
Abram,  My  wrong  be  upon  thee  :  I  gave  my  handmaid  into  thy 
bosom ;  and  when  she  saw  that  she  had  conceived,  I  was  despised 
in  her  eyes :  the  Lord  judge  between  me  and  thee.  6  But 
Abram  said  unto  Sarai,  Behold,  thy  maid  is  in  thy  hand  ;  do  to 
her  that  which  is  good  in  tliine  eyes.  And  Sarai  dealt  hardly 
with  her,  and  she  fled  fi-om  her  face.  7  And  the  angel  of  the 
Lord  found  her  by  a  fountain  of  water  in  the  wilderness,  by  the 
fountain  in  the  way  to  Shur.     8  And  he  said,  Hagar,  Sarai's 

3.  The  verse  is  parallel  in  substance  to  v.  2:  the  regard  to 
chronology  shewn  in  it  is  in  P's  manner  (cf.  v.  16,  xvii.  1  &c.). 

4—6.  '  The  flight  of  Hagar. 

4.  And  he  went  m  &c.     The  direct  continuation  of  v.  2  end. 
despised.     Cf  1  S.  i.  6f  (where  'rival'  nieaxis /ellow-iei/e).     Barren-, 

ness  is  still  viewed  with  contempt  in  the  East.  Cf.  Lane,  I.e.  p.  232  : 
if  a  man's  chief  wife  be  barren,  and  an  inferior  (either  wife  or  slave) 
bear  him  a  child,  it  commonly  results  that  the  latter  woman  becomes 
his  favourite,  and  that  the  chief  wife  or  mistress  is  '  despised  in  her 
eyes,' 

5.  Sarai  shews  herself  both  imperious  and  unreasoning :  she  had 
herself  persuaded  Abram  to  take  Hagar,  but  because  he  does  not  im- 
mediately interfere  to  stop  Hagar's  reproaches,  she  passionately  and 
unjustly  lays  the  blame  for  them  upon  him. 

3Ii/  wrong.  Le.  the  wrong  done  to  me  by  Hagar :  may  the  re- 
sponsibility for  it  rest  upon  thee ! 

judge.  And,  it  is  implied,  punish  thee  for  tolerating  Hagar,  and 
help  me  to  my  right.     Cf.  Jud,  xi.  27  ;    1  S.  xxiv.  12,   15. 

6.  Abram  replies  that  Hagar  is  Sarai's  slave,  not  his ;  and  she 
must  deal  with  her. 

dealt  hardly;  viz.  by  treating  her  harshly,  and  imposing  heavy 
work  upon  her.    It  is  the  word  commonly  rendered  afflict  (e.g.  xv.  13). 

7 — 12.  Hagar  is  met  by  the  angel  and  reassured  :  her  son  will 
become  the  ancestor  of  a  great  people.  The  narrative,  like  xxi., 
16 — 19,  illustrates  beau tif idly  the  Divine  regard  for  the  forlorn  and 
desolate  soul. 

7.  She  fled  naturally  in  the  direction  of  her  home. 

the  fountain  &c.  Doubtless  some  well-known  watering-place  on  the 
caravan-route  leading  from  Hebron  into  Egypt.     Cf  on  v.  14. 

Shur,     A  name  of  doubtful  origin  and  meaning  (see  DB.  Shur), 


182  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xvi.  8-i» 

handmaid,  whence  earnest  thou  ?  and  whither  goest  thou  ?  And  J 
she  said,  I  flee  from  the  face  of  my  mistress  Sarai.  9  And  the 
angel  of  the  Lord  said  unto  her,  Return  to  thy  mistress,  and 
submit  thyself  under  her  hands.  10  And  the  angel  of  the  Lord 
said  unto  her,  I  will  greatly  multiply  thy  seed,  that  it  shall  not 
be  numbered  for  multitude.  11  And  the  angel  of  the  Lord 
said  uuto  her.  Behold,  thou  art  >vith  child,  and  shalt  bear  a  son  ; 
and  thou  shalt  call  his  name  ^Ishmael,  because  the  Lord  hath 
heard  thy  afliiction.  12  And  he  shall  be  as  a  wild-ass  among 
men :  his  hand  shall  he  against  every  man,  and  every  man's 
hand  against  him ;  aud  he  shall  dwell  ^in  the  presence  of  all 

^  That  is,  God  heareth.  '  Or,  over  against    Or,  to  the  east  of 

but  certainly  denoting  the  region  bordering  upon  Egypt  on  the  NE., 
along  wliat  is  now  the  Isthmus  of  Suez.  It  is  mentioned  also  ch.  xx.  1, 
XXV.  18  (where  it  is  said  to  be  'in  front  of  Bgypt,'  i.e.  East  of  it :  so 
1  S.  XV.  7),  Ex.  XV.  22  (where  the  Israelites  after  crossing  the  Red  Sea 
enter  the  '  wilderness  of  Shur '),  and  1  S.  xxvii.  8. 

9—12.  The  angel  addresses  to  her  three  words :  he  (1)  bids  her 
return  to  her  mistress  and  'humble  herself  under  her  hands,  v.  9; 
(2)  encourages  her  to  take  this  step,  by  the  promise  of  a  numerous 
seed,  •w.  10 ;  and  (3)  fixes  in  anticipation  the  name  and  character  of 
her  future  son,  vv.  11,  12. 

/'  11.  Ishmael.  I.e.  God  heareth, — or  better,  perhaps  (Gray,  Heb. 
Proper  Names,  p.  218),  3Iai/  God  hear! 

thy  affliction.  In  the  Heb.,  cognate  with  the  verb  rendered  '  dealt 
hardly '  in  v.  6. 

12.  he  shall  he  a  wild-ass  of  a  man.  The  wild-ass  is  a  wild, 
untameable  animal,  whose  home  is  the  open  plain :  see  Job  xxxix.  5 — 8 ; 
Hos.  viii.  9  (where  render,  '  being  alone  for  himself,'  i.e.  going  his  own 
way  wilfully).  Islimael  (of.  on  ix.  25 — 7)  is  the  impersonation  of  the 
tribes  reputed  to  be  his  descendants ;  and  the  writer  draws,  in  a  few 
touches,  a  true  and  characteristic  description  of  the  Bedawin, — the 
men  of  the  hadw,  or  'open  plain,' — as  we  should  now  term  them, 
then,  as  still,  the  free  and  independent  sons  of  the  desert,  owning  no 
authority  save  that  of  their  own  chief,  reckless  of  hfe,  treacherous 
towards  strangers,  ever  ready  for  war  or  pillage'. 

in  the  face  of  (or  in  front  of)  all  his  brethren  shall  he  dwell. 
The  expression  used  means  commonly  in  Heb.  on  the  East  of  (as 
1  K.  xi.  7  :  cf.  on  xiii.  18,  xiv.  15);  and  it  is  true  that,  speaking 
generally,  the  home  of  the  Ishmaehte  tribes  was  on  the  E.  of  Israel 

1  The  Ishmaelites  must  not  however  be  identified  with  the  modern  Bedawin : 
the  Ishmaelites  (see  xxv.  12 — 16)  consisted  of  12  definite  tribes;  and  all  that  what 
is  said  above  is  intended  to  affirm  is  a  general  similarity  in  mode  of  life  and 
aliaracter. 


XVI.  12-16]  THE  BOOK  OF  GSII^SIS  183 

his  brethren.  13  And  she  called  the  name  of  the  Lord  that  spake  J 
unto  her,  ^Thou  art  ^a  God  that  seeth:  for  she  said,  Have  I  even 
here  looked  after  him  that  seeth  me?  14  Wherefore  the  well  was 
called  ^Beer-lahai-roi;  behold,  it  is  between  Kadesh  and  Bered.  | 
15  And  Hagar  bare  Abram  a  son:  and  Abram  called  the  name  of  P 
his  son,  which  Hagar  bare,  Ishmael.  16  And  Abram  was  fourscore 
and  six  years  old,  when  Hagar  bare  Ishmael  to  Abram. 

^  Or,  Thou  God  seest  me  *  Heb.  El  roi,  that  is,  God  of  seeing. 

*  That  is,  The  well  of  the  living  one  who  seeth  me. 

and  Edom  (see  on  xxv.  12 — 18).  Dillm.  al.  think,  however,  that  hostility 
or  detiance  is  intended:  cf.  the  same  Heb.  in  Job  i.  11,  vi.  28,  xxi.  31. 
13,    14.     Explanation  of  the  name  of  the  place  at  which  this 
happened. 

13.  a  God  of  seeing.  In  accordance  with  what  was  said  on  xiv.  18, 
Jehovah  is  here  distinguished  under  a  particular  attribute,  and  venerated 
specially  as  a  God  of  'seeing,'  i.e.  as  a  God  who  sees  all  things  and 
manifests  His  providence  accordingly.  RVm.  (=  AV.)  is  not  a  possible 
rendering  of  the  existing  (j)ointed)  text. 

Have  I  even  &c.  The  words  (assuming  the  text  to  be  correct)  can 
only  be  explained  in  this  way :  Have  I  liere  also  (in  the  desert,  a  place 
which,  in  times  when  the  manifestations  of  Deity  were  regarded  as 
limited  to  particular  spots,  might  have  been  supposed  to  be  beyond 
the  reach  of  God's  providence)  seen  after  him  that  saw  me  ?  i.e.  He  saw 
her ;  she  did  not  see  Him,  but  only  '  saw  after '  Him,  saw  Him,  as  He 
left  her  (cf  Is.  xxxvii.  22  Heb.),  and  then  perceived  that  the  all-seeing 
God,  in  the  person  of  His  angel,  had  been  present  there  (so  Dillm.) \ 

14.  Beer-lakai-ro'i.  Explained  (as  usually  understood)  in  RVm. 
See,  however,  the  footnote. 

between  Kadesh  and  Bered.  For  Kadesh,  see  on  xiv.  7.  Bered  is 
not  mentioned  elsewhere,  and  has  not  been  identified.  For  Beer-lahai- 
roi  (also  xxiv.  62,  xxv.  11)  a  site  has  been  plausibly  suggested  at  'Ain 
Muweilek,  a  station  with  several  wells  on  the  caravan-route  from  Egypt 
to  Syria  (cf  on  v.  7),  12  m.  WNW.  of  'Ain  Kadish  (xiv.  7),  and  50  m. 
SW.  of  Beersheba,  at  the  SE.  foot  of  a  range  of  hills,  the  Jebel  Muweileh 
(Rowlands,  in  Williams'  Holy  City,  ii.  489  ff. ;  Trumbull,  Kadesh- 
barnea,  64 ;   Palmer,  Desert  of  the  Ex.  n,  354 — 6  ;   EncB.  s.v.). 

15.  16.  Account,  from  P,  of  the  birth  of  Ishmael,  and  of  the  age 
of  Abram  at  the  time. 

^  The  sense  thus  obtained  is  however  not  very  naturally  expressed ;  nor  does  it 
contain  any  explanation  of  'the  living  one'  in  the  name  of  the  well,  v.  14.  A 
conjectural  restoration  by  Wellh.  {Hist,  p.  326),  obtained  by  supplying  letters 
supposed  to  have  accidentally  dropped  out,  is  therefore  worthy  of  mention:  'Have 
I  even  seen  [God,  and  lived]  after  [my]  seeing?'  (i.e.  D^nbti  for  qSi.  TINI  inserted 
before  nnS,  and  >tt<-|  for  \sn(,  with  allusion  to  the  belief  (xxxii.  30)  that  no  one 
could  'see  God  and  live.'  If  this  restoration  be  accepted,  'a  God  of  seeing'  must  be 
interpreted  in  the  sense  of  'a  God  who  is  seen';  and  the  name  of  the  weU  will  mean 
'He  that  seeth  me  liveth." 


184  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

The  angd  of  Jehovah, — or,  in  B  (xxi.  17,  xxxi.  11),  of  God, — is  a  self- 
matiifestation  of  Jehovah :  he  identifies  himself  with  Him  (xxxi.  13,  cf.  11 ; 
Ex.  iii.  6,  cf.  2),  speaks  and  acts  with  His  authority  (Gen.  xvi.  10,  xxi.  19, 
cf.  17,  xviii.,  xxii.  12,  15  f.),  and  is  spoken  of  as  God  or  Jehovah  by  others 
(Gen.  xvi.  13,  xlviii.  15  f. ;  Jud.  vi.  14,  cf.  12,  xiii.  21  f. ;  Hos.  xii.  4,  5).  On  the 
other  hwi'l,  be  is  also  distinguished  from  Jehovah  (Gen.  xvi.  11,  xix.  13,  21,  24  ; 
Nu.  xxii.  31),  'the  mere  manifestation  of  Jehovah  creating  a  distinction  be- 
tween the  angel  and  Jehovah,  though  the  identity  remains.  The  form  of 
manifestation  is,  so  to  speak,  something  unreal  (Dt.  iv.  12,  15),  a  condescension 
for  the  purpose  of  assuring  those  to  whom  it  is  granted  that  Jehovah  in 
His  fulness  is  present  with  them.  As  the  manifestation  called  the  angel  of 
Jehovah  occurred  chiefly  in  redemptive  history,  older  theologians  regarded  it 
as  an  adumbration  or  premonition  of  the  incarnation  of  the  Second  Person 
of  the  Trinity.  This  idea  was  just,  in  so  far  as  the  angel  was  a  manifestation 
of  Jfliovah  on  the  earth  in  a  human  form,  and  in  so  far  as  such  temporary 
manifestations  might  seem  the  prelude  to  a  permanent  redemptive  self- 
revelation  in  this  form  (Mai.  iii.  1,  2);  but  it  was  to  go  beyond  the  OT., 
or  at  any  rate  beyond  the  understanding  of  OT.  writers,  to  found  on  the 
manifestation  distinctions  in  the  Godhead.  The  only  distinction  impUed  is 
that  between  Jehovah,  and  Jehovah  in  manifestation'  (A.  B.  Davidson,  in 
DB.  8.V.  Angel,  p.  94^).  Cf.  Ex.  xxiii.  20,  21  (where  '  name '  =  fulness  of 
revealed  nature) ;  Is.  Ixiii.  9  (where  the  '  angel  of  his  presence '  means  the 
angel  in  whom  God's  face  or  presence  [Dt.  iv.  37]  is  reveaJed).  See  further 
Oehler,  OT.  Theol.  §§  59,  60  ;  Schultz,  OT.  Theol  n.  218—23  (a  temporary  but 
full  revelation  of  Jehovah's  being). 


Chapter  XVII. 
Tlie  institution  of  Circumcision. 

Thirteen  j-ears  after  Ishmael's  birth,  God  appears  to  Abram,  promises 
him  a  numerous  posterity  assures  him  that  he  and  his  seed  will  inherit  the 
land  of  Canaan,  and  declares  that  He  will  conclude  a  covenant  with  him  for 
all  time,  according  to  which  He  will  be  his  God  and  the  God  of  his  descendants, 
vr.  1 — 8.  Circumcision  is  instituted  as  the  sign  of  this  covenant,  vv.  9 — 14. 
Abram's  name  is  to  be  in  future  Abraham,  and  Sarai's  Sarah.  Ishmael  will 
become  a  great  nation  ;  but  Sarah's  own  son  will  be  the  heir  of  the  promises, 
vv.  15 — 22.    Abraham  circumcises  all  the  males  of  his  household,  vv.  23 — 27. 

The  chapter  is  derived  entirely  from  P,  the  phraseology  and  style  of  which 
it  displays  markedly  throughout  It  is  longer  than  most  of  the  recent  excerpts 
from  P,  on  account  of  the  importance  of  the  subject-matter,  resembling  in  this 
respect  the  accounts,  from  the  same  source,  of  the  Creation  and  the  Flood.  It 
marks,  in  the  economy  of  P,  the  nest  important  stage  to  the  blessing  and 
covenant  of  ix.  1 — 17,  and  introduces  a  new  phase  in  the  development  of  the 
Divine  plan.  The  covenant,  it  may  be  noticed,  is  not  simply  (as  in  ch.  xv.)  a 
solemn  promise,  but  implies  the  establishment  of  a  reciprocal  relationship,  in 
which  obligations  are  undertaken  on  both  sides. 


XVII.  i-s]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  185 

XVII.  1  And  when  Abram  was  ninety  years  old  and  nine,  P 
the  Lord  appeared  to  Abram,  and  said  unto  him,  I  am  ^God 
Almighty  ;  walk  before  me,  and  be  thou  perfect.  2  And  I  will 
make  my  covenant  between  me  and  thee,  and  will  multiply  thee 
exceedingly.  3  And  Abram  fell  on  his  face :  and  God  talked 
with  him,  saying,  4  As  for  me,  behold,  my  covenant  is  with  thee, 
and  thou  shalt  be  the  father  of  a  multitude  of  nations.  5  Neither 
shall  thy  name  any  more  be  called  Abram,  but  thy  name  shall 
be  Abraham ;   for  the  father  of  a  iiuiltitude  of  nations  have 

1  Heb.  El  Shaddai. 
XVII.  1 — 8.     The  promise  to  Abram. 

1.  God  Almighty.  Heb.  'El  Shaddai, — according  to  P,  the  charac- 
teristic patriarchal  name  of  God,  the  name  '.Jehovah'  (Yahweh)  not 
being  known  till  the  age  of  Moses  (Gen.  xxviii.  3,  xxxv,  11,  xlviii.  3 ; 
and  esp.  Ex.  vi,  3).  The  same  view  was  perhaps  shared  by  the  author 
of  the  book  of  Job,  who  lays  his  scene  in  the  patriarchal  age,  and 
throughout  the  dialogue  represents  his  characters  as  saying  Shaddai 
('Jehovah'  only  once,  xii.  9)'.  The  origin  and  real  meaning  of  Shaddai 
are  both  doubtful :  see  the  Excursus  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

walk  before  me,  and  be  perfect, — or  hlam<'Jess  (vi.  9).  The  condition 
which  Abram  is  called  upon  to  fulfil ;  not,  as  in  the  later  Levitical  law, 
obedience  to  a  multitude  of  particular  observances,  but  simply  the 
duty  of  leading  generally  a  righteous  and  holy  life.  To  '  walk  before ' 
any  one  is  to  live  and  move  openly  before  him  (IS.  xii.  2) ;  esp.  in 
such  a  way  as  (a)  to  deserve,  and  {b)  to  enjoy,  his  approval  and  favour. 
Here  the  thought  of  {a)  predominates,  the  meaning  being  to  comport 
oneself  in  a  mamier  pleasing  in  God's  sight  (so  xxiv.  40,  xlviii.  15 
[lxx.  €vap«Tru.v  ivavriov] ;  cf.  Is.  xxxviii.  3) ;  for  {b)  see  1  S.  ii.  30,  and 
(with  reference  to  God)  Ps.  Ivi.  13,  cxvi.  9  [shall,  not  wilt\. 

2.  Upon  this  condition  {v.  1^)  God  grants  his  covenant;  and 
promises,  at  first  quite  generally,  to  multiply  greatly  his  posterity. 

3.  fell  on  his  face.  An  expression  of  respect  towards  men 
TRu.  ii.  10 ;  2  S.  ix.  6,  xiv.  22),  and  of  reverence  towards  God 
{v.  17,  Nu.  xiv.  5,  Jud.  xiii.  20,  and  fi-equently). 

4—8.     The  promise  stated  in  greater  detail. 

5.  Abram  (contracted  from  Abiram)  means  'the  father  [a  divine 
title]  is  exalted":  Abraham  has  no  meaning  in  Heb.,  nor  is  any 
meaning  apparent  from  the  cognate  languages.  The  name  is  explained 
here  simply  by  an  assonance  (see  on  iv.  1)  :  Abraham  is  supposed  to 
have  been  suggested  by  the  Heb.  hdmdn,  'multitude.'  Cf  Rom.  iv.  16  f, 
where  the  second  part  of  the  verse  is  interpreted  in  a  spiritual  sense. 

1  Elsewhere  'El  Shaddai  occiira  Gen.  xliii.  14  (E),  xlix.  25  (see  the  note), 
Ez.  X.  5;  Shaddai  alone  is  also  found,  aa  a  poet,  name  of  God,  in  Nu.  xxiv.  4,  IG 
(in  Balaam's  prophecies),  Ez.  i.  24,  Is.  xiii.  6= Joel  i.  15,  Ps.  Ixviii.  14,  xci.  1; 
31  times  in  the  dialogue  of  Job;  and  in  the  semi-poetical  sentences,  Ru.  i.  20,  21. 

*  On  names  compounded  with  Ab,  Abi,  see  EncB.  i.  9 — 11,  ni.  3287 — 9. 


186  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xvii.  5-8 

I  made  thee.    6  And  I  will  make  tliee  exceeding  fruitful,  and  P 

1  will  make  nations  of  thee,  and  kings  shall  come  out  of  thee. 
7  And  I  will  establish  my  covenant  between  me  and  thee  and 
thy  seed  after  thee  throughout  their  generations  for  an  ever- 
lasting covenant,  to  be  a  God  unto  thee  and  to  thy  seed  after 
thee.  8  And  I  will  give  unto  thee,  and  to  thy  seed  after 
thee,  the  land  of  thy  sojournings,  all  the  land  of  Canaan, 
for    an    everlasting    possession ;    and    I    will    be    their    God. 

6 — 8.  The  promise  should  be  compared  with  the  others  in  P,  viz. 
xxviii.  3 — 4,  xxxv.  11 — 12,  xlviii.  3 — 4,  Ex.  vi,  2 — 8,  when  the  features 
both  in  phraseology  and  in  contents  which  distinguish  it  from  the 
promises  in  J  (see  on  xii.  2  f )  will  become  apparent. 

6,  make  tJm... fruitful.     Cf.  v.  20,  xxviii.  3,  xlviii,  4. 

nations.  So  vr.  4,  5,  16,  xxxv.  11 ;  cf  'company  of  peoples,'  xxviii.  3, 
xxxv.  11,  xlviii.  4;  Islimaelites  and  Edomites  being  included.  In  J 
and  E  the  promise  is  only  of  a  single  nation :  xii.  2,  xviii.  18,  xlvi.  3. 

kings.  So  v.  16,  xxxv.  11.  Another  feature  pecuhar  to  the  promises 
of  P.     The  allusion  is  to  the  kings  of  Israel  and  Edom  (xxxvi.  31). 

7,  establish  my  covenant.    As  vi.  18,  ix.  9,  11,  17  (all  P).    See  p.  x. 
and  thy  seed  after  thee  (twice).     So  vv.  8,  9,  10,  19,  and  elsewhere 

in  P,     See  the  Introduction,  p.  viii.  No.  11. 

throughout  their  generations.  So  ^w.  9,  12,  Ex.  xii.  14,  17,  42,  and 
often  in  P.     See  ibid.  p.  ix,  No.  20. 

everlasting  covenant.     Cf  vv.  13,  19 ;  and  on  ix.  16. 

to  be  a  God  unto  thee  &c.  This  is  the  central  feature  in  the  co- 
venant: 'El  Shaddai  will  be  a  God  to  Abraham  and  his  seed,  i.e.  He  will 
be  on  the  one  hand  the  object  of  their  worship  and  veneration,  and  on 
the  other  hand,  also,  their  lord,  their  leader,  their  protector,  and  their 
benefactor.  The  promise  is  found  frequently  in  P  and  H  (Ex,  vi,  7, 
xxix.  45  ;  Lev.  xi.  45,  xxii.  33,  xxv.  38,  xxvi.  12,  45  ;  Nu,  xv,  41  : 
elsewhere  in  the  Hexateuch  only  Dt.  xxix.  13,  cf  xxvi,  17) :  it  is  also 
a  characteristic  thought  of  Jer.  (vii.  23,  xi.  4,  xxiv.  7,  xxx.  22,  xxxi.  1,  33), 
and  Ez.  (xi.  20,  xiv.  11,  xxxiv.  24,  xxxvi.  28,  xxxvii.  23,  27) ;  see  also 

2  S.  vii.  24  (=  1  Ch.  xvii.  22),  Zech.  viii.  8  (not  elsewhere).  The  cor- 
relative '  and  they  shall  be  to  me  a  people,'  i,e,  belong  to  Me  as  loyal 
subjects,  enjoying  My  protection,  and  acting  worthily  of  it,  is  found  in 
most  of  the  passages  quoted  from  Jer.  and  Ez.,  and  occasionaUy  besides, 
but  not  in  P  or  H,  except  Lev.  xxvi,  12  (cf  Ex,  vi.  7). 

8,  the  land  of  thy  sojournings.  The  land  in  which  thou  dwellest 
as  a  ger,  a  temporary  resident,  or  'sojourner'  (cf  on  xv,  13).  So  xxviii,  4, 
xxxvi.  7,  xxxvii.  1,  xlvii.  9 ;  Ex.  vi.  4  (all  P).     Cf  p.  ix.  No.  21. 

all  the  land  of  Canaan.     Promised  here  in  P  for  the  first  time. 

everlasting  possession,  as  xlviii.  4,  Lev.  xxv.  34.  The  word  for 
'  possession '  (ntriks)  is  one  that  is  very  common  in  P,  and  occurs  but 
rarely  elsewhere :  see  p.  ix,  No.  22, 


XVII.  9-14]  THE  BOOK  OF  GEITESIS  187 

9  And  God  said  unto  Abraham,  And  as  for  thee,  thou  shalt  keep  P 
my  covenant,  thou,  and  thy  seed  after  thee  throughout  their 
generations.  10  This  is  my  covenant,  which  ye  shall  keep, 
between  me  and  you  and  thy  seed  after  thee ;  every  male 
among  you  shall  be  circumcised.  11  And  ye  shall  be  circum- 
cised in  the  flesh  of  your  foreskin  ;  and  it  shall  be  a  token  of  a 
covenant  betwixt  me  and  you.  12  And  he  that  is  eight  days 
old  shall  be  circumcised  among  you,  every  male  throughout 
your  generations,  he  that  is  born  in  the  house,  or  bought  with 
money  of  any  stranger,  which  is  not  of  thy  seed.  13  He  that  is 
born  in  thy  house,  and  he  that  is  bought  with  thy  money,  must 
needs  be  circumcised :  and  my  covenant  shall  be  in  your  flesh 
for  an  everlasting  covenant.  14  And  the  uncircumcised  male 
who  is  not  circumcised  in  the  flesh  of  his  foreskin,  that  soul 
shall  be  cut  ofi"  from  his  people  ;  he  hath  broken  my  covenant. 

9—14.  The  'token'  (ix.  12,  13,  17),  or  external  mark,  of  the 
covenant :  circumcision  (v.  10  f ),  to  be  performed  (v.  12)  on  the 
eighth  day  after  birth  upon  all  males,  including  (v.  13)  slaves,  whether 
born  in  servitude,  or  purchased  from  without. 

12.  eight  days  old.  A  regulation,  ever  afterwards  religiously 
observed  by  the  Jews  :  cf.  xxi.  4;  Lev.  xii.  3  ;  Luke  i.  59,  ii.  21;  PhiL 
iii.  5. 

born  in  the  house.     See  on  xiv.  14. 

bought  with  money.  Verse  13 ;  Ex.  xii.  44  (where  it  is  laid  down 
that  a  slave  must  be  circumcised  before  he  can  eat  the  passover). 

stranger.  Foreigner  (as  Lev.  xxii.  25  RV.),  which,  indeed,  though 
the  fact  has  now  become  obscured,  is  the  real  meaning  of  'stranger' 
(Lat.  extraneus:  cf.  on  'strange,' xxxv.  2).  So  v.  27;  Ex.  xii.  43  (RV. 
alien) ;  Ps.  xviii.  44,  45 ;  Is.  Ivi.  3,  6,  al. 

14.  shall  he  cut  off  from  its  father's  kin.  A  formula,  with  shght 
variations  (as  from  Israel,  from  his  people,  &c.),  very  common  in  P*, 
the  penalty  defined  by  it  being  prescribed  usually  for  neglect  of  some 
ceremonial    observance,    and    only    occasionally    (as    Lev.   xviii.   29, 

^  Two  distinct  Heb.  words,  with  different  meanings,  are  unfortunately  repre- 
sented in  EVV.  by  'stranger':  one  {ger)  signifying  sojourner,  temporary  resident 
(see  on  v.  8  and  xv.  13),  the  other  {ben  nekdr,  or  7iokri)  signifying  foreigner  (cf.  on 
xxxi.  15).     See  Stkanger  in  DB. 

'  From  {the  midst  of)  his  (or  its)  father's  kin,  Gen.  xvii.  14,  Ex.  xxx.  33,  38, 
xxxi.  14,  Lev.  vii.  20,  21,  25,  27,  xvii.  9,  xix.  8,  xxiii.  29,  Nu.  ix.  13 ;  from  the  midst 
of  his  (their)  people,  Lev.  xvii.  4,  xviii.  29,  xx.  18,  Nu.  xv.  30,  and  with  the  first 
pers.  I  will  cut  off.  Lev.  xvii.  10,  xx.  3,  5,  6,  Ez.  xiv,  8  (cf.  Lev.  xxiii.  30  /  will 
destroy);  from  Israel,  Ex.  xii.  15,  Nu. 'xix.  13;  from  the  congregation  of  Israel, 
Ex.  xii.  19 ;  from  the  midst  oj  the  assembly,  Nu.  xix.  20;  from  before  me.  Lev.  xxii.  3; 
be  cut  off  (absolutely),  Lev.  xvii.  14,  Nu.  xv.  31,  with  before  the  eyes  of  the  children 
of  their  people,  Lev.  xx.  17. 


188  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xvii.  .5-.0 

15  And  God  said  unto  Abraham,  As  for  Sarai  thy  wife,  thou  P 
shalt  not  call  her  name  Sarai,  but  ^ Sarah  shall  her  name  be. 
16  And  I  will  bless  her,  and  moreover  I  will  give  thee  a  son  of 
her  :  yea,  I  will  bless  her,  and  she  shall  be  a  mother  of  nations  ; 
kings  of  peoples  shall  be  of  her.  17  Then  Abraham  fell  upon 
his  face,  and  laughed,  and  said  in  his  heart.  Shall  a  child  be 
born  unto  him  that  is  an  hundred  years  old  ?  and  shall  Sarah, 
that  is  ninety  years  old,  bear?  18  And  Abraham  said  unto 
God,  Oh  that  Ishmael  might  live  before  thee  I  19  And  God  said, 
Nay,  but  Sarah  thy  wife  shall  bear  thee  a  son  ;  and  thou  shalt 
call  his  name  ^  Isaac  :  and  I  will  establish  my  covenant  with  him 
for  an  everlasting  covenant  for  his  seed  after  him.  20  And  as 
for  Ishmael,  I  have  heard  thee  :  behold,  I  have  blessed  him,  and 

*  That  is,  Vrincest.  *  From  the  Heb.  word  meaning  to  laugh. 

XX.  3,  5,  6  ;  Nu.  xv.  30)  for  some  moral  ofTence,  or  idolatry.  It  has 
been  questioned  whether  death  or  excommunication  is  intended  by  the 
expression:  Ex.  xxxi.  14  would  point  to  the  former;  but  even  if  this  be 
the  intention  of  the  expression,  it  is  to  be  understood,  probably,  as  a 
strong  affirmation  of  Divine  disapproval,  rather  than  as  prescribing  a 
penalty  to  be  actually  enforced. 

father's  kin.  The  word,  though  it  resembles  the  ordinary  Heb. 
word  for  '  a  people,*  is  plural :  as  it  is  impossible  to  speak  of  a  man's 
'peoples,'  the  word  must,  when  it  is  so  used,  have  some  different 
meaning;  and  this  is  shewn  by  Arabic'  to  he  father  s  kin.  For  another 
formula  of  P's,  in  which  the  same  expression  occurs,  see  on  xxv.  8. 

15 — 21.  The  promise  repeated  with  reference  to  Sarai.  Ishmael 
will  become  a  great  nation ;  but  the  covenant  will  be  established  with 
Isaac. 

15.  Sarah  means  'princess';  the  meaning  of  Sarai  is  obscure. 
That  given  by  some  older  commentators,  'my  princess,'  is  philologically 
impossible.  It  is  thought  by  some  modern  scholars  (see  DB.  s.v.)  to 
be  an  older  form  of  Sarah,  formed  with  the  less  usual  fern.  term.  -ay. 

16.  she  shall  become  nations.     Cf.  on  v.  6. 

17.  and  laughed,  in  incredulity.  Abraham  cannot  believe  it,  and 
still  rests  his  hopes  upon  Ishmael,  on  whose  behalf  he  now  («.  18) 
proceeds  to  utter  a  prayer. 

18.  before  thee.  I.e.  under  thy  eye  and  care  :  cf  IIos.  vi.  2  ;  also 
Jer.  XXX.  20 ;   Is.  Hii.  2. 

19.  The  answer  adheres  to  what  was  said  before  (v.  16).  The 
name  Isaac  ('he  laughs')  is  manifestly  suggested  by  the  laughed  of 
V.  17. 

20.  /  have  heard  thee.     With  a  play  on  '  Ishmael '  (see  xvi.  11). 

*  ^Am=\ioih  patruus  and  patruelis. 


XVII.  .o-nj  THE  BOOK  OF  GEISESIS  189 

will  make  him  fniitfiil,  and  will  multiply  him  exceedingly  ;  P 
twelve  princes  shall  he  beget,  and  I  will  make  him  a  great 
nation.  21  But  my  covenant  will  I  establish  with  Isaac,  M'hich 
Sarah  shall  bear  unto  thee  at  this  set  time  in  the  next  year, 
22  And  he  left  off  talking  with  him,  and  God  went  up  fi-om 
Abraham.  23  And  Abraham  took  Ishmael  his  son,  and  all  that 
were  born  in  his  house,  and  all  that  were  bought  with  his 
money,  every  male  among  the  men  of  Abraham's  house,  and 
circumcised  the  flesh  of  their  foreskin  in  the  selfsame  day,  as 
God  had  said  unto  him.  24  And  Abraham  was  ninety  years  old 
and  nine,  when  he  was  circumcised  in  the  flesh  of  his  foreskin. 
25  And  Ishmael  his  son  was  thirteen  years  old,  when  he  was 
circumcised  in  the  flesh  of  his  foreskin.  26  In  the  selfsame  day 
was  Abraham  circumcised,  and  Ishmael  his  son.  27  And  all  the 
men  of  his  house,  those  born  in  the  house,  and  those  bought 
with  money  of  the  stranger,  were  circumcised  with  liim. 

twelve  princes.     See  xxv.  13 — 16. 

22 — 27.  Abraham  circumcises  all  the  males  of  his  hovisoliold.  The 
account  is  given  with  the  circumstantial  detail  and  repetition  whicli  P 
loves  :  notice  both  the  expressions  m  vv.  23,  24^  25**  repeated  from 
w.  11%  13  :  and  vv.  26,  27,  repeating  the  substa.uce  of  v.  23. 

22.  went  up  from.     Cf.  xxxv.  13. 

23,  26.     in  the  selfsame  day.     See  on  vii.  13. 

25.  The  circumcision  of  Ishmael  at  the  age  of  13  is  probably 
intended  as  an  explanation  of  the  corresponding  custom  among  the 
Islimaelite  tribes.  Circumcision  has  for  long  been  practised  by  the 
'Arabs' ;  but  it  is  commonly  performed  among  them  at  a  much  later 
age  than  was  customary  with  the  Jews  ;  the  age  varies  in  different 
places  from  3 — 4  years  to  13 — 15  years  (see  references  in  Dillm.,  and 
DB.  n.  504**  j  and  add  Doughty,  Arabia  Deserta,  i.  340  f.  [3  years], 
391  f.). 

Circumcision. 

Circumcision  is  not,  as  is  sometimes  supposed,  a  rite  peculiar  to  the  Jews. 
It  was,  and  still  is,  widely  practised  in  different  parts  of  the  world.  lu  ancient 
times  we  hear  of  it  especially  as  usual  in  Egypt  (Hdt.  ii.  36,  37  ;  Philo  ii.  210 ; 
cf.  Josh.  V.  9,  where  '  the  reproach  of  Egypt '  implies  that  the  Egyptians  were 
circumcised),  where  indeed  (Ebers,  Aeg.  u.  die  Bb.  Moseys,  p.  283)  the  monu- 
ments afford  evidence  that  it  was  practised  as  early  as  the  period  of  the 
4th  dynasty  (3998—3721  B.O.,  Petrie),  and  whence  Herodotus  declares  (iL  104) 
that  the  custom  spread  to  the  Ethiopians,  the  Phoenicians,  and  the  '  Syrians 
of  Palestine'  (i.e.  the  Jews).  Jer.  ix.  26  shews  also  that  it  was  practised  by 
the  Edomites,  Ammonites,  Moabites,  and  certain  Arab  tribe?  ;  indeed,  from 
the  tact  of  the  Philistines  being  so  pointedly  rcierred  to  as  '  micircumcised,* 


190  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

it  may  be  inferred  that  most  of  Israel's  neighbours  were  circumcised  like 
themselves.  The  practice  was  an  ancient  one  among  the  Arabs ;  and  it  is 
referred  to  in  the  Kor'aii  as  an  established  custom.  The  Babylonians  and 
Assyrians  appear  to  have  been  the  principal  Semitic  peoples  who  did  not 
practise  it.  It  is  possible  that,  as  Dillm.  and  Nowack  suppose,  the  peoples  of 
N.  Africa  and  Asia  who  practised  the  rite  adopted  it  from  the  Egyptians  ;  but 
it  appears  in  so  many  other  parts  of  the  world,  that  it  must  at  any  rate  in 
these  cases  have  originated  independently ;  it  is  practised,  for  instance,  among 
the  Mandingos,  Gallas,  Falashas,  Bechuanas,  and  other  African  tribes,  in 
Madagascar,  in  many  parts  of  Australia,  in  the  New  Hebrides,  New  Caledonia 
and  the  Fiji  Islands,  and  among  several  of  the  native  tribes  of  America. 
Stade,  in  his  Essay  on  the  subject  {ZATW.  1886,  p.  135 ff.),  has  quoted 
particulars  shewing  that  in  most  of  these  cases  the  rite  was  performed  some- 
times at  the  age  of  7 — 10^,  but  more  often  at  the  approach  of  puberty,  and 
usually  with  preliminary  rites  of  separation,  the  youths  to  be  circumcised 
being  isolated  for  some  time  previously  from  the  rest  of  their  tribe  in  places 
set  apart  for  the  purpose'.  A  practice  so  widely  diffused  must  rest  on  some 
general  principle ;  and  the  idea  which  appears  generally  to  underlie  it  is  that 
it  is  a  rite  of  initiation  into  manhood :  by  it  the  grown-up  youth  is  formally 
admitted  among  the  men  of  his  tribe,  receives  permission  to  marry,  and  is 
invested  with  the  full  civil  and  religious  rights  of  his  tribe.  It  is  a  tribal 
badge,  and  as  such  possesses  both  a  civil  and  a  religious  significance*. 

In  Israel,  the  two  distinctive  characteristics  of  circumcision  are  (1)  its 
being  performed  in  infancy ;  (2)  the  religious  ideas  associated  vrith  it.  To 
take  (2)  first:  the  idea  of  membership  in  the  nation  is  absorbed  in  that  of 
consecration  and  dedication  to  Jehovah  :  the  religious  point  of  view  supersedes 
the  civil  or  pijlitical :  circumcision  becomes  the  external  condition  and  seal  of 
admission  into  the  rehgious  privileges  of  the  nation  (cf  Ex.  xii.  44,  48  [P]),  the 
first  condition  of  membership  in  it,  as  a  religious  community.  (1)  The  age  was 
fixed  at  8  days.  This  was  probably  a  consequence  of  (2) :  when  the  religious 
point  of  view  superseded  the  secular  or  civil,  it  would  be  natural  for  the  child 
to  be  dedicated  as  early  as  possible  to  the  God  who  was  to  be  his  protector 
through  life.  At  the  same  time  a  humanitarian  motive  may  have  cooperated  . 
for  the  operation  is  nmch  less  serious  whei\  performed  upon  an  infant  than 
when  performed  upon  one  more  or  less  grown  up. 

Thus  circumcision,  like  sacrifice  and  other  institutions  of  Israel's  religion, 

^  This  was  also  the  age  at  which  it  was  performed  in  Egypt,  as  is  clear  from 
the  representation  in  Ebers,  I.e.  p.  280,  or  Guthe's  Bibelworterbucfi  (1903),  p.  14. 

2  See  in  Spencer  and  Gillen's  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia  (1899), 
pp.  212 — 386,  a  detailed  account  of  the  very  curious  and  elaborate  initiation  cere- 
monies, including  as  important  items  circumcision  (p.  218  fif.),  and  'sub-incisiou' 
(p.  251  S.),  which  must  be  undergone  by  every  youth  in  Central  Australia  before  he 
can  be  regarded  as  a  full  member  of  hia  tribe  or  be  allowed  to  marry  (p.  264). 

8  So  in  Madagascar  a  man  who  is  uncircumcised  can  become  neither  a  soldier 
nor  a  citizen ;  and  in  Loango  the  rite  must  be  completed  before  a  man  can  obtain 
a  wife.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Heb.  word  for  father-in-law  (hdtheii)  is  derived 
from  a  root  which  signifies  in  Arabic  to  circumcise:  it  thus  seems  to  have  meant 
originally  circumciser,  and  to  indicate  that  in  primitive  times  circumcision  was 
among  the  Hebrews  a  general  preliminary  of  marriage.  Comp.  Ex.  iv.  25,  as 
explaiued  in  EncB.  s.v.  §§  2,  6  (col.  830,  832);  Eel.  Sevi.  310  (=^328) 


XVIII..]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  191 

was  a  rite  common  to  Israel  with  other  nations,  but  stamped  in  Israel  with 
special  associations  and  a  special  significance ^ 

The  national  contempt  for  men  uncircunicised  is  apparent  from  the  manner 
in  which  the  Philistines  are  spoken  of,  2  S.  i.  20  al. 

The  prophets  began  to  spiritualize  the  idea,  and  to  teach  that  the  external 
mark  should  be  the  concomitant  of  a  corresponding  frame  of  mind;  they 
accordingly  enjoined  the  duty  of  circumcising  the  heart  (Dt.  x.  16,  xxx.  6 : 
cf  Rom.  ii.  29,  also  Col.  ii.  11),  or  removing  its  foreskin  (Jer.  iv.  4);  and  they 
characterized  the  ear  (Jer.  vi.  10),  or  heart  (Jer.  ix.  26  ;  Ez.  xhv.  7,  9  ;  Lev.  xxvi. 
41),  which  was  closed  in,  and  so  impervious  to  godly  influences  and  impressions, 
as  *  uucircumcised '  (cf.  Acts  vii.  51). 

In  the  early  church  it  became  a  pressing  question  of  principle  whether  or 
not  the  Jewish  ordinance  of  circumcision  should  be  imposed  upon  Gentile 
converts :  on  the  manner  in  which  the  Apostles  viewed  the  rite,  and  upon 
their  attitude  towards  this  question,  see  Acts  xv.  1 — 29,  xxi.  21 ;  Rom.  ii.  25 — 
iv.  12;  1  Cor.  vil  19 ;  Gal.  v.  2—12,  vL  12—16 ;  Phil.  iii.  3 ;  Col.  iiL  11. 

Chapters  XVTII.,  XIX. 

Visit  of  the  angels  to  Abraham  and  Lot.  The  destruction 
of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  Origin  of  the  nations  of  Moah 
and  Ammon. 

One  of  the  most  graphically  and  finely  written  narratives  in  the  OT. 
Except  in  xix.  29  (P),  the  author  is  throughout  J,  whose  characteristics — ease 
and  picturesqueuess  of  style,  grace  and  delicacy  of  expression,  and  naive 
anthropomorphisms — it  conspicuously  displays.  Abraham  is  attractively  de- 
picted :  he  is  dignified,  courteous,  high-minded,  generous,  a  man  whom 
accordingly  God  deems  worthy  of  His  confidence,  visiting  hira  as  one  friend 
visits  another,  bestowing  upon  him  promises,  and  disclosing  to  him  His 
purposes :  a  strong  contrast  to  the  weak  and  timid  Lot,  and  still  more  so  to 
the  profligate  inhabitants  of  the  cities  of  the  Kikkdr.  The  promise  in 
xviii.  10 — 15  is  in  reality  not  a  subsequent  one  to  that  narrated  in  ch.  xvii.  (P), 
but  a  parallel  account  of  the  same  promise  given  by  a  different  hand  (J) ; 
xviii.  10 — 15  is  clearly  written  without  reference  to  xvii.  15 — 19,  and  the 
writer  is  evidently  not  conscious  that  an  announcement  of  the  same  kind  has 
already  been  given. 

XVIII.     1  And  the  Lord  appeared  unto  him  by  the  ^oaks  J 
of  Mamre,  as  he  sat  in  the  tent  door  in  the  heat  of  the  day ; 

^  Or,  terebinths 

XVIII.  1 — 15.  Visit  of  the  three  angels  to  Abraham,  and  promise 
of  a  son  to  Sarah. 

1.     the  terebinths  of  Mamre.     The  sacred  grove  at  Hebron  .  see 

on  xiii.  18. 

1  Ex.  iv.  25  f.,  Josh.  v.  2  ff.  are  thought  by  many  to  be  alternative  popular  ex- 
planationa  of  the  introduction  of  the  rite  into  Israel:  see  EncB.  s.\ .  §  2. 


192  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xviii.  i-s 

2  and  he  lift  up  his  eyes  and  looked,  and,  lo,  three  men  stood  J 
over  against  him  :  and  when  he  saw  them,  he  ran  to  meet  them 
from  the  tent  door,  and  bowed  himself  to  the  earth,  and  said, 

3  ^My  lord,  if  now  I  have  found  favour  in  thy  sight,  pass  not 
away,  I  pray  thee,  from  thy  servant :  4  let  now  a  little  water  be 
fetched,  and  wash  your  feet,  and  rest  yourselves  under  the  tree : 
5  and  I  will  fetch  a  morsel  of  bread,  and  comfort  ye  your  heart, 

1  Or,  O  hard. 

door.  Heb.  opening,  i.e.  entrance.  So  v.  10,  and  regularly  in  this 
expression. 

2 — 5.  Abraham's  ready  and  courteous  hospitality.  The  descrip- 
tion, says  Lane  {Mod.  EgJ"  i.  364),  'presents  a  perfect  picture  of  the 
manner  in  which  a  modein  Bedawee  sheikh  receives  travellers  arriving 
at  his  encampment.  He  immediately  orders  his  wife  or  women  to 
make  bread,  slaughters  a  sheep  or  other  animal  and  dresses  it  in  haste ; 
and  bringing  milk  and  any  other  provisions  that  he  may  have  at  hand, 
with  the  bread  and  the  meat  that  he  has  dressed,  sets  them  before  his 
guests ;  if  they  are  persons  of  high  rank  he  also  stands  by  them  wliile 
they  eat.' 

2.  hawed  himself  to  the  earth.  The  Eastern  mode  of  respectful 
salutation:  xxxiii.  3,  xlii.  6;  Ru.  ii.  10,  al. 

3.  My  lord.  This  is  probably  right,  the  word  being  a  title  of 
courtesy  (as  xxiii.  6,  11),  and  one  of  the  strangers,  distinguished  in 
some  way  from  the  other  two,  being  addressed.  The  Massorites, 
however,  point  (as  w.  27,  30 — 32)  Addndi  ('Lord':  so  RVm.),  the 
form  used  when  Jehovah  is  intended,  implying  thereby  that  Abraham 
recognizes  Him  from  the  beginning.  But  My  Im-d  is  preferable : 
Abraham  would  scarcely  have  presumed  to  offer  food  and  di'ink  to  one 
whom  he  recognized  as  Jehovah  (on  Jud.  xiii.  15,  see  v.  16'');  a||d  the 
words  in  v.  5,  '  after  tliat  ye  shall  pass  on,'  shew  that  he  regardea  the 
three  men  as  ordinary  travellers.  The  disclosure  who  they  are  is 
made  only  gradually,  vv.  10,  13,  17 — 22  (of.  Jud.  vi.  12  ff.,  22,  xiii.  6, 
10,  16^  2l'>). 

4.  and  wash  your  feet.  An  attention  paid  regularly  in  the  East 
to  one  arriving  from  a  journey  (xix.  2,  xxiv.  32,  xliii.  24;  cf  Rob. 
n.  229  f ),  and  gi-ateful,  if  not  necessary,  in  a  country  in  which  the 
feet  are  protected  only  by  sandals, 

and  recline  yourselves,  in  preparation  for  the  meal. 

5.  a  morsel  of  bread.  A  modest  description  of  the  sumptuous 
repast  which  is  coming. 

comfort.  Support'.  Exactly  so  Jud.  xix.  5,  8:  cf  Ps.  civ.  15, 
'  bread  that  supporteth  man's  heart.'  But  '  comfort '  in  Old  EngUsh  (as 
Wright,  Bible  Word-Book,  s.v.,  shews)  meant  to  strengtlien  (late  Lat. 

i  Heb.  nyp,  whence  iTJiyD,  iu  post-Bibl.  Hib.  &/eait. 


XVIII.  5-9]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  193 

after  that  ye  shall  pass  on  :  ^forasmuch  as  ye  are  come  to  your  J 
servant.  And  they  said,  So  do,  as  thou  hast  said.  6  And 
Abraham  hastened  into  the  tent  unto  Sarah,  and  said,  Make 
ready  quickly  three  measures  of  fine  meal,  knead  it,  and  make 
cakes.  7  And  Abraham  ran  unto  the  herd,  and  fetched  a  calf 
tender  and  good,  and  gave  it  unto  the  servant ;  and  he  hasted 
to  dress  it.  8  And  he  took  butter,  and  milk,  and  the  calf  which 
he  had  dressed,  and  set  it  before  them ;  and  he  stood  by  them 
under  the  tree,  and  they  did  eat.  9  And  they  said  unto  him, 
Where  is  Sarah  thy  wife?    And  he  said,  Behold,  in  the  tent. 

*  Or,  for  therefore 

confortare'.  so  Vulg.  here),  and  only  gra/lually  acquired  the  modern 
sense  of  conmW.  On  the  idiom,  use  of  'for  therefore'  (RVm.)  with 
the  force  oi  forasmuch  as  (so  xix.  8,  xxxiii.  10  al.)  see  Lex.  p.  475^ 

6.  three  measures.  Three  sS'ahs  (so  also,  for  the  colourless 
•measure,'  1  S.  xxv.  18;  1  K.  xviii.  32;  2  K.  vii.  1 ;  Mt.  xiii.  33  [(rdrov]), 
which  were  equal  to  one  ephah,  or  about  8  gallons, — a  large  quantity, 
perhaps  (notice  the  terms  of  Mt.  I.e.)  the  usual  amount  of  a  daily 
baking  (cf  the  'ephah'  of  Jud.  vi.  19). 

cakes.  Rolls, — baked  rapidly  by  being  placed  upon  the  'hot 
stones'  (1  K.  xix.  6  RVm.), — i.e.  stones  heated  by  a  fire  having  been 
made  upon  them, — and  covered  with  the  hot  ashes,  lxx.  iyKpv(t>iai; 
Vulg.  panes  subcinericii". 

7.  Flesh  is  rarely  eaten  in  the  East:  the  'calf  tender  and  good' 
is  an  indication  of  Abraham's  sense  of  the  distinction  of  his  guests 
(cf.  L.  and  B.  n.  436;  in  the  one  vol.  ed.,  1898  &c.,  p.  363). 

8.  butter.  Curdled  milk,  or  (as  it  is  now  called  in  Syria  and 
Arabia)  leben,  still  esteemed  by  the  natives  as  a  grateful  and  refreshing 
bevd#tge,  and  just  such  as  would  be  offered  to  a  traveller  or  (Jud.  v. 
25 ;  2  S.  xvii.  29)  thirsty  fugitive.  That  '  butter'  is  not  meant  is  appa- 
rent, if  only  from  the  fact  that  hem'dh  was  a  liquid  (.Job  xx.  17).  In  an 
Arab's  tent  there  hangs  a  semily,  or  'sour-milk  skin':  the  fresh  milk 
is  brought  in  foaming;  it  is  poured  into  the  semily;  the  portion  ad- 
hering to  the  inner  surface  of  the  skin  from  a  former  occasion  serves 
as  a  ferment;  and  after  a  few  minutes'  shaking  the  leben  is  ready 
(Doughty,  Arabia  Deserta,  1888,  i.  221,  263,  n.  235,  304,  658;  cf. 
Palmer,  Desert  of  the  Exodus,  ii.  488 ;  EncB.  s.v.  Milk). 

stood  by  them  (Jud,  iii.  19).     To   see  that  his  guests  received 
every  attention.     The  same  custom  prevails  still  {L.  and  B.  i.  308  f.). 
cmd  they  did  eat.     Contrast  Jud.  xiii.  16 ;  also  Tob.  xii.  19. 

^  Wy cliff e  (1380)  has  'that  comforteth  me'  for  r^  ivdvva/j.oDvTl  /xe,  Phil.  iv.  13; 
and  'comfort'  in  PBV.  of  Ps.  sxvii.  16,  xli.  3,  cxix.  28  has  the  same  meaning:  see 
the  writer's  Parallel  Psalter,  p.  46i^  f. 

*  Cf.  EncB.  604 ;  and  Rob.  i.  485  '  the  women  in  some  of  the  t«nts  [n  ;ar  Engedi] 
were  kneading  bread,  and  baking  it  in  thin  cakes  in  the  emberg.' 

D.  13 


194  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xviii.  ia-i6 

10  And  he  said,  I  will  certainly  return  unto  thee  when  the  J 
season  ^cometh  round  ;  and,  lo,  Sarah  thy  wife  shall  have  a  son. 
And  Sarah  heard  in  the  tent  door,  which  was  behind  him. 

11  Now  Abraham  and  Sarah  were  old,  and  well  stricken  in  age; 
it  had  ceased  to  be  with  Sarah  after  the  manner  of  women. 

12  And  Sarah  laughed  within  herself,  saying.  After  I  am  waxed 
old  shall  I  have  pleasure,  my  lord  being  old  also  ?  13  And  the 
Lord  said  unto  Abraham,  Wherefore  did  Sarah  laugh,  saying, 
Shall  I  of  a  surety  bear  a  child,  which  am  old  ?  14  Is  any  thing 
too  ^hard  for  the  Lord?  At  the  set  time  I  will  return  unto 
thee,  when  the  season  ^cometh  round,  and  Sarah  shall  have  a 
son.  15  Then  Sarah  denied,  saying,  I  laughed  not ;  for  she  was 
afraid.    And  he  said,  Nay  ;  but  thou  didst  laugh. 

16  And  the  men  rose  up  from  thence,  and  looked  toward 
Sodom :  and  Abraham  went  with  them  to  bring  them  on  the 

1  Heb.  Uveth,  or,  reviveth.  ^  Or,  wonderful 

10.  when  the  season  cometh  rov/nd.  I.e.  a  year  hence.  So  v.  14; 
2  K.  iv.  16,  17.  The  Heb.  is  peculiar,  lit.  at  the  time  living  (or  re- 
viving), i.e.  when  the  time  revives  next  year. 

11.  well  stricken  in  age.  I.e.  advanced  in  age  (A.S.  strican,  Mid. 
Eng.  striken,  to  proceed,  advance :  see  the  Bible  Word-Book,  or  Skeat, 
Etym.  Diet.).  Heb.  entered  into  days  (lxx.  Trpo^e/S-qKOTa  ij/xepiav;  cf. 
Luke  i.  7).     So  xxiv.  1  al. 

12.  laughed.  In  incredulity,  as  Abraham  in  xvii.  17.  The  passage 
gives  evidently  J's  explanation  of  the  name  '  Isaac,'  as  xvii.  17 
gives  P's. 

waxed  old.  Worn  out,  worn  away,  as  a  garment  falling  to 
pieces,  Dt.  viii.  4  (Heb.  'wore  not  away  yrom  upon  thee');  Is.  1.  9, 
li.  6;  Ps.  cii.  27.  'Wax  old'  (both  here  and  elsewhere)  is  a  very  in- 
adequate rend,  of  the  Heb. 

also.  This  word  should  be  omitted.  The  Heb.  is  'and  my  lord 
is  old' =  my  lord  being  old. 

13.  old.     The  Heb.  here  is  the  ordinary  word  for  '  old.' 

14.  hard.  The  idea  of  the  Heb.  is  separate  from  the  ordinary, 
exceptional.  What  is  exceptional  may  be  simply  wonderfid  (Ex.  iii.  20 ; 
2  S.  i.  26,  and  frequently);  or,  from  a  different  point  of  view,  some- 
thing difficult,  whether  to  unravel  (Dt.  xvii.  8),  to  understand  (Job 
xlii.  3),  or  (as  here  and  Jer.  xxxii.  17,  27)  to  effect.  Cf.  Lk.  i.  37 
(aSuvarr^o-ei,  as  LXX.  here). — With  this  section  generally,  comp.  Heb. 
xi.  11  f. 

16 — 22.  Jehovah  communicates  to  Abraham  His  purpose  of  de- 
stroying Sodom  and  Gomorrah.  This  disclosure  to  Abraham  of  His 
secret  counsel  is  a  singular  mark  of  Jehovah's  regard  iox  him,  based 
{v.  18  f )  upon  the  unique  position  which  Abraham  holds,  partly  as  the 


XVIII.  16-19]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  195 

way.  17  And  the  Lord  said,  Shall  I  hide  jfrom  Abraham  that  J 
which  I  do  ;  18  seeing  that  Abraham  shall  surely  become  a  great 
and  mighty  nation,  and  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  shall  be 
blessed  in  him?  19  For  I  have  ^ known  him,  to  the  end  that  he 
may  command  his  childi-en  and  his  household  after  him,  that 
they  may  keep  the  way  of  the  Lord,  to  do  justice  and  judge- 
ment ;  to  the  end  that  the  Lord  may  bring  upon  Abraham  that 

*  See  Amos  iii.  2. 

depository  of  a  blessing  for  all  nations,  partly  as  having  been  chosen 
by  God  to  found  a  house  whose  members  should  all  study  to  follow 
after  righteousness,  so  that  it  might  well  be  of  importance  for  the 
difference  between  God's  treatment  of  righteousness  and  unrighteous- 
ness to  be  clearly  apprehended.  The  disclosure  moreover  affords 
occasion  {viv.  23 — 33)  for  a  signal  illustration  both  of  the  noble  and 
generous  impulses  by  which  Abraham  is  actuated,  and  also  of  the 
value  in  God's  eyes  of  righteousness,  and  of  His  readiness  to  pardon 
(Ez.  xxxiii.  11),  if  only  He  can  do  so  consistently  with  justice. 

16.  looked  out  toward  Sodom.  From  some  spot  in  the  'hill- 
country'  of  Judah  rJosh.  xv.  48 — 60),  which  afforded  the  necessary 
prospect, — perhaps  (Rob.  BR.  i.  489 — 91)  from  the  elevated  village 
of  Beni  Na'im,  3  miles  E.  of  Hebron,  where  the  Dead  Sea,  18  miles 
off,  can  be  discerned  through  gaps  in  the  hills,  and  the  mountains 
of  Moab  beyond  it  are  distinctly  visible.  The  situation  of  Beni 
Na'im  suits  Jerome's  description  {Ep.  86  [ed.  Vail.  108],  §  11)  of  the 
height  visited  by  Paula  as  the  traditional  site  of  the  spot  here  in 
question,  Caplmr  Barucha,  or  the  'Village  of  Blessing.' 

to  bring  them  on  the  way.  Le.  to  escort  them  on  their  departure : 
cf.  xii.  20. 

17.  said,  viz.  in  His  heart  (i.e.  to  Himself),  a  frequent  use  of  'say' 
in  Heb.,  e.g.  xx.  11,  1  S.  xx.  26  (EVV.  'thought'),  Ex.  xiii.  17. 

Shall  I  hide  &c.     Cf ,  of  the  prophets.  Am.  iii.  7. 

18.  19.  The  motives  prompting  this  disclosure  to  Abraham,  viz. 
his  high  significance  in  the  rehgious  history  of  mankind  (cf  the 
remarks  above,  on  w.  16 — 22). 

18.  shall  he  blessed  through  him.     As  xii.  3,  where  see  the  note. 

19.  known.  In  a  practical  sense,  =  noticed,  regarded,  cared  for. 
So  Ps.  i.  6,  xxxvii.  18  at. ;  and  esp.  (oi  Israel)  Am.  iii.  2,  Hos.  xiii.  5. 

to  the  end  tluit  &c.  In  order  that  ne  may  be  the  founder  of  a  house 
or  family,  and  ultimately  of  a  people,  in  which  the  knowledge  of  God 
may  be  perpetuated,  and  in  which  the  principles  of  true  religion  may 
be  known  and  obeyed.  An  important  passage,  shewing  what  the  aim 
and  purpose  of  God's  revelation  to  Abraham  was.  (The  rend,  of  AV. 
here  is  altogether  incorrect.) 

to  the  end  that  Jehovah  &c.  Abraham's  thus  '  commanding  his 
children  and  household  after  him'  is  the  condition  of  Jehovah's  fulfill- 
ing the  promises  given  to  him. 

13—2 


196  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xviii.  i^-h 

which  he  hath  spoken  of  him.  20  And  the  Lord  said,  ^Because  J 
the  cry  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  is  great,  and  ^because  their  sin 
is  very  grievous  ;  21  I  will  go  down  now,  and  see  whether  they 
have  done  altogether  according  to  the  cry  of  it,  which  is  come 
unto  me ;  and  if  not,  I  will  know.  22  And  the  men  turned 
from  thence,  and  went  toward  Sodom  :  but  Abraham  stood  yet 
before  the  Lord.  23  And  Abraham  drew  near,  and  said,  Wilt 
thou  consume  the  righteous  with  the  wicked  ?  24  Peradventure 
there  be  fifty  righteous  within  the  city :  wilt  thou  consume  and 
not  spare  the  place  for  the  fifty  righteous  that  are  therein? 
25  That  be  far  from  thee  to  do  after  this  manner,  to  slay  the 
righteous  with  the  wicked,  that  so  the  righteous  should  be  as 
the  wicked ;  that  be  far  from  thee :  shall  not  the  Judge  of  all 

^  Or,  Verily 

20.  the  cry  of  Sodom,  i.e.  the  cry  about  Sodom,  ascending  to 
heaven  (v.  21)  and  calling  for  vengeance.  On  RVm.  Verily  (Keil, 
Dillm.,  Holz.  al.),  see  G.-K.  §  148^  Lea;,  p.  472^  e. 

21.  go  down.  Viz.  into  the  part  of  the  'Ardbah  (see  p.  168),  at 
the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  (4300  ft.  below  Hebron),  in  which  the  guilty 
cities  were.     For  the  anthropomorphism,  cf.  xi.  5,  7. 

which  is  come  unto  me.     Cf  Ex.  ii.  23,  iii.  9;  1  S.  ix.  16;  Jas.  v.  4. 

22.  Two  of  the  three  'men'  proceed  on  their  way  to  Sodom 
(xix.  1);  the  third  is  Jehovah. 

stood ..  .before.     The  attitude  of  one  interceding  (Jer.  xv.  1). 

23 — 33.  Abraham's  intercession.  The  patriarch's  keen  sense  of 
justice  recoils  at  the  thought  of  the  innocent  perishing  with  the  guilty, 
and  this  by  the  decree  of  an  all-righteous  Judge.  The  vision  of  Lot, 
who,  though  thoughtless,  was  not  steeped  in  guilt,  rises  before  him; 
others,  not  less  righteous  (2  Pet.  ii.  8),  might  be  there  likewise :  he 
is  moved  to  compassion,  and  takes  upon  himself  to  intercede.  With  the 
greatest  diffidence  and  humility  he  prefers  his  petition :  emboldened  by 
success,  he  repeats  it,  until  at  length  he  receives  the  gracious  assurance 
that  the  presence  of  ten  righteous  men  in  Sodom  shall  save  the  city 
(cf  Jer.  V.  1).  And  so  the  truth  is  established  that  the  God  of  justice 
is  also  a  God  of  mercy  (cf.  Ex.  xxxiv.  6,  7).  The  passage  is  a  striking 
witness  to  the  deeply-planted  human  instinct,  which  requires  justice 
in  God, — an  instinct  which  frequently  finds  expression  in  the  OT., 
notablj'  so  in  Job's  passionate  protests  against  His  apparent  injustice. 

23.  drew  near.     Cf.  Heb.  x.  22. 

consii/me.     Sweep  away:  so  v.  24,  xix.  15,  17;  Nu.  xvi.  26. 

25.  That  be  far  from  thee:  Lit.  ad  profanum  (sit)  tibi!  a,  common 
Heb.  formula  of  deprecation  or  repudiation :  often  in  EVV.  rendered 
God  forbid  (e.g.  ch.  xliv.  1).  lxx.  usually  /otTySa/Aws  (cf.  Actsx.  14,  xi.  8), 
firj  yevoiTo  (Rom.  iii.  4  &c.),  or  tAews  /U.01  (cf.  Mt.  xvi.  22). 


xvin  7S-XIX.  i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  197 

the  earth  do  right  ?  26  And  the  Lord  said,  If  I  find  in  Sodom  J 
fifty  righteous  within  the  city,  then  I  will  spare  all  the  place  for 
their  sake.  27  And  Abraham  answered  and  said,  Behold  now, 
I  have  taken  upon  me  to  speak  unto  the  Lord,  which  am  but 
dust  and  ashes :  28  peradventure  there  shall  lack  five  of  the 
fifty  righteous :  wilt  thou  destroy  all  the  city  for  lack  of  five  ? 
And  he  said,  I  wiU  not  destroy  it,  if  I  find  there  forty  and  five. 
29  And  he  spake  unto  him  yet  again,  and  said,  Peradventure 
there  shall  be  forty  found  there.  And  he  said,  I  wiU  not  do  it 
for  the  forty's  sake.  30  And  he  said,  Oh  let  not  the  Lord  be 
angry,  and  I  will  speak  :  peiadventure  there  shall  thirty  be 
found  there.    And  he  said,  I  will  not  do  it,  if  I  find  thirty  there. 

31  And  he  said.  Behold  now,  I  have  taken  upon  me  to  speak 
unto  the  Lord  :  peradventure  there  shall  be  twenty  found  there. 
And  he  said,   I   will  not    destroy  it  for    the    twenty's    sake. 

32  And  he  said.  Oh  let  not  the  Lord  be  angry,  and  I  wiU  speak 
yet  but  this  once  :  peradventure  ten  shaU  be  found  there.  And 
he  said,  I  will  not  destroy  it  for  the  ten's  sake.  33  And  the 
Lord  went  his  way,  as  soon  as  he  had  left  communing  with 
Abraham :   and  Abraham  returned  unto  his  place. 

XIX.  1  And  the  two  angels  came  to  Sodom  at  even  ;  and 
Lot  sat  in  the  gate  of  Sodom :  and  Lot  saw  them,  and  rose  up 

right.  The  Heb.  is  more  pointed  and  forcible  than  the  English: 
*  shall  not  the  judge  of  all  the  earth  do  judgement  ? ' — do  what  the 
title  which  He  bears  implies.  'Judgement,'  in  the  sense  of  just  judge- 
ment, or  '  right '  (in  a  forensic  sense),  as  frequently. 

27.     dust  and  ashes.     Cf.  Ecclus.  x.  9,  xvii.  32. 

33.  communing  with.  Speaking  to,  exactly  as  m.  27,  29,  &c. 
'Commune,'  wherever  it  occurs  in  either  OT.  or  NT.,  is  simply  an 
archaism  meaning  to  converse  or  confer,  and  stands  for  ordinary  Heb. 
and  Gk  words  meaning  to  speak  or  talk.  Its  retention  in  22  isolated 
passages  of  RV.  (as  Ex.  xxv.  22,  xxxi.  18 ;  Luke  xxii.  4 :  in  AV.  28 
times)  is  a  signal  example  of  what  Bp  Lightfoot  has  well  described 
as  'artificial  distinctions  created'  {On  a  Fresh  Revision  of  the  English 
NT.  p.  33  fi".). 

his  place.     I.e.  Mamre,  v.  1  (cf.  «.  16). 

XIX.  1 — 17.  Two  of  the  three  angels  visit  Sodom,  and  convey 
Lot  out  of  the  doomed  city. 

1.     tite  two  angels.     See  xviii.  22. 

in  the  gate.  I.e.  the  gate-way  (including  the  passage  under  the 
city  wall,  with  seats  arranged  on  each  side), — a  common  place  of 
meeting  in  the  East,  for  conversation  or  business,  including  even  the 


198  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xix.  i-s 

to  meet  them ;  and  he  bowed  himself  with  his  face  to  the  earth ;  J 
2  and  he  said,  Behold  now,  my  lords,  turn  aside,  I  pray  you, 
into  your  servant's  house,  and  tarry  all  night,  and  wash  your 
feet,  and  ye  shall  rise  up  early,  and  go  on  your  way.  And  they 
said,  Nay  ;  but  we  will  abide  in  the  street  all  night.  3  And  he 
urged  them  greatly  ;  and  they  turned  in  unto  him,  and  entered 
into  his  house ;  and  he  made  them  a  feast,  and  did  bake 
unleavened  bread,  and  they  did  eat.  4  But  before  they  lay 
down,  the  men  of  the  city,  even  the  men  of  Sodom,  compassed 
the  house  round,  both  young  and  old,  all  the  people  fi*om  every 
quarter  ;  5  and  they  called  unto  Lot,  and  said  unto  him,  "Where 
are  the  men  which  came  in  to  thee  this  night  ?  bring  them  out 
unto  us,  that  we  may  know  them.  6  And  Lot  went  out  unto 
them  to  the  door,  and  shut  the  door  after  him.  7  And  he  said, 
I  pray  you,  my  brethren,  do  not  so  wickedly.  8  Behold  now, 
I  have  two  daughters  which  have  not  known  man  ;  let  me, 
I  pray  you,  bring  them  out  unto  you,  and  do  ye  to  them  as  is 
good  in  your  eyes:  only  unto  these  men  do  nothing;  ^forasmuch 

^  Or,  for  therefore 

administration  of  justice.  See  e.g.  Ru.  iv.  1  ff,,  11;  Dt.  xxi.  19,  xxv. 
7;  Job  V.  4;  Is.  xxix.  21;  Am.  v.  10,  12,  15;  Ps.  cxxvii.  5;  and  cf. 
BB.  Gate. 

rose  up  &c.  To  entertain  a  stranger,  esp.  a  distinguished  one,  is 
in  Eastern  countries  accounted  an  honour;  and  Lot  rises  up  first  in 
order  to  secure  the  privilege  for  himself.     Cf.  Job  xxxi.  32. 

2.  Abraham  (ch.  xviii.)  dwells  in  a  'tent';  but  Lot,  dwelling  in 
a  city,  has  a  'house,'  with  a  'door'  and  'roof  {m.  6,  8,  &c.). 

the  street.  Tlie  broad-place,  or  square, — such  as  was  usual  in 
an  Eastern  city:  see  in  AV.  Jer.  v.  1,  and  in  RV.  2  S.  xxi.  12  (marg.); 
Is.  XV.  3 ;  Ezr.  x.  9 ;  Neh.  viii.  1 ;  often,  unfortunately,  misrendered 
street,  and  so  confused  with  something  entirely  different:  so,  for 
instance,  here  and  Jud.  xix.  15,  17,  20;  Am.  v.  16;  Jer.  ix.  21;  Is. 
lix.  14  a/. 

3.  a  feast.  He  was  not,  it  seems,  less  liberal  in  his  hospitality 
than  his  uncle  (xviii.  6  ff.). 

unleavened  cakes.  A  kind  of  biscuit,  which  could  be  baked 
rapidly  (Jud.  vi.  19—21;  1  S.  xxviii.  24;  cf  Ex.  xii.  39),  still  the 
ordinary  food  of  the  Bedawin.     Cf.  L.  and  B.  iii.  219  f 

4'>.  Emphasis  is  laid  on  the  fact  that  all  took  part  in  this  shame- 
less attack :  none  attempted  to  conceal  his  purpose  (Is.  iii.  9).  Cf 
Jud.  xix.  22  ff. 

8.  forasmuch  as  &c.  As  still  in  Arabia,  the  guest  is  inviolable, 
and  must  be  protected  at  all  hazards,  esp.  if  he  has  eaten  or  drunk 


XIX.  8-15]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  199 

as  they  are  come  under  the  shadow  of  my  roof.  9  And  they  J 
said,  Stand  back.  And  they  said,  This  one  fellow  came  in  to 
sojourn,  and  he  will  needs  be  a  judge  :  now  will  we  deal  worse 
with  thee,  than  with  them.  And  they  pressed  sore  upon  the 
man,  even  Lot,  and  drew  near  to  break  the  door.  10  But  the 
men  put  forth  their  hand,  and  brought  Lot  into  the  house  to 
them,  and  shut  to  the  door.  11  And  they  smote  the  men  that 
were  at  the  door  of  the  house  with  blindness,  both  small  and 
great :  so  that  they  wearied  themselves  to  find  the  door. 
12  And  the  men  said  unto  Lot,  Hast  thou  here  any  besides? 
son  in  law,  and  thy  sons,  and  thy  daughters,  and  whomsoever 
thou  hast  in  the  city  ;  bring  them  out  of  the  place  :  13  for  we 
will  destroy  this  place,  because  the  cry  of  them  is  waxen  great 
before  the  Lord  ;  and  the  Lord  hath  sent  us  to  destroy  it. 
14  And  Lot  went  out,  and  spake  unto  his  sons  in  law,  which 
^married  his  daughters,  and  said,  Up,  get  you  out  of  this  place  ; 
for  the  Lord  wiU  destroy  the  city.  But  he  seemed  unto  his 
sons  in  law  as  one  that  mocked.  15  And  when  the  morning 
arose,  then  the  angels  hastened  Lot,  saying.  Arise,  take  thy  wife, 
and  thy  two  daughters  which  are  here ;  lest  thou  be  consumed 

^  Or,  were  to  marry 

with  his  host:  though  even  to  touch  the  tent-ropes,  imploring  pro- 
tection, ia  sufficient.  But  the  duties  of  a  host  ought  not  to  be 
placed  above  those  of  a  father:  and  Lot,  obliged  to  act  quickly  in 
a  trying  situation,  made  this  mistake, — For  RVm.  cf.  on  xviii.  5. 

9.  They  resent  his  interference:  a  mere  sojourner,  they  say,  will 
fain  make  himself  judge  over  them. 

11.  hlindness.  Not  the  usual  word,  and  found  otherwise  only 
2  K.  vi.  18;  though  in  what  respects  the  'blindness'  denoted  by  it 
differed  from  ordinary  blindness  is  uncertain.   LXX.  (both  times)  dopaa-ia. 

12 — 16.  The  object  of  the  visit  (xviii.  21)  has  been  attained :  the 
guilt  of  the  city  is  manifest ;  and  its  doom  consequently  fixed.  The 
angels  therefore  urge  Lot  to  lose  no  time  in  quitting  it,  taking  with 
him  all  those  belonging  to  him. 

13.  hath  sent  us.  The  two  angels  here  distinguish  themselves 
clearly  from  Jehovah.     Cf.  p.  183  f. 

14.  which  married.  The  Heb.  is  the  participle  ('the  takers  of), 
which  admits  of  either  interpretation  (lxx.  tous  eiXrj(f}6Tas;  Vulg.  qui 
accepturi  erant).     On  the  whole,  the  marg.  is  the  more  probable. 

mocked.     Rather,  sported  ot  jested;  cf.  on  xxi.  9. 

15.  which  are  here.  As  opposed  to  the  prospective  sons-in-law, 
who  (v.  14)  were  not  in  Lot's  house. 


200  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xix.  is-« 

in  the  ^iniquity  of  the  city.  16  But  he  lingered  ;  and  the  men  J" 
laid  hold  upon  his  hand,  and  upon  the  hand  of  his  wife,  and 
upon  the  hand  of  his  two  daughters ;  the  Lord  being  merciful 
unto  him  :  and  they  brought  him  forth,  and  set  him  without  the 
city.  17  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  they  had  broug-ht  them 
forth  abroad,  that  he  said.  Escape  for  thy  life  ;  look  not  behind 
thee,  neither  stay  thou  in  all  the  ^ Plain;  escape  to  the  mountain, 
lest  thou  be  consumed.  18  And  Lot  said  unto  them,  Oh,  not 
so,  ^my  lord :  19  behold  now,  thy  servant  hath  found  grace  in 
thy  sight,  and  thou  hast  magnified  thy  mercy,  which  thou  hast 
shewed  unto  me  in  saving  my  life ;  and  I  cannot  escape  to  the 
mountain,  lest  *evil  overtake  me,  and  I  die :  20  behold  now, 
this  city  is  near  to  flee  unto,  and  it  is  a  little  one :  Oh,  let  me 
escape  thither,  (is  it  not  a  little  one  ?)  and  my  soul  sliall  live. 

^  Or,  punishment  *  See  ch.  xiii.  10.  '  Or,  0  Lord  *  Or,  the  evil 

consumed.    Swept  away  (xviii.  23),  viz.  with  the  others.    So  v.  17. 
iniquity.     On  the  marg.  punishment,  cf.  on  iv.  13. 

16.  Lot  is  still  reluctant  to  leave  his  'house,'  and  the  city  which 
he  had  made  his  home:  so  the  angels,  tender  to  his  weakness,  and 
aware  of  Jehovah's  'pity'  for  him,  lead  him  by  the  hand,  and  set  him 
outside  the  city. 

17.  Directions  for  his  further  flight. 

he  said.  One  of  the  angels  is  now  spokesman,  as  in  xviii.  10  (cf 
the  sing.  pron.  in  xix.  19*,  21,  22). 

look  not  behind  thee, — whether  to  be  tempted  back,  or  to  watch 
with  curious  eye  the  fate  of  the  city. 

neither  stay  thou  in  all  the  Kikkar,  in  spite  of  its  attractiveness : 
see  on  xiii.  10. 

the  mountain.  Or,  mountainous  country,  viz.  of  the  later  Moab, 
as  xiv.  10.     So  V.  30. 

18 — 22.  Lot  escapes  to  Zo'ar.  The  mountains  are  too  distant 
for  Lot's  faith,  or  strength  of  purpose:  so  fearing  he  will  not  be  able 
to  reach  them  in  time,  he  asks  to  be  allowed  to  take  refuge  in  a  city 
nearer  at  hand,  wliich,  being  a  'little'  one,  might  contain  less  wickedness 
than  the  other  cities,  and  be  more  easily  spared.  The  object  of  this  part 
of  the  narrative  is  evidently  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  name  Zo^ar. 

18.  my  lord.  There  is  the  same  uncertainty  as  in  xviii.  3.  The 
Massorites  understand  Jehovah  (so  RVm.);  EW.  recognize  only  an 
ordinary  title  of  courtesy.  Jehovah  is  not  so  distinctly  present  in 
either  of  the  two  angels  in  ch.  xix.  as  He  is  in  at  least  one  of  the  three 
in  ch.  xviii.  (comp.  xix.  1  with  xviii.  22,  and  see  xix.  13  end) 

19.  lest  the  evil  overtake  me,  i.e.  the  coming  catastrophe:  'evil,' 
as  e.g.  Am.  iii.  6. 

20.  my  soul.    See  on  xii.  13. 


XIX.  .1-27]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  201 

21  And  he  said  unto  him,  See,  I  have  accepted  thee  concerning  J 
this  thing  also,  that  I  will  not  overthrow  the  city  of  which  thou 
hast  spoken.  22  Haste  thee,  escape  thither ;  for  I  cannot  do 
any  thing  till  thou  be  come  thither.  Therefore  the  name  of  the 
city  was  called  ^Zoar.  23  The  sun  was  risen  upon  the  earth 
when  Lot  came  unto  Zoar.  24  Then  the  Lord  rained  upon 
Sodom  and  upon  Gomorrah  brimstone  and  fire  from  the  Lord  out 
of  heaven  ;  25  and  he  overthrew  those  cities,  and  all  the  Plain, 
and  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities,  and  that  which  gi'ew  upon 
the  ground.  26  But  his  wife  looked  back  from  behind  him,  and 
she  became  a  pillar  of  salt.     27  And  Abraham  gat  up  early  in 

1  That  is,  Little,  ver.  20,     See  ch.  xiv.  8. 

22.  Zo'wr.  Mentioned  also  (besides  xiii.  10,  xiv.  2,  S')  Dt.  xxxiv.  3, 
and  (as  a  Moabite  city)  Is.  xv.  5,  Jer.  xlviii.  34;  and  situated  in  all 
probability  in,  or  very  near,  the  small  oasis  called  the  Ghor  es-Safiiieh, 
at  the  SE.  comer  of  the  Dead  Sea  (see  p.  170,  or,  more  fully,  DB.  s.v.). 

24 — 28.     The  destruction  of  Sodom  and  GomoiTah. 

24.  brimstone  and  fire.  Most  probably  in  an  eruption  of  petro- 
leum: see  p.  202;  and  cf  Ps.  xi.  6;  Ez.  xxxviii.  22;  Job  xviii.  15. 

25.  overthrew.  I.e.  turned  upside  do\vn :  the  verb  used  regularly 
of  the  destruction  of  these  cities,  vv.  21,  29;  Dt.  xxix.  23;  Jer.  xx.  16; 
Lam.  iv.  6;  and  so  the  cognate  subst.  'overthrow,'  «.  29;  Am.  iv.  11; 
Dt.  xxix.  23;  Is.  xiii.  19;  Jer.  xlix.  18  =  1.  40;  cf  Is.  i.  7  RVm.' 

26.  a  pillar  of  salt.  At  the  SW.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea  is  the 
singular  formation  called  the  Jebel  Usdum,  the  'mountain  of  Sodom,' 
a  range  of  cliffs  5  m.  long,  and  600  ft.  high,  consisting  of  crystallized 
rock-salt, — once  (see  p.  168)  part  of  the  bed  of  the  ancient  Salt  Sea, — 
'covered  with  a  capping  of  chalky  limestone  and  gypsum.  It  has  a 
strangely  dislocated,  shattered  appearance ;  and  from  the  face  of  it  gi-eat 
fragments  are  occasionally  detached  by  the  action  of  the  rains,  and  ap- 
pear as  "pillars  of  salt"  advanced  in  front  of  the  general  mass'  (Smith, 
DB.  ni.  1180).  Such  pillars,  or  pinnacles,  have  often  been  noticed 
by  travellers;  and  it  is  probable  that  one,  conspicuous  in  antiquity, 
gave  rise  to  the  belief  expressed  in  the  present  verse.  Writers  of 
a  later  age  often  felt  satisfied  that  they  could  identify  the  pillar 
referred  to  (cf  Wisd.  x.  7;  Jos,  Ant.  i.  11.  4;  DB.  ni.  152);  but 
during  the  rainy  season  such  pillars  are  constantly  in  process  of 
formation  and  destruction ;  so  that  it  is  doubtful  how  far  any  particular 
one  would  be  permanent*. 

The  conduct  of  Lot  and  of  his  wife  here  is  in  harmony  with  Lot's 
own  spirit  as  shewn  in  ch,  xiii.     Our  Lord,    n  a  memorable  passage 

1  Where  'strangers'  contains  an  allusion  to  the  people  of  these  cities,  even  if 
'Sodom'  ought  not  to  be  read  for  it  (DTD  for  D"1|). 

*  Palmer  {Desert  of  the  Ex.  ii.  478 — 80)  also  descrioes  a  tall  isolated  needle  of 
rock,  bearing  a  curious  resemblance  to  an  Arab  woman  with  a  child  on  her  chouldera 
(see  frontispiece  to  vol.  i.),  called  'Lot's  wife,'  at  the  edge  of  a  plateau,  on  the  East 
side  of  the  Dead  Sea,  1000  ft.  above  it,  just  opposite  to  En-gecii  (see  Map,  p.  471). 


202  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xix.  .8, 29 

the  morning  to  the  place  where  he  had  stood  before  the  Lord  :  J 
28  and  he  looked  toward  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  and  toward  all 
the  land  of  the  Plain,  and  beheld,  and,  lo,  the  smoke  of  the 
land  went  up  as  the  smoke  of  a  furnace. 

29  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  God  destroyed  the  cities  of  P 
the  Plain,  that  God  remembered  Abraham,  and  sent  Lot  out  of 
the  midst  of  the  overthrow,  when  he  overthrew  the  cities  in  the 
which  Lot  dwelt. 

(Lk.  xvii.  32),  refers  to  Lot's  wife  for  the  sake  of  the  moral  lessons 
deducible  from  the  narrative  about  her.  Lot's  wife  is  the  type  of 
those  who,  in  whatever  age,  'look  back'  with  regretful  longings  upon 
possessions  and  enjoyments  which  are  inconsistent  with  the  salvation 
offered  to  them ;  and  so  our  Lord  points  His  disciples  to  what  is  re- 
lated of  her,  when  inculcating  indifference  to  all  worldly  interests,  as 
the  attitude  with  which  the  advent  of  the  Son  of  man  should  be  met. 

27.  to  the  place  &c.     See  xviii.  16,  22, 

28.  smoke  (twice).  Steam, — cognate  with  the  word  denoting 
incense,  and  with  the  verb  used  often  (Lev.  i.  9,  &c.)  of  a  sacrifice,  and 
rendered  in  EW.  'burn,'  but  meaning  really  'turn  into  sweet  smoke 
(jivicrri)'     Not  the  ordinary  word  for  'smoke.' 

furnace.  Kiln, — as  for  lime  or  pottery.  So  Ex.  ix.  8,  10,  xix.  18t. 
Not  the  portable  '  stove'  of  xv.  17. 

29.  A  summary  statement  from  P  (cf.  xxv.  19,  20,  xli.  46)  of  what 
has  been  described  in  detail  by  J  in  vv.  1 — 28. 

On  the  site  of  the  destroyed  cities,  enough  has  been  already  said  (p.  170  f.) ; 
they  stood  most  probably  on  or  near  the  saline  morass  uow  known  as  esSebkha, 
at  the  S.  end  of  the  Dead  Sea.  It  is  a  plausible  suggestion^  that  the  physical 
cause  of  their  destruction  was  an  eruption  of  petroleum,  occasioned  by  an 
earthquake  (cf.  'overthrow,'  v.  21).  Such  eruptions  arise  from  the  existence  of 
reservoirs  of  compressed  inflammable  gases,  by  the  side  of  the  petroleum,  at  a 
considerable  depth  below  the  surface :  if  from  any  cause,  such  as  an  earthquake, 
a  fissure  is  opened  through  the  overlying  strata,  the  gas  escapes,  carrying  the 
petroleum  with  it ;  the  fluid  mass  readily  ignites,  whether  through  lightning  or 
(Blanckenhorn,  p.  58)  spontaneously ;  and  it  then  rains  down  in  burning 
showers,  while  a  dense  smoke  towers  up  into  the  air^.    All  the  conditions  for 

^  Tristram,  Land  of  Israel,  353  f. ;  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson,  Egypt  and  Syria  (in 
•By-paths  of  Bible  knowledge'),  p.  129  f.  (cf.  HG.  508  f.);  Blanckenhorn,  ZDPV. 
1896,  p.  58,  1898,  p.  78. 

^  Sir  J.  W.  Dawson  (p.  125  f.)  mentions  how  once,  in  an  oil  district  in  Canada, 
a  borehole  struck  a  reservoir  of  compressed  gas,  which  at  once  rushed  upwards 
carrying  the  petroleum  v.iih  it:  it  almost  immediately  ignited;  the  dense  smoke 
rose  high  into  the  air,  throwing  down  burning  bitumen  all  around,  and  a  space  of 
15  acres  was  speedily  enveloped  in  flame.  Cf.  also  Blanok.  p.  58.  A  volcanic 
eruption  is  less  probable  geologically :  Diener,  who  assumes  one  (Mitth.  der  k.  k. 
geogr.  Gesellsch.  zu  Wien,  1897,  p.  18  fif.),  presses  the  expression  'out  of  heaven' 
unnecessarily.     See  Blanckenhorn's  criticism,  ZDPV.  1898,  pp.  77 — So. 


DESTKUCTION  OF  SODOM  AND  GOMORRAH    203 

such  an  eruption  are  present  in  the  region  of  the  Dead  Sea.  The  strata  about 
it,  esp,  at  the  SW.  end,  abound  in  bituminous  matter:  after  earthquakes, 
bitumen  is  often  found  floating  on  the  water :  sulphur  springs,  and  sulphur 
deposits,  are  also  frequent  around  the  Dead  Sea  (of.  Brimstone  in  DB.,  and 
Tristram's  description  of  the  Wady  Muhauwat,  p.  351),  so  that  the  mention  of 
brimstone  in  v.  24  (cf.  Dt,  xxix.  23)  is  quite  intelligible.  To  the  same  earth- 
quake might  also  be  due  the  subsidence  of  the  '  Vale  of  Siddim'  (p.  l7l). 

The  present  writer  has  adopted,  in  the  preceding  notes,  the  view  which 
seems  to  him  to  be  the  most  probable  explanation  of  the  narrative  in  Gen.  xix., 
viz.  that  the  destruction  of  the  four  cities  was  a  real  event,  happening  in 
Abraham's  time.  At  the  same  time,  the  truth  must  be  frankly  admitted  tliat 
the  narrative  was  committed  to  writing, — for  the  first  time,  so  far  as  we 
know, — 1000  years  or  more  after  the  events  which  it  purports  to  describe;  and 
hence  the  possibility  must  be  faced  that  it  is  in  fact  a  legend,  intended 
primarily  to  account  for  the  desolate  and  stricken  appearance  of  parts  of  the 
shores  of  the  Dead  Sea,  but  at  the  same  time  infused  with  an  ethical  motive, 
and  told  here  for  the  sake  of  the  moral  lessons  which  it  conveys.  This  view  is 
put  forward,  with  ability  and  moderation,  in  an  article  by  Professor  Cheyne,  in 
the  New  World  (Boston,  U.S.A.)  for  June,  1892.  In  this  article,  Prof.  Cheyne 
collects  examples  of  legends,  current  in  Arabia  and  elsewhere,  of  cities  or 
villages,  either  submerged  or  otherwise  destroyed,  often  on  account  of  the 
inhospitality,  or  other  moral  shortcoming,  of  their  inhabitants,  the  particular 
method  of  destruction  assumed  being  usually  such  as  was  suggested  by  the 
natural  features  of  the  place  in  question  ^  On  the  other  hand  it  must  be 
remembered  that  such  an  incident  might  also  be  a  real  occurrence,  and  that 
analogies  of  the  kind  quoted,  however  numerous,  are  not  in  themselves 
sufiBcient  to  shew  the  Biblical  narrative  to  be  unhistoricaL 

30 — 38.  Origin  of  the  Moabites  and  Ammonites,  as  told  by  Hebrew  folk- 
lore. Naturally  this  narrative  is  not  to  be  understood  as  a  record  of  actual 
fact :  as  little  is  it,  on  the  other  hand,  to  be  regarded  as  a  malicious  invention 
of  the  narrator;  the  narrator  has  simply  reported  a  current  belief,  based 
partly  upon  a  popular  etymology  of  the  two  names,  partly  upon  the  feelings 
with  which  Israel  viewed  the  two  nations  here  in  question.  There  was  much 
rivalry  and  hostility  between  Israel  and  these  two  peoples  (see  e.g.  Dt.  xxiii.  3  f.. 
Is.  xvi.  6,  Jer.  xlviii.  26,  Bz.  xxv.  3,  6,  Zeph.  ii.  8 — 10);  it  is  also  (Dillm.)  a  not 
improbable  inference  from  the  present  passage  that  incestuous  marriages,  such 
as  were  viewed  in  Israel  with  abhorrence,  were  in  vogue  among  them;  and 
these  feelings  are  reflected  in  the  discreditable  story  of  their  origin  which  the 
narrator  has  here  preserved.  '  It  was  the  coarse  humour  of  the  people,  which 
thus  put  into  words  its  aversion  to  Moab  and  Ammon '  (Dillm.). 

1  •  Thus  a  place  on  the  Lake  of  Thun  is  said  to  have  been  destroyed  because  a 
dwarf  was  refused  hospitality  during  a  storm  by  all  the  inhabitants  except  an  aged 
couple  who  dwelt  in  a  miserable  cottage.'  See  also  Doughty,  Arab.  Des,  i.  95  f.  (a 
legend  to  account  for  the  desertion  of  the  once  important  commercial  town  El-Hijr: 
its  inhabitants,  the  idolatrous  Thamudites,  sought  to  slay  the  prophet  Salih  sent  to 
them  by  God;  cf.  Kor.  vii.  71 — 6,  xv.  80 — 4);  Wetzstein's  notes  in  Del.'s  Job,  on 
XV.  28,  xxxi.  32 ;  Cheyne  in  the  EncB.  iv.  4670  f. ;  and  cf.  the  Greek  story  of 
Philemon  and  Baucis  (Ov.  Met,  viu.  616  ff.). 


204  THE  BOOK   OF  GENESIS  [xix.  30-38 

30  And  Lot  went  up  out  of  Zoar,  and  dwelt  in  the  mountain,  J 
and  his  two  daughters  with  him ;  for  he  feared  to  dweD  in  Zoar : 
and  he  dwelt  in  a  cave,  he  and  his  two  daughters.  31  And  the 
firstborn  said  unto  the  younger,  Our  father  is  old,  and  there  is 
not  a  man  in  the  earth  to  come  in  unto  us  after  the  manner  of 
all  the  earth  :  32  come,  let  us  make  our  father  drink  wine,  and 
we  will  lie  with  him,  that  we  may  preserve  seed  of  our  father. 
33  And  they  made  their  father  drink  wine  that  night :  and  the 
firstborn  went  in,  and  lay  with  her  father ;  and  he  knew  not 
when  she  lay  down,  nor  when  she  arose.  34  And  it  came  to 
pass  on  the  morrow,  that  the  firstborn  said  unto  the  younger, 
Behold,  I  lay  yesternight  with  my  father :  let  us  make  him 
drink  wine  this  night  also ;  and  go  thou  in,  and  lie  with  him, 
that  we  may  preserve  seed  of  our  father.  35  And  they  made 
their  father  drink  wine  that  night  also  :  and  the  younger  arose, 
and  lay  with  him ;  and  he  knew  not  when  she  lay  down,  nor  when 
she  arose.  36  Thus  were  both  the  daughters  of  Lot  with  child 
by  their  father.  37  And  the  firstborn  bare  a  son,  and  called 
his  name  Moab :  the  same  is  the  father  of  the  Moabites  unto 
this  day.  38  And  the  younger,  she  also  bare  a  son,  and  called 
his  name  Ben-ammi :  the  same  is  the  father  of  the  children  of 
Ammon  unto  this  day. 

30.  went  up.  From  the  plain  in  which  Zo'ar  lay,  to  the  mountainous 
country  above  it,  occupied  in  later  times  by  the  Moabites. 

he  feared  &c.  Dreading,  viz.,  lest,  after  all,  in  spite  of  the  promise, 
V.  21,  a  similar  fate  should  overtake  it. 

in  a  cave.  There  is  some  evidence  that  the  habit  of  dwelling  in 
caves  has  prevailed  even  in  modern  times  in  the  neighbourhood 
(Buckingham,  Travels  in  Syria,  1825,  pp.  61 — 63,  87). 

31.  there  is  not  &c.  As  the  sole  survivors  of  an  accursed  city, 
aU  men  will  shrink  from  us. 

37.  Moab.  As  though  this  were  the  same  as  Me-ab,  and  meant 
'from  a  father'  (see  vv.  32  end,  34  end,  36  \of,  by,  are  both  lit./rom]). 

38.  Ben-*ammi.  I.e.  'son  of  my  people,' — or  rather,  perhaps 
(xvii.  14),  '  of  my  father's  kinsman,'  his  father  being  his  mother's  near 
relation  \ 

If  it  were  the  case  that  incestuous  marriages  were  not  unusual 

1  The  occurrence  of 'Am,  'paternal  uncle,'  'kinsman  on  one's  father's  side'  (see 
on  xvii.  14),  in  several  proper  names,  makes  it  probable  that  in  a  connexion  like  the 
present  'my  father's  kinsman'  is  in  reality  the  name  (or  title)  of  a  deity  (see  EncB. 

B.V.  AmUI). 


XX.  i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  205 

in  Moab  and   Ammon,  the  particular  form  assumed  by  the  legend 
would  be  easier  to  account  for'. 

The  only  other  mention  of  Lot  in  the  OT.  is  in  the  expression 
'children  of  Lot,'  Dt.  ii.  9,  19,  Ps.  Ixxxiii.  8. 

Lot  is  in  character  a  strong  contrast  to  Abraham.  He  is  selfish,  weak,  and 
worldly:  he  thinks  of  himself  before  his  uncle,  and  chooses,  for  the  sake  of 
luxury  and  ease,  to  dwell  in  the  midst  of  temptation.  Relatively,  indeed,  he 
was  '  righteous '  (2  P.  ii.  7,  8) ;  his  personal  character  was  without  reproach ; 
and  he  was  deemed  worthy  by  God  of  a  special  deliverance.  But,  though  his 
'righteous  soul'  was  'vexed  (f^aa-avlCfro)  L-oia  day  to  day'  by  the  'lawless 
deeds '  which  he  saw  around  him,  he  had  not  strength  of  purpose  to  quit  his 
evil  surroundings,  and  even  betrothed  his  daughters  to  natives  of  the  sinful 
city.  When  ultimately  he  left  Sodom,  it  was  vvith  manifest  reluctance,  and 
only  after  his  daughters  had  become  (if  we  may  follow  the  representation  of  the 
narrator  in  xix.  31  ff.)  depraved  by  contact  with  vice.  He  brought  temptations, 
and  also  troubles,  upon  himself, — and  the  man  who  once  was  rich  in  'flocks  and 
herds  and  tents '  (xiii.  5)  was,  as  the  result  of  his  own  actions,  stripped  of  his 
possessions,  and  reduced  to  living  penuriously  in  a  cave.  Lot  is  one  of  the 
many  rvnoi  i^jxcov  in  the  OT.;  and  his  history  is  a  lesson  of  the  danger  of 
thinking  too  exclusively  of  worldly  advantage  and  present  ease. 


Chapter  XX. 
SaraWs  adiienture  at  tJie  Court  of  Gcrar, 

This  chapter  contains  the  first  continuous  excerpt  (cf.  on  ch.  xv.)  from  the 
source  '  B,'  respecting  which  see  the  Introd.  p.  xi  f.  In  general  outline  the 
narrative  is  very  similar  to  that  of  xii.  10 — 20  (Abram  and  Sarai  in  Egypt), 
and  xxvi.  6 — 11  (Isaac  and  Rebekah  at  Gerar).  The  repetition  u  remarkable, 
especially  as  in  each  case  the  excuse  is  the  same,  that  the  wife  is  a  sister.  It  is 
diflScult  to  avoid  suspecting  that  the  three  narratives  are  variations  of  the 
same  fundamental  theme,  a  story  told  popularly  of  the  patriarchs  and 
attributed  sometimes  (as  reported  by  J  and  E  respectively)  to  difierent 
occasions  in  the  life  of  Abraham,  and  once  also  to  an  occasion  in  the  life 
of  Isaac.    Cf.  on  xxvi.  6 — 11. 

XX.     1  And  Abraham  journeyed  from  thence  toward  the  E 
land  of  the  South,  and  dwelt  between  Kadesh  and  Shur ;  and  he 

XX.  1.     the  South.     The  Negeb :  see  on  xii.  9. 
between  Kadesh  and  Shur.     See  on  xiv.  7  and  xvi.  7. 

1  Palmer,  Desert  of  the  Ex.  ii.  478,  remarks  on  the  rather  curious  fact  that 
bint,  'daughter,'  is  in  the  country  occupied  formerly  by  Moab  almost  invariably 
used  for  'wife.' 


206  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xx.  i-6 

sojourned  in  Gerar.  2  And  Abraham  said  of  Sarah  his  wife,  E 
She  is  my  sister :  and  Abimelech  king  of  Gerar  sent,  and  took 
Sarah.  3  But  God  came  to  Abimelech  in  a  di'eam  of  the  night, 
and  said  to  him.  Behold,  thou  art  but  a  dead  man,  because  of 
the  woman  which  thou  hast  taken ;  for  she  is  a  man's  wife. 
4  Now  Abimelech  had  not  come  near  her :  and  he  said,  Lord, 
wilt  thou  slay  even  a  righteous  nation  ?  5  Said  he  not  himself 
unto  me,  She  is  my  sister  ?  and  she,  even  she  herself  said,  He  is 
my  brother :  in  the  integrity  of  my  heart  and  the  innocency  of 
my  hands  have  I  done  this.    6  And  God  said  unto  him  in  the 

Gerar.  Ace.  to  Euseb.  (Onom.  240)  25  Roman  miles  S.  of  Eleu- 
theropolis  (Beit-Jibrin),  and  hence  often  identified  with  a  ruined  site 
Umm  el-Jerdr,  on  a  hill-top  {PEFM.  m.  389  f.),  6  m.  S.  of  Gaza, 
and  30  m.  S.  of  Beit-Jibrin.  It  is  however  doubtful  whether  this  name 
is  anything  but  a  modern  one,  meaning  Place  of  water-pots,  from  the 
heaps  of  broken  pottery  about  it  (cf.  L.  and  J5. 1. 197  f.) ;  and  a  glance  at 
the  map  wiU  shew  that,  unless  the  clause  'and  sojourned  in  Gerar'  im- 
plies a  complete  change  of  locality  as  compared  with  '  dwelt  between 
Kadesh  and  Shur,'  Umm  el-Jerar  is  much  too  far  to  the  N.,  and  could 
not  with  the  utmost  licence  of  interpretation  be  described  as  '  between' 
Kadesh  and  Shur.  It  is  very  possible,  therefore,  that  TrumbuU 
{Kadesh- Barnea,  62  f ),  Guthe,  and  others,  are  right  in  identif)dng 
Gerar  with  the  Wudy  Jerur,  about  13  m.  W.  and  SW.  of  Kadesh, 
which  leads  down  through  the  Wady  esh-Sheraif  into  the  Wady  el- 
'Arlsh  (see  Palmer,  Desert  of  the  Exodus,  n.  349  f.,  353  f.,  and  Map), 
and  is  exactly  in  the  required  situation  \ 

2.  Cf.  xii.  13,  19. 

Abimelech.  The  name  means  'Melech  is  father'  [or  *my  father']: 
cf  Abijah, '  Jah  is  father.'  Phoeu.  proper  names  shew  that  there  was  an 
old  Canaanitish  deity  called  Milk  [in  Heb.  Melech-.  Molech  is  also  the 
same  word]  '  king' ;  and  Abimilki  is  the  name  of  the  Egyptian  governor 
of  Tyre  in  the  Tel  el-Amarna  letters  (b.c.  1400). 

3.  came... in  a  dream.  E,  it  has  been  noticed,  often  speaks  of 
God  as  'coming'  or  speaking  in  a  dream:  v.  6,  xxxi.  11,  24,  xlvi.  2; 
Nu.  xxii.  9,  20  (cf  Nu.  xii.  6;  also  the  notes  on  ch.  xxi.  12,  xxii.  1). 

4.  5.  Abimelech  appeals  to  Jehovah's  righteousness  (cf  Abra- 
ham's appeal  in  xviii.  23  ff.) :  he  had  acted  quite  unsuspectmgly  and 
innocently. 

5.  integrity.  Lit.  perfectness  (cf  on  vi.  9),  with  the  coUat.  idea 
of  sincerity,  Pr.  xxviii.  6,  18  [read  crooked  for  perverse"],  or  unsuspi- 
ciousness,  simplicity  (2  S.  xv.  11;  1  K.  xxii.  34  [see  RVm.]). 

the  innocency  of  my  hands.   Cf.  Ps.  xxiv.  4  (Heb.),  xxvi.  6,  Lxxiii.  13. 

*  A  site  nearer  Gaza  does  however  suit  better  ch.  x.  19,  and  2  Ch.  xiv.  13 
(cf.  V.  10) ;  and  it  is  possible  that  there  were  two  Gerars  {EneB.  a. v.). 


XX.  6-1 1]  THE  BOOK  OF  GEi^SIS  207 

dream,  Yea,  I  know  that  in  the  integrity  of  thy  heart  thou  hast  E 
done  this,  and  I  also  withheld  thee  from  sinning  against  me : 
therefore  suffered  I  thee  not  to  touch  her,  7  Now  therefore 
restore  the  man's  wife ;  for  he  is  a  prophet,  and  he  shall  pray 
for  thee,  and  thou  shalt  live  :  and  if  thou  restore  her  not,  know 
thou  that  thou  shalt  surely  die,  thou,  and  all  that  are  thine. 
8  And  Abimelech  rose  early  in  the  morning,  and  called  all  his 
servants,  and  told  all  these  things  in  their  ears :  and  the  men 
were  sore  afraid.  9  Then  Abimelech  called  Abraham,  and  said 
unto  him,  What  hast  thou  done  unto  us?  and  wherein  have 
I  sinned  against  thee,  that  thou  hast  brought  on  me  and  on  my 
kingdom  a  great  sin  ?  thou  hast  done  deeds  unto  me  that  ought 
not  to  be  done.  10  And  Abimelech  said  unto  Abraham,  What 
sawest  thou,  that  thou  hast  done  this  thing?     11  And  Abraham 

6.  withheld.     By  means  viz.  of  some  sickness:  cf.  v.  17. 

7.  a  prophet.  The  title  is  applied  to  Abraham, — as  it  seems  (see 
1  S.  ix.  9),  by  an  anachronism, — here  only  (cf.  Ps.  cv.  15,  of  the  patri- 
archs generally),  though  in  effect  he  appears  invested  with  the 
privileges  of  a  prophet  in  xv.  1,  4,  xviii.  17.  The  term  designates 
him  as  one  standing  in  a  special  relation  to  Jehovah  (Am.  iii,  7),  and 
as  such,  one  whose  rights  may  not  be  infringed  with  impunity,  and 
whose  intercession,  also,  is  likely  to  be  efficacious  with  God. 

pray.  The  Heb.  word,  both  here  and  generally  in  the  OT.,  signifies 
properly  to  make  oneself  a  mediator^  to  intercede;  and  this  meaning 
is  often  perceptible  from  the  connexion  in  which  it  is  used:  e.g.  Num. 
xi.  2,  xxi.  7 ;  Dt.  ix.  20,  26 ;  Job  xlii.  8,  10. 

live.     Or  recover  (Is.  xxxix.  9) :  see  on  v.  6. 

and  all  that  are  thine.  The  doctrine  of  individual  responsibility 
was  only  gradually  developed;  and  hence  among  ancient  peoples  the 
family  of  a  guilty  person  was  often  punished  with  him.  Of  Nu.  xvi. 
32  f. ;  Josh.  vii.  24  f ;  Dan.  vi.  24;  and  contrast  Dt.  xxiv.  16,  and  the 
teaching  of  Ezek.  xviii.  See  further  Mozley,  Lectures  on  the  OT. 
p.  87  fif.,  where  it  is  shewn  how  this  defective  sense  of  justice  had 
its  root  in  a  defective  sense  of  individuality,  or  of  the  rights  of  the 
individual,  as  such;  and  Gray,  The  Divine  Discipline  of  Israel,  77  ff. 

9.  Abimelech  rebukes  Abraham,  as  Pharaoh  had  done  (xii.  18  f ), 
but  in  stronger  tenns;  and  is  represented  as  holding  up  to  the 
patriarch  a  higher  standard  of  moral  obligation  than  that  which  he 
had  himself  observed.     Gomp.  Gray,  p.  49  f 

10.  A  further  point :  what  reason  had  Abraham  for  so  acting  ? 
sawest.     I.e.  hadst  in  view:  what  was  thy  object  in  making  this 

false  statement? 

11.  He  defends,  and  {v.  12  f)  excuses  himself. 


208  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xx.  11-16 

said,  Because  I  thought,  Surely  the  fear  of  God  is  not  in  this  E 
place  ;  and  they  will  slay  me  for  my  wife's  sake.  12  And  more- 
over she  is  indeed  my  sister,  the  daughter  of  my  father,  but  not 
the  daughter  of  my  mother  ;  and  she  became  my  wife  :  13  and 
it  came  to  pass,  when  God  caused  me  to  wander  fi-om  my  father's 
house,  that  I  said  unto  her.  This  is  thy  kindness  which  thou 
shalt  shew  unto  me  ;  at  every  place  whither  we  shall  come,  say 
of  me.  He  is  my  brother.  14  And  Abimelech  took  sheep  and 
oxen,  and  menservants  and  womenservants,  and  gave  them  unto 
Abraham,  and  restored  him  Sarah  his  wife.  15  And  Abimelech 
said,  Behold,  my  land  is  before  thee :  dwell  where  it  pleaseth 
thee.     16   And  unto  Sarah  he  said,  Behold,  I  have  given  thy 


the  fear  of  God  is  not  &c.  The  popxilation  is  represented  as  heathen, 
and  as  regardless,  consequently,  of  the  sanctity  of  human  life. 

12.  Marriages  with  half-sisters  (by  the  same  father)  were  forbidden 
by  the  later  law  (Lev.  xviii.  9,  11,  xx.  17;  Dt.  xxvii.  22;  cf  Ez.  xxii. 
11),  but  they  occurred  among  the  Canaauites  (W.  R.  Smith,  Kinship 
and  Marriage  in  ancient  Arabia,  162  f),  and  other  ancient  nations; 
and  2  S.  xiii.  IS**  implies  that  they  were  regarded  as  permissible  in 
Israel  in  the  age  of  David.  But  of  course  even  this  excuse  does  not 
save  Abraham's  statement  from  being  an  equivocation. 

13.  A  further  excuse :  it  has  been  Abraham's  general  practice  to 
speak  of  Sarah  as  his  sister. 

caused  me  to  wander.  The  verb  is  plural, — perhaps,  in  conversation 
with  a  heathen,  from  accommodation  to  a  polytheistic  point  of  view 
(cf.  1  S.  iv.  8).  'Eldhlm,  even  when  used  of  the  true  God,  is  occasion- 
ally construed  with  a  plural,  for  reasons  which  cannot  always  be 
definitely  assigned :  see,  with  a  pi.  verb,  ch.  xxxv.  7 ;  Ex.  xxii.  9 ;  2  S. 
vii.  23;  with  a  pi.  ptcp.  Ps.  Iviii.  11;  and,  with  an  adj.  (here  probably 
the  'plural  of  majesty':  seep.  14),  Josh,  xxiv,  19;  and  five  times  in 
the  expression  'living  God,'  Dt.  v.  26  [Heb.  23];  1  S.  xvii.  26,  36; 
Jer.  X.  10,  xxiii.  36.  Cf.  G.-K.  §§  124^  145'.  (On  ch.  xxxi.  53,  see 
the  note.) 

14.  Cf  xii.  16,  where,  however,  the  gifts  are  given  before  the 
discovery  of  Abraham's  true  relation  to  Sarah :  here,  they  are  given 
as  compensation  to  an  injured  husband,  whose  explanation  Abimelech 
accepts,  and  whose  good  will,  for  the  reasons  mentioned  in  v.  7,  he  is 
anxious  to  secure. 

15.  He  oifers  him  now  to  remain  in  his  land.     Contrast  xii.  20. 

16.  Abimelech  feels  that,  however  inadvertently,  he  has  done 
Sarah  a  wrong,  which  her  friends  and  attendants  may  resent:  so  he 
gives  her  'brother'  a  handsome  additional  present  specially  on  her 
behalf,  which  may  shew  them  that  he  acknowledges  the  wrong,  and 


XX.  16-xxL  3]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  209 

brother  a  thousand  pieces  of  silver:  behold,  Mt  is  for  thee  a.i: 
covering  of  the  eyes  to  all  that  are  with  thee  ;  and  ^in  respect 
of  all  thou  art  righted.  17  And  Abraham  prayed  unto  God: 
and  God  healed  Abimelech,  and  his  wife,  and  his  maidservants ; 
and  they  bare  children.  18  For  the  Lord  had  fast  closed  up 
all  the  wombs  of  the  house  of  Abimelech,  because  of  Sarah 
Abraham's  wife.  ^^ 

^  Or,  he      ^  '  Or,  before  all  men 

induce  them  consequently  to  overlook  it.  Lxx.,  Sam.  read,  more  easily, 
'for  thee... «no?/cr  all,'  &c. 

pieces.  It  is  better  to  supply  shekels, — a  princely  gift,  equivalent 
to  some  £135 — 140  (see  on  xxiii.  14  f.). 

a  covering  of  the  eyes,  making  them  blind  to  what  has  occurred.  For 
the  figure,  cf.  (though  the  expressions  are  not  the  same)  xxxii.  20  (see 
note);  Ex.  xxiii.  8;  1  S.  xii.  3;  Job  ix.  24.  The  marg.  'he'  may 
be  disregarded:  the  explanation  suggested  by  ch.  xxiv.  65  (cited  in 
reference  Bibles)  is  far-fetched  and  improbable. 

and  before  all  (men)  thou  art  righted.  This  rend,  is  preferable 
to  that  of  the  text  (see  Is.  xxx.  8  Heb.);  but  the  clause  is  very 
probably  connipt.  If  it  is  con-ect,  the  meaning  apparently  is  that 
Sarah  will  be  publicly  vindicated  (Job  xiii.  15  Heb.)  from  any  imputa- 
tions which  might  have  been  cast  upon  her. 

17.     Abraham  now  intercedes  {v.  7)  on  Abimelech's  behalf. 

maidservants.  I.e.  female  slaves.  The  Heb.  word  (nox)  is  the  same 
that  is  rendered  bondwoman  in  xxi.  10,  12,  13. 


Chapter  XXL 

The  birth  of  Isaac,  and  expulsion  of  Ishma^l.  The  treaty 
between  Abimelech  and  Abraham;  and  the  origin  of  the 
name  Beer-sheba. 

XXI.     1  And  the  Lord  visited  Sarah  as  he  had  said,  |  andt/P 
the  Lord  did  unto  Sarah  as  he  had  spoken.  |  2   And  Sarah  J 
conceived,  and  bare  Abraham  a  son  in  his  old  age,  |  at  the  set  P 
time  of  which  God  had  spoken  to  him.     3  And  Abraham  called 

XXI.    1—7.     The  birth  of  Isaac. 

IV     See  xviii.  10—14  (J). 

visited, — viz.  with  favour  and  blessing  (1.  24 ;  Ex.  iii.  16 ;  Ps.  Ixxx.  14, 
al.;  Luke  i.  68);  specially  as  here,  1  S.  ii.  21. 

l^     See  xvii.  16,  21  (P). 

2^.  at  the  set  time  &c.  See  xvii.  21  (P);  though  the  same  ex- 
pression occurs  also  in  xviii.  14  (J). — Cf.  Heb.  xi.  11  £ 

D.  14 


210  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxi.  3-9 

the  name  of  his  son  that  was  bom  unto  him,  whom  Sarah  bare  P 
to  him,  Isaac.  4  And  Abraham  circumcised  his  son  Isaac  when 
he  was  eight  days  old,  as  God  had  commanded  him.  5  And 
Abraham  was  an  hundred  years  old,  when  his  son  Isaac  was 
born  unto  him.  |  6  And  Sarah  said,  God  hath  ^made  me  to  E 
laugh ;  every  one  that  heareth  will  laugh  with  me.  7  And 
she  said.  Who  would  have  said  unto  Abraham,  that  Sarah  should 
give  children  suck  ?  for  I  have  borne  him  a  son  in  his  old  age. 

8  And  the  child  grew,  and  was  weaned  :  and  Abraham  made 
a  great  feast  on  the  day  that  Isaac  was  weaned.  9  And  Sarah 
saw  the  son  of  Hagar  the  Egyptian,  which  she  had  borne  unto 

'  Or,  prepared  laughter  for  me 

3 — 5  (P).  The  naming  and  the  circumcision,  in  accordance  with 
xvii.  12,  19  (P);  the  specification  of  age,  as  xvii.  1,  24,  and  often 
in  P  (see  the  Introd.  p.  xxvi  f.). 

6.  hath  prepared  laughter  for  me.  E's  explanation  of  the 
name  'Isaac'  (see  xvii.  17  in  P;  xviii.  12  in  J),  from  the  laugh  of 
good-natured  surprise  with  which  others  will  greet  the  news  that  Sarah 
had  given  birth  to  a  child. 

with  me.  On  account  of  me, — not  in  mockery,  but  good- 
naturedly. 

7.  said.  The  word  (millel)  is  Aramaic  (e.g.  Dan.  vi.  21);  and 
is  found  otherwise  in  Heb.  only  in  poetry  (Ps.  cvi.  2;  Job  viii.  2, 
xxxiii.  3t). 

8 — 21,     The  expulsion  of  Ishmael. 

8.  was  weaned.  Weaning  is  still  observed  in  the  East  as  the 
occasion  of  a  family  feast.  The  child  might  be  at  the  time  as  much 
as  three  (2  Mace.  vii.  27)  or  four  (Russell,  Aleppo,  1794,  i.  303,  cited 
by  Knob.)  years  old:  1  S.  i.  22,  24,  25,  ii.  11  (Samuel,  when  weaned, 
left  alone  with  Eh)  seems  to  imply  that  he  might  even  be  older. 

9.  mocking.  The  word  used — the  intensive  form  of  that  from 
which  'Isaac'  is  derived — has  certainly  tliis  sense  when  followed  by 
the  prep.  2  {at  or  against),  xxxix.  14,  27 ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  it 
has  it  when  used  absolutely  (see  xix.  14,  xxvi.  8;  Ex.  xxxii.  6;  Jud. 
xvi.  25);  hence  the  marg.  playing  or  sporting  (lxx.  Trai^ovTa,  adding 
fiera  IcraaK  tou  vlov  avrf}^',  Vulg.  ludentem  cum  Isaac  filio  suo),  which 
is  preferred  by  most  moderns  ^     The  meaning  in  the  latter  case  will 

*  The  later  Jews  attached  strange  Haggadahs  to  this  word  pHVP.  B-  Akiba 
(c.  50 — 135  A.D.),  on  account  of  its  use  in  xxxix.  14,  27,  supposed  it  to  refer  to 
Ishmael's  unchastity,  B.  Ishmael,  on  account  of  Ex.  xxxii.  6,  to  his  idolatry,  other 
Eabbis,  on  account  of  pnb'  in  2  S.  ii.  14,  Pr.  xxvi.  14,  to  attempts  made  by  him 
to  shoot  his  brother:  there  were  also  other  stories  current  among  the  later  Jews 
respecting  his  insolence  towards  Isaac  (see  references  in  DB.  n.  503'').  St  Paul,  in 
Gal.  iv.  29  (iSluKev),  appears  to  follow  some  of  these  Haggadahs  (cf.  St  John 
Thackeray,  T/ie  Relation  of  St  Paul  to  contemporary  Jetcish  thought,  1900,  p.  212  f.). 


XXI.  9-14]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  211 

Abraham,  ^mocking.  10  Wherefore  she  said  unto  Abraham,  E 
Cast  out  this  bondwoman  and  her  son :  for  the  son  of  this 
bondwoman  shall  not  be  heir  with  my  son,  even  with  Isaac. 
11  And  the  thing  was  very  grievous  in  Abraham's  sight  on 
account  of  his  son.  12  And  God  said  unto  Abraham,  Let  it  not 
be  gi'ievous  in  thy  sight  because  of  the  lad,  and  because  of  thy 
bondwoman ;  in  all  that  Sarah  saith  unto  thee,  hearken  unto 
her  voice  ;  for  in  Isaac  shall  thy  seed  be  called.  13  And  also  of 
the  son  of  the  bondwoman  will  I  make  a  nation,  because  he  is 
thy  seed.  14  And  Abraham  rose  up  early  in  the  morning,  and 
took  bread  and  a  ^bottle  of  water,  and  gave  it  unto  Hagar, 

^  Or,  playing  *  Or,  skin 

be  (as  already  explained  in  Jubilees  xvii.  4)  tliat  the  sight  of  Ishmael, 
'playing  and  dancing'  (on  his  age,  as  pictured  by  this  narrator,  see 
on  V.  15),  and  'Abraham  rejoicing  with  gieat  joy,'  aroused  Sarah's 
maternal  jealousy. 

10.  As  in  xvi.  5,  Sarah  appeals  to  her  husband,  and  with  some 
peremptoriness,  demands  the  expulsion  of  both  Ishmael  and  his  slave- 
mother.  On  the  use  made  of  this  narrative  in  Gal.  iv.  21 — v.  1,  see 
p.  213. 

11.  Ishmael  had  evidently  won  his  father's  affection,  and  it  is 
painful  to  him  to  part  with  him. 

12.  *But  what  a  woman's  jealousy  impels  Sarah  to  wish,  is  for 
other  reasons  in  accordance  with  God's  will'  (Di.);  and  Abraham, 
when  satisfied  of  this,  sacrifices  his  fatherly  feelings,  and  resigns  him- 
self to  the  loss  of  his  son  {v.  14). 

said.  As  may  be  inferred  from  'rose  early'  mv.  14,  in  a  dream 
(of  on  XX.  3). 

for  in  Isaac  shall  seed  be  called  to  thee  (so  lxx.  and  Eom.  ix.  7, 
Heb.  xi.  18).  I.e.  in  Isaac's  line  shall  be  descended  those  who  will 
bear  thy  name,  and  be  called  thy  genuine  seed,  and  inherit,  conse- 
quently, the  promises.  Cf  in  P  xvii.  21 ;  the  point  is  one  on  which 
the  diiferent  sources  would  naturally  agree.  The  words  are  quoted  in 
Rom.  ix.  7  by  St  Paul,  for  the  purpose  of  shewing  that  the  inheritance 
of  the  promise  was  not  a  necessary  privilege  of  physical  descent :  there 
were  some  among  Abraham's  ofi'spring  who  did  not  inherit  it. 

13.  It  is  a  further  encouragement  to  Abraham  that  national 
greatness  is  in  store  elsewhere  for  Ishmael  also  (cf.  xvi.  10  in  J; 
xvii.  20  in  P). 

14.  Abraham  obeys  at  once;  and  next  morning  sends  Ishmael 
away  with  his  mother,  giving  them  a  modicum  of  provision  to  support 
them  on  their  journey. 

bottle.  Skin  (lxx.  ao-xos).  The  skin  of  a  goat,  or  other  animal, — 
here  perhaps  a  kid, — such  as  is  stiU  used  generally  in  the  East  for 

14—2 


212  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxi.  14-^0 

putting  it  on  her  shoulder,  and  the  child,  and  sent  her  away :  g 
and  she  departed,  and  wandered  in  the  wilderness  of  Beer-sheba. 
15  And  the  water  in  the  bottle  was  spent,  and  she  cast  the  child 
under  one  of  the  shrubs.  16  And  she  went,  and  sat  her  down 
over  against  him  a  good  way  off,  as  it  were  a  bowshot :  for  she 
said.  Let  me  not  look  upon  the  death  of  the  child.  And  she  sat 
over  against  him,  and  lift  up  her  voice,  and  wept.  17  And  God 
heard  the  voice  of  the  lad ;  and  the  angel  of  God  called  to 
Hagar  out  of  heaven,  and  said  unto  her,  What  aileth  thee, 
Hagar  ?  fear  not ;  for  God  hath  heard  the  voice  of  the  lad  where 
he  is.  18  Arise,  lift  up  the  lad,  and  hold  him  in  thine  hand ; 
for  I  will  make  him  a  great  nation.  19  And  God  opened  her 
eyes,  and  she  saw  a  well  of  water ;  and  she  went,  and  filled  the 
bottle  with  water,  and  gave  the  lad  drink.     20  And  God  was 

carrying  water,  and  which  would  contain  a  good  deal  more  than  what 
we  should  call  a  'bottle'  (see  Bottle  in  DB.  or  EncB.). 

the  wilderness  of  Beer-sheba.  Beer-sheba,  28  m.  SW.  of  Hebron, 
may  be  said  to  be  the  centre  of  the  Negeb  (xii.  9) :  it  lies  itself  (see 
G.  A.  Smith's  large  Map)  near  the  top  of  a  broad  Wady  running  down 
to  the  Medit.  Sea,  with  high  ground  both  N.  and  S.  of  it.  On  the  S. 
the  hills  are  mostly  barren:  but  as  Beer-sheba  itself  is  approached 
they  are  more  and  more  covered  with  grass,  and  about  it  there  is  rich 
pasturage,  though  very  apt  in  dry  seasons  to  be  parched  and  desolate 
(Rob.  I.  203  f.;  Tiistram,  366;  Palmer,  11.  387—9;  EG.  280,  285). 

15.  cast.  The  word  clearly  implies  that  Ishmael  was  being  carried 
by  his  mother,  although  according  to  xvi.  16,  xxi.  5,  8,  he  must  have 
been  at  least  15  years  old.  The  inconsistency  is  similar  to  the  one 
in  xii.  11,  and  must  be  similarly  explained:  xvi.  16,  xxi.  5,  the  passages 
which  fix  the  age  of  Ishmael,  belong  to  P,  whereas  the  present  narrative 
belongs  to  E,  who  took  a  different  view  of  the  chronology,  and  pictured 
Ishmael  as  still  an  infant  (cf.  the  Introd.  §  2). 

under  one  of  the  shrubs  (ii.  5).  Perhaps  a  rothem,  or  broom-tree, 
such  as  Elijah,  one  day's  journey  S.  of  Beer-sheba,  lay  down  under 
(1  K.  xix.  4  f.).  The  rothem  is  still  abundant  in  the  same  parts;  and 
Ilobinson's  Arab  servants  would  often  *  sit  or  sleep  under  a  bush  of  it 
to  protect  them  from  the  sun'  {BR.  i.  203). 

17.  heard  (twice).  The  word  is  evidently  chosen  with  allusion  to 
the  name  Ishmael:  cf,  xvi.  11  (Jl  xvii.  20  (P);  and  the  threefold 
allusion  to  the  meaning  of  'Isaac,  noted  on  v.  6.  The  Divine  care 
for  the  lonely  and  the  distressed  is  again  exemplified;  cf.  xvi.  7  ff. 

out  of  heaven.     As  xxii.  11. 

18.  a  great  nation.     Cf.  v.  13;  and  see  on  xxv.  12 — 18. 

19.  opened  her  eyes.  I.e.  enabled  her  to  perceive  what  was  hidden 
from  her  before.     Cf.  on  iii.  7 ;  and  Lk.  xxi  v.  31. 


XXI.  .o-«]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  213 

with  the  lad,  and  he  grew  ;  and  he  dwelt  in  the  wilderness,  and  E 
^became  an  archer.    21   And  he  dwelt  in  the  wilderness  of 
Paran :   and  his  mother  took  him  a  wife  out  of  the  land  of 
Egypt. 

*  Or,  became,  as  he  grew  vjp,  an  archer 

20.  was  ivith  the  lad.  Cf.  v.  22,  xxvi.  3,  24,  28,  xxviii.  15,  20, 
xxxi.  3,  5,  XXXV.  3,  xxxix.  2,  3,  21,  23,  xlviii.  21 ;  Ex.  iii.  12,  al. 

became  an  archer.  This  is  probably  the  sense  of  what  the  author 
originally  wrote;  though  the  existing  text,  as  pointed,  must  be  ren- 
dered as  in  RVm.  Several  of  the  Ishmaelite  tribes,  e.g.  Kedar  and 
the  Ituraeans  (see  on  xxv.  13,  15),  were  distinguished  as  archers;  and 
their  ancestor  is  dehneated  accordingly. 

21.  the  wilderness  of  Paran.     See  on  xiv.  6. 

his  mother  &c.  To  procure  a  wife  for  a  son  being  an  affair  of  the 
parents :  cf  xxiv.  3  f ,  xxxi  v.  4. 

out  of  the  land  of  Egypt.  I.e.  out  of  his  mother's  own  country 
(«.  9,  xvi.  1). 

The  nan*ative  explains  how  it  was  that  the  Ishmaelite  tribes  came  to  be 
separated  from  the  Israelites,  and  acquired  a  character  of  their  own  (xvi.  12). 
It  at  the  same  time  marks  a  stage  in  the  trials  of  Abraham's  faitL  Abraham 
has  to  give  up  a  son  who  is  dear  to  him ;  his  hopes  are  in  consequence  tlie 
more  centred  upon  Isaac ;  and  the  reader  is  better  prepared  to  realize  the 
severity  of  the  trial  imposed  upon  him  in  ch.  xxii. 

The  history  of  Ishmael  and  Isaac  is  in  Gal.  if.  21 — v.  1  expounded  allegori- 
cally  for  the  purpose  of  shewing  to  those  Judaizing  Christians,  who  desired  to 
continue  '  under  the  law,'  that  even  the  *  law '  itself  did  not  contemplate  the 
absolute  finality  of  Jewish  ordinances.  In  the  history  of  the  patriarchal 
family,  in  the  rivalry  between  Ishmael  bom  in  bondage  and  Isaac  born  in 
freedom,  and  in  the  triumph  of  the  latter,  St  Paul  sees  foresliadowed  the 
conflict  and  the  issue  in  the  history  of  the  nascent  Church,  the  defeat  of  the 
spirit  which  clung  to  carnal  ordinances,  and  the  triumph  of  the  spirit  of  freedom, 
which  had  the  faith  and  the  insight  to  perceive  that  such  ordinances  must 
pass  away.  Naturally  the  Apostle's  allegorical  exegesis  does  not  possess  the 
same  value  for  us  which  it  would  have  for  many  of  those  to  whom  it  was 
originally  addressed  :  the  real  ground  of  Christian  freedom  from  the  yoke  of 
Jewish  ordinances  is  to  be  found  not  in  this  narrative  of  Genesis  but  in  the 
logic  of  history,  declaring  (as  the  prophets  also  had  done  before)  that  it  was  the 
purpose  of  God,  not  to  condition  for  ever  the  saving  knowledge  of  Himself  by 
membership  in  a  single  nation,  or  by  the  ritual  of  a  single  local  cult.  Comp. 
farther  Lightlbot  on  GaL  iv.  21  ff.;  and  St  John  Thackeray,  op.  cit.  pp.  196  ff.,  214f. 

22  And  it  came  to  pass  at  that  time,  that  Abimelech  and 
Phicol  the  captain  of  his  host  spake  unto  Abraham,  saying,  God 

22 — 34.  The  treaty  with  Abimelech,  and  the  origin  of  the  name 
Beer-sheba.     The  narrative  affords  another  illustration  of  the  respect 


2U  THE  BOOK  OF  GENTISIS  [xxl  11-19 

is  with  thee  in  all  that  thou  doest :  23  now  therefore  swear  F 
nnto  me  here  by  God  that  thou  wilt  not  deal  falsely  with  me, 
nor  with  ^my  son.  nor  with  my  son's  son :  but  according  to  the 
kindness  that  I  have  done  unto  thee,  thou  shalt  do  unto  me.  and 
to  the  land  wherein  thou  hast  sojourned  24  And  Abraham 
said.  I  will  swear.  25  And  Abraham  reproved  Abimelech  because 
of  the  well  of  water,  which  Abimelech's  servants  had  violently 
taken  away.  26  And  Abimelech  said,  I  know  not  who  hath 
done  this  thing  :  neither  didst  thou  tell  me,,  neither  yet  heard  I 
of  it.  but  to-day.  27  And  Abraham  took  sheep  and  oxen,  and 
gave  them  unto  Abimelech ;   and  they  two  made  a  covenant 

28  And  Abraham  set  seven  ewe  lambs  of  the  flock  by  themselves. 

29  And  Abimelech  said  unto  Abraham,  What  mean  these  seven 

^  Qc,  wuf  qfifrimg,  war  wiik  wa/  fotUrity 

with  which  Abraham  is  regarded  by  the  native  chiefs ;  and  also  estab- 
lishes Abraham's  right  to  flie  possession  of  Beer-sheba, 

22.  Even  Abimelech,  a  'king,'  who  has  a  'captain  of  his  host' 
(1  S.  xiv.  50,  &C.),  finds  it  to  his  advantage  to  enter  into  a  definite 
trearr  with  Abraham,  seeing  that  God  is  'with  him'  in  all  his  un- 
dertakings, and  supports  him  with  His  blessing  (of.  similarly  with 
Isaac,  xxvL  28  £). 

23.  h^re,  with  reference  to  Beer-sheba,  the  name  of  which  is  to 
be  explained. 

nor  icit?i  my  oSsprmg,  nor  with  my  progeny.  An  aUiterative 
combination  {nin  and  nekh.edj,  found  als^D  in  Job  xviiL  19;  Is.  xiv.  22, 
Ecclus.  xIL  5,  xlviL  22  (Heb.J. 

accfjrding  to  the  kindness  <kc  See  xx.  15.  Their  relationship  was 
already  friendly ;  it  Is  now  to  be  formally  secured  for  the  fatore. 

2A,  25.  The  peace-loving  patriarch  is  ready  to  accede  to  the  re- 
quest :  he  only  wishes  first  to  have  an  tmderstanding  about  a  disputed 
well,  in  order  that,  after  the  treaty  had  been  concluded,  there  might 
be  no  pretext  for  <iisrurbing  it, 

26.  Abimelech  protests  his  entire  ignorance  of  what  had  been 
done.  The  sequel  shews  that  he  recognize*!  the  well  to  be  Abraham's, 
and  restored  it  to  him.  Disputes  about  wells  are  common  in  a  desert 
country  (cf.  xxvL  20  £) ;  and  a  toll  is  often  levied  by  their  owners  for 
the  use  of  them. 

27.  Abraham  gives  presents,  as  was  customary  when  treaties  were 
made  (1  K.  xv.  19 ;  Is.  txt.  6 ;  Hos.  xiL  1),  in  order  that  he  may  con- 
tinae  unmolested  in  Gerar,  and  be  imder  Abimelech's  protection 
(Knob.).  Abraham  thus  shews  iJiat  he  thought  the  treaty  would  be 
to  his  own  advantage  also. 

28.  the  geeem  ewe  lambs,  viz.  those  intended  for  the  purpose 
mentMned  in  v.  30. 


XXL  39-34]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENi:SIS  215 

ewe  lambs  which  thou  hast  set  by  themselves  ?    30  And  he  said,  E 
These  seven  ewe  lambs  shalt  thou  take  of  my  hand,  that  it  may 
be  a  witness  unto  me,  that  I  have  digged  this  welL     31  Where- 
fore he  called  that  place  Beer-sheba ;  because  there  they  sware 
both  of  them.     32  So  they  made  a  covenant  at  Beer-sheba  : 
and  Abimelech  rose  up,  and  Phicol  the  captain  of  his  host,  and  R 
they  returned  into  the  land  of  the  Philistines.  |  33  And  Abraham  J 
planted  a  tamarisk  tree  in  Beer-sheba,  and  called  there  on  the 
name  of  the   Lord,  the  Everlasting  God.  |  34  And  Abraham  R 
sojourned  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines  many  days. 

30.  Abimelech,  by  accepting  the  lambs,  attests  that  Abraham  is 
the  lawful  owner  of  the  weh. 

31.  The  stress  laid  on  the  number  'seven*  in  vr.  28 — 30  seems 
to  shew  that  the  writer  intends  to  erplain  'Beer-sheba"  as  meaning 
'Well  of  seven'  (sheba'  being  'seven'  in  Heb.);  but  in  r.  31*  it  is 
explained  expressly  as  meaning  '  Well  of  swearing.'  Possibly,  two  narra- 
tives have  here  been  interwoven:  it  is  also  pos^^ible,  however,  that  the 
two  explanations  resolve  themselves  into  one :  for  the  Heb.  word  for  '  to 
swear"  (nishha',  the  reflexive  of  the  unused  shaba')  seems  to  mean 
properly  (as  it  were)  '  to  seven-oneseLf,'  i.e.  to  pledge  oneself  in  some 
way  by  seven  sacred  things  \  so  that,  if  it  might  be  assumed  that  the 
'seven  lambs'  were  used  for  this  purpose,  only  one  ceremony  would 
be  described  in  the  passage.  But  it  is  hardly  doubtful  that  the  real 
meaning  of  the  name  is  'Well  of  seven,'  i.e.  the  'Seven  wells,'  with 
allusion  to  the  number  of  weUs  in  the  locality;  and  that  the  expla- 
nation given  here  grew  up  afterwards,  hke  the  parallel  one  in  xxvi.  33. 
Beer-sheba  is  25  m.  SE.  of  Umm  el-Jerdr,  and  58  m.  NE  of  the 
Wddy  Jerur,  the  two  rival  sites  for  'Gerar'  (see  on  xx.  1). 

32^  (from  and  A  bimelech),  34.  Nothing  has  been  said  before  about 
Abimelech  being  king  of  the  Phihstines,  though  he  appears  as  such 
in  ch.  xxvi  (J).  It  seems  as  though  vr.  32**,  34  were  added,  or 
modified,  by  a  compiler,  who  read  the  narrative  here  in  the  hght  of 
ch.  xxvi.,  and  imported  into  it  the  same  local  conditions.  The  "land 
of  the  Phihstines'  must  be  a  proleptic  expression :  see  on  xxvi.  1. 

33.  There  must  have  been  a  sacred  tamarisk  tree  at  Beer-sheba, 
which  tradition  said  had  been  planted  by  Abraham. 

and  called  there  6:c.     Cf.  xii.  8,  xiii.  4 ;  and  see  on  iv.  26. 

the  Everlasting  God.  Heb.  'El  'Oldm, — a  title,  as  Di.  remarks, 
sufficiently  suitable  where  the  context  relates  to  aji  oath  and  compact, 
but  nevertheless  not  impossibly  the  name  of  a  Canaanite  deity,  iden- 
tified bv  the  narrate^  (like  'El  'Elyon  in  xiv.  18)  with  Jehovah:  cf 
the  Phoen.  'HXos  (=  'El)  o  Ka\  Kp6v^  (Euseb.  Fraep.  Ev.  i.  10.  13  ff.), 
smd  XpoVos  ay77paTos  (Damasc.  Princ.  123,  p.  381  f .  ed.  Kopp). 

^  Cf.  Hdt.  ni.  8  (the  Arabs,  ^hen  a  solemc  oath  is  :«eiiig  conduded,  &mejir 
ieven  stones  with  blood  drawn  from  the  hands  of  the  contracting  parties). 


216  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxii.  i 

Beer-sheba  was  (practically)  the  southernmost  city  of  Judah  (comp.  the 
expression  'from  Dan  even  to  Beer-sheba'),  some  50  m.  SSW.  of  Jerusalem, 
and  28  m.  SW.  of  Hebron.  It  was  an  ancient  sanctuary^,  hallowed  by 
associations  with  the  patriarchs  (see  not  only  the  present  passage  but  also  xxii. 
19,  xxvi.  23 — 25,  31 — 33,  xxviii.  10,  xlvi.  1 — 5) ;  it  is  mentioned  as  an  important 
place  in  1  S.  viii.  2 ;  and  in  the  8th  cent.  B.c.  was  a  popular  resort  of  pilgrims 
(though  the  worship  there  was  discountenanced  by  the  prophets),  Am,  v.  5, 
viii.  14.  No  doubt,  situated  as  it  was  at  the  edge  of  the  desert,  Beer-sheba 
owed  its  importance  to  its  wells,  five  of  which  still  remain  (four  being  in 
actual  use),  and  two  more  are  clearly  traceable,  though  at  present  stopped  up*. 


Chapter  XXII. 
The  sacrifice  of  Isaac.    A  list  of  tribes  descended  from  Nahor. 

Verses  1 — 19  of  this  chapter  describe  the  supreme  trial  of  Abraham's  faith. 
'  The  patriarch's  only  son  is  now  grown  into  a  lad,  when  he  receives  the  command 
to  offer  him  to  God  in  sacrifice.  Obedient  and  devoted,  he  makes  the  necessary 
preparations,  and  betakes  himself  to  the  appointed  place  of  sacrifice,  resolved 
to  satisfy  even  this  extreme  demand.  His  hand  is  even  raised  to  slay  his  son 
when  he  hears  the  Divine  voice,  clear  and  distinct,  saying  that  God  does  not 
desire  the  completion  of  the  sacrifice,  but  is  satisfied  with  the  proved  willingness 
of  the  patriarch  to  surrender  even  his  dearest  to  Him.  The  animal  which  is 
to  be  substituted  in  his  son's  place  stands  there  ready  by  Divine  Providence, 
and  is  offered  in  his  stead.  The  reward  for  his  perfected  obedience  is  a  solemn 
renewal  of  all  the  Divine  promises  hitherto  given  him.  Thus  (1)  Abraham's 
faith  is  triumphantly  established  in  the  face  of  the  most  severe  test  of  all ; 
(2)  his  son  is  a  second  time  granted  to  his  faith,  and  reserved  to  become  the 
foundation  of  the  future  people  of  God ;  (3)  above  all,  in  contradistinction  to 
Canaanite  practice,  the  knowledge  that  God  does  not  demand  human  sacrifices 
is  acquired  and  secured  for  all  time  to  come'  (Dillm.).  The  narrative  is  told 
simply,  but  with  singular  pathos  and  dignity.  Verses  1 — 13,  19  belong  to  B 
(notice  'God,'  not  'Jehovah')  :  vv.  14 — 18  are  probably  an  addition  due  to 
the  compiler  of  JB :  vv.  20 — 24  belong  to  J. 

XXII.     1  And  it  came  to  pass  after  these  things,  that  God  E 
did  prove  Abraham,  and  said  unto  him,  Abraham  ;  and  he  said, 

XXII.     1.     after  these  things.     Cf.  on  xv.  1. 
did  prove.     I.e.  put  to  the  test,  to  ascertain  whether,  even  under 
this  severe  trial,  Abraham  would  still  obey  God.     See,  in  illustration 

1  W.  K.  Smith  {Rel.  Sem.  165  f.,  "  181  f.)  adduces  examples  shewing  that  among 
the  Semites  a  special  sanctity  attached  to  groups  of  seven  wells. 

*  The  latest  and  most  complete  account  of  the  wells  of  Beer-sheba  (with  a  map 
and  photographs)  will  be  found  in  an  article  by  G.  L.  Robinson  in  the  Biblical 
World  (Chicago),  April,  1901,  p.  247  ft.  (see  an  abstract  in  the  writer's  Joel  and 
Aviot,  ed.  1901,  p.  239  f.).  Three  of  the  wells  have  only  been  reopened  since  1897 
hence  writers  before  that  date  (e.g.  Couder,  TW.  247)  spoke  only  of  two  wells  as 
containing  water.    (There  may  be  more  wells  than  seven  at  Beer-sheba.) 


XXII.  1, 2]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  217 

Here  am  I.     2  And  he  said,  Take  now  thy  son,  thine  only  son,  e 
whom  thou  lovest,  even  Isaac,  and  get  thee  into  the  laud  of 
Moriah ;  and  offer  him  there  for  a  burnt  offering  uijon  one  of 

of  the  meaning  of  the  word,  Ex,  xvi.  4 ;  Dt.  viii.  2,  xiii.  3 ;  Jud.  ii.  22, 
iii.  4.     Lxx.  irreipa^ev,  as  Heb.  xi.  17  TTcipa^o/Acvos  (EVV.  '  tried ')\ 

said.  As  may  be  inferred  from  v.  3  (cf.  on  xxi.  12,  and  xx.  3),  in 
a  dream,  or  vision  of  the  night. 

2.  thy  son,  thine  only  son  &c.  'The  severity  of  the  demand  is 
indicated  by  the  emphatic  accumulation  of  the  three  accusatives. 
Thine  only  son,  who  alone  remains  to  Abraham  after  the  dismissal  of 
Ishmael  (xxi.  14  £f.).  and  has  the  whole  of  his  father's  love'  (Di.). 

the  land  of  Moriah.  An  otherwise  unknown  region.  It  is  true  the 
author  of  u  14  in  all  probability  placed  the  sacrifice  of  Isaac  on  the 
Temple-hill,  and  in  2  Ch.  iii.  1  (the  only  other  place  where  '  Moriah ' 
occurs)  the  '  mountain  of  Moriah '  denotes  evidently  the  same  spot ; 
but  these  facts  do  not  determine  the  meaning  of  the  '  lavd  of  Moriah ' 
in  the  present  verse.  The  *  land  of  Moriah '  is  the  name  of  the  region 
into  which  Abraham  is  to  go ;  and  he  is  to  offer  Isaac  on  '  one  of  the 
mountains '  in  it :  it  is  not  even  suggested  that  it  was  a  central  or 
important  mountain,  from  which,  for  instance,  the  entire  region  might 
have  obtained  its  name.  But  what  the  limits  of  this  region  are,  we  do 
not  know.  It  is  remarkable  that,  though  it  seems  to  be  spoken  of  here 
as  if  it  were  some  well-known  district,  it  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in 
the  OT.  It  is  possible  that  the  original  text  had  some  different  name. 
Pesh.  reads  '  of  the  Amorites,^  cf  xv.  16,  xlviii.  22,  al,  which  DiUm.  is 
inclined  to  adopt:  if  this  reading  be  correct,  2  Oh.  iii.  1  must  have 
been  based  upon  this  passage  after  the  text  had  become  corrupt  \ 

^  AV.  has  here  tempt,  on  which,  as  the  passage  in  this  form  is  still  a  familiar 
one,  a  few  words  of  explanation  may  not  be  out  of  place.  'Tempt'  in  Old  Engl., 
like  the  Lat.  tentare,  was  a  neutral  word,  meaning  (like  the  Heb.  nissdh)  to  test  or 
prove  a  person,  to  see  whether  he  would  act  in  a  particular  way,  or  whether  the 
character  which  he  bore  was  well  established;  in  modern  English,  it  has  come  to 
mean  to  entice  a  person  in  order  to  do  a  particular  thing,  especially  something  that 
is  wrong  or  sinful.  God  'tests'  or  'proves'  man,  when  He  subjects  him  to  a  trial 
to  ascertain  whether  his  faith  or  goodness  is  real;  man  is  said  to  'test'  or  'prove' 
God,  when  he  acts  as  if  doubting  whether  His  word  or  promise  is  true.  AV.,  in  the 
former  application,  uses  always  prove,  except  in  this  passage,  which  (on  account  of 
the  change  in  the  meaning  of  tempt)  is  rightly  in  RV.  altered  to  prove:  in  the 
latter  application,  it  uses  always  tempt  (Ex.  xvii.  2,  7;  Nu.  xiv.  22;  Dt.  vi.  16; 
Is.  vii.  12 ;  Mai.  iii.  15 ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  18,  41,  56,  xcv.  9,  cvi.  14),  which  does  not  at  all 
express  to  modern  readers  the  meaning  of  the  Heb.,  and  would  have  been  far  better 
altered  in  RV.  to  'put  to  the  test  (or  proof).'  So  temptation(s)  in  Dt.  iv.  34,  vii.  19, 
xxix.  3,  Ps.  xcv.  8  RVm.,  means  really  j3roi;tn£r(«).  In  the  NT.  also  there  are  many 
passages  in  which  Tretpafeic  would  be  rendered  far  more  clearly  and  intelligibly  by 
yrove  or  try  than  by  tempt;  see  the  note  of  the  American  Revisers  at  the  end  of 
BV.  of  the  NT.,  '  Classes  of  Passages,'  vi. 

*  The  meaning  of  'Moriah'  is  obscure:  but  it  certainly  cannot  mean,  what  it  has 
sometimes  been  supposed  to  mean,  either  'shewn  of  Jah'  (njX"ip)  or  'vision  of 
Jah'  (n^N")P) :  neither  of  these  forms  could  ever  pass  into  nn'lJD.  See,  further,  on 
Moriah  (including  the  renderings  of  the  Aac.  Versions),  the  writer's  art.  in  DB. 


218  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxii.  2-9 

the  mountains  which  I  will  tell  thee  of.  3  And  Abraham  rose  E 
early  in  the  morning,  and  saddled  his  ass,  and  took  two  of  his 
young  men  with  him,  and  Isaac  his  son  ;  and  he  clave  the  wood 
for  the  burnt  offering,  and  rose  up,  and  went  unto  the  place  of 
which  God  had  told  him.  4  On  the  third  day  Abraham  lifted 
up  his  eyes,  and  saw  the  place  afar  off.  5  And  Abraham  said 
unto  his  young  men,  Abide  ye  here  with  the  ass,  and  I  and  the 
lad  will  go  yonder ;  and  we  will  worship,  and  come  again  to  you. 
6  And  Abraham  took  the  wood  of  the  burnt  offering,  and  laid  it 
upon  Isaac  his  son ;  and  he  took  in  his  hand  the  fire  and  the 
knife ;  and  they  went  both  of  them  together.  7  And  Isaac 
spake  unto  Abraham  his  father,  and  said,  My  father :  and  he 
said,  Here  am  I,  my  son.  And  he  said.  Behold,  the  fire  and  the 
wood :  but  where  is  the  lamb  for  a  burnt  offering  ?  8  And 
Abraham  said,  God  will  ^provide  himself  the  lamb  for  a  burnt 
offering,  my  son  :  so  they  went  both  of  them  together.  9  And 
they  came  to  the  place  which  God  had  told  him  of;  and  Abraham 

^  Heb.  see  for  himself. 

3.  Abraham  forthwith  obeys,  and  makes  his  preparations  accord- 
ingly. (Cf.  Wisd.  X.  5.)  With  the  reserve  and  self-control,  charac- 
teristic generally  of  the  Biblical  writers,  the  narrator  leaves  the  reader 
to  picture  for  himself  the  mental  agony  which  such  a  terrible  command 
must  have  produced  in  the  patriarch's  breast,  the  rude  blow  to  his 
natural  affections,  the  dismay  at  the  prospect  of  losing  a  son  upon 
whom  all  his  hopes  and  aspirations  for  the  future  were  centred,  and  the 
many  anxious  questionings  to  which  the  conflict  of  motives  must,  under 
such  circumstances,  have  inevitably  given  rise.  On  the  question  why 
Abraham  did  not  at  once  revolt  at  the  thought  of  executing  the 
command,  see  the  remarks  on  p.  221  f. 

5.  come  again.     Come  back  :  see  on  xxiv.  5  ;  and  cf  xiv.  16. 

6.  ajid  they  went  both  of  them  together.  Abraham,  it  seems  to  be 
implied,  walking  silently,  and  full  of  sorrow. 

7.  8.  'The  patriarch  is  beautifully  depicted  as  maintaining  his 
composure,  unmoved  by  the  question  so  innocently  put  by  the  un- 
suspecting boy,  his  only  and  dearly  loved  son.  His  obedience  to  God 
triumphs  over  the  natural  feeling  of  the  father.  The  expressions  my 
father,  my  son,  bring  this  out '  (Knob.). 

8.  provide  himself  Heb.  see  (i.e.  bok  out)  for  himself:  the  idiom, 
as  1  S.  xvi.  1,  17.  The  words  used  are  ambiguous;  and  while  not 
betraying  to  Isaac  what  it  would  be  distressing  for  him  to  hear,  leave 
room  for  the  silent  hope  that  after  all  he  may  be  spared. 

so  they  went  both  of  them  together.  The  clause  is  pathetically 
repeated  from  v.  6. 


XXII.  9-15]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  219 

built  the  altar  there,  and  laid  the  wood  in  order,  and  bound  E 
Isaac  his  son,  and  laid  him  on  the  altar,  upon  the  wood. 
10  And  Abraham  stretched  forth  his  hand,  and  took  the  knife  to 
slay  his  son.  11  And  the  angel  of  the  Lord  called  unto  him  out 
of  heaven,  and  said,  Abraham,  Abraham :  and  he  said.  Here  am  I. 
12  And  he  said.  Lay  not  thine  hand  upon  the  lad,  neither  do 
thou  any  thing  unto  him :  for  now  I  know  that  thou  fearest 
God,  seeing  thou  hast  not  withheld  thy  son,  thine  only  son,  from 
me.  13  And  Abraham  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  looked,  and 
^behold,  behind  him  a  ram  caught  in  the  thicket  by  his  horns : 
and  Abraham  went  and  took  the  ram,  and  oflfered  him  up  for  a 
burnt  offering  in  the  stead  of  his  son.  14  And  Abraham  called 
the  name  of  that  place  ^Jehovah-jireh  :  as  it  is  said  to  this  day, 
In  the  mount  of  the  Lord  ^it  shall  be  provided.  |  15  And  the  R 

^  Or,  according  to  many  ancient  authorities,  behold  a  (Heb.  one)  ram  caught 
^  That  is.  The  Lord  will  see,  or,  provide.  '  Or,  he  shall  be  seen 

9.     bound.     The  word  ('dkad)  is  found  only  here  in  the  OT. :    in 

post-Bibl.  Heb.  it  means  specially  to  bind  the  bent  fore-  and  hind-legs 
of  an  animal  for  sacrifice. 

12.  for  now  I  know  &c.  Abraham  has  now  shewn  his  willingness 
even  to  sacrifice  his  son :  more  God  does  not  require :  so  his  baud  is 
now  stayed. 

13.  Tbe  text  and  marg.  difier  only  as  between  "i  and  i,  two  letters, 
which  in  all  phases  of  the  Heb.  alphabet  are  liable  to  be  confused,  and 
are  constantly  confused  in  the  ancient  versions.  The  difference  in  the 
general  sense  is  inappreciable.  The  Mass.  text,  Symm.  and  Vulg.  have 
behind  (nnx) ;  many  Heb.  MSS.,  Sam.,  Lxx.,  Targg.,  Posh.,  Jubilees 
xviii.  12,  have  one  (inx),  i.e.  a  (see  1  K.  xix.  4  Heb.). 

14.  Jehovah-jireh  (properly,  Yahweh-yir'eh).  'Jehovah  seeth',' 
i.e.  (cf  Ex.  iii.  7  ;  Ps.  xxxv.  22,  &c. ;  and  on  xvi.  13)  sees  the  needs  of 
His  servants,  and  relieves  them  accordingly  ;  but  with  an  allusion,  no 
doubt,  at  the  same  time  to  the  sense  which  the  verb  has  in  v.  8,  '  God 
will  see  for  himself  the  lamb  for  a  burnt-offering.' 

as  it  is  said  to  this  day,  In  the  mount  of  Jehovah  he  is  seen^  (or, 
it  is  provided^).  The  tense  of  'is  said'  shews  that  the  reference  is 
to  something  said  habitually  (cf  x.  9) ;  so  that,  as  the  '  mount  of 
Jehovah '  is  the  Temple-hill  (Is.  ii.  3,  xxx.  29  ;  Ps.  xxiv.  3),  the  clause 
must  preserve  some  proverb  that  was  in  general  use  in  connexion  with 
the  Temple.  The  proverb  is,  however,  expressed  ambiguously ;  nor 
does  it  correspond,  as  it  might  be  expected  to  do,  with  the  name  to 
which  it  is  attached,  the  verb  in  the  one  case  being  active  and  in  the 

^  The  tense  (as  in  'is  said')  expressing  what  is  habitual.  The  futures  of  AV., 
RV.  are  misleading,  as  often  (e.g.  Is.  xxxii.  6,  8 ;  Jer.  iii.  1,  viii.  4,  xiii,  12). 


220  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxii.  15-18 

angel  of  the  Lord  called  unto  Abraham  a  second  time  out  of  iZ 
heaven,  16  and  said,  By  myself  have  I  sworn,  saith  the  Lord, 
because  thou  hast  done  this  thing,  and  hast  not  withheld  thy 
son,  thine  only  son  :  17  that  in  blessing  I  will  bless  thee,  and  in 
multiplying  I  will  multiply  thy  seed  as  the  stars  of  the  heaven, 
and  as  the  sand  which  is  upon  the  sea  shore  ;  and  thy  seed  shall 
possess  the  gate  of  his  enemies  ;  18  and  in  thy  seed  shall  all  the 
nations  of  the  earth  ^be  blessed ;  because  thou  hast  obeyed  my 

^  Or,  bless  themselves 

other  passive.  If,  however,  the  text  is  correctly  pointed,  there  must,  it 
seems,  be  a  play  on  the  double  application  of  the  word  :  Jehovah 
'  sees '  the  needs  of  those  who  come  to  worship  Him  in  Zion,  and  then 
'  is  seen,'  i.e.  reveals  Himself  to  them  b)'  answering  their  prayers,  and 
bestowing  upon  them  the  blessings  of  His  providence  and  aid  :  His 
'seeing,'  in  other  words,  takes  practical  effect  in  a  ' being  seen'.' 

15 — 18.  Appendix.  Abraham's  faith  having  thus  been  signally 
confirmed,  occasion  is  taken  for  a  solemn  repetition  and  ratification  of 
previous  promises. 

16.  B;y  myself  have  I  sworn.  So  only  Is.  xlv.  23 ;  Jer.  xxii.  5, 
xlix.  13 :  cf  Ex.  xxxii.  13  ('by  thyself  &c.,' with  allusion  to  the  present 
passage)  ;  Heb.  vi.  13  f.  Comp.  the  oath,  '  As  I  live '  (in  Jehovah's 
mouth),  Nu.  xiv.  28  (P) ;  Jer.  xxii.  24,  xlvi.  18 ;  Zeph.  ii.  9 ;  Is.  xlix. 
18  ;  and  often  in  Ezek. 

saith  the  Lord.  ('Ti?)  Jehovah's  whisper ! — a  solemn  assevera- 
tive  interjection,  used  constantly  by  the  prophets,  but  rare  in  the 
hist,  books :  Nu.  xiv.  28  (P)  ;  1  S.  ii.  30  ;  2  K.  ix.  26,  xix.  33 
(=  Is.  xxxvii,  34),  xxii.  19  (=  2  Ch.  xxxiv.  27).  The  root  in  Arabic 
signifies  to  utter  a  low  sound  :  and  hence  the  Heb.  expression  probably 
denoted  properly  a  whispered  or  muttered  utterance,  of  a  revelation 
heard  quietly  by  the  mental  ear. 

17.  I  will  bless  thee  &c.     Cf.  xii.  2.^ 

as  the  stars  of  the  heaven.  So  xxvi.  4 ;  Ex.  xxxii.  13  ;  Dt.  i.  10, 
X.  22,  xxviii.  62  ;  cf.  ch.  xv.  5. 

as  the  sand  &c.  So  Josh.  xi.  4  ;  Jud.  vii.  12  ;  1  S.  xiii.  5 ;  1  K. 
iv.  29  ;  and  nearly  so,  2  S.  xvii.  11.  1  K.  iv.  20  (of  Israel).  Cf.  as  the 
sand  of  the  sea,  of  Jacob's  seed,  ch.  xxxii.  12  ;  of  Israel,  Hos.  i.  10,  Is. 
X.  22  (cf  xlviii.  19) :  otherwise  ch,  xli.  49. 

shall  possess  &c.  Fig.  for,  shaU  conquer  and  take  possession  of  their 
cities. 

18.  a7id  by  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  bless  them- 
selves.    I.e.  in  wishing  blessings  for  themselves,  will  use  the  names  of 

1  The  proverb,  if  it  stood  by  itself,  would  be  most  naturally  rendered  '  In  the 
mount  of  Jehovah  one  appeareth  (  =  mera  appear),'  viz.  at  the  annual  pilgrimages 
and  other  occasions  tor  worship  ('appear,'  as  Ex.  xxiii.  17;  Ps.  xlii.  2,  Ixxxiv.  7); 
but  if  this  be  its  actual  meaning,  it  cannot  be  rightly  brought  into  oonnenon  with 
the  name  '  Jehovah  seeth.'    See  farther  DB.  b.t.  Jehovae-jibeh. 


XXII.  i8,  19]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  221' 

voice.  I  19  So  Abraham  returned  unto  his  young  men,  and  they  R  E 
rose  up  and  went  together  to  Beer-sheba  ;  and  Abraham  dwelt 
at  Beer-sheba. 

Abraham's  descendants  as  iy^Q^  of  blessedness  (see  on  xlviii.  20 ;  and 
cf.  Ruth  iv.  11,  12).  So  xxvi.  4.  Whatever  may  be  the  case  with  the 
form  used  in  xii.  3  (see  the  note),  xviii.  18,  and  xxviii.  14,  the  form 
used  here  and  xxvi.  4  is  certainly  reflexive  :  see  Dt.  xxix.  19  (where  it 
has  the  force  oi  congratulate  oneself)  ;  Jer.  iv.  2  (read  by  for  in)  ;  Is.  Ixv. 
16  ;  Ps.  Ixxii.  17  (RVm.,  and  hy  for  in).  Lxx.  render  inexactly  by  the 
passive,  which  is  followed  in  the  quotation.  Acts  iii.  25. 

obeyed.  Hearkened  to, — as  the  same  Heb.  is  often  rendered,  both 
more  exactly  and  also  more  expressively  (e.g.  Dt.  xi.  13). 

19  (E).     to  Beer-sheba.     See  xxi.  31  (E),  33  (J). 

The  Sacrifice  of  Isaac. 

In  order  to  understand  rightly  the  nature  and  significance  of  Abraham's 
act,  we  must  bear  in  mind  the  conditions  of  the  age  in  which  he  Uved.  The 
custom  of  human  sacrifice  was  widely  spread  in  the  ancient  world,  as  it  is  still 
among  savage  or  half-civilized  tribes,  the  idea  lying  at  the  bottom  of  it  being 
that  the  surrender  of  something  of  the  highest  value, — and  so  especially  of  a 
relative,  or  a  child, — to  the  deity,  would  have  extraordinary  eflacacy  in  averting 
his  anger,  or  gaining  his  help.  The  custom  was  thus  practised  among  the 
Phoenicians  and  other  neighbours  of  Israel  (cf.  2  K.  iii.  27,  xvii.  31) :  the 
Carthaginians,  Greek  writers  tell  us,  in  times  of  grave  national  danger  or 
calamity,  would  sacrifice  by  the  hundred  the  childi'enof  their  noblest  families. 
Under  the  later  kings,  especially  Ahaz  and  Manasseh,  the  custom  found  its  way 
into  Judah  (comp.  2  K.  xvi.  3,  xxi.  6,  xxiii.  10 ;  Jer.  vii.  31,  xix.  5  ;  Ez.  xvi.  20, 
21,  xxiii.  37;  Is.  Ivii.  5),  in  spite  of  its  being  strenuously  forbidden  by  legislators 
(Dt.  xii.  31,  xviii.  10 ;  Lev.  xviii.  21,  xx.  25),  and  condemned  by  prophets  (see 
especially  Mic.  vi.  7  f.).  In  view  of  this  prevalence  of  the  practice  among 
Israel's  neighbours  it  is  quite  possible  that  Jehovah's  claim  to  the  first-bom  in 
Israel  (Ex.  xxii.  29,  xiii.  12 — 16,  al.)  stands  in  some  relation  to  it ;  Jehovah  , 
took  the  first-born,  but  gave  it  back  to  its  parents  upon  payment  of  a  redemp- 
tion-priced 

The  facts  which  have  been  mentioned  explain  how  Abraham  was  able  to 
recognize  a  command  to  sacrifice  his  son,  as  Divine.  JVe  could  not  so  regard 
such  a  command  :  an  alleged  command  of  God  to  sacrifice  a  child  could  not  be 
accepted  as  such ;  and  if  it  were  acted  upon,  the  action  would  be  condemned  as 
a  violation  of  conscience  by  the  whole  Christian  Church :  there  had  been,  it 
would  be  said,  some  hallucination  or  delusion.  The  reason  is  that  we  live  in 
an  age,  and  under  a  moral  light,  in  which  we  could  not  regard  as  Divine  a 

1  The  word  used  in  Ex.  xiii.  12  '  cause  to  pass  over '  is  the  same  as  that  used  in 
the  phrase  'cause  to  pass  through'  the  fire  to  Moleeh,  Dt.  xviii.  10,  Jer.  xxxii. 
35,  al.  Bones  of  infants,  which  had  been  presumably  sacrificed,  buried  in  jars, 
have  been  found  at  Gezer,  Taanach,  and  Megiddo :  see  the  writer's  '  Schweich 
Lectures '  (1908)  on  Modern  Research  and  the  Bible,  pp.  68  f.,  82,  84 ;  Cook,  Religion 
ofAnc.  Pal.  (1908),  p.  86  f. 


222  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

command  to  violate  uot  only  our  sense  of  what  was  morally  right,  but  even  our 
natural  instincts  of  love  and  affection.  It  was  possible  for  Abraham  so  to 
regard  it,  because  he  lived  under  the  mental  and  moral  conditions  of  an  age 
very  different  from  ours.  He  lived  not  only  in  an  age  when  such  sacrifices 
were  common,  but  also  in  an  age  in  which  the  rights  of  the  individual  were 
much  less  clearly  recognized  than  they  are  now,  when  it  was  still  a  common 
thing  for  instance  (cf.  on  xx.  7)  for  the  family  of  a  criminal  to  be  punished  with 
him,  and  when  also  a  father's  power  over  his  son  was  far  more  absolute  than  it 
is  now.  The  command  would  not  therefore  shock  the  moral  standard  to  which 
Abraham  was  accustomed,  as  it  would  shock  ours.  It  would  not  be  out  of 
harmony  with  what  he  might  suppose  could  be  reasonably  demanded  by  God. 

But,  secondly,  the  sacrifice,  though  commanded,  was  not  exacted.  Abraham's 
hand  was  stayed,  before  the  fatal  act  was  completed  This  shewed,  once  for 
all,  clearly  and  unmistakably,  that  in  contrast  to  what  was  imagined  of  the 
heathen  deities  worshipped  by  Israel's  neighbours,  the  God  of  Israel  did  not 
demand  human  sacrifices  of  his  worshippers.  He  demanded  in  reality  only  the 
surrender  of  Abraham's  will.  Abraham,  by  his  obedience,  demonstrated  his 
readiness  to  part  vrith  what  was  dearest  to  him,  and  with  something  moreover 
on  which  all  his  hopes  for  the  future  depended :  thus  his  character  was 
'  proved,'  the  sincerity  of  his  religion  was  established,  and  his  devotion  to  God 
confirmed  and  strengthened.  It  was  the  supreme  trial  of  his  faith;  and  it 
triumphed.  And  so  the  narrative  teaches  two  great  lessons.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  teaches  the  value  set  by  God  upon  the  surrender  of  self,  and  obedience; 
on  the  other,  it  demonstrates,  by  a  signal  example,  the  moral  superiority  of 
Jehovah's  religion  above  the  religions  of  Israel's  neighbours^ 

In  the  NT.  comp.  Heb.  xi.  17 — 19  (where  the  offering  of  Isaac  is  referred 
to  as  the  crowning  example  of  Abraham's  faith) ;  and  Jas.  ii.  21  f.  (where 
Abraham's  act  is  quoted  against  the  perversion  of  the  doctrine  of  justification 
by  faith).  Notice  also  that  the  Christian  Church  has  constantly  treated  this 
scene  as  typical  of  the  Father's  willingness  to  sacrifice  the  Son  (cf  the  Good 
Friday  Lesson) ;  and  though  this  api)lication  is  not  explicitly  made  in  the 
NT.,  yet  v.  8  may  be  alluded  to  in  John  i.  29  (see  Westcott's  note),  and  the 
incident  itself  in  Rom.  viii.  32  (cf.  e<^ei'<ra)  in  Gen.  xxii.  IC  lxx.). 

The  later  Jews,  it  may  be  added,  attributed  peculiar  merit  to  the  sacrifice, — 
or,  as  they  called  it,  the  '  binding,'— of  Isaac  (P^T.  ^IPV.),  saying,  for  instance, 
that  when  every  morning  and  evening  the  lamb  was  offered  in  the  Temple  as  a 
burnt-offering,  God  'remembered  the  binding  of  Isaac'  See,  further,  DB. 
s.v.  Isaac  ;  Levy,  Neuhehr.  Worterb.  iii,  683. 

20 — 24.  The  NaJ},oridae.  Naljor,  in  xi.  27  the  brother  of  Abraham,  appears 
here  as  the  unit  from  which  were  derived  bj  the  Hebrew  genealogists  whose 
system  J  here  follows,  a  group  of  twelve  Aramaean  tribes  resident  on  the  E. 
or  NE.  of  Canaan,  just  as 'other  groups  of  tribes  were  derived,  as  we  shall  see, 
from  Abraham's  second  wife,  ICeturah  (xxv.  1 — 4),  or  from  Ishmael  (xxv.  12 — 16). 
Nahor's  home  was  Haran  (see  p.  233) ;    so  this  is  the  centre  from  which 

1  See  further,  on  the  subject  of  the  preceding  paragraphs,  Mozley's  Ruling 
Ideas  oj  Early  Ages  and  their  relation  to  OT.  faith,  Lectures  ii.  and  ui. 


XXII.  2o-n]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  223 

these  tribes  are  regarded  as  having  been  diflFused.  Whether  or  not  Nahor 
was  an  historical  person,  must  remain  an  open  question ;  his  relationship  to 
Abraham,  whether  real  or  assumed,  served  in  either  case  as  a  measure  of  the 
degree  of  relationship  which  was  held  to  subsist  between  the  tribes  referred  to 
him  and  the  descendants  of  Abraham.  If  the  name  be  not  that  of  an  individual, 
it  will  naturally  be  that  of  a  lost  tribe,  resident  once  about  Haran,  of  which  the 
*  sons '  of  Nahor  were  regarded  as  offshoots,  and  of  which  recollections  were 
preserved  by  the  Hebrews  (cf.  Ewald,  Hist.  L  268  £,  310  f.).  Eight  of  the 
twelve  tribes  are  referred  to  Nahor  through  a  wife,  Milcah,  and  four  through  a 
concubine,  Re'umah, 

20  And  it  came  to  pass  after  these  things,  that  it  was  told  J 
Abraham,  saying.  Behold,  Milcah,  she  also  hath  borne  children 
unto  thy  brother  Nahor;  21  Uz  his  firstborn,  and  Buz  his 
brother,  and  Kemuel  the  father  of  Aram  ;  22  and  Chesed,  and 
Hazo,  and  Pildash,  and  Jidlaph,  and  BethueL  23  And  Bethuel 
begat  Rebekah :  these  eight  did  Milcah  bare  to  Nahor,  Abraham's 
brother.  24  And  his  concubine,  whose  name  was  Reumah,  she 
also  bare  Tebah,  and  Gaham,  and  Tahash,  and  Maacah. 

20.  Milcah.  According  to  xi.  27  (P),  29  (J),  Nahor's  niece. 
If  Nahor  be  really  a  tribal  name,  this  marriage  with  his  '  niece '  will 
represent  the  amalgamation  of  two  kindred  tribes. 

21.  '  Uz.  In  X.  23  (P)  described  as  a  '  son '  of  Aram.  A  tribe 
settled  probably  in  the  S.  part  of  the  Syrian  desert,  not  far  NE.  of 
Edom.     See  Job  i.  1  ;  Jer.  xxv.  20 ;  Lam.  iv.  21  ;  and  cf  xxxvi.  28. 

Buz.  Also  near  Edom.  Mentioned  in  Jer.  xxv.  23  by  the  side  of 
Dedan  (x.  7)  and  Tema  (xxv.  15).  Elihu,  Job's  fourth  friend,  was 
a  Buzite  (Job  xxxii.  2).  Buz  and  Ha,zo  {v.  22)  are  possibly  the 
countries  of  Bdzii  and  Hazu  (the  former  described  as  fuU  of  snakes 
and  scorpions),  which  Esar-haddon  invaded  {KB.  n.  131). 

Kemuel.     Otherwise  unknown. 

Aram.  In  x.  22  (P)  Aram,  i.e.  probably  (see  the  note)  the  Syrians 
of  Damascus,  is  a  '  son '  of  Shem  :  it  is  strange  to  find  him  here 
subordinated  to  the  unknown  Kemuel.  There  are,  however,  many 
indications  (cf  on  x.  7,  22,  23)  that  both  the  Aramaean  and  Arabian 
tribes  known  to  the  Hebrews  were  represented  in  different  genealogical 
systems  as  differently  related  to  one  another. 

22.  Chesed.  Generally  supposed  to  be  the  eponymous  ancestor 
of  the  Casdim  (see  on  xi.  31).  The  change  of  form  would  be  in 
agreement  with  the  rules  of  the  Massoretic  vocalization;  but  we 
hardly  expect  to  find  a  tribe  belonging  to  the  extreme  S.  of  Babylonia 
grouped  with  Aramaic  tribes  centred  at  Haran. 

Hazo.     See  on  ^?.  21.     Pildash  and  Yidlaph  are  unknown. 
Bethiiel  appears  in  xxiv.  15,  &c.  as  an  historical  personage. 
24.     Four  tribes  referred  to  Nahor  through  a  'concubine,'  i.e.  less 
directly  connected  with  the  main  group  (cf  xxv.  I — 4). 


224  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxiii.  .,  * 

Tebak  No  doubt  the  Tebah  (so  read  with  Pesh.)  of  2  S.  viii.  8, 
and  the  Tihhath  (Pesh.  Tehak)  of  the  ||  1  Ch.  xviii.  8,  one  of  the  cities 
of  Hadad'ezer,  king  of  Aram-zobah.  Gaham  and  Tahash  are  un- 
known. Ma'acah  is  the  people  of  this  name,  dwelling  S.  of  Hermon, 
and  E.  of  the  Sea  of  Gennesareth,  who  are  often  mentioned,  Dt.  iii.  14 ; 
Josh.  xiii.  11,  13 ;  2  S.  x.  6,  8,  al. 


Chapter  XXIII. 

Hie  death  of  Sarah.    Abraham's  purchase  of  the  cave  of 
Machpelah  at  Hehron. 

This  narrative  describes  how  a  permanent  possession  was  acquired  by 
Abraham  in  Canaan.  The  people  of  Hebron  shew  him  the  highest  respect : 
they  listen  to  his  proposal  with  the  utmost  friendliness ;  and  after  the  exchange 
of  preliminary  courtesies,  such  as  are  still  usual  upon  similar  occasions  in  the 
East,  the  land  tendered  is  accepted,  and  paid  for  by  him  openly  in  the  presence 
of  all  the  citizens  of  Hebron :  it  is  thus  publicly  certified  that  Abraham  is  its 
lawful  owner  and  possessor.  The  narrative  belongs  entirely  to  P,  whose  style 
it  exhibits  throughout,  not  only  in  particular  phrases  and  expressions,  but  also 
in  the  circumstantial  description  of  the  transaction,  and  of  the  legal  formalities 
accompanying  it.  The  detail  with  which  the  narrative  is  told  (cf.  ch.  xvii.) 
is  on  account  of  the  importance  attached  by  the  author  to  this  hallowed 
patriarchal  possession  in  Canaan. 

XXIII.     1  And  the  life  of  Sarah  was  an  hundred  and  seven  P 
and  twenty  years :   these  were  the  years  of  the  life  of  Sarah. 
2  And  Sarah  died  in  Kiriath-arba  (the  same  is  Hebron),  in  the 
land  of  Canaan  :  and  Abraham  came  to  mourn  for  Sarah,  and  to 

XXIII.     1,  2.     Death  of  Sarah. 

2.  Kiriath-arha' .  I.e.  the  '  City  of  four'  (notice  the  article  in 
XXXV.  27,  Neh.  xi.  25),  or  the  Tetrapolis, — formed,  for  instance,  by 
the  settlement  of  four  kindred  or  confederate  tribes :  in  P  used  regularly 
for  'Hebron'  (xxxv.  27;  Jos.  xv.  13,  54,  xx.  7,  xxi.  11 :  so  Neh.  xi.  25), 
and  said  in  Jos.  xiv.  15  =  Jud.  i.  10  (JE)  to  have  been  its  older  name. 
But  the  name  was  misunderstood,  as  if  it  signified  the  '  City  of  Arba" ; 
and  so  'Arba"  became  (Jos.  xv.  13,  xxi.  11,  cf  xiv.  15)  the  'father^' 
of  the  'Anakim,  the  giants  whom,  as  tradition  told,  Caleb  had  driven 
out  of  Hebron 

to  mourn.  To  wail,  with  loud  demonstrations  of  grief,  in  the 
Eastern  fashion  (see  the  writer's  Joel  and  Amos,  pp.  183,  233  f ;  and 
cf  Lane,  Mod.  Egyptian^,  ii.  252).  This  is  the  meaning  of  the  Heb. 
word:  see  esp.  Mic.  i.  8;  and  cf  2  S.  i.  12,  iii.  31;  1  K.  xiii.  30;  Zech. 

1  See,  however,  txx.  of  the  three  passages  quoted  {DB.  b.v.  Kiriath-Arba\  Moore, 
Judges,  p.  35), 


XXIII.  a-7]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  225 

weep  for  her.     3  And  Abraham  rose  up  from  before  his  dead,  P 
and  spake  unto  the  childi-en  of  Heth,  saying,  4  I  am  a  stranger 
and  a  sojourner  with  you :  give  me  a  possession  of  a  burying- 
place  with  you,  that  I  may  bury  my  dead  out  of  my  sight 

5  And  the  children  of  Heth  answered  Abraham,  saying  unto  him, 

6  Hear  us,  my  lord :  thou  art  ^a  mighty  prince  among  us :  in 
the  choice  of  our  sepulchres  bury  thy  dead ;  none  of  us  shall 
withhold  from  thee  his  sepulchre,  but  that  thou  mayest  bury  thy 
dead.    7  And  Abraham  rose  up,  and  bowed  himself  to  the  people 

^  Heb.  a  prince  of  God. 

xii.  11,  12  (EVT.  in  all,  except  Mic.  i.  8,  inadequately,  'mourn*);  Jer. 
iv.  8,  xxii.  18  (EVV.  'lament'). 
3,  4.     Abraham's  request. 

3.  rose  up.  From  sitting,  or  Ijang,  on  the  ground,  the  posture 
of  a  mourner,  2  S.  xii.  16  (cf.  v.  20  'arose  from  the  earth'),  xiii.  31; 
Is.  iii.  26 ;  Lam.  ii.  10. 

spake  &c.  As  appears  from  v.  10,  in  the  'gate'  of  the  city,  where 
legal  and  other  business  was  often  transacted  (cf.  on  xix.  1). 

the  children  of  Heth.  I.e.  the  Hittites  (cf.  on  x.  15).  The  ex- 
pression is  rne  peculiar  to  P  {vv.  5,  7,  10,  16,  18,  20,  xxv.  10,  xlix. 
32, — always  of  the  inhabitants  of  Hebron:  cf.  the  'daughters  of 
Heth'  in  xxvii.  46).  On  the  difficulties  arising  out  of  the  mention 
of  '  Hittites '  in  Hebron,  see  p.  229. 

4.  stranger.  The  word  (ger)  explained  on  xv.  13.  The  combi- 
nation, strayiger  and  sojourner, — or,  better,  sojourner  and  settler, — 
recurs  Lev.  xxv.  35,  47,  Nu.  xxxv.  15,  and,  applied  tiguratively,  to 
denote  one  having  a  precarious  tenure  and  position,  Lev.  xxv.  23,  Ps. 
XXxix.  12,  1  Ch.  xxix.  15,  1  P.  ii.  11  (TrapoiKoi  koI  irapiTrih]fxot,  aS  LXX. 
here  and  Ps.  xxxix.  12). 

give  me  &c.  As  a  temporary  settler,  Abraham  has  no  landed 
possession  in  Canaan :  he  therefore  asks,  as  a  favour,  to  be  allowed 
a  site  for  a  family  sepulchre,  such  as  all  families  of  distinction  possessed 
in  the  East. 

6,  6.  'Compliments  pass,  in  oriental  style.  Abraham  is  made 
welcome,  as  a  great  man,  to  choose  any  of  their  sepulchres ;  a  gracious, 
though  perhaps  only  a  formal  courtesy',  which  Abraham  acknowledges 
(«.  7),  hke  an  Arab,  by  bowing  low'  (Geikie,  Hours  with  the  Bible,  i.  365). 

6.  a  mighty  pirince.  Heb.  a  prince  of  God,  i.e.  a  prince  worthy 
to  belong  to  God,  mighty  or  noble.  Comp.  analogous  expressions  in 
Ps.  xxxvi.  6,  Ixviii.  15  (RV.),  Lxxx.  10,  civ,  16;  Nu.  xxiv.  6 ;  1  Ch.  xii. 
22  ('hke  a  camp  of  God ') :  and  cf.  on  x.  9,  and  xxxv.  5. 

7 — 9.  Abraham  acknowledges  the  offer  courteously,  though  he 
will  not  take  advantage  of  it,  and  indeed  knows  that  he  is  not  intended 

^  It  was  not  usual  to  allow  strangers  to  be  interred  in  a  family  burial-place  (see 
the  footnote  on  p.  227). 

D.  15 


226  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxiii.  7-13 

of  the  land,  even  to  the  children  of  Heth.  8  And  he  communed  P 
with  them,  saying.  If  it  be  your  mind  that  I  should  bury  my 
dead  out  of  my  sight,  hear  me,  and  intreat  for  me  to  Ephron  the 
son  of  Zohar,  9  that  he  may  give  me  the  cave  of  Machpelah, 
which  he  hath,  which  is  in  the  end  of  his  field  ;  for  the  full  price 
let  him  give  it  to  me  in  the  midst  of  you  for  a  possession  of  a 
buryingplace.  10  Now  Ephron  was  sitting  in  the  midst  of  the 
children  of  Heth :  and  Ephron  the  Hittite  answered  Abraham  in 
the  audience  of  the  children  of  Heth,  even  of  all  that  went  in  at 
the  gate  of  his  city,  saying,  11  Nay,  my  lord,  hear  me :  the  field 
give  I  thee,  and  the  cave  that  is  therein,  I  give  it  thee ;  in  the 
presence  of  the  sons  of  my  people  give  I  it  thee :  bury  thy  dead. 
12  And  Abraham  bowed  himself  down  before  the  people  of  the 
land.  13  And  he  spake  unto  Ephron  in  the  audience  of  the 
people  of  the  land,  saying,  But  if  thou  wilt,  I  pray  thee,  hear 

to  do  so.     He  begs  only  their  good  offices  with  Ephron,  the  cave  in 
whose  field  he  desires  to  buy  at  its  full  value. 

8.  communed.  Spake, — the  word  beiug  the  ordinary  Heb.  word 
for  'speak.'     Cf.  on  xviii.  33. 

9.  the  cave.  Caves  are  numerous  in  Palestine;  and  were  much 
used  as  burial-places  (cf.  John  xi.  38).     See  DB.  s.v.  Sepulchre. 

Machpelah.  Not  the  name  of  the  cave,  but,  as  vv.  17,  19  shew, 
the  name  of  the  district  in  which  the  field  containing  the  cave  was. 
The  common  interpretation  of  Machpelah  as  meaning  the  'double 
place,'  with  reference  to  a  supposed  'double  cave,'  is  thus  extremely 
questionable  (so  aheady  Grove  in  Smith's  DB.  s.v.).  Machpelah  is 
not  otherwise  mentioned,  except  in  passages  of  P  referring  back  to  the 
present  occasion,  xxv.  9,  xlix.  30,  1.  13. 

10.  11.  Ephron  was  present,  and  heard  Abraham's  request;  so 
he  immediately  offered  him  the  cave  and  field  as  a  gift.  This  again 
is  a  mere  piece  of  politeness,  not  intended  to  be  accepted.  Cf.  2  S. 
xxiv.  22  f.' 

10.  in  the  audience.  Lit.  in  the  ears;  and  so  always  rendered 
(e.g.  1.  4,  2  K.  xxiii.  2),  except  here,  vv.  13,  16;  Ex.  xxiv.  7;  1  S.  xxv. 
24  (AV.);  1  Ch.  xxviii.  8;  Neh.  xiii.  1. 

tliat  went  in  &c.  Those  who  'go  in'  or  (xxxiv.  24)  'go  out'  at  the 
city  gate  are  the  citizens,  who  have  the  right  of  entrance  to  the  com- 
munal assembly. 

12,  13.     Abraham  declares  that  he  desires  to  purchase  the  field. 

12.     As  before,  v.  7. 

*  'An  Ai-ab  gives  his  house,  field,  horse,  to-day,  as  in  Abraham's  time,  to  an 
intending  buyer,  and  appeals  to  witnesses  that  he  does  so.  But  it  is  none  the  less 
known  that  this  is  only  a  form  to  help  iiim  to  raise  the  price  in  the  end'  (Geikie, 
l.c.  p.  365.    Similarly  Lane,  Mod.  Eg.  n.  13  L). 


xxiii.  13-18]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  227 

me :  I  will  give  the  price  of  the  field  ;  take  it  of  me,  and  I  will  P 
bury  my  dead  there.  14  And  Ephron  answered  Abraham, 
saying  unto  him,  15  My  lord,  hearken  unto  me :  a  piece  of  land 
worth  four  hundred  shekels  of  silver,  what  is  that  betwixt  me 
and  thee?  bury  therefore  thy  dead.  16  And  Abraham  hearkened 
unto  Ephron ;  and  Abraham  weighed  to  Ephron  the  silver, 
which  he  had  named  in  the  audience  of  the  children  of  Heth, 
four  hundred  shekels  of  silver,  currer.t  money  with  the  merchant. 
17  So  the  field  of  Ephron,  which  was  in  Machpelah,  which  was 
before  Mamre,  the  field,  and  the  cave  which  was  therein,  and  all 
the  trees  that  were  in  the  field,  that  were  in  all  the  border 
thereof  round  about,  were  made  sure  18  unto  Abraham  for  a 

14,  15.  Ephron  yields  the  point:  a  piece  of  land  worth  400  shekels 
of  silver,  what  is  that  betwixt  me  and  thee  ?  what  can  a  sum  like  that 
signify  between  men  in  our  position  ?  In  this  way  he  politely  indicates 
the  price.  A  shekel  of  silver  was  worth  probably  about  2s.  dd.  (A.  R.  S. 
Kennedy,  art.  Money,  in  DB.  p.  420),  so  that  400  shekels  would  equal 
£55  of  our  money,  though  its  purchasing  power,  it  must  be  re- 
membered, would  no  doubt  be  a  good  deal  greater  (ibid.  §  11). 

16 — 18.  Abraham  pays  the  price  asked  in  tne  presence  of  the 
citizens  of  Hebron  as  witnesses,  and  the  field  is  legally  assured  to  him 
as  his  property. 

16.  weighed.  Up  to  at  least  the  time  of  the  return  from  the 
Exile,  the  Hebrews  had  no  coined  money;  but  the  precious  metals 
circulated  in  the  form  of  ingots  of  known  weight,  which  u];on  occasion 
of  any  commercial  transaction  were  regularly  'weighed'  as  a  security 
against  fraud.  Comp.  the  same  word  in  1  K.  xx.  39  (EVV.  pay) ;  Jer. 
xxxii.  9,  10;  Is.  Iv.  2;  Zech.  xi.  12;  Est.  iii.  9. 

current  money  with.  Lit.  passing  over  to,  i.e.  (as  the  Targ.  of  Ps.- 
Jon.  explains  it),  'good  silver,  passing  at  every  (banker's)  table,  and 
receivable  in  all  transactions'  (DB.  l.c.).     Cf.  2  K.  xii.  4. 

17.  The  situation  and  contents  of  the  field  are  here  defined  more 
precisely. 

in  front  of  Mamre.  I.e.,  presumably,  on  the  E.  of  Mamre:  cf. 
on  xiii.  18. 

and  all  the  trees  &c.  In  the  Ass.  and  Bab.  contract-tablets,  the 
number  of  trees  sold  with  a  piece  of  ground,  esp.  date-palms,  is 
generally  specified,  KB.  iv.  101  (747  B.C.),  161,  165  (721  B.C.).  Comp. 
also  the  specification  of  the  houses,  gardens,  wells,  &c.,  appertaining 
to  a  family  sepulchre,  in  the  Nabataean  inscription,  of  the  1st  cent,  a.d., 
cited  in  Hogarth's  Authoriti/  and  Archaeology,  p.  135'. 

^  The  Nabataean  inscriptions  illustrate  also  the  jealousy  with  which  family 
sepulchres  were  guarded,  and  the  fines  and  solemn  imprecations  held  out  over  those 
who  allowed  unauthorized  persons  to  be  buried  in  them. 

15—2 


228  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxiii.  is-w 

possession  in  the  presence  of  the  children  of  Heth,  before  all  P 
that  went  in  at  the  gate  of  his  city.  19  And  after  this,  Abraham 
buried  Sarah  his  wife  in  the  cave  of  the  field  of  Machpelah 
before  Mamre  (the  same  is  Hebron),  in  the  land  of  Canaan. 
20  And  the  field,  and  the  cave  that  is  therein,  were  made  sure 
unto  Abraham  for  a  possession  of  a  buryingplace  by  the  children 
of  Heth. 

18.  in  the  presence  of  &c.  As  witnesses :  cf.  Jer.  xxxii.  12 ;  Ruth 
iv.  9—11. 

19.  Burial  of  Sarah  in  the  cave  thus  acquired. 

20.  Repetition  (in  P's  style:  cf.  on  xvii.  22 — 27)  of  the  substance 
of  vo.  17,  18,  in  a  condensed  form. 

T?ie  Cave  of  Machpelah.  The  traditional  site  of  this  cave,  on  the  NB.  edge 
of  the  modern  El-HalU  (see  on  xiii.  18),  is  now  surmounted  by  a  mosque, 
70  ft.  long  (from  NW.  to  SE.)  and  93  ft.  broad,  which  occupies  the  SE.  part 
of  a  court  181  ft.  long  by  93  ft.  broad,  called  the  Haram  ('prohibited,'  i.e. 
sacred,  'place'),  and  enclosed  by  massive  walls  8  ft.  thick  and  40ft.  high.  The 
Haram  is  most  jealously  guarded  by  the  Moslems,  and  has  never  in  modern 
times  been  entered  by  Christians  except  on  rare  occasions  by  distinguished 
strangers,  for  instance  in  1862  by  the  (then)  Prince  of  Wales,  accompanied 
by  Dean  Stanley  and  other  members  of  his  suite,  and  in  1881  by  the  Princes 
Albert  Victor  and  George,  Canon  Dalton,  Sir  Charles  Wilson,  and  Capt.  [now 
Col.]  Conder.  Dean  Stanley's  account  may  be  read  in  his  Jewish  Church,  L 
App.  2  :  and  the  report  drawn  up  by  Col.  Conder  after  his  visit  in  1881  is  given 
in  PEFM.,  m.  333 — 346 :  see  also,  more  briefly,  DB.  8.v.  Machpelah  (all  with 
plans).  The  following  is  all  that  we  have  space  to  mention  here.  The  Haram- 
enclosure  contains  six  large  cenotaphs,  equidistantly  disposed  along  tlie  length 
of  the  enclosure,  and  supposed  by  the  Moslems  to  stand  vertically  above  the 
actual  graves  of  the  three  patriarchs  and  their  wives,  each  enclosed  in  a  separate 
chapel,  guarded  by  doors  inlaid  with  brass-work,  and  covered  with  richly 
embroidered  silk  hangings.  The  cenotaphs  of  Isaac  and  Rebekah  are  in  the 
mosque  itself,  those  of  Abraham  and  Sarah  in  the  porch  on  the  NW.  of  it,  in 
the  middle  of  the  Haram,  and  those  of  Jacob  and  Leah  in  two  separate 
chambers  at  the  NW.  end  of  the  Haram.  There  is  also  a  cenotaph  of  Joseph 
in  a  building  just  outside  the  Haram,  on  its  NW.  corner.  The  cave  below  has 
never  been  entered  in  modern  times :  there  are  in  the  floor  of  the  mosque 
three  entrances  said  to  lead  into  it,  but  they  could  be  reached  only  by  break- 
ing up  the  flags  of  the  flooring,  a  proceeding  which  the  Moslems  would  regard 
as  sacrilegious.  As  regards  the  date  of  the  Ilaram  and  its  contents,  the 
massive  enclosing  walls  are  considered  to  belong  to  the  time  of  Herod ;  the 
mosque  contains  large  remains  of  a  Christian  Church,  belonging  probably  to 
the  12Lh  cent.  A.D.;  the  cenotaphs  and  their  decorations  are  of  later  Arab 
workmanship. 

On  Hie  '  Hittites '  in  Hebron.  The  term  '  Hittite,*  aa  has  been  explained 
(on  X.  15),  is  used  in  the  OT.  (1)  of  the  great  people  resident  on  the  N.  of 


THE  HITTITES  IN  HEBRON  229 

Phoenicia  and  the  Lebanon;  (2)  of  a  branch  of  them  settled  in  the  extreme  N. 
of  Canaan,  under  Hermon ;  (3)  in  the  lists  of  nations  to  be  dispossessed  by  the 
Israelites,  of  a  branch,  perhaps  the  same  as  (2),  but  possibly  (see  on  xv.  20)  a 
branch  located,  or  supposed  to  have  been  located,  elsewhere  in  Canaan  (see 
Nu.  xiii.  29);  (4)  in  P  of  the  inhabitants  of  Hebron  (see  the  passages  on 
xxiii.  3),  and  of  two  of  Esau's  wives  (Gen.  xxvi.  34,  xxvii.  46,  xxxvi.  2).  This 
mention  of  Hittites  at  Hebron,  in  the  South  of  Canaan,  is  surprising,  and 
diflScult  to  explain  satisfactorily,  {a)  It  is  possible,  no  doubt,  in  the  abstract, 
that  there  might  have  been  a  colony  of  the  N.  Hittites  there ;  but  if  so,  it  is 
remarkable  that  there  is  no  hint  of  its  existence  elsewhere,  e.g.  in  the  accounts 
of  the  conquest  of  Hebron  by  the  Israelites  (Josh.  xv.  13  f. ;  ||  Jud.  i.  10). 
The  alleged  proof  from  archaeology  of  the  existence  of  Hittites  in  Hebron^ 
breaks  down  entirely ;  the  fact  that  '  among  the  prisoners  of  Ramses  II. 
(b.o.  1300 — 1234,  Petrie),  represented  on  the  walls  of  Karnak,  are  natives  of 
Ashkelon,  whose  features  and  mode  of  wearing  the  hair  are  Hittite'  proves 
nothing  as  to  the  presence  ol  Hittites  in  Hebron  1000  years  previously^;  while 
the  argument  that  because  Thothmes  III.  speaks  of  the  'greater  Hittite  land' 
(in  the  North),  therefore  there  must  have  been  a  'lesser  Hittite  land'  at 
Hebron  in  the  South,  is  a  very  bad  piece  of  reasoning  :  it  is  obvious  that  it  may 
have  lain  equally  well  in  any  other  directioa  (6)  There  are  grounds  for  supposing 
that,  after  the  Hittites  had  ceased  to  exist  as  an  independent  people  (c.  B.o.  700), 
and  when  they  came  to  be  known  practically  to  the  Hebrews  only  by  tradition, 
the  term  was  generalized,  and  used  vaguely  with  reference  to  the  pre-Israelite 
population  of  Canaan  generally,  much  as  *  Canaanite '  and  *  Amorite '  were 
often  employed^:  it  is  possible  therefore  that  P,  when  he  speaks  of  the  natives 
of  Hebron  as  'children  of  Heth,'  really  means  no  more  than  to  describe 
them  as  *  Canaanites.'  In  support  of  this  view  we  may  point  to  Josh.  i.  4 
(Deuteronomic*),  where  *all  the  land  of  the  Hittites'  manifestly  embraces 
the  whole  of  Palestine ;  to  Ez.  xvl.  3,  46,  where  the  prophet,  reproaching 
Jerusalem  for  its  innate  depravity,  says  that  (morally)  its  father  was  an 
'Amorite,'  and  its  mother  a  '  Hittite';  and  to  Gen.  xxvii.  46,  xxviii.  1,  6,  8  (all 
P),  where,  with  reference  to  Esau's  'Hittite'  wives  (xxvi.  34),  daughters  of 
Heth '  and  '  daughters  of  Canaan '  are  used  interchangeably  (cf.  xxxvi.  2).  In 
illustration  of  the  vague  and  general  ideas  associated  with  some  of  these 
ethnographic  terms  it  may  be  observed  that  the  inhabitants  of  Hebron,  who 
are  called  'Hittites'  by  P,  are  called  'Amorites'  by  B  (Josh,  x.  6),  and 
'Canaanites'  by  J  (Jud.  i.  10).  (c)  Jastrow  {EncB.  8.v.  Hittites)  thinks  that, 
though  the  Hittites  of  Hebron  were  certainly  by  Hebrew  tradition  identified 
with  the  Hittites  of  the  North,  they  were  in  reahty  a  different  tribe  altogether, 
who  were  settled  in  S.  Palestine,  and  had  nothing  in  common  with   the 

^  Sayoe,  Monumentt,  144;  EHU.  55  f.,  and  elsewhere. 

'  Prof.  Sayce's  date  for  Ramses  II.  is  (or  was)  B.C.  1348—1281 ;  and  for  Ham- 
murabi (with  whom,  if  he  be  the  Amraphel  of  Gen.  xiv.  1,  Abraham  will  have 
been  contemporary)  b.c.  2376—2333  (more  probably,  2130—2088:  see  p.  156). 

2  It  is  remarkable  that  the  term  was  generalized  similarly  by  the  Assyrians: 
Sennacherib,  for  instance,  in  the  '  land  of  the  Hatti,'  includes  Phoenicia  and 
Palestine  (EncB.  ii.  2098). 

*  Or  perhaps,  as  the  clause  is  not  in  the  Lxx.,  a  gloss  by  a  late  hand :  but  even 
80,  it  remains  as  evidence  of  what  was  believed  at  the  time  when  it  was  introduced. 


230  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

N.  Hittites  but  the  name.  This  seems  rather  a  forced  solution  of  the  diflBculty. 
To  the  present  writer,  judging  as  far  as  he  is  able  on  the  basis  of  present 
knowledge,  (b)  seems  the  most  probable  view. 

We  have  no  doubt  in  this  chapter  a  faithful  picture  of  the  manner  in  which 
purchases  were  negotiated,  and  the  transfer  of  land  was  legally  effected,  in  the 
writer's  own  time :  but  evidence  that  the  details  of  the  transaction,  as  here 
narrated,  belong  essentially  to  the  'early  Babylonian  period*,'  is  entirely 
lacking.  Obviously,  if  the  narrative  is  to  be  shewn  by  this  argument  to  be 
contemporary  with  the  events  which  it  purports  to  describe,  it  must  contain 
expressions  which  occur  only  in  other  documents  (whether  Hebrew  or  Baby- 
lonian) of  the  same  age,  and  do  not  occur  subsequently.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
it  contains  no  such  expressions.  Of  the  expressions  quoted  by  Prof.  Sayce 
in  support  of  his  statement,  'elders'  does  not  occur  in  the  chapter  at  all;  the 
transaction  doubtle>»8  took  place  at  the  'gate'  of  the  city,  but  this  was  a 
common  place  for  such  formalities  long  aftenvards  (Ru.  iv.  1,  10,  11;  Is.  xxiy. 
21 ;  cf  Prov.  xxxi.  23) ;  '  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  occurs  constantly  not 
only  in  the  older  Babylonian  contract-tablets,  but  also  in  those  of  the  age  of 
Sargon,  Sennacherib,  and  later  kings 2, — to  say  nothing  of  Jer.  xxxii.  12  as  well; 
the  term  'shekel,'  and  the  expression  'to  weigh  money,'  occur  repeatedly  in 
Hebrew  writings  of  the  seventh  cent,  and  later  (see  the  note  on  ».  16);  even  the 
imusual  term  'current '  {v.  16]  occurs  in  2  K.  xii.  4  [Heb.  6].  As  we  know  now 
from  inscriptions  more  fuUy  than  we  once  did,  formalities  in  legal  transactions 
were  usual  in  the  civilized  societies  of  the  ancient  world,  even  in  remote  times  ; 
but  on  the  date  of  those  described  in  Gen.  xxiii.  the  evidence  of  archaeology  is 
simply  neutral ;  it  does  not  shew  them  to  be  either  early  or  late. 


Chapter  XXIV. 
How  Rehehah  beccymes  Isaac's  wife. 

The  narrative  in  this  chapter  is  told  with  singular  picturesqueness  and 
grace,  and  presents  an  idyllic  picture  of  simple  Eastern  life.  The  confidence 
placed  by  Abraham  in  his  long-tried  servant,  the  preparations  for  the  journey, 
the  scene  by  the  well  outside  Haran,  the  touches  of  character  in  Rebekah  and 
Laban,  the  negotiations  ending  in  her  consenting  to  go  with  Abraham's 
servant,  and  her  meeting  with  Isaac,  are  all  depicted  with  simple,  yet  perfect, 
literary  skill,  and  with  the  utmost  truth  to  nature  and  life.  Each  successive 
scene,  as  it  is  drawn  by  the  narrator,  stands  out  before  the  reader  in  clear  and 
vivid  outline.  At  the  same  time,  the  writer  weaves  delicately  into  his  narra- 
tive a  religious  motive :  he  notices,  as  he  goes  along,  the  providence  of  God,  as 
over-ruling  the  chief  actors  in  the  transaction  {vv.  7^  12, 14,  27,  48,  50,  61,  66); 
the  servant  whom  Abraham  sends  finds  the  right  spot,  meets  with  the  right 
damsel,  who  quickly,  though  unconsciously,  announces  herself  as  his  master's 
niece ;  and  both  she  and  her  family  at  once  fall  in  with  the  tokens  of  the  Divine 
will — Verse  36"  anticipates  xxv.  6  in  such  a  way  as  to  lead  Dillm.  and  others 
to  suppose  that  in  the  original  naiTative  of  J,  xxv.  1 — 6,  IV' preceded  ch.  xxiv. 

1  Sayce,  EHH.  p.  61.  »  See  e.g.  KB.  iv.  109,  111,  113,  115,  117,  119,  121. 


XXIV.  1-5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  231 

XXIV.  1  And  Abraham  was  old,  and  well  stricken  in  J 
age  :  and  the  Lord  had  blessed  Abraham  in  all  things.  2  And 
Abraham  said  unto  his  servant,  the  elder  of  his  house,  that 
ruled  over  all  that  he  had.  Put,  I  pray  thee,  thy  hand  under  my 
thigh :  3  and  I  will  make  thee  swear  by  the  Lord,  the  God  of 
heaven  and  the  God  of  the  earth,  that  thou  shalt  not  take  a  wife 
for  my  son  of  the  daughters  of  the  Canaanites,  among  whom 
I  dwell :  4  but  thou  shalt  go  unto  my  country,  and  to  my 
kindred,  and  take  a  wife  for  my  son  Isaac.  5  And  the  servant 
said  unto  him,  Peradventure  the  woman  will  not  be  willing  to 

XXIV.  1 — 9.  Abraham  commissions  his  principal  and  confidential 
servant  to  find  a  wife  for  his  son  Isaac,  and  to  find  her,  not  from  among 
the  Canaanites  among  whom  he  was  dweUing,  but  from  his  own  rela- 
tions in  the  land  of  his  nativity.  As  is  usual  in  the  East  (cf  DB.  UL 
270),  the  betrothal  is  arranged  without  Isaac's  own  personal  inter- 
vention. 

1.  had  blessed  &c.  Hence  his  desire  to  find  a  wife  for  his  son,  in 
order  that  Isaac's  prospective  heir  might  inherit  his  good  fortune. 

2.  ths  elder  of  his  ho-use,  that  ruled  over  all  that  he  had  (Ps,  cv.  21 ; 
cf  Gen.  xxxLX,  4).  The  servant  highest  in  authority,  or,  as  we  might 
say,  his  steward.  Whether  he  was  identical  with  Eliezer  of  xv.  2  (E), 
is  more  than  we  can  definitely  say. 

Put,  I  pray  thee  &c.  So  xlvii.  29.  Some  specially  solemn  form  of 
attesting  an  oath  is  evidently  intended,  though  the  reason  upon  which 
it  rests  is  uncertain.  Sons  are  elsewhere  spoken  of  as  coming  cut  of 
their  father's  thigh  (xlvi.  26 ;  Ex.  i.  5  :  EVV.  '  loins,'  but  the  Heb.  is 
the  same  as  here) ;  and  hence  one  view  is  that  it  was  meant  as  a 
symbolical  invocation  of  a  man's  descendants  to  maintain  the  oath,  and 
avenge  any  infraction  of  it.  It  is  remarkable  that  in  Austraha  there  is 
a  similar  custom  :  when  natives  swear  amity  to  one  another,  or  pledge 
themselves  to  aid  one  another  in  avenging  a  death,  both  seat  them- 
selves on  the  ground,  then  one  rests  himself  cross-legged  upon  the 
thighs  of  the  other,  and  places  his  hands  under  his  thighs ;  after 
remaining  thus  a  minute  or  two,  he  withdraws  :  not  a  word  has  been 
spoken,  but  an  inviolate  pledge  to  avenge  the  death  has  by  this 
ceremony  passed  between  the  two  (Grey,  Journals  of  Expeditions  in 
NW.  and  W.  Australia,  1841,  n.  342,  cited  by  Spurrell). 

3.  the  God  of  heaven  &c.  Who  knows  aU  that  happens  in  the 
world,  and  is  powerful  to  avenge  a  broken  oath. 

of  the  Canaanites.  Abraham  will  have  no  dealings  with  the 
Canaanites  :  tribal  feeling,  and  religious  motives  (cf  Dt.  vii.  3  ;  Josh. 
xxiii.  12),  combine  to  induce  him  to  find  a  bride  for  his  son  from  his 
own  family. 

4.  unto  my  country.  I.e.  as  the  sequel  shews,  Haran  (see  oa 
xi.  31). 


232  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxiv.  s-io 

follow  me  nnto  this  land :  must  I  needs  bring  thy  son  again  J 
unto  the  laud  from  whence  thou  camest?  6  And  Abraham  said 
unto  him,  Beware  thou  that  thou  bring  not  my  son  thither  again. 
7  The  Lord,  the  God  of  heaven,  that  took  me  from  my  father's 
house,  and  from  the  land  of  my  nativity,  and  that  spake  unto 
me,  and  that  sware  unto  me,  saying,  Unto  thy  seed  will  I  give 
this  land ;  he  shall  send  his  angel  before  thee,  and  thou  shalt 
take  a  wife  for  my  son  from  thence.  8  And  if  the  woman  be  not 
willing  to  follow  thee,  then  thou  shalt  be  clear  from  this  my 
oath ;  only  thou  shalt  not  bring  my  son  thither  again.  9  And 
the  servant  put  his  hand  under  the  thigh  of  Abraham  his  master, 
and  sware  to  him  concerning  this  matter.  10  And  the  servant 
took  ten  camels,  of  the  camels  of  his  master,  and  departed ; 
^having  all  goodly  things  of  his  master's  in  his  hand :  and  he 
arose,  and  went  to  ^Mesopotamia,   unto  the  city  of  Nahor. 

*  Or,  for  all  the,  goods  of  his  master  were  in  his  hand        '  Heb.  Aram-naharaim, 
that  is,  Aram  of  the  two  rivers. 

5.  bring  thy  son  again.  We  should  now  say,  *  taJce  thy  son  back* 
(viz.  to  Haran) :  similarly  tw.  6,  8  ('  take  not  my  son  hack  thither '). 
'  Again '  is  in  E  W.  constantly  used  (as  in  Old  English  generally)  where 
we  should  now  say  hack  (comp.  e.g.  Nu.  xvii.  10,  AV.  and  RV.) ;  and 
the  archaism  sometimes  creates  indistinctness  and  ambiguity. 

7.  the  God  of  heaven.  LXX.  adds,  and  the  God  of  the  earth,  as 
V.  3, — no  doubt  rightly.  *  God  of  heaven '  (alone)  is  a  late,  post-exilic 
expression  (see  LOT,  p.  519,  ed.  7,  p.  553). 

that  took  me...,  and  that  spake  &c.     See  xii.  1,  7,  xiii.  15,  xv.  18. 

and  from  the  land  of  my  nativity.  I.e.  Haran,  which  (and  not  Ur) 
this  narrator  pictures  as  Abraham's  native  country. 

send  his  angel  &c.     Cf.  Ex.  xxiii.  20,  23,  xxxiii.  2,  Nu.  xx.  16. 

9.  concerning  this  matter.  In  accordance  with — ht.  on  (the 
basis  of) — this  word  (viz.  the  instructions  just  given). 

10 — 27.  The  servant  starts  on  his  journey  ;  and  finds  all  things 
happen  for  him  providentially,  in  accordance  with  Abraham's  desire. 

10.  having  &c.  Viz.  as  presents,  for  the  bride  aud  her  relations 
{w.  22,  53). 

Mesopotamia.  Heb.  Aram-Naharaim  (so  Dt.  xxiii.  4  ;  Jud.  iii.  8 ; 
Ps.  be.  title),  i.e.  Aram  (or  Syria  :  see  on  x.  22)  of  the  two  rivers\  the 
country  between  the  Euphrates,  in  the  upper  part  of  its  course  (cf. 
xxxi.  31),  and  the  Habor  (2  Ki.  xvii.  6  =  xviii.  11),  the  Greek  XaySoJpas, 
now  the  Khabour. 

^  The  occurrence  in  inscriptions  of  the  forms  Naharin,  Nahrima,  has  led  recent 
scholars  to  doubt  whpther  the  dual  -aim  is  correct:  see  EncB.  i.  287,  and  on  the 
other  side  i.  278  n.  (Noldeke). 


XXIV.  II-I8]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  233 

11  And  he  made  the  camels  to  kneel  down  without  the  city  by  J 
the  well  of  water  at  the  time  of  evening,  the  time  that  women 
go  out  to  draw  water.  12  And  he  said,  O  Lord,  the  God  of  my 
master  Abraham,  send  me,  I  pray  thee,  good  speed  this  day,  and 
shew  kindness  unto  my  master  Abraham.  13  Behold,  I  stand 
by  the  fountain  of  water  ;  and  the  daughters  of  the  men  of  the 
city  come  out  to  draw  water :  14  and  let  it  come  to  pass,  that 
the  damsel  to  whom  I  shall  say.  Let  down  thy  pitcher,  I  pray 
thee,  that  I  may  drink  ;  and  she  shali  say.  Drink,  and  I  will  give 
thy  camels  drink  also :  let  the  same  be  she  that  thou  hast 
appointed  for  thy  servant  Isaac  ;  and  thereby  shall  I  know  that 
thou  hast  shewed  kindness  unto  my  master.  15  And  it  came  to 
pass,  before  he  had  done  speaking,  that,  behold,  Rebekah  came 
out,  who  was  born  to  Bethuel  the  son  of  Milcah,  the  wife  of 
Nahor,  Abraham's  brother,  with  her  pitcher  upon  her  shoulder. 
16  And  the  damsel  was  very  fair  to  look  upon,  a  virgin,  neither 
had  any  man  known  her :  and  she  went  down  to  the  fountain, 
and  filled  her  pitcher,  and  came  up.  17  And  the  servant  ran  to 
meet  her,  and  said,  Give  me  to  drink,  I  pray  thee,  a  little  water 
of  thy  pitcher.     18   And  she  said,  Drink,  my  lord :   and  she 

the  city  of  Nahor.  The  city  which  Nahor  (xi.  29),  after  Abraham 
had  migrated  to  Canaan,  still  continued  to  inhabit,  i.e.  Haran ;  cf. 
xxvii.  43,  xxix.  4  f. 

11.  the  well  of  water.  On  the  plan  of  Haran  in  Sachau's  Reise  in 
Syrien  (1883),  p.  223,  there  is  a  well  of  good  water  (p.  217)  marked, 
some  little  distance  on  the  N.  of  the  citadel. 

to  draw  water.  As  is  still  the  duty  of  the  women  in  the  East.  Cf. 
Ex.  ii.  16;  1  S.  ix.  11;  Jn.  iv.  7;  and  see  Thomson,  L.  and  B.  L 
260  f.  (in  the  shorter,  one  vol.  ed.,  1898,  &c.,  p.  592). 

12 — 14.  Abraham's  servant  prays  for  a  sign  by  which  he  may 
recognize  Isaac's  destined  bride. 

12.  said.     Viz.  'in  his  heart '  {v.  45),  i.e.  mentally  (cf.  xviii.  17). 
send  me... good  speed.     Heb.  make  (it)  to  meet  (i.e.  happen  rightly) 

before  me.     So  xxvii.  20. 

15 — 20.     AU  happens  accordingly. 

15.  Bethuel.  Son  of  Nahor  and  Milcah  (xxii.  20,  22,  23),  and  so 
Abraham's  nephew. 

upon  her  shoulder.  In  the  S3rrian  fashion  (Thomson,  I.e.)  :  in  Egypt 
the  pitcher  is  carried  on  the  head. 

17 — 20.  Thomson  {I.e.)  remarks  that  though  it  is  common  enough 
in  the  East  for  a  girl  drawing  water  to  be  willing  to  give  some  to 
a  traveller,  he  had  never  found  one  as  generous  as  Rebekah  :  '  she  drew 


234  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxiv.  i8-»7 

hasted,  and  let  down  her  pitcher  upon  her  hand,  and  gave  him  J 
drink.     19  And  when  she  had  done  giving  him  drink,  she  said, 
I  will  draw  for  thy  camels  also,  until  they  have  done  drinking. 

20  And  she  hasted,  and  emptied  her  pitcher  into  the  trough,  and 
ran  again  unto  the  well  to  draw,  and  drew  for  all  his  camels. 

21  And  the  man  looked  stedfastly  on  her ;  holding  his  peace, 
to  know  whether  the  Lord  had  made  his  journey  prosperous  or 
not.  22  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  the  camels  had  done  drinking, 
that  the  man  took  a  golden  ring  of  ^half  a  shekel  weight,  and 
two  bracelets  for  her  hands  of  ten  shekels  weight  of  gold ; 
23  and  said.  Whose  daughter  art  thou?  tell  me,  I  pray  thee. 
Is  there  room  in  thy  father's  house  for  us  to  lodge  in  ?  24  And 
she  said  unto  him,  I  am  the  daughter  of  Bethuel  the  son  of 
Milcah,  which  she  bare  unto  Nahor.  25  She  said  moreover 
unto  him,  We  have  both  straw  and  provender  enough,  and  room 
to  lodge  in.  26  And  the  man  bowed  his  head,  and  worshipped 
the  Lord.  27  And  he  said.  Blessed  be  the  Lord,  the  God  of  my 
master  Abraham,  who  hath  not  forsaken  his  mercy  and  his 

^  Heb.  a  beka.     See  Ex.  xxxviii.  26. 

for  all  his  camels,  and  for  nothing,  while  I  have  often  found  it  difficult 
to  get  my  horse  watered,  even  for  money.' 

20.  the  trough.  Such  as  in  the  East  are  *  always  found  about  weUs, 
and  frequently  made  of  stone.* 

21.  holding  his  peace.     I.e.  reflecting  silently. 

22.  The  present  is  intended  partly  as  a  return  for  the  services 
rendered,  and  partly  (being  on  a  liberal  scale)  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  Rebekah's  good-will.  The  '  ring '  was  intended  for  the  nostril 
(u  47).  'Jewels  for  the  face,  forehead,  and  arms  are  stiU  as  popular 
amongst  the  same  class  of  people  as  they  were  in  the  days  of  Abraham.' 

half  a  shekel  weight  &c.  The  shekel  weighed  about  |  oz. ;  so  that 
^  a  shekel  would  (at  the  present  value  of  gold)  be  worth  about  a 
sovereign,  and  10  shekels  about  £20.  But  no  doubt  in  patriarchal 
times  gold  was  worth  more  than  it  is  now.  The  'bdka"  ('cleaving,' 
'  fraction ')  recurs  in  Ex.  xxxviii.  26,  where  its  value  is  stated. 

23 — 25.  In  reply  to  the  servant's  question,  Rebekah  now  explains 
to  him  who  she  is,  and  assures  him  that  in  her  father's  house  there 
is  both  room  for  him  to  lodge,  and  also  provender  for  his  camels. 

26,  27.  worshipped  Jehovah  &c.  In  thankfulness  that  the  object 
of  his  errand  had  been  so  far  accomplished ;  the  disclosure  in  v.  24 
having  satisfied  him  that  he  had  been  led  to  the  right  goal. 

27.  Blessed  he  Jehovah  &c.  An  exclamation  of  gratitude  :  Ex. 
xviii.  10 ;  Ru.  iv.  14 ;  IS.  xxv.  32,  39  al. 

mercy.    Rather,  kindness  (as  m.  12,  14).     Of.  v.  49,  xlvii.  29 ; 


XXIV.  «7-35]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  235 

truth  toward  my  master :  as  for  me,  the  Lord  hath  led  me  in  J 
the  way  to  the  house  of  my  master's  brethren.  28  And  the 
damsel  ran,  and  told  her  mother's  house  according  to  these 
words.  29  And  Rebekah  had  a  brother,  and  his  name  was 
Laban  :  and  Laban  ran  out  unto  the  man,  unto  the  fountain. 
30  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  saw  the  ring,  and  the  bracelets 
upon  his  sister's  hands,  and  when  he  heard  the  words  of  Rebekah 
his  sister,  saying,  Thus  spake  the  man  unto  me ;  that  he  came 
unto  the  man ;  and,  behold,  he  stood  by  the  camels  at  the 
fountain.  31  And  he  said,  Come  in,  thou  blessed  of  the  Lord  ; 
wherefore  standest  thou  without  ?  for  I  have  prepared  the  house, 
and  room  for  the  camels.  32  And  the  man  came  into  the  house, 
and  he  ungirded  the  camels  ;  and  he  gave  straw  and  provender 
for  the  camels,  and  water  to  wash  his  feet  and  the  men's  feet 
that  were  with  him.  33  And  there  was  set  meat  before  him  to 
eat :  but  he  said,  I  will  not  eat,  until  I  have  told  mine  errand. 
And  he  said,  Speak  on.  34  And  he  said,  I  am  Abraham's 
servant  35  And  the  Lord  hath  blessed  my  master  greatly ; 
and  he  is  become  great :   and  he  hath  given  him  flocks  and 

Jos.  ii.  12,  14  (in  all  lit.  do  kindness  and  trutK)  \  and  see  the  writer's 
Parallel  Psalter^  p.  447. 

brethren.     I.e.  relations,  as  xiii.  8.     Cf.  on  v.  48. 

28.  ran.  Hastening,  as  a  girl  would  do,  to  relate  what  had 
happened  and  to  shew  her  presents. 

her  motlier's  house.  The  women's  part  of  Bethuel's  establishment, 
where,  in  Eastern  fashion,  she  and  her  mother  would  live,  secluded 
from  the  men. 

30.  Laban  is  attracted  by  the  sight  of  the  presents  :  his  character, 
as  it  comes  out  more  fuUy  in  his  dealings  with  Jacob,  aheady  displays 
itself. 

31.  thm  blessed  of  Jehovah.  A  title  of  high  regard  (cf. 
xxvi.  29). 

32.  The  camels  were  apparently  brought  into  the  house  :  cf. 
Thomson  (p.  261),  'I  have  often  slept  in  the  same  room  with  these 
peaceful  animals,  in  company  with  their  owner  and  all  his  family.' 

33.  meat.     Pood  :  see  on  i.  29. 

34 — 48.  With  '  epic  particularity,'  the  narrator  lets  the  reader  hear 
the  whole  story  again,  almost  in  the  same  words  that  had  been  used 
before,  from  the  servant's  lips. 

35.  The  description  is  intended  to  impress  Laban  with  a  sense  of 
Isaac's  prospective  wealth  and  importance  (see  v.  36"')  :  an  alliance  with 
such  a  man  would  be  one  worth  making. 


236  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxiv.  35-47 

herds,  and  silver  and  gold,  and  menservants  and  maidservants,  J 
and  camels  and  asses.  36  And  Sarah  my  master's  wife  bare  a 
son  to  my  master  when  she  was  old :  and  unto  him  hath  he 
given  all  that  he  hath.  37  And  my  master  made  me  swear, 
saying.  Thou  shalt  not  take  a  wife  for  my  son  of  the  daughters 
of  the  Canaanites,  in  whose  land  I  dwell :  38  but  thou  shalt  go 
unto  my  father  s  house,  and  to  my  kindred,  and  take  a  wife  for 
my  son.  39  And  I  said  unto  my  master,  Peradventure  the 
woman  will  not  follow  me.  40  And  he  said  unto  me,  The  Lord, 
before  whom  I  walk,  wiU  send  his  angel  with  thee,  and  prosper 
thy  way  ;  and  thou  shalt  take  a  wife  foi  my  son  of  my  kindred, 
and  of  my  father's  house  :  41  then  shalt  thou  be  clear  from  my 
oath,  when  thou  comest  tc  my  kindred ;  and  if  they  give  her 
not  to  thee,  thou  shalt  be  clear  from  my  oath.  42  And  I  came 
this  day  unto  the  fountain,  and  said,  0  Lord,  the  God  of  my 
master  Abraham,  if  now  thou  do  prosper  my  way  which  I  go : 
43  behold,  I  stand  by  the  fountain  of  water  ;  and  let  it  come  to 
pass,  that  the  maiden  which  cometh  forth  to  draw,  to  whom  I 
shall  say.  Give  me,  I  pray  thee,  a  little  water  of  thy  pitcher  to 
drink  ;  44  and  she  shall  say  to  me.  Both  drink  thou,  and  I  will 
also  di-aw  for  thy  camels  :  let  the  same  be  the  woman  whom  the 
Lord  hath  appointed  for  my  master's  son.  45  And  before  I  had 
done  speaking  in  mine  heart,  behold,  Rebekah  came  forth  with 
her  pitcher  on  her  shoulder ;  and  she  went  down  unto  the 
fountain,  and  drew ;  and  I  said  unto  her,  Let  me  drink,  I  pray 
thee.  46  And  she  made  haste,  and  let  down  her  pitcher  from 
her  shoulder,  and  said,  Drink,  and  I  will  give  thy  camels  drink 
also  :  so  I  drank,  and  she  made  the  camels  drink  also.  47  And 
I  asked  her,  and  said.  Whose  daughter  art  thou  ?  And  she  said. 
The  daughter  of  Bethuel,  Nahor's  son,  whom  Milcah  bare  unto 
him  :  and  I  put  the  ring  upon  her  nose,  and  the  bracelets  upon 

flocks  and  herds  &c.     Cf.  xii.  16,  xiii.  2. 

■37—41.     Cf.  m  3—8. 

42—44.     Cf.  m  12—14. 

42,     do.     The  word  is  emphatic  (notice  K**  in  the  Heb.). 

45—48.     Cf.  w.  15—20,  22—27. 

47.  upon  her  nose.  Cf.  Is.  iii.  21 ;  Ez.  xvi.  12.  A  ring  of  metal, 
passed  usually  through  the  right  nostril,  is  stiU  often  worn  as  an  orna- 
ment by  women  in  Eg)rpt  and  Syria  (Lane,  Mod.  EgypV  ii.  323). 


XXIV.  47-56]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  237 

her  hands.  48  And  I  bowed  my  head,  and  worshipped  the  J" 
Lord,  and  blessed  the  Lord,  the  God  of  my  master  Abraham, 
which  had  led  me  in  the  right  way  to  take  my  master's  brother's 
daughter  for  his  son.  49  And  now  if  ye  will  deal  kindly  and 
truly  with  my  master,  tell  me  :  and  if  not,  tell  me  ;  that  I  may 
turn  to  the  right  hand,  or  to  the  left.  50  Then  Laban  and 
Bethuel  answered  and  said.  The  thing  proceedeth  from  the 
Lord  :  we  cannot  speak  unto  thee  bad  or  good.  51  Behold, 
Rebekah  is  before  thee,  take  her,  and  go,  and  let  her  be  thy 
master's  son's  wife,  as  the  Lord  hath  spoken.  52  And  it  came 
to  pass,  that,  when  Abraham's  servant  heard  their  words,  he 
bowed  himself  down  to  the  earth  unto  the  Lord.  53  And  the 
servant  brought  forth  jewels  of  silver,  and  jewels  of  gold,  and 
raiment,  and  gave  them  to  Rebekah :  he  gave  also  to  her 
brother  and  to  her  mother  precious  things.  54  And  they  did 
eat  and  drink,  he  and  the  men  that  were  with  him,  and  tarried 
all  night ;  and  they  rose  up  in  the  morning,  and  he  said.  Send 
me  away  unto  my  master.  55  And  her  brother  and  her  mother 
said.  Let  the  damsel  abide  with  us  a  few  days,  at  the  least  ten  ; 
after  that  she  shall  go.     56  And  he  said  unto  them,  Hinder  me 

48.  brother^ a  daughter.  Kinsman's  daughter  ;  '  brother '  being 
used  of  a  nephew,  as  xiv.  14,  16,  xxix.  12. 

49.  kindly  and  truly  {v.  27).  As  becomes  those  who  are  near 
relations. 

that  I  may  tv/rn  &c.  Le.  proceed  somewhere  else  to  find  a  wife  for 
Isaac. 

50.  had  or  good.  A  proverbial  expression  meaning  anything  of 
any  kind,  anything  at  all :  cf  xxxi.  24,  29,  Nu.  xxiv.  13,  2  S.  xiii. 
22  ;  also  Zeph.  i.  12,  Is.  xli.  23,  Jer.  x.  5. 

51.  hath  spoken  :  viz.  by  the  facts,  as  just  narrated.  The  betrothal 
is  thus  settled.  The  consent  of  the  damsel  is  not  necessary  :  as  now, 
'  the  parents  manage  the  whole  affair  ;  often,  however,  with  the  advice 
of  the  eldest  son  and  heir,  as  Laban  was  in  this  case '  (Thomson,  262). 

52.  bowed  himself  &c.,  as  v.  26,  in  thankfulness, 

53.  'Presents  are  absolutely  essential  in  betrothals.  They  are 
given  with  much  ceremony  before  witnesses,  and  are  even  described  in 
a  written  document,  so  that,  if  the  match  be  broken  off,  the  bridegroom 
can  recover  them,'  The  jewels,  &c,  are  intended  as  presents  for  the 
bride  :  the  '  precious  things  '  are  the  mohar,  or  purchase-money  of  the 
bride,  paid  to  her  relations  :  see  on  xxxiv,  12, 

54.  Only  now,  his  business  being  finished,  does  Abraham's  servant 
consent  to  take  food. 


238  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxiv.  56-^54 

not,  seeing  the  Lord  hath  prospered  my  way ;  send  me  away  J 
that  I  may  go  to  my  master.  57  And  they  said,  We  will  call  the 
damsel,  and  inquire  at  her  mouth.  58  And  they  called  Rebekah, 
and  said  unto  her,  Wilt  thou  go  with  this  man  ?  And  she  said, 
I  will  go.  59  And  they  sent  away  Rebekah  their  sister,  and  her 
nurse,  and  Abraham's  servant,  and  his  men.  60  And  they 
blessed  Rebekah,  and  said  unto  her,  Our  sister,  be  thou  the 
mother  of  thousands  of  ten  thousands,  and  let  thy  seed  possess 
the  gate  of  those  which  hate  them.  61  And  Rebekah  arose,  and 
her  damsels,  and  they  rode  upon  the  camels,  and  followed  the 
man  :  and  the  servant  took  Rebekah,  and  went  his  way.  62  And 
Isaac  came  ^from  the  way  of  Beer-lahai-roi ;  for  he  dwelt  in 
the  land  of  the  South.  63  And  Isaac  went  out  to  meditate  in 
the  field  at  the  eventide :  and  he  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  saw, 
and,  behold,  there  were  camels  coming.    64  And  Rebekah  lifted 

*  The  Sept.  has,  through  the  wilderness. 

57.  inquire  at  her  mouth.  I.e.  consult  her.  So  Josh.  ix.  14  ;  Is. 
XXX.  2. 

59.  their  sister.  So  called,  in  so  far  as  her  brother  Laban  has 
thioughout  taken  the  lead  {w.  31,  50,  53,  55). 

her  nurse.     E  gives  her  name  as  Deborah  (xxxv.  8). 

60.  The  parting  blessing  upon  Rebekah, — cast  (like  xiv.  19  f., 
xxvii.  27 — 9)  into  a  rhythmical,  semi-poetical  form.  May  she  become 
the  mother  of  countless  descendants,  and  may  her  seed  triumph  over 
aU  their  foes  ! 

be  thou  the  mother  of.     Lit.  '  become  thou '  (exactly  as  xvii.  16) ; 
i.e.  mayest  thou  grow  (in  thy  descendants)  into.     Cf.  Ru.  iv.  11  £ 
let  thy  seed  &c.     See  xxii.  17^ 

61.  h^r  damsels.  I.e.  her  attendants  :  for  Rebekah  is  pictured  as 
a  woman  holding  some  position.     Cf.  1  S.  xxv.  42  ;  Ps.  xlv.  14. 

62.  Aiid  Isaac  came.  Now  Isaac  had  come, — viz.  before 
Abraham's  servant  returned. 

from  the  way  of.  Lit.  from  coming  to,  which  can  hardly  be  right. 
Perhaps  to  the  wilderness  of^  (imc)  for  xno)  should  be  read  (on  the 
basis  of  Lxx.,  Sam.)  :_  the  object  of  the  words  will  then  be  to  state  that 
it  was  near  Beer-lahai-roi  (xvi.  14)  that  Isaac  met  Rebekah. 

for  he  dwelt  in  the  land  of  the  South — the  Negeb  (xii.  9),  which 
extended  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Beer-lahai-roi. 

63.  to  meditate.  The  word  is  found  otherwise  only  in  poetry, 
esp.  in  the  Psalms,  as  cxix.  15,  23,  27,  and  with  tlie  collat.  idea  of 
complaint,  Iv.  17,  Ixxvii.  3  ('complain'),  6  ('commune');  and  its 
correctness  here  is  open  to  suspicion.  Perhaps  Pesh.  to  walk  a^out 
(12)^  for  nw)  has  preserved  the  true  reading:   cf.  v.  65. 


XXIV.  64-xxv.  2]    THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  239 

up  her  eyes,  and  when  she  saw  Isaac,  she  lighted  off  the  camel,  j 
65  And  she  said  unto  the  servant.  What  man  is  this  that  walketh 
in  the  field  to  meet  us  ?  And  the  servant  said,  It  is  my  master  : 
and  she  took  her  veil,  and  covered  herself.  66  And  the  servant 
told  Isaac  all  the  things  that  he  had  done.  67  And  Isaac 
brought  her  into  his  mother  Sarah's  tent,  and  took  Rebekah, 
and  she  became  his  wife ;  and  he  loved  her :  and  Isaac  was 
comforted  after  his  mother's  death. 

64.  she  lighted  off  the  camel.  As  a  mark  of  respect,  in  accordance 
with  Eastern  etiquette  :  cf.  Josh.  xv.  18 ;  1  S.  xxv.  23  ;  and  Thomson, 
p.  262,  '  It  is  customary  for  both  men  and  women,  when  an  emeer  or 
great  personage  is  approaching,  to  ahght  some  time  before  he  comes  up 
with  them.' 

65.  Hitherto  the  servant's  'master'  has  been  uniformly  Abraham: 
it  has  hence  been  supposed  that  the  narrative  contained  originally 
(perhaps  after  v.  62)  a  notice  of  the  death  of  Abraham,  which  the 
compiler  omitted,  as  he  preferred  to  retain  the  notice  of  P,  xxv.  7 — 11', 

and  she  took  her  veil  &c.  A  woman  of  any  position  in  the  East  still 
appears  veiled  before  her  betrothed,  until  the  ceremony  of  marriage  is 
completed  (cf  Lane,  Mod.  Egijptians^,  i.  201,  218,  225). 

67.  After  hearing  what  had  happened  {v.  66)  Isaac  took  Rebekah 
as  his  bride. 

his  mother  Sarah's  tent.  What  had  been  his  mother's  special  tent ; 
cf  xxxi.  33'. 

was  comforted  &c.  According  to  P  (xxv.  20,  comp.  with  xvii.  17, 
xxi.  5,  xxiii.  1)  Sarah  had  been  dead  3  or  4  years,  when  Isaac  married, 
— an  unusually  long  period  for  mourning  in  the  East.  However,  there 
are  many  indications  (see  the  Introd.  §  2)  that  the  chronology  of  P 
cannot  be  adjusted  to  the  narratives  of  J^ 


Chapter  XXV.  1—18. 

The  sons  of  Abraham  by  Keturah.    Death  and  burial  of 
Abraham.    Tribes  descended  from  Ishmael. 

XXV.     1  And  Abraham  took  another  wife,  and  her  name  J" 
was  Keturah.     2  And  she  bare  him  Zunrau,  and  Jokshan,  and 

XXV.  1 — 6  (J).  Sons  of  Abraham  by  Keturah.  Different  tribes, 
dwelHng  (speaking  generally)  on  the  E.  or  SE.  of  Palestine,  '  which  the 
Israehte  historians  reckoned  to  their  own  race,  though  not  of  the  full 

^  But  the  syntax  of  lf3J<  nbnsn  is  so  anomolous  that  most  modern  com- 
mentators consider  niK*  1JDN  to  be  a  gloss  (reading  then  simply  'into  the  tent'). 

2  It  has  been  suggested,  upon  independent  grounds  (cf.  on  v.  65),  that  mother's 
in  V.  67''  was  originally  father's. 


240  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxv.  1-5 

Medan,  and  Midian,  and  Ishbak,  and  Shuah.    3  And  Jokshan  J 
begat   Sheba,   and    Dedan.      And    the    sons    of   Dedan    were 
Asshurim,  and  Letushim,  and  LeumminL     4  And  the  sons  of 
Midian ;  Ephah,  and  Epher,  and  Hanoch,  and  Abida,  and  Eldaah- 
All  these  were  the  children  of  KeturaL     5  And  Abraham  gave 

blood  (Keturah  beiug  a  second  wife,  or  concubine),  and  a  step  farther 
removed  than  the  Ishmaelites'  (Moore,  Judges,  p.  177). 

2.  Six  principal  tribes,  '  sons '  of  Keturah. 

Zimran.  Perhaps  Za/?pa/x,  the  capital  of  an  Arabian  tribe,  W.  of 
Mecca,  on  the  E,ed  Sea  (Ptol.  vi.  7.  5). 

Yokshan.     Unknown. 

Meddn.  Wetzstein  (in  Delitzsch's  Jesaias,  p.  665,  ed.  2,  p.  701) 
compares  a  Wady  Meddn  (Yakftt  iv.  445)  near  Dedan  {v.  3). 

Midian.  This  is  a  well-known  name.  The  proper  home  of  the 
tribe  appears  to  have  been  on  the  E.  of  the  Gulf  of  'Akaba,  where  there 
was  a  place  known  to  the  Greeks  as  Mo8tava  (Ptol.  vi.  7.  2),  and  called 
by  the  Arab,  geographers  (see  Di. ;  and  cf  EncB.  3081)  Madyan, 
about  75  m.  S.  of  Elath'.  In  Ex.  ii.  15,  iii.  1  they  appear  also  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Sinai.  '  The  nomad  branches  of  the  tribe  wandered 
northward  along  the  margin  of  the  desert,  making  forays  into  Edom, 
Moab  fxxxvi.  35  ;  cf  Nu.  xxii.  4,  7),  and  Gilead,  and  even  pouring 
across  Gilead  into  Palestine '  TJud.  vi. — viii.).     Cf  ch.  xxxvii.  28,  36. 

Shuah.  The  tribe  of  Job  s  friend,  Bildad  the  Shuhite  (Job  ii.  11)  ; 
perhaps  (Del.  Parad.  297  f,  Dillm.)  identical  with  the  'land  of  Suhu' 
{KB.  I.  33,  99,  101),  a  little  S.  of  Haran,  somewhere  near  the  junction 
of  the  Euphrates  with  Ihe  Belih. 

3.  Tribes  regarded  as  offshoots  from  Yokshan. 

Shebd  and  Dedan.  Both  have  been  already  mentioned  in  x.  7  (P) : 
see  the  notes  there.  The  northern  Sheba  is  doubtless  meant.  Different 
tribal  genealogies  must  have  been  current :  P  has  preserved  one,  and  J 
the  other.  Of  the  '  sons '  of  Dedan,  mentioned  in  this  verse,  nothing 
certain  is  known  :  the  names_in  the  Heb.  are  all  plural  in  form.  The 
Asshurim,  if  we  vocalize  Ashurim,  may  be  identical  with  A'shur, 
a  tribe  mentioned  by  the  side  of  Egypt  in  two  Minaean  inscriptions 
from  S.  Arabia  :  cf  Hommel,  AHT.  238  f ,  249,  252;  EncB.  s.v. 

4.  Five  tribes  regarded  as  offshoots  of  Midian. 

'Ephah.  Cf  Is.  Ix.  6,  where  the  *  young  camels  of  'Ephah  and  Midian ' 
are  pictured  by  the  prophet  as  bringing  gold  and  frankincense  from 
Sheba  to  the  restored  Jerusalem  :  it  must  therefore  have  been  a  weU- 
known  trading  tribe.  Perhaps  (Parad.  304,  Dillm.)  the  Hayapd,  a  N. 
Arabian  tribe,  mentioned  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.,  and  stated  by  Sargon 
to  have  been  placed  by  him  in  Samaria  {KB.  n.  21,  43  ;  KA  T."^  211). 

Abida'.  It  is  rather  remarkable  that  in  one  of  the  Minaean 
inscriptions  mentioned  on  v.  3  Abi-yada'a  {=  Abida')  occurs  as  the 
name  of  a  king  of  Ma'^n  (in  S.  Arabia)  :  Hommel,  I.e.  250,  272. 

1  See  Burton's  Gold  Mines  of  Midian.  and  The  Land  of  Midian  revisited. 


XXV.  s-i^]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  241 

all  that  he  had  unto  Isaac.      6    But  unto  the  sons  of  the  J 
concubines,  which  Abraham  had,  Abraham  gave  gifts ;  and  he 
sent  them  away  from  Isaac  his  son,  while  he  yet  lived,  eastward, 
unto  the  east  country.  |  7  And  these  are  the  days  of  the  years  of  P 
Abraham's  life  which  he  lived,  an  hundred  threescore  and  fifteen 
years.     8  And  Abraham  gave  up  the  ghost,  and  died  in  a  good 
old  age,  an  old  man,  and  full  of  years  ;  and  was  gathered  to  his 
people.     9  And  Isaac  and  Ishmael  his  sons  buried  him  in  the 
cave  of  Machpelah,  in  the  field  of  Ephron  the  son  of  Zohar  the 
Hittite,  which  is  before  Mamre ;   10  the  field  which  Abraham 
purchased  of  the  children  of  Heth  :  there  was  Abraham  buried, 
and  Sarah  his  wife.     11  And  it  came  to  pass  after  the  death  of 
Abraham,  that  God  blessed  Isaac  his  son ;  j  and  Isaac  dwelt  by  j 
Beer-lahai-roi. 

12   Now  these  are  the  generations  of  Ishmael,  Abraham's  P 
son,  whom  Hagar  the  Egy\)tian,  Sarah's  handmaid,  bare  unto 

5.  Identical  verbally  with  xxiv.  36. 

6.  the  ccmcuhines.  I.e.  Hagar  (ch.  xvi.),  and  Keturah  (xxv.  1).  Isaac 
was  treated  as  the  heir  ;  the  sons  of  the  concubines  were  sent  away 
with  smaller  gifts  of  servants,  cattle,  &c. 

from.     lilt,  from  upon  :  i.e.  so  as  to  relieve  Isaac  of  their  presence. 
unto  the  east  country.     A  general  expression  for  the  country  E.,  or 
even  NE.  or  SE.,  of  Palestine.     Cf.  on  xxix.  1. 
7_lla  (p)_     Tiie  death  and  burial  of  Abraham. 

8.  gave  up  the  ghost.  The  Heb.  is  a  single  word,  meaning  properly, 
it  is  probable,  to  fail  (lxx.  8  times  iKktitrta)  or  sink,  in  poetry  a  syn.  of 
to  die:  cf  on  vi.  17.     So  v.  17,  xxxv,  29,  xlix.  33  (all  P^. 

gathered  to  his  father's  kin  (see  on  xvii.  14),  viz.  m  Sheol.  The 
expression  is  one  peculiar  to  P  (see  p.  x;  and  cf  v.  17,  xxxv.  29, 
xlix.  33):  the  more  common  expression  is  'to  He  (EW.  'sleep')  with 
one's  fathers'  (xlvii.  30;  1  K.  i.  21,  ii.  10,  &c.). 

9,  10.     See  xxiii.  17—20  (also  P). 

ll**  (J),  and  Isaac  dwelt  &c.  Cf  xvi.  14,  xxiv.  62.  The  v.  forms 
the  original  sequel  of  v.  6. 

12 — 17  (P).  The  'generations'  of  Ishmael:  twelve  tribes  reputed 
to  have  been  descended  from  Ishmael.  The  compiler,  before  passing 
formally  (xxv.  19  ft.)  to  the  history  of  Isaac,  introduces  here  what 
he  deems  it  necessary  to  say  on  the  collateral  line  of  Ishmael.  It 
had  been  promised  in  xvii.  20  (P)  that  Ishmael  should  beget  twelve 
'princes';  and  accordingly,  in  an  excerpt  irom  the  same  source,  he 
here  states  their  names.  The  'princes'  are  naturally  the  assumed 
eponymous  ancestors  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  which  Ishmael  was  the 
reputed  ancestor. 

12.     these  are  the  generations  of.     See  on  ii.  4*. 

P.  16 


242  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxv.  i,-i6 

Abraham :  13  and  these  are  the  names  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael,  P 
by  their  names,  according  to  their  generations  :  the  fii-stbom  of 
Ishmael,  Nebaioth ;  and  Kedar,  and  Adbeel,  and  Mibsam,  14  and 
Mishma,  and  Dumah,  and  Massa ;  15  Hadad,  and  Tema,  Jetur, 
Naphish,  and  Kedemah  :  16  these  are  the  sons  of  Ishmael,  and 
these  are  their  names,  by  their  villages,  and  by  their  encamp- 

13.  Nebaioth  and  Kedar  were  probably  the  most  important  of 
the  Ishmaelite  tribes.  They  are  mentioned  together  in  Is.  Ix.  7  ('  all 
the  flocks  of  Kedar... the  rams  of  Nebaioth'):  Nebaioth  is  mentioned 
otherwise  in  the  OT.  only  in  Gen.  xxviii.  9,  xxxvi.  3,  as  the  tribe  to 
which  one  of  Esau's  wives  belonged.  Kedar  appears  also  as  a  wealthy 
pastoral  tribe  in  Jer.  xlix.  29,  as  famous  for  its  archers  in  Is.  xxi.  16  f , 
as  dwelling  far  away  in  the  wilderness  in  Jer.  ii.  10,  Is.  xlii.  11,  and 
as  a  S5anbohcal  designation  of  unfriendly  neighbours  in  Ps.  cxx.  5. 
Asshurbanipal  (b,c.  668 — 626)  describes  his  invasion  and  subjugation 
of  the  Nabaiti  and  Kidrai  (6.  Smith's  Assurbanipal,  1871,  pp.  256 — 
298).  Of.  the  Nabataei  and  Cedrd  of  Plin.  NH.  v.  §  65.  The  home  of 
Nebaioth  was  probably  somewhere  E.  of  Edom,  Kedar  being  still 
further  to  the  E.,  in  the  desert. 

Adbe'el.  Supposed  to  be  the  tribe  Idibi'il,  mentioned  by  Tiglath- 
pileser  III.  {KB.  n.  21,  1.  56). 

14.  Mishma\  Perhaps  (Dillm.)  the  name  is  preserved  in  Jebel 
Misma\  160  m.  E.  of  Teima  (y.  14),  or  in  another  Jebel  Misma',  120  m. 
NW.  of  it. 

Dumah.  *  Probably  the  eponym  of  the  oasis  of  Duma  or  Dumat 
el-Jandal,  now  usually  called  al-Jof,  on  the  S.  border  of  the  S3n*ian 
desert'  (Noldeke,  EncB.  2213),— the  AovfjiWa  of  Ptol.  v.  19.  7,  and 
the  Dumeh  of  the  Arabic  geographers,  140  m.  N.  of  Teima. 

Massa.  Probably  the  Mao-avoi  of  Ptol.  v.  19.  2,  NE.  of  Duma; 
a  city  or  tribe  Mas'aa  is  also  mentioned  by  Tiglath-pileser  III.,  im- 
mediately before  Temd  (see  v.  15),  and  Hayapd  {-  'Ephah,  «.  4),  as 
sending  him  tribute  (Farad.  301,  302;  KB.  ii.  21). 

15.  Tema.  See  Is.  xxi.  14;  Jer.  xxv.  23;  Job  vi.  19  (a  trading- 
tribe).  The  city  Temd  of  Tiglath-pileser  III.,  now  Teima,  in  NW. 
Arabia,  about  250  m.  SE.  of  Edom,  an  important  station  on  the 
ancient  trade-route  from  Yemen  to  Syria,  where  some  interesting  in- 
scriptions have  recently  been  found  (Studia  Bihlica,  i.  209 — 214). 

YetUr  and  Naphish  are  mentioned  in  1  Ch.  v.  19  as  waging  war 
with  the  Israehtes  on  the  E.  of  Jordan.  Yetur  is  no  doubt  the  same 
as  the  later  Ituraeans  (cf  Lk.  iii.  1),  a  wild  and  predatory  tribe, — 
Cicero  {Phil.  ri.  44)  calls  them  'omnium  gentium  maxime  barbaros,' — 
famous  as  archers  (Verg.  G.  ii.  448), — a  troop  of  whom  formed  a  body- 
guard to  Mark  Antony  in  Rome, — whose  home,  at  least  in  the  first 
cent.  B.C.,  was  in  the  mountainous  S.  and  SE.  parts  of  Anti-Libauus 
(see  HG.  544  fif. ;  or  DB.  s.v.). 

16.  villages.     Cf.  Is.  xlii.  11  (the 'villages' of  Kedar). 


XXV.  i6-i8]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  243 

ments ;  twelve  princes  according  to  their  nations.     17  And  these  P 
are  the  years  of  the  life  of  Ishmael,  an  hundred  and  thirty  and 
seven  years :   and  he  gave  up  the  ghost  and  died ;   and  was 
gathered  unto  his  people.  |  18   And  they  dwelt  from  HavilahJ" 
unto  Shur  that  is  before  Egypt,  as  thou  goest  toward  Assyria : 
he  ^  abode  ^in  the  presence  of  all  his  brethren. 

^  Or,  settled    Heb.  Jell.  ^  Or,  over  against 

encampments.  Or  enclosures, — an  unusual  word,  denoting  apparently 
the  circular  and  temporary  encampment  of  a  nomad  tribe:  cf  Nu. 
xxxi.  10;  Ez.  xxv.  4.  The  Ishmaelite  tribes  hved  partly  in  fixed 
villages,  partly  in  movable  'encampmerts.' 

twelve  princes.     Cf.  xvii.  20. 

nations.  A  very  rare  word  in  Heb.,  though  common  in  Arabic 
and  Aramaic:  probably  the  word  specially  used  of  these  Ishmaelite 
tribes;  cf  Nu.  xxv.  15  (P),  of  the  clans  of  Midian. 

17.    unto  his  father's  kin.     Cf  v.  8. 

18  (J).  The  general  direction  in  which  the  Ishmaelite  tribes  were 
settled  (cf  xvi.  12).  If  Havilah  (ii.  11)  be  in  NE.  Arabia,  and  Shur 
is  the  part  of  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula  bordering  on  Egypt  (xvi.  7),  the 
positions,  so  far  as  they  have  been  determined  above,  of  the  Ishmaelite 
tribes  would  fall  mostly  within  the  limits  assigned, 

unto  Shur  that  is  in  front  of  Egypt.  See  on  xvi.  7;  and  cf 
1  S.  XV.  7  (where,  however,  'from  Havilah'  can  scarcely  be  the  correct 
text). 

as  thou  goest  toward  Asshur.  'Ass}Tia'  can  hardly  be  meant, 
as  it  would  be  in  the  wrong  direction  altogether.  Either  the  name 
is  that  of  some  place,  or  people,  otherwise  unknown,  in  the  direction 
of  Egypt  (?  the  Asshtirim  of  v.  3");  or  the  words  ("iiEi'K  nsNa)  are 
a  misplaced  variant  of  'unto  Shur'  ("ii:^  ny);  cf  "illJ'  iKn  in  1  S.  xv.  7. 

he  (i.e.  Ishmael,  as  represented  by  his  descendants)  settled  (cf 
Jud.  vii.  12  Heb.)  in  front  of  all  his  brethren.     See  on  xvi.  12. 

The  Hebrews  classified  their  neighbours  genealogically  according  to  the 
degree  of  relationship  in  which  they  were  regarded  as  standing  towards  them- 
selves. The  Edomites  were  most  closely  related  to  them ;  they  were  accordingly 
the  descendants  of  Esau,  the  twin-brother  of  Jacob.  Moab  and  Ammon  were 
descended  from  Lot,  Abraham's  nephew  (xix.  30  ff.).  To  Nahor,  Abraham's 
brother,  are  traced  twelve  Aramaean  tribes, — eight  to  a  wife,  Milcah,  and 
four  to  a  concubine,  Re'umah  (xxii.  20—24).  Six  tribes  (one  being  Midian), 
and  several  sub-tribes,  are  the  descendants  of  Abraham  by  a  second  wife, 
JKeturah  (xxv.  1 — 4).  And  here  twelve  other  tribes,  spread  over  different 
parts  of  N.  Arabia  and  the  country  B.  of  Israel,  are  traced  to  Abraham  through 
a  'handmaid,'  Hagar,  holding  an  intermediate  position  between  Sarah  and 
Keturah.  Historical  recollections,  similarities  of  language  or  civilization,  or 
other  characteristics,  the  exact  nature  of  which  cannot  now  in  every  case  be 
determined,  must  have  guided  the  Hebrew  genealogists  in  thus  forming  ethnic 

16—2 


244  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxv.  19, 20 

groups,  and  defining  the  precise  position  occupied  by  each  in  relation  to  Israel. 
Ishmael,  it  is  said,  is  to  be  made  a  'great  nation'  (xvii.  20,  xxi.  18) ;  so  the 
Ishmaelite  tribes  must  have  enjoyed  considerable  reputation  among  the 
Hebrews.  At  a  much  later  date,  Ishmael  was*  connected  vaguely  with  Arabia 
in  general  M  Mohammed  was  supposed  to  have  been  descended  from  him 
through  Kedar'';  and  his  tomb  is  still  shewn  in  Mecca.  In  the  OT.,  however, 
it  is  to  be  observed,  Ishmael  is  hardly  at  all  connected  with  what  we  call 
'  Arabia'':  the  'Arabian'  peninsula  is  peopled  by  the  Jo^tanidae  (descendants 
of  Joktan,  son  of  Abraham's  sixth  ancestor,  'Bber,  and  consequently  much  less 
closely  connected  with  Israel),  ch.  x.  26 — 30;  the  Ishmaelites  are  limited  to 
certain  specified  tribes,  living  almost  entirely  on  the  N.  and  NW.  of  these. 


XXV.  19— XXXV.  29. 

The  'generations'  of  Isaac,  i.e.  (according  to  the  principle  followed  by  the 
compiler)  the  history  of  Isaac  and  his  descendants,  from  the  time  of  his  father's 
death  to  that  of  his  own  death,  and  including  consequently  much  of  Jacob's 
life. 

XXV.  19—34. 

Formal  introduction  to  the  history  of  Isaac.     The  hirth 
and  youth  of  Esau  and  Jacob. 

19  And  these  are  the  generations  of  Isaac,  Abraham's  son  :  P 
Abraham  begat  Isaac :   20  and  Isaac  was  forty  years  old  when 
he  took  Rebekah,  the  daughter  of   Bethuel    the  ^Syrian  of 
Paddan-aram,  the  sister  of  Laban  the  ^Syrian,  to  be  his  wife.  | 

1  Heb.  Aramean. 

19,  20  (P).  The  birth  and  marriage  of  Isaac.  Both  events  have 
been  narrated  in  detail  before  (xxi.  1 — 3,  xxi  v.);  but  the  compiler 
has  preserved  here  from  P  the  summary  statement  with  which  this 
writer  introduced  his  account  of  Isaac's  'generations.' 

20.  the  Syrian.  J7^€  Aramaean :  see  on  x.  23.  Cf.  xxviii.  5  (P) ; 
xxxi.  20,  24  (E);  and  above,  xxiv.  10. 

Paddan-aram.  A  name  used  only  by  P  (xxviii.  2,  5,  7,  xxxi.  18, 
xxxiii.  18,  XXXV.  9,  26,  xlvi.  15;  xlviii.  7  Paddan  alone^:  J  says  (xxiv. 
10)  'Aram  of  the  two  Rivers.'  Prob.  a  particular  district  in  this  Aram 
is  meant.  In  Aramaic  paddan  means  a  yoke  or  span  of  oxen ;  padanu, 
also,  is  said  to  be  explained  in  Ass.  word-lists  as  signifjdng  a  field 

^  Josephus  {Ant.  i.  12.  2)  even  calls  him  /cHcttt/j  tov  (9vom  rOiv  'Apd^uv. 

'  And  80  in  mediaeval  Jewish  writers  '  the  language  of  Ishmael, '  or  '  of  Kedar,' 
means  Arabic. 

•'  'Arab '  and  'Arabia'  are  used  in  the  OT.  in  a  much  narrower  sense  than  they 
are  used  by  as :  see  DB.  i.  135,  or  EncB.  t.  272—5, 


XXV.  .1-231  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  245 

21  And  Isaac  intreated  the  Lord  for  his  wife,  because  she  was  J 
barren  :  and  the  Lord  was  intreated  of  him,  and  Rebekah  his 
wife  conceived.     22  And  the  children  struggled  together  within 
her ;  and  she  said.  If  it  be  so,  ^wherefore  do  I  live?    And  she 
went  to  inquire  of  the  Lord.    23  And  the  Lord  said  unto  her, 

Two  nations  are  in  thy  womb. 

And  two  peoples  shall  be  separated  even  from  thy  bowels  : 

And  the  one  people  shall  be  stronger  than  the  other  people  ; 

And  the  elder  shall  serve  the  younger. 

^  Or,  wherefore  am  I  thus  f 

(perhaps,  originally,  what  a  span  of  oxen  could  plough  in  a  given 
time):  hence  the  expression  may  perhaps  mean  properly  'the  corn- 
land  of  Aram.'  Ten  miles  W.  of  Haran,  there  are  still  two  mounds 
called  the  N.  and  the  S.  Tel  Fedddn  (Sachau,  Eeise,  p.  222,  and 
Map  II.),  which  may  preserve  the  name  (cf  further  Noldeke,  EncB. 
I.  278). 

21—26*  (J).     The  birth  of  Jacob  and  Esau. 

21.  Like  Sarah  (xi.  30,  xvi.  1),  and  Rachel  (xxix.  31),  Rebekah 
is  for  long  barren:  her  seed  is  represented  as  being  a  gift  of  grace, 
not  of  nature. 

was  intreated.  Rather,  let  himself  be  intreated,  i.e.  yielded  to 
his  entreaty, — which,  however,  is  in  reality  the  meaning  here  of  'was 
intreated';  for  in  Old  English  'to  in  treat'  meant  not,  as  now,  simply 
to  supplicate,  but  to  prevail  upon  hy  entreaty.  So  elsewhere  in  EVV., 
as  2  S.  xxi.  14,  15;  Is.  xix.  22.  Cf.  W.  A.  Wright,  Bible  Word-Book, 
s.v.  Entreat,  who  quotes  from  an  old  author,  'I  desired  him  to  rest 
with  us  that  night,  but  I  could  not  intreat  him '  (i.e.  prevail  upon  him). 

22.  Esau  and  Jacob  are  the  ancestors,  respectively,  of  Edom  and 
Israel ;  and  the  future  rivabies  between  the  two  nations  are  pre- 
figured in  them.  The  rivahies  between  Edom  and  Israel  being 
particularly  irreconcilable  and  inveterate  (see  e.g.  Am.  i.  11;  Ez. 
XXXV.),  the  struggles  are  represented  as  manifesting  themselves  even 
before  birth. 

wherefore  do  I  live  ?  Lit.  wherefore,  then,  am  I  ?  The  rend,  of  the 
text  is  right.     On  ni  (=the  enclitic  'then'),  see  Lex.  p.  261^ 

to  inquire  &c.  Viz.  at  a  sanctuary, — perhaps  that  of  Beer-sheba. 
For  'inquire'  (t^'m)  see  e.g.  1  S.  ix.  9;  1  K.  xxii.  5;  2  K.  i.  2. 

23.  The  answer  is  cast  into  a  poetical  form.  The  infants  represent 
two  nations ;  and  their  struggles  prefigure  the  contest  between  these 
two  nations  for  supremacy.    In  the  end  the  younger  will  prevail. 

peoples... people... people.  The  Heb.  word  used  is  poetical  (xxvii.  29, 
and  often  in  the  Psalms). 

from.  In  a  temporal  sense  (as  e.g.  Ps.  xxii.  10),  the  meaning  being 
•will  pursue  divergent,  and  mutually  hostile,  courses,  from  their  birth.' 

the  elder  shall  serve  the  younger.     Edom  was  subjugated  by  David, 


246  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxv.  n-»6 

24  And  when  her  days  to  be  delivered  were  fulfilled,  behold,  J^ 
there  were  twins  in  her  womb.  25  And  the  first  came  forth 
^red,  all  over  like  an  hairy  garment ;  and  they  called  his  name 
Esau.  26  And  after  that  came  forth  his  brother,  and  his  hand 
had  hold  on  Esau's  heel ;  and  his  name  was  called  ^  Jacob :  | 
and  Isaac  was   threescore   years   old   when  she   bare   them.  P 

^  Or,  ruddy  '  That  is,  One  that  takes  by  the  heel  or  supplants. 

2  S.  viii.  12,  13  [see  RVm.],  14  ('became  servants  to  David '^;  and 
remained  subject  to  Judah  for  some  130  years.  See  furtner  on 
xxvii.  40. 

25.  red.  Heb.  'admoni, — with  allusion,  doubtless,  to  the  name 
'  Edom,'  though  the  origin  of  this  is  otherwise  explained  in  v.  30. 

an  hairy  mantle.  Zech.  xiii.  4  (of  the  shaggy  sbeepskin  cloak  worn 
by  the  prophets);  2  K.  i.  8.  In  'hairy'  (se'dr;  cf.  xxvii.  11,  23), 
there  is  very  probably  a  play  on  Se'lr,  the  home  afterwards  of  Esau's 
descendants  (xxxvi.  8). 

'Esau.  The  meaning  of  the  word  is  not  discoverable  from  Hebrew, 
though  from  the  connexion  we  should  suppose  that  it  signified  hairy. 
In  Arabic  'atkiya  means  to  have  thick  or  matted  hair,  and  'a^thd  is 
thick-haired ;  though  this  by  rule  ought  to  correspond  to  'Eskau  (not 
'Esau)  in  Heb.  It  is  possible  that  the  Massoretic  punctuation  is  at 
fault,  and  that  we  ought  to  pronounce  'Eshau  {wv  for  ib'y). 

26.  had  hold  on  Esau's  heel.  He  would  fain  hold  Esau  back,  and 
himself  be  the  first-born,  so  eager  was  he,  even  from  the  first,  to  gain 
the  advantage  over  his  brother.  Cf  the  allusion  in  Hos.  xii.  3  *  in  the 
womb  he  took  his  brother  by  the  heel.' 

Jacob.  The  name  being  explained  from  'dkeb,  'heel,'  just  before. 
The  verb  'dkab  means  properly  to  follow  at  the  heel\  then  fig.  to 
assail  insidiously,  circumvent,  overreach  :  see  Jer.  ix.  4  *  every  brother 
surely  overreacheth' ;  cognate  words  are  rendered  deceitful  Jer.  xvii.  9, 
subtilty  2  K.  x.  19.  Jacob,  it  was  declared,  had  sought  to  overreach 
his  brother  even  at  his  birth ;  and  tradition  loved  to  tell  of  the 
occasions  on  which  afterwards  he  verified  his  name,  and  either  '  over- 
reached' his  brother  (cf  xxvii.  36),  or  outwitted  Laban. 

26^.     A  notice,  from  P,  of  Isaac's  age  at  the  time. 

How  much  in  these  narratives  is  strictly  historical,  how  much  due  to 
popular  fancy  or  embellishment,  we  cannot  say.  Israel  was  a  youuger  nation 
than  Edom  (cf.  xxxvi.  31),  though  it  eventually  acquired  supremacy  over  it; 
and  these  relations  between  the  two  nations  are  reflected  in  the  experiences 
told  traditionally  of  their  twin  ancestors.  Jacob  is  the  younger  brother;  and 
evidently  one  aim  of  the  narrators  who  recount  the  national  traditions  is  to 
explain  how,  nevertheless,  his  descendants  secured  through  him  the  supremacy 
over  Edom:   in  xxv.  22 — 26  this  is  stated  to  have  been  foreshadowed,  and 

1  Not  to  'supplant,'  the  figure  in  which  is  different  (to  'tiip  up'). 


XXV.  ar,  28]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  247 

foreordained,  at  the  time  of  their  birth;  in  xxv.  29 — 34  and  ch.  xxvii.  it  is  stated 
to  have  been  won  actually  by  Esau's  thoughtlessness,  and  Jacob's  craft.  But 
the  importance  and  real  significance  of  the  narratives  lies  in  the  types  of 
character  which  they  exhibit,  and  in  the  moral  and  spiritual  lessons  which, 
whether  they  are  strictly  historical  or  not,  may  be  deduced  from  them.  The 
patriarchs  are  rvnoi  »;/x(5i/;  and  in  their  biographies  examples  of  faith  and 
goodness, — and  also,  sometimes,  of  unworthiness  and  moral  failure, — are  set 
vividly  and  impressively  before  us. 

In  V.  23  it  is  important  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  reference  is  i*eally  not  to 
two  individuals,  as  such,  but  to  two  nations  \  and  the  future  which  the  verse 
holds  out  in  prospect  is  the  future  not  of  Jacob  and  Esau,  but  of  Israel  and 
Edom.  The  last  clause  of  the  verse  is  quoted  by  St  Paul  (Rom.  ix.  12)  in  his 
argument  to  shew  that  the  rejection  of  Israel  is  not  inconsistent  with  the 
Divine  promises:  God  is  not  pledged  to  Israel,  as  such :  His  action  is  determined 
by  a  principle  of  selection  which  is  not  dependent  either  upon  human  merit  or 
upon  the  conventional  claims  of  human  birth;  of  Rebekah's  twin  sons,  He 
chose  the  younger  in  preference  to  the  elder,  and  that  before  either  had  done 
anything,  whether  good  or  bad,  which  might  have  seemed  capable  of  determin- 
ing His  choice  (cf.  Jer.  1.  5;  also  GaL  1.  15,  and  fig.,  of  the  ideal  Israel,  Is.  xlix. 
1,  5).  It  may  be  that  v.  23  is  really  the  verdict  of  history,  thrown  back  in  a 
poetical  form  to  the  ideal  beginning  of  the  two  nations;  but  even  so,  St  Paul's 
argument  does  not  lose  its  force :  it  is  an  appeal  to  an  emphatic  declaration  of 
a  far-reaching  principle  of  Divine  action  (cf  xlviii.  19;  IS.  xvi  6 — 13).  God 
*  chooses '  both  individuals  and  nations, — not,  we  must  suppose,  arbitrarily,  but 
because,  by  His  foreknowledge.  He  sees,  as  man  cannot  see,  that  one  has 
endowments,  physical,  mental,  or  spiritual,  fitting  it  better  than  another  to 
accomplish  the  work,  whatever  it  may  be,  that  He  desires  to  have  done  upon 
earth.  See  further  Sanday-Headlam,  Romans,  p.  238  flf.;  Gore,  'The  argument 
of  Rom.  ix. — XL,'  in  Stvdia  BiUica,  ul  37  fif. 

27  And  the  boys  grew :  and  Esau  was  a  cunning  hunter,  a  J 
man  of  the  field  ;  and  Jacob  was  a  ^ plain  man,  dwelling  in  tents. 
28  Now  Isaac  loved  Esau,  because  he  did  eat  of  his  venison : 

^  Or,  quiet    Or,  harmless    Heb.  perfect. 

27 — 34  (J).     The  contrasted  lives  and  characters  of  the  two  lads. 

27.  cunning.  As  in  Old  English,  simply  skilful  (lit.  kenning,  know- 
ing), without  any  of  the  modern  associations  of  the  word :  often  used 
in  AV.,  RV.,  of  technical  skiU,  as  Ex.  xxxviii.  23;  1  S.  xvi.  16;  2  Ch. 
ii.  7;  Jer.  ix.  17. 

plain.  Heb.  perfect, — usually  (e.g.  Job  i.  1 ;  Ps.  xxxvii.  37)  in 
a  moral  sense  (=  blameless),  such  as  would  hardly  be  applicable  to  the 
crafty  Jacob:  here,  apparently,  with  reference  to  his  manner  of  hfe, 
quiet,  settled,  orderly,  opp.  to  the  wild  and  restless  huntsman. 

dwelling  in  tents.  I.e.  living  the  more  peaceful  hfe  of  a  shepherd: 
cf.  iv.  20 ;  and  see  ch.  xxxL 

28.  See  xxvii.  1—45. 


248  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxv.  .8-34 

and  Rebekah  loved  Jacob.  29  And  Jacob  sod  pottage :  and  J 
Esau  came  in  from  the  field,  and  he  was  faint :  30  and  Esau 
said  to  Jacob,  Feed  me,  1  pray  thee,  with  Hhat  same  red 
pottage  ;  for  I  am  faint :  therefore  was  his  name  called  ^Edom. 
31  And  Jacob  said,  Sell  me  ^this  day  thy  birthright.  32  And 
Esau  said.  Behold,  I  am  at  the  point  to  die :  and  what  profit 
shall  the  birthright  do  to  me  ?  33  And  Jacob  said,  Swear  to  me 
^this  day ;  and  he  sware  unto  him  :  and  he  sold  his  birthright 
unto  Jacob.  34  And  Jacob  gave  Esau  bread  and  pottage  of 
lentils ;  and  he  did  eat  and  di*ink,  and  rose  up,  and  went  his 
way :   so  Esau  despised  his  birthright. 

1  Heb.  the  red  pottage,  thit  red  pottage.        *  That  is,  Red.        '  Or,  first  of  all 

29 — 34.  Esau  sells  his  birthright.  The  narrative  is  one  which 
at  the  same  time  illustrates  vividly  the  different  characters  of  the 
two  brothers. 

30.  Feed  me... with.  Let  me  swallow  (or,  eat  quickly).  The 
word  occurs  only  here,  and  implies  voracity. 

some  of  this  red,  red  (food).  It  is  possible,  however,  that  we 
ought  (with  T.  D.  Anderson,  Dillm,,  Cheyne)  to  read  '^ddm  for  'ddOm, 
and  render  (from  the  Arab,  'iddm)  'this  savoury,  savoury  food.' 

Edam.  It  is  going  too  far  to  say  (with  KVm.)  that  this  means 
*  Red ' :  rather,  the  name  is  explained  (cf  on  iv.  1)  from  its  assonance 
with  'adorn,  'red'  (or  'Mom,  'savoury  food').  The  Hebrews  saw,  in 
the  name  of  the  rival  nation,  a  standing  reminder  of  the  impulsive 
shortsightedness  of  its  ancestor.  Sayce  {EHH.  66)  supposes  the  name 
to  be  really  derived  from  the  red  hue  of  its  cliffs  {S.  and  P.  SI  f ). 

31.  Jacob  takes  advantage  of  his  brother's  distressed  condition 
to  secure  for  himself  the  birthright.  The  birthright  was  highly  valued : 
it  implied  both  a  better  position  in  the  family  and  tribe,  and  also, 
ultimately,  a  larger  inheritance,  than  fell  to  any  of  the  other  brothers 
(cf  xliii.  33,  xlviii.  13—20;  Dt.  xxi.  17). 

this  day.  First  of  all,  as  RVm.  rightly  paraphrases  the  idiom : 
so  V.  33.     Cf  1  S.  ii.  16  RVm.,  1  K.  i.  51  RVm.,  xxii.  5  (for  'to-day'). 

33.  Jacob,  with  characteristic  prudence,  wiU  not  part  with  the 
pottage  till  Esau  has  sealed  his  promise  with  an  oath. 

34.  lentils.  Still  called  by  the  corresponding  name  Cadas)  in  Arabic. 
Lentils  'are  cultivated  everywhere  in  the  East.  Tney  are  usually 
stewed  with  onions,  rice,  and  oil,  or  small  bits  of  meat  and  fat,  and 
seasoned  to  the  taste'  (Post,  in  DB.  s.v.);  and  are  said  to  form  then 
a  palatable  and  substantial  dish.  See  further  Thomson,  L.  and  B. 
I.  252 — 5  (according  to  whom  there  are  two  principal  varieties  of 
lentil,  one  being  pale  red,  and  the  other  dark  brown);  Tristram, 
NHB.  461  f ;  and  cf  2  S.  xvii.  28. 

and  he  did  eat  and  drink  &c.  The  words  used  are  graphically 
descriptive  of  Esau's  lightheartedness.     Cf  Heb.  xii.  16  f. 


XXVI.  i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  249 

The  narrator  comments  only  on  the  heedlessness  with  which  Esau,  for  the 
sake  of  satisfying  an  immediate  appetite,  barters  away  what  would  otherwise 
have  been  an  inalienable  right :  the  modem  reader  is  more  impressed  by  the 
avarice  and  selfishness  shewn  by  Jacob  in  taking  such'a  mean  advantage  of  his 
brother's  need.  But  in  truth  neither  Esau  nor  Jacob  can  be  called  an  ideal 
character.  Esau  is  frank,  straightforward,  generous,  but  without  depth  of 
character  or  farsightedness  of  aim :  he  is  goveraed  by  the  impulses  and  desires 
of  the  moment;  a  'profane'  person  (Heb.  xi?  16),  i.e.  unspiritual,  a  man 
without  love  or  appreciation  of  worthier  possessions,  and  heedless  of  what  he 
was  throwing  away :  Jacob  is  selfish,  scheming,  and  clutches  at  every  advantage; 
but  he  looks  beyond  the  immediate  moment;  he  has  ambition  and  perseverance; 
his  character  is  thus  a  deeper  one  (in  both  a  good  and  a  bad  sense)  than 
Esau's;  it  contains  sound  and  genuine  elements,  which,  when  purified  from 
purely  personal  and  selfish  aims,  are  capable  of  consecration  to  the  service 
of  God,  and  of  being  made  subservient  to  carrying  out  His  purposes  (see 
further  after  xxxii.  32).  No  doubt,  if  history  told  us  more  about  the  Edomites, 
we  should  find  their  national  characteristics  reflected  in  Esau,  as  ~tKose^  of 
Israel  are  reflected  in  Jacob. 


Chapter  XXVI. 

Incidents  in  Isaac's  life  at  Gerar  and  Beer-sheba. 

Esau's  ^Hittite'  wives. 

This  chapter  contains  all  that  is  related  of  Isaac  individually, — apart  from 
incidents  in  which  he  is  mentioned  in  connexion  either  with  his  parents  or 
with  his  sons.  His  life  is  not  that  of  a  wanderer  like  Abraham's :  Hebron, 
Beer-sheba,  Beer-lahai-roi,  and  Gerar, — all  in  the  S.  of  Palestine, — being  the 
places  at  which  he  is  almost  exclusively  found.  He  hved  in  fact '  on  the  border- 
land of  the  two  peoples  (Edom  and  Israel),  who  aftei-wards  boasted  their  descent 
from  him '  (Sayce). 

The  chapter  falls  naturally  into  seven  paragraphs,  the  first  four  {vv.  1 — 5, 
6 — 11,  12 — 17,  18 — 22)  relating  to  Isaac's  sojourn  in  Gerar;  the  fifth  and  sixth 
{vv.  23 — 25,  26 — 33)  describing  incidents  which  happened  after  his  return  to 
Beer-sheba;  and  the  seventh  {vv.  34 — 5)  giving  the  names  of  Esau's  'Hittite' 
wives.  It  belongs  chiefly  to  J :  but  there  are  probably  redactional  additions 
in  vv.  1%  2",  3' — 5,  15,  and  perhaps  18;  and  w.  34,  35  are  clearly  from  P. 

XXVI.     1  And  there  was  a  famine  in  the  land[,  beside  the  J  R 
first  famine  that  was  in  the  days  of  Abraham].    And  Isaac  went  J 

XXVI.  1 — 5.  Isaac,  on  account  of  a  famine,  leaves  Canaan  for 
Gerar ;  and'  receives  there  a  promise  of  Jehovah's  protecting  presence 
and  blessing. 

1.     beside  &c.     See  xii.  10. 


250  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxvi.  1-5 

unto  Abimelech  king  of  the  Philistines  unto  Gerar.     2  And  the  J 
Lord  appeared  unto  him,  and  said,  Go  not  down  into  Egypt ; 
[dwell  in  the  land  which  I  shall  tell  thee  of :]   3  sojourn  in  this  B  J 
land,  and  I  will  be  with  thee,  and  will  bless  thee[ ;  for  unto  thee,  /^ 
and  unto  thy  seed,  I  will  give  all  these  lands,  and  I  will  establish 
the  oath  which  I  sware  unto  Abraham  thy  father ;   4  and  I  will 
multiply  thy  seed  as  the  stars  of  heaven,  and  will  give  unto  thy 
seed  all  these  lands  ;  and  in  thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth  ^be  blessed ;  5  because  that  Abraham  obeyed  my  voice,  and 
kept  my  charge,  my  commandments,  my  statutes,  and  my  laws]. 

^  Or,  hlest  themselves 

king  of  the,  Philistines.  If  what  is  stated  on  x.  14  respecting  the 
origin  of  the  Philistines  is  correct,  this  expression  must  be  an  ana- 
chronism. So  Sayce  {EHFL  p.  64),  '  In  the  age  of  the  patriarchs  the 
SW.  corner  of  Palestme  has  not  as  yet  been  occupied  by  Philistine 
immigrants.'  The  Abimelech  mentioned  in  xx.  2  is  called  only  king 
of  Gerar 

G&rar.     See  on  xx.  1. 

2.  appeared  imto  him.     Cf.  xii.  7. 

Go  not  down  &c.     As  Abraham  had  done  (xii.  10). 

dwell  in  the  land  &c.  The  words  (notice  '  which  I  shall  tell  thee 
of)  agree  badly  both  with  v.  1''  and  with  v.  3*  ('  sojourn  in  this  land') : 
they  are  perhaps  a  fragment  of  E,  addressed  to  Isaac  when  he  was 
still  in  Beer-sheba. 

3.  sojourn.     I.e.  remain  temporarily  (xii.  10). 
/  will  be  with  thee.     Cf.  on  xxi.  20. 

and  tvill  bless  thee.  In  thy  different  undertakings :  cf.  w.  12,  24, 
xxiv.  1,  35. 

3'' — 5.  These  verses  appear  to  be  an  amplification  made  by  a  later 
editor,  for  the  purpose,  presumably,  of  giving  Isaac  as  explicit  a 
promise  of  the  land,  as  Abraham  had  had  (xv.  18 — 20).  The  ex- 
pression 'these  lands'  (of  diiferent  parts  of  the  Isr.  territory)  is 
peculiar  and  late  (1  Ch.  xiii.  2;  2  Ch.  xi.  23);  and  the  language  of 
V.  5  suggests  a  writer  familiar  with  the  phraseology  of  the  'Law  of 
Holiness'  (Lev.  xvii. — xxvi.),  and  Deuteronomy.  As  the  parallels  quoted 
will  shew,  w.  S^ — 5  are  dependent  in  particular  upon  xxii.  15 — 18. 

I  will  give  &c.     Cf.  xii.  7,  xiii.  15.     For  the  'oath,'  see  xxii.  16. 

4*.     See  XV.  5,  xxii.  17. 

and  by  thi/  seed  shall... hless  themselves.  As  xxii.  18  (where  see 
the  note). 

5.  The  son  being  rewarded,  on  account  of  the  father's  piety: 
cf  V.  24. 

he&rkened  to  my  voice.     Cf  xxii.  18^ 

kept  my  charge  &c.  No  such  expressions  are  used  elsewhere  in 
connexion  with  the  patriarchs.   The  obedience  of  Abraham  is  described 


XXVI.  6-14]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  251 

6  And  Isaac  dwelt  in  Gerar :    7  and  the  men  of  the  place  j 
asked  him   of  his  wife  ;   and  he  said,  She  is  my  sister :   for 
he  feared  to  say,  My  wife  ;  lest,  said  he,  the  men  of  the  place 
should  kill  me  for  Rebekah  :  because  she  was  fair  to  look  upon. 

8  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  had  been  there  a  long  time,  that 
Abimelech  king  of  the  Philistines  looked  out  at  a  window,  and 
saw,  and,  behold,  Isaac  was  sporting  with  Rebekah  his  wife. 

9  And  Abimelech  called  Isaac,  and  said,  Behold,  of  a  surety  she 
is  thy  wife  :  and  how  saidst  thou.  She  is  my  sister  ?  And  Isaac 
said  unto  him,  Because  I  said,  Lest  I  die  for  her.  10  And 
Abimelech  said.  What  is  this  thou  hast  done  unto  us  ?  one  of  the 
people  might  lightly  have  lien  with  thy  wife,  and  thou  shouldest 
have  brought  guiltiness  upon  us.  11  And  Abimelech  charged 
aU  the  people,  saying.  He  that  toucheth  this  man  or  his  wife 
shall  surely  be  put  to  death.  12  And  Isaac  sowed  in  that  land, 
and  found  in  the  same  year  an  hundredfold :  and  the  Lord 
blessed  him.  13  And  the  man  waxed  great,  and  grew  more  and 
more  until  he  became  very  great :    14  and  he  had  possessions  of 

here  in  terms  borrowed  from  the  later  Mosaic  law :  thus,  for  '  charge,' 
see  Lev.  xviii.  30,  xxii.  9,  Dt.  xi.  1 ;  for  'commandments'  and  'statutes,' 
Dt,  vi.  2,  xxviii.  45,  xxx.  10;  and  for  'laws,'  Lev,  xxvi.  46,  Ez.  xliv. 
25, — though  this  word,  which  is  properly  a  technical  expression  (see 
Law  in  DB.\  must  be  used  here  in  a  more  general  sense  than  it  has 
in  these  passages. 

6 — 22.     Isaac  in  Gerar. 

6 — 11.  Isaac  gives  out  that  Rebekah  is  his  sister;  and  is  taken 
to  task  for  his  falsehood  by  Abimelech.  Cf.  xii.  10 — 20  (Abraham  and 
Sarah  in  Egypt),  ch.  xx.  (Abraham  and  Sarah  in  Gerar). 

7.  fm-  he  feared  &c.     Cf.  xii.  12,  xx.  11. 

8.  sporting.  In  the  Heb.,  the  same  word  as  in  xxi.  9  (see  RVm.), 
— with  a  play  on  the  name  '  Isaac' 

9.  10.     Cf.  xii.  18  f.,  XX.  9. 

10.  lien.  An  archaism  for  laiw.  so  Nu.  v.  19;  Ps.  Ixviii.  13 
(AV.,  PBV.),  al.     Lightly  is  another  archaism  for  easily. 

11.  The  matter  had  not  gone  so  far  as  in  xii.  15,  xx.  2:  so  it  is 
sufficient  for  Abimelech  to  give  strict  directions  to  ensure  the  personal 
safety  of  Isaac  and  Rebekah. 

12 — 17.  Isaac,  being  blessed  (v.  3)  by  Jehovah,  is  envied  by  the 
Philistines  for  his  prosperity,  and  withdraws  to  the  Wady  of  Gerar. 

12.  an  hundredfold.  There  is  no  occasion  to  interpret  the  ex- 
pression literally;  but  at  least  in  the  rich  lava-soil  of  Hauran  wlieat 
IS  said  to  yield  on  an  average  80,  and  barley  100  fold  (Wetzstein, 
Hauram,  p.  30). 


252  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxvi.  14-11 

flocks,  and  possessions  of  herds,  and  a  great  household  :  and  the  J 
Philistines  envied  him.  15  [Now  all  the  wells  which  his  father's  R 
servants  had  digged  in  the  days  of  Abraham  his  father,  the 
Philistines  had  stopped  them,  and  filled  them  with  earth.] 
16  And  Abimelech  said  unto  Isaac,  Go  from  us ;  for  thou  art  J 
much  mightier  than  we.  17  And  Isaac  departed  thence,  and 
encamped  in  the  valley  of  Gerar,  and  dwelt  there.  18  And  Isaac 
digged  again  the  wells  of  water,  which  they  had  digged  in  the 
days  of  Abraham  his  father ;  for  the  Philistines  had  stopped 
them  after  the  death  of  Abraham :  and  he  called  their  names 
after  the  names  by  which  his  father  had  called  them.  19  And 
Isaac's  servants  digged  in  the  valley,  and  found  there  a  well  of 
^springing  water.  20  And  the  herdmen  of  Gerar  strove  with 
Isaac's  herdmen,  saying.  The  water  is  ours :  and  he  called  the 
name  of  the  weU  ^Esek  ;  because  they  contended  with  him. 
21  And  they  digged  another  well,  and  they  strove  for  that  also  : 

*  Heb.  living,  *  That  is,  Contention. 

15.  had  stopped  them.  Regarding  them  as  encroachments  upon 
their  own  rights,  and  with  the  view  of  preventing  Isaac  from  en- 
camping or  settling  in  their  land.  The  verse  is  a  parenthetic  pre- 
paration for  V.  18,  u  16  being  the  sequel  to  v.  14. 

16.  Abimelech  shares  the  envy  of  his  people  (cf.  «.  27),  and  bids 
Isaac  betake  himself  elsewhere. 

17.  Isaac  accordingly  retires  to  the  Wady  (Heb.  nahal).  The 
nahal  is  a  watercourse  running  between  hills,  which  in  the  winter,  or 
even  after  a  storm,  may  be  filled  with  a  rushing  stream,  but  in  summer 
is  usually  reduced  to  a  mere  brook,  or  thread  of  water,  or  may  even 
be  entirely  dry  (cf.  S.  and  P.  App.  §  38;  BB.  River).  ^  There  is  no 
proper  English  equivalent;  but  it  corresponds  to  what  is  now  in  the 
East  known  by  the  Arabic  term,  Wddy.  The  word  may  denote  either 
the  stream  itself  (1  K.  xvii.  4),  or  the  valley  through  which  the  stream 
flowed  (as  Nu.  xxi.  12,  and  here).  In  the  bed  of  such  Wadys,  water 
may  often  be  found  by  digging  {v.  19). 

18—22.  The  wells  reopened  (v.  18),  or  dug  afresh  (vv.  19—22), 
by  Isaac  in  the  Wady  of  Gerar.  In  a  region  so  near  the  desert  wells 
would  be  prized:  hence  their  prominence  in  the  narrative,  and  the 
disputes  to  which  they  gave  rise. 

19.  of  springing  water.  And  therefore  doubly  valuable.  Heb. 
living  water, — the  standing  Heb.  expression  for  running  or  moving 
water:  Lev.  xiv.  5,  6,  50,  51,  52,  Zech.  xiv.  8;  and  fig.  Cant.  iv.  15, 
Jer.  ii.  13,  xvii.  13  (in  these  two  passages,  of  Jehovah).  Cf.  Jn.  iv. 
10,  11,  vii.  38. 


xxYi.  71-28]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  253 

and  he  called  the  name  of  it  ^Sitnah.  22  And  he  removed  from  J 
thence,  and  digged  another  well ;  and  for  that  they  strove  not : 
and  he  called  the  name  of  it  ^Rehoboth  ;  and  he  said,  For  now 
the  Lord  hath  made  room  for  us,  and  we  shall  be  fruitful  in  the 
land.  23  And  he  went  up  from  thence  to  Beer-sheba.  24  And 
the  Lord  appeared  unto  him  the  same  night,  and  said,  I  am 
the  God  of  Abraham  thy  father:  fear  not,  for  I  am  with  thee, 
and  will  bless  thee,  and  multiply  thy  seed  for  my  servant 
Abraham's  sake.  25  And  he  builded  an  altar  there,  and  called 
upon  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and  pitched  his  tent  there :  and 
there  Isaac's  servants  digged  a  well.  26  Then  Abimelech  went  to 
him  from  Gerar,  and  Ahuzzath  his  friend,  and  Phicol  the  captain 
of  his  host.  27  And  Isaac  said  unto  them,  ^Vherefore  are  ye  come 
unto  me,  seeing  ye  hate  me,  and  have  sent  me  away  from  you  ? 
28  And  they  said,  We  saw  plainly  that  the  Lord  was  with  thee  : 
and  we  said.  Let  there  now  be  an  oath  betwixt  us,  even  betwixt 

^  That  is.  Enmity.  ^  That  is,  Broad  placet,  or,  Boom. 

21.  Sitnah.  The  name  (of  which  the  explanation  in  the  text  will 
hardly  give  the  real  origin)  may  be  preserved  in  the  Wddy  Shutnet 
er-Ruhaibeh,  a  little  E.  of  Ruhaibeh  (Palmer,  Desert  of  the  Ex.  p.  385, — 
prob.  the  Wddy  esh-Shutein  of  Robinson,  BR.  i.  200). 

22.  Rehoboth.  Usually  identified  with  Ruhaibeh,  19  miles  SW.  of 
Beer-sheba,  where  there  are  still  remains  of  wells  (Rob.  BR.  i.  196  f., 
200 ;  Palmer,  pp.  383 — 5).     See  the  map  in  EncB.  s.v.  Negeb. 

23 — 25.  Isaac  returns  to  Beer-sheba  ;  and  tliere,  as  soon  as  he  re- 
enters the  limits  of  the  promised  land,  receives  a  renewal  of  the  promise 
of  an  abundant  seed,  made  to  Abraham  (xii.  2,  xiii.  16,  xviii.  18). 

23.  went  up.  From  the  Wady  er-Ruhaibeh  to  the  high  ground  on 
the  N.  (though  it  is  true  there  is  a  descent  again  into  the  Wady  in 
which  Beer-sheba  lies).  See  the  elevations,  as  shewn  in  G.  A.  Smith's 
large  Map  of  Palestine. 

24.  fear  not  &c.     Cf.  xv.  1,  xxii.  17  ;  and  v.  3*. 

for  my  servant  Abraham's  sake.  Cf.  *  for  the  sake  of  David,'  1  K. 
xi.  12,  13,  32,  34  ;  2  K.  viii.  19  al. 

25.  And  he  builded  &c.  Cf  xii.  8,  xiii.  4,  18,  xxi.  33.  Isaac 
thus  acknowledged  pubhcly  the  God  who  had  given  him  these  promises  ; 
and  at  the  same  time  marked  out  Beer-sheba  as  a  sacred  place. 

26—33.  Abimelech's  league  with  Isaac ;  and  second  explanation 
(see  xxi.  28 — 33)  of  the  name  Beer-sheba. 

26.  friend.  I.e.  confidential  adviser :  cf.  1  K.  iv.  5 ;  1  Ch. 
xxvii.  33. 

27.  See  m  14,  16. 

28.  that  Jehovah  was  with  thee.     Cf  xxi.  22,  where  the  fact  is 


254  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxvi.  »8-35 

us  and  thee,  and  let  us  make  a  covenant  with  thee ;  29  that  J 
thou  wilt  do  us  no  hurt,  as  we  have  not  touched  thee,  and  as  we 
have  done  unto  thee  nothing  but  good,  and  have  sent  thee  away 
in  peace :  thou  art  now  the  blessed  of  the  Lord.  '30  And  he 
made  them  a  feast,  and  they  did  eat  and  drink.  31  And  they 
rose  up  betimes  in  the  morning,  and  sware  one  to  another  :  and 
Isaac  sent  them  away,  and  they  departed  from  him  in  peace. 
32  And  it  came  to  pass  the  same  day,  that  Isaac's  servants  came, 
and  told  him  concerning  the  weU  which  they  had  digged,  and  said 
unto  him,  We  have  found  water.  33  And  he  called  it  ^Shibah  : 
therefore  the  name  of  the  city  is  Beer-sheba  unto  this  day. 

34  And  when  Esau  was  forty  years  old  he  took  to  wife  P 
Judith  the  daughter  of  Beeri  the  Hittite,  and  Basemath  the 
daughter  of  Elon  the  Hittite :    35  and  they  were  ^a  grief  of 
mind  unto  Isaac  and  to  Rebekah. 

^  See  ch.  xxi.  31.  •  Heb,  hittemtti  of$pint. 

mentioned  as  a  motive  for  securing  a  good  understanding  with  Abraham, 
as  here  with  Isaac. 

29.  the  blessed  of  Jehovah  (cf.  xxiv.  31), — and  therefore  one  with 
whom  it  is  desirable  to  be  on  good  terms. 

30.  The  common  meal  would  be  a  token  and  seal  of  amity  between 
the  contracting  parties  (cf.  on  xxxi.  46). 

32.  See  v.  25  end. 

33.  S/iib'ah  (nw^)  is  merely  the  fern,  of  'sheba"  (VW),  in  Beer- 
sheba'  (as  though,  '  Well  of  swearing ').  See  another  explanation  of  the 
origin  of  the  name  in  xxi.  31. 

34.  35  (P).  Esau's  '  Hittite '  wives  (see  p.  229 ;  and  cf.  on  xxxvi. 
2.  3). 

35.  Because,  viz.,  they  were  averse  to  any  intermixture  with  the 
native  races  (cf.  xxvii.  46  ;  also,  in  J,  xidv.  3). 

As  was  remarked  on  ch.  xx.,  the  narratives  in  xii.  10 — 20,  xx.,  and  xxvi.  6 — 11, 
especially  the  two  last,  read  like  variations  of  a  single  fiindamental  theme: 
xxvi.  26 — 33  (Isaac's  dealings  with  Abimelech,  and  naming  of  Beer-sheha)  also 
can  hardly  be  anything  but  a  duplicate  version  of  xxl  22 — 34  (Abraham's 
dealings  with  an  Abimelech,  also  king  of  Gerar,  and  naming  of  Beer-sheba). 
As  Prof.  Sayce  writes  {EHH.  p.  64),  'Doubtless,  history  repeats  itself;  dis- 
putes about  the  possession  of  wells  in  a  desert-land  can  frequently  recur,  and 
it  is  possible  that  two  kings  of  the  same  name  may  have  followed  one  another 
on  the  throne  of  Gerar.  But  what  does  not  seem  very  possible  is  that  each  of 
these  kings  should  have  had  a  "  chief  captain  of  his  host "  called  by  the  strange 
non-Semitic  name  of  Phicol  (xxL  22;  xxvi.  26);  that  each  of  them  should  have 
taken  the  wife  of  the  patriarch,  believing  her  to  be  his  sister;  or  that  Beer- 
sheba  should  twice  have  received  the  same  name  from  the  oaths  sworn  over  it' 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  256 

Of  course  there  are  differences  in  detaiP,  but  these  are  not  greater  than  would 
naturally  arise  from  the  fluctuation  of  tradition,  and  from  the  individual 
colouring  stamped  upon  each  narrative  by  the  narrator. 

Chapter  XXVII.  1—45. 
Jacob  by  craft  secures  Ms  father's  blessing. 

A  striking  and  picturesque  narrative,  full  of  circumstance  and  detail,  which 
impart  to  the  descriptions  animation  and  life.  Its  aim  is  to  shew  how  Jacob 
finally  secured  precedence  over  the  firstborn  ;  and  so  obtained  the  better  land, 
the  greater  power,  and  even  dominion  over  his  elder  brother.  The  means  was 
his  father's  blessing,  which  was  held  in  antiquity  (cf.  on  ix.  25)  to  exert  a 
determining  influence  upon  a  person's  future.  But  the  blessing  was  won  by 
craft  and  falsehood  {vo.  19,  20,  24).  Jacob  was  Rebekah's  favourite  son,  as 
Esau  was  Isaac's  (xxv.  28);  and  the  narrative  tells  how,  instigated  by  his 
ambitious  and  designing  mother,  Jacob  deceives  his  aged  father,  and  wi-ests 
from  his  brother  his  father's  blessing.  That  the  action  of  Rebekah  and  Jacob 
was  utterly  discreditable  and  indefensible,  is  of  course  obvious.  The  writer 
(though  his  sympathies  seem  to  be  with  Jacob)  narrates  all  without  comment, — 
it  may  be  in  accordance  with  the  usual  (though,  it  is  true,  not  quite  uniform) 
custom  of  the  Biblical  writers  to  leave  the  reader  to  form  his  own  judgement  on 
the  events  recorded;  but  it  may  be  also,  because,  as  Gunkel  observes,  the 
moral  sense  has  been  educated  gradually.  There  are  other  indications  in  the 
OT.  that  truthfulness  was  not  observed  by  the  normal  Israelite  with  the 
strictness  demanded  by  a  Christian  standard ;  and  the  narrator, — who  naturally 
would  tell  the  story  as  it  was  currently  told  in  Israel,  with  some  satisfaction 
that  the  ancestor  of  Edom  had  been  overreached  by  Jacob, — may  accordingly 
not  have  viewed  the  intrigue  and  treachery  which  he  describes  with  the  aversion 
which  it  arouses  in  a  modern  reader.  But  be  that  as  it  may,  the  guilt  does 
not  remain  unpunished:  it  brings  with  it  a  train  of  consequences  such  as 
might  be  expected;  and  the  estrangement  of  Esau,  the  flight  of  Jacob,  the 
separation  for  many  years  of  mother  and  son,  the  trials,  anxieties,  and  dis- 
appointments, through  which  Jacob  afterwards  has  to  pass,  are  just  and 
natural  punishments  for  their  sin*.  The  narrative  belongs  chiefly,  if  not  entirely, 
to  J3. 

^  Thus  contrast  xii.  15  and  19  (Sarah  actually  Pharaoh's  wife),  xx.  2  and  4», 
xxvi.  10  (liarm  to  Rebekah  only  apprehended) ;  xii.  16,  xx.  14 — 16  (presents  given 
afterwards,  by  way  of  compensation) ;  xii.  17,  xx.  3,  xxvi.  8  (the  truth  discovered 
by  sickness  sent  of  God,  by  God  appearing  in  a  dream,  and  by  an  accident, 
respectively);  xii.  18  f.  (no  defence  of  the  falsehood  attempted),  xx.  11 — 13 
(excuses),  xxvi.  9;  xii.  20  and  xx.  15.     Comp.  further  Gunkel,  p.  203  f. 

'  It  is  sometimes  supposed  that  Isaac  acted  wrongly  in  seeking  to  set  aside  the 
will  of  God  that  'the  elder  should  serve  the  younger'  (xxv.  23),  and  that  Rebekah 
interfered  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  this  frustration  of  Providence.  Nothing  cf 
this  is,  however,  at  all  implied  in  the  narrative.  Isaac  is  there  represented  as 
acting  simply  from  the  very  natural  desire  to  bless  his  firstborn;  and  there  is 
nothing  to  suggest  that  Rebekah  attempted  to  justify  herself  even  by  the  worthless 
excuse  that  the  end  sanctifies  the  means. 

'  Most  critics  attribute  parts  to  E,  but  it  may  be  doubted  whether  upon 
sufficient  grounds. 


256  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxvii.  1-13 

XXVII.  1  And  it  came  to  pass,  that  when  Isaac  was  old,  J 
and  his  eyes  were  dim,  so  that  he  could  not  see,  he  called  Esau 
his  elder  son,  and  said  unto  him,  My  son  :  and  he  said  unto  him, 
Here  am  I.  2  And  he  said.  Behold  now,  I  am  old,  I  know  not 
the  day  of  my  death.  3  Now  therefore  take,  I  pray  thee,  thy 
weapons,  thy  quiver  and  thy  bow,  and  go  out  to  the  field,  and 
take  me  venison  ;  4  and  make  me  savoury  meat,  such  as  I  love, 
and  bring  it  to  me,  that  I  may  eat ;  that  my  soul  may  bless  thee 
before  I  die.  5  And  Rebekah  heard  when  Isaac  spake  to  Esau 
his  son.  And  Esau  went  to  the  field  to  hunt  for  venison,  and  to 
bring  it.  6  And  Rebekah  spake  unto  Jacob  her  son,  saying. 
Behold,  I  heard  thy  father  speak  unto  Esau  thy  brother,  saying, 
7  Bring  me  venison,  and  make  me  savoury  meat,  that  I  may  eat, 
and  bless  thee  before  the  Lord  before  my  death.  8  Now  there- 
fore, my  son,  obey  my  voice  according  to  that  which  I  command 
thee.  9  Go  now  to  the  flock,  and  fetch  me  from  thence  two 
good  kids  of  the  goats  ;  and  I  will  make  them  savoury  meat  for 
thy  father,  such  as  he  loveth  :  10  and  thou  shalt  bring  it  to  thy 
father,  that  he  may  eat,  so  that  he  may  bless  thee  before  his 
death.  11  And  Jacob  said  to  Rebekah  his  mother,  Behold, 
Esau  my  brother  is  a  hairy  man,  and  I  am  a  smooth  man. 
12  My  father  perad venture  will  feel  me,  and  I  shall  seem  to  him 
as  a  ^deceiver ;  and  I  shall  bring  a  curse  upon  me,  and  not  a 
blessing.     13  And  his  mother  said  unto  him,  Upon  me  be  thy 

^  Or,  mocker 

1 — 5.     Isaac  proposes  to  bless  his  firstborn,  Esau,  before  he  dies. 

3,4,     venison... such  as  I  love.     See  xxv.  28. 

4.  my  soul.  A  pathetic  periphrasis  for  the  pers,  pron.  (which  is 
used  in  v.  7) :  see  on  xii.  13.     So  w.  19,  25,  31. 

6 — 17.  Rebekah,  having  overheard  (u  5)  Isaac's  words,  plans  to 
frustrate  his  purpose,  and  secure  the  blessing  for  her  favourite  (xxv. 
28),  Jacob. 

7.  before  Jehovah.  With  a  solemn  sense  of  His  presence,  often  (as 
Jud.  xi.  11),  though  not  necessarily  (cf.  1  S.  xxiii.  18),  at  a  sanctuary, 

11,  12.  Jacob,  with  his  customary  prudence,  anticipates  diffi- 
culties. 

11.  hairy.     See  xxv,  25,  with  the  note. 

12.  as  a  mocker  (RVm, ;  see  2  Ch.  xxxvi.  16  'scoffed').  As  one 
who  is  making  sport  of  his  aged  father. 

13.  14.  Rebekah,  sure  of  her  plan,  bids  her  son  just  do  what  she 
tells  him.     He  obediently  complies. 


XXVII.  13-n]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  257 

curse,  ray  son :   only  obey  my  voice,  pnd  go  fetch  me  them.  J 

14  And  he  went,  and  fetched,  and  brought  them  to  his  mother  : 
and  his  mother  made  savoury  meat,  such  as  his  father  loved. 

15  And  Rebekah  took  the  goodly  raiment  of  Esau  her  elder  son, 
which  were  with  her  in  the  house,  and  put  them  upon  Jacob  her 
younger  son  :  16  and  she  put  the  skins  of  the  kids  of  the  goats 
upon  his  hands,  and  upon  the  smooth  of  his  neck :  17  and  she 
gave  the  savoury  meat  and  the  bread,  which  she  had  prepared, 
into  the  hand  of  her  son  Jacob.  18  And  he  came  unto  his 
father,  and  said,  My  father :  and  he  said.  Here  am  I ;  who  art 
thou,  my  son?  19  And  Jacob  said  unto  his  father,  I  am  Esau 
thy  firstborn  ;  I  have  done  according  as  thou  badest  me  :  arise, 
I  pray  thee,  sit  and  eat  of  my  venison,  that  thy  soul  may  bless 
me.  20  And  Isaac  said  unto  his  son,  How  is  it  that  thou  hast 
found  it  so  quickly,  my  son?  And  he  said.  Because  the  Lord 
thy  God  sent  me  good  speed.  21  And  Isaac  said  unto  Jacob, 
Come  near,  I  pray  thee,  that  I  may  feel  thee,  my  son,  whether 
thou  be  my  very  son  Esau  or  not.  22  And  Jacob  went  near 
unto  Isaac  his  father ;  and  he  felt  him,  and  said,  The  voice  is 
Jacob's  voice,  but  the  hands  are  the  hands  of  Esau.  23  And  he 
discerned  him  not,  because  his  hands  were  hairy,  as  his  brother 
Esau's  hands  :  so  he  blessed  him.  24  And  he  said,  Art  thou  my 
very  son  Esau  ?  And  he  said,  I  am.  25  And  he  said.  Bring  it 
near  to  me,  and  I  will  eat  of  my  son's  venison,  that  my  soul  may 
bless  thee.  And  he  brought  it  near  to  him,  and  he  did  eat :  and 
he  brought  him  wine,  and  he  drank.  26  And  his  father  Isaac 
said  unto  him.  Come  near  now,  and  kiss  me,  my  son.  27  And  he 
came  near,  and  kissed  him :  and  he  smelled  the  smell  of  his 
raiment,  and  blessed  him,  and  said, 

15.     the  choicest  raiment.     I.e.,  as  we  should  say,  his  best  suit. 

18 — 29.  Jacob,  in  disguise,  enters  his  father's  presence,  and  obtains 
his  blessing. 

20.    sent  me  good  speed.  Lit.  caused  (it)  to  meet  before  ms  (cf.  xxiv.  1 2). 

21 — 23.  Isaac's  suspicions,  aroused  by  the  quickness  with  which 
his  commission  had  been  carried  out,  and  by  the  voice  of  Jacob,  are 
lulled  by  his  touch. 

27^—29.  The  blessing  (cf.  Heb.  xi.  20),  couched  in  an  elevated, 
semi-poetical  form  (cf.  ix.  25  f.,  xiv.  19  f.,  xxiv.  60).  The  smell  of  the 
(supposed)  hunter's  raiment,  redolent  of  the  wild  and  open  field  (cf. 
XXV.  27,  'a  man  of  the  f  eld,'  29),  suggests  the  thought  of  a  field  blessed 

D.  17 


258  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxvil  n-29 

See,  the  smell  of  my  son  « 

Is  as  the  smell  of  a  field  which  the  Lord  hath  blessed : 

28  And  God  give  thee  of  the  dew  of  heaven, 
And  of  the  fatness  of  the  earth, 

And  plenty  of  corn  and  wine  : 

29  Let  peoples  serve  thee, 

And  nations  bow  down  to  thee : 
Be  lord  over  thy  brethren, 

by  Jehovah  with  abundant  crops  :  and  so  the  first  part  of  the  blessing 
(v.  28^  relates  to  the  land  which  Jacob  is  to  possess,  while  the  second 
{v.  29;  passes  on  to  describe  the  lordship  which  his  descendants  will 
exercise  over  neighbouring  nations. 

28.  May  his  son  have  a  land  in  which  the  dew  of  heaven,  and 
richness  of  soil,  combine  to  produce  abundant  crops  ! 

dew.  In  Palestine,  dew,  including  in  the  term  (Neil,  Palest. 
Explored,  1882,  p.  134  flf.;  EncB.  s.v.)  'night-mist,' — moisture  brought 
by  the  W.  winds  from  the  Medit.  Sea,  and  condensed  during  the  cool 
nights  into  a  heavy  mist, — is  copious  {HG.  65),  as  it  is  also  indis- 
pensable for  vegetation,  during  the  hot  and  rainless  summer  ;  it  is  thus 
often  mentioned  as  a  condition  of  fertility  :  e.g.  Dt.  xxxiii.  13,  28  ; 
Hos.  xiv.  5  ;  Zech.  viii.  12. 

fatness.  Rather,  fat  places.  May  he  have  a  share  in  the  most 
fertile  places  of  the  earth!  Cf.  for  the  figure.  Is.  v.  1,  xxviii.  1.  The 
fertility  of  the  land  '  flowing  with  milk  and  honey '  is  often  alluded  to  : 
e.g.  Dt.  viii.  7—9,  xi.  11  f. 

corn  and  must.  Two  of  the  three  staple  products  of  Canaan 
(the  third  being  'fresh  oil'),  often  mentioned  together  as  a  triad  of 
blessings  (Dt.  vii.  13,  xi.  14  ;  Hos.  ii.  8,  22  ;  Joel  ii.  19,  al).  The  word 
rendered  '  must '  is  tirosh,  on  which  much  has  been  written, — not  always 
wisely.  It  was  a  highly-prized  beverage  (Is.  Ixii.  8  ;  Zech.  ix.  17), 
prepared  from  the  fruit  of  the  vine  (Is.  Ixv.  8  ;  Mic.  vi.  15  [misrendered 
'  vintage '])  ;  and  the  term,  it  seems,  was  a  comprehensive  one,  denoting 
sometimes  (cf  Joel  ii.  24)  the  freshly-expressed,  unfermented  juice  of 
the  grape,  sometimes  (cf  Jud.  ix.  13  ;  Hos.  iv.  11)  a  light  kind  of  wine, 
such  as  the  ancients  were  in  the  habit  of  making  by  checking  the 
fermentation  of  the  juice  before  it  had  run  its  fuU  course.  In  RV.  it 
is  rendered  sometimes  'new  wine,'  but,  as  a  rule,  unfortunately,  'wine' 
(so  that  it  is  then  confused  with  j")  :  'vintage'  in  Nu.  xviii.  12,  Mic, 
vi.  15,  and  the  marg.  of  Neh.  x.  37,  39,  Is.  Ixii.  8,  is  altogether 
incorrect.     See  more  fully  the  writer's  note  in  Joel  and  Amos,  p.  79  f 

29.  peoples .. .nations.  The  reference  is  partly  to  the  Canaanites, 
subjugated  gradually  by  the  Israelites,  as  they  took  possession  of  the 
country,  partly  to  the  neighbouring  nations  of  Moab,  Ammon,  &c. 
subjugated  by  David  (2  S.  viii.). 

Be  lord  &c.,  with  allusion  to  David's  conquest  of  Edom,  2  S.  viii. 
J  3,  14;  1  Ki.  xi.  15  f  ;  Ts.  Ix.  title.     Cf  the  oracle,  xxv,  23^    For 


XXVII.  .9-37]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  269 

And  let  thy  mother's  sons  bow  down  to  thee  :  , 

Cursed  be  every  one  that  curseth  thee, 

And  blessed  be  every  one  that  blesseth  thee. 
30  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  soon  as  Isaac  had  made  an  end  of 
blessing  Jacob,  and  Jacob  was  yet  scarce  gone  out  from  the 
presence  of  Isaac  his  father,  that  Esau  his  brother  came  in  from 
his  hunting.  31  And  he  also  made  savoury  meat,  and  brought 
it  unto  his  father ;  and  he  said  unto  his  father.  Let  my  father 
arise,  and  eat  of  his  son's  venison,  that  thy  soul  may  bless  me, 
32  And  Isaac  his  father  said  unto  him,  Who  art  thou  ?  And  he 
said,  I  am  thy  son,  thy  firstborn,  Esau.  33  And  Isaac  trembled 
very  exceedingly,  and  said,  Wlio  then  is  he  that  hath  taken 
venison,  and  brought  it  me,  and  I  have  eaten  of  all  before  thou 
earnest,  and  have  blessed  him?  yea,  and  he  shall  be  blessed. 
34  When  Esau  heard  the  words  of  his  father,  he  cried  with  an 
exceeding  great  and  bitter  cry,  and  said  unto  his  father.  Bless 
me,  even  me  also,  0  my  father.  35  And  he  said,  Thy  brother 
came  with  guile,  and  hath  taken  away  thy  blessing.  36  And  he 
said.  Is  not  he  rightly  named  ^acob?  for  he  hath  supplanted 
me  these  two  times  :  he  took  away  my  birthright ;  and,  behold, 
now  he  hath  taken  away  my  blessing.  And  he  said.  Hast  thou 
not  reserved  a  blessing  for  me?  37  And  Isaac  answered  and 
said  unto  Esau,  Behold,  I  have  made  him  thy  lord,  and  all  his 

^  See  oh.  xxv.  26. 

brethren  and  mother's  sons  interchanging  in  the  parallel  clauses,  cf. 
Ps.  1.  20. 

Cursed  &c.     For  this  concluding  couplet,  cf.  xii.  3  ;  Nu.  xxiv.  S"'**. 

30 — 40.  Esau  now  comes  in  to  his  father.  Upon  hearing  what  has 
happened,  he  utters  a  bitter  cry  of  disappointment ;  but  nevertheless 
succeeds  in  obtaining  from  Isaac  a  partial  and  qualified  blessing. 

33.  The  old  man  is  greatly  agitated,  upon  discovering  the  fraud 
that  has  been  practised  upon  him,  and  finding  his  purpose  {v.  4) 
frustrated. 

yea,  and  he  shall  he  blessed.  Isaac  sees  that  it  is  God's  will :  what 
he  has  done,  though  he  has  done  it  involuntarily,  cannot  be  revoked. 

36.  Jacob.     See  on  xxv.  26. 

supplanted.     As  explained  on  xxv.  26,  the  metaphor  must  not  be 
pressed  :  a  more  general  word,  such  as  overreached,  would  be  better. 
my  birthright.     See  xxv.  29 — 34. 

37.  Behold  &c.  After  having  given  Jacob  as  much  as  he  has 
{v.  28  f.),  what  is  there  remaining  for  Esau  ? 

17—2 


260  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxvii.  37-40 

brethren  have  I  given  to  him  for  servants ;  and  with  corn  and  J 
wine  have  I  sustained  him :  and  what  then  shall  I  do  for  thee, 
my  son  ?  38  And  Esau  said  unto  his  father,  Hast  thou  but  one 
blessing,  my  father  ?  bless  me,  even  me  also,  O  my  father. 
And  Esau  lifted  up  his  voice,  and  wept  39  And  Isaac  his 
father  answered  and  said  unto  him, 

Behold,  ^of  the  fatness  of  the  earth  shall  be  thy  dwelling. 

And  ^of  the  dew  of  heaven  from  above  ; 
40  And  by  thy  sword  shalt  thou  live,  and  thou  shalt  serve  thy 
brother ; 

^  Or,  aioay  from 

38.  Esau  admits  that  the  blessing  given  cannot  be  recalled  ;  but 
thinks  it  possible  that  his  father  may  have  more  than  one  blessing. 

and  wept.     Cf.  Heb.  xii.  17. 

39,  40.     The  blessing  of  Esau. 

39.  of.  Marg.  '  Or,  awayfrom.^  The  Heb.  prep,  (which  is  the  same 
as  that  used  in  v.  28)  is  ambiguous  :  it  may  have  a  partitive  sense  (as 
V.  28),  or  it  may  be  privative  (see  Job  xix.  26''  RVm.).  The  great 
majority  of  modern  commentators  (see  e.g.  Delitzsch),  supposing  a 
contrast  with  v.  28  to  be  intended,  take  it  in  the  privative  sense,  away 
from  :  on  the  other  hand,  it  would  more  obviously,  in  a  passage  such 
as  the  present,  have  the  partitive  sense,  of ;  and  it  is  quite  possible  (cf. 
Noldeke,  EncB.  1184)  that  'of  is  right ;  the  contrast  between  the  two 
blessings  would  then  lie,  not  in  «.  39  as  compared  with  v.  28  (except 
that  corn  and  must  are  not  mentioned  here),  but  in  vi.  40  as  compared 
with  V.  29. 

The  country  possessed  by  Edom  was  the  mountainous  region 
between  the  Dead  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  'Akaba,  on  the  E.  of  the  Wady 
el-'Ar<\bah,  and  the  elevated  plateau  W.  of  it,  as  far  as  Kadesh 
(Nu.  XX.  16).  It  is  true,  parts  of  this  region  are  now  barren;  but  in 
other  parts  there  are  fruitful  valleys,  and  abundant  traces  of  former 
cultivation.  Palmer  writes  {Desert  of  the  Ex.  430  f),  'The  country  is 
extremely  fertile,  and  presents  a  favourable  contrast  to  the  sterile 
region  [the  desert  et-Tili]  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  'Arabah.  Goodly 
streams  flow  through  the  valleys,  which  are  filled  with  trees  and 
flowers  ;  while  on  the  uplands  to  the  east  rich  pasture-lands  and  corn- 
fields may  everywhere  be  seen.  With  a  peaceful  and  industrious 
population,  the  country  might  become '  again  thriving  and  prosperous\ 
Even,  therefore,  though  the  soil  of  Edom  may  not  have  been  equally 
fertile  with  that  of  Canaan,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  could  be  described 
as  devoid  of  fertility. 

fatness.     Fat  places,  as  v.  28.  

1  Cf.  N5ld.  I.  c. ;  and  for  further  testimony  to  the  same  efifect,  see  Puse.v,  Minor 
Prophets,  p.  144;  Buhl,  Gesch.  der  Edomiten  (1893),  p.  15  f.;  Bob.  BR.  n.  154.  It  is 
the  Wady  el- 'Arabah,  and  the  plateau  West  of  it  (cf.  on  xiv.  6),  which  are  entirely 
desert  and  sterile. 


XXVII.  40-44]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  261 

And  it  shall  come  to  pass  when  thou  shalt  break  loose,  . 

That  thou  shalt  shake  his  yoke  from  off  thy  neck. 
41  And  Esau  hated  Jacob  because  of  the  blessing  wherewith  his 
father  blessed  him :  and  Esau  said  in  his  heart,  The  days  of 
mourning  for  my  father  are  at  hand ;  then  will  I  slay  my  brother 
Jacob.  42  And  the  words  of  Esau  her  elder  son  were  told  to 
Rebekah  ;  and  she  sent  and  called  Jacob  her  younger  son,  and 
said  unto  him,  Behold,  thy  brother  Esau,  as  touching  thee,  doth 
comfort  himself,  purposing  to  kill  thee.  43  Now  therefore,  my 
son,  obey  my  voice ;  and  arise,  flee  thou  to  Laban  my  brother 
to  Haran ;  44  and  tarry  with  him  a  few  days,  until  thy  brother's 

40.  hy  thy  sword.  I.e.  by  war  and  plunder,  like  many  of  the 
Bedawi  tribes  to-day  (cf.  on  xvi.  12).  How  far  this  was  true  to  fact  of 
the  Edomites,  the  information  at  our  disposal  does  not  tell  us.  They 
were,  however,  a  fierce,  undisciplined,  and  turbulent  nation  (Jos.  BJ. 
rv.  4.  1  ;  cf  IV.  5.  1  <^vtr£i  w/xoVaToi  </)ov€veiv  oi/t€s  ;  and  Obad.  13°,  14°\ 

shilt  serve  thy  brother.  The  doom  of  subjection  to  Israel  (u  29°'  ) 
is  not  revoked  ;  but  it  is  limited,  in  the  two  next  lines,  in  duration. 

And  it  shall  come  to  pass  when  than  becomest  restless,  That  thou 
shalt  break  &c.  The  time  will  come,  when,  after  repeated  efforts, 
Edom  will  recover  its  freedom.  Edom  revolted  from  Judah,  under 
Jehoram,  B.C.  849 — 2  (2  K.  viii.  20 — 22) :  it  may  be  conjectured  that 
circumstances  with  which  we  are  unacquainted — perhaps  a  series  of 
abortive  efforts  before  the  final  success — suggested  the  terms  used. 

becomest  restless.  The  word  (rud)  occurs  in  Heb.  only  here, 
Jer.  ii.  31^  Ps.  Iv.  2^  Hos.  xi.  12  (doubtfully),  and  by  a  probable 
emendation  (W.  R.  Smith),  Jud.  xi.  37  (for  '  go  down ')  :  its  meaning 
appears  from  the  Arabic,  where  it  signifies  to  go  to  and  fro,  be  restless, 
unsettled. 

break.  As  AV. :  the  word  is  the  same  as  that  rendered  '  break 
off '  in  Ex.  xxxii.  2.  Evidently  changed  in  RV.  simply  on  account  of 
the  preceding  ^  break  loose.' 

41 — 45.  The  results  of  Jacob's  fraud.  Esau  waits  only  for  an 
opportunity  of  taking  vengeance  on  his  brother :  so  E,ebekah  urges 
Jacob  to  flee  to  his  uncle  Laban  in  Haran. 

41''.  Esau  will  wait  till  his  father  dies  {w.  4,  7)  ;  but  even  within 
the  customary  mourning-time — usually  seven  days  (1.  10) — he  threatens 
then  to  slay  his  brother,  so  that  the  birthright  may  devolve  upon 
himself. 

42.  thy  brother  Esau  is  comforting  himself  with  regard  to 
thee,  purposing  to  kill  thee.  I.e.  is  planning  to  relieve  his  feelings  by 
vengeance  :  cf.  the  same  verb  in  Ez.  v.  13  ;  Is.  i.  24  ('ease  me  '). 

43.  to  Laban  &c.  See  xxiv.  29  ;  and  xi.  31  :  and  cf.  Hos. 
xii.  12. 


262  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxvii.  44, 45 

fury  tuni  away  ;   45  until  thy  brother's  auger  turn  away  from  J 
thee,  and  he  forget  that  which  thou  hast  done  to  him :   then 
I  will  send,  and  fetch   thee  from  thence :    why  should  I   be 
bereaved  of  you  both  in  one  day? 

45.  both.  Because  Esau,  as  the  murderer,  would  take  to  flight  to 
escape  the  blood- avenger  (2  S.  xiv.  7). 

The  preceding  narrative  involves  a  serious  chronological  discrepancy. 
Isaac  is  to  all  appearance,  according  to  the  representation  of  the  narrator, 
upon  his  death-bed  (cf.  v.  2) :  yet,  according  to  P  (xxv.  26,  xxvi.  34,  xxxv.  28), 
he  survived  for  eighty  years,  dying  at  the  age  of  180.  Ussher,  Keil,  and  others, 
arguing  back  from  the  dates  given  in  xlvii.  9,  xlv.  6,  xli.  46,  xxxi.  41,  infer 
that  Jacob's  flight  to  5aran  took  place  in  his  77th  year:  this  reduces  the 
80  years  to  43,  though  that  is  hardly  less  incredible.  Even,  however,  supposing 
this  were  credible,  and  consistent  with  the  representation  of  the  narrator,  it 
does  not  remove  the  chronological  diflSculties  of  the  narrative ;  for  it  involves 
the  fresh  incongruity  of  supposing  that  thirty-seven  years  elapsed  between 
Esau's  marrying  his  Hittite  wives  (xx\i.  34  P),  and  Rebekah's  expressing  her 
fear  (xxvii.  46,  also  P)  that  Jacob,  then  aged  seventy-seven,  should  follow  his 
brother's  example !  Nor  is  it  natural  to  picture  Jacob  seeking  a  wife  in  Haran, 
and  tending  Laban's  sheep,  as  a  man  77  years  old.  The  fact  is,  we  have  here 
another  of  the  many  examples,  aflForded  by  the  book  of  Genesis,  of  the 
impossibility  of  harmonizing  the  chronology  of  P  with  that  of  JE  (see  the 
Introd.  §  2).    [On  Dr  Orr's  objections,  see  the  Addenda?^ 


XXVII.  46— XXVIII.  9. 

Jacob  sent  by  his  pai'ents  to  obtain  a  wife  from  among 
his  relations  in  Haran. 

An  extract  from  P,  written  entirely  without  reference  to  xxvii.  1 — 45,  and 
suggesting  a  completely  different  motive  for  Jacob's  visit — it  is  not  here  spokeii 
of  as  9.  flight — to  Laban.  The  paragraph  attaches  directly  to  xxvi.  34  f.  (also  P), 
where  it  is  said  that  Esau,  to  his  parents'  great  vexation,  had  taken  two 
'  Hittite '  wives :  Rebekah  here,  fearful  lest  Jacob  should  do  the  same,  men- 
tions her  apprehensions  to  Isaac,  who  thereupon  charges  Jacob  to  journey  to 
Paddan-aram,  and  find  there  a  wife  among  the  daughters  of  his  uncle  Laban. 
Jacob  obeys;  and  departs  accordingly  with  his  father's  blessing. — It  is  of 
course  true  that,  in  itself,  his  representation  is  not  inconsistent  with  that  in 
xxvii.  42 — 45  (though  the  affectionate  terms  in  which  Isaac  addresses  Jacob  in 
xxviii.  1,  3—4,  read  strangely  after  what  has  been  told  in  xxvii.  1 — 45):  men 
often  act  under  the  influence  of  more  motives  than  one;  and  Rebekah  may  not 
have  mentioned  to  Isaac  her  principal  motive  for  wishing  Jacob  to  leave  his 
home.  But  presenting,  as  this  paragraph  does,  all  the  literary  marks  of  a 
hand  different  from  that  of  the  author  of  xxvii.  1 — 46,  there  can  be  no  question 
that  it  forms  part  of  a  different  representation  of  the  current  of  events. 


xxvii.  46-xxviiL  9]    THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  263 

46  And  Rebekah  said  to  Isaac,  I  am  weary  of  my  life  because  P 
of  the  daughters  of  Heth  :  if  Jacob  take  a  wife  of  the  daughters 
of  Heth,  such  as  these,  of  the  daughters  of  the  land,  what  good 
shall  my  life  do  me?  XXVIII.  1  And  Isaac  called  Jacob, 
and  blessed  him,  and  charged  him,  and  said  unto  him,  Thou  shalt 
not  take  a  wife  of  the  daughters  of  Canaan.  2  Arise,  go  to 
Paddan-aram,  to  the  house  of  Bethuel  thy  mother's  father  ;  and 
take  thee  a  wife  from  thence  of  the  daughters  of  Laban  thy 
mother's  brother.  3  And  ^God  Almighty  bless  thee,  and  make 
thee  fruitful,  and  multiply  thee,  that  thou  mayest  be  a  company 
of  peoples ;  4  and  give  thee  the  blessing  of  Abraham,  to  thee, 
and  to  thy  seed  with  thee  ;  that  thou  mayest  inherit  the  land  of 
thy  sojournings,  which  God  gave  unto  Abraham.  5  And  Isaac 
sent  away  Jacob  :  and  he  went  to  Paddan-aram  unto  Laban,  son 
of  Bethuel  the  ^Syrian,  the  brother  of  Rebekah,  Jacob's  and 
Esau's  mother.  6  Now  Esau  saw  that  Isaac  had  blessed  Jacob 
and  sent  him  away  to  Paddan-aram,  to  take  him  a  wife  from 
thence ;  and  that  as  he  blessed  him  he  gave  him  a  charge, 
saying.  Thou  shalt  not  take  a  wife  of  the  daughters  of  Canaan  ; 
7  and  that  Jacob  obeyed  his  father  and  his  mother,  and  was 
gone  to  Paddan-aram :  8  and  Esau  saw  that  the  daughters  of 
Canaan  pleased  not  Isaac  his  father ;  9  and  Esau  went  unto 
Ishmael,  and  took  unto  the  wives  which  he  had  Mahalath  the 
daughter  of  Ishmael  Abraham's  son,  the  sister  of  Nebaioth,  to 
be  his  wife. 

*  Heb.  El  Shaddai.  *  Heb.  Aramean. 

46.     the  daughters  of  Heth.     See  xxvi.  34  f. 

XXVIII.  1.  Isaac  acts  in  accordance  with  Rebekah's  suggestion. 
The  verse  forms  the  immediate  sequel  of  xxvii.  46. 

3.  4.  The  blessing  is  expressed  in  phrases  characteristic  elsewhere 
of  P  :  God  Almighty,  as  xvii.  1,  xxxv.  11,  xlviii.  3  ;  make  fruitful  and 
multiply,  as  xvii.  20,  xlviii.  4  ;  company  of  peoples,  as  xxxv.  11,  xlviii. 
4  ;  thy  seed  with  thee,  as  xvii.  7,  8,  9,  10,  19,  xxxv.  12,  xlviii.  4,  al.  ; 
laiid  of  thy  sojournings,  as  xvii.  8,  xxxvi.  7,  xxxvii.  1,  Ex,  vi.  4.  So 
Paddan-aram,  vv.  2,  5,  6,  7  (see  on  xxv,  20). 

4.  the  blessing  of  Abraham.     See  xvii.  8  (P). 

5.  Bethuel  the  Aramaean.     Cf.  xxv.  20  (P). 

6 — 9.  Esau  follows  the  example  of  his  brother ;  and  in  order  to 
secure  his  parents'  approval,  takes  a  cousin  (see  xxv.  13)  as  his  wife, 
in  addition  to  his  two  'H^'ttite'  wives  (xxvi.  34  f ). 


264  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS       [xxviil  lo-ia 

XXVIII.  10—22. 
Jacob's  Journey  to  Hainan.    His  dream  at  Bethel 

Jacob  starts  from  Beer-sheba  on  his  joiirney  to  Haran,  and  passes  the  night 
at  a  '  place '  close  by  Luz.  He  has  there  the  dream  of  a  '  ladder '  reaching  to 
heaven,  with  angels  ascending  and  descending  upon  it;  and  receives  an 
assurance  that  he  will  be  protected  by  Jehovah's  presence  throughout  his 
journevings,  and  brought  back  in  safety  to  the  laud  that  he  is  leaving.  He 
names  the  place  '  Bethel ' ;  and  promises  a  vow  in  the  event  of  his  safe  return. 
There  was  afterwards  an  important  sanctuary  at  Bethel  (Jud.  xx.  18,  26; 
1  S.  X.  3):  it  was  accordingly  selected  by  Jeroboam  as  the  shrine  for  one  of  his 
golden  calves,  1  K.  xii.  29;  and  it  is  often  alluded  to  as  a  popular  place  of 
worship. — though  one  discountenanced  by  the  prophets, — in  Amos  and  Hosea 
(Am.  iii.  14,  iv.  4,  v.  5,  6,  viL  10,  13;  Hos.  x.  15^).  The  present  narrative 
explains  how  it  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  sacred  place:  tradition  said  that  it 
had  been  consecrated  by  Jacob. — The  main  narrative  is  that  of  £;  but  cc.  10, 
13—16,  19,  belong  to  J. 

10  And  Jacob  went  out  from  Beer-sheba,  and  went  toward  J 
Haran.  |  11  And  he  lighted  upon  ^a  certain  place,  and  tarried  E 
there  all  night,  because  the  sun  was  set ;  and  he  took  one  of  the 
stones  of  the  place,  and  put  it  under  his  head,  and  lay  down  in 
that  place  to  sleep.  12  And  he  dreamed,  and  behold  a  ladder 
set  up  on  the  earth,  and  the  top  of  it  reached  to  heaven :  and 
behold  the  angels  of  God  ascending  and  descending  on  it.  | 

^  Heb,  the  place. 

10.  from  Beer-skeba.  The  last  place  at  which  Isaac  has  been 
mentioned  (xxvi.  23).     The  v.  forms  the  true  sequel  to  xxvdi.  41 — 45. 

11.  vpon  the  place.  Perhaps,  'the'  (sacred)  place  (xii.  6),  known 
afterwards  as  Beth-el;  perhaps,  according  to  a  Heb.  idiom  (G.-K.  §  126"), 
'a'  place. 

of  the  stones  of  the  place.  Beitin,  the  site  of  the  ancient  Bethel, 
is  a  small  village,  with  ruins  of  early  Christian  and  Crusaders' 
buildings,  about  10  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem,  on  a  slight  elevation  (hence 
the  standing  expression,  to  'go  up '  to  Bethel :  e.g.  1  S.  x.  3),  a  little 
to  the  E.  of  the  well-worn  track  leading  from  Jerusalem  to  Shechem 
and  the  North.  The  valley  through  which  the  track  here  winds  is 
'  covered;  as  with  grave-stones,  by  large  sheets  of  bare  rock,  some  few 
sta,nding  up  here  and  there  like  cromlechs'  (^S*.  and  P.  p.  219);  while 
a  hiU  a  little  to  the  SE.  rises  to  its  top  in  terraces  of  stone^ 

12.  In  his  dream,  the  natural  features  of  the  locality  {v.  11)  shape 
themselves  into  a  'ladder,'  or  flight  of  stone  steps,  rising  up  to  heaven; 

^  Bethel  is  also  meant  by  'Beth-aven'  in  Hos.  iv.  15,  v.  8,  i.  5. 
*  In  the  PEF.  Memoirs,  n.  305,  there  is  a  view  of  a  large  'gilgal,'  or  ciicle  of 
stones,  near  Bethel.    Cf.  PEFQS.  1902,  p.  323  (at  Gezer). 


xxviiL  13-.7]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  265 

13  And,  behold,  the  Lord  stood  ^above  it,  and  said,  I  am  the  J" 
Lord,  the  God  of  Abraham  thy  father,  and  the  God  of  Isaac : 
the  land  whereon  thou  liest,  to  thee  will  I  give  it,  and  to  thy 
seed ;  14  and  thy  seed  shall  be  as  the  dust  of  the  earth,  and 
thou  shalt  ^spread  abroad  to  the  west,  and  to  the  east,  and  to 
the  north,  and  to  the  south :  and  in  thee  and  in  thy  seed  shall 
all  the  families  of  the  earth  be  blessed.  15  And,  beliold,  I  am 
with  thee,  and  will  keep  thee  whithersoever  thou  goest,  and  will 
bring  thee  again  into  this  land ;  for  I  wiU  not  leave  thee,  until 
I  have  done  that  which  I  have  spoken  to  thee  of.  16  And 
Jacob  awaked  out  of  his  sleep,  and  he  said,  Surely  the  Lord  is 
in  tliis  place ;  and  I  knew  it  not.  |  17  And  he  was  afraid,  and  E 
said,  How  dreadful  is  this  place  I   this  is  none  other  but  the 

*  Or,  beside  him  '  Heb.  break  forth. 

and  he  sees  angels  ascending  and  descending  upon  it.  The  vision  is 
a  symbolical  expression  of  the  intercourse  which,  though  invisible  to 
the  natural  eye,  is  nevertheless  ever  taking  place  between  heaven  and 
earth.  The  vision,  though  in  the  narrative,  and  as  understood  by 
Jacob,  it  relates  only  to  Bethel,  implies  naturally  a  much  wider  truth. 
The  expression  used  in  this  verse  seems  evidently  to  suggest  the  terms 
of  John  i.  51,  where  it  is  appUed  to  denote  symbolically,  to  those  who 
could  discern  it,  the  constant  and  hving  intercourse  ever  maintained 
between  Christ  and  the  Father. 

13 — 16.  Jehovah,  as  he  dreams,  appears  at  his  side;  and  addresses 
him  with  words  of  encouragement  and  hope.  The  promise  is  in  u  13  f. 
a  renewal  of  xii,  3,  7,  xiii.  14 — 16 ;  in  u  15  it  is  accommodated  to  Jacob's 
present  situation. 

13.  above  it.  Better  (as  RVm.),  beside  him:  properly,  (bending) 
over  him,  as  he  slept. 

14.  as  the  dust  of  the  earth.     Cf.  xiii.  1 6. 

spread  abroad.  Heb.  break  forth  (so  xxx.  30  [see  RVm.],  43;  Ex. 
i.  12) :  hence  Is.  hv.  3. 

through  thee  and  through  thy  seed  &c.  As  xii.  3  (see  the  note), 
xviii.  18. 

15.  bring  thee  again.     Bring  thee  back :  see  on  xxiv.  5. 

16.  17.  The  impression  which  this  vision  of  glory  made  upon 
Jacob. 

16.  and  I  knew  it  not.  Jacob  had  been  accustomed  to  associate 
Jehovah's  presence  with  the  sacred  spots  at  which  his  father  had  dwelt 
and  worshipped ;  and  is  surprised  to  find  Him  here  as  well. 

17.  dreadful.  The  Heb.  is  usually  rendered  terrible  (ht.  to  be 
feared,  cognate  with  was  afraid  here).  The  English  word  dreadful  has 
rather  deteriorated  since  1611.  Cf  Dan.  ix.  4  {^terrible,  Dt.  vii.  21); 
Mai.  i.  14  and  iv.  5  AV.  (in  RV.  terrible). 


266  THE  BOOK  OF  OEI^nESIS       [xxviii.  .7-,, 

house  of  God,  and  this  is  the  gate  of  heaven.     18  And  Jacob  E 
rose  up  early  in  the  morning,  and  took  the  stone  that  he  had  ' 
put  under  his  head,  and  set  it  up  for  a  pillar,  and  poured  oil 
upon  the  top  of  it.  |  19  And  he  called  the  name  of  that  place  j 
^Beth-el :   but  the  name  of  the  city  was  Luz  at  the  first.  | 
20  And  Jacob  vowed  a  vow,  saying.  If  God  will  be  with  me,  e 
and  will  keep  me  in  this  way  that  I  go,  and  will  give  me  bread 
to  eat,  and  raiment  to  put  on,  21   so  that  I  come  again  to 
my  father's  house  in  peace,  ^then  shall  the  Lord  be  my  God, 

1  That  is,  The  house  of  God.  *  Or,  and  the  Lord  will  be  my  God,  then  this 

stone  <&c. 

the  house  0 '  God  &c.  The  place  which  is  God's  own  abode,  and 
where  earth  and  heaven  meet. 

18  The  origin  of  the  sacred  monolith,  or  'pillar,'  such  as  may 
be  assumed  (cf.  Hos.  x.  1)  to  have  stood  beside  the  altar  (Am.  iii.  14) 
at  Bethel. 

a  pillar.  Or  standing -stone  (Heb.  mazzehdh^).  What  is  meant  is 
a  sacred  monolith,  or  'pillar,'  such  as  is  oiPten  alluded  to  in  the  OT. 
as  the  distinguishing  mark  of  a  sacred  place,  or  as  standing  beside 
an  altar,  in  later  times,  the  'pillars'  of  the  Canaanites  were  ordered 
to  be  destroyed  (Ex.  xxiii.  24 ;  cf.  2  K.  x.  26),  and  the  erection  of 
'pillars'  by  the  altar  of  Jehovah  was  forbidden  (Dt.  xvi.  22)  on  account 
of  their  heathen  associations.  Ex,  xxiv.  4;  Hos.  iii,  4,  x.  1,  2. 
In  AV.  the  word  is  often  mistranslated  'image.'  A  Phoenician 
mazzebdh  was  just  an  obelisk :  see  the  illustration  in  DB.  iii,  881. 

poured  oil  upon  it.  Thereby  consecrating  it.  See  further  the 
remarks  at  the  end  of  the  chapter, 

19.  Luz.  Cf.  XXXV.  6,  xlviii,  3;  Jos.  xvi.  2,  xviii.  13;  Jud.  i.  23, 
26t.  The  'place'  is  distinguished  from  the  'city':  the  sacred  place, 
'Bethel,'  was  outside  the  ancient  city,  Luz  (cf.  Jos.  xvi.  2),  though 
afterwards  the  fame  of  the  sanctuary  led  to  the  city  being  known  by 
the  same  name. 

20 — 22.  Jacob's  vow.  The  vow  was  common  in  ancient  Israel, 
as  among  other  ancient  peoples:  it  consisted  essentially  of  a  solemn 
promise  to  render  God  some  service,  in  the  event  of  a  particular  prayer 
or  wish  being  granted;  and  it  was  resorted  to  in  warfare,  or  other 
need,  as  a  motive  to  influence  the  Deity  accordingly :  see  e.g.  Nu.  xxi. 
2;  Jud,  xi.  30  f;  1  S.  i.  11;  2  S,  xv.  8;  and  cf  Ps.  Ixvi.  13  f 

21,  The  rend,  of  the  marg.  cannot  be  pronounced  impossible: 
but  that  of  the  text  is  much  the  more  natural  and  obvious:  though 
it  carmot  be  said  to  suggest  a  very  high  idea  of  the  strength  of  Jacob's 
faith.  At  the  same  time,  it  may  be  observed,  Jacob's  request  is  a 
modest  one :  he  asks  simply  for  bread  and  clothing.  The  main  point 
in  his  promise,  however,  lies  undoubtedly  in  v.  22 :  so  perhaps  Dillm. 

*  I.e.  something  vmde  to  stand,  or  set  up ;  see  the  verb  in  xxxv,  14,  20, 


xxviii.  22]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  267 

22  and  this  stone,  which  I  have  set  up  for  a  pillar,  shall  be  God's  E 
house :  and  of  all  that  thou  shalt  give  me  I  will  surely  give  the 
tenth  unto  thee. 

and  others  are  right  in  regarding  the  words  )  wrhah  "h  mn*  as  a  later 
insertion,  and  reading  as  the  original  text  simply,  '  then  this  stone'  &c. 
22.  Jacob  promises  (1)  that  the  stone  (not  the  place)  shall  be  the 
'house,'  or  abode,  of  Goa, — clearly  a  second  explanation  of  the  name, 
'Bethel,'  different  from  the  one  in  ij.  17;  and  (2)  that  he  will  pay 
tithes  to  God  of  aU  his  gains.  From  Am.  iv.  4  we  learn  that  it  was 
customary  to  pay  tithes  at  Bethel :  no  doubt  these  words  of  Jacob  are 
intended  as  an  explanation  of  the  custom. 

The  belief  in  a  stone  being  the  abode  of  a  deity  or  spirit  was,  and  still  is, 
one  widely  diflFused  among  primitive  and  semi-primitive  peoples.  The  Second 
Isaiah  speaks  (Is.  Ivii.  6)  of  libations  being  offered  to  sacred  stones  by  the 
idolatrous  Israelites:  naXai  fiev  ovv,..oi  "Apa^ts  rbv  \l6ov...7vpo(TfKvvovv,  says 
Clement  of  Alexandria*;  the  classical  writers  often  mention  'anointed  and 
garlanded  stones,'  on  which  the  passers-by  would  pour  oil,  at  the  same  time 
uttering  a  prayer';  and  at  the  present  day,  in  many  parts  of  India,  every 
village  has  its  fetish  stone,  in  which  the  spirit  of  a  god  or  deified  man  is 
believed  to  reside,  and  which  is  venerated  accordingly  by  the  inhabitants^. 
The  sacred  standing-stone,  or  '  pillar '  {mazzebdh),  so  often  mentioned  in  the 
OT,,  arose  in  all  probability  out  of  the  same  belief:  originally  it  appears  to 
have  corresponded  to  what  we  should  call  a  'menhir'  (Celtic  for  a  'long 
stone ') :  i.e.  it  was  a  natural  boulder  or  block  of  stone,  set  up  perpendicularly, 
and  venerated  by  the  heathen  Semites  as  the  abode  of  a  deity  ^  In  process  of 
time  artificial  obelisks  took  the  place  of  the  natural  boulders :  Hosea's  expression 
'  made  goodly'  (x.  1)  implies  that  in  his  day  there  was  some  artistic  workman- 
ship about  them.  A  mazzebdh  of  this  kind,  whether  more  or  less  sliaped 
artificially,  was  'in  the  pre-Deuteronomic  period  the  never-failing  accom- 
paniment of  the  Heb.  sanctuary  or  bdmdh  ("high-place").  It  was  the  symbol 
of  the  Divine  presence  or  numen,  which  was  considered  in  some  way  to  reside 
in  or  be  attached  to  it '  ( Whitehouse  in  DB.  a.v.  Pillak). 

1  Protrept.  tv.  §  46.  The  famous  black  stone,  which  forms  part  of  the  Ca'ba  at 
Mecca,  was  originally  a  heathen  idol;  and  al-Lat,  Dhu  'IChalasa,  and  Dhu  'IShara 
were  all  worshipped  in  the  form  of  large  stones  (Wellh.  Reste  Arab.  Ileidentums'-, 
29,  45,  49).  Doughty  saw  at  Tayif,  near  Mecca,  the  three  unshapely  granite-blocks 
which  represent  al-'Uzza,  al-Hubbal,  and  al-Lat  (Arab.  Deserta,  ii.  515  f.). 

2  Arnobius  (c.  300  a.d.),  before  he  became  a  Christian,  if  he  passed  an  anointed 
stone,  would  worship  it  tamqxiam  inesset  vis  praesens,  and  ask  for  blessings  from  it 
{Contra  Gentes,  i.  39).  For  other  similar  allusions  to  such  stones,  see  Theophr. 
Charact.  16  (the  superstitious  man,  passing  an  anointed  stone,  would  pour  oil  upon 
it,  and  pray) ;  Lucian,  Alex.  30;  Deor.  Cone.  12;  Clem.  Al.  Strom,  vn.  4.  26,  p.  843 
Pott. ;  Min.  Felix,  iii.  1 ;  Pausan.  x.  24.  6  (the  stone  at  Delphi  anointed  daily),  with 
Frazer's  note,  v.  354  f.;  and  cf.  Pillab  in  DB. 

*  See  further  Tylor,  Primitive  Culture',  ii.  160—7 ;  Rel.  Sem.^  204—212,  232  f, ; 
Pausan.  vn.  22.  4,  with  Frazer's  note,  iv.  154  f. ;  and  G.  F.  Moore's  very  full  art. 
Masseba  in  EvcB. 

*  See  the  writer's  Schweich  Lectures  (1908),  pp.  62 — 5,  84  (with  illustrations). 


268  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxix.  i, « 

Jacob's  act  (v.  18),  it  is  difficult  not  to  think,  especially  when  it  is  said 
(».  22)  that  the  stone  itself  is  to  be  'God's  house,'  must  stand  in  some  relation 
to  these  beliefs.  It  may  be  that  originally  the  sacred  monolith  of  Bethel  was 
conceived  as  the  actual  abode  of  the  deity, — Jacob's  act  appears  at  least  to 
imply  that  he  attributed  his  dream  to  a  numen  resident  in  it, — and  that  traces 
of  this  idea  remain  in  v.  22,  though  the  rest  of  the  narrative  has  been 
accommodated  to  the  higher  level  of  religious  belief,  on  which  the  narrator 
himself  stood.  For  us  the  religious  value  of  the  narrative  lies  not  in  what  is 
said  about  the  sacred  stone,  but  in  the  truths  which  find  expression, — though, 
it  may  be,  in  a  form  conditioned  partly  by  the  needs,  and  habits  of  thought,  of 
an  immature  stage  of  religious  belief, — in  vv.  12 — 17,  that  heaven  and  earth  are 
not  spiritually  parted  from  one  another,  that  God's  protecting  presence  ac- 
companies His  worshippers,  and  that  He  is  ever  at  their  side,  even  when  they 
are  away  from  their  accustomed  place  of  worship,  or  are  otherwise  tempted  by 
circumstances  not  to  realize  the  fact^. 


Chapter  XXIX.  1— -30. 

Jacob's  arrival  at  Haran.    His  seven  years*  service  with 
Lahan;  and  marriage  ivith  Leah  arid  Rachel. 

XXIX.  1  Then  Jacob  ^went  on  his  journey,  and  came  to  E 
the  land  of  the  childi-en  of  the  east.  |  2  And  he  looked,  and  j 
behold  a  well  in  the  field,  and,  lo,  three  flocks  of  sheep  lying 

^  Heb.  lifted  up  his  feet. 

XXIX.  1 — 14  {v.  1  E ;  w.  2 — 14  J).  Jacob  reaches  Haran  (xxiv. 
10) ;  and  quickly  makes  the  acquaintance  of  his  uncle  and  cousins. 

1.  went  on  his  journey.  Heb.  lifted  up  his  fent,  an  expression 
found  only  here. 

the  child/ren  of  the  east.  A  general  designation  of  the  tribes  E.  and 
NE.  of  Moab,  Ammon,  Gilead,  &c.  (so  Jud.  vi.  3,  33;  Is.  xi.  14;  Jer. 
xlix.  28;  Ez.  xxv.  4,  10,  al.:  cf.  on  xv.  19).  It  is  true,  Haran  was 
a  good  deal  more  N.  than  E.  of  Palestine;  but  the  expression  is  used 
broadly ;  and  in  Nu.  xxiii.  7  Balaam,  whose  home  was  Pethor  (the  Ass. 
Pitru),  a  little  W.  of  Haran,  is  said  to  have  been  brought  from  the 
'  mountains  of  the  east.^ 

^  The  Ass.  kings,  when,  in  restoring  a  temple,  they  came  upon  the  foundation- 
stone  laid  by  its  founder,  anointed  it  with  oil,  and  poured  libations  upon  it,  before 
reinstating  it  in  its  place  (KB.  i.  45,  ii.  113,  151,  261);  but  the  cases  seem  too 
different  to  be  regarded  at  least  as  directly  parallel  to  Jacob's  act,  as  they  are 
treated  by  Lagrange  (htudes  sur  les  Religions  Semitiques,  1903,  pp.  196  f.,  203). 
The  RatTiyXia  of  the  Phoenicians  (Eus.  Praep.  Ev.  i.  10.  18;  and  a  curious  extract 
from  Damascius,  preserved  by  Photius,  ap.  Migne,  Bibl.  Patr.  vol.  cin.  1292  I'.), — 
small  portable  stones,  supposed  to  have  the  power  of  automatic  movement,  as  well 
as  other  magical  prupcitiea,  — do  not  appear  to  have  any  connexiou  with  the  sacred 
stones  referred  to  above  {Rel.  Sem.^  p.  210  n.;  Lagrange,  p.  194). 


XXIX.  2-io]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  269 

there  by  it ;  for  out  of  that  well  they  watered  the  flocks  :  and  J 
the  stone  upon  the  well's  mouth  was  gi-eat.  3  And  thither  were 
all  the  flocks  gathered:  and  they  rolled  the  stone  from  the 
well's  mouth,  and  watered  the  sheep,  and  put  the  stone  again 
upon  the  well's  mouth  in  its  place.  4  And  Jacob  said  unto 
them,  My  brethren,  whence  be  ye?  And  they  said,  Of  Haran 
are  we.  5  And  he  said  unto  them.  Know  ye  Laban  the  son  of 
Nahor?  And  they  said.  We  know  him.  6  And  he  said  unto 
them.  Is  it  well  with  him  ?  And  they  said,  It  is  well :  and, 
behold,  Rachel  his  daughter  cometh  with  the  sheep.  7  And  he 
said,  Lo,  it  is  yet  high  day,  neither  is  it  time  that  the  cattle 
should  be  gathered  together :  water  ye  the  sheep,  and  go  and 
feed  them.  8  And  they  said.  We  cannot,  until  all  the  flocks  be 
gathered  together,  and  they  roll  the  stone  from  the  well's 
mouth ;  then  we  water  the  sheep.  9  While  he  yet  spake  with 
them,  Rachel  came  with  her  father's  sheep ;  for  she  kept  them. 
10  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Jacob  saw  Rachel  the  daughter  of 
Laban  his  mother's  brother,  and  the  sheep  of  Laban  his  mother's 

2,  3.  The  tenses  in  the  Heb.  are  here  distinguished  with  particular 
precision :  the  flocks  were  lying  (at  the  time) ;  then  v.  '2^ — 3  is 
parenthetical,  describing  the  practice:  used  to  water,  used  to  be 
gathered,  used  to  roll,  &c.  (in  the  lxx,,  correctly,  partcp.  and  imper- 
fects, respectively) :  the  narrative  of  v.  2*  is  resumed  in  v.  4. 

the  stone  &c.  Cisterns — and  sometimes  also  (Thomson,  L.  and  B. 
I.  256)  '  wells' — are  in  the  East  still  generally  covered  in  by  a  broad 
and  thick  flat  stone,  with  a  round  hole  cut  in  the  middle,  which  in 
its  turn  is  often  covered  with  a  heavy  stone,  which  it  requires  two 
or  three  men  to  roll  away,  and  which  is  removed  only  at  particular 
times  (Rob.  BR.  i.  490;  cf.  v.  8). 

4.  Haran.     See  on  xi.  31,  and  xxiv,  10, 

5.  son.  I.e.  descendant,  Laban  being  in  reality  son  of  Bethuel 
(xxviii,  5),  and  grandson  of  Nahor  (xxii,  22).  So  in  'Jehu,  son  of 
Nimshi,'  2  K.  ix.  20  (see  v.  14),  'Zechariah,  son  of  Iddo,'  Ezr.  v.  1  (see 
Zech.  i.  1). 

7.  he  gathered  together.     In  order,  viz.,  to  be  folded  for  the  night. 

8.  Wells  surrounded  with  drinking  troughs,  and  flocks  waiting 
beside  them  to  be  watered,  are  still  a  common  sight  in  the  East  (Rob. 
BR.  I.  201,  204,  II.  22,  26,  35,  226,  378). 

9.  with  her  father's  sheep.  Cf.  Ex.  ii.  16.  The  daughter  of  an 
Arab  sheikh  will  do  the  same  thing  at  the  present  day. 

10.  Jacob,  attracted  by  Rachel's  beauty  (u  17),  and  pleased  also 
at  finding  himself  so  near  to  his  relations  (notice  the  stress  on  'his 


270  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxix  10-17 

brother,  that  Jacob  went  near,  and  rolled  the  stone  from  the  J" 
well's  mouth,  and  watered  the  flock  of  Laban  his  mother's 
brother.  11  And  Jacob  kissed  Rachel,  and  lifted  up  his  voice, 
and  wept.  12  And  Jacob  told  Rachel  that  he  was  her  father's 
brother,  and  that  he  was  Rebekah's  son :  and  she  ran  and  told 
her  father.  13  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Laban  heard  the 
tidings  of  Jacob  his  sister's  son,  that  he  ran  to  meet  him,  and 
embraced  him,  and  kissed  him,  and  brought  him  to  his  house. 
And  he  told  Laban  all  these  things.  14  And  Laban  said  to  him, 
Surely  thou  art  my  bone  and  my  flesL  And  he  abode  with  him 
the  space  of  a  month.  |  15  And  Laban  said  unto  Jacob,  Because  E 
thou  art  my  brother,  shouldest  thou  therefore  serve  me  for 
nought?  tell  me,  what  shall  thy  wages  be?  16  And  Laban  had 
two  daughters  :  the  name  of  the  elder  was  Leah,  and  the  name 
of  the  younger  was  RacheL     17  And  Leah's  eyes  were  tender ; 

mother's  brother'),  hastens  to  produce  a  favourable  impression  upon 
her  by  offering  her  his  services. 

11.  wept.  Orientals  are  more  emotional  than  we  are;  so  that 
Jacob,  overcome  with  joy  at  this  happy  termination  of  his  journey, 
might  quite  naturally  burst  into  tears. 

12.  brother.  Le.  relation;  here,  nephew,  as  xiv.  14,  xxiv.  48. 
So  ^.15. 

13.  Jacob  being  now  grown  up,  it  is  evident  that  Laban  must 
have  parted  with  his  sister  (xxiv.  61)  more  than  20  years  before':  so 
the  delight  with  which  he  welcomed  her  son  is  quite  natural. 

14.  Laban,  satisfied  with  Jacob's  account  of  himself,  greets  him 
as  his  'bone'  and  his  'flesh':  of.,  for  the  expression,  Jud.  ix.  2;  2  S. 
V.  1,  xix.  12,  13. 

15 — 30  (E,  except  vu.  24,  29,  which  belong  to  P,  perhaps  also 
V.  28'').  '  In  this  marriage  with  two  sisters,  Jacob  is  no  model  for  Israel 
(Lev.  xviii,  18):  but  it  was  at  least  not  of  his  own  choice:  one  of  the 
sisters  was  forced  upon  him  by  Laban's  craft,  so  that  the  marriage 
has  the  aspect  of  a  Haran  custom  rather  than  of  a  Hebrew  one.  While 
however  the  double  marriage  thus  finds  its  excuse  in  Laban's  deceit, 
the  ethical  consideration  also  asserts  itself  that  Jacob's  own  fraud 
on  Esau  and  Isaac  is  avenged  by  the  deception  which  he  himself  must 
now  suffer'  (Dillm.). 

15.  Laban's  offer  is  in  appearance  disinterested:  but  it  is  no 
doubt  prompred  in  reality  by  the  observation  that  Jacob  was  a  skilful 
shepherd,  whose  services  it  would  be  worth  while  to  retain. 

17.  tender.  I.e.  weak,  opp.  to  the  large,  black,  lustrous  eyes,  re- 
sembli ng  those  of  a  gazelle,  such  as  Orientals  love. 

1  Indeed,  according  to  P  (cf.  xxvi.  34),  more  than  40, — or,  according  to  the 
computatioua  of  Ussher  and  Keil  (p.  262),  77, — years  before :  but  see  the  Introd.  §  2. 


XXIX.  17-^6]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  271 

but  Rachel  was  beautiful  and  well  favoured.  18  And  Jacob  E 
loved  Rachel ;  and  he  said,  I  will  serve  thee  seven  years  for 
Rachel  thy  younger  daughter.  19  And  Laban  said,  It  is  better 
that  I  give  her  to  thee,  than  that  I  should  give  her  to  another 
man :  abide  with  me.  20  And  Jacob  served  seven  years  for 
Rachel ;  and  they  seemed  unto  him  but  a  few  days,  for  the  love 
he  had  to  her.  21  And  Jacob  said  unto  Laban,  Give  rae  my 
wife,  for  my  days  are  fulfilled,  that  I  may  go  in  unto  her. 
22  And  Laban  gathered  together  all  the  men  of  the  place,  and 
made  a  feast.  23  And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  evening,  that  he 
took  Leah  his  daughter,  and  brought  her  to  him ;  and  he 
went  in  unto  her.  |  24  And  Laban  gave  Zilpah  his  handmaid  p 
unto  his  daughter  Leah  for  an  handmaid.  |  25  And  it  came  to  e 
pass  in  the  morning  that,  behold,  it  was  Leah :  and  he  said  to 
Laban,  What  is  this  thou  hast  done  unto  me?  did  not  I  serve 
with  thee  for  Rachel?  wherefore  then  hast  thou  beguiled  me? 
26  And  Laban  said.  It  is  not  so  done  in  our  place,  to  give  the 

beautiful.     Heh./air  inform:  see  the  next  note. 

well  favoured.  I.e.  good-looking  (Heb.  fair  in  aspect  or  looks), 
handsome:  so  xxxix.  6,  xli.  2,  al.;  and  conversely  'ill  favoured,'  Gen. 
xh.  3,  'evilfavouredness,'  Dt,  xvii.  1.  'Favour'  in  Old  English  (see 
Aldis  Wright's  Bible  Word-Book,  s.v.)  meant  appearance,  aspect,  look, 
and  even  face  (e.g.  Cymbeline,  v.  b.  93,  '  His  favowr  is  famihar  to 
me');  and  in  many  Eng.  dialects  'to  favour'  is  still  used  in  the  sense 
of  to  seem,  appear  (Jos.  Wright's  Engl.  Dialect  Diet.  s.v.). 

18.  /  will  serve  thee  seven  years  &c.  Jacob's  service  takes  the  place 
of  the  mohar,  usually  paid  to  her  parents  for  a  bride  (see  on  xxxiv.  12). 
The  custom  of  serving  a  term  of  years  for  a  wife  is  said  to  be  still 
common  in  Syria.  Burckhardt  ( Travels  in  Syria,  p.  297  f.)  mentions 
a  case  very  similar  to  that  of  Jacob. 

19.  It  is  better  &c.  On  account,  viz.,  of  his  being  a  relation. 
Marriages  tending  to  break  down  the  family  connexion,  and  family 
influence,  were  viewed  with  disfavour. 

22.  a  feast.  The  marriage-feast  was  usually,  it  seems,  given  by  the 
bridegroom  (Jud.  xiv.  10):  but  see  2  Esdr.  ix.  47;  Tob.  viii.  19;  Mt.  xxii.  2. 

23 — 25.  Thus  Jacob,  who  had  overreached  his  brother  and  deceived 
his  father,  is  now  overreached  himself.  Laban  takes  advantage  of  the 
fact  that  the  bride  (see  on  xxiv.  65)  was  brought  to  her  husband  veiled ; 
but  it  is  still  difficult  to  understand  how  the  disguise  could  be  carried 
successfully  through. 

24.    for  an  handmaid.     I.e.  as  a  female  slave  (xvi.  1).     So  v.  29, 

XXX.  4,  7,  9,  10,  12,  18  and  always  (cf.  on  xii.  16). 

26.     In  Egypt  '  a  father  very  often  objects  to  marrying  a  younger 


272  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxix.  .6-3^ 

younger  before  the  firstborn.    27  Fulfil  the  week  of  this  one,  E 
and  we  will  give  thee  the  other  also  for  the  service  which  thou 
shalt  serve  with  me  yet  seven  other  years.    28  And  Jacob  did  so, 
and  fulfilled  her  week :  |  and  he  gave  him  Rachel  his  daughter  to  P 
wife.     29  And  Laban  gave  to  Rachel  his  daughter  Bilhah  his 
handmaid  to  be  her  handmaid.  |  30  And  he  went  in  also  unto  E 
Rachel,  and  he  loved  also  Rachel  more  than  Leah,  and  served 
with  him  yet  seven  other  years. 

daughter  before  an  elder'  (Lane,  Mod.  Eg.  i.  201).  But  of  course 
Laban's  excuse  is  inadequate:  he  ought,  if  it  really  existed,  to  have 
explained  the  custom  to  Jacob  before. 

27.  Fulfil  the  week  of  this  one.  Do  not  break  the  marriage  off"; 
complete  the  usual  round  of  wedding  festivities.  For  the  *  week,'  see 
Jud.  xiv.  12;  Tob.  xi.  19. 

28.  The  seven  days  being  over,  and  Jacob  having  agreed  to  Laban's 
proposal  to  serve  him  another  seven  years,  he  receives  Rachel  as  well 

XXIX.  31— XXX.  24. 

The  birth  of  Jacob's  eleven  sons,  and  one  daughter. 

The  narrative  (in  the  main  J,  witli  short  excerpts  from  E)  is  brief,  the 
principal  aim  of  both  writers  being  simply  to  explain  the  names.  The  explana- 
tions may  in  one  or  two  cases  be  correct:  but  in  most  cases  they  rest  merely 
upon  assonances  (as  explained  on  iv.  1)^:  it  must  also  remain  an  open  question 
whether  even  so  the  actual  origin  of  the  different  names  is  preserved,  and 
whether  the  explanations  offered  are  not  in  reality  popular  etymologies  of  the 
names  of  the  tribes.  But  the  narrative  has  also  an  ethical  side :  it  illustrates 
indirectly  the  evils  of  polygamy,  and  the  jealousies  and  rivalries  to  which  it 
gives  rise.  'The  struggle  of  Rachel  and  Leah  for  their  husband  gives  us  a 
strange  picture  of  manners  and  morals,  but,  naturally,  must  not  be  judged  by 
our  standard'  (Payne  Smith):  at  the  same  time,  in  so  far  as  the  temper  and 
attitude  of  Rachel  are  concerned,  it  is  fair  to  remember  that  Leah  was  not  the 
wife  of  Jacob's  choice,  but  had  been  forced  by  fraud  into  what  was  really 
Rachel's  rightful  place  in  his  house, 

31  And  the  Lord  saw  that  Leah  was  hated,  and  he  opened  J 
her  womb :  but  Rachel  was  barren.    32  And  Leah  conceived, 

31 — 35.     Leah  bears  Reuben,  Simeon,  Levi,  and  Judah. 
31.     hated.     The  word  is  to  be  understood  in  a  relative  sense 
=  kss  loved  (cf  V.  30):  similarly  Dt.  xxi,  15;  Mt.  vi.  24. 

^  It  is  for  this  reason  that  the  margins  of  RV.  do  not  state  the  meanings  of  the 
several  names,  but  (as  on  iv.  1,  25)  mention  n»erely  the  Heb.  words  which  they 
resemble  in  sound. 


XXIX.  3^-xxx.  2]    THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  273 

and  bare  a  son,  and  she  called  his  name  Reuben  :  for  she  said,  j 
Because  the  Lord  %ath  looked  upon  my  affliction  ;  for  now  my 
husband  will  love  me.  33  And  she  conceived  again,  and  bare  a 
son  ;  and  said,  Because  the  Lord  ^hath  heard  that  I  am  hated, 
he  hath  therefore  given  me  this  son  also :  and  she  called  his 
name  ^Simeon.  34  And  she  conceived  again,  and  bare  a  son ; 
and  said.  Now  this  time  will  my  husband  be  *  joined  unto  me, 
because  I  have  borne  him  three  sons :  therefore  was  his  name 
called  Levi.  35  And  she  conceived  again,  and  bare  a  son  :  and 
she  said,  This  time  will  I  Upraise  the  Lord  :  therefore  she  called 
his  name  ^Judah  ;  and  she  left  bearing. 

XXX.     1  And  when  Rachel  saw  that  she  bare  Jacob  no  E 
children,  Rachel  envied  her  sister ;   and  she  said  unto  Jacob, 
Give  me  children,  or  else  I  die.     2   And  Jacob's  anger  was 
kindled  against  Rachel :  and  he  said.  Am  I  in  God's  stead,  who 

^  Heb.  raah  beonyi.  ^  Heb.  shama.  ^  Heb.  Shimeon.  *  From  the 

root  lavah.  ^  From  the  Heb.  hodah.  *  Heb.  Jehndah. 

32.  Reuben.  The  word  signifies,  in  appearance,  BeJwld  (plur.) 
a  son!  but  it  is  very  doubtful  if  this  is  the  real  meaning  of  the 
name.  Here,  however,  the  name  is  stated  to  have  been  given  simply 
from  its  resemblance  in  sound  to  radii  ¥'onyi,  ' looked  upon  my 
affliction' ;  cf  1  S.  i.  11  (of  the  childless  Hannah),  Luke  i.  48;  and  often 
with  the  accus.  ('see,'  'behold'),  as  ch.  xxxi,  42;  Ex.  iii.  7;  Ps.  ix.  13. 

33.  Simeon.  This,  as  well  as  most  of  the  following  names,  is 
sufficiently  explained  by  the  marg.  of  the  RV.  It  has  been  supposed 
(W.  R.  Smith,  Journ.  of  Phil.  ix.  80,  96,  and  others)  that  'Simeon' 
is  really  an  animal  name,  the  word  being  akin  to  the  Arab,  sim^u,  which 
denotes  a  cross  between  a  wolf  and  a  hyaena'. 

34.  he  joined.  Heb.  yilldveh,  from  Idvdh,  to  join.  The  name  is 
similarly  played  upon  in  Num.  xviii.  2.  For  conjectures  respecting  the 
actual  meaning  of  the  name,  see  Levi  in  DB. 

35.  The  same  apparent  connexion  with  the  Heb.  word  for  to  praise 
(or,  better,  to  acknowledge,^  thank :  Ps.  ix.  1,  and  frequently)  forms  the 
starting-point  of  the  blessing  in  xlix.  8. 

XXX.  1 — 8.  Bilhah,  Rachel's  female  slave  (xxix.  29),  bears 
Dan  and  Naphtah. 

1.  Rachel,  discontented  and  envious,  petulantly  reproaches  Jacob 
for  her  childlessness. 

2.  in  God's  stead.  Who  is  the  author  of  life,  and  is  alone  able 
to  grant  such  a  request.  The  same  phrase  recurs  in  1.  19:  cf.  also 
2  K.  V.  7. 

^  Many  Heb.  proper  names  are  animal  names:  e.g.  Rachel,  'ewe';  Jael, 
'mountain-goat';  Jonah,  'dove';  Shaphau,  'rock-rabbit.'  See  the  list  in  Gray'a 
Heh.  Proper  Names  (1890),  p.  88  ff.;  or  EncB.  Names,  §  68. 

D.  18 


274  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxx.  2-,i 

hath  withheld  fi-om  thee  the  fruit  of  the  womb?    3  And  she  E 
said,  Behold  my  maid  Bilhah,  go  in  mito  her;   that  she  may 
bear  upon  my  knees,  and  I  also  may  ^obtain  children  by  her.  | 
4  And  she  gave  him  Bilhah  her  handmaid  to  wife :  and  Jacob  J 
went  in  unto  her.     5  And  Bilhah  conceived,  and  bare  Jacob  a 
son.  I  6  And  Rachel  said,  God  hath  ^judged  me,  and  hath  also  E 
heard  my  voice,  and  hath  given  me  a  son :  therefore  called  she  his 
name  Dan.  |  7  And  Bilhah  Rachel's  handmaid  conceived  again,  J 
and  bare  Jacob  a  second  son.    8  And  Rachel  said,  With  ^mighty 
wrestlings  have  I  ^  wrestled  with  my  sister,  and  have  prevailed : 
and  she  called  his  name  Naphtali.     9  When  Leah  saw  that  she 
had  left  bearing,  she  took  Zilpah  her  handmaid,  and  gave  her  to 
Jacob  to  wife.     10   And  Zilpah  Leah's  handmaid  bare  Jacob 
a  son.     11  And  Leah  said,  ^Fortunate  I  and  she  called  his  name 

1  Heb.  he  builded  by  her.  ^  Heb.  dan,  he  judged.  *  Heb.  wresth'jigs 

of  God.  "•  Heb.  niphtal,  he  wrestled.  •>  Heb,  With  fortune  I     Another 

reading  is,  Fortune  is  come. 

3.     Rachel  resorts  to  the  same  expedient  as  Sarah,  ch.  xvi.  2,  3. 

that  she  may  bear  upon  my  knees.  A  fig.  expression  for,  that  I  may 
acknowledge  her  children  as  my  own :  of.  1.  23,  and  Job  iii.  12.  An 
expression,  denoting  properly,  it  seems,  recognition  and  acceptance  by 
the  father,  and  metaphorically  adoption  by  another:  and  originating, 
it  is  probable,  in  the  custom,  once  widely  diffused  over  the  world, 
and  still,  it  is  stated,  common  in  many  parts  of  Germany,  of  the 
mother  being  actually  delivered  of  her  child  upon  the  father's  knees, — 
the  latter,  by  so  receiving  it,  owning  it  symbolically  as  his  legitimate 
offspring  (see  Stade,  ZATW.  1886,  p.  148,  in  a  discussion  of  this 
expression). 

may  be  builded  up  from  her.     See  on  xvi.  2. 

6.  judged  me.  And  (as  is  implied)  given  me  my  due.  A  common 
usage :  see  e.g.  Ps.  xxvi.  1,  xliii.  1. 

heard  my  voice.     As  Ps.  xviii.  6,  al. 

8.  With  mighty  wrestlings.  The  lit.  rendering  (see  marg.)  being 
interpreted  in  accordance  with  the  principle  explained  on  xxiii.  6. 
Others,  however,  explain  'with  wiestlings  for  God,'  i.e.  'to  win  his 
favour  and  blessing'  (Tuch,  Del.,  Dillm.,  Gunkel). 

9 — 13.  Zilpah,  Leah's  female  slave  (xxix.  24),  bears  Gad  and 
Asher. 

11.  The  Heb.  text  has  "J^?  '  With  fortune  !'  (lxx.  Iv  n^xv)  =  '  For- 
tunate!' The  Massorites  direct  the  Heb.  letters  to  be  read  as  though 
they  were  two  words  t?!  ^?  '  Fortune  is  come'  (so  Targg.  and  Pesh.) ; 
the  general  sense  remaining  the  same.  Gad  is  the  name  of  an  old 
Semitic  god  of  fortune,  mentioned  particularly  in  iVramaic  inscriptions 
from  Hauran  and  Palmyra,  and  also  once  in  the  OT.  (Is.  Ixv.  1 1  RV.) : 


XXX.  II-I6]  TIIE  BOOK   OF  GENESIS  275 

^Gad.  12  And  Zilpah  Leah's  handmaid  bare  Jacob  a  second  son.  J 
13  And  Leah  said,  ^Happy  am  I!  for  the  daugliters  will  ^call  me 
happy  :  and  she  called  his  name  Asher.  14  And  Reuben  went 
in  the  days  of  wheat  harvest,  and  found  ^mandrakes  in  the  field, 
and  brought  them  unto  his  mother  Leah.  Then  Rachel  said  to 
Leah,  Give  me,  I  pray  thee,  of  thy  son's  mandrakes.  15  And 
she  said  unto  her.  Is  it  a  small  matter  that  thou  hast  taken 
away  my  husband?  and  wouldest  thou  take  away  my  son's 
mandi'akes  also  ?  And  Rachel  said.  Therefore  he  shall  lie  with 
thee  to-night  for  thy  son's  mandrakes.  16  And  Jacob  came 
from  the  field  in  the  evening,  and  Leah  went  out  to  meet  him, 

^  That  is,  Fortune.  ^  Heb.  With  my  happiness !  '  Heb.  asher,  to 

call  happy.  *  Or,  love-apples 

the  name  is  also  preserved  in  Baal-gad,  the  name  of  a  place  at  the 
foot  of  Hermon  (Josh.  xi.  17,  al.),  and  Migdal-gad,  'tower  of  Gad,'  in 
Judah  {ib.  xv.  37).  In  Syriac  the  word  has  rfuiik  to  be  a  mere  appella- 
tive, fortune. 

13.  call  me  happy.  For  the  word,  see  Pr.  xxxi.  28;  Cant.  vi.  9 
(Heb.);  .Tob  xxix.  11  (Heb.V,  Ps.  Ixxii.  17  (RV.). 

14—21     Leah  bears  Is^achar  and  Zebulun.  and  a  daughter,  Dinah. 

14.  Reuben.     To  be  pictured  here  as  a  child  of  7  or  8. 

mandrakes.  The  mandrake  (Gk.  fiav8pay6pa<s)  is  a  plant  (cf  Tris- 
tram, jV/JB.  466—8;  Thomson,  L.  and  B.  ii.  240  f)  of  the  same 
family  (Soktnaceai)  as  the  potato,  growing  flat  on  the  ground;  its 
leaves  present  generally  the  appearance  of  a  large  primrose ;  and  '  the 
fruit  is  of  the  size  of  a  large  plum,  quite  round,  yeLow,  and  full  of 
soft  pulp.'  Both  the  fruit  and  the  roots  appear  (see  Tuch's  note)  to 
have  stimulating  qualities :  Greek  writers  speak  of  a  decoction  from 
the  roots  being  used  as  a  love  philtre ;  and  the  fruit  is  still  considered 
in  the  East  to  possess  aphrodisiac  properties,  and  to  promote  con- 
ception. These  facts  explain  Rachel's  anxiet}'  to  obtain  some  of  those 
which  the  child  Reuben  had  gathered.  The  Heb.  name  is  akin  to  the 
Heb.  word  for  (sexual)  'love'  (Ez.  xvi.  8);  and  RVm.  is  thus  a  good 
explanatory  comment  on  the  little-known  'mandrake.'  The  fruit  is 
ripe  in  May  (Tristram,  I.e.),  which  is  just  the  time  of  'wheat-harvest' 
in  the  East. 

15.  taken  away.  In  so  far,  viz.,  as  Jacob  was  fonder  of  Rachel 
than  of  Leah. 

And  liadiel  said  &c.  Rachel  was  content  that  her  sister  should 
have  a  chance  of  another  son,  if  only  she  could  secure  some  of  the 
love-apples  for  herself 

16.  Leah  says  that  she  has  'hired'  Jacob  with  the  love-apples 
which  she  has  given  Rachel.  The  words  are  evidently  intended  as  an 
explanation  of  the  name  '  Issachar.' 

18—2 


276  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxx  16-74 

and  said,  Thou  must  come  in  unto  me  ;  for  I  have  surely  hired  J 
thee  with  my  son's  mandrakes.    And  he  lay  with  her  that  night.  | 
17   And  God  hearkened  unto  Leah,   and  she  conceived,   and  E 
bare  Jacob  a  fifth  son.     18  And  Leah  said,  God  hath  given  me 
my  ^hire,  because  I  gave  my  handmaid  to  my  husband :  and  she 
called  his  name  Issachar.     19  And  Leah  conceived  again,  and 
bare  a  sixth  son  to  Jacob.      20  And  Leah  said,   God  hath 
endowed  me  with  a  good  dowry  ;  |  now  will  my  husband  ^  dwell  J 
with  me,  because  I  have  borne  him  six  sons :  |  and  she  called  E 
his  name  Zebulun.     21   And  afterwards  she  bare  a  daughter, 
and  called  her  name  Dinah.    22  And  God  remembered  Rachel, 
and  God  hearkened  to  her,  and  opened  her  womb.     23  And  she 
conceived,  and  bare  a  son :  and  said,  God  hath  taken  away  my 
reproach :  |  24  and  she  called  his  name  Joseph,  saying,  The  J 
Lord  ^add  to  me  another  son. 

1  Heb.  sachar.  '  Heb.  tubal,  he  dwelt.  '  Heb.  Joseph. 

18.  Leah  says  here  that  Issachar  is  the  '  hire,'  or  payment,  which 
she  has  received  in  return  for  havini,'  given  Jacob  her  maid,  Zilpah, — 
obviously  a  second  explanation  of  'Issachar'  (sdchdr  =  'hire,'  v.  32,  or 
'payment,'  Jon.  i.  3). 

20.  Two  explanations  of  'Zebulun,' 

endowed  me  with  a  good  dowry.  Neither  the  verb  nor  the  (cognate) 
subst.  occurs  elsewhere  in  the  OT.  (except  in  proper  names,  as  Jozabad, 
Zebediah,  Zabdi  —  Zehedee) :  the  subst.  (zebed)  occurs  in  Syriac,  of 
the  present  given  to  the  bride  b}-  her  father. 

dwell.  Zdbal  occurs  only  here;  but  this  is  the  traditional  ex- 
planation of  it  (Aq.,  Targ.,  Jerome:  cf  Pesh.  'wiU  adhere  to  me')^ 
It  expresses  the  second  etjTnology  of  'Zebulun.' 

21.  Dinah.  The  writer  offers  no  explanation  of  this  name, 
though  it  might  naturally  be  interpreted  as  signifying  judgement 
(cf  'Dan'). 

22 — 24.  Rachel's  long-deferred  hopes  are  at  length  accomplished ; 
and  she  bears  a  son,  Joseph. 

22.  remembered.     Cf  1  S.  i.  19. 

23.  24.  Two  explanations  of  'Joseph,'  one  (E:  notice  God)  from 
'dsaph,  to  take  away  ;  and  the  other  (J :  notice  Jehovah)  from  ydsaph, 
to  add. 

23.     my  reproach.     Cf  Luke  i.  25. 

1  Some  Assyriologists  (but  not  Mr  Ball)  have  advocated  lately  the  rend,  will 
exalt  or  honour  (see  Lex.,  p.  259'' ;  EncB.  iv.  5386).  It  is  true,  zdhal  is  not  known 
to  occur  in  the  other  Semitic  languages  with  the  meaning  dwell:  but  Heb.  has 
other  roots  peculiar  to  itself;  the  Ass.  zabdlu  means  commonly  to  carry,  bring  (e.g. 
bricks),  and  the  evidence  that  it  means  also  to  lift  up,  or  exalt,  seems  at  present  to 
be  questionable. 


XXX.  i5-3i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  277 


XXX.  25—43. 

How  Lahan  concludes  a  new  agreement  loith  Jacob,  and 
how  Jacob  circumvents  it. 

Jacob,  having  uow  been  in  Laban's  service  for  14  years  (xxix.  20,  30),  craves 
permission  to  return  home  to  his  father.  Laban,  reluctant  to  part  with  a 
servant,  who,  as  he  admits  {v.  27''),  has  served  him  well,  invites  him,  with  a 
show  of  liberality,  to  name  the  terms  on  which  he  will  continue  in  his  service. 
Jacob  thereupon  proposes  an  arrangement,  by  which,  ostensibly,  he  will  gain 
Httle  or  nothing,  and  with  which,  therefore,  Laban  immediately  closes  {w.  25 — 
34),  but  which,  it  soon  appears,  his  son-in-law  knows  how  to  turn  to  his  own 
advantage  {w.  35—43). 

25  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Rachel  had  borne  Joseph,  that  J 
Jacob  said  unto  Laban,  Send  me  away,  that  I  may  go  unto  mine 
own  place,  and  to  my  country.  26  Give  me  my  wives  and  my 
children  for  whom  I  have  served  thee,  and  let  me  go  :  for  thou 
knowest  my  service  wherewith  I  have  served  thee.  27  And 
Laban  said  unto  him,  If  now  I  have  found  favour  in  thine  eyes, 
tar7'y :  for  I  have  divined  that  the  Lord  hath  blessed  me  for 
thy  sake.  28  And  he  said,  Appoint  me  thy  wages,  and  I  wiU 
give  it.  29  And  he  said  unto  him,  Thou  knowest  how  I  have 
served  thee,  and  how  thy  cattle  hath  fared  with  me.  30  For  it 
was  little  which  thou  hadst  before  I  came,  and  it  hath  Mucreased 
unto  a  multitude ;  and  the  Lord  hath  blessed  thee  Whithersoever 
I  turned :  and  now  when  shall  I  provide  for  mine  own  house 
also?  31  And  he  said,  AVhat  shall  I  give  thee?  And  Jacob 
said,  Thou  shalt  not  give  me  aught :  if  thou  wilt  do  this  thing 

^  Heb.  broken  forth.  ^  Heb.  at  my  foot. 

27.  divined.  The  word  found  in  xliv.  5,  15,  and  meaning  properly 
to  observe  omens :  used  here,  it  seems,  in  the  metaph.  sense  of  perceive 
by  careful  observation  (cf.  1  K.  xx.  33, — though  there  RVm.  is  prob. 
preferable). 

28.  Laban  offers  to  give  him  whatever  wages  he  may  demand. 

29.  30.  Jacob  does  not  deny  that  he  has  been  useful  to  Laban, 
but  urges  that  it  is  now  time  for  him  to  look  to  his  own  interests. 

30.  increased  abundantly  (l  Ch.  xxii.  5,  8).     Cf  on  xxviii.  14. 

whithersoever  I  turned.  For  the  Heb.  idiom  employed  (lit.  'accord- 
ing to  my  foot,' — i.e.  wherever  it  turned),  see  Job  x^^ii.  11  (RV.  'at 
his  heels'),  Is.  xli.  2  (RV.  2nd  marg.). 

31—34.  Jacob's  offer  to  Laban:  he  will  serve  him  for  nothing, 
if  he  will  agree  to  the  following  arrangement:  Jacob  will  remove  from 


278  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxx.  31-36 

for  me,  I  will  again  feed  thy  flock  and  keep  it.  32  I  will  pass  J 
through  all  thy  flock  to-day,  removing  from  thence  every  speckled 
and  spotted  one,  and  every  black  one  among  the  sheep,  and  the 
spotted  and  speckled  among  the  goats  :  and  of  such  shall  be  my 
hire.  33  So  shall  my  righteousness  answer  for  me  hereafter, 
when  thou  shalt  come  concerning  my  hire  that  is  before  thee : 
every  one  that  is  not  speckled  and  spotted  among  the  goats,  and 
black  among  the  sheep,  that  if  found  with  me  shall  be  counted 
stolen.  34  And  Laban  said,  Behold,  I  would  it  might  be 
according  to  thy  word.  35  And  he  removed  that  day  the 
he-goats  that  were  ringstraked  and  spotted,  and  all  the  she- 
goats  that  were  speckled  and  spotted,  every  one  that  had  white 
in  it,  and  all  the  black  ones  among  the  sheep,  and  gave  them 
into  the  hand  of  his  sons ;   36  and  he'  set  thi*ee  days'  journey 

the  flocks  under  his  charge  all  the  animals  of  abnormal  colour  (i.e. 
the  parti-coloured  goats,  and  the  black  sheep) ;  and  having  done  this 
will  take  as  his  wages  only  the  animals  so  marked,  which  are  born 
afterwards  of  those  which  remain  with  him.  Laban,  supposing  that, 
under  the  conditions  proposed,  these  will  be  few  or  none,  at  once 
closes  with  the  offer. 

32.  every  bla^k  one  among  the  sheep  &c.  The  sheep  being,  as 
a  rule,  white  (Cant.  iv.  2,  vi.  6),  while  the  goats  (cf.  v.  35)  were  usually 
dark-coloured  or  black  (Cant.  iv.  1). 

33.  answer.  In  a  forensic  sense  =  bear  witness.  So  Dt.  xix.  18 
(RV.  'testified'),  1  S.  xii.  3  (RV.  'witness');  Ex.  xx.  16  (lit.  'Thou 
shalt  not  answer  against  thy  neighbour  as  a  false  witness'). 

for  me.  Against  me :  i.e.  there  will  be  nothing  whatever  to  allege 
against  my  honesty. 

concerning.  Better,  to  view:  lit.  upon  or  over,  i.e.  to  come  (and 
look)  over. 

every  one  that  is  not  &c.  I.e.  all  black  goats,  and  all  white  sheep, 
bom  after  this  arrangement  is  concluded,  if  found  in  his  possession, 
will  ipso  facto  be  proved  to  have  been  stolen. 

34.  Laban,  gratified  at  such  apparently  advantageous  terms, 
closes  with  them  at  once. 

35.  36,  Laban,  for  greater  security,  removes  all  the  animals  of 
abnormal  colour  (the  parti-coloured  goats,  and  the  black  sheep)  from 
the  flocks  himself ;  and,  as  an  additional  precaution,  places  three  days' 
journey  between  them  and  the  normally  coloured  animals  (black  goats 
and  white  sheep)  left  with  Jacob. 

35.  ringstraked.  I.e.  streaked  (as  we  should  now  say :  so  v.  37 
streaks  for  strakes)  with  rings, — though  there  is  no  philological  reason 
for  limiting  the  '  streaks'  to  such  as  were  ring-shaped. 


XXX.  36-4i]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  279 

betwixt  himself  and  Jacob :  and  Jacob  fed  the  rest  of  Laban's  J 
flocks.    37  And  Jacob  took  him  rods  of  fresh  ^poplar,  and  of  the 
ahnond  and  of  the  plane  tree ;  and  peeled  white  strakes  in  them, 
and  made  the  white  appear  which  was  in  the  rods.    38  And  he 
set  the  rods  which  he  had  peeled  over  against  the  flocks  in  the 
gutters  in  the  watering  troughs  where  the  flocks  came  to  drink  ; 
and  they  conceived  when  they  came  to  drink.    39   And  the 
flocks  conceived  before  the  rods,  and  the  flocks  brought  forth 
ringstraked,  speckled,  and  spotted-     40  And  Jacob  separated 
the  lambs,  [and  set  the  faces  of  the  flocks  toward  the  ringstraked  R 
and  all  the  black  in  the  flock  of  Laban  ;]  and  he  put  his  own  J 
droves  apart,  and  put  them  not  unto  Laban's  flock.     41  And  it 
came  to  pass,  whensoever  the  stronger  of  the  flock  did  conceive, 

*  Or,  storax  tree 

36.  himself.  LXX.,  Sam.  them,  i.e.  his  sons.  As  the  text  stands, 
it  must  be  supposed  that  Laban  was  w^'th  his  sons. 

37 — 42.     The  three  devices  by  which  Jacob  outwits  his  uncle. 

(1)  37 — 39.  Jacob  places  parti-coloured  rods  in  front  of  the 
ewes  at  the  time  when  they  conceived,  so  that  they  bore  in  con- 
sequence parti-coloured  young\ 

37.  poplar.  Heb.  lihneh,  also  Hos.  iv.  13.  The  Arab,  luhnd, — 
so  called  (Ges.  Del.)  from  its  exuding  the  milk-Vik&  gum  [Arab,  leben, 
milk]  called  storax, — the  stor ax-tree  (so  LXX.  here),  makes  RVm.  very 
probable  (cf  Poplar  in  DB.). 

38.  over  against.     Le.  opposite  to.     Better,  in  front  of. 

in  the  gutters  (Ex.  ii.  16  'troughs').  In  the  'wa.ter -troughs  (xxiv.  20) 
is  in  any  case  in  apposition,  and  perhaps  an  explanatory  gloss. 

(2)  40.  Jacob  separates  the  spotted  lambs  and  kids  thus  pro- 
duced from  the  rest  of  the  flock,  but  arranges  that  the  latter  should 
nevertheless,  while  feeding,  have  them  in  view,  so  that  when  the  ewes 
conceived,  there  should  be  a  further  tendency  to  bear  spotted  young. 
This  at  least  appears  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  verse  as  it  stands; 
but  it  is  indistinctly  expressed:  and  most  modern  scholars  (Del., 
Dillm.,  &c.)  consider  that  the  words  'and  set... of  Laban'  are  a  gloss, 
in  which  case  the  verse  will  merely  state  that  the  parti-coloured 
young,  produced  as  described  in  vv.  37 — 39,  were  carefully  kept  apart 
from  those  of  normal  colour,  which  Jacob  was  tending,  and  which 
would  of  course  be  Laban's. 

(3)  41,  42.     Jacob  set  up  the  peeled  rods  only  when  the  stronger 

^  The  physiological  principle  involved  ia  well  established,  and,  as  Bochart 
shewed  {Hieroz.  ii.  c.  49:  i.  p.  619  ff. ,  ed.  Rosenm.),  was  known  to  the  ancients, 
and  was  applied,  for  instance,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  particular  colours  in 
horses  and  dogs  (Oppian,  Kynegetica,  i.  327  ft.,  353 — 6).  According  to  an  authority 
quotod  by  Delitzsch,  cattle-breeders  now,  in  order  to  secure  white  lambs,  surround 
the  diinking-troughs  with  white  objects. 


280  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS    [xxx.  41-xxxL  i 

that  Jacob  laid  the  rods  before  the  eyes  of  the  flock  in  the  J 
gutters,  that  they  might  conceive  among  the  rods ;  42  but  when 
the  flock  were  feeble,  he  put  them  not  in  :  so  the  feebler  were 
Laban's,  and  the  stronger  Jacob's.  43  And  the  man  increased 
exceedingly,  and  had  large  flocks,  and  maidservants  and  men- 
servants,  and  camels  and  asses. 

ewes  were  about  to  conceive;  he  thus  secured  all  the  strongest  animals 
for  himself  ^ 

43.  The  result  of  these  ingenious  devices  was  that  Jacob's  pos- 
sessions increased  (v.  30)  immensely. 

Chapter  XXXI. 
Jacob's  return  from  Haran, 

Jacob  leaves  Laban,  taking  with  him  his  family  and  cattle,  w.  1 — 21 ; 
Labau's  pursuit  of  Jacob,  vv.  22 — 25 ;  the  parley  between  them,  and  mutual 
recriminations,  vv.  26 — 44 ;  the  double  agreement  concluded  finally  between 
them,  cc.  45 — 54;  return  of  Laban  to  llarau,  c.  55. — In  vv.  1 — 44  the  main 
narrative  is  E,  only  part  of  ».  IS  being  from  F,  and  vv.  1,  3,  with  possibly  one 
or  two  verses  besides,  from  J.  Independently  of  the  use  of  God  in  vv.  7,  9, 
11,  16,  24,  42,  and  some  other  stylistic  features,  it  is  particularly  noticeable 
that  the  account  given  in  this  chapter  of  Laban's  arrangement  with  Jacob, 
and  of  the  manner  in  which  its  consequences  were  evaded  by  Jacob,  differs 
ft-om  that  given  in  ch.  xxx. ;  in  xxxi.  7 — 12,  41,  Jacob  says  that  Laban  had 
been  in  the  habit  of  arbitrarily  changing  his  wages,  as  seemed  most  Ukely  to 
benefit  himself,  of  which  there  is  nothing  in  ch.  xxx. ;  and  further,  that  the 
effect  of  the  change  had  each  time  been  frustrated,  not  (as  in  xxx.  37 — 42)  by 
his  own  ingenious  contrivances,  but  by  the  dispositions  of  providence  (xxxi.  8, 9): 
ch.  xxx.  gives  J's  representation  of  the  transactions,  ch.  xxxi.  gives  that  of  E. 
It  follows,  from  this  difference  between  the  sources  of  the  two  narratives,  that 
xxxi.  5',  7 — 9,  12,  24,  29  does  not  express,  or  imply,  Divine  approval  of  the 
artifices  described  in  xxx.  31 — 42.     On  vv.  45 — 54,  see  p.  287. 

XXXI.     1  And  he  heard  the  words  of  Laban's  sons,  saying,  j 
Jacob  hath  taken   away   all   that   was   our   father's,   and   of 
that  which  was  our  father's  hath  he  gotten  all  this  ^glory.  | 

^  Or,  wealth 

XXXI.     1 — 3.     The  reasons  which  decided  Jacob  to  leave  Laban 

1.     The  unfriendly  remarks  of  Laban's  sons  (.xxx.  35). 

glory.     I.e.  wealth:  of.  Is.  x.  3,  Ixvi.  12;  Nah.  ii.  9;  Ps.  xlix.  16. 

1  Symm. ,  for  strong  and  feeble,  has,  respectively,  wpwifw.  and  oxpifui  (whence 
Vulg.  privw  tempore  and  serotina;  similarly  Onk.);  and  the  paraphrase  ia  very 
probably  a  correct  one;  the  stronger  ewes  lambing  in  winter,  and  the  weaker  in 
spring  (Colum.  RR.  vu.  3;  Varro,  RR.  ii.  2  §  13;  Pliny,  HN.  viii.  §  187). 


XXXI.  2-13]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  281 

2  And  Jacob  beheld  the  countenance  of  Laban,  and,  behold,  it  was  E 
not  toward  him  as  beforetime.  |  3  And  the  Lord  said  unto  Jacob,  j 
Return  unto  the  land  of  thy  fathers,  and  to  thy  kindred  ;  and  I 
will  be  with  thee.  |  4  And  Jacob  sent  and  called  Rachel  and  E 
Leah  to  the  field  unto  his  flock,  5  and  said  unto  them,  I  see  your 
father's  countenance,  that  it  is  not  toward  me  as  beforetime ; 
but  the  God  of  my  father  hath  been  with  me.  6  And  ye  know 
that  with  all  my  power  I  have  served  your  father,  7  And  your 
father  hath  deceived  me,  and  changed  my  wages  ten  times  ;  but 
God  suffered  him  not  to  hurt  me.  8  If  he  said  thus,  The 
speckled  shall  be  thy  wages ;  then  all  the  flock  bare  speckled : 
and  if  he  said  thus.  The  ringstraked  shall  be  thy  wages  ;  then 
bare  all  the  flock  ringstraked.  9  Thus  God  hath  taken  away  the 
cattle  of  your  father,  and  given  them  to  me.  10  And  it  came  to 
pass  at  the  time  that  the  flock  conceived,  that  I  lifted  up  mine 
eyes,  and  saw  in  a  dream,  and,  behold,  the  he-goats  which  leaped 
upon  the  flock  were  ringstraked,  speckled,  and  grisled.  11  And 
the  angel  of  God  said  unto  me  in  the  dream,  Jacob :  and  I  said, 
Here  am  I.  12  And  he  said,  Lift  up  now  thine  eyes,  and  see, 
aU  the  he-goats  which  leap  upon  the  flock  are  ringstraked, 
speckled,  and  grisled :  for  I  have  seen  all  that  Laban  doeth 
unto  thee,     13  I  am  the  God  of  Beth-el,  where  thou  anointedst 

2,  The  dissatisfaction  visible  in  Laban's  face  (cf.  v.  5), 

3.  The  consciousness  that  Jehovah  sanctions  his  departure. 
4 — 13.     Jacob  explains  his  position  to  his  wives. 

6.  They  themselves  (the  pron.  ye  is  emphatic)  can  testify  that  he 
has  served  Laban  well  (cf.  xxx.  26'',  29). 

7 — 9.  Laban's  ingratitude.  He  repeatedly  changed  Jacob's  wages, 
in  the  hope  of  serving  his  own  ends;  but  each  time  the  flocks  bore 
young  just  of  the  kind  of  which  his  wages  were  to  be:  the  increase 
of  his  wealth  had  thus  been  by  God's  appointment.  The  tenses  in 
V.  8  are  aU  frequentative,  and  describe  what  happened  habitually.  The 
verses,  it  is  evident  (cf  the  remarks  above),  give  a  different  repre- 
sentation of  the  course  of  events  from  xxx.  32 — 42. 

7.  deceived.   Lit.  mocked ;  viz.  by  taking  advantage  of  me  ( Jer.  ix.  5). 

10 — 12.  Jacob  had  learnt  by  a  dream  that  the  birth  of  the  parti- 
coloured young  was  by  God's  appointment  in  compensation  {v.  12  end) 
for  Laban's  treatment  of  him. 

10.  grisled.  Patched  (i.e.  black,  with  patches  of  white) — perhaps 
meaning  properly  hail-marked,  spotted  as  if  by  hail:  sou  12;  Zech. 
vi.  3,  6  (of  horses).  Nearly  the  same  word  is  used  similarly  in  Syriac. 
'  Grisled'  (now  spelt  grizzled)  means  grey  (Fr.  gris). 


282  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxxi.  la-rg 

a  pillar,  where  thou  vowedst  a  vow  unto  me :   now  arise,  get  B 
thee  out  from  this  land,  and  return  unto  the  land  of  thy  nativity. 

14  And  Rachel  and  Leah  answered  and  said  unto  him,  Is  there 
yet  any  portion  or  inheritance  for  us  in  our  father's  house? 

15  Are  we  not  counted  of  him  strangers?  for  he  hath  sold  us, 
and  hath  also  quite  devoured  ^our  money.  16  For  all  the 
riches  which  God  hath  taken  away  from  our  father,  that  is  ours 
and  our  children's :  now  then,  whatsoever  God  hath  said  unto 
thee,  do.  17  Then  Jacob  rose  up,  and  set  his  sons  and  his  wives 
upon  the  camels ;  18  and  he  carried  away  all  his  cattle,  |  and  all  P 
his  substance  which  he  had  gathered,  the  cattle  of  his  getting, 
which  he  had  gathered  in  Paddan-aram,  for  to  go  to  Isaac  his 
father  unto  the  land  of  Canaan.  |  19  Now  Laban  was  gone  to  E 

^  Or,  the  price  paid  for  u$ 

13.  God  identifies  Himself  with  the  God  whom  Jacob  had  seen  at 
Bethel  (xxviii.  18,  20 — 22),  and  bids  him  return  to  Canaan.  The  verse 
coheres  badly  with  iw.  10,  12;  for  vt>.  10,  12  clearly  describe  some- 
thing which  happened  in  the  past,  whereas  v.  13  as  clearly  describes 
something  belonging  to  the  present  occasion  (cf.  v.  3).  It  may  be  that 
originally  vv.  10,  12  stood  in  E  in  a  different  connexion,  and  that  v.  13 
was  the  immediate  sequel  to  u  11  (with  'a  dream,' — i.e.  a  recent 
dream, — for  'the  dream,'  as  the  Heb.  equally  permits). 

14—16.  His  wives  consent :  their  father  has  behaved  towards  them 
unnaturally,  and  treated  them  as  aliens. 

14.  Is  there  yet  &c.  They  have  nothing  more  to  expect  from  their 
father, — in  addition  viz.  to  what  they  may  have  received  from  him  at  the 
time  of  their  marriage.  Or  the  Heb.  may  be  rendered,  Have  we  still 
any  portion  or  in/ieritance  in  &c.  ?  in  wliich  case  the  words  will  be  an 
expression  of  emphatic  repudiation :  cf.  2  S.  xx.  1 ;  1  K.  xii.  16. 

15.  strangers.     Foreigners,  or  aliens:  cf.  on  xvii.  12. 

sold  us.  See  xxix.  20,  27.  The  word  is  however  used  here  with 
some  bitterness,  impl3dug  that  Laban  no  longer  owns  even  the  ties  of 
relationship. 

our  money.  Or,  our  price  (Ex.  xxi.  35  Heb.),  i.e.  the  price  received 
for  us,  the  gains  accruing  to  him  from  Jacob's  fourteen  years'  service, 
some  part  of  which  he  would,  if  generous,  have  naturally  allowed  his 
daughters. 

16.  t/iat  is  ours  &c.  There  is  consequently  no  reason  why  we 
should  not  go  with  thee. 

17—21.     Jacob's  flight. 

18,  Notice,  in  the  second  part  of  the  verse,  the  marks  of  P's  style : 
'substance'  and  'gathered'  (xii.  5,  xxxvi.  6),  'getting'  (xxxvi.  6),  and 
'Paddan-aram'  (xxv.  20). 

19.  Sheep-shearing  was  an  occasion  for  some  festivity  (1  S.  xxv. 


XXXI.  19-24]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  283 

shear  his  sheep  :  and  Rachel  stole  the  ^  teraphim  that  were  her  E 
father's.     20   And  Jacob  ^ stole  away  unawares  to  Laban  the 
Syrian,  in  that  he  told  him  not  that  he  fled     21  So  he  fled  with 
all  that  he  had ;  and  he  rose  up,  and  passed  over  ^the  River, 
and  set  his  face  toward  the  mountain  of  Gilead. 

22  And  it  was  told  Laban  on  the  third  day  that  Jacob  was 
fled.  23  And  he  took  his  brethren  with  him,  and  pursued  after 
him  seven  days'  journey  ;  and  he  overtook  him  in  the  mountain 
of  Gilead.    24  And  God  came  to  Laban  the  Syrian  in  a  dream 

^  See  w.  30,  34,  Judg.  xvii.  5,  1  Sam.  xix.  13,  and  Hos.  iii.  4.  "  Heb.  stole 

the  heart  of  Laban  the  Aramean.  '  That  is,  the  Euphrates. 

2,  8,  11 ;  2  S.  xiii.  23),  and  might  naturally,  if  the  flocks  were  large, 
last  for  several  days. 

teraphim.  Images,  with  at  least  a  head  resembling  that  of  a  man 
(1  S.  xix.  13,  16),  which  were  venerated  by  the  less  spiritual  Hebrews, 
apparently  as  a  kind  of  household  god,  or  Penates  (cf  1  S.  I.e.,  and 
the  concern  of  Laban  here  at  their  loss),  and  were  likewise  consulted 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  oracles  (Zech.  x.  2,  and  esp.  Ez.  xxi.  21): 
the  regard  in  which  they  were  popularly  held  is  apparent  also  from  the 
narrative  of  Jud.  xvii.  5,  xviii.  14 — 20,  and  from  Hos.  iii.  4.  The  etymo- 
logy of  the  name  is  obscure.  Rachel,  by  taking  her  father's  teraphim, 
hoped,  it  may  be  supposed,  to  carry  with  her  into  Canaan  the  good 
fortune  of  her  paternal  home  (Ewald). 

20.  Jacob  duped  Lahan:  lit.  stole  LahavbS  heart  (i.e.  his  under- 
standing: Hos.  vii.  11  RVm. ;  Jer.  v.  21  RVm.)  :  so  v.  26,  2  S.  xv.  6. 
Cf.  Kkkirrf-iv  v6ov\  and  (i;.  27)  KKiimw  Tiva. 

21.  the  River.  I.e.  the  Euphrates,  '  the  river,'  /car  l^ox>iv,  to  the 
Hebrews  (cf  on  xv.  18);  in  RV.,  when  this  is  the  meaning,  the  word 
being  printed  with  a  capital  R  (e.g.  Jos.  xxiv.  2;  1  K.  iv.  21,  24;  Is. 
viii.  7,  xi.  15 ;  Ps.  Ixxii.  8).    Haran  was  N.  of  the  Euphrates  (on  xi.  311 

mountain  of  Gilead.  Or,  hill  country  of  Gilead  (as  Dt.  iii.  12). 
Gilead  was  the  rough  and  rugged,  but  finely- wooded  and  picturesque 
region  on  the  E.  of  Jordan,  extending  from  the  Yarmuk  (a  little  S.  of 
the  Sea  of  Gennesareth)  on  the  N.,  to  the  vale  of  Heshbon  (a  little 
N.  of  the  Dead  Sea)  on  the  S.,  and  divided  into  two  parts,  or  'iialves' 
(d.  Dt.  iii.  12 ;  Jos.  xii.  2,  5,  xiii.  31),  by  the  deep  gorge  of  the  Jabbok 
(now  the  Zerkd :  see  on  xxxii.  22). 

22 — 25.     Laban  pursues  Jacob,  and  overtakes  him  in  Gilead. 

22.  23.  The  distance  from  Haran  to  Giiead, — some  350  miles, — 
is  much  more  than  a  seven-days'  march,  or  even,  for  a  party  like 
Jacob's,  travelling  with  flocks,  than  a  ten-days'  march.  No  doubt  the 
narrator  'underestimated  the  required  time'  (Carpenter). 

23.  brethren.     I.e.  kinsfolk;  so  vv.  25,  32,  37,  46,  54.     Cf  xiii.  8. 

24.  Laban,  the  night  before  {v.  42  end)  he  overtakes  Jacob,  '  as  if 
an  evil  conscience  preyed  secretly  upon  him'  (Ewald,  Hist.  i.  356),  is 
warned  in  a  dream  (cf.  xx.  3)  not  to  do  him  any  harm. 


284  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxxi.  .4-30 

of  the  night,  and  said  unto  him,  Take  heed  to  thyself  that  thou  E 
speak  not  to  Jacob  either  good  or  bad.  25  And  Laban  came  up 
Avith  Jacob.  Now  Jacob  had  pitched  his  tent  in  the  mountain  : 
and  Laban  with  his  brethren  pitched  in  the  mountain  of  Gilead. 
26  And  Laban  said  to  Jacob,  What  hast  thou  done,  that  thou 
hast  stolen  away  unawares  to  me,  and  carried  away  my  daughters 
as  captives  of  the  sword  ?  27  Wherefore  didst  thou  flee  secretly, 
and  ^ steal  away  from  me ;  and  didst  not  tell  me,  that  I  might 
have  sent  thee  away  with  mirth  and  with  songs,  with  tabret  and 
with  harp  ;  28  and  hast  not  suffered  me  to  kiss  my  sons  and  my 
daughters  ?  now  hast  thou  done  foolishly.  29  It  is  in  the  power 
of  my  hand  to  do  you  hurt :  but  the  God  of  your  father  spake 
unto  me  yesternight,  saying.  Take  heed  to  thyself  that  thou 
speak  not  to  Jacob  either  good  or  bad.  30  And  now,  though 
thou  wouldest  needs  be  gone,  because  thou  sore  longedst  after 

^  Heb.  didst  steal  me. 

either  good  or  had.     See  on  xxiv.  50. 

25.  in  the  mountain.  I.e.  (see  v.  23)  the  mountain  of  Gilead, 
though  the  sequel  seems  to  require  a  different  one,  the  name  of  which 
has  accidentally  fallen  out:  'Jacob  had  pitched  in  the  mountain  [of 

];  and  Laban  pitched  in  the  mountain  of  Gilead.'    What  name 

this  may  have  been  is,  of  course,  uncertain,  though  '  Mizpah'  (cf  v.  49) 
has  been  suggested. 

It  is  evident  that  in  this  verse,  whatever  may  be  the  case  in  v.  21, 
some  special  'mountain'  in  Gilead  is  intended.  The  name  Jebel  Jil'dd 
attaches  at  present  to  a  lofty  part  of  the  range,  about  8  miles  S.  of 
the  Jabbok,  from  the  summit  of  which,  Jebel  'Oshd,  there  is  a  fine 
view  towards  both  Damascus  and  the  West  (Conder,  Heth  and  Moab, 
186 — 8);  but  this  cannot  be  meant  here,  for  Jacob  does  not  cross  the 
Jabbok  till  xxxii.  23.  In  all  probability,  some  locality  on  the  NE.  of 
Jebel  'Ajlun  is  intended :  cf.  on  v.  49. 

26 — 30.  Laban,  with  true  Oriental  dissimulation  (cf  w.  14,  15), 
indignantly  reproaches  Jacob  with  having  stolen  away  with  his 
daughters,  as  though  they  were  captives  taken  in  war,  and  without 
having  given  him  an  opportunity  of  dismissing  them  with  a  parting 
feast,  and  other  natural  marks  of  affection:  still,  under  the  circum- 
stances {w.  29,  30'),  he  will  let  this  pass ;  but  why  has  he  stolen  his 
teraphim  ? 

28.  sons.     I.e.  grandsons:  cf.  v.  43  Heb.  ('children'),  xxix.  5, 

29.  to  do  you  hurt.  It  may  be  inferred  therefore  that  Laban's 
party  was  more  numerous  than  Jacob's. 

0/  your  father.  Isaac.  Jacob's  ancestral  God  is  contrasted  im- 
plicitly with  the  god  of  Laban  (cf  v.  42,  and  esp.  v.  53). 

30.  And  now  thou  art  gone,  because  thou  sore  longest  &c.    Jacob 


XXXI.  30-37]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  285 

thy  father's  house,  yet  wherefore  hast  thou  stolen  my  gods  ?  E 
31  And  Jacob  answered  and  said  to  Laban,  Because  I  was 
afraid :  for  I  said,  Lest  thou  shouldest  take  thy  daughters  from 
me  by  force.  32  With  whomsoever  thou  findest  thy  gods,  he 
shaU  not  live :  before  our  brethren  discern  thou  what  is  thine 
with  me,  and  take  it  to  thee.  For  Jacob  knew  not  that  Rachel 
had  stolen  them.  33  And  Laban  went  into  Jacob's  tent,  and 
into  Leah's  tent,  and  into  the  tent  of  the  two  maidservants ; 
but  he  found  them  not.  And  he  went  out  of  Leah's  tent,  and 
entered  into  Rachel's  tent.  34  Now  Rachel  had  taken  the 
teraphim,  and  put  them  in  the  camel'd  furniture,  and  sat  upon 
them.  And  Laban  felt  about  all  the  tent,  but  found  them  not. 
35  And  she  said  to  her  father,  Let  not  my  lord  be  angry  that  I 
cannot  rise  up  before  thee ;  for  the  manner  of  women  is  upon 
me.  And  he  searched,  but  found  not  the  teraphim.  36  And 
Jacob  was  wroth,  and  chode  with  Laban  J  and  Jacob  answered 
and  said  to  Laban,  What  is  my  trespass?  what  is  my  sin,  that 
thou  hast  hotly  pursued  after  me  ?    37  Whereas  thou  hast  felt 

is  gone;  and  his  departure  may  be  excused  on  account  of  his  anxiety 
to  return  home :  so  Laban,  esp.  after  the  Divine  warning  (v.  29),  will 
say  no  more  about  that ;  but  he  cannot  pass  so  lightly  over  the  theft 
of  his  gods. 

31 — 35.  In  reply  to  the  first  charge,  Jacob  was  afraid,  he  says, 
lest,  if  he  told  him,  he  would  retain  his  daughters  by  force;  in  reply 
to  the  second,  in  regard  to  which  he  knows  himself  to  be  innocent,  he 
boldly  challenges  Laban  to  find  the  teraphim.  Thereupon  Laban,  who 
had  before  (xxix.  23)  outwitted  Jacob,  is  in  his  turn  outwitted  by  his 
own  daughter. 

34.  furnitwe.  Saddle-litter  or  howdah\ — a  crated  frame,  with 
cushions  and  carpets  inside,  and  protected  by  an  awning  above,  fastened 
to  the  camel's  saddle,  such  as  is  still  often  used  by  women  travelling 
in  the  East  (Burckhardt,  Bedouins,  n.  85 ;  Doughty,  Arab.  Deserta,  i. 
437,  n.  304). 

36 — 42.  Jacob,  emboldened  by  Laban's  failure  to  establish  his 
charge,  now  indignantly  retorts  upon  his  father-in-law:  so  far  from 
having  misappropriated  anything  of  Laban's  belongings,  he  has  on 
the  contrary  for  20  years  spent  himself  unsparingly  in  his  service ;  and 
yet,  had  not  Providence  interposed  on  his  behalf,  Laban  would  have 
sent  him  away  a  beggar. 

37.  Jacob  views  the  accusation  about  the  teraphim  as  a  pretext 
for  searching  his  goods. 

^  The  Arab,  kur  is  explained  by  this  Urdu  word  in  a  gloss  on  Tarafa,  1.  39. 


286  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxxi.  37-43 

about  all  my  stuff,  what  hast  thou  found  of  all  thy  household  E 
stuff?  Set  it  here  before  my  brethren  and  thy  brethren,  that 
they  may  judge  betwixt  us  two.  38  This  twenty  years  have  I 
been  with  thee  ;  thy  ewes  and  thy  she-goats  have  not  cast  their 
young,  and  the  rams  of  thy  flocks  have  I  not  eaten.  39  That 
which  was  torn  of  beasts  I  brought  not  unto  thee  ;  I  bare  the 
loss  of  it ;  of  my  hand  didst  thou  require  it,  whether  stolen  by 
day  or  stolen  by  night.  40  Thus  I  was  ;  in  the  day  the  drought 
consumed  me,  and  the  frost  by  night ;  and  my  sleep  fled  from 
mine  eyes.  41  These  twenty  years  have  I  been  in  thy  house ; 
I  served  thee  fourteen  years  for  thy  two  daughters,  and  six 
years  for  thy  flock  :  and  thou  hast  changed  my  wages  ten  times. 
42  Except  the  God  of  my  father,  the  God  of  Abraham,  and  the 
Fear  of  Isaac,  had  been  with  me,  surely  now  hadst  thou  sent  me 
away  empty.  God  hath  seen  mine  afliiction  and  the  labour  of 
my  hands,  and  rebuked  thee  yesternight.  43  And  Laban 
answered  and  said  unto  Jacob,  The  daughters  are  my  daughters, 

39.  /  brought  not  unto  thee.  As  proof,  viz.,  of  what  had  happened, 
in  which  case  the  shepherd  was  not  usually  held  responsible  (of.  Ex. 
xxii.  13).     But  Laban  had  been  an  exceptionally  exacting  master. 

40.  Cf.  Jer  xxxvi.  30.  In  the  East  the  absence  of  clouds  so 
promotes  the  radiation  of  heat  from  the  earth  that,  even  when  the 
days  are  hot,  the  nights  are  sometimes  very  cold  (cf.  HG.  71). 

41.  /  sermd  thee  &c.  Cf.  Hos.  xii.  12  f.  (where  the  flight  and 
hardships  undergone  by  Jacob  are  contrasted  [read  But  for  And  in 
v.  13*]  with  the  deliverance  of  his  descendants  under  the  honourable 
guidance  of  a  prophet) '. 

42.  tJw  Fear  of  Isaac.  I.e.  the  object  of  Isaac's  fear :  so  v.  53. 
The  title  is  apparently  an  archaic  one;  the  word  'fear'  does  not  occur 
elsewhere  in  this  sense  (Is.  viii.  13,  the  Heb.  word  is  different). 

with  me.     On  my  side  (Ps.  cxxiv.  1,  2):  Ut./or  me  (Ps.  Ivi.  9). 

43.  44.  Unable  to  reply,  Laban  seeks  to  close  the  dispute  by  pro- 
posing a  treaty  of  friendship. 

43.  He  feigns  solicitude  for  his  daughters'  welfare:  aU  Jacob's 
belongings,  he  says,  are,  in  a  sense,  his ;  and  yet  what  can  I  do  this 
day  for  these  my  daughters,  or  for  their  children  t  he  must  part  with 
them,  and  does  not  know  how  they  will  be  treated. 

•  The  20  years  of  this  yerse  are  manifestly  the  same  as  the  20  years  of  v.  38. 
The  strange  view  adopted  in  the  Speakers  Commentary,  p.  178,  and  at  the  end  of 
Genesis  in  Bp  Ellicott's  Commentary,  that  they  are  different  (so  that  Jacob's  stay  in 
Haran  is  extended  to  40  years)  is  quite  out  of  the  question:  nT--n*  would  mean 
one... another  only  in  contiguous  and  contrasted  sentences  [Le.v.  p.  260'' lb;  for 
the  use  here,  261''  4i).  It  is  an  additional  improbability  that  the  20  years  of  v.  38 
are,  upon  the  proposed  scheme,  interpolated  between  the  14  and  the  6  of  v.  41. 


xxxi.  43-47]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  287 

and  the  children  are  my  children,  and  the  flocks  are  my  flocks,  E 
and  all  that  thou  seest  is  mine :   and  what  can  I  do  this  day 
unto  these  my  daughters,  or  unto  their  children  which  they  have 
borne  ?     44  And  now  come,  let  us  make  a  covenant,  I  and  thou  ; 
and  let  it  be  for  a  witness  between  me  and  thee. 

45 — 54.  The  treaty  between  Laban  and  Jacob.  Two  distinct  agreements 
are  entered  into  by  Laban  and  Jacob  :  (1)  ev.  46 — 50,  that  Jacob  will  in  no  way 
ill-treat  Labau's  daughters ;  (2)  vv.  51 — 53,  that  neither  Laban  nor  Jacob  will 
pass  the  heap  of  stones  thrown  up  as  a  landmark,  with  hostile  purpose,  towards 
the  other  :  at  the  same  time,  an  explanation  is  given  of  the  names  Gilecul,  and 
Mizpah.  The  narrative  is  clearly  composite ;  for,  if  examined  closely,  it  will 
be  seen  to  be  confused,  and  also  to  contain  doublets.  Thus  v.  46*  is  parallel  to 
V.  54,  V.  47''  to  V.  48\  V.  48*  to  vv.  61,  52* ;  v.  49  comes  in  abruptly  ;  the  '  heap' 
and  the  'pillar'  are  mentioned  very  unsymmetrically  in  vv.  51,  52;  Jacob 
makes  both  in  vv.  45,  46,  but  in  v.  51  Laban  says  that  he  has  made  them. 
No  doubt  the  incident  was  narrated  by  both  J  and  E,  with  probably  slight 
differences  of  detail ;  extracts  from  both  have  been  combined  by  the  redactor, 
but  either  imperfectly  adjusted  by  him,  or  (more  probably)  confused  by  the 
introduction  of  later  glosses.  Quite  apart  from  the  question  of  the  analysis, 
the  narrative  would  gain  greatly  in  clearness,  if  it  might  be  supposed  (with 
Dillm.)  that  Jacob  in  v.  45  was  an  old  error  for  Lahan^  (sea  v.  51 ) ;  and  that  the 
words  bracketed  in  vv.  51,  52  were  glosses.  We  may  then  refer  vv.  45,  51 — 54 
to  E,  and  vv.  46 — 50  to  J, 

45   And  [Jacob]  took  a  stone,  and  set  it  up  for  a  pillar.  E 
I  46  And  Jacob  said  unto  his  brethren.  Gather  stones  ;  and  they  J 
took  stones,  and  made  an  heap :  and  they  did  eat  there  by  the 
heap.    47  And  Laban  called  it  ^egar-sahadutha :    but  Jacob 

^  That  is,  The  heap  of  witness,  in  Aramaic. 

45,  Jacob, — or  perhaps  originally  (see  v.  b\)  Lahan, — sets  up  a 
large  boulder  (of.  xxviii,  18),  as  a  '  standing-stone,'  or  pillar, 

46 — 50,  The  first  agreement  (J) ;  viz,  that  Jacob  will  not  ill-treat 
Laban's  daughters.  Of  this  agreement  the  he^j),  constructed  by  Jacob's 
men,  is  the  witness, 

46,  brethren.     See  on  v.  23. 

eat.  As  a  mark  of  friendship, — or  perhaps  even,  as  in  v.  54,  as  part 
of  a  sacrificial  meal.  To  eat  bread  together  is  still  among  the  Arabs 
a  mark  of  friendship,  or  of  the  termination  of  a  feud, 

47,  An  explanation  of  the  name  Gilead,  as  though  it  were  derived 
from  the  cairn  of  stones  thrown  up  on  the  present  occasion  *, 

^  The  original  text  may  have  had  simply  npM  ('and  he  took,'  viz.  Laban),  to 
which  a  scribe  supplied  the  wrong  subject  3py\ 

*  In  reality,  to  judge  from  Arabic,  'Gilead'  will  have  meant  hard,  strong,  the 
district  being  so  called  on  account  of  the  'hard,  impervious  Dolomitio  limestone, 
which  appears  in  the  rugged  grey  hills  round  the  Jabbok,  and  in  Jebel  'AjUin, 
rising  on  an  average  1500ft.  above  the  sandstone'  (Conder,  in  Smith,  DB.-i.  1191*). 


288  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxxi.  47-51 

called  it  ^GaleecL  48  And  Laban  said,  This  heap  is  witness  J" 
between  me  and  thee  this  day.  Therefore  was  the  name  of  it 
called  Galeed :  49  and  ^Mizpah,  for  he  said,  The  Lord  watch 
between  me  and  thee,  when  we  are  ^absent  one  from  another. 
50  If  thou  shalt  afflict  my  daughters,  and  if  thou  shalt  take 
wives  beside  my  daughters,  no  man  is  with  us ;  see,  God  is 
witness  betwixt  me  and  thee.  |  51   And  Laban  said  to  Jacob,  E 

*  That  is,  The  heap  of  witness,  in  Hebrew.  "  That  is,  The  watch-tower. 

^  Heb.  hidden. 

Laban  is  called  the  'Syrian'  (Heb.  the  'Aramaean')  in  vv.  20,  24: 
and  he  and  Jacob  seem  to  represent  here  the  later  Syrians  and  Israelites 
respectively,  whose  territories  met  on  the  NE.  border  of  Gilead,  and 
who  spoke  two  distinct  languages.  Yegar  occurs  in  both  Targ.  and 
Pesh. ;  e.g.  for  the  same  Heb.  word  gal  as  here,  in  Hos.  xii.  12  Targ., 
and  Jos.  vii.  26  Pesh.  For  sahadutha,  '  witness,'  see,  for  instance,  Ex. 
XX.  16  Targ.  and  Pesh. 

48.  This  heap  is  witness.  Cf.  Jos.  xxii.  34  ;  also  ch.  xxi.  30.  Even 
now  in  the  East  a  heap  of  stones  may  be  piled  up  as  a  witness  to  a  vow 
(Curtiss,  Primitive  Semitic  Religion  To-day,  1902,  p.  80). 

49.  and  Mizpah.  The  name  comes  in  abruptly ;  and  it  has  been 
supposed  either  that  the  whole  verse  is  a  gloss,  introduced  by  one  who 
wished  to  connect  the  Mizpah  of  Jud.  x.  17,  xi.  11,  34  with  the  present 
incident,  or  that  some  words  have  accidentally  fallen  out  before  it.  The 
intention  of  the  notice  is  manifestly  to  account  for  the  name  of  a  place 
called  'Mizpah'  ('outlook-point,'  'watch-post,' — not  necessarily  'watch- 
tower').  'Mizpah'  was,  however,  a  name  borne  by  many  eminences, 
or  places  situated  on  them^;  and  what  Mizpah  is  intended  here,  is 
uncertain.  We  seem,  however,  to  desiderate  a  locality  on  the  NE, 
border  of  Gilead;  and  the  terms  of  the  verse  point  not  so  much  to 
a  town  or  village,  as  to  some  prominent  height  with  a  cairn  of  stones 
and  tall  boulder  upon  it. 

watch  between  me  and  thee.  And  interpose,  it  is  to  be  understood, 
if  either,  when  we  are  absent  from  each  other,  attempts  to  take  any 
advantage  of  the  other.  The  passage  is  often  misunderstood;  the 
prayer  is  not  that  Jehovah  may  watch,  as  between  friends  separated 
from  one  another,  but  as  between  persons  whose  feelings  towards  each 
other  are  such  that  either  might  at  any  moment  be  tempted  to  some 
unfriendly  act, 

50.  afflict.  Or,  ill-treat  Txvi.  6),  as  Jacob  might  have  done  in 
revenge  for  their  father's  behaviour  towards  him. 

no  man  is  &c.  No  man  being  vnth  lis,  to  see  what  we  do,  and 
bring  us  to  account.     The  apodosis  follows  in  see,  God  is  witness. 

51 — 53,  The  second  agreement  (E) ;  viz.  that  neither  Laban  nor 
Jacob  will  pass  the  heap  of  stones,  with  hostile  purpose  towards  the 

1  Jud.  X.  17,  xi.  11,  34;  Hos.  v.  1;  also  'Mizpeh'  Josh.  xiii.  26;  Jud.  xi.  29: 
but  the  sites  of  all  these  are  either  uncertain  or  unsuitable. 


XXXI.  51-55]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  289 

[Behold  this  heap,  and]  behold  the  pillar,  which  I  have  set  E 
betwixt  me  and  thee.     62  [This  heap  be  witness,  and]  the  pillar 
be  witness,  that  I  will  not  pass  over  this  heap  to  thee,  and  that 
thou  shalt  not  pass  over  this  heap  [and  this  pillar]  unto  me,  for 
harm.    53  The  God  of  Abraham,  and  the  God  of  Nahor,  the 
^God  of  their  father,  judge  betwixt  us.    And  Jacob  sware  by  the 
Fear  of  his  father  Isaac.    54  And  Jacob  offered  a  sacrifice  in  the 
mountain,  and  called  his  brethren  to  eat  bread :  and  they  did  eat 
bread,  and  tarried  all  night  in  the  mountain.    55  And  early  in  tlie  [Ch.  xxxii. 
morning  Laban  rose  up,  and  kissed  his  sons  and  his  daughters,  and  ^  ^^  ^^^' 
blessed  them :  and  Laban  departed,  and  returned  unto  his  place. 

^  Or,  gods 

other.     Of  this  agreement  (if  the  view  taken  above  of  the  original 
text  of  this  verse  is  correct),  the  pillar  is  the  witness. 

51.  set.  Thrown  (up).  The  verb  (nn^)  means  to  throw  or  cast 
(Ex.  XV.  4;  Jos.  xviii.  6),  and  is  applicable  to  a  foundation-stone  (Job 
xxxviii.  6  'laid'),  but  hardly  to  a  'pillar.'  Unless  in  the  original  text 
of  the  verse  it  referred  somehow  to  the  '  heap,'  it  seems  that  we  must 
(^vith  Mr  Ball)  read  set  up,  as  in  v.  45  (*noin  for  'nn''). 

53.  In  the  Heb.  the  verb  'judge'  is  plural.  Abraham  represents 
the  Hebrews,  and  his  brother  Nahor  (see  xxii.  20 — 24)  the  Aramaean 
tribes  settled  on  the  NE.  of  Canaan,  among  whom  Laban  and  Rebekah 
hold  the  most  prominent  place  :  the  Gods  of  the  two  brother-races 
are  thus,  it  seems,  treated  as  distinct  (cf  v.  29 ;  and  esp.  Jos.  xxiv.  2 
(also  E),  where  it  is  said  that  Abraham's  relations  across  the  Euphrates 
'  served  ot//er  gods'),  and  appealed  to  separately.  The  intention  of  the 
words,  'the  God  of  their  father'  (i.e.  of  Terah,  xi.  27),  appears  to  be 
to  identify  the  two  deities:  they  are  not  however  in  the  LXX.j  and 
most  modern  scholars  (Del.,  Dillm.,  &c.)  consider  them  to  be  a  gloss, 
added  by  a  later  hand  for  the  purpose  of  softening  a  polytheistic  trait 
by  subsuming  the  God  of  Abraham  and  the  God  (or  gods)  of  Nahor 
under  a  higher  unity. 

54.  The  sacrifice  seals  the  compact.  The  meal  is  the  sacrificial 
one ;  for  the  sacrifice  here  meant  would  be  of  the  nature  of  the  later 
'peace '-offering,  an  essential  part  of  which  was  the  accompanying 
meal  (Lev.  vii.  15;  Dt.  xii.  7,  18,  xxvii.  7),  in  which  the  worshipper 
and  his  friends  partook,  and  which  was  a  S)Tnbol  partly  of  amity 
among  themselves,  partly  of  communion  with  the  deity.  Here  it  is 
a  token  of  friendship  between  Laban  and  Jacob.  For  other  cases 
in  which  'eating'  (sometimes  accompanied  b)'^  'drinking')  is  to  be 
understood  in  a  sacrificial  sense,  see  Ex.  xviii.  12,  xxiv.  11,  xxxii.  6, 
xxxiv.  15  (in  the  worship  of  heathen  gods:  so  Num.  xxv.  2;  Ps.  cvi. 
28);  1  S.  ix.  13;  Ps.  xxii.  26,  29. 

55.  sons.     I.e.  grandsons,  as  v.  28. 

D.  19 


290  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

Gilead  was  the  debatable  borderland  between  Hebrew  and  Aramaean 
tribes.  The  Syrian  wars,  protracted  through  the  reigns  of  Ahab,  Jehoram, 
Jehu,  and  Jehoahaz,  and  conducted  sometimes  with  great  barbarity  (cf.  2  K. 
viii.  12,  X.  33 ;  Am.  1.  3)  lasted  from  c.  880  to  c.  800  B.O. ;  and  at  times  the 
Aramaeans  of  Damascus  had  complete  possession  of  Gilead  (1  K.  xxii.  3  flF.). 
The  present  narrative  seems  to  describe  something  more  than  a  mere  agi*ee- 
ment  between  two  individuals :  the  representative  ancestors  of  the  Israelites 
and  Syrians  respectively  seem  to  be  regarded  in  it  as  fixing  the  border  between 
the  territories  occupied  aftei-wards  by  their  descendants,  which  during  the 
period  of  the  Syrian  wars  was  matter  of  bloody  dispute  between  them. 
Though  we  cannot  (cf.  on  v.  49)  determine  its  site  more  precisely,  there  must, 
it  seems,  have  been  on  some  eminence  in  the  N.  *  half  of  Gilead, — probably  on 
the  N  E.  edge  of  the  Jebel  'Ajlun, — a  cairn  of  stones,  with  a  single  boulder 
standing  up  prominently  beside  it^,  'in  which  later  generations  saw  a  memorial 
of  tlie  pact  that  had  been  sworn  between  Jacob  and  his  father-in-law'  (Sayce, 
EHH.  72).  The  same  height  bore  the  name  of  Mizpah :  it  was  an  'outlook- 
point,'  which  commanded  the  broad  plain  of  Hauran,  and  from  it  the  Israelite 
dwellers  in  Gilead  could  discern  the  appi-oach  of  a  foe  from  the  direction 
of  Damascus.  It  may  be  remarked  that  rude  stone  monuments — dolmens, 
circles,  cairns,  &c. — are  abundant  still  in  the  country  B.  of  Jordan  {Heth  and 
Moah,  chap.  vii.). 

'The  character  of  Laban  is  not  attractive.  His  sister  and  daughters  all 
shew  duplicity  and  acquisitiveness ;  and  Laban  displays  an  exaggeration  of  the 
same  qualities.  His  leading  motive  is  evidently  self-interest ;  and  he  is  not 
particular  in  the  choice  of  means  for  securing  his  ends.  The  ruse  by  which  he 
passes  oflF  Leah  upon  his  nephew  instead  of  Rachel,  is  an  unpardonable  piece 
of  deceit.  In  his  subsequent  dealings  with  his  son-in-law,  he  does  not  treat 
him  equitably.  It  is  admitted  by  him  expressly  in  J  (xxx.  27),  and  by  impli- 
cation iu  E, — for  the  statements  in  xxxi.  38 — 41,  cf.  v.  6,  pass  unchallenged, — 
that  Jacob  is  a  good  servant ;  but  Laban  seeks  to  make  out  of  him  more  than 
fair  profits.  In  xxx.  29 — 42  he  betrays  his  grasping  disposition  by  closing  with 
an  arrangement  which,  if  carried  out  fairly,  could  not  but  have  proved  an 
inequitable  one  for  Jacob,  and  in  which,  therefore,  Laban  had  no  right  to  be 
surprised  if  he  found  himself  circumvented.  In  the  narrative  of  E  (xxxi.  1 — 42) 
— which,  as  remarked  above  (p.  280),  differs  {vv.  8—12)  from  that  of  J  in  not 
representing  Jacob  as  taking  any  unfair  advantage  of  his  father-in-law — Laban 
is  charged  with  defrauding  Jacob,  and  arbitrarily  changing  the  wages  that  had 
been  agreed  upon,  to  suit  his  own  ends  {vv.  7,  41).  And  his  daughters  own 
(xxxi.  14,  15)  that  he  is  a  hard  and  unnatural  parent'  (from  the  writer's  art 
Laban  in  DB.).  Laban's  treatment  of  Jacob  has  naturally  a  bearing  on 
the  estimate  that  we  form  of  Jacob's  behaviour  towards  Laban.  Laban  is 
not  only  the  first  to  break  faith  with  Jacob,  but  is  throughout  the  chief 
ofi"ender :  and  had  Laban  treated  Jacob  honestly  and  generously,  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  he  would  have  sought  (as  he  does  in  J)  to  overreach 
him.  

1  Exactly  such  a  boulder,  at  Tannur,  near  Gerasa,  called  el-Hajar  el-Manmb, 
•the  stone  set  up,'  is  represented  in  a  photograph  in  the  Mitth.  u.  Nachr.  des 
ZBPV.  1900,  p.  68. 


xxxii.  i-^J  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  291 

Chapter  XXXII. 

Jacob  continues  his  journey  to  Canaan.  He  reaches  Mahanaim ; 
and  makes  preparations  for  meeting  Esau,  His  lorestling 
with  the  angel  at  Penuel. 

XXXII.     1   And  Jacob  went  on  his  way,  and  the  angels  of  ^ 
God  met  him.     2  And  Jacob  said  when  he  saw  them,  This  is 
God's  host :  and  he  called  the  name  of  that  place  ^Mahanaim. 

3  And  Jacob  sent  messengers  before  him  to  Esau  his  brother  J 
unto  the  land  of  Scir,  the  field  of  Edom.  4  And  he  commanded 
them,  saying,  Thus  shall  ye  say  unto  my  lord  Esau  ;  Thus  saith 
thy  servant  Jacob,  I  have  sojourned  with  Laban,  and  stayed 
until  now :  5  and  I  have  oxen,  and  asses  and  flocks,  and 
menservants  and  maidservants :  and  I  have  sent  to  tell  my 
lord,  that  I  may  find  grace  in  thy  sight.     6  And  the  messengers 

^  That  is,  Two  hosts  or  companies. 

XXXII.  1,2.  As  Jacob  proceeds  on  his  journey,  the  '  angels  of 
God'  meet  him, — as  though  to  remind  him,  once  again,  of  the  Divine 
protection  accompanying  him  (of.  xxviii.  15,  xxxi.  3),  and  to  welcome 
him  on  his  return  to  the  land  of  promise.  From  this  circumstance  the 
name  of  the  place  Mahanaim  ('double  camp';  or  perhaps  [DB.  in. 
213*  w.]  'place  of  camps')  is  explained. 

2.  God's  host.  God's  camp, — the  proper  meaning  of  mahdneh, 
and  the  word  by  which  it  is  ordinarily  rendered  (e.g.  Jud.  vii.  1,  8,  9 
RV.).  Mahanaim  was  afterwards  an  important  place  (2  S.  ii.  8,  xvii. 
24;  1  K,  iv.  14):  but  its  situation  is  not  certainly  known:  it  must 
however  have  been  N.  of  the  Jabbok  {v.  22),  and  within  sight  of  the 
Jordan  {v.  10).  A  site  such  as  that  of  Deir  *Alld,  on  the  great  route 
which  still  passes  N.  to  S.  along  the  Gh6r  (or  Jordan- valley),  and  4  m. 
N.  of  the  ford  mentioned  on  v.  22,  would  best  suit  the  conditions  of 
the  Biblical  narrative  (see  G.  A.  Smith's  large  Map,  and  cf.  p.  302). 

3 — 21.  Jacob's  preparations  for  meeting  Esau,  whose  vengeance 
(xxvii.  41)  he  still  fears. 

3.  In  the  existing  text  of  Genesis,  Esau's  migration  into  Edom 
is  not  mentioned  till  xxxvi.  6 — 8  P  (see  the  note):  J  must  have 
pictured  it  as  taking  place  earlier ;  and  perhaps  also,  in  a  part  of  his 
narrative  no  longer  preserved,  narrated  it. 

4 — 6.  Jacob,  being  now  on  the  point  of  re-entering  Canaan,  and 
approaching  Esau's  domain,  sends  his  brother  a  very  humble  and  con- 
ciliatory message  (notice  'my  lord,'  'thy  servant,'  and  v.  5  end), 
acquainting  him  with  what  he  has  been  doing ;  but  learns  in  reply  that 
he  is  aheady  on  the  way  to  meet  him  with  400  men. 

19—2 


292  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xxxii.  6-11 

returned  to  Jacob,  saying,  We  came  to  thy  brother  Esau,  and  J 
moreover  he  cometh  to  meet  thee,  and  four  hundred  men  with 
him.  7  Then  Jacob  was  greatly  afraid  and  was  distressed  :  and 
he  divided  the  people  that  was  with  him,  and  the  flocks,  and  the 
herds,  and  the  camels,  into  two  companies ;  8  and  he  said.  If 
Esau  come  to  the  one  company,  and  smite  it,  then  the  company 
which  is  left  shall  escape.  9  And  Jacob  said,  0  God  of  my 
father  Abraham,  and  God  of  my  father  Isaac,  O  Lord,  which 
saidst  unto  me,  Return  unto  thy  country,  and  to  thy  kindred, 
and  I  will  do  thee  good  :  10  ^  I  am  not  worthy  of  the  least  of  all 
the  mercies,  and  of  all  the  truth,  which  thou  hast  shewed  unto 
thy  servant ;  for  with  my  staflT  I  passed  over  this  Jordan  ;  and 
now  I  am  become  two  companies.  11  Deliver  me,  I  pray  thee, 
from  the  hand  of  my  brother,  from  the  hand  of  Esau  :  for  I  fear 
him,  lest  he  come  and  smite  me,  the  mother  with  the  children. 

^  Heb.  I  am  less  than  all  dx. 

7,  8.  Though  greatly  alarmed,  Jacob's  resourcefulness  does  not 
desert  him :  he  divides  his  party  into  two  camps,  in  the  hope  that,  in 
the  event  of  a  fatal  encounter,  at  least  one  might  escape. 

companies... company... company.  Camps... camp... camp  {rnor- 
haneh):  so  v.  10  end.  The  words  are  chosen  with  evident  allusion 
to  the  place  Mahanaim;  and  are  pretty  clearly  meant  as  an  expla- 
nation of  it,  parallel  to  the  one  in  v.  2,  from  the  other  narrator,  B. 
In  the  sequel  no  further  reference  is  made  to  this  division  of  Jacob's 
party  into  two. 

9 — 12.  Jacob,  feeling  that  human  precautions  alone  are  insuffi- 
cient, invokes  God's  aid  m  prayer.  The  titles  in  v.  9  recall  Jehovah's 
gracious  dealings  with  his  forefathers:  in  the  sequel,  Jacob  first  re- 
minds God  that  it  was  He  who  had  bidden  him  return  to  his  native 
land;  and  afterwards  pleads  before  him  the  blessings  which  He  had 
already  bestowed  upon  him  {v.  10),  and  the  promises  which  He  had 
given  him  (v.  12).  The  prayer  breathes  a  spirit  of  trustful  humility 
and  thankfulness:  but  it  does  not,  it  may  be  observed,  contain  any 
confession  of  sin,  or  any  note  of  penitence  for  the  deceit  by  which 
Jacob  had  once  grievously  wronged  his  brother. 

9.  which  saidst  &c.     See  xxxi.  3. 

do  thee  good.     Cf  Nu.  x.  29,  32  (Heb.). 

10.  /  am  less  than  all  the  mercies.  I.e.  not  worthy  of  so  many. 
The  paraphrase  'the  least  of  is  not  justified  by  the  Heb. 

two  companies.  Two  camps  {w.  7,  8) :  so  wonderfully  had  God 
been  with  him,  and  blessed  him  (xxviii.  15,  xxxi.  5,  7,  9,  42). 

11.  the  mother  with  the  children.  A  proverbial  expression  (Hos. 
X.  14),  denoting  a  merciless  and  cruel  slaughter. 


xxxiL  ia-2o]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  293 

12  And  thou  saidst,  I  will  surely  do  thee  good,  and  make  thy  J 
seed  as  the  sand  of  the  sea,  which  cannot  be  numbered  for 
multitude.  13  And  he  lodged  there  that  night ;  and  took  of 
that  which  he  had  with  him  a  present  for  Esau  his  brother ; 
14  two  hundred  she-goats  and  twenty  he-goats,  two  hundred  ewes 
and  twenty  rams,  15  thirty  milch  camels  and  their  colts,  forty 
kine  and  ten  bulls,  twenty  she-asses  and  ten  foals.  16  And  he 
delivered  them  into  the  hand  of  his  servants,  every  drove  by 
itself ;  and  said  unto  his  servants,  Pass  over  before  me,  and  put 
a  space  betwixt  drove  and  drove.  17  And  he  commanded  the 
foremost,  saying,  ^Vhen  Esau  my  brother  meeteth  thee,  and 
asketh  thee,  saying,  Whose  art  thou  ?  and  whither  goest  thou  ? 
and  whose  are  these  before  thee  ?  18  then  thou  shalt  say,  Tliey 
he  thy  servant  Jacob's  ;  it  is  a  present  sent  unto  my  lord  Esau : 
and,  behold,  he  also  is  behind  us.  19  And  he  commanded  also 
the  second,  and  the  third,  and  all  that  followed  the  droves, 
saying.  On  this  manner  shall  ye  speak  unto  Esau,  when  ye  find 
him  ;  20  and  ye  shall  say.  Moreover,  behold,  thy  servant  Jacob 
is  behind  us.  For  he  said,  I  will  appease  him  with  the  present 
that  goeth  before  me,  and  afterward  I  will  see  his  face;  per- 

12.  And  thou  saidst  &c.  Viz.  (implicitly)  in  xxviii.  14,  15,  though 
in  phrasing  the  verse  resembles  xxii.  17  and  xvi.  lO**.  If  Jacob 
and  his  party  perish  by  the  hand  of  Esau,  God's  promise  of  a  numerous 
posterity  must  of  necessity  remain  for  ever  unfulfilled. 

13b — 21.     Jacob  seeks  to  conciliate  Esau  by  a  present. 

IS**,  a  present.  The  word  used  {minhah)  is  the  one  explained  on 
iv.  3,  meaning  a  present  intended  to  secure  or  retain  the  good-will  of 
a  superior  (cf,  2  K.  yiii.  9).  The  present  sent  by  Jacob  was  a  sub- 
stantial one,  comprising  no  less  than  580  head  of  cattle,  and  including 
representatives  of  all  the  principal  elements  of  pastoral  wealth. 

16 — 20.  The  object  of  the  division  into  separate  droves  was  to 
make  a  favourable  impression  upon  Esau,  who  as  drove  after  drove 
came  up,  would  be  at  once  gratified  and  surprised,  when  he  learnt  that 
each  was  intended  for  himself. 

20.  appease  him.  Lit,  cover  his  face,  i.e.  induce  him,  by  means  of 
the  present,  to  overlook  the  injury  done  to  him.  Cf  for  the  figure — 
though  the  Heb.  word  used  is  a  different  one — ch.  xx.  16.  The  word  used 
here  {kipper)  is  an  interesting  one;  it  is  in  the  Levitical  terminology 
used  of  the  priest  cmering  sin  (i.e.,  in  a  fig.  sense,  hiding  it  from  God) 
by  means  of  a  sacrifice,  being  then  commonly  rendered  by  '  make 
atonement'  (see  more  fully  the  writer's  art.  Propitiation  in  DB.). 


294  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxxii.  lo-.s 

adventure  he  will  accept  me.     21  So  the  present  passed  over  J" 
before  him  :  and  lie  himself  lodged  that  night  in  the  company. 

22  And  he  rose  up  that  night,  and  took  his  two  wives,  and 
his  two  handmaids,  and  his  eleven  children,  [and  passed  over  the 
ford  of  Jabbok.  23  And  he  took  them,]  and  sent  them  over  the 
stream,  and  sent  over  that  he  had.  24  And  Jacob  was  left 
alone  ;  and  there  wrestled  a  man  with  him  until  the  breaking  of 
the  day.  25  And  when  he  saw  that  he  prevailed  not  against 
him,  he  touched  the  hollow  of  his  thigh ;   and  the  hollow  of 

accept  me.  Lit.  lift  up  my  face :  fig.  for  receive  favourably.  So 
xix.  21  and  frequently.  0pp.  to  turn  back  the  face  of  a  suppliant, 
1  K.  ii.  16,  al.     Hence  in  lxx.  and  NT.  Tr/aoo-cDTrov  Xafjcpdv^Lv. 

21.  in  the  company.  In  the  camp  (v.  7), — viz.  with  his  wives  and 
children  and  the  main  bulk  of  his  possessions.  The  division  into  two 
*  camps '  of  w.  7,  8  is  disregarded. 

22 — 32.  Jacob's  wrestHng  with  the  angel  at  Penuel.  The  narrative 
does  not  attach  well  to  either  v.  13*  or  v.  21'';  the  statement  that 
Jacob  'lodged  that  night'  at  a  given  place  being  hardly  followed  con- 
sistently by  the  statement  that  he  'rose  up  that  night'  and  proceeded 
elsewhere.  Very  possibly,  in  the  compilation  of  the  book,  something 
has  been  omitted,  containing  mention  of  a  'night,'  to  which  v.  22 
refers.  It  is  also  hardly  possible  that  the  whole  of  vv.  22,  23  can  be 
by  the  same  hand :  for  Jacob  and  his  family  having  crossed  the  ford 
in  V.  22,  his  family  is  sent  across  again  in  v.  23  (the  Heb.  for  sent  over 
is  properly  made  to  pass  over),  and  v.  24  implies  that  he  himself  re- 
mained behind  alone.  The  omission  of  the  bracketed  words  at  least 
renders  the  narrative  much  clearer. 

22.  the  Jabbok.  The  Jabbok  rises  a  few  miles  W.  of  Rahbath- 
'Ammon  (Philadelphia) :  taking  at  first  a  NE.  course,  past  the  city,  it 
afterwards  fetches  a  wide  compass  to  the  NW.,  tiU  finally  it  falls  into  the 
Jordan,  just  N.  of  the  ford  ed-Bdmiyeh,  about  25  m.  N.  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
The  great  gorge  through  which,  for  the  last  25  or  30  miles  of  its  course, 
it  flows  down  into  the  Gh6r  forms,  as  was  stated  above  (on  xxxi.  21),  the 
dividing  line  between  the  two  '  halves'  of  Gilead.  From  the  ford  a  little 
S.  of  Jerash  tiU  it  enters  the  Jordan- valley,  the  Jabbok  flows  swiftly 
through  a  deep  chasm,  with  steep  and  lofty  sides  like  a  cauon,  its 
banks  fringed  by  tall  canes  and  rushes.  The  water,  seen  from  a  dis- 
tance, is  of  a  grey-blue  colour,  which  gives  the  river  its  present  name  of 
the  Zerka  (cf  HG.  583 — 5).  The  ford  here  referred  to  will  be  most 
naturally  the  one  about  3  m.  E.  of  the  Jordan,  by  which  the  route 
mentioned  on  v.  2  still  crosses  the  Zerka. 

24.  wrestled  (P??*.!).  The  word  occurs  besides  only  in  v.  25 ;  and 
appears  to  be  chosen  for  the  sake  of  the  assonance  with  Yabbok,  as 
though  this  meant,  or  suggested  the  idea  of,  torestling. 

25.  So  strong  was  Jacob  (xxix.  10),  and  so  bravely  did  he  wrestle, 


xxxii.  25-^8]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  296 

Jacob's  thigh  was  strained,  as  he  wrestled  with  him.  26  And  he  J 
said,  Let  me  go,  for  the  day  breaketh.  And  he  said,  I  will  not 
let  thee  go,  except  thou  bless  me.  27  And  he  said  unto  him, 
What  is  thy  name  ?  And  he  said,  Jacob.  28  And  he  said.  Thy 
name  shall  be  called  no  more  Jacob,  but  ^Israel :  for  ^thou 
hast  'striven  with  God  and  with  men,  and   hast   prevailed. 

^  That  is,  He  who  striveth  with  God,  or,  God  striveth.  *  The  Sept.  and 

Vulgate  have,  thou  hast  had  power  with  God,  and  thou  shall  prevail  against  men. 
^  Or,  had  poioer  with 

that  his  antagonist  could  not  overcome  him  by  the  means  which  a 
wrestler  would  ordinarily  employ;  so,  in  order  to  escape  before  day- 
light, and  at  the  same  time  to  shew  that  he  was  superior  to  Jacob,  he 
sprained  Jacob's  thigh. 

the  hollow  &c.     I.e.  the  socket  of  Jacob's  thigh-bone. 

26.  Jacob  perceives  now  that  his  antagonist  is  more  than  mortal: 
so  he  seizes  the  opportunity  to  win  a  blessing  for  himself. 

27  f  The  blessing  takes  the  form  of  a  change  of  name.  Jacob 
is  to  receive  a  name  suggestive  of  his  success  in  the  approaching  en- 
counter with  Esau :  at  the  same  time,  as  the  name  was  to  the  Hebrews 
the  symbol  or  expression  of  the  nature  (cf  e.g.  Is.  i.  26,  Lxi.  3),  the 
change  of  name  is  significant  of  a  change  of  character  in  the  patriarch 
himself:  he  is  to  be  no  longer  'Jacob,'  the  Crafty  one,  the  Over- 
reacher,  he  is  to  be  'Israel,'  the  Perseverer  with  God,  who  is  worthy 
also  to  prevail. 

28.  thou  hast  persevered  &c.  *  Isra'el,'  meaning  properly  (on  the 
analogy  of  other  names  similarly  formed,  as  Ishma'el,  Jerahmfi'el) 
'God  perseveres'  (or,  'Let  God  persevere!')  is  interpreted  here  as 
suggesting  the  meaning  'Perseverer  with  God.'  Of  course,  as  in  other 
similar  cases  (cf  on  iv.  1),  we  need  not  suppose  the  actual  etymology 
to  be  given.  For  the  meaning,  cf  the  Arab,  shariya,  to  persist,  or 
persevere^:  the  same  root  is  contained  in  Seraiah,  'Jah  persists.' 

and  hast  prevailed.  Jacob's  persevering  struggle  with  God  is  just 
ended :  among  men,  he  has  persevered  against  both  Laban  and  Esau ; 
his  contest  with  Laban  had  ended  previously;  that  with  Esau  is  not 
ended  yet,  but '  Imst  prevailed'  is  a  word  of  good  omen  for  its  successful 
issue.  Comp.  Hos.  xii.  3,  4  ('  In  the  womb  he  overreached  his  brother; 
and  in  his  strength  he  persevered  with  God :  yea,  he  persevered  with 
the  angel,  and  prevailed-,  he  wept  and  made  supplication  unto  him'), 
where  the  ambition  shewn  by  Jacob  to  secure  pre-eminence  even  in 
the  womb,  and  the  persistence  with  which  at  Penuel  he  exerted  himself 
to  secure  the  blessing,  are  held  up  as  examples  for  the  imitation  of  liis 
lax  and  indifferent  descendants. 

^  Not  to  *  strive^',  this  idea  is  peculiar  to  conj.  iii.  in  Arabic  (which  expressea 
the  idea  of  rivalry),  to  persist  or  persevere  against  another.  Had  power  (KVm.; 
LXI.  here  and  in  Hos.)  has  no  probability :  Hos.  xii.  4  [Heb.  5],  as  pointed,  should 
be  rendered,  and  he  ruled  as  'prince  (Is.  xxxii.  1) ;  but  clearly  "ib'M  and  he  persevered 
should  be  read,  to  agree  with  v.  3  [Heb.  4]. 


296  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxxii.  .9- 


■3"- 


29  Aud  Jacob  asked  him,  and  said,  Tell  me,  I  pray  thee,  thy  name.  J 
And  he  said,  ^Vherefo^e  is  it  that  thou  dost  ask  after  my  name  ? 
And  he  blessed  him  there.  30  And  Jacob  called  the  name  of 
the  place  ^Peniel :  for,  said  he,  I  have  seen  God  face  to  face,  and 
my  life  is  preserved.  31  And  the  sun  rose  upon  him  as  he 
passed  over  Penuel,  and  he  halted  upon  his  thigh.  32  Therefore 
the  children  of  Israel  eat  not  the  sinew  of  the  hip  which  is  upon 
the  hollow  of  the  thigh,  unto  this  day  :  because  he  touched  the 
hollow  of  Jacob's  thigh  in  the  sinew  of  the  hip. 

1  That  is,  The  face  of  God. 

29.  For  the  refusal  of  the  name,  cf.  Jud.  xiii.  17. 

30.  Explanation  of  the  name  Peniel :  Jacob  had  seen  God  face 
to  face  (Ex.  xxxiii.  11;  Dt.  xxxiv.  10),  aytd  (i.e.  and  yet)  his  life  had 
been  preserved ;  for  it  was  the  current  belief  that  no  one  could  '  see 
God,  and  live'  (Ex.  xxxiii.  20;  Jud.  vi.  22  f.,  xiii.  22;  cf.  Dt.  iv.  33, 
v.  24,  26). 

Peniel  (elsewhere  Penuel:  cf.  G.-K.  90°)  means  Face  of  God.  There 
was  however  in  Phoenicia,  a  little  S.  of  Tripolis,  a  headland  called 
®eov  TTpoo-wTTov  (Strab.  XVI.  2.  15  f.);  so  it  is  possible  that  in  reality 
Penuel  derived  its  name  from  some  physical  feature  presented  by  it. 
The  site  is  uncertain ;  but  it  must  have  been  near  the  ford  mentioned 
in  V.  22,  and  a  Httle  E.  of  Jacob's  next  halting-place  (xxxiii.  17), 
Succoth  (cf  Jud.  viii.  5,  8).  Not  improbably  it  was  some  projecting 
ridge  or  height,  near  where  the  Jabbok  descends  from  the  upland  into 
the  Jordan-valley.  A  site,  S.  of  the  Jabbok,  near  where  the  Gh6r 
route  crosses  the  route  from  es-Salt  to  the  ford  ed-DS,miyeh  (see  G.  A. 
Smith's  large  Map),  though  it  can  only  be  assigned  conjecturaUy, 
would  satisfy  the  conditions  of  the  Biblical  narrative. 

32.  the  sinew  of  the  hip.  The  sciatic  muscle,  a  powerful  muscle, 
passing  along  the  thigh,  injury  to  which  occasions  limping  (see  Ges. 
Tlies.).  The  Israelite  custom  of  not  eating  the  corresponding  muscle 
in  animals  is  deduced  from  this  incident;  it  was  regarded  as  sacred 
through  the  touch  of  God.  The  custom  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere 
in  the  OT.,  but  its  observance  is  enjoined  in  the  Mishna. 

The  struggle  at  Penuel  is  the  turning-point  in  Jacob's  life.  Jacob's 
character  is  a  mixed  one :  it  includes  inconsistent  elements.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  is  marked  by  trust  in  self,  aud  exceptional  devotion  to  crooked 
methods ;  on  the  other,  it  has  a  healthy  basis  of  perseverance  and  ambition, 
it  is  not  devoid  of  regard  for  God,  God  is  represented  as  watching  over  him 
with  His  providence,  and  his  prayer  in  xxxii.  9 — 12  shews  genuine  religious 
feeling,  and  a  sincere  sense  of  dependence  upon  Him.  The  story  of  his 
wrestling  shews  how  the  higher  eien^etits  in  his  nature  gained  the  ascendency 
over  the  lower  elements.  It  is  a  critical  moment  in  his  life.  He  is  on  the 
point  of  re-entering  the  land  which  he  left  20  years  before  (xxxi.  41) ;  he  is 


XXXIII.  .,  i]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  297 

about  to  meet  his  brother,  whom  he  had  wrougod  and  deceived ;  memoiies 
of  the  past  crowd  upon  him ;  his  conscience  smites  him,  and  he  is  '  greatly 
afraid.'  But  God  is  his  real  antagonist,  not  Esau ;  it,  is  God  whom  his  sins 
have  offended,  and  who  here  comes  to  contest  His  right.  These  thoughts  and 
fears  are,  as  it  were,  materialized  in  his  dream.  He  struggles  with  his 
mysterious  antagonist ;  and  he  struji:gles  with  such  persistence  and  effect, 
that  his  antagonist  cannot  overcome  him,  until  by  a  divine  touch  he  paralyses 
his  natural  strength.  Even  then  Jacob's  tenacity  of  purpose  remains  un- 
impaired ;  he  is  conscious  that  he  has  a  heavenly  visitaut  in  his  embrace ; 
and  he  will  not  let  Him  go  till  he  has  received  from  Him  a  blessing.  His 
perseverance  is  thus  rewarded.  But  he  only  gains  the  blessing  after  his 
natural  self  has  been  rendered  powerless.  The  moment  marks  a  great  spiritual 
change  in  Jacob's  character.  He  feels  his  carnal  weapons  become  lamed  and 
useless ;  they  fail  him  in  his  contest  with  God ;  as  the  result  of  his  struggle 
his  natural  self  is  left  behind,  he  rises  from  it  an  altered  man.  A  new  truth  is 
vividly  brought  home  to  him, — the  valuelessness  before  God  of  the  weapons  in 
which  he  has  hitherto  trusted.  The  lameness  which  he  carries  away  with  him 
is,  as  it  were,  a  palpable  memento  of  the  fact.  And  his  new  name,  Israel,  the 
'  Perseverer  with  God,'  symbolizes  his  new  nature.  And  so  we  may  notice  that 
from  this  point  in  his  history  we  hear  no  more  of  him  as  practising  craft  and 
deceit :  he  is  still  indeed  (ch.  xxxiii.)  politic  and  resourceful ;  but  he  becomes 
more  and  more,  especially  after  the  trials  and  bereavements  of  his  later  years, 
the  type  of  a  jast  and  God-fearing  Israelite. 

On  the  episode  in  general,  comp.  Stanley,  Jewish  Church,  i.  67,  who 
remarks  on  the  manner  in  which  in  all  ages  Jacob's  encounter  lias  been  taken 
as  an  image  of  the  like  struggles  and  vsrestlings  on  the  eve  of  some  overhang- 
ing trial  or  crisis,  and  who  quotes  Charles  Wesley's  hymn,  '  Come,  0  thou 
Traveller  unknown,  Whom  still  I  hold,  but  cannot  see ! '  Robertson,  Sermons, 
I.  37  ff. ;  Bright,  Morality  in  Doctrine,  p.  199  ff. ;  A.  B.  Davidson's  Sermon  in 
The  Galled  of  God  (1902),  p.  107  ff.,  and  esp.  (as  dealing  more  directly  with 
the  relation  of  the  episode  to  Jacob's  character)  the  one  in  the  Expositor,  Mar. 
1902,  p,  176  ff. :  see  other  references  in  Exp.  Times,  x.  561—3. 

Chapter  XXXIII. 

The  meeting  between  Jacob  and  Esau.    Jacob  pursues  his 
journey  to  Succoth,  and  Shechem. 

XXXIII.     1  And  Jacob  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  looked,  and, , 
behold,  Esau  came,  and  with  him  four  hundred  men.    And  he 
divided  the  children  unto  Leah,  and  unto  Rachel,  and  unto  the 
two  handmaids.    2  And  he  put  the  handmaids  and  their  children 
foremost,  and  Leah  and  her  children  after,  and  Rachel  and 

XXXIII.  1,  2.  Jacob's  arrangement  of  his  wives  and  children 
(as  distinct  from  his  people  and  cattle,  xxxii.  7,  8)  for  the  purpose  of 
meeting  Esau. 


296  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxxra.  i-io 

Joseph  hindermost.     3  And  he  himself  passed  over  before  them,  j 
and  bowed  himself  to  the  ground  seven  times,  until  he  came 
near  to  his  brother.    4  And  Esau  ran  to  meet  him,  and  embraced 
him,  and  fell  on  his  neck,  and  kissed  him :   and  they  wept 

5  And  he  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  saw  the  women  and  the 
children ;  and  said.  Who  are  these  with  thee  ?  And  he  said, 
Hie  children  which  God  hath  graciously  given  thy  servant. 

6  Then  the  handmaids  came  near,  they  and  their  children,  and 
they  bowed  themselves.  7  And  Leah  also  and  her  children 
came  near,  and  bowed  themselves  :  and  after  came  Joseph  near 
and  Rachel,  and  they  bowed  themselves.  8  And  he  said.  What 
meanest  thou  by  all  this  company  which  I  met  ?  And  he  said. 
To  find  grace  in  the  sight  of  my  lord.  9  And  Esau  said,  I  have 
enough ;  my  brother,  let  that  thou  hast  be  thine.  10  And  Jacob 
said,  Xay,  I  pray  thee,  if  now  I  have  found  grace  in  thy  sight, 
then  receive  my  present  at  my  hand :  ^forasmuch  as  I  have  seen 

^  Or,  for  therefore  have  I  teen 

2.  hind^ermost.  In  the  position  of  greatest  safety.  Jacob,  it  is 
evident,  prepares  for  the  worst. 

3.  Jacob  himself,  going  in  front  of  his  wives  and  children,  ap- 
proaches his  brother  with  the  profoundest  marks  of  deference  and 
respexrt. 

seven  txmei.  Cf  in  the  Tel  el-Amama  tablets  the  frequent  '  seven 
and  seven  times  fall  I  down  at  the  feet  of  the  king,  my  lord.' 

4 — 7.  Esan  shews  towards  his  brother  a  generous  and  magnanimous 
spirit ;  and  inquires  with  interest  about  his  family. 

8 — 11.  Esau  accepts  the  present  of  cattle  (xxxiL  13^—21')  only 
at  his  brother's  urgent  request 

8.     all  this  cainp.     I.e.  the  'present'  (r.  10)  of  xxxii.  13",  21'. 

10.  JacDb  begs  his  brother  to  give  a  still  further  proof  of  his  friend- 
liness towards  him  by  accepting  his  gift. 

forasmuch  as  &c.*  I.e.  inasmuch  as  thou  hast  received  me  favour- 
ably. As  one  seeth  the  face  of  God  is  equivalent  to  '  and  found  it  (Esau's 
face)  favourable' :  to  see  the  face  being  the  phrase  used  of  one  a.'imitted 
to  the  presence-chamber  of  a  monarch,  or  other  ruler  (ch.  xhii.  3,  5; 
2  S.  xiv.  24,  28;  2  K  xxv.  19;  fig.  of  God,  Ps.  xL  7;  Job  xxxiii.  26)*, 
and,  it  \&  imphed,  viewed  by  his  superior  favourably.  Jacob,  by  using 
this  expression,  pays  Esau  a  high  comphment.  The  words  are  no 
doubt  chosen  with  allusion  to  the  name  'Penuel'  (xxxii.  30),  even  if 
(WeUh.,  BiUm.)  they  are  not  meant  as  another  explana.ion  of  it  '  The 
thought  underlying  both  forms  of  the  tradition  is  that  at  Penuel  the 
unfriendly  God  was  found  ultimately  to  be  a  friendly  one'  (Dillm.). 

*  On  EYm-,  see  on  rdiL  5.  *  Cf.  Mt.  iviii.  10. 


XXXIII.  IO-I7]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  299 

thj  face,  as  one  seeth  the  face  of  God,  and  thou  wast  pleased  j 
with  me.  11  Take,  I  pray  thee,  my  ^gift  that  is  brought  to 
thee ;  because  God  hath  dealt  graciously  with  me,  and  because 
I  have  ^enough.  And  he  urged  him,  and  he  took  it.  12  And 
he  said,  Let  us  take  our  journey,  and  let  us  go,  and  I  will  go 
before  thee.  13  And  he  said  unto  him,  My  lord  knoweth  that 
the  children  are  tender,  and  that  the  flocks  and  herds  with  me 
give  suck :  and  if  they  overdrive  them  one  day,  all  the  flocks 
will  die.  14  Let  my  lord,  I  pray  thee,  pass  over  before  his 
servant :  and  I  will  lead  on  softly,  according  to  the  pace  of  the 
cattle  that  is  before  me  and  according  to  the  pace  of  the 
children,  until  I  come  unto  my  lord  unto  Seir.  15  And  Esau 
said.  Let  me  now  leave  with  thee  some  of  the  folk  that  are  with 
me.  And  he  said.  What  needeth  it?  let  me  find  grace  in  the 
sight  of  my  lord.  16  So  Esau  returned  that  day  on  his  way 
unto  Seir.  17  And  Jacob  journeyed  to  Succoth,  and  built  him 
an  house,  and  made  booths  for  his  cattle  :  therefore  the  name  of 
the  place  is  called  ^Succoth. 

1  Heb.  blessing.  '  Heb.  all.  J  That  is,  Booths. 

11.  gift.  Heb.  blessing, — the  gift  being  regarded  as  the  expression 
of  good-wishes:  cf.  1  S.  xxv.  27,  xxx.  26;  2  K.  v.  15.  Jacob  diplo- 
matically presses  it  upon  Esau,  no  doubt  hoping,  if  he  should  induce 
him  to  accept  it,  to  purchase  thereby  the  continuance  of  his  good-\dll 
in  the  future. 

12 — 16.  Esau  offers  now  (y.  12)  to  accompany  Jacob  for  his  pro- 
tection, or  at  least  (v.  15)  to  leave  him  some  of  his  people  as  an  escort : 
but  Jacob  decHnes  both  these  offers;  he  will  lay  himself  under  no 
obligation  to  his  brother,  nor  will  he  run  the  risk  of  a  rupture  in  the 
cordial  relations  now  established  between  them. 

13.  tcnJer.  Of  age,  as  Pr.  iv.  3,  1  Ch.  xxii.  5.  The  youngest  (cf. 
xxxi.  38,  41)  would  not  be  more  than  six  or  seven. 

with  me  give  suck.  Giving  suck  are  a  care  to  me  (ht.  give  suck 
upon  me :  cf.  xlviii.  7 ;  and  see  Lex.  p.  753  b). 

14.  soft!}/.     Or,  gently  (2  S.  xviii.  5;  Job  rv.  11;  Is.  viii.  6). 

15.  Why  ?  let  me  Jin d  &c.     A  pohte  way  of  declining  the  offer. 
17.     Explanation  of  the  name  Succoth.     The  precise  position  of 

Succoth  is  uncertain,  all  that  is  known  about  it  being  that  it  was  in 
the  territory  of  Gad  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  (Jos.  xiii.  27),  in  a  'vale' 
(pJ?;^').  Ps.  Ix.  6,  and  below  Penuel,  on  the  W.  (Jud.  viii.  5,  cf.  8).  If 
the  site  suggested  on  xxxii.  30  for  Penuel  be  approximately  correct, 
Succoth  will  have  lain  on  one  of  the  lower  terraces  of  the  Jordan- 
valley  (which  here  sinks  from  500  ft.  below  the  Medit.  Sea  to  1000  ft. 
below  it)  a  httle  to  tlie  W.  of  it. 


300  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS       [xxxiii.  18-.0 

18  And  Jacob  came  ^in  peace  to  the  city  of  Shechem,  which  P 
is  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  when  he  came  from  Paddan-aram ;  | 
and  encamped  before  the  city.  19  And  he  bought  the  parcel  of  E 
ground,  where  he  had  spread  his  tent,  at  the  hand  of  the 
children  of  Hamor,  Shechem's  father,  for  an  hundred  ^pieces 
of  money.  20  And  he  erected  there  an  altar,  and  called  it 
^El-elohe-IsraeL 

1  Or,  to  Shalem,  a  city  *  Heb.  kesitah.  •  That  is,  God,  the  God  of 

Israel. 

18 — 20.  Jacob's  arrival  at  Shechem  (xii.  6) ;  and  his  purchase 
there  of  the  plot  of  ground  on  which  he  had  pitched  his  tent. 

18.  in  peace.  In  the  Heb.  an  adj.  =  safe  and  sound.  Cf.  (for  the 
thought)  xxviii.  21.  The  marg.  (which  grammatically  is  equally  pos- 
sible) agrees  with  the  fact  that  there  is  still  a  village  Salim  on  the  low 
hills  forming  the  N.  border  of  the  plain  E.  of  Shechem,  4  miles  E.  of 
the  city,  and  directly  facing  it  (Rob.  n.  275,  279). 

before  the  city.  I.e.  East  of  it  (cf  xvi.  12).  In  the  plain  E.  of 
Shechem,  at  about  a  mile  from  the  city,  there  was  shewn  in  later  times 
(John  iv.  6,  12),  as  there  is  shewn  still,  Jacob's  well. 

19.  the  children  of  S[amdr.  The  name  of  the  clan  settled  at 
Shechem  (cf  Jud.  ix.  28). 

ShechenCs  father.  Or,  the  father  (i.e.  founder:  1  Ch.  ii.  21,  23,  42, 
45,  49 — 52,  al.)  of  (the  city)  Shechem;  cf.  Jud.  ix.  28  'the  men  of 
Hamor,  the  father  01  Shechem,'  where  this  is  evidently  the  meaning. 

pieces  of  money.  Heb.  kesitdhs, — elsewhere  only  Jos.  xxiv.  32  (of 
the  same  transaction).  Job  xlii.  1 1.  The  meaning  of  the  word  is  un- 
known, though  it  is  apparently  the  name  of  a  coin,  or  ingot  of  metal : 
an  old  tradition  however  (lxx.,  Onk.,  Vulg.)  gave  it  the  meaning 
lamb.  The  purchase  of  this  piece  of  ground  is  mentioned  on  account 
of  the  sequel:  it  was  the  place  in  which  the  bones  of  Joseph  were 
ultimately  buried  (Jos.  xxiv.  32 ;  cf  Acts  vii.  16);  and  it  had  the  same 
interest  and  significance  for  the  N.  kingdom  which  the  cave  of  Mach- 
pelah  at  Hebron  had  for  the  kingdom  of  Judah. 

20.  erected.  Heb.  3^vn  made  to  stand,  i.e.  set  up,  used  of  a 
'standing-stone,'  or  piUar  (xxxv.  14,  20,  al.),  but  never  elsewhere  of  an 
altar.  Very  possibly  'altar'  (n3TD)  is  a  correction  for  an  original 
'standing-stone'  (n3V»). 

'El,  the  God  of  Israel.  Either  (Di.)  a  contraction  for  '  the  altar 
[or  standing-stone]  of  'El,  the  God  of  Israel';  or  (Gunk.)  a  survival 
from  a  primitive  stage  of  religious  belief  in  which  the  'standing-stone' 
was  identified  with  the  deity  (cf  on  xxviii.  22;  and  EncB.  in.  2977). 
Doubtless  it  is  the  'pillar'  of  a  sacred  place  (cf  on  xxviii.  18),  well 
known  in  the  narrator's  own  day,  the  origin  of  which  is  here  explained. 

On  the  sites  of  MizpaJi,  Maluinaim,  Penuel,  and  Succoth.  Of  none  of 
these  places  has  the  name  been  preserved  locally ;  and  as  the  data  supplied 


THE  SITES  OF  MIZPAH,  MAHANAIM,  ETC.      301 

by  the  OT.  do  not  suffice  to  fix  their  sites  with  any  precision,  the  identifications 
that  have  been  proposed  are  entirely  conjectural.  The  following  is  a  tabular 
view  of  the  principal  identifications  : — 


Merrill 

Conder^ 

Dilbnann 

Mizpah 

Kal'at  er-Rabad* 

SM 

An  indeterminable  spot 
on  Jebel  'Ajlun 

Mahanaim 

Suleikhat 

el-Bukei'a' 

Undetermined 

Penuel 

Tulul  edh-Dhahab* 

Jebel  'Osha^ 

Undetermined 

Succoth 

Deir  'Alia 

Deir  'Alia 

S.  of  the  Jabbok,  in  the 
Jordan-valley,  on  the 
road  from  es-Salt  to 
the  ford  ed-Damiyeh 

All  these  places  are  shewn  on  G.  A.  Smith's  large  Topographical  Map  of 
Palestine,  with  the  exception  of  Suleikhat,  which  will  be  in  the  second  Wady 
N.  of  the  Wady  'Ajlun,  just  below  the  figure  '500.'  It  is  natural  to  suppose 
that  Jacob,  making  for  Shechem,  would  cross  the  Jordan  by  the  ford 
ed-Damiyeh,  a  little  S.  of  the  point  at  which  the  Jabbok  eiiters  the  Jordan ; 
and  this  is  accordingly  assumed  by  all  the  three  authorities  quoted  :  but  they 
bring  Jacob  to  this  ford  by  entirely  different  routes.  The  great  objections  to 
the  route  postulated  by  Merrill's  identifications  are  :  (1)  we  seem  to  desiderate 
for  Mizpah  (see  p.  288)  a  site  more  on  the  NE.  of  Jebel  'Ajlun  than  Kal'at 
er-Rabad ;  and  (2)  if  Jacob's  goal  were  the  ford  ed-Damiyeh,  it  does  not  seem 
probable  that,  having  come  down  the  Gh6r  from  Suleikliat,  and  reached  the 
neighbourhood  of  Deir  'Alia,  he  would  then  have  made  a  detour  of  6  miles  to 
the  E.,  up  the  valley  of  the  Jabbok,  to  TuMl  edh-Dhahab, — crossing  the  stream 
(Gen.  xxxii.  32),  as  he  returned,  and  afterwards,  of  course,  re-crossing  it,  to 
Deir  'Alia,  in  order  then  to  resume  his  journey,  and  crossing  it  a  third  time,  to 
reach  the  ford  ed-Damiyeh^. 

According  to  Gender's  route,  Jacob,  passing  through  Jerash,  will  have 
crossed  the  Jabbok  by  the  ford  ez-Zubliyeh  (a  little  S.  of  Jerash) ;  then  lie  will 
have  climbed  from  the  level  of  the  Jabbok  (between  500  and  1000  ft.),  1000  ft. 
or  more,  up  to  el-Bukei'a  (2000  ft.) ;  after  this  he  will  have  ascended  1200— 
1500  ft.  more,  past  es-Salt,  to  Jebel  'Osha  (3597  ft.) ;  then — though,  if  his  goal 
were  ed-Damiyeh,  the  shorter  and  more  obvious  route  would  have  been  for 
him  to  go  straight  down  to  it  from  es-Salt — turning  to  the  NW.,  he  will  have 
come  down  to  the  Jabbok,  and  crossed  it  at  about  one  mile  SE.  of  Deir  'Alia ; 

1  Heth  and  Moab^,  pp.  181—6 ;  Smith,  DB.^  s.v.  Gilead,  p.  1192. 

^  A  Saracenic  castle  standing  on  a  height  10  miles  N.  of  the  Jabbok,  with 
a  fine  view  of  the  Jordan-valley.  Svf  is  7  miles  E.  of  this,  and  3  miles  N.W. 
of  Jerash. 

*  A  depressed  plain  {Biikei'a  is  the  dimin.  of  nyp3),  on  the  mountains  South  of 
the  Jabbok,  surrounded  by  sandstone  and  limestone  ridges  (Heth  and  Moah,  18G). 

*  'The  hills  of  gold,'  so  called  from  the  yellowish  metalliferous  sandstone,  of 
which  they  are  composed, — two  conical  hills,  round  which  the  Jabbok  winds, — N. 
of  the  first,  and  S.  of  the  second, — about  6  miles  B.  of  Deir  'Alia,  up  the  valley. 

«  S.  of  the  Jabbok,  12  m.  W.  of  el-Bukei'a. 

*  It  is  also  very'  doubtful  whether  the  identification  of  Penuel  with  Tnldl 
edh-Dhahab  suits  Jud.  viii.  8  ff..  On  account  of  the  banks  of  the  Jabbok  above  this 
point  being  impassable  on  either  side :  see  the  art.  cited  on  p.  302  n. 


302  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

finally,  turning  southwards  along  the  Gh6r  route,  he  will  have  crossed  it  again, 
in  order  to  reach  the  ford  ed-Damiyeh.  It  is  extremely  unlikely  that  Jacob, 
had  he  wished  to  reach  the  ford  ed-Damiyeh  from  any  part  of  the  Jebel 
*Ajlun,  would  have  adopted  a  route  as  circuitous  as  this,  or  one  which  would 
have  led  him,  with  his  numerous  flocks  and  herds,  up  and  down  so  many  lofty 
mountains  ^ 

Mizpah  (see  p.  2S8)  may  be  reasonably  located  somewhere  on  the  N.  or 
NE.  of  the  Jebel  'Ajlun ;  and  Jacob,  wishing  to  make  his  way  hence  to  the 
ford  ed-Damiyeh,  would  naturally  descend  as  soon  as  possible  into  the  Ghor, 
and  join  the  track  which  passes  along  it  from  N.  to  S. :  the  rest  of  his  route 
would  then  be  consistent  and  intelligible,  if  it  might  be  assumed  (as  is  done  in 
the  notes  above)  that  Mahanaim  was  (say)  at  Deir  'Alia,  4  miles  N.  of  the  ford 
by  which  the  Ghor  route  crosses  the  Jabbok,  Penuel  near  where  the  Ghor 
route  crosses  the  route  from  es-Salt  to  ed-Damiyeh,  and  Succoth  on  one  of  the 
lower  terraces  of  the  Jordan-valley,  W.  of  the  point  just  suggested  for  Penuel, 
in  the  position  postulated  by  Dillmannl 


Chapter  XXXIV. 
Jacob  at  Shechem. 

Much  seems  to  have  been  recounted  in  ancient  Israel  respecting  the 
dealings  of  Jacob  with  the  native  inhabitants  of  Shechem  (cf.  xlviii.  22, 
xlix.  5 — 7  :  see  the  notes) ;  and  in  the  present  chapter  two  narratives  relating 
to  the  same  subject,  agreeing  in  their  main  outline,  but  diflFering  in  details, 
have  been  combined  together.  In  the  one  narrative  (J),  Shechem  himself  is 
the  spokesman  in  the  negotiations  for  Dinah's  marriage  (vv.  11,  12),  and  his 
aim  is  the  personal  one  of  securing  Dinah  as  his  wife ;  in  the  other  narrative 
(P, — perhaps  based  upon  elements  derived  from  E),  his  father  Hamor  is  the 
spokesman,  and  his  aim  is  a  tribal  one,  to  secure  viz.  an  amalgamation 
between  his  people  and  Jacob's  (vv.  8 — 10,  21,  23);  in  J  only  Shechi  m  is 
circumcised  (».  19),  in  P  the  condition  is  imposed  upon  the  wliole  people 
(vv.  15,  22) ;  in  J  Simeon  and  Levi  slay  Hamor  and  Shechem  alone,  and 
rescue  Dinah  (v.  26),  in  P  all  Dinah's  brothers  fall  upon  the  city,  slay  all  the 
males,  and  carry  off  the  whole  of  the  spoil  {vo,  26'',  27 — 29).  Thus  in  P  the 
entire  transaction  is  on  a  much  larger  scale  than  in  J,  and  what  in  J  is 
a  personal  matter  becomes  io  P  an  affair  involving  the  whole  of  the  two 
communities  of  Israel  and  Shechem. 

J  is  sparing  in  his  chronological  notices :  but  if,  like  E  (xxxL  38,  41),  he 
pictured  Jacob  as  passing  20  years  in  Haran,  he  must, — though  the  narrative 
does  not  at  all  suggest  the  fact, — have  thought  of  Jacob  as  spending  some 

1  Mahanaim  and  Penuel,  also,  as  identified  by  Conder,  are  many  miles  from  both 
the  Jabbok  and  the  Jordan  (contrary  to  Gen.  ixxii.  10,  and  xxxii.  22 — 24,  30). 

*  See  further  the  writer's  paper  on  these  four  sites  in  the  Exp.  Times,  July,  1902, 
p.  457  ff.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  in  current  maps  of  Palestine  most  questionable 
identifications  are  often  inserted  without  the  least  note  or  warning  to  the  reader  of 
the  uncertainty. 


XXXIV.  1-7]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  303 

years  on  the  return  to  Canaan,  probably  at  Succoth  (xxxiiL  17):  for  otherwise 
Dinah,  who  was  the  last  but  one  of  the  children  born  to  Jacob  during  his 
14  years'  service  (xxx.  21),  would  be  hardly  more  than  6  or  7  years  of  age  at 
the  time  of  the  incidents  narrated  in  the  present  chapter. 

XXXIV.     1  And  Dinah  the  daughter  of  Leah,  which  she  P 
bare  unto  Jacob,  went  out  to  see  the  daughters  of  the  land- 
2  And  Shechem  the  son  of  Hamor  the  Hivite,  the  prince  of  the 
land,  saw  her  ;  |  and  he  took  her,  and  lay  with  her,  and  humbled  J 
her.    3  And  his  soul  clave  unto  Dinah  the  daughter  of  Jacob, 
and  he  loved  the  damsel,  and  spake  ^kindly  unto  the  damsel.  | 
4  And  Shechem  spake  unto  his  father  Hamor,  saying,  Get  me  P 
this  damsel  to  wife.  |  5  Now  Jacob  heard  that  he  had  defiled  j 
Dinah  his  daughter ;  and  his  sons  were  with  his  cattle  in  the 
field :  and  Jacob  held  his  peace  until  they  came.  |  6  And  Hamor  P 
the  father  of  Shechem  went  out  unto  Jacob  to  commune  with 
him.  I  7  And  the  sons  of  Jacob  came  in  from  the  field  when  they  J 
heard  it :  and  the  men  were  grieved,  and  they  were  very  wroth, 
because  he  had  wrought  folly  in  Israel  in  lying  with  Jacob's 

1  Heb.  to  the  heart  of  the  damsel. 

XXXIV.     1.     Dinah.     See  xxx.  21. 
2*.     the  Hivite.     See  on  x.  17. 

prince.     Heb.  nasi ;  a  word  of  very  frequent  occurrence  in  P  (xvii. 
20,  xxiii.  6,  xxv.  16;  Nu.  i.  16,  al.),  and  Ezek.,  but  rare  elsewhere. 
2^     humbled.     I.e.  dishonoured:  so  Dt.  xxi.  14,  xxii.  24,  29,  al. 

3.  his  soul.  Mentioned  as  the  seat  of  emotion  and  afiection :  see 
on  xii.  13;  and  cf  v.  8,  1  S.  xviii.  1. 

kindly.     See  marg.    The  same  idiom,  1.  21 ;  Hos.  ii.  14;  Is.  xl.  2,  al. 

4.  Get  vie  &c.  It  was  the  business  of  the  parents  to  get  their 
son  a  wife:  cf.  Samson's  words,  Jud.  xiv.  2;  and  Gen.  xxi.  21,  xxiv., 
xxxviii.  6. 

5.  until  they  came.  The  opinion  of  the  brothers  was  of  weight  in 
a  matter  affecting  their  sister's  welfare :  cf.  xxiv.  50,  55,  59. 

6.  P's  continuation  of  v.  4. 

to  commune.     To  speak :  see  on  xviii.  33.     So  w.  8,  20. 

7.  J's  continuation  of  v.  5. 

wrought  folly.  It  is  difficult  to  find  a  good  rendering  for  n*baldh : 
but  folly  is  not  strong  enough:  xcrought  senselessness  would  be 
better.  The  word,  Hke  the  corresponding  subst.  nahdl  (the  'fool'  of 
Ps.  xiv.  1),  expresses  an  obstinate  insensibility  to  moral  and  religious 
relations,  and  repudiation  of  the  claims  which  they  impose :  see  the 
definition  in  Is.  xxxii.  6'.    The  phrase  employed  here  is  a  standing  one 

1  See  further  the  writer's  Comm.  on  Dt.  xxii.  21,  xxxii.  6,  21;  or  his  Parallel 
Psalter,  p.  457. 


304  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxxiv.  7-14 

daughter ;  which  thing  ought  not  to  be  done.  |  8  And  Hamor  J . 
communed  with  them,  saying,  The  soul  of  my  son  Shechem 
longeth  for  your  daughter :  I  pray  you  give  her  unto  him  to  wife. 
9  And  make  ye  marriages  with  us;  give  your  daughters  unto 
us,  and  take  our  daughters  unto  you.  10  And  ye  shall  dwell 
with  us  :  and  the  land  shall  be  before  you  ;  dwell  and  trade  ye 
therein,  and  get  you  possessions  therein.  |  11  And  Shechem  J" 
said  unto  her  father  and  unto  her  brethren,  Let  me  find  grace 
in  your  eyes,  and  what  ye  shall   say  unto  me   I  will  give. 

12  Ask  me  never  so  much  doAviy  and  gift,  and  I  will  give  ac- 
cording as  ye  shall  say  unto  me :  but  give  me  the  damsel  to  wife.  | 

13  And  the  sons  of  Jacob  answered  Shechem  and  Hamor  his  P 
father  with  guile,  and  spake,  because  he  had  defiled  Dinah  their 
sister,  14  and  said  unto  them,  We  cannot  do  this  thing,  to  give 
our  sister  to  one  that  is  uncircumcised ;  for  that  were  a  reproach 

for  grave  acts  of  immorality  (Jud,  xix.  23,  24,  2  S.  xiii.  12,  and  with 
*in  Israel,'  as  here,  Dt.  xxii.  21,  Jud.  xx.  6,  10,  Jer.  xxix.  23),  or 
irreligion  (Jos.  vii.  15,  also  with  'in  Israel').  The  addition  'in  Israel' 
betrays  here  the  author's  date :  he  transfers  unconsciously  the  relations 
of  his  own  time  to  the  patriarchal  age. 

which  thing  &c.     For  the  moral  judgement,  cf.  xx.  9;  2  S.  xiii.  12. 

8 — 12.  In  both  narratives,  Shechem  seeks  now  to  make  the  best 
reparation  in  his  power  for  what  he  had  done :  he  asks  to  marry  Dinah 
(cf.  Ex.  xxii.  16). 

8 — 10.  P's  continuation  of  w.  4,  6.  Hamor  carries  out  his  son's 
request. 

9,  10.  Hamor  proposes  what  is  virtually  an  amalgamation  (cf. 
V.  16**)  of  the  two  peoples,  with  full  reciprocal  rights  of  intermarriage, 
and  permission  to  Jacob's  sons  to  trade  and  settle  in  the  territory  of 
Shechem. 

11.  12.  Shechem's  offer  to  Dinah's  father  arid  brethren.  In  v.  6 
(P),  Hamor  comes  to  Jacob  on  Shechem's  behalf:  here  (J)  Shechem 
appears  conducting  his  own  suit. 

12.  dowry.  Heb.  mohar,  Arab,  mahr,  the  price  paid  for  the  wife 
to  her  parents,  according  to  ancient  custom:  so  Ex.  xxii.  16,  17;  1  S. 
xviii.  25.     Not  'dowry'  in  our  sense  of  the  word. 

gift.     I.e.  presents  to  the  bride,  which  were  often  a  matter  of  stipu- 
lation beforehand:  cf.  on  xxiv.  53,  xxix,  18. 
13 — 18.     P's  continuation  of  w.  8 — 10. 

13.  with  guile.  Wishing  to  avenge  their  sister's  honour,  they 
only  ostensibly  accede  to  the  proposal,  and  moreover  attach  a  condition 
which  they  foresee  will,  if  agreed  to,  give  them  the  opportunity  which 
they  desire. 

14.  a  reproach.     Cf.  Jos.  v.  9. 


XXXIV.  ,4-i5]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  306 

unto  us  :  15  only  on  this  condition  will  we  consent  unto  you :  p 
if  ye  will  be  as  we  be,  that  every  male  of  you  be  circumcised ; 
16  then  will  we  give  our  daughters  unto  you,  and  we  will  take 
your  daughters  to  us,  and  we  will  dwell  with  you,  and  we  will 
become  one  people.  17  But  if  ye  will  not  hearken  unto  us,  to  be 
circumcised ;  then  will  we  take  our  daughter,  and  we  will  be  gone. 

18  And  their  words  pleased  Hamor,  and  Shechera  Hamor's  son.  | 

19  And  the  young  man  deferred  not  to  do  the  thing,  because  he  J 
had  delight  in  Jacob's  daughter :  and  he  was  honoured  above  all 
the  house  of  his  father.  |  20  And  Hamor  and  Shechem  his  son  P 
came  unto  the  gate  of  their  city,  and  communed  with  the  men  of 
their  city,  saying,  21  These  men  are  peaceable  with  us;  therefore 
let  them  dwell  in  the  land,  and  trade  therein  ;  for,  behold,  the 
land  is  large  enough  for  them  ;  let  us  take  their  daughters  to  us 
for  wives,  and  let  us  give  them  our  daughters.  22  Only  on  this 
condition  will  the  men  consent  unto  us  to  dwell  with  us,  to 
become  one  people,  if  every  male  among  us  be  circumcised,  as 
they  are  circumcised.  23  Shall  not  their  cattle  and  their 
substance  and  all  their  beasts  be  ours  ?  only  let  us  consent  unto 
them,  and  they  will  dwell  with  us.  24  And  unto  Hamor  and 
unto  Shechem  his  son  hearkened  all  that  went  out  of  the  gate  of 
his  city ;  and  every  male  was  circumcised,  all  that  went  out  of 
the  gate  of  his  city.  25  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  third  day, 
when  they  were  sore,  that  |  two  of  |  the  sons  of  Jacob,  |  Simeon  J  P  J 
and  Levi,  Dinah's  brethren,  |  took  each   man  his  sword,  and  P 

19  (J).  The  verse  relates  to  something  to  be  done  by  Shechem 
alone,  not  (as  w.  15 — 17)  by  the  whole  people;  and  connects  conse- 
quently with  w.  11,  12  (J),  not  with  w.  13 — 18.  J's  account  of  the 
condition  imposed  upon  Shechem  has  been  omitted  by  the  compiler, 
as  unnecessary  by  the  side  oi  vv.  13 — 18. 

20 — 24.  P's  continuation  of  w.  13 — 18.  Hamor  and  Shechem  lay 
the  matter  before  the  assembly  of  their  people;  and  pointing  out  the 
advantages  to  be  gained  by  the  settlement  of  the  sons  of  Jacob 
amongst  them,  obtain  their  assent  to  the  proposal. 

20.     unto  the  gate.     Cf  on  xix.  1. 

24.  that  went  out  of  tits  gate.     Cf.  xxiii.  10,  18. 

25.  According  to  P,  this  deed  of  vengeance  was  the  act  of  Jacob's 
sons  generally :  the  compiler  introduces  words  from  the  parallel  narra- 
tive of  J,  limiting  the  actors  to  Simeon  and  Levi. 

when  they  were  sore  (lit.  in  pain).  When  the  inflammation,  following 
upon  the  operation,  was  at  its  height. 

D.  20 


306  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS       [xxxiv.  25-31 

came    upon    the    city    ^  unawares,    and    slew    all    the    males.  P 
I  26  And  they  slew  Hamor  and  Shechem  his  son  with  the  edge  J 
of  the  sword,  and  took   Dinah  out  of  Shechem's  house,  and 
went  forth.  |   27    The  sons    of  Jacob   came   upon   the   slain,  p 
and  spoiled  the  city,  because  they  had  defiled  their  sister. 

28  They  took  their  flocks  and  their  herds  and  their  asses,  and 
that  which  was  in  the  city,  and  that  which  was  in  the  field ; 

29  and  all  their  wealth,  and  all  their  little  ones  and  their  wives, 
took  they  captive  and  spoiled,  even  all  that  was  in  the  house.  | 

30  And  Jacob  said  to  Simeon  and  Levi,  Ye  have  troubled  me,  to  j 
make  me  to  stink  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  among  the 
Canaanites  and  the  Perizzites :  and,  I  being  few  in  number,  they 
will  gather  themselves  together  against  me  and  smite  me ;  and 

I  shall  be  destroyed,  I  and  my  house.     31  And  they  said,  Should 
he  deal  with  our  sister  as  with  an  harlot  ? 

1  Or,  holdly 

unawares.  Lit.  (while  it  was)  in  confidence  or  secure  (Jud.  viii.  11) : 
G.-K.  §  11 8^     In  RVm.  referred  less  probably  to  the  assailants. 

26.  The  continuation  of  J's  narrative  in  v.  25,  which  must  have 
told,  when  complete,  how  Simeon  and  Levi, — Dinah's  full  brothers,  by 
the  same  mother,  Leah, — entered  the  city. 

with  the  edge  of  the  sword.  Lit.  according  to  the  mouth  of  the 
sword,  i.e.  as  the  sword  devours  (2  S.  xi.  25),=  without  quarter. 

27 — 29.  The  continuation  of  P's  narrative  in  v.  25.  The  '  sons  of 
Jacob,' — i.e.  his  sons  generally,  as  w.  5,  7,  13,  not  Simeon  and  Levi 
in  particular, — having  {v.  25**)  slain  all  the  males  in  Shechem,  proceed 
to  sack  the  city.     For  the  details,  cf.  Nu.  xxxi.  9,  11  (also  P). 

30,  31.  J's  continuation  of  v.  26.  Jacob  blames  his  two  sons  for 
having  acted  inconsiderately  in  exposing  him  to  the  hatred  and 
vengeance  of  the  people  of  the  land,  by  slapng  their  principal  men, 
Hamor,  and  his  son. 

30.  trouhled.  A  strong  word,  lit.  made  turbid,  fig.  for,  destroyed  the 
happiness  of ,  undone:  Jos.  vi.  18,  vii.  25;  Jud.  xi.  35;  1  K.  xviii.  17. 

to  make  me  to  stink.  The  same  verb  (in  the  Heb.)  in  Ex.  v.  21; 
1  S.  xiii.  4,  xxvii.  12;  2  S.  x,  6,  xvi.  21.  Cf.  our  expression  'bring  into 
bad  odour  with.' 

the  Canaanites  and  the  Perizzites.     Cf.  xiii.  7. 

31.  Simeon  and  Levi  reply  that  the  honour  of  their  family  stands 
above  every  other  consideration:  should  their  sister  be  treated  as 
though  she  were  a  harlot? 

The  narrative  is  a  strange  one ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  feel  sure  what  facts 
really  underlie  it.  It  is  evident,  in  the  first  place,  that  different  traditions 
were  current  respecting  Jacob's  dealings  with  Shechem.     In  xlviii.  22  (E) 


JACOB  AT  SHECHEM  307 

allusion  is  made  to  a  tradition,  according  to  wliich  Jacob  gained  possession 
of  Shechem  by  sword  and  bow;  in  xlix.  5 — 7  (the  Blessing)  Simeon  and  Levi 
are  severely  censured  for  the  violence  displayed  by  theiu  on  what,  it  seems, 
is  the  occasion  here  narrated ;  in  ch.  xxxiv.  (J)  Simeon  and  Levi  avenge 
Shechem's  violation  of  their  sister,  by  slaying  him  and  his  father,  and  Jacob 
{v.  30)  blames  their  action,  though  the  narrator,  by  giving  them  the  last  word 
(».  31),  seems  to  approve  it;  in  ch.  xxxiv.  (P)  the  sons  of  Jacob  slaughter  the 
whole  male  population  of  Shechem,  and  carry  off  the  women  and  children  and 
the  spoil.  Taking  the  narrative,  as  the  older  writers  took  it,  as  it  stands,  and 
judging  it  from  a  Christian  standpoint,  we  can  but  agree  with  the  old 
commentator,  Adam  Clarke,  when  he  says  that  all  parties  concerned  were  to 
blame :  it  was  *  wrong'  in  Jacob  to  suflFer  his  daughter,  alone  and  unprotected, 
to  visit  the  daughters  of  the  land  ;  it  was  '  excessively  wicked '  of  Shechem  to 
take  advantage  of  her  as  he  did ;  it  was  '  diabolical '  in  Jacob's  sons,  having 
got  the  Shechemites  into  their  power  under  the  cloak  of  a  religious  rite,  to 
slay  the  whole  tribe  treacherously  for  the  oflFence  of  one  man,  especially  when 
that  one  had  sought  to  make  all  the  restitution  in  his  power,  by  offering  to 
marry  Dinah ;  and  with  the  Speaker's  Commentary,  when  it  says  that  Jacob, 
in  reproving  his  sons  {v.  30)  as  having  merely  brought  him  into  danger,  not  as 
having  been  guilty  of  treachery  and  murder,  shews  weakness  and  timidity. 
These  judgements  will  naturally  be  somewhat  modified,  if  the  modem  critical 
standpoint  be  adopted.  In  J,  Simeon  and  Levi  slay  only  Shechem  and  his 
father ;  and  though  this  punishment  was  gi-eater  than  what  Shechem's  act 
deserved  (Ex.  xxii.  16  f.),  it  might  perhaps  be  excused  on  the  part  of  two  high- 
spirited,  martial  youths,  eager  to  avenge  the  outrage  on  their  sister,  and  whose 
moral  standards  could  not  be  expected  to  be  in  advance  of  those  of  the  age 
in  which  they  lived.  That  Hamor  suffered  with  his  son,  was  not  more  than 
what  was  in  accordance  with  ancient  ideas  of  justice  (cf.  on  xx.  7).  In  this 
case,  also,  Jacob's  reproof  {v.  30)  does  not  shew  the  weakness  which  it  does 
if  spoken  in  view  of  the  savage  deeds  described  in  vv.  25'',  27 — 29.  In  the 
representation  of  P,  the  treachery  and  cruelty  are  much  greater ;  and  probably, 
— like  the  terrible  narrative  of  Nu.  xxxi. — it  is  merely  an  ideal  picture  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  priestly  writer  conceived  that  a  people  hostile  to  Israel, 
and  an  enemy  to  the  theocracy,  ought  to  be  treated. 

The  nan-ative,  it  should  be  added,  is  one  of  those,  with  regard  to  which  it 
may  perhaps  be  questioned  whether  we  are  really  dealing  with  individuals, 
and  whether  incidents  of  tribal  life  may  not  be  related  in  it  under  the  form 
of  incidents  in  the  lives  of  individuals.  This  is  certainly  what  happens  some- 
times in  the  OT. ;  for  instance,  in  1  Ch.  vii.  21 — 23  (see  Beriah  in  DB.; 
Bennett,  Chronicles,  S7  ff,  in  the '  Expositor's  Bible ' ;  and  cf.  the  Introd.  p.  liv) ; 
and  it  is  at  least  possible  that  this  chapter  is  an  instance  of  it.  Jud.  ix.  shews 
how,  after  the  conquest,  Israelites  and  Canaanites  dwelt  in  Shechem  side  by 
side;  in  Gen.  xxxiii.  19  (as  was  remarked  in  the  note)  the  almost  complete 
identity  of  expression  with  Jud.  ix.  28  raises  a  legitimate  doubt  whether 
'  Shechem '  does  not  signify  the  place,  and  whether  therefore  in  chap,  xxxiv. 
the  same  name  is  not  a  personification  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  :  if  this 
view  be  correct,  cliap.  xxxiv.  will  mean  that  an  Israelite  clan  (Dinah)  had 
gained  a  footing  in  Shechem,  and  was  in  danger  of  being  absorbed  by  the 

20—2 


308  THE  BOOK   OF  GENESIS  [xxxv.  .,  . 

native  Canaanites  (the  B»nd  HSmor) ;  the  tribes  of  Simeon  and  Levi  inter- 
posed,— not  without  treachery, — to  prevent  this,  aa  tending  to  contaminate 
Israel  with  heathen  elements ;  but  their  action  was  not  supported  by  the 
Israelites  in  general  ('  Jacob,'  v.  30 ;  cf.  Gen.  xlix.  5,  6) :  Gen.  xlix.  7,  it  has  even 
been  conjectured,  contains  an  allusion  to  the  result ;  the  Canaanites  retaliated 
with  such  effect  that  the  two  tribes  were  broken  up,  and  never  afterwards 
recovered  from  the  blow.  The  incident,  though  reflected  back  here,  in  a 
personal  form,  into  the  patriarchal  period,  may  be  supposed  upon  this  view  to 
have  actually  taken  place  when  the  Israelites,  after  the  conquest,  first  began 
to  establish  themselves  on  the  West  of  Jordan. 


Chapter  XXXV. 

Jacob  moves  on  to  Bethel.  The  birth  of  Benjamin,  and  death 
of  Rax^hel,  at  Ejjhi'ath.  Jacob  rejoins  his  father  at  Hebron. 
Death  and  bv/rial  of  Isaac. 

XXXV.  1  And  God  said  unto  Jacob,  Arise,  go  np  to^ 
Beth-el,  and  dwell  there :  and  make  there  an  altar  unto  God, 
who  appeared  unto  thee  when  thou  fleddest  from  the  face  of 
Esau  thy  brother.  2  Then  Jacob  said  unto  his  household,  and 
to  all  that  were  with  him.  Put  away  the  strange  gods  that  are 
among  you,  and  purify  yourselves,  and  change  your  garments : 

XXXV.  1 — 8  (E).  Jacob  journeys  as  far  as  Beth-el.  Death  of 
Deborah,  Rebekah's  nurse. 

1.  go  up.  The  road  from  Shechem  to  Jerusalem  is  a  continual 
ascent ;  and  Beth-el  (2890  ft.  above  the  sea)  is  more  than  1000  ft.  higher 
than  Shechem  (1880  ft.). 

an  altar.     An  addition  to  the  vow  of  xx\aii.  22. 

who  appeared  &c.     Viz.  at  Beth-el,  xxviii.  10  ff. ;  cf  xxvii.  43. 

2 — 4.  Jacob's  preparations  for  carrying  out  this  command.  With 
the  service  of  the  God,  whom  he  iias  promised  to  serve,  the  worship 
of  foreign  gods,  and  {v.  4)  superstitious  usages,  do  not  accord. 

strange.  Foreign, — which  indeed  was  the  meaning  of  'strange' 
in  Old  English  (cf  on  xvii.  12),  and  is  to  be  understood  by  it  here  and 
V.  4,  as  often  besides  in  EVV.  (Ex.  xxi.  8;  1  K.  xi.  1),  esp.  in  the 
same  phrase  as  here  (Dt.  xxxii.  12 ;  Jud.  x.  16;  Ps.  Lxxxi.  9 ;  Jer.  v.  19, 
cf  viii.  19).  Some  of  Jacob's  people  might  naturally  have  brought 
with  them  the  images  of  foreign  gods  from  Haran:  cf  xxxi.  19,  53; 
Jos.  xxiv.  2,  14,  20,  23  \y&@i^  foreign  for  strange]. 

pnri/y  yourselves.  Viz.  by  ablutions,  and  Dy  keejnng  free  from 
everything  which  renders  ceremonially  'unclean,'  as  was  usual  before 
acts  of  pubhc  worship.     Cf  Ex.  xix.  10,  14  f ;  Jos.  vii.  13 ;  1  S.  xvi.  5. 


XXXV.  3-9]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  309 

3  and  let  us  arise,  and  go  up  to  Beth-el ;  and  I  Tvill  make  there  E 
an  altar  unto  God,  who  answered  me  in  the  day  of  my  distress, 
and  was  with  me  in  the  way  which  I  went.  4  And  they  gave 
unto  Jacob  all  the  strange  gods  which  were  in  their  hand,  and 
the  rings  which  were  in  thefr  ears ;  and  Jacob  hid  them  under 
the  ^oak  which  was  by  Shechem.  5  And  they  journeyed :  and 
^a  great  terror  was  upon  the  cities  that  were  round  about  them, 
and  they  did  not  pursue  after  the  sons  of  Jacob.  6  So  Jacob 
came  to  Luz,  which  is  in  the  land  of  Canaan  (the  same  is 
Beth-el),  he  and  all  the  people  that  were  with  him.  7  And  he 
built  there  an  altar,  and  called  the  place  ^El-beth-el :  because 
there  God  was  revealed  unto  him,  when  he  fled  from  the  face  of 
his  brother.  8  And  Deborah  Rebekah's  nurse  died,  and  she  was 
buried  below  Beth-el  under  the  oak :  and  the  name  of  it  was 
called  ^Allon-bacuth. 

9  And  God  appeared  unto  Jacob  again,  when  he  came  from  p 

»  Or,  terebinth  »  Heb.  a  terror  of  God.  ^  That  is,  The  God  of  Beth-el. 

*  That  is,  Tiie  oak  of  weeping. 

3.  in  the  day  &c.  E.g.  when  needing  help  against  Laban  (xxxi. 
24,  29,  42). 

was  with  me  &c.     Cf  xxviii.  20,  xxxi.  3,  xxxii.  1  ff. 

4.  rings  &c.  Ear-rings  were  used  anciently  not  simply  as  orna- 
ments, but  as  amulets.  All  these  idolatrous  and  superstitious  objects 
were  buried  by  Jacob  under  the  terebinth  (xii.  6)  by  Shechem. 

5.  a  great  terror.  Heb.  a  terror  of  God,  i.e.  a  panic,  such  as  • 
ordinary  causes  did  not  seem  sufficient  to  explain.  Cf.  1  S.  xiv.  15, 
xxvi.  12;  2  Ch.  xiv.  14;  Zech.  xiv.  13.  The  verse  presupposes  some 
warlike  success  at  Shechem, — either  such  as  the  one  recoimted  in  P 
(or  the  parts  of  E  underlying  P)  in  ch.  xxxiv.,  or  such  as  the  one 
alluded  to  by  E  in  xlviii.  22. 

6.  Luz.     See  xxviii.  19. 

,   7.     El-beth-el.     I.e.  The  God  of  Beth-el:  cf.  xxxi.  13. 

8.  The  name  of  Rebekah's  'nurse'  is  mentioned  only  here:  she  is 
lid  in  xxiv.  59  (J)  to  have  accompanied  her  mistress  to  Canaan, — 
3Cording  to  P  (xxv.  20,  xxxv.  28),  140  years  previously !  P's  chron- 
lOgy  does  not  always  harmonize  with  that  of  JE  (p.  xxv):  on  the 
fcher  hand,  the  present  notice  is  perhaps  displaced;  for  the  sudden 
ppearance  of  Rebekah's  nurse  in  Jacob's  company  at  this  stage  of  his 
istory  is  surprising. 

9 — 13,  15.  P's  account  of  Jacob's  change  of  name,  of  the  promises 
^ven  to  him  by  God  at  Beth-el,  and  of  the  origin  of  the  name  of 
ieth-el.  The  style  is  throughout  that  of  P;  and  the  passage  is  evi- 
'ently  P's  parallel  to  what  in  JE  is  placed  at  Jacob's  first  visit  to 
eth-el,  when  he  was  leaving  Canaan  for  Haran  (xxviii.  10 — 22). 


310  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xxxv.  9-18 

Paddan-aram,  and  blessed  him.     10  And  God  said  unto  him,  P 
Thy  name  is  Jacob :   thy  name  shall  not  be  called  any  more 
Jacob,  but  Israel  shall  be  thy  name :  and  he  called  his  name 
Israel     11  And  God  said  unto  him,  I  am  ^God  Almighty:  be 
fruitful  and  multiply  ;  a  nation  and  a  company  of  nations  shall 
be  of  thee,  and  kings  shall  come  out  of  thy  loins ;   12  and  the 
land  which  I  gave  unto  Abraham  and  Isaac,  to  thee  I  will  give 
it,  and  to  thy  seed  after  thee  will  I  give  the  land.     13  And  God 
went  up  from  him  in  the  place  where  he  spake  with  him.  | 
14  And  Jacob  set  up  a  pillar  in  the  place  where  he  spake  with  J 
him,  a  pillar  of  stone :   and  he  poured  out  a  drink  offering 
thereon,  and  poured  oil  thereon.  |  Ki,  And  Jacob  called  the  P 
name  of  the  place  where  God  spake  with  him,  Beth-eL  |  16  And  J 
they  journeyed  from  Beth-el ;  and  there  was  still  some  way  to 
come  to  Ephrath :   and  Rachel  travailed,  and  she  had  hard 
labour.     17  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  she  was  in  hard  labour, 
that  the  midwife  said  unto  her,  Fear  not ;  for  now  thou  shalt 
have  another  son.     18  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  her  soul  was  in 

^  Heb.  El  Shaddai.  ""^ 

9.  when  he  came  from  Paddan-aram  (xxv.  20).  Aheady  these 
words  shew  that  a  different  narrator  is  here  speaking :  had  they  been 
by  the  same  writer  who  has  been  describing  the  roiite  from  Haran  in 
detail,  the  part  of  the  route  which  Jacob  had  now  reached  would  have 
been  specified  (cf.,  similarly,  xix.  29,  xxxiii.  18). 

10.  P's  account  of  Jacob's  change  of  name,  which  J  had  placed 
earlier,  at  Penuel  (xxxii.  28). 

11.  12.  Jacob  is  here  made  the  heir  of  the  promises  given  to 
Abraham  in  ch.  xvii.  (also  P).  For  the  expressions,  cf.  xvii.  1,  6,  8 ; 
also  xxviii.  3,  4  (Isaac's  blessmg  of  Jacob  in  P).    With  v.  13  cf,  xvii.  22. 

14.  A  parallel  to  xxviii.  18;  and,  to  all  appearance,  J's  account  of 
the  consecration  of  the  sacred  standing-stone  at  Beth-el.  On  this,  and 
on  the  libation  of  oil,  see  p.  267.  The  drink-offering, — presumably  of 
wine, — is  a  frequently-mentioned  element  of  the  later  cultus,  2  K. 
xvi.  13;  Ex.  xxix.  40,  &c. :  in  idolatrous  rites,  Jer.  vii.  18;  Is.  Ivii.  6 
(offered  to  stones). 

15.  P's  parallel  to  xxviii.  19  in  J. 

16— 22*  (J).  The  birth  of  Benjamin;  and  death  and  burial  of 
Rachel. 

16.  some  way.  In  the  Heb.,  a  peculiar  expression,  found  besides 
only  in  the  parallel  xlviii.  7,  and  2  K.  v.  19 :  the  distance  denoted  by 
it  cannot  be  exactly  determined,  but  it  will  not  have  been  great. 

Ephrath.     See  on  v.  19. 

17.  for  this  also  is  a  son  for  thee.     Cf.  the  wish,  xxx.  24. 


XXXV.  18-73]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  311 

departing  (for  she  died),  that  she  called  his  name  ^Ben-oni :  but  J 
his  father  called  him  ^ Benjamin.  19  And  Rachel  died,  and  was 
buried  in  the  way  to  Ephrath  (the  same  is  Beth-lehem).  20  And 
Jacob  set  up  a  piUar  upon  her  grave  :  the  same  is  the  Pillar  of 
Rachel's  grave  unto  this  day.  21  And  Israel  journeyed,  and 
spread  his  tent  beyond  the  tower  of  Eder.  22  And  it  came  to 
pass,  while  Israel  dwelt  in  that  land,  that  Reuben  went  and  lay 
with  Bilhah  his  father's  concubine  :  and  Israel  heard  of  it. 

Now  the  sons  of  Jacob  were  twelve :  23  the  sons  of  Leah ;  P 

^  That  is,  The  ton  of  my  sorrow.  '  That  is,  The  son  of  the  right  hand. 

18.  Benjamin.  His  father  gave  him  a  name  of  happier  omen  (see 
the  marg.);  the  right-hand  side  being  deemed  the  more  auspicious  one: 
cf.  Yemen  f* right  hand ')  =  Arabia  Felix;  and  Sextos  opvis. 

19.  Epnrath  is  here,  as  also  in  xlviii.  7  (cf.  Ruth  iv.  11;  Mic.  v.  2), 
identified  with  Bethlehem ;  and  a  Kubbet  Rdhel,  or  '  Dome  of  Rachel,' 
— i.e.  a  stone  structure,  of  comparatively  modern  date,  exactly  like  an 
ordinary  Muslim  *  Wely,'  or  tomb  of  a  holy  person, — is  still  shewn  at 
a  spot  about  one  mile  N.  of  Bethlehem,  and  4  miles  S.  of  Jerusalem. 
But  in  1  S.  X.  2  Rachel's  tomb  is  described  as  being  on  the  'border 
of  Benjamin'  (i.e.  the  N.  border)  not  far  from  Beth-el  {v.  3),  which  was 
10  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem ;  and  a  site  in  the  same  neighbourhood  is 
strongly  supported  by  Jer.  xxxi.  15,  where  Rachel's  weeping  is  repre- 
sented as  being  heard  at  Ramah,  5  miles  N.  of  Jerusalem.  It  seems, 
therefore,  either  that  Ephrath,  here  and  xlviii.  7,  is  really  the  name  of 
a  place,  otherwise  unloiown,  near  Ramah  (in  which  case  the  words 
'the  same  is  Beth-lehem'  wiU  be  an  incorrect  gloss);  or  that  there 
were  two  different  traditions  respecting  the  site  of  Rachel's  grave,  one 
(1  S.  X.  2;  Jer.  xxxi,  15)  placing  it  N.  of  Jerusalem,  near  Ramah,  and 
the  other,  found  here,  placing  it  S.  of  Jerusalem,  near  Bethlehem. 

20.  a  pillar.  I.e.,  here,  a  sepulchral  monument, — a  sense  which 
the  word  has  often  in  Phoenician  (Cooke,  North-Sem.  Inscrr.  p.  60). 

21.  Israel.  From  this  point  onwards,  'Israel'  is  not  unfrequently 
used  as  the  name  of  the  patriarch,  esp.  in  J :  cf.  on  xliii.  6. 

of  Eder.  Or,  of  {i\xQ)  flock.  Watch-towers,  built  for  the  protection 
of  flocks  against  robbers,  are  mentioned,  at  least  in  later  times  (2  K.  xvii.  9, 
xviii.  8 ;  2  Ch.  xxvi.  10) :  tlie  one  referred  to  here  must  have  been  between 
'Ephrath'  and  Hebron.  In  Mic.  iv.  8  the  same  expression  appears  to 
be  used  symbolically  of  a  tower  on  'Ophel'  (the  fortified  S.  spur  of 
Zion,  the  Eastern  hilP  of  Jerusalem,  just  below  the  royal  palace);  but 
that  is  not  evidence  that  Jerusalem  is  intended  here. 

22\     Cf.  xhx.  4,  with  the  note. 

22^ — 26.  An  enumeration,  from  P,  of  the  sons  of  Jacob,  introduced 
suitably  after  the  account  of  the  birth  of  the  last. 

^  Not,  as  marked  incorrectly  on  many  maps,  the  Western  hill:  see  DB.  s.v. 
Zion. 


312  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxxv.  .3-29 

Reuben,  Jacob's  firstborn,  and  Simeon,  and  Levi,  and  Judah,  P 
and  Issachar,  and  Zebulun  :  24  the  sons  of  Rachel ;  Joseph  and 
Benjamin  :  25  and  the  sons  of  Bilhah,  Rachel's  handmaid  ;  Dan 
and  Naphtali :  26  and  the  sons  of  Zilpah,  Leah's  handmaid  ; 
Gad  and  Asher :  these  are  the  sons  of  Jacob,  which  were  born 
to  him  in  Paddan-aram.  27  And  Jacob,  came  unto  Isaac  his 
father  to  Mamre,  to  Kiriath-arba  (the  same  is  Hebron),  where 
Abraham  and  Isaac  sojourned-  28  And  the  days  of  Isaac  were 
an  hundi'ed  and  fourscore  years.  29  And  Isaac  gave  up  the 
ghost,  and  died,  and  was  gathered  unto  his  people,  old  and  fuU 
of  days  :  and  Esau  and  Jacob  his  sons  buried  him. 

26.  in  Paddan-aram  (xxv.  20).     Benjamin  {v.  17  f.)  must  be 
tacitly  excepted. 

27 — 29  (P).    Jacob's  arrival  at  Hebron.     The  death  and  burial  of 
Isaac. 

27.  On  Mamre,  and  Kiriath-arha\  see  on  xiii.  18,  and  xxiii.  2. 
29.     gave  up  the  ghost... and  was  gathered  unto  his  father's  kin. 

See  on  xxv.  8. 

and  Esau  and  Jacob  &c.     As  Isaac  and  Ishmael,  according  to  the 
same  source,  P,  had  buried  Abraham  (xxv.  8). 


Chapter  XXXVI. 
The  generations  of  Esauu 

Aa  after  the  death  and  burial  of  Abraham  (xxv.  7 — 11*),  P  proceeded  at 
once  to  enumerate  the  descendants  of  Ishmael  (xxv.  12 — 17),  before  dealing 
with  the  line  of  Isaac,  so  after  the  death  and  burial  of  Isaac,  he  introdiices  an 
account  of  the  descendants  of  Esau,  before  passing  on  to  the  '  generations '  of 
Jacob  (xxxvii.  2).  The  particulars  are  more  numerous  in  the  case  of  Esau 
than  in  that  of  Ishmael,  partly,  it  is  probable,  on  account  of  Edom's  being 
more  important  historically  than  the  tribes  descended  from  Ishmael,  and  more 
closely  related  to  Israel,  and  partly  because  in  the  case  of  Edom  tlicre  were 
more  details  worth  stating.  The  chapter  contains  much  interesting  information 
respecting  Edom :  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  we  possess  at  present  no  Edomite 
inscriptions, 'and  very  little  information  from  other  sources,  to  supplement  or 
illustrate  it.  The  original  inhabitants  of  the  mountain  region  called  Se'^ir 
(cf.  on  xiv.  6)  bore  the  name  of  Horites  (ibid.) ;  but  immigrants,  closely  allied 
to  the  Israelites  (Esau,  or  Baom,  being  Israel's  'brother,'  Nu.  xx.  14 ;  Dt.  xxiii. 
7,  al.),  took  possession  of  the  Cuuntry,  and  in  great  measure  dispossessed  them  ; 
it  was  accordingly  said  that  Jehovah  had  'given  mount  Se'ir  unto  Esau' 
Ot.  ii.  5,  cf.  vv.  12,  22).  Exactly,  however,  as  happened  in  the  case  of  the 
'anaanites  and  Israelites,  many  Horite  families  and  clans  maintained  them- 
selves beside  the  immigrants,  and  in  many  cases  intermarried  with  them; 


XXXVI.  1-5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  313 

and  particulars  respecting  some  of  these  Horite  families  are  included  by  the 
narrator  [vv.  20 — 30). 

The  chapter,  after  the  title  {v.  1),  falls  into  seven  paragraphs,  as  indicated 
in  the  notes.  The  basis  of  the  chapter  is  evidently  supplied  by  P  (notice  the 
form  of  vv.  1,  6*,  6 — 8,  9*,  40*,  43) ;  but  the  discrepancies  in  the  names  of  Esau's 
wives  (see  on  vv.  2 — 5)  shew  that  these  cannot  have  been  derived  from  P ;  and 
it  is  possible  that  other  parts  of  the  chapter  as  well  (e.g.  vv.  31 — 39)  have  been 
incorporated  by  the  compiler  from  some  other  source.  The  question  is  not  of 
sufficient  importance  for  further  discussion  here.  Verses  4 — 5,  11 — 13 
(abridged),  20— 24»,  25—28,  31—39,  40—43  are  excerpted,  with  slight  textual 
variations  (see  RVm.),  in  1  Ch.  i.  35—37,  38—42,  43— 6r,  ai*— 64. 

XXXVI.  1  Now  these  are  the  prenerations  of  Esau  (the  P 
same  is  Edom).  2  Esau  took  his  wives  of  the  daughters  of 
Canaan ;  Adah  the  daughter  of  Eloii  the  Hittite,  and  Oholibamah 
the  daughter  of  Anah,  the  daughter  of  Zibeon  the  Hivite ; 
3  and  Basemath  Ishmael's  daughter,  sister  of  Nebaioth.  4  And 
Adah  bare  to  Esau  Eliphaz  ;  and  Basemath  bare  Reuel ;   5  and 

*  Some  ancient  authorities  have,  ton.     See  ver.  24. 

XXXVI.     1.     the  same  is  Edom.     So  vv.  8,  19.     Cf.  xxv.  30. 

2 — 5.  Esau's  wives  and  sons.  In  v.  2  Hivite  is  certainly  an  error 
for  Horite:  see  'Zibeon'  in  v.  20,  and  cf.  on  v.  2. 

In  xxvi.  34,  xxviii.  9  (both  P),  Esau's  wives  are— - 
Judith,  daughter  of  Beeri,  the  Hittite ; 
Basemath,  daughter  of  Elan,  ths  Hittite  \  and 
Mahalath,  daughter  of  Ishmael,  and  sister  qf  Nebaioth, 

Here,  and  in  vv.  9 — 14,  they  are — 
^Adah,  daughter  of  Elon,  the  Hittite ; 
Oholibamah,  daughter  of  'Anah,  the  Horite ;  and 
Basemath,  daughter  of  Ishmael,  and  sister  of  Nebaioth, 

The  names  are  strangely  interchanged  in  the  two  lists.  Attempts 
have  been  made  to  explain  them  by  suppositions  such  as  that  Esau 
had  five  wives,  or  that  they  had  double  names,  or  had  been  re-named : 
but  the  variations  in  the  two  lists  are  not  adequately  accounted  for 
by  any  of  these  hypotheses;  and  the  only  reasonable  explanation  is 
that  they  are  due  to  a  difference  of  tradition  (or  theory). 

2.  the  daughter  of  Zibeon.  So  v.  14.  Daughter  (m)  is  prob.  an 
error  for  son  (p),  which  is  read  by  Lxx.,  Sam.,  Pesh. :  see  v.  24. 
Oholibamah  will  then  be  an  unnamed  daughter  of  the  'Anah  of  v.  24, 
not  the  'Oholibamah,  daughter  of  'Anah'  of  v.  25  (for  the  'Anah  of 
this  verse,  following  the  Lotan,  Shobal,  and  Zibeon  of  vv.  22 — 24,  is 
evidently  the  'Anah  of  v.  20,  not  the  'Anah  of  v.  24).  Another  view 
is  that  the  words  are  a  gloss,  added  by  one  who  incorrectly  identified 
the  'Anah  of  v.  25  with  the  'x\nah  of  v.  24 :  in  this  case,  '  Oholibamah, 
the  daughter  of  'Anah,'  will  be  the  one  mentioned  in  v.  25. 


314  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxxvi.  5-10 

Oholibamah  bare  Jeush,   and  Jalam,   and  Korah :    these  are  P 
the  sons  of  Esau,  which  were  born  unto  him  in  the  laud  of 
Canaan.  6  And  Esau  took  his  wives,  and  his  sons, 

and  his  daughters,  and  all  the  souls  of  his  house,  and  his  cattle, 
and  all  his  beasts,  and  all  his  possessions,  which  he  had  gathered 
in  the  land  of  Canaan ;  and  went  into  a  land  away  from  his 
brother  Jacob.  7  For  their  substance  was  too  great  for  them  to 
dwell  together;  and  the  land  of  their  sojournings  could  not  bear 
them  because  of  their  cattle.  8  And  Esau  dwelt  in  mount  Seir : 
Esau  is  Edom. 

9  And  these  are  the  generations  of  Esau  the  father  of  Hhe 
Edomites  in  mount  Seir :  10  these  are  the  names  of  Esau's 
sons  ;  Eliphaz  the  son  of  Adah  the  wife  of  Esau,  Reuel  the  son 

1  Heb.  Edom, 

6 — 8.  The  migration  of  Esau  into  the  land  of  Se'ir,  occasioned,  it 
is  stated,  by  Jacob's  increasing  possessions, — a  cause  which  could  only 
have  come  into  operation  after  Jacob's  return  to  his  father  in  Canaan 
(xxxv.  27 — 29).  In  J,  Esau's  residence  in  Edom  is  already  presupposed 
in  xxxii.  3,  xxxiii.  14,  16.  For  the  expressions,  cf.  xii.  5,  xiii.  6*  (where 
a  similar  motive  is  assigned  for  Lot's  separation  from  Abraham),  xvii. 
8,— aUP. 

6,  aland.  Read,  with  Pesh.,  ^A« /awe?  (j/^Sfeir:  "iW  has  accident- 
ally dropped  out. 

8.  In  the  monntain-land  of  Seir.     Cf.  on  xiv.  6,  and  xxvii.  39  f. 
9 — 14,     The  tribes  or  clans  of  Edom,  reckoned  as  descended  from 

Esau's  three  wives.  The  names  are  not  those  of  individuals,  but 
merely  represent  tribes  or  clans  (cf.  ch.  x.).  The  entire  number  (ex- 
cluding the  concubine's  son,  v.  12)  is  12 :  cf.  the  same  number  in  the 
cases  of  Ishmael  (xxv.  12 — 16),  and  Israel,  and  the  six  'sons'  of  Ke- 
turah  (xxv.  2).  There  must  have  been  in  Edom  a  distinct  consciousness 
that  the  dififerent  clans  were  of  mixed  nationality:  the  clans  reputed 
to  be  descended  from  'Adah,  Basemath,  and  Oholibamah,  having  an 
admixture  of  Canaanite,  IshmaeUte,  and  Horite  blood,  respectively,  in 
their  veins  \ 

9.  the  father  of  Edom.  Edom  is  here  (unlike  w.  1,  8,  19)  the 
name  of  the  nation  (as  Nu.  xx.  18,  20,  21,  al).     So  v.  43^ 

10.  Eliphaz.     Also  an  Edomite  personal  name.  Job  ii.  11. 

1  The  following  table  will  make  the  relationship  of  the  different  clans  clear : — 

'Adah  Basemath  Oholibamah 

(Hittite  or  Canaanite  line)  {IshmaeUte  line)         (Horite  line) 
I  I  ■        I 

Eliphaz  =  Timna'  Re'uel  Je'ush  Ja'lam  Eorah 

Teman  Omar  l^epho  Ga'tam  J^enaz  'Amalek  Nahath  ZeraJ^  Shammah  Mizzan  • 


XXXVI.  ia-i7]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  316 

of  Basemath  the  wife  of  Esau.  1 1  And  the  sons  of  Eliphaz  were  P 
Teman,  Omar,  ^Zepho,  and  Gatam,  and  Kenaz.  12  And  Timna 
was  concubine  to  Eliphaz  Esau's  son  ;  and  she  bare  to  Eliphaz 
Amalek  :  these  are  the  sons  of  Adah  Esau's  wife.  13  And  these 
are  the  sons  of  Reuel ;  Nahath,  and  Zerah,  Shammah,  and 
Mizzah  :  these  were  the  sons  of  Basemath  Esau's  wife.  14  And 
these  were  the  sons  of  Oholibamah  the  daughter  of  Anah,  the 
daughter  of  Zibeon,  Esau's  wife :  and  she  bare  to  Esau  Jeush, 
and  Jalam,  and  Korah.  15  These  are  the  ^dukes  of 

the  sons  of  Esau  :  the  sons  of  Eliphaz  the  firstborn  of  Esau ; 
duke  Teman,  duke  Omar,  duke  Zepho,  duke  Kenaz,  16  duke 
Korah,  duke  Gatam,  duke  Amalek :  these  are  the  dukes  that 
came  of  Eliphaz  in  the  land  of  Edom  ;  these  are  the  sons  of 
Adah.  17  And  these  are  the  sons  of  Reuel  Esau's  son  ;  duke 
Nahath,  duke  Zerah,  duke  Shammah,  duke  Mizzah  :  these  are 

1  In  1  Chr.  i.  36,  Zephi.  2  Or,  chiefs 

11.  Teman.  Elsewhere  in  the  OT.  the  name  of  a  district  in  the 
N.  of  Edom  (Am.  i.  12;  Jer.  xlix.  7,  20;  Ez.  xxv.  13;  Hab.  iii.  3;  cf. 
Bar.  iii,  22  f.),  the  home  of  Job's  friend,  Eliphaz,  Job  ii.  11.  Euseb. 
{Onom.  260)  names  also  a  village  ©ai/iav,  15  miles  from  Petra. 

Kenaz.  To  all  appearance,  a  collateral  branch  of  the  Kenizzites 
(the  gentile  adj.  of  Kenaz),  a  tribe  in  the  S.  of  Canaan,  afterwards 
absorbed  into  Judah  (see  on  xv.  19). 

12.  ^Amalek.  Wot  counted  as  a  full  son  of  Eliphaz,  but  treated 
as  descended  from  a  concubine  and  a  Horite  (see  u  22),  Timna' \ 
i.e.  Amalek  was  a  tribe  or  clan  of  inferior  rank.  The  reference  is 
probably  not  to  the  people  of  Amalek  itself  (xiv.  7),  but  to  an  offshoot, 
or  remnant  (see  1  Ch.  iv.  42,  43),  which  had  found  a  home  in  Edom, 
or  was  in  some  way  dependent  upon  it.     Cf  EncB.  i.  129. 

15 — 19.  List  of  clan-chiefs  of  Edom.  The  names,  with  one  exception 
(see  V.  16),  are  identical  with  those  of  the  corresponding  clans  mentioned 
in  vv.  9 — 14.  The  word  *  duke'  (^-l?^)  simply  represents  the  Vulg.  dux, 
which  in  its  turn  is  based  upon  the  lxx.  Tyyc/twv :  the  Heb.  word  is 
really  formed  from  ^^  family  or  clan,  Jud.  vi.  15;  1  S.  x.  19;  Mic. 
V.  2'  (properly,  either  thousand,  or  association,  tribal  group).  It  was 
apparently  the  native  name  for  the  tribal  chiefs  of  Edom  (of  Judah, 
only  Zech.  ix.  7,  xii.  5,  6:  otherwise  only  of  Edom,  in  Gen.  xxxvi.,  the 
excerpts  in  1  Ch.  i.  51 — 54,  and  Ex.  xv.  15).  The  names  would  be 
better  rendered  the  chief  of  Teman,  the  chief  of  Omar,  &c.,  the 
genitive  in  each  case  denoting  either  a  clan  or  a  district. 

16.     the  chief  of  Korah.     Introduced  by  some  error  from  v.  18. 

^  In  the  translation  followed  in  Mt.  ii.  6,  read  as  ^pK  =  ijyefjuit>. 


316  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS       [xxxvi.  17-^ 

the  dukes  that  came  of  Reuel  in  the  land  of  Edom ;  these  are  P 
the  sons  of  Basemath  Esau's  wife.  18  And  these  are  the  sons 
of  Oholibamah  Esau's  wife ;  duke  Jeush,  duke  Jalam,  duke 
Korah  :  these  are  the  dukes  that  came  of  Oholibamah  the 
daughter  of  Anah,  Esau's  wife.  19  These  are  the  sons  of  Esau, 
and  these  are  their  dukes  :  the  same  is  Edom. 

20  These  are  the  sons  of  Seir  the  Horite,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  land ;  Lotan  and  Shobal  and  Zibeon  and  Anah,  21  and 
Dishon  and  Ezer  and  Dishan  :  these  are  the  dukes  that  came  of 
the  Horites,  the  children  of  Seir  in  the  land  of  Edonu  22  And 
the  children  of  Lotan  were  Hori  and  ^Hemam ;  and  Lotan's 
sister  was  Timna.  23  And  these  are  the  children  of  Shobal ; 
^Alvan  and  Manahath  and  Ebal,  ^Shepho  and  Onana.  24  And 
these  are  the  children  of  Zibeon  ;  Aiah  and  Anah  :  this  is  Anah 
who  found  the  hot  springs  in  the  wilderness,  as  he  fed  the  asses 
of  Zibeon  his  father.  25  And  these  are  the  children  of  Anah  ; 
Dishon  and  Oholibamah  the  daughter  of  Anah.  26  And  these 
are  the  children  of  *  Dishon  ;  ^Hemdan  and  Eshban  and  Ithran 
and  Cheran.     27  These  are  the  children  of  Ezer ;  Bilhan  and 

1  In  1  Chr.  i.  39,  Homam.  «  In  1  Chr.  i.  40,  Alian.  «  In  1  Chr.  i.  40, 

Shephi.  *  Heb.  Dishan.  »  In  1  Chr.  i.  41,  Hamran. 

20 — 30.  The  clans,  families,  and  clan-chiefs  of  the  aboriginal 
Horites.  Se'ir  is  elsewhere  the  name  of  the  land  (e.g.  xiv.  6 ;  Is.  xxi. 
11);  but  here  the  country  is  personified,  and  becomes  the  imaginary 
ancestor  of  the  tribes  inhabiting  it.  Cf  the  similar  cases  in  ch.  x. 
The  name  Horite  perhaps  means  cave-dwellers,  Troglodytes.  Edom 
abounds  in  caves,  which  till  a  much  later  time  were  used  as  dwellings. 
Cf.  the  Commentaries  on  Obad.  3. 

20,  the  inhabitants  of  the  land.  I.e.  its  autochthonous  inhabi- 
tants :  opp.  to  the  immigrant  Esauites. 

22—28.  The  sub-clans,  or  famihes,  of  the  native  Horites,  regarded 
as  subdivisions  of  the  seven  larger  groups  enumerated  in  v.  20. 

22.     Hori.     The  national  name  appears  here  as  a  clan-name. 

24.  the  hot  springs.  The  Heb.  word  occurs  only  here,  and  the 
rend,  is  uncertain.  If  it  is  correct,  the  reference  will  be  to  hot  springs, 
such  as  those  which  Burckhardt  {Travels  in  Syria,  1822,  p.  401) 
found,  near  where  the  W.  el-Ahs^  (above,  p.  169)  crosses  the  Derb 
•'l-Haj,  or  Pilgrim-route  to  Mecca,  some  distance  NE.  of  Busaireh  (on 
V.  33).     (Hot  saline  springs  are  numerous  about  the  Dead  Sea.) 

25.  'Anah.     Of  course  the  'Anah  of  ■?;.  20,  not  the  'Anah  oi  y.  24. 
27.     In  1  Ch.  i.  42,  '  Ja'akan'  stands  for  'and  'Akan,'  and  is  ob- 
viously a  transcriptional  error  for  it  (|pj;>  for  }pyi).     Still,  the  name 


xxxvi.  .7-3^]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  317 

Zaavan  aud  ^Akan.     28  These  are  the  children  of  Dishan ;  Uz  p 
and  Aran.  29  These  are  the  dukes  that  came  of  the 

Horites ;  duke  Lotan,  duke  Shobal,  duke  Zibeon,  duke  Anah, 
30  duke  Dishon,  duke  Ezer,  duke  Dishan  :  these  are  the  dukes 
that  came  of  the  Horites,  according  to  their  dukes  in  the  land 
of  Seir. 

31  And  these  are  the  kings  that  reigned  in  the  land  of  Edom, 
before  there  reigned  any  king  over  the  children  of  Israel. 
32  And  Bela  the  son  of  Beor  reigned  in  Edom ;  and  the  name  of 

^  In  1  Chr.  i.  42,  Jaakan. 

may  stand  in  some  connexion  with  the  place  '(Wells  of)  the  B^ne 
Ja'kkan,'  mentioned  ic  Nu,  xxxiii.  31  f  ;  Dt.  x.  6. 

28.  'Uz.  A  branch  of  ihe  Aramaean  'Uz  (x.  23,  xxii.  21)  had 
perhaps  attached  itself  to  the  Horites. 

29.  30.  The  ' dukes'  or  clan-chiefs  (on  v.  15)  of  the  Horites.  The 
names  (*  the  chief  of  Lotan,'  &c.)  agree  (as  in  w.  15 — 18)  with  those 
of  the  corresponding  clans,  v.  20  f 

30.  according  to  their  dukes.  Better  (lxx.  [>7y«/i.ovtais  =  *  dukeries'], 
Di.),  according  to  their  clans  (DH^s^n^  for  Dn^D^N^)'. 

31 — 39.  A  list  of  eight  Edomite  kings.  Verse  SI**  shews  that  the 
writer  lived  after  the  beginning  of  the  Isr.  monarchy.  The  last  mentioned 
king  will  naturally  have  lived  just  before  the  time  of  Saul.  Edom  was 
in  advance  of  Israel,  both  in  the  possession  of  a  settled  territory,  and  in 
attaining  monarchical  government  (cf  Nu.  xx.  14) :  in  this  respect,  also, 
Esau  was  the  '  firstborn,'  though  in  the  end,  Israel  won  from  him  his 
supremacy  (2  S.  viii.  14).  Of  the  kings  named  in  this  list,  none  is  a  son 
of  his  predecessor :  it  may  be  inferred,  consequently,  that  the  monarchy 
in  Edom  was  not  hereditary,  but  elective  (cf  Is.  xxxiv.  12),  or  de- 
pendent upon  the  abihty  of  a  particular  chief  to  acquire  supremacy 
over  the  rest. 

32.  Bela^  (^^2)  the  son  of  Be^or.  The  resemblance  to  '  Bala'am 
(oySa)  the  son  of  Be'or'  is  remarkable;  but  hardly  forms  a  sufficient 
basis  for  the  speculation  that  the  two  persons  are  the  same,  and  that 
Isr.  and  Edomite  history  had  handed  down  different  conceptions  of 
him  (cf  Sayce,  EHH.  224,  229  w.;  Hommel,  AHT.  153,  223;  EncB. 
s.v.  Bela). 

1  Wellhausen  has  pointed  out  that  several  of  the  Edomite  and  Horite  names 
here  enumerated  are  the  same  as,  or  very  similar  to,  those  of  families  of  Judah, 
especially  of  the  clan  of  Hezron  (Korah,  1  Ch.  ii.  43;  Teman,  iv.  6;  Kenaz, 
iv.  13,  15;  Shammah,  cf.  Shammai,  ii.  28,  44,  iv,  17;  Shobal,  ii.  52,  iv.  1; 
Manahath,  cf.  ii.  52,  54;  Onam,  ii.  28;  Eshban,  cf.  Ahban,  ii.  29;  Ithran,  cf. 
Yether,  ii.  32,  iv.  17;  Aran  (QX)^  cf.  Oren  (p>5)^  ii.  2o;  Elah  (r.  41),  iv.  15; 
'Iram,  cf.  'Iru,  iv.  15).  The  fact  may  point  to  intermarriages  having  taken  place 
between  the  neighbouring  peoples.  The  large  proportion  of  animal  names  (cf. 
p.  273  71.)  is  also  noticeable;  it  is  perhaps  the  survival  of  a  primitive  tutemism  in 
Edom:  cf.  Gray,  Heh.  Prop.  Names,  pp.  88  S.,  112  ff. 


318  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS       [xxxvl  32-40 

his  city  was  Diuhabah.  33  And  Bela  died,  and  Jobab  the  son  p 
of  Zerah  of  Bozrah  reigned  in  his  stead  34  And  Jobab  died, 
and  Husham  of  the  land  of  the  Temanites  reigned  in  his  stead- 
35  And  Husham  died,  and  Hadad  the  son  of  Bedad,  who  smote 
Midian  in  the  field  of  Moab,  reigned  in  his  stead  :  and  the  name 
of  his  city  was  AvitL  36  And  Hadad  died,  and  Samlah  of 
Masrekah  reigned  in  his  stead.  37  And  Samlah  died,  and  Shaul 
of  Rehoboth  by  the  River  reigned  in  his  stead  38  And  Shaul 
died,  and  Baal-hanan  the  son  of  Achbor  reigned  in  his  stead. 
39  And  Baal-hanan  the  son  of  Achbor  died,  and  ^Hadar  reigned 
in  his  stead  :  and  the  name  of  his  city  was  ^Pau  ;  and  his  wife's 
name  was  Mehetabel,  the  daughter  of  Matred,  the  daughter  of 
Me-zahab.  40  And  these  are  the  names  of  the  dukes 

^  In  1  Chr.  i.  50,  and  some  ancient  authorities,  Hadad.        *  In  1  Chr.  L  50,  Pai. 

Dinhahah.     Unknown :  see  conjectures  in  EncB. 

33.  Bozrah.  An  important  Edomite  town,  Am.  i.  12,  Is.  Ixiii. 
1,  al. :  now  Busaireh,  20  m.  SE.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and  35  m.  N.  of  Petra. 

34.  the  land  of  the  Temanites.     See  on  v.  11. 

35.  Hadad.  Also  the  name  of  an  Aramaean  deity, — the  one 
heading  the  lists  of  gods  in  the  Aramaic  inscriptions  of  Zinjirli  (near 
Aleppo),  of  the  8th  cent.  b.c.  (Cooke,  North-Sem.  Inscriptions,  161  ff., 
164,  cf.  360),  and  found  also  in  '  Ben-hadad '  and  '  Hadad-ezer,' — cor- 
responding to  the  Ass.  Kammdn  (Rimmon),  the  storm-  and  thunder-irod 
{KA  T.^  454 ;  KA  T.^  443  f.).  The  name  recurs  in  v.  39  (where  RVm. 
is  no  doubt  right  in  following  Heb.  mss.,  Sam.,  and  Pesh.),  and  also  (as 
that  of  an  Edomite  who  troubled  Solomon)  in  1  K  xi.  14  flf. 

'Av'ith.  Burckhardt  {Syria,  p.  375)  mentions  a  '  chain  of  low  moun- 
tains, called  el-Ghoweithe'  on  the  E.  of  the  upper  course  of  the  Arnon. 

37.  Shaul.  The  name  in  the  Heb.  is  the  same  as  'Saul.'  'The 
river'  is  usually  in  Heb.  (as  RV.  interprets  here:  see  on  xxxi.  21)  the 
Euphrates :  if  RV.  is  right,  Rehoboth  may  be  Rahaba,  a  place  on  its 
W.  bank,  a  little  S.  of  the  mouth  of  the  Habor  (Chaboras);  and  '  Sliaul' 
will  have  been  of  foreign  origin. 

39.  Baal-hanan.  The  name  ('Baal  is  gracious';  cf.  Johanan, 
Elhanan)  points  to  the  worship  of  Baal  in  Edom :  cf.  the  many  Phoen. 
names  formed  with  '  Baal.' 

Mehetaiiel.  '  God  does  good  or  benefits,'  a  name  of  Aram,  forma- 
tion (in  late  Heb.,  Neh.  vi.  10).  We  have  no  remains  of  the  language 
of  Eaom,  except  such  as  are  preserved  in  proper  names ;  but  these  are 
sufficient  to  shew  (what  might  also  have  been  inferred  from  the  re- 
lationship between  the  two  nations)  that  in  all  probability  it  closely 
resembled  Hebrew,  with  dialectical  differences  analogous  to  those 
which  we  know,  from  the  'Moabite  Stone,'  were  displayed  by  the 
language  of  Moab. 


XXXVI.  40-43]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  319 

that  came  of  Esau,  according  to  their  families,  after  their  places,  p 
by  their  names ;  duke  Timna,  duke  ^Alvah,  duke  Jetheth ; 
41  duke  Oholibamah,  duke  Elah,  duke  Pinon  ;  42  duke  Kenaz, 
duke  Teman,  duke  Mibzar ;  43  duke  Magdiel,  duke  Irani :  these 
be  the  dukes  of  Edom,  according  to  their  habitations  in  the  land 
of  their  possession.    This  is  Esau  the  father  of  ^the  Edomites. 

1  In  1  Chr,  i.  51,  Aliah.  2  Heb.  Edom. 

40 — 43.  Second  list  of  'dukes,'  or  clan-chiefs,  of  Edom.  The 
relation  of  this  list  to  the  one  in  lav.  15 — 19  is  not  expressly  stated: 
but  most  probably  (cf  Ewald,  Hist.  i.  76;  Di. ;  Del.^  the  'dukes'  here 
enumerated  were  the  heads  of  the  territorial  subdivisions  of  the  country 
(notice  'after  their  places,'  v.  40)  adopted  for  political  or  administrative 
purposes,  which  may  not  have  corresponded  to  the  old  tribal  divisions 
(cf.  in  Israel  1  K.  iv.  7 — 19):  perhaps  indeed  the  list  may  relate  to 
the  time  when  the  Edomite  monarchy  had  passed  away,  and  the 
country  had  become  subject  to  Israel  (2  S.  viii.  14\  The  tiames  in 
the  list  are  partly  those  of  clans  (as  Kenaz,  and  Onohbamah),  partly 
those  of  places. 

40.  duke  Timna\  The  chief  of  Timna';  and  similarly  in  the 
names  following.  Timna  (in  the  Heb.  exactly  as  w.  12,  22)  is  in  some 
editions  of  RV.  spelt  by  an  oversight  Timnah. 

41.  the  chief  of  Elah,  In  all  probability,  the  sea-port  usually 
called  Elath  (see  on  xiv.  6). 

Pinon.  Doubtless  the  Punon  of  Nu.  xxxiii.  42  f ,  said  by  Euseb. 
and  Jerome  {Onom.  299,  123)  to  be  in  their  time  Phaenon,  a  village  in 
the  desert,  between  Petra  and  Zo'ar,  where  criminals  were  sent  to  work 
in  the  copper-mines. 

42.  Mibzar.  According  to  Eus.  {Onom.  277)  a  large  village  in 
Gfibal  (Ps.  Ixxxiii.  7),  a  district  in  the  N.  of  Edom. 


Chapters  XXXVII~L. 

We  enter  now  the  last  division  of  the  Book,  which  (except  in  ch.  xxxviii.) 
deals  entirely  with  the  history  of  Joseph.  The  section  is  indeed  headed 
Toledoth  Jacob  :  but  this  is  simply  a  consequence  of  the  plan  followed  by  the 
compiler  :  Isaac  is  dead  ;  and  Jacob  is  therefore  technically  the  leading  figure ; 
but  in  point  of  fact  he  takes  a  subordinate  place,  and  though  after  the 
denoHment  he  conies  again  to  the  forefront,  and  the  events  of  his  closing 
years  are  told  at  some  length,  the  chief  interest  of  the  narrative  centres  in 
Joseph. 

The  story  of  Joseph,  whether  we  take  account  or  not  of  the  double  strand 
of  which  it  seems  (p.  332)  to  be  composed,  'is  dramatic  in  form,— indeed,  it 
combines  the  elements  which  Aristotle  {Poet,  xi.,  xvi.)  regarded  as  essential  to 
a  good  drama,  the  irepmeTfia,  or  "  reversal "  (viz.  of  the  intended  eflfect  of  an 


32t  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

action  into  its  direct  opposite)^  and  the  dvayv<Spi<ris,  or  "recognition," — and  it 
is  told  with  a  toucliing  charm.  The  theme  is  a  common  one,  common  alike  in 
folk-lore,  in  the  drama,  and  in  history — the  younger  member  of  a  family  kept 
down  by  the  envy  of  the  elder  members,  and  at  last  triumphing  over  them. 
Every  trait  in  the  narrative  is  in  accordance  with  nature;  and  the  whole  forms 
a  vivid  portraiture  of  the  true  development  of  human  character.'  The  young 
boy  dreams  his  dreams  of  future  greatness :  almost  immediately  his  hopes  are, 
to  all  appearance,  shattered :  he  is  sold  away  from  his  father  and  brethren 
into  foreign  slavery;  there,  however,  his  integrity  and  loyalty  save  him ;  after 
many  trials  and  disai)pointments  (xl.  23)^,  he  is  at  length,  by  a  surprising 
sequence  of  circumstances,  elevated  to  a  high  and  responsible  dignity  in 
Egypt ;  one  day,  after  many  years,  he  suddenly  sees  his  brethren,  forced  by 
necessity,  standing  before  him ;  but  he  uses  the  advantage  which  his  position 
gives  him,  not  to  crush  them  or  take  vengeance  on  them,  but  to  try  them,  to 
discover  whether  they  are  loyal  to  his  father  and  youngest  brother,  and  then, 
when  he  has  at  last  assured  himself  of  their  altered  mind,  when  he  sees  them 
genuinely  moved  by  the  sight  of  their  father's  grief  and  the  remorse  of  their 
own  conscience,  and  knows  that  they  are  willing  even  to  go  themselves  into 
slavery  to  spare  their  father,  and  save  their  younger  brother,  when  he  is 
satisfied,  in  other  words,  that  they  are  worthy  to  be  forgiven,  he  discloses 
himself  to  them  and  nobly  and  magnanimously  forgives  theml  Though  over- 
ruled by  Providence  for  good  (xlv.  5,  7,  8,  L  20),  ami  though  justifying  signally 
in  the  end  the  ways  of  God  to  men,  the  events  of  Joseph's  life  move  forward, 
it  may  be  noted,  entirely  within  the  lines  of  what  is  human  and  natural : 
Joseph  is  the  recipient  of  no  supernatural  warnings  or  promises,  directing  his 
steps.  '  No  doubt,  the  story  was  told  again  and  again  by  Hebrew  rhapsodists 
at  the  fireside  of  Hebrew  homes':  at  length,  in  two  slightly  difi'erent  versions, 
one,  probably,  as  it  was  told  in  Ephraim,  and  the  other  as  it  was  told  in  Judah, 
it  was  cast  into  a  written  form;  and  the  two  versions  are  interwoven  together 
in  our  present  Genesis. 

*  It  would  be  a  most  interesting  study  to  compare  the  character  of  Ulysses 
with  that  of  Joseph,  and  to  speculate  what  effect  each  hero  may  have  had  upon 
his  nation's  subsequent  history.  Each  is  kept  true  by  the  tender  memories  of 
home  love ;  each  is  god-fearing ;  each  is  shrewd,  resourceful,  courageous, 
growing  with  the  experience  of  life ;  but  with  Ulysses  the  shrewdness  just 
passes  the  line,  and  can  scarcely  be  distinguished  from  guile  and  cunning,  from 
which  Joseph  is  quite  free, — Ulysses  fimling  his  subsequent  counterpart  in 
Tiiemistocles,  Joseph  in  Daniel  Most  interesting,  too,  to  compare  the  scene 
where  Joseph's  brethren  stand  cowering,  conscious  of  their  guilt,  before  the 
brother  whom  they  have  wronged,  and  receive  only  the  winged  words  of 
forgiveness,  with  that  other  scene  in  which  the  suitors  of  Penelope  huddle 
together  at  the  end  of  the  hall,  conscious  of  their  guilt,  when  Ulysses  is 

^  The  brethren  'sell  Joseph  to  be  quit  of  him  and  his  dreams;  but  the  result  is 
that  his  dreams  are  fulfilled,  and  he  siivos  their  lives. '  See  Lock  on  the  sense  of 
the  term  irepiiriTeia  in  the  Class.  Rev.  jx.  (1895),  pp.  2.51 — 3. 

*  Of.  Ps.  cv.  19  '  Until  the  time  tliat  his  word  [Gen.  xxxvii.  7,  9]  came  to  pass, 
the  saying  of  Jehovah  (the  promise  implied  in  Joseph's  dreams)  tested  him 
(exposed  him  to  the  discipUne  of  humiliation  and  disappointment).' 

^  Dr  Lock  compares  Prospuio  in  the  Tempest. 


xxxvii.  1, 2]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  321 

revealed,  and  receive  the  winged  aiTovsfs  of  death ;  and  to  think  how  the  young 
Greek,  as  he  grew  up,  had  always  before  him  the  story  of  triumphant  justice, 
while  the  young  Hebrew  was  nurtured  in  the  nobler  story  of  triumphant  mercy' 
(from  a  sermon  by  Dr  Lock,  Ea^p.  Times,  June,  1903,  p.  396).  See  further 
below,  p.  400  f. 

Chapter  XXXVII. 
Joseph  sold  into  Egypt. 

The  narrative  (except  vv.  1,  2*,  which  belong  to  P)  is  composed  of  J  and  E. 
In  the  earlier  part  of  the  chapter  the  details  of  the  analysis  are  somewhat 
uncertain:  but  from  v.  21  the  double  strand  apj^ears  very  distinctly;  and  if  the 
reader  will  follow  the  narrative  carefully,  he  will  see  that  theve  are  two 
divergent  accounts  of  the  manner  in  which  Joseph  was  rescued  from  his 
brethren's  hands,  and  sold  into  Egypt.  In  J,  Judah  takes  the  lead:  he 
dissuades  his  other  brethren  from  carrying  out  their  purpose,  and  induces 
them  to  sell  Joseph  to  a  caravan  of  Ishmaelites,  who  happened  to  be  passing 
by  on  their  way  from  Gilead  into  Egypt;  and  the  Isliinaelites,  upon  their 
arrival  in  Egypt,  sell  him  as  a  slave  to  an  Egyptian  of  rank  (xxxix.  1).  In  E, 
Reuben  takes  the  lead,  and  dissuades  the  other  brethren  from  carrying  out 
their  plan :  at  his  suggestion,  tliey  cast  Joseph  into  a  pit,  and  Midlanite 
traders,  passing  by,  draw  him  up  out  of  the  pit,  while  his  brethren  are  at  their 
meal,  and  sell  liim  in  Egypt  to  Potiphar,  the  *  captain  of  the  guard '  (».  36). 
The  principal  grounds  upon  which  this  analysis  rests  are  explained  in  the  notes : 
the  difference  as  regards  the  position  taken  by  Judah  and  Reuben  will  re- 
appear subsequently. 

XXXVII.     1  And  Jacob  dwelt  in  the  land  of  his  father's  P 
sojournings,  in  the  land  of  Canaan.    2  These  are  the  generations 
of  Jacob.    Joseph,  being  seventeen  years  old,  |  was  feeding  the  J 
flock  with  his  brethren ;   and  he  was  a  lad  with  the  sons  of 
BiUiah,  and  with  the  sons  of  Zilpah,  his  father's  wives :   and 
Joseph  brought  the  evil  report  of   them   unto  their  father. 

XXXVII.  1.  And  Jacob  divelt  &c.  In  contrast  to  Esau,  who 
had  withdrawn  into  Se'ir  (xxxvi.  6 — 8). 

of  his  father' s  sojournings.     Cf.  xvii.  8,  xxviii.  4  (both  also  P). 

2*.  P's  introduction  to  the  history  of  Jacob,  so  far  as  it  belongs 
to  the  period  after  Isaac's  death  (xxxv.  29). 

2\     Kead,  ...with  his  brethren,  being  (still)  a  lad,  (even)  with,  &e. 

the  sons  of  Bilhah,  Rachel's  'handmaid';  i.e.  Dan  and  Naphtali. 

the  sons  of  Zilpah,  Leah's  'handmaid';  i.e.  Gad  and  Asher. 

and  Joseph  brought  &c.  The  words  are  intended  to  explain  the 
subsequent  unfriendliness.  Jacob  is  to  be  pictured  as  being  at  Hebron 
{v.  14;  cf.  xxxv.  27).  What  the  'evil  report'  was,  is  not  stated;  per- 
haps it  was  some  dishonesty  in  the  sale  of  their  father's  flocks,  which 
shocked  the  upright  mind  of  Joseph. 

D.  21 


322  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS       [xxxvii.  3-11 

3  Now  Israel  loved  Joseph  more  than  all  his  children,  because  J 
he  was  the  son  of  his  old  age:  and  he  made  him  ^a  coat  of  many 
colours.  4  And  his  brethren  saw  that  their  father  loved  him 
more  than  all  his  brethren  ;  and  they  hated  him,  and  could  not 
speak  peaceably  unto  him.  |  5  And  Joseph  dreamed  a  dream,  E 
and  he  told  it  to  his  brethren :  and  they  hated  him  yet  the  more. 
6  And  he  said  unto  them,  Hear,  I  pray  you,  this  dream  which  I 
have  dreamed:  7  for,  behold,  we  were  binding  sheaves  in  the 
field,  and,  lo,  my  sheaf  arose,  and  also  stood  upright ;  and, 
behold,  your  sheaves  came  round  about,  and  made  obeisance  to 
my  sheaf.  8  And  his  brethren  said  to  him,  Shalt  thou  indeed 
reign  over  us?  or  shalt  thou  indeed  have  dominion  over  us? 
And  they  hated  him  yet  the  more  for  his  dreams,  and  for  his 
Avords.  9  And  he  dreamed  yet  another  dream,  and  told  it  to 
his  brethren,  and  said.  Behold,  I  have  dreamed  yet  a  dream ; 
and,  behold,  the  sun  and  the  moon  and  eleven  stars  made 
obeisance  to  me.  10  And  he  told  it  to  his  father,  and  to  his 
brethren  ;  and  his  father  rebuked  him,  and  said  unto  him.  What 
is  this  dream  that  thou  hast  dreamed  ?  Shall  I  and  thy  mother 
and  thy  brethren  indeed  come  to  bow  down  ourselves  to  thee  to 
the  earth  ?  11  And  his  brethren  envied  hira  ;  but  his  father 
kept  the  saying  in  mind.  |  12  And  his  brethren  went  to  feed  J" 

^  Or,  o  long  garment  with  sleeves 

3,  4.  A  further  cause  for  the  boy's  unpopularity  with  his  brethren : 
he  was  his  father's  favourite.     For  '  Israel,'  cf.  on  xliii.  6. 

3.  a  coat  of  many  colours.  A  coat, — or,  more  strictly,  a  tunic, — 
0/ palms  and  soles,  i.e.  reaching  to  the  hands  and  feet  (which  is  what 
is  meant  by  RVm.);  opp.  to  the  ordinary  tunic,  which  had  no  sleeves, 
and  reached  only  to  the  knees.  So  2  S.  xiii.  18  f.  (worn  in  David's 
time  by  royal  princesses). 

4.  'loved  Am.'     The  pronoun  is  emphatic  in  the  Hebrew. 
could  not.     So  completely  had  hatred  fettered  their  tongues. 

5 — 11.  Two  boyish  dreams  of  future  greatness,  such  as  naturally 
increase  his  brethren's  dislike  of  him.  In  the  eyes  of  the  narrator, 
they  are  divinely-sent  presentiments  of  his  future  greatness.  The 
double  dream  indicates  the  certainty  of  the  fulfilment  (xli.  32). 

10.  thi/  mother.  The  words,  as  used  by  Jacob,  obviously  imply 
that  Rachel  was  still  alive.  J  has  mentioned  her  death  in  xxxv.  19; 
perhaps  E  placed  her  death  later. 

ll^  Lxx.  ^LiT/jpi](r€v  (there  is  no  'in  mind'  in  the  Heb.).  Cf  Lk.. 
ii.  19  (crvviTijpii),  51  (Surr/pei  ev  177  Kaphia  avr^s). 


xxxvii.  12-.0]      THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  323 

their  father's  flock  in  Shechem.  13  And  Israel  said  unto  J 
Joseph,  Do  not  thy  brethren  feed  the  flock  in  Shechem  ?  come, 
and  I  will  send  thee  unto  them.  And  he  said  to  him,  Here  am  I. 
14  And  he  said  to  him,  Go  now,  see  whether  it  be  well  with  thy 
brethren,  and  well  with  the  flock ;  and  bring  me  word  again. 
So  he  sent  him  out  of  the  vale  of  Hebron,  and  he  came  to 
Shechem.  15  And  a  certain  man  found  him,  and,  behold,  he 
was  wandering  in  the  field :  and  the  man  asked  him,  saying, 
What  seekest  thou  ?  16  And  he  said,  I  seek  my  brethren  :  tell 
me,  I  pray  thee,  where  they  are  feeding  the  flock.  17  And  the 
man  said,  They  are  departed  hence :  for  I  heard  them  say.  Let 
us  go  to  Dothan.  And  Joseph  went  after  his  brethren,  and 
found  them  in  Dothan.  18  And  they  saw  him  afar  off,  and 
before  he  came  near  unto  them,  they  conspired  against  him  to 
slay  him.  |  19  And  they  said  one  to  another,  Behold,  this  E 
Mreamer  cometh.  20  Come  now  therefore,  and  let  us  slay 
him,  and  cast  him  into  one  of  the  pits,  and  we  wiU  say,  An  evil 

^  Heb.  master  of  dreams. 

12 — 17.     Joseph  sent  to  enquire  after  his  brethren  at  Shechem. 

12.  in  Shechem.  The  plain  of  Mukhna  on  the  E.  of  Shechem 
(xii.  6)  supplies  excellent  pasturage.  The  incidents  narrated  in  ch. 
xxxiv.  seem  to  have  been  forgotten. 

14.  the  vale  of  Hebron.  The  broad  vale,  running  NW.  to  SE.,  in 
which  Hebron  lies, 

17.  Dothan.  The  name  is  still  preserved  in  Tell  Dothan,  a  fine 
green  mound,  on  the  top  of  which  the  ancient  'city'  (2  K.  vi.  13 — 15) 
must  have  stood,  with  two  wells  near  its  S.  foot,  15  m.  N.  of  Shechem, 
on  the  S.  of  a  broad  plain  (cf  Judith  iv.  6),  where  the  pasturage  is 
even  finer  than  it  is  about  Shechem  (Rob.  in.  122;  cf.  EncB.  s.v.). 

18 — 36.  Seeing  Joseph  approacning  in  the  distance,  the  brethren 
plan  to  kill  him,  and  so  to  frustrate  his  dreams :  he  is  saved, — by  E,euben, 
according  to  E;  by  Judah,  according  to  J, — and  carried  down  into 
Eg5T3t;  his  father  being  persuaded  by  his  brethren  that  he  has  been 
killed  by  a  wild  beast. 

19.  Master  (or  owner)  of  (RVm.)  is  a  Heb.  idiom  for  possessing : 
so  xlix.  23  'archers'  is  lit.  masters  of  arrows,  2  K.  i.  8  'hairy'  is  lit. 
owner  of  hair,  Pr.  xxix.  22  'wrathful  man'  is  master  of  wrath,  &c.  As 
used  here,  the  expression  is  intended  as  a  mocking  exaggeration. 

20.  pits.  Or,  cisterns,  for  the  storage  of  water,  or  {L.  and  B.  i. 
89,  90,  n.  194,  m.  458,  cf  Jer.  xli.  8)  grain.  Cf.  Dt.  vi.  11;  1  S.  xiii. 
6 ;  2  Ch.  xxvi.  10  (same  word).  Such  cisterns  are  still  very  common 
in  Palestine,  and  are  often  dangerous  to  travellers  (cf  the  law,  Ex.  xxi. 
33  f ) :  they  are  abundant  in  particular  about  Dothan,  and  '  as  they 

21—2 


324  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS      [xxxvii.  20-26 

beast  hath  devoured  him  :  and  we  shall  see  what  will  become  of  e 
his  dreams.  |  21  And  [Reuben]  heard  it,  and  delivered  him  out  J 
of  their  hand ;   and  said,  Let  us  not  take  his  life.  |  22  And  E 
Reuben  said  unto  them,  Shed  no  blood ;  cast  him  into  this  pit 
that  is  in  the  wilderness,  but  lay  no  hand  upon  him :  that  he 
might  deliver  him  out  of  their  hand,  to  restore  him  to  his  father. 
23  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Joseph  was  come  unto  his  brethren, 
that  they  stript  Joseph  of  his  coat,  the  coat  of  many  colours 
that  was  on  him  ;   24  and  they  took  him,  and  cast  him  into  the 
pit :  and  the  pit  was  empty,  there  was  no  water  m  it.     25  And 
they  sat  down  to  eat  bread  :  |  and  they  lifted  up  their  eyes  and  J 
looked,  and,  behold,  a  travelling  company  of  Ishmaelites  came 
from  Gilead,  with  their  camels  bearing  ^spicery  and  ^balm  and 
^  myrrh,  going  to  carry  it  down  to  Egypt.     26  And  Judah  said 
unto  his  brethren,  What  profit  is  it  if  we  slay  our  brother  and 

^  Or,  gum  tragacanth    Or,  storax  ^  Or,  mastic  *  Or,  ladanum 

are  shaped  like  a  bottle  with  a  narrow  mouth,  any  one  imprisoned 
within  would  be  unable  to  extricate  himself  without  assistance'  (Warren, 
Recovery  of  Jerus.,  1871,  p.  463). 

21  (J).  Reuben.  Originally,  it  is  generally  supposed  by  critics, 
Judah,  the  sequel  following  in  v.  25  ('and  they  lifted  up,'  &c.).  With 
'Reuben,'  v.  21"^  and  v.  22*  are  tautologous. 

22— 25\     E's  sequel  to  vv.  19—20. 

22.  wilderness.  The  Heb.  word  means  a  driving-place  for  cattle, 
i.e.  pasture  ground, — uncultivated,  but  by  no  means  barren:  of.  Ps. 
Ixv.  12. 

25*^—27.     J's  sequel  to  v.  21. 

25^  a  travelling  company.  A  caravan  (Job  vi.  18,  19 ;  cf.  Is. 
xxi.  13).  The  terms  in  which  the  Ishmaelites,  and  {v.  28)  the  Midian- 
ites  are  mentioned  are  hardly  in  accord  with  at  least  the  literal  sense 
of  the  representation  in  ch.  xxi.,  xxv.  2,  according  to  which  both  would 
be  Joseph's  cousins. 

from  Gilead.  The  plain  N,  and  W.  of  Dothan  is  still  crossed  by 
the  regular  route  from  Gilead,  past  Beisan  (Beth-shean)  and  Jezreel, 
and  on  through  the  plain  of  Sharon,  and  Lydda,  to  Egypt  (Rob.  n.  316, 
331 ;  and  G.  A.  Smith's  Map). 

spicery.  Most  probably,  gum  tragacanth:  certa,inly,  nothing  so 
general  as  '  spicery.' 

balm.     A  product  of  Gilead:  Jer.  viii.  22,  xlvi.  11. 

myrrh.  Ladanum, — the  fragrant  gum  of  the  cistus,  or  rock-rose 
(NHB.  458  fif.;  EncB.  Ladanum).  These  gums  would  be  used  in 
Egypt,  partly  medicinally,  partly  as  incense,  and  partly  in  embalming. 

26,  27.  Judah  seizes  the  opportunity :  and  by  appeahng  to  his 
brothers'  cupidity  saves  Joseph's  life. 


XXXVII.  .6-35]      THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  326 

conceal  his   blood?      27    Come,   and  let  us  sell  him  to   thej 
Ishmaelites,  and  let  not  our  hand  be  upon  him ;  for  he  is  our 
brother,  our  flesh.     And  his  brethren  hearkened  unto  him.  | 
28  And  there  passed  by  Midianites,  merchantmen ;   and  they  E 
drew  and  lifted  up  Joseph  out  of  the  pit,  |  and  sold  Joseph  to  j 
the  Ishmaelites  for  twenty  pieces  of  silver.  ]  And  they  brought  E 
Joseph  into  Egypt.     29  And  Reuben  returned  unto  the  pit ; 
and,  behold,  Joseph  was  not  in  the  pit ;  and  he  rent  his  clothes. 
30  And  he  returned  unto  his  brethren,  and  said,  The  child  is 
not ;   and  I,  whither  shall  I  go  ?  |  31  And  they  took  Joseph's  j 
coat,  and  killed  a  he-goat,  and  dipped  the  coat  in  the  blood ; 
32  and  they  sent  the  coat  of  many  colours,  and  they  brought  it 
to  their  father ;   and  said.  This  have  we  found :   know  now 
whether  it  be  thy  son's  coat  or  not.     33  And  he  knew  it,  and 
said,  It  is  my  son's  coat ;   an  evil  beast  hath  devoured  him ; 
Joseph  is  without  doubt  torn  in  pieces.     34  And  Jacob  rent  his 
garments,  and  put  sackcloth  upon  his  loins,  and  mourned  for  his 
son  many  days.    35  And  all  his  sons  and  all  his  daughters  rose 

26.  and  conceal  his  blood.  That  its  cry  for  vengeance  may  not  be 
heard:  cf.  Ez.  xxiv.  7  f. ;  Is.  xxvi.  21;  Job  xvi.  18. 

28*  (E).  The  absence  of  the  art.  in  'Midianites'  shews  that  the 
reference  cannot  be  to  'the  Ishmaelites'  mentioned  specifically  in  v.  21, 
but  that  V.  28^  is  parallel  to  vv.  25*^ — 27,  and  the  sequel  of  v.  25* :  while 
the  brethren  are  at  their  meal,  Midianite  traders,  passing  by,  kidnap 
Joseph,  and  (v.  28°)  carry  him  away  into  Egypt.  This  agrees  with 
xl.  15  (also  E),  where  Joseph  is — not  'sold,'  but — 'stolen  away  out  of 
the  land  of  the  Hebrews.' 

and  they  dreio  (E).  I.e.  (in  the  original  context  of  E)  the  Midianites, 
who  drew  Joseph  up  out  of  the  pit,  without  his  brethren's  knowledge 
(which  explains  Reuben's  surprise  in  v.  29),  while  they  were  at  their 
meal  (v.  25*). 

28''  (J),  and  they  sold. .  .for  twenty  shekels  of  silver.  The  mention 
of  the  '  Ishmaelites'  shews  that  this  clause  is  the  sequel  in  J  to  v.  27. 
The  price  (=  about  50s.  [see  on  xxiii.  15])  was  two-thirds  of  that  of  an 
ordinary  (adult)  slave  (Ex.  xxi.  32),  but  no  doubt  such  as  would  be 
usual  for  a  youth  like  Joseph :  cf.  Lev.  xxvii.  5. 

28"  (E).     And  they  brought  &c.     Viz.  the  Midianites  {v.  28*). 

29  f.  (E).  Reuben  upon  returning,  after  the  meal  {v.  25*),  to  the 
pit,  in  the  hope,  no  doubt,  of  being  able  now  to  send  Joseph  home 
secretly  {v.  22''),  finds  to  his  dismay  that  the  pit  is  empty. 

31 — 35.     The  sequel  in  J  to  the  middle  clause  of  v.  28. 

33.  Jacob,  upon  seeing  the  blood-stained  coat,  at  once  draws  the 
desired  conclusion  {v.  20). 


326  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS      [xxxvii.  35,  36 

up  to  comfort  him ;   but  he  refused  to  be  comforted ;  and  he  J 
said,  For  I  will  go  down  to  ^the  grave  to  my  son  mourning. 
And  his  father  wept  for  him.  |  36  And  the  ^Midianites  sold  him  E 
into  Egypt  unto  Potiphar,  an  officer  of  Pharaoh's,  the  ^captain 
of  the  guard, 

1  Heb.  Sheol,  the  name  of  the  abode  of  the  dead,  answering  to  the  Greek  Hades, 
Acts  ii.  27.  -  'H.eh,  Medanites.  ^  tLeh.  chief  of  the  executioners. 

35.  the  grave.  Heb.  Sheol.  See  RVm.  On  the  Heb.  idea  of 
Sheol,  'the  meeting-place  for  all  living'  (Job  xxx.  33),  where  the  spirit, 
without  distinction  of  good  and  bad,  was  supposed  to  enter  upon  a 
shadowy,  half-conscious  existence,  devoid  of  interest  or  occupation, 
and  not  worthy  of  the  name  of  '  life,'  see  Kirkpatrick,  Psalms,  p.  Ixxv.  fif., 
and  on  Ps.  vi.  5,  and  the  writer's  Sermons  on  the  OT.  p.  72  ff.  ('  The 
growth  of  belief  in  a  future  state');  and  cf  Ps.  Ixxxviii.  10 — 12;  Is. 
xiv.  9—10,  15,  xxxviii.  18;  Job  x.  21—22;  Ez.  xxxii.  21  ff. 

36.  The  sequel  in  E  (notice  the  '  Midianites')  to  vv.  28^",  29—30. 
Potiphar.     The  name  is  Egyptian;  and  means  (see  DB.  s.v.)  'He 

whom  the  Ra  (or  the  sun-god)  gave.'     Cf.  on  xli,  45  ('  Poti-phera'). 

officer.  Lit.  eunuch',  though  it  is  possible  that  the  word  is  used 
in  its  generalized  sense  of  court-official :  cf  xl.  2,  7,  and  RV.  of  1  K. 
xxii.  9;  2  K.  viii.  6,  xxiv.  12;  Est.  i.  10. 

the  captain  of  the  guard.  Lit.  'captain  (or  chief)  of  the  slaughter- 
ers' (of  animals  [not  'executioners']),  a  Heb.  title,  though  in  usage 
applied  only  to  foreigners  (except  of  Potiphar,  it  is  used  only,  with 
y\  for  "w,  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  '  captain  of  the  guard,'  2  K.  xxv.  8,  al., 
Dan.  ii.  14).  The  royal  butchers  must,  it  seems,  have  come  in  some 
way  to  form  the  royal  body-guard :  cf.  W.  R.  Smith,  Old  Test,  in  tlie 
Jewish  Church^,  262  f  What  native  Egyptian  official  the  term  denoted 
is  uncertain ;  possibly  (see  DB.  I.e.)  one  corresponding  to  the  apxt^frm- 
fioLTOffivka^  of  the  Ptolemaic  period. 


Chapter  XXXVIIL 
Judah  and  Tamar, 

This  narrative  (J)  has  a  tribal  interest;  its  main  object  being  to  explain  the 
origin  of  the  three  primary  subdivisions  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  viz.  the  families, 
or  clans,  of  Shelah,  Perez,  and  Zerah  (see  Nu.  xxvi.  20).  The  daughter  of 
Shua*  is  a  Canaanitess,  and  presumably  Tamar  is  likewise  ;  the  narrative  would 
thus  seem  to  betray  a  consciousness  that  there  was  a  considerable  admixture  of 
Canaanite  blood  in  the  tribe.  It  is  at  the  same  time  a  secondary  purpose  of 
the  narrative  to  impress  the  doty  of  marriage  with  a  deceased  brother's  wife 
(see  on  vv.  8 — 10).     Here  is  the  pedigree  of  the  principal  Judahite  families : — 


XXXVIII.  1-6]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  327 

Shua's  daughter =JnDAH  =Tamar 

I 1 S        ' 1 , 

Tamar='Er        Onan  Snelah  Perez  Zerah 


(1  Ch.  iv.  21—23)  I 


1  I 1 

Hezron  Hamul        Zimri  (4  others) 

■|  (Zabdi)        lOh.  ii.  6 

Jerahmeel                     Ram                      Chelubai  Karmi 

(Caleb)  I 

(1  Ch.  ii,  9,                (1  Ch.  ii.  9,                (1  Ch.  ii.  9,  'Achan 

25—33,34                 10—17)                      18—20,24,  (ICh.  ii.  7; 

—41)                                                         42— 50»i,  JoBh.vii.l) 

SOb—SS) 

See  also  1  Ch.  iv.  (the  text  of  both  1  Ch.  ii.  and  1  Ch.  iv.  is  in  several  places 
corrupt);  and  cf.  ch.  xlvi.  12,  Nu.  xxvi.  19—21,  1  Ch.  ii.  3 — 5. 

Perez  (cf.  Ru.  iv.  12)  was  regarded  as  having  been,  through  Hezron,  the 
ancestor  of  three  impoi  tant  families,  or  clans,  in  Judah.  Ram  (see  1  Ch.  I.e.) 
was  the  reputed  ancestor  of  the  royal  line  of  David :  many  names  were  con- 
nected with  Jerahmeel;  and  the  Caleb-clan  was  regarded  as  the  founder  of 
Hebron,  and  other  places  in  Judah  (I.e.  vv.  42 — 50*^).  1  S.  xxvii.  10,  xxx.  14 
(cf.  XXV.  3,  XXX-  29),  however,  seem  to  shew  that  in  David's  time  these  two  clans 
were  distinct  from  Judah,  and  inhabited  the  Negeb  (see  on  xii.  9) :  afterwards, 
we  must  suppose,  they, — wholly,  or  in  part, — migrated  northwards,  and  were 
ultimately  adopted  into  the  tribe,  and  then  the  genealogies  in  1  Ch.  ii  were 
constructed  for  the  purpose  of  legitimizing  their  connexion  with  it. 

XXXVIII.  1  And  it  came  to  pass  at  that  time,  that  J 
Judah  went  down  from  his  brethren,  and  turned  in  to  a  certain 
Adullamite,  whose  name  was  Hirah.  2  And  Judah  saw  there  a 
daughter  of  a  certain  Canaanite  whose  name  was  Shua  ;  and  he 
took  her,  and  went  in  unto  her.  3  And  she  conceived,  and  bare 
a  son  ;  and  he  called  his  name  Er.  4  And  she  conceived  again, 
and  bare  a  son  ;  and  she  called  his  name  Onan.  5  And  she  yet 
again  bare  a  son,  and  called  his  name  Shelah :  and  he  was  at 
Chezib,  when  she  bare  him.    6  And  Judah  took  a  wife  for  Er 

XXXVIII.  1—5.  The  birth  of  Judah's  three  sons,  by  the 
daughter  of  Shua,  a  Canaanite  (called  in  1  Ch.  ii.  3  Bath-shiia). 

1.  went  down.  From  the  high  central  ground  of  Canaan  (Hebron  ? 
xxxvii.  14)  to  'Adullam  (Jos.  xv.  35)  in  the  ShepheJah,  or  'lowland' 
(Jos.  XV,  33 — 44:  see  DB.  iii.  893  f.);  now  probably  'Aid  el-md, 
17  m.  SW.  of  Jerusalem  {HG.  229). 

5.  Chezib.  The  Achzib  of  Jos.  xv.  44,  also  in  the  'lowland,'  IMic. 
i.  14,  On  the  'sons'  of  Shelah,  or  the  Shelanites,  see  Nu.  xxvi.  20; 
1  Ch.  iv.  21—23  and  ix.  5  (|1  Neh.  xi.  5)  [read  'Shelanite(s)'  for 
'Shilonite(s)']. 

1  To  'Caleb.'    Bead  then  (with  lxx.):  'The  sons  of  Hur'  [see  v.  19],  &c. 
*  Verses  SO*" — 55  appear  to  relate  to  the  pos<-exiUc  period. 


328  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS      [xxxviii.  6-,. 

his  firstborn,  and  her  name  was  Tamar.  7  And  Er,  Judah's ,/ 
fii'stborn,  was  wicked  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  ;  and  the  Lord 
slew  him.  8  And  Judah  said  unto  Onan,  Go  in  unto  thy 
brother's  wife,  and  ^perform  the  duty  of  an  husband's  brother 
unto  her,  and  raise  up  seed  to  thy  brother.  9  And  Onan  knew 
that  the  seed  should  not  be  his ;  and  it  came  to  pass,  when  he 
went  in  unto  his  brother's  \nfe,  that  he  spilled  it  on  the  ground, 
lest  he  should  give  seed  to  his  brother.  10  And  the  thing  which 
he  did  was  evil  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  :  and  he  slew  him  also. 
11  Then  said  Judah  to  Tamar  his  daughter  in  law,  Remain  a 
widow  in  thy  father's  house,  till  Shelah  my  son  be  grown  up : 
for  he  said.  Lest  he  also  die,  like  his  brethren.  And  Tamar  went 
and  dwelt  in  her  father's  house.     12   And  in  process  of  time 

*  See  Deut.  xxv.  5. 

6,  7.     Er  marries  a  wife,  Tamar,  but  dies  without  issue. 

6.     took  &c.     According  to  the  ancient  custom :  cf.  on  xxxiv.  4. 

1\     Le.  he  died  early :  cf.  Prov.  x.  27 ;  Job  viii.  12  f. 

8 — 10.  Onan  persistently  refuses  to  fulfil  the  duty  which  custom 
laid  upon  him,  of  raising  up  seed  to  his  deceased  brother  Er.  According 
to  a  custom  widely  diffused  (though  with  modifications  in  detail)  in 
both  ancient  and  modern  times,  it  was,  and  in  many  parts  of  the  world 
still  is,  the  duty  of  a  surviving  brother  to  marry  his  deceased  brother's 
wife  (or  wives),  and,  as  the  case  may  be,  to  make  provision  for  his 
children,  or,  if  he  should  have  died  childless,  to  perpetuate  his 
family  and  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  estate^  With  certain 
limitations  in  detail,  this  institution  of  the  '  Levirate-marriage,'  as  it 
is  called,  was  introduced  afterwards  into  Heb.  law  (Dt,  xxv.  5 — 10); 
and  Dt.  xxv.  9  shews  that  a  man  who  did  not  conform  to  it  was  regarded 
as  wanting  in  brotherly  feeling,  and  looked  upon  with  contempt.  Onan, 
while  accepting  outwardly  the  obligation  which  custom  thus  imposed 
upon  him,  knew  however  that  the  issue  of  the  marriage  would  not  count 
as  his :  so  hoping  perhaps  selfishly  to  secure  the  rights  of  primogeni- 
ture in  his  father's  family  for  himself,  he  found  means  to  evade  giving 
effect  to  it. 

9.  when.  Whenever:  the  tenses  (which  are  exactly  like  those 
of  Nu.  xxi.  9,  Jud.  vi.  3)  being  frequentative  (G.-K.  §§  159°,  112''). 

11.  Judah,  afraid  lest  a  similar  fate  should  overtake  his  third 
son,  refuses  to  give  him  to  Tamar;  he  however  conceals  his  real  purpose, 
by  pretending  that  Shelah  was  not  yet  old  enough  to  take  a  wife. 

in  thy  father's  house.  Whither  a  widow,  having  no  children,  retired 
(Lev.  xxii.  13). 

12 — 18.     Tamar's  device  to  make  Judah  himself  perform  the  duty 

of  husband's  brother.  ^ 

^  See  further  particulars  in  the  writer's  Comm.  on  Deut.,  pp.  281  f.,  284  f. 


XXXVIII.  i2-.o]     THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  329 

Shua's  daughter,  the  wife  of  Judah,  died  ;  and  Judah  was  J 
comforted,  and  went  up  unto  his  sheepshearers  to  Timnah,  he 
and  his  friend  Hirah  the  AduUamite.  13  And  it  was  told 
Tamar,  saying.  Behold,  thy  father  in  law  goeth  up  to  Timnah  to 
shear  his  sheep.  14  And  she  put  off  from  her  the  garments  of 
her  widowhood,  and  covered  herself  with  her  veil,  and  wrapped 
herself,  and  sat  in  the  gate  of  Enaim,  which  is  by  the  way  to 
Timnah ;  for  she  saw  that  Shelah  was  grown  up,  and  she  was 
not  given  unto  him  to  wife.  15  A\Tien  Judah  saw  her,  he 
thought  her  to  be  an  harlot ;  for  she  had  covered  her  face. 
16  And  he  turned  unto  her  by  the  way,  and  said,  Go  to,  I  pray 
thee,  let  me  come  in  unto  thee :  for  he  knew  not  that  she  was 
his  daughter  in  law.  And  she  said,  What  wilt  thou  give  me, 
that  thou  may  est  come  in  unto  me?  17  And  he  said,  I  will 
send  thee  a  kid  of  the  goats  from  the  flock.  And  she  said,  Wilt 
thou  give  me  a  pledge,  till  thou  send  it?  18  And  he  said,  What 
pledge  shall  I  give  thee?  And  she  said.  Thy  signet  and  thy 
cord,  and  thy  staff  that  is  in  thine  hand.  And  he  gave  them  to 
her,  and  came  in  unto  her,  and  she  conceived  by  him.  19  And 
she  arose,  and  went  away,  and  put  off  her  veil  from  her,  and  put 
on  the  garments  of  her  widowhood.  20  And  Judah  sent  the 
kid  of  the  goats  by  the  hand  of  his  friend  the  AduUamite,  to 

12*".  The  meaning  is,  '  And  when  Judah  was  comforted  (viz.  after 
the  usual  period  of  mourning  was  over),  he  went  up,'  &c. 

Timnah.  Either  the  modern  Tihneh,  4  m.  NE.  of  'Aid  el-mS,,  or 
the  Timnah  of  Jos.  xv.  57,  in  the  'hill-country'  of  Judah  {ibid.  v.  48), — 
to  judge  from  the  cities  with  which  it  is  grouped  in  v.  55  (Maon, 
Carmel,  &c.),  a  few  miles  S.  of  Hebron.  (Not  the  Timnah  of  Jud.  xiv.  1.) 

his  sheepshearers.     Cf.  on  xxxi.  19, 

14.  in  the  entrance  to  'Enaim.  Prob.  the  'Enam  of  Jos.  xv.  34, 
in  the  Shephelah. 

15.  covered  her  face.     So  that  he  did  not  recognize  her. 

18.  The  custom  of  suspending  a  signet-ring  round  the  neck  by  a 
cord  is  still  common  among  the  Arabs  (Rob.  i.  36). 

thy  staff.  Which  must  be  thought  of  as  ornamented  and  valuable. 
The  ancient  Babylonians  carried  a  signet-ring  and  a  stick,  the  latter 
having  its  top  carved  into  the  form  of  a  fruit,  flower,  bird,  &c.  (Hdt. 
I.  195).  The  pledge  was  evidently  of  a  character  calculated  afterwards 
to  convict  Judah.  'Lange  considers  that  the  wickedness  of  Er  had 
caused  him,  equally  with  Onan,  to  neglect  Tamar,  and  that  conse- 
quently there  was  no  real  incest'  (Payne  Smith). 

19 — 26.     The  discovery  of  what  Tamar  had  done. 


330  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS     [xxxviii.  2o-*6 

receive  the  pledge  from  the  woman's  hand :  but  he  found  her  J 
not.  21  Then  he  asked  the  men  of  her  place,  saying,  Where  is 
the  ^harlot,  that  was  at  Enaim  by  the  way  side  ?  And  they  said, 
There  hath  been  no  %arlot  here.  22  And  he  returned  to  Judah, 
and  said,  I  have  not  found  her ;  and  also  the  men  of  the  place 
said,  There  hath  been  no  ^harlot  here.  23  And  Judah  said,  Let 
her  take  it  to  her,  lest  we  be  put  to  shame :  behold,  I  sent  this 
kid,  and  thou  hast  not  found  her.  24  And  it  came  to  pass  about 
three  months  after,  that  it  was  told  Judah,  saying,  Tamar  thy 
daughter  in  law  hath  played  the  harlot ;  and  moreover,  behold, 
she  is  with  child  by  whoredom.  And  Judah  said,  Bring  her 
forth,  and  let  her  be  burnt.  25  When  she  was  brought  forth, 
she  sent  to  her  father  in  law,  saying.  By  the  man,  whose  these 
are,  am  I  with  child :  and  she  said.  Discern,  I  pray  thee,  whose 
are  these,  the  signet,  and  the  cords,  and  the  staff.     26  And 

^  Heb.  kedeshah,  that  is,  a  •woman  dedicated  to  impure  heathen  worship.    See 
Deut.  xxiii.  17,  Hos.  iv.  14. 

21.  harlot.  Votary  (lit.  one  sacred  or  dedicated,  viz.  to  'Ashtoreth 
or  some  other  deity).  Tamar  had  dressed  herself  in  the  garb,  not  of 
an  ordinary  harlot,  but  of  a  votary,  or  temple-prostitute — the  allusion 
being  to  the  singular  and  repulsive  custom,  common  in  heathen  Se- 
mitic antiquity,  esp.  in  Canaanitish  and  Phoenician  cults,  by  which 
persons  of  both  sexes  prostituted  themselves  in  the  service  of  a  deity. 
Comp.  the  law  forbidding  it  to  IsraeHtes  in  Dt.  xxiii.  17  f. :  and  the 
allusions  in  Hos.  iv.  14,  1  K.  xiv.  24,  xv.  12,  Jer.  iii.  2  (where  note 
*by  the  ways'),  6,  8  f.,  13;  and  (in  Babylon)  Hammurabi's  Code  [above, 
p.  156  n.\  §  181,  Hdt.  i.  199,  Ep.  of  Jeremy  43. 

23.  Let  her  take  it  to  her.  I.e.  let  her  keep  it,  lest,  if  we  search 
further,  we  become  a  contempt  (Heb.  as  Prov.  xii.  8). 

24.  let  her  be  burnt.  Judah  acts  with  the  authority  of  head 
of  the  family:  cf.  Jacob's  words  in  xxxi.  32.  Tamar  is  treated  as 
virtually  betrothed  to  Shelah  (v.  11),  and  consequently  (cf.  Dt.  xxii. 
23  f )  as  an  adulteress.  The  later  legal  punishment  for  adultery  was 
death  (Lev.  xx.  10;  Dt.  xxii.  22, — so  in  the  case  of  one  betrothed 
w.  23  f),  by  stoning  (Ez.  xvi.  38 — 40;  Jn.  viii.  5),  only  a  priest's 
daughter  who  prostituted  herself  being  liable  to  be  burnt  (Lev. 
xxi.  10)'. 

26.  Judah  acknowledges  his  error.  The  custom  was  but  a  tem- 
porary one:  nevertheless,  living  in  the  age  in  which  she  did  Hve, 

^  Death  at  the  stake  is  the  punishment  prescribed  in  Hammurabi's  Code, 
§  157,  for  both  parties,  in  the  case  of  incest  with  a  mother:  it  was  also  an 
Egyptian  punishment  for  adulteresses  (Petrie,  Egyp.  Tales,  i.  15;  Masp.  i.  337; 
cf.  Hdt.  n.  111). 


xxxviii.  .6-30]     THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  331 

Judah  acknowledged  them,  and  said,  She  is  more  righteous  than  J 
I ;  forasmuch  as  I  gave  her  not  to  Shelah  my  son.  And  he 
knew  her  again  no  more.  27  And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  time  of 
her  travail,  that,  behold,  twins  were  in  her  womb.  28  And  it 
came  to  pass,  when  she  travailed,  that  one  put  out  a  hand  :  and 
the  midwife  took  and  bound  upon  his  hand  a  scarlet  thread, 
saying,  This  came  out  first.  29  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  he  drew 
back  his  hand,  that,  behold,  his  brother  came  out :  and  she  said, 
^Wherefore  hast  thou  made  a  breach  for  thyself?  therefore  his 
name  was  called  ^Perez.  30  And  afterward  came  out  his  brother, 
that  had  the  scarlet  thread  upon  his  hand :  and  his  name  was 
called  Zerah. 

*  Or,  Row  hast  thou  made  a  breach  I  a  breach  be  upon  thee  I  '  That  is,  A 

breach. 

Tamar  had  a  right  that  it  should  be  observed  towards  her;  and  Judah, 
in  refusing  to  comply  with  it,  had  done  her  a  wrong. 

is  more  righteous  than  I.  'Righteous'  is  to  be  understood,  natur- 
ally, in  a  relative  sense:  comp.  Ez.  xvi.  51,  52;  Jer.  iii.  11. 

27 — 30.  The  birth  of  Perez  and  Zerah.  The  story  in  all  probability 
has  its  origin  in  a  popular  explanation  (cf.  xix.  36 — 38)  of  the  name 
'Perez,*  suggested  by  rivalries  between  the  two  clans,  and  the  fact 
that  the  Perez-clan,  although  the  younger,  became  in  time  more 
powerful  and  important  than  the  Zerah-clan  (cf.  xxv.  25  f ).  In  1  Ch.  ii. 
the  descendants  of  Perez  are  certainly  far  more  numerous  and  widely- 
spread  than  those  of  Zerah  (comp.  the  Table,  p.  327). 

29,  Wherefore  &c.  I.e.  Why  hast  thou  thus  violently  forced  thy- 
self out?  So  Del.,  Di.  &c.  RVm.  is  also  possible  (Ges.),  but  on  the 
whole  less  probable. 

30.  Zerah.  The  emphasis  on  the  'scarlet  thread'  suggests  that  it 
is  intended  as  an  explanation  of  the  name :  and  in  Aram,  zehurithd 
means  'scarlet'  (Pesh.  here  and  v.  28):  so  perhaps  that  is  alluded  to 
by  the  narrator  (for  the  metathesis  involved,  cf  1  Ch.  iv.  9  f ,  where 
Ya'bez  is  explained  by  *dzeb).  As  a  Heb.  word,  Zerah  would  mean 
naturally  risitig  or  shining  forth  (of  the  sun:  Is.  Ix.  3).  It  occurs  also 
as  the  name  of  an  Edomite  clan  in  ch.  xxxvi.  13  (cf.  v.  33). 

The  narrative  is  one  of  those  (cf.  on  ch.  xxxiv.)  on  which  the  question  seems 
to  arise  whether  we  are  dealing  really  with  individuals,  or  with  tribes,  and 
divisions  of  tribes,  represented  as  individuals.  The  strong  tribal  interest 
which  the  chapter  displays  lends  some  countenance  to  the  second  alternative. 
If  this  view  is  correct,  'Er  and  Onan  may  represent  Judahite  clans  which  early 
disappeared ;  while  Perez  and  Zerah  may  represent  clans  which  rose  into  pro- 
minence afterwards,  Zerah,  though  really  the  more  ancient  clan, — the  name, 
it  has  even  been  conjectured,  signifies  properly  autochthonous  (cf.  ^ezrdh, 


332  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

'  native '),  and  points  to  the  fact  that  the  clan  was  of  Canaanitish  origin, — 
being  outnumbered  by  Perez,  on  account  of  the  clans  of  Caleb  and  Jerahmeel 
being  reckoned,  after  their  incorporation  into  Judah  (p.  327),  as  belonging  to 
the  latter  (Stade,  Gesch.  i.  158  f.).  Cf.  G.  A.  Smith,  HG.  p.  289;  Modern 
Criticism  and  the  Preaching  of  the  OT.  p.  104;  DB.  il  792^  (comp.  121  t, 
126  £). 

Chapter  XXXIX. 
Joseph  cast  into  prison. 

The  chapter  (with  the  exception  of  the  words  indicated  in  vv.  1, 20)  belongs  to 
J;  and  forms  the  sequel  to  J's  account  of  Joseph's  being  sold  to  the  Ishmaelites 
in  xxxvii,  25'' — 27,  28  (middle  clause),  31 — 35.  It  forms,  morally,  a  bright 
contrast  to  the  discreditable  story  told  in  ch.  xxxviii. 

The  history  of  Joseph  must  have  been  told  at  length  in  J  and  E  alike,  in 
substantially  the  same  form  in  both,  but  with  occasional  variations  in  details ; 
and  the  method  mostly  followed  by  the  compiler,  esp.  in  chs.  xxxix. — xlv,,  has 
been  to  excerpt  long  passages  from  J  and  E  alternately,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  incorporate  in  each  short  notices  embodying  traits  derived  from  the  other. 
The  grounds  upon  which  this  conclusion  rests  are  the  facts — (a)  tiiat  the  re- 
presentation in  ditFerent  parts  of  the  narrative  varies,  and  (6)  that  in  the  course 
of  the  narrative  there  occur  short,  isolated  passages  not  in  entire  harmony  with 
the  context  in  which  they  are  embedded,  but  prestipposing  different  circum- 
stances, which,  conversely,  appear  in  the  narrative  elsewhere.  It  may  be 
convenient  to  place  here  a  synopsis  of  the  principal  diflfereuces  between  the 
two  narratives  (including  those,  already  noticed,  in  ch.  xxxvii.).  According  to 
J,  Joseph,  when  his  brethren  plot  to  kill  him,  is  rescued  by  Judah,  and  then 
sold  by  his  brethren  to  Ishmaelites,  who  in  their  turn  sell  him  to  an  Egyptian 
of  position,  whose  name  is  not  given  (see  on  xxxix.  1) ;  he  is  made  by  him  his 
head  servant  (xxxix,  4) ;  after  the  charge  brought  against  him  by  his  master's 
wife,  he  is  thrown  into  a  prison  bearing  the  peculiar  name  of  the  *  Round  (?) 
House '  (xxxix.  20) ;  and  the  keeper  of  this  makes  him  overseer  of  the  other 
prisoners.  In  the  sequel,  the  brethren  tell  Joseph  about  their  younger  brother 
only  in  answer  to  his  inquiry  (xliii.  7,  xliv.  19) ;  nothing  is  said  about  Simeon 
being  detained  as  a  hostage  in  Egypt ;  the  brethren  open  their  sacks  and 
discover  the  money  in  them,  at  the  lodging-place  by  the  way ;  Judah  offers  to 
be  surety  to  liis  father  for  Benjamin's  return ;  and  Goshen  is  named  as  the 
district  allotted  to  Jacob  and  his  sons.  According  to  E,  Joseph  is  rescued 
from  his  own  brethren  by  Reuben,  and  thrown  into  a  pit,  from  which  he  is 
drawn  up  by  Midianites  without  his  brothers'  knowledge :  he  is  sold  by  them 
to  Potiphar,  captain  of  tlie  guard,  who  appoints  him  (xl.  4)  to  wait  on  the 
prisoners  confined  in  his  house :  the  brethren,  when  taxed  with  being  spies, 
volunteer  the  information  about  their  younger  brother  (xlii.  13,  32) ;  Simeon  is 
left  in  Egypt  as  a  hostage ;  the  brethren  open  their  sacks  at  the  end  of  tlieir 
journey  home ;  Reuben  oti'ers  to  be  surety  for  Benjamin's  return ;  and  there  is 
no  mention  of  Goshen  ^    Thus  while  both  versions  bring  Joseph  into  relation 

1  This  distinction  recurs  in  Exodus,  where  similarly  it  is  only  J  who  describes 
the  Israelites  as  living  apart  in  Goshen  (viii.  22,  ix.  26), 


XXXIX.  1-5]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  333 

with  a  prison,  he  is  a  prisoner  himself  only  in  J ;  in  E  he  is  merely  appointed 
to  wait  on  the  prisoners :  further,  while  in  J  the  keeper  of  the  '  Round  (?) 
House '  (who  is  distinct  from  Joseph's  master,  xxxix.  20,  21)  commits  the  other 
prisoners  into  his  charge,  in  E  his  own  master,  the  'captain  of  the  guard' 
(xxxvii.  36,  xl.  3",  4),  appoints  him  to  wait  upon  the  prisoners  committed  to  his 
charge.  In  the  existing  (composite)  narrative  the  two  versions  are  harmonized 
(though  imperfectly)  by  Potiphar  being  represented  as  both  Joseph's  master 
and  also  'captain  of  the  guard.' 

This  and  the  following  chapters  contain  many  allusions  to  Egj'ptian  customs 
and  institutions,  which  are  explained,  as  fully  as  space  permits,  in  the  notes. 
For  further  information,  and  fuller  references  to  authorities,  see  DB.  u. 
772—5. 

XXXIX.     1  And  Joseph  was  brought  down  to  Egypt;  and  J 
[Potiphar,  an  officer  of  Pharaoh's,  the  captain  of  the  guard,]  R 
an  Egyptian,  bought  him  of  the  hand  of  the  Ishmaelites,  which  J 
had  brought  him  down  thither.     2   And  the  Lord  was  with 
Joseph,  and  he  was  a  prosperous  man  ;  and  he  was  in  the  house 
of  his  master  the  Egyptian.     3  And  his  master  saw  that  the 
Lord  was  with  him,  and  that  the  Lord  made  all  that  he  did  to 
prosper  in  his  hand.     4  And  Joseph  found  grace  in  his  sight, 
and  he  ministered  unto  him  :  and  he  made  him  overseer  over 
his  house,  and  all  that  he  had  he  put  into  his  hand.    5  And 
it  came  to  pass  from  the  time  that  he  made  him  overseer  in 
his  house,  and  over  all  that  he  had,  that  the  Lord  blessed  the 

XXXIX.     1 — 6.     How  Joseph  prospered  in  his  master's  house. 

1.  The  V.  forms  the  direct  sequel  to  xxxvii.  28*"  (also  J). 
Potiphar,  an  officer  &c.     See  on  xxxvii.  36  \ 

2.  was  with  Joseph.     Cf.  w.  3,  21,  23;  and  see  on  xxi.  20. 

4.  Finding  him  to  be  quick  and  trustworthy,  his  master  made  him 
first  his  personal  attendant  ('  he  ministered  unto  him ') ;  and  afterwards 
'appointed  him  over  his  house,^  i.e.  made  him  superintendent  of  his 
establishment,  or  his  major  domo,  such  as  was  usual  in  large  Egyptian 
households,  the  mer-per,  or  superintendent  of  the  house,  being  often 
mentioned  in  the  inscriptions  {DB.  ii.  772*). 

5  f.     As  his  affairs  prospered  under  Joseph's  management,   his 

^  If  the  name  and  description  of  Joseph's  master  orif^inally  stood  here,  the 
addition  'an  Egyptian'  seems  superfluous,  and  it  is  strange  also  that  the  name 
should  never  recur  in  subsequent  parts  of  the  chapter;  hence  it  is  generally 
supposed  by  critics  that  the  original  text  of  J  had  here  only  'and  an  Egyptian 
bouglit  him,'  &c.,  the  words  referred  to  R  being  a  harmonizing  insertion,  made 
for  the  purpose  of  identifying  the  (unnamed)  'Egyptian'  of  J  with  the  Potiphar  of 
xxxvii.  36  (E).  If  this  supposition  is  correct,  the  difficulty  that  has  been  found  in  a 
euuuch  being  married  ( tliough,  it  is  true,  cases  are  known  to  occur,  and  the  word 
may  not  have  that  sense  here :  see  on  xxxvii.  36)  will  of  course  disappear. 


334  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xxxix.  5-14 

Egyptian's  house  for  Joseph's  sake ;  and  the  blessing  of  the  j 
Lord  was  upon  all  that  he  had,  in  the  house  and  in  the  field. 
6  And  he  left  all  that  he  had  in  Joseph's  hand  ;  and  ^he  knew 
not  aught  that  ivas  with  him,  save  the  bread  which  he  did  eat. 
And  Joseph  was  comely,  and  well  favoured.  7  And  it  came  to 
pass  after  these  things,  that  his  master's  wife  cast  her  eyes  upon 
Joseph  ;  and  she  said.  Lie  with  me.  8  But  he  refused,  and  said 
unto  his  master's  wife.  Behold,  my  master  ^knoweth  not  what  is 
with  me  in  the  house,  and  he  hath  put  all  that  he  hath  into 
my  hand ;  9  ^  there  is  none  greater  in  this  house  than  I ;  neither 
hath  he  kept  back  any  thing  from  me  but  thee,  because  thou  art 
his  wife :  how  then  can  I  do  this  great  wickedness,  and  sin 
against  God?  10  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  she  spake  to  Joseph 
day  by  day,  that  he  hearkened  not  unto  her,  to  lie  by  her,  or  to 
be  with  her.  1 1  And  it  came  to  pass  about  this  time,  that  he 
went  into  the  house  to  do  his  work  ;  and  there  was  none  of  the 
men  of  the  house  there  within.  12  And  she  caught  him  by  his 
garment,  saying.  Lie  with  me :  and  he  left  his  garment  in  her 
hand,  and  fled,  and  got  him  out.  13  And  it  came  to  pass,  when 
she  saw  that  he  had  left  his  garment  in  her  hand,  and  was  fled 
forth,  14  that  she  called  unto  the  men  of  her  house,  and  spake 
unto  them,  saying.  See,  he  hath  brought  in  an  Hebrew  unto  us 

^  Or,  with  him  he  knew  not  *  Or,  knoweth  not  with  me  what  is  dbc.  *  Or, 

he  is  not 

master  entrusted  to  him  more  and  more,  until  at  last  with  him  he 
knew  not  aught,  save  the  bread  which  he  did  eat,  i.e.  having  him,  he 
troubled  himself  about  nothing,  except  his  food,  which,  probably  on 
account  of  religious  scruples  (cf.  xliii.  32),  he  could  not  entrust  to  the 
care  of  a  foreigner. 

6.     well  famwred.     See  on  xxix.  17. 

7 — 12.     His  master's  wife  makes  advances  to  him,  which  he  repels. 

8.  Read  with  marg.,  knoweth  not  with  me  what  is  in  the  house. 

9.  RVm.  is  the  only  legitimate  rend,  of  the  Heb. :  he  has  given 
me  such  authority  that  he  has  no  greater  authority  himself.  The  rend, 
of  the  text  implies  the  omission  of  two  letters  (px  for  i:j»n).  Joseph 
casts  the  temptation  from  him,  declaring  finely  that  he  will  neither 
(1)  betray  the  trust  which  his  master  reposes  in  him,  nor  (2)  sin 
against  God. 

13—20.  To  avenge  herself  for  the  last  repulse,  she  brings  a  false 
charge  against  Joseph,  firstly  before  her  servants,  and  afterwards 
before  her  husband,  with  the  result  that  he  is  cast  into  prison. 


XXXIX.  14-23]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  336 

to  mock  us ;  he  came  in  unto  me  to  lie  with  me,  and  I  cried  with  J 
a  loud  voice :  15  and  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  heard  that 
I  lifted  up  my  voice  and  cried,  that  he  left  his  garment  by  me, 
and  fled,  and  got  him  out.  16  And  she  laid  up  his  garment  by 
her,  until  his  master  came  home.  17  And  she  spake  unto  him 
according  to  these  words,  saying.  The  Hebrew  servant,  which 
thou  hast  brought  unto  us,  came  in  unto  me  to  mock  me  : 
18  and  it  came  to  pass,  as  I  lifted  up  my  voice  and  cried,  that 
he  left  his  garment  by  me,  and  fled  out.  19  And  it  came  to 
pass,  when  his  master  heard  the  words  of  his  wife,  which  she 
spake  unto  him,  saying,  After  this  manner  did  thy  servant  to 
me  ;  that  his  wrath  was  kindled.  20  And  Joseph's  master  took 
him,  and  put  him  into  the  prisonQ  the  place  where  the  king's  R 
prisoners  were  bound] :  and  he  was  there  in  the  prison.  21  But  J 
the  Lord  was  with  Joseph,  and  shewed  kindness  unto  him,  and 
gave  him  favour  in  the  sight  of  the  keeper  of  the  prison. 
22  And  the  keeper  of  the  prison  committed  to  Joseph's  hand  all 
the  prisoners  that  were  in  the  prison  ;  and  whatsoever  they  did 
there,  he  was  the  doer  of  it.  23  The  keeper  of  the  prison  looked 
not  to  any  thing  that  was  under  his  hand,  because  the  Lord  was 
with  him  ;  and  that  which  he  did,  the  Lord  made  it  to  prosper. 

14.  an  Hebrew.  A  man  of  the  unclean,  foreign  stock  (xliii.  32, 
xlvi.  34).  She  professes  to  be  altogether  dissatisfied  with  Joseph's 
introduction  into  the  house. 

to  mock  us.  Insinuating  falsely  that  the  other  women  in  the  house 
had  been  exposed  to  similar  insults. 

16.  laid  up.  I.e.  deposited.  We  should  now  say  rather  'laid 
dmun:     Cf  Ex.  xvi.  34;  Dt.  xiv.  28. 

20.  the  prison.  The  Round  House.  The  Heb.  expression  is 
peculiar,  and  is  found  only  here  {vv.  20 — 23),  and  xl.  3^  S**.  Under- 
stood as  two  Hebrew  words  it  might  signify  'house  of  roundness,'  i.e. 
a  circular  tower,  such  as  might  be  used  for  a  prison;  but  sohar  is 
perhaps  the  Hebraized  form  of  an  Egj^t.  word,  though  no  satisfactory 
original  for  it  has  hitherto  been  suggested.  Nor  is  it  known  what 
place  is  denoted  by  the  expression  \  The  bracketed  words  are  not 
improbably  an  editorial  preparation  for  ch.  xl. 

21 — 23.     Here  also,  as  before  {v.  2),  Jehovah  is  'with  him';  and 

1  There  are  no  sufficient  grounds  for  identifying  it  with  the  '  White  Castle '  at 
Memphis  (Hdt.  iii.  13,  91;  Thuc.  i.  104);  and  the  suhanu  at  Thebes,  300  miles  up 
the  Nile, — a  palace  in  which  State  prisoners  were  honourably  confined  (Masp. 
11.271  n.), — seeras  too  remote  from  the  Delta  (in  which,  as  'Goshen'  shews  [see 
on  xlvi.  28]  the  scene  of  the  following  narrative  is  evidently  laid),  besides  being 
not  very  likely  in  itself. 


336  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xL.  1-3 

he  wins  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  keeper  of  the  prison,  so  that 
he  made  him  overseer  of  the  other  prisoners,  and  entrusted  them  to 
his  care. 

To  the  story  of  Joseph  and  his  master's  wife,  narrated  in  this  chapter,  there 
is  a  remarkable  parallel  (which  has  been  often  compared)  in  the  Egyptian 
romance,  commonly  called  'The  Tale  of  the  Two  Brothers,'  written  for 
Seti  II.,  of  the  19th  dynasty  (c.  B.c.  1180,  Petrie),  and  preserved  in  the 
d'Orbiney  Papyrus.  The  outline  of  this  story  is  as  follows : — Two  brothers, 
Anpu  and  Bata,  lived  together  in  one  house ;  the  elder,  Anpu,  one  day  sent 
Bata  back  from  the  fields  into  the  house  to  fetch  some  seed ;  Anpu's  wife  there 
made  advances  to  him,  which  he  repelled ;  when  Anpu  returned  home  in  the 
evening,  his  wife  accused  Bata  to  him  falsely.  Anpu,  enraged,  at  first  sought 
to  slay  his  brother,  but  in  the  end  he  was  convinced  that  he  was  innocent  and 
had  been  accused  falsely,  and  he  thereupon  slew  his  unfaithful  wife^ 

Chapter  XL. 
Joseph  interprets  the  dreams  of  Pharaoh's  two  officers. 

The  chapter,  vsdth  the  exception  of  the  few  short  passages  referred  to  R,  in 
which  the  compiler  seems  to  have  introduced  traits  borrowed  from  the  repre- 
sentation of  J,  belongs  to  E ;  and  forms  the  sequel  to  E's  account  of  Joseph's 
being  taken  to  Egypt  in  xxxvii.  28"''=,  29—30,  36. 

XL.  1  And  it  came  to  pass  after  these  things,  that  the  E 
butler  of  the  king  of  Egypt  and  his  baker  offended  their  lord  the 
king  of  Egypt.  2  And  Pharaoh  was  wroth  against  his  two 
officers,  against  the  chief  of  the  butlers,  and  against  the  chief  of 
the  bakers.  3  And  he  put  them  in  ward  in  the  house  of  the 
captain  of  the  guard  [,  into  the  prison,  the  place  where  Joseph  B 

XL.     1 — 4.     Pharaoh's  two  officers  thrown  into  prison. 

1.  butler.  The  word  in  Neh.  i.  11  rendered  cup-bearer:  lit.  drink- 
giver.  ■  There  is  a  representation  of  a  servant  offering  wine  to  a  guest 
in  a  goblet,  in  Wilkinson-Birch,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient 
Egyptians  (ed.  1878),  i.  430. 

2.  officers.     Vro^Qxly  eunuchs',  of.  on  xxxix.  1.     So 'y.  7. 

chief  of  the  bakers.  There  were  very  numerous  officials  at  the 
ancient  Eg)^tian  court;  and  a  'superintendent  of  the  bakery'  is 
mentioned  in  Erman,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt,  pp.  105,  187,  188. 

3^     the  prison.     The  Round  House :  so  v.  5^     See  on  xxxix.  20". 

i~The  story  is  translated  in  full  in  Petrie,  Egijpt.  Tales  (1895),  ii.  36  £f.: 
abridgments  may  be  seen  in  Erman,  Life  in  Ancient  Egypt,  p.  378  £.,  and  Sayce, 
Monuments,  p.  209  ff. 

2  The  passages  marked  in  vv,  S*>,  5^  appear  to  be  insertions  identifying  the 
'ward'  in  the  house  of  the  captain  of  the  guard,  in  which,  according  to  E,  Pharaoh's 
officers  were  confined,  with  the  'Bound  House'  in  which,  according  to  J  (xxxix. 
20 — 23),  Joseph  was  imprisoned.     Of.  the  Introd.  to  ch.  xxxix. 


XL.  3-13]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  337 

was  bound].  4  And  the  captain  of  the  guard  charged  Joseph  R  E 
with  them,  and  he  ministered  unto  them  :  and  they  continued  a 
season  in  ward-  5  And  they  dreamed  a  dream  both  of  them, 
each  man  his  dream,  in  one  night,  each  man  according  to  the 
interpretation  of  his  dream[,  the  butler  and  the  baker  of  the  R 
king  of  Egypt,  which  were  bound  in  the  prison].  6  And  Joseph  E 
came  in  unto  them  in  the  morning,  and  saw  them,  and,  behold, 
they  were  sad.  7  And  he  asked  Pharaoh's  oflBcers  that  were 
with  him  in  ward  in  his  master's  house,  saying,  Wherefore  look 
ye  so  sadly  to-day?  8  And  they  said  unto  him.  We  have 
dreamed  a  dream,  and  there  is  none  that  can  interpret  it.  And 
Joseph  said  unto  them,  Do  not  interpretations  belong  to  God? 
teU  it  me,  I  pray  you.  9  And  the  chief  butler  told  his  dream  to 
Joseph,  and  said  to  him.  In  my  dream,  behold,  a  vine  was  before 
me ;  10  and  in  the  vine  were  three  branches :  and  it  was  as 
though  it  budded,  and  its  blossoms  shot  forth  ;  mid  the  clusters 
thereof  brought  forth  ripe  grapes:  11  and  Pharaoh's  cup  was  in 
my  hand ;  and  I  took  the  grapes,  and  pressed  them  into  Pharaoh's 
cup,  and  I  gave  the  cup  into  Pharaoh's  hand.  12  And  Joseph 
said  unto  him,  This  is  the  interpretation  of  it :  the  three  branches 
are  three  days  ;  13  within  yet  three  days  shall  Pharaoh  lift  up 
thine  head,  and  restore  thee  unto  thine  office :  and  thou  shalt 
give  Pharaoh's  cup  into  his  hand,  after  the  former  manner  when 

4.  charged  &c.  Appointed  Joseph  (to  be)  with  them.  He  is  not 
appointed  over  them,  as  in  xxxix.  22;  but,  being  Potiphar's  slave 
(xxxvii.  36,  xli.  12),  he  is  appointed  (as  the  following  words  shew)  to 
be  their  attendant  (xxxix.  4;  2  S.  xiii.  17),  and  wait  upon  them. 

5 — 15.     Joseph  interprets  the  dream  of  the  chief  of  the  butlers. 

7.  in  ward  &c.  In  the  ward  of  &c.  (so  strictly  also  in  v.  3). 
The  words  do  not  necessarily  imply  that  Joseph  was  '  in  ward'  likewise. 
For  'with    him,'  of.  v.  4,  xli.  12. 

8.  none  that  can  interpret  it.  Dreams  were  regarded  by  the 
Egyptians,  as  indeed  by  most  ancient  nations,  as  significant;  and  great 
importance  was  attached  to  their  interpretation.  Cf.  Wiedemann,  Bel. 
of  the  Anc.  Eg.  265—7. 

belong  to  God.     Cf.  xli.  16,  38,  39;  Dan.  ii.  19,  28. 

11.  pressed  &c.  In  a  text  found  at  Edfu,  it  is  said  that  grapes 
squeezed  into  water  formed  a  refreshing  beverage,  which  was  drunk 
by  the  king  (Ebers,  Darch  Gosen  zum  Sinai  (1872),  p.  480;  cf.  Smith, 
DB\  1796«). 

13.     lift  up  thine  head.     Cf.  (of  Jehoiachin)  2  K.  xxv.  27. 

D.  22 


338  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xl.  13-10 

thou  wast  his  butler.  14  But  have  me  in  thy  remembrance  E 
when  it  shall  be  well  with  thee,  and  shew  kindness,  I  pray  thee, 
unto  me,  and  make  mention  of  me  unto  Pharaoh,  and  bring  me 
out  of  this  house  :  15  for  indeed  I  was  stolen  away  out  of  the 
land  of  the  Hebrews  [  :  and  here  also  have  I  done  nothing  that  B 
they  should  put  me  into  the  dungeon].  16  When  the  chief  Jg 
baker  saw  that  the  interpretation  was  good,  he  said  unto  Joseph, 
I  also  was  in  my  dream,  and,  behold,  three  baskets  of  white 
bread  were  on  my  head  :  17  and  in  the  uppermost  basket  there 
was  of  all  manner  of  bakemeats  for  Pharaoh  ;  and  the  birds  did 
eat  them  out  of  the  basket  upon  my  head.  18  And  Joseph 
answered  and  said.  This  is  the  interpretation  thereof :  the  three 
baskets  are  three  days  ;  19  within  yet  three  days  shall  Pharaoh 
lift  up  thy  head  from  off  thee,  and  shall  hang  thee  on  a  tree ; 
and  the  birds  shall  eat  thy  flesh  from  off  thee.  20  And  it  came 
to  pass  the  third  day,  which  was  Pharaoh's  birthday,  that  he 
made  a  feast  unto  all  his  servants  :  and  he  lifted  up  the  head  of 

14.  out  of  this  house.  I.e.  out  of  the  condition  of  slavery,  in  which 
he  is  forced  by  his  master  {v.  4)  to  act  as  gaoler. 

15.  stolen  away, — and  so  not  lawfully  in  slavery.  The  representa- 
tion is  in  accordance  with  E's  account  in  xxxvii.  28'''°\ 

the  land  of  the  Hebrews.    An  anachronism  for  '  the  land  of  Canaan.' 
16 — 19.     Joseph  interprets  the  dream  of  the  chief  of  the  bakers. 

16.  on  my  head.  According  to  Egyptian  custom :  see  the  illustra- 
tion of  a  royal  bakery  in  Wilk.-B.  11.  34,  or  Erman,  p.  191;  the  man 
with  the  tray  of  rolls  upon  his  head,  also,  in  Maspero,  i.  314. 

17.  bakemeats.  I.e.  pastry:  an  archaism.  See  DB.  s.v. ;  and  cf 
the  note  on  i.  29  upon  'meat.' 

19.  shall  hang  thee  &c.  To  hang  the  dead  body  of  a  malefactor, 
and  expose  it  so  to  public  view,  was  regarded  by  the  Hebrews  as  an 
aggravation  of  the  punishment  (Dt.  xxi.  22  f ;  Jos.  x.  26;  2  S.  iv.  12); 
and  in  Egypt  giving  it  to  beasts  or  birds  of  prey  would  be  a  special 
indignity,  on  account  of  the  superstitious  ideas  entertained  by  the 
Egyptians  respecting  the  body;  its  preservation,  as  a  mummy,  being 
considered  the  condition  of  a  person's  immortality. 

20,  21.     Both  interpretations  come  true. 

20.  Pharaoh's  birthday.  The  Cauopus  and  Rosetta  decrees  (b.O. 
239  and  195)  are  evidence  tnat,  at  least  in  the  Ptolemaic  period,  the 
birthday  of  the  Pharaoh  was  celebrated  with  a  great  assembly  of  priests 
of  aU  grades,  and  a  granting  of  amnesties  to  prisoners. 

1  Verse  15''  appears  to  be  an  insertion,  introducing  the  situation  of  xxxix.  20 — 
23  (J),  according  to  •yhich  Joseph  is  himself  a  prisoner.     Cf .  p.  333. 


XL.  .o-XLi.  4]       THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  339 

the  chief  butler  and  the  head  of  the  chief  baker  amoug  his  E 
servants.  21  And  he  restored  the  chief  butler  unto  his  butler- 
ship  again  ;  and  he  gave  the  cup  into  Pharaoh's  hand  :  22  but 
he  hanged  the  chief  baker  :  as  Joseph  had  interpreted  to  them. 
23  Yet  did  not  the  chief  butler  remember  Joseph,  but  forgat 
him. 

Chapter  XLI. 

Joseph's  elevation  in  Egypt,  in  consequence  of  his  successful 
interpretation  of  Pharaoh's  dreams. 

How  Joseph,  after  two  years,  is  rescued  from  servitude  in  consequence  of 
his  interpretation  of  Pharaoh's  dreams,  and  invested  witli  authority  over  the 
entire  land  of  Egypt  for  the  purpose  of  making  provision  against  the  coming 
years  of  famine.  The  chapter,  with  tlie  exception,  it  seems,  of  a  clause  in  v.  14, 
and  of  V.  46  (P),  belongs  to  E,  and  forms  the  immediate  sequel  to  chap.  xl. 

XLI.     1  And  it  came  to  pass  at  the  end  of  two  full  years,  E 
that  Pharaoh  dreamed :   and,  behold,  he  stood  by  the  ^ river. 

2  And,  behold,  there  came  up  out  of  the  river  seven  kine, 
well  favoured  and  fatfleshed;   and  they  fed  in  the  reed-grass. 

3  And,  behold,  seven  other  kine  came  up  after  them  out  of  the 
river,  ill  favoured  and  leanfleshed  ;  and  stood  by  the  other  kine 
upon  the  brink  of  the  river.     4  And  the  ill  favoured  and  lean- 

1  Heb.  Yeor,  that  is,  the  Nile. 

XLI.     1 — 7.     The  Pharaoh's  two  dreams. 

the  river.  The  Nile.  So  w.  2,  3,  17,  18.  The  Heb.  is  7/e'dr 
(Egypt,  'iotr,  contr.  'io'r,  watercourse,  stream),  the  standing  name  for 
the  Nile  throughout  the  OT.  (e.g.  Is.  xix.  6,  7,  8,  xxiii.  3,  10),  as  also 
in  Assyrian. 

2.  out  of  the  Nile.  Egypt  is  dependent  for  its  fertility  upon  the 
Nile,  and  in  particular  upon  its  annual  overflow  (due  ultimately  to 
the  spring  rains  in  the  Abyssinian  highlands,  and  the  melting  of  the 
mountain  snow) ;  and  the  cow-headed  goddess  Hat-hor,  and  especially 
Isis,  seem  at  times  to  represent  the  land  which  the  river  fertihzes 
(Masp.  I.  99,  132).  The  cow  being  sacred  to  both  these  goddesses, 
sine  emerging  from  the  Nile  would  be  a  natural  emblem  of  fruitful 
seasons,  and  might  moreover  appear  naturally  in  a  dream  relating  to 
the  fertility  of  the  soil. 

the  reed-grass.  Heb.  'd/m,  Egypt,  ahu  (from  aha,  to  be  green), 
found  also  in  v.  18  and  Job  viii.  11,  and  (in  the  form  a;;^et)  in  the  lxx. 
of  'W.  2,  3,  18,  19,  Is.  xix.  7,  and  Ecclus.  xl.  16. 

22—2 


340  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xli.  4-9 

fleshed  kine  did  eat  up  the  seven  well  favoured  and  fat  kine.  E 
So  Pharaoh  awoke.  5  And  he  slept  and  dreamed  a  second 
time :  and,  behold,  seven  ears  of  corn  came  up  upon  one  stalk, 
^rank  and  good.  6  And,  behold,  seven  ears,  thin  and  blasted 
with  the  east  wind,  sprung  up  after  them.  7  And  the  thin  ears 
swallowed  up  the  seven  ^rank  and  full  ears.  And  Pharaoh 
awoke,  and,  behold,  it  was  a  dream.  8  And  it  came  to  pass  in 
the  morning  that  his  spirit  was  troubled ;  and  he  sent  and 
called  for  all  the  ^magicians  of  Egypt,  and  all  the  wise  men 
thereof:  and  Pharaoh  told  them  his  dream ;  but  there  was  none 
that  could  interpret  them  unto  Pharaoh.     9  Then  spake  the 

^  Heb.  fat.  '  Or,  sacred  scribes 

5.  upon  one  stalk.  I.e.  closely  following  one  another,  like  the 
years  which  they  symbolized. 

6.  the  east  wind.  The  sirocco  (from  the  Arab.  skerJciyeh,  *  eastern'), 
including  however  winds  from  the  SE.,  which  in  Palestine  and  neigh- 
bouring countries  often  spring  up  suddenly,  with  great  violence,  from 
the  desert,  darkening  the  sky  with  clouds  of  sand,  'burning  like  the 
mouth  of  a  furnace,'  and  so  parching  and  withering  vegetation  that  no 
animal  will  afterwards  touch  it  (cf.  Eob.  BB.  1.  195,  207,  n.  123;  HG. 
67 — 9).  This  is  always  what  is  meant  by  the  '  east  wind'  in  the  OT. : 
cf  Hos.  xiii.  15;  Ez.  xvii.  10,  xix.  12;  Job  xxvii.  21. 

8.  and  he  sent  &c.  The  Egypt,  hierarchy  was  highly  organized ; 
and  among  the  priestly  classes  were  two  called  the  'writers  of  sacred 
things'  (in  the  parallel  Greek  text  of  the  Canopus  decree,  1.  4\ 
irrepocfiopai, — depicted  on  the  monuments  with  a  feather  (quill)  on  their 
heads,  and  a  book  in  their  hand)^,  and  the  'knowers  of  things,'  or, 
as  we  might  say,  'wise  men'  (in  the  Greek  text,  tepoypa/x./xarets,  or 
'sacred  scribes'),  whom  the  Egyptian  king  would  consult  in  an  emer- 
gency^. Probably  the  ' hartummim'  and  'wise  men,'  mentioned  here, 
corresponded  to  these  two  classes. 

magicians.  RVm.  sacred  scribes.  Heb.  hartummim,  a  word  of  un- 
certain derivation,  but  found  only  in  coimexion  with  Egypt  («.  24,  Ex. 
vii.  11,  22,  viii.  7,  18,  19,  ix.  11),  and  (^borrowed  from  Gen.)  in  Dan.  i. 
20,  ii.  2,  10,  27,  iv.  7,  8,  v.  11.     LXX.  (m  Gen.)  i^rjyiqTai,  'interpreters.' 

9 — 16.  The  chief  butler  remembers  Joseph,  and  mentions  him  to 
the  Pharaoh,  who  thereupon  summons  him  before  him. 

9.  RVm.  is  correct. 

1  See  Mahaffy,  The  Emvire  of  the  Ptolemies  (1895),  p.  229. 

a  See  Wilk.-B.  ii.  324,  Nos.  8,  9. 

5  In  the  Tale  of  the  Tioo  Brothers  (p.  54,  Petrie),  a  lock  of  scented  hair,  which 
has  been  found,  is  brought  to  the  Pharaoh,  who  summons  '  the  scribep,  and  the 
knowers  of  things,'  to  tell  him  who  the  owner  is.  On  the  learning  possessed  by 
these  sacred  scribes  (which  included  a  knowledge  of  magic  and  charms),  see 
Brugsch's  Aegyptologie  (1891),  pp.  77,  85,  149—159.     Cf.  Clem.  AL  Strom,  vi.  36. 


XLi.9-21]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  341 

chief  butler  unto  Pharaoh,  saying,  I  Mo  remember  my  faults  E 
this  day  :  10  Pharaoh  was  wroth  with  his  servants,  and  put  me 
in  ward  in  the  house  of  the  captain  of  the  guard,  me  and  the 
chief  baker :  11  and  we  dreamed  a  dream  in  one  night,  I  and 
he ;  we  dreamed  each  man  according  to  the  interpretation  of  his 
dream.  12  And  there  was  with  us  there  a  young  man,  an 
Hebrew,  servant  to  the  captain  of  the  guard  ;  and  we  told  him, 
and  he  interpreted  to  us  our  dreams  ;  to  each  man  according  to 
his  dream  he  did  interpret  13  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  he 
interpreted  to  us,  so  it  was  ;  ^me  he  restored  unto  mine  oflBce, 
and  him  he  hanged.  14  Then  Pharaoh  sent  and  called  Joseph, 
[and  they  brought  him  hastily  out  of  the  dungeon :]  and  he  shaved  R  E 
himself,  and  changed  his  raiment,  and  came  in  unto  Pharaoh. 
15  And  Pharaoh  said  unto  Joseph,  I  have  dreamed  a  dream,  and 
there  is  none  that  can  interpret  it :  and  I  have  heard  say  of  thee, 
that  when  thou  hearest  a  dream  thou  canst  interpret  it.  16  And 
Joseph  answered  Pharaoh,  saying.  It  is  not  in  me :  God  shall 
give  Pharaoh  an  answer  of  peace.  17  And  Pharaoh  spake  unto 
Joseph,  In  my  dream,  behold,  I  stood  upon  the  brink  of  the 
river :  18  and,  behold,  there  came  up  out  of  the  river  seven 
kine,  fatfleshed  and  well  favoured ;  and  they  fed  in  the  reed- 
grass  :  19  and,  behold,  seven  other  kine  came  up  after  them, 
poor  and  very  ill  favoured  and  leanfleshed,  such  as  I  never  saw 
in  all  the  land  of  Egypt  for  badness :  20  and  the  lean  and  ill 
favoured  kine  did  eat  up  the  first  seven  fat  kine  :  21  and  when 
they  had  eaten  them  up,  it  could  not  be  known  that  they  had 

1  Or,  will  make  mention  of  2  Qr,  I  was  restored... and  he  was  hanged 

my  faults.  His  offences  (lit.  sins,  like  the  corresponding  verb  in 
xl.  1)  against  the  Pharaoh  are  intended. 

13,  RVm.  interprets  according  to  G.-K.  §  144^':  cf.  xliii.  34. 

14.  shaved  himself.  The  Egyptians  shaved  both  their  heads  anc 
their  faces  (though  they  wore  on  important  occasions  artificial  hair 
and  beards) :  on  the  monuments,  only  foreigners,  and  natives  of  inferior 
rank,  are  represented  as  growing  beards.     Cf.  Erman,  p.  225  ^ 

16,  It  is  not  in  me.  Not  at  all  (or  Not  I),  deprecating  (cf.  on 
xiv.  24).     As  in  xl.  8,  Joseph  refers  his  skill  to  God. 

God  will  give  &c.  Joseph,  as  befitted  one  addressing  his  sovereign, 
assures  Pharaoh  that  the  dream  will  receive  a  favourable  interpretation 

17 — 24.     The  Pharaoh  recounts  his  two  dreams  to  Joseph. 

1  The  second  clause  in  this  verse  is  referred  to  R  on  the  same  grounds  as  those 
stated  in  the  footnote  on  xl.  IS*" 


342  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xli.  .r-34 

eaten  them ;  but  they  were  still  ill  favoured,  as  at  the  beginning.  E 
So  I  awoke.  22  And  I  saw  in  my  dream,  and,  behold,  seven 
ears  came  up  upon  one  stalk,  full  and  good :  23  and,  behold, 
seven  ears,  withered,  thin,  and  blasted  with  the  east  wind, 
sprung  up  after  them  :  24  and  the  thin  ears  swallowed  up  the 
seven  good  ears :  and  I  told  it  unto  the  magicians ;  but  there 
was  none  tliat  could  declare  it  to  me.  25  And  Joseph  said  unto 
Pharaoh,  The  dream  of  Pharaoh  is  one :  what  God  is  about  to 
do  he  hath  declared  unto  Pharaoh.  26  The  seven  good  kine 
are  seven  years  ;  and  the  seven  good  ears  are  seven  years  :  the 
dream  is  one.  27  And  the  seven  lean  and  ill  favoured  kine  that 
came  up  after  them  are  seven  years,  and  also  the  seven  empty 
ears  blasted  with  the  east  wind ;  they  shall  be  seven  years  of 
famine.  28  That  is  the  thing  which  I  spake  unto  Pharaoh : 
what  God  is  about  to  do  he  hath  shewed  unto  Pharaoh. 
29  Behold,  there  come  seven  years  of  great  plenty  throughout 
all  the  land  of  Egypt :  30  and  there  shall  arise  after  them  seven 
years  of  famine ;  and  all  the  plenty  shall  be  forgotten  in  the 
land  of  Egypt ;  and  the  famine  shall  consume  the  land  ;  31  and 
the  plenty  shall  not  be  kno^vn  in  the  land  by  reason  of  that 
famine  which  foUoweth  ;  for  it  shall  be  very  grievous.  32  And 
for  that  the  dream  was  doubled  unto  Pharaoh  twice,  it  is 
because  the  thing  is  established  by  God,  and  God  will  shortly 
bring  it  to  pass.  33  Now  therefore  let  Pharaoh  look  out  a  man 
discreet  and  wise,  and  set  him  over  the  land  of  Egypt.  34  Let 
Pharaoh  do  this,  and  let  him  appoint  overseers  over  the  land, 

25 — 28.     Joseph's  interpretation  of  the  dreams :  tliey  are  a  fore- 

loding  of  what  is  about  to  happen  in  Egypt.     Several  instances  are 

nown  from  the  inscriptions  (cf.  also  Hdt.  11,  141)  of  the  Pharaohs 

itering  upon  important  undertakings,  in  consequence  of  intimations 

jnveyed  to  them  in  dreams.     A  vision  of  the  god  Ptah,  for  instance, 

appearing  in  a  dream,  encouraged  Merenptah  (the  Pharaoh,  probably, 

of  the  Exodus)  to  attack  the  Libyans  by  whom  Egypt  had  been  invaded 

(cf.  DB.  11.  772"). 

29 — 32.  The  meaning  of  the  dreams  explained  more  particularly. 
33 — 36.  Joseph  ends  by  suggesting  a  practical  means  for  making 
provision  for  the  seven  years  of  famine  by  storing  up  in  advance  a  fifth 
of  the  produce  of  each  of  the  years  of  plenty,  and  by  appointing 
a  special  oHicial,  with  local  assistants  under  him,  to  see  that  this 
was  done. 


XLL  34-41]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  343 

and  take  up  the  fifth  part  of  the  land  of  Egypt  in  the  seven  E 
plenteous  years.  35  And  let  them  gather  all  the  food  of  these 
good  years  that  come,  and  lay  up  corn  under  the  hand  of 
Pharaoh  for  food  in  the  cities,  and  let  them  keep  it.  36  And 
the  food  shall  be  for  a  store  to  the  land  against  the  seven  years 
of  famine,  which  shall  be  in  the  land  of  Egypt ;  that  the  land 
perish  not  through  the  famine.  37  And  the  thing  was  good  in 
the  eyes  of  Pharaoh,  and  in  the  eyes  of  all  his  servants.  38  And 
Pharaoh  said  unto  his  servants.  Can  we  find  such  a  one  as  this, 
a  man  in  whom  the  spirit  of  God  is?  39  And  Pharaoh  said  unto 
Joseph,  Forasmuch  as  God  hath  shewed  thee  all  this,  there  is 
none  so  discreet  and  wise  as  thou :  40  thou  shalt  be  over  my 
house,  and  according  unto  thy  word  shall  all  my  people  ^be 
ruled :  only  in  the  throne  will  I  be  greater  than  thou.     41  And 

^  Or,  order  themselves    Or,  do  homage 

35.  under  the  hand.  I.e.  under  the  authority  and  control:  cf. 
Is.  iii.  6. 

in  the  cities.  Where  the  granaries  were,  in  which  the  produce  of 
the  surrounding  districts  would  naturally  be  stored  (v.  48).  There 
were  granaries  in  all  important  cities  of  Egj^t,  partly  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  corn-tax  (an  important  item  of  the  revenue),  partly 
to  provide  maintenance  for  soldiers  and  other  public  officials :  the 
'superintendent  of  the  granaries'  was  one  of  the  highest  officers  of 
the  state,  and  it  was  his  duty  to  see  that  they  were  properly  filled, 
and  to  report  to  the  king  annually  on  the  harvests;  if  he  reported 
favourably,  the  Pharaoh  might  decorate  him  with  a  collar  of  gold,  v.  42 
(Erman,  p.  108,  cf.  pp.  81,  86,  89,  94,  95,  433,  434). 

37 — 45.  The  Pharaoh,  falling  in  at  once  with  the  suggestion, 
appoints  Joseph  himself  for  the  purpose,  and  decorates  him  with  many 
honours. 

38.  Joseph's  explanation  commended  itself:  and  so,  the  Pharaoh 
feels,  he  must  be  a  man  specially  gifted  by  God  (cf.  v.  39*,  xl.  8),  and 
consequently  specially  fitted  to  undertake  the  contemplated  work. 

the  spirit  of  God.  Regarded  as  the  source  of  all  extraordinary 
powers  or  capacities:  cf.  Ex.  xxxi.  3;  Dan.  v.  11,  14;  and  on  ch.  i.  2, 

40.  over  my  house.  I.e.  over  my  palace, — the  title,  in  later  times, 
of  an  influential  minister  in  the  courts  of  Judah  and  Israel  (1  K.  iv.  6, 
xvi.  9;  2  K.  X.  5,  xv.  5,  xviii.  18;  Is.  xxii.  15,  al.). 

be  ruled.  The  expression  is  difficult;  but  he  ruled  is  quite 
out  of  the  question.  The  clause  would  most  naturally  be  rendered, 
*  and  upon  thy  mouth  shall  all  my  people  kiss'  (as  a  mark  of  homage, 
1  S.  X.  1 ;  Ps.  ii.  12) ;  but  a  kiss  on  the  mouth  from  the  entire  people  can 
not  be  regarded  as  probable.  On  the  whole,  order  themselves,  though 
not  entirely  satisfactory,  is  preferable. 


344  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xli.  41-45 

Pharaoh  said  unto  Joseph,  See,  I  have  set  thee  over  all  the  land  E 
of  Egypt.  42  And  Pharaoh  took  off  his  signet  ring  fi-om  his 
hand,  and  put  it  upon  Joseph's  hand,  and  arrayed  him  in 
vestures  of  ^fine  linen,  and  put  a  gold  chain  about  his  neck ; 
43  and  he  made  him  to  ride  in  the  second  chariot  which  he  had ; 
and  they  cried  before  him,  ^Bow  the  knee  :  and  he  set  him  over 
all  the  land  of  Egypt.  44  And  Pharaoh  said  unto  Joseph,  I  am 
Pharaoh,  and  without  thee  shall  no  man  lift  up  his  hand  or  his 
foot  in  all  the  land  of  Egypt.  45  And  Pharaoh  called  Joseph's 
name  Zaphenath-paneah  ;  and  he  gave  him  to  wife  Asenath  the 

^  Or,  cotton  '  Abrech,  probably  an  Egyptian  word,  similar  in  sound 

to  the  Hebrew  word  meaning  to  kneel. 

41.  The  terms  of  this  verse  suggest  the  important  ofifice  of  T'a-te, 
or  governor :  Erman,  pp.  69,  87 — 89  ('  the  second  after  the  king  in  the 
court  of  the  palace'),  473. 

42,  43.     The  insignia  of  office  conferred  upon  Joseph. 

42.  his  signet  ring.  In  many  ancient  countries  a  badge  of  autho- 
rity (Est.  iii.  10,  viii.  2;  Tob.  i.  22;  1  Mac.  vi.  15);  but  notably  so 
in  Egypt,  where  the  'keeper  of  the  seal'  was  the  king's  deputy  (Ebers 
in  Smith,  BB.'  1797). 

yine  linen.  Such  as  was  worn  in  Eg5rpt  by  men  of  rank:  Erman, 
p.  448;  Petri e,  Egyptian  Tales,  i.  125.     On  RVm.  see  EncB.  Linen. 

a  gold  chain  about  his  neck.  A  pecuharly  Egyptian  form  of  de- 
coration for  services  rendered  to  the  crown:  see  Erman,  pp.  118 — 120, 
208  (with  illustrations) ;  and  cf  Petrie,  Hist.  0/  Egypt,  ii.  22. 

43.  in  the  second  chariot  which  he  had.  Horses  and  chariots  are 
first  represented  on  the  Egypt,  monuments  under  the  18th  djaiasty,  after 
the  expulsion  of  the  Hyksos,  and  consequently  long  after  Joseph's 
time;  but  they  may  have  been  introduced  during  the  Hyksos  period 
(of  which  few  monuments  remain) :  Erman,  p.  490.  In  earlier  times, 
the  king  was  carried  by  soldiers  on  a  sedan-chair,  ib.  p.  65  (an  illastr.). 

Bow  the  knee.  Heb.  Abrekh,  which  resembles  closely  the  Heb.  (cf 
xxiv.  11)  for  'make  to  kneel  down'  Qiabrekh):  but  the  word  is  prob. 
the  Hebraized  form  of  some  Eg3rpt.  expression:  Brugsch  and  Reuouf 
suggest  dbu-rek  '  thy  command  is  our  desire'  =  we  are  at  thy  service 
(see  other  views  in  DB.  and  EncB.). 

45.  The  monuments  supply  many  illustrations,  at  least  in  and 
after  the  18th  dynasty,  of  foreigners  (including  slaves  from  Syria) 
rising  to  positions  of  political  importance  in  Egypt,  and  adopting  then 
a  change  of  name:  see  Erman,  pp.  106,  517  f,  518  n.;  DB.  ii.  773^ 

Zcqyhenath-pa'neah.  Egyptologists  (Steindorff,  Ebers,  Brugsch, 
Crum,  Griffith,  Budge)  are  now  generally  agreed  that  this  name  means 
'  God  (or,  the  god)  spake,  and  he  (the  bearer  of  the  name)  came  into 
life.'  It  is,  however,  remarkable  that  in  the  inscriptions  names  of  this 
tj^Q  (with  the  name  of  a  particular  deity  in  place  of  'God')  appear 


XLi.  45-49]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  345 

daughter  of  Poti-phera  priest  of  On.     And  Joseph  went  out  E 
over  the  land  of  Egypt.  |  46  And  Joseph  was  thirty  years  old  P 
when  he  stood  before  Pharaoh  king  of  Egypt.    And  Joseph  went 
out  from  the  presence  of  Pharaoh,  and  went  throughout  all  the 
land  of  Egypt.  |  47  And  in  the  seven  plenteous  years  the  earth  e 
brought  forth  by  handfuls.     48  And  he  gathered  up  all  the  food 
of  the  seven  years  which  were  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  laid  up 
the  food  in  the  cities :  the  food  of  the  field,  which  was  round 
about  every  city,  laid  he  up  in  the  same.     49  And  Joseph  laid 

first  at  the  end  of  the  20th  dynasty  (^one  inptance),  and  become  frequent 
only  in  the  22nd  (the  dynasty  of  Shishak),  and  subsequent  dynasties. 

Asenath.  I.e.  '  belonging  to  (the  goddess)  Neith,' — a  type  of  name 
similarly  becoming  frequent  only  in  and  after  the  21st  dynasty. 

Poti-phera\  The  fuller  form  of  '  Potiphar'  (xxsvii.  36),  '  He  whom 
Ra  (the  sun-god)  gave.'  There  is  one  example  known  of  names  of  this 
type  in  the  18th  dyn.,  but  otherwise  they  appear  first  in  the  22nd,  and 
are  common  only  in  the  26th  dyn.  (B.C.  664 — 525). 

This  combination  of  names,  otherwise  all  either  rare  or  unknown 
at  an  early  period,  is  remarkable;  and  the  Egyptologists  mentioned 
above  agree  that  they  cannot  be  genuinely  ancient  names,  and  did  not 
in  fact  originate  before  the  10th  or  9th  cent.  B.C.' 

On.  Mentioned  also  v.  50,  xlvi.  20,  Ez.  xxx.  17,  called  by  the 
Greeks  Heliopolis,  7  miles  NE.  of  the  modern  Cairo.  In  ancient 
times  On  was  the  centre  of  Sun  worship  in  Egypt,  and  its  priests 
were  considered  to  be  the  most  learned  in  the  country  (Hdt.  n.  3). 
The  high  priest  of  the  great  temple  of  Ra  at  On,  who  was  also  an 
astrologer,  was  a  most  important  dignitary  (Erman,  76,  83,  290,  374). 
'Cleopatra's  Needle'  was  originally  one  of  the  numerous  obelisks 
erected  in  front  of  this  temple  by  Thothmes  III.  (1503 — 1449  B.C., 
Petrie).     On  is  also  meant  by  '  Beth-shemesh '  in  Jer.  xliii.  13. 

46.  A  summary  statement  from  P  (of.  xix.  29)  of  Joseph's  eleva- 
tion to  office  in  Egypt. 

thirty  years  old.  According  to  P,  therefore  (see  xxxvii.  2),  Joseph 
was  in  servitude  12  or  13  years. 

stood  before  Pharaoh  =  became  his  minister  (Dt.  i.  38;  1  S.  xvi.  21 ; 
1  K.  xii.  6,  al.). 

went  throughout  &c.     I.e.  made  a  progress  through  it. 

47 — 49.  The  seven  fruitful  years  come,  according  to  the  dreams; 
and  during  them  Joseph  amasses  corn  in  the  granaries  of  every  city. 

1  See  further  on  these  names  DB.  i.  6&5^,  ii.  775*  (with  the  references),  in.  622*, 
819",  IV.  23,  963;  Budge,  Hist,  of  Eg.  v.  126  f.,  137.  Of  the  ancients  .Josephus  {Ant. 
II.  6.  1)  explains  Zaphenath-pa'neah  by  KpvirTuv  evp€Tj]%;  and  Onk.,  Pesh.  and  others 
by  '  He  to  whom  hidden  things  are  revealed,'  or  '  the  revealer  of  secrets,' — all  thinking 
of  the  Heb.  zdphan,  to  hide  vp.  Jerome  (Vulg. ;  and  Quaest.  in  Gen.:  see  Field, 
Hexapla,  ad  loc.) — perhaps  on  the  basis  of  the  form  in  the  lxx.,  'irov6o/j,<pav't)K — 
explains  by  Salvator  mundi  [so  Cod.  75  of  lxx.,  a-urijp  K6crynou]:  of.  Jn.  iv.  25,  29,  42. 


346  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xli.  49-57 

up  com  as  the  sand  of  the  sea,  very  much,  until  he  left  numbering ;  E 
for  it  was  without  number.  50  And  unto  Joseph  were  born  two 
sons  before  the  year  of  famine  came,  which  Asenath  the  daughter 
of  Poti-phera  priest  of  On  bare  unto  him.  61  And  Joseph  called 
the  name  of  the  firstborn  ^Manasseh :  For,  said  he,  God  hath 
made  me  forget  all  my  toil,  and  all  my  father's  house.  52  And 
the  name  of  the  second  called  he  ^Ephraim:  For  God  hath  made 
me  fruitful  in  the  land  of  my  affliction.  53  And  the  seven  years 
of  plenty,  that  was  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  came  to  an  end. 
54  And  the  seven  years  of  famine  began  to  come,  according  as 
Joseph  had  said  :  and  there  was  famine  in  all  lands  ;  but  in  all 
the  land  of  Egypt  there  was  bread.  55  And  when  all  the  land 
of  Egypt  was  famished,  the  people  cried  to  Pharaoh  for  bread : 
and  Pharaoh  said  unto  all  the  Egyptians,  Go  unto  Joseph ;  what 
he  saith  to  you,  do.  56  And  the  famine  was  over  all  the  face  of 
the  earth :  and  Joseph  opened  all  the  storehouses,  and  sold  unto 
the  Egyptians ;  and  the  famine  was  sore  in  the  land  of  Egypt. 
57  And  aU  countries  came  into  Egypt  to  Joseph  for  to  buy 
corn  ;  because  the  famine  was  sore  in  all  the  eartL 

^  That  is,  Making  to  forget.        ^  From  a  Hebrew  word  signifying  to  he  fruitful. 

50 — 52.  The  birth  of  Joseph's  two  sons,  Manasseh  and  Ephraim. 
Whether  the  narrative  gives  the  actual  origin  of  the  two  names,  must, 
as  in  the  case  of  Jacob's  own  sons  (xxix.  31  ff.,  xxxv.  18),  be  left  an 
open  question^     On  'Ephraim,'  cf.  tlie  play  in  xlix.  22. 

51.  for  get... all  my  father^  s  house.  To  the  Hebrews,  a  mark  of 
happiness  in  a  new  estate :  cf.  Ps.  xlv.  10. 

53 — 57.     Beginning  of  the  seven  years  of  famine. 

54.  in  all  lands.  Similarly  lyo.  56%  bl^.  For  the  hyperbole,  cf. 
1  K.  X.  24,  xviii.  10. 

56.  all  the  storehouses.  This  is  no  doubt  what  is  intended :  but 
the  Heb.  is  corrupt,  and  cannot  be  so  rendered  (it  is  lit.  '  all  that  was 
in  them'). 

Famines  in  Egypt,  due  to  the  Nile  failing  to  overflow,  are  not  unfrequent ; 
and  they  have  even  been  known  to  last  for  several  years ;  there  was  one,  for 
exaniple,  a.d.  1064 — 1071.  Two  inscriptions  have  been  quoted  as  illustrating 
what  is  here  recorded  of  Joseph.  In  one  of  these,  the  sepulchral  inscription  of 
Baba,  found  at  El-Kab  in  Upper  Egypt,  the  deceased,  in  an  enumeration  of 
his  good  deeds,  is  represented  as  saying,  'I  collected  corn,  as  a  friend  of  the 
harvest  god,  and  was  watchful  at  the  time  of  sowing.    And  when  a  famine 

*  For  speculations  as  to  their  origin,  see  EncB.  s.w.  It  has  been  supposed  that 
•Ephraim'  referred  originally  to  the  fertile  region  occupied  by  the  fcyibo,. 


THE  DATE  OF  JOSEPH  347 

arose,  lasting  many  years,  I  distributed  com  to  the  city  each  year  of 
famine.'  The  age  of  Baba  (end  of  the  17th  dynasty)  would  coincide  approxi- 
mately with  that  of  Joseph;  and  it  has  even  been  supposed  that  the  famine 
referred  to  may  have  been  the  same.  In  the  other  inscription,  Ameui, 
governor  of  the  'nome  of  the  Gazelle,'  under  Usertesen  II.,  of  the  12th  djiiasty, 
states  how  he  made  provision  for  the  people  :  *  In  my  time  there  was  no  poor, 
and  none  were  hungry.  When  the  years  of  famine  came,  I  ploughed  all  the 
fields  of  the  nome,  I  kept  the  inhabitants  alive,  and  gave  them  food,  so  that 
not  one  was  hungry.'  The  extension  of  the  famine  to  Canaan  and  other 
countries  (?•».  54,  57,  xlii.  1,  &c.)  is  remarkable,  and  can  only  be  explained 
by  the  supposition  that  there  was  a  simultaneous  failure  of  rain  both  in 
Canaan,  and  in  the  country  about  the  sources  of  the  Nile  (above  on  v.  2). 
Certainly  seven  years  of  famine  in  both  countries  do  not  seem  very  probable  : 
but  the  narrative  does  not  require  more  than  two  years  in  Canaan  (xlv.  6  :  on 
slvii.  13 — 15,  see  p.  372) :  and  even  if  it  did,  the  detail  is  of  a  kind  which  we 
could  never  be  sure  had  been  correctly  preserved  by  tradition. 

With  the  data  at  present  at  our  disposal,  it  is  impossible  to  determine 
definitely  who  the  Pharaoh  was  under  whom  Joseph  thus  rose  to  dignity  in 
Egypt.  As  in  the  Book  of  Exodus,  the  personal  name  of  the  Pharaoh  is  not 
mentioned ;  and  in  view  of  the  general  fixity  of  Egyptian  institutions,  the 
allusions  to  Egyptian  manners  and  customs  are  not  sufficiently  distinctive  to 
constitute  a  clue  even  to  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  The  Biblical  dates,  both 
of  the  Exodus  and  of  the  patriarchal  age  (which  is  dependent  upon  it,  Ex.  xiL  41), 
are  too  uncertain  to  form  a  secure  basis  for  further  chronological  calculations 
(see  the  Introd.  §  2).  There  are,  however,  strong  reasons  for  supposing 
Ramses  II.,  of  the  19th  dynasty  (b.o.  1300—1234,  Petrie),  to  be  the  Pharaoh 
of  the  oppression ;  and  reckoning  back  from  this  datum,  it  is  probable  that 
Joseph's  elevation  in  Egypt  is  to  be  placed  under  one  of  the  later  Hyksos 
kings.  The  Hyksos  (i.e.  Hyk-shasu,  'prince  of  the  Shasu,'  or  spoilers,  Le. 
desert-hordes)  were  a  race  of  Asiatic  invaders,  who,  according  to  Manetho 
(Jos.  c.  Ap.  1. 14),  held  Egypt  for  511  years,  at  first  devastating  and  destroying, 
but  afterwards  settling  down,  and  assimilating  much  of  the  culture  of  the 
conquered  Egyptians,  till  they  were  finally  expelled  c.  1600  b.o.  (Sayce  and 
Petrie;  c.  15S0,  Meyer  and  Breasted^).  The  capital  of  the  Hyksos,  as  excava- 
tions have  shewn,  was  Zo'an  (Tanis),  in  the  NE.  of  the  Delta,  about  35  miles 
N.  of  Goshen ;  and  it  is  true  that  the  court  of  the  Pharaoh  is  represented  in 
Genesis  as  being  not  far  from  Goshen.  George  the  Syncellus  (pp.  62,  69,  107, 
ed.  Goar)  assigns  the  elevation  of  Joseph  to  the  17th  year  of  Aphophis,  i.e. 
Apepa  (II.),  the  last  important  Hyksos  king  (Petrie,  Hist,  of  Eg.  i.  242, 
II.  17  ff.);  but  Erman^,  by  a  comparison  of  the  figures  given  by  Josephus  and 
Africanus,  has  made  it  extremely  probable  that  this  date  does  not  rest  upon 
an  independent  tradition,  but  was  arrived  at  by  reckoning  back  the  430  years 
of  Ex.  xii.  41  from  the  first  year  of  Amosis  (  =  Aahmes,  the  conqueror  of  the 
Hyksos,  and  founder  of  the  18th  dynasty),  under  whom  the  Exodus  was 
(incorrectly)  placed  (Eus.  Praep.  Ev.  x.  10.  11,  11.  10). 

^  After  a  rule,  however,  of  only  100  years  (see  the  Addenda  on  p.  xxxiii). 
a  Zeitschr./Ur  Aeg.  Sprache,  1880,  pp.  125—7;  cf.  Maspero  u.  71. 


348  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlii.  i-8 

Chapter  XLII. 
The  first  visit  of  Joseph's  brethren  to  Egypt. 

Jacob  sends  his  sons  into  Egypt  to  buy  com.  Having,  at  their  interview 
with  their  brother,  vohmteered  the  information  that  they  have  a  younger 
brother  at  home,  Joseph,  in  order  to  test  their  truthfulness,  demands  to  see  him. 
Upon  their  departure  for  Canaan,  Simeon  is  left  bound  in  Egypt,  as  a  guarantee 
that,  when  they  come  again,  they  will  bring  Benjamin  with  them.  The  narrative 
is  still — with  exceptions  similar  to  those  in  chaps,  xl.,  xU. — that  of  B. 

XLII.  1  Now  Jacob  saw  that  there  was  corn  in  Egypt,  and  E 
Jacob  said  unto  his  sons,  Why  do  ye  look  one  upon  another? 
2  And  he  said,  Behold,  I  have  heard  that  there  is  corn  in 
Egypt :  get  you  down  thither,  and  buy  for  us  from  thence  ;  that 
we  may  live,  and  not  die.  3  And  Joseph's  ten  brethren  went 
down  to  buy  com  from  Egypt.  4  But  Benjamin,  Joseph's 
brother,  Jacob  sent  not  with  his  brethren ;  for  he  said,  Lest 
peradventure  mischief  befall  him.  5  And  the  sons  of  Israel 
came  to  buy  among  those  that  came  :  for  the  famine  was  in  the 
land  of  Canaan.  6  And  Joseph  was  the  governor  over  the 
land ;  he  it  was  that  sold  to  all  the  people  of  the  land :  and 
Joseph's  brethren  came,  and  bowed  down  themselves  to  him 
with  their  faces  to  the  earth.  7  And  Joseph  saw  his  brethren, 
and  he  knew  them,  but  made  himself  strange  unto  them,  and 
spake  roughly  with  them ;  and  he  said  unto  them,  Whence  come 
ye?  And  they  said,  From  the  land  of  Canaan  to  buy  food. 
8  And  Joseph  knew  his  brethren,  but  they   knew  not  him. 

XLII.     1 — 4.     Journey  of  the  brethren  into  Egypt. 

1.  looh  one  upon  another.     In  perplexity  and  helplessness. 

2.  get  you  down.     Cf.  on  xii.  10. 

4.  Benjamin,  as  the  youngest  and  only-surviving  son  of  Rachel 
(xxix.  30),  was  his  father's  favourite. 

5 — 17.     Their  Jirst  interview  with  Joseph. 

6.  howed  down  themselves.  Thereby  fulfilling  unconsciously  the 
dreams  of  xxxvii.  7 — 9. 

8.  knew  not  him.  Since  they  saw  him  last, — according  to  E  (xli. 
1,  48,  xlv.  6)  more  than  something  between  nine  and  eleven  years 
before^ — he  has  grown  from  a  youth  into  a  man;  and  his  language 
{v.  23),  costume,  and  bearing  are  all  now  those  of  an  Egyptian. 

1  If  account  be  taken  of  the  additional  dates  given  by  P  (xxxvii.  3,  xli.  46)  more 
than  2C  years  before  (13  + the  7  or  more  of  xli.  48,  xlv.  6) ;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  the 
chronologies  of  JE  and  P  ought  to  be  combined:  cf.  pp.  xxx,  149,  262,  &o. 


XLii.  9-i8]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  349 

9  And  Joseph  remembered  the  dreams  which  he  dreamed  of  E 
them,  and  said  unto  them,  Ye  are  spies ;  to  see  the  nakedness 
of  the  land  ye  are  come.  10  And  they  said  unto  him.  Nay,  my 
lord,  but  to  buy  food  are  thy  servants  come.  11  We  are  all  one 
man's  sons;  we  are  true  men,  thy  servants  are  no  spies.  12  And 
he  said  unto  them.  Nay,  but  to  see  the  nakedness  of  the  land  ye 
are  come.  13  And  they  said,  We  thy  servants  are  twelve 
brethren,  the  sons  of  one  man  in  the  land  of  Canaan ;  and, 
behold,  the  youngest  is  this  day  with  our  father,  and  one  is  not. 
14  And  Joseph  said  unto  them,  That  is  it  that  I  spake  unto  you, 
saying.  Ye  are  spies  :  15  hereby  ye  shaU  be  proved  :  by  the  life 
of  Pharaoh  ye  shall  not  go  forth  hence,  except  your  youngest 
brother  come  hither.  16  Send  one  of  you,  and  let  him  fetch 
your  brother,  and  ye  shall  be  bound,  that  your  words  may  be 
proved,  whether  there  be  truth  in  you  :  or  else  by  the  life  of 
Pharaoh  surely  ye  are  spies.  17  And  he  put  them  all  together 
into  ward  three  days.     18  And  Joseph  said  unto  them  the  third 

9.  Ye  are  spies.  The  charge  was  a  natural  one ;  on  its  E.  side, 
Egypt  was  always  liable  to  invasion  by  Asiatics:  under  the  12th 
djoiasty  fortresses  had  been  erected  along  the  Isthmus  of  Suez,  and 
under  the  19  th  dynasty  we  read  of  officers  being  stationed  there  to 
take  the  names  of  all  passing  in  either  direction  (Erman,  p.  538  f ; 
Hogarth,  Auth.  and  Arch.  pp.  57,  60  f ). 

the  nakedness  of  the  land.     I.e.  its  exposed  and  defenceless  parts. 

11 — 13.  The  charge  of  being  spies  throws  them  off  their  guard; 
and  they  seek  to  disarm  his  suspicions  by  volunteering  information 
about  their  family,  of  which  Joseph  at  once  takes  advantage  (vv. 
14—16). 

14 — 16.  Like  a  high  official,  Joseph  insists  that  he  was  right; 
but  at  the  same  time  uses  the  opportunity  to  assure  himself  about 
Benjamin,  whom  he  suspects  they  may  have  treated  as  badly  as  they 
had  treated  himself 

15.  by  the  life  of  Pharaoh  (or,  better,  As  Pharaoh  liveth).  A  form 
of  oath  known  from  Egyptian  monuments:  in  an  account  of  criminal 
proceedings,  belonging  to  the  20th  dynasty,  a  thief  has  an  oath  ad- 
ministered to  him  by  the  king's  life,  to  prevent  him  speaking  falsely. 
The  popular  Heb.  forms  of  oath  were  As  Jehovah  liveth,  and  As  thy 
soul  liveth  (e.g.  1  S.  xiv.  39,  xvii.  55). 

17.  He  treats  them  arbitrarily,  as  an  Oriental  official  might  do, 
at  the  same  time  (^Kuob.)  '  enabling  them  to  realize  how  a  prisoner  feels, 
who  (like  himself  m  xxxvii.  24)  has  the  worst  to  expect.' 

18 — 24.     Their  second  interview  with  Joseph. 


360  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlti.  18-17 

day,  This  do,  and  live ;  for  I  fear  God :  19  if  ye  be  true  men,  E 
let  one  of  your  brethren  be  bound  in  your  prison  house  ;  but  go 
ye,  carry  corn  for  the  famine  of  your  houses  :  20  and  bring 
your  youngest  brother  unto  me ;  so  shall  your  words  be  verified, 
and  ye  shall  not  die.  And  they  did  so.  21  And  they  said  one 
to  another,  We  are  verily  guilty  concerning  our  brother,  in  that 
we  saw  the  distress  of  his  soul,  when  he  besought  us,  and  we 
would    not    hear ;    therefore  is  this  distress  come   upon    us. 

22  And  Reuben  answered  them,  saying.  Spake  I  not  unto  you, 
saying.  Do  not  sin  against  the  cliild ;  and  ye  would  not  hear? 
therefore  also,  behold,  his  blood  is  required.  23  And  they  knew 
not  that  Joseph  understood  them  ;  for  there  was  an  interpreter 
between  them.  24  And  he  turned  himself  about  from  them, 
and  wept ;  and  he  returned  to  them,  and  spake  to  them,  and 
took  Simeon  from  among  them,  and  bound  him  before  their 
eyes.  25  Then  Joseph  commanded  to  fill  their  vessels  with 
corn,  and  to  restore  every  man's  money  into  his  sack,  and  to 
give  them  provision  for  the  way :  and  thus  was  it  done  unto 
them.  26  And  they  laded  their  asses  with  their  corn,  and 
departed  thence.  |  27  And  as  one  of  them  opened  his  sack  to  J 

18.  /  fear  God.  And  will  not,  therefore,  do  more  to  you,  on 
a  bare  suspicion. 

19.  A  more  moderate  proposal  than  the  one  in  v.  16. 

21.  Their  conscience  smites  them:  and  they  recognize  in  their 
misfortunes  a  nemesis  for  their  treatment  of  Joseph. 

the  distress  of  his  soul  &c.   When  they  cast  him  into  the  pit,  xxxvii. 

23  f.  (also  E). 

22.  See  xxxvii.  22  (cf.  29  f.),  also  E. 

required.  Cf.  ix.  5  f.  Reuben  assumes  that  he  had  in  some  way 
lost  his  life. 

23.  for  the  interpi-eter  (usual  in  such  cases)  was  between  them. 

24.  and  wept, — touched  by  the  spectacle  of  their  sorrow  and 
penitence. 

Simeon.  Not  Reuben,  his  former  defender,  but  the  next  eldest  of 
his  brethren. 

25 — 38.  Joseph  gives  orders  for  each  man's  money  to  be  returned 
to  him  in  his  sack.  Their  alarm  at  the  discovery  of  it;  and  the 
distress  of  their  father  upon  learning  that  he  will  be  obliged  to  part 
with  Benjamin. 

27,  28.  An  insertion  from  J,  according  to  whom  (as  is  expressly 
said  in  xliii.  21)  the  discovery  of  the  money  in  all  the  sacks  was  made 
at  the  lodging-place,  and  not,  as  in  E  (xlii.  35), — according  to  whom 


XLii.  .7-36]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  351 

give  his  ass  provender  in  the  lodging  place,  he  espied  his  J" 
money ;  and,  behold,  it  was  in  the  mouth  of  his  sack.  28  And 
he  said  unto  his  brethren,  My  money  is  restored ;  and,  lo,  it  is 
even  in  my  sack  :  and  their  heart  failed  them,  and  they  turned 
trembling  one  to  another,  saying,  What  is  this  that  God  hath 
done  unto  us  ?  |  29  And  they  came  unto  Jacob  their  father  unto  E 
the  land  of  Canaan,  and  told  him  all  that  had  befallen  them ; 
saying,  30  The  man,  the  lord  of  the  land,  spake  roughly  with  us, 
and  took  us  for  spies  of  the  country.  31  And  we  said  unto  him, 
We  are  true  men  ;  we  are  no  spies  :  32  we  be  twelve  brethren, 
sons  of  our  father  ;  one  is  not,  and  the  youngest  is  this  day  with 
our  father  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  33  And  the  man,  the  lord 
of  the  land,  said  unto  us,  Hereby  shall  I  know  that  ye  are  true 
men ;  leave  one  of  your  brethren  with  me,  and  take  corn  for 
the  famine  of  your  houses,  and  go  your  Avay :  34  and  bring  your 
youngest  brother  unto  me :  then  shall  I  know  that  ye  are  no 
spies,  but  that  ye  are  true  men :  so  will  I  deliver  you  your 
brother,  and  ye  shall  traffick  in  the  land.  35  And  it  came  to 
pass  as  they  emptied  their  sacks,  that,  behold,  every  man's 
bundle  of  money  was  in  his  sack :  and  when  they  and  their 
father  saw  their  bundles  of  money,  they  were  afraid.  36  And 
Jacob  their  father  said  unto  them.  Me  have  ye  bereaved  of  my 
cliildren  :  Joseph  is  not,  and  Simeon  is  not,  and  ye  will  take 

provision  for  the  way  was  given  separately  (v.  25), — at  the  end  of  their 
journey'. 

28.  What  is  this  &c.  They  wonder  what  such  a  surprising  oc- 
currence may  portend ;  and  feel  again  the  retributive  hand  of  God. 

29—34.  Their  report  to  their  father  of  what  had  befallen  them  in 
Egypt. 

30.  took  us  for.  The  Heb.  is  peculiar,  and  probably  a  word 
("i»L^^3)  recognized  in  lxx.  (iv  (fivXaKfj)  has  dropped  out :  render  then, 
'and  put  us  in  ward  as  men  spying  the  country.' 

35.  The  discovery  of  the  money  in  their  sacks,  at  the  end  of  their 
journey,  according  to  E. 

36.  all  these  things  &c.  Upon  me  have  all  these  things  come. 
The  emphasis  is  upon  'me':  it  is  I,  the  father,  who  suffer,  not  you. 

1  The  conclusion  that  vv.  27,  28  are  from  J,  is  confirmed  by  two  independent 
indications;  (1)  'one  of  them'  is  lit.  'the  one'  (implying  others  to  follow:  J's  full 
account  of  what  happened  at  the  lodging-place  is  evidently  not  given);  (2)  'sack' 
in  vv.  27  end,  28,  is  a  peculiar  word,  'ayntnhath,  recurring  13  times  in  the  sequel  of 
J's  narrative  here  (xliii.  12,  18,  21  (twice),  22,  23,  xliv.  1  (twice),  2,  8, 11  (twice),  12), 
but  found  nowhere  else  in  the  OT, 


362  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS    [xlii.  36-XLiii.  3 

Benjamin  away :  all  these  things  are  ^against  me.  37  And  E 
Reuben  spake  unto  his  father,  saying,  Slay  my  two  sons,  if  I 
bring  him  not  to  thee:  deliver  him  into  my  hand,  and  I  will 
bring  him  to  thee  again.  |  38  And  he  said,  My  son  shall  not  go  J 
down  with  you  ;  for  his  brother  is  dead,  and  he  only  is  left :  if 
mischief  befall  him  by  the  way  in  the  which  ye  go,  then  shall  ye 
bring  down  my  gray  hairs  with  sorrow  to  ^the  grave. 

1  Or,  upon  '  Heb.  Sheol,    See  ch.  ixxvii.  35. 

37.  Reuben  at  once  steps  forward,  and  offers  his  two  sons  as  surety 
for  Benjamin's  safe  return  from  Egypt. 

38.  At  this  point  there  begins  a  long  extract  from  J,  which, 
broken  only  by  one  or  two  insertions  from  E,  extends  to  the  end  of 
ch.  xliv.* 

Chapter  XLIIL 
The  second  visit  of  Joseph's  brethren  to  Egypt. 

The  brethren  return  to  Egypt,  bringing  Benjamin  with  them.  He  is 
recognized  by  Joseph ;  and  the  whole  party  are  entertained  by  their  brother 
at  a  banquet,  at  which  Benjamin  is  specially  honoured.  The  narrative  (except 
vv.  14,  23»>)  is  that  of  J. 

XLIII.     1  And  the  famine  was  sore  in  the  land.     2  And  it  J 
came  to  pass,  when  they  had  eaten  up  the  corn  which  they  had 
brought  out  of  Egypt,  their  father  said  unto  them.  Go  again,  buy 
us  a  little  food.     3  And  Judah  spake  unto  him,  saying.  The  man 
did  solemnly  protest  unto  us,  saying.  Ye  shall  not  see  my  face, 

XLIII.  1 — 14.  By  their  father's  direction,  the  brethren  again  go 
down  into  Egypt  to  buy  corn.  Judah  prevails  upon  Jacob  to  allow 
Benjamin  to  accompany  them. 

3  ff.  Observe  that  here  it  is  Judah  who  takes  the  lead  ([contrast 
xlii.  37  in  E),  as  before  in  J  (xxxvii.  26  f);  cf.  xliv.  14  ff.,  xlvi.  28. 

3,  5.  Ye  shall  not  &c.  This  must  represent  J's  version  of  their 
first  interview  with  Joseph,  according  to  which  (cf.  xliv.  21,  23,  26) 
Joseph's  desire  is  simply  to  see  Benjamin:  in  E  (xhi.  20,  34)  Benjamin 
is  to  be  brought  as  proof  that  they  are  not  spies,  and  to  effect  Simeon's 
release. 

see  my  face.  I.e.  be  admitted  to  my  presence.  See  the  passages 
quoted  on  xxxiii.  10. 

^  For  the  grounds  upon  which  this  verse  is  referred  to  J,  see  the  footnote  on 
xliii.  14,  and  cf.  xliv.  31''  (also  J).  In  its  original  context,  the  verse  is  supposed  to 
have  been  the  reply  Kimply  to  the  announcement  that  the  brethren  would  not  be 
able  to  see  Joseph  again  without  Benjamin, 


XLiiL  3-1 1]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  35k 

except  your  brother  be  with  you.  4  If  thou  wilt  send  our  J 
brother  with  us,  we  will  go  down  and  buy  thee  food :  5  but  if 
thou  wilt  not  send  him,  we  will  not  go  down  :  for  the  man  said 
unto  us.  Ye  shall  not  see  my  face,  except  your  brother  be  with 
you.  6  And  Israel  «.dd,  Wherefore  dealt  ye  so  ill  with  me,  as 
to  teU  the  man  whether  ye  had  yet  a  brother?  7  And  they 
said,  The  man  asked  straitly  concerning  ourselves,  and  con- 
cerning our  kindred,  saying,  Is  your  father  yet  alive?  have  ye 
another  brother?  and  we  told  him  according  to  the  tenor  of 
these  words :  could  we  in  any  wise  know  that  he  would  say, 
Bring  your  brother  down?  8  And  Judah  said  unto  Israel  his 
father.  Send  the  lad  with  me,  and  we  will  arise  and  go  ;  that  we 
may  live,  and  not  die,  both  we,  and  thou,  and  also  our  little  ones. 
9  I  will  be  surety  for  him  ;  of  my  hand  shalt  thou  require  him  : 
if  I  bring  him  not  unto  thee,  and  set  him  before  thee,  then  ^let 
me  bear  the  blame  for  ever :  10  for  except  we  had  lingered, 
surely  we  had  now  returned  a  second  time.  11  And  their  father 
Israel  said  unto  them.  If  it  be  so  now,  do  this ;  take  of  the  choice 
fruits  of  the  land  in  your  vessels,  and  carry  down  the  man  a 
present,  a  little  ^balm,  and  a  little  honey,  spicery  and  myrrh, 

*  Heb.  I  shall  have  sinned  against  thee  for  ever.  '  See  oh.  xxxvii.  25. 

6.  Israel.  The  predominant  (though  not  exclusive)  name  of  the 
patriarch  in  J  after  xxxv.  21.     Cf.  v.  8. 

7.  Another  indication  (cf.  xliv.  19)  that  J's  version  of  their  first 
interview  with  Joseph  must  have  diflfered  from  that  of  E :  in  E  (xHi. 
13,  cf.  32)  the  information  that  they  had  a  father  and  brother  living 
was  not  given  in  reply  to  any  question  on  Joseph's  part,  but  volunteered 
by  them  to  meet  the  charge  of  being  spies. 

8 — 10.  Judah  now  makes  an  oflfer  similar  to  the  one  made  by 
Reuben  in  xhi.  37  (E). 

9.  For  the  marg.,  cf.  1  K.  i.  21  (RVm.),  Is.  zxix.  21  (Heb.).  So 
xhv.  32. 

11,  The  father  yields  to  the  inevitable;  but  bids  them,  in  true 
Eastern  fashion,  take  a  present  to  win,  if  possible,  the  favour  of  the 
great  man  of  the  land. 

choice  fruits.  The  Heb.  word  occurs  only  here,  and  its  meaning  is 
uncertain.  The  corresponding  root  in  Aram,  signifies  to  wonder;  so 
perhaps  it  may  mean  admirable  or  estimable  things,  of  which  'choice 
fruits'  is  a  fair  paraphrase. 

honej/.  Heb.  d^bash, — here,  probably,  as  also  Ez.  xxvii.  17,  grape 
juice,  boiled  down  to  a  dark  golden-brown  syrup,  intensely  sweet,  which 

D.  23 


354  THE  BOOK  OF  GEISHESIS         [xliii.  11-16 

^nuts,  and  almonds  :    12  and  take  double  money  in  your  hand  ;  J 
and  the  money  that  was  returned  in  the  mouth  of  your  sacks 
carry  again  in  your  hand ;  peradventure  it  was  an  oversight : 

13  take  also  your  brother,  and  arise,  go  again  unto  the  man  :  j 

14  and  ^God  Almighty  give  you  mercy  before  the  man,  that  he  E 
may  release  unto  you  your  other  brother  and  Benjamin.    And  if 

I  be  bereaved  of  my  children,  I  am  bereaved. 

15   And  the  men  took  that  present,  and  they  took  double  J 
money  in  their  hand,  and  Benjamin ;   and  rose  up,  and  went 
down  to  Egypt,  and  stood  before  Joseph.     16  And  when  Joseph 
saw  Benjamin  with  them,  he  said  to  the  steward  of  his  house, 

^  That  is,  pistachio  nuts.  ^  Heb.  El  Shaddai. 

nnder  the  name  of  dibs  is  much  used  in  Palestine  by  all  classes 
wherever  vineyards  are  found,  as  a  condiment  to  their  food  (Rob.  n.  81, 
cf  m.  381;  L.  and  B.  i.  279;  DB.  11.  32";  JE^icB.  11.  2015). 

spicery  and  myrrh.  Gum  tragacanth  and  ladanum.  See  on 
xxxvii.  25. 

pistachio  nuts.     Still  esteemed  as  a  delicacy  in  the  East. 

14.  From  E\  On  God  Almighty  (Heb.  El  Shaddai),  see  on 
xvii.  1,  and  p.  404  fF. 

And  if  &c.  I.e.  If  I  must  lose  my  children,  let  it  be  so :  an  ex- 
pression of  resignation.     Cf  Esth.  iv.  16 ;  2  K.  vii.  4  end. 

15 — 17.  The  brethren  appear  before  Joseph,  who,  when  he  sees 
Benjamin  among  them,  and  learns  thus  that  they  have  spoken  the 
truth,  is  ready  to  shew  them  friendliness,  and  invites  them  to  a  meal 
in  his  house. 

15.  stood  before  Joseph.  Viz.  in  his  place  of  business,  or,  as  we 
might  say,  his  'office.'  The  'house'  spoken  of  afterwards  is  his  private 
residence. 

16.  the  steward  of  his  house.  Lit.  him  that  was  over  his  home.  So 
».  19,  xHv.  1,  4 :  cf  on  xxxix.  4  and  xli.  40^ 

^  In  xlii.  13 — 24,  33 — 37  the  detention  of  Simeon  is  an  essential  feature  in  the 
narrative ;  but  in  xlii.  38 — xliii.  10,  aud  again  in  xliv.  18 — 34,  there  is  entire 
silence  respecting  him ;  his  release  is  not  one  of  the  objects  for  which  the  brethren 
return  to  Egypt.  Had  the  whole  narrative  been  by  one  hand,  the  non-mention  of 
Simeon  in  the  parts  of  chs.  xlii. — xliv.  just  referred  to,  would  have  been  hardly 
possible.  It  is  inferred  that  the  writer  of  xlii.  38 — xliii.  10,  and  of  xliv.  18 — 34 
(i.e.  J),  in  his  account  of  the  first  visit  of  the  brethren  to  Egypt,  made  no  viention- 
of  the  detention  of  Simeon ;  and  that  the  notices  of  Simeon  in  xliii.  14,  23'',  are 
harmonizing  passages,  introduced  into  it  from  the  parallel  narrative  of  E. 

^  The  town  house  of  a  wealthy  Egyptian  was  commonly  on  a  large  scale :  it  had 
(at  least  in  the  18th  dyn.)  a  great  vestibule  with  an  ante-room  for  the  porter;  then 
came  the  large  dining-hall,  the  principal  room  in  the  whole  house ;  beyond  this  was 
a  small  court,  with  the  sleeping  apartment  of  the  master  on  one  side,  and  the 
kitchen  and  store-room  on  the  other ;  and  still  further  beyond  came  the  house  for 
the  women  and  the  garden.    The  rooms  weie  well  furnished  with  atUsticftlly  made 


XLiii.  16-.4]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  366 

Bring  the  men  into  the  house,  and  slay,  and  make  ready ;  for  J 
the  men  shall  dine  with  me  at  noon.  17  And  the  man  did  as 
Joseph  bade ;  and  the  man  brought  the  men  into  Joseph's 
house.  18  And  the  men  were  afraid,  because  they  were  brought 
into  Joseph's  house  ;  and  they  said,  Because  of  the  money  that 
was  returned  in  our  sacks  at  the  first  time  are  we  brought  in  ; 
that  he  may  ^seek  occasion  against  us,  and  fall  upon  us,  and 
take  us  for  bondmen,  and  our  asses.  19  And  they  came  near  to 
the  ste^\'ard  of  Joseph's  house,  and  they  spake  unto  him  at  the 
door  of  the  house,  20  and  said.  Oh  my  lord,  we  came  indeed 
down  at  the  first  time  to  buy  food :  21  and  it  came  to  pass, 
when  we  came  to  the  lodging  place,  that  we  opened  our  sacks, 
and,  behold,  every  man's  money  was  in  the  mouth  of  his  sack, 
our  money  in  full  weight :  and  we  have  brought  it  again  in  our 
hand.  22  And  other  money  have  we  brought  down  in  our  hand 
to  buy  food :  we  know  not  who  put  our  money  in  our  sacks. 

23  And  he  said,  Peace  be  to  you,  fear  not :  your  God,  and  the 
God  of  your  father,  hath  given  you  treasure  in  your  sacks  :  I 
had  your  money.     [And  he  brought  Simeon  out  unto  them.]  R 

24  And  the  man  brought  the  men  into  Joseph's  house,  and  gave  j 

^  Heb.  roll  himself  upon  us. 

18 — 23.  Alarmed  at  this  unexpected  honour,  they  describe  to 
Joseph's  steward,  before  entering  the  house,  their  discovery  of  the 
money  in  their  sacks,  and  explain  that  it  was  returned  to  them  entirely 
without  their  knowledge. 

18.  was  returned.  More  exactly,  came  hack, — *as  though  some 
chance  agency  had  operated  against  them'  (Kn.). 

take  us  for  bondmen.     Like  detected  thieves  (Ex,  xxii.  3). 

21.     to  the  lodging  place.     In  accordance  with  xlii.  27  f. 

in  full  weight  (ht.  in  its  weight).  Egyptian  money  consisted  of 
rings  of  gold,  which  were  weighed  by  scribes  who  made  this  their 
business  (Erman,  464).  However,  the  practice  of  'weighing'  money 
was  usual  also  among  the  Hebrews,  even  to  quite  a  late  date  (see 
on  xxiii.  16). 

23.  The  steward  reassures  them.  Their  money,  he  says,  came 
to  me;  what  they  had  found  must  consequently  have  been  other 
money  bestowed  upon  them  by  the  tutelary  deity  of  their  family. 

And  he  brought  &c.     See  the  footnote,  p.  354. 

24  f     Their  preparations  for  meeting  Joseph. 

chairs,  sofas,  ruga  &c.,  and  hangings  for  the  walls;  and  there  were  numerous 
dependents,  superintending  the  different  departments  of  the  establishment,  bakery, 
kitohen,  sideboard  (we  should  say,  cellar),  &c.  (Erman,  153,  177 — 188). 

23—2 


356  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xliil  44-33 

them  water,  and  they  washed  their  feet ;  and  he  gave  their  asses  J 
provender.  25  And  they  made  ready  the  present  against  Joseph 
came  at  noon  :  for  they  heard  that  they  should  eat  bread  there. 
26  And  when  Joseph  came  home,  they  brought  him  the  present 
which  was  in  their  hand  into  the  house,  and  bowed  down  them- 
selves to  him  to  the  earth.  27  And  he  asked  them  of  their 
welfare,  and  said,  Is  your  father  well,  the  old  man  of  whom  ye 
spake?  Is  he  yet  alive?  28  And  they  said,  Thy  servant  our 
father  is  well,  he  is  yet  alive.  And  they  bowed  the  head,  and 
made  obeisance.  29  And  he  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  saw  Benjamin 
his  brother,  his  mother's  son,  and  said,  Is  this  your  youngest 
brother,  of  whom  ye  spake  unto  me?  And  he  said,  God  be 
gracious  unto  thee,  my  son.  30  And  Joseph  made  haste ;  for 
his  bowels  did  yearn  upon  his  brother :  and  he  sought  where 
to  weep  ;  and  he  entered  into  his  chamber,  and  wept  thei'e. 
31  And  he  washed  his  face,  and  came  out;  and  he  refrained 
himself,  and  said.  Set  on  bread.  32  And  they  set  on  for  him  by 
himself,  and  for  them  by  themselves,  and  for  the  Egyptians, 
which  did  eat  with  him,  by  themselves :  because  the  Egyptians 
might  not  eat  bread  with  the  Hebrews  ;  for  that  is  an  abomina- 
tion unto  the  Egyptians.    33   And  they  sat  before  him,  the 

26 — 30.  The  meeting  with  Joseph.  Joseph's  emotion  at  seeing  and 
being  again  able  to  converse  with  Benjamin. 

26.  bowed  down  themselves.  A  second  time  (cf.  xhi.  6)  fulfilling 
the  omen  of  the  dreams  (xxxvii.  7 — 9). 

30.     made  haste.     Viz.  to  close  the  conversation  and  retire. 

did  yearn.     Cf.  1  K.  iii.  26;  Hos.  xi.  8  (Heb.). 

31 — 34.  The  meal  with  Joseph.  The  brethren's  surprise  to  find 
themselves  seated  according  to  their  ages;  and  the  honour  shewn  to 
Benjamin.  At  Egyptian  feasts  the  guests  did  not  sit  round  a  table, 
a,s  with  us :  they  were  anointed  and  wreathed  with  flowers  by  attendants, 
and  sat  on  rows  of  chairs  facing  a  sideboard;  the  viands,  interspersed 
with  rich  floral  decorations,  were  arranged  on  this,  and  carried  round 
to  them  by  servants:  musicians,  with  harps,  lutes,  or  flutes,  and 
dancing  girls,  were  also  regularly  in  attendance  (Erman,  pp.  193,  250 — 
255 ;  W.-B.  I.  425  flf.). 

because  &c.  On  account  of  the  exclusiveness  with  which  the 
Egyptians  viewed  foreigners,  especially  such  as  had  no  regard  for  their 
religious  scruples:  thus,  as  Hdt.  (11.  41)  tells  us,  they  would  not  use 
the  knife  or  cooking  utensil  of  a  Greek,  because  it  might  have  been 
employed  in  preparing  food  from  the  flesh  of  a  cow,  which  was  sacred 
to  I  sis. 


XLiii.  33-XLiv.  3j    THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  367 

firstborn  according  to  his  birthright,  and  the  youngest  according  J 
to  his  youth :  and  the  men  marvelled  one  with  another.    34  And 
^he  took  and  sent  messes  unto  them  from  before  him :   but 
Benjamin's  mess  was  five  times  so  much  as  any  of  theirs.    And 
they  drank,  and  ^were  merry  with  him. 

*  Or,  messes  were  taken  '  Heb.  drank  largely. 

34.     And  messes  were  taken :  constr,  as  xlviii.  2  (G.-K.  §  144*). 

messes.  I.e.  honorary  portions  (properly,  something  taken  from  the 
table),  sent,  as  a  mark  of  attention,  to  guests  whom  it  was  desired  to 
honour.     Cf.  2  S.  xi.  8;  also  iZ.  vn.  321;  Od.  rv.  65  f.,  xiv.  437. 

were  merry.  The  Heb.  word  is  the  one  which  is  regularly  rendered 
to  be  drunken,  and  generally  (e.g.  ch.  ix.  21)  is  so  used  as  certainly 
to  imply  that  meaning.  In  itself,  however,  it  may  not  have  denoted 
more  than  drink  largely  (RVm.):  cf.  the  other  two  passages  in  which 
EW.  render  similarly,  Cant.  v.  1  ('Drink,  yea,  drink  abundantly'). 
Hag.  i,  6  ('  Ye  drink,  but  ye  are  not  filled  with  drink');  also  fjudvaOwcriv 
in  John  ii.  10. 

Chapter  XLIV. 

Joseph,  by  arranging  for  Benjamin  to  he  suspected  unjustly 
of  theft,  tests  still  further  the  sincerity  and  disinterested- 
ness of  his  brethren. 

The  brethren,  upon  leaving  Egypt,  have  their  money  again  returned  to 
them,  Joseph's  cup  being  at  the  same  time  placed  in  Benjamin's  sack.  They 
are  recalled,  and  brought  before  Joseph.  Judah,  speaking  first  in  the  name 
of  the  brethren  generally,  admits  that  it  is  a  just  retribution  which  has  be- 
fallen them  {v.  16) ;  and  afterwards  (v.  18  fi".),  speaking  in  his  own  name,  makes 
an  eloquent  intercession  on  Benjamin's  behalf,  offering  to  remain  himself  in 
servitude  in  his  stead.    The  narrative  is  throughout  that  of  J. 

XLIV.  1  And  he  commanded  the  steward  of  his  house,  J 
saying,  Fill  the  men's  sacks  with  food,  as  much  as  they  can 
carry,  and  put  every  man's  money  in  his  sack's  mouth.  2  And 
put  my  cup,  the  silver  cup,  in  the  sack's  mouth  of  the  youngest, 
and  his  corn  money.  And  he  did  according  to  the  word  that 
Joseph  had  spoken.     3  As  soon  as  the  morning  was  light,  the 

XLIV.  1,  2.  Joseph's  device  for  still  further  testing  (see  xHi. 
15  f.,  20)  the  sincerity  of  his  brethren. 

2.     cup.     Better,  goblet:  in  Jer.  xxxv.  5  rendered  bowl. 

3 — 10.  Joseph's  steward  overtakes  them,  and  taxes  them  with  the 
theft  of  the  cup.  Their  consciences  being  clear,  they  voluntarily  offer 
the  ofi'ender  to  justice. 


358  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xliv.  3-14 

men  were  sent  away,  they  and  their  asses.  4  And  when  they  J 
were  gone  out  of  the  city,  and  were  not  yet  far  off,  Joseph  said 
unto  his  steward,  Up,  follow  after  the  men ;  and  when  thou  dost 
overtake  them,  say  unto  them.  Wherefore  have  ye  rewarded  evil 
for  good?  5  Is  not  this  it  in  which  my  lord  drinketh,  and 
whereby  he  indeed  divineth?   ye  have  done  evil  in  so  doing. 

6  And  he  overtook  them,  and  he  spake  unto  them  these  words. 

7  And  they  said  unto  him.  Wherefore  speaketh  my  lord  such 
words  as  these  ?  God  forbid  that  thy  servants  should  do  such  a 
thing.  8  Behold,  the  money,  which  we  found  in  our  sacks' 
mouths,  we  brought  again  unto  thee  out  of  the  land  of  Canaan  : 
how  then  should  we  steal  out  of  thy  lord's  house  silver  or  gold  ? 
9  With  whomsoever  of  thy  servants  it  be  found,  let  him  die,  and 
we  also  will  be  my  lord's  bondmen.  10  And  he  said.  Now  also 
let  it  be  according  unto  your  words  :  he  with  whom  it  is  found 
shall  be  my  bondman ;  and  ye  shaU  be  blameless.  11  Then 
they  hasted,  and  took  down  every  man  his  sack  to  the  ground, 
and  opened  every  man  his  sack.  12  And  he  searched,  and 
began  at  the  eldest,  and  left  at  the  youngest :  and  the  cup  was 
found  in  Benjamin's  sack.  13  Then  they  rent  their  clothes,  and 
laded  every  man  his  ass,  and  returned  to  the  city.     14  And 

5.  wh&reby  he  indeed  divineth.  The  allusion  is  to  the  method  of 
divination  called  hydromancy :  water  was  poured  into  a  glass  or  other 
vessel,  pieces  of  gold,  silver,  or  precious  stones  were  then  thrown  inl- 
and from  the  movements  of  the  water,  or  the  figures  which  appeared 
in  it  afterwards,  the  unknown  was  divined.  There  were  also  other 
methods.  See  lamblichus,  de  Myst.  m.  14;  Strab.  xvi.  39  (practised  in 
Persia) ;  Aug.  Civ.  Dei  vn.  35.  Travellers  in  modern  times  have  de- 
scribed similar  means  of  divination  as  being  still  resorted  to  in  Eg3^t'. 

10.  The  steward  accepts  less  than  they  offer:  he  asks  only  for 
the  guilty  one  to  be  given  up,  and  that  not  for  death,  but  only  for 
servitude. 

11 — 13.  Their  dismay  and  despair,  when  the  cup  is  found  in 
Benjamin's  sack. 

1  Norden  (quoted  by  Kn.),  whose  Travels  were  published  in  1752 — 5,  relates  that 
when  he  and  his  party  sent  their  firman  to  a  local  dignitary  in  Egypt,  they  were 
met  with  the  reply,  'The  firman  of  the  Porte  is  nothing  to  me.  I  have  consulted  my 
cup,  and  I  find  you  are  Franks  in  disguise,  who  have  come  to  spy  out  the  land.'  And 
Lane  (Mod.  Eg.  i.  337  ff.)  mentions  a  '  magic  mirror '  of  ink  :  in  order  to  discover 
the  author  of  a  theft,  ink  was  poui-ed  by  a  magician  into  a  boy's  palm ;  he  was 
duected  to  look  into  it  stedfastly,  and  at  last  declared  that  he  saw  in  it  the  image 
of  a  person,  who  proved  to  be  the  thief.    See  also  Wade,  OT.  Hist.  p.  81. 


XLiv.  u-io]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  359 

Judah  and  his  brethren  came  to  Joseph's  house ;  and  he  was  J 
yet  there :  and  they  fell  before  him  on  the  ground.  15  And 
Joseph  said  unto  them,  What  deed  is  this  that  ye  have  done? 
know  ye  not  that  such  a  man  as  I  can  indeed  divine  ?  16  And 
Judah  said,  What  shall  we  say  unto  my  lord?  what  shall  we 
speak?  or  how  shall  we  clear  ourselves?  God  hath  found  out 
the  iniquity  of  thy  servants :  behold,  we  are  my  lord's  bondmen, 
both  we,  and  he  also  in  whose  hand  the  cup  is  found.  17  And 
he  said,  God  forbid  that  I  should  do  so  :  the  man  in  whose  hand 
the  cup  is  found,  he  shall  be  my  bondman  ;  but  as  for  you,  get 
you  up  in  peace  unto  your  father. 

18  Then  Judah  came  near  unto  him,  and  said.  Oh  my  lord, 
let  thy  servant,  I  pray  thee,  speak  a  word  in  my  lord's  ears,  and 
let  not  thine  anger  burn  against  thy  servant :  for  thou  art  even 
as  Pharaoh.  19  My  lord  asked  his  servants,  saying,  Have  ye  a 
father,  or  a  brother  ?  20  And  we  said  unto  my  lord.  We  have  a 
father,  an  old  man,  and  a  child  of  his  old  age,  a  little  one  ;  and 


14,  15.  Joseph,  with  affected  indignation,  reproaches  them  for 
what  they  have  done. 

15,  such  a  man  as  I  &c.  Cannot  a  man  such  as  I  am,  initiated 
into  the  wisdom  of  Egypt,  divine,  and  so  discover  the  thief  ? 

16,  17.  Judah,  speaking  on  behalf  of  the  brethren  generally, 
attempts  no  excuse,  for  the  facts  seem  to  allow  of  none :  it  is  a  just 
retribution  which  has  befallen  them  (cf.  xhi.  21  in  E);  they  will  all 
remain  bondmen  in  Egypt.  But  Joseph  presses  his  advantage  home; 
and  in  order  to  make  them  feel  their  position  the  more  keenly,  declares 
that  he  will  retain  Benjamin  alone. 

17,  get  you  up.    Viz.  into  Canaan :  cf.  w.  24, 33,  34,  and  on  xii.  10. 
18 — 34.     Judah  now  steps  forward,  and  in  a  speech  of  singular 

pathos  and  beauty,  remarkable  not  less  for  grace  and  persuasive 
eloquence  than  for  frankness  and  generosity,  makes  a  personal  appeal 
on  Benjamin's  behalf:  explaining  how  all  had  happened  from  the 
beginning,  he  entreats  Joseph  to  have  compassion  on  the  feelings  of 
an  aged  father,  and  to  allow  him  to  remain  as  bondman  himself  in  his 
brother's  stead.  Judah's  representation  of  what  had  occurred  differs 
in  some  details  from  that  given  by  E  in  xlii.  1 — 37,  and  enables  us  to 
reconstruct  what  must  have  been  J's  version  of  it. 

18,  for  thou  art  even  as  Pharaoh.  Justifying  the  deferential  tone 
of  the  preceding  words:  he  is  aware  of  the  greatness  of  his  request, 
for  Joseph  is  like  the  king  in  authority  and  dignity. 

19  f  My  lord  asked  &c.  In  agreement  with  J's  representation  in 
xliii.  7  (where  see  the  note). 


360  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xLiv.  20-31 

his  brother  is  dead,  and  he  alone  is  left  of  his  mother,  and  his  J 
father  loveth  him.  21  And  thou  saidst  unto  thy  servants,  Bring 
him  down  unto  me,  that  I  may  set  mine  eyes  upon  him.  22  And 
we  said  unto  my  lord,  The  lad  cannot  leave  his  father  :  for  if  he 
should  leave  his  father,  his  father  would  die.  23  And  thou 
saidst  unto  thy  servants.  Except  your  youngest  brother  come 
down  with  you,  ye  shall  see  my  face  no  more.  24  And  it  came 
to  pass  when  we  came  up  unto  thy  servant  my  father,  we  told 
him  the  words  of  my  lord.  25  And  our  father  said.  Go  again, 
buy  us  a  little  food.  26  And  we  said,  We  cannot  go  doAvn :  if 
our  youngest  brother  be  with  us,  then  will  we  go  down  :  for  we 
may  not  see  the  man's  face,  except  our  youngest  brother  be 
with  us.  27  And  thy  servant  my  father  said  unto  us,  Ye  know 
that  my  wife  bare  me  two  sons  :  28  and  the  one  went  out  from 
me,  and  I  said.  Surely  he  is  torn  in  pieces  ;  and  I  have  not  seen 
him  since :  29  and  if  ye  take  this  one  also  from  me,  and  mischief 
befall  him,  ye  shall  bring  down  my  gray  hairs  with  ^sorrow  to 
^the  grave.  30  Now  therefore  when  I  come  to  thy  servant  my 
father,  and  the  lad  be  not  with  us;  seeing  that  ^his  life  is  bound 
up  in  the  lad's  life;  31  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when  he  seeth  that 
the  lad  is  not  with  us,  that  he  will  die  :  and  thy  servants  shall 
bring  down  the  gray  hairs  of  thy  servant  our  father  with  sorrow 
to  ^the  grave.     32  For  thy  servant  became  surety  for  the  lad 

*  Heb.  evil.  *  Heb.  Sheol,    See  ch.  ixxvii.  35.  *  Or,  his  soul  it  knit 

with  the  lad's  soul    See  1  Sam.  xviii.  1. 

20.  his  brother  is  dead  &c.     Cf.  xlii.  38  (J). 

21.  thai  I  may  set  mine  eyes  upon  him.  The  expression  suggests 
the  idea  of  noticing  favourably,  taking  under  one's  protection :  cf.  Jer. 
xxxix.  12,  xl.  4  Heb.  (EVV.  'look  well  to').  Judah  very  cleverly 
interprets  Joseph's  desire  to  see  Benjamin  as  indicating  a  favourable 
disposition  towards  him. 

22.  Not  so  stated  in  ch.  xlii.  (E). 

23 — 26.     In  agreement  with  xliii.  3 — 5  (J).     See  on  xliii.  3. 
27—29.     See  xxxvii.  33  and  xlii.  38  (both  J). 

29.  sorrow.    Heb.  evil,  i.e.  misfortune,  trouble.    Not  as  in  xlii.  38. 

30.  seeing  &c.  The  Heb.  nephesh  ('soul')  may  denote  either  (on 
i.  20,  ix.  4)  the  principle  of  life  (RV.;,  or  (on  xii.  14:  cf.  Parallel 
Psalter,  p.  459  f.)  the  seat  of  feeling  and  affection  (RVm.):  the  latter 
sense  is  the  more  probable  here. 

31.  with  sorrow.     The  same  word  as  in  xlii.  38. 

32.  became  surety  &c.     See  xliii.  9.     The  words  give  here  the 


XLiv.  32-XLV.  4]    THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  361 

unto  my  father,  saying,  If  I  bring  him  not  unto  thee,  then  shall  j 
I  bear  the  blame  to  my  father  for  ever.  33  Now  therefore,  let 
thy  servant,  I  pray  thee,  abide  instead  of  the  lad  a  bondman  to 
my  lord  ;  and  let  the  lad  go  up  with  his  brethren.  34  For  how 
shall  I  go  up  to  my  father,  and  the  lad  be  not  with  me  ?  lest  I 
see  the  evil  that  shaU  come  on  my  father. 

reason  why  Jacob  relies  upon  Benjamin's  safe  return,  and  why  also 
Judah  makes  this  appeal  on  his  behalf. 

hewr  the  blame.     See  on  xliii.  9. 

33  f,  Judah's  final  appeal,  to  be  allowed  to  remain  as  a  slave  in 
Benjamin's  place. 


Chapter  XLV. 
Joseph  makes  himself  known  to  his  brethren. 

Overcome  by  the  force  and  pathos  of  Judah's  words,  and  convinced  at  last 
of  his  brethren's  altered  mind,  Joseph  discloses  himself  to  them.  For  a  while, 
they  cannot  answer  him :  but  he  encourages  them,  and  allays  their  fears :  in 
what  they  have  done,  they  have  been,  after  all,  the  unconscious  iustrmnents  of 
Providence ;  he  has  been  sent  before  them  of  God  to  '  preserve  life.'  And  he 
sends  an  affectionate  message  to  his  father,  to  come  and  settle  in  Egypt,  and 
be  supported  by  him  there.  The  Pharaoh,  also,  hearing  that  Joseph's  brethren 
were  with  him,  sends  an  invitation  to  the  same  effect  {vv.  17 — 20).  The  narra- 
tive, except  in  a  few  isolated  clauses,  returns  now  to  B. 

XLV.  1  Then  Joseph  could  not  refrain  himself  before  aU  B 
them  that  stood  by  him  ;  and  he  cried,  Cause  every  man  to  go 
out  from  me.  And  there  stood  no  man  with  him,  while  Joseph 
made  himself  knovm  unto  his  brethren.  2  And  he  ^wept  aloud: 
and  the  Egyptians  heard,  and  the  house  of  Pharaoh  heard. 
3  And  Joseph  said  unto  his  brethren,  I  am  Joseph ;  doth  my 
father  yet  Uve  ?  And  his  brethren  could  not  answer  him ;  for 
they  were  troubled  at  his  presence.    4  And  Joseph  said  unto 

^  Heb.  gave  forth  his  voice  in  weeping. 

XLV.     1 — 3.     Joseph  makes  himself  known  to  his  brethren. 

1.     could  not  refrain  himself.     Contrast  xliii.  31. 

3.  doth  my  father  yet  live  ?  The  question  was  no  doubt  a  natural 
one  in  the  context  of  E:  according  to  J  (xliii.  26  f.,  xliv.  24 — 34) 
Joseph  had  just  been  told  that  his  father  was  living. 

troubled.    Dismayed :  Is.  xxi.  3 ;  Jer.  h.  32  (EVV.  ' are  affrighted'). 

4 — 8.    Joseph  reassures  them. 


362  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlv.  4-" 

his  brethren,  Come  near  to  me,  I  pray  you.     And  they  came  E 
near.     And  he  said,  1  am  Joseph  your  brother,  [whom  ye  sold  JR 
into  Egypt.]     6  And  now  be  not  grieved,  nor  angry  with  your-  E 
selves,  [that  ye  sold  me  hither :]  for  God  did  send  me  before  JR 
you  to  preserve  life.     6  For  these  two  years  hath  the  famine 
been  in  the  land :  and  there  are  yet  five  years,  in  the  which 
there  shall  be  neither  plowing  nor  harvest.    7  And  God  sent  me 
before  you  to  preserve  you  a  remnant  in  the  earth,  and  to  save 
you  alive  ^by  a  great  deliverance.     8   So  now  it  was  not  you 
that  sent  me  hither,  but  God  :  and  he  hath  made  me  a  father  to 
Pharaoh,  and  lord  of  all  his  house,  and  ruler  over  all  the  land  of 
Egypt.     9  Haste  ye,  and  go  up  to  my  father,  and  say  unto  him. 
Thus  saith  thy  son  Joseph,  God  hath  made  me  lord  of  all  Egypt : 
come  down  unto  me,  tarry  not :    10  [and  thou  shalt  dwell  in  the  J 
land  of  Goshen,]  and  thou  shalt  be  near  unto  me,  thou,  and  thy  E 
children,  and  thy  childi'en's  children,  and  thy  flocks,  and  thy 
herds,  and  all  that  thou  hast:    11  and  there  will  I  nourish  thee; 
for  there  are  yet  five  years  of  famine ;  lest  thou  come  to  poverty, 
thou,  and  thy  household,  and  all  that  thou  hast.     12  And,  behold, 
your  eyes  see,  and  the  eyes  of  my  brother  Benjamin,  that  it  is  my 

*  Or,  to  he  a  great  company  that  escape 

4*,  5''.  Two  insertions  from  the  narrative  of  J,  which  alone  has 
described  the  brethren  as  selling  Joseph  (xxxvii.  27,  28''). 

5.  for  God  &c.  They  are  to  recognize  a  providential  purpose  in 
what  had  been  done.     Cf.  w.  7,  8,  1.  20 :  also  Ps.  cv.  1 7. 

7.  to  give  you  a  remnant.     I.e.  to  leave  you  descendants :  cf.  2  S. 
xiv.  7  (*  so  as  not  to  give  my  husband  name  or  remnant');  Jer.  xliv.  7 
('to  leave  you  no  remnant').    The  foil,  clause  is  difficult;  but  probably 
the  best  rend,  is,  to  save  you  alive  for  a  g7-eat  escaping  -.  cf.  xxxii.  8       J 
(where  '  shall  escape'  is  lit.  '  shall  he  for  an  escaping').  \ 

8.  a  father.  Fig.  for  beneficent  adviser  and  administrator :  see 
Is.  xxii.  21 ;  and  cf.  Rest  of  Esther  xiii.  6  [  =  the  second  place  in  the 
kingdom,  v.  3],  xvi.  11;  1  Mace.  xi.  32.  Ges.  compares  also  Atdbek, 
'chief  father,'  a  Turkish  title  for  principal  minister  or  vizier^ 

lord  of  all  his  house.     Cf.  xh.  40. 

9 — 13.     Joseph's  invitation  to  his  father. 

10.     the  land  of  Goshen.     See  on  xlvi.  28". 

1  On  Brugsch's  supposition  that  'father'  and  'lord'  (v.  9)  are  Egyptian  titles, 
see  DB.  n.  774. 

*  The  clause  is  referred  to  J,  because  it  is  presupposed  in  xlvi.  28'  (also  J),  and 
because  it  is  only  J  who  speaks  elsewhere  of  the  Israelites  as  d'.velling  apart  in 
Goshen,  xlvi.  28^  29,  34,  xlvu.  1,  4,  6,  27,  1.  8 ;  Ex.  viii.  22,  ix.  26  (cf.  p.  332). 


XLV.  n-73]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  363 

mouth  that  speaketh  unto  you.  13  And  ye  shall  tell  my  father  E 
of  all  my  glory  in  Egypt,  and  of  all  that  ye  have  seen ;  and  ye 
shall  haste  and  bring  down  my  father  hither.  14  And  he  fell 
upon  his  brother  Benjamin's  neck,  and  wept ;  and  Benjamin 
wept  upon  his  neck.  15  And  he  kissed  all  his  brethren,  and 
wept  upon  them :  and  after  that  his  brethren  talked  with  him. 

16  And  the  fame  thereof  was  heard  in  Pharaoh's  house, 
saying,  Joseph's  brethren  are  come :  and  it  pleased  Pharaoh 
well,  and  his  servants.  17  And  Pharaoh  said  unto  Joseph,  Say 
unto  thy  brethren.  This  do  ye ;  lade  your  beasts,  and  go,  get  you 
unto  the  land  of  Canaan ;  18  and  take  your  father  and  your 
households,  and  come  unto  me  :  and  I  will  give  you  the  good  of 
the  land  of  Egypt,  and  ye  shall  eat  the  fat  of  the  land.  19  Now 
thou  art  commanded,  this  do  ye ;  take  you  wagons  out  of  the 
land  of  Egypt  for  your  little  ones,  and  for  your  wives,  and  bring 
your  father,  and  come.  20  Also  regard  not  your  stuff ;  for  the 
good  of  all  the  land  of  Egypt  is  yours.  21  And  the  sons  of 
Israel  did  so :  and  Joseph  gave  them  wagons,  according  to  the 
commandment  of  Pharaoh,  and  gave  them  provision  for  the 
way.  22  To  all  of  them  he  gave  each  man  changes  of  raiment ; 
but  to  Benjamin  he  gave  three  hundred  pieces  of  silver,  and  five 
changes  of  raiment  23  And  to  his  father  he  sent  after  this 
manner ;  ten  asses  laden  with  the  good  things  of  Egypt,  and 

14  f.  Now  that  Joseph  has  made  his  brethren  comprehend  the 
situation,  the  actual  greeting  takes  place,  Benjamin  receiving  the  first 
and  warmest  welcome. 

16 — 20.  The  Pharaoh  sends  Jacob  a  similar  invitation,  and  autho- 
rizes Joseph  to  send  wagons  from  Egypt  for  the  conveyance  of  his 
father  and  his  family. 

18.  the  good.  I.e.  the  good  things,  as  r.  23;  Dt.  vi.  11;  2  K. 
viii.  9. 

20.  regard  not.  Lit.  let  not  ycywr  em  pity  (Dt.  vii.  16,  xiii.  8,  a/.) : 
i.e.  do  not  trouble  about  your  household  furniture;  do  not  have  regrets 
at  leaving  it  behind. 

21 — 24.  Joseph  dismisses  his  brethren,  with  presents  both  for 
themselves  and  for  their  father. 

22,  changes  of  raiment.  I.e.  superior  apparel,  to  be  exchanged  for 
the  ordinary  dress  on  festal  occasions, — still  a  common  form  of  present 
in  the  East.     So  Jud.  xiv.  12  f,  19;  2  K.  v.  5,  22  f. 

pieces.     Shekels:  cf.  on  xxiii.  15,     About  £42. 

23.  after  this  manner.    In  like  manner;  i.e.  also  as  presents. 


364  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS    [xlv.  23-XLVi.  3 

ten  she-asses  laden  with  corn  and  bread  and  victual  for  his  E 
father  by  the  way.  24  So  he  sent  his  brethren  away,  and  they 
departed :  and  he  said  unto  them,  See  that  ye  fall  not  out  by 
the  way.  25  And  they  went  up  out  of  Egypt,  and  came  into 
the  land  of  Canaan  unto  Jacob  their  father.  26  And  they  told 
him,  saying,  Joseph  is  yet  alive,  and  he  is  ruler  over  all  the  land 
of  Egypt.    And  his  heart  fainted,  for  he  believed  them  not. 

27  And  they  told  him  all  the  words  of  Joseph,  which  he  had 
said  unto  them :  and  when  he  saw  the  wagons  which  Joseph 
had  sent  to  carry  him,  the  spirit  of  Jacob  their  father  revived : 

28  and  Israel  said,  It  is  enough ;  Joseph  my  son  is  yet  alive : 
I  wiU  go  and  see  him  before  I  die. 

24.  See  that  ye  fall  not  out.  More  exactly,  Be  not  disturbed 
or  angry  (Ps.  iv.  4  RVm. :  lxx.  in  both  opyt^co-^e) ;  i.e.  do  not  quarrel, 
or  reproacn  one  another,  on  account  of  your  past  treatment  of  me 
(cf.  «.  5). 

25 — 28.  They  return  home  and  tell  their  father.  His  delight, 
when  he  is  satisfied  that  the  news  they  bring  him  is  true. 

26.  fainted.  Lit.  became  numb,  was  (fig.)  unable  to  move  for 
astonishment. 


Chapter  XLVI.  1—27. 

The  migration  of  Jacob  into  Egypt.    List  of  his  descendants 
who  accompanied  him. 

XLVI.  1  And  Israel  took  his  journey  with  all  that  he  had,  E 
and  came  to  Beer-sheba,  and  offered  sacrifices  unto  the  God  of 
his  father  Isaac.  2  And  God  spake  unto  Israel  in  the  visions 
of  the  night,  and  said,  Jacob,  Jacob.  And  he  said,  Here  am  I. 
3  And  he  said,  I  am  God,  the  God  of  thy  father  :  fear  not  to  go 
down  into  Egypt ;  for  I  will  there  make  of  thee  a  great  nation  : 

XLVI.  1 — 4  (E).  Jacob  sets  out, — presumably  from  Hebron 
(xxxvii.  14), — and  journeys  as  far  as  Beer-sheba,  where,  previously  to 
leaving  the  land  of  promise  and  taking  up  his  abode  in  the  land  of 
Egjrpt,  he  receives  encouragement  and  assurances  suitable  to  the 
occasion  (cf.  before,  at  Bethel,  xxviii.  13 — 15). 

1.  the  God  of  his  father  Isaac.  Beer-sheba  was  especially  the  home 
of  Isaac,  and  he  had  built  an  altar  there  (cf.  xxvi.  25,  xxviii.  10). 

3.  a  great  nation.  Cf,,  of  Abraham,  xii.  2,  xviii.  18.  Here  it  is 
added  that  the  increase  is  to  take  place  thei-e,  in  Egypt :  cf.  Ex.  i.  7 


XLVi.  4-8]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  866 

4  I  will  go  down  with  thee  into  Egypt ;  and  I  will  also  surely  E 
bring  thee  up  again  :  and  Joseph  shall  put  his  hand  upon  thine 
eyes.  5  And  Jacob  rose  up  from  Beer-sheba  :  and  the  sons  of 
Israel  carried  Jacob  their  father,  and  their  little  ones,  and  their 
wives,  in  the  wagons  which  Pharaoh  had  sent  to  carry  him.  | 
6  And  they  took  their  cattle,  and  their  goods,  which  they  had  P 
gotten  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  came  into  Egypt,  Jacob,  and 
all  his  seed  with  him  :  7  his  sons,  and  his  sons'  sons  with  him, 
his  daughters,  and  his  sons'  daughters,  and  all  his  seed  brought 
he  with  him  into  Egypt. 

8  And  these  are  the  names  of  the  children  of  Israel,  which 
came  into  EgyptQ  Jacob  and  his  sons] :  Reuben,  Jacob's  firstborn. 

4.  bring  thee  up  again.  Viz.  in  the  persons  of  thy  descendants. 
'Bring  up/  as  Ex.  iii.  8,  Jud.  ii.  1,  and  frequently. 

put  his  hand  upon  thine  eyes.  I.e.  perform  the  last  offices  to  the 
deceased.  Cf.  E.  xi.  453;  Od.  xi.  426,  xxiv.  296;  Eur.  Hec.  430; 
Aen.  IX.  487. 

5.  Jacob  sets  out  from  Beer-sheba. 

6.  7.  A  summary  account,  from  P,  of  the  migration  of  Jacob  and 
his  family  into  Egypt.  For  the  expressions,  cf  xii.  5,  xxxi,  18,  xxxvi.  6; 
xvii.  7,  9,  10,  XXXV.  12  ('his  seed  with  him'). 

8 — 27.  The  list,  from  P,  of  the  descendants  of  Jacob  who  came 
with  him  into  Egypt.  So  far  as  the  names  of  Jacob's  grandchildren 
are  concerned,  nearly  all  recur,  with  slight  textual  variations  (see 
B,Vm,),  in  Nu.  xxvi.  (P),  and  some  also  in  different  parts  of  1  Ch.  ii. — 
viii.  The  number  70  {v.  27)  was  traditional  (Dt.  x.  22);  and  the 
present  list,  it  seems,  represents  an  attempt,  or  combination  of  attempts, 
—for  it  contains  indications  of  two  computations,  one  {vv.  26*,  27  end), 
like  Ex.  i.  5  (P),  ea:cluding  Jacob  from  the  70,  and  the  other  {vv.  8, 
26  end,  27*)  mcluding  him, — to  fill  it  out  with  names;  the  names,  as 
Nu.  xxvi.  shews,  being  those  of  the  reputed  ancestors  of  the  leading 
famihes,  or  clans,  of  the  several  tribes.  Perhaps  the  list  was  originally 
one  of  Jacob's  descendants  as  such,  drawn  up  {vv.  12,  20)  without 
reference  to  the  migration  into  Egypt,  and  afterwards  not  quite  con- 
sistently adjusted  to  its  present  place'.  On  the  bracketed  clauses,  see 
on  V.  26  f 

1  There  is  here  a  grave  chronological  discrepancy  between  P  and  JE.  According 
to  P,  Joseph  at  his  elevation  had  been  13  years  in  Egypt  (xxxvii.  2,  xli.  46) ;  and 
according  to  .JE,  9  years  further  had  elapsed,  when  he  sends  for  Jacob  and  his 
family  (xli.  47,  xlv.  6),  But  the  position  of  ch.  xxxviii.  places  the  events  recorded 
in  it  after  Joseph  had  been  sold  into  Egypt.  Now  in  that  chapter,  Judah  marries 
Shua',  and  has  three  children;  two  grow  up,  and  in  succession  marry  Tamar; 
then  Tamar,  after  waiting  some  time  {vv.  11,  12,  14),  has  twin  sons,  Perez  and 
Zerah,  by  her  father-in-law;  and  here  the  two  sons  of  Perez,  Hezron  and  Hamul, 
come  flown  with  Jacob  into  Egypt.  Thus  Jndah  marries,  lias"  three  children,  and 
after  the  third  has  grown  up,  becomes  a  father  again,  and  through  the  child  thus 


366  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlvi.  9-17 

9  And  the  sons  of  Reuben ;  Hanoch,  and  Pallu,  and  Hezron,  P 
and  Carmi.  10  And  the  sons  of  Simeon ;  ^  Jemuel,  and  Jamin, 
and  Ohad,  and  ^Jachin,  and  ^Zohar,  and  Shaul  the  son  of  a 
Canaanitish  woman.  11  And  the  sons  of  Levi;  *Gershon, 
Kohath,  and  Merari.  12  And  the  sons  of  Judah;  Er,  and 
Onan,  and  Shelah,  and  Perez,  and  Zerah :  but  Er  and  Onan 
died  in  the  land  of  Canaan.  And  the  sons  of  Perez  were 
Hezron  and  HamuL  13  And  the  sons  of  Issachar ;  Tola,  and 
^Puvah,  and  lob,  and  Shimron.  14  And  the  sons  of  Zebulun; 
Sered,  and  Elon,  and  JahleeL  15  These  are  the  sons  of  Leah, 
which  she  bare  unto  Jacob  in  Paddan-aram  [,  with  his  daughter 
Dinah] :  all  the  souls  of  his  sons  and  his  daughters  were  thirty 
and  three.  16  And  the  sons  of  Gad ;  ^Ziphion,  and  Haggi, 
Shuni,  and  ^Ezbon,  Eri,  and  ^Arodi,  and  Areli  17  And  the 
sons  of  Asher ;  Imnah,  and  Ishvah,  and  Ishvi,  and  Beriah,  and 
Serah  their  sister :  and  the  sons  of  Beriah ;  Heber,  and  MalchieL 

1  In  Num.  xxvi.  12,  1  Chr.  iv.  24,  Nemuel.        »  In  1  Chr.  iv.  24,  Jarib.        s  In 
Num.  xxvi.  13,  1  Chr.  iv.  24,  Zerah.  *  In  1  Chr.  vi.  16,  Gershom.  "  In 

1  Chr.  vii.  1,  Puah,  Jashub.     See  Num.  xxvi.  23,  24.  *  In  Num.  xxvi.  15, 

Zephon.  ''  In  Num.  xxvi.  16,  Ozni.  ^  In  Num.  xxvi.  17,  Arod. 

8 — 15.     The  sons  of  Leah. 

9.  Beuben.     Cf.  Ex.  vi.  14;  Nu.  xxvi.  5  f.;  1  Ch.  v.  3. 

10.  Simeon.  Cf.  Ex.  vi.  15;  Nu.  xxvi.  12  f.;  1  Ch.  iv.  24.  The 
families  of  Shaul  must  have  had  an  admixture  of  Canaanite  blood: 
cf.  on  ch.  xxxviii.  (p.  326).   Ohad  is  not  mentioned  in  Nu.,  Ch. 

11.  Levi.  Cf.  Ex.  vi.  16;  Nu.  xxvi.  57.  The  Gershonites, 
Kohathites,  and  Merarites  are  also  often  mentioned  besides,  on  account 
of  their  duties  in  connexion  with  the  sanctuary,  e.g.  Nu.  iii.  17  ff. 

12.  Judah.  Cf.  Nu.  xxvi.  19 — 21;  1  Ch.  ii.  and  iv. ;  and  on  ch. 
xxxviii.     Achan  was  of  the  family  of  the  Zerahites  (Jos.  vii.  1). 

13.  Issachar.  Nu.  xxvi.  23  f.;  1  Ch.  vii.  1.  Jashub,  in  these 
passages,  for  lob,  is  certainly  the  correct  form  (so  LXX.  here). 

14.  Zebulim.     Nu.  xxvi.  26. 

15.  Paddan-aram.     See  on  xxv.  20. 

thirty  and  three.  The  number  must  tnclude  Er  and  Onan,  but 
girclude  Dinah,  whose  name,  from  the  awkwardness  of  the  Heb.  (. . .  nxi)j 
it  is  independently  probable,  is  a  later  insertion  in  the  list. 

16 — 18.     The  sons  of  Leah's  handmaid,  Zilpah. 

16.  Gad.     Nu.  xxvi.  15—17. 

17.  Asher.     Nu.  xxvi.  44—46  (without  Ishvah);  1  Ch.  vii.  30  f. 

born  becomes  a  grandfather,  all  within  the  space  of  22  years !  Even  though  the 
vagueness  of  'at  that  time'  in  xxxviii.  1  might  allow  this  period  to  be  exteuded  by 
(say)  10  years,  the  difficulty  would  not  be  appreciably  diminished. 


XLvi.  18-26]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  367 

18  These  are  the  sons  of  Zilpah,  which  Laban  gave  to  Leah  his  P 
daughter,  and  these  she  bare  unto  Jacob,  even  sixteen  souls. 

19  The  sons  of  Rachel  Jacob's  wife ;    Joseph  and  Benjamin. 

20  And  unto  Joseph  in  the  land  of  Egypt  were  bom  Manasseh 
and  Ephraim,  which  Asenath  the  daughter  of  Poti-phera  priest 
of  On  bare  unto  him.  21  And  the  sons  of  Benjamin  ;  Bela, 
and  Becher,  and  Ashbel,  Gera,  and  Naaman,  ^Ehi,  and  Rosh, 
^Muppim,  and  ^Huppim,  and  Ard.  22  These  are  the  sons  of 
Rachel,  which  were  born  to  Jacob  :  all  the  souls  were  fourteen. 
23  And  the  sons  of  Dan;  *Hushim.  24  And  the  sons  of 
Naphtali ;  ^Jahzeel,  and  Guni,  and  Jezer,  and  ^Shillem. 
25  These  are  the  sous  of  Bilhah,  which  Laban  gave  unto 
Rachel  his  daughter,  and  these  she  bare  unto  Jacob :  aU  the 
souls  were  seven.  26  AU  the  ^  souls  that  came  with  Jacob 
into  Egypt,  which  came  out  of  his  loins,  besides  Jacob's  sons' 

1  In  Num.  xxvi.  38,  Ahiram.  2  Jq  Num.  xxvi.  39,  Shephupham    in  1  Chr. 

vii.  12,  Shuppim.  ^  In  Num.  xxvi.  39,  Eupham.  *  In  Num.  xxvi.  42,  Shuham. 
8  In  1  Chr.  vii.  13,  Jahziel.  «  In  1  Chr.  vii.  13,  Shallum.  '  Or,  souls 

belonging  to  Jacob  that  came 

19—22.     The  sons  of  Rachel 

20.  Joseph.  See  xli.  50.  On  the  sons,  or  clans,  of  Manasseh 
and  Ephraim,  see  Nu.  xxvi.  28—37;  1  Ch.  v.  24,  vii.  14—27 :  cf.  1.  23. 

21.  Benjamin.  Cf.  Nn.  xxvi.  38 — 40,  where,  however,  Benjamin 
has  only  five  sous,  Bela',  Ashbel,  Ahiram,  Shephupham  \  and  Hupham, 
Na'aman  and  Ard  being  sons  of  Bela'.  In  lxx.  of  this  verse,  Benjamin 
has  only  three  sons,  Bela',  Becher,  and  Ashbel,  the  rest  being  grand- 
sons. In  1  Ch.  vii.  6,  also,  he  has  only  three  sons,  Bela',  Becher,  and 
Jediael  (=  Ashbel);  and  Shuppim  and  Huppim  (=  Shephupham  and 
Hupham  in  Nu.  xxvi.)  appear  (v.  12)  as  grandsons  of  Bela'.  There 
are  further  difierences  in  1  Ch.  viii.  1 — 5, — partly,  at  any  rate,  due 
clearly  to  a  corrupt  text.  See  further  Benjamin  in  EncB. ;  and  esp. 
Marquart  in  Jew.  Quart.  Rev.  1902,  p.  343  ff.  (where  the  genealogies 
are  restored  conjecturally  in  tabular  form).  Ehud  (Jud.  iii.  15),  and 
Shimei  (2  S.  xvi.  5)  belonged  to  the  clan  of  Gera,  and  Sheba  (2  S.  xx.  1) 
to  that  of  Becher. 

23 — 25.     The  sons  of  Rachel's  handmaid,  Bilhah. 

23.  Dan.     Nu.  xxvi.  42. 

24.  Naphtali.     Nu.  xxvi.  48  f. ;  1  Ch.  vii.  13. 

26,  27.     The  number  of  those  who  thus  migrated  into  Egypt. 
26.     RVm.  is  correct.     The  rend,  'with'  is  impossible. 

1  From  these  two  names  (DDIDC'1  DITIN),  'Ehi,  and  Rosh,  Muppim'  (K'X*11  Tlt^ 
D"'D?3)  can  differ  only  by  way  ot  textual  corruption  (cf.  Gray,  Heb.  Pr.  N^mes,  35). 
The  names  must  have  been  taken  here  from  an  ah*eady  corrupt  text. 


368  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlvi.  26-28 

wives,  all  the  souls  were  [threescore  and  six ;  27  and  the  sons  of  i' 
Joseph,  which  were  born  to  him  in  Egypt,  were  two  souls :  all 
the  souls  of  the  house  of  Jacob,  which  came  into  Egypt,  were] 
threescore  and  ten. 

26  f.  The  bracketed  words  seem  to  be  an  addition  to  the  original 
text.  Ex.  i.  5  shews  that  P  reckoned  70  souls  vnthout  Jacob  as  having 
come  down  into  Egypt:  and  with  this  computation  v.  26*  ('came  out 
of  his  loins '),  and  the  figures  in  w).  15,  18,  22,  25  (33  +  16  +  14  +  7  =  70) 
agree,  Er  and  Onan  (v.  12)  being  inconsistently  included.  '66'  here 
seems  to  be  a  correction  made  by  one  who  considered  that  Er  and  Onan 
(who  died  in  Canaan)  and  Joseph  and  his  two  sons  (who  were  aheady 
in  Egypt)  should  be  excluded  from  the  list  of  those  who  came  with 
Jacob  into  Egypt,  and  Dinah  {v.  15)  added;  and  who  then  adjusted 
this  figure  to  P's  70,  by  adding  to  it  not  only  Joseph  and  his  two  sons 
{v.  27),  but  also  (though  against  v.  26*  and  Ex.  i.  5)  Jacob  («.  8). 

_  An  interesting  pictorial  illustration  of  a  party  of  thirty-seven  Asiatics 
{Amu)  coming  into  Egypt  with  presents  for  Usertesen  II.,  of  the  12th 
dynasty  (c.  2600  B.C.,  Petrie),  may  be  seen  in  Wilk. -Birch,  i.  480 
(coloured),  Masp.  i,  468 — 70,  or  (with  four  figures  omitted)  Ball,  Light 
from  the  East,  p.  74. 

In  v.  27  Lxx.  have  '  75'  (so  Acts  vii.  14)  for  '  70,'  adding  in  v.  20  the 
names  of  three  grandsons  of  Joseph,  and  two  great-grandsons  (ch.  1.  23 ; 
Nu.  xxvi.  29,  35  f ),  obviously  with  the  intention  of  including  here 
the  ancestors  of  all  the  families  mentioned  in  Nu.  xxvi.,  whereas  P 
includes  those  only  whom  he  supposes  to  have  been  born  at  the  time 
of  the  migration  into  Egypt. 

The  chronology  of  P,  which  is  here  presupposed,  is  irreconcilable 
with  that  of  JE.  Benjamin,  who  has  been  described  just  before  as 
a  'Httle  lad'  (xliv.  20),  could  not  have  been  the  father  of  ten  sons, — 
stiU  less  (lxx.)  a  grandfather.  The  supposition  that  some  of  Ben- 
jamin's sons  were  born  afterwards  in  Egypt  is  contrary  to  the  express 
terms  of  the  chapter  {yv.  8,  26);  while  the  supposition  that  those  not 
yet  born  were  regarded  as  having  come  down  in  lumbis  patrum 
exceeds  the  limits  of  credibility.     [See  fuitiier  the  Addenda.'\ 


XLVI.  28— XLVIL  12. 

The  arrival  of  Jacob  and  his  sons  in  Egypt.    Pharaoh  assigns 
tJiem  the  land  of  Goshen  as  a  residence. 

28  And  he  sent  Judah  before  him  unto  Joseph,  to  shew  the  J 
way  before  him  unto  Goshen ;  and  they  came  into  the  land  of 

28 — 30.  Jacob  and  his  sons  arrive  in  Goshen,  where  they  are  met 
by  Josepli.  The  narrative  (J)  connects  with  xlvi.  1 — 5,  and  forms  its 
sequel.     P  has  aheady  narrated  Jacob's  arrival  in  Egypt  (v.  6  f ). 


XLVi.  28-34]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  369 

Goshen.  29  And  Joseph  made  ready  his  chariot,  and  went  up  J 
to  meet  Israel  his  father,  to  Goshen  ;  and  he  presented  himself 
unto  him,  and  fell  on  his  neck,  and  wept  on  his  neck  a  good 
while.  30  And  Israel  said  unto  Joseph,  Now  let  me  die,  since  I 
have  seen  thy  face,  that  thou  art  yet  alive.  31  And  Joseph  said 
unto  his  brethren,  and  unto  his  father's  house,  I  will  go  up,  and 
tell  Pharaoh,  and  will  say  unto  him.  My  bi  ethren,  and  my  father's 
house,  which  were  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  are  come  unto  me ; 
32  and  the  men  are  shepherds,  for  they  have  been  keepers  of 
cattle  ;  and  they  have  brought  their  flocks,  and  their  herds,  and 
all  that  they  have.  33  And  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when  Pharaoh 
shall  call  you,  and  shall  say,  What  is  your  occupation  ?  34  that 
ye  shall  say.  Thy  servants  have  been  keepers  of  cattle  from  our 
youth  even  until  now,  both  we,  and  our  fathers :  that  ye  may 

28,  Goshen.  Ancient  hierogl)rphic  lists  of  the  'nomes,'  or  ad- 
ministrative districts,  of  Egypt  mention  Kesem  as  the  20th  nome  of 
Lower  Egypt,  and  state  that  its  religious  capital  was  Pa-soft,  the 
modem  8aft  el-Henna,  a  village  about  40  miles  NE.  of  Cairo,  the 
ancient  name  of  which,  from  inscriptions  found  on  the  spot,  M.  Naville 
in  1885  ascertained  to  be  Kes.  These  facts  fix  the  situation  of  'Go- 
shen' :  it  must  have  been  the  district  around  Saft,  'within  the  triangle 
lying  between  the  villages  of  Saft,  Belbeis,  and  Tel  el-Kebir,'  in  a  part 
of  the  Delta  which  is  still  considered  to  have  the  best  pasture-land 
in  Egypt  (Rob.  BR.  1.  54  i.)\ 

29.  his  cha/riot.     Cf.  xli.  43. 

went  up.  From  the  Nile-land  to  the  somewhat  more  elevated 
Goshen,  lxx.,  for  to  Goshen,  here  and  v.  28*,  have  'to  Heroopolis' 
(Kaff  'Hpco'tov  ttoXlv),  now  known  to  have  been  the  Greek  name  of  Pithom 
(Ex.  i.  11),  situated  at  the  modern  Tell  el-Mashkuta  (see  DB,  s.v. 
Pithom),  a  little  E.  of  Goshen. 

30,  Now.  I.e.  now  at  last  (ii.  23).  Jacob  will  die  willingly,  now 
that  the  dearest  wish  of  his  life  is  fulfilled. 

31 — 34,  Joseph  will  go  and  inform  Pharaoh;  and  by  emphasizing 
the  fact  that  his  father  and  brethren  are  shepherds,  secure  permission 
for  them  to  remain  in  Goshen,  apart  from  the  Egyptians  generally  (cf. 
p.  332  w.). 

31.  go  tip.  The  writer  probably  pictured  the  royal  palace  as  situated 
on  what  we  should  now  call  an  acropolis,  hke  the  palaces  in  Jerusalem 
or  Samaria.  But  the  Book  of  Genesis  furnishes  no  hint  as  to  what  the 
city  was  in  which  the  '  Pharaoh '  of  Joseph  was  supposed  to  have  dwelt. 

1  The  same  locality  is  indicated  by  the  rend,  of  lxx.  in  xlv.  10,  xlvi.  34  Feo-e/i 
'Apa^las;  for  'Arabia'  was  in  Graeco-Eoman  times  (see  Ptol.  iv,  5,  53)  the  name  of 
one  of  the  nomes  in  the  Delta,  with  a  capital  Phakoussa,  which  is  just  Kes  with  the 
Egypt,  art.  Pa.     See  further  Goshen  in  DB, 

D.  24 


370  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS    [xlvi.  34-XLVii.  6 

dwell  in  the  land  of  Goshen  ;  for  every  shepherd  is  an  abomina-  J 
tion  unto  the  Egyptians. 

XL VII.  1  Then  Joseph  went  in  and  told  Pharaoh,  and 
said,  My  father  and  my  brethren,  and  their  flocks,  and  their 
herds,  and  all  that  they  have,  are  come  out  of  the  land  of 
Canaan ;  and,  behold,  they  are  in  the  land  of  Goshen.  2  And 
from  among  his  brethren  he  took  five  men,  and  presented  them 
unto  Pharaoh.  3  And  Pharaoh  said  unto  his  brethren,  What  is 
your  occupation?  And  they  said  unto  Pharaoh,  Thy  servants 
are  shepherds,  both  we,  and  our  fathers.  4  And  they  said  unto 
Pharaoh,  To  sojourn  in  the  land  are  we  come ;  for  there  is  no 
pasture  for  thy  servants'  flocks ;  for  the  famine  is  sore  in  the 
land  of  Canaan :  now  therefore,  we  pray  thee,  let  thy  servants 
dwell  in  the  land  of  Goshen.  |  5  And  Pharaoh  spake  unto  P 
Joseph,  saying.  Thy  father  and  thy  brethren  are  come  unto 
thee :  6  the  land  of  Egypt  is  before  thee ;  in  the  best  of  the 
land  make  thy  father  and  thy  brethren  to  dwell;  |  in  the  land  of  J 
Goshen  let  them  dwell :   and  if  thou  knowest  any  ^able  men 

*  Or,  men  of  activity 

34.  for  every  shepherd  &c.  There  is  independent  evidence  that 
swine-herds  (Hdt.  11.  47)  and  cow-herds  were  looked  down  upon  by  the 
Egyptians,  but  not  that  shepherds  were:  the  cow-herds,  in  particular, 
from  living  with  their  herds  in  reed  cottages  on  the  marshes,  were 
called  'marshmen';  they  are  represented  on  the  monuments  as  dirty, 
unshaven,  and  poorly-clad,  and  were  regarded  as  pariahs  (Erman, 
p.  439  f. ;  cf.  Ebers  in  Smith,  DB.""  n.  1802''— 1803''). 

XL VII.  1 — 4,  6^.  Joseph  presents  five  of  his  brethren  to  Pharaoh, 
who,  upon  learning  that  Jacob  and  his  sons  are  all  shepherds,  grants 
them  permission  to  settle  in  Goshen. 

3,  4.     They  reply  as  directed  in  xlvi.  34. 

5,  6.  Verse  5  is  not  at  all  a  natural  reply  to  the  request  in  v.  4''; 
and  there  can  be  no  question  that  the  arrangement  of  these  verses  in 
the  Lxx.  is  preferable  to  that  of  the  present  Heb.  text.  After  v.  4  the 
Lxx.  continues :  *  5*  (J)  And  Pharaoh  said  unto  Joseph,  Let  them  dwell 
in  the  land  of  Goshen :  and  if  thou  knowest  any  able  men  among  them, 
then  make  them  rulers  over  my  cattle,  b^  (P)  And  Jacob  and  his  sons  ; 
came  into  Egypt  unto  Joseph.  And  Pharaoh  king  of  Egypt  heard  of  it. 
And  Pharaoh  spake  unto  Joseph,  saying,  Thy  father  and  thy  brethren 
are  come  unto  thee :  6  Behold,  the  land  of  Egypt  is  before  thee :  in 
the  best  of  the  land  make  thy  fatlier  and  thy  brethren  to  dwell.  7  And 
Joseph  brought  in'  &c.  (as  in  the  Heb.).  Here  the  words  forming  v.  5" 
in  the  lxx.  are  a  natural  and  suitable  answer  to  v.  4. 

6,  able  men.  The  same  expression,  implying  both  moral  worth  and 
physical  efficiency,  as  Ex.  xviii.  21,  25;  1  K.  i.  42,  52  ('  a  worthy  man'). 


XLVii.  6-,2]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  371 

among  them,  then  make  them  rulers  over  my  cattle.  |  7  And  J  P 
Joseph  brought  in  Jacob  his  father,  and  set  him  before  Pharaoh : 
and  Jacob  blessed  Pharaoh.  8  And  Pharaoh  said  unto  Jacob, 
How  many  are  the  days  of  the  years  of  thy  life  ?  9  And  Jacob 
said  unto  Pharaoh,  The  days  of  the  years  of  my  ^pilgrimage  are 
an  hundred  and  thirty  years  :  few  and  evil  have  been  the  days 
of  the  years  of  my  life,  and  they  have  not  attained  unto  the 
days  of  the  years  of  the  life  of  my  fathers  in  the  days  of  their 
^pilgrimage.  10  And  Jacob  blessed  Pharaoh,  and  went  out 
from  the  presence  of  PharaoL  1 1  And  Joseph  placed  his  father 
and  his  brethren,  and  gave  them  a  possession  in  the  land  of 
Egypt,  in  the  best  of  the  land,  in  the  land  of  Rameses,  as 
Pharaoh  had  commanded.  |  12  And  Joseph  nourished  his  father,  J 
and  his  brethren,  and  all  his  father's  household,  with  bread, 
^according  to  their  families. 

^  Or,  sojournings  *  Or,  according  to  the  number  of  their  little  ones 

rulers  over  my  cattle.  Much  attention  was  paid  to  cattle-breeding 
in  Egypt;  and  there  were  many  fine  breeds,  esp.  of  oxen  (Erman,  pp. 
435 — 444).  The  Pharaoh  possessed  large  herds;  and  the  mer,  or  super- 
intendent, of  the  royal  cattle,  is  frequently  mentioned  in  the  inscriptions 
(Erman,  pp.  94,  95,  108,  143,  475). 

7 — 11  (lxx.  5*^ — 111  Joseph  presents  his  father  to  Pharaoh;  and 
afterwards,  at  Pharaohs  command,  assigns  him  an  abode  in  the  'land 
of  Rameses.'  P  thus  narrates  only  the  presentation  of  Jacob,  J  only 
that  of  Joseph's  five  brethren.  The  first  words  of  v.  5^  (lxx.)  may 
seem  tautologous  after  xlvi.  6  f. ;  but  the  repetition  is  in  P's  manner : 
cf.  V.  If;  and  on  vi.  10. 

7.  blessed.  I.e.  saluted  with  wishes  for  his  welfare:  cf  1  S.  xiii. 
10;  2  K.  iv.  29  ('salute'). 

9.  sojoumings.  Of  Jacob's  wandering  life  (the  same  word  as  in 
xvii.  8,  xxviii.  4,  xxxvi.  7,  xxxvii.  l):  not  to  be  understood  in  the  fig. 
sense  of  a  'pilgrimage'  through  life. 

have  not  attained  &c.  According  to  P,  Abraham  lived  175  years, 
and  Isaac  180  years. 

10.  blessed.    I.e.  saluted  again  at  leaving,  as  2  S.  xix.  39,  cf  xiii.  25. 

11.  the  land  of  Rameses.  So  lxx.  in  xlvi.  28  (seemingly  for  '  the 
land  of  Goshen').  Probably  a  name  for  the  E.  part  of  the  Delta,  in 
which  Ramses  II.,  of  the  19th  dyu.,  the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppression, 
built  many  new  cities  (cf  Masp.  ii.  423  f ;  Ex.  i.  11),  and  which  he 
fi-equently  made  his  residence.  Ramses  II.,  however,  lived  long  after 
the  time  of  Joseph,  so  that  the  expression  must  be  used  proleptically. 

12.  Cf  xlv.  11. — RVm.  is  correct.  The  expression  (meaning 
properly  those  who  take  quick,  tripling  steps)  sometimes,  however,  in- 
cludes women  (see  1.  21;  Ex.  xii.  37**  ['children'];  Nu.  xxxii.  16,  17). 

24—2 


372  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xlvil  13-16 

The  inscriptions  supply  parallels  for  parties  of  foreigners  receiving  per- 
mission to  settle  in  Egypt.  Under  Hor-em-heb  (18th  dyn.)  some  Mentiu,  or 
nomads,  expelled  from  their  homes,  receive  permission  to  settle  in  a  pre- 
scribed locality  {DB.  ii.  774'') ;  and  under  Merenptah  (19th  dyn.), — probably  the 
Pharaoh  of  the  Exodus, — a  body  of  Shasu  (or  Bedawin)  are  allowed  to  pass 
the  border  fortress  of  Theku  (perhaps  the  Succoth  of  Ex.  xii.  37),  'in  order 
to  obtain  a  living  for  themselves  and  their  cattle  in  the  great  estate  of 
Pharaoh'  (Hogarth,  AiUhority  and  Archaeology^  p.  69X 


XLVIL  13—27. 

Progress  of  the  years  of  famine.     How  the  independent 
land-owners  of  Egypt  became  tenants  of  the  crown. 

The  Egyptians  first  spend  all  their  money  for  com,  v.  14,  then  they  part 
with  their  cattle,  vv.  15 — 17,  finally,  they  off'er  Pharaoh  their  lands  and  them- 
selves, vv.  18 — 22:  the  result  was  a  permanent  change  in  the  Egyptian  sys- 
tem of  land-tenure,  the  previously  independent  land-owners  becoming  now 
tenants  of  the  king,  and  paying  him,  as  it  were,  an  annual  rent  of  one-fifth 
of  the  produce,  vv.  23 — 26.  The  section  is  remarkable,  as  dealing  entirely, 
except  in  v.  27,  with  a  change  in  the  economical  constitution  of  Egypt  The 
clauses  respecting  the  'land  of  Canaan'  in  vv.  13 — 15  seem  in  such  a  narrative 
to  be  out  of  place,  and  are  not  improbably  later  additions. 

13  And  there  was  no  bread  in  all  the  land ;  for  the  famine  J 
was  very  sore,  so  that  the  land  of  Egypt  and  the  land  of  Canaan 
fainted  by  reason  of  the  famine.  14  And  Joseph  gathered  up 
all  the  money  that  was  found  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  in  the 
land  of  Canaan,  for  the  corn  which  they  bought :  and  Joseph 
brought  the  money  into  Pharaoh's  house.  15  And  when  the 
money  was  all  spent  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  in  the  land  of 
Canaan,  all  the  Egyptians  came  unto  Joseph,  and  said,  Give  us 
bread .  for  why  should  we  die  in  thy  presence  ?  for  our  money 
faileth.     16  And  Joseph  said,  Give  your  cattle  ;  and  I  vdll  give 

13.  Cf.  xli.  55—57,  xlii.  5,  xliii.  1. 

14.  into  Pharaoh's  home.  According  to  Ebers  (Smith,  DB."^  n. 
1803*),  the  treasury,  called  in  the  inscriptions  the  'nouse  of  silver,' 
The  head  treasurer  was  an  important  officer  of  state.  There  are  many 
representations  of  treasuries  on  the  monuments,  with  clerks  weighing 
the  rings,  or  ingots,  of  money  (xliii.  21)  in  scales.  Cf.  Erman,  pp.  85  f., 
89,  108—113. 

15 — 17.     The  Egyptians  part  with  their  cattle. 

15.  in  thy  pi-esence.  Whilst  thou  lookest  on,  and  dost  nothing  to 
prevent  it.     Cf.  v.  19. 


XLVii.  16-23]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  373 

you  for  your  cattle,  if  money  fail.  17  And  they  brought  their  J 
cattle  unto  Joseph :  and  Joseph  gave  them  bread  in  exchange 
for  the  horses,  and  for  the  ^flocks,  and  for  tlie  herds,  and  for  the 
asses :  and  he  ^fed  them  with  bread  in  exchange  for  all  their 
cattle  for  that  year.  18  And  when  that  year  was  ended,  they 
came  unto  him  the  second  year,  and  said  unto  him,  We  will  not 
hide  from  my  lord,  how  that  our  money  is  all  spent ;  and  the 
herds  of  cattle  are  my  lord's ;  there  is  nought  left  in  the  sight 
of  my  lord,  but  our  bodies,  and  our  lands  :  19  wherefore  should 
we  die  before  thine  eyes,  both  we  and  our  land  ?  buy  us  aind  our 
land  for  bread,  and  we  and  our  land  will  be  servants  unto 
Pharaoh :  and  give  us  seed,  that  we  may  live,  and  not  die,  and 
that  the  land  be  not  desolate.  20  So  Joseph  bought  all  the 
land  of  Egypt  for  Pharaoh ;  for  the  Egyptians  sold  every  man 
his  field,  because  the  famine  was  sore  upon  them  :  and  the  land 
became  Pharaoh's.  21  And  as  for  the  people,  ^he  removed  them 
*to  the  cities  from  one  end  of  the  border  of  Egypt  even  to  the 
other  end  thereof.  22  Only  the  land  of  the  priests  bouglit  he 
not :  for  the  priests  had  a  portion  from  Pharaoh,  and  did  eat 
their  portion  which  Pharaoh  gave  them ;  wherefore  they  sold 
not  their  land.    23  Then  Joseph  said  unto  the  people.  Behold,  I 

1  Heb.  cattle  of  the  flocks,  and  for  the  cattle  of  the  herds.         ^  jjgb.  led  them  as 
a  shepherd.  *  According  to  Samar.,  Sept.  and  Vulg.,  he  made  bondmen  of  them, 

from  dx.  *  Or,  according  to  their  cities 

17.  fed.  The  verb,  to  judge  from  Arab.,  means  properly  to  lead 
to  a  watering-place  (cf.  Ps.  xxiii.  2;  Is.  xlix.  10),  then,  more  generally, 
to  lead  gently,  Is.  xl.  11,  Ex.  xv.  13;  here,  fig.,  to  refresh,  suppm-t. 

18.  19.     They  offer  the  Pharaoh  their  lands  and  persons. 

19.  servants.  Or,  bondmen  (v.  21  marg.):  they  are  ready  to 
forgo  their  independence,  if  only  they  can  obtain  corn  to  live  on. 

20 — 22.  The  result  was  that  all  the  landed  property  in  Egypt, 
except  that  of  the  priests,  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  king. 

21.  The  text  must  mean,  to  the  cities  where  the  gTanaries  were 
(xli.  35,  48),  to  be  supported  there.  But  it  is  decidedly  better  to  follow 
the  first  margin,  in  which  case,  while  v.  20  describes  how  the  land 
became  Pharaoh's,  v.  21  wiU  describe  how  the  land-owners  became  his 
'bondmen,'  or  tenants,  in  exact  accordance  with  v.  19. 

22.  The  priests  had  a  fixed  income  in  kind  from  the  Pharaoh ; 
so  there  was  no  occasion  for  them  to  seU  their  lands.  For  'portion' 
in  the  sense  of  a  fixed  allowance  of  food,  see  Prov.  xxx.  8,  xxxi.  15 ; 
Ez.  xvi.  27  (RVm.);  also  Nu.  xviii.  8,  11,  19  ('due'). 

23 — 26.     The  people  become  permanently  Pharaoh's  tenants,  paying 


374  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS        [xlvii.  .3-^7 

have  bought  you  this  day  and  your  land  for  Pharaoh :  lo,  here  is  J 
seed  for  you,  and  ye  shall  sow  the  land.  24  And  it  shall  come 
to  pass  at  the  ingatherings,  that  ye  shall  give  a  fifth  unto 
Pharaoh,  and  four  parts  shall  be  your  own,  for  seed  of  the  field, 
and  for  your  food,  and  for  them  of  your  households,  and  for  food 
for  your  little  ones.  25  And  they  said,  Thou  hast  saved  our 
lives :  let  us  find  grace  in  the  sight  of  my  lord,  and  we  will  be 
Pharaoh's  servants.  26  And  Joseph  made  it  a  statute  con- 
cerning the  land  of  Egypt  unto  this  day,  that  Pharaoh  should 
have  the  fifth ;  only  the  land  of  the  priests  alone  became  not 
Pharaoh's.  27  And  Israel  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Egypt,  in  the 
land  of  Goshen  ;  |  and  they  gat  them  possessions  therein,  and  P 
were  fruitful,  and  multiplied  exceedingly. 

him  annually  one-fifth  of  the  produce.  'In  view  of  the  fertility  of 
Egypt,'  says  Knobel,  '  the  proportion  does  not  seem  excessive.  In  the 
time  of  the  Maccabees  the  Jews,  until  Demetrius  freed  them,  paid 
the  Syrian  government  one-third  of  the  seed,  and  one-half  of  the  fruit 
(1  Mace.  X.  30).  Under  Turkish  rule  the  proportion  is  sometimes  one- 
half  of  the  produce,  and  Arab  exactions  from  the  fellahin  are  similar. 
In  Syria  cases  occur  where  it  is  two-thirds;  and  about  Ispahan,  in 
Persia,  the  peasants,  who  receive  land  and  seed  from  the  government, 
pay  even  three-fourths  of  their  harvest.' 

25,  They  are  content  with  the  arrangement;  and  hope  only  to 
find  in  Joseph  a  mild  master. 

27.  The  narrative  here  returns  to  Israel,  v.  2T  giving  the  sequel 
to  m  4,  6^  12,  and  v.  21^  (P:  of  p.  viii,  No.  5,  p.  xi.  No.  23)  to  v.  11. 

The  system  of  land-tenure,  here  described,  must  have  prevailed  in  Egypt 
in  the  writer's  time,  and  have  been  popularly  attributed  to  Joseph.  The 
inscriptions  at  present  known  make  no  mention  of  it.  It  is,  however,  so  far 
in  accordance  with  the  evidence  of  the  monuments,  that,  whereas  in  the 
'Old  Empire'  (Ist — 12th  dynasties),  as  is  related  in  the  sepulchral  inscriptions 
of  that  period,  the  nobility  and  governors  of  the  nomes  possessed  large  landed 
estates,  in  the  'New  Empire'  (the  18th  and  following  dynasties)  a  change  is 
found  to  have  taken  place :  '  the  old  aristocracy  has  made  place  for  court- 
oflScials,  and  the  landed  property  has  passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the  old 
families  into  the  possession  of  the  Crown  and  the  great  temples'  (Erman, 
p.  102  ;  of.  Ebers,  in  Smith,  DB*  IL  1S0.3  f.).  Erman  thinks  that  this  change  was 
brought  about  by  Aahmes  (who  freed  Egypt  from  the  llvksos,  and  founded 
the  18th  dynasty)  confiscating  the  property  of  the  old  nobility.  In  a  later 
age,  Diodorus  Siculus  says  that  tlie  land  in  Egypt  belonged  to  the  king,  the 
priests,  and  the  military  caste  (i.  73  f. ;  cf.  Hdt.  ii.  168,  where  it  is  stated  that 
every  priest  and  wairior  in  Egypt  possessed  twelve  lipovpai — about  nine  acres 
—of  land  tax-free).     Whether  in  Joseph's  time  (the  Hyksos  period:  p.  347) 


XLvn.  .8-xLViii.  r]    THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  376 

the  priests  really  received  fixed  revenues  from  the  Pharaohs  (xlvii,  22)  is 
perhaps  doubtful :  the  priests  seem  at  all  times  to  have  administered,  and 
lived  upon,  the  property  of  the  temples,  though  the  temples  often  received 
gifts  from  the  king,  especially  in  the  '  New  Empire,'  when  the  priests  became 
in  consequence  immensely  wealthy  (Erman,  104  f.,  292  f.,  298—304  [enormous 
gifts  made  by  Ramses  III.  to  various  temples] ;  cf.  Ebers,  l.c.). 

XLVII.  28— XLVIII. 

Jacob's  last  instructions  with  regard  to  his  burial.    His 
adoption,  and  blessing,  of  Manasseh  and  Ephraim. 

28  And  Jacob  lived  in  the  land  of  Egypt  seventeen  years :  P 
so  the  days  of  Jacob,  the  years  of  his  life,  were  an  hundi-ed  forty 
and  seven  years.  |  29  And  the  time  drew  near  that  Israel  must  J 
die :  and  he  called  his  son  Joseph,  and  said  unto  him.  If  now  I 
have  found  grace  in  thy  sight,  put,  I  pray  thee,  thy  hand  under 
my  thigh,  and  deal  kindly  and  truly  with  me ;  bury  me  not, 
I  pray  thee,  in  Egypt :  30  but  when  I  sleep  with  my  fathers, 
thou  shalt  carry  me  out  of  Egypt,  and  bury  me  in  their  burying- 
place.  And  he  said,  I  will  do  as  thou  hast  said.  31  And  he 
said.  Swear  unto  me :  and  he  sware  unto  hioL  And  Israel 
bowed  himself  upon  the  bed's  head. 

XLVIII.    1  And  it  came  to  pass  after  these  things,  that  one  E 

28  (P) .    Jacob's  age  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
29 — 31  (J).     Jacob  exacts  a  solemn  promise  from  Joseph  that  he 
will  not  bury  him  in  Egypt.     Cf.  P's  parallel,  xlix.  29 — 32. 

29.  the  time  (Ut.  the  days)  drew  near  &c.  Exactly  as  Dt.  xxxi.  14 ; 
1  K.  ii.  1. 

put  thy  hand  under  my  thigh.     See  on  xxiv.  2. 

30.  in  their  bvryingplace.  Viz.  in  Machpelah.  Cf.  (in  P)  xlix. 
29,  1.  12  f. 

31.  Swear  unto  me.     Cf.  xxv.  33. 

bowed  himself  &c.  I.e.,  apparently,  turned  himself  over  on  his 
bed,  and  bent  his  head  down  towards  its  head, — in  imitation,  as  far 
as  possible,  of  actual  prostration.  Gf.,  of  David,  1  K.  i.  47.  lxx., 
foDowed  in  Heb.  xi.  21,  have,  'bowed  himself  (=  worshipped)  upon  the 
top  of  his  staff'  (vocalizing  ntasn  for  ntasn :  so  also  Pesh.),  as  though 
he  used  it  for  the  purpose  of  raising  himself  up  in  the  bed.  However, 
this  reading  has  no  advantage  over  that  of  the  Mass.  text:  there  is 
no  apparent  reason  why  the  * stafif'  should  be  specially  mentioned;  and 
we  should  really  in  this  case  require  -I'^f?^  (with  the  pron.),  not  ntSQn. 

XLVIII.  Jacob's  adoption  (P),  and  blessing  (E),  of  Joseph's  two 
sons,  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  The  chapter  has  a  historical  significance: 
it  accounts  viz.  for  the  two  facts :  (1)  that  the  two  halves  into  which 


376  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlviii.  1-7 

said  to  Joseph,  Behold,  thy  father  is  sick :  and  he  took  with  him  E 
his  two  sons,  Manasseh  and  Ephraim.  2  And  one  told  Jacob, 
and  said,  Behold,  thy  son  Joseph  cometh  unto  thee  :  and  Israel 
strengthened  himself,  and  sat  upon  the  bed  |  3  And  Jacob  said  P 
unto  Joseph,  ^God  Almighty  appeared  unto  me  at  Luz  in  the 
land  of  Canaan,  and  blessed  me,  4  and  said  unto  me,  Behold,  I  will 
make  thee  fi-uitful,  and  multiply  thee,  and  I  will  make  of  thee  a 
company  of  peoples ;  and  will  give  this  land  to  thy  seed  after 
thee  for  an  everlasting  possession.  5  And  now  thy  two  sons, 
which  were  born  unto  thee  in  the  land  of  Egypt  before  I  came 
unto  thee  into  Egypt,  are  mine ;  Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  even 
as  Reuben  and  Simeon,  shall  be  mine.  6  And  thy  issue,  which 
thou  ^begettest  after  them,  shall  be  thine  ;  they  shall  be  called 
after  the  name  of  their  brethren  in  their  inheritance.  7  And  as 
for  me,  when  I  came  from  Paddan,  Rachel  died  ^by  me  in  the 

1  Heb.  El  Shaddai.  *  Or,  hast  begotten  *  Or,  to  my  sorrow 

the  'house  of  Joseph'  (Jos.  xvii.  14,  xviii.  5,  Jud.  i.  22  f.,  al.)  broke 
up,  took  each  the  same  rank  in  Israel  as  the  other  tribes ;  and  (2)  that 
Manasseh,  though  in  some  sense  the  older,  and  once  the  more  im- 
portant of  these  two  tribes,  was  in  process  of  time  overshadowed  by 
the  more  powerful  and  brilliant  tribe  of  Ephraim. 

1,  2  (E).     Introduction  to  v.  8  ff. 

3 — 7  (P).  The  adoption  by  Jacob  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh.  By 
this  act  Jacob  raises  them  to  the  same  level  as  his  own  sons;  and 
the  position  taken  afterwards  by  the  two  corresponding  tribes  is  thus 
explained. 

3,  4.  The  references  are  throughout  to  xxxv.  11,  12  (also  P),  not 
to  xxviii.  13 — 15  (JE).  Observe  P's  phraseology :  El  Shaddai,  as  xvii. 
1  &c. ;  make  fruitful  and  multiply,  as  xxviii.  3 ;  company  of  peoples^ 
as  xxviii.  3  (cf.  xxxv.  11);  and  will  give  &c.,  as  xvii.  8. 

5.  And  now.     I.e.  in  view  of  this  future  possession  of  Canaan. 
Reuben  &c.     He  takes  as  examples  the  two  eldest  of  his  sons. 

6.  they  shall  he  called  &c.  I.e.  they  will  be  reckoned  as  belonging 
to  either  Ephraim  or  Manasseh:  they  will  not  take  an  independent 
position. 

7.  The  verse  is  based  upon  parts  of  xxxv.  9,  16,  19.  It  has  no 
connexion  with  w.  3 — 6 :  in  its  original  context  in  P  it  must  have 
been  followed  by  something  to  which  the  mention  of  Rachel's  death 
and  burial  would  naturally  lead  up, — perhaps  (Del.,  Di.)  xlix.  29  ('But 
I  am  to  be  gathered'  &c.). 

Paddan.     Only  here  for  Paddan-aram :  see  on  xxv.  20. 
by  m£.     To  my  sorrow  (RVm.);  Ut.  upon  me,  i.e.  as  a  trouble 
to  me.   Cf.  on  xxxiii.  13 ;  and  '  to  weep  upon '  (vexing),  Jud.  xiv.  16,  17. 


XLViii.  7-15]        THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  377 

land  of  Canaan  in  the  way,  when  there  was  still  some  way  to  P 
come  unto  Ephrath :  and  I  buried  her  there  in  the  way  to 
Ephrath  (the  same  is  Beth-lehem).  |  8  And  Israel  beheld  Joseph's  E 
sons,  and  said,  Who  are  these?  9  And  Joseph  said  unto  his 
father,  They  are  my  sons,  whom  God  hath  given  me  here.  And 
he  said.  Bring  them,  I  pray  thee,  unto  me,  and  I  will  bless  them. 
10  Now  the  eyes  of  Israel  were  dim  for  age,  so  that  he  could 
not  see.  And  he  brought  them  near  unto  him  ;  and  he  kissed 
them,  and  embraced  them.  11  And  Israel  said  unto  Joseph, 
I  had  not  thought  to  see  thy  face  :  and,  lo,  God  hath  let  me  see 
thy  seed  also.  12  And  Joseph  brought  them  out  from  between 
his  knees ;  and  he  bowed  himself  with  his  face  to  the  earth. 
13  And  Joseph  took  them  both,  Ephraim  in  his  right  hand 
toward  Israel's  left  hand,  and  Manasseh  in  his  left  hand  toward 
Israel's  right  hand,  and  brought  them  near  unto  him.  14  And 
Israel  stretched  out  his  right  hand,  and  laid  it  upon  Ephraim's 
head,  who  was  the  younger,  and  his  left  hand  upon  Manasseh's 
head,  ^guiding  his  hands  wittingly ;  for  Manasseh  was  the 
firstborn.  15  And  he  blessed  Joseph,  and  said,  The  God  before 
whom  my  fathers  Abraham  and  Isaac  did  walk,  the  God  which 

^  Or,  crossing  his  hands 

some  way  to  come  unto  Ephrath.     See  on  xxxv.  16,  19. 

8 — 22  (E).  The  blessing  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh.  Ephraim  and 
Manasseh,  particularly  Ephraim,  were  the  most  powerful  and  inHuential 
of  the  tribes,  and  possessed  a  large  and  fertile  tract  of  country  (cf. 
xlix.  22 — 26;  Dt  xxxiii.  13 — 17);  and  during  the  time  of  the  Judges, 
and  the  earlier  period  of  the  divided  monarchy,  Ephraim  was  the  real 
centre  of  Israel.  The  commanding  position  of  these  two  tribes,  and 
the  pre-eminence  of  the  younger,  Ephraim,  are  here  both  explained, 
in  accordance  with  ancient  belief  (cf.  on  ix.  25 ;  and  ch.  xxvii.  p.  255), 
as  due  to  the  efficacy  of  their  ancestor's  blessing. 

8 — 12,     Joseph  introduces  his  two  sons  to  Jacob. 

12.  from  between  his  knees.     I.e.  Jacob's  (see  v.  10"). 

13,  14.  Jacob,  against  Joseph's  intention,  places  the  younger  above 
the  elder. 

14.  The  rend,  of  the  text  (lit.  prudentes  fecit  manus  suas:  so  Ges.) 
is  best;  that  of  the  marg,  is  adopted  by  most  moderns,  but  the 
philol.  justification  from  the  Arabic  is  questionable.  Lxx.,  Vulg.,  Pesh., 
'  changing,'  may  be  merely  a  paraphrase. 

15,  16.  Observe  the  threefold  title:  (1)  the  God  'before  whom' 
his  ancestors  had  'walked'  (see  on  xvii.  1;  and  cf  xxiv.  40);  (2)  the 
God  who  had  shepherded  him  (Ps.  xxiii.  1), — in  'fed'  the  figure  is 


378  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS       [xlviii.  15-^1 

hath  fed  me  all  my  life  long  unto  this  day,  16  the  angel  which  E 
hath  redeemed  me  from  all  evil,  bless  the  lads  ;  and  let  my 
name  be  named  on  them,  and  the  name  of  my  fathers  Abraham 
and  Isaac  ;  and  let  them  grow  into  a  multitude  in  the  midst  of 
the  earth.  17  And  when  Joseph  saw  that  his  father  laid  his 
right  hand  upon  the  head  of  Ephraim,  it  displeased  him :  and  he 
held  up  his  father's  hand,  to  remove  it  from  Ephraim's  head 
unto  Mauasseh's  head.  18  And  Joseph  said  unto  his  father, 
Not  so,  my  father  :  for  this  is  the  firstborn  ;  put  thy  right  hand 
upon  his  head.  19  And  his  father  refused,  and  said,  I  know  it, 
my  son,  I  know  it :  he  also  shall  become  a  people,  and  he  also 
shall  be  great :  howbeit  his  younger  brother  shall  be  greater 
than  he,  and  his  seed  shall  become  ^a  multitude  of  nations. 
20  And  he  blessed  them  that  day,  saying,  ^In  thee  shall  Israel 
bless,  saying,  God  make  thee  as  Ephraim  and  as  Manasseh  :  and 
he  set  Ephraim  before  Manasseh.  21  And  Israel  said  unto 
Joseph,  Behold,  I  die :  but  God  shall  be  with  you,  and  bring  you 
again  unto  the  land  of  your  fathers.  22  Moreover  I  have  given 
to  thee  one  ^portion  above  thy  brethren,  which  I  took  out  of 
the  hand  of  the  Amorite  with  my  sword  and  with  my  bow. 

1  Heb.  fulness.         '  Or,  By         '  Or,  mountain  slope    Heb.  shechem,  shoulder. 

entirely  lost,— all  his  Ufa  long;  (3)  the  ' angel,'— interchanging  with 
•God,'  as  Ex.  iii.  2,  4,  al.  (see  p.  184), — who  had  delivered  him  from  all 
evil  (cf.  xxviii.  20,  xxxi.  4,  7,  11,  24,  42,  xxxv.  3). 

16.     be  named  in  them.     Let  them  perpetuate  it  (cf.  xxi.  12"). 

17 — 19.  Jacob  refuses  to  alter  what  he  has  done;  and  aeclares 
now  explicitly  that  though  Manasseh  will  be  great,  Ephraim  will  be 
greater. 

19.  shall  become  the  fulness  of  the  nations.  I.e.  will  become 
populousness  itseK :  a  hyiierbolical  expression.     Comp.  Dt.  xxxiii.  17^ 

20.  By  thee.  I.e.  using  thy  name  as  a  type  of  happiness.  The 
custom  may  be  illustrated  from  Ru.  iv.  11,  12  (cf.  on  xxii.  18,  xxvi.  4), 
as  also  from  the  curse  of  Jer.  xxix.  22. 

21.  22.  In  anticipation  of  the  time  when  his  descendants  would 
return  to  the  land  of  their  fathers  (xxxi.  3 ;  cf.  xlvi.  4),  Jacob  adds 
a  further  blessing,  addressed  to  Joseph  personally. 

21.  again.     Back.     Cf.  on  xxiv.  5. 

22.  And  I  give  thee  one  shoulder  (or,  perhaps,  mountain- 
slope*:  Heb.  shechem)  above  thy  brethren  &c.  The  allusion  is  to  the 
place  Shechem,  on  the  lower  slopes  of  Gerizim,  between  this  mountain 

»  The  syn.  Pjna  'shoulder'  certainly  has  this  derived  sense  (Jos.  xv.  8,  10, 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  379 

and  Ebal,  afterwards  an  important  and  central  place  in  the  territory 
of  Epliraim  (of.  on  xii.  6).  Jacob  gives  Shechem  to  Joseph,  so  that  he 
is,  as  it  were,  a  'shoulder'  above  his  brethren,  the  other  tribes.  And 
he  gives  it  to  him,  because  he  had  himself  won  it,  by  his  sword  and 
his  bow,  from  tlie  Amorite  (E's  term  for  the  pre-Isr,  inhabitants  of 
the  country:  see  on  x.  16).  This  conquest  of  Shechem  by  Jacob 
personally  implies  a  version  of  Jacob's  dealings  at  Shechem  different 
from  any  which  we  find  elsewhere  (cf.  p.  307) :  in  the  parts  of  ch.  xxxiv. 
which  belong  to  P, — or  originally  perhaps  to  E  (cf.  xxxv.  5  E), — 
Jacob's  sons  massacre  the  inhabitants  of  Shechem,  but  it  is  not  said,  or 
even  implied,  that  they  retained  the  city  in  their  own  possession'. 


Chapter  XLIX. 

JacoVs  Blessing ;  and  final  instructiotis  respecting  his  burial. 

The  Blessing  of  Jacob  (vv.  1 — 28).  The  title  must  be  imderstood  a  potiori: 
for  in  the  case  of  several  of  Jacob's  sons,  the  patriarch  utters  not  a  blessing, 
but  a  censure  {vv.  4,  14  f.),  and  in  the  case  of  two,  even  {v.  7)  a  curse.  The 
Blessing  is  in  the  form  of  a  poem.  Except  in  so  far  as  the  terms  of  w.  3  f., 
5 — 7,  are  suggested  by  incidents  in  the  Uvea  of  Reuben,  and  Simeon,  and  Levi, 
what  the  author  has  throughout  in  view  is  not  Jacob's  sons,  as  such,  but  the 
tribes  represented  by  them :  as  often  elsewhere  in  Genesis  (e.g.  xvl  12, 
XXV.  23,  xxvii.  28  f.)  the  tribe  is  conceived  as  impersonated  in  its  ancestor, 
and  the  ancestor  foreshadows  the  character  of  the  tribe.  The  poet  passes 
the  tribes  in  review;  and  singles  out  in  each  some  striking  feature  of 
moral  character,  political  state,  or  geographical  position,  for  poetical  amplifica- 
tion. The  moral  instability  of  Reuben,  the  disorganized  social  condition  of 
Simeon  and  Levi,  the  ideal  sovereignty  and  vine-clad  territory  of  Judah,  the 
maritime  advantages  enjoyed  by  Zebulun,  the  ignoble  indifference  which  led 
Issachar  to  prefer  ease  to  independence,  the  quick  and  effective  attack  of 
Dan,  the  warlike  bearing  of  Gad,  the  richness  of  Asher's  soil,  the  activity  (1) 
and  eloquence  (?)  of  Naphtali,  the  blessings  of  populousness,  military  eflBci- 
ency,  climate,  and  fertility,  which,  in  spite  of  envious  assailants,  are  secured 
to  Joseph,  the  martial  skill  and  success  of  Benjamin — these,  briefly,  are  the 
features  which  the  poet  selects,  and  develops  one  after  another,  in  varied 
and  effective  imagery.  The  Blessing  should  be  compared  with  the  Song  of 
Deborah  (Jud.  v.),  in  which,  similarly,  judgements  are  passed  upon  several  of 
the  tribes,  and  witli  the  '  Blessing  of  Moses'  in  Dt.  xxxiii.,  in  which  the  tribes 
generally  are  passed  under  review :  with  each  of  these  it  exhibits  sometimes 
verbal  parallels,  shewing  that  one  must  contain  reminiscences  of  the  other. 
As  compared  with  Dt.  xxxiii.,  it  may  be  said  to  be  pitched  in  a  lower  key : 

xviii.  12,  13,  16,  18) ;  and  the  same  may  have  been  the  case  with  shechem  as  well, 
though  it  does  not  occur  with  this  meaning  elsewhere. 

1  The  later  Jews  had  a  legend  of  an  attack  of  seven  Amorite  kings  upon  Jacob 
at  Shechem.  and  of  his  conquest  of  them  (Jubilees  xxxiv.  1 — 9,  with  Charles' 
notes). 


380  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS 

there  is  less  buoyancy,  less  enthusiasm,  the  outlook  is  less  bright,  the  nation 
as  a  whole  (except  indeed  Judah,  Dt.  xxxiii.  7)  seems  less  prosperous';  in 
particular,  the  theocratic  position  or  privileges,  whether  of  Israel  at  large 
or  of  individual  tribes,  which  are  celebrated  with  such  warmth  of  feeling 
in  Dt  xxxiii.  {vv.  2—5,  8—10,  12,  IQ*-  *,  21'^  ♦,  26—7, 29),  are  in  Gen.  xlix.  hardly 
noticed  at  all :  it  is  the  secular  relations  of  the  tribes  in  which,  all  but  ex- 
clusively, the  poet  is  interested. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  Blessing  was  actually  pronounced  by 
Jacob.  Not  only  in  v.  7  are  the  names  'Jacob'  and  'Israel'  used  in  the 
national  sense,  which  obviously  they  cannot  have  assumed  till  long  after  the 
death  of  the  patriarch ;  but  the  historical  and  geographical  conditions  re- 
flected in  the  poem  are  throughout  those  of  the  period  of  the  Judges,  Samuel, 
and  David :  there  are  no  allusions  to  the  period  between  Jacob  and  the 
Judges,  or — except  doubtfully  (see  on  ».  23) — to  the  period  after  David.  This 
limitation  of  the  allusions  in  the  Blessing  to  the  circumstances  of  a  particular 
period,  form  a  cogent  ground  for  the  conclusion  that  it  originated  in  that 
period.  The  prophets,  as  the  study  of  their  writings  sufficiently  shews",  start 
in  their  predictions  from  the  circumstances  of  their  own  time ;  they  look  out 
into  the  future  from  the  standpoint  of  their  own  present ;  even  their  more 
ideal  visions  of  the  future  are  largely  conditioned  by  the  relations  of  their 
own  age ;  in  their  temporal  predictions  it  is  events  of  the  immediate  or 
proximate  future  which  they  foretell :  to  determine  beforehand  minute  details, 
geographical  or  political,  about  a  distant  future  does  not  fall  within  tlie  office 
of  prophecy.  The  present  with  which  the  Blessings  contained  in  Gen.  xlix. 
are  connected  is  not  the  age  of  Jacob,  but  the  age  of  the  Judges,  or  a  little 
later ;  and  this  accordingly  is  the  period  in  which  they  must  be  supposed  to 
have  originated.  It  was  in  accordance  with  ancient  belief  (cf.  on  ix.  25)  that 
a  father's  curse  or  blessing  should  have  a  power  in  determining  the  destinies 
of  his  children :  no  doubt  there  was  besides  an  ancient  tradition  that  Jacob 
had  actually  blessed  his  twelve  sons  :  and  a  poet,  living  in  the  age  referred  to, 
cast  this  tradition  into  a  poetical  form,  utilizing,  it  may  be,  in  some  cases 
old  sayings  current  about  the  tribes.  There  being  twelve  ancestors  to  be 
included,  and  the  occasion  being  one  of  great  national  significance,  opportunity 
was  naturally  taken  to  present  the  blessings  with  some  variety  of  literary 
form  (contrast  the  shorter  blessings,  for  instance,  in  xxvii.  27 — 29,  39  f .)  •  as 
the  previous  blessings  in  Genesis,  and  many  passages  in  the  prophets  (e.g.  Is. 
xiii. — xxiii.),  shew,  the  Hebrews  had  a  keen  eye  for  differences  of  tribal  or 
national  character;  and  so  here  the  salient  characteristics  of  the  several 
tribes  are  poetically  delineated.  Some  had  prospered,  others  had  had  reverses ; 
some  had  done  chivalrously,  others  had  shewn  slackness ;  some  had  risen  to 
great  power  and  eminence,  others  had  barely  maintained  their  independence  : 
upon  each  the  word  of  praise  or  blame,  according  to  its  merits,  is  pronounced 
by  the  poet,  in  the  name  of  their  common  ancestor,  Jacob. 

^  Only  Judah  and  Joseph  can  be  said  to  be  warmly  eulogized  in  Gen.  xlix.;  and 
Joseph,  though  powerful  and  prosperous,  has  been  sorely  beset  by  foes  {v.  23). 
Contrast  also  the  blessings  of  Levi,  Issachar,  and  Benjamin  in  Dt.  xxxiii, 

2  Cf.  Kirkpatriok,  Doctrine  of  the  Prophets,  p.  355 ;  or  the  present  writer's 
Isaiah,  his  Life  and  Times,  pp.  86,  126,  186. 


xLix.  1-3]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  381 

The  Blessing  seems  to  have  formed  part  of  the  narrative  of  J.  Not,  of 
course,  that  J  was  the  author  of  it,  for  it  dates  from  a  time  considerably 
earlier  than  that  at  which  J  probably  wrote :  but  he  incorijorated  it  in  his 
narrative  from  some  earlier  source  (cf.  the  poems  in  Ex.  xv.,  Nu,  xxi.,  Jud.  v., 
&c.).  Prom  the  terms  in  which  Judah  is  eulogized,  it  may  be  inferred  with 
tolerable  certainty  that  the  author  was  a  poet  belonging  to  that  tnbe^ 

XLIX.     1    And  Jacob  called  unto  his  sons,  [  and  said :  p  j 
Gather  yourselves  together,  that  I  may  tell  you  that  which  shall 
befall  you  in  the  latter  days. 

2  Assemble  yourselves,  and  hear,  ye  sons  of  Jacob ; 
And  hearken  unto  Israel  your  father. 

3  Reuben,  thou  art  my  firstborn,  my  might,  and  the  ^begin- 

ning of  my  strength ; 

^  Or,  firstfruitt 

XLIX.  1.  Jacob  summons  to  him  his  sons  that  he  may  declare 
to  them  their  future. 

which  shall  befall  you.     Viz.  in  the  persons  of  your  descendants. 

in  the  end  of  the  days.  The  expression  is  one  which  occurs 
fourteen  times  in  the  OT. ;  and  it  always  denotes  the  closing  period 
of  the  future,  so  far  as  it  falls  within  the  range  of  view  of  the  writer 
using  it.  The  sense  expressed  by  it  is  thus  relative,  not  absolute, 
varying  with  the  context.  Thus  in  Nu.  xxiv.  14  it  is  used  of  the  period 
of  Israel's  future  conquest  of  Moab  and  Edom  (see  w.  17,  18);  in 
Dt.  xxxi.  29  and  iv.  30,  of  the  periods,  respectively,  of  Israel's  future 
apostasy  and  return  to  God;  in  Dan.  x.  14  of  the  age  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes.  Elsewhere  it  denotes  the  ideal,  or  Messianic  age,  conceived 
as  following  at  the  close  of  the  existing  order  of  things,  as  Hos.  iii.  5 ; 
Is.  ii.  2  (=  Mic.  iv.  1);  Jer.  xlviii.  47.  Here  it  is  evidently  used  of 
the  period  of  Israel's  occupation  of  Canaan, — in  particular  of  the 
period  of  the  Judges  and  early  years  of  the  monarchy. 

2.  Introduction,  inviting  attention  (cf  iv.  23). 

3,  4.  Etuhen.  Reuben  first  {v.  3)  receives  the  tribute  due  to  his 
position,  and  then  {v.  4)  he  is  degraded  from  it. 

Reuben,  it  seems,  must  once  have  been  an  important  tribe ;  but  early 
lost  its  pre-eminence.  Its  home  was  E.  of  the  Dead  Sea,  N.  of  the 
Arnon  (Jos.  xiii.  13—23);  but  it  maintained  its  place  with  difficulty; 
in  Deborah's  song  (Jud.  v.  15  f)  it  is  reproached  for  its  indifference  in 
a  great  national  crisis;  the  Moabites  also  (from  the  S.  of  the  Arnon) 
encroached  largely  upon  its  territory,  and  many  of  the  cities  properly 
belonging  to  it  are  mentioned  afterwards,  both  on  the  Moabite  Stone 
(c.  850  B.C.),  and  in  Is.  xv.,  xvi.,  as  being  in  their  possession.  The 
national  insignificance  of  Reuben,  and  its  (probably)  dwindling  numbers, 

^  The  aTithor  of  the  Blessing  in  Dt.  xxxiii.  appears,  on  the  contrary,  to  have 
been  a  poet  of  the  Northern  Kingdom. 


382  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlix.  3, 4 

The  excellency  of  dignity,  and  the  excellency  of  power. 
4  ^Unstable  as  water,  ^thou  shalt  not  have  the  excellency ; 
Because  thou  wentest  up  to  thy  father's  bed : 
Then  defiledst  thou  it :   he  went  up  to  my  couch. 

1  Or,  Bubbling  over  ^  Or,  have  not  thou 

at  the  time  when  the  Blessing  of  Moses  was  composed  (after  the  division 
of  the  kingdom),  are  sufficiently  indicated  by  the  terms  of  Dt.  xxxiii.  6 
(RV.).  It  is  rarely  mentioned  in  the  history;  and  became  politically 
a  nonentity.  This  early  decadence  of  the  tribe  is  attributed  here  to 
its  father's  curse,  which  in  its  turn  is  said  to  have  been  provoked  by 
the  act  of  immorality  of  which  its  ancestor  had  been  guilty  (xxxv.  22; 
cf.  1  Ch.  V.  1)'. 

3.  my  might.     I.e.  the  product  of  my  strength  (cf  iv.  12). 

the  firstfruits  of  my  strength.  I.e.  of  my  virile  powers ;  the  first- 
born being  regarded  as  the  fullest  representative  of  the  father's  physical 
nature.  See  the  same  expression  in  Dt,  xxi.  17  ('for  he  is  the  firstfruits 
of  his  strength'),  Ps.  Ixxviii.  51,  cv.  36. 

The  pre-eminence  of  dignity  and  the  pre-eminence  of  power. 
Pre-eminent  in  rank  (lit.  lifting  up :  Ps.  Lxii.  4)  and  power  alike. 

'Excellency'  and  'excellent,'  in  Old  English  (from  excello,  to  rise 
up  out  of,  to  surpass),  had  the  distinctive  meaning,  which  they  have 
now  lost,  of  pre-eminence,  pre-eminent,  surpassing :  and  they  are  always 
to  be  so  understood,  wherever  they  occur  in  PBV.  of  the  Psalms,  in 
AV.,  and  even  (except  1  P.  ii.  9)  in  RV.*  Their  retention  in  RV., 
where  to  the  great  majority  of  readers  they  must  inevitably  suggest 
a  weak  and  unsuitable  sense,  is  to  be  much  regretted. 

4.  Unstable  as  water,  have  not  thou  the  pre-eminence  !  Reu- 
ben, yielding  weakly  and  recklessly  to  passion,  is  compared  to  water 
which,  when  its  confining  dam  is  removed,  dashes  impetuously  away*. 
The  moral  weakness, — if  not  indeed,  the  moral  laxity, — of  the  tribe 
is  assigned  here  as  the  cause  of  its  losing  its  pre-eminence  ^ 

he  vent  up  &c.  The  change  to  the  3rd  person  is  expressive  of 
aversion  and  disgust. 

1  Comp.  the  rather  curious  parallel  quoted  by  Knob,  from  II.  rx.  447 — 457. 

^  See  the  synopsis  of  passages  in  the  writer's  Daniel  (in  the  Camb.  Bible), 
p.  33  f. ;  and  cf.  bis  Parallel  Psalter,  p.  470  f.  As  examples  may  be  quoted  Dan. 
ii.  31,  iv.  36,  v.  12  (read  in  all  'surpassing');  1  Cor.  ii.  1  (for  virepoxn) ',  Phil.  iii.  8 
(for  TO  inrepixov) ;  Ps.  viii.  1,  9  (read  'glorious');  xlvii.  4  ('glory');  Ex.  xv.  7, 
Dt.  xxxiii.  26,  29,  Ps.  Ixviii.  34  ('majesty');  Job  siii.  11,  xxxi.  23  ('loftiness'). 

s  PkVm.  on  unstable,  'Or,  Bubbling  over,'  has  no  philological  justification.  The 
root  means  in  Arab,  to  be  boastful,  and  in  Aram,  to  be  lascivious:  the  fundamental 
idea  of  the  word  is  therefore  probably  to  be  uncontained.  In  the  OT.,  except  here, 
the  root  occurs  only  thrice,  in  a  moral  sense,  reckless,  Jud.  ix.  4,  Zeph.  iii.  4, 
reckless  boasting,  Jer.  xxiii.  32. 

*  It  is  possible  (Stade,  G.  1. 151 ;  Dillm.)  that  the  old  nomadic  custom,  according 
to  which  a  man's  concubines  passed  at  his  death,  with  the  rest  of  his  property,  to 
his  heir,  which  was  usual  among  the  Arabs  (Strab.  xvi.  4.  25;  Kor.  iv.  26), 
continued  to  prevail  in  Keuben,  after  it  had  been  proscribed  in  Israel  generally, 
and  that  this  custom  is  alluded  to  both  in  xxxv.  22,  and  in  the  present  verse. 


XLix.  5-7]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  383 

5  Simeon  aud  Levi  are  brethren;  « 
Weapons  of  violence  are  their  ^swords. 

6  0  my  soul,  come  not  thou  into  their  ^council ; 
Unto  their  assembly,  my  glory,  be  not  thou  united ; 
For  in  their  anger  they  slew  ^a  man, 

And  in  their  selfwill  they  houghed  *an  ox. 

7  Cursed  be  their  anger,  for  it  was  fierce ; 

^  Or,  compacts  '  Or,  secret  '  Or,  men  *  Or,  oxen 

5 — 7.  Simeon  and  Levi,  Jacob's  second  and  third  sons  by  Leah. 
They  took  part  in  a  common  deed ;  they  shared  a  common  fate :  and 
so  the  poet  groups  them  together  in  his  verse. 

5.  are  brethren.  Viz.  not  only  by  physical  descent,  but,  as  the 
sequel  declares,  in  character  and  disposition  as  well. 

Weapons  of  violence  &c.  Alluding  to  their  deed  of  treachery  and 
violence  against  Hamor  and  Shechem  in  xxxiv.  26  (J) :  there  (u  30  J) 
they  received  their  father's  censure,  here  they  receive  his  curse. 

their  daggers  (?).  The  word  occurs  only  here ;  and  its  real  meaning 
(even,  if  it  be  correctly  read)  is  very  uncertain.  The  rend,  sword 
(Rashi,  al.)  rests  ultimately  upon  the  resemblance  to  fidxaipa  (according 
to  an  old, — and  of  course  fanciful, — Jewish  saying  that  Jacob  '  cursed 
his  sons'  sword  in  Greek');  but  that  a  Greek  word  should  have  found 
its  way  into  Heb.  in  the  11th  cent.  B.C.  is  in  the  last  degree  improbable, 
though,  as  this  rend,  suits  the  context,  some  modems  have  sought 
10  place  it  upon  a  defensible  basis  by  deriving  m'kherdk  from  kur,  to 
dig  (as  though  properly  a  digging  or  piercing  mstrument  [but  see  the 
Addenda^).  Other  explanations  are  (with  different  vowel-points), 
machinations,  plots  (from  the  Arab,  and  Eth.  makara);  and  marriage- 
compacts  (with  allusion  to  xxxiv.  15  f),  from  the  Sjt.  m'kar,  'despon- 
savit';  but  neither  of  these  meanings  seems  to  suit  the  predicate 
'weapons.'     The  versions  render  no  help  on  the  passage. 

6.  He  disowns  all  partnership  or  complicity  with  them:  their 
council,  in  which  treachery  and  violence  are  planned,  he  will  not  enter. 

council.  The  word  {sod)  means  in  particular  a  council  of  intimate 
and  coufidential  friends:  cf.  Job  xix.  19  (RVm.);  Jer.  xxiii.  18,  22; 
and  the  writer's  note  on  Am.  iii.  7  (in  the  Cambridge  Bible). 

my  glory.  A  poet,  expression  for  the  spirit  (as  the  'glory,'  or 
noblest  part  of  man):  so  Ps.  xvi.  9  (|1  heart),  xxx.  12,  Ivii.  8  (=cviii.  1), 
and  probably  vii.  5. 

in  their  anger  they  slew  a  man.     See  xxxiv.  26. 

houghed  an  ox.  Apparently  a  figurative  description  of  the  same 
act.  To  'hough'  is  to  cut  the  hamstrings  or  back  sinews  (AS.  huh,  the 
heel)  in  the  hind-leg  of  an  animal,  so  as  to  disable  it  (cf  Jos.  xi.  6,  9 ; 
2  S.  viii.  4). 

7.  The  curse.  They  (i.e.  their  descendants)  are  to  have  no 
permanent  territorial  possession  in  Israel,  but  to  be  dispersed  among 


384  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlix.  7, 8 

And  their  wrath,  for  it  was  cruel;  . 

I  will  divide  them  in  Jacob, 
And  scatter  them  in  Israel. 
8      Judah,  thee  shall  thy  brethren  praise: 

the  other  tribes.  Simeon  was  virtually  absorbed  in  Judah:  in  Jud. 
i.  3,  17  it  is  mentioned  side  by  side  with  Judah;  che  cities  in  the 
Negeb  and  the  'Shephdlah'  (on  xxxviii.  1)  assigned  to  it  in  Jos. 
xix.  1 — 9  (cf.  1  Ch.  iv.  28 — 33)  are  reckoned  as  belonging  to  Judah  in 
Jos.  XV.  26 — 32,  42;  and  in  the  Blessing  of  Moses  (Dt.  xxxiii.)  it  is 
omitted  altogether.  Levi  had  no  tribal  territory:  the  privileges 
connected  with  the  custody  of  the  ark  were  limited  to  particular 
families;  the  majority  of  the  tribe,  during  the  earlier  period  of  the 
history,  supported  themselves  at  the  different  sanctuaries  or  'high- 
places'  throughout  the  land;  in  the  time  of  the  Judges  many — for 
Jud.  xvii. — xviii.  is  no  doubt  typical — travelled  about  the  country 
finding  employment  and  support  where  they  could;  and  even  in  Dt. 
the  members  of  the  tribe  (except  those  engaged  at  the  principal 
sanctuary,  Dt.  xviii.  1 — 8)  are  represented  as  in  poor  circumstances, 
and  are  earnestly  commended  to  the  Israelite's  benevolence  (xii.  12,  18, 
19,  xiv.  27,  29,  xvi.  11,  14,  xxvi.  11,  12,  13).  The  blessing  reflects  the 
condition  of  the  tribe  before  the  foundation  of  the  Temple,  when 
worship  was  little  centralized,  and  much  disorganization  and  social 
disorder  prevailed. 

It  must  be  evident  that  we  cannot  have  here  more  than  either  a 
representation  due  to  the  poet's  own  imagination,  or  the  poetical 
expression  of  a  popular  behef  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  children 
often  experience  the  evil  consequences  of  their  parents'  actions :  but  to 
suppose  that  the  entire  history  of  two  tribes  was  determined  in  reality 
by  an  act  of  their  ancestors,  which,  though  of  course  not  defensible 
upon  a  Christian  standard,  was  nevertheless  intended  as  a  defence  of 
their  sister's  honour,  and  was  of  a  kind  sanctioned  by  the  manners  of 
the  age  (cf  p.  307),  would  be  to  extend  this  principle  beyond  all 
reasonable  limits \ 

8 — 12.  Judah,  Jacob's  fourth  son  by  Leah,  and  the  first  whom  his 
father  can  unreservedly  praise.  Though  Judah  seems  to  have  early 
gained  a  footing  in  Canaan,  Jud.  i.  I'' — 7,  9,  17,  19  (see  esp.  on  this  ch. 
G.  F.  Moore's  Comm.),  for  some  time  afterwards  little  is  heard  of  it; 
and  it  owed  the  great  historical  importance  which  it  acquired  in  later 
times  entirely  to  David.  The  present  Blessing  seems  to  reflect  the  en- 
thusiasm and  glow  of  pride  kindled  in  the  tribe  by  the  achievements  of 
David.  It  may  be  noted  that  in  J  its  ancestor  takes  the  lead  even  in 
the  patriarchal  period  (xxxvii.  26  f ,  xliii.  3  ff.,  xliv.  14  ff.,  xlvi.  28). 

^  No  doubt  there  are  instances,  as  the  Greeks  also,  for  example,  strongly  held 
(Haigh,  The  Tragic  Drama  of  the  Greeks,  pp.  91 — 94,  171  f.),  of  the  guilt  of  an 
ancestor  mysteriously  blighting,  generation  after  generation,  the  happiness  of  a 
family:  but  this  is  something  considerably  different  from  what  would  be  implied  in 
the  present  verse,  if  understood  in  the  sense  referred  to  above. 


XLix.  8-io]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  385 

Thy  hand  shall  be  on  the  neck  of  thine  enemies ; 
Thy  father's  sons  shall  bow  down  before  thee. 
9  Judah  is  a  lion's  whelp ; 
From  the  prey,  my  son,  thou  art  gone  up: 
He  stooped  down,  he  couched  as  a  lion, 
And  as  a  lioness ;   who  shall  rouse  him  up  ? 
10  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from  Judah, 
Nor  Hhe  ruler's  staff  from  between  his  feet, 
^  Until  Shiloh  come  ; 

^  Or,  a  lawgiver  ^  Or,  Till  he  come  to  Shiloh,  having  the  obedievce  of  the 

peoples     Or,  as  read  by  the  Sept.,  Until  that  which  is  his  shall  come  (&c.     Another 
ancient  rendering  is,  Till  he  come  whose  it  is  (&c. 

8.  The  blessing  starts  from  the  name  ('  praise,'  xxix.  35) :  the 
omen  of  its  name  is  to  be  fulfilled.  As  its  foes  (Philistines,  Edomites, 
Ammonites,  &c.)  flee  before  it,  its  brethren, — i.e.  the  other  tribes, — 
bow  down  to  it  in  homage,  acknowledging  its  primacy.  The  reference 
can  only  be  to  the  position  given  to  it  by  David  (cf  2  S.  viii). 

on  the  neck.     Pressing  upon  them  in  flight ;  cf  Ps.  xviii.  40  (Heb.). 

9.  Its  success  in  war.  Judah  is  pictured  as  a  lion,  which  coming 
down  from  its  lair  in  the  mountains  (Cant.  iv.  8),  seizes  and  consumes 
its  prey,  and  then  goes  up  to  its  mountain-home  again,  where  it  reposes 
in  triumphant  security,  and  none  dare  assail  it. 

a  lions  whelp.     Young  and  vigorous.     Cf  Dt.  xxxiii.  22  (of  Dan). 

thou  art  gone  up.  Viz.  to  its  mountain  territory,  after  its  conflicts 
in  the  plains  are  over,  like  a  lion  to  its  mountain-lair. 

He  stoopeth,  he  coucheth  as  a  lion  &c.  Viz.  on  his  mountains. 
This  and  the  next  line  agree  almost  verbatim  with  Nu.  xxiv.  9*'^  in  one 
of  Balaam's  prophecies  ('  He  stoopeth,  he  lieth  down,  as  a  hon '  &c.) ; 
cf  also  xxiii.  24  (both  of  Israel  as  a  whole). 

10*'^  Judah  pictured  either  as  a  sovereign,  or  as  a  military  com- 
mander, holding  his  wand  of  office,  like  a  standard,  between  his  feet. 
The  word  rendered  sceptre  (lit.  rod)  usually  denotes  the  sceptre  of  a 
king;  but  it  might  also  be  used  of  the  staff  or  wand  of  a  military 
leader  (so  Jud.  v.  14  'the  muster-master's  [ht.  the  writer's]  staff'). 
The  commander's  staff,  as  Nu.  xxi.  18  [RV.  sceptre],  Ps.  Ix.  7 
(*  Judah  is  my  commander's  staff,'  fig.  for,  my  leader  in  war).  The  rend. 
a  statute-maker  (cf  P\  Vm.)  is  possible,  but  not  here  probable. 

10°.  A  very  difficult  and  uncertain  clause.  If  'Shiloh'  be  a 
personal  name  (AV.,  RV.),  it  must  be  significant;  but  it  cannot 
mean  peaceful  or  peace-bringer  (which  have  been  sometimes  suggested) ; 
nor  is  there  any  allusion  to  'Shiloh'  as  a  title  of  the  Messiah  in  any 
other  part  of  the  Bible,  nor  is  the  word  so  taken  here  in  any  ancient 
version.  The  name  as  a  title  of  the  Messiah  is  first  found  in  a  fanciful 
passage  of  the  Talmud  {Sank.  98^^)  where  the  pupils  of  different  Rabbis 
each  compliment  tlieir  master  by  connecting  his  name  with  a  (supposed) 

D.  25 


388  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xlix.  io,  n 

And  unto  him  shall  the  obedience  of  the  peoples  be.  . 

11  Binding  his  foal  unto  the  vine, 

And  his  ass's  colt  unto  the  choice  vine ; 
He  hath  washed  his  garments  in  wine, 
And  his  vesture  in  the  blood  of  grapes : 

title  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  pupils  of  a  R.  Shelah  say  that  his  iiarne  is 
'Shiloh,'  quoting  the  present  passage  (see  p.  413).  The  rend.  Until 
Shiloh  come  is  found  in  no  version  earlier  than  those  of  the  16th  cent. 
(Seb.  Miinster,  1534,  and,  following  him,  the  'Great  Bible,'  1539—41, 
and  other  Engl,  versions).  Nevertheless,  the  clause,  viewed  in  relation 
to  its  context,  does  seem  to  contain  a  Messianic  thought :  so  probably, 
on  the  whole,  it  is  best  to  acquiesce  in  the  reading  rh^!  for  nV^  (i.e.  in 
the  older  orthography  rhvf),  which  is  that  of  the  principal  ancient 
versions  (lxx.,  Pesh.,  Targg.,  and  also  Saad.  [10  cent.  a.d.]),  and  to 
render  either  Until  he  that  is  his  shall  come,  or  (though  this  rend,  is 
not  free  from  gramm.  objection)  Until  he  come  whose  (it  is).  The  verse, 
in  either  case,  will  then  promise  that  the  sovereignty  will  not  depart 
from  Judah,  till  it  is  merged  in  the  higher,  more  perfect  sovereignty  to 
be  exercised  by  its  ideal  ruler,  the  Messiah.  Such  a  reference  to  the 
Messiah  seems  however  to  presuppose  the  teaching  of  Isaiah,  and  other 
prophets ;  and  as  it  has  been  noticed  also  that  v.  11  f  connect  better 
with  V.  9  than  with  v.  10,  it  must  remain  an  open  question  whether 
V.  10  is  not  a  comparatively  late  addition  to  the  original  blessing, 
added  for  the  purpose  of  introducing  into  it  the  prophetic  thought  of 
the  future  rule  of  the  ideal  king  (so  Wellh.,  DiUm.).  See  further  the 
Excursus,  p.  410  fif. 

And  unto  him  &c.  Cf  xxii.  17  end,  xxvii.  29*''';  Ps.  xviii.  43"'°,  44; 
Am.  ix.  11  f ;  Mic.  iv.  13,  v.  5,  6.  The  subjugation,  or  domination,  of 
foreign  nations,  whether  by  Israel  or  by  its  ideal  king,  is  a  not 
unfrequent  trait  in  prophetic  pictures  of  the  future.  Cf.  F.  H.  Woods, 
The  Hoin  of  Israel,  p.  96  fif. 

obedience.    In  the  Heb.  a  rare  word,  found  besides  only  Pr.  xxx.  17. 

11,  12.  Judah's  rich  vine-land.  The  poet  draws  an  idyllic  picture. 
Judah,  the  warrior  and  conqueror  (-w.  8,  9),  is  now  seen  riding  on  his 
ass, — in  pre-Davidic  times,  the  usual  animal  for  riding,  even  for 
persons  of  rank  (Jud.  v.  10,  x.  4,  xii.  14;  cf  2  S.  xvii.  23),  and  also 
(Zech.  ix.  9)  the  beast  of  peace :  so  abundant  are  the  vines  that,  when 
he  dismounts,  he  fastens  his  animal  to  one  of  them ;  so  productive  are 
they  of  wine  that  he  can  use  it  even  for  washing  his  garments  (for  the 
hyperbole,  cf  Job  xxix.  6;  also  Am.  ix.  IS*",  Joel  iii.  18).  Judah  was 
a  great  vine-growing  district;  and  the  hills  were  formerly  terraced  with 
vineyards. 

the  choice  vine.  Properly,  it  seems,  the  red  vine,  so  called  (pre- 
sumably) from  the  colour  of  the  grapes.     So  Is.  v.  2;  Jer.  ii.  21. 

the  bhod  of  grapes.  So  Dt.  xxxii.  14;  Ecclus.  xxxix.  26,  1.  15; 
y  Mace.  vi.  34;  cf  Is.  Ixiii.  2. 


XLix.  11-14]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  387 

12  His  eyes  shall  be  red  with  wine,  , 
And  his  teeth  white  with  milk. 

13  Zebuliin  shall  dwell  at  the  ^haven  of  the  sea: 
And  he  shall  be  for  an  ^  haven  of  ships ; 

And  his  border  shall  be  ^upon  Zidon. 

14  Issachar  is  a  strong  ass, 

1  Heb.  beach.  2  Or,  by 

12.  Two  other  traits,  illustrating  the  fertility  of  the  territory. 
Judah's  eyes  are  red  {dark-red,  dull), — in  Prov.  xxiii.  29  a  mark  of 
excess,  but  not  intended  here  as  a  reproach, — through  the  abundance 
of  wine;  Ms  teeth  are  white,  dripping  ftom  the  abundance  of  milk 
produced  upon  its  pasture-lands  (cf  1  S.  xxv.  2;  2  Ch.  xxvi.  10). 

13.  Zebulun,  Jacob's  sixth  son  by  Leah.  Zebulun  plays  no  pro- 
minent part  in  the  history;  though  in  Jud.  v.  18  (cf  14)  it  is  warmly 
commended  for  its  valour  in  the  great  struggle  against  Sisera.  The 
theme  of  the  blessing  here  is  the  favourable  situation  of  its  territory. 

Zebulun  shall  dwell  at  the  shore  of  the  sea:  And  he  (shall  be)  for 
a  shore  of  skips  (a  shore  to  which  ships  may  come);  And  his  flank 
(shall  be)  upon  (or  unto,  or  hy)  Zidon.  The  territory  of  Zebulun,  as 
described  in  Jos.  xix.  10 — 16  (P),  is  entirely  inland,  being  bounded  on 
the  S.  by  Issachar,  on  the  E.  and  N.  by  Naphtali,  and  on  the  W.  by 
Asher.  But  it  is  probable  that  the  borders  of  the  tribes  in  many  cases 
fluctuated;  and  that  when  the  present  Blessing  was  written  Zebulun 
had  an  approach  to  the  sea  (perhaps  at  or  near  Carmel)\  and  also 
extended  N. -wards  to  Phoenician  territory  (which  may  be  what  is 
meant  by  '  Zidon ').  The  same  fact  seems  to  follow  also  from  Dt. 
xxxiii.  19,  where  it  is  said  of  Zebulun  ^and  Issachar),  'They  shall 
suck  the  abundance  of  the  seas.  And  the  hidden  treasures  of  the  sand,' 
with  allusion  to  the  gains  made  by  them  from  their  maritime  com- 
merce, and  from  the  glass  manufactured  from  the  sand  at  or  near 
Accho, 

shall  dwell.  Though  the  Heb.  word  is  different  {sliaken,  not  zabal), 
the  signification  of  'Zebulun'  (xxx.  20)  is  perhaps  hinted  at. 

shore.  As  Dt.  i.  7 ;  Jos.  ix.  1 ;  and  esp.  (almost  the  same  phrase 
as  here,  applied  to  Asher)  Jud.  v.  17. 

14.  15.  Issachar,  Jacob's  fifth  son  by  Leah.  Issachar  was  an  inland 
tribe,  being  bounded  on  the  N.  by  Naphtah  and  Zebulun,  on  the  W. 
and  S.  by  Manasseh,  and  on  the  E.  by  Jordan.  It  included  Gilboa, 
and  the  fruitful  plain  of  Esdraelon  (Jos.  xix.  1 7 — 23).  Though  Issachar 
took  part  in  the  struggle  for  independence  under  Deborah  (Jud.  v.  15), 
it  is  taunted  here  for  the  ignoble  way  in  which  it  preferred  ease  to 
fr-eedom. 

14.  Issachar  is  a  bony,  strong-built,  ass,  which,  nevertheless, 
instead  of  working,  lay  down,  Couching^  between  the  sheepfolds  (Jud. 
V.  16t ;  cf  Ps.  Ixviii.  13  [14lt),  in  the  enjoyment  of  ease  and  comfort. 

1  Where  Jos.  {Ant.  v.  1.  22)  says  that  the  territory  of  Zebulun  touched  the  sea. 

25—2 


388  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlix.  14-17 

Couching  down  between  the  sheepfolds :  1 

15  And  he  saw  ^a  resting  place  that  it  was  good, 
And  the  land  that  it  was  pleasant ; 

And  he  bowed  his  shoulder  to  bear, 
And  became  a  servant  under  taskwork. 

16  Dan  shall  judge  his  people, 
As  one  of  the  tribes  of  Israel. 

17  Dan  shall  be  a  serpent  in  the  way, 

*  Or,  rest 

15.  The  excellency  of  its  land  beguiled  it;  and  it  took  upon  itself 
too  readily  the  yoke  of  the  foreigner. 

to  bear.  The  word  used  suggests  a  heavy,  or  obligatory,  burden : 
of  the  cognate  substs.  in  Ex.  i.  11 ;  1  K.  xi.  28 ;  Ps.  Ixxxi.  6 ;  Is.  x.  27. 

And  became  a  servant  under  taskwork.  Or,  more  exactly,  was  for 
the  forced  service  of  a  labourer.  The  word  {mas)  is  used  specifically 
of  ih&  forced  labour  to  which  Eastern  rulers  are  in  the  habit  of  putting 
their  subjects,  and  also  denotes  the  body  of  men  doing  forced  labour : 
it  is  rendered  levy  in  1  K.  v.  13  [27],  ix.  15,  21  (where  it  is  used  of  the 
body  of  men  who  did  forced  labour  for  Solomon  upon  his  public 
buildings:  their  overseer  Adoniram,  iv.  6,  v.  14,  was  so  unpopular 
that  he  was  stoned,  xii.  18).  In  Jos.  xvi.  10  (where  the  phrase  is 
exactly  the  same  as  here),  xvii.  13  (=  Jud.  i.  28),  Jud.  i.  30,  33,  35  \  it 
is  used  to  denote  the  state  to  which  certain  Canaanites  were  reduced 
by  their  Isr.  conquerors;  here,  on  the  contrary,  the  case  is  reversed, 
and  it  denotes  the  state  to  which  Issachar  was  reduced  by  the  Cana- 
anites. Jud.  i.  27—33  shews  in  how  many  parts  of  N.  Israel  the 
Canaanites  maintained  a  footing  (cf  Ewald,  Hist.  n.  331);  and  this 
verse  is  evidence  that  in  Issachar  they  even  retained  the  supremacy. 

16.  17.  Dan,  the  first  son  of  Rachel's  handmaid,  Bilhah.  A  small 
tribe,  whose  territory  was  NW.  of  Jerusalem,  with  Joppa  as  a  sea-port 
rjos.  xix.  40 — 48 ;  Jud.  v.  17):  it  was  much  pressed  on  by  the  Amorites 
(Jnd.  i.  34),  so  a  part  migrated  N. -wards,  and  founded  a  colony  at 
Leshem  or  Laish  (Jiid.  xviii.  7,  27  flf. ;  Jos.  xix.  47, — the  Northern  Dan, 
Gen.  xiv.  14).  Tne  terms  of  the  blessing  are  suggested  by  its  name 
(cf  XXX.  6).  Though  small,  and  perhaps,  when  the  poet  wrote,  hard 
pressed  by  foes,  Dan  will  judge  his  people,  i.e.  defend  the  members  of 
its  own  tribe,  maintain  its  independence,  as  successfully  as  any  one 
of  the  other  tribes  of  Israel  (Wellh.,  Stade,  Gunk.,  Holz.).  Others 
(Ew.,  Del.,  Di.)  think  his  people  to  be  Israel,  in  which  case  the  meaning 
will  be,  Dan  will  defend  successfully  the  national  cause :  but  a  reference 
to  the  tribe  itself  seems  more  probable. 

17.  May  Dan  be  &c.  The  poet  wishes  Dan  success  in  this  con- 
test. 'What  he  pourtrays  is  not,  as  in  the  case  of  Judah,  an  open 
contest,  decided  by  superior  strength,  bnt  the  insidious  efforts  of  the 

^  The  rend,  tributary  depeuds  upon  a  false  etymology ;  and  is  incorrect. 


XLix.  17-^0]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  389 

An  ^  adder  in  the  path,  , 

That  biteth  the  horse's  heels, 

So  that  his  rider  falleth  backward. 

18  I  have  waited  for  thy  salvation,  0  Lord. 

19  Gad,  ^a  troop  ^  shall  press  upon  him : 
But  he  shall  press  upon  their  heel. 

20  *Out  of  Asher  his  bread  shall  be  fat, 

^  Or,  horned  snake         ^  Heb.  gedud,  a  marauding  band.  '  Heb.  gad,  to 

press.  *  According  to  some  ancient  versions,  Asher,  his  bread  (&c. 

weaker  against  the  stronger,  which  have,  however,  their  results  also. 
Such  were  the  surprise  of  Laish  by  the  600  Danites  (Jud.  xviii.  27l 
and  the  stratagems  by  wliich  Samson  overcame  the  Philistines'  (Di.). 
Cf.  Dt.  xxxiii.  22. 

A  homed  snake  in  the  path.  A  small,  but  very  venomous  serpent, 
called  the  Kfpda-TT]^,  or  *  horned  snake,'  on  account  of  its  having  two 
peculiar  horn-like  appendages  above  the  eyes :  it  is  of  a  sandy  colour ; 
and  its  habit  is  to  lie  concealed  in  some  small  depression  on  the  road- 
side, whence  it  darts  out  upon  any  passing  animal.  Tristram  {NHB. 
274)  states  that  once  whilst  he  was  riding  in  the  Sahara  his  horse 
suddenly  started  and  reared,  in  the  utmost  terror:  he  could  not 
discover  the  cause,  until  he  noticed  a  Cerastes  coiled  up  two  or  three 
paces  in  front,  with  its  eyes  intently  fixed  upon  the  horse,  and  ready 
to  spring  as  the  animal  passed  by. 

18.  An  ejaculation,  uttered  in  the  name  of  the  tribes,  and  de- 
claring how  in  their  struggles  with  their  foes  they  were  conscious  of 
their  dependence  upon  Jehovah's  aid.  Salvation  naturally  has  here 
its  primary  and  material  sense  of  deliverance,  as  in  Ex.  xiv.  13 ;  Jud.  xv. 
18  (Heb.);  1  S.  xiv.  45,  xix.  5;  2  S.  xxiii.  10  ;  Ps.  iii.  2,  8,  al. :  see  the 
writer's  Parallel  Psalter,  Glossary  i,  s.v. 

19.  Gad,  the  first  son  of  Leah's  handmaid,  Zilpah.  Gad  was 
a  brave  and  warlike  tribe.  In  its  home  E.  of  Jordan  (N.  of  Reuben), 
it  was  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  the  desert-tribes  and  of  the  Ammonites 
(Jud.  xi.),  but  it  always  maintained  its  character  for  bravery  (cf.  1  Ch. 
xii.  8 — 15).     The  blessing,  like  that  of  Dan,  is  suggested  by  the  name. 

Gad,  a  troop  shall  troop  upon  him:  But  he  shall  troop  upon  their 
heel.  Marauding  bands  (see  2  K.  v.  2,  vi.  23)  will  press  upon  him ;  but 
he  will  disperse  them,  and  pursue  closely  at  their  heels  as  they  retreat. 

20.  Asher,  Zilpah's  second  son.  Asher  (Jos.  xix.  24 — 31;  cf.  Jud. 
i.  31  f.)  inhabited  the  strip  of  land  along  the  sea  (cf.  Jud.  v.  17)  from 
Carmel  to  Phoenicia,  a  fertile  district,  rich  in  wheat  and  wine  and  oil 
(Dt.  xxxiii.  24:  see  also  DB.  s.v.).  'Asher'  is  interpreted  in  xxx.  13 
as  =  fortunate;  and  this  meaning  seems  to  be  present  to  the  poet  in 
what  he  says. 

As  for^  Asher,  his  bread  (shall  be)  fat,  And  he  shall  yield  royal 

1  The  o  (rendered  Oid  of)  belongs,  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt,  to  the  end  of 
the  previous  verse  (read  D2pi;,  i.e.  'their  heel'):  it  is  at  once  superfluous  here,  and 
desiderated  there  (RV.  'their'  is  not  in  the  Heb.,  as  it  stands). 


390  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS         [xlix.  ao,  ai 

And  he  shall  yield  royal  dainties.  J 

21      Naphtali  is  a  hind  let  loose : 
He  giveth  goodly  words. 

dainties.  His  soil  will  produce  delicacies,  which  will  even  find  their 
way  to  kings'  tables.  The  allusion  is  no  doubt  to  articles  of  food, 
exported  to  the  neighbouring  Phoenicians  (cf. — as  illustrating,  at  least 
generally,  tlie  dependence  of  Phoenicia  upon  Israel  for  its  supplies — 
1  K.  V.  9  end,  11;  Ez.  xxvii.  17;  Acts  xii.  20;  Jos.  Ant.  xrv.  10.  6). 
Oil  is  still  exported  largely  from  this  region  {DB.  s.v.). 

21.  Naphtali,  Bilhah's  second  son.  1  he  territory  of  Naphtali  con- 
sisted of  a  long  tract  of  country,  stretching  along  the  Lake  of  Gennesareth 
as  far  as  Lebanon ;  it  was  fertile  and  well- watered ;  the  Plain  of  Genne- 
sareth, in  particular,  is  described  by  Josephus  {BJ.  ni.  10.  8)  almost  as 
if  it  were  a  territorial  paradise  (cf.  HG.  446 ;  DB.  n.  149 ;  and  the  terms 
of  Dt.  xxxiii.  23  '  0  Naphtali,  satisfied  with  favour,  and  full  with  the 
blessing  of  Jehovah,  possess  thou  the  lake  and  the  south').  In  Jud.  v.  18 
Naphtah  is  praised  for  its  heroism  and  self-devotion.  The  blessing  here 
is  however  obscure  in  its  terms,  and  its  meaning  is  not  certain. 

Naphtali  is  a  kind  let  loose,  He  who  giveth  goodly  words.  The 
hind  is  a  figure  of  agility,  nimbleness,  and  freedom  (Ps.  xviii.  33 ;  Hab. 
iii.  19;  Is.  xxxv.  6);  and  the  comparison  'beautifully  expresses  the 
feelings  of  exhilaration  and  life,  which  are  bred  by  the  health,  the 
spaciousness,  the  high  freedom  and  glorious  outlook  of  upper  Galilee' 
(substantially  as  HG.  420:  so  Del.).  The  second  clause  is  supposed 
to  refer  to  the  eloquence,  the  poetical  or  oratorical  gifts  of  ttie  tribe, 
though  we  have  no  other  evidence  of  these  beyond  the  share  in  the  So'ng 
of  Deborah,  which  Jud.  v.  1  ascribes  to  Barak.  But  as  tlms  explained, 
the  two  clauses  do  not  connect  weU  together :  and  the  interpretation 
cannot  be  regarded  as  certain.  Many  moderns  (Bochart,  Lowth, 
Herder,  Ew.  Hist.  n.  291,  DiUm.,  al.),  vocalizing  two  words  differently^ 
render,  Naphtali  is  a  slender  (lit.  stretched  out')  terebinth,  he  who 
putteth  forth  goodly  tops^;  the  allusion  then  being  supposed  to  be 
to  the  long,  extended  territory  of  Naphtali,  and  to  the  leaders  or 
national  heroes  sprung  from  the  tribe  (cf.  Jud.  iv.  6,  v.  18,  vii.  23). 

22 — 26.  Joseph,  Rachel's  firstborn,  Jacob's  favourite  son,  the 
most  populous  and  powerful  of  the  tribes,  over  whom  the  poet  waxes 
warmer  and  more  eloquent  than  even  over  Judah.  The  term  'Joseph,' 
— as  in  the  expressions,  'House  of  Joseph'  (Jos.  xvii.  17,  xviii,  5;  Jud. 
i.  22,  23,  35;  2  S.  xix.  20;  1  K.  xi.  28),  and  'Children  of  Joseph' 
(Jos.  xvi.  1,  4,  xvii.  14,  16,  al.), — naturally  includes  the  two  tribes  of 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  though  Ephraim,  as  the  more  important  and 
influential  (see  on  xlviii.  8 — 22),  is  probably  the  one  which  the  poet 
has  chiefly  in  mind.  Dt.  xxxiii.  13 — 17,  which  is  in  parts  evidently 
modelled  upon  the  present  blessing,   should  be  specially  compared. 

1  n^'N  for  n^\S*,  and  nj?K  for  npx. 

«  Cf.  the  cognate  verb  in  Ez.  xvii.  6,  7  ('shot  forth'),  Ps.  Ixxx.  11  ('sent  out'). 

»  Is.  xvii.  6  ('uppermost  bough'). 


XLix.«-,4]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  391 

22  Joseph  is  ^a  fruitful  bough,  , 
A  fruitful  bough  by  a  fountain ; 

His  ^branches  run  over  the  wall. 

23  The  archers  have  sorely  grieved  him, 
And  shot  at  him,  and  persecuted  him : 

24  But  his  bow  abode  in  strength, 

And  the  arms  of  his  hands  were  made  'strong, 

^  Heb.  the  ton  of  a  fruitful  tree.  '  Heb.  daughters.  '  Or,  active 

The  poet  starts  with  the  thought  of  the  numbers  and  prosperity  of  the 
tribe  (the  'ten  thousands  of  Ephraim,'  and  the  'thousands  of  Manasseh,' 
Dt.  xxxiii.  17),  comparing  it  to  a  fruitful,  spreading  vine,  planted  in  a 
well -watered  spot,  and  extending  its  tendrils  luxuriantly  over  the 
confining  walls  of  the  vineyard. 

22.  Joseph  is  a  young  fruit  tree  (twice).  Heb.  son  of  a  fruitful 
(tree),  i.e.  a  young  and  vigorously  growing  tree,  which  the  sequel  shews 
must  be  a  vine.  There  is  a  play  on  the  name  of  Ephraim  (xh,  52; 
cf.  Hos.  xiii.  15),  the  principal  branch  of  the  tribe. 

by  a  fountain.  And  consequently  well  supplied  with  moisture  for 
its  growth.  In  a  country  like  Palestine  the  proximity  of  water  was  an 
important  condition,  if  a  tree  was  to  flourish,  and  is  often  emphasized : 
Ps.  i.  3;  Jer.  xvii.  8;  Ez.  xvii.  5,  8. 

Its  branches.     Heb.  The  daughters,  fig.  for  shoots,  tendrils. 

23.  But  Joseph's  prosperity  provoked  foes,  envious  rivals,  who 
bitterly  assailed  him.  For  the  abrupt  dropping  of  the  figure,  cf. 
Is.  xviii.  6  (after  5).  The  reference  may  be  to  attacks  made  upon 
Ephraim  and  Manasseh  (on  both  sides  of  the  Jordan)  by  nomad  tribes, 
hke  the  Midianites,  and  'children  of  the  East'  (Jud.  vi.  3  fi".),  or  even 
by  Canaanites  (Jos.  xvii.  16):  our  information  does  not  enable  us  to 
fix  the  allusion  more  definitely.  Wellh.  (Compos,  des  Hex.  1889, 
p.  320  f ),  and  Stade  {Gesch.  i.  165),  dating  the  Blessing  (or  at  least 
this  part  of  it)  later,  suppose  that  the  reference  is  to  the  prolonged 
attacks  of  the  Syrians  under  Ahab  and  his  successors.  An  allusion  to 
ch.  xxxvii.  24,  28,  xxxix.  20  (cited  in  reference  Bibles)  is  not  probable; 
the  reference  is  manifestly  to  the  tribe. 

have  sorely  grieved  him.  Rather,  either  embittered  (i.e.  provoked) 
him,  or  dealt  bitterly  with  (G.-K.  §  117^)  him  (i.e.  shewed  bitter  enmity 
against  him).     Grieved  is  an  archaism,  =  harassed  :  see  DB.  s.v. 

persecuted  him.  ddC'  is  rendered  hate  in  xxvii.  41,  1.  15  :  it  implies 
an  active,  persecuting  hatred;  cf  Job  xvi.  9,  xxx.  21. 

24.  But  through  the  strength  of  his  God,  he  repelled  and  over- 
came them. 

But  his  bow  abode  firm.  And  the  arms  of  his  hands  (the  arms  which 
regulate  and  control  the  movements  of  the  hands)  were  agile,  From 
(of  the  source,  =By)  the  hands  of  the  Mighty  One  of  Jacob.  The  rend. 
agile  (cf  RVm.)  is  supported  by  Arab,  and  Syr. :  cf  2  S.  vi.  16  ('leaping'). 


392  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlix.  24,  ^s 

By  the  hands  of  the  Mighty  One  of  Jacob,  , 

(^From  thence  is  the  shepherd,  the  stone  of  Israel,) 
25  Even  by  the  God  of  thy  father,  who  shall  help  thee, 
And  by  the  Almighty,  who  shall  bless  thee, 
With  blessings  of  heaven  above. 
Blessings  of  the  deep  that  coucheth  beneath, 

1  Or,  From  thence,  from  the  shepherd    Or,  as  otherwise  read,  By  the  name  of  the 

shepherd 

firm.  Properly  ever-flowing,  of  a  stream  (Am.  v.  24) ;  then  fig.  of 
what  is  imperishable,  enduring,  unmoved,  as  Jer.  v.  15  (of  a  nation), 
Nu.  xxiv.  21  and  Jer.  xlix.  19  (of  a  dwelling-place). 

the  Mighty  One  of  Jacob.  A  poetical  title  of  God,  recurring  Is.  i.  24 
('of  Israel'),  xlix.  26,  Ix.  16;  Ps.  cxxxii.  2,  5.     See  further  p.  409. 

(From  thnce  &c.)  This  clause,  however  construed,  yields  such  a 
strained  and  halting  sense,  that  it  is  clear  there  is  some  corruption  in 
it.  RV.  (=AV.)  is  understood  to  mean,  From  thence  (i.e.  from  God) 
comes  Joseph,  who  had  been,  as  it  were,  the  shepherd  and  support 
(stone  =  rock)  of  his  family.  But  the  parenthesis,  and  the  sense  thus 
obtained,  are  both  extremely  improbable.  RVm.  (so  Del.)  makes  the 
line  parallel  to  clause  c :  *  From  the  hands  of  the  Mighty  One  of 
Jacob,  From  thence  [i.e.  from  heaven],  (from)  the  shepherd  (i.e.  God, 
xlviii.  15),  the  Stone  of  IsraeV  (also  treated  as  a  title  of  God,  like  the 
'Rock  of  Israel,'  Is.  xxx.  29).  But  'from  thence'  is  very  intrusive  and 
superfluous;  and  although  a  'rock'  is  a  natural  figure  for  strength  or 
defence,  it  is  doubtful  whether  a  'stone'  would  be;  and  certainly  the 
term  is  not  elsewhere  appHed  to  God'.  The  2nd  marg.  (with  D^p  for 
Dt^p,  as  Pesh.)  jdelds  substantially  the  same  sense:  for  the  use  of 
name,  cf.  Ps.  xx.  1.  The  line  undoubtedly  expressed  some  thought 
parallel  to  that  of  clause  c ;  but  what  exactly  the  thought  was,  it  seems 
impossible  now  to  discover  (see  further  the  Addenda). 

25.  This  verse  carries  on  the  description  of  the  source  of  Joseph's 
strength,  in  order  (clauses  b — e)  to  attach  to  it  the  blessing:  (Even) 
from  the  God  of  thy  father— T(i2^y^  he  help  thee!  And  God  Almighty 
— may  he  bless  thee !     With  blessings  &c. 

the  God  of  thy  father.  The  same  God  who  has  defended  thy  father 
so  many  years.     Cf  xxxi.  5,  42,  xlviii.  15;  Ex.  xv.  2,  xviii.  4. 

And  God  Almighty  (El  Shaddai:  see  on  xvii.  1).  The  Heb.  text 
has  And  with  Shaddai;  but  ^Ki  ('And  God')  must  certainly  be  read, 
with  Lxx.  (o  ^€os  6  e/Ao's :  see  p.  404),  Sam.,  Pesh.,  for  nx). 

of  heaven  above.  I.e.  dew,  rain,  and  sunshine:  so  xxvii.  39;  also 
Dt.  xxxiii.  13  [read  ^yo  for  h^d]. 

of  the  deep  that  coucheth  beneath  (so  Dt.  xxxiii.  13).  I.e.  springs 
and  fountains,  brooks  and  rivers,  issuing  forth  from  the  subterranean 
'deep'  (see  on  i.  9), — a  characteristic  feature  of  Palestine  (Dt.  viii.  7). 

1  Is.  xxviii.  16,  Eph.  ii.  20,  1  P.  ii.  4,  cited  in  the  E.V.  with  marginal  references, 
are  alien  to  the  passage  altogether. 


XLix.  25, 27]         THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  393 

Blessings  of  the  breasts,  and  of  the  womb.  . 

26  The  blessings  of  thy  father 

Have  prevailed  above  Hhe  blessings  of  my  progenitors 
Unto  the  utmost  bound  of  the  everlasting  hills : 
They  shall  be  on  the  head  of  Joseph, 
And  on  the  crown  of  the  head  of  him  ^that  was  separate 
from  his  brethren. 

27  Benjamin  is  a  wolf  that  ravineth : 

^  According  to  some  ancient  authorities,  the  blessings  of  the  ancient  mountains, 
the  desire  (or,  desirable  things)  of  the  everlasting  hills.       ^  Or,  that  is  prince  among 

of  the  breasts,  and  of  the  womb.  Fertility  among  both  men  and 
animals  (cf.  the  contrary  in  Hos.  ix.  14). 

26.  The  margin  must  be  followed :  the  textual  change  involved  is 
only  mn  for  nin. 

The  blessings  of  thi/  father  (the  blessings  received  by  Jacob  from  his 
ancestors)  are  mighty  beyond  (i.e.  surpass)  the  blessings  of  the 
perpetual  mountains,  The  desirable  things  (i.e.  the  choice  pro- 
ducts) of  the  everlasting  hills.  The  meaning  is  that  the  blessings 
received  by  Jacob  from  his  ancestors  relate  to  things  higher  than  the 
merely  material  products,  however  choice,  of  the  fertile  hills  of 
Ephraim:  they  include  national  and  political  greatness,  as  also  the 
high  religious  privileges  implied  in  the  'promises'  (cf.  xii.  2,  3,  xiii.  16, 
xviii.  18  i.y  xxvii.  29,  xxviii,  13 — 15). 

my  progenitors.  Heb.  my  cmiceivers  {masc,  not  fem.),  an  incredible 
expression  for  'ancestors.'  With  the  emended  text  (perpetual  moun- 
tains \\  everlasting  hills),  comp.  Hab.  iii.  6,  Dt.  xxxiii.  15. 

May  they  be  upon  &c.  Hence  (with  the  one  change  of  come  for 
be)  Dt.  xxxiii.  16.  By  passing  these  blessings  on  to  Joseph,  Jacob 
makes  him  in  a  special  sense  the  heir  both  of  himself  and  of  his  father 
(cf  xlviii.  16). 

of  him  that  is  the  prince  among  his  brethren  (so  Dt.  xxxiii.  16). 
The  word  (ndzh)  means  properly  one  separated  (religiously) :  it  com- 
monly means  Nazirite,  but  also  sometimes  denotes  a  prince  (cf  Lam. 
iv.  7  RV.  '  her  nobles '),  as  one  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  people  by 
religious  sanctions:  the  cogn.  subst.  nezer  means  correspondingly  a 
crown,  whether  of  a  king  (2  S.  i.  10;  2  K.  xi.  12),  or  of  the  high  priest 
(Ex.  xxix,  6),  as  a  symbol  or  badge  of  sepa/ration.  It  is  not  certain 
that  the  passage  presupposes  the  royalty  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim :  it 
may  merely  mean  that  in  prestige  and  position,  the  double  Joseph- 
tribe  was  as  a  princely  tribe  amongst  the  others. 

27.  Benjamin,  Rachel's  younger  son.  A  small,  but  martial  tribe, 
famed  for  its  bowmen  and  slingers  (Jud.  xx.  16;  1  Ch.  viii.  40,  xii.  2). 
Ehud  (Jud.  iii.  15  f ,  27 — 29),  Saul,  and  Jonathan,  were  all  warriors  of 
Benjamin.  It  is  compared  to  a  wolf,  a  predatory  animal,  particularly 
dangerous  to  sheep :  its  habit  is  to  secrete  itself  till  dark  among  the 
rocks,  and  then,  without  arousing  the  vigilance  of  the  sheep-dogs,  to 


394  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [xlix.  27-33 

In  the  morning  he  shall  devour  the  prey,  J 

And  at  even  he  shall  divide  the  spoil. 

28  All  these  are  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel :  and  this  is  it 
that  their  father  spake  unto  them  |  and  blessed  them ;  every  p 
one  according  to  his  blessing  he  blessed  them.  29  And  he 
charged  them,  and  said  unto  them,  I  am  to  be  gathered  unto 
my  people  :  bury  me  with  my  fathers  in  the  cave  that  is  in  the 
field  of  Ephron  the  Hittite,  30  in  the  cave  that  is  in  the  field  of 
Machpelah,  which  is  before  Mamre,  in  the  land  of  Canaan, 
which  Abraham  bought  with  the  field  from  Ephron  the  Hittite 
for  a  possession  of  a  buryingplace :  31  there  they  buried 
Abraham  and  Sarah  his  wife ;  there  they  buried  Isaac  and 
Rebekah  his  wife ;  and  there  I  buried  Leah :  32  the  field 
and  the  cave  that  is  therein,  which  was  purchased  from  the 
children  of  Heth.  33  And  when  Jacob  made  an  end  of 
charging  his  sons,  he  gathered  up  his  feet  into  the  bed,  and 
yielded    up    the    ghost,   and  was  gathered  unto    his    people. 

leap  suddenly  into  the  fold,  and  seize  its  victim  by  stealth  (Tristram, 
NHB.  153). 

that  ravineth.  That  teareth,  as  the  same  word  is  rendered, 
xxxvii.  33,  xliv.  28,  Mic.  v.  7,  al.  To  ravin  (from  Lat.  rapina,  Old 
Fr.  ravine)  means  to  plunder  or  prey  on  rapaciously  (Cymb.  I.  6.  49) ; 
but  it  is  now  virtually  obsolete.     Cf.  Ez.  xxii.  25,  27;  Mt.  vii.  15. 

In  the  morning ..  .at  even.  I.e.  he  is  at  all  times  equally  ready  for 
fighting,  and  equally  successful  in  the  wars  which  he  undertakes. 

at  even.     Cf.  the  expression  'evening  wolves,'  Hab.  i.  8,  Zeph.  iii.  3. 

28,  Clause  a  (as  far  as  unto  them)  is  the  subscription  to  the 
Blessing :  clause  b  will  have  been  originally  the  sequel  in  P  to  xlix.  1*. 

29 — 3S  (P).  Jacob's  last  instructions  to  his  sons  to  bury  him  in 
the  family  burial-place,  in  the  cave  of  Maclipelah;  and  his  death. 
Verses  29 — 32  are  P's  parallel  to  xlvii.  29 — 31  in  J. 

29.  to  be  gathered  &c.  See  on  xxv.  8,  though  here  the  expression, 
as  pointed,  is  sing.,  and  is  therefore  correctly  rendered  'people'.' 

29,  30,     in  the  cave  &c.     See  xxiii.  8  f ,  16 — 18. 

31.  See  xxiii,  19,  xxv.  9  f ,  xxxv.  29  (cf.  27).  The  burials  of 
Rebekah  and  Leah  are  not  elsewhere  recorded  in  Gen.  On  the  burial- 
place  of  Rachel,  see  xxxv.  19  f ,  xlviii.  7. 

33.    yielded  up  the  ghost.     See  on  xxv.  8. 

and  was  gathered  unto  his  father's  kin.  The  word  is  here  plural 
(as  in  xxv.  8,  and  usually). 

^  In  fact,  however,  we  should  probably  point  *©y,  and  render  'my  father's  kin.' 


L.  i-4j  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  396 

Chapter  L. 
The  burial  of  Jacob;  and  the  death  of  Joseph. 

L.  1  And  Joseph  fell  upon  his  father's  face,  and  wept  upon  J 
hun,  and  kissed  him.  2  And  Joseph  commanded  his  servants 
the  physicians  to  embalm  his  father :  and  the  physicians  em- 
balmed Israel.  3  And  forty  days  were  fulfilled  for  him  ;  for  so 
are  fulfilled  the  days  of  embalming :  and  the  Egyptians  wept 
for  him  threescore  and  ten  days. 

4  And  when  the  days  of  weeping  for  him  were  past,  Joseph 
spake  unto  the  house  of  Pharaoh,  saying,  If  now  I  have  found 

L.     1 — 3.     Jacob's  body  embalmed. 

2.  Egypt  abounded  in  physicians  (Hdt.  ii.  84,  in.  1,  129;  cf.  Od. 
rv.  229  f. ;  Jer.  xlvi.  11;  and  see  further  Wilkinson-Bircli,  The  Anc. 
Egyptians,  ii.  354 — 358);  they  formed  part  of  the  priesthood,  and 
Egyptian  treatises  on  medicine  (containing  some  remarkable  prescrip- 
tions) have  come  down  to  us  (Erman,  pp.  357 — 364). 

Embalming,  as  is  well  known,  was  a  standing  Egyptian  custom: 
it  was  beHeved  that  the  soul  would  in  time  return  to  its  body  after 
death,  and  pains  were  therefore  taken  to  preserve  the  body  from  dis- 
solution in  the  grave.  Numerous  mummies  have  been  found  during 
recent  years  in  Egyptian  tombs,  in  a  state  of  preservation  which  testifies 
to  the  skill  of  the  ancient  embalmers.  On  the  methods  employed,  see 
Hdt.  n.  86—88;  Budge,  The  Mummy  (1893),  pp.  160  fi".,  177  tf. ';  Wilk.- 
Birch,  III.  470  fi".^  The  embalmers  {Tapixf-vTaX)  formed,  however,  a 
distinct  profession:  so  that  the  term  physicians  does  not  seem  to  be 
used  quite  exactly.  Still,  it  would  not  be  altogether  unsuitable :  for 
some  knowledge  of  anatomy,  and  of  the  drugs  necessary  for  the  preser- 
vation of  bodies,  would  be  required  by  the  embalmers. 

3.  forty  days.  Diod.  Sic.  (i.  91)  says  that  the  process  lasted  more 
than  thirty  days;  Hdt.  (ii.  86)  speaks  of  seventy  days:  in  point  of 
fact  (Budge,  p.  179)  the  period  varied. 

threescore  and  ten  days.  The  Eg}^tians  are  said  to  have  mourned 
for  a  king  for  seventy-two  days  (Diod.  i.  72),  That  they  mourned  for 
Jacob  so  long,  will  have  been  out  of  respect  for  Joseph. 

4 — 13.  Jacob  conveyed  by  his  sons  to  Canaan,  and  buried  in  the 
cave  of  Machpelah,  in  Hebron. 

4 — 6.  Joseph  asks  leave  of  absence  of  the  Pharaoh  to  bury  his 
father  in  Canaan. 

4.  the  house  of  Pharaoh.  The  request,  as  it  related  to  himself, 
was  prefeiTed  indirectly  through  members  of  the  royal  house,  who,  it 
may  be  presumed,  gave  it  their  support. 

^  iiitumen  was  largely  used :  and  hence  the  name  '  mummy,'  properly  an 
Arabic  word,  meaning  '  bitumenized  thing'  (Budge,  p.  173  f.). 


396  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [l.  4-" 

grace  in  your  eyes,  speak,  I  pray  you,  in  the  ears  of  Pharaoh,  J 
saying,  5  My  father  made  me  swear,  saying,  Lo,  I  die :  in  my 
grave  which  I  ^have  digged  for  me  in  the  land  of  Canaan,  there 
shalt  thou  bury  me.  Now  therefore  let  me  go  up,  I  pray  thee, 
and  bury  my  father,  and  I  will  come  again.  6  And  Pharaoh 
said,  Go  up,  and  bury  thy  father,  according  as  he  made  thee 
swear.  7  And  Joseph  went  up  to  bury  his  father :  and  with 
him  went  up  all  the  servants  of  Pharaoh,  the  elders  of  his  house, 
and  aU  the  elders  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  8  and  all  the  house  of 
Joseph,  and  his  brethren,  and  his  father's  house :  only  their 
little  ones,  and  their  flocks,  and  their  herds,  they  left  in  the  land 
of  Goshen.  9  And  there  went  up  with  him  both  chariots  and 
horsemen :  and  it  was  a  very  great  company.  10  And  they 
came  to  the  threshing-floor  of  Atad,  which  is  beyond  Jordan, 
and  there  they  lamented  with  a  very  great  and  sore  lamentation : 
and  he  made  a  mourning  for  his  father  seven  days.     11   And 

1  Or,  bought 

5.     made  me  swear.     See  xlvii.  30. 

have  digged.  RVm.  bought.  Tlie  Heb.  word  is  ambi^ous,  and  may 
have  either  meaning  (xxvi.  25  ;  Dt.  ii.  6),  though  'digged'  is  on  the 
whole  the  more  probable  (cf.  2  Ch.  xvi.  14,  where  the  same  verb  is  badly 
rendered  'had  hewn  out'):  so  Lxx.,  Vulg.,  Del.,  Dillm.,  &c. 

go  up.     See  on  xii.  10.     So  '  went  up,'  vv.  7,  9. 

come  again.     Come  back  (on  xxiv.  5). 

7 — 9.  A  considerable  funeral  procession,  such  as  the  Egyptians 
loved,  is  described :  the  terms  of  v.  1^  imply  that  it  was  as  splendid 
as  if  Joseph  had  been  of  royal  birth.  These  processions, — only  (Ebers 
in  Smith,  DB.^u.  1804)  without  'horsemen,' — are  often  represented  on 
the  Egyptian  tombs:  see  Plates  lxvi.,  lxvii.,  lxviii.  in  Wilk.- Birch 
(m.  444,  446,  449);  Erman,  p.  320  £;  or  Ball,  Light  from  tJie  East,  p.  119. 

8,     the  land  of  Goshen.     See  on  xlv.  10. 

10,  11.     Arrival  of  the  procession  at  Atad. 

10.  the  threshing-floor  of  Atad  (or,  of  the  buckthorn).  The  name, — 
either  this,  or  that  in  v.  11, — has  not  been  preserved;  and  the  situation 
is  unknown. 

and  they  wailed  there  with  a  very  great  and  sore  wailing.  With 
loud  demonstrations  of  grief :  see  on  xxiii.  2. 

seven  days.  The  usual  period  of  mourning  among  the  Hebrews 
(1  S.  xxxi.  13;  Judith  xvi.  24;  Ecclus.  xxii.  12). 

11.  There  must  have  been  a  place  on  the  E.  of  Jordan  called  the 
'Meadow  {^abeiy  of  Egypt,' — so  named,  presumably,  from  some  incident 

1  Also  found  in  other  pr.  names,  as  Abel-meholah  ('of  dancing'),  Abel-ha-shittim 
('of  tJae  acacias'),  Abel-cheramim  ('of  vineyards  '). 


L.  11-15]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  397 

when  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  ths  Canaanites,  saw  the  J" 
mourning  in  the  floor  of  Atad,  they  said,  This  is  a  grievous 
^mourning  to  the  Egyptians :  wherefore  the  name  of  it  was 
called  Abel-mizraim,  which  is  beyond  Jordan.  |  12  And  his  sons  P 
did  unto  him  according  as  he  commanded  them :  13  for  his  sons 
carried  him  into  the  land  of  Canaan,  and  buried  him  in  the  cave 
of  the  field  of  Machpelah,  which  Abraham  bought  with  the 
field,  for  a  possession  of  a  buryingplace,  of  Ephron  the  Hittite, 
before  Mamre. 

14  And  Joseph  returned  into  Egypt,  he,  and  his  brethren,  J 
and  all  that  went  up  with  him  to  bury  his  father,  after  he  had 
buried  his  father.  |  15   And  when  Joseph's  brethren  saw  that  E 
their  father  was  dead,  they  said.  It  may  be  that  Joseph  will  hate 

1  Heb.  ebel. 

either  in  one  of  the  early  Egyptian  invasions  of  W.  Asia,  or  in  the  Egyp- 
tian occupation  of  Palestine,  which  v/e  now  know  from  the  Tel  el-Amarna 
letters  existed  for  some  time  previously  to  B.C.  1400', — which  was 
explained  popularly  by  the  Hebrews,  as  though  it  meant  the  '  Mourn- 
ing {ebet)  of  Egypt,'  and  derived  its  name  from  the  occurrence  here 
narrated.  In  accordance  with  this  explanation  of  the  name,  it  was 
naturally  supposed  that  the  funeral  procession  made  a  detour  round 
the  Dead  Sea  and  the  E.  of  Jordan,  instead  of  following  the  direct 
and  obvious  route  from  Egypt  to  Hebron  by  Beer-sheba. 

the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  the  Canaanites.  I.e.  the  natives  on 
the  opposite  (W.)  side  of  the  Jordan. 

12,  13.  The  account  of  the  actual  burial  of  Jacob  is  told  in  an 
excerpt  from  P.  The  verses  form  evidently  the  direct  sequel  to  xlix. 
29 — 33^:  notice  (1)  Jacob's  'sons'  in  both,  whereas  in  1.  4 — 11  Joseph 
is  the  prominent  figure;  and  (2)  that  v.  12  'his  sons  did  unto  him'  &c. 
is  obviously  written  without  reference  to  vv.  7 — 11. 

13.  Repeated  largely  verbatim,  in  P's  manner,  from  xlix.  30. 

14  (J).  The  narrative  of  vv.  7 — 1 1  is  here  resumed  and  concluded, 
Joseph  appearing  again  as  the  leading  figure. 

15 — 21.  Their  father  being  dead  the  brethren  fear  that  Joseph 
will  no  longer  feel  any  restraint  in  exacting  retribution  for  their  past 
treatment  of  him,  and  send  accordingly  to  crave  his  forgiveness.  He 
replies  generously  that  he  has  no  intention  of  exacting  vengeance  for 
actions  which,  however  intended,  have  been  overruled  by  God's  pro- 
vidence for  good,  and  that  he  will  continue  to  make  provision  for  their 
nourishment  and  welfare. 

1  The  basaltic  monolith,  called  'Job's  Stone,'  at  Sheikh  Sa'ad,  about  22  m.  E. 
of  the  Lake  of  Gennesareth,  has  on  it  an  indcription  shewing  that  it  was  erected  in 
honour  of  Ramses  II.,  the  Pharaoh  of  the  oppression  (DB.  i.  166'').  See  also 
Hogarth's  Auth.  and  Arch.  pp.  68 — 70,  71. 

a  «  Command '  here  is  in  the  Heb.  the  same  as  '  charge '  there  (H-IV), 


398  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [l.  15-^3 

us,  and  will  fully  requite  us  all  the  evil  which  we  did  unto  him.  E 
16  And  they  sent  a  message  unto  Joseph,  saying,  Thy  father  did 
command  before  he  died,  saying,  17  So  shall  ye  say  unto  Joseph, 
Forgive,  I  pray  thee  now,  the  transgression  of  thy  brethren,  and 
their  sin,  for  that  they  did  unto  thee  evil :  and  now,  we  pray 
thee,  forgive  the  transgression  of  the  servants  of  the  God  of  thy 
father.  And  Joseph  wept  when  they  spake  unto  him.  18  And 
his  brethren  also  went  and  fell  down  before  his  face  ;  and  they 
said.  Behold,  we  be  thy  servants.  19  And  Joseph  said  unto 
them.  Fear  not :  for  am  I  in  the  place  of  God  ?  20  And  as  for 
you,  ye  meant  evil  against  me ;  but  God  meant  it  for  good,  to 
bring  to  pass,  as  it  is  this  day,  to  save  much  people  alive. 
21  Now  therefore  fear  ye  not :  I  will  nourish  you,  and  your 
little  ones.  And  he  comforted  them,  and  spake  ^kindly  unto 
them. 

22  And  Joseph  dwelt  in  Egypt,  he,  and  his  father's  house : 
and  Joseph  lived  an  hundred  and  ten  years.    23  And  Joseph 

^  Heb.  to  their  heart, 

15.    fully.     Rather,  surely. 

16  f.  As  motives  for  him  to  grant  a  favourable  hearing,  they 
mention  that  their  present  request  is  made  in  obedience  to  their  father's 
express  command,  and  remind  him  incidentally  that  he  and  they  are 
all  worshippers  of  the  same  God. 

18.  The  brethren  next  appear  before  Joseph  personally ;  and  offer 
themselves  to  him  as  his  slaves  (cf.  xliv.  16,  where  the  same  word  is 
rendered  bondmen). 

19 — 21.     Joseph's  magnanimous  reply. 

19.  am  I  in  the  place  of  God .?  Viz.  to  inflict  retribution  upon  you. 
The  same  expression  as  in  xxx.  2,  but  differently  applied. 

20.  The  verse  brings  out  the  didactic  import  of  the  narrative: 
God  often  accomplishes  his  ends  through  human  means,  without  the 
knowledge,  and  even  against  the  wishes,  of  the  agents  who  actually 
give  them  effect.     Cf.  xlv.  5,  7,  8  (also  E). 

as  it  is  this  day,  to  save  &c.  The  words  seem  to  imply  that  the 
writer  pictured  the  famine  as  still  continuing  (cf.  also  'nourish'  in u  21 
with  xlv.  11,  xlvii.  12).  It  is  true,  according  to  P,  the  famine  must 
have  long  ceased,  at  the  time  of  Jacob's  death  (see  xlvii.  28);  but  we 
have  had  several  instances  in  which  the  chronology  of  J  and  E  has  not 
been  in  agreement  with  that  of  P. 

21.  spake  kindly  unto  them.     Cf  on  xxxiv.  3. 
22 — 26.     Joseph's  old  age  and  death. 

22.  an  hundred  and  ten  years.  It  is  a  remarkable  coincidence 
that  110  years  appear  to  have  been  regarded  in  Egypt  as  the  ideal 


L.  23, 14]  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  399 

saw  Ephraim's  children  of  the  third  generation :   the  children  E 
also  of  Machir  the  son  of  Manasseh  were  born  upon  Joseph's 
knees.     24  And  Joseph  said  unto  his  brethren,  T  die :  but  God 
will  surely  visit  you,  and  bring  you  up  out  of  this  land  unto  the 

lifetime  for  a  man,  and  the  most  perfect  age  to  be  desired.  Thus 
in  the  most  ancient  MS.  which  we  possess,  the  Papjn-us  Prisse,  con- 
taining the  celebrated  'precepts  of  Ptah-hotep','  a  life  of  110  years 
is  declared  to  be  the  best ;  and  on  a  granite  statue  at  Vienna  there  is 
a  prayer  to  Isis  to  grant  health  and  happiness  for  110  years:  according 
to  Ebers  (Smith,  BB.^  n.  1804  f ),  also,  there  are  many  other  passages 
which  speak  similarly. 

23.  Joseph  survived  to  see  his  own  great-great-grandchilclren. 
children  of  the  third  generation.    I.e.  Ephraim's  great-grandchildren : 

on  the  Heb.  expression  used,  see  Dillm. 

the  children  also  of  Machir.  What  'children'  are  meant,  is  not 
stated:  the  'child'  (or  'son')  of  Machir,  most  frequently  mentioned 
elsewhere  is  Gilead  (the  country :  see  the  next  note) :  others  are  Peresh 
and  Sheresh  (1  Ch.  vii.  16),  and  an  unnamed  daughter  (1  Ch.  ii.  21); 
but  the  connexion  in  which  these  are  mentioned  makes  it  probable 
that  they  are  the  names  of  clans,  rather  than  of  individuals.  Refer- 
ence Bibles  (including  RV.)  compare  Nu.  xxxii.  39 :  but  the  '  children 
of  Machir,'  who  are  there  said  to  have  gone  and  conquered  Gilead, 
cannot,  upon  any  view  of  the  chronology,  be  the  same  as  the  infants 
who  are  here  described  as  laid  upon  Joseph's  Imees. 

Machir.  Mentioned  specially  on  account  of  his  being  the  epony- 
mous ancestor  of  the  leading  and  most  warlike  (Jos.  xvii.  1)  of  the  clans 
of  Manasseh,  which  was  spread  over  both  the  W.  (Jud.  v.  14)  and  E. 
(Nu.  xxxii.  39)  of  Jordan.  In  Nu.  xxxii.  40,  Dt.  iii.  15,  the  settlement 
of  Machir  in  Gilead  is  expressed  by  its  being  said  that  Moses  'gave 
Gilead  to  Machir';  in  Nu.  xxvi.  29,  xxvii.  1,  Jos.  xvii.  1^  3,  and  else- 
where, it  is  expressed  in  terms  of  a  genealogy,  it  being  said  that  ]\Iachir 
'begat'  Gilead  (or,  was  the  'father'  of  Gilead:  cf  p.  112  f),  or  that 
Gilead  was  the  'son'  of  Machir*. 

were  born  upon  Joseph's  knees.  I.e.  he  recognized  them  as  his  de- 
scendants; implying  indirectly  that  he  survived  their  birth.  An 
expression  used  properly  and  originally,  it  seems,  of  the  father:  see 
on  XXX.  3;  and  cf.  Od.  xix.  401 — 4;  //.  ix.  455  f 

24,  25.  Joseph,  before  he  dies,  makes  his  kinsmen  solemnly  promise 
that,  when  they  leave  Egypt  for  Canaan  (cf  xlvi.  4,  xlviii.  21),  they  will 
bring  up  his  bones  with  them.     Cf  Heb.  xi.  22. 

24.  brethren.  I.e.  kinsmen  (as  xxxi.  23,  46);  cf  'children  of 
Israel'  in  v.  25. 

visit  you  &c.     See  Ex.  iii.  16,  17,  iv.  31. 

1  See  Maspero,  i.  400  f. 

^  See  further  on  Machir,  and  on  the  remarkable  variations  in  the  different 
genealogies  in  which  he  figures,  the  art.  Manasseh  in  DB.  iii,,  esp.  p.  231  f. 


400  THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  [l.  h->6 

land  which  he  sware  to  Abraham,  to  Isaac,  and  to  Jacob.  E 
25  And  Joseph  took  an  oath  of  the  children  of  Israel,  saying, 
God  will  surely  visit  you,  and  ye  shall  carry  up  my  bones  from 
hence.  26  So.  Joseph  died,  being  an  hundred  and  ten  years 
old :  and  they  embalmed  him,  and  he  was  put  in  a  coffin  in 
Egypt. 

which  he  sware  &c.  As  Ex.  xiii.  5,  Nu.  xiv.  16  (JE),  and  often  in 
Dt.     Cf.  Gen.  xxii.  16,  xxvi.  3  f 

25.  took  an  oath  &c.     Cf  Ex.  xiii.  19;  and  see  also  Jos.  xxiv.  32. 

26.  in  a  coffin.  I.e.  the  usual  decorated  mummy-case,  such  as  are 
to  be  seen  now  in  most  of  the  museums  of  Europe. 

'  The  character  of  Joseph  is  one  that  is  singularly  amiable  and  free  from 
faults.  He  is  the  true  son,  the  true  brother,  the  true  servant.  Loyal  and 
faithful,  disinterested  and  sincere,  modest  and  considerate,  he  wins  the 
confidence  and  esteem  of  all  right-minded  persons  with  whom  he  has  to  do. 
He  is  obedient  to  duty  in  whatever  position  he  finds  himself — whether  feeding 
his  father's  sheep,  or  attending  to  his  master's  house,  or  acting  for  the  keeper 
of  the  prison,  or  invested  by  Pharaoh  with  authority  over  Egypt.  "  Jehovah 
was  with  him"  is  the  significant  phrase  by  which  the  narrator  indicates  the 
Divine  approval  of  his  conduct  (xxxix,  2,  3,  21,  23).  In  misfortune  he  is 
resigned,  and  does  not  complain.  He  resists  temptation.  In  his  elevation  he 
neither  presumes  upon  his  position  nor  forgets  his  humbler  relations:  in  spite 
of  their  cruel  treatment  of  him,  he  bears  his  brethren  no  grudge ;  even  after 
his  father's  death  he  is  as  generous  and  magnanimous  as  before  (I.  17 — 21), 
He  has  deep  and  true  aff"ection ;  his  younger  brother  and  his  father  are  ever 
foremost  in  his  thoughts^.  His  attitude  towards  his  other  brethren,  and  the 
humiliation  which  he  imposes  on  them,  are,  of  course,  dictated  by  the  desire 
to  prove  them,  and  bring  them  to  acknowledge  their  sin ;  as  soon  as  they  have 
done  this  (cf.  xiii.  21,  22,  xliv.  16),  and  he  is  satisfied  that  they  are  treating  his 
father  and  Benjamin  with  genuine  affection,  he  discloses  himself,  excuses  them 
for  what  they  had  done  (xlv.  5 — 8),  and,  to  assure  them  of  his  forgiveness  and 
goodwill,  makes  provision  for  their  residence  near  himself  in  Egypt.  He  has 
a  lively  sense  of  dependence  upon  God  (xl.  8,  xli.  16,  25,  28,  32,  51,  52,  xlv,  9, 
xlviii.  9, 11, 15,  21, 1.  19,  24,  25)  and  of  his  duty  towards  Him  (xxxix.  9,  xiii.  18). 
He  is  conscious  that  he  is  in  God's  hands,  who  overrules  evil  that  good  may 
come,  and  efi"ects  His  purposes  even  though  it  may  be  without  the  knowledge 
and  against  the  wishes  of  the  actual  agents  (1.  20,  cf.  xlv.  5,  7,  8),  As  a 
righteous  man,  persecuted  and  sold  by  his  brethren,  wrongfully  accused  and 
humiliated,  but  afterwards  exalted,  and  using  his  position  for  the  good  of 

^  Gen.  xli.  51  end  is  naturally  not  to  be  taken  au  pied  de  la  lettre.  It  is  an  old 
difficulty,  which  can  be  solved  only  conjecturaliy,  that  Joseph  did  not,  immediately 
after  his  elevation,  take  steps  to  inform  his  father  of  his  welfare,  and  relieve  him 
of  the  anxiety  which  he  must  have  known  he  would  be  feeling. 


THE  BOOK  OF  GENESIS  401 

others,  submissive,  forgiving,  and  tender-hearted,  it  is  not  surprising  that  he 
should  often  have  been  regarded  as  a  type  of  Christ.  Only  the  measures 
adopted  by  Joseph  for  the  relief  of  the  famine  might  be  thought  to  strike  a 
discordant  note  in  his  character.  To  appropriate  the  surplus  produce  of  the 
seven  years  of  plenty,  and  then  to  compel  the  Egyptians  to  buy  hack,  even  to 
their  own  impoverishment,  what  they  had  themselves  previously  given  up, 
does  not  seem  consistent  with  our  ideas  of  justice  and  equity.  It  must, 
however,  be  remembered,  that,  in  this  respect,  Joseph  was  not,  and  could  not 
be  expected  to  be,  in  advance  of  the  public  morality  of  his  age.  The  economic 
conditions  of  Egypt  are,  and  always  have  been,  peculiar.  The  fertility  of  the 
soil  is  dependent  upon  a  system  of  irrigation,  which  can  only  be  kept  in  proper 
order  by  the  central  government ;  and  the  cultivator  falls  into  a  state  of 
dependency  and  indebtedness  to  it  at  the  same  time.  Moreover,  the  Egyptian 
fellah  lacks  inherently  the  spirit  of  independence,  and,  even  to  the  present 
day,  is  content  to  enrich  others  by  his  labour  rather  than  himself.  Of  course 
such  considerations  as  these  do  not  justify  in  the  abstract  the  oppressions  to 
which  Egypt  has  habitually  been  exposed  at  the  hands  of  Oriental  viceroys 
and  pashas ;  but  they  tend  to  shet^r  that  Joseph  did  not  do  more  than  was 
consistent  with  the  condition  of  the  country,  with  the  age  in  which  he  lived, 
and  with  the  position  in  which  he  found  himself  placed  at  the  time^' 


1  From  the  writer's  art.  Joseph  in  DJB.  ii.  770. 


D.  26 


EXCURSUS  L 


The  Names  of  God  in  Genesis. 

1.  'EldJiim.  This  is  the  ordinary  Heb.  word  for  *God*  (Gen.  i. 
1,  2,  3,  &c.):  it  is  plural  in  form,  though  construed,  with  very  few 
exceptions,  with  a  sing,  verb  or  adj.,  the  most  probable  explanation 
of  the  plural  being  that  it  is  a  'plural  of  majesty,'  or  honorific  plural, 
being  used  to  express  dignity  and  greatness^  just  as  the  Heb.  words 
for  'lord'  and  'master,'  are  not  unfrequently  plural  in  form,  even 

though  the  reference  be  to  a  single  person*.  The  sing.  *Moah  is  rare, 
being  found  only  in  poetry  (50  times,  41  being  in  Job)  and  late  prose 
(7  times, — once  of  the  true  God,  Neh.  ix.  17,  6  times  of  heathen  gods, 
2  Ch.  xxxii.  15,  Dan.  xi.  37,  38  his,  39,  and  the  KHih  of  2  K.  xvii^  31). 
The  same  word,  with  only  vocalic  differences,  is  the  ordinary  word  for 
'God'  in  Aramaic  (^eldh)  and  Arabic  {'ildky :  it  is  found  also  in  Sabaean 
(see  on  x.  28)  and  the  allied  dialects  of  S.  Arabia.  The  idea  originally 
expressed  by  the  word  is  unknown.  In  Arabic  'ali/ia,  according 
to  Arabic  lexicographers,  is  an  old  Bedawi  word  meaning  to  wander 
about,  go  hither  and  thither  in  perplexity  and  fear,  and  followed  by 
'to,'  to  betake  oneself  to  a  person  by  reason  of  fright  and  fear,  seeking 
protection*:  hence,  if  really  derived  from  this  root,  'ildh  might  denote 
God  as  one  to  whom  one  resorted  for  protection,  a  refuge^.  Whether, 
however,  'ildh  is  really  derived  from  'aliha  is  far  from  certain :  so  that 
this  meaning  of  \lah,  'Eloah  cannot  be  regarded  as  more  than  con- 
jectural"._ 

2.  'El.  This  is  the  ordinary  word  for  '  God'  in  Ass5n'ian  and  Phoe- 
nician (both  as  an  appellative  and  in  proper  names) :  it  is  found  also  in 
the  S.  Arabian  dialects,  though  (except  in  proper  names,  in  which  it  is 

1  See  G.-K.  §  124s,  and  Kautzscb,  art.  Names  in  EncB.  §  114;  and  cf.  above, 
p.  14. 

2  See,  for  instance,  the  Heb.  of  Gen.  xlii.  30,  Is.  xix.  4j  Ex.  xxi.  9,  Is.  i.  3 
(G.-K.  §  124').  In  Ethiopic,  Amldk,  meauiug  properly  'lords,'  is  the  general  word 
for  '  God '  (Dillm.  Lex.  Aeth.  p.  151).  Elohim  is  used  also  often,  as  a  real  plural, 
of  heathen  deities. 

»  'Allah'  is  'ildh  with  the  art.,  contracted  from  al-'ildh. 
■*  Lane,  Arab.  Lex.  p.  82. 

"  It  would  hardly,  in  view  of  the  meaning  of  the  root,  denote  Him,  as  has  been 
Bugge.'ited,  as  an  object  of  dread. 

'  Ci.  Kautzsch,  EncB.  art.  Names,  §  116. 


THE   NAMES  OF  GOD  IN  GENESIS  403 

very  common^)  not  as  frequently  as  ^ildh:  in  Aram,,  Arab.,  and  Etli., 
it  occurs  only  in  proper  uames, — often  in  Aram.,  rarely  in  Arab.^  and 
Eth.  In  Heb.  ^El  appears  to  have  formed  no  part  of  the  ordinary 
spoken  language,  being  found  only  in  the  following  connexions:  (1)  in 
poetry,  very  frequently,  e.g.  73  times  in  the  Psalms,  55  times  in  Job, 
21  times  in  Isaiah  (including  both  parts),  and  occasionally  in  the  other 
prophets ;  (2)  in  proper  names  (in  which  in  Heb.  'Eloah  is  never  used), 
very  frequently,  as  Ishmael,  Israel,  Bethel,  Jezreel,  Eikanah,  Elijah, 
Elisha';  (3)  in  prose,  rarely,  and  chiefly  when  some  epithet  is  attached 
to  it,  as  in  'a  jealous  God'  (s:p  '?x),  Ex.  xx.  5,  a/.,  'the  great  God,'  or 
'the  faithful  God'  (7\i),r\  ^xn,  |nN:n  Ssn),  Dt.  vii.  9,  x.  17. 

The  occurrences  of  'El  in  Genesis  (excluding  proper  names)  are — 

jVt'y  bx  '  God  most  High,'  xiv.  18,  19,  20,  22. 

'iJ^n  '«  '  God  of  seeing,'  xvi.  13. 

nc'  '?«  'God  Almighty  (?),'  xvii.  1,  xxviii.  3,  xxxv.  11,  xliii.  14, 
xlviii.  3,  and  to  be  read  also  m  xlix,  25 :  see  further  below,  p.  404  ff. 

□"piy  ^^  '  God  everlasting,'  xxi.  33. 

^xn»3  '?X(n)  'The  God  of  Bethel,'  xxxi.  13,  xxxv.  7  (here  the  name 
of  a  place). 

ba-i^"  M^N  ^x  '  God,  the  God  of  Israel,'  xxxiii.  20  (name  of  an 
altar). 

yha  nxi3n  ban  '  The  God  who  appeared  unto  thee,'  xxxv.  1. 

*nx  n:yn  bxn  'The  God  who  answered  me,'  xxxv.  3. 

-|nx  M^x  "pxn  >33X  •  I  am  God,  the  God  of  thy  father,'  xlvi.  3. 

T3X  ha  '  The  God  of  thy  father,'  xlix.  25  (in  Jacob's  Blessing). 

In  the  other  historical  books  ^El  occurs  only — {a)  with  epithets  attached, 
mostly  in  passat^es  belonging  to  the  more  elevated  prose  style,  Ex.  vi.  3 
{'ElShaddai);  xx.  5  ('a  jealous  God';  so  xxxiv.  U"",  Dt  iv.  24,  v.  9,  vi  15,  Jos. 
xxiv.  19),  xxxiv.  6  (*a  gracious  and  merciful  God':  hence  Neh.  ix.  31;  cf. 
Dt.  iv.  31),  Dt.  vii.  9  ('the  faithful  God'),  21  ('a  great  and  terrible  God'),  x.  17 
('the  great,  the  mighty,  and  the  terrible  God';  hence  Jer.  xxxii.  18,  Neh.  i.  5, 
ix.  32,  Dan.  ix.  4),  Jos.  iii.  10  ('the  living  God'),  Jud.  ix.  46  {'El-b'rith,  'the 
God  of  the  covenant,'  cf. '  Baal  of  the  covenant,'  v.  4) ;  (6)  in  poetical  passages, 
Ex.  XV.  2,  11  (plur.),  Nu.  xxiii.  8,  19,  22,  23,  xxiv.  4,  8,  16,  23,  Dt.  xxxii.  4,  12, 
18,  21,  xxxiii.  26,  1  S.  ii.  3,  2  S.  xxii.  31,  32,  33,  48,  xxiii.  5;  (c)  otherwise, 
Ex.  xxxiv.  14»,  Nu.  xii.  13  (text  doubtful),  xvi.  22  ('0  God'),  Dt.  iii.  24,  Jos. 
xxii.  22  bis  ('  God  of  gods '). 

1  Comp.  Almodad  (perhaps,  with  other  vowels,  meaninj^  'God  loves')  and 
Abima'el  ('God  is  a  father '  =  the  Heb.  Abi'el)  in  Gen.  x.  26,  28:  see  DB.  or 
EncB.  svv. 

2  Chiefly  in  the  half-Aramaic,  half- Arabic,  Nabataean  inscriptions  of  1  cent.  b.o. 
— 3  cent.  A.D.  In  the  time  of  Mohammed  'El  was  an  unknown  word  to  the  Arabs. 
Comp.  the  Bibhcal  names  from  places  E.  or  SE.  of  Palestine,  the  Aramaean 
Kemu'el,  Bethu'el  (Gen.  xxii.  21,  22),  Elyada'  (1  K.  xi.  23),  and  Hazael;  Ishmael 
and  Adbe'el  (Gen.  xxv.  13);  the  Midianite  Elda'ah  (xxv.  4)  and  Ee'uel  (Ex.  ii.  18); 
and  the  Edomite  Eliphaz,  Re'u'el,  Mehetab'el,  and  Magdi'el  (Gen,  xxxvi.  4, 
39,  43). 

26—2 


404  EXCURSUS  I 

The  etymological  meaning  of  ^El  is  however  as  obscure  as  that 
of  ^Eldah.  At  first  sight,  especially  to  one  unacquainted  with  the 
Semitic  languages,  it  seems  as  if  two  names,  each  denoting  '  God,'  and 
each  containing  the  common  element  'el,'  must  he  connected  with 
each  other:  but  for  Semitic  roots  of  the  types  biN  and  ^'^  to  be 
connected  in  meaning  is  against  general  analogy'.  If  ^El  stood  by 
itself,  the  most  plausible  explanation  of  it  would  be  to  regard  it  as 
formed  (like  '^V.  witness,  from  ^•1y)  from  Six,  whether  with  the  meaning 
to  be  strong,  for  which  there  is  some  support',  and  which  was  formerly 
the  generally  accepted  etymology ^  or  with  the  meaning  to  he  in  front 
(in  Arab,  to  precede,  be  foremost,  preside,  rule),  which  would  give  for 
'El  the  meaning  leader,  lord*,  a  suitable  term  for  a  primitive  tribal 
deity ;  but  the  originally  short  e  in  'El  (which  appears  not  only  in  Heb. 
names  such  as  ^'^\t^j^  and  ^<•1'"'vX^  but  also  especially  in  the  Ass.  ilu)  is  a 
serious  objection  to  this  explanation.  Other  explanations  that  have 
been  suggested  are  not  less  questionable.  We  must  rest  content 
with  the  knowledge  that  there  were  two  Semitic  words,  'ildh  and  il{ii), 
both  of  uncertain  etymology,  but  both  undoubtedly  denoting  '  God,' 
and  both  probably  existing  already  side  by  side  before  the  dift'erent 
Semitic  peoples  had  begun  to  separate  from  their  common  home:  in 
after  times,  some  of  the  Semitic  peoples  preferred  one  of  the  two 
synonyms,  while  others  preferred  the  other;  in  one  or  two  cases 
both  remained  in  use,  though  they  were  not  in  practice  used  quite 
indiscriminately'. 

3,  'El  Shaddai  (''!'t^  '?^?),  rendered  conventionally  by  '  God  Al- 
mighty''; but  the  real  meaning  of  Shaddai  is  extremely  uncertain, 
neither  tradition  nor  philology  throwing  any  certain  light  upon  it. 

(a)  The  lxx.  in  Gen.  and  Ex.  use  strangely  my  {thy,  their)  God  for 

1  Still,  as  even  Noldeke  suggests,  w2^  might  conceivably  be  a  very  ancient  ex- 
pansion of  a  biliteral  root  S{<.      . 

^  Esp.  in  the  expression  H*  ?iO  CJ'*  'it  is  according  to  the  power  of  my  hand' 
Gen.  xixi.  29  al.  {Lex.  43»);  the  etym.  meaning  of  7Ni  in  Ez.  xxxi.  11,  and  of 
Wha,  D'''?^X,  in  Ex.  xv.  15,  Ez.  xvii.  13,  xxxi.  14,  xxxii.  21,  2  K.  xxiv.  15,  Job  xli. 
25  (Heb.  17),  is  uncertain;  it  might  be  either  mighty  (so  RV.)  or  leader,  chief  (from 
the  other  sense  of  SlK,  mentioned  above),  cf.  Lex.  18»,  42».  El  is  also  rendered 
laxvphi  19  times  by  lxx.  (e.g.  Ps.  vii.  11);  this  is  likewise  the  regular  rend,  of 
Aquila,  and  the  usual  rend,  of  Symm.  and  Theod.,  esp.  of  Theod. :  see  e.g.  Dt. 
iii.  24,  vi.  15,  Ps.  xvi.  1,  L  1  in  Field's  Hexapla. 

s  See  e.g.  Ges.  Thes.  pp.  42,  47,  48. 

♦  So  Noldeke,  though  not  confidently. 

'  See  further  on  these  two  words  the  Excursus  at  the  end  of  Spurrell's  Notes 
on  the  Heb.  Text  of  Genesis,  with  the  references;  Bathgen's  Beitr/ige  zur  Sem. 
Rel.-Gesch,  1888,  p.  270  S.,  297  ff. ;  Kautzsch's  art.  on  Divine  Names  in  the  EncB. 
ni.  3323 — 6;  and  Kittel's  art.  Elohim  in  the  Prot.  Reaiencyklopadie,  ed.  3,  vol.  v. 
p.  316. 

«  On  the  occurrences,  see  p.  185,  with  n.  1 ;  and  add  the  pr.  names  (all  in  P) 
Zurishaddai, '  Shaddai  is  my  rock,'  Nu.  i.  6,  'Ammishaddai,  '  Shaddai  is  my  father's 
kinsman,'  v.  12,  and  Shaddai'ur,  '  Shaddai  is  a  flame,'  if  Shede'ur  in  v.  5  should  be 
Bo  vocaUzed :  cf.  Gray,  Heb.  Pr.  Names,  p.  196  f. 


THE  NAMES  OF  GOD  IN  GENESIS  405 

'El  Shaddai:  elsewhere  they  represent  Shaddai  by  ^eo's  (Nu.  xxiv.  16, 
Is.  xiii.  6),  Ku'pios  (9  times  in  Job),  TravTOKparcop  (14  times  in  Job), 
Kvpios  iravTOKpanap  (twice  in  Job),  o  TO.  TravTtt  Tronqaaq  (Job  viii.  3), 
o  eTTovpavios  (Ps.  Lxviii.  15),  o  ^€0?  tot)  ovpavov  (Ps.  xci.  l) :  Pesh.  has 
12  times  in  Job  N:^Dn  the  strong  one  (elsewhere  it  either  transliterates, 
or  represents  by  'God'  or  'the  Highest'):  the  Targums  transliterate: 
Aquila,  Symmachus,  and  Theodotion^  render  by  i/<avds^  which, 
however,  very  probably,  merely  gives  expression  to  an  improbable 
Rabbinical  etymology  H't*  'he  that  is  sufficient'  (so  Rashi  on  Gen. 
xvii.  1),  which  may  also  underlie  the  Massoretic  vocalization  Shaddai 
(already  in  Ez.  x.  5  lxx.  SaSSai) :  Vulg.  has  mostly  onmipotens. 

(b)  The  Heb.  verb  shddad  means  to  overpower,  treat  with  violence, 
devastate  (Jud.  v.  27  RVm.,  of  Sisera,  Is.  xv.  1,  xxiii.  1,  14 ;  in  EW. 
often  spoil,  as  Is.  xxxiii.  1,  Ps.  xvii.  9);  and  the  subst.  shod  means 
devastation,  destruction,  Is.  li.  19  (AV.,  RV.,  desolation),  lix.  7 
and  Ix.  18  (AV.  wasting,  RV.  desolation):  if,  however,  Shaddai  were 
derived  from  this,  it  would,  as  Prof.  Davidson  rightly  remarks  {BB. 
n.  199''),  mean  'not  the  Almighty,  but  "the  destroyer,"  signifying 
presumably  the  storm-god,  or  possibly  the  scorching  sun-god,'  or,  it 
might  be,  '  the  Waster,'  with  reference  (see  e.g.  Job  xii.  14 — 25)  to  the 
desti-uctive  aspects  of  God's  providence.  It  is  no  doubt  conceivable 
that  the  term  might  originally  have  expressed  some  such  material 
idea :  but  if  so,  it  must  by  long  usage  have  been  forgotten :  for  as 
used  actually  in  the  OT.,  Shaddai  certainly  does  not  suggest  the  idea 
of  Waster  or  Destroyer  (see  e.g.  Gen.  xvii.  1,  Ps.  xci.  l)^  Others 
explain  Shaddai  as  signifying  the  Over-poiverer,  i.e.  either  the  God  who 
manifests  Himself  in  might,  and  coerces  nature  to  His  will*,  or,  in 
a  more  historical  sense,  the  God  who  in  the  patriarchal  age  was 
conceived  principally  as  ruhng  by  might  ('der  naturgewaltige'),  but 
whose  ethical  and  spiritual  nature  was  only  more  distinctly  revealed 
afterwards^  This  meaning  of  Shaddai  is  however  quite  conjectural: 
for  in  actual  usage  the  verb  shddad  always  involves  the  idea  of 
violence :  though  again  it  is  conceivable  that  in  the  age  when  Shaddai 
was  formed  from  it,  it  had  not  yet  acquired  this  nuance,  and  meant 
simply  to  overpower. 

1  See  Field,  Hexapla,  on  Ez.  x.  5.  Dillm.  says  by  an  oversight  that  Theod. 
now  and  then  renders  by  laxvpos'-  but  in  Gen.  xliii.  14,  xlviii.  3,  Ex.  vi.  3,  where 
El  Shaddai  is  represented  by  laxvpos  iKavos,  not  only  is  the  rend,  not  referred  to 
Theod.  (it  belongs  rather  to  Aq.:  see  Field,  ii.  Auctarium,]^.  3,  on  Gen.  xvii.  1), 
but  Iffx^pbs  corresponds  to  El  (see  p.  404,  n.  2),  and  lKav6s  to  Shaddai. 

2  So  LXX.  in  Ru.  i.  20,  21,  Job  xxi.  15,  xxxi.  2,  xxxix.  32  (xl.  2),  Ez.  i.  24  A  [the 
clause  is  omitted  in  B];  but,  as  Field,  Hexapla,  ad  locc,  shews,  these  passages, 
except  at  least  Eu.  i.  20,  21,  are  really  insertions  in  the  i-xx.  from  the  text 
of  Theodotion. 

»  Kouig,  accepting  the  same  etymology,  explains  (Lehrgeb.  u.  118)  by  violenta 
potentia  praeditus ;  but  neither  in  actual  usage  is  the  idea  of  violence  associated 
with  Shaddai.  It  is  true,  we  have  in  Is.  xiii.  6  =  JolI  i.  15  the  assonance  '  as  shod 
from  Shaddai  shall  it  come';  but  whether  this  can  be  taken  as  evidence  of  the  real 
meaning  of  Shaddai,  is  very  uncertain. 

*  Delitzsch;  Oehler,  TIteol.  of  tlie  OT.  §  37;  Dillmanu,  AT.  Theol.  p.  214  f. 

'  Bathgen,  Beitrdge  zur  Sem.  Rel.-Gesch.  p.  295  f.,  of.  192-7. 


406  EXCURSUS  I 

(c)  In  Assyrian  shadu  is  the  common  word  for  'mountain';  and 
Sargon  and  Asshurbanipal  both  speak  of  Bel  and  Asshur  as  shadu 
rahu,  'the  great  mountain'  {KB.  n.  79,  83,  217);  there  occur  also 
such  proper  names  as  Bel-shadiia,  Marduk-shadila,  *  Bel  or  Marduk  is 
my  mountain,'  Sin-shadiini,  '  Sin  (the  moon-god)  is  our  mountain' : 
it  has  hence  been  conjectured  (Friedrich  Delitzsch;  Hommel,  AHT. 
p.  110  f.^)  that  this  is  the  origin  of  the  Heb.  Shaddai,  and  that  it 
means  properly  '  my  mountain'  (cf.  'my  rock,'  Ps.  xviii.  2  al.),  or  even, — 
for  the  Ass,  shadu  occurs  sometimes  with  this  meaning, — 'lord.'  There 
is  no  apparent  reason  why  the  termination  -u  or  -ua  should  be  changed 
to  -ai;  but  perhaps  the  word  was  originally  Hebraized  as  Shaddl,  'my 
mountain'  (or  'my  lord').  Even,  however,  if  this  etymology  be 
correct,  usage  shews  that  all  consciousness  of  such  having  been  the 
original  meaning  of  the  name  had  been  lost  by  the  Hebrews  ^ 

It  must  be  evident  from  what  has  been  said  that  as  regards  the 
real  meaning  of  Shaddai,  we  are  entirely  in  the  dark :  neither  Hebrew 
nor  any  of  the  cognate  Semitic  langiiages  offers  any  convincing 
explanation  of  it.  Whatever,  however,  be  the  etymology  of  the  name, 
it  is  true  that  the  choice  of  it  does  seem  sometimes  to  be  determined  by 
the  thought  of  the  power  of  God,  whether  in  the  way  of  protection 
and  blessing  (Gen.  xvii.  1,  &c. ;  Job  xxix.  5 ;  Ps.  xci.  1),  or  in  the  way 
of  authority,  punishment,  or  trial  (Job  v.  17,  vi.  4,  viii.  3,  xxi.  20, 
xxvii.  2;  Ps.  Ixviii.  14;  Is.  xiii.  6).  We  may  therefore  acquiesce,  at 
least  provisionally,  in  the  now  familiar  rendering  '  Almighty,'  re- 
membering however  that  it  is  far  from  certain  that  this  is  the  real 
meaning  of  the  word,  that  the  'All'  involved  in  'Almighty'  is  not 
to  be  pressed,  and  that  certainly  no  dogmatic  inferences  can  be 
legitimately  drawn  from  the  term. 

Pearson  (On  the  Creed,  fol.  45)  insists  strongly  upon  the  idea  of  omni- 
potence, in  what  he  terms  its  *  operative '  aspect,  involved  in  Shaddai  :  but  his 
argument  (fol.  46  n.)  is  altogether  invalid.  It  of  course  may  be  granted  that  a 
Being  able  to  destroy  utterly,  i.e.  in  the  strict,  metaphysical  sense  of  the  word, 
to  annihilate,  must  be  endued  with  omnipotent  power;  but  there  is  no  proof 
whatever  that  shddad  does  mean  'to  destroy  utterly':  it  is  simply  a  general 
term  signifying  to  treat  with  violence,  to  spoil  or  waxte,  and  it  is  used  often 
(e.g.  Ps.  xvii.  9,  Ez.  xxxii.  12:  R.V.  spoil)  with  a  human  subject;  so  that  the 
same  argument  would  prove  man, — and  even  an  animal  (Jer.  v.  9), — to  be 
omnipotent  likewise!  ^  It  is  true  that  in  Lxx.  iravTOKparmp  represents  '<-]\i> 
14  times ;  but  it  ought  to  be  remembered  that  Kvpios  iravroKpaTcop  is  used  in 
many  parts  of  the  lxx.  to  represent  Jehovah  of  Hosts ;  and  that  it  is  this 
expression,  rather  than  Shaddai,  which  in  course  of  time  came  to  suggest  to 
the  Hebrews  the  ideas  which  we  express  by  the  term  Omnipotent  (see  the 
writer's  art.  Lokd  of  Hosts  in  DB.). 

1  Cf.  Zimmem,  KAT.^  355,  356,  358  (thinks  a  connexion  with  thadu  possible), 
"  Ball  (Light  from  the  East,  p.  151)  would  derive  '£i  Shaddai  from  an  original 

AsHyrian  II  shadde,  '  God  of  the  mountains.' 

3  Pearson's  alternative  explanation,  the  {All-)sitfficient,  depends  upon  the  im- 

probable  Sabbiaical  etymology  noticed  above  (p.  405  top). 


THE  NAI^IES   OF  GOD   IN  GENESIS  407 

4.  Yaliweh}  {p'\^1;  apocopated  in  poetry  [49  times,  23  times  being 
in  'Hallelujah']  to  Yah,  and  in  compound  proper  names,  at  the 
beginning  to  Y^ho-,  Yd-^  and  at  the  end  to  -ydku,  -ydhy .  This  is  the 
personal  name  of  the  God  of  Israel.  It  is  greatly  more  common  than 
Ehhim  in  the  OT.  generally,  though  it  is  avoided  by  particular 
writers'.  In  form  it  is,  to  all  appearance,  the  third  person  imperfect 
of  njn^  to  he,  used  as  a  subst.,  of  exactly  the  same  type  as  Isaac, 
Jacob,  Jephthah  (more  exactly  Yizhdk,  Ya'cikob,  Yiphtdh);  and  in 
Ex.  iii.  14  (E)  it.  is  explained,  the  third  person  being  changed  into  the 
first,  by  '"ivH?  "'?'^  'T'l?,  '  I  am  that  I  am,'  or  rather,  more  exactly*, 
'  I  am  wont  to  be  that  which  I  am  wont  to  be,'  or  '  I  wiU  be  that  which 
I  wiU  be'  (A.  B.  Davidson,  W.  R.  Smith).  This  explanation  (1)  implies 
that  Yahweh's  nature  can  be  defined  only  by  itself ;  and  (2)  declares 
that,  while  He  is,  as  opposed  to  non-existent  heathen  deities,  He 
exists,  not  simply  in  an  abstract  sense  (lxx.  iya  el/xi  6  wv),  but 
actively,  it  is  His  nature  ever  to  express  Himself  anew,  ever  to 
manifest  Himself  under  a  fresh  aspect  to  the  world  (Oehler*,  Delitzsch). 
or  (if  the  future  rend,  be  adopted)  that  He  will  be  (to  His  people) 
what  lie  will  be,  i.e.  will  shew  Himself  to  Israel  under  the  manifold 

^  The  form  'Jehovah'  is  a  philologically  impossible  one:  it  is  a  hybrid  word, 
formed  by  combining  the  consonants  of  Yahweh  with  the  vowels  of  Adonai 
('Lord'),  which  is  the  word  that  the  Massorites  intended  to  be  read  by  their 
vocalization  niH^.  It  has  no  support  from  antiquity,  being  first  used,  so  far  as  is 
known,  by  Petrus  Galatinus  in  1518.  The  pronunciation  Yahweh  is  supported  both  by 
philology  (it  is  a  uatiiral  form  of  the  impf.  of  niH ;  and  is  also  presupposed  by  the 
apocopated  form  -ydhu),  and  by  ancient  tradition  (Clem.  Al.  Strom,  v.  6.  34  gives 
the  form  'laoue  or  'laoval;  and  Theodoret,  Quaest.  15  in  Exod.  says  that  the 
Samaritans  pronounced  the  sacred  name  'la^i). 

*  Mentioned  also  on  the  Moabite  Stone,  1.  18,  where  Mesha'  boasts  of  having 
dragged  the  '  vessels  of  Yahweh '  before  Chemosh. 

*  P  does  not  use  it  till  Ex.  vi.  2,  3  (p.  vii);  E  uses  Elohim  in  Genesis  almost 
exclusively;  but  after  Ex.  iii.  14 f.  only  occasionally,  as  Ex.  xiii.  17 — 19,  xviii.,  xx. 
1,  19 — 21.  Certain  later  writers  also  avoided  Yahweh.  Thus  it  does  not  occur 
in  Ecclesiastes,  or  in  Daniel  (except  in  ch.  ix.);  the  Chronicler,  when  writing  in- 
dependently (i.e.  in  passages  not  excerpted  from  Sam.  or  Kings)  is  apt  to  shew 
a  preference  for  Elohim  (though  he  also  uses  Yahweh),  and  sometimes  changes 
Yahweh  of  his  source  into  Elohim  (comp.  e.g.  2  Ch.  xxii.  12,  xxiii.  9,  xxv.  24, 
xxxiii.  7  with  2  K.  xi.  3,  10,  xiv.  14,  xxi.  7) ;  and  the  exceptional  preponderance  of 
Elohim  over  Yahweh  in  Book  II  of  the  Psalms  (Ps.  xlii. — Ixxii.),  and  in  Ps.  Ixxiii. — 
Ixxxiii.,  as  compared  with  the  rest  of  the  Psalter,  shews  that  here  the  editor,  or 
collector,  must  have  substituted  it  for  an  original  Yahweh  (cf.  also  Ps.  liii.  2,  4,  5",  6 
with  xiv.  2,  4,  6,  7). 

*  The  imperfect  tense  in  Hebrew  does  not  denote  continued  action  (which  is 
expressed  by  the  participle),  but  either  reiterated  (habitual)  or  future  action.  The 
reiteration  expressed  by  it  may  belong  to  either  the  past  (as  Gen.  ii.  6  '  used  to  go 
up ')  or  the  present  (as  Gen.  x.  9  '  it  is  wont  to  be  said,'  Ex.  xviii.  15  '  are  wont  to 
come').  In  the  latter  case,  it  is  commonly  rendered  in  EVV.  by  the  present  tense 
(as  Ps.  i.  2  'doth  he  meditate,'  3  '  bringeth  forth,' '  doth  not  wither,'  'doeth,' 
4  '  driveth  away,'  Ac);  the  Heb.,  however,  in  all  such  cases  denotes  reiteration, 
and  expresses,  more  distinctly  than  is  done  by  the  English  '  present '  tense,  what  is 
habitual  or  customary  (see  numerous  examples  in  Davidson's  Heb.  Syntax,  §  44,  or 
the  writer's  Hebrew  Tenses,  §§  30 — 36). 

s  OT.  Theology,  §  39. 


408  EXCURSUS  I 

attributes  of  goodness,  mercy,  love,  &c/, — in  either  case,  the  implica- 
tion being  that  what  He  is  wont  to  be,  or  will  be,  cannot  be  adequately 
expressed  in  words.  Even  with  the  rend.  '  I  am  that  I  am,'  tlie  verb  is 
to  be  understood  as  implying  not  simply  existence  as  such,  or  even 
self-existence,  but  active,  self-manifesting  existence ^  Whatever  uncer- 
tainty, in  view  of  the  ambiguity  of  the  Heb.  tense  employed,  may  thus  rest 
on  the  exact  shade  of  meaning  expressed  by  n\"iN'  "iL*\s  iTTix,  it  can  hardly 
be  doubted  that  the  general  idea  which  the  writer  connected  with  the 
name  Yahweh  was  that  of  a  Being  who  both  is,  and  manifests  His  being. 
This  is  certainly  the  sense  that  must  have  been  attached  to  the 
name  Yahweh  by  the  Israelites  from  the  time  when  Ex.  iii.  14  was 
written.  The  possibility  cannot  however  be  excluded  that  the  intention 
of  Ex.  iii.  14  is  to  attach  to  the  name  a  special  theological  sense,  and 
that  originally  it  may  have  had  some  other  meaning.  Grammatically 
Yahweh  might  be  also  the  impf.  of  the  Hiphil  or  causative  conjugation : 
this  would  give  the  meaning  He  who  makes  to  he,  i.e.  either  the  creator, 
or  the  life-giver  (Kuenen,  Schrader,  Schultz,  OT.  Theol.  n.  134,  though 
not  confidently),  or  He  who  brings  to  pass  (cf.  i^I?  in  1  K.  xiii.  32), 
i.e.  the  performer  of  His  promises  (Le  Clerc  [1696],  Lagarde, 
Nestle).  The  more  primary  meaning  of  'IJO,  as  Arabic  shews  (Kor. 
liii.  1),  was  to  fall  (cf.  Job  xxxvii.  6) ;  and  so  it  has  been  conjectured 
that  the  name  may  have  meant  originally  He  who  causes  to  fall 
(sc.  rain),  or  He  who  ovei'throws  (with  lightning),  and  denoted  the  god 
who  manifested  himself  in  the  storm  (as  Yahweh,  Ps.  xviii.  9  fif.,  and 
frequently).  These  explanations  are,  however,  quite  hypothetical:  it 
is  an  objection  to  the  first  that  the  Hiphil  of  •"'Jv',  '"IJI?,  to  be,  is  very 
rare  in  the  Semitic  languages,  being  found  only  in  Syriac,  and  there 
in  late  writers.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  name  Yahweh  may  have 
originally  had  some  physical  meaning;  but  if  so,  it  is  quite  uncertain 
what  it  was.  To  the  Hebrews,  it  must  have  meant  what  it  is  ex- 
plained to  mean  in  Ex.  iii.  14;  and  this  is  the  only  meaning  with 
which,  in  dealing  with  the  Old  Testament,  we  have  to  do.  That  the 
name  was  a  very  ancient  one  in  Israel  is  apparent  from  its  form :  for 
hdwdh,  the  verb  from  which  it  is  derived,  though  retained  in 
Aramaic,  and  (with  the  meaning  to  fall,  &c.)  in  Arabic,  went  out 
of  use  in  classical  Hebrew,  and  is  everywhere  (except  6  times  ^),  even 

^  Comp.  A.  B.  Davidson  {DB.  ii.  igO*"),  'What  He  will  be  is  left  unexpressed — 
He  will  be  with  them,  helper,  strengthener,  deliverer.'  Rashi  (on  Ex.  iii.  14)  long 
ago  gave  an  explanation  on  the  same  track,  *  I  will  be  with  them  in  their  affliction 
what  I  will  be  with  them  in  the  subjection  of  their  future  captivities.'  Ewald, 
in  his  last  work  (Die  Lekre  der  Bibel  von  Gott,  1873,  ii.  337  f.)  explained  the  passage 
as  signifying  'I  will  be  it,'  viz.  what  I  have  promised  to  be  {v.  12),  I  will  be  the 
performer  of  My  promises. 

2  The  verb  hdydh  '  does  not  mean  "  to  be  "  essentially  or  ontologically,  but 
phenomenally'  (A.  B.  Davidson,  I.e.).   Comp.  Kittel,  p.  534  of  the  art.  cited  p.  409  n. 

3  Gen.  xxvii.  29,  Is.  xvi.  4,  Job  xxxvii.  6,  Neh.  vi.  6,  Eccl.  ii.  22,  xi.  3.  In  the 
last  three  passages  its  use  is  no  doubt  due  to  Aramaic  influence ;  in  Job  xxxvii.  6 
it  may  be  an  Arabism;  its  use  in  Is.  xvi.  4  might  be  explained  by  the  supposition 
that  it  was  the  form  used  in  Moab :  why  it  is  used  in  Gen.  xxvii.  29  must  remain 
uncertain.     It  reappears  in  the  post-Biblical  Hebrew  of  the  Mishna,  &o.,  doubtless 


THE  NAMES  OF  GOD  IN  GENESIS  409 

in  the  earliest  documents  that  have  been  j/reserved  to  us,  superseded 
by  hdydh.  _ 

In  regard  to  both  Yahweh,  and  also  'Elohim,  'El,  considered  above, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  what  is  really  of  importance  is  not  the 
ultimate  etymology  of  the  words,  but  what  they  came  actually  to 
denote:  the  name  Yahweh,  for  instance,  may  have  originally  expressed 
some  physical  action,  it  might  even,  as  Hommel  has  conjectured^  be  the 
Hebrew  transformation  of  a  Babylonian  A'i  or  Ea:  these  are  matters 
of  purely  speculative  interest;  all  that  is  of  real  theological  interest 
or  importance  is  to  know  what  the  words  came  to  mean  to  the 
Hebrews,  and  what  are  the  character  and  attributes  of  the  Being 
whom  they  are  used  in  the  Old  Testament  to  denote.  The  case  is 
exactly  parallel  to  that  of  ^€09,  Deus,  and  'God':  nothing  can  be 
learnt  respecting  the  Divine  nature  from  either  the  etymology  or  the 
early  history  of  these  words:  our  knowledge  of  the  Divine  nature 
can  be  learnt  only  from  the  study  of  the  ideas  which,  whether  derived 
from  natural  or  revealed  religion,  we  associate  with  the  Being  whom 
they  are  used  to  denote.  With  Shaddai  the  case  is  no  doubt  different : 
this,  it  is  tolerably  clear,  must  denote  some  particular  attribute  of 
the  Divine  nature,  which  must  have  been  expressed  by  the  word 
Shaddai :  unfortunately,  however,  we  cannot  say  with  confidence  what 
this  attribute  is :  for  philology  fails  us,  and  the  verdict  of  usage  is  not 
sufficiently  distinct*. 

5.  The  Mighty  One  of  Jacob  (Spi?:  725?).  A  poetical  title,  only 
in  Gen.  xlix.  24,  and,  borrowed  thence,  in  Is.  xlix.  26,  Ix.  16,  and  in 
a  late  Psalm,  Ps.  cxxxii.  2,  5 ;  also,  with  Israel  for  Jacob,  in  Is.  i.  24. 
^Ablr  does  not  occur  except  in  these  passages;  but  'abbir  is  a  word 
occurring  16  times  in  poetry,  and  once  (1  S.  xxi.  7)  in  prose,  meaning 
strong,  mighty,  used  sometimes  of  mighty  men  (as  Job  xxiv.  22,  xxxiv. 
20),  once  fig.  of  angels  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  25),  but  most  commonly  as  a 
poet,  term  either  for  bulls,  Ps.  1.  13,  Jer.  xivi.  15  BVm.  (of  Apis),  and 
(fig.  of  strong  or  fierce  men)  Is.  x.  13,  xxxiv.  7;  Ps.  xxii.  12,  Lxviii.  30; 
or  for  war-horses,  Jud.  v.  22,  .Jer.  viii.  16,  xlvi.  15  (BV.  text),  xlvii.  3, 
1.  11.  In  the  expression  'Mighty  One  of  Jacob,'  the  punctuation 
■**3^  (constr.  of  "'''?^)  is  probably  chosen  for  the  purpose  of  differenti- 
ating the  word  from  "'''3'<. 

6.  The  Fear  of  Isaac  {\>^'^''  7ns):  only  Gen.  xxxi.  42,  53 

7.  The  stone  of  Israel  (''??l'^*'-  R-?)-  An  uncertain  Divine  title, 
found  in  Gen.  xlix.  24,  according  to  the  rendering  adopted  in  RVm. : 
see  the  note  ad  he. ;  and  cf.  also  the  Addenda. 

through  the  influence  of  Aramaic.  Hiiwdh,  to  live,  preserved  in  Heb.,  if  the 
etymology  given  in  Gen.  ii.  20  is  correct,  only  in  'Eve'  (Heb.  Hawwdli),  but  used 
regularly  in  Phoenician,  has  been  similarly  superseded  in  both  Heb.  and  Aramaic 
by  hdydh. 

'  But  upon  very  insufficient  grounds  (AHT.  pp.  113 — 116,  144  f.,  226 ;  Expos. 
Times,  Dec.  1898,  p.  144  ;  and  elsewhere). 

2  See  further,  on  the  name  Yahweh,  a  paper  by  the  present  writer  in  the  Studia 
Bihlica,  i.  (1885),  esp.  p.  12  ff.,  with  the  references;  Kautzsch,  art.  Names  (%§  109 
— 113)  in  the  EncB.;  Kittel,  art.  Jahve  in  the  Realencyklopadie,  ed.  3,  vol.  vni. 
(1900) ;  and  G.  F.  Moore,  in  the  A  nierican  Journal  of  Theology,  1908,  p.  o4  ff. 


EXCURSUS  TI. 


On  Gen.  xlk.  10  ('Until  Shiloh  come'). 

Of  this  difficult  and  uncertain  passage,  it  seems,  unfortunately, 
impossible  to  obtain  a  perfectly  satisfactory  interpretation. 

I.  The  following  are  the  chief  objections  to  the  rend,  of  RV. 
(=  AV.l  (1)  If  the  word  be  a  personal  name,  and  a  title  of  the 
Messian,  it  must  be  significant :  but  from  '  Shiloh '  no  meaning 
suitable  for  such  a  purpose  can  be  extracted;  it  cannot,  for  instance, 
mean  peaceful  or  peace-bringer :  for  the  form  of  the  word  is  not  that 
which  a  derivative  of  shdlcih,  to  he  at  ease,  would  have^;  moreover 
shdldh  itself  has  not  the  associations  of  shdldm  'peace'  (Is.  ix.  6\ 
but  often  denotes  careless,  worldly  ease  (e.g.  Job  xii.  6,  Ez,  xvi.  49). 
(2)  No  ancient  version  understood  the  passage  in  this  sense:  ' Shiloh' 
is  everywhere  else  in  the  OT.  the  name  of  the  place  (1  S.  i.  3,  &c.);  it 
appears  first  as  a  title  of  the  Messiah  in  a  fanciful  passage  of  the 
Talmud  (see  p.  413);  and  the  rend,  'until  Shiloh  come'  is  found  in 
no  known  version  of  the  OT.  till  that  of  Seb.  Miinster  in  1534.  Nor 
is  there  any  allusion  to  '  Shiloh'  as  a  title  of  the  Messiah  in  any  other 
part  of  either  the  OT.  or  the  NT.,  or  in  any  patristic  writing.  (3)  To 
those  who  take  a  historical  view  of  the  growth  of  Messianic  prophecy, 
it  must  be  evident  that  the  figure  whom  we  call  the  'Messiah'  was 
— as  the  very  name  indicates^ — originally  the  ide(d  king  of  Israel,  and 
presupposes  for  its  formation  the  existence  of  the  monarchy", — in  fact, 
though  a  second  David  is  once,  for  a  moment,  looked  forward  to  by 
Hosea  (iii.  5),  the  character  of  such  a  king  was  for  the  first  time 
portrayed  with  any  distinctness  by  Isaiah  (ix.  6  f,  xi.  1 — 10):  it  is 
thus  very  much  out  of  harmony  with  the  general  analogy  of  prophecy 
to  find  a  personal  ideal  ruler  anticipated — and  anticipated,  moreover, 

^  '  Shiloh'  can  only  be  derived  from  a  root  71C  or  ^^K'.  Shilyon  (if  this  were 
the  form),  from  shdlah,  might  mean  one  at  ease  or  in  prosperity  (but  not  peace- 
giver)  ;  cf.  ^elyon,  '  high,'  from  'dldh,  '  to  go  up.' 

2  '  The  anointed  one,' — in  post-Biblical  Jewish  writings  the  full  title  is 
Nn'K'D  N37D  '  the  anointed  king,' — a  title  based  upon  the  expression  '  Jehovah's 
anointed,'  often  applied  in  the  OT.  to  the  Israelitish  king  (1  S.  xxiv.  6  &c.),  (The 
term  is  not  used  in  the  OT.  in  its  technical  sense:  on  Dan.  ix.  25,  26  see  the 
note  in  the  writer's  Commentary  on  Daniel  in  the  Camhridqe  Bible) 

3  Cf.  BB.  III.  121  f.;  Riehm,  Messianic  Prophecy"^  {IS'dl),  pp.  102  ff.,  121; 
F.  H.  Woods,  The  Hope  of  Israel,  p.  117  ft. 


ON  GENESIS  XLIX.  10  411 

in  such  vague  and  doubtful  language — hefwe  the  great  prophets  had 
even  conceived  the  figure  of  the  ideal  king. 

The  reading  of  the  passage  presupposed  generally  by  the  ancient  ver- 
sions is  'iW  {shelloW)  for  nV^  {shiloh),  ^  being  an  alternative,  and  (mostly) 
poetical  form  of  the  relative  pronoun  for  l^'t?,  found  in  certain  parts  of  the 
OT.  This  reading  may  be  construed :  (1)  until  there  come  that  v;hkk 
(or  he  who)  is  his;  (2)  until  he  come  to  whom  (or  whose)  is...,  the  sentence 
in  the  latter  case  being  without  a  subject,  and  requiring  either  '  it,' 
or  some  word  expressive  of  dominion,  to  be  supplied.  Of  these  render- 
ings, (1)  is  represented  by  the  lxx.  Until  the  things  reserved  for  him 
come  (€ws  6av  (.XOr)  TO,  aTroKii/xeva  avrw),  which  is  a  legitimate,  though 
paraphrastic  rendering  of  the  text  mentioned  above,  and  is  the  first 
alternative  reading  of  RVm.  (2)  is  represented  in  the  variant  found 
often  in  mss.  of  the  lxx.,  and  in  patristic  citations*,  witil  he  come 
for  whom  it  is  reseroed  (Itos  cav  tkOr^  oi  a7ro/<€iTat),  which  however  is 
open  to  question  as  a  rendering  of  the  Heb.,  as  it  interpolates  the 
absent  subject  {until  he  come  whose  [it  is]) :  this  is  the  second  alter- 
native reading  given  in  RVm,,  where  it  is  introduced,  it  may  be 
observed,  in  terms  simply  recording  the  fact  of  its  being  an  ancient 
rendering,  and  implying  no  judgement  on  the  question  whether  it  is 
a  legitimate  translation  of  the  (presumable)  Hebrew  npC'  N2»  '•3  nj?. 
The  same  rend,  is  found  in  the  Pesh. ;  and  it  is  implied  in  the  para- 
phrases of  the  Targums,  the  word  traditionally  supplied  being  'the 
kingdom.'  Ez.  xxi.  27  (Heb.  32),  'until  he  come  whose  right  it  is,' 
has  been  supposed  to  contain  an  allusion  to  the  passage  as  thus  read 
and  understood. 

The  following  are  the  actual  renderings : 

Pesh. :  '  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from  Judah,  nor  a  declarer  [of  the 
law]  from  between  his  feet,  until  he  shall  come  whose  it  is.'  The  word  for  *  it ' 
is  fern.,  and  in  the  existing  text  there  is  nothing  to  which  to  refer  it.  The 
Pesh.  is,  however,  especially  in  the  Pent.,  dependent  upon  traditional  Jewish 
exegesis;  and  no  doubt  the  pron.  refers  to  'kingdom'  understood  (see  below); 
the  Syriao  Father,  Aphraates  {c.  330 — 350  A.D.),  in  his  Homilies  (p.  320,  ed. 
Wright),  actually  quotes  the  verse  with  the  addition  of  *  the  kingdom.' 

Onk. :  'A  ruler  {lit.  one  exercising  authority)  shall  not  depart  from  those 
of  the  house  of  Judah,  nor  a  scribe  from  his  sons'  sons  for  ever,  until  Messiah 
comes,  whose  is  the  kingdom.' 

'  From  between  his  feet '  is  paraphrased  by  *  from  his  sons'  sous,'  as  in  lxx. 
by  e'lc  Totv  nT]pSv  avTov,  on  account  of  Dt  XXviii.  57  (lxx.  8ia  rap  firjpav  avTtjs). 

Targ.  Jerus. :  *  Kings  cease  not  from  those  of  the  house  of  Judah,  nor  the 

1  With  n^  for  Sh,  as  Jer.  xvii.  24  n'l  for  n :  cf.  p.  412  n.  1. 

•  In  the  Massoretic  text  HP^ti';  but  as  the  ancient  versions  abundantly  shew 
see  the  writer's  Notes  on  Samuel,  p.  xxxiii  f.),  the  plena  scriptio  is  of  late  intro- 
ductiou ;  and  many  Heb.  mss.  have  T\7^. 

*  E.g.  Justin,  Apol.  i.  32,  54;  Iren.  iv.  24;  Euseb.  H.  E.  i.  6.  The  rend.  ?wy 
^di'  fKOji  TO.  dwoKei/jLeva  airifi  is  found  (e.g.)  in  Justin,  Tryph.  52;  Orig.  c.  Cela.  §  53 ; 
Bus.  Eel.  Proph.i.  8;  Athan,  de  Inc.  Verbi  §  40. 


412  EXCURSUS  II 

learned,  teachers  of  the  law,  from  his  sons'  sons,  until  the  time  when  the  Bang 
Messiah  comes,  to  whom  the  kingdom  belongeth.' 

Targ.  Ps.-Jon. :  'Kings  and  rulers  cease  not  from  those  of  the  house  of 
Judah,  nor  scribes,  teachers  of  the  law,  from  his  seed,  until  the  time  when  the 
King  Messiah,  the  youngest  of  his  sons,  shall  come.' 

n?K'  is  here  explained  curiously  as  his  youngest  child\  being  connected 
fancifully  with  nnj^i:'  Dt.  xxviii.  57,  which  is  rendered  by  Oiik.  [wrongly]  '  the 
youngest  of  her  sous.'  The  same  interpretation  is  adopted  by  several  of  the 
mediaeval  Jews,  notably  by  David  Kimchi  (d.  1235),  who  expressly  explains 
\hv}  as  meaning  'his  son';  and  it  is  very  probably  embodied  in  the  Massoretic 
punctuation  rb^. 

The  Vulgate  has  the  isolated  rend,  donee  veniat  qui  mittendus  est  {rh^ 
read  as  D^ 


We  thus  see  that  antiquity,  both  Jewish  and  Christian,  interpreted 
the  passage  in  a  Messianic  sense:  but  this  sense  was  not  bound  up 
with  a  personal  name  '  Shiloh,'  but  partly  Avith  an  entirely  different 
vocalization  and  interpretation  of  the  Heb.  word  in  question,  and 
partly  with  the  general  promise  of  ideal  sovereignty  to  Judah,  ex- 
pressed in  the  verse. 

The  rend,  until  that  which  is  his  shall  come  is  grammatically  quite 
legitimate.  The  rend,  until  he  shall  come,  whose  [it  is]  is  doubtful, 
though  isolated  cases  do  occur  in  Heb.  of  sentences  in  which  the 
subject  is  not  expressed,  but  has  to  be  understood  from  the  context'; 
and  the  case  might  be  similar  here.  There  is,  however,  another 
difficulty,  which  attaches  to  both  these  renderings,  viz.  the  form  of 
the  relative  ^.  It  is  true,  this  occurs  frequently  in  the  OT.,  but 
it  occurs  in  it  peculiarly,  and  only  in  books,  or  passages,  which  were 
either,  it  seems,  written  in  North  Palestine,  or  are  late^.  Thus  it 
occurs  exclusively  in  the  Song  of  Songs,  68  times  in  Ecclesiastes, 
thrice  in  Jonah,  four  times  in  Lam.,  19  times  in  Ps.  cxxii. — cxlvi., 
once  in  Ezr.,  twice  in  Ch.,  but  in  all  the  historical  books  from  Gen.  to 
2  K.,  only  Gen.  vi.  3  (very  doubtfully),  Jud.  v.  7  (Deborah's  Song), 
vi.  17,  vii.  12,  viii.  26,  2  K.  vi.  11  (if  the  text  is  correct),  and  in  none 
of  the  other  prophets  or  poetical  books,  except  (doubtfully)  in  Job 
xix.  29.  Hence  it  is  a  form  which  we  do  not  naturally  expect  to  find 
in  an  early  and,  presumably.  Judaic  text.  Still,  we  are  hardly  in 
a  position  to  say  that  it  could  not  so  occur,  or  to  rule  out  of  court, 
upon  this  ground  alone,  a  rendering  which  implies  it. 

II.  Here  is  the  passage  of  the  Talmud  {Sa?ih.  98''),  in  which  n^^t5» 
occurs  as  a  title  of  the  Messiah,  The  passage,  in  order  to  be  properly 
understood,  must  be  cited  at  length : — 

1  The  suffix  of  the  3rd  sing.  masc.  being  written  with  n,  as  happens  occa- 
sionally: e.g.  in  n'yv,  nh-ID,  in  Gen.  xlix.  11  (G.-K.  §  91»). 

2  E.g.  Ps.  xvi.  8  'because  [he  is]  on  my  right  hand.' 

3  It  is  the  usual  form  of  the  relative  in  the  Mishna;  and  is  very  common  in 
other  post-Biblical  Hebrew. 


ON  GENESIS  XLIX.   10  413 

'  Rab  said,  The  world  was  created  only  for  the  sake  of  David  :  Samuel  said, 
It  was  for  the  sake  of  Moses :  R.  Yohanan  said,  It  was  only  for  the  sake  of  the 
Messiah.  What  is  his  name  1  Those  of  the  school  of  R.  Shela^  say,  Shiloh  is 
his  name,  as  it  is  said.  Until  his  son  (Heb.  shiloh)  come.  Those  of  the  school 
of  R.  Yannai  say,  Yinnon  is  his  name,  as  it  is  said  (Ps.  Ixxii.  17),  Let  his  name 
be  for  ever,  before  the  sun  let  his  name  be  propagated  (Heb.  yinnon).  Those 
of  the  school  of  R.  Haninah  say,  ^aninah  is  his  name,  as  it  is  said  ( Jer.  xvi.  13), 
For  1  will  give  you  no  favour  (Heb.  J^nlndh).  And  some  say,  Menahem  is  his 
name,  as  it  is  said  (Lam.  1.  16),  For  comforter  (Heb.  menahem),  and  restorer 
of  my  soul,  is  far  from  me.' 

This  is  a  genuine  specimen  of  Rabbinical  exegesis;  but  its  value 
in  determining  the  real  meaning  of  a  passage  in  the  OT.  is  evidently 
nil:  the  authority  of  the  pupils  of  R.  rihela  is  of  no  greater  weight 
in  determining  the  true  sense  of  Gen.  xlix.  10,  than  that  of  the 
pupils  of  R.  Yannai  in  determining  the  true  sense  of  Ps.  Lsxii.  17. 
It  is,  however,  in  this  doubtful  company  that  'Shiloh'  is  first  cited 
as  a  name  of  the  Messiah,  though  we  do  not  learn  what  the  word  was 
understood  to  signify  ^ 

III.  Other  interpretations.  The  first  marg.  of  RV.  'Till  he  come 
to  Shiloh'  is  grammatically  unexceptionable  (see  1  S.  iv.  12) ;  it  was 
proposed  first  in  modern  times  by  W.  G.  Teller  in  1766,  was  adopted 
by  Herder*  and  Ewald*,  and  also  by  Delitzsch,  Dillmanu",  and  Strack, 
in  their  Commentaries.  In  favour  of  this  view  Del.  urges  the  great 
philological  difficulty  alluded  to  above,  as  attaching  to  the  popular 
explanation  of  the  name  '  Shiloh,'  and  observes  that  elsewhere  in  the 
OT.  the  word  denotes  regularly  the  place  of  that  name  in  the  tribe 
of  Epliraim  (1  S.  i. — iv.,  &c.) :  then,  looking  at  the  history,  he  supposes 
the  reference  to  be  to  the  assembling  of  Israel  at  Shiloh,  described  in 
Jos.  xviii.  1  [P],  8 — 10  [J],  when,  the  period  of  wandering  and  conflict 
being  now  over,  Judah,  it  may  be  supposed,  lost  the  pre-eminence,  or 
tribe-leadership  held  by  it  before  (Nu.  x.  14  [P];  cf  Jud.  i.  2,  xx.  18): 
the  obedience  of  the  peoples  was  realized  primarily  in  the  victories  of 
David  (2  S.  viii. ;  Ps.  xviii.  43),  while  at  the  same  time  it  would 
include  that  ideal  relation  of  Israel  to  the  heathen,  of  which  the 
prophets  speak  more  distinctly.  Upon  this  view,  as  no  royalty 
attached  to  Judah  at  this  early  time,  '^nK'  in  v.  10*  will,  of  course, 

^  A  teacher  of  the  3rd  century  a.d.  (Bacher,  Die  Agada  der  Bab.  Amoraer 
p.  35). 

'  It  is  rendered  above  *  his  son,'  as  this  was  the  explanation  current  formerly 
(p.  412)  among  the  Jews,  except  by  those  who  read  the  word  n?K'  '  whose.'  By 
another  Eabbinical  artifice  the  word  was  divided  into  two  (1/  ^K'),  »  Until  ^t/(s  shall 
come  to  him ' !  See  further  on  the  history  of  the  exegesis  of  the  passage,  esp.  in 
the  hands  of  the  mediaeval  Jews,  the  writer's  study  in  the  Journal  of  Philology,  vol. 
XIV.  (1885),  pp.  4—22. 

*  Vom  Geist  der  Ebr.  Poesie,  ii.  6. 

*  Hist.  II.  288  f. 

*  Provisionally ;  for  Dillm.  thinks  that  a  really  satisfactory  explanation  is  not 
to  be  found. 


414  EXCURSUS   II 

denote  not  a  sceptre,  but  a  staff,  the  symbol  of  military  power,  and 
must  be  rendered  accordingly  (see  p,  385). 

This  view  is  set  forth  in  a  specially  attractive  form  by  Herder. 
We  see  Judah,  the  honoured  of  his  brethren,  victorious  after  battle, 
marching  in  triumphal  progress  to  the  national  sanctuary  (1  S.  i. — iv.), 
and  there  laying  down  the  emblem  of  authority  in  order  to  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  peace,  while  the  nations  round  bow  submissive  to  his  sway. 
It  is,  however,  very  doubtful  whether  it  can  be  sustained:  and  in 
spite  of  the  names  that  can  be  quoted  for  it,  it  has  not  been  viewed 
with  favour  by  recent  scholars.  Thus  it  is  historically  doubtful 
whether  Judah  really  enjoyed  that  early  pre-eminence  in  a  united 
Israel,  which  this  interpretation  postulates  for  it^ :  Judah  had  no 
particular  connexion  with  Shiloh  (which  was  in  the  tribe  of  Ephraim) ; 
and  it  seems  natural  to  think  of  ^7^'  in  v.  10  as  suggesting  sovereignty, 
rather  than  merely  tribal  or  military  pre-eminence*. 

On  the  whole,  in  view  of  the  difficulties  and  uncertainty  attaching 
to  every  proposed  reading  and  interpretation  of  the  clause  it  must 
be  owned  that, — as  in  the  case  of  other  passages  which  occur  from 
time  to  time  in  the  poetical  and  prophetical  books  of  the  OT., — it 
is  impossible  to  say  with  confidence  what  its  real  meaning  is.  The 
present  writer  considered  formerly  that, — apart  from  the  rend.  Till  he 
come  to  Shiloh, — the  only  rendering  consistent  with  strict  grammar 
was, — with  naturally  n?^  for  i?'?', —  Until  that  which  is  his  shall  come. 
This,  however,  yields  a  somewhat  poor  sense;  and  it  is  perhaps  over- 
strict  to  rule  out  of  court  the  other  ancient  rendering.  Until  he  shall 
come  whose  (it  is)^  The  element  of  uncertainty  occasioned  by  the 
use  of  ^!  (see  above)  of  course  stiU  remains.  If,  however,  this  be 
the  true  rendering  of  the  passage,  as  it  will  then  presuppose  an 
allusion  to  an  ideal  figure,  having  a  right  to  the  'sceptre'  of  Judah, 
which  is  extremely  unlikely  to  have  been  formed  before  such  an 
emblem  of  royalty  was  known  in  Judah,  it  will  be  later  in  date  than 
the  time  of  David's  accession,  if  not  later  than  the  age  of  Isaiah. 
As  was  pointed  out  on  p.  386,  v.  \\  connects  very  naturally  with 
w.  8 — 9,  so  that  v.  10  might  quite  possibly  be  a  later  addition  to  the 
original  Blessing,  added  at  a  time  when  the  Messianic  hope  in  Israel 
had  become  more  distinct. 

The  verse  is  undoubtedly  'Messianic'  in  the  broader  sense  of  the 
word,  i.e.  it  anticipates  an  ideal  future  for  Judah,  as  the  prophets 
often  do  for  either  Israel  or  Judah,  without  reference  to  a  personal 
Messiah  (see  e.g.  Hos.  xiv..  Is.  ii.  2 — 4,  iv.  2—6,  Ix.):  whether  it  is 
'Messianic'  in  the  narrower  sense  of  the  word,  depends  upon  the 
question  whether  or  not  a  personal  ideal  rider  is  referred  to  in  clause  c. 
The  principal  early  promises  of  ideal  future  blessings  to  the  patriarchs 


1  Comp.  p.  385 ;  Ottley,  Hist,  of  the  Hebreicx,  p.  137. 

2  See  further  Schultz,  OT.  Theol.  ii.  338 — 40.     For  other  suggestions  and  con- 
jectures respecting  the  clause,  see  DB.  8. v.  Shiloh. 

3  So  Soliultz,  {.  c.  p.  341 ;  and  Gunkel. 


ON  GENESIS  XLIX.   10  415 

or  Israel,  fall  into  a  consistent  series,  with  a  gradually  narrowing 
scope :  given  in  Gen.  xii.  2  f.  to  Abraham,  they  are  limited  in  xxvi. 
2 — 5,  24  to  Isaac,  in  xxv.  23,  xxvii.  27 — 29  to  Jacob;  in  2  S.  vii. 
(Nathan's  prophecy),  xxiii.  5  (David's  'Last  Words'),  Am.  ix.  11 — 15', 
they  are  attached  to  the  Davidic  djoiasty  in  general;  in  Hos.  iii.  5, 
and  esp.  in  Is.  ix.  6  f.,  xi.  1 — 10,  xvi.  5,  they  centre  round  a  particular 
ideal  ruler  of  David's  line.  Gen.  xlix.  10,  if  it  contain  no  reference 
to  a  personal  ideal  ruler,  will  fall  between  Gen.  xxvii.  27 — 29  and 
2  S.  vii. ;  for  Judah  is  a  narrower  unity  than  '  Jacob,'  but  a  broader 
one  than  the  d)masty  founded  by  David:  if,  on  the  contrary,  it  does 
contain  such  a  reference,  it  will  fall  certainly  after  2  S.  vii.,  if  not  after 
Hos.  iii.  5  and  Is.  ix.  6  f.,  xi.  1 — 10,  xvi.  5,  as  well. 

*  Notice  here  {v.  12),  as  also  in  Ps.  xviii.  43,  44.  the  same  anticipation  of  rnle 
over  (surrounding)  nations,  wiiich  is  found  also  in  Gen.  xxvii.  29,  and  in  the  last 
clause  of  Gen.  xlix.  10. 


INDEX. 


Abel-mizraim  396  f. 
Abimael  130,  403  n. 
Abraham  and  Abram  (the  names)  xlix, 

185;  date  of  Abraham  xxix 
Accad  121;  'Accadian'  133 
Admah  and  Zeboiim  127 
'all  flesh'  87 

'Almighty'  (Shaddai)  185,  404—6 
altars  in  pre-Mosaio  times  xviii,  xix  f., 

xxiv,  89,  147 
'Amalek  161,  315 
Amorites   125  f. ;    in  Babylonia  xlviii, 

142  n. ;    *  Amorite '  in  E  125  f. 
Amurri,  land  of  173 
angel  of  Jehovah  184 
anachronisms  xv,  207,  250,  304,  338,  380 
anthropomorphisms    in    Genesis    xx  f. 

(cf.  xxv),  35  f. 
'  appease,'  to  293 
Arab,  Arabia  244  n. 
'Arabah  168 

Aram  (  =  Syria)  129,  223 
Ararat  93 

Archaeology    and    the    narratives    of 
Genesis  xlviii— liii,  167  f.,  172  f.,  229, 
230,  374  f.,  XX,  XXXI— XXXVIII 
Archaisms  explained — 

again  (  =  back)  232 

bakemeats  338 

brass  70 

comfort  192 

commune  197 

cunning  247 

dreadful  265 

duke  315 

entreat  150 

excellent,  excellency  382 

favour^  well  favoured,  ill  favoured 

grieve  391  [271 

gristed  281 

intreated,  to  be  245 

journey  151 

lien  251 

lightly  251 

meat  16 

meet  41  n. 

ravin  394 

replenish  16 

strakes,  ringstraked  278 

strange,  stranger  187,  282,  308 

stricken  194 

tell  175 

tempt  217  n. 
Arioch  156.  \XXI 


Arpachshad  128 
Asher  lii,  275,  389  t 
Ashkenaz  116 
Asshur  121,  128,  243 
Asshur,  city  of  40 
Atra-hasis  105  n. 

Babel  120,  136;  tower  of  132  £f. 
Babylon,    antediluvian    kings    of    80 ; 

first  dynasty  of  XXIX,  120,  156  ?i.  1 
Babylonia,  antiquity  of  civilization  in 

xxxi — xxxiii 
Babylonian  elements  in  Genesis  27  &., 

52  f.,  106,  cf.  80  f. 
Babylonian    story    of    Creation  27  ff. ; 

of  the  Flood  103  ff.,  cf.  XXV 
bdeihum  39 
Bedawin  182 
Beer-lahai-roi  183 
Beer-sheba  212,  215,  216,  254 
♦before'    (or   'in   front   of)  =  East    of 

154,  182,  227,  300,  of.  164 
Benjamin  18,  348  ff.,  367,  393  f. 
Berossus   27   with  n.   2,   28  n.,   29  n., 

80  n.,  80,  103 
Bethel  147  f.,  264  ff. 
Bethlehem  311 
betrothal  237 
bitumen  87,  135,  162  f.,  202  f.,  395  n. 

*  bless  oneself,'  to  220  f. 
Bronze  age,  the  xli,  68 
•broad  place'  198 

•  brother '  =  relation  152,  163,  237,  270, 

283,  287,  399 
'butter'  (i.e.  leben)  193 
Buz  223 

Cain  62,  63  ff.,  71,  72;  lessons  of  the 

story  of  68 
Cainites  62,  68—71,  72  f.,  80 
Calah  121  f. 
Canaan,  Canaanites  108—112,  118,  127, 

147  ;   '  Canaanite '  in  J  126,  147 
Caphtor  124 

Cassites  (Kasshu,  Kasshites)  59,  120 
cattle  in  Egypt  371 
Chaldees  (Heb.  Kasdim)  141 
Chedorla'omer  XXXIH,  157,  171—3 
cherubim  60  f. 
Chesed  223 
chronology,  Babylonian  XXVII — XXXI, 

Egyptian  XVII— XIX 
chronology  of  Genesis  xxvff.,  xxx  t.,  75, 

79  f.,  138,  149,  212,  262,  365  w.,  368 


INDEX 


417 


circumcision  189  ff. 

civilization,  beginnings  of  62  ff.,  68  ft.; 

Phoenician  legends  of  73  f, 
'coat  of  many  colours'  322 
'  consume,'  to  196 
'  corn  and  wine  (tirosh) '  258 
cosmogony  of  Genesis  19  ff.,  XXI — IV; 

source  of  26  ff . ;  teaching  of  5,  32  ff., 

54  ff. ;  Babylonian  cosmogony  27  ff. ; 

Phoenician  cosmogony  5,  30  n. 
covenant  176,  178 
creation  3;  two  accounts  of  in  Genesis 

2  ff.,  35  ff. 
creation-tablets,  Babylonian  27  ff. 
'creature'  (Heb.  soul)  12,  13 
'creeping  thing'  13 
Cush  58,  69,  120 
customs,   institutions,   &c.,    origin    of, 

explained  xvii  f.,  xx,  Iviii,  1,  36,  43, 

49,  50,  62,  108 

Dan  274,  388  f.;  the  place  163 
Dana,  Prof.  24,  XXIII 
'days'  of  Gen.  i.,  xxviiin.  20,  21  f.,  26 
Dead  Sea,  the  159 ;  geology  of  168  ff. 
Dedan  119,  240 

'deep,'  the  4,  392;  the  'great  deep'  90 
dew  in  Palestine  258 
Dillmann's  view  of  the  patriarchs  XX 
Dinah  276,  302  ff.,  807,  366 
Dothan  323 
'dowry'  304 

dreams  xxi,  206;   in  Egypt  342 
Dumah  242 

duplicate  narratives  iii,  iv,  85  ff.,  191, 
254  f.,  309,  310 

•E,'  term  explained  xi,  xii;  contents 
and  literary  character  of  xii — xv ; 
probable  date  of  xvi;  other  charac- 
teristics of  xix— xxi,  206,  321,  332  f. 

•  east,  children  of  the  '  268 

'east  wind'  (sirocco),  the  340 

'  eat,'  to,  in  sacrificial  sense  289 

'Eber  127,  138  f. 

'Eden  38 

'Eder,  tower  of  311 

Edom,  name  of  246,  248,  country  260, 
people  261,  312  ff.,  kings  317  f. 

Egypt,  antiquity  of  civilization  in 
xxxiii  f. ;  length  of  Israel's  sojourn 
in  xxviii — xxx,  177 

Egyptian  words  in  Genesis  li  n. 

'El  402  f. 

'El  'Ely on  ('  God  Most  High ')  165 

'El  Shaddai  viii,  xxiii,  185,  404  ff. 

'Elam  128 

EUshah  116 

'Elohim  xxiii,  14,  402:  see  God 

Elohist  iv 


embalming  in  Egvpt  395 
'En-gedi  161  f.,  171,  172 
•En-Mishpat  161 
Enoch  77,  78  f. 

book  of  76  n.,  78  f. ,  82 

•Ephah  (tribe)  240 

Ephraim  and  Manasseh,  birth  of  346; 

adopted  by  Jacob  375  f. ;  blessing  of 

317  f.,  390  f. 
Ephrath  311 

Erech  xxxii,  52,  103,  120  f. 
Eriaku  156,  XXXI 
Eridu  52 

'Esau  246,  249;  wives  of  313 
etymologies  of  OT.  63,  71,  77,  272  n. 
Euj^hrates  179 
'evil  inclination  or  propensity'  (Jewish 

theological  term)  95 
evolution  55 
Exodus,  probable  date  of  xxix 

'  face,'  to  '  see  the  face  of '  298 

faith,  Abraham's  176 

Fall   of  man   44  ff.,    56,   57;    no  Bab. 

version  of,  at  present  known  53  n.  1 

(add  King,  Tablets  of  Creation,  p.  221) 
famines  in  Egypt  346  f. 
'  father '  =  originator  69 ;    =  founder  or 

eponymous    ancestor    300 ;     =  chief 

minister  362 
•father's  kin,'  to  be  cut  off  from  one's 

X,  187,  188 ;  to  be  gathered  to  x,  241 
firmament  6  f.,  29 

Flood,  historical  character  of  the  99  ff. 
folklore,  Hebrew  62,  70,  73,  82  f.,  108, 

134,  203,  cf.  246,  331 
'folly'  303  f. 
'form,'  to  37 

furnace  (-|12n)  178;    (15^33)  202 
'  furniture,'  camel's  285 

Gad  274  f.  (name  of  a  Semitic  deity),  389 
garden  of  Eden  38—40,  51 
gate  (in  an  Eastern  city)   197 
genealogies   in   Genesis  v — vi,   69,  75, 

112—114,  137  f.,  222 f.,  243  f.,  312 ff., 

326  f.,  399 
'generations'    (D'n'Pin)     ii,    viii,     19; 

(nnn)  ix,  87,  186 

Genesis,  contents  of  iff.;  composite 
structure  of  iii  ff.,  xvi  f.;  probable 
date  of  XV  f. ;  historical  value  of 
xxxiff.,  xlii  (chs.  i. — xi.),  xliiiff.  (chs. 
xii. — 1.);  religious  value  of  Ix  ff., 
Ixx  ff,,  cf.  1,  11,  31  ff.,  54  ff.,  107, 
and  passim;  Genesis  and  modem 
science  xxxvii  ff.,  xlii,  Ixi — iii,  6,  8, 
11,  17,  19  ff.,  991.,  103n.,XXII— IV 

Gerar  206,  251 

QMr,  the  168 

27 


418 


INDEX 


Gilead  283,  287,  290,  399 

Gilgamesh  102,  123 

glacial  period  xxxviii  f. 

'  glory'  =  spirit  (|1  '  soul ')  383 

God,  names  of  in  Genesis  402  ff. ;  doc- 
trine of  xxi  f.,  xxiv  f.,  Ixx  f.,  5,  11, 
31 — 33  &c. ;  the  word  used  of  divine 
beings  45,  50,  82  n. ;  Elohim  con- 
strued with  a  plur.  pronoun  14,  or 
verb  208,  289,  402  ;  use  of  word  in 
Genesis  iv,  vii,  xi  f.,  2  &c. ;  expres- 
sions such  as  '  prince  of  God,'  '  terror 
of  God'  225,  274,  309 

Goiim  158 

Gomer  114 

good  and  evil,  knowledge  of  41,  46 

Goshen  332  n.,  369 

granaries  in  Egypt  343 

'  guard,  captain  of  the '  326 

Hadad  (Syrian  God)  318 

Hagar  180 

Ham  108—111,  113,  117 

Hamath  126 

Hammurabi  XXXVI,  39,  156,  330  n. 

Haian  141  f.,  233,  269 

Hasisadra  (Hasis-atra)  105  n.,  107  n. 

Havilah  39,  '119,  131,  243 

Hazazou-tamar  161,  162 

lieaven  and  earth,  Heb.  idea  of  8,  9,  11 

'Hebrew,'  name  127,  138  f.,  335 

Hebron  155 ;   Hittites  in  228-30 

'helpmeet'  (incorrect  expression)  41  n. 

Heroopolis  369 

Heth  124,  225,  263;  «^c  Hittites 

Hittites  124  f.,  179,  225,  228—30,  313 

Hivites  126 

Horites  160,  312,  313,  316  f. 

horned  snake  389 

human  sacrifices  221 

hydromancy  358 

EykBos  347 

ideal  representations  in  Genesis  xxiii, 
xxiv,  liii  fE.,  Ixvii— Ixx,  17,  143,  307 

•image  of  God'  14  f.,  32  f.,  76,  97 

individual,  rights  of  the  207,  222 

inspiration  Ixiv  ff.,  31,  59  n. 

Isaac,  name  played  on  or  explained 
118,  194,  210;  sacrifice  of  221  f. 

Ishmael,  name  played  on  or  explained 
182,  188,  212;  character  of  182;  Jew- 
ish Haggadahs  respecting  210  n. 

Ishmaelites  182  n.  1,  213,  243  f. ;  Ish- 
maelite  tribes  241 — 3 

•isles'  117 

Israel  295,  310,  311,  353;  meaning  of 
name  295;  preferred  for  'Jacob'  by 
J  311,  353 

Issachar  275  f.,  387  f. 


liaraeans  242 

•J,'  term  explained  xi,  xii;  contents 
and  literary  character  of  xii — xv; 
probable  date  of  xvi;  other  charac- 
teristics of  xvii — xxii 

Jabbok  283,  294 

Jacob,  name  explained  or  played  on 
246,  259;  character  246  f.,  249,  255, 
296  f. ;  migration  into  Egypt  364  f ., 
368  ff. ;  list  of  descendants  365  ff.  ; 
blessing  379  ff. ;  burial  396  f. ;  early 
occurrence  of  name  in  Palestine  li  f. 

Japheth  108,  110  f.,  113,  114 

Javan  (Yavan),  i.e.  the  Greeks,  115 

Jebel  Usdum  (range  of  salt-cliffs  in 
SW.  corner  of  Dead  Sea)  159,  169, 
201 

Jehovah  (Yahweh),  meaning  of  name 
407  ff. ;  use  of  name  in  Genesis  vii, 
xiii;  question  of  early  history  of 
name  xviii  n.  4,  xlix,  XIX  f. 

'Jehovah  God,'  use  of  expression  37 

Jehovah-jireh  219  f. 

Jerahmeel  (clan  in  Judah)  327 

Jordan-valley,  the  153,  168  f. 

Joseph  276,  319—21,  321  ff.,  332  ff.; 
probable  date  of  xxx,  347;  character 
of  320  f.,  400  f.;  historical  character 
of  xlvi  f.,  cf.  lix  f. ;  early  possible  oc- 
currence of  name  in  Pal.  lii,  XX 

Jubilees,  Book  of  76  n.,  82,  211,  379  n. 

Judah  273,  321,  326  ff.,  332,  353,  359, 
384—7;  clans  of  326  f.,  331  f. 

justice,  ancient  ideas  of  207,  307; 
Divine  justice  196 

Kadesh  161 

Kedar  242 

Kenites  72,  179 

Kenizzites  179,  315 

Keturah,  tribes  descended  from  239  f. 

Kikkdr  of  Jordan,  the  152  f. 

'kind'  (P»)  viii,  9 

Kiriath-arba'  x,  224 

'  knees,  to  bear  upon  the '  274,  399 

'  know,'  to  (  =  to  take  knowledge  of)  195 

Laban  235,  269  ff.,  290 
land-tenure  in  Egypt  374  f. 
languages,  origin  of  different  xxxiv  f,, 

133  f. ;    origin   of,   according   to  the 

Hebrews  132,  134  ff. 
'  latter  days, '  the  381 
lentils  248 

Levi  273,  302—8;  tribe  of  383  f. 
levirate-marriage  328 
•  life,'  two  Heb.  words  for  97 
light,  Heb.  idea  of  6 
•Uvtng'  water  252 


INDEX 


419\ 


longevity  of  patriarchs  xxvi,  xxx,   75, 

138 
'Lord  Jehovah,'  use  of  expresBion  175 
Lot,  character  of  205;  Lot's  wife  201 
•lowland,'  the  327 
Ludkn  123 
Luz  266 

Machir  (Manassite  clan)  399 

Machpelah  xi,  226,  228 

magicians  of  Egypt  340 

Magog  115 

Mahanaim  291,  301  f. 

Mamre  154 

Man,  pre-eminence  of  in  Gen.  15,  38, 

42;    beginnings    of    54;    before    the 

Fall  56  f.;    antiquity   of    xxxi — xlii, 

63,  68,  134 
Manasseh  346,  375  ff.,  390  f.;  clans  of 

399 
mandrakes  275 
marriage  43 
•measures'  193 
Melchizedek  164,  167  f. 
Merenptah,  mention  of  Israel  by  xlviii 
Mesopotamia  232 
Messianic   outlooks  48,  144,  145,  386, 

410  f.,  414  f. 
Midian  240 
Mizpah  288,  301  f. 
Mizraim  (Egypt)  117 
Moab  and  Ammon  203 — 5 
mohar  (price  of  wife)  271,  304 
Moriah,  land  of  217 
'Most  High'  165 
mourning-customs  in  East  224  f.,  396 

Nahoridae  222  f. 

•  name  of  JehovaJi,'  to  call  with  (upon) 

xiii,  71 
names  explained  or  played  on  xviii  n., 

xxiu  n.  ;   110,  251,  259,  378  f.,  384, 

388,  389,  391 
Naphtali  274,  390 
nature  in  OT.  19 
Nebaioth  242 
Negeb,  the  148 
neolithic  man  xl  f. 
Nephilim,  the  84 
NUe  (Heb.  Y^Or)  339 
Nimrod  120,  122  f. 
Nineveh  121 
Nod,  the  land  of  67 
nose-ring  236 

oak  (as  sacred  tree)  147 

'  offering,'  '  present '  {minhdh)  64,  293 

On  345 

Ophir  XXVI,  131 


literary  character  of  iv — vii;  parts 
of  the  Hexateuoh  belonging  to  iv,  v; 
words  and  phrases  used  by  vii — xi ; 
probable  date  of  xvi;  other  charac- 
teristics of  xxii — XXV,  2,  86,  186  &c. 

Paddan-aram  xi,  244  f. 

palaeolithic  man  xxxix  f. 

Paradise  38,  51  (in  NT.),  61;  theories 
of  the  site  of  57  ff. 

Pathros  124 

patriarchs,  antediluvian  68  ff.,  73,  74  ff., 
80  f.,  137—40 

patriarchs,  post-diluvian,  historical  cha- 
racter of  xUii  ff.,  143 

patriarchal  genealogies  68  ff.,  74  ff., 
138  ff. 

patriarchal  period  in  J  147 

Peleg  130 

Peniel,  Penuel  296,  301  f. 

•people,'  in  the  phrases  •to  be  cut  off 
from,'  and  '  be  gathered  to,'  one's 
people  188:  see  father's  kin 

Perez  327,  331  f. 

Perizzites,  152 

Pharaoh,  meaning  of  name  150 

Philistines  124,  250 

pillar  (mazzehah)  266,  267  f.,  310 

pits  323  f. 

•plague'  151 

•plain'  (Kikkdr)  of  Jordan  152  f . ;  the 
cities  of  the  Kikkdr,  site  of  170  f. ; 
destruction  of  202  f. 

Potiphar,  name  explained  326 

Poti-phera"  b^C,  ^*5 

pre-Mosaic  age  in  o  s.7m.  89;  in  E 
xix;  in  P  xxiv,  89 

priestly  element  in  Genesis  iv 

promises  in  Genesis  144,  147,  186,  386, 
414  f. 

prophetical  teaching  of  Genesis  xvii, 
xxi  f.,  64,  111 

Protevangelium,  the  48,  57 

proverb,  or  proverbial  saying,  origin 
of,  explained  120,  219 

Eaces  of  mankind,  remote  origin  of 
XXXV,  xxxvi — xxxvii,  114;  origin  of, 
according  to  the  Hebrews  112  ff. 

Eachel's  grave  311 

rainbow,  the  98,  99,  106  n. 

Barneses,  the  land  of  371 

Ramses  II,  xxix,  347,  397  n. 

Eehoboth  253 ;   Eehoboth-'Ir  121 

Eephaim  160 

rest,  to  (of  God)  18 

Eeuben  273,  321,  332,  352,  381  f. 

rings  as  amulets  309 

'River,'  the  283 

'  river  of  Egypt,'  the  178 


P,    term   explained   iv;    contents  and      Sabaeans  119,  130  f. 


420 


INDEX 


sabbath  18  f.,  34  f.,  cf.  XXV 

sacred  scribes  (in  Egypt)  340 

sacred  sites  in  Pal.  xix  f. ,  147,  155,  216, 
253,  264,  266,  800 

sacrifice,  first  mention  of  64 

'  saith  Jehovah '  220 

Salem  164 

Salt  Sea,  the  159 

'salvation'  389 

Sargon  of  Accad  xxxii,  173  n. 

science  of  the  Bible  33,  XXni— IV 

'sea'  =  the  West  148 

sea-monsters  12 

Seba  119 

'see  God,'  to  296;  cf.  183  n. 

'seeds'  (Gal.  iii.  16)  154 

Se'ir  246,  312,  314,  316 

serpent,  the  44  f.,  47,  48 

Serug  139 

'  set  feasts'  10 

Sethites  71,  74  ft.,  80 

Shalem  (near  Shecbem)  300 

Sheba  119,  130  f.,  240 

Shechem  (place)  146,  300,  302,  307  ff., 
378  f.;  (person)  300,  302  f.,  306—8 

shekel,  value  of  227 

Shem  108,  110  f.,  113,  127 

Sheol  326 

Shephelah,  the  327 

shepherds  in  Egypt  370 

'Shiloh'  (Gen.  xlix.  10)  385  f.,  410  ff. 

Shin'ar  121 

Shur  181  f.,  243 

Siddim,  vale  of  159.   ^^  j,  170  f. 

Simeon  273,  302—8,  354  n.,  383  f. 

S«dom  and  Gomorrah  127,  170  f., 
194  ff.,  202  f. 

'sojourner'  177,  186,  199,  225;  cf.  149 

'  sojournings,'  land  of  one's  186;  cf.  371 

'  son  '  =  grandson  or  descendant  269,  284 

'  Song  of  the  Sword,'  the  70  f. 

'sons  of  God'  82  f. 

'soul'  in  Heb.,  use  of  and  ideas  asso- 
ciated with  12  (in  animals),  38,  42, 
96  (in  the  blood),  149  (as  seat  of 
feeling  and  emotion),  360 ;  = '  person ' 
ix  (No.  19),  X  (No.  24  a),  146 

'South,'  the  148 

spirit  of  God,  the  4,  83  f.,  343 

springs,  sacred  161 

Stone-age,  the  xxxix  ff.,  68 

stone-worship  267 

'  stranger '  r=  sojourner  or  temporary  re- 
sident pJl)  177,  225  ;  =  foreigner 
(13r|3  or  n33)  187,  282,  308 

Succoth  299,  30i"f. 

'  Samerian '  xxxiv,  133 


'swarm,'  to  viii,   11  f.,  12  n.,  94,  97; 

'swarming  thing'  viii,  12 
•  sweet  savour '  95 
'Syria'  129 

Tarshish  116 

•taskwork'  (DO)  388 

Tel  el-Amarna  letters  xxix,  31,  125, 
164,  167  f.,  397 

T^ma  242 

Teman  315 

temptation,  operation  and  power  of 
44  ff.,  64—8 

teraphim  283 

terebinth  146,  147 

'that  be  far  from  thee'  196 

Tiamat  2,  28 

Tid'al  158 

Timnah  329 

tirosh  258 

tithe  166,  267 

trees,  sacred  or  oracular  146  t 

tribes  or  nations  represented  as  indi- 
viduals liv  ff,,  110—112,  112  ff., 
138—140,  223—4,  239  f.,  241—3, 
316  (Se'ir),  399;  cf.  72,  307  f.,  331  f. 

'trouble,'  to  (IDJ?)  306 

Tubal  115 

Tubal-cain  70 

Two  Brothers,  Tale  of  the  336 

unleavened  cakes  198 

Ur  140,  141,  142 

Uru-salim  (Jerusalem)  164,  167 

Ussher,  chronology  of  xxvii,  xxyiii  n., 

142  n.,  262 
'Uz  129,  223,  317 

wddy  252 

'  walk,'  to,  with  God  77;  before  God  185 

waters  above  the  firmament,  the  7 

under  the  earth,  the  8,  52  n. 

'wax  old,'  to  194 
weighing  money  227,  355 
'without  form'  (-inh)  3  f. 

Xisuthros  77,  103,  105  n. 

Yahweh  407:  see  Jehovah 

Zaphenath-pa'neah  344 
Zebulun  276,  387" 
Zerah  331  f. 
Zidon  124 
'zikkurat  137 
Zion  311,  with  n. 
Zo'ar  153,  170,  200,  201 


CAMBKIDQE  :     PKINTED    BY   JOHN    CLAY,    M.A.    AT    THE    UNIVERSITY    PRESS. 


Library  Bureau  Oat.  no.  1137 


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BS  1235  . 0782  1916 

Bible. 

The  book  of  Genesis